The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-29 00:00:00

TEE SUN, LON DON. THURSDAY EVEN] NGI" JANUARY 29, 1846.

going to say that the language used at these meetings has
been such that no man or Christian would have used.
If callinc, Noble Lords, Members of this House, by the
name of Satan was language such as the Noble Duke
would render himself responsible for, he wished him joy
of his charge. For his part, he considered that the
League were acting in a perfectly legal
tutional manner, their object ; merely to give
facilities for the 'ration of votes according

to the Art of the Legislature. Protection
societies had approved of this measure, for they had
adopted the same course as the League were now pur-
suing. In Scotland, it was well known that they cre-
ated all fictitious votes, and even at the present time, for
the sum of 2001., it was customary to make all their ser-
vants voters. He said there were few Noble Members
of this House, upon this or upon the other
side of the House, who did not subscribe
either to the Carlton or Reform Clubs, and these Noble
Lords well knew that parties came to the committees of
theie clubs and stated the price of their boroughs. He
thought that " those who lived in glas!-houses. should
not throw stones." He would take the liberty of stating
to the Noble Duke, though he did not know whether he
should be quite in order, that v,ith reference to the
scheme proposed by the _ Honourable Member
at the head of her Majesty's Government, although
he might have wished that he had gone a
little farther in his measure, still he would support it.
He thought it a strange doctrine that the Noble Duke
propounded, and one which savoured of Chartist doc-
trines, namely, that the Government should appeal to the
country. It would almost amount to Annual Parliamrnts
if the Government were to be compelled to appeal to the
country upon the introduction of every fresh measure.
Did the Noble Nit mbers of that House think that the
country would submit to the postponement of the corn-
law question? It was perfectly impossible for them to
do so, whatever that House might think. It
the question were postponed, Noble Lords who
were so anxious to maintain protection, and the
Government, might expect that the constquence
would be a sweeping Parliamentary reform, for the
people would not submit to be thwarted. The country
would not now submit to the postponement of the ques-
tion, when their object—the total abolition of protection
—was so nearly within their grasp ; he meant to say that
they would not submit to the present constitution
of the House of Commons. The people would
tolerate the existence of so many nomination boroughs
which were in the hands of the protectionists ; they
would seek to increase the numbers of those who could
vote in the election o' Parliamentary representatives,
however much he and other Noble Lords might regret
the success of such an attempt on the part of the
people.
After a few word 3 from the Duke of BUCKING-
HAM, which were whclly inaudible in the gallery,
THE OREGON TERRITORY.

Lord BROUGHAM wished to be informed by the
Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Aberdeen) whether the
Oregon territory bad been given up to the Americans, as
he hal been credibly inferined that it had?
The I, an of ABERDEEN—Certainly not.
Lord BROUGHAM. said that he was informed that
an American globe-maker was now actually selling
globes to his fellow-countrymen, showing the American
territory to have been conceded by the British, but from
the reply of the Noble Earl it would appear that the
globe-maker had only done so for the purpose of pleasing
his customers.—(Hear, and laughter.)
THE RIVER PLATE.
The Earl of ABERDEEN, in reply to a Noble Lord,
said he was prepared to lay on the table all the late do-
cuments, in the possession of the Government, relative to
the River Plate; but, at the present, he was not prepared
to enter into any details with respect to the negotiations
which were now in progress.
Earl GREY should be sorry if that convc,rFation
shoulcicease without saying a word or two in reference
to the observations made by the Noble Duke. The ques-
tion was one vi hich should be discussed solemnly and
without prejudice. If the Noble Lord stated, and he
believed that he did state it truly, that it was one of
protection or no protection, lie should propose a resolu-
tion on the subject, and call upon their Lordships to
affirm it. He regarded with pleasure the measure which
the Government proposed to bring forward, which did
amount substantially to an aboltion of protection The
only fault he had to find with is was that it did not come
into operation at once. He regarded the modifying
scale, which was to continue for three years longer, as a
clear mockery.—(Cheers.) It was regarded so by Noble
Lords, who were in favour of protection, and being so
regard( d he thought the abolition should have taken place
without delay. It was the only part of the measure
which he, as a landowner, was afraid of. He did not
fear for the operation of the measure on the agricul
turists, for he believed them quite as able as the manu-
facturers to meet competition. But when a policy of
an extensive description was announced, it was most un-
wise to prolong that state of things by which a
transition was always attended. So long as
that state of things existed it was impossible
for any arrangement of a satisfactory or permanet
nature to be come to between landlords and tenants.
He believed that these circumstances would have the
effect of throwing great obstacles in the way of improve-
ment in agriculture, and that the same indisposition
evinced some years since, by reason of the operation of the
corn-laws would again develope itself namely an indiToei-
tion on the part of agriculturists to invest their capital in, I
land, and an indisposition to take land for any length-
ened period of time. The great impediment iu the way
of agriculturists desirous of improving the land
was the indisposition on the part of landlords to
grant leases, and therefore airy stimulant admini,tered
calculated to promote that agitated state of feeling
amongst the land-owners must be injurious to agricul-
ture. It was, likewise, his opinion, that by continuing
this modified system of duty or pleat ction, for two or
three years longer, great difficulty would be shown
in the way of the transmission of foreign corn
to this country. At the present moment
the stock of corn held in store by foreign countries was
very great. Now, if the duty upon that cern were re-
moy, d at once it would not injure the country, be-
cause no sudden influx would take place ; but by this
modified system of duty continuing for thrt e years, the
certain consequence would be to induce the foreign
trader to hold in his stock, and thus darn up
the sources of supply for those three years, and
when that time had expired the result would be a vast
influx of foreign corn into this country when all restric-
tion had been removed, and the result would be a serious
ii.jury to all parties. All those Noble Lords whom he
was now addressing were as deeply interested in 0l is
matter as he was ; though, no doubt, this plan hid- been
proposed with a view to securing their supee-- , e
.ses, yet he
trusted that if they took the same. yrew, 0, the
subject that he did, they would ',se their influence
to prevent a measure from passing
another'e would
wi' h be
poiiit so
t
injurious to themselves. There -was
t° Pl:lude. lie had heard the
speech of one of the weSble Lords on the cross bench,
who had spoken 'in strong terms, in rather severe terms,
on the ;ttoject of protection to the landed interest,
gut
not in terms less severe than that branch of
the subject which lie dealt with (lest rved.—(llear, hear.)
To talk of giving such a compensation as this was to
say the least of, it putting a gross delusion on their Lord-
ships, as ho believed that the only real compensation
which could be made to those enraged in eigri-
cuqural pursuits was of the nature of which
promises had beets been held out, but which
he was sorry to learn from the papers that
had been printed, was not intended to be fulfiled—
he meant the real spirit of competition which was the
carrying
out of the principle of tree trade, with respect
to other articles, as well as to corn.—(Hear.) It seemed
jest that if they were to sell their corn at a cheaper
pd
ee. irceedo, nt
haactc ot
hu
enyt of the
should
ha
have competition
a n
which
opportunityw ouol b
of producing
eengen -
. the commodities which they required at corresponding
pricas. He saw no reason why the colonies should have
an advantage which they did not possess. If the English
farmer was able to bear free trade, he wanted to know
on what grounds the colonies were not able to undergo
the same competition. They had to support
armies and other establishments for prot-cting the
measures brought forward by the Government, that
their Lordships would give the subject their most seri-
ous consideration, and teusted that they would insist on
the principle of free trade being carried out with respect
to other articles. The application of the principle to
one article to the exclusion of others was cal-
culated to throw discredit on the principle on which
the Government propositions were stated to be fuunded.
He hoped that when the measure came forward, it world
be d sencumbered of all those absurdities which reminded
them of by-gone controversies. He hoped that they
would strike out upon fresh ground—that the
true sound end right principles of free-trade were
su boldly announced would be carried into effect for the
benefit of the w hole nation. That which
had fallen from the Noble Duke (the Duke of
Richmond) had induced him (Earl Grey) to
trouble their Lordships with these observations.
Perhaps he had gone further than he ought
on that occasion, but considering how generally
those matters were decided practically and vir-
tually decided before their Lordships had an
opportunity of pronouncing upon them, and he
thought there was some justification for them if they
ventured thus early strongly to express their opinion.
He would only say, in his own justification, that the
principles of free trade, since his first entrance into Par-
liament, were those which lie had always sympathised in.
On his first entrance into the House of Commons he had
voted in those very small majorities by which the prin-
ciple of the scliding scale had always been obtained.
From that time to the present the language i
he had held, both in office and out of office, had been that
the whole system of protection was, from first to last a
mistake,injurious to the protected intreest as well as
to those against whom protection was granted, and the
sooner they adopted the principles of common sense—
those principles which every great political writer aid
philosopher had supported—the sooner those principles
were practically adopted in legislation the better.

