The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH WI 1846.

•
4," „1 is Ineonspetent to entertain a measure which is neeesary
tri„'.'' Public good. —( Cheers. ) you were to admit that doe-
Yen would shake the foundation on which a Legislature
u'd he based. Why that doctrine was not mail taned at
alas
time of the union between England and Ireland. It
anot maintained in this country by Mr. Fox. It was
t I y alluded to by fun Sheridan, at the time when
R
e message about the ion was delivered. Parliament
as elected without having the slightest respect to the
CrlnciPles maintained by the constituencies. Mr. She-
-1l„
t4an slightly hinted his objection to the competence of Par-
ti
ameat to deal with the question that came before it, in his
eir, respecting Ireland. But Mr. Pitt met that objection at
th
• onset—he met it in the following manner :—Mr. Pitt said,
the first objection that I have heard made by the Hon, Gen-
tleman opposite was that the Parliament of Ireland tali in-
temPetent to entertain the discussion of the question, or rather
act upon the measure proposed, without having previously
.'utahled the consent of the people of Ireland, and the whole
r.stituents of the Irish t'arliamentary representatives. This
a Point, Sir, of so much importance, that I think, if we did
spossess the power of dealing with these questions without
tirtst appealing to the country —I submit that if you recognise
Wis Principle it would be a most dangerous one ; indeed a more
hßerous one could not be adopted in a civilised state.
hat a state of things we should have if this principle were
, pted I It that principle he a true one, look to the extent
Cuich it may be carried. If such an argument be held to
07 Rood, then the dealing of the question of the Principality
Wales was not justly carried on, because the then Parlia-
7tit did not appeal to the sense of tin ir eistituents. Indeed
p 0 very law of succession to the English throne was not
WlRht4 made if this principle was a true one." Then, if that
we, said of Ireland, what shall we say of the present proposal,
hall
is to affect the whole of the United Kingdom '? What
ell we say of that law which was made for the admission of
,2_l3,terl Ca. holies to seats in this House? We made no ap-
r'st to the country. Whatever may have been thought of the
trePriety of the present measure, I never heard it said that it
the
be unfair to discuss such a question without appealing to
constituencies of the country. lam sure that no one will
sob.
rie contend that that principle is constitutional. If it
were allowed to be a good one, then as Mr. Pitt had very pro-
rrtY said, the right sif succession to the English throne was
lea
questionable. Sir, I contend that there could not hove
e° "a more dangerous example"—( Hear, hear,)—a more
titrele democratic precedent (if I may use the expression)
an that this Parliament should have been dissolved upon the
t'''und of its incompetency to decide upon any question of this
nature —( Hear, hear.) And therefore, Sir, I am ready to
PEe the responsibility of not haying advise her Majesty to
missolve Parliament for the purpose of appealing to the country
Pa this measure. Now, Sir, I am not aware of any other matter
:elating to this question, in which I am personally concerned,
itt'l of which I dare not have given a full explanation. If
iere is any point in my conduct which 1 have omitted to ex-
g:in, I shall be quite ready to afford any explanation which may
w desired, and
Incomeaswer
toyan uestion that may be put to me.
„tll now, Sir,
`lle interests that under the present circumstances of the
"Tntry, and in the present state of public feeling and opinion
.15 it advisable, I say, that we should at the present time
eitherl refuse to modify the existing law, in order to meet the
distresses of the people of Ireland, or that, having modified
It' we should still have a continuance of the present corn-law,
°r whether it would not be better to adjust permanently and
itttisfactorily the whole question ?—( ear, hear. The Hon.
'etnber who spoke last says you might have dealt with maize ;
that was an article of food fit for the Irish people ; you need
,e 11,7 to admit that and do nothing else. Now, Sir, I con-
ter that if Honourable Members wished to undermine
e existing corn-laws, no better plan could be adopted
than that proposed by the Honourable Member. What !
t° hold out to the people of Ireland, suffering under severe pri-
letlon that maize is food good enough for them—to tell them
teat the law should be altered so as to admit maize, but wheat
atid barley shall not be admitted. Sir, by such conduct, you
would rouse a storm of indignation against the laws you
t 'enlist to maintain. But do we, however, mean to do nothing
with reference to maize? There is at present a duty of eight
shillings
buY upon that article. You say that Government ou.sht to
Nmaize and remit the duty on it, so that by supplying it to
o People of Ireland, the Government would lose nothing.
thew, Sir, our doctrine is that the Government cannot support
doe people of Irland. We powerless—we can
no without earnest, instant, eelloca exertion, on the
part of the wealthy classes of that country. We say, that the
duties of charity, though not legally enforced, are imperative
11,1)°n those classes. The duty of the landlords of Ireland, and
4
' all classes possessing property in that country, is to miti-
gate by all means in their power the evil, and the calamity.
which has befallen their country.—(Cheers.) It is not suffi-
.cikent for us, that we should pay the duty upon maize, and
:en reimburse the Treasury the amount of duty so paid. Be'
"htt are we to say to those whom we are inciting to acts of
charity? Are we to say to them—the potato crop is failing—
t general distress is felt throughout this country
consequence, and the food must be supplied.
et You shall pay a duty of 8s upon all maize which you shall
distribute among the suffering poor. You shall pay also a duty
„ e
"' 18s. upon wheat, and there shall be no relaxation whatever
~
the law ?—( Hear, hear.) Do you not think it would be
I°Poasible in a state of distress, even to the extent which you
cannot
geny to exist—would it be possible to vote half a
:billion of money from the English treasury towards the
Wort of the people of Ireland, and to incite the Irish pro-
prietors to acts of charity, or to the purchase of food
t°,, relieve the necessities of the people? Do you
irilt in the face of Belgium, Prussia, and Holland-
-110 admit the necessity of adopting every natural
erecaution to remove impediments on the importation
°f food—to propose a vote of half a million, and to buy
corn for the people of Ireland at Bs. duty, and make no relaxa-
tion whatever ? It would have been impossible. The Hon.
erbber, the Recorder of Dublin (Mr. Shaw) said he could
not deny there was great scarcity in Ireland. I should doubt his
yr
,er'l if he said otherwise. He could not deny there was great
,w—
-so„reitYs and great danger of the disease, but these were
•com-
io tings in Irelnd—this is the eneral state of Irelan
„Taeh are the Hon.a Member's own words d.
upon the subject
on' large portion of the Irish people are always nearly
jn ila's verge of destitution—there has been no year
MY recollection when the said statements, with
reference to disease, might not have been made
with
i equal truth." Well, be it so. The admission of the
• Member goes some distance to mitigate the present
emergency ; but it has been said the present is a labourer's
question. Well, then, is the maintenance of protection a
benefit to the Irish agriculturist? And does protection come
to this ? In that part of the United Kingdom it has always
been contended that protection was absolutely necessary to the
interests of them persons who depend upon agriculture. Has
protection, then, brought you to this—that the agricultural
abourers, who form so large a portion of the Irish people,
are always living on the verge of destitution?—(Cries of
,`a Oh, oh," and cheers.) Is it true, also, that there
has been no year in the recollection of the
Honourable Member when some statements with
reference to disease might not have been made ?" Be it se
!I'M This is the permanent annual state of Ireland under
the operation of your restrictive laws. Is not that then a
rrong argument in favour of the abolition of the existing com-
sat's?

