The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-28 00:00:00

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C - Ant
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LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 28, 1846.

Expectations have been realised, curiosity has been
iatisfied, an earnest and -business-like discussion has
at last transpired in the Lower House as to the re-
duction and adjustment of the differential duties upon
mar: Lord GEORCIN BENTINCS proposed his amend-
di Ds sieffalarly moderate terms and at singularly

immoderate length. Immediately afterwards the
CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER delivers his first
official harangue, redolent of statistics, and evide:cing'
in its wholesale accumulation and accurate a."'

rangement of facts, the efficacy of a judicious
premeditation. Sir ROBERT PEEL subsequently
revealed his intentions with reference to the approach-
ing division upon this comprehensive measure, and,
in doing so, justified the anticipations of his ad-
mirers, by plainly declaring his determination not
to embarrass the Prime Minister " by a vexatious
opposition." The nearer we approach to the settle-
ment of this great question, the more chimerical do
the arguments against the Ministerial policy
appear: the farther we advance upon the road
to a Parliamentary division, the less is
the progress of this Bill impeded by obstructions.
The protectionists, from the capricious character of
their antagonism, no longer have recourse to their
habitual scarecrow " the destruction of either native
or colonial industry!" They have, with considerable
ingenuity, conjured up a totally different phantom,
and one which they have foolishly expected to
scare away the followers of Lord JOHN Rua-
SELL, and to awe the commercial reformers
into submission. Unfortunately, however, this same
phantom—a phantom illustrative of serfdom, and
manacles, and cruelty—has partaken somewhat of
the usual characteristics of phantoms ; it has enabled
the Legislature to walk right through it, as the
chieftain is described to have done through the ghost
in OssIAN. Before the termination of this session it
will have " melted into thin air," and evaporated
even from the recollection of the multitude.

