The Sun.
London, England, 1848-02-04 00:00:00

THIE SUN, 1,011.-TDON, FRIDAY EVENiVa, FEfiIqUARY 4, 184&

.4-

three Lira es as dense as that of Ireland, and nearly three
times as dense as that of England—which was more
dense ly peopled than any other spot in the world, unless
it w are Malta—the planters were unable to compete
with the slave grown sugar of Cuba and Brazil, although
they bad a duty of 6s. in their favour? He believed that
there was sea example of any country with free labour
being able -to compete with the labour of slaves. He had
heard it said that Porto Rico was an example of this
kind; but in Porto Rico sugar-planting was carried on
entirely, or nearly so, by slaves. He was aware that
'Colonel Flinter, writing from Madrid some eighteen
years ago, held a different opinion, but since that we
had entertained very contrary ideas on the subject.
Colonel Irlinter said in 1830, and that opinion was con-
stantly quoted in the House of Commons in the debates
of 1833—that for one shilling sterling of daily wages a
free labourer would work in the field* of Porto Rico
from sunrise to sunset, and on a moderate calculation
would perform more work in that time than two slaves.
At the time that Colonel Flinter was thus speaking the
exports of sugar from Porto Rico amounted co 20.000
tons; while the exports for the year 1847, up to the 10th
of September last, according to the circalars which he
(Lord G. Bentioek) had seen, amounted to 40,000 tons.
But how had this been arrived at ? Was it by free
labour that these results had been obtained ? Ile held
in his hew', an extract from a work, the truth of which
he had tio doubt would be confirmed by an Honourable
G6nt'..ieman who was present. It was an extract from
a work by Mr. Macgregor, who stated that in 1828
taere were 1,437,285 acres of land held there by 19,140
proprietors. At the same time, 423 individuals were
proprietors of estates regularly worked by slaves, of
'which 275 were sugar estates, and 148 plantations. Mr.
Macgregor went on to say that in 1822 there were bet
29 sugar estates, and the value of the sugar ea perted
amounted to 57,0134 dollars; but he said that, in conse-
quence of the liberal conduct of Governor Latrobe,
great encouragement was given to sugar planting under
his administration, and a considerable immigration took
place in this island. Mr. Macgregor said that dee
;planters from the neighbouring islands of St. Croix and
'St. Thomas brought their slaves to Porto Rico, and that,
in consequence of the introduction of these slaves, and
the capital possessed by their owners, the island bad
continued to prosper since 1828, and had been and still
continued to be s very considerable source of rerenue
to the mother country. Thus it was shown
that the prosperity of Porte Rico was en-
tirely owing to the encouragement given to
alaveowners to come to Port Rico and bring their slaves
with them. Bat, if the evidence of Mr. Macgregor was
mot Sufficient, he had got another authority, which, per-
haps, would prevail more at the Colonial-office than even
that of Isle, Macgregor. He had in his hand an extract
ofr.i 'S feature on political economy, relating to the island
..sorto Leo, which said, " So long as the fertility of
sae land remains unexhausted, it is probable that the
aloyenly labour of the small proprietors may continue to
raise a considerable quantity of export produce; but it
'Cannot be doubted that most of its surface is io longer
in this condition. It is becoming less practicable to
cultivate it every day, excepting on large estates, with
Ithe aid of much capital, and with numerous gangs of
slaves." The same author went on to state that an
.enormosts importation of slaves into this island was going
on, and that the exports of sugar had increased from
2,0,000 tons in 1828, to 47,000 tons at the time when his
lecture was written. The author of this lecture on poli-
tical economy was Mr. Merivale, Under-Secretary of
State for the Colonies, and he hoped that Mr. Merivale
Would instil into the mind of his noble chief that nothing
could be more illusory than to suppose that free labour
'could over compete with slaves. But he (Lord G. Ben-
tinck) wanted no better authority than that of Lord
Grey himself. He recollected that during the debates
of 1833 the Noble Lord, taking very much the same
view which he did now, retired from the Colonial-offfie,
where he had been, he (Lord George Bentinok) be-
lieved, for three years, and, in resisting the apprentice-
ship scheme, urged in that illouse, With great vehe-
mence, eloquence, and power, that apprenticeship was
only 'mother species of slavery, which robbed the free
labourer of four-fifths
(as we 'snderstood) of his labour.
Lord Grey said that it
'755 proved beyond all doubt
14hsat the highest est
s. a year ; " ;_'.:eate for a slave's subsistence was
tah, ;tea,
at laterperiod of the discussion
aiis stat..imse,
a
was by Lord Stanley, who
that 50s. was a high estimate for the cost of a
slave's maintenance in the West Indies. It should be
recollected, also, that these people were slaves during a
mitigated period of slavery. With respect to the num-
ber of hours during which they were bound to work,
they were bound to work fire days and a.half during
the week ; and, even in the Crown colonies, they
were expected to work nine hours a
now(?day.—Hear,
bear.) What was the state of free labour ln
the West Indies, and in Jamaica particularly, it was
with difficulty that the people could be got to work four
days in the week ; and, when they did work, they were
only employed, on the average, seven hours a day,
for which they got wages, even when provision grounds
were given in, of is. 3d. a day. He had a statement
male to him by a Noble Lord high in office under her
Majesty's Government, informing that in the last year
the labourer who worked the greatest number of days
on his estate, where there were 1,500 labourers, worked
164 days, and that labourer was a woman. The man
who worked the greatest number of days worked but
134 days in the year; so that three days a week on this
estate was the utmost labour that could be obtained
from those free labourers, and the Noble Lord was not
a gentleman who was backward with wages.----(A. Voice
--" Where is this estate!") In Jamaica. He paid
half a dollar a day for work, though he could only get
that work from six hours and a half to seven hours
a day. How then, he (Lord G. Bentinok) asked,
could these free labourers in Jamaica ever be brought
into competition with slaves, who, he presumed, could
be maintained in Cuba and Brand at least as
cheaply as ever they were maintained in the Bri-
tish colonies ? And it was to be remarked, that
slavery in the British colonies, since 1623 at least, was
slavery of a most mitigated character. They had
twenty-six days allowed them by law, exclusive of Sun-
days, and holydays at Christmas and Easter, and this,
not only in the Crown colonies, but in all others. In the
Crown colonies slave labour was limited to nine hours a
day, but it was not so in Cuba or Brazil. In Cuba the
slaves worked sixteen hours a day, and during crop
time twenty hours a day. It was said that the negroes
in the sugar plantations there lived, on an average, for
ten years. A Noble Friend of his was in Cuba lately,
and he stated that he visited for a single day an estate
of a planter in that country. He saw these wretched
negroes driven to their work. There were 100 men and
eight women on the estate, aid on the day that his
Noble Friend was there the agent informed him that two
of the men had hanged themselves.—(Hear, hear.)
