The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-18 00:00:00

debate. He believed if the measure proposed by the Govern-
ment was carried, - it would have the effect of placing the
Crown, the Mitre, and the Charter of the people under the
foot of the small oligarchy of red tape. He believed if the
Right Hon. Baronet had opened the ports, and upon the
meeting of Parliament stated that be could not steer the ship
as be had hitherto done, the feelings of the people on the
subject would have been very different to what they now
were. He could never bring his mind to believe that
Parliament would ever sanction the resolution proposed
by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government,
If the Right Hon. Baronet was sincere in his statement, why
did he not at once suspend the corn-law, open the ports,
.and trust to the people whether or not they should be closed
again? That would be far better than the cumbrous plan he
had proposed for the adoption of Parliament. The Right
Hon. Baronet had said that they could not go on properly in
this country without half-yearly revolutions; he had stated
that Prussia had been shaktn—he defied him to show the
it had on the question of free trade. In France,
the great leaders of parties were against it. Such
men as BERRYER and Tutuus opposed it. Ha thought an
appeal ought to be made on the question to the constituency
of the country. He believed that a small fixed duty on corn
_would be just to all parties; and, although he did not go to
the extent of many around him in favour of free trade, yet he
felt bound to deprecate that House adopting the present
•s weping proposition at the dictation of the Right llon.
,Baronet. Ile should give his most uncompromising opposi-
tion to the proposition of the Government, without an appeal
'was made to the people upon it.
Captain LAYARD supported the Government proposition.
•He believed that England would never maintain its position
.among the nations of the earth until her labourers were
'properly provided for. He believed that the proposition of
'the Government would and must be _carried. He believed
that the corn-law of 1815 was not only a great and grie) -
'ous mistake, but a great and grievous crime. The Right
Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government ought to be proud
of the course he had pursued ; he had given up a party feeling
for the good of his country. He agreed with the Noble Lord the
Member for the City of London, that protection was the
bane of agriculture. He believed if the House adopted
the Government proposition, the other nations of the earth
would follow its example.
Mr. R. PALMER then addressed the House. Protection
had been in existence for centuries, and he did not see why
it should be removed at the present moment. They bad the
high authority of Mr. HITSKISSON for retaining protection.
He thought the present a most unfortunate time for intro.
.dueing this measure, and he should, therefore, give it his
opposition.

Sir C. NAMER had hoped, after the unanswerable speech
of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government,
last night, that the debate would have been concluded with-
out any further invectives against the Government for the
course they had adopted, but it appeared, from the
speech of the Noble Lord who first addreassed the
House, that the protectionists were determined to keep it
up, in order to say all they could against the Right Hon.
Baronet at the head of the Government. The Noble Lord
the Member for Newark taunted the Right Hon. Baronet
with not opening the ports. He believed if the Right Hon.
Baronet had attempted to do so he would have received a
more severe opposition than he would do on the present
question. He believed the Right Hon. Baronet had gone
as far as he could do in order to secure the measure
being carried through the House of Lords, and he, for one,
was glad that he had not fell into the trap of the protec-
tionists. He spoke plainly, and he believed if those who
now opposed the measure, were convinced that it would not
lower their rents, they would soon withdraw their opposi-
tion. The Gallant Commodore, after giving the House a
most laughable description of his mode of farming, con.
eluded by stating his intention to support the -Government
proposition. _ .

