The Sun.
London, England, 1848-05-02 00:00:00

the Alien Act of 1793, and only differed from it by the
omission of certain subsidiary clauses, and yet that ori
gin.l Act, which was also only proposed fur one year, but
which was reiii-Aed over and over again, and continued
fur 33 years, hail been consistently and strenuously
opposed throughcut that period by every roan of note
or authority in the state—including Mr. Abuiermuhu?,
Mr. Whitbread Lord Grey, Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, Sir
S. Romilly, J. Mackintosh, Lord Fitzwilliam, Lord
Ashburton, Lord Melbourne, Lord Brougham, Lord
Auckland, Lord Lansdowne, Lord Holland, Lord Dur-
ham, Lord Denman, Sir J. C. Hobhouse, and Lord John
Russell. He believed that the Noble Lord the Memberfor the city of London made his maiden speech in that
House against the Alien Bill of 1813; and when the last
Alien Bill was brought forward that Noble Lord ex-
pressed a hope that it was the last occasion he should ever
again have of addressing the House upon such a subject,
convinced as he was that, after the expiration of that
Act, they would look back to it as a measure that ought.
Dever to have been enacted.—(Hear, hear.) Alas for
human foresight! that the very next Bill should be
proposed by the Noble Lord himself ! He (Sir IN.
Molesworth) objected to the Bill upon the same grounds
that the Noble Lord objected to former Bills—as contrary
to the practice and principles of our ancestors, the spirit
of our constitution, and the tenor of our
,laws prior to
1793. Lords Granville, Castlereagh, and Sidmouth then
contended that the Crown had the power by proc.aina•
tion to send an alien out of the country, and that an
Alien Act would only have the effect of enforcing an
'Misting power. But surely, in these days, the Queen
might rely upon the affections of her subjects, and trust
to them to bring foreigners to justice under the ex-
isting laws, if they infringed those laws. Lord Lans-
downe of that day said that the only wise mode of
dealing with them was to leave them to the
administration of the existing laws, and he (Sir
W. Molesworth) cordially concurred in that opinion,
More particularly as they had just passed a Bill for the
better security of the Crown and Government against.
any one who should compass or imagine the levying of
war against the institutions of the country. The state
of France was the necessity alleged for an Alien Act in
1793, but no such necessity could be pleaded now. In
1792, murders, massacres, and horrors prevailed in Paris;
but now that capital was distinguished by order and
tranquillity, accompanied by a wise determination not to
interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. And
yet this measure was directed especially against French-
men.—(No.) It was rumoured abroad that it was di-
rected against the machinations of a score or two of men
who took part in the late French revolution, and who had
been seen in the streets of London. Such men might
be dangerous in France, where there had been au obsti-
nate monarch, a ministry that was corrupt, a profligate
and despised aristocracy, with an indifference on the
part of• the other classes to the institutions of the coun-
try. But those elements of revolution did not exist in
England, and he thought it was paying but a poor com-
pliment to the English people, and to the institutions
under which they lived, to say that danger
was to be apprehended from the machinations
of such individuals. Is 1816, Lord Auckland declared
that no danger could be apprehended from the machi-
nations of foreigners resident in England. With regard
to Ireland, he thought the measure equally uncalled
for and useless, for if they removed from that country
every foreigner in it, they would not diminish in the
least the deep-rooted conviction of the Irish people that
England had proved herself incompetent to legislate fur
Ireland with success, or their just discontent at the ex-
istence of a dominant Protestant Church in a Catholic
country—an injustice and an evil at which every intelli-
gent man out of England cried " Shame." This Bill
was, therefore, utterly worthless as regarded Ireland.
As for an expedition from France to Ireland, he looked
upon it as merely chimerical; for who was to pay the
expense of such a proceeding, if it were thought of?