But if a negro hanged himself in that country his
Place was soon filled up. How did the House suppose
that the slave-drivers in Cuba were prepared to enforce
discipline? He remembered the horror which used
to be excited in that House by the mention of a
driver carrying a whip with him, though it was assorted
that the whip was only the emblem of power. But a
whip was not enough in Cuba. No driver ventured to go
among the slaves unless armed with a cutlass and a dag-
ger, and he would probably also be attended by a couple
of bloodhounds, as the slaves were more afraid of blood-
hounds than of men. This was the way in which slaves
were treated in Cuba, and this was the kind of slavery
that we were stimulating by admitting slave-grown
anger into this country.—(Cheers.) He saw the Right
lien. Gentleman (Mr. Labouchere) take a note of that;
the Right Hon. Gentleman, he was sure, would not
contradict him when he said that the admission of slave-
grown sugar would stimulate slavery, because he was old
enough to remember the Right Hon. Gentleman using
the Sara. argument himself. What free labour could
compete with the slave labour of Cuba and Brazil, at the
price given as wages for the former? He held in his hand
a statement of the amount of wages given for free labour
in British Guiana, a statement which rested on the autho-
rity of Governor Light. He stated that 25,000 labourers
received 300,000 dollars a month. If, therefore, there
should be any attempt to excites ympathy for these free
labourers, he hoped that the people of this country would
think a little of what they had
already done for the ne-
trees in the West Indies. The people of this country,
he apprehended, were willing to make a sacrifice in order
to see the Slaves in the West Indies emancipated, but he
conceived they never intended that those emancipated
slaves should be suddenly raised to a conditicw far above
their own, They never intended that the negro, whose
emancipation cost 20,000,0001. sterling, should repay
their generosity by idleness, and refusing to compensate
them by his labour for the millions which had been
silent. The wages of field labourers in British Guiana,
as stated by Governor Light, were for navigators, work-
ing from 7 to 8 hours, 45. 6d. a day ; digging small
drains, 7 to 8 hours, 4s. 6d. ; cutting and carrying canes,
to 6 hours, 48. 6d. ; shovel ploughing, 6 to 6 hours,
relieving and supplying, 5 to 6 hours, 2s. Bd.;
"'int? Cleaned lands, 5 to 6 hours, ls. Bd.; weeding aid
ould,ing young canes, 5 to 6 hours, Is. 6d. ; clearing
tnas and grass, 5 to 6 hours, ls. 6d. ; weeding and
s aching, 4 to 6 hours, Is. 6d. • making on an average
ours and 54 minutes of work' done per day, at average
wages of 2a 811 There were also in-door labourers
engaged with the mills, who were not so well paid, but
thesei were the wages which the field labourers got.
here were those in Demerara who thought that if
TeY could get 100,000 or 150,000 free labourers—
"lough were they were to be procured he could not tell
labourers—
_ would be able to beat down competition ; but it
must be recollected that there were 25,000 labourers in
sh
In Guiana already, which extended about 200 miles.
a country, therefore, where food could bo 'grown so
;IVY' what possibility was there of beating down
coulclr by
competition to the point at which slaves
work ? Besides, it must be perfectly clear that
although there
West In was a great desire to immigrate into the
dies now existing in Madeira, where the Portu-
guese Government was obliged to have a steamer of war
in order to prevent Portuguese subjects from going to
the
West Indies, as soon as wages were beaten down to
the point deed, the wish of the Portuguese to get
there would besir removed also. He was one of those who
thought that this object could not be attained by immi-
gration into Barbadoes or Antigua, though perhaps
something might be done in Jamaica, but not enough
to enable free labourers to compete with slave grown
sugar produced by slaves maintained at a cost
of 503. a year. While a free labourer in Demerara
cost 311. a year, and the subsistence of a slave could be
Procured in Cuba for 505., the slave did three times as
Much work, and, not only so, but did the work when it
tes wanted to be done. The great loss which was sus-
ained in the West Indies arose in some measure from
the fact that the negroes frequently did not work when
the canes were ripe, and that the canes consequently
rotted, and ruined a whole pan of sugar. He thought
that, as regarded immigration, much might be done in
emoving obstructions and in cheapening the conveyance
Of, immigrants. He could not understand why any fear
slave-trading should prevent the British planter from
obtaining labourers on the coast of Africa, so long as
those labourers were free when they left the shore. It
*es impossible to doubt that the condition of the African

the Chinaman, and the Hindoo, would be immensely
benefited by their transport to these islands. He held in
his hand a speech of Sir C. Metcalfe, delivered in 1840,
only two years after emancipation had been com-
pleted, in which he described the condition of the ne-
groes of Jamaica with respect to comfort and indepen-
dence as very striking, when compared with other
countries. lie said, " probably no peasantry in any other
quarter of the globe had such comforts and advantages"
as those negress had, though he did not speak in the
same high terms of the prosperity of the planters. " The
deterioration of property" he said, " proceeded. '.e.oin
want of continuous labour," which was a ettt'aral effect
of the " peasantry possessing means thet rendered them
in a great degree independent of lenour." He then re-
ferred to the Act which eaci been passed to encourage
immigration undee proper precautions for the heels";
and aceoteescdation of those interested, and eteLe& that
ho " weetid readily co-operate with them. In this very
teetessary measure;" and, though he entertained no cer-
tain anticipation that t would be productive of
much good, yet) ";t was satisfactory to reflect,
that whatever number of immigrants were likely
to csome from any part of the world, there was
room for all, end to spare;" that there Was the greatest
fertility of soil, and everywhere abundance; that " any
multitude could ho provided for without a diminution
of the comforts of the present population." But, later
still they had a report as to the condition of the leheMers
in these islands, which accompanied a dt!ltliAtol with sub-
scriptions made in the British eolehica for the relief of
the Irish. At a pelage !sleeting fur this purpose the
Colonial Retches'-General (as shown in this report),
speaking of Guiana, referred to the great comfort of
the labourers, even when there was a 3 ear of comparative
dearth. The Rev. Mr. Forbes on the same occasion
stated that in a country like that food was plenty, and
that " even the dearth of the previous year did not pro-
duce much Want editing the labourers ; no case of desti-
tution del eeer or could ever occur there." But the
Most teenarkable of all the statements in these papers
was that which was to be found in a letter of Mr.
Holmes, addressed to Goternor Light, when trans-
mitting to him a nubscription of 1,200/. for the relief
of Irish distress. He said—" Almost all persons have
subscribed, though it had been a difficult task to ex-
plain to the labouring men of this fortunate colony
the meaning of starvation and intense cold."—(hear.)
He could conceive nothing more expressive than this,
that the great difficulty in the island was to
make the labourers understand what was meant by
"starvation" and " cold." He thought, therefore,
there need be no delicacy about encouraging, in every
possible way, the immigration of labourers into the
West Indies. It was entirely a question of cost ; and
it was the restriction which successive colonial Govern-
ments had always put upon the free immigration of
labourers that had created the burden and expense which
were too much for the colonies to bear; hampered with
all sorts of restrictions—able only to contract for a
single year, and that only in a British colony—obliged
to send back the labourer at the end of five years; the
expense of the carriage backwards and forwards eating
up all the advantage of his importation. Now, he
wanted to know why they should be so delicate about
au African, or a Coolie, or a Chinaman, who was only
going from one hot climate to another—who was
going from a climate not more genial than that to
which he was sent—and why should they say that such
emigrant was not to be hired for more than five years, when
in this country her Majesty's troops were expected to
serve at all events ten years in the colonies for four years
at home, while, practically, the army had served in time
of peace 14 years in the colonies for four at home, many
regiments having been 23 years in India ?—(hear.) If
that was net to be held a hardship—if the flower
of the British army was to be sent from a genial
climate to climates that were destructive to their health
for ten years—why were we to restrict the period of
emigration for these Coolies, and Africans, end China-
men ?—(hear.) His opinion was, that there should be
no obligation on the planters or importers to carry back
the immigrant. He should be left to his own resources.