Mr. SHAW opposed the Government proposition. Their
leader had not only abandoned them, but had gone over to
the other side. Although they had been deserted, they were
not dismayed, but determined to be loyal and true to them-
selves. The effect of such great changes as had been pro-
posed by the Right Hon. Baronet should be well understood
upon a country like England before they were wildly put
forward. Those who introduced them ought to recollect
" that a thousand years scarce serve to form a state," and
that "an hour may lay it in the dust." He believed
that the present Government would be handed down to
posterity as the greatest political co Nerds that ever existed.
What had the Right Hon. Baronet done, a he said, to pre-
vent anarchy and confusion? Why he had thrown himself
and the Government into the hands of the Anti. Corn-law
League and the Repeal Association. He would make this
solemn declaration, that if at the end of two years the Right
Hon. Baronet should be at the head of the Government, be
should not feel the same surprise in seeing him come down
to the House and propose a repeal of the Legislative
Union, as he felt two years ago on seeing him propose a re-
peal of the corn-laws. The Right Hon. Baronet who, a
few years ago, defeated the Noble Lord the Member for the
city of London, and drove him from the head of affairs,
was now supplicating him to allow his Government to last*
He (Mr. Shaw), and those who voted with him, would not
throw the prize of protection into the lottery of chance, in
the hopes of drawing out a better.
• Mr. BRIGHT said the Anti-Corn-law League and the people
did not care one straw about the great quarrel that had taken
place among parties as long as the nation benefited by it;
protection was a bane to the country, and the sooner it was
put an end to the better. They had protected their farmers
into a system of decrepitude. In Cheshire they had a high
aristocracy and a poor tenantry, and they would be as low as
the inhabitants of the south of England, had it not been for
the .proximity of Lancashire. Then, with regard to poor-
rates, the tenant farmer paid no part of it until
it was incorporated with the soil. There was a burden upon
the land, which was the burden of the game. Now the Duke
of RUTLAND had paid 9151. for 900 acres of land, and he
would ask how they could shut' out foreign food, while they
Were wasting acres of land for the sake of the sport ? There
was not the smallest prospect of any insurrection against
the Ministerial measure ; and if the masses of the people
believed them; how came it that they had not multitudinous
Meetings against the repeal ? Public opinion was in their fe-
e l a r edßaronet,
fa-
vour. The newspapers which had the largest circulation were
who last night had de-
livered
was the . most important
speech that ever he delivered in that House, and he envied
unanimous in favour of the Ministerial measure. He would
not defeap en
sdt
ehce Right
which
Right Hon. Baronet his feelings last night after he had
delivered his speech. He defied them to maintain the corn-
i,ghhi cth Hon.
he d
laws. The Right Hon. Baronet had resigned office. He
came back as the Minister of the Sovereign and the people,
and open to adopt any course he might think fit. Now, if
they were to seek to make a Protectionist Government,
what, in fact, would they make ? Mr. MILLS was put down
for the Board of Trade. Why, if it hal not been for irre-
pressible laughter, the mills of Lancashire would in such a
case have been shut up for a week. Then there was Lord
STANLEY, of Tamboff celebrity, put forward as Secretary for
Foreign Affairs. Then there was the Duke of RICHMOND,
who had said Mr. COBDEN received 30,000,. a week profits,
ar:d that ore of his tenants paid snore poor-rates
than all the Leaguers put together. Could that be believed?
Would the country tolerate for a week the Government of a
man who only last night had declared that orators might he
seat down to the manufacturing districts to teach the work-
ing people there that cotton might be fired as well as
stacks. The Government would be supported by the
bishops, for no bishop would dare to vote against the
free admission of food fqr a starving population. The
measure of the Government was a great and noble mea-
sure, but he could have wished that the repeal lead been
immediate instead of gradual. There were thousands dying
from scarcity, and the country demanded the immediate
repeal. Then, with regard to the forty-shilling franchise,
the Chief Justice •of the Common Pleas had declared that
the obtaining that franchise was not only legal but
laudable. It was a powelul weapon, but it was
not intended to overthrow. aristocracy or any other
institutionsi:as soon as the corn-laws were repealed the League
would lye dlaiolved, and he thought those who had been
placed ispAlhe register as 40s. freeholders would exercise
their franchiS; as independently as the tenant farmers. What
satisfaction-would it be to theist to consider, if they should
turn out thelklinistry, that by their factious opposition they
should have contributed to increase the miseries of their
fellow-creathres ?