LORDS SUMMARY.
The LORD CUANCELLOR took his seat upon the
Woolsack at five o'clock.

The Toll-bars (Scotland) Bill was read a second time.
The Duke of RICHMOND
topresentingdomestic,
several peti-
tions in favour of protectioinn omdestic, industry,
I
stated that he and they entirely
the Ministerial pi ()position with to
from
com-
mercial policy, and that he considered the scheme
as unjust and uncalled for, and that he denied the
truth of the assertion on which the plan was based.
It was perfectly rediculous to talk of this as a compro-
mise. It was no compromise at all ; and, besides, he
was averse to all compromise. They ought to have
stated what would be the price of corn under the system
before they talked of compromise. The farmers felt
they had been illtreated, and it would be dangerous to
pass the measure in opposition to their •;qshts. He

hoped their Lordships would throw out the Bill, and I
force the Minister to appeal to the country. He
had no fear of the results,
---A".'.:.:-C,orn•law League ; but he
11"*.711,standing the
bribery of the

Lord V:INNAIRD, as a Member of the Anti-
Corn-law League, denied that they had bribed.
He could not hold himself responsible for

all the language that had been held by
thought the Noble Duke would scarcely hold himself
responsible for all the language made use of at Pro-
tection Societies.

The Duke of RICHMOND would hold himself re•
sponsible for the language used at Protection Societies.
Lord KINN&IRD congratulated the Noble Duke. He
therefore held himself responsible for the gentleman
who had compared a Member of the other House to
Satan, and for the burning of the Times newspaper ut
a protection meeting. The League had not bribed—
they bad merely enabled persons to obtain the franchise
according to law. The Noble Duke, in advocating an im-
mediste appeal to the people on every great question,
was merely advocating Chartist doctrines, and if he
were to succeed he would merely give to an agitation
for a further reform in Parliament.
After a few words from the Duke of BUCKINGHAM,

Lord BROUGHAM wished to ask if it were at, with
regard to Oregon, it were true that on a globe published
under authority, the American boundary had

as laid down by the American Government?

The Earl of ABERDEEN thought his Noble Friend al-
luded to some prior transaction. He had no objection to
lay before the House the instructions under which the
party had acted.

Earl GREY—With regard to the proposals for the re-
form of our commercial policy, would propose that if it
were to be opposed, he thought it would be better to
meet it by a resolution in favour of protection. He ap-
proved of the principle of the measure, but should have
preferred a repeal of the corn-laws at ()Lee. The three
years duty was producing a state of indicision.
and was a mere mockery contintsing the uncertainty and
agitation which was the great evil of the present state
of things. The real security of the landed interest
consisted in granting leases, end any thing that pre-
vented this rendered that interest insecure. So low
was the stock of corn in foreign countries ; that any al-
teration now would be attended with little effect ; but
then three years delay would dam up the current of
exportation from abroad for three years, and at
the end of that time to let in a flood of
foreign corn, to the detriment of all parties,
He trusted that their Lordship's would prevent this part
of the measure from passing. With regard to the mes-
sures of compeesution, although some of them sere just
in themselves, to talk of them as compensation was delu-
sive. The only real compensation would be to esta-
blish the principle of free trade completely in every-
thing as well as corn. If they were to sell cheap corn,
they ought to buy cheap coffee, cheap timber, tie„ct cheep
everything else, If the home produeer would support
cheap competition why could not, the Colonial producer
He trusted that if the e
Y.:-F
landowners eriment were tried as regarded
it wr.euld be carried out as regarded others to
the great benefit equally of the Treasury and the con-
sumer, He was sorry too to see that the fallacy which
he had thought utterly exploded of making a distinction
between free and slave labour sugar, that most absurd of
all fallacies, was still to be maintained. He had always
felt deeply attached to the principles of free trade, and
for the moment of his entrance into public life he
had denounced the principles of protection as, from first
to last, a mistake ; that the principles of free trade were
principles of common sense, and the sooner they were
adopted into our Legislature the better.
Lord ASHBURTON feared that neither the Government
nor the House would ever be ab:e to carry out the prin-
ciples of free trade, as advocated by the Noble Earl, in a
country placed in such a complicated position as thi
country was placed in. 0 wing to the great burdens which
were borne by this country, it was impossible that the
British farmer, andmeet the foreigner upon equal terms;
and all the authorities upon this subject, such as Mr
HuserssoN, Mr. lliceano, and others, admitted that the
British farmer was entitled to compensation on account
of his IN culiar burdens. As long as they had the deb
in the state in which it which it was, and as long a
foreign countries continued in their present state, it was
perfectly Utopian to hope to establish a system
of free trade. The Noble Lord then complained
of the conduct of the League, in opening a shop
in every town in the kingdom, for the pur-
pose of providing what he termed fictitious votes
He thought it the duty of the Government to provide
some remedy for this evil.
Lord MONTEAGLE denied that the revenue duties were
obstacles to the freedom of trade. His Noble Ft iend
had, in the most strange manner, confounded revenue
duties—which were no obstacles to free,:om of trade—
with protective duties which were obstacles to the free-
dom of trade. For instance, neither the tea nor tobacco
duties were obstacles to the freedom of trade. Few men
had been consistent on the principle of free-trade ; but
with one exception, all public men had advanced towards
free-trade. Whe n the but dens of the country wa
greater than they were now, the petition of the mcr.
chants of London had, in 1815, laid down the broad
principle of free trade, and had been supported
by the highest authority in both Hous a of
Parliament. If our burdens were great, that was a
reason for leaving industry unfettered. With regard to
the delay of three years in the reiolof theA'rn laws he
Considered it would be prejudicial
,*hose:froN whose ad-
Yatitage it was intended, but he accepted the measure as
a whole as the greatest step that had yet been made in
regard to free trade.
Lord ASHBURTON explained.
The Duke of RICHMOND complained that the farmer
was obliged to employ more men than he wanted. It'
he was to be forced to sell cheap bread, he should be
secured cheap labour. If they had cheap bread, why should
they not have cheap beer? It would be better to repeal
the malt tax than the brandy duties. He was for pro-
tee ion to all classes, and he hoped the farmers would
not enter into compact with the League. He thougi,t
that if they were to have free trade, it would better to
have it at once. Protection had ever existed in this
country, and all the farmers was fair play.
The Earl of Deeuousse then rose to submit to their
Lordships the plan which he proposed should he
adopted with regard to railway Bills. In former
years those Bills bad been few in number, but
During the present year there had been dep..sited 818
plans of projects in the Board of Trade, and there now
stood for the consideration ofthe House 687 Bills.
LEFT SPEAKING.