—(Hear.) He should be free in the colony, and feel
himself to be so; and he should feel also that he must
rely on his own industry, and pay for his passage back
to his own country. More than this he must not be
permitted to go home till he had repaid the expenses of
his importation. These were all matters that would
form a fit subject for inquiry before the Committee. He
would now come to the case of the East Indies, which cer-
tainly had not the same claim as the West Indies, on the
ground that their property had been taken from them,
and that they had received but a very small portion of
the value of that property, In his opinion, however,
they had the same claim of good faith from Parlia-
ment that the fundholders or any other interest
had. When they emancipated the slaves they invited
all British interests to exert themselves to produce sugar
by free labour; they induced the capitalists of this coun-
try to send their money and invest it on the banks of
the Ganges; and, in his opinion, the faith of Parliament
was as much pledged to them to enable them to repay
themselves for the outlay of that capital as it was
pledged to repay the fundholder the debt that was due to
him. He would next advert to the Mauritius; and here
he would say that if ever there was a justification of any
Gentleman in moving for this Committee—if ever there
was a justification of any Gentleman asking Parliament
calmly to revise its previous judgment, it was to be found
in the last voice that was heard on the last day of the last
session from the Colonial-office. He was sure it was in
the recollection of his Noble Friend opposite that on the
last day of the last session of the last Parliament, when
he (Lord George Bentinck) gave notice of an inquiry on
this subject, in presenting a petition from the British
West Indies, his friend Mr. Hawes, with an air of great
triumph, said, " The Noble Lord had confined his at-
tention to the West India islands, but let him turn to
the Mauritius, and he would find that there the greatest
prosperity was manifest. The Noble Lord might rest
satisfied that a system of free trade and open competition
would be most beneficial for all parties concerned; that
it would lead to greater economy of production, be the
means of embarking more capital in the growth and
manufacture of sugar, and tend to the general pros-
perity of the whole population." Now he really thought
that when the Colonial. office was, on the 23d of July
last, co entirely in the dark; so entirely ignorant of the
true state of her Majesty's colonial possessions, so totally
uninformed of the true state of this question, it was a
complete justification of the course he now took in pro-
posing a Committee of Inquiry; not that he might teach
his friends, the 130 who supported him and predicted all
that had happened since 1846, but that there might be
an opportunity for her Majesty's Ministers and the
free traders in general to make themselves more
perfectly acquainted with all the branches of this
subject.—(llear, hear.) He thought there was a
hope that this Committee might be the means of per-
suading her Majesty's Ministers that" they had, thus
far taken altogether an erroneous course, 'whet);
instead of finding the Affituritius in a " manifest"
state of prosperity, they found that out of six great
firms in the Mauritius unfortunately but one remained
standing; that the liabilities of the houses that had
failed amounted to no less than 2,900,000/.; when they
had the proof which was supplied by the necessity of
advancing 450,000/. upon sugar to enable the colony to
go on, and the fact that they had to send over to India
for rice to supply the people of Mauritius, and prevent
them from starving—all because their policy had
brought down the price of sugar, on an average, 11s. per
cwt. Perhaps when they found all this, they might
begin to pause and consider whether their free-trade
statements were correct as regarded the British colo-
nies.—(Hear, hear.) And, when he asked for a Com-
mittee of Inquiry into this subject, he asked, as it
were, for a bridge over which her Majesty's Ministers
and the free traders might pass. He had too much re
sect for the talents and abilities of the gentlemen oppo-
site, and of those free traders, to imitate the example of
the Hon. Member for the West Riding. He would not
hint to them that it should be a bridge such as acted as
a guide to a certain proposition in " Euclid."—(A
laugh.) They wanted no bridge for the blockheads
who had predicted all the evils that had occurred ;
they must have a bridge for the men of
brains—which the Hon. Member for the West
Riding of Yorkshire and his friends might be
permitted to pass over, but certainly not with colours
flying, or drums beating and guns firing, the
bands "playing, " See, the conquering Hero comes,"
or the tune of " Ccalur de Lion," with which the
Hon. Gentleman was, he believed, greeted abroad—(A
laugh)—but they might be permitted to pass over with
arms reversed and with muffled drums, muttering per-
haps between their teeth, " If our cause is from God, it
will live; but if not, it must perish." Their cause was
not from God, and therefore it must perish. With
regard to the Mauritius, what was the nature of its
difficulties ? They arose not so mach from a want of
labourers—for they had had an importation, at an
' expense of 80,0001., of 93,000 labourers—but from the
regulations under which they were compelled to make
their contracts, whereby it was found impossible to get
a sufficiency of work from them. Grievous indeed was
the state of the Mauritius, for that colony had experi-
enced none of the prosperity and great happiness that
among the negrooe had accompanied emancipation in
the West Indies. In the Mauritius they had diminished
greatly in number, the mortality among them having
been promoted by the debauchery and drunkenness into
which they had fallen. The condition of the Coolies
both morally and physically in the island was also one
that was very painful. He understood that the small
proportion of women who were imported had 'led to
much of the immorality that prevailed. It had become
too much the fashion to condemn the merchants
connected with the Mauritius as rash and gambling
speculators ; but a more unfounded charge could
not be well made. He could not give the details as to
the business of individual merchants trading to the Mau-
ritius ; but he found that the total quantity of sugar
consigned to those merchants was 28,000 tons, which, at
101. a ton, gave a sum of 280,0001. It was charged
against the merchants that they had advanced money on
those estates ; but it was the produce on those estates
which was their security. When it was considered that
28,000 tons of sugar were the animal value of the estates
so hypothecated, and that this annual value had been
reduced 10/. a ton by the operation of an Act of Parlia-
ment, it would be found that the said sum of 280,000/.
would make up the liabilies of all those merchants
together.—(hear, hear.) A great portion of them,
though their property had been rendered almost value-
less, would yet honourably meet the larger portion of
their engagements. It was nut only that the value of
the property on which they had lent their money had
been at ten years' purchase diminished by 2,800,0001.,
but the property bad been made altogether unsaleable.
A harder measure never had been dealt out to any men
than to those merchants, of whom five only had escaped
out of forty-eight, the number stated in a list which
he had received, and who had been ruined,
not by over-speculation, not as bis Honourable
Friend on the other side of the House would
have it, by any mistaken calculations in regard to tsade ;
fie. all that they had to be mistaken about and all they
needed to calculate upon was the honour and good faith
of the British Parliament.—(Cheer:.) They eould not

reckon on the measures suggested by versatile minds.
When they heard it said that the honour of the British
name was concerned iu the exclusion of slave-grown
sugar in 1841, when they saw a majority of that House
affirm that proposition, when they found on an appeal
being made to the country that a majority of 90 had
been returned to advocate that principle, what, it might
be asked, were gentlemen engaged in commerce to do,
or where there they to look for any security, if they were
nos justified in trading on such security as that ?
eCheers.) Such a course as had bl en followed tended
to the ruin of the country. Comments had been freely
made on the subject in the United States, and it had
been observed that commercial countries could not en-
dure soeh shocks. A trade of 100,000,0001. sterling
0001.s1 not be shifted from the old channels into new
without producing those consequences which were now
experienced in the West Indies. Everywhere, whatever
an estate produced, they found the same statement was
made. The estate was put under inspectors, a
balance-sheet was presented, the liabilities were put
down on one side, and the assets on the other ; the stock
was put down at one third of the original cost. It
was only in July last that Mr. Hawes pointed to the
Mauritius as enjoying the greatest prosperity ; so it was
only in September that the Economist, which was the
preceptor of hsFriend opposite, put for a most
exulting anticipation, under some such title asth " Cheap
sugar—the triumph of free trade." And how was it to
be a triumph ? Not only were they told that the re-
venue had very considerably increased ; not only were
they told that the consumers had gained somewhere
about 2,000,0001. sterling in value on their sugar ; but
the glorious result was announced that there would be
4,600,000/. additional realised, which would fall to be
divided among factors, merchants, shipowners, and
grocers. Before the end of October they found many of
those men who were numbered among their greatest
merchants involved in ruin ; the engagements which
they were unable to meet amounting, not to the 4,500,0001.
of profit, which was to be divided among them, but to
6,3oo,oool.—(Cheers.) But how had the measure bene-
fited the cotton districts ? How had it fared with Lan-
cashire? it was in Manchester that the cry had arisen—
"o, let us have cheap sugar for the poor man. Open to
us the trade of Brazil." He did net see the Honourable
Gentleman who had moved the Athirese ; but, having
received a friendly challenge from the Honourable
Gentleman to show that the trade of Lancashire had
not greatly benefited, he had accepted the challenge.