Ax Hors. MEMBEIL—Why did you not repeal them before?
_ Sir ROBERT PEEL—The Hon. Member asks why I did
Lot do it before ; I answer that, although we have not done it
before, that is no reason for not doing it now. You are so
t'neased by the force of these arguments that you are reduced to
e neeessity of asking us why I did not do it before ?
Cheers.) Sir, we have been neglecting our duty in not doing
it before ; but that neglect of duty, Sir, is no reason why
re should continue to neglect our duty now.—(Cheers.)
_
we have a great failure of the potatoes in Ireland, which con-
stitute the food of a large portion of the population there, and
fate danger threatening cf having a population of many millions
Alin are dependent for their supply of food upon such an article
14 potatoes, subject to such a dimunition of quantity and dete-
rioration of quality as in the course of Providence we have been
visited with in the present year; and hearing, as we have, from
the Hon. Member, the general and permanent rate of the
conatry, is it not, I say, a cogent and unanswerable reason for
staking some permanent change in the system ? To do
nothing in such a case would be impossible. To modify
!he existing law, and to propose such a change
111 the system of the country, as professed by the Hon. Mem-
ber for Southamption, would be merely to excite and en-
tourage agitation, lead to no beneficial result, and
would be rejected by the agricultural population—would, in
tact, would be laughed at and scouted by them. It would
effect no good. There is, therefore, no alternative, except
trying to lay the foundation of an ultimate and satisfactory
a•djustment of the question. My firm conviction is—charge
the if yon please with treachery—that the safest and the best
%ode of settling the question is that proposed by her Ma-
Jetty's Government.—( Loud cheers ) The Noble Lord the
Ain:giber for Newark asked me repeatedly if I pronosed to ruin
the agricultural interest? Sir, I attach the utmost importance
tO the prosperity of that class.—( Cheers and counter cheers).
Why, Sir, do I not know why I have not as much right to feel as
%eat an interest in the prosperity of that class as those Hon.
embers have who have sneered at and received with scorn
my opinions upon the subject.—( Loud cheers.) I attach the
utmost importance to it. I think, Sir, for great political
reasons, that it is of the utmost importance that the agriculturists
should possess a great weight in the government of the country.
I think, with Burke, that land is the safest basis of political
Power in any country. He says that all writers—
Aristotle speaking of Coe Grecian states, and Cicero
speaking of the Romans--that all writers upon politics
have attached the utmost importance to the landed
Interest. They always considered that it was the
safest basis of a sound protective Government. I remain, Sir,
in that opinion, and deeply should I deplore the day when the
landed interest was excluded from its full share in the coun-
sels of my Sovereign.—(Loud cheers.) Burke said that it was
fortunate for this country tha• the landed interest was so pre-
dominant as to direct the Government of the country, and the
reason of that was, he said, that the landed aristocracy and
proprietors have never been a class disassociated from the ge-
neral interest.—(Protectionist cheers.) They had never been
°Pposed to public opinion—they have always preserved and
shown an unity of interest. Now, Sir, this is just the question.
By what means shall we secure a continuance of this just and
beneficial power to the landed interest ? Will it
be by maintaining your privileges upon grounds of
restrictiveness and exclusion of food to the people of this
ountry ?—(tt No, no," from the protectionists.) Well, then,
if ;hat offends the Hon. Members, I will not use the term ex-
clusion of food. I will say by the imposition of taxes upon the
importation of food. Will it, I ask, more conduce to the per-
manent quiet and legitimate interests of the country that the
present corn-laws should be repealed, or that they should re •
Main in tact. My opinion is, and I repeat it—accuse me of
treachery if you please—that you will satisfy and maintain the
influence of the landed interest, by now making these arrange•
means rather than, in the present state of feeling and opinion,
pertinaciously contending for the continuance of the existing
laws—that is my opinion. Take, for instance, the taxes on
butter and bacon—which have not existed for more than
twenty years, is it safe, I say, to rest the privileges
of the aristocrecy and landed proprietors upon such a foundation?
Let tut consider the bearing of the corn-law on the land, which
Maintained, as it ought to maintain, a just and legitimate influ-
ence in the country. We have to deal with a population which,
according to the census of 1841, consists of about 19 millions
*tt people—l am excluding Ireland. But you have in this
country a population of 19 millions, and how are they divided?
lon have of the agricultural interest 1,500,000—0 f landed pro-
Pvietors, of farmers and occupiers, above 20 years, 1,500,000;
ar,d you have of labourers employed in other occupations,
1,761,000, including miners and quarriers. You have
"gusted in commerce above 3,110,000, and you
have 200,000 belonging to professions, and you have
611,000 psolons of independent property, not including
200,000 pauper; and lunatics ; the rest of the population are
Women and children. What an immense proportion of that
Population consists of persons who earn their subsistence by
Manual labour— what an icsmense proportion of persons of all
those must subsist on wages below 30 shillings ! Just consider
how taxation, apart from food, bears upon that class of the
People. You raise about 32,000,000/. by taxes, by customs and
excise. Now take the articles which enter into the consump-
tion of a family having leas than 30 shillings a week. I have a
return here of the artieles, which are used by families in that
'lass of life—independent of bread, butter, cheese, a little
rat, potatoes, lard, candles, soap, and a small portion of tobacco.
" there is not one of them, which is nut taxed. It is from
AO want of sympathy that you tax them. In my opinion it is
necessary that you should raise a great part of your revenue by
indirect taxation, but all indirect taxation is unequal. You
have established a great claim on the confidence and gratitude
ofbe country, that you did take upon property an annual
huire_en of 5,000,0001., not alone that it might supply a de-
"Y• but that you might relieve the labouring elevee4 01

1 those burdens which press upon them. I have before me a
return of the expenditure of a labouring man in the receipt
of ten shillings a week in sursamer, and eight in winte?,
with a wife and one child. I leave out bread -
the following articles entered into his weekly con-
sumption :-four gallons of beer, bacon, beef, butter,
some sugar, some tea, some soap, some candles. All
of these articles, with the exception of candles, are taxed in-
directly. We have reduced the duty on salt beef, and the duty
on butter and cheese. Now can you repent for having made
that reduction?-( Hear, hear.) The man died and left a
widow and one child ; she earned 4s. 6d. a week, the guardians
allowing I s. 6d. a week to her for a pension. What was her outlay?
Rent, Is. 6d. ; candles and soap, 4id. ; butter, 24d. ; tea,
lid. In that case the soap was taxed, the butter was taxed,
the tea was taxed, and the sugar was taxed.-( Hear, hear.) I
will new take the wage. of a Yorkshireman, living more com-
fortably. These were not fictitious cases. This mats earned
fifteen or sixteen shillings a week, and he spent fourteen.
His expenditure was as follows :-There is beef, 2s. ; sugar,
7d. ; grease, 3d. ; candles, 2.1. ; butter, Bd. ; soap, 3d. ; tea
and coffee, Is. 6d. ; oitmeal, 74d. His expenditure :was 83.
out of 14. Now, the great proportion of the food of the poor
consisted in flour, something in sugar, something in meat ; but
more than half in flour. Well, suppose you pass the law the
Government propose, will it not produce a reduction on the
most important articles-and will you not most materially add
to the comfort and enjoyment of the poor ? Let me assure you
that this is by far the most important part of the measure.-
Hear, hear.) It is impossible-it is impossible to over-rate it.
I am quite aware of the sympathy which actuates you for the
poor; I donut agree with those who charge you with a want of
sympathy ; Ido believe that there is as much sincere and honest
desire on your part to sympathise with the poor, as there exists
in this House. But you cannot increase direct taxation. I
believe you would if you could-but you already raise seven
millions in stamps-five millions in property-tax-four millions
by the assessed-taxes,. and these are limits beyond which you
cannot possibly go. If yen add to the income-tax, you will not
be benefiting the poor. Though the taxation may appear to be
falling on the rich, it will have no less injurious effect.
The Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, would have me to
state what the price of wheat would be after the abolition of
protection. Well, I have repeatedly replied, and I once more
state, that it is impossible for me to know what the price may
be hereafter. The Noble Lord in reply to that said, that in
1835, a cargo of wheat had come to this country frem Dant-
zic, the price of which, after all expenses were paid,
amounted to 395. ; and insisted that, supposing there was no
duty on the importation of foreign wheat, the price would fall
to the same level as it did then. I am not prepared to
admit that the price would be lower, for the comparison he
made was not a true criterion by which the matter could be tested.
That was my statement. The Noble Lord had got a return of
certain cargoes of corn that came to this country from Dantzic, and
he contended that because in 1839 the price of corn amounted
to only 26s , that if you establish free-trade the price must ne-
cessarily not exceed that amount. I firmly believe, however,
that if a free-trade in corn existed at this moment, the price
would not be less than 39.1.-the price which it was in 1835. It
is impossible, however, to argue what the price of corn may be
when the ports are freely opened; for until the system is in
operation, no argument can be raised on-the matter which can
be relied on with any degree of aocuraey. You sent Mr.
Jacob to the Continent, to report what the price of corn was in
the different states of Europe. He said in his report, that
although there would be a large surplus of corn to be imported
into this country, he could not think the price would fall below
335. That was the true state of the case. If you encourage
production abroad, there must necessarily be a fictitious price
given to corn, and the Noble Lord argued from the instance
he brought forward, that that price would be the rule in all
cases. It was for that reason that I said, that even were there
free-trade in corn in 1835, the price would not fall below 355.
The British consuls in different places were also required to re-
port what was the quantity of wheat which could be annually
sent to this country from the places where they respectively re-
sided, and at what price. Now what was the answer?
The general answer was, that it could not be im-
ported free on board under 465. 6d. per quarter, and that
general freight would amount to 4s. 6d. In one place the price
was 395. Id., and the freight from 4s. 6d. to ss. At Dantzic
the price was 40s. and the freight 3s. 6d. At Hamburgh the
price was from 35s to 465., and the freight from 2s. 6d. to Sc.
Relying, then, upon the opinion of Mr. Jacobs, and relying
upon the returns of your own consuls, as to what the price of
wheat would be free on board, at thole ports from
which it may be expected-relying upon these two
Parliamentary returns, I repeat to you, that with
free trade in corn, the price will not be reduced below
395., as it was in 1835, In 1822, although agricultural
distress prevailed to a very great extent, the price of wheat
did not fall below 385., and in 1835 it did not fall below 395.
No foreign competition existed in either case, and although in
1835 the prise fell to 395. Id., that depression was entirely to
he attributed to the abundance of your own harvest. In 1836,
following the example of 1822, no foreign corn was admitted,
yet a Parliamentary Committee was appointed to see what
remedies could be applied for the purpose of relieving the great
distress which then prevailed. I was attempting, therefore, to
show, looking at the immense population-looking at the
enormous masses of peocle who made wheat the principal
source of subsistence, of what great importance it was that
the price should be as moderate as possible. I have shown,
then, that half of their expenditure went to the purchase of
wheat, and I wish to know what we can do better than to make
this article as moderate in price as we can ?-( Hear, hear, and
cheers.) If we can give a guarantee that the price
would not rise above 70s. or 80s., surely that would be
an advantage of immense importance to the labouring classes.
We are about to try maize, and other articles, to meet anything
like a rise in corn. Suppose corn should fail, we shall have
maize to make up for the failure ? and I am sure if that article
should fail that we shall not be exposed to such extreme want
from the fact of our having Indian maize to rely on Taking
the whole circumstances into consideration, I do consider that
the labourer's interest is deeply at stake in this question. Ido
think the condition of the agricultural labourer ought to be a
question of consideration. If then you can rely upon the
system of protection, why is it that you cannot exhibit a
happier condition of the labourer than we have at pre-
sent ?-( Hear, hear. )
Colonel SIBTHORP-Give protection to corn.
Sir R. PEEL-Yes, you have had protection to the agri-
cultural interest, and what is the condition of the labourer?
You have had protection to corn, and what is the result ?-
( Hear, hear.) If the price of corn had such an effect upo.,
she wages of the agricultural labourer, why is it, that the
wages of the manufacturing labourer has been much higher
than the former class of labourer, at a period before the
rise in corn took place. But there is no comparison between
the wages of the agricultural labourer and the price of wheat.
If the wages of the agricultural labourer varied with the price
of wheat, why were wages 13s. in Kent, when they were only
Ss. in Wiltshire? Now, as we find the labourer employed
in the manufacturing districts, we invariably find that wages
are much higher, and indeed the wages of the agricultural
labourers adjacent to a manufacturing district are always higher
than in the purely agricultural districts. If this is not the
case, how is it we find the agricultural labourer paid 13s.
in Lincolnshire, and Bs. and 9s. in Wiltshire, and
other places? Why, because, not only was the land
adjacent to a manufacturing district, but because it
was brought into better cultivation than in other places. I
wish to show that where skill is employed to cultivate the land,
remunerating prices can bo had for the farmer and the
labourer.