Rouse of Commons ouwhe•
to keep such a holiday as On
one , •
and for which the House was asked toadjourn.
He thought that it was a reproach to those honourable
men whO had shed their blood in order to retain the
elL..rterect liberties of the country. They had sacrificed
their lives in the defence of those liberties, and he
thought that it would be foolish with that fact before
them to keep that absurd fast.—(Cheers, and laughter.)
That was his opinion, and he felt bound to declare it.—
(Cheers.) LSeveral Hon. Members etelaittied at thb
same moment, "No such thing."] At least that
was his impression, and he found it was pub-
lished in the papers of the House, and entered in
the notice book, that to-morrew was to be observed as a
fast in the commemoration of the tnartyrdotn of King
Charles. Now there could be no doubt that such then
was the case, and if he went cut with only one or two
of his friends, he would divide the House on the sub-

ject.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he had endeavoured
to put the matter in the most substantive form, and to
express the reasons of her Majesty's Government. Now
hb had exactly stated that the reason of the adjourn-
ment of the House was really because there was not
public business before them for that day, and bec:.use
it would conduce very much to the public convenience.
He conceived that this would constitute a sufficient

reason.
Mr. ROSS expressed bitneeir Satisfied with the reasons
o fe
r.lße
li hwtHun. B e
onacrti,iitvi
ee.
Mdt
that the Right Hon. Baronet
the Secretary for the Home Di partment had not fully
replied to the question of the Hun, Member for 'Fine-
bury. Ile believed that the object of that qu stion bad
been to learn whether it was intended to call out the
militia this year or not. It mi ;ht he necessary to have
a permanent la, for the embodiment of the militia, but
that was of small interest to the public at large, and
he, therefore, begge d to inquire whether the militia really
was to be called ore, this year?
Sir J. GRAHAM said that he thought he had already
answered the question. It was the privilege of her
Majesty to call out the militia if the exigencies of the
public service should make it necessary, Under the sug-
gestion of her responsible Ministers. It was intended to
bring in a Bill, and under the power of that Bill, if
war should arise, her Majesty would have the power of
calling out the militia atter a fortnight's notice. But
when the Bill should he introduced his Right Hen.
Friend the Secretary-at-War (Mr. Sidney Herbert)
would explain all its provisions fully to the House.
Mr. WILLIAMS wished particularly to understand
whether-the Hulse wets to be adjourned beentise Wainer
row was tl.e anniversary of an absurd fast, or be-
cause there was no business before the House ?
lithe House was to adjourn on that aectienty he knew of
nothing that would degratle the present generation so
much as that it should be said of them that they ad-
journed the public business beettu,le of the anniversary
of the martyrdom of that tyrant, who was led to the seat-
fold in ceeneequence of superseding the authority of the
Helm of Cemmons.—(hear. tend laughter.) If that
tyrant had not violatid the institutions of the cnuntty,
by attempting to impose public taxes without having
obtained the sanction of Parliament, his death by vio-
lence would neter have taken place.—(Laughter.) The
memory of the man who resisted the tyrant, and caused
his overthrow, ought to be cherished, rather than the
fate of the to rant borne in mind.—(Laughter.)
Lord JOHN MANNERS beeged to express his
dissent from every word that had fallen from the
Honourable Member who had last addresced the
House. Ile did not believe that when the Govern-
ment proposed an adjournment of the House from the
following day until Monday that they were actuated by
any such motive as that which the Honourable Member
for Coventry appeared disposed to impute to them.
THE RIVER PLATA.
Lord J. RUSSELL, who spoke in so low a tone as
to be almost inaudible in the reporters' gallery, inquired
of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government
what instructions had been given to the English ambas-
ador with regard to the contest respecting the River
Piatt?
Sir R. PEEL replied that' he had not the slight-
est objection to lay upon the table of the house the mini-
sterial documents which would explain the grounds upon
which the government had acted. The instructions to
our ambasador he would also lay on the table, but with
respect to other communications he would prefer not
doing so at present, because, recently, proposals had been
made which though not accepted might ultimately lay
the foundation of the adjustment of this long-pending
dispute. —(Hear, hear.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he had no wish to ask
for other papers connected with the subject, but he
would be glad to know what demands upon her Ma-
jesty's Government had been refused.
Sir ROBERT PEEL observed that his instructions,
when laid before the House, would show what the pro-
posal were which had been made on the part
of the Government of this country and of France.
'The Right Hon. Baronet said he was not prepare t to in-
form the Noble Lord (Russell) what were the instruc-
tions issued to their ambassadors.
ESCOTT said he rose for the purpose of asking
the Noble Lord, the Member for London (Russell),
whether it was his intention to renew a Bill brought in
last session of Parliament with respect to Ecclesiastical
Courts, and whether he would give time to persons to
make such representations as they deemed necessary on
that subject?
Lord J. RUSSELL said he would be very happy to
receive any assistance, information, and representation
on the subject, and that it was his intention to bring in
such a Bill as that alluded to
RAILWAY DEPOSITS.
Mr. lIASTIE rose to ask whether the standing order
of 1839, respecting railway deposits, was to be carried
into eff,ct, as, if it was, the security of 10 per cent.
should be paid up, and it would embarrass the fiscal
regulations of the country, as deposits to a very large
amount had already taken place this year. Represen-
tations had been made to her Majesty's Government on
this head to the effect, that money should be lodged in the
Court of Chancery, and ifit stopped the railway mania he
had no objection to see such representations attended to.
He should mention to the House the way in which
these orders are operating upon the commercial in-
terests. It must be perfectly well known to every Mem-
ber of this House, that the whole of the commercial
transactions of this country are carried on by means of
bills of exchange. If goods were consigned to any part of
the glob —to India, South America or China, bills are
drawn, and they are paid for by bills ; now these bills
it has been the practice of merchants to discount,
thereby occupying the doting capital in London, and
enabling our merchants to buy largely and import largely.
In cons( quence of the necessity of making these deposits
it has been almost impossible to obtain accommodation
for bills of exchange for the last three days.
And should this continue, he (the Honourable
Member) assured the House that the conse-
quenceewould be most ruinous. In order that
the House might be enabled to form a small
idea of the extent to which these bills run; he must tell
them that 150,000,0001. were occupied in discounting the
bills exchanged in their commercial transactions with
the \Vest Indies, South America, and China. Let them
stop those exchanges for a day, and there was
no knowing what the consequences would be.
He, therefore, complained of their standing
orders, as embarrassing the commerce of the country.
Ile thought an Act or Parliament ought to be intro-
duced which would alter the present system, and he
would press upon her Majesty's Government the ueces-
sity of making some alteration in the standing order.
'The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The
Hon. Member who had just spoken had taken what he
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought to be a very
incorrect view of the question. What he had complained
of had not only reference to railway speculations alone,
but to all other speculations having the sanction
of Parliamsnt. The standing orders required that a
certain ;um should be paid into the Bank of England
in the name of the Accountant General of the Court of
Chancery. The money being so placed, was, after cer-
tain preliminary conditions, available for the purposes
of the speculation for which it had been lodged. It
was quite true, that without the sanction of the Ac-
countant General, money so placed could not be with-
damn. He doubted very much whether the Hon.
Member could propose any remedy for the evil of which
he had complained.
Mr. lIAS'FIE wished to explain. The Right Hon.
Gentleman had misunderstood him. What he (Mr.
Hastie) complained of was, not that the money was
lodged with the Accountant. General, but that after it
was so lodged, the great delay which tcok place before
it could be withdrawn.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
that if the deposits paid were placed in the Bank of
England, the person in whose name it was placed
would be able to draw it at an hour's notice ; but if the
money was placed to the credit of the Accountant-
General, it would take a period of a week or ten days
in order to withdraw it, as several documents would
have to be prepared.
Mr. P. M. STE WART said, said supposing the money
to be placed in the Bank in the names of five
of the Provisional Committee, they. had the same
power over it as a single individual would
hove were it placed in his name ; but if
it was placed there under the authority of that
[louse it would remain in the bank, and could only be
drawn by parties sussessing certain official documents.
The parties lodging it had no power to draw it, and it
became available to the Batik of England for
commercial purposes. The Court of Chancery
would have no power over it whatever. The
purpose of the law that had been made on that subject
was to secure the public from injury, and that purpose
would be amply effected if the Bank of England re-
eeived and kept the money, with authority
from the proper quarter. No practical man
or Bank of England director would contradict
him when he said that if the money
were placed in the Bank of England raider restraint, it
would not be available for commercial
.purposes. His
friend, the Hon. Member for Paisley, if he were a
practical man, would know that all the money taken
from the circulation of this country and locked up in the
Bank of England, in the name of the Court of Chen-
eery would not be available for commercial purposes.
Money to the extent of six or seven millions, or a sixth
of the circulation, would be thus withdrawn.
Mr. GISI3ORNE said that the money might be better
invested. The Bank of England gave no interest for
any money invested.
Mr. HUDSON would offer a practical suggestion to the
Chancellor of the Exchequer which he was persuaded
would obviate the difficulty
complained of. The com-
anies seeking to obtain the consent of Parliament to
Rrilway bills, were, in place of money, to deposit Exche-
quer bills on stock, the above difficulty would be met.
He saw no objection to the placing of the deposits in the
hands of the Accountant General as security on
the part of the Railway Company. of their intention
to proceed with their scheme, and that it was
a bona fide undertaking.—(Hear, hear.) But he consi-
dered it they were to give ten thousand 07 thirty thou,
swad pounds value in Consols, Exchequer-billi, or Indian

