The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-01 00:00:00

SECOND EDITION

.111 t

LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 1, 1846.

The sun has risen upon the new year ! Old '45
sleeps with his fathers—peace to his ashes. If he
has not fulfilled all the promises of his infancy—and
what human anticipations were ever realised to the
uttermost ?—if he has not achieved great things
himself, he has prepared the way for his young suc-
cessor. The coining glories of '46 have cast their
shadow round the close of the old year. lie expired
breathing the language of prophecy. A century has
elapsed since the great '45; it holds a prominent place
in the page of our history, yet does that memorable
year bear a striking resemblance to its youthful
namesake. 1745 witnessed the destruction of the
last relics of feudal tyranny ; they appeared for the
last time arrayed in brightest colours, but all the
gallantry of the young chevalier, the ardour and
loyalty of his devoted followers, could not blind men
to the principles they advocated; they saw through the
brilliant disguise of tyranny, they admired the daring
spirit of the young STUART, they wept for the sor-
rows of Culloden, yet they could not but rejoice in
their own triumph, in the establishment of civil and
religious liberty. 1745 saw the last struggles of an old
race, the final doom of worn-out principles.
And can we find no parallel in modern times ? Has
not our '45 witnessed the death-struggles of a
once powerful party—the gradual decay of monopoly
and feudal restrictions ? A year ago the country was
blessed with a Tory Ministry, a Tory majority in
both Houses, and a Whig Opposition. Where are
they now ? Such was the dramatis persona' at the
commencement of the play ; each succeeding scene
rendered the distinctions doubtful, every act left the
characters more confused. Where was the Tory
majority at the passing of the Maynooth Bill ?
Where was the Tory Ministry when conciliation
was preached, when taxes were remitted, liberal mea-
sures framed; and where was the Whig Opposition
when both sides voted in concord ? The curtain has
fallen, and how are the characters disposed ? Have
the two parties amalgamated into one—have they
formed a hollow friendship which a breath can an-
nihilate ? Far from it—both parties are no more.
The battle of Culloden was not more fatal to the
STUARTS, than was last session to the Whig
and Tory factions. Were the evidence deemed
incomplete, we need only regard the recent
summing up of the two leaders. The heads
of each party have publicly declared themselves
unable to carry out a popular measure on the old
principles of party friendship and exclusive interests.
Yet the popular measure must be carried out, and
behold the dissolution of factions. Sir R. FEEL has
returned to power, it is true, but his policy will be
now unfettered. The name of the Minister matters

little ; it is the principles he advocates which are re-
garded by the country. From the ruins of two parties
the people anticipate the administration of a popular
Government. Whether it will be Sir R. PEEL'S—
whether he can seize the gold"n opportunity, or whe-
ther he yield and fail, or dare and conquer, these are
matters hid in the depths of futurity, which the new
year will disclose. Whoever is Minister, one thing
is certain—'47 will not shine upon the corn-laws.
Welcome, then, '46 ! We look forward with con-
fidence. No young monarch ever ascended the throne
with brighter auspices. Be it yours to realise the
hopes of starving millions—to give liberty to the
oppressed, and break the bonds that fetter industry.
Be it yours to show us statesmen with the country's
interest at heart, and politicians who dare be honest.
Be this your work of love, and when your race is run,
your story shall be placed above the annals of con-
quests and victories. You shall be renowned as the
year which witnessed the emancipation of industry—
the year which gave happiness to a suffering people !

Discussion of constitutional questions has been so
long dormant, that we feel grateful to the Lambeth
electors for the little episode on pledges in their free-
trade meeting. There is danger in all political ab-
stractions ; and while a " thorough" system of
pledges is utterly at variance with the principle of a
deliberative assembly, we see nothing left to consti-
tuents if they are not to be allowed under any cir-
cumstances, at any time, with reference to any mea-
sure, to ask a candidate or a Member, the plain ques-
tion—Will you vote aye or no? When a man is sent
to the House of Commons for a possible period of
seven years to exercise his judgment on all the
various public questions and emergencies
which in so long a period may arise, there
is no man of sense who will say that the
Member ought to be tied down by unqualified
pledges as to measures, so as to be debarred from
exercising his judgment on the various expediences
which might render it desirable to postpone (say) the
agitation of a good measure, or to accept an instal-
ment only, or to take up with a compromise. But
constituents must have some exposition of political
opinions from their candidates ; and no true friend of
representative institutions would seek to diminish,
further than is absolutely necessary to preserve a
deliberative character to the House of Commons,
the influence of constituents over Members on the prin-
cipal public questions. A plain answer with
regard to some one question will always be
a great help towards ascertaining the general
fitness of a representative. And there is always, in
Ergland, some one question or other, prominent in
the public mind, ready for arbitrament, with regard
to which almost all men's minds are, and all men's
minds should be, made up, and on which a simple
answer to a simple question may most properly, as
well as usefully, be desired. Object as much as you
like to pledges in the abstract; to apply the abstract
objection to questions of this sort is nothing but for-
malism and pedantry. In the true spirit of represen-
tative institutions, every advantage that can be given
should be given to constituents. And certainly it
may be said now of the corn-laws, that " the pear is
ripe." Every political man must now expect to be
called upon to say " Aye," or "No," as to
total, and immediate, and unconditional repeal.
If he has not made up his mind, he will probably find
himself, at the next general election, destined for pri-
vate life. In the metropolitan constituencies, in Lam-
beth as one of them, we should be very much amazed, if
the answer " Aye" were not insisted upon.
It must be confessed that Mr. D'EriscouaT's speech
at the Lambeth meeting was one that justified the
questioning to which he was afterwards subjected. It
was a striking contrast to the straightforward speech
of Mr. HAWES. There was a deal of beating about
the bush ; he was a landowner, and therefore his posi-
tion from his colleague's—he thought a
fixed duty would have been a good thing—
he was a
manufacturer of corn, and if protection
was to
be taken from him, it must be taken
from all other competitors—and
then, instead of saying
anything about what all his constituents were wait-
ingof the corn.laws—he
for open.mouthed—the total and immediate repeal
winds up
the turn-out of the PEELaII this
was certainly very much like, at Ministry.
Now, • the
least, damning
object of the meeting with faint
not surprised to find that, as sopornmse; and we are
a flourish about
as
COURT sat down, Mr. Wox itshould
rise Mar.
" He had listened attentively to the speeen:l say—
of
their
representative, Mr. D'Eyncourt, and he wished
t
a more explicit statemnnt from that Hon. Gentleman art have
to the course which he intended to take with regard
to
the corn-laws in the House of Commons. He was
de-
sirous to be informed if the Hon. Member was prepared
to vote for a total and unconditional repeal of the corn-
laws at the meeting of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.)"
Then Mr. D'EYNCOURT brings the Constitution to
his rescue, and declares pledges unconstitutional.
" His duty, as their representative, was not to give
pledges at the call of any individaal who chose to
jump up and ask him to do so." Mr. IlawEs, very
chivalrously we must say, backed his colleague.
lyhgn is man went to the House of Commons in a