The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-03 00:00:00

THURSDAY EVRNING, AUGUST 8, 1818

between the KING-CONSORT, CHRISTINA, and Musoz.
His MAJESTY, it appears, is exceedingly angry at
the banishment of his father, which he attributes to
CHRISTINA, and he expressed his indignation in no
very measured terms, whereupon MUNOZ took upon
himself to interfere, and the KING ordered him
under arrest. CHRISTINA, unable to restrain her
passion, boxed the KING'S ears soundly, whereupon
the courtiers interfered; and the differences between
the parties were patched up for the present.
MADRID BOLSA, JULY 27.—The Three per Cents.
181 5-16 cash; after Bolse, 181 cash. Five per
Cents. 10i paper; after Bolsa, 101 cash. Passives,
4 paper ; after Bolsa, 34 cash. Coupons, 6} cash.
Bank of St. Ferdinand, 50 cash ; 54 paper. Discount
of notes, 41- per cent. Exchange on London at 90
days, 45 cash.

LOUIS MIEROSLAWSKT, chief of the last Polish in-
surrection, has arrived in Paris. It is said that he
obtained his release on the application of the French
Minister,at Berlin.
The _Bien Public says :

" It was stated yesterday, at the end of the sitting,
that M. Proudhon was determined to give in his resig-
nation as representative of the people. After ,the
striking reprobation with which he was stricken by a
solemn vote, he thought, no doubt, that it was not per-
mitted to him to remain in an Assembly which branded
his- doctrines as injurious to morality, family, and all
the laws of society. M. Proudhon will probably appeal
to the people. The two votes (including his own, no
doubt) which he found last evening in the ballot of the
Chamber, may cause him to have a presentment of the
judgment which will be given by universal suffrage."
The following letter has been addressed to the
Worme, by the undersigned representatives of the
people :
- - -

. -
" Monsieur,—We have protested from the bottom of
our consciences, and with all the energy of our convic-
tions, against the disastrous doctrines developed by our
colleague, citizen Proudhon, but we deemed it our duty
to abstain from voting on the order of the day motive.
We consider that the Assembly had not a right to stig-
matise one of its members for an opinion made public in
the national tribune, of which nothing ought to touch the
inviolability. We remembered the case of the illustrious
Gregoire visited by the indignity of a vote, and Manuel
torn from the tribune of the Chamber of Deputies. We
could not consent to join in a vote which could awaken
these deplorable reminiscences.
" THEODORE BAC; JOLT, sen.; MULE, sen.;
Jomr, jun. ' • ROBERT (de l'Yonne);
DEVILLE ; BONJAT ; H. DETOURS ;
CALES."

The Moniteur contains the decree for the regula-
tion of clubs. It also contains a proclamation of the
Prefect of Police on the state of Paris, in which some
encouraging circumstances are set forth, such as the
gradual departure for their homes of operatives of the
provinces, the redemption of pledges at the Mont de
Piete exceeding in amount the sums lent, the dimi-
nution of emigration indicated at the passport-office.
It appears that the number of insurgent prisoners is
now 9,223. _ _

E Union gives the following :—" The commission
of inquiry as to the insurrection heard yesterday the
report read in its bureau. It seems certain, from
what has transpired of the deliberations of this Com-
mittee, that MM. LEDau ROLLIN, Louis BLANC, and
CAussIDIERE, are seriously inculpated, and also other
representatives.
The Committee deliberated yesterday on whether
it should propose the trial of the representatives that
the report charged as guilty of complicity, or should
leave to the Assembly the iniative in the accusation.
They decided to take the latter course.
The Government has already commenced arrange-
ments for the early removal of 600 insurgents ordered
to be transported.
The Infanta Donna Josansa. DE BOURBON, cousin
of Queen ISABELLA. of Spain, has arrived in Paris,
with her suite.