-;-. • -
!Bohds; ilibk weft) as good as hank notes. All that the
House watttd iViis se€iirity from companies of their in- i
tendon to prosecute their stheroes ; and in acting on
the suggestion he now made he believed all parties would
be benefitted.— (Hear, hear.) Whether the depoiit% 1
%sere paid into the hands of the Bank of England
or the Accountant General, the course he reed,.._lended
would be satisft,ctoty to all parties, and juo difficulty 1

would then arise.
Mr. RICARDO said it appeared to him of little con•
sequence as to in whe43 Maxie railway deposits might be
paid, whether in the name of one man ifl prefilrenee to
another, or as to who might be the party who made the
payment. If the Accountant-General invests the mouey
his order in the Bail of England then is the
latter in a pW,,ltibh to ray interest on it, and
if he do es not, the Bank of Eugland
not in a positi,,n to pay upon it. The securities of
country banks might have been taken were there nut
doubts whether they bad hot Made advances on the s‘.3-
curity o! deposits in a very imprudent. manlier. If these
bSnks in this respect had acted with common
prudence there would have been no difficulty at
all. A great deal of the inconvenience was
complained of would have been atoided If at the time of
registration a period was named for the deposits to be
paid, It might be stated that they should be paid by a
certain day, say three or four months after the registra-
tioh of the Company. lie thffiight it -Was easy to calcu-
lte when these deposits were first paid what ivould be