The last reason given for this Bill was that the Govern-
ment would not abuse the powers given under it. That
was the old argument used in favour of the Bill of 1793
which was so strongly opposed, although Mr. Pitt wa;
then just as deserving of confidence as any one of her
Majesty's present Ministers. Both Mr. Fox and Lord
Grey denied the validity of that argument in 1793, and a
fortiori, it• they were now in existence they would deny
the validity of it in 1848. He (Sir W. Molesworth)
considered that every measure should be judged of on
its own merits, and those alone ; and he certainly would
not consent to invest a Government with powers which
he believed every gentleman on that side of the House
would refuse to the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for
Tamworth, were he now in office and seeking to obtain
them.—(Hear.) They were powers which were not
needed, and which had not been needed in the most
dangerous period of our history, and which, in the
words of the late Lord Grey, were exceptional in every
point of view. He, therefore, moved that the Bill be
read a second time that day six months.
Lord D. STUART concurred in the sentiments
uttered by the Hon. Baronet, and expressed his surprise
that such a Bill could ever have been brought forward
by a liberal Government, empowering, as it did, a
Secretary of State, without any positive information,
and on mere suspicion, to imprison an alien as long as
he liked, or to send him out of the country. In that
respect the Bill required explanation, as it did not state
where he was to be sent, or bow long he might
be retained in prison. Under no circumstances should
such a power to be placed; in the hands of any Govern-
ment. He was more than all surprised at the absence
on the present occasion of the Hon. Baronet the Member
for Harwich (Sir J. C. Hobhouse) who eloquently op-
posed the Alien Bill of lilG, declared that it ought to
resisted by physical force, and after an unsuccessful op-
position to it, moved that the title of it should be. " A
Bill to Repeal so much of the Great Charter of England
is related to the free ingress and residence of foreign
merchants in these realms, and to assimilate the Execu-
tive of this Government to the despotic Governments of
the Continent." He (Lord D. Stuart) contended that
no tolerable or decent ground had been shown for this
measure, and if persisted in, the Government ought at
least to-produce their information, so that the House
should not be legislating in the dark. They had not
even shown that any foreigners were plotting to over-
throw this Government. It was tree some people saw in
every poor man a Chartist, in every Chartist a traitor,
and in every foreigner a rebel.—(Hear.) He enter-
tained no such views, and should, therefore, oppose this
Measure.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the Noble Lord
had answered himself, by admitting in the close of his
speech that this Bill had very different objects from that
of 1822, and that the circumstances were altogether dif-
ferent. In 1797 and 1814 foreigners had great difficul-
ties in obtaining letters of naturalisation; now they
might do so with the greatest facility and without ex-
pense, if they came without any hostile designs against
the Government, and with the bond fide intention of
residing and carrying on business here. They had only
t.r? show this, to exempt them from the operation of the
ill. The charge of cruelty had been brought against
this measure; but it was much less so than the former
Alien Acts; for the Secretary of State could not expel
alien from the country without information in writing
swufficient to warrant his pursuing such course. Then it
ias. said the Bill was unjust, an that foreigners might
Piettept in prison without trial. This was not so; for
~rev_eY had no hostile designs, l there was nothing to
and ent
so them obtaining letters of naturalisation,
,ay.oiding the operation of the Bill. As to
pe e Bill
ndea"
_nelng impolitic and unconstitutional, that de-
this on its neces,ity. It was said no proof of
the Gouty been offered, but it could not be expected that
in such
.!'neeent should come down with all the details
foreign:rail:latter. If they suspected a conspiracy by
Ruch „cis another course was to be pursued ; if none
the T,ain ted the Bill would not operate. These were
former A grounds which distinguished the Bill from the
Mr. Vjets on this subject.
in ti) J. FOX said he had been unable to discover
v e sPeech of the Right lion. Baronet who had moved
second reading of this Bill anything which could
t'
,sgro jethe necessity of the measure. It was a
measnre
!is,t.Lirnidity and distrust—one that showed a want of con-
lamence in the British people, and a want of confidence
e people of France, who, under the most trying cir-
c_utanees, had done nothing whatever to excite hostile
feelings on our part.—(Bear, hear.) A different sort
of legislation became the Government of such an empire
as this. Convulsed as the world now was, there could
not bq a better time in which to show our own reliance
on those institutions which had stood the test of so
many ages, and possessed so eminently the cha-
racter not only, of durability, but also of elas-
ticity, which accommodated them to the spirit of
the age, and enabled them to expand themselves so as
to give larger privileges and to larger
numbers, when the changing comprehendtf society required
it, without any of those commotions or convulsions to
which other countries had been exposed.—(flear, hear.)