Colonel SIBTIIORP—The wages were higher because
there was a remunerating price for corn?
Sir R. PEEL—There was just as much a remunerating
price in the parts where low wages were paid, as in the others ;
and I think the Hon. and Gallant Member might easily reason
that to be the fact, without any material stretch of his logical
faculty.—( Loud laughter.) This, then, being the case, can
we say that the state of the agricultural labourer is as it ought
to be? Was the state of the men who had to work for their
bread so laboriously in that state which it ought to be?
Are you, not, then, I ask, deeply interested in rendering less
irksome the social condition of the great mass of the popula-
tion of this empire ?—( Hear, hear.) Believe me, the great
point which you have to attain is to appease the apprehensions
of the people, and that the only way to attain that is to let
them have, in the first instance, abundance of food.—(Cheers.)
You may in vain attempt to induce habits of cleanliness and
purity in their dwellings, and all the other elements of social
comfort, but they will fail, if you do not give them, in the first
instance, abundance of food.—( Hear, hear.) If there be any
apprehension on the minds of the population that there
is likely to be a scarcity of food, depend upon it it will be
in vain for you to try and induce any improvement in
their social condition. Hon. Members may laugh at this if
they will ; but allow me to tell them that the last three years'
experience must have proved that lam correct. I will quote a
few figures, in order to show that I am correct, and I will quote
none that lam net prepared to verify. Now take the variations
in the prices of wheat from the year 1837 to the present time.
I took care to have accounts furnished me from farmers in
the purely agricultural districts, of the amount of wages paid
to their labourers from the year 1837 to 1844 inclusive, and it
amounted to this in the Sudbury Union in Dorsetshire. The
sums I am now about to qu to are those which the labourer
►eceived in money and in beer, and the comparative
amount of wages in summer and in winter. Let me also
remind the House that since the year 1837, prices of corn and of
labour varied very much. In the year 1837, the price of wheat was
555. 10d. ; in 1838, it was 645. 7d: ; in 1839, it was 765. 84.; in
1840, it was 665. 4d. ; in 1841, it was 665. 4d. ; in 1842, it ITlti 575.
3d.; in 1843, it was 505.; in 1844, it was 51s ; and in 1845 It was
555. 10d. Therefore you see that since 1837 to 1845, the price of
wheat varied in the proportions which I have stated. But now let
me observe that I have also seen a disposition in this country, I
regret to say, to substitute the potato for wheat. We have heard
much of the allotment system, and we have been told that it has
been adopted most benevolently; but I shall only say that I think
this feeling only tends to reduce the peasantry of this country to the
state of the Irish peasantry—(llear, hear)—and I should consider
it a great calamity indeed that the potato should be
substituted is this country for the use of wheat.—(Hear, hear.)
will now give you the variation In the rate of wages in Dorset

!rom the year 1837 upwards. In 1837, the wages amounted to 10s. ;
in 1838 to l Is.; in 1839 to I Is. ; in 1840 to its.; in 1841 to I is. ; in
1842 to 113 ; In 1843 to I Is. ; and in 1844 to 10s.—(Hear, hear.) In
East Suffolk, the variation of wages has been from Rs. to 10s. per
w ek, and the supply of labour in that quarter is greater than the
demand ; and consequently- the farmers pay what they like. In
West Suff 1k the waves paid fluctuate between 9s. and 10s. per week,
that Is when task labour is not employed. lam not saying that 10s.
per week is the maximum of wages, because I kt.ow there is extra
pay In the harvest. Now is this not demonstrable of the fact with
which I set out?—(Hear, hear.) If I show you that in eight years,
there being no rise in the rate of wages, but a consld-rable advance
in the price of corn, do I hot demonstrate the position with which I
set nut?—(Cheers.) Ilave I not proved the fallacy of theAlpetrines
of Hon. Gentlemen who contend for the opposite?—(Renewerrcheers.)

Therefore we cannot continue the existing law on the ground that
it is for the benefit of the agricultural labourer. I believe that Adam
Smith's doctrine is true, although he says In some part of his works
that there is a tendency in the rate of wages to increase according to
the price of corn. He says that the rate of wages depends on the
country being in a flouri•hing state, and the amount of capital ap-
plicable to the labouring interest. And it is the flourishing state of
agriculture, manufacture and commerce, and not the price of pro-
vision, that regulates the rate of wages. So I say, that by removing
eihv
rincreases
ot 1
thei e d,ezgaensdoffo
trhlea bur
atiiiledrtchsatrtiicstitTes
monodielatt)sysswtryhi,
agri-
cultural labourer, and not by raising the price of food. Let us observe
what advantages we shall gain by it. It cannot be denied that
we shall guard against the rapid increase of prices, and relieve
ourselves from the responsibility of regulating the supply of food.
My Right Hon. Friend has told the what has passed since this mea-
sure has been brought forward. I could prove to you, if I thought it
necessary, from various parts of this country ; that there is no tariff
with respect to the pries of land. I could adduce en instance re-
specting S:otland. There have been 11 farms in Roxburgh let since
the proposal of this measure by Government. I could prove the
enormous price given for land in this country, and where capital and
skill are most employed there is no apprehension of tide measure.
I could prove that in Lincolnshire several farms have been let since
this measure was introduced. I could show that the agricultural
portion of the community exists on this subject. If a law could
be maintained, that would protect bad farming and insufficient
capital protection is the law best calculated for such a purpose. I do
not deny that there may be individual cases of Injury. There may
be suffering—there will be property encumbered, and tenants in-
jured, but on the whole, compare that injury with the advantage you
gain—compare it with the security you gain against ruinous prices—
with the comfort you secure to yourselves, in not being responsible
in times of scarcity for the supply of food. Compare all that with
the advantage that may be done, and see from which side the most
ben"f4 is likely to accrue to the agricultural interest. Look at the
probable advantage to the labouring classes; look at the
security of your own positions, which I believe
will be elevated, and not depressed, and the legiti-
mate influence you will exercise in this state of thing..
In snaking this concession, my Ilrna belief is that I do not act as an
enemy to that interest with which my own is so intimately identified.
In making this proposal on the part of the Government, I intended
it to be for the benefit of all classes ; for you could not expect to con-
tinue enforcing the endurance of protection. Was not the case one
for the agricultural interest to consider impartially ?. You say that
the present time is one of prosperity, and is not that an additional
argument in favour of this measure? You can altar it with honour
to yourselves, and without fearing the:infliction of injury. The lion.
Gentleman who spoke before me said that there was no fear of any
scarcity this year. He said that we would get over two years with-
out 507 Clikto, for apprehmiou. I* AO that so tidaiti9ll4 prof