Mr. Hunsasyconsidered that in this debate they had nothing
to do with the distress which existed in the sister country,bes
cause he considered that the extraordinary emergency must be
met by extraordinary exertions, such as a public subscrip-
tion, or a Parliamentary measure for the relief of it. He
called upon the Government at once to provide for the relief
of tbat distress. The question of the repeal of the corn-laws
ought not to be embarrassed with considerations such as
these. He contended that the recent prosperity had not
been occavionesl by the plenty of corn, but by the abundant
harvests which had occurred since 1842. The Hon. Member
then went into a very discursive argument on the subject of
protection, during which he was not unfrequently interrupted
by cries of " Question, question," and concluded by declaring
that he should vote against the Government measure;
for if they withdrew protection, he did not believe that the
land could be cultivated at a profit eves if no rent we•'e paid
upon it.--(A laugh.) " I am not prepared, because the Right
Hon. Baronet has cheese to change his opinions," said the
Hon , Gentleman, "'to change mine ; and I would ask. why,
when all other interests are prosperous, should not the agri-
cu:tural interests be prosperous ahoy with the others?" He
believed the effect of the Government measure would be to
paralyse the energies of the country. It seemed tohim mow.
trous that the poor-rates should be assessed upon
the land alone ; all property ought to contribute towards
it, and why should not the fundholders contribute towards it ?
And he thought the land ought not exclusively to pay to the
counly-rate. They should tax the cotton as well as the land
fur that purpose. He thought the Government ought to
appeal to the constituencies to decide whether they would
have protection or no protection. Believing that protection,
eyes for three years, was a boon, lie gave the Right
Honourable Baronet credit for proposing his measure,
with, to little disturbation to existing interests as possible.
He Was determined, however, to oppose the proposition
of the Right Hon. Baronet with his utmost energy, although
he should support the three years' protection to the uttnest
of his power.

On the motion of Lord DUNC.:N, the debate was adjourned
till Ilinrs

The other orders of the day were disposed of, and the
House adjourned.

The speech of Sir ROBERT PEEL last evening may be said,
without exaggeration, to be the most remarkable ever made
within the walls of Parliament. It did not display
the high flights of eloquence and the delightful wit
of CANNING, nor the more stirring metaphorical
figures and rich flow of language which distinguished
BURKE. With PLuNKETT's splendid orations, so con-
cise and comprehensive, every sentence embodying
argument, and every thrust at his opponents fatal
—it cannot be compared ; but it possessed far higher
qualities—the discreet, the candid, and the liberal views of a
Prime Minister who for once threw party to the
winds, who defended his policy on principles intelli-
gible to the meanest capacity, and announced
his determination to brave obloquy, submit to every
offensive epithet, and all the howlings of disappointed fac-
tions, for the noble purpose of carrying out measures which
he believed essential to the welfare of his country,
and the best interests both of SOVEREIGN and people. He
is, perhaps, the first Minister that ever openly
declared that he would carry on his Government without the
aid of party ; and, on this ground alone, independent of the
vastness and boldness of his commercial plans,he deserves the
unqualified praise of every enemy of cl ass-legisla t ion, and every
friend of an independent, impartial, and constitutional repre-
sentation of the great body of the people. His opponents
have, in the most absurd manner, blamed him for deserting
his adherents, and introducing measures opposed to those
advocated by the House of Peers and a largo proportion of
the landed gentry, as if he thereby obtained some personal
and selfish reward, and betrayed his friends only to obtain
honours captivating to a low, a grovelling, and unprincipled
mind. We are quite sure that every candid pro-
tectionist (and there are many of that character op-
posed to him) will read his speech with very
different feelings from those formerly entertained, and readily
admit that, under all the circumstances of his position, such
as the success of late commercial changes, the alarms of
famine, and the anxiety of our gracious SOVEREIGN fur the
welfare of the lower classes, he could, as an
honourable man, and a faithful adviser of the
Crown, have pursued no other course. His statements
on that head are so precise, clear, and unanswerable that they
must carry conviction even to prejudiced minds. " I know,"
said he, "that I might. have conciliated temporary confidence
by underrating the danger in Ireland. I might have invited
continued combination for the maintenance of the existing
law—l might have talked of hoisting the flag of Pro-
tection for Native Industry—l might have exclaimed that
Agricultural Protection must be maintained in all its
integrity. That is the course which would have con-
ciliated temporary confidence; but the month of May would
not have arrived without demonstrating that it had been my
bounden duty towards my country—towards my SOVEREIGN
—towards my party—to have acted otherwise." In fact, he
showed that, but for the measures he proposed, such a degret
of odium would have attached as would have done them the
greatest disservice.' His letter to the QUEEN, on Lord JOIIN
RUSSELL being called to her MAJESTY'S Councils, is only
another proof of his candour and his thorough conviction.
in. that he admitted the full merit of the opposite party—he
cordially concurred in the sentiments expressed by Lord
JOHN RUSSELL in:his address to the electors of London—and
assured the SOVEREIGN that he would not only aid his politi-
cal opponents in carrying the repeal of the corn• laws, but also
vote with them, under our present critical relations with
America, for an increase in the army and navy. But we
have not space for further comments, and they are not ne-
cessary. The speech will be read carefully and carefully
studied by all interested in the good of the nation
and perhaps will not afford so great satisfaction
to any as to our gracious QUEEN, who at
this crisis has displayed a magnanimity and regard for ;her
subjects befitting the SOVEREIGN of a free and intelligent
people. The peroration of the speech deserves to be quoted
at length. After alluding to former periods of distress and
the extraordinary patience of the people under suffering, he
thus concludes ;
"If those times return upon us, if we must again sympathise with
distress, and bestow our admiration upon fortitude, will it not prove
a consolation to us that all has been done that wisdom could suggest
to avert the misery that must fall upon us—will not our ex-
pression of sympathy be more consolatory—will it not be more
just and thoughtful that, in times of prosperity, surrounded
by no necessity, succumbing to no clamour, unopposed by
difficulty, will it not be a lasting consolation to us
that the chastening of an all-wise and beneficent Providence, given for
some good and wise end, perhaps to abate our pride, to convince us of
our nothingness, to awaken in us a loftier sense of himself, and of
his powers; will it not, I ask, be indeed consolatory to ourselves in
those moments to find that no dispensation of a merciful Creator
had been aggravated by our own obstinacy, or the faultiness of
human institutions to prevent a supply of food to a famishing people?"

