The Sun.
London, England, 1870-09-30 00:00:00

SUN, LUNDO, FRIDAY, St,PTEMBEk 30, 187 L

M. JULES FAVRE'S REPORT OF
THE NEGOTIATIONS.

The report of the interview between M. Jules Favre
and Count on Bismarck was published in the Journal
Officiel of the 23rd inst. A copy was deipatched by bal-
loon to Tours; and on the 28th it appeared in the
Moniteur. The Foreign Office has favoured us with a
copy in French, of which the following is a translation :

MY DEAR COLLEAGUES—The close union of' all our
citizens, and especially that of the members of the Go-
vernment, is now more than ever a necessity for the public
safety. Every one of our acts ought to cement it. What
I have just done on my own responsibility was inspired
with that feeling, and will have the result which I have had
the honour to explain to you in detail. But that will not
suffice. We are a Government of publicity. If during
negotiations secrecy is inispensable, yet the fact, once
consummated, should be placed in the clearest light. We
are nothing except by the opinion of our fellow citizens,
and they must judge us every hour ; and, to be able to
judge, they have the right to know everything. I con-
sidered that it would be my duty to go to the head-
quarters of the enemy. I went there, and I have ren-
dered you an account of the self-imposed mission. I
now recount to my country the' reasons which
prevailed with me, the object I proposed, and
what I believe I have attained. I have no
need to recall the policy inaugurated by us, which
the Minister of Foreign Affairs was particularly
charged to formulate. We are, before all things, men of
peace and liberty. Down to the very last moment we
opposed the war which the Imperial Government was
about to undertake in an exclusively dynastic interest ;
and, when that Government fell, we declared that we
should persevere more energetically than ever in a policy
of peace. That declaration we made when, by the
criminal folly of one man and his counsellers, our armies
were destroyed ; our glorious Bazaine and his va-
liant soldiers blockaded behind Metz ; Strasburg, Toul,
Phalsburg, crushed by bombshells ; and the victorious
enemy marching upon our capital. Never was a situation
more cruel. It inspired, nevertheless, no feeling of de.
spair in the nation, and we believeed that we were its
faithful interpreters when we laid down clearly this condi-
tion : Not an inch of our territory, not a stone of our for-
tresses. If, then, at that moment when a fact so consider-
able as that of the overthrow of the originator of the war
had just been accomplished, Prussia had wished to treat
upon the bases of an indemnity to be agreed upon, peace
would have been made ; it would have been accepted as
an universal blessing ; it would have become a certain
pledge of reconciliation between two nations which an
odious policy alone has fatally divided. We hope
that humanity and self-interest, rightly under-
stood, would have achieved that victory, splendid
for all; for it would have opened a new era, and
the statesmen who should associate their names with it
would have had, in so doing, for their guides, philo-
sophy, reason, justice—for their recompense, the blesst
ings and prosperity of peoples. It was with these ideas
that I undertook the perilous task which you confided
to me. It was my duty first to ascertain the dispo-
sitions of the other European Governments, and to seek
their support. The Imperial Government had either
wholly neglected, or had alienated, that support. It
entered on the war without an ally, without a serious ne-
gotiation ; everywhere around was either hostility or in-
difference ; and it thus reaped the bitter fruit of a
policy which wounded every neighbouring State either
by its menaces or by its pretensions. Scarcely were
we established in the Hotel de Ville before a diplo-
matist, whose name we are hardly now at liberty to re-
veal, came to ask to enter into relations with us. The
next day your Ministers received the representatives
of all the Powers. The Republic of the United States,
the Helvetian Republic, Italy, Spain, and Portugal,
officially recognised the Republic of France. The other
Governments authorised their agents to enter iato official
relations with us, so as to permit us at once to ex-
change friendly communications. I should give to
this statement, already too much expanded, an un-
necessary amplitude, if I were to recount in detail the
brief but instructive history of the negotiations which
followed. I believe I may affirm that they will not be
wholly without advantage for our moral credit. I permit
myself only to say, that everywhere we found honourable
sympathies. My object was to group them together, and
to determine the Powers who were the signatories of the
neutral league to intervene directly with Prussia, taking
for their base the conditions I have laid down. Four of
the Powers offered to do this ; and I have declared to
them my gratitude, in the name of my country, for so
doing, but I wished to have the concurrence of two others.
One of these promised me an individual action with re-
spect to which she reserved to herself liberty; and the other