But how had it fared with Lancashire? It was said,—
" Open wide the portals for the admission of foreign
productions, and the mills don't exist, the bricks are not
made, which will be required in consequence of theenor-
mous trade to be thereby created." In vain it was said
by those with whom he thought, derided men! " Don't
sport with your interests in the West Indies, the Mauri-
tius, and the East Indies, where you have a trade pre-
ferable by far to any you may imagine in prospect; keep
the substance, don't grasp the shadow." Those who
raised a warning voice were ridiculed. He had received,
through favour of Mr. Richard Burn, of the Glance, an
account of matters is regard to cotton which took date
from the 12th of September, the Bill having passed on a
late day in August. He said, "It was true the trade
with Brasil had improved. In sixteen months, from the
12th of May to the 12th of September, 1846, the exports
of cotton to Brazil were 1,981,6201. la the sixteen
months since the Bill passed the exports had increased
2,264,3861., showing an increase of 282,7661." But those
who were acquainted with the Brazil trade knew that the
trade was carried on upon eighteen months' credit; so
that the exports were still unpaid for. He had received
a letter from a great British merchant in Liverpool, who
informed him that there had been great speculation, and
that the trade was carried on by British money espe-
cially. His correspondent said—
" From about the middle of 1846 to the same period
of 1847 our exports to Brazil were heavy, and consider-
ably in excess of the demand. To Bahia, particularly,
they were stimulated, owing to the prospects of a large
crop and consequent increased means of the natives, to
pay for them; all this resulted in accumulation of stocks;
so much so, that in July and August of the past year
the public stores were full to overflowing, and British
ships had to remain, in many instances for several weeks,
without being able to discharge their cargoes for want
of storage and room ashore in the Custom-house, where
all goods must go. I need scarcely tell your Lordship
that the dealers in Brazil are sagacious enough, when the
markets are so overstocked, to purchase sparingly, and
the anxiety of importers to effect sales must have the
result of depressing prices. Your Lordship is correctly
informed that large quantities have been got rid or by
forced sales on very long credit, in proof of which I may
state that the principal exporters are scarcely in receipt
of any returns for their exports of 1847. whilst not less
than probably a fourth, or a third, of the exports of 1846
are still unpaid for."
His correspondent observed—
" It may be as well to mention that there is an export
duty in Brazil of 12 per cent. on sugar and cotton."
What, then, had all their liberality to Brazil done ?
Had she reduced her duties ? No. Since 1845, when
she had laid them on, their amount had risen from 7,000
contos to 16,000 contos. Had she selected England as
a power to be favoured under her system ? She had
selected the United States, France, Sweden, and other
powers, but she had conceded no privileges to England,
which had been fool enough to part with her own ad-
vantages without asking a return. His correspondent
said—

" Several thousands of both sexes are annually im-
ported from Africa into Brazil. I have heard the number
estimated at 30,010 and upwards. In October last several
cargoes of slaves were landed in Bahia, or on the coast
in the neighbourhood, aid in a letter from Bahia, written
about three months ago, I saw it stated that the assort-
ment was not considered very suitable, there being too
many old
,women amongst them, which were a drug in
that market."

Comparing the 16 months antecedent and the 16 months
subsequent to the Act for the admission of slave•grown
sugar, there had been to Brazil an increased export of
cotton goods amounting to 282,7661. From the period
from the 12th of May, 1845, to the 12th of September,
1846, the value of the exports was 1,981,620/.; for the
period from the 12th of September, 1846, to the 12th of
January, 1848, their value was 2,264.386/. But the
exports, to Cuba had fallen from 322,4881. in the first
period, to 210,7321. in the second, showing a decrease of
111,756/.; and the exports to Porto Rico had fallen from
4,820/. in the first period, to 1,892/. in the second, show-
ing a decrease of 2,928/. After all, this grand Brazilian
trade furnished an increased export to the value of only
168,082!., the goods exported in 1846 not having yet
been paid for. So that it was not a very profiable trade.
How did the matter stand as regarded the British colo-
nies? In the second period of 16 months, ended the 12th
of .January last, the exports to Bombay had fallen from
1,643,5151. (the exports for the first period of 16 months)
to' 1,179,763/. ; toCalcutta, from 2,816,585/. to 2,174,0081.
There had been a trumpery increase of exports to Ma-
dras—from 102,490/. to 107,494/. The exports to
Mauritius, as might well be supposed, had fallen from
89,7821. to 41,189!, and to the British West Indies from
827,483/. to 635,175/. The result of the whole was,
that upon the Brazilian trade, :the home and colonial
trade, there had been a decrease of 1,339,2441., while
there : had been an increase to the extent only of
168,0521., which was still unpaid. He had a statement
as to the raw material of cotton in 1845 and 1846. It
was dear in the end of 1846 and in 1847; the price
being advanced from 25 to 40 per cent. on the ♦alue of
the exports. The balance which remained for wages of
labour and profits, comparing these two periods, had de-
clined by 1,871,0031.; and for this they were told the
poor labourers were to be compensated in the cheap
sugar they got. From a return moved for by the lion.
Member for Salford (Mr. Brotherton) it appeared that
there were engaged in the factories of this country
360,000 persons, of whom above 100,000 were below Is
years of age. About 90,600 were dependent on those
hands; and, estimating the whole number dependent on
manufactures at 500,000, if each was supposed to have
received 231bs. of sugar, which was reckoned the average
consumption, the whole would amount in the 16 months
of which he had spoken to 6,904, say 7,000 tons
of sugar. If by the policy of Ministers they
had saved 10/. a ton thereon, Ministers, it would
be found, had given them on the one hand
70,0001., but on the other had robbed them of trade to
the value of 1,571,000/. sterling. He was sorry that the
Hon. Gentleman the mover of the Address was not pre-
sent, to show that the exchange of new lamps for old had
benefited the people ef Lancashire and the West of
Scotland. By the last mail from Calcutta he had re-
ceived a remarkable account of the trade there. The
sugar laws with regard to the East were altered in 1836.
In the year 1834-35 the entire trade of Calcutta was
estimated at 1,500,0001.; of that but 735,0001 consisted
of cotton manufactures. Now, what was the state of
the exports? The entire exports from Calcutta to
Great Britain in the same year were 1,526,4751., and of
this about 134,226/. consisted of the produce of the
sugar-cane. Well, after that the Legislature let in the
sugar of the East Indies into this country; and what
was the result of that? In 1846-47—before the recent
free-trade law care:: into practical operation—the sugar
trade had increased from 134,2261. a year in 1834-35 to
1,690,032/, while the general trade had increased from
1,526,4751. to 4,459,4221., being an increase on the
general trade of 181 per cent., and upon sugar alone in
the same period of 1,159 per cent. Well, was this re-
quited by increased imports from the Spanish
West Indies and Brazils, which he had shown
amounted only to the miserable balance of
168,000/. ? Far from it; whereas, our ex-
port to Bengal had increased from 1,574,1821. to
4,241,0721. By this, Lancashire and the west of Scot-
land had gained. The increase upon cotton goods alone
had amounted from 735,687/. to 3,087,135!., being an
increase of 2,321,4471., almost double the entire trade of
Great Britain to Calcutta before we opened the sugar
market to the East Indies. Well, the sugar trade bad
now been cut off from Bengal. It was well known, and
admitted on all hands, that whilst Bengal could supply
us with any quantity of sugar so long as the price was
kept up, yet when the export price fell so low as 11
rupees (about 235.) the export ceased.—(Hear, hear.)