the effect on the public circulation.
Mr. MUNTZ said that he could not help thinking
that it Was very steaege that the Govetument should
refuse to receive their own securities as a payment into
the public Treasury. especially whi n they were only
held as a trestee Wed, and he conceived that the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer was throwing something like
disgrace on their °en credit. lie thought the proposal
a very proper one, and if the Hen. Member for blind, r-
land had not elude it he should have made it himself;
for it appeared exceedhegly strange that the Govern-
ment should refuse to receive their own paper, especially
when the doing so would be a saving of expense to the
public as Well its ineonteniehee.
Sir it. PEEL said that the express ohltsq of the re-
gulation complained of was to give relief to the public.
He thought that the parties who were chiefly interested
in this matter had had sufficient notice of the effect of
this regulation to save themselves and these
with whom they had to deal. That the rule
would be attended with ome inconvenience
to the parties most immediately interested
in railways he could not deny. It Was, seed understood
that the object of Parliament was to discourage unsound
speculation in railways. The deposit had originally
peen so low, that it offered no bar whatever to the ex-
tent; the inconvenient extent, of speculation, and Parliae
liament had acorn dingly Made the deposits required
after a certain. period 10 per cent., and at the time that
that rule was instituted it was well known that the depo-
site were to be paid in money to the Accountant-Generae
and not in stock, and the object of that rule Was to prevent
that unsound speculation which the other rule had been
stringent enough to do, and thus the object of the Go-
vernment was served. The rule would by no means pre-
vent the discount of long bills, and if it interfered at. all
With short ones, it wouid only do AD with that class of
paper, such as those which had only two or three months
to run, and which were generally presedted for discount
by parties who had unwisely used their funds in railway
speculations. It was intended that there would be a
pressure, but he believed that nom Members would be
mistaken if they imagined that the prolate would be noire
injurious now than at a future period, or that it would
he at all relieted by the payments being in the hands of
the Ae count ant-General rather than in those of the Bank
of England, He had given his most careful attention to
the subject, and he perfectly agreed with his Eight Hon.
Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He had had
interviews with many parties of the highest authority
and experience in the City, and they were convinced
that the plan adopted would be the best
that could be used for the purpose, noel that
it would not interfere with the discounting of
any legitimate bills, Under these eircumstaeces
But the proposal that after a portion of the money had
been deposited, a certain interval should elapse before
its return would, in his opinion, be unjust to the specu-
lator who ought to have the earliest opportunity of get-
ting his money back, should the railway in which he
had embarked not pass the standing orde rs.
Mr. P. M. STEWART rose to explain. He thought
the interval between the depositing and the release of
the money could be determined by the fate of the Bill
when certified by the proeer authority.
Sir R. PEEL objected, on the ground that the fate of
a Bill might not be decided for perhaps two or three
months.
Mr. STEWART—Why the standing orders are to
decide it. -
Mr. F. BARING considered it would be hard to lock
up money fir an indefinite time without interest until
the fate of the Bill might be known. He confessed, but
he might be mistaken, that be could not understand what
disadvantages would arise from the deposit of Exchequer
bills instead of money.—(Hear.) The object of the de-
posit was, that the Government and the public might
have a security that the undertaking fur which it was
proposed to obtain an Act of Parliament was of a bona
fide nature. He hoped the House would we 11 consider
the subject.—(hear, hear.)
The question of the adjournment was then put from
the Chair, and declared carried.
Lord ASHLEY laid on the table a petition in favour
of the Ten Hours' Bill for the regulation of labour.
Lord ASHLEY again rose, and said he felt it
his duty, in the first place, respectfully but
positively to state. that the decision cane to
on the factory question was not the decision
of the Hoffee, but the decision of her Majesty's Ministers.
lie would say that a very large mejority of those gentle-
men, who from their position must be the best acquaint( d
with the feelings of the commercial and manufacturing
interests of this country, supported his proposition. No
less than 33 out of 42 of those Members voted in that
House for the Ten flours Bill, and he did hope a similar
support would be given him on the present occasion.
Moreover he was certain that the most anxitu- and
undiminished desire was felt out of that House for the
success of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) A desire unabated,
and a measure which was every day gathering new
strength. Nearly two years had elapsed since
he submitted that question fur the consideration
of the House, and he hoped the Douse
would consider that a full and sufficient interval had
passed between the rejection of that Bill and the intro-
duction of another. The country was decidedly in fa-
Tour of such a measure, and he hoped it would meet
with the approbation of that House also.—(Hear, hear.)
Now it should be his great endeavour to abstain from
wearying the House by the production of es ideeice
already so often put before them in the shape of re-
ports and otherwise. Ile believed that it would be a
disai,vantage to his cause if he did not refresh their memory
upon those subjects ; but, however, he would willingly
forego that advantage rather than appear to trespass
upon their time, and he could do so with less reluctance
as the question was narrowed to this—Could the
improvement be effected without injuring the
trade ? That was the simple proposition he
had to offer. Why could it be denied that a great mu-
ral benefit would accrue by the limitation of the hours
of work.—(fluor, hear.) He would detail to them a
series of experiments connected with this subject. Mr.
Gardiner, a gentleman who had very extensive mills in
Manchester and Preston, was good enough to send
his foreman and son to London to give me au
account of son experiments which he had tried in
his manufactory. He (the Noble Lord) put to
to them several questions, the answers to which they
had since committed to writing. They were so
exceedingly important that he must apologize
to the House fur reading them.—(Hear, hear.)
Well, then, he said this country could not exist without
protection of some sort or other. But how cbouuEtl duwrt
hhtre,)nee
tsewhtsi
eaptratpeblailei
s?asschs
astroo
e3freeittinhyoestr.etdaxs
tdiahsemte,oeiefwdr.
refused hgoienr,nvtahnnintehat
native
inaecytcsioaovuduenonpt
countries
trinie
des
fsurwse
industry,
rioh,
f,
tradewhic h
prin-
ciplesthey
ally
Talyd theirscarcity
rty
eruEriteinepgsav
r,aetnnsfdtoo. f
Europe,
en-
couragementeohnpe
scarcity
anuedemd
iann
iypn
ora eft vet i
the
prevailed
more
sr in this
corn oitahrinilsythce
than
nur
nr
gar
syr
0, ait was well known
ly
wb
no
absolutely te
eoluynntreiceesssparro;
for their own wants, in the hope that there might be a
deficiency in some of the nations of Europe. They had
al waysgoelarge quantities of corn which had been produced
at a less expense than what it would cost in England, on
hand, which would be brought into the British market
at once, if they adopted these free-trade principles, to
the detriment of the -British farmer, who had heavy bur-
dens and taxes to pay. Free-trade, then, applied to this
country was fallacious, and he was supported in this
opinion by all the best authorities who had written upon
the subject, who agreed that freedom of trade could not
be established without injury [to native interests

COMMONS SUMMARY.

The House of Commons met at Fuur o'clock.

Petitions were presented for various railway Bills.
Mr. BRIGHT gave notice that, on Monday next, he
would move the re-appointment of the Committee on the
game-laws.
On the motion of Sir ROBERT PEEL it was agreed
that the House at its rising should adjourn to Monday
next, after a short discussion.
In answer to a question from Mr. T. DuNcomnE, Sir
JAMES GRAHAM stated that it was the intention of the
Secretary-at-War, at an early period of the session, to
introduce a Bill for the amendment and consolidation of
the Malitia Act.

In answer to a question from Mr. BRIGHT, as to when
the militia would be called out,

Sir J. Gueasm stated that, under the present law, it
Was competent for the Government to call out the militia
at a fortnight's notice.

Sir R. PEEL, in answer to a question from Lord JOHN
RUSSELL, said he had no objection to lay on the table the
papers with respect to the hostilities in Rio de la Plata,
as far as they had reference to the grounds on which
France and England had united on this question, but the
papers relating to the atrocities committed he must at
present decline producing.
Lord J. RUSSELL, in answer to a question from Mr. B.
ESCOTT, stated that he had not yet determined whether
he should, during the present session, again bring in the
Ecclesiastical Courts Bill.

31,-. Henn, on the part of the bankers of London,
complained of their being compelled by the standing
orders to Pay the money they received for railway de-
posits into I:2e Bank of England in the name .of the
Accountant.
Gerk:ral of the Court of Chancery. He
thought there ought to be some relaxation of the stand-

log orders in this respect, as the greatest confusion
would prevail. He believed that all purposes would be
answered by paying the money into the Bank of Eng
land and sufficient protection afforded to all &mil fide
railways. He would make a motion on the subject on a
future day. -
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the
deposits *be,: :iaid in to the name of the Accountant-
General were as avatiaL:' for the purpose of trade as if
paid into the Bank in any ote: way 'All that was
required to get it out was the order of the Court
of Chancery.
Mr. P. M. STEWART said that the money that was
paid into the Bank of England in the hams of the
Accouhtent-General :was froze up and totally unavailable
for the purposes of trade. As to obtaining an order in
Chancery that, us was well know, was the work of time,
Surnet mes such a document was not obtained for twenty

•earn.

Mr. HUDSON thought that the whole difficulty wonld
be got over by the transfer of India Bonds, or Consols,
or Exchequer-bills, instead of cash being required to
be paid into the Bank.
Mr. MUNTZ could not see what objection the Govern-
ment had to receive their own Exchequer- bills.
Sir It. PEEL trusted the Hou e would not interfere in
this matter, as he felt convinced that the spirit of im-
proper speculation would never be put an end to unless
the public sustained some inconvenience.
After a few observations from Mr. F. BARING the sub-
ject dropped.
Ou the motion of Sir C. NAPIER a Committee was
appointee to inquire into the manner in which the Poor-
law Commissioners have exercised the powers for the
establishment of district asylums for the houseless poor
in the metropolis, confided to them by the statute of the
7th and Bth of Victoria, c. 101 ; and also to inquire into
the effects of any asylums supported by voluntary sub-
scriptions which may have been formed for the same
purpose ; also (pursuant to previous notice) a Selec
Committee to investigate the subject.
Lord ASHLEY moved for leave to bring
,in a Bill to
reduce the hours of working of young persons in fac-
tories to tea hours in the day. Two years had elapsed
since he brought the subject before the House ; but
events had since taken place that illustrated that
truth of these principles he bad then propounded ;
and the question was now narrowed to this—Would Lis
proposition be carried into effect without injury to trade
or detriment to the wages of the labourer. The Nhble
Lord then went at considerable length into what
had taken place during the last year in the manufac
turing districts fur the purpose of showing that the
shortening of the time of labour had been attended
1 with no injury to trade, while it improved the wages
l and the physical condition of the labourers and their
; children.

