The Sun.
London, England, 1870-10-22 00:00:00

JULES FAVEE'S CIRCULAR.

The Telegraph, in discussing Jules Favre's circular,
says :—lf the oonditions of the armistice proposed by
Prussia, and rejected by the Provisional Government, are
correctly described by M. Favre, there would be some
justification for his high-flown taunt that France was asked
to hold the handle of the sword with which Prussia pro-
posed to cut off Alsace and Lorraine. But we are bound
to doubt the validity of this representation, and
collateral evidence, as well as Count Bismarck's own
statement, inclines us to believe that the proposal,
whether acceptable or otherwise, was made in
good faith by Pruisia. Count Bismarck believes, no
doubt, that a freely elected Represeatative Assembly
would be found more ready to treat for peace
with Germany than the Committee of Public
Defence. He may be—and we suspect is—wrung in this
impression ; but believing so, he has the strongest reason
for wishing to facilitate the conclusion of an armistice;
and the course of events since the interview of Ferrieres
has certainly not tended to diminish that readiness.
Strasburg and Toul have fallen ; the surrender
of Metz is believed to be a mere question of
days ; the armies of the Loire and of the South
have been defeated, and the military position of
the invaders is in many respects stronger than it was
a month ago. Under these circumstances, if we arc
rightly informed, Count Bismarck would do anything
which should not injure the prospects of the campaign to
facilitate the convocation of a National Assembly. It is
even possible that Alsace and Lorraine might be
permitted to return Deputies to such au assembly.
But even if that were not the case,. elections could
be held in the nine-tenths of France not occupied
by German troops, and an Assembly which repre-
sented the whole of the country with the exception
of its north-eastern departments, would be fully
entitled to speak with the authority due to a
national Parliament. If such an Assembly should pro-
nounce in favour of a peace based upon territorial
cessions, the vote would show that the real majority
of the nation did not favour the prosecution of the
war. If, on the other hand, the Assembly
should pronounce in favour of resistance to the bitter
end sooner than submit to the surrender of French terri-
tory, the hands of the Government would be immensely
strengthened, and the position of France abroad, as well
as at home, would gain in weight and power.

There is still nothing, remarks the Daily News, which
we can call news from Paris, unless the circular of M.
Jules Favre deserves that name. It is scarcely
entitled to be so called, for in spirit and in
language it is little more than au echo of the former
manifesto to which his name was attached. It renews
the old arguments, invincible if they had but battalions
behind them, against the cession of French territory. It
breathes death and defiance. It is impossible to read
it without a feeling rather of compassion for
the writer and for the people whose mouthpiece he is
than of unqualified sympathy for either. Grave words
need the commentary of effective deeds. The Govern-
ment of the National Defence seem still to imagine
that hostile facts can be conjured away by imposing
rhetoric ; and that realities can be swallowed up by words.
In the face of M. Jules Favre's Circular, his declaration
that France has no illusions left, seems itself an
illusion. When we contrast these grand phrases
and patriotic aspirations of M. Jules Favre with
the repeated sorties which produce nothing, except the
capture of Gardes Mobiles, and with the fictitious
victories which obtain a day's credence and lasting
discredit, it is difficult to resist the impression that all
is lost.