Well, we had destroyed the prospects of the trade with
Bengal, and what had been the effect ? The effect had
been that, for the six months just concluded, the export
of our cotton goods had fallen from 1,500,0001. io
424,549/. Now, there was a picture of free trade for
the House.—(!dear, hear.) This was the triumph of
free trade, which had been described as the greatest
fiscal triumph ever on record.—(!dear, hear.) But
would these diminished exports be confined to cotton
goods ? lle had got a statement (though it was
hardly sufficiently full) of the exports of machinery
from this country to the Mauritius, for the years 1845,
1846, and 1847, from which it appeared that in 1845
they amounted to 41,138/.; in 1846, to 17,1511.; while,
in 1847, they had fallen to 10,0391.; so that we are losing
the experts of machinery to our own colonies in a greater
degree than we were gaining those to foreign countries,
with the certain knowledge that foreign countries could
obtain machinery from the United States as easily as
from us. It was sometimes said, " Oh, those West
Indian and Mauritius absentees should go and reside on

their properties, and make use of their capital, and im-
prove them. He held in his hand a return respecting
the export of machinery to our colonies which had been
moved for by Mr. Hastie in the last Parliament, and
from this return it appeared that the exports of mill
work and machinery to the British West Indies and the
Mauritius, in the seven years ending 1846 inclusive,
amounted to 380,7331., and to the East Indies and
Ceylon, 482,243/., amounting altogether to 862,9761,
against exports for the same period to Brazil and
Cuba of 231,2031.—(Hear, hear.) There was, there-
fore, no ground for accusing the British planters
of being wanting in energy and spirit in the manage-
ment of their estates. But they were told of the
vast sums which had been paid by this country for the
putting down of slavery and the slave-trade. He
acknowledged at once that the cost of putting doe n
slavery and the slave trade had cost this country from
first to last more than 100,000,000/. 29,000,000/. had
been spent in putting down the slave trade by means of
blockading armaments, of head money, of loans to dif-
ferent nations, in making treaties which were never
fulfilled, and in maintaining a military establishment on
the coast of Africa. We had paid 20,000,0001. by wa3
of compensation to the planters, and 1,000,000/. more
for the cost of distribution. The friends of emancipa-
tion had prophesied that free labourers would do twice
the work that slaves did—and had argued that planters
were entitled to no compensation, because they would be
benefited rather than otherwise by emancipation. Ile
remembered an argument which was often used, espe-
cially by the lion. Member for Liverpool, that " the
day that made a man a slave took half his
work away"—and they applied this to tropical cli-
mates. Now what was the amount of the produce of the
British colonies at that time ? With the mitigated
slavery which then existed there was imported
into this country on an average (aecording to
the calculation of Lord Stanley) 50,000 tons
more sugar than we could consume.—.(Hear.)
The consumption certainly had been kept down
by the war duties which were imposed on West
India sugar of 30s. and 28s. a cwt., for, notwith-
standing other war taxes, such as the property and
income•tax, the leather tax and some others, had
been taken off, no relief in this respect had been afforded
to the West Indies—and the change in the currency
that took place in 1819 certainly tended to depreciate
the prices of West India produce. But to return to the
subject of emancipation; let him again ask, what had
been the cost of that experiment? The advocates for
emancipation urged that the maxims of political eco-
nomy authorised them in predicting a greater produce
of sugar from free than from slave labour, and yet the
very contrary had taken place. The planters had
gained nothing by the change, nor did he exaggerate
when he asserted that the abolition of the slave trade
and emancipation had together cost the country, during
the last forty years, more than 115,000,000/. ; and yet
after this enormous sacrifice had been completed, and
at a moment whoa some of the slave-holding colonies
were actually debating the question whether it would
not be advantageous for them to liberate their slaves
in order to enjoy the premium given to free-labour
sugar, the Government had chosen to knock down
all the country had achieved during forty years, and
by the expenditure of a hundred millions, by admitting
311 sugars to consumption. To enter more minutely into
the question, he would call the attention of the House
to the fact that the planters did not get the value of
their slaves when the emancipation Act was passed,
The value of the slaves in the British colonies was esti-
mated at 45,000,000/a and this estimate had been greatly
reduced as compared with the value of slaves in other
colonies. The Government then came forward and said
that 20,000,000/. must pay for 45,000,0001. worth of
slave property. That gave an average of about 121. 14s.
for each slave. During the war with the United States
there were captured about 3,800 slaves, and England
was bound to compensate their owners. The claim made li
for 3,601 slaves was 380,000/., and the question was I
subsequently settled by the arbitration of mixed Eng-
lish and American commissioners, who gave the price
as against England for slaves belonging to the
states of Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland, and other
non-sugar growing districts at 581. 6s. 4d. per
head. For slaves from the states of South Ca-
rolina, Columbia, Georgia, and Alabama, 872 in num-
ber, the price awarded was 811 ss. per head ; but for
slaves from Louisiana, a state which produced as much
sugar as the whole British West Indies, the average
value put on each slave was 1201. 16s. Bd. The whole
sum awarded was 266,197/., :giving an average of 7.3/.
per head for these American slaves, whilst the British
planter and citizen only got from his own Government
25/. per head for property equally if not more valuable.
The Noble Lord here entered into some details respect-
ing the subject, the result of which he summed up to an
aggregate loss to the planters during the twelve years
that had elapsed since emancipation took place of
42,242,7484—(Hear, hear.) Was it therefore surpris-
ing that the West Indians were grumblers? As to the
assertion that the bargain was closed with them when
the compensation money was granted in 1833, let him
ask whether part of that bargain was not the seven
years' apprenticeship, of some years of which the
planters were subsequently robbed? And was there
no other bargain than that referred to? Who could not
recal the times when a candidate who was not for
negro emancipation could not hold up his head on the
hustings—when negroes bound in golden chains were
paraded in public, and if negroes were not to be had,
then chimney sweepers were substituted for them? Who
that recollected those times but must have felt perfectly
certain that the British public never would change its
feeling on the subject of slavery, nor would ever admit
to consumption, at alight diferential duties, sugars
grown by slave labour in colonies where the cruelties so
prominently put forth were hourly practised? Who could
have believed that such a stimulus would be given to the
slave trade? When Sir F Buxton was examined on his
oath before the Committee of the Lords—not that Sir
F. Buxton's oath was better than his word, in his (Lord
G. Bentinck's estimation—that ardent supporter of
emancipation was asked what security the planters had
for the numerous benefits in respect to increased prices
and produce. He answered, " Who ever supposes that,
whilst the people of England are emancipating their
slaves, they will hereafter admit slave sugar to con-
sumption in their country?" It was only due to the
memory of Sir Powell Buxton to state, that he opposed
granting freedom to the slaves without first paying for
them. Others were not so honest; and the Quakers
exemplified, in that instance, the truth of the poet's
observation, that
Saints themselves will sometimes be—
Of gifts that cost them nothing, free.
He recollected having been told that the first cargo of
slave-grown sugar that arrived after the duties were
reduced was consigned to a Quaker at Cowes, and the
union of • sanctity and avarice was well exemplified in
the story of the grocer who called out to his shopboy,
" Have you sanded the sugar? Then come into prayers."
So likewise, in the case of the emancipation of the West
Indian slaves, the saintly class had made a great pre-
tence of religion, but they cared little about justice.
The Noble Lord then referred to a letter which
he had received from a naval officer, describe
ing the horrors of the slave-trade as carried on in
the swift-sailing vessels which are equipped ex-
pressly to escape the cruisers off the coast of
Africa. He (Lord G. Bentinck) agreed entirely with
the writer of the letter referred to in deeming it a
ruinous task for Eagland to have to blockade a coast of
2,650 miles in extent. He would, instead of pursuing
the blockade and preventive system, strike a blow at the
chief resort of the slavers, and would smother the hornets
in their nest at Cuba. He had recently seen in the
Times a paragraph taken from a New York paper,
wherein the views of England upon Cuba were very
broadly speculated upon, and the reasons which would
justify her in seizing that island in payment of the debt
duo by Spain to her citizens set fully forth. Every
one knew that the slave trade could not be put down as
long as a market existed in Cuba. Destroy that mart
and you would at once be able to withdraw your block- ,
ading squadron, and further the ends of justice in liqui-
dating the claims of the Spanish bondholders. He
would say take possession of Cuba, and settle the ques-
tion for ever.—(Hear, hear.) It:would be only distraining
for a just debt, and it would have the effect of completely
destroying the slave trade.