" To all these provocations and many others, which
I shall pass over in silence, have been added direct
acts of hostility. I need only refer. to the welcome
given to the Polish refugees, and the gratuitous pas-
sage given on the railway, at the expense or. the
German Government themselves, to those bands
which arrived from France, with the avowed design
of carrying devastation and insurrection into our
territories,. _ _

" If it had been our object, effectively, to seek for a
pretext for aggression, would not this have been a most
favourable one? A;war, deeply to be regretted, has
been made upon a Northern Monarchy, whose inte-
grity we have guaranteed, and the maintenance of
which is indispensable to the equilibrium of Europe,
which, by the complication to which it may easily
give rise, and by ideas of maritime ambition with
which popular opinion invests it, menaces an attack
upon the general peace and the interests of the
lateral Powers of the Baltic. At the same time the
insurrection in the Grand Duchy of Posen and the
state of Gallicia may seriously endanger the internal
tranquillity of our own provinces. Under present
' contingencies, and, especially, under such circum-
stances, the most common prudence calls for preps
ration. We have therefore concentrated our army
on the frontier in order to ward off those dangers
which may arise suddenly from the present, and at
all times precarious state of Europe.
" Our system. however, has been purely one of defence
and precaution. We apprehend that it never had, and
that it has not at this moment any other character.
" Instead of regarding it in this point of view, and of
acknowledging, that if we have been obliged to arm, the
principal cause was owing to the repeated provocation
which bad been offered to us—the democratic opinion
loves to prefer the change of ideas of aggression. The
German press daily teems with the most absurd ru-
mours, and the most odious calumnies have been laid to
our charge. More than once these journals h tve stated
that our troeps have passed the frontiers, although they
have not left their cantonments. There is no insidious
design but what is attributed to us, no imeute, no sedi-
tion, neither in Germany or Sclavonia, which we do not
provide underhand, either by our money or our agents.
The hostility which we are supposed to entertain against
Germany is precisely on a level with what is felt, or
rather what is attempted to impose against us in Ger-
many. If, instead of attributing to us sentiments of
hatred which we do not cherish, and of forming con-
jectures on our pretended design which are without foun-
dation, men would forma more just and true idea of the
present, they would see that this enemy which they so
gratuitously conjure up, which they delight in holding up
as a phantom, and against which a national war is said
to be indispensable, has ever been, and is at this mo-
ment, if Germany only wishes, animated with senti-
ments of benevolence and disinterestedness towards her.
When, indeed, has Germany had cause to complain of
us ; when have we formed projects against her inde-
pendence ; when have we ever menaced an invasion ?
What part of her territory have we taken, or even
covettd? During the whole time that the Continent
was groaning under the domination of an oppressive
conqueror, Russia shed her blood to assist Germany in
the maintenance of her integrity and her independence.
The Russian territory had been free for a long period
when she continued to follow and sustain her German
allies on all the battle-fields of Europe. More
recently, in 1840, when war appeared for a
moment on the eve ef breaking ,out on the
Rhine, we placed our naval and military
at their disposal. During this long peace of thirty-three
years, the benefits of which are so lightly set aside by
the volatile spirit of the present generation, we have
never ceased to recommend and to maintain in Germany
concord and unity, not indeed that material unity which
is now the day-dream of a democratic spirit of levelling
and aggrandisement, and which, if it were possible to
realise it as conceived by ambitious theorists, would
infallibly, sooner or later, plunge Germany into war
with all her neighbours ; but that moral unity, that sin-
cere accord of views and intentions in all political ques-
tions, which the Germanic Confederation formerly
treated of.

" It is the maintenance of this union, it is the
consolidation of the bonds which unite the
German Governments together, which has ever
been our sole aim, because we desire the peace of
Europe, and in our• opinion the' surest guarantee of
this peace has ever been lodged in the intimate union of
all the Governments which constitute the Germanic Con-
federation.

"What was desired at that time we desire at the prom
day._

Notwithstanding all the defiance and outrage we
have received, it has been impossible to change our dis.•
position. Amid these mad declamations we know how
to distinguish between deliberate and hot-headed men,
between simple credulity and perfidious malice. We are
sensible of the intoxication and momentary excitement
brought on by events so unexpected, so sudden, so tar
beyond all expectations or surmise.