proposed to be my intermediary with Prussia. She even
went one step farther, at the instance of the Envoy Extra-
ordinary from France. She undertook directly to recom-
mend my proposal. I asked much more, but .I refused
no assistance, considering that the interest shewn
for us was a force not to be neglected. Nevertheless, time
was passing, and every hour brought the enemy nearer.
A prey to the most poignant emotions, I promised to
myself not to permit the siege of Paris to begin without
attempting a supreme effort, even though I should have
to make it alone. Our interest in doing this need
not be explained. Prussia remained silent, and
no one interrogated her. That situation was
untenable. It permitted the enemy to lay upon
us the responsibility of continuing the struggle ;
it condemned us to ascertain her intentions
for ourselves. It was wcessary to escape from the posi-
tion. In spite of my repugnance,
_I determined to make
use of the good offices that were tendered to me ; and on
the 10th of September a telegram reached M. Bismarck
asking him if he would enter into conference upon the
conditions of uegociation. The first response was an ob-
jection drawn from the irregfilarity of our Government.
Meanwhile the Chancellor of ,the Confederation of the
North did not insist upon that, but inquired what gua-
rantees. we offered for the execution of a treaty.
This second difficulty having been removed by me, it was
necessary to proceed further. A proposal was made that
I should send a courier, which I accepted. At the same
time a telegram was despatched directly to M. Bismarck,
and the Prime Minister of the Power which served as our
intermediary informed our Envoy Extraordinary that
France was able to act alone ; he added
that it was desirable that I should not hesitate
to go to the headquarters. Our Envoy, who
thoroughly knew my mind, replied that I was ready
to make all the sacrifices necessary to discharge my duty ;
that there were few so painful as to traverse the lines of
the enemy to seek out our conqueror, but that he believed
I should not shrink even from that. Two days afterwards
the courier returned. After a thousand obstacles he had
seen the Chancellor, who told him that he was dis-
posed of his own accord to have an interview with me
I should have preferred a direct reply to the telegram of
our intermediary, but it was delayed. The investment of
Paris was progressing. There was no time for hesitation,
and I resolved to set out. It was only necessary for me.
to bear in mind that this negotiation, until it was accom-
plished, was to be ignored. I recommended secrecy, and
I was grievously surprised on returning yesterday evening
to learn that it had not been observed. A culpable indis-
cretion had been committed. Ajournal—theElecteur Libre
—previously disavowed by the Government had taken ad-
vantage of it ; an inquiry has been set on foot, which I
hope will lead to this double abuse being punished. I
had pushed so far the scrupulous regard for secrecy that I
observed it even towards yourselves, my dear colleagues.
I could not resolve to do that without lively regret, but
I knew your patriotism and your affection, and I was sure
to be absolved. I believed myself bound to obey an im-
perious necessity. One time I told you of the agitation
of my mind, and I said that it would be at rest only when
when I had done everything that was possible for man to do
to bring this horrible war to an honourable conclusion.
Recalling the conversation which arose from this begin-
ning, I feared some objections, and I was decided. I
wished, in meeting M. de Bismarck, to be free from every
engagement, in order to have the privilege of not making
any. 1 make these acknowledgments sincerely. I make
them to the country, in order to release you from a re-
sponsibility which I alone assume. If my mission be a
mistake, I alone must bear the penalty. I had meanwhile
to consult the Minister of War, who had wished to give
me an officer to conduct me to the avant-postes. We
did not consider the situation of the head-quarters.
We thought they were at Grosbois. We moved
towards the enemy by the Porte de Charenton. I
suppress all the details of this unhappy journey, which
was full of interest, but the incidents of which would not
be in their place in this report. Conducted to Villeneuve-
Saint-Georges, where was the General-in-Chief command-
ing the Sixth Corps, I learned rather late in the after-
noon that the head-quarters were at Meaux. The General
proposed to me to send an officer as bearer of the follow-
ing letter, which I had prepared for transmission to M.
de Bismarck :
" IVI. le Comte—l have always believed that, before un-
dertaking serious hostilities under the walls of Paris, it was
impossible that an honourable arrangethent should not
have been attempted. The person who had the honour of
waiting on your Excellency two days ago has made we
gather from his words the expression on your part of a
similar desire. .I have come to the avant poster, to put
myself at the disposition of your „,Excellency. I expect
yOu will let me know tiow and where I can have the

