The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-15 00:00:00

&Inning ..1111

LONDON, THURSDAY, JUNE 15, 1848.

One circumstance or another of a more immediate
interest has distracted the attention of England, and,
to a considerable extent, of the European continent
also, from the proceedings of the great federative
German Parliament. Frankfort-on-the-Maine, it is
true, became the cynosure not only of neighbouring
ayes, but of the eyes likewise of the more reflective
nations of Christendom at the moment of the inaugu-
ration or the Constituent Assembly. Not, however,
.kei,ond that inauguration. So soon as the prestige of
its novelty had evaporated the spell was broken and
the attraction had vanished. As far as the evanescent
splendour of the spectacle was concerned, it was little
less. gorgeous and little less fleeting than a
political firework—a eatherine- wheel of democracy
—an explosion of the legislative pyrotechnics
a the German population. There were the
newly-elected representatives—the,i superb hall
erected under the dome of the cathedral—
the patriotic exclamations of the doyen (Page in
his character of temporary President—the acclama-
tions of the multitude—the booming of the guns—
the glory of the sunlight—the noise of the church
bells ringing in the birth of a new epoch—the pro-
fusion of the national tri-colour, the blazonry of
red, black, and gold, in banners and scarfs, in ribbons
and rosettes—all combined on the first day of the
Germanic Parliament to dazzle the imagination of
the million, as with the brightness of a re-
volving star at Vauxhall. There was the
vividness, the corruacation, the whirl, the va.
nation, the din, the explosion, and now there
is only the blackened skeleton of Display twirling
sld swinging, lazily, the very mockery of its late

magnificence. Such has been the career of the
great Federative Parliament within the few prelimi-
nary weeks of its existence ! Such has been its
promise, and such its failure !
'We are not amazed at the result of the convocation
at Frankfort. It is exactly what might have been
anticipated by those who watched the portentous
tumults from the midst of which the new representa-
tives emanated. A vast deal too much doubt and
hesitation filled the hearts of the German multi-
tude at that moment when they were most
required to exercise a deliberate judgment. To

expect that beneficial results would flow from a source
so peculiarly destructive as the late Revolution, would
have been as idle as to expect that the pastures of
Sicily would be fattened and nourished by the lava
overflowing the brim of 2Etna. In the very torment
of a grand social convulsion, the Germans were
called upon to select men qualified to organize a
new constitution, and to combine a multitude of
separate and quarrelsome principalities into one
compact and consolidated empire. Was it pos-
sible—was it possible, we ask, that this moment-
ous election could be conducted with imparti-f
ality throughout the length and breadth
Northern Europe at a moment of such supreme ex-
citement? Was it possible ? We say most
of
em.
phatically—No. It was not within the bounds
possibility that Germany just agonized with the
throes of a new-born freedom—that Germany justtht
releasing itself from the bonds of centuries
not
thee 'divine
Germany in the hour when it experienced
joy
—c resulting
—could
ld pro
ce ferdo mwthe
th resurrection
calmness
and of
deliberation itsßepresentatives
nationality
alit
to
the selection of its most appropriate
Those Representatives were the bubbles of a moment
seethed up in the effervescence of the multitude. No-
thing permanent could be expected from their—from
them whose very existence was only tantamount, in point
of duration, to the existence of the ephemeridce !
They rose only to float for a brief while on the sur-
face—to be soon dissipated like air—and to he then
at once absorbed among the mass of the population.
Their destinies are being fulfilled. Germany must
soon be summoned to a holier and more awful task
than that of conjuring a spectre of sovereignty from
the soil, and enclosing it in a senate-house at
Frankfurt, like a gossamer under a glass
shade ; it will soon be required to choose
for itself the extent of its own dominion and the cha •
racter of its own government. May it be guided to
the right decision by the instincts implanted in the
souls of nations by the will of OMNIPOTENCE!
Numerous suggestions have already been made as
to jthe particular form of the new constitution of
Germany, and as to the most judicious manner of se-
lecting the first German Emperor. Which of these
suggestions is the most plausible, and which the most
irrational, is a problem almost as difficult to decide
as to select a ripe fruit out of a basket of rotten apples.
Partizanship, interest, or eccentricity have alternately
originated the arguments and actuated the logicians!
On all alike the true patriot of Germany—the sin-
cere worshipper of fatherland—should and will look
with jealousy and suspicion. The oracle which is to
declare the fashion and the man, the metropilis and
the dynasty, the Constitution and the Emperor—is
not audible either in the ravings of a demagogue, or
in the ingenuity of a journalist, or in the quibbles of
a pamphleteer; it can only be heard in the Voice of
the entire People, speaking in the Ilour which will
be struck by the hand of the DIVINITY. Germany
must await that hour patiently and reverently ; and
then, when the sound of it reverberates over the Con-
tinent, let her arise and speak !