• that tide' s the beet time for the introduction of this measure? Con-
sider all these things—consider how long this law could have been
nialntairmd. It might be maintained for a time, but it cannot be
permane,tly secured with that degree of good feeling which te so es-
sential to a good Government; and if it could not, is not the time
most favourable for the alt4r.ttion. The calamities of Ireland were
the, causes of this measure, but they wound not in themselves justify
the alteration of :he law. It forces on you the necessity of consider-
ing what you will do when the period of suspension arrives. Tho
calamities I have spoken of would force that consideratetin
upon you. Now these arc the reasons I had for the
alteration of the law, and fur which, with a clear conscience, I have
encountered oblsquy, and submitted to the loss of your confidence,
which I deeply lament; but which I must incur.—(Hear, hear, from
the Protectionists.)—The Hon. Gentleman has said that the proposal
of this measure was some political }manoeuvre. What object could I
have ?—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) What end could I answer
by making such a proposition as this? I wished to relieve a terrible
calamity. Honourable Gentlemen have told sue, with assurance,
that my stay in office, as a Minister, will not be long.—(Vear, hear,
from the Protectionists.) Well then, the more confident they
should feel that this is no political measure. (Immense
cheering from the Opposition.) Honourable Gentlemen ask
me how long I can count on the support of the lion. Gentlemen
opposite ? lam frank with you, as I have been on all other occasions.
—(" Oh, oh," from the protectionists, and loud cheers from the oppo-
sition ) I have no right to place any confidence in their support,
but it is by their agency this measure will most probably pass into a
law. It is not on personal, but on public grounds, that I feel, as a
public mart, the obligation I am under to those Hon. Gentlemen for
their support of the present measure. However much I may be
indebted to them for not doing anythiug to ombsrrass the progress of
the present bill, I feel I have no right to claim their future
support. That question settled, the difference between us will
remain the same as before. I freely admit that I
cannot expect the support of those who now advocate
protection, after taking the course on the present question which my
public duty has induced me to take. That connexion which has for-
merly existed is no doubt at an end, and I feel I have no right to
look for support from that quarter.—(Hear, hear.) S ill less have
I a right to expect to carry on the Governinent, and maintain my
present position, with tile support of those lion. Gentlemen who
have supported me on this side of the House.—',Hear, hear.) This
being the case, on any great measure of policy, I admit that
with the assistance of Ile Members, or one-sixth of the Members
of the House of Commons, I shall not be able to carry on the bu-
siness of the Government, and that it is right to suppose that my
present tenure of power is nearly at an end.—(Cheers from the pro-
tectionists.) Let this measure pass into a law—suspend your in-
dignation till then, and I will ask you no further to foliose me.—
(Hear, hear.) I shall then pursue my OWn course, and it will be
for those Gentlemen on the Opposition side of the House to decide
on theirs —('tear, hear.) I hope they will permit this measure to
be passed at once, let the future be what It may.—(Hear, bear.) I
deeply deplore the loss of confidence of those who have hitherto
been my supporters.—(Hear, hear.) That affects me infinitely more
than the loss of political power.—(bear, hear.) Your accusations
affect me the less, because I feel that I am holiest, and that my
motives are pure. L'very man has within his own bosom the scales
that determine tile real weight of reproach that ought to attach to
his conduct. If I had acted from corrupt or unworthy" motives,
then one-tenth of the accusations against me would have proved
fatal to my existence as a public man. You may think that .1 took
too great precaution respecting the potato failure in Ireland, and that
events will prove that I was mistaken in supposing such precaution
to be necessary. But if so the motive—the saving of a whole people
from a dire calamity of a natural famine, will plead my excuse. I
will not say that the measures I have proposed will save
that country from this calamity. I only speak of the motive.—
(Loud cheers.) I say, with this unfortunate prospect before
tne, even admitting that ttle precaution I took was superfluous,
I can only say, with Burke, under similar circumstances. He said,
In every pressure of affliction, in sickness, 10 penury, in difficulty,
and in distress, I will call to mind that accusation, and be comforted."
It is no reproach to be attached to me, even if the precaution was
supertitions. But, in June or July next it will be established whe-
ther my precautions were founded in truth, and my motives wor-
thy. But I speak of this measure not as a temporary, but as a per-
manent measure ; and if I fall, I shall have the satisfaction that I fall
because I prefer the general interests of the people to that of party.
I shall have the satisfuction that, during my official career, my object
has been to mitigate monopoly—to increase the demand for industry
—to remove restriction from commerce—to equalise the burden of
taxation—and to ameliorate the condition of the labouring classes.—
(The Right Hong Bart. resumed his seat amid long and loud cheering.)
Mr. S. O'BRIBN rose amidst loud cries of "Divide, divide." lie
said, if tkey had any objection to hear him, then he bad no objection
to move the adjournment of the debate. lie rose in consequence of
some remarks which had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet, and to
vindicate the position of that portion of Hon. Members who advo-
cated protection, and with whom he acted. The Right lion. Baronet
said that if he fell he would fall striving in 1119 official career, to
mitigate monopoly, and improve the condition of the people. He
thought that the Right lion. Baronet, skilMl as he was in addressing
the House on any personal matter, had not in this instance been
peculiarly happy in making out his case. If the Right Hon. Baronet
did fall, it would not be as he himself expressa it, in striving
to mitigate monopoly, but his consequence of his desertion of those
principles which had guided him previous to the last three years. The
principles which the Right Hon. Baronet now espoused might be
right or wrong, but for the ten years preceding these last three years,
it was the chief object of the Right Hon. Baronet's life to construct
and build up a party, and he (Mr. S. O'Brien) thought the principles
he then advocated were just, sound, and true.—(Hear, hear.) Noble
and well had the Right Hon. Baronet then laboured, and well had
his party supported him.—(Cheers.) The result was that the Noble
Lord the Member for London was removed from these benches to the
Opposition. He (Mr. S. O'Brien) did not know what influences had
been at work to occasion the change in the opinions of the Right Hon.
Baronet —he did not know what influences had led to his fall.—
(Cheers and cries of " Oh, eh.") Ile did not know what machinery
had been at work, but he would never admit that the Right
Honourable Baronet had yet stated his case fully, and,
therefore, not fairly, when he stated that he fell because he
had laboured to remove restrictions on imports. He thought that
the Right Hon. Baronet, before entering upon the agricultural de-
tails with which he had favoured the House that evening, should
have furnished them to Hon. Members on that side of tke Hence
who were locally interested. The Right Hon. Baronet, indeed, said
that ho was willing to give those tables of wages and estimates of
the prices of wheat to lion. Members who might be locally con-
nected with the districts referred to. But what good would that
do? Long before they could have corrected his errors—long before
they could have observed his fallacies, millions would have
read what the Bight Honourable Baronet had slid,
and this measure would be in too advanced a stage
to combat it with any degree of success. Many of the county
Members connected with the several localities t n which the state-
ments of the Right Hon. Member had reference, knowing that be In-
tended to express his opinion on that question, had pointed out many
contradictions, many errors in those statements, but he did not feel
himself justified at that late hoar to enter into details, with a view
of exhibiting these inaccuracies. When the Right Hon. Baronet
entered Into an analysis of the domestic expenses of a Yorkshire la-
bourer, he but introduced a statement the Noble Lord, the 31em-
ber for the West Riding of Yorkshire. He (Mr. S. O'Brien) was most
anxious that the motives by which Hon. Members on that side of the
House were actuated in their opposition to this Bill, should be fairly
stated, and he thought it would be advisable, by Hon. Gentlemen
opposite, as they might, if so inclined, have embarrassed the
Government to a greater degree than they had done,—they might,
for instance, have moved an address to the crown, for a dissolution
of Parliament. They might have asked for a vote of want of con-
fidence in the Government.—(Cheers, and " Oh, oh ;")—and they
possibly might have caught some stray votes by the adoption of such
a course.—(lronical cheers, and "011, oh.") But they had acted in
a fairer manner, and he was sure that the lion. Member for Stock-
port would conclude, at least, that they had adopted the fair, the
open, and the manly course. They were determined to bring the
question of protection Imo the open field, and if they were beaten
upon it, they had the consolation at least of knowing that they had
not Incurred disgrace—although left to fight the battle by themselves,
the country would have the satisfaction of knowing the energy, the
support, and the zeal, which had been exhibited by those around
them, and especially by the younger members.—(Cheers and laugh-
ter.) This was no question of modification ; they had supported the
Right lion. Bart. in his different changes, but this was a question
of total remission of duty; and when they considered the
tremendous interest involved, the mighty nature of the consequences
that might follow, they could not give their support to the ill-timed
measure proposed by the Government. The Right Hon. Baronet,
the Secretary of State for the Home Department, had said that the
averages spoke untruly in the present year. lie said that the price
had varied from 4Ss. to 745., and lie, therefore, argued against the
sliding scale. Now, when the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, in-
quired of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government
what he was going to do with tithes, the Right lion. Gentleman im-
mediately answered that the averages would answer for that. They
said the averages were delusive with respect to the foreigner, but
they kept them on with respect to tithes. That was manifestly an
injustice. lie was ready to admit that the Right Hon. Baronet had
not exaggerated the state of Ireland ; and to give him the best proof
that he felt so, he might state, that as soon as lie (Mr. O'Brien) could
get away from these discussions, lie intended to go over, and see
what ho could do personally to mitigate the distress of that country.
He did net, however, think that the temporary distress of Ireland
had anything to do with the measure they were discussing, and as a
perpetual measure it must ultimately increase the difficulties of the
poor of Ireland. The Right lion. Baronet had given them no cal-
culations upon which to found this measure. lie had told them
nothing about the price of corn.—(lronical cheers.) lie understood
that cheer. Hon. Gentlemen opposite, whenever the least allusion
was made to money omit that (the Ministerial) side of the House,
assumed that the interests of the protectionists were mercenary.
Ho could not but remember that the Hon. and smiling Member for
Durham, when the question of a penny a pound supon cotton wool
was proposed, wits most anxious upon that subject. Hon. Gentle-
men eonld not deny that the landed interest had legislated upon
their conviction., and now, when the Legislature was about to be-
come commercial or manufacturing in its character, he trusted that at
least the supporters of the new system would acknowledge that the
protectionists had battled to the last for what they believed to
be true.