No necessity whatever had been shown for the bestow-
ment of powers which, to say the least, were capable of
ebnoxious and cruel application, which placed the con-
venience, tho property, and the liberty of individuals at
the mercy of the Ministry tor the time being—which
exposed a man to that sort of attack against which it
was so difficult to defend himself—that of anonymous
writing addressed to the Secretary of State. That
high functionary seemed thus to he brought into
contact with a class of people with whom an
B,riglish Government never need have anything to do;
cLaialuoffincye was to have a back door for the receipt of
textm of and imputation, under the plausible pre-
public safety, which might after all be
Only the emanation of individual spite, and
the desire of gratifying individual vindictiveness.
These powers might be used offensively towards man or
Woman; for it could not be forgotten that the first per-
son deported under the law of 1793, from which in a
great measure this Bill was taken, was a woman, who
could not seriously threaten the peace of this country—
a widow—Lady Edward Fitzgerald.—(Hear, hear.) lie
could not agree with the Hon Baronet the Member for
Southwark that this was a glaring inconsistency on the
pert of ministers. All depended on the point of time
with which the comparison was instituted. By going
back a few years it might be brought out in very striking
colours; but, looking at the last great measure which
had been carried through the Rouse, it must be admitted
that this was a very consistent and appropriate supple-
ment to the '1 Act for the better security of the Crown
and the Government."—(Hear, hear.) The one belonged
to the other: they dove-tailed perfectly;—
Sure such a pair was never seen
So justly formed to meet by nature.
They completed the conversion from the policy of the
old ‘Vhigs of this country to the policy of Pitt, of Sid-
mouth, and of Castlereagh, which, beginning with the
first of these measures, might be considered as carried
on some way towards its completion in the second.—
(Hear, hear.) The threat which Pitt once used against
his great opponent, " to unwhig, the Government," could
not be nsed by the opponents of the present Govern-
ment ; for they had most efficiently unwhigged them-
selves for the rest of their days.—(Hear and laughter.)
The only reason given for the measure by the Right
Ron. Baronet (Sir G. Grey) was, that he was afraid of
Republican Missionaries. But the danger of French

Republican Missionaries was at this time, surely, at the
very lowest point of probability.
possess of eescitine an English
probability. The power which
eny Frenchman VI oul
multitude to violence " by open and advised s?eek...,. "
was surely in a very iini,.ed degree. The ri,licule which
the lion. Baronet had alluded to was sure le) arise; and
this had
Frenchalway-s greatbteraegnedscisan,
that the most accom-
plished
Telma, had .never been
allowed to act Hamlet on the English stage,
because it was felt certain that that the first sentence he
uttered would throw au English audience into a roar of
if.Nsa'tiyu,loosft.
illoeorkuui al
ic.a,ncliif:reiit
dlaiuregehtitoenr.
for laughter.—(
Hear,
ar
dal
princi-
ples, and ceust direct our legislation railer against the
—iel ' li'egaerr.),
writings of the illustrious dead of our own
country, than against living missionaries from foreign,
lands. The great Republican teachers —if Eilg
land could be taught Republicanism—would be found
upon the shelves of our libraries—Milton, Sydney,
Hampden, More, and others of later date; and if they
—addressing us in our own native tongue, and giving us
that language in all its richness and power, and sur-
rounded by so many associations which commanded our
reverence—almost our idolatry—if they did not make
us Republicans, where was the genius or skill, the elo-
quence or persuasiveness, amongst Frenchmen, Germans
—or any other people, to seduce the inhabitants of these
realms from their allegiance to their Queen ?—(Hear,
hear.) But it might be said that it was not merely
Republicanism in the common sense of the word, for
the free institutions of this country had at least as much
affinity with the Republicanism of other countries as with
the despotism of other countries--but the doctrine of
socialism and communism which we had to fear. To lull
our fears let us take example from the noble-minded
man who was nuw at the head of the French people.