honour of conferring with you for a few moments.—

I have, &c.,

`` JULES FAVRE."

We were separated by a distance of 48 kilometres. The
next morning, at six o'clock, I received a reply, of which
this is a copy:

" I have-just received the letter your Excellency has
had the goodness to write to me, and it will give me the
greatest pleasure if you will come to see me to-morrow.
here at Meaux. Prince Biron, the bearer of this, will see
that your Excellency is conducted across: our lines.

have, &c., " DE BISMARCK."
At nine o'clock the escort was ready, and I left with it.
When we arrived near Meaux, about three in the after-
noon, I was stopped by an aide-de-camp, who told me
that Count Bismarck had left Meaux with the King to go
to Ferrlizes for the night. I went back, and
proceeded to a farm, which had been pillaged,
as were all the houses which I passed on my route.
At the end of an hour M. de Bismarck joined
me. It was difficult for us to consult in such a place.
One habitation—the Chateau de la Haute Maison, be-
longing to the Count de Rillac—was in the vicinity, and we
proceeded thither. Our conversation took place in a salon,
in which debris of all sorts was lying about. I
would fain report to you that conversation in its entirety,
as I dictated it to a secretary next day. Every detail of
it is important. Here I can only analyse it. I at once
specified the object of my mission. Having made him
acquainted by my circular with the intentions
of the French Government, I wished to know
those of the Prussian Minister. It seemed to,
me inexcusable that two nations should, without
previous explanations, continue a terrible war which
would inflict deep suffering' on the conquerors, notwith-
standing the advantages they had gainen. Caused by the
power of one man, this war had no longer a raison d'Otre
when France had become mistress of herself. I pledged
myself for her love of peace, but at the same time for her
indomitable resolution not to accept any condition which
should make that peace a brief and threatening
truce. M. de Bismarck said that if he believed such
a peace was possible he would sign it at once. The
Opposition had always condemLed the war. But the
power which that Opposition represented was no longer
anything but precarious. If within a few days Paris
were not taken, it would be overthrown by the mob.
I interrupted him to say that we had not a mere mob at
Paris, but a population which was intelligent and de-
voted, which knew our intentions, and which would not
make itself an accomplice of the enemy in obstructing
our defence. As regarded our power, we were ready to
place it in the hands of the Assembly already convoked.
" This assembly," replied the Count, " will have designs
which nothing can make us foresee. But, if it obey the
sentiment of France, it will wish for war. You will no
more forget the capitulation of Sedan than Waterloo—
than Sadowa, which did not concern you." Then he in-
sisted at length on the wish of France, the accomplish-
ment of which had been prevented, to attack Germany
and to take away a part of its territory. From the
time -of Louis XIV. to that of Napoleon 111. her tenden-
cies had not changed, and that when war was declared the
Corps Leg,islatif had received the words of the Minister
with acclamation. I remarked to him that the majority
of the Corps Legislatif had some weeks before called out
for peace; that that majority, chosen by the Monarch,
had believed itself bound to follow him blindly ; but that
the •nation, which had been consulted twice, at the elec-
tions of 1869, and at the vote on the pl6biscite, had per-
sistently clung to a policy of peace and liberty. The
conversation on this subject was prolonged—the Count
maintaining his opinion, whilst I defended mine ; and,
as I pressed him strongly on these conditions, he replied,
in effect, that the security of his country com-
manded him to guard the territory which protected it.
He repeated several times " Strasburg is the key of the
house : I must have it." I then asked him to be more
explicit. " It is useless," he replied, " since we cannot
listen to you. It is a matter to arrange later." I asked
him to do it at once. He said then that
the two departments of Bas Rhin and Haut Rhin,
a part of the Moselle, with Metz, Chateau-Salins,
and Sonenes were indispensable, and that he could
not give them up in th 9 negotiation. I then re-
marked that the assent of the people of whom he
was thus disposing was more than doubtful, and that the
public opinion of Europe would not be satisfied with it.
" T know well," he replied, " that they are not with us.
They will impose an unpleasant job on us, but we cannot
suffer it. I am sure that in a short time we shall have a
new war with you. We wish to make it with all our ad-
vantages." I protested as I should against such solu-
tions of the question. I said that two important elements
of the discussion had been forgotten—Europe, which
would find these proposals to be exorbitant, and oppose
them ; then the new right—the progress of civilisation
and manners —which was opposed to such conditions, I
