The Sun.
London, England, 1870-02-26 00:00:00

LYCEUM THEATRE.

THIS EVENING, at 7.1 n, TWENTY MINUTES WITH A
TIGER And CHILPERIC: M. Marius, G Vincent, Odell,
Coghlan, Lapierre, and M. Herve; Mesdames Dolaro, Fitz-
Inman, Romanelli, Nellie Nesbit, and Miss Emily Muir.

ROYAL STRAND THEATRE.
Sole Lessee and Manageress, Mrs. S wanborongh.
This EVENING, at 7, THE HEIR AT L W: Mr Clarke, Mr
James, Miss Button, &c. With THE TOOLLES. Concluding
with ISO.

WOOPINS CARPET-BAG AND SKETCH BOOK,
Egyptian Ball. Piccadilly, every Evening (except Satin day) at
9; Saturday Mo. nin at 3. Admission, is, 2s, 3s.

(3 FIRISTY MINSTRELS, St. James's Hall, Every Night, at 8
Wednesdays and Satuu•Jays, at 3 and 8 all the year round.

ZOOLOGICAL G UWENS, Ragent's-pack, OPEN daily (ex-
cept Sundays). Admission, ls.; on Mondays' 6d. Children
under twelve, 641.

ROYAL ALITAILBRA PALACE. THREE BALLETS
Promenade Concert. Band of 60. Begin at 8. le. Box-office
open fromll to 4.

`IC Sint

LONDON, SA7 URDAY, FEB. 26, 1870.

THE debate in the French Legislature on the home
policy of the Government, is a good augury as
to the future of the country under the constitutional
regime. It is not the result—the two divisions in
favour of the Ministry7-that is 'of so much conse-
quence. The present Chamber has shown itself so
utterly deficient in independence and con-
sistency, so equally ready to support re-
pression and liberty, that no confidence
can be placed in its decisions. It was elected
under a system of gross official influence
and corruption, and its actions, whether right or
wrong, are not to be taken as representing the
wishes of the country. It is not a representative
body, and the sooner it gives way to one that is
chosen fairly and without bias, the better. The im-
portant question was not as to which way the majo-
rity would vote, but what kind of state-
ments the Ministry would make touching their future
policy. Their declarations are, on the whole, highly
satisfactory. The Prime Minister, M. 011ivier, at
first displayed that characteristic ambiguity which so
greatly weakens his influence; but at length he has
thrown off all reserve, aad unmistakably pledged his
Cabinet on the most important topic of the day. A
little explanation will serve to show how matters
stand. On Monday, M. Jules Favre, the leader of
the Left, opened the debate, which turned from the
first on the prime question—Would the Government
'leave the people to the free and honest choice of
their representatives, or wenld they continuo that
interference with the elections which has so much
disgraced previous Administrations ? Were the
electors to be bribed, flattered, and bullied into
voting for the supporters of the Ministry ? Were
they to be promised roads and drainage, or, as in one
instance, a superior dung-pit of excellence hitherto
unknown in history, if they would ballot for the right
man ? Were the local officials to be so impressed
with the duty of getting in the Government candidates
that in one case a schoolmaster broke open the ballot
box and altered its contents, and in several instances
the receptacle contained more tickets than the entire
number of voters in the district r Wore prisoners to
be lot out of gaol, and soldiers marched in bodies, to
pall for the official representative P These expe-
dients, and many more such, were adopted
at the late general election ; and M. 011ivier
at first gave no satisfactory reply to the question
w 1 other he would continuo them. The Govern-
nra crrai Lo rpm; , , 32.4 A ; ;ttorfcrc, , but
:t would reserve the right of "making its wishes
V....:wn." That is, it would carefully inform the
e`f,ctors who was the official candidate, though it

would exorcise no direct pressure on his behalf. Such
a reply delighted the old Imperialists, the Right, who
were elected under the corrupt system, and could
not hope to be elected under any other. It seems
also to have pleased the Moderate Liberals, the
Centre; for they proposed a vote of confidence in the
Ministry, which was carried by 232 to 18, only the

Republicans of the Left voting against it.
Thus the " bogus" Legislature was content
to remain without any definite pledge against the
system of corruption.

On Thursday, however, things took a very com-
plete and remarkable turn. The triumphant Right
were utterly discomfited, and their idol of impurity
thrown down from its pedestal. The Left were not
ettisfied with the previous debate, and one of them
hid on the table a measure forbidding any candidate
to be favoured by the Government, and preventing any
distribution of voting papers by official persons.
M. 011ivier seems to have felt that he must choose
one way or the other. He must either go forliberty,
or forget his past, and pronounce in favour of the
system which he took office to abolish. And this
time he spoke plainly. "The Government, remaining
faithful to its former declarations, will not have any
official candidature; and will preserve the strictest
neutrality at the elections." And again " "We do not
intend to return to the errors of an electoral system
which is now a thing of the past." A. scene of intense
excitement followed this declaration. The Republi-
cans forgot their hatred of the Empire, and
loudly applauded. The amazed and enraged
Imperialists openly rebelled. An ex-Minister of
the Interior proposed an order of the day, maintain-
ing that the Government had a right to interfere in
elections. The Left, however, with praiseworthy
liberality, came to the rescue of the Ministry, and
thus the position of parties at the preceding division
was reversed : instead of the Right and Centre
combining in favour of the ambiguous expres-
sion of policy, the Left and Centre combined
to uphold the explicit declaration. Victory
remained with the allies - by a majority of
188 to 6.0. Since the establishment of the present