[LEFT SPEAKING.]

TATTERSALL'S-THIS EVENING.

Six o'CLocK.

CHESTER cur.
26 to 1 agst Best Bower
25 to I agst Whinstone
25 to 1 agst Miss Burns
20 to 1 agst Mickey Free
40 to 1 agst Warp
33 to 1 agst hype
20 to 1 agst Sweetmeat—taken freely
40 to 1 agst Mermaid
1,000 to 15 agst Vitula
1,000 to 15 agst Salopian
DERBY.
18 to 1 agst Brocardo
25 to 1 agst logo
30 to 1 agst Malcolm
30 to 1 agst Traverser
33 to 1 agst Fancy Boy
PAIiS.
20 to 1 agst Osprey
25 to 1 agst Fantastic
30 to I agst Mowerina.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.
BOW-STREET. _ _

Mr. Edward .Bryant Carey, solicitor, of Southampton-
buildings, Chancery-lane, was placed at the bar for re-exa-
mlnatiai, on the charge of forging a document purporting to
be the office 'copy of a certificate of the Accountant-General,
acknowledging the payment into the Bank of England, to
his account, of the sum of 2,596/. 175., in pursuance of an order
of the Court of Chancery, in the matter of the Rev. E.
Franks, a lunatic, deceased • and also a further document,
purporting to be the receipt of the Bank of England for the
same amount.
Mt. Clark (with Mr. Hayward, from the Treasury-office)
attended on behalf of the Crown, and Mr. J. H. Party (with
Mr. Horsley, solicitor) appeared fur the prisoner.
The Learned Counsel for the prosecution referred briefly to
the particulars deposed to at the last examination, when Mr.
Bellamy, of Brighton, and Mr. C. J. Foster, of Lincoln's Inn,
as co-trustees of the affairs of the deceased, explained the
part taken by themselves in obedience to the orders of the
Court, and the instructions given to the prisoner, as solicitor
to the trust. The letters of the prisoner to the trustees, en-
closing the documents alleged to be forged, were then pro-
duced, and Mr. Clark now proposed to offer evidence as to
the forgery. The cheque, signed by Messrs. Bellamy and
Foster, and crossed to the Accountant-General, was altered
fter leaving the hands of the trust. es, the words " Messrs.
Gosling and Co." having been written across the cheque,
and the words "the Accountant-General" erased therefrom:

Mr. G. Strange. of the King';-road, Chelsea, clerk in the
bank of Messrs. Gosling and Co., of Fleet-street, .deposed
that the prisoner kept an account at their bank. On the 24th
of June last witness received two cheques to the credit of Mr.
Gorey, the prisoner, one of them being for the sum of
2,5961. 17s. Witness endorsed the cheque, and it was the
same as now produced, although he could not say if it was
i❑ the same condition.
Mr. Frederick Strachan, another clerk in the same bank,
deposed to having taken the cheque to Messrs. Coutta and
Co.'s, upon whom it was drawn, and it was paid in the usual
course of business. _ _

Mr. J. Hayward, clerk to Mr. Maule, solicitor to the Trea-
sury, produced an office-copy of the order made by the Lord
Chancellor in the matter of the Rev. E. Franks, and was
examined as to its accuracy, &c.
Mr. S. Parkinson, chief clerk at the Accountant-General's-
office, in Chancery-lane, inspected the document produced
by the last witness,. and after stating in detail the mode in
which business was conducted in the Accountant-General's-
office, he deposed that within the last few days he had exa-
mined the direction-book, the ledger, the journal, and the
receipt-book, and there were no entries in either of them
relating to any payment under the order in question. He
had examined them from the sth of November, 1844 (the
date of the order of the Lord Chancellor), up to within a
day or two ago.
Cross-examined by Mr. Parry—l have been in the Ac-
countant-General's-office upwards of thirty years, and have
known the prisoner, as having business with the office,
nearly the whole of that time. He is known also to every
other clerk in the office. I know nothing of him beyot.d this.
Mr. S. J. Smyth, a clerk in the Chancery-office of the
Bank of England, where sums of money were received under
the direction cf the Accountant-General, and placed to the
credit of the particular cause specified in the certificate, said,
on the production of the certificate or direction of the Ac-
countant-General, with the sum of money mentioned therein,
the clerk receiving it would make out a receipt, which, after
being entered in the cash-book, would be handed to the per-
son paying the same, to take over to the cashier in another
department. A memorandum of the payment would then
be sent up to the Accountant-General's-office, and the certi-
ficate filed in the Chancery-office of the Bank of England.
Witness had held his present situation for nine years, and
was acquainted with all the cashiers in the Bank, and all the
entry clerks in his department. There had not been, during
that time, any cashier named " W. R. West," nor any entry-
clerk named "F. 11. Ward." (These were the names signed
to the document teplesented by the prisoner as an office copy
of the receipt given at the Bank of England.)
Mr. Clark was about to examine the witness upon the
contents, or rather the non-contents of the cash and entry-
books, but _ .

- -
Mr. Parry objected to any such statement being made in
the absence of the books of which he was going to speak.
Mr. Clark said he believed the Governors of the Bank of
England did not allow the production of their books.
Mr. Parry denounced this notion as a parcel of stuff, and
observed that the Bank of England was as much bound by
',lie laws of the land as a greengrocer. He stated that in the
case of Barber and Fletcher the books of the Bank of
England were produced at the Mansion-house and thoroughly
examined.

After some further discussion, the point was decided in
accordance with Mr. Parry's view of the matter. His
Worship, therefore, ordered the production of the books,
although Mr. Smyth stated that, if assented to, it might
have the effect of stopping the entire business of the Bank
of England.
Mr. Smyth was subsequently cross-examined by Mr. Parry
as to the payment of the cheque. If it had been crossed as it
originally was, instead of bearing the words " Gosling and
C 0.," it would not have been paid. The cheque, as drawn by
Messrs. Bellamy and Foster, the trustees, would not have
been received, unless previously cashed elsewhere.
Mr. F. Reid, a clerk in the report-office, corroborated the
evidence of Mr. Parkinson as to the furnishing of office-
copies of the Accountant-General certificates on payment of
the usual fees, &c., and explained some other routine busi-
ness of his department. He was confident that the docu-
ment produced (the one sent by the prisoner to the trus-
tees) was not an office-copy, from the fact that it was not
in the handwriting of any of the clerks, and was not drawn
in the manner invariably adhered to in the office, there
being nineteen lines to the page instead of twenty-six and
six words in the line instead of seven. The amount of the
fee was als•J different.
Cross-examined—He was certain that the handwriting
was not that of either of the clerks in the office, because all
the copies passed through his hands. There might be hun-
dreds of thousands of these copies in the course of the year;
he could not speak within a thousand. Many writers out of
the office were employed to furnish copies.
' A lad, who had been in the prisoner's service from No-
vember to Saturday last as a clerk, proved that the alleged
office-copy was written by him, in obedience to his master's
directions, on Saturday, the 17th instant, from a copy which
the prisoner gave him. The prisoner desired him to be
careful with it and not to spoil it, as he had no other paper
folded in the same manner • he also explained the form in
which he was to write it. On the same evening witness took
a large letter to the Post-office, directed to Mr. Bellamy, of
Brighton. The direction produced was the same.
No further evidence was offered, and the case was conse-
quently adjourned, for the production of the Bank books,until
Wednesday week.
Mr. TWYFORD refused, on application, to admit the pri-
soner to bail, and he was accordingly remanded for a fort-
night.

