The Sun.
London, England, 1870-03-10 00:00:00

-I.III6OIIIIIIMMA
;CIE GOVERNMENT EDUCATION SCIIMIE, 1 S 7 Al E RIG 117 S AND THE FIF7'EEN PH
A3IENDMEN7.

WEDNESDAY.

This afternoon a large and influential deputation waited
upon the Premier at his official residence in Downing-
Ntreet, upon the question of the Government education

Mr. Gladstone was accompanied by Lord de
Grey and Mr. Forster. The deputation consisted of about
400 of the members of the National Education League.
Mr. DIXON, M.P., in introducing the deputation, said
that it consisted of about 400 gentlemen collected from
about 70 different localities, and included about 30 Mem-
bers of Parliament. The League consisted of a body of
gentlemen who about twelve months ago combined, and
during that time theyhadgrowninto an organisation of un-
weal magnitude. The principles they enunciated were that
I; was the duty of the State to see to the education of the
poor, and they felt that the way to impress this upon the
`1..--;islature was by forming a league. They further saw
tint the only method by which the scheme could be carried
o.lt was by the imposition of a rate; and it was
ls•lieved, further, that the schools should be
perfectly free and unsectarian. (Hear, hear.)
:1 t,, might mention that the League was over•
w:!ehned from all parts of the country with applica-
t't,ns to explain their objects, and that the result had been
that they had largely increased in numbers. The working
men e.=pec..,ially had joined them, and it was his belief that
when they became more extensively known, the large
majority of the voters would join them.
Nlr. .TOSErif CHAMBERLAIN, the chairman of the execn-
t've, explained the objects and working of the League, and
t rapid strides which in a few months it had
r :lc,. They had received, he said, the co-opera-
Con of the great trades unions, and there
w, re representatives present from nearly every part,
ii f:lr north as Newcastle, from the Isle of Wight on the
smith ; from the west, Falmouth, and from the east,
liy.wich. They objected to several clauses in the bill,
which, he said, would not have the effect desired, and he
impressed on the Government the necessity of providing
purely unscctarian education. They also objected to the
.;prescience clause as not meeting the requirements of the
esse, and upon that on-round it was, he said, unsatisfactory
Further than this, he feared, as the bill now stood, it
would give facilities to the Established Church in Eno.-
land and to the the Roman Catholics in Ireland which
Would not be possessed by Nonconformists. He also ob-
jected to the proposed constitution of school boards.
Sir C. W. DILKE, M.P., having addressed the Premier,
Mr. MUNDELLA, M.P., pointed out the effect of com-
psissr-A- education in other countries, andsaid that without
eon. notion it was impossible to get proper education.
_r. GLADSTONE said he would express at once the great
p• asure he and his colleagues felt at receiving so many
,ntlemen of so much weight, and hearing their views
upon this important subject. They were all well aware of
the gravity of the question at issue, and they would nil.;
derstand him when he said it was their duty
to take the views "of the deputation into
careful and grave consideration. He should wish
to be certain as to what those views were. If he under-
stood them correctly, they took great objection to several
of the provisions in the bill of the Government ; and at
the same time, as he listened to the general expressions of
confidence and goodwill towards the Government, more,
he was sure, than they deserved, he found the admission
that, setting aside their particular objections, the
bill on the main principle was satisfactory. He
must say this, that they had been met that afternoon with
open and frank statements, and he hoped the Government
by exercising firmness, and also conciliation, would work
a result, the precise details of which he would not antici-
pate for one moment, but which he hoped would be con-
.idered satisfactory. They had other matters in hand,
which at present absorbed their attention, but they should
se ready when the time arrived to give their utmost
consideration to this scheme for education. There was
one point which struck him ; he had not yet discovered
bow the League proposed to deal with existing schools.
They evidently did not believe in the conscience clause,
aid if that be the case, he did not understand them to
mean that existing schools were not to receive any aid
from the rates or from the Privy Council.
Mr. DIXON understood that there was no intention or
wish to prevent existing schools from receiving the grant,
providing that the teaching was unsectarian, and all
classes could benefit by it.
Mr. GLADSTONE said the old schools might differ from
the new ones then, because the former would provide for
teaching of every description. As to the local boards of
education, though they had spoken against them, he did
not find that they suggested a substitute. And, again,
where would they draw the line between what was termed
sectarianism and unsectarianism ? Were the Holy Scrip-
tures to be read and explained, were they to be read and
not explained, cr were they not to be read at all ?
Mr. CHAMBERLAIN said the League would advocate the
Holy Scriptures being read, but read simply, and not
explained, because two sects put different constructions
upon the same sentences. He would also like to impress
11D011 the Government that the schools should be at the
disposal of all denominations, without undue preference
being ehewn to any sect.
Mr. GLADSTONE then thanked the deputation for the
information they had afforded, and assured them the
p ->ints they had advanced should have the careful consi-
deration of the Cabinet.
The deputation then withdrew.