added that so far as we were concerned we would never
accept them. We could, I stated, perish as a nation,
but we would not suffer dishonour ; besides, the country
alone was competent to decide regarding a cession
of territory. We have no doubt about its feeling,
but we are willing to consult it. Opposite to it
Prussia is arrayed. And, to be beref, it is clear
that, influenced by the intoxication of victory,
she wishes for the destruction of France. The Count
protested, taking his position behind the absolute neces-
sity of the national guarantee. I continued, " If it is
not an abuse of strength on your part—concealing secret
designs—let us summon the Assembly. We will resign
into its hands our power ; it will nominate a definitive
Government which will consider your conditions." " For
the execution of this plan," replied the Count, "an armistice
would be necessary, and I do not wish for that at any price."
The conversation took a turn ever more and more pain-
ful. Evening approached. I asked M. de Bismarck for
a second interview at Ferrieres, where he was going to
stay for the night, and we left each for his own destination.
As I wished to fulfil my mission to the end, I had to
return to several questions on which we had spoken,
and to conclude. So in meeting the Count about half-
past nine in the evening, I observed that the intelligence
which would be put in my possession would be conveyed
to my Government and the French public, and I would
engage that nothing would be published exeept what had
been agreed upon between us. " Do not give yourself
that trouble," he replied ; " I give you full liberty. I do
not see any disadvantage in revealing it." We then pur-
sued the discussion, which was prolonged until midnight.
I insisted particularly upon the necessity of summoning an
Assembly. The Count appeared to become convinced by
degrees and to return to the subject of the armistice. I
asked for fifteen days. We discussed the conditions. He
and reserved
hexiepprerissvieldegheim:felefeninsualtvieergy
the King.
waHye,
postponed our conversation until the next day at eleven
o'clock. I have only one word to say, for in reproducing
this sad story my heart is agitated by all the emotions
which have tortured it for the last three days, and I
hasten to the end. I was at Chateau de Ferrieres at
eleven o'clock. The Count left the King at a quarter
to twelve, and I heard from him the conditions which
were required for an armistice. They were con-
tained in a text, written in the German lan-
guage, of which he gave me the sense verbally.
He demanded as a guarantee the occupation of
Strasburg, of Toul, and of Phalsburg; and as to the
demand of the previous evening that the Assembly should
meet at Paris, he desired in that case to have added a
fort commanding the city—that of Mont Valerien, for
instance. At this point I interrupted him by saying,
" It will be much more simple to ask us for Paris itself.
How can you snppose a French Assembly can deliberate
under your cannon?" I have had the honour of telling
you that I shall faithfully transmit our interview to the
Government ; but I really do not know that I dare tell
them you have made to me such a proposition. " Let
ue seek another combination," he replied. Then I spoke
to him of the Assembly meeting at Tours, and of no ma-
terial guarantee being given in the neighbourhood of Paris.
He then proposed to speak of this proposition to the King,
and, returning to the question of the occupation of Stras-
burg, he added : The city is about to fall into our hands
—it is now only a question of days ; so I ask that the
garrison should surrender themselves prisoners of war."
At those words I was moved by grief, and rising, I said,
" You forget that you are speaking to a Frenchman,
Count. To sacrifice an heroic garrison—the admiration of
ourselves and of the entire world—would be a peace of
cowardice; and I do not promise that I shall not say you
attempted to impose such a condition." The.
Count replied that he had no intention to wound
me—that he only conformed to the laws of war;
and that if the Kind" consented, that article might
be modified. He then went and saw the King, and, re-
turning in a quarter of an hour, said his Majesty accepted
the proposition with regard to Tours, but insisted
on the garrison of Strasburg being retained as prisoners
of war. My strength was here exhausted, and for
an instant I feared it would fail , me altogether.. I
turned to hide the emotion which nearly choked me, and,
apologising for my involuntary weakness, I took my leave
with these simple words : " I was deceived, Count, in
coming here, but I do not repent. I have suffered suffi-
ciently for my own excuse, and, moreover I only came in
deference to a sense of duty. I will report to my Go-
vernment all that you have told me ; and if they think
proper to send me back to you, however painful it may be
to my own feelings, I shall have the honour of seeing you
again. I- am grateful to you for the kindness you have
Atown towards me; but I fear there is no other 'means
remaining than to let events take their course, The popu-