A STEAM ENGINE BY POST.-Mr. G. Cartwright re-
ceived an order, on Friday week, for a miniature steam-
engine, on the high-pressure principle, for which he sent to
Messrs. Chadburn Brothers, Sheffield; and, strange to say,
though the engine had to be built, he received it enclosed in
a letter, by post, on Tuesday morning ! The engine was com-
plete in every detail, accompanied by a boiler and a fire-grate
containing fuel. At the request of several of the astonished
beholders, it was kept in motion the whole of Tuesday.--
Freston Guardian.

E.

OUR HOME and FOREIGN TRAP
(From the Sentinel of Jan. 25, 1846.) " „
Mr. Porter, in his " Progress of the Nation, 11,1
the annual amount of our home trade at eight hunare.
millions, and that of our foreign trade at forty millionos
According to this estimate, the former is twenty tiate„,
more valuable than the latter, with this additional sea_
vantage in its favour, that nothing but our bad legisTe
tion can prevent its expansion ; while the foreign trade
is always exposed to the jealousy or the ignorance 0,
some hostile tariff. .The opening of Parliament is opPoi
tune fur some remarks on this subject. to
We hold it to be the first duty of a Government, t
foster the home trade ; and we think the means to ti!ns,
2/1 very simple, for they are evolved out of the Priv/
ciples human nature. The desires and appetitesto
men are true sources of national wealth, be-ca
they ate the
,:ll
lcentiv,,s to labour, which create.s,le,
veealth. NOW, these:
since we all crave to: inure than we have.
tiesires and appetites are instd,otenese,
einentiv, there is no asei
spirit of this argureo7.
and, theiefore, in the sense ant;
for, whoeve
there can never be. over-produetien, ; ,„I•selent
geLable limit to constanpu_`",,
surnes, must replace what he constlM:s bY cl-0.10
production ; and thus the balance between ;ri tee
may be perpetually preserved. Over-produetioes
sense of merchants and manufacturers, rests on vie
ferent principle a from those here indicated, on whle
shall comment presently.
All classes and grades of men, under the preenPterotiugi
of nature, desire to be consumers ; a wise and Odes er
Government should enable all classes and omen, of
men to gratify that desire. Not a man, weeVisell
ceild, but ought to be well fed, well clotlsedetrunter
housed. It seems strange, we had almost 551 u •weil
turssl, to clothe foreigners, when our own cotintre)osa
are in rags. It is also curious to note, duds 11:e er
prove scarce in any country, and is about le t ; but
ported, the people frequently resist the ship's°. ale
whoever heard of the naked populace stePPl.newes,
with eet.ete re,
passage of a vessel out of port laden
calicoes, or broadcloth ? It may be said that et ether,
sistance in the one case and the passiveness in lilt, 400
are accounted for by the fact, that the desire eh so
more imperious than the desire of tiothing. °lii•otesi
answer may satisfy small philosopheisee wh,° t.she
the degrees or modifications of a prinoil3,leks" eat 1'
principle itself ; but it ought to have no welt;' °
enlightened statesman. 1112;
We have said that it seems strange, and —nor
natural, to send clothing to foreigners, whelle,;(le
countrymen, perhaps the very persons who sei,ir
clothing, are in rags. If it be replied, that thew-00ot
can pay for the clothing, while our countrYelscilteest:
pay for it, we must demur to the efficieneY s.,;ning;fl
plauation, for it cuts the knot, without unray; sot%
For we demand, why cannot our countrymen ekrod,
e presume they are capable of producing I,_ts „ &b e'
fact, they have produced it. Whence, Weldor,
incapacity to -perches° ? If it arises from beieg
paid in wages, pay them eeore ; if from beillioealti,
exempt them from taxes. No one•can find 5 ito/1)
here, unless he is one of that eles who find "
in le re.
bring just. r 01
In what manner would the British usanufsetn Col
these objections? He would probably state hi:ith.;„s
somewhat the following terms:—" To compel, s'elcitiv`e
tinental producers, I must reduce my cost en tionto,e,
to the continental level. It is true I have the s
of superior machinery, but that alone does net 1113
fie cossts'ese
The food of the foreigner costs less than noleo- esso
his taxes are much lighter than mine. .se." al"te
therefore, are less than mine ; and vvages a`"„isl,
element in the cost of production. In sill; edo
successful prosecution of my foreign trade etre
cheapness." edilemit
We may now understand why the British rris
of clothing may be in rags, while the foreigneL
seta's the hard labour of his unrequited ha
wages of pur workman are reduced to the 10"0- sled
and are then taxed at the highest possible els Do i;
the Customs and Excise. Hence he is doomed °Jibs
as the reward for creating the wealth by leP"
surrounded. e alt°olii
Sir Robert Peel has boasted that he will sl3vel
country the cheapest country in the world. motto
benefit the wen king man ? If be thinks so, theersatille
value his labour becomes, the better for lit iser"r
he to sell ? Nothing but his labour. Is he 0,,,g:r 0,0
Selling it for sixpence instead of a shilling ? , Vol
acre labourers don't think so. But who resl4,-,101,9.
by the depreciation of labour ? Why the ""Gofe' s
labour and of its produce, the fundholder, the bo ode
ment pensioner and annuitant, the idle rich. o'l,
shilling's worth of labour for sixpence. The'ese */)10
parties whom Sir Robert ..?eel's scheme will seli; se!,
it will prostrate industry. is is cheap labour tr",betr,
women and children to the factory, for if the Istseos,l
ceived sufficiently high wages, they might st9,Psiteoort
and it is cheap labour that has extended tot
toil froth ten to feen .
Now what is theourt remedy hours
for this most horrible 01
of things? A general rise of prices in the bat 145.0
ket, and such a currency as would permit ",,es t?"
prices. High prices would give high Wsegafacpsf_
working-classes, and high profits to the nitre V3,sl
The idle and rich consumer would of course P-,,,0011,
these high prices, and thus, his propertiseseV),
taxed, while industry would be untaxed. `4,,ds 41;
'aide.; annuity of one hundred thousand Potl"„ete°J!
be reduced in purchasing power, and to th.,.,°
that reduction, labour would gain. Lord Pl`,lol.4''?
pension would be diminished,
the Judges, and the fundholder would have 10,01).;
as well as the s-ditreet
a large per tentage on his dividends. In filet' Ate'
rise of prices, in a proper currency, would oPet
indirect mode of direct taxation. es°fr;°
Just as we increased the wages of the 0,e9
classes, who constitute the great body of cons° I)
should we raise the value of our home neerltat• stet"
had money, they could purchase commoditie,l'estoief
more money they bad, the more they wolnu.„'estttr,
Their desires and appetites would grow oa ;igo eti
fed. There would be no need to seek for fe,rlitlieffl,
till our own population were fully supplieue-re.
,article they needed of domestic mantsfsteteteVi
suppler perfected, the surplus could belie M-te.,o
foreign luxuries. Nothing more is reqird,Cire
those results than enriching our own industri°:, 01,
by seiviug them a larger share of the prosinniy
labour than they now receive, and this is and
done by charging that produce dearer te
010
consumes.. all;
When our merchants and manufacturers t tosecie4
production, they confound inability to Percat
unwillingness to consume. A man max. w-ets'ili
though he does not want appetite. Nature s 'l-000
by the state of the foreign exchanges or theegiod 00.;
bullion in the Bank cellars. The desire Id' ttefics,''
clothing remains in full force, whatever' mg
dition of Threadneedle-street or Capel-eollr-tlisoo
we had wise laws and an honest Government, to
would never be allowed to remain ungrati6e p
as industry was adding to national wealth. ellct
The reason why we are compelled to se'te 9tel
foreigners, is because they will only deal air esooll,
cording to natural value. If any part of °l.l 'VI
is embodied in the price of our commeezhtie:teels6
not purchase them ; for why should a fc's•-eeer'e
any portion of our national debt, or our
annuities ? They therefore deal with us in he-00;0,:,
gold prices. But we cannot deal with eac`; 10 '6,
these terms ; for if we sell R 8 cheap at kes3,,,- 11104
abroad, all the taxes must necessarily fall tee
ducer. If the English consumer pays fa
in P.,0"
he merely pays the natural value of "tle
sumes, but he escapes all that addition to force 05
production which taxation demands and ele'tvotiolitstc
the home trade, therefore, we require tnOedtF'
rency, in which the nominal pound shall her; tPcl,
depreciated as to be the exact measure of o'oo e;',11,1
By that contrivance, the industrious class first ter
taxation ; for though they would, in the
still pay the customs and excise, they woul" 'tier'
ceO
pay ment in the extra price charged to the e,OO AS
their goods. This is the equitable adjusW"cif,
should forthwith be made between Labour S"
40/
at
eel?
ANOTHER EXTRAORDINARY CURE OF „t ."
HOLLOWAY'S PlLLs.—Patrick Casey, resijieg, 'nolo osesiir
place, Brunswick-square, had suffered from Cjia 541 sc#ol
for more than thr," years. This poor Iron `jinn
Obis
sufferer that he did L'ot dare to go to hed
phlegm choking him : indeteSt. he could not ev,elie teased
upon a table for half an boUr :43t be sh°ul fljn'icl;l4'
Nevertheless this person is now labC'iringialrlnd'soiljn(l"
night, sleeps as well as ever he did int,..,"leti
completely cured, by the use of Holloway's villa Y:(
H oway's Ointment) at Professor Hollosinor:-
ment, 244, Strand, and by all respectable Yee of
cane throughout the world. ooliro;t01,4011.
CLOSE
OF fl - °LIDA Y . —Now that the seteesePoso
Dualchoo lessbetsvies.. is about to terminate, and the resil, :are,
reinstated by the busy throng of youth' 4,1110; )10`,
personal comfort and attractions of whom becoine
withfofrriends and relatives of great solicitude, B°
Oil,
the hair • R accelerating the growth and for improV'fri,
owland 3 Kalydor, for improving tlie sP'„d•3
and cutitheous eruptions • and Rolco"ole.he
beautifying
the teeth and preservinithe gums, Art: ofreoiraijc
sidered Indispensable in the requisite accomp ni"l,,e-hts $1:1 ‘'llferv,
tire repository. The august patronage concaedee ae-reac"lo,i
reignso of Europe to these creative renovating tiPecifi.,c-ef el9Aff'il°
themti e by. experience, of their infallible efneacYe In'ty
yo
wit?, perfection, and given them a eele'.4%-de 5
„Beware of Spurious Imitations Each genuine 4' *-
Rowland's" on the wrapper.