:icheme.

An attempt to upset a railway tram has been mace
on the Lancashire and Yorkshire line at Gilnow, near
Bolton, by the placing of a sleeper on the line. Fortu-
nately no damage was done- except the breaking of the
engine-guard of the train. The mischief was discovered
on Tuesday, and there is as yet no clue to the per-
petrators.

Mr. Bernal Osborne is said to be unable to take
his seat for Waterford, owing to a severe attack of rheu-
matism. It may be remembered that the hon. gentleman,
on his triumphant return for Waterford had to scramble
through some skylights and over housetops in order to
escape the pressing attentions of his eager constituents,
and that in doing so he• fell into a tank of water, which
accounts, no doubt, for the severe attack of illness.
The _Archbishops of Canterbury and York sent a
letter to the Archbishop of Armagh with the address of
sympathy presented by the Primate to the General Con-
vention of the Church of Ireland. The address was
signed by nearly 4,000 persons. The letter contains the
following assurance :—" That our efforts shall not be
wanting whenever you may call upon us, to render such
assistance on this side the Channel as we may be able
to render to our beloved sister Church."
The death is announced, after a long and painfla
illness, of the Rev. Thomas Markby, M.A., of Trinity
College, Cambridge, and Classical Lecturer at Trinity
- Hall. For several years past Mr. Markby had held the
laborious and responsible position of Secretary to the
Syndicate for conducting the Cambridge Local Examina-
, • . Cons, and in this capacity he displayed so much quiet
. • • ~e4grgy and practical good sense, that his loss to the I.lni-
-(' ity cannot readily be supplied. With his friends he
• left behind him the reputation of an honourable.
and true man.

conference of the clergy and laity of the rural
.ry of Wirral was held yesterday at Birkenhead. It
gilled by the bishop • but the business for which it wits
iLled was delayed Cy a discussion on its raison d'etre.
party urged that the conference was unconstitutional ;
t was an assimilation to Presbyterianism, and noxious
:e Church of England; and that its resolutions wi,ulcl
ally bind the clergy though they did not agree with them.
arm discussion followed. The matter ended by the
`,I ion of a resolution to the effect that no resolution
di: be carried without tho consent of two-thirds of the
dug, and it should not be binding in any case.
gnor Mario has had great success et St. Peters-
-. A correspondent writes :—" The night before last
jpera ilouso was literally crammed, and I think never
ire (save perhaps at the reception of Garibaldi in Eno--
) have I witnessed a similar scene of enthusiasm. The
9rmance was the 'Huguenots,' and at its termination
Mario was called out before the curtain twenty-
times, amid shouts of Viva, viva,' and waving
indkerchiefs, shawls, hats, and anything that could be
d. He received from the public three handsome gifts:
go crown, with an inscription in gold ; a massive gold
, ongraven A Mario, sea admirateurs, Petersbourg.
" and a beautiful silver epergne ; besides bouquets
Jut nnmber. On leaving the theatre the crowd followed
o his own house "