At this time, as hitherto, far from desiring trouble,
far from seeking to sow divisions, we desire nothing
less for Germany than harmony between the Govern-
ments and the people—harmony so essential to preserve
the complications which may arise from abroad, as well
as to avert the imminent danger which may proceed
from her internal position.
" We may have our doubts and our apprehensions as
to the results of that great experiment which she at-
tempts at this moment for gaining to her nationality a
greater force and cohesion; but these doubts and these
apprehensions have never transpired beyond the limits
of our internal and private opinions.
" We desire nothing more than to be speedily re-assured,
and if in truth Germany succeeds in solving the problem
of its organization without prejudice to its internal tran-
quillity, without causing the new forms impressed on her
nationality to be of such a nature as to disturb the re-
pose of ether kingdoms, we shall sincerely congratu-
late ourselves on the same motives which made us desire
to see her powerful and united under her ancient political
forms.

Such being our dispositions of peace and conciliation,
we cannot but deplore that they are responded to by sen-
timents so adverse.

" Had we merely to repel the imputations of the
demagogue faction, we should not trouble ourselves
about them, nor should we attach more im-
portance to them than they merit. The ascer-
tained intention of this faction is to refuse a
priori to see any good intention whatever on our
part, at all hazards to embroil the country with us, in
order by war to excite a confusion, from which it hopes
to reap advantages for its own anarchical designs.
" As this party is determined to refuse us justice, and as
it is useless to attempt to convince those who will not be
convinced, had we no other adversaries than those we
should content ourselves with meeting them in silence,
leaving it to time to show the fallacy of
all the false reports and all the calumnies
which they spread. But side by side with
these demagogues are men of good faith, who from igno-
rance orcredulity receive without mistrust or examination
all the false impressions which are given them, and thus
without intending it, act the part of revolutionists. By
acting upon these imaginations, by nourishing these sus-
picions, their fears, it has hoped to plunge
which, in regard to their own interest—
tothem
into bys raisingwa
say the truth—is a.monstrosity—and would precipitate
them, as happens but too frequently, into an abyss of
real war, in order to escape an impending evil. This is
the desire of the ultra democratic party, and up to this
point it will, if it be possible, persevere. It is,
therefore,
indispensable that the Government, in their diplomatic
relations with us, should be made acquainted with our
true intentions; it has become the duty of the enlightened
members of assemblies and legislative chambers,of all those
in fact, who combine with the doctrines of reform the
desire of preserving to this country the blessings of
public order and monarchical principles, to use all the
legitimate influence for endeavouring to redress on the
part of Russia the character of public opinion, and to
prevent it from going aside into a path which sooner or
later must lead to incalculable evils.
"The Emperor charges you expressly, Sir, to make
them sensible of this necessity, in working upon their
conviction the preceding considerations and reflections.
Tell them, and make known to all men of sense, with'
whom you may come into contact, either in business or
social intercourse, that the intentions of the Emperor in
regard to Germany are, and remain, purely pacific; that
our armaments have hitherto had a strictly defensive des-
tination, that of being prepared to meet one of the thousand
unlooked-for cases which it is impossible for any one to
foresee in the provisional state into which the recent
events have suddenly plunged the world; that in regard
to Germany in particular, inasmuch as she does not
attack us, inasmuch as the Confederation, whatever new
form it may please to take, shall respect the neigh-
bouring kingdoms, and not attempt forcibly to extend
its territorial circumscriptions or its legitimate compe-
tency beyond the boundaries assigned to it by existing
treaties, the Emperor will also respect her internal in-
dependence, and will not deviate from the position which
he has maintained to this day.
" In complying with these directions, you will do well
to give a copy of the present dispatch to the Cabinet
where you are accredited.
(Signed) " NESSELRODE."
—Dutch Papers, Aug. 1."