Mr. LABOUCHERE—WouId you also take Brazil ?
Lord G. BENTINCK—There was a material differ-
ence in the two cases—we have no just claim against
Brazil. In possessing Cuba, England would have the
key of the Gulf of Mexico, as she had in 1762, when
she took it with six sail of the line. Then we need have
no alarm for our American colonies, because we could
cut the trade of the United States in two by destroying
the communication between New York and the Missis-
sippi. We should then hear no more boasting from
Uncle Sam about stretching his length from California
to the Pacific, and turning Cuba into a kitchen garden.
He (Lord G. Bentinck) thanked the House for the
patience with which he had been listened to, and had
more decided step for
onlythe relief of the thatan
ini nottors m, in
h making
did
to add,
not preclude himself
from supporting more decided resolutions, if proposed
d,
pag a
by another. He would go into the Committee deter-
mined to see if anything could be done for the planters,
and he was willing to accept whatever relief might be
inquirethe result.
into Ile moved—" mporevseedn7 c"on'r°lirtie li n
and
Select Committee to
prospects of the
interests connected with and dependent on sugar and
coffee planting in her esty'a East and West Indian
possessions and the Mauritius ; and to consider whether
any and what measures cal be adopted by Parliament for
their relief."
Mr. ROBINSON seconded the motion.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
he did not rise for the purpose of opposing the motion of
the Noble Lord. Early in November his Noble Friend
the First Lord of the Treasury
had promised, that if a
Committee were moved for he would not oppose it. The
Noble Lord had stated several points of inquiry respect-
ing the West Indies, in which Government concurred
with him in thinking inquiry necessary ; but he should
deceive both the Noble Lord and the House, and also
the West India interest, if he led them to suppose that
in consenting to the appointment of a committee, her
Majesty's Government meant to imply the slightest
doubt as to the soundness of the policy of 1846, or the
slightest intention of departing from that policy.—
(Hear, hear.) He thought that this statement should be
made as soon end as decidedly as possible, because ho
considered that in =razes of this kind uncertainty was
the worst of evils.—(llear, hear.) Ile proposed, at the
same time, to state fully what the views of the Govern-
ment were, as to the various points of minor importance
ie which he believed relief might be afforded to the West
India interest. Ho would not follow the Noble
Lore through his various statements respecting
the general state of trade during the last twelve
months, because the peculiar circumstances of the
time precluded the possibility . sound iatereece;
neither would he go into his proposition for foreclosing
our Spanish mortgage by seizing the island of Cuba—
(A laugh)—in other words, taking possession of the de-
pendencies of our ally to secure the claims of the
' Spanish bondholders.—(Hear, hear.) He would confine

' himself to stating shortly what the Government intended
to do, and what were their reasons for not intending
more. The chtitus put forth by the Ice)ble Lord, and
which had reviously beet submit redo, amounted
Government in
the statement of the West India 1 eedy, amounted shortly
to this—that the pre.:2nt price of sugar was not sufficient
to maintain its cultivater, that th t t low price was caused
by the Act of 1846, and it erted that nothing less
than a protecting duty of 103. pee e wt. would enable the
planters to maintain cultivation at. ,d to preserve their
property.—(Hear.) He was anssio. ue in anything he
' should say to avoid giving offences to the West India
body; and if in defending the rights' of the community
at large he should occasionally deal *hardly with them,
he trusted that it would not leas..? to 3.!'3- inference that
he was hostile to their fair rights b. Interests. In the
Peculiar stir-
I first place, he thought it necessary
from'
tem-
separate
porary depression of prices, arising fro'
cumstances, from that which was owing to 'she increased
quantity of sugar imported; because, when a :eduction
of price had fallen upon almost every other foreign Ind
colonial commodity,. it would be absurd to attribute the
reduced price of sugar wholly to the Act of 1846.
(blear, hear.) It was notorious that many articles of
colonial produce had been during the last year subjected
to an extraordinary fall in price, as large or larger than
the fall in sugar, and that that fall was owing to the
distressing state of commerce which prevailed during
the autumn.—(Hear, hear.) He found that, comparing
the beginning of the month of January, 1847, with the
same period in 184 S, the price of sugar fell from 345. 2d.
per cwt. to 233. .5.1c1., being a fall of about 30 per cent.
But indigo, which was not exposed to any competition
from slave-grown produce, fell 25 per cent. during
the same period. Rice fell 25 per cent., sago 51
per cent., and the better description of tea 84 per
cent. If these falls took place from the commercial
distress, was it not fair to attribute some por-
tion of the fall in sugar to the same cause ?—(Hear.)
Again, comparing the price of sugar last year with the
price at former periods, he found that during the exist-
ence of slavery the price reached as low a point as during
subsequent periods. The average price during last year
was 235. 5d., and in 1829 it was 28s. 7d., while in the
three consecutive years immediately preceding emanci-
pation the prices did not range so high. In 1830 it was
245. lid.; is 1831, 235. Bd.; and in 1833, 275. Bd. Ia
saying this he did not maintain that the Act of last year
had not something to do with the fall in price, he merely
contended that all was not to be attributed to the opera-
tion of that Act. Another point—if gentlemen looked
at the progress of entries of foreign sugar for home con-
sumption, they would find that at the period of greatest
entry the prices did not fall below, but generally ranged
above the average.—(Hear, hear.) In January, 1847,
when the price of sugar was 345. 2d., the importation
of colonial sugar was 22,000 tons, and that of foreign
6,900 tons. Prices rose for the next two months;
but in September, when the price had fallen
to 265. 10d., the importation of colonial rose
to 25,000 tons, while that of foreign was only 3,100 tons.
This showed that the reduction in price was not wholly
referable to the importation of foreign sugar.—(Hear.)
In November and December the importation of foreign
sugar had fallen to 1,700 and 1,900 tons, and the im-
portation of colonial was 19,000 and 20,000 tons re-
spectively. He was not standing there to prove that
large importations did not bring down prices, but he
asserted that in the months ho had quoted large impor-
tations of foreign sugar were coincident with the highest
range of prices.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had
alluded, to the general depression of trade, but he had
omitted to mention a main cause of that depression,
namely, the high price of cotton. He had also men-
tioned the case of the Mauritius, but he (the Chancellor
of the Exchequer) though that Mr. Hawes was quite
justified in asserting the then prosperity of that
colony; and he begged to remind the Noble Lord that
its subsequent depression was caused by two failures
in this country not at all connected with the sugar
trade.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not equally notorious that
West Indian distress had been in a great measure caused
by the failure of the West India Bank, which, by almost
destroying the circulation of the island, had seriously
embarrassed the planters ? The Noble Lord did not
contend for the exclusion of slave-grown sugar.
Lord G. BENTINCK— What he said was, that he
did not press for the distinction of slave-grown and free-
labour sugar, because after the declarations of his Noble
Friend opposite, and those of the Noble Lord the Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs, he did not think it would be
consistent with the Queen's honour, were she to allow
such distinction to be made without dispensing with the
services of the present Ministers, and he was not prepared
to run the risk of such a misfortune.—(A laugh.) He
had at the same time said that he was on principle pre-
pared to exclude slave-grown sugar, and, if necessary,
foreign free-labour sugar along with it.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCIIEQUER begged
the Noble Lord's pardon. After so kindly a declaration
respecting the present Government, he would not quarrel
with his words.—(Laughter.) He would now allude to
the period when the question of compensation to the
West India planters was before under consideration.
They were then in possession of a large body of slaves,
and manufactured sugar much cheaper than at present.