lation of Paris is courageous, and re solved to make any
sacrifice. Their heroism may change the course of events.
Even if you conquer you will not make them submit. All
France entertains the same sentiments. So long as we
can find an element of resistance, we will fight you. It
will be a struggle between two peoples who, ought, rather
to join hands. I hoped for a different solution, and I do
part deeply grieved, but nevertheless, full of hope." I
ad-led no:' ing to this speech, which was eloquent by its
simplicity. I may now be permitted to conclude, and to
tell you what is my idea of the effect of these interviews.
I sought peace, and I found an inflexible determination
in favour of war and-conquest. I asked for the possibility
of eliciting the opinion of France, represented by a freely
elected Assembly ; and I was answered-by a display of the
Caudine Forks, beneath which we were first required to
pass. I make no recriminations—l confine myself to a
statement of facts for the consideration of my coun-
try and of Europe. I do not attempt to deny
that I ardently desired peace, and that the three days
spectacle of our ravaged country increased that desire to
such a point, that I was forced to call all my courage to
my aid in order not to fail in the task I had undertaken.
I desired not less keenly an armistice, in order that the
nation might be consulted on the terrible question which
fate has placed before us. You know now the preliminary
conditions that were sought to be imposed upon us. With
me, and without discussion, you have been unanimously
of opinion that it was our duty to repel a proffered humi-
liation. I have a profound conviction that, in spite of
the sufferings she is now enduring, and that are yet to be
borne, our indignant country will share our resolution.
It was with her sentiments I believe myself inspired in
writing the following dispatch to IV.- de Bismarck, which
closed the negotiation :
"M. le Comte,—l have faithfnlly expressed to my col
leagues in the Government of National Defence the decla-
ration that your Excellency has been good enough to
make to me. I regret to have to make known to your
Excellency that that Government has not been able to
accept your propositions. They will accept an armistice
having for its object the election and meeting of a
National Assembly ; but they cannot subscribe to the
contingent conditions. As 'to myself, I car say with a
clear conscience that I have done my utmost to stop the
effusion of blood, and to restore peace to two nations
which would be so much benefitted by that blessing. I
have only been stopped by an imperious duty, which re-
quired me not to yield the honour of my country, which
has determiced energetically to resist such a sacrifice. I
and my colleagues associate ourselves without reserve in
that determination. God, our Judge, will decide on our
destinies. I have faith in His justice.—l have, &c.,

(Signed)

" JULES FAVRE.