It is easy enough for the orator to deride with a
scornful intonation the terribiles visu forma of the
supposed famine consequent upon the disease in the
potatoes, and to enforce the necessity of affording en-
couragement to those who, to their avowed detriment
acceded to the abolition of slavery. It is very easy'
to influence the reason of a sensitive and reli-
gious people by eloquent definitions of true morality,
by vivid portraitures of the victims of a petty
tyranny, by supposititious stripes and imaginary scenes
of brutality. It is easy indeed to speak of the pro•
posed equalisation of the sugar duties in language so
opprobrious as to risk the degradation of the pathetic
to the burlesque—by representing the sugar basin
(possibly at the elbow of some unwitting Mr.
BUMBLE) as half filled with a little puddle
of blood. It is easy, as we have already
acknowledged, to do all this, and to terminate with a
peroration eulogistic of the joys of freedom. But,
while themselves assuming tones of such unnecessary
indignation, while it is manifest to every one else that
the suppression of slavery has about as much chance of
being realised by the rejection of slave-grown sugar
as Captain WARNER has of discharging his long
range into the moon, and thereby exploding that
celestial satellite, all the eloquence and pathos and
benevolence of the most eloquent, pathetic, and bene.
volent intellect goes for literally nothing. It is
pouring precious liquids into a cullender.
Much has already been written about this measure
of Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S affording patronage to the
slave trade, of rendering the hardships of those
already in captivity more intense and irksome,
and of reduplicating the number of such victims, by
inciting the slave-owning planters to import more
human cattle from the coast of Africa. If such were
really the necessary consequence of this measure, if
such even were the probable consequence of this
measure, the whole of this free and sympathising
nation would have revolted at its first proposition. The
people of England would long before this present
moment have arisen with indignation, and protested'
in a voice which would have found an echo in the re-
cesses of Africa and on the shores of the Brazil,
against a proceeding so dastardly and criminal. If
there were any truth whatever in the assertions of
those who oppose this measure, as one likely to foster
and propagate the infernal system of the slave
trade, that enlightened House of Legislation, which only
a few years back inscribed upon its records a solemn
reprobation of that system, which enforced that re-
probation by a gratuity to those who might suffer
from the dismissal of their serfs—a gratuity of the
most magnificent character—and which, in addition
to all this, actually overstepped the restrictions of
international law, for the purpose of preventing the
increase of slavery among other nations—that august
House of Legislation would have spurned a measure
thus likely to annul all their glorious labour, suppos-
ing any one had been capable of concocting or of in-
troducing such a measure. Is it likely, indeed, that
for the sake of decreasing the grocer's bill by
a few pence, the people of this country
would destroy the trophy which they have
purchased with twenty millions of pounds sterling ?
Does it not stand to reason that they would rather
swallow unsweetened puddings and sugarless tea than
render any dish toothsome by' the woes of entire
generations ? These protectionists examine the
sugar question under the magnifying influence
of their prejudices, and are, in consequence,
incapable of considering its relations with
themselves, the colonies, and with foreign slave-
owners. The attention of the Legislature is directed
solely upon the possible woes of the African race, but
not at all to the actual miseries of our native slaves.
Our legislators are implored to consider the advi-
sability of caring for the welfare of a few Hill Coolies,
who have as yet to be found out, persuaded
to immigrate, and then to be conveyed to
our colonial plantations. But not a syllable is
uttered in behalf of those thousands of our fellow-
countrymen (the Hill Coolies of Devonshire, as we
have already called them), who would be raised
from a deplorable state of destitution and inaction,
by finding additional customers for our manufactures,
and thus enabling them to obtain employment.
The Ministerial measure for the alteration of
the duties upon sugar would bring new customers to
our markets, the factors would require additional
hands to supply this additional demand, and these
native Hill Coolies would obtain the requisite em-
ployment. ALEXANDER POPE, more than a century
ago, under the masquerading name of MARTINUS
SCRIBLERUS, put this rather profane problem—
" Whether an existent fly or a possible angel
were of most importance in the eyes of Omnipotence?"
With greater reason, and after a different fashion, we
may put this companion problem—" Whether an ex-
istent English labourer or possible Hill Coolie had ,a
greater claim upon the sympathies and consideration
of our Legislature ?" The solution of that problem
will be in the division upon the sugar duties.

The coroner's inquest on the unfortunate soldier
Wilms, was resumed yesterday, and the pro-
ceedings were in the highest degree interesting, in-
volving the evidence of the medical men, as to the
cause of death, and the statements of Colonel
WHYTE and Dr. WARREN.

The statement of the soldier ELSWORTH was also
curious, illustrating in a forcible manner the quantity
of punishment in the regiment, and its
total inefficiency for the purpose for which
it is sanctioned. The witness admitted that
he had deserted twice—on one occasion, be-
cause he had been sentenced to be flogged. We do
not think a desertion under such circumstances could
excite much surprise : where is the man who, being
sentenced to death, if an opportunity for escaping
offered itself, would hesitate about availing himself
thereof? The instinct of self-preservation would
compel him to adopt such a course. The wit-
ness had been five years in the regiment, during
which period he had been flogged seven
times. He has not, however, been flogged since 1844,
and therefore the seven instances must have occurred
in about three years, or, on an average, once every
five months. Can such things be possible in this land
of liberty and freedom ? He also stated that many
men in the regiment had been tried for desertion,
and that many had deserted more frequently than he
had. We can easily credit the statement.
Few 7 persons would willingly remain subjected
to such an iron rule, such stringent severity, as:that
to which the unfortunate soldiers of the 7th Hussars
have been exposed, with even non-commissioned
officers, so jealous of their dignity as to demand
a punishment on a private for answering in a less
abject tone than appeared suited to their dignity,
•yate who,
k
and.with a commander, who conceives one hundred
fora w
lashes an adequate punishment f
having only joined the regiment ao.
few weeks
before, on being reprimanded and punished
for such an answer, inquires for his guidance in what
manner he is to answer for the future. The great—