-- - __ _ _ ___ __ _ --•••••—•''''''-'.....-- ell"
C(4° „. t )'''
BIRTHS. „Ant' ,
On the 11th tilt at Madras, the wife of Lieute- isd., 400
Forster, of a daughter. the -el"
e, 7.
On the 16th inst., at Bableigh, near Barnstaple'
,00, pl,
gnstus 11. Gilbert Esq., R.N., of a son. Son'
On the 23d inst., ,at King'sßromley Manor, the lord',
Lane, of a daughter. „a, P 4
,orp-o- 1 r
On the 24th inst. at York-crescent, Lower of 0 or
Samuel Smith, of it'daughter.
Plymouth'
des, CO
Ott the 25th inst., at Looseleigh, near Plylne- of
1,001,
Ellis, Esq., of a daughter. Se,
eis
On the 25th inst., the wife of Mr. Charles •A-• T° .0- ..'
fr cor
well-grove, of a daughter. ton 31°. 4
On the 25th inst., at Maitland-place, QUIP- ' „ice it,
min, of a son. tile die'
,bt, ~,
On the 26th inst., at Freshwater, Isle of''. . O. '' ,
mender Graham E. W. Ilamond, R.N. of a °ll;rellre' f
On the 26th inst., at Bowden Hall, 'Gloucest
6, 02
Brooke Hunt, Esq., of a son. ilamplitea
On the 26th inst., at Mount Grove House, If'
son, of a son. __--------- ile,','lotl'
----
MARRIED. mon-TS'
On the 12th inst. at Jarrow, Newcastie4•4 /cop.'s., )It, ioge.
Callender, 13. A., of Cumberland, to Miss Julia' • ce, P • d"•,0, t,
g-
al seoAilt, P.,
On the 22d inst., at All Souls', Lasig-al ~ an -0-- . ;',i,•'
Mr. John Banister, jun., of Brighton, t 0..,,, CO _ vO4,
of Mr. C. P. Blackburn, of Great Portiand-streare,t, il. ,
On the 27th inst. at St. George's, Ilenover-vroo I.e'
cliffe, M.A., to Charlotte, second daughter ol
Vicar of Ashwell, Herts. OO%O

DIED. aidSacol'lP- ,I
On the 25th Inst., at Inverness, N. E., pir. Pon aid
..nloil
On the 20th inst., at Stonehavn,North itrit...o,
”nt..,
Esq., Sheriff-Substitute of Kincardineshire. f Dleu-
On the 21st inst., at Paris, Mary Anne, ire D ot• bit. 01.
Choarnles Warren, C. 8., of th
the 21st inst., Mrs. I. lizabeth Polley, of Wriwidol. O
On the 26th inst., at Blackheath-hill, Louisa, tOP
Hm," North, aged 73. f % 024Jti.ce . ------' g
55th Regiment of 1:0010,,OS t. to
On the 26th inst., Mr. Edward Ingoldby, 0. V • !ie;
00,:ecolff
,0.040,01,1
London : Printed and Published by liltritno°ser ancll 11°
Strand. Printer, at The Sun Office, No. Tlll).P'-- '
of tlY3,s2vc9r. in the County of hthislieoe'll

1849.