Nottinghamshire has now an opportunity (not granted to
any other county in the kingdom) of proclaiming its ad-
hesion to the cause of enlightenment, the cause of generosity,
the cause of justice—Free trade. From the circumstances of
Lord LINCOLN'S appointment as Secretary in Ireland and the
demise of Mr. HENRY GALLY KNIGHT, both divisions are
deprived of a representative, and hence the enfranchised
inhabitants generally are in a position to prove themselves
capable of appreciating the exigencies of the present extra-
ordinary crisis. It befits, however, all those who aresincerely
interested in the advancement of commercial freedom
to exhibit no tardiness in their movements; it befits them
to remember that the upholders of a policy such as protection
—a policy which has already received such a signal discom-
fiture—a policy which is now goaded on to the most fierce of
all struggles, the struggle for existence—is straining every
sinew to retard, if not entirely to suppress, the destruction with
which it is threatened. It befits them, moreover, to reflect
that if monopoly still possess a vast secretion of its old
venomous spirit, and if, in the language of a great living
orator, it has " lost the perforated tooth through
which to squirt it"—that same pernicious spirit may
still be scattered among the electors, if precautionary mea-
sures be not employed. Desperate as their case appears,
candidates are not wanting to advocate the interests of the
agricultural bugbear: in the southern division, we have bad
occasion of late to mention the appearance under those un-
popular banners of a Mr. lIILDYARD—a silent young gentle-
man advanced by his Grace of NEWCASTLE as an antagonist
to his Grace's fine-spirited and dauntless son—in the nor-
thern division we have now to direct attention to
an address on Monday issued to the electors by
Lord. HENRY BENTINCK, wherein that nobleman offe:s
himself to their suffrages as a backbone Anti-Ministerialist.
This redoubtable epistle being dated from Welbeck, is im-
pregnated throughout with that bias towards the perquisites
of a " protected" landlord with which his Lordship's father,
the Duke of PORTLAND, is imbued and animated. Of course,
the Noble Lord commences with the hackneyed conven-
tionalities about partiality for " private life," and diffidence
about " entering the arena," and all that sort of thing, of
politics—pas,ages which resemble the blustering modesty
of PAROLLES, immediately before that gentleman is drubbed
for a braggart. Of course, the Right Hon. Candidate is plen-
tiful in his magnanimity, and expresses his readiness {Dike a
farming Cunnua) to " sacrifice all private considerations,"
to become what? a philanthropist on a large scale—a whole-
sale HOWARD—a giver of food, and fuel, and clothes to man-
kind in the aggregate? Far otherwise; this act of wonder-
ful self-forgetfulness is infinitely more disinterested—it is for
" the maintenance of the protective system ;•' in other words,
it is for the aggrandisement of his paternal estates, it is for
the deterioration of national comfort, it is for bloating the
pocket of the landlord and pinching the stomach of
the tenant. So much for the personal sacrifice of
Lord HENRY BENTINCE, so much for the average
logic and benevolence of his party. With these dispassionate
men can have not even the shadow of a shade of a sympathy :
they are so imexplicit, so paramountly selfish, so completely
and irreparably obsolete in principle. Let the constituency
of North Nottingham tarry not another moment in
selecting some proper personage to represent the
more rational—the ouly rational policy of commerce.
Let them give their proportion of impetus to push the
proposition of ISir ROBERT through Parliament with yet
greater triumph, and to oust for once and for ever these gor-
mandisers of exclusive protection. Let them, msreover,
meditate earnestly and copiously upon the oration uttered
last night by the Premier—an oration of emphatic boldness,
the tones of which were nerved with a consciousness of recti-
tude and wisdom. Nor was the reception—the silent,
patient, cordial reception— of that address less
significant of what must prove the consummation. For
South Nottingham we feel an infinitely less proportion of
anxiety; its former representative, Lord LINCOLN, has as-
sumed a deportment so manly, so uncompromising, and so
intensely independent upon the question now under discus-
sion. As some off; et to the political squeamishness of the
PORTLAND nominee, we would consists's...tote one sentence
uttered by Lerd Listcorar, in the Corn-market of Nottingham,
on Saturday last—we would sommemorate it because of its
picturesqueness, because of its emphasis, because of its truth.
" You might as well," said his Lordship, " attempt to stay
the onward progress of the wind by the opposition of a
feather, or to step the flowing course of the river that winds
round your town with the puny hand of an infant, as
to attempt to stop these measures by rejecting so
humble an individual as myself." This is good, this is
honest, this is plain spoken • it breathes of common sense,
and not less does it breathe Of excellence of purpose. There
is as wonderful a contrast between these two noble candidates
in their diction as in the policies of which it is the expo-
nent. Lord hENRY BENTINCK is the supporter,e principles
which have been long exploded; Lord LINCOLN is the up-
holder of the present comprehensive views. As such should
they be estimated by the electors of North and South Not-
tinghamshire ; and if in accordance with the opinion of the
majority, the consequences of the contest are self-evident.