The Noble Lord complained of the amount of compensa-
tion then given; but on this point he would quote the
authority of another Noble Lord, now in the other
House of Parliament—an authority which he did not
think the Noble Lord opposite would be inclined to dis-
pute. Lord Stanley had quoted a number of documents
laid before the Board of Trade by the West Indians
themselves, in which it was stated that the amount of
profit derived from the cultivation of sugar was
about 1.200,0001. annually, and on other produce
about 300,0001., making the whole net annual profit
about 1,500,0001. Then Lord Stanley stated that at the
usual rate at which estates were sold—via., ten years pur-
chase, fifteen millions would be full and ample compen-
sation. The Noble Lord added that this country had
given the planters fire millions more. Therefore, he (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not think that the
planters had any great claim, or that the consumer should
be put under heavy sacrifices for his advantage.—(Hear,
hear.) It was quite true that the apprenticeship ceased
before the time contemplated, and that some parties were
injured by its sudden termination; but it should be re-
collected that, in one or two islands, the planters also-
li,hed it themselves. Indeed, ho believed it was gene-
rally considered to be anything but beneficial.—(No,
no.) He must also state that the claim founded on
slavery did not apply to many of the cases
of hardship quoted by the Noble Lord. It was con-
sidered, and urged at the time of abolition, that the
Mauritius had no claim for compensation. They had
then 40,000 free labourers, and since then 20,000 more
had immigrated. They could not say either that the East
Indies had any right to compensation. Therefore he
would would ask were they, for the sake of the West
Indies, from which we only got half our supply, to
impose a tax which would amoont to 101. per ton on
consumer, and. this, too, to compensate a party for a
loss which they had not sustained.—(Hear, hear.) He
thought that nobody would contend that 101. per ton
should be paid on 15,000 tons to the Mauritius for the
abolition of slavery in the West Indies, which did not '
affect them.—(Hear, hear.) If they had to deal with
the West Indies alone the demand of the Noble Lord
might be consistent, but the ground was cut from under
them when they considered the various sources of supply.
In 1844 a proposition was made by a Government not
unfriendly to the colonial interest, for the admission of
free. labour sugar. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
had stated at the time that the distinction could not be
maintained, because we should be indirectly encouraging
slavery by withdrawing the free-labour sugar from its
usual markets, thus opening fresh vents for the slave-
grown article. The Right Hon. Member for Oxford ad-
mitted that it would have a tendency that way. A
great supply was then expected from Java ; but the
result was, that whereas in 1840 the import was 6,090
tons, in 1847 it had fallen to 5,503 tons, showing a
decrease of 500 tons in the last seven years, in
despite of the encouragement which our admission had
given to its cultivation. But independently of that we
were bound to admit slave-grown sugar for manufacture.
Last year he found there was an importation of 3,000
tons from countries where slavery prevailed, such as the
Danish colonies, which we were bound to admit under
most favoured native treaties. What was the ground
on which the admission of free-labour sugar was per-
mitted by the late Government? It was stated that we
had an inadequate supply of sugar from our own colonies,
and we were promised an extra 20,000 tens. That year
the actual import was only 4,000 tons, and after three
years it only reached 11,000 tons, in addition to 3,000
tons from foreign slave colonies. But in 1844 the Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs gave his opinion that, if we ad-
mitted foreign free, we should admit slave-grown sugar,
and that the only country whose produce we could ex-
clude was Brasil.—(Hear, hear.) What was, then, our
position? Professing to admit free-labour sugar only,
to discourage slavery, we found that we were bound to
admit slave-grown sugar from every part of the globe
except Brasil.—(Hear, hear.) The supply of free-
labour sugar promised at the time was 100,000 tons ; he
had ventured to fix it at 75,000 tons, and the result was
a supply of 73,000 tons. If, then, the question of sla-
very were left out, the question they had to decide was
simply protection or no protection, and what they had to
consider was, whether they should continue that system.
He believed that all protective duties were an unjust tax
on the community.—(Hear, hear.) Another point to
consider was whether they would impose a tax of 101. per
ton on sugar, avowedly to enhance its price by that
amount.—(Hear, hear.) Why, the consumption of last
year was, in round numbers, 300,000 tons, on which the
proposed increase of tax would amount to no less a sum
than 3,000,000/. sterling.—(Hear, hear.) This was no
exaggeration. Mr. Porter stated in 1840 that protec-
tion cost us five millions ; and in a pamphlet it was
stated that in five years preceding 1843 the country
had been taxed for protection to the amount of
sixteen millions.—(Hear, hear.) That was no light
burden on the consumer, and before they imposed !t
they should seriously inquire on what grounds it
was asked. He was sorry to say that the finances
were not in the most flourishing condition, but on
sugar and molasses the duty had increased because theyhad dealt with them on sound principles, abolishing dis-
criminating and protective duties.—(llear.) In, 1845,
the duty was 3,500,0001 ; and in 1846, it was 4,000,000/.
Last year the duty on sugar and molasses was 4,590,0001.
—(Heer, hear.) They were, as in the case of the
corn-laws, required to tax the consumer for the sake of
tho producer, and that was a principle which her Ma-
jesty's Government could not admit. Their principle
was that duties should be levied for revenue alone, and
not for the purpose of enhancing the price to the con-
sumer.—(llear, hear.) Besides, the planters had not
been suddenly dealt with in abolishing protection ;
it had been and was gradually vanishing until its final
termination in 1851.—(IIear, hear.) It had been fully
admitted, during the debates of 1846, by all parties,
except the advocates of protection, that the abolition
of protection was merely a question of time. This was
distinctly stated by Sir Robert Peel and the Member
for Leicester at that time. Therefore with re-
gard to the re-imposition of protection on the
sill of 12346, be thought it proper here distinctly

to state that the the Government did not contemplate
any alteration.—(Hear, hear.) In the papers laid upon
the table it was stated that the restrictions to which the
West India planters were subjected since the period of
emancipation amounted, according to their own esti-
mate, to ss. 64-d. per cwt. on the produce. Those re-
strictions, as therein described, were, first, the necessity
of obtaining their supplies of lumber and provisions from
the North American colonies. This restriction had been
since entirely removed. The next was the differential
duty imposed on the export of goods. This, also, had
been repealed, or it was in the power of the colonial
legislatures themselves to repeal it. The third was that
which was consequent' on the operation of the navigation
laws. As his Noble Friend (Lord G. Bentinck) had
stated, the colonies had asked for the removal of this
restriction; and he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
was happy to be able to announce that it was the
intention of her Majesty's Government, at an
early period, to submit to Parliament a measure
to remove the resteilions which those laws im-
' osed.—(Hear, hear.) The next disadvantage to
which it was stated tile se colonies were !subjected
was, that their produce, seiner, was not admitted into the
breweries and distilleries of .this country. This disad-
vantage had been removed by L.
`lO Act of last session—
an Act which had not been altogether inoperative, for he
found that during the last year no is than 73,000 cwts.
of sugar had been used in the breee.eries, and 20,600
cwts. in the distilleries. It was true thee' the fall in the
price of malt last autumn had since made h .more Advan-
tageous to distil from malt, anti the sugar use,d for that
purpose had consequently fallen off; but it was neeeeehe-
less an important fact, as showing the operation of th e
Act in question, that nearly 94,000 cwts. had been
brought into use during the year for the purposes of
brewing and distilling. Another restriction complained
of was the high discriminating duty on rum in Ireland
and Scotland. This, too, had been altered in 184 G and
1847, when the discriminating duty was reduced from
ls. 6d. to 9d. a gallon. That this change had been at-
tended with advantage was proved by the increased
consumption. In 1845 the quantity consumed was
2,469,000 gallons, in 1846 it was 2,683,000, and in 1817,
under the reduced duty, it had risen to 3,329.000,
notwithstanding which he was happy to find that
the distilling trade in those two countries had been in
no degree injured. While upon this subject he might
state that his opinion was the same now as it had been
last year, viz., that the distillers of this country were
entitled to some differential duty, but that sixpence a
gallon was sufficient ; and if his Noble Friend (Lord G.