e death is announced of Mr. Edward Stanley, or
Hall, Lancashire, a collateral member of the noble
of Darby, which occurred yesterday morning at his
once in Grosvenor-square. He was horn in 1789, and
ied, Sept. 3,1819, Lady Mary Maitland, semi(' daughter
rues, eighth Earl of Lauderdale, by whom he leaves sur-
-, issue a son, Mr. Edward James Stanley, and two
airs, Eleanor (formerly inlaid of honour to her Majesty),
led to Col. Long, and Augusta, Countess of Dartmouth;
decease I gentleman was'descended from Sir Edward
ley, of Bickerstaffe, who was created a baronet 26th
iary, 1627, younger brother of Sir George Stanley, Kt.,
rosy Hall (commonly called the Black Knight), Marshal
.-eland and Captain of the Isle of Man, and groat grand-
a of Thomas, second Lord Stanley, and Eleanor, daughter
Richard Nevin, the great Earl of Warwick, " the king--
maker."
At the Worcestershire Assizes yesterday an action
'as brought by John Knowles, a butcher, against Mr.
'lager, chairman of the Stourbridge Town Commissioners,
others, to recover damages for an illegal seizure or
intiff's meat from the Stourbridge market. The plain-
. was a butcher at Wombourne, and attended Stour-
ridge every Saturday to sell meat in that market. On the
lth October plaintiff purchased two beasts at a fair in
north Wales, for which he paid £3O. A portion of these
Jots, when killed, was sent to Birmingham and there
; the remainder was taken by plaintiff to Stourbridge
exposed for sale in that market. Mr. Stringer and
thor commissioner ordered the police to seize the plain-
meat and guard his stall, and when the market was vir-
over plaintiff was told that he could take his meat as
could find no fault with it. In consequence of this,
Miff suffered great loss, and his sales since that time had
.nished. The counsel for the defendants submitted that
1 action was offensive and malicious, that the defendants
done no more than their duty, and that if they had
Tmitted a trespass it was only a slight one. After con-
rig for nearly three hours, the jury found a verdict for
.efendants, but Mr. Justice Lush gave the plaintiff leave
-eve for a new trial on certain points which were
MI SE II Al 3 LE SINNER.—On Sunday the Made-
,
te, at Paris, was as usual thronged with persons attending
V.. One young woman was particularly remarkable for
...energy with which she struck her breast while acknow-
Ling her manifold sins and wickedness in the usual
rchi, "Men. eulpa, meaculpa, meamaxima culpa!" As this
yin:; young lady was leaving the church her foot caught
he skit of her dress and she had a fall. At the same
~,ent a dozen portemonnaies fell from her pocket.
,110 !" said a police officer, who was standing near, and
an to help her as she fell, "I have heard of the
us multiplication of loaves, but not of purses.
e kindness to accompany me to the comissaire of
a order to explain the interesting phenomenon."
way to the police station the pious young
threw a handful of snuff into the eyes of
with the remark, " Remember that you are
.4." Having given this unpleasant illustration
,ropriety of casting " dust to dust," she bolted
\e nearest corner, and has not since been heard

(Front the Anglo- American Times.)
Since 1787, when the delegates from twelve States
met at Philadelphia to deliberate on the Constitution
of the United States to the present time, the ques-
tion of State Rights has been a bone of contention.
The greatest talent of the Union has been exhausted
in discussing the-subject; its every aspect has been
scanned from every side ; above and below ; yet the
fertile theme continues to produce new varieties, the
latest of which relates to the Fifteenth Amendment,
and its predecessor, the Fourteenth. The Nation
thus puts the question—Can a State withdraw or re-
peal a ratification once made of any pending Amend-
ment of the National Constitution ? New York
tries to do so as regards the Fifteenth Amendment.,
and two States attempted it with respect to the
Fourteenth. Before answering this question, how-
ever, we•will glance at the history of State Rights.
Previous to 1787 the States bad either been co-
lonies of the British Crown, or were ruled as a
Confederation by delegates sent to Philadelphia, be-
ing there held together by little more than the bond
estaLlished by the long and trying war for their in-
dependence. As Mr. MOTLEY says, " this Conti-
nental Congress, which was the Central Adminis-
trative Board, was a diet of envoys from sovereign
States; it hal no power to act on individuals; it
could not command the States; it could move only
by requisition and recommendations ; its functions
were essentially diplomatic, like those of the States-
General of the Old Dutch Republic ; like those of the
modern German Confederation. We were a leagueof
petty sovereignties." This condition experience
proved to be inconvenient, there being no antral na-
tionalauthority. Congresewas a mere adviser, it could
contractdebts, but it could not raise the money topay
them ; declare war; yet not levy the necessary troops;
and make treaties, but not insure their observance.
Prior even to the federation existing from 1781 to
1787, a league had been formed in 1643 by Massa-
chusetts, Connecticut, and New Hampshire, styled
the United Colonies of New England, which lasted
for 40 years, and was found to answer the intended
war-purpose, though deficient in all the attributes of
sovereignty. In 1751 a plan of Federal Govern-
ment was adopted by seven of the colonies at Albany,
providinga strong Executive, and delegating to it the
power of levying and collecting taxes. This, which
would have effectually united the Government of
the colonies, was disallowed by the Kits, and the
next Assembly of the sort was that of Philadelphia
in May, 1775, when the Thirteen States met, which
was followed in July, 1776, by the Declaration of
Independence; but it was not till the 4th March,
1789, after a long war and absorbing debates,
that the present Constitution went into practical
operation, WASHINGTON being inaugurated the first
President, iu the following mouth. Throughout,
the battle had been between those who desired to
federate the different States into a strong general
Government and those who upheld local interests
and State sovereignty The fight at the Convention
of 1787 was between the big States and the little
States ; the big, contending for representation ac-
cording to population, the little holding out for
epresentation by States, and the end was a com-
promise, by which the Representatives were appor-
tioned according to population so as to represent
the national interest, and the Senate represent-
ing the States; each State, however small, sending
two Senators, as does the largest in the Union.
It is curious to look back at the views expressed on
behalf of certain Staes. The national was termed
the Virginian plan, and the other that of New Jer-
sey. The Unionists at first sontended for a central
Government so strong as really to turn the States
into a nation ; and Virginia, North and South Caro-
lina, and Georgia were the advocates of this. Virgi-
niaand Georgia were then the largest States.; Pennsyl-
vania, North Carolina, Massachusetts, and Virginia
were the four leading States, and next to them came
New York and Maryland. Hence it appears that Vir-
ginia was once the most powerful advocate of Union;
yet, strange to say, the Old Dominion in this last de-
cade did most in the endeavour to destroy the work
it had then been foremost iu constructing, and she
was aided in her attempt to split the Union by those
. which had mainly helped her to establish it. Mas-
sachusetts, in 1787, heartily joined the Southerners,
and New York led the opposition. The Northern
States on the whole opposed federation, more especi-
ally the smaller States, such as Rhode Island, Connec-
ticut, and New Jersey. Yet in all the State Rights
party were powerful; Virginia itself only ratified the
Constitution by 89 to 79, and Massachusetts by 19
in a Convention of 355 members. Since then, ques-
tion after question touching State Rights has arisen,
and eventually culminated in the great civil war, but
although many might have anticipated a strife, none
could have foreseen the events which, by uniting the
material interests of all the Southern States through
such a staple of cotton, raised the Domestic institu-
tion into a question of vital importance, and broadly
divided the Union into North and South, Free Sill
and Slavery.
The Constitution provides for its own amend-
:nent through a proposition made by two-thirds of
both Houses, or on the application of two-thirds of
lie State Legislatures, which, when ratified by the
Legislatures of three-fourths of the States, becomes
operative. We may here, en passant, observe, as
showing the jealousy with which the smaller States
battled in the Convention for their Rights, that in
this Fifth Article it is expressly exempted from
Amendment that any State, without its own consent,
cin be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.
Since the Civil War, which the South always dc-
stared to be a war for State Rights, the Federal
power has gained greatly at the expense of the
States, and several articles have been ad led to ths
Constitution. Lately there have been two, and out
of them this ratification question has arisen for con-
sideration. The fact of the State's ratification only
can be noticed—three-fourths of such ratifications,
either by a Convention in each of the States or by
. _