Madrid papers of the 10th were received by extraordinary
express 'at Paris on Monday morning, announcing the resig-
nation of General NAItVAEZ as President of the Council.
The QUEEN had accepted his resignation, and the Ministry
consequently was dissolved. It was said that her MAJESTY
had commissioned General RONCALI and the Marquis of
VIRAFLonEs to form a new Cabinet. The affair altogether
is a complete mystery, and probably arises out of some secret
intrigues respecting the QUEEN'S marriage, but wo must wait.
for further information to unravel the plot. The resignation
of Senor MON, the Finance Minister, will be a great loss to
the country.

On the 4th the Three per Cents. were done at 323/4 at 60
days; the Five per Cents. at 23% at 60 days; and the Ma-
drid and Aranjuez Railroad Shares at 2,080 at 60 days.

The Paris papers of Sunday are destitute of news. Private
letters, however, state that Marshal BUGEAUD had been
recalled fram his Government of Algeria, on the ostensible
ground that his presence would be necessary in the Chamber
when the affairs of that colony came under discussion. The
real cause, however, is his total incapacity for the situa•
tion, which he has so long held to the disgrace
of the French army and the ruin of French
Interests in Afric:i. The public voice is unanimously opposed
to him, and the KING has been compelled to yield. " The
faults committed," says the Courrier Francais, "or in other
words, the disastrous results obtained by Marshal BuclEAun,
have rendered his incapacity so manifest that it was not in
the power of the Ministry any longer to struggle against
public opinion."
The French Funds continued high. On Sunday the
Three per Cents were done at 84f. 90c.