Constitutional Government there has been no event
of importance equal to this. That the Ministry bas
finally committed itself to a career of freedom is cvi-

denced by the rage of the old Imperialists, who so
readily accepted the first unsatisfactory statement. A
speedy dissolution ought to follow; but whether a new
Parliament be elected now or at a more remote date, a
complete redistribution of parties must be the inevitable

result. Time only can decide what kind of Chamber
will take the place of the present ; but it is certain
that those owls and bats of universal suffrage, the
members of the old Right, will disappear with the
light of electoral purity. It is possible, too—there
are many signs in favour of such a result—that a

really Liberal Empire will gain the support
_ _

of Fayre, Picard, and other of the more Moderate
Left. The Emperor is said to be somewhat appre-
hensive of the issue, and to fear that free constituencies
will elect a Chamber entirely hostile to him and his
dynasty. But such a consideration, though it might

operate against granting universal suffrage in the

first instance, is no excuse for rendering the National
Assembly a sham, and perverting the choice of the

people by discreditable frauds. v Strict impartiality
at elections is the one great need of France, and this
is just what the present Ministry has unequivocally
promised.

TUE Eight lion. 6tephon Cave's Lifo Assura.nc3
Bill has' been read a second time, and as it is intro-
duced by a membor of the Opposition, and regarded
with some favour by the Government, its chances
of success would appear to bo very considerable.
Its loading principle is that of making provision
for the complete publication of insurance companies'
accounts. A. yearly balance-sheet, a statement
of receipts and expenditure, and of assets and liabili-
ties. will bo exacted. The fullest detail will be en-

forced, and means are to be taken to preVent
Chat confusion of arrangeMent, by which in-
-1 genious officials are wont to defeat the object
lof publication. Complete particulars must
be given as to the way in which the money
gees in current expenditure, thus sheaving how much
is eaten up by management, and what proportion is
applied to the just liquidation of claims. Tho
receipts will be carefully divided under their proper
categories. The securities in which the assets of a
company are invested must be adequately described.
Besides these publications of accounts, every office
will be required, once in five years at least, to make
an actual valuation of its property and obligations,
and to publish the results in a form which very
rigidly provides against duplicity. In order to ensure
that there shall be nothing of a fictitious character in
these returns, the accounts must be signed by the chair-
man of the company, the managing director, and the
principal official of the life department. Any false
statement on the part of these persons may be
punished by a fine of V 4.0, or by fine and imprison-
ment. Other provisions, distinct from these
publication clauses, are of much importance.
Before commencing business every company
must make a deposit of £2o,ooo—a very
serious hamper upon bubble enterprises. In
order to prevent fraudulent amalgamations, the
policy-holders must have notice given them, and
either one-half are to give their written assent
to it in order to make the amalgamation valid,

or if one-fourth assent and one-tenth do not dis-
sent, the Court of Chancery is to have discre-
tion to affirm or negative the proposed contract.
The terms of amalgamation ere to be made public,
and precautions will be taken agianst payment of
commission to persons who arrange such transactions.
Finally, there are some useful provisions, in favour
of the policy-holders, for winding up in case of
failure.

It is difficult to see how such a measure
can prove baneful, whilst it contains elements
which ought to be productive of great good.
The chief objection to legislation of this kind
is that it leads people to take measures
on the mere faith of the legal provisions, without
ascertaining whether the result of compliance with
those provisions is satisfactory. The mere publication of
accounnts may induce insurers to invest without
inquiry as to the real meaning of the figures. But
this bill provides so many restrictions against bubble
companies, which are the main source of fraudulent
accounts, that such an evil can scarcely be of extensive
operation. The measure is much more than a mere
injunction to reveal an annual statement of a
company's condition. It has precedent on its side,
too, for all other civilised States have taken the pre-
cautions which we have so long and so disastrously
neglected. France, Prussia, and Canada are each
protected, and evea New York, which tolerates
and abets the swindles of a Fisk, has the strictest
life assurance law in the world. Public opinion is
irresistibly on the side of this bill. Yet it was
noticeable in the debate that the welcome of Mr.
Lowe to the second reading was not unhesitatingly
given; and there is some excuse for his,clualification
it approval. This measure is a good one, but if we
legislate on these matters at all our action
should be consistent, and on some principle. At
present it seems to be conducted on no principle
whatever, save that of hand-to-mouth expediency. A
law is proposed to protect investors in insurance
offices, and another measure is suggested to
leave investors in friendly societies without
.any protection whatever, by abolishing the
late Mr. Tidd Pratt's office of Registrar. And
yet what is the difference in principle between an
assurance company and a friendly society, save that
one is for the well-to-do, and the other for the poor?
It is true that the abolition of the Registrarship is
desirable, for that officer had no real power, and his
appearance of authority only deluded poor people.
They looked upon the rules which he signed as the
rules of "Government" societies. But nothing is
(leviAed to supply his place. It is evident that if
special and rigid precautions are taken against life
a=suracco frauds, similar efforts must be
~,20/1 on behalf of the other class of pru-
dential investments. It will never do to construct
an elaborate law for ono, and leave the others naked
and defenceless. There must be a uniform rule in these
matters. If the Life Assurance Bill works well, there
cannot be the slightest objection to a Friendly Socie-
ties Bill of like character.

'ELIE LEIDERSIIIP OF THE CONSERVA.

TIVE PEERS.

We believe the result of the meeting to thy ai
the Carlton Club will be the offering of the leader.
ship in the House of Lords to the Duke of Rich•
mond.