" Sept. 21, 1870."
I have done, my dear colleagues; and you will think
with me that, if I have failed in my mission, it has still
not been altogether useless. It has proved that we have
not deviated. From the first we have conducted a war
which we condemned beforehand, but which we accepted
in preference to dishonour. We have done more—for we
have laid bare the equivocation on which Prussia relied,
and let Europe now assist us in dissipating it altogether.
In invading our soil, she gave her word to the world
that she was attacking Napoleon and his soldiers, but
would respect the nation. We know now what to
think of that statement. Prussia requires three of
our departments : two for fortified cities—one of 100,000,
the other of 75,000 inhabitants ; and eight or ten
smaller ones, also fortified. She knows that the
populations she wishes to tear from us repulse her ; but
she seizes them nevertheless, replying with the edge of
the sword to their protestations against such an outrage
on their civic lil:erty and their moral dignity. To the
nation that demands the opportunity of self-consultation
she proposes the guarantee of her cannon planted at Mont
Valerien, and protecting the scene of their deliberations.
That is what we know, and what I am authorised to make
public. Let the nation that hears this either rise at once
or at once disavow us when we conusel resistance to the
bitter end. Paris is resolved to take the latter course.
The Departments are organising and coming to our
assistance. The last word is not yet spoken in this
struugle, where now force is arrayed against right. It
depends upon our constancy that the balance should rest
on the side of justice and liberty. Receive, my dear
colleagues, the fraternal homage of my unalterable de-
votion.

The Vice-President of the Government of National
Defence and Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Paris, Sept. 21

(Signed)

JULES FAVRE.

THE HOME SECRETARY AT PAISLEX.
(CENTRAL PRESS TELEGRAM.)

The Secretary of State for the Home Department,
yesterday, met the electors of Renfrewshire at Paisley.

Sir Peter Coates introduced the right honourable
gentleman. at the same time expressing the pride that
was felt by the constituency that in supporting Mr. Bruce
they were supporting a Liberal Government.
Mr. Bruce spoke at considerable length. He undertook
at the outset to defend the conduct of the Government
during the past session, especially referring to his own
share in Ministerial work. The Cabinet, he said, under-
took at the beginning of the session to introduce measures
for diffusing general education, to reduce the burdens of
the people, and to economise the national finances ; and
they had done all this. The principal measures of the
session were of extremedifficulty ; and the fruit they might
bear might not be evident for some time. This was
especially so with respect to the Irish Land Bill. Ireland
could not be expected to become immediately as indus-
trious, orderly, and peaceful as England and Scotland ;
but there was nothing in the Irish character to prevent
Irishmen from becoming eventually like the other inhabi-
tants of the United Kingdom. Had the Roman Catholics
been treated with fairriess and justice in Ireland, they
would have been as loyally attached to the
Crown and Government as any other portion
of the population ; but being treated harshly and unjustly,
they fell into the arms of the priests and of a foreign
spiritual power. Mr. Bruce then referred to and defended
the provisions of the Glebe Lands Bill. He maintained
that the advantage given by that measure to the Protes-
tant Church was not an endowment, but only a facility
for the borrowing of money, to be repaid. Passing to the
Education, question, the right hon. gentleman ad-
mitted that no complete general measure had been
passed, still something had been done in Scotland by the
passing of the bill introduced by Mr. Moncreiff for the
purpose of giving power to trustees of what were called in
England school endowments to extend the bevefits of
these institutions. The general measure of Scotch edu-
cation would again be taken up next session with every
prospect of being passed. He denied that the
Government had any intention of favouring the
Established Church at the expense of Dissenters in
the English Education Bill ; and in proof of this he
pointed out that almost precisely the same measure was
recommended by a meeting held at Manchester of all de
nominations. Having alluded shortly to Mr. McLat en's
Church Rates Bill, the Truck system, and the Licensing
system, he went on to speak of the war. The charge
brought against Prussia of needlessly protracting
the war was unfair. To throw a burglar
found in one's house out of window was not
enough ; security must be had that he should not return.
He felt in the interests of peace that the conditions of
peace could not be too stringent. But whilst Prussia had
every claim to be amply' secured against further aggres-
sion, it was not for her interests to inflict many unneces-
sary wounds upon France. Neither the prosperity nor
the strength of Prussia would be increased by uniting to
itself an unwilling population. The Cabinet, he declared,
was perfectly united.