BUSINESS LONE IN FOREII;N RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STUCK EXCHANGE, FEB. 16.
Barbadoes, I—Bordeaux, Toulouse, and Cette (Mackenzie), 21/4
—Ditto (Espeleta), 24—Central of Spain, I% —Dutch Rhenish, 7
—Great Northern of France Const!tuted, 15—Louvain and dentappe,
24—Madrid and Valentin, I,g, —Parts sod Orleans, 49%—Rowe
SII lime, 29,

IRISH PACIFICATION
BILL.

A Bill intituled an Act for the Better Protection of Life,
and to Facilitate the Apprehension and Detection of Per-
sons Guilty of Offences in Ireland.

I. For the more easy apprehension and detection of per-
sons who shall commit or shall attempt to commit murder,
or who shall do grievous bodily harm to any of her Majesty's
subjects, in Ireland, be it enacted by the Queen's most excel-
lent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the
Lords spiritual and temporal, and Commons, in this
present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of
the , same, That if any person or persons shall murder
or feloniously slay any of her Majesty's subjects in
Ireland, or shall shoot at, stab, cut, or wound any of said
suljects, or shall by any means whatsoever cause to any of
said subjects any, bodily injury dangerous to life, with intent
in any of the cases aforesaid to commit murder, or to maim
or disable or to do some other grievous bodily harm to any
of said subjects, it shall and may be lawful for the Lord Lieu-
tenant of Ireland, with the advice and assent of her Majesty's
Privy Council ia Ireland, to declare by proclamation that any
county or part of a county in which any of the offences afore-
said shall have been committed, as also such part as he and
they shall think proper of any adjoining county, requires an
additional establishment of police, and thereupon it shall and
may be lawful for the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to appoint
such and so many resident magistrate or magistrates, sub-
in=pectors of constabulary, head constables, constables, and
sub-canqables as he shall think proper to be stationed and
reside within the district specified in such proclamation, un-
til the Lord Lieutenant shall, by proclamation in that behalf
issued, otherwise direct; and such additional force of con-
stabulary shall form part of the general constabulary force,
And be in all respects subject to the same rules and discipline
as the residue of the said force.

11. Ard be it enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for
the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, with the advice of her Majesty's
Privy Council in Ireland, if he and they shall so think
fit, in and by any such proclamation so to be made as
aforesaid, or by a distinct proclamation, to warn the inhabi-
tants of the district specified in such proclamation to be and
remain within their respective places of abode at all hours
between sunset and sunrise, from and after such day as shall
be named therein for that purpose.
HI. And be it enacted, That it shall and may be lawful
for the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, by a new proclamation
to be made by and with the advice of her Majesty's Privy
Council in Ireland, to revoke any proclamation issued in
.pursuance of this Act as to the whole or any part of the dis-
trict thereby proclaimed, and thereupon the original procla-
mation mentioned therein shall, upon a day to be specified in
such now proclamation, stand and be revoked so far as such
new proclamation shall purport to revoke the same.
IV. And be it enacted, That copies of every proclamation
made under the provisions of this Act shall be posted on or
near to the doors tf all places of public worship within the
district specified in such proclamation, and on or immediately
adjacent to the doors of eaeh police station or barrack within
the same, and at the places (if any) appointed by the grand
jury for posting road notices within the same.
V. And be it enacted, That the production of the Dublin Ga-
zette, containing the publication ofany proclamation under this
Act, shall be deemed and taken to be and shall be conclusive
evidence in all courtsa civil and criminal jurisdiction in Ireland
of all such facts as were or shall be necessary to authorise the
issuing of such proclamation as aforesaid ; and every such
proclamation shall be deemed and taken in all such courts
respectively to .all intents and purposes whatsoever, to
have been issued in conformity to the several provisions of
this Act.