Lord PALMERSTON then rose amidst loud cries of " Divide, di-
vide." He wished briefly to state and explain the views which he
had been induced to take of the two important questions wh'cls
formed the subjeet of their discussion—the one question
commercial and the other constitutional—(Hear, hear.)
He thought that the Government were completely justified in de-
parting from the party engagements into which they had entered on
the formation of the present Parliament. He believed that public
men were public property (Cheers)—and that that which con-
cerned the public interest should be discussed without consulting the
particular interests of a private class, which must be in opposition to
the general good of the country. The Government had introduced
measures this year, not so much at variance with their former opi-
nions as with their f, rmer practical course.—(Hear, hear.) A large
section of those who were their former supporters were content with
merely opposing the measure on the ground of its being dangerous
to a certain class in the country; amt, because they held that opinion
they were determined to withhold from the Right Hon. Gentleman
that support which they had hitherto accorded to him. That section
of politicians had asserted that the Members of the Government
had betrayed their followers.—(Hear, hear.) Bat he could not
acquiesce in the doctrine which was implied in that charge, for,
while they made it, they also fairly acknowledged that the Govern-
ment had been itetuated, in the course which they had pursued upon
this occasion. by a sincere conviction that they were doing that
which the public interests required.—(Hear, hear.) And the charge
implied that public men should obey the engagements which they
had contracted with their party rather than de that which was
consistent with the public interests.—( clear, hear.) He, on the con-
trary, held that, however important political associations were for
the useful working of the British Constitution, and however the man
belonging to a party was bound in his political relations to act in
accordance with his political associates, yet he would say, that
any man who held the relation of Minister of the
Crown. should consider the interests of the country in
preference to those of any political party with which he might be as-
sociated.—(llear, hear.) He thought that the Government had
placed upon a somewhat too narrow ground the justification which
they had advanced for the change which had taken place in their con-
duct. They had ascribed that change to their experience of the last
three years ; but he thought they might have said that it was rather
to the experience of the last four years—the debates of the last four
sessions, the speeches of his Hon. Friend the Member for Stockport
—(Hear, hear)—and of other Gentlemen on his side of the House,
who, session after session, had advocated the measure in eloquent
' unanswerable speeches—(Hear, hear)—that their change had been
effected. It was very well for Gentlemen who sat listening to the
debates, and others who came down at the eleventh hour to divide
in the lobby, to record the triumph of their party—it was very
well for such to maintain, sessions after session, and year after year,
their old opinions ; but the case of the Minister of the Crown was
very different.—(Hear, hear.) The Minister of the Crown had to sit
throughout the whole of the debates—(Hear, hear, and laughter),
and listento the speeches, and moreover find arguments to answer
the objections brought against the propositions of Use Government,
and those arguments must be such as must not disgrace a 3finister of
the Crown.—(Hear, hear, and cries of "Question.") The Members
of the Government were obliged to watch the progress of
the public opinion, and concede to the requirements of
the intelligent and just men of the country.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord then proceeded in the following terms :—Tkere are
certain climates which are specific cures for certain diseases.—
(Loud laughter.) And I would venture to say I would take any men
who are labouring tinder the most acute and inflammatory type of the
protection fever, that, after a time—after they had for a few months
breathed the free-trade atmosphere of Downing-street—they would
be altogether cured ! —(Laughter.) Now, Sir, with regard to the
commercial part of the question. Having taken the liberty some
years ago of expressing a wish that the word " protection" might be
blotted out from our commercial vocabulary, I cannot hut hail with
cordial pleasure measures which have so great a tendency to carry
that wish into effect.—(Cheers.) Sir, protection is, ne doubt, a
plausible word ; and many are the evils which mankind have had to
endure from plausible words cloaking and disguising injuries.—
(Hear, hear.) What does protection in the commercial sense mean?
It means nothing but the injury of the many to the benefit of the
few —(Loud cheers)—with this difference, that the injury to the
many is real, and the benefit to the few is for the most part delusive.
There can be no benefit to any class of men unless they are stimu-
lated to exert their industry, and intelligence, and activity to the
utmost extent; but protection is a baneful influence which para-
lyses the vital energies of human industry, which curbs de-
velopment and cripples its growth, and so far from benefiting
the parties for whose advantage it is intended, it frequently
leaves them perhaps even in a worse condition than they would have
been if that protection had not been afforded.—(Hear, hear.) Sir,
then I say, protections being injurious to Use many, and not even ad-
vantageous to the few, it is against one of the fundamental maxims
which ought to guide legislation —namely, that you should legislate
for the benefit of the many, and not for the adeantage of the few.—
(Cheers.) But it is contended that free trade and the absence of pro-
tection must be very well for a country in a natural state of society,
but that we are in an artificial condition—that we have large esta-
blishments, naval and military, to support—that we have a great
debt, whose interest we are bound to pay—and that we cannot afford
all these expenses unless with the principle of protection. I hold
that to be a complete fallacy. I hold the position not only to be un-
true, but to be the very reverse.—(Cheers.) What is the effect of
protection? Why, the meaning and effect of protection is, that you
should, by artificial taxation, raise the price of commodities
that come front abroad, and by that means raise the price
of the like commodities at home—that you should make com-

Meities dearer than they would Othenvliebe,—ZdTis
I contend, worse than they would otherwise be.—(Loud cheers.)
He believed that the high WM! of rriuice and Eughtiad

were mutital and reciprocal injuries to cash country. He
thought'; that the example of this country would be more
benefiel al than any negotiation into winch they had entered.
He.licadr that them was no reason to cousid,ce,that free-teadc in,,c9rit
would...re) be 719 advantaecous to the country as frrs'trade in any
other you unodity ; but by free-trade he did not mean trade free
from Ell. duty—(Cheers irons the benches below tile gangway)—
which they were obliged to have for the purposes of revenue
but sue is taxation as was levied for the prevention of export or
import —(Hear, hear,) —and not free trade in the abstract. His own
opinion_ was that corn should not be an exception from this rule.
He had,heen always for a fixed duty, and m'ght it be permitted him to
say he had not taken up his opinion, when the late Government were
in anti tole mortis, for he held them in the years 1830 and 1840, when
there vas no prospect of a dissolution. His wish wculd have been a
low fin ect duty of about four or five shillings, which could have been
effecte'f..vithout any great transition or prejudice to the feelings of
any clan sin the community. But Members in that House
must MI 3 what they can have, and not what they would
have.--Cheering.) His Noble' and Honourable Friends have
abandoned fixed duty in despair. The Anti-Corn law League profess
that nettling will satisfy them but total repeal ; and finding
a deny out of the question, he had no hesitation in
giviirg his eordial support to the measure of the Government.
The c ommise-oners who had been appointed under the Enclosure
Act received .46 applications for land, and they hal a Bill before the
House for the parpose of rescuing 400,000 acres of land from the Ger-
man ocean. I.;bse he would ask when this was the case, what ground
WAS there for apprehending that this measure would throw land out
of cultivation. .`le stated that the landowners would be sufferers
from the immense. influx of foreign corn, but he would ask, where
was the immense Quantity of corn to come from.—(Cries of
" Divide, divide, and' adjourn.") Prices would rise abroad when
they went into the hereign market, and there would, therefore, be
no great alteration a the prices in this country. He dented,
therefore, that there would lee any alteration in the prices.
—(cleer, hear.) But if it was admitted that the change
would have the effect of making the price of corn
lower, that was a confession that their nnts at present were too
high.—(Cries of " Adjourn, and divide.") The English
aristocracy were a proud aristocracy. They ought to be proud.
If they failed In their appeal to their sense of justice, they should
appeal to their pride.—(Cries of " Divide, divide.") This question
would increase the wealth and prosperity of the country, and It
would do more—it would preserve peace.—(Bear, hear.)
The Noble Lord then continued :—lf monarchies are ambitious and
threatening—if democracies are encroaching and aggressive, and that
you wish to bind them to keep the peace, fetter them with commerce
—(Cheers.) If you wish to inspire them with better feelings, and
imbue their minds with more just and moderate sentiments, spread
before them the book of the merchant, and In that volume they will
find more conclusive arguments than they would perceive in the pre-
cepts of the wisest moralists, or the sagest doctrines of the greatest
statesmen.—(Cheers.) Upon these grounds I will support the mea-
sure before the House, because, in my opinion, It is calculated to ad-
vance the public welfare, to promote the comfort and prosperity of
the country, and because it is founded on principles which will
secure to mankind the great and Incalculable blessing of interna-
tional peace. (The Noble Lord resumed his seat amidst great
applause.)
titrangers were then ordered to withdraw.

The House then divided, when there appeared :
For the Second Reading............ • • • .
Against it ................. ......
Majority for the Second Reading.. • • • • • •
On our re-admission we found
Mr. F. MAULE inquiring whether the further progress of the Bill
was postponed pro forms for a week, or whether Government in-
tended to go int.> Committee on it next Friday?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that it was the in-
tention of Government to proceed with the measure on Monday
next.

Lord G. BEN TINCK wished to know when the Committee of the
Customs Bill would he fixed ?

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER named Thursday next.
The Burghs (Scotland) Bill was read a third time and passed.
The report on the Indemnity Bill was brought up and received,
and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time on Monday next.
Mr. F. 3IACKENZIE moved for a Select Committee to take into
consideration the system of granting certificates for public-houses in
Scotland.

After a few remarks from Mr. F. MAULE and Sir J. GRAHAM,
the motion was agreed to.
On the question that the House adjourn,
PROTECTION (IRELAND) BILL.
- •

Mr. C. BULLER wished to know whether Government intended
to take the first reading of the Irish Coercion Bill on Monday? He
regretted that such a course would interfere with the progress of the
Corn-law Bill, and thought that the Government would do well,
before asking the House to read the Coercion Bill a first time, to lay
on the table the various returns on which the Bill was founded, and
in the meantime to postpone the first reading.