The very brief period allotted for the Whitsuntide
holidays is over, and this evening the House of Com-
mons renew their deliberations. The closing portion
of the session is almost invariably the most laborious,
and assuredly the closing portion of this session,
if half of the proposed measures be disposed of, will
be neither unlaborious nor insignificant. First and
foremost among these proposed measures, if not in
locality, at least in importance, is Mr. HumE's pro-
jected representative reform. On Tuesday next this

important subject is to be brought forward, and it
will necessarily excite considerable interest within
the House, as it has already aroused public attention
throughout the country. The feeling of the country is,
indeed, sufficiently evidenced by the public meetings
which are being held in all directions. One of the most

important of these meetings was that held on Satur

day last, at the Chamber of Commerce, Edinburgh,
in which it was " resolved" that the plan of reform to
be brought forward by Mr. HumE deserved the sup-
port of all sincere Reformers, and was cordially
approved by the electors of Edinburgh—at least by
those present at the meeting. Similar assemblies
have taken place at Aylesbury, Doncaster, Hereford,
and other towns. At a meeting at Thorne it was
declared that there are in that town 580 householders,
who are rated to the relief of the poor, only 87 of
whom are qualified to vote for Members of Parlia-
ment—thus five-sixths of these householders are un-
represented. This is one of the facts which speak for
themselves, and require no comment. Of facts of
this class—facts which significantly illustrate the in-
adequacy of our present representative system, an
astounding multitude might be very easily enumerated.
These are the true weapons of popular warfare. One
veritable instance of its injustice is immeasurably
more fatal to the long continuance of any law than
the most subtle arguments of the logician, or the most
sublime eloquence of the orator. Facts more unan-
swerable than arguments, and more effective than
eloquence, were the only weapons in the invincible
armoury of the League—they were the pebbles
in the sling which slew the Goliath of Monopoly, and
in every popular struggle on these alone depends the
issue of the contest. The question now is, therefore,
not will Mr. HumE's motion be advocated with all
the vehemence of rhetoric—will it be enforced with all
the ability of special pleading ?—will it be sustained
by the influence of Ministerial acquiesence, or will it be
strengthened by the doubtful assistance of Chartist
agitation ? The question is none of these. The ques-
is, will Mr. HumE's motion be supported by a
formidable array of facts—of facts which will in-
dubitably manifest the exigent necessity of repre-
sentative reform W ill Mr. HumE's motion be so
supported? The answer is an unhesitating affirma-
tive—an affirmative which has already been un-
mistakeably proclaimed by the spontaneous and almost
unanimous voice of the country, an affirmative which
will receive more than sufficient corroboration when
the question comes under the consideration of Par-

liament. To that consideration we look forward with
unwavering confidence, assured, positively assured
that if not this session, sooner or later the necessary
reforms will be conceded. We are of those who never
entertain one doubt as to the ultimate success of a
just and liberal measure. We never doubted the
success of the great Reform Bill—we never doubted
the success of Catholic Emancipation—we never
doubted the triumph of Free Trade—and, in like man-
ner,
we entertain no manner of doubt whatever as to
ultimate reform of our representative system.
the