heir Logislatures can alone make the Amendment
operative, rejection being no more than silence,
nothing being counted except the ratifications offi•
eially forwarded to Washington. If, asks tha Nation,
after ratifying, when can a State withdraw thevote? If
before r.roclamation of full ratification, why not of

terwards, for is it the proclamation that binds the
State, or the State's own action; and if the latter, can
it bind and loose itself at p!easure ? Does not such a
proposition resolve itself into, and rest upon, the same
theory and reasoning by which secession was sus-
tained? The Copstitutiou does not allude zo con firm-

in,gratifications, stating only when three-fourths have
acted in the affirmative. It is not an engagement to
be cancelled, after being entered into, at pleasure; but
_ _

it is urged that there is no engagemen t until a certain
number have acted upon it till when it is ►nerely
pending, and as up to that there is no additional

article of constitutional law, any State may act at
will. But who determines w hen a sufficient number

of States have acted, and decides on the sufficiency
of each ? Certainly not the State Goverrnnents. The
question is not only one of Constitutional law, but of
paramount political law, as distinguished from statu-
tory legislation, and to give such a power to States
would be unjust, impracticable, and dangerous. Un-
just, for the example of the State might influence
others whose interests it affected. impracticable,
as it does not comport with the nature of the trans-
action. Dangerous, becauseitmig lit lead to civil war,
for the State Department, should the Amendment

go into effect, might act on the ratification, ani

make proclaim ation that the Amendment was adopted

at the very moment that some Status withdrew their
ordinance of ratification. if withdrawal he allowed
the gravest difficulties arise as to settling the fact.
The power cannot be given to the States nor to the

President or Secretary, nor to Congress, nor should
the Supreme Courts determine. However regarded,
the difficulty is insurmountable, and the only way
in which the ratification can be annulled, is to va-

cite the Amendment as it was adopted by another
Amendment proposed and adopted in the same way.
This cannot be regarded as a hardship, for the
State need not ratify, and it would be all the more
careful in acting, knowing that the ratification
when made is irrevocable. Following on this na-
turally arises the question—May a State, %aid:
has rejected, aftcrwardi ratify? Certainly, for
nothing is federally binding except the official an-

nouncement of the State's ratification. Rejection
no more titan inaction, and the amendment may

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