Sir J. GRAHAM regretted as much as the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman Old that anything should interfere with the progress of
the Cern-law Bill. The Government had intimated their intention
of taking the first reading of the Protection of Life (Ireland) Bill on
Monday nest, and intended to abide by their intimation. It had not
been found possible as yet to obtain the returns in the perfect form
which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman wished. lie had hoped that
the Bill would have been read a first time as a matter of course ;
and though he regretted the resistance intended to be offered, it
would nevertheless be his duty on Monday, at five o'clock, to move
the first reading of the Bill.

After a few words from Mr. F. MAULE, who urged on the Go-
vernment the propriety of considering between that night and Mon-
day next whether they had not better pospone the first reading,
The House adjourned at a few minutes to Three o'clock.

RAILWAY COMMITTEES.
(YESTERDAY.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.
THE DUBLIN AND ENNISKILLEN.
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.)

Mr. J. C. Morris, cross-examined by Mr. BOYLE —The grand Jury
of Meath preferred this line to that of the North Midland Company,
because it would pass through the heart of that country. This line
would accommodate 580,000 people. I see the name of Donnybrook
included in the list of parishes which it is said this line will accom-
modate. Why do you include it ?—Because there's a great fair there.
Yes ; for who has not heard of Donnybrook fair, but they
cannot derive much traffic from that source?-1 here is A great many
horse-dealers who attend the fair. What side of Dublin is Donny-
brook on ?—On the soutk-east side. And on what side is Clonullagb,
the proposed terminus of th!s railway ?—On the north-side.—(Laugh-
ter.) Ile did not think that Tyrone was a grazing county. Some of
the parishes included in the list were much more distant than five
miles from the line. It was not a general rule in Ireland that the
produce was sent to the nearest port. The traffic which was carried
from the north of Ireland to Dublin was very great, and would
include more than agricultural produce.

Mr. Joseph Hill Was next called on behalf of the promoters. Had
been employed by the Poor-law Commissioners in Ireland as valuator.
Was well acquainted with the district through which this Hue would
pass, and believed that it would afford the best communication to the
district.

Mr. Barnes, a magistrate of the county of Meath, was of opinion
that there would not be as much traffic and passengers on the line
through which the North Midland would pass as on that of this
Company. Drogheda, through which this Company's line would
pass, was an export town to the county of Meath.
After some further evidence in favour of the line in preference to
the opposing scheme,

Mr. ALEXANDER, Q.C., on the part of the opposition, applied to
their Lordships to have the case adjourned until Monday, on the
ground that the opponents wished to consult their engineer, and that
Saturday was the only day on which ho was disengaged. If their
Lordships decided to proceed with the case to-morrow, It would be a
great inconvenience to the North Midland Company.
The CHAIRMAN said that their Lordships would have preferred
sitting to-morrow, because on Tuesday they were afraid that they
would not be able to sit.

It was ultimately agreed that the Committee should stand ad-
journed until Monday.
Mr. John Farrell, another magistrate for the county of Meath,
stated that he was possessed of considerable property near Kells, and
was well acquainted with Meath. The amount of cattle produced
there was very great, and the owners preferred sending them to
Dublin for sale and exportation. Navan was a very important town'
and as this line passed through it (which the North Midland did no)
ho should much prefer it to the opposing scheme.
Cross-examined--This line would be more advantageous to the
people of Trim and Athboy than the opposing line, beeause it was
more direct.
Cross-examined by Mr. Muitt,nv (of the Irish bar), who appeared
on behalf of the Belfast Junction Extension Railway Company, who
contemplate forming a branch from their main line, which should
connect Navau and Kells, and there join the North Midland. If
their Lordships sanction the Belfast Junction branch to Kells, world
not that afford the most direct connection by railway with your
nearest port, viz., Drogheda?—Certainly it would.
Mr. Lambert Disney, a steward of Lord Farnham's estate, near
Athboy, was next examined in favour of the Dublin and Enniskil-
len line, which lie considered by far the more preferable project. Ile
should oppose the line of the North Midland, inasmuch as it would
pass through the estate of Lord Farnham, and compel him to change
his residence. The county through which this line would pass was
a very important and commercial tract of country.
Cross-examined—Did not know that there was any particular traffic
between Athboy and Dunshoughlan, but he believed that it was only
to justify the formation of a branch from the main Rue of this com-
pany. lie had never sent any cattle to Drogheda. He was more
particularly acquainted with the county of Meath, and as regarded
that county, lie was certain that this line would be more advantage-
ous to the public than the opposing scenic.
The evidence of this witness having been concluded, the Committee
adjourned until Monday.

ROUSE OF COMMONS.
GROUP IX.
WEST OF SCOTLAND JUNCTION.
(Continued from ear Afternoon Edition of yesterday.)
_ _

- - Mr. Sergeant BELLASIS briefly cross-examined the witness with
the purpose of showing that one of the alternative branches would

Interfere at a crossing with the Barrhead ands NeListon Direct
Railway,

M r. Witeox, ironmaster of Dundy van, near Glasgow, was next
called in, and was undergoing examination as to the great advan-
tage the proposed junction would confer on the trade of the sur-
rounding district, when

The diunims.i4 interfered. Ho said he had sent to the Admiralty
for Captain Washington, one of the Tidal Harbour Commissioners, to
be examined as to the crossing of the Clyde ; and as that gentleman
had arrived, it would be convenient to take his evidence at once.
Captain Washington was then examined, and said his attention
had been called to the Harbour of Glasgow last year. He gave evi-
dence then against the proposed crossing of the Clyde, but he had
not attended to the present plan. [The plan was here produced and
placed before the witness.] Looking at the plan he considered it a
decided improvement on the plan of last year, still he objected to it.
It would still interfere with the harbour, and rather than the smallest
obstruction should be offered to the navigation, ho would prefer that
the present bridge be pulled down, ae,d one of two or three spans built
in its stead. He would also prefer that it should be built further up
the river.

A letter from the Admiralty was here prodused, to the effect that
the Admiralty would not interfere with the present plans, but leave
the matter to the Committee.

Captain Washington, in continuation, said ho believed the Admi-
ralty would not put a veto on the plan, but submit the whole matter
to the discretion of the Committee ; still he was certain if the subject
was lett entirely to theta they would decide against the proposed
plan.
At the close of the examination the roam was cleared. On our
return,

The CHAIRMAN said there was one point on which the Committee
required spt cial engineering evidence. It was about the proposed
junction in the tunnel on the north side of the line. Unless the pre-
sent impression was removed about the danger of that junction, there
would be little use in occupying time with the other parts of the case.
Mr. Sergeant ANDREWS said they would be prepared with evidence
on that point on Monday morning.

The COmmittee then inijountecitill Monday at twelve o'clock.

GROUP XII.

(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.).
The Committee then decided that the preamble of the Bill,
THE GLASGOW, PAISLEY, ICILDIA.RNOCIC.,
AND AyR. (No. 3—WITII BRANCHES TO
ZADIPITS AND LESNZAHA.GOW),
was proved, as also
THE GLASGOW, RILMARNOCIC, AND
AILDROSSAN.

The Committee intimated that when the cl auses of the latter Bill
came to be considered the one which referred to the purchase of the
harbour would require to bo amended. The clauses of the first-
named Bill were then agreed to, and the Committee adjourned.

GROUP ZIP'.
NORTH MONT.
(Continued from •ur Afternoon Edition of yesterday.)
By Mr. Sergeant WaANortAm —There would be a loss to the pro-
prietor, but that less might be estimated and compensated in money.
In the absence of Mr. Austin, he preeeeded to address the Com-
mittee in support of a petition against the proposed line by
Messrs, Hall, the proprietors of the gunpowder-mills in Favers-
ham. He called

Mr. Colter, an assistant to a surveyor in Canterbury, who proved the
accuracy of the plan of the mills, and the course of the intended
line.

Mr. William Hart, a superintendent and manager of the business
of Messrs. Hall—The mills originally belonged to Government, but
were purchased in 1823 by Messrs. Hall. The mills existed in the
time of Queen Elizabeth. The business is very large, and the
average sale is about 560 barrels of powder per week. Is in the
habit of contracting with Government. Within the last fortnight
Messrs. Hall have contracted to supply 2,340 barrels of powder.
By Mr. Sergeant We ANG lieu—Cannot explain the process us carried
on in the different mills.