Socialism and communism had been the rock-ahead of
the Provisional Government and the people of France
throughout this trying season ; and though our socialist
and communist leaders had been in France during tho
whole period, fraternising with the leaders of those
opinions there, and making themselves conspicuous, had
he deported any one of them ?—(Hear, hear.) Much
better were it to imitate this example, especially with
the means which we possessed in such abundance for a
full sense of our own security. This and the other mea-
sure lately passed for the better security of the Crown
and Government wore as worthless for the real security
of the institutions and peace of this realm, as the parch-
ment on which they were engrossed would be as a but-
tress to that venerable abbey in whose shade they were
deliberating, which had stood the storms of centuries
past, and would abide the storms of centuries yet to
come.—(Hear, hear.) It was not in legislation such
as this that our safety vas to bo found ; nor could he
agree with the Learned Attorney-General in thinking
that if the Bill did no good, at any rate it could do no
harm. Such measures did this harm: they falsified the
character of this country ; they put us in an untrue
position as to the public opinion of Europe and the
rest of the world ; they declared apprehensions which
did not really exist, or for which there were no real
y
—(Rear,
wenoahofrti,perthhieleennaereen.lh:easrrsarret
pet
ieueentas suoi
sal
of
ntdlheewd thishpi ieneot
falsetoll
lev
neveri
of
fleo nst eiiso,
wouldnwe position,
bnci
dh:
grounds ; they imputed feelings of pliability and fickle-
ness,
hadohtee ryb,i
been,
were likely most injuriously to affect our relations with
other countries,—(Hear, hear.) They might breed mis-
understandings which would plunge us into war—that
worst of all calamities; they showed suspicion of what
was going on in Europe; they showed that we did not
rely on the events taking place being so over-ruled as to
guide the world onward, and to lead it into a better
position. They proclaimed us to be at variance with
that movement, to be looking on fearfully, jealously,
.and
suspiciously; they placed us on the wrong bide, and put
us in alliance with those who endeavoured to uphold a
part that could not be retained, and to obstruct a future
that must and would realise itself. They made us the
enemies of the rising republics and constitutional go-
vernments, and the friends of the despotisms that were
deservedly crumbling into the dust.—(Cheers.)
Mr. 11. DRUMMOND said the necessity for this
measure need not be long sought by persons who were
acquainted with what was going on in Europe. The
Noble Lord the Member for Marylebone seemed
anxious that London should continue to deserve the
poetical description which had been given of it, as a
city which
" Sucks in the dregs of each corrupted state,"
—(Laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman then alluded to
the events which had preceded the first French revolu-
tion, and contended that all revolutions had been brought
about by propagandism. He expressed his determined
detestation of the principles which had been enunciated
by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, and his conviction that
they would end in wholesale slaughter.—(Oh, oh.)
Mr. URQUHART was anxious for souse guarantee
that the power to be vested by this measure in the Se-
cretary of State should not be irnproleerly employed.
England had long offered an asylum to the unfortunate
of all nations, by making her laws as nearly equal as
possible for the alien and the native ; and this measure
would virtually pass a censure upon that system of le-
gislation. Even scriptural authority was in favour of
the same law for the alien and the native ; and the
principle had been maintained in eastern legis-
lation till the present time. In England no necessity
had ever been discovered for an Alien Bill
until the first French revolution, and the circum-
stances which then rendered it necessary did not now
exist. Propagandism was now carried on through the
medium of tne press ; conspiracies amongst individuals
no longer existed; and against this the Alien Bill would
be inoperative. He much demurred to the delegation of
any fresh powers to a Secretary of State. In a late case,
where an individual's letters had been opened without
warrant, the inquiry had been shelved; what security
then existed that aliens would not be more unjustly
used? He believed this measure would fail of its pur-
pose; and he feared it would bring us into collision with
foreign powers. It might even be used to serve the
purpose of another power, as the London police had
been in the case of Count Drozki. Should seditious
foreigners assemble here in such force as to threaten
the peace of the country, surely the Government might
act on their own responsibility, and afterwards obtain an
indemnity Bill from the House. This would avoid the
risk of passing a measure which might never be neces-
sary. An appeal being given to the Privy Council, in
the case of an alien deported, it would appear that there
must be judicial ground for such a proceeding; and if so,
why should not the matter be brought before the ordi-
nary tribunals of the country? He had voted for the
Crown and Government Security Bill, and had given the
Government all the powers necessary, in his opinion, for
preserving the tranquillity of the country. He should
therefore oppose this measure.