VI. And be enacted, That it shall be lawful for the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland to pay such reward or rewards as to
him shall seem tit for the discovery or apprehension of any
person or persons who shall be convicted of any of the
offences aforesaid committed within the district specified in
any such proclamation.
VII. And be it enacted, That it shall be lawful for the
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to pay such sums of money as to
him shall seem reasonable and just to the per.tonal repre-
sentative, wife, parent, child, or other relation of any person
who shall be murdered or feloniously slain within any such
proclaimed district, or to any person who within such dis-
trict shall be feloniously maimed or permanently injured, due
regard being had to the rank, degree, situation, at d circum-
stances of the person murdered, feloniously killed, maimed, or
permanently injured.
VIII. And be it enacted, That it shall be lawful for the
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, by his warrant, to direct to be
advanced and issued out of the produce of the Consolidated
Fund arising in Ireland such sums of money as may be ne-
cessary for any payment by this Act authorised to be made
as aforesaid, and for the payment of the several salaries, re-
munerations, allowances, and expenses of the resident magis-
trates and constabulary force employed unuer the provisions
of this Act, and all other costs and charges to be incurred in
the execution of this Act.

IX. And be it eirict d, That for the purpose of repaying
the sun s of money so to be issued out of the Consolidated
Fund as aforesaid, such person or officer as shall for that pur-
pose be appointed by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland shall
trom time to time make such rate c r rates as may be nece.i-
sfiry on every occupier within each such proclaimed district,
rateable under an Act passed in tha first and second years of
the reign of her Majesty, intituled " An Act for the more
effectual Relief of the destitute roor i n Ireland," or under
any Act or Acts altering or amending the same.
X. And be it enacted, That the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland
shall issue orders to the resident magistrate or magistrates,
and to the constabulary force stationed within each such pro-
claimed district respectively, to collect such rates; and such
resident magistrate or magistrates, and such of the said con-
stabulary force as shall be employed in the collection of
such rites, shall be furnished with a written warrant or order
subscribed by the Chief or Under Secretary for Ireland,
empowering him or them to collect such rate, and specify-
ing the amount of money to be levied for the purposes of
this Act on each proclaimed district, and the portion thereof
to be paid by each occupier of rateable hereditaments, and
the person named in such warrant is hereby . required and
authorised to levy the money therein mentioned according
thereto; and such money shall and may be collected and
levied, sued for and r.covered, by such and the same ways
and means, by distress or otherwise, as any rate made tbr
the relief of the destitute poor in Ireland may be collected
and levied.

XI. And be it enacted, That every rate made under the
authority of this Act shall be paid to the person authoried
to collect the same, by the person in the actual occupation
of the rateable property at the time of the rate made, and on
his default then by the person subsequently in the occupation
of the rateable property from whom such rate shall be
demanded. .

XII. And be it enacted, That every such rate shall be a
poundage rate made upon an estimate of the net annual
value of the several hereditaments within the proclaimed dis-
trict as the same shall have been rated under the then labt
rate made under the said herein-before last recited Acts for
the relief of the destitute poor, or any of them, and that the
particulars of every such rate hall be entered in a book, and
shall be in the form in which rates are made under the said
Acts, or any of them, or as near thereto as may be; and
the said book shall be signed by the persons cr officers so to
be appointed to make such rate as afiresaid, and shall, aftet
such signature, be evidence of, the truth of every particular
contained therein. _ . .