Mr. Win. Monks, foreman to Messrs. Hall, stated that he had been
employed 24 hours. The materials for the powder are prepared in
the saltpetre refinery, and aro then taken to the other mills. There
are six pairs of runners, or millstones at the Osprich Mills, and in the
other mills the number varies from two to ten pair. Af-
ter the runner is turned round once or twice on the
materials, they are called " mill cake," and is stronger
than when it is in a manufactured state. A two ounce
charge of "mill cake" will send a 68-pound ball 20 feet farther than
a 2 oz charge of the manufactured powder. The contents of a barrel
is 1001bs., and there are "charge houses" in all the mills. The charge
house of the Osprich Mills contains from 30 to 40 barrels of powder.
The mills are 185 yards from the line. The mills are built of slight
materials, to mitigate as much as possible the effect of any explosion,
but the charge houses are built of very thick masonry, and
in case of an explosion, it would be very violent. Great precautions
are taken to avoid accidents. The men enter the mill with list shoes.
The powder Is very volatile, and the roofs of the mills are covered
eitlt powder dust, as also the tree" round it. A. lbws pump is kart

at each mill to wash of that powder. The eOntents'of the magazines
are removed by water. The "Ore Creek" comes close up to the mill.
By Mr. Sergeant WRANGBAM -The powder, when in the state
called the " green char:ace," is c s explosive as the manufactured
powder. The magazines are built much stronge- than the mills, in
order to keep the powder safe. There is a seam-engine at work
near the. Osprich 31111 s. It is about 15 yards distant, with its boiler,
chimney, and furnace. Mr. Hall resides In a cottage about GO
yards from the mills. There is also a gas factory within CO
yards of the mills. There is a steam-engine on the
premises called the Bennett Mills, which contain from 50
to 70 barrels of powder in the charge house. One of the charge
houses abuts on the public road, but the walls of it are built very
thick near the road, cud very thin on the inside, so as to direct the
explosion away from the public. Explosions have taken place in
nearly every mill, bit no explosion has extended its influence to the
distance of 101 yards. At a distance of 50 yards wb.dows have been
broken, but that is the extreme distance at which he has known
damage to be done. The cud of the mill facing the magazine or
charge house is made strong, and no explosion has hitherto reached
the powder contained in it. About 40 lbs. of powder are placed
under the runners at a Hine.
Captain Tulloch, of the Royal Artillery, stated that he is super-
intendent of the Government powder mills at Waltham Abbey. The
green charge is very explosive, but the mill cake is much more so.
In 1843 au explosion occurred, which destroyed a counting-house 216
yards distant from the ignited powder.
Mr. AUSTIN was proceeding to cross-examine this witness, when
The announcement was made that the Speaker was at prayers, and
Committee adjourned until twelve o'clock on Monday.

GROUP XVI.
EPSOM BRANCH.
(Continued from our Afternoon Editiozi of yesterday.)
Mr. Butcher, a surveyor at Ewell, and proprietor of brick-fleas in
that parish, testified to the non-interference of the line with orna-
mental property, and to the low value of the land. He made
nearly a million of bricks, some of which he had attempted to
send to London, but the cost was 11. a thousand, and the carriage
beat him. On the railway he could transmit them for less than Is. a
thousand, an advantage which lie should be very glad to obtain,
From his profession he had much intercourse with the middle and
higher classes, and he was convinced that their feelings were de-
cidedly in favour of the South-Western branch.
Mr. Steel, a resident of Epsom, stated that there were about
12,000 sheep, 3,000 oxen, and a number of lambs, calves, and other
stock which might be sent much more advantageously by this line
than the other. The posting was also chiefly to the West-end. On
the Derby day the naraber of persons present on the race course
were from 180,000 to 200,000, which were chiefly persons from
the London side of the country. He had been to every
respectable house in Epsom, and he could say that the feeling was
almost unanimous in favour of this line. With respect to the petition
against the line he had ascertained that fifty of the petitioners had
signed this petition ; fifty had declined to sign, lest they should ap-
pear foolish, though anxious to do so ; thirty were on the list of those
excused on account of their poverty from paying rates ; fifty were
lodgers, paying no rates at all ; and the remainder squatters on the
eommon. All the magistrates had signed in favour of this line, and
the only person of respectability who had signed the other was the
vicar and Mr. Northey, who was lord of the manors both of Ewell
and Cheana ; the latter of these gentlemen, however was decidedly in
favour of the South-Western line.
Mr. Mason, of the Spring Hotel, at Ewell, testified to the feelings
of the inhabitants, which he had gathered by going round with a
petition. The reason why the vicar had not signed was, his having
sold a considerable quantity of land to the Croydon Company, and
he therefore thought that it would not look well to support their
opponents. The petition from Ewell in favour of the Croydon line
had been chiefly signed by persons occupying cottages of from 41. to
61. a year rent. He had been a coach proprietor for the last seven
years, and up to that time there were twenty-six coaches which
passed his house, twenty of which went to the West-end. The
witness spoke also to the value of the land and the feelings of the
people. At this point the room was cleared.

- *hell the public were re-admitted, the CHAIRMAN declared that
the Committee were of opinion that it was unnecessary to offer any
opposition, as the preamble of the Bill had not been proved.
FARNHAM AND ALTON BRANCH.

On inquiry by the CHAIRMAN as to whether the parties were ready
to proceed, Mr. Goldsenid said he appeared on behalf of the Reigate
and Reading Company, to oppose part of this scheme, and Mr.
Wordsworth appeared on behalf of several landowners, also in oppo.
sition to the line, of which the South-Western Company are the pro-
moters; but it being suggested that the inquiry had better be
adjourned until Monday, the Committee acceded.

was prepared to produce evidence to show that neither money nor
labour had been spared to make the deposits as soon as possible.
Aftersome deliberation the CIIAIBMAN (Mr. E. Yorke) agreed to
hear the evidence in question.
Evidence was then given that all due diligence bad been used by
the promoters, who had succeeded in depositing their plans before the
office hours on the Ist of December.
. .

Mr. Shepherd, a surgeon, resaint;at,Toweester, was also examined—
He stated that he attended Mr. Garvatt, at that time engineer of the
Company, at Worcester, in October. Mr. Garvatt was labouring
under a severe disease, calculated to produce nervous irritation, and
was quite unfitted to attend to his business.
Cross-examined—On the 30th of October and 2d of November Mr.
Garvatt was able to go to London and to attend business, and dining
his attendance he found him with maps and other documents beNrc
him, and surrounded by clerks.

The CHAIRMAN said, that as far as the fact went they must find
that the standing orders had not been complied with, with reference
to their non-deposits of the plans in the proper time. The mitigating
circumstances might be stated above stairs.

The other forma] proofs were then proceeded with and concluded.
One of the petitions had relation to the non-deposit of the plans, and
was therefore not pressed. _ _ _

31r. BAXTER, solicitor, appeared for the next petition, from John
Colburn, which stated that he was one of the subscribers to the
Company.

The first allegat'on was that the plan originally proposed to go
from Yarmouth to Swansea, whereas it now proposed to effect h
Junction with the Yale of Neath Railway, and, therefore, that the
petitioner was exonerated from all liability.
The Committee decided that in this case the standing orders had
been compiled with.

An allegation with reference to an error In the supplemental can
tract was smtained.

'Me Committee ihen adjourned.

Sob-Committee No 4

WHITEFIAVEN AND FURNESS JUNCTION RAILWAY BILL

(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of vosterday.)

Other allegations of a similar nature were sustained.

In the case of another petition, the CHAIRMAN expressed a doubt
that the petitioner was entitled to be heard unless he had a direct or
indirect interest in property within the limits of deviation.
Mr. Pa= submitted that in other Committees in had been ruled
that any person could petition on behalf the public.
The point was ultimately reserved, and the Committee adjourned.

Sub Committee No. 5.
THETFORD, BURY ST. EDMUNDS, AND NEWMARKET.
‘(Continuei from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.)
The next allegation was that no notice had been served on the
surveyor et highways in respect of a certain road which would be
crossed by the line. The surveyor himself Has called to prove that
he had received no notice, and the Committee declared the allegation
proved, no evidence being given on the other side.
The remaining allegation of this petition were utterly uninteresting
to the public.

The petition of David Tiarty and others was next taken. It de-
pended chiefly on discrepancies in the gradients, &c.
Several of the allegations were dismissed, as not being properly
worded, and several were declared to be proved. The Committee
refusedto admit several objections as to minute discrepancies in the
plans. . .

it appeared in the course of the day that the petitioner, Mr.
Barty, was the secretary of a rival railway company.
Only one allegation of the next petition, that of a Mr. Benion, was
entered into, the others being identical with those of Mr. Barty's
petition. •
This allegation was that the junction of the proposed line with the
Norfolk Railway was differently ►marked In the plans and sections, its
distance from the principal station not being the same. This allega-
tion was delared proved.
After disposing of several other points, the Committee gave their
decision that the standing orders were not complied with.
They then rose at four o'clock, and adjourned to Monday at
twelve.

STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEES.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.)
CLONMEL AND THURLES RAILWAY.
This case was adjourned for the want of one witness, who was not
in attendance. The length of this important line is 3854 fullest
including a branch to St. Civardagh Colliery. The capital of the
Company is 400,0001, Solicitors to the line, Sir Matthew Barrington,
Son, and Company.
GREAT SOUTHERN AND WESTERN EXTENSION AT CORK.
The formal proofs having been entered in this case, the Committee
adjourned it until Monday next, in order to give themselves time to
consider what quantity of land they should allow for the building of
a station at Cork. The promoters sought for fifty acres, and it was
urged that thirty would be sufficient.
The following lines were then. adjourned to give time for the ex-
amination of certain clauses in their respective Bills:
MALLOW AND KILLARNEY; OMAGH, DUNGANNON, AND
FORTSDOWN ; AND THE DUBLIN, BELFAST, AND COLE-
RAINE RAILWAY.
In the case of the London and York Railway, their Lordships inti-
mated that they would further adjourn their decision until Tuesday
next.
Their Lordships adjourned until Monday next.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Sub-Committee, No. 3.
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.)
THE LESMAHAGOW, DALSERF, AND COATBRIDGE
RAILWAY
was allowed to be proceeded with.
NEWPORT, ABERGAVENNT, AND HEREFORD RAILWAY
was also allowed to be proceeded with.
BIRMINGHAM, LICHFIELD, AND MANCHESTER
was also allowed to be proceeded with.