The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY said that the
late events on the continent had shown how a very small
number of disaffected individuals might disturb the peace
of a country; and there being in England a great number
of Germans and Frenchmen who would be glad to see
this Government subverted, he should readily support
this measure.
Mr. HUME denied the possibility of any body, how-
ever large, of foreigners exciting the people of this
country to rebellion. lie thought the Noble Lord who
had just sat down must have been bitten by the special
constable mania.—(Laughter.) He had too much con
fi:ience in the loyalty of the people of this country to
fear anything that could be done by the French or Ger-
mans. No necessity whatever had been shown to exist
for this Bill; its only effect would be to create ill-feeling
against this country abroad. He deeply regretted
such an un-English proceeding; it was nothing but the
result of timidity and panic. It would excite the belief
abroad that our Government was tottering to its fall; he
should, therefore, appose the Bill at every stage.
Dr. BOWRING said it had been the boast of Eng-
land that nothing here was done in secret; that every
accused person was confronted with his accusers; but
this Bill enabled the Secretary of State, acting even on
anonymous information, to banish any foreigner from
the country. It had been said they might apply for
letters of naturalisation; but this could not be done by
persons who came here only for a short period, on either
business or pleasure. He complained that this measure
would be likely to place the Government in a bad posi-
tion with respect to the requests offoreign Governments.
Hon. Gentlemen complained of propagandism, but were
they not all propagandists as far as they were üble—
were they not all desiruus to see their own opinions
prevail? He would oppose the measure, because he
believed it would lower this country in the eyes of
foreign countries.—(Hear, hear.)
Captain HARRIS te ought the Government deserving
of great credit fur bringing forward a measure of
unpopular nature like the present. lle saw on a late
occasion some foreigners very busy in T f I
gar-square.
He asked Hon. Gentlemen to loots atra a
the Rhine, and see
what was happening there •of in consequence of the system
propagandism, lie believed that all res •
pectable
foreigners would be anxious to see
Mr. EWART thought
that the best answermeasure to this
as the display of the p e I t
op e o this country
on the 10th of last month. He believed that this Bill
was unnecessary, and proceeded from an idle fear. It
was one opposed to the constitution of Englandand,
as ho thought, highly impolitic. ,
themselves up in the affairs of thi. If foreigners mixed
the people themselves would s country, ho believed
repent of their conduct. soon make those foreigners
The House divided, when there appeared—
For the second reading
Against it ................................... 141
Majority .............................. 22
ELECTION RECOGNIZAN-C-ii5....1.11L1 —ll9
On the motion for considering the Lord ' e amendments
to this Bill,
Sir R. INGLIS said he did not intend to revive any
discussion with respect to this Bill in the House, but
he begged to call its attention to the fact that in the
House of Lords, where no personal interests were con-
cerned, every lawyer of every party condemned the
Bill.—(Hear, hear.) As he knew, however, that it
was not intended by those with whom he usually acted
to divide the House upon the present occasion, he
should content himself with entering his protest
against it.
Air. S. WORTLEY said the impression of the Noble
Lords to whoen the Right Hon. Baronet had alluded had
been materially altered by consideration of its provisions
during its passage through the House of Lot ds.
Mr. WALPOLE, as the originator of the measures
which had been brought forward upon this subject,
wished to repeat his conviction that the course he had
pursued was sound in law, sound in justice, and sound
in equity.
The amendtnents were then agreed to.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE (IRELAND).
Sir W. SOMERVILLE then rose to move for leave
to bsing in a Bill to regulate the elective franchise, and
for the registration of Parliamentary electors iii Ireland.
He commenced by saying that he believed it was unne-
cessary to dilate on the importance of this question,
for the evils of the existing system had been recognised
by all parties for a long time past, though those evils
still remained unremoved. The evils he referred to
were threefold; first, the nature of the franchise itself;