Bentinck) would assure him of his aid, he would bring
forward a measure to reduce it to that sum.—(Hear,
hear.) The next complaint was the want of labour.
Into those colonies where that want was greatest a large
amount of labour had been introduced last year. His
Noble Friend had spoken of the large number of slaves
formerly employed in the Mauritius. He (the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer) believed, however, that the
estimate made of the number of slaves in that
colony at the period of emancipation was 28,000.
Since the Emancipation Act the number of
labourers had been almost doubled, 23,000 had
been added, and the total number was now 60;000.
In Jamaica the number of free labourers imported was
not large about 11,500, he believed. In British
Guiana the number of slaves had been estimated at
90,000; the number of free labourers imported since
emancipation had been 40,000. In Trinidad the num-
ber of slaves had been 24,000; the number of free
labourers imported, 20,969. Thus in Guiana there had
been an increase of one-half of the whole number of
labourers, and in Trinidad the increase had been equal
to the whole number of slaves in the island at the period
of emancipation. Therefore, though he was not pre-
pared to deny that there might be a deficiency of
labourers, he believed that that deficiency had been
much exaggerated; and he would advise the colonies
rather to turn their attention to improvements in their
mode of cultivation and manufacture that to depend
altogether upon the immigration of labourers. He now
came to another question—the admission of molasses for
the purposes of brewing in this country. He was sorry
to say that this was a demand to which he could not
accede. As his Noble Friend had stated, this was
altogether a question of revenue, and it was as a ques-
tion of revenue that he treated it. The House would be
aware that the duty was paid upon malt before itwent into
the brewery; with sugar it was the same, and there was
consequently no loss; but he found, on investigation, that if
molasses were allowed to be substituted, the loss to the
revenue would be equal to Bs. 6d. on every quarter of
malt which would be thus thrown out of use in this way.
With regard to distillation, the duty was paid when the
spirit was produced. Last year he had stated that if
further experience should justify him in doing so, he
should be happy to extend any further indulgence to the
West India body in his power, and he was now happy
to say, that after the experience of the working of the
Act of last year, the Excise did not object to the admis-
sion of molasses for the purposes of distillation.—(Hear,
hear.) Therefore he proposed shortly to introduce a
Bill to permit the use of molasses into distilleries, under
similar regulations to those on which sugar was now
admitted. It had also been urged that cane juice might,
without any injury to the revenue, be admitted for the
same purposes. That was a proposition to which he
had never objected, provided that the revenue could be
guaranteed against loss, and since he was called on last
year to fix the rate of duty at which cane juice should
be admitted, he had caused an analysis to be made, so as
to ascertain the quantity of sugar contained in the juice,
the result of which was, that lls. 4d. per 'wt. was found
to be the lowest duty which in justice to the revenue
could be imposed. Ile had been told that this would
amount to prohibition, and he had been asked to name a
lower duty. It was true that it was difficult to obtain quan-
tities of the article sufficient to make experiments upon for
the purpose of arriving at a satisfactory result, but from the
produce of the small quantity which had been furnished to
the Excise, this was the lowest rate of duty he should
be justified in naming ; but if a larger supply of cane
juice was supplied, he should have no objection to fix a
lower amount, provided the result of the analysis he
would cause to be made would enable him to do so. It
must, however, be understood that he could not admit
cane juice at a duty lower in proportion than that which
was paid on sugar and molasses. With regard to the
other question—the supply of labour—at present the
supply of labour to the colonies was derived partly from
free immigration and partly from re-captured slaves.
The free immigrants were partly coolies and partly,
negroes from the coast of Africa. His own impres-
sion was that the immigration of the coolies had not
answered—(Hear, hear)—but he believed a certan and
valuable supply of labourers might always be had from
the African coast. It was quite true that many of the
Kroomen had turned out valuable labourers, had accu-
mulated large sums of money, and had by their repre-
sentations on returning to their own country, induced
others to emigrate ; and others had declined to return
when offered a free passage, preferring to remain in order
to accumulate more money. The means of carrying
on this immigration was provided by loans raised in the
colonies. He was not prepared to say that that was a
profitable system as far as those colonies were concerned;
but when his Noble Friend (Lord Grey) entered office
as Colonial Secretary he found the system established,
and that it had been acted upon by his two immediate
predecessors; he did not, therefore, feel justified in dis-
turbing it, though he might not have been disposed to
sanction it had it been proposed for adoption for the
first time. Neither Guiana nor Trinidad had, however
been able last year to borrow the money authorised by
their respective legislatures to be raised for defraying
the expellee of the immigration now in progress. Under
these circumstances, he thought it was only fair and right
that this country should step in and assist them. He
should, therefore, feel it to be his duty to propose to the
House, during the present session, an advance of a sum
not exceeding 200,0001. for the purpose of promoting
emigration to our West India colonies.—(Hear.) It had
been suggested that it would be an act of humanity
to take the negroes by force, and transport them to
the West Indies to be there employed as labourers—
this was a coarse to which he must decidedly
object.—(Cries of " Hear.") He must insist in what-
ever arrangement might be made that the negroes
should go of their own free will—that they should not
be forced.—(Hear.) Then, with regard to the liberated
Africans who were set free ander the adjudication of
the mixed commissions at the Havannab, lei°, and St.
Helena—these were universally carried to the West
Indies, but the expense of sending them there was row
defrayed by the colonies to which they were sent. The
Government thought it right that, for a time at least,
the expense should be mainly (not altogether, for obvious
reasons,) borne by this country. Looking at the prevent
condition of the West India colonies, Government were
prepared to take on themselves almost the whole of that
charge—a small portion only would remain to be paid
by the colonies as a security that they really required
the labour. The majority of the liberated negroes were
now set free at Sierra Leone—recently they had shown
a greater disposition than they formerly did to proceed
to the West Indies, and it was thought measures might
be taken to facilitate their immigration with advantage
to themselves, the West Indies, and Sierra Leone. A
Committee of the House which sat some years ago had, in
its report, said that the effect of the constant introduc-
tion of large bodies of these captured negroes info the
colony was to retard the progress of civilisation, and
bring back to a state of barbarism those who had adopted
civilised habits. Dr. Madden had also said if the system
was continued the colony must be enlarged, or means
devised for removing the population. He believed it
would be advantageous to remove those persons from a
place where they were relapsing into a state of barbar-
ism to the West India colonies, where their labour was
wanted, and where after a time they would be free men,
in a position of independence and comfort. The expense
of removing these persons, the Government were dia-
-1 posed to recommend, should be borne by this country.—
(Hear, hear.) Another suggestion had been made—
viz., that the repayment of the hurricane loan should be
still further postponed. The colonies had already had
ten years in which to repay that advance, and Govern-
ment was disposed to recommend that the period should
be extended five years further, interest being paid in the
mean time. When an application was lately made on
the part of Tobago for assistance, in consequence of the
earthquake, a grant was immediately made to relieve
the immediate distresses of the sufferers, and Ministers
would be prepared to make a further loan, so soon as
they should have received the necessary information as
to the amount required. These, then, were the mea-
sures the Government proposed—first, the admission of
molasses for the purposes of distillation in this country
—to admit cane juice provided a rate of duty can be
fixed by which the revenue should be guaranteed against
loss—a loan for the purpose of promoting free emigra-
tion—the removal to the West India colonies of cap-
tured negroes almost wholly at the expense of this
country—the postponement of the period of paying the
hurricane loan—and an advance to the island of Tobago.
He hoped that the West India body would consider
that this would be sufficient—as far as this country
could promote that end—to restore those colonies to
prosperity. If he were asked if he considered this suffi-
cient, he would reply that it waB not, unless accompa-