XIII. And be it enacted, That the said. rate shall be pay-
able by and be levied from the actual occupiers, and not by
or from the lesser or owns, whether the hereditaments in
respect of which such rate shall be payable shall be under the
value of four pounds or not.
XIV. And be it enacted, that the occupier of heredita-
ments rated under the provisions of this Act shall not be
entitled to deduct from the rent which he may be liable to
pay any portion of the rate which he may have paid in
pursuance of this Act.
XV. And be it enacted, that any magistrate, inspector,
sub-inspector, head-constable, constable, or sub-constable
of police, or other peace officer, shall and may cause to
be apprehended and committed, any person who, within
any proclAimed district wherein the it,habitants have
been warned as aforesaid to remain within their places
of abode as aforesaid, and under suspicious circum-
stances, shall be in the fields, streets, highways, or e!sewhere
out of his dwelling, home, or place of abode at any time
from one hour after sunset until sunrise, and such person shall
and may be detained in custody until trial ; provided always,
that the magistrate by whom any person so apprehended
shall be committed, shall without delay after committal
transmit to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland a true and faith-
ful report of such committal, and. the grounds and reasons
thereof, with the examination of the prisoner, and the rea-
sons alleged by him or on his behalf why he should not be
committed, which said magistrate is required to take down
in writing, in order that such person may be detained, dis-
charged, or admitted to bail, as to the Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland shall seem fit. .

XVI. And be it enacted, that any person who shall, within
any district proclaimed under this Act, be found in any field,
street, highway, or other place out of his dwelling-house or
place of abode, at any time from one hour after sunset until
sunrise, except upon his lawful occasions, the proof whereof
shall be on the person accused, shall be deemed guilty of a
misdemeanour.
XVI I. And be it enacted, That all persons fund assembled
in any proclaimed district in any house, licensed or unli-
censed, in which malt liquors or spirituous liquors are sold
(not being inmates thereof or travellers), after one hour
after sunset and before sunrise, shall be deemed guilty of a
misdemeanour.
XVIII. And be it enacted, That it shall and may be
lawful for any justice of the peace, or any person thereto
'authorised by the warrant of any justice of the peace, at
any time from one. hour after sunset until sunrise,
to demand admission, and in case admission shall
be refused, or net obtained within a reasonable time after it
shall have been first demanded, to enter by force into any
house in any proclaimed district, licensed or unlicensed, in
which malt liquors or spirituous liquors are sold.
XIX. And be it enacted, That any person who shall, within
any district proclaimed under this Act, knowingly have in.
his dwelling house, place of abode, or possession any fire-
arms or ammunition, not being duly authorised to keep the
same, the proof whereof shall be on the person accused,
be deemed guilty of a misdemeanour.
XX. And be it enacted, That any person who shall, within
any district proclaimed under this Act, wilfully or malici-
ously injure either the person or property, real or personal,
of any person who has appeared or shall appear or be bound
to appear as a witness, prosecutor, or juror, or who shall .by
threats or menaces, or otherwise howsoever, deter or inti-
midate or endeavour to deter or intimidate any person from
appearing or acting as a wittnesa, prosecutor, or juror, or
from discharging his or her duty in that behalf, shall be
deemed guilty of a misdemeanour.
XXI. And bo it enacted, That every person convicted of a
misdemeanour under this Act shall be liable to be transported
beyond the seas for any term not exceeding fifteen years nor
less than seven years, or to be imprisoned for any term not
exceeding three years.
XXII. And be it enacted, That when any person shall be
convicted of any offence punishable under this Act, for
which imprisonment may be awarded, it shall be lawful
for the Court to sentence the offender to be imprlso el,
with or without bard labour, in the common gaol cr
house of correction, and also to direct that the offender
shall be Nept in solitary confinement.for any portion or por-
tions of such imprisonment, or of such imprisonment with
hard labour, not exceeding one month at any one time, and
not exceeding three months in one year, as to the court in
its discretion shall seem meet. _

XXIII. And be it enacted, That when any person
shall be, prosecuted by indictment for any misdemeanour
committed against the provisions of this Act. such
person shall plead to such indictment forthwith, so
that the trial thereof may not be delayed or postponed
to any subsequent commission of oyer and terminer, or ses-
sion of the court in which such trial is to take place, unless
the court shall otherwise direct.
XXIV. And be it enacted, That no action, suit, or pro-
ceeding shall be commenced or prosecuted against any
rerson or persons for anything done in pursuance of this
Act until atter thirty days' notice thereof flan be
given to such person or persons, nor after a sufficient sa-
g sfsction or tender thereof hath been made to the party
or parties aggrieved, nor after the expiration of three calen-
dar months next after the fact committed ; and every such
action, suit, or prosecution shall be laid or brought in the
county where the catue of action Shall have arisen, and act

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