BEDFORD AND CAMBRIDGE RAILWAY
was not allowed to be proceeded with.
The Committee then adjourned till Tuesday next.

Sub-Committee, No. Y.

(Continued from our Afternoon' Edition of yesterday.)
MIDLAND (CLAYCROSS TO NEWARK) RAILWAY.

The object of this line is to construct a branch 'from the Midland
Railway at Claycross to the Nottingham and Mansfield Railway at
Newark. Estimated cost, 580,0001. ; Parliamentary agents, Messrs,
Burke and Co. ; engineeers, Messrs. Stephenson and Swanwich.
The formal proofs having been given by Mr. Grubb.
The Conunittee postponed the further consideration of the case till
Tuesday to hear the advice of Mr. Cramp and Mr. Charles Lee. The
ease will be the first taken on Tuesday.
MIDLAND (NOTTINGHAM TO MANSFIELD) RAILWAY.
The projectors of this line propose by it to connect Nottingham and
Mansfield—the distance being 16 miles. Estimated cost, 275,0001. ;
Parliamentary agents, Messrs. Burke and Co.; engineers, Messrs.
Stephenson and Swanwich.
_

The formal proofs having been given, a question arose as to the
publication of the required notices for three successive weeks in the
months of October and November last, and as to the delivery of the
notice at the office of the Gazette two clear days previous to the time
that would allow of these three successive publications. It appeared
that in this case one publication took place in December.
Mr. VENABLEB coatended that, although the last notice did not
appear till December, he was prepared to prove that the notice was
delivered in sufficient time to allow of the three successive publi-
cations.

The Committee did not think this a satisfactory answer, and re-
ported that it amounted to a non-compliance._
..

. -
WEST CORNWALI. RAILWAY.
=The object of this line is to connect Kenwyn, hi the county of
Cornwall, with Penzance, a distance of 45 miles. Estimated cost,
500,0001. ; Parliamentary agents, Messrs. Burke and Co.; engineer,
Mr. W. Johnson.

The formal proofs haying been given, the further consideration of
the ease was postponed till Tuesday.
The Committee adjourned at four o'clock.

FRIDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE.
WAR-OFFICE, Mmtcri 27, 1846. _
_ _

4th Dragoon Guards—Lieut. T. 0. W. 'Coster, to be Cap-
tain, by purchase, vice Rochfort, who retires • Cornet F. H. G.
Nicolls, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice boster, March 27.
Bth Light Dragoons—Lieut. A. C. Lindsay, to be Captain,
by purchase, vice Jenkinson,who retires ; Lieut. J. S. Naylor,
from the 83d Foot, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice
Lindsay, March 27.
16th Light Dragoons—Cornet G. B. Williams to be Lieu-
tenant, by purchase, vice Leigh, who retires ; I. N. Fellowes,
Gent. to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Williams, March 27.
Ist or Grenadier Regiment of Foot Guards—Captain C.
Randall, from half-pay unattached, to be Lieutenant and
Captain, vice Brevet-Major Somerset, died of his wounds ;
Ensign and Lieutenant C. L. B. Maitland to be Lieutenant
and Captain, by purchase, vice Randall, who retires ; J.
Evelyn, Gent., to be Ensign and Lieutenant, by purchase,
vice Maitland, March 26.
Coldstream Regiment of Foot Guards—Ensign and Lieut.
J. R. Wigram to be Lieutenant and Captain, by purchase,
vice the Earl of Caledon, who retires; U. Canning Lord
Dunkellin to be Ensign and Lieutenant, by purchase, vice
Wigram, March 27.

2d Regiment of Foot—Capt. A, Campbell, from the Royal
Canadian Rifle Regiment, to be Captain, vice Hamilton, who
exchanges, March 27.
3d Foot—Captain J. T. Liston, from the Bth Foot, to be
Captain, vice Speedy, who exchanges, March 27.
sth Foot—Second Lieutenant 11. Knapp to be First Lieu-
tenant, by purchase, vice Gretton, who retires; F. H. Fen-
der, Gent, to be Second Lieutenant, by purchase, vice
Knapp, March 27.
6th Foot—Lieutenant G. G. Webb, from half-pay 2d
Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Muller, promoted.
. . .

. .
7th Foot—Lieut. W. R. Browne to be Captain, by pur-
chase, vice Cummin, who retires; Ensign W. H. D. Fitz-
gerald, from the 72d Foot, to be Lieutenant, by purchase,
vice Browne, March 27. _ _ _

Bth Foot—Capt. James Speedy, from 3d Foot, to be Captain,
vice Liston, who exchanges ; Lieut. C. F. B. G. Dickenson
to be Captain, by purchase, vice Lavie, who retires; Ensign
R. S. Baynes to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Dickens ;
Gent. Cadet IL Ximenes, from the Royal Military College,
to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Baynes; Surgeon J. C. G.
Tice, from 69th Foot, to be Surgeon, vice Gardiner, who ex-
changes, March 27.
12th Foot—Lieutenant W. H. Queade, from the 40th Foot,
to be Lieutenant, vice S. Reed, who retires on half-pay,
March 27.
28th Foot—Lieutenant J. G. R. Alpiu, to be Captain, with-
out purchase, vice Brevet-Major Hunter, deceased; Ensign
F. G. Moore, to be Lieutenant, vice Alpiu ; Nov. 20, 1845.
50th Foot—Assistant-Surgeon C. F. Stephenson, M.D.,
from the Ist Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Brummell,
whose appointment has bee cancelled, March 27.
54th Foot—Lieut. A. Gillespie, from half pay 2d Foot, to
be Lieutenant, vice Jackson, appointed Paymaster of the 6th
Dragoon Guards.

Gist Foot—Captain J. B. Thomas to be Major, without
purchase, vice Verner, deceased ; Lieut. T. W. Hudson to be,
Captain, without purchase, vice Thomas; Ensign A. Arm-
strong to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Hudson,
Dec. 7.

64th Foot—Lieut. the lion. G. F. W. Yelverton, to be
Captain, by purchase, vice Stirling, whe retires ; Ensign
J. B. Burne, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Yelverton;
W. W. Pogeon, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice
Burne, March 27.
66th Foot—Lieut. F. Gildea, from half-pay 2d Foot, to be
Lieutenant, vice F. Smythe, who exchanges, March 27.
69th Foot—Surgeon V. Gardiner, from the Bth Foot, to be
Surgeon, vice Tice, who exchanges, March 27.
70th Foot—Ensign F. W. Dowse, to be Lieutenant, with-
out purchase, vice Rutson, who resigns ; J. A. Feed, Gent.,
to be Ensign, vice Dowse, March 27.
62d Foot—W. A. H. N. Kellett, Gent., to be Ensign, by
purchase, vice Fitzgerald, promoted to the 7th Foot,
March 27.
73d Foot—Lieut. W. C. O'Brien, frbm the 40th Foot, to
be Lieutenant, vice D'Arcey, promoted, March 27.
87th Foot—Second Lieut. J. 11. le Conteur to be First
Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Robinson, who retires; E.
Stanley, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant, by purchase, vice
le Conteur, March 27.
92d Foot—Lieutenant W. Alexander, from half-pay 24th
Light Dragoons, to be Lieutenant, vice R. Petley, who ex-
changes; Ensign A. W. Cameron to be Lieutenant, by pur-
chase, vice Alexander, who retires; Gentleman Cadet A.
M. M'Donald, from the Royal Military College, to be En-
sign, by purchase, vice Cameron, March 27.
Royal Canadian Rifle Regiment—Captain G. V. Hamilton,
from the 2d Foot, to be Captain, vice Campbell, who ex-
changes, March 27.
BRevrr.—Captain C. Randall, of the Ist or Grenadier
Regiment of Foot Guards, to be Major in the Army, July 22,
1830 ; Capt. T. F. Tait, of the 2d Bengal European Regiment,
to be Major in the Army in the East Indies, Diarch 27.
HOSPITAL STAFF.--H. C. Martin, Gent., to be Assistant •
Surgeon to the Forces, vice Hardie, who has absented him-
self without leave, March 20.
MemonANDum.—STAFF.—The date of the commission of
Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel J. B. Gough, of the 3d Light
Dragoons, to be Quartermaster-General to the Queen's Forces
in the East Indies, is 20th March, 1846.
The Christian names of Assistant-Surgeon Innes, of the
4th Dragoon Guards, are John Harry Ker.
Commissions by the Lord-Lieutenant of Lanark.
Sir W. C. Anstruther, Bart., to be Deputy-Lieutenant, Feb.
28 ; J. Lumsden, Esq„ to be Deputy-Lieutenant, W. E.
H. Vere, Esq., to be Deputy-Lieutenant, March 2 ; T. Wal-
rood, Esq., to be Deputy-Lieutenant ; H. Dunlop,
Esq., to be Deputy-Lieutenant, March 3 ; T. M.
WNeill Hamilton, Esq., to be Deputy-Lieutenant,
March 4; J. Finlay, Esq., to be Deputy-Lieutenant; Sir J.
Campbell, Knt., to be Deputy. Lieutenant ; J. Hamilton, Esq.,
to be Deputy-Lieutenant ; J. Dunlop, Esq., to be Deputy-
Lieutenant : A. Buchanan, Esq., to be Deputy-Lieutenant,
March 6.

BANKRUPTS.
John Charlea Barratt, carver and gilder, StrAnd, to sur.