The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-27 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 27, 1846.

Godfathers and Godmothers, in the naming of chil-
dren, frequently seem to have a prescience of the acts of
their nominees. Odd names foretel odd characters, and
strange prefixture of words to surnames, prepares us
for strange deeds in the individuals associated with them.
That phenomenon, a fighting Attorney-General, rejoiced
in a multitude of names, which procured him the appel-
lation of ALPHABET SMITH ; and the immaculate gen-
tleman, who last week was Member of Parliament for
the Borough of Bridport, Mr. ALEXANDER DIINDAS
Ross WISHART BAILLIE Cocuswas., might have shared
the alphabetical honours with him. Addition to such a
collection of names was useless, and the Bridport Elec-
tion Committee, accordingly, deprived him of the M.P.
which encumbered them.
It is not solely to the names borne by Mr. CoCIIRANE,
it is to the Parliamentary entrance and exit of that
gentleman, and to the loss which the Legislature of the
country has sustained, that we would direct attention.
In the year 1841 a compromise, which will be found de-
tailed in the report of the Select Committee on Election
Proceedings, gave him introduction into the House of
Commons. His own conduct at the election, out of
which that compromise arose, may be judged of from the
following questions and answers, printed in that re-
port :

• " 2418. During the general election of June, 1841, were you
personally cognizant (I have put this question to every wit-
ness and begged them not to be offended at it) of any act of
bribery committed by yourself or your agents for the purpose
of obtaining votes for you ?—I object to answer that.
"2419. Were you personally cognizant of any treating at
the Plection ?—I equally object to answer that question.
" 2420. Were you personally cognizant of any illegal prac-
tices at that election ?—That also rests on the same principle ;
I object to answer it,
" 2422. Have you any objection to state the sum of money
spent by you in the election ?—I decidedly refuse to state it.
" 2423. From that, I am to conclude that you decidedly
refuse to state to the Committee the mode in which that
money was expended ?--Most assuredly."
These are the answers of Mr. ALEXANDER DIINDAS
Ross WISHART BAILLIE COCHRANE, as printed in
the report; and it is further stated, that " Mr. TEMPLER,
the agent of Mr. COCHRANE, elaimed his privilege as
the attorney of Mr. COCHRANE, and refused his evidence
because not released by his client from the necessity of
claiming his privilege."

Such were the circumstances attendant upon Mr.
COC.HRANE'S entry into the House of Commons. Purity
itself must have hailed the advent of such an addition to
the pure occupants of St. Stephen's, where bribery is put
down by statute, treating is suppressed by Acts of Par-
liament, illegal practices are punished by positive enact-
ments, and where Committees are sworn well and truly
to try the matter of the petition referred to them—where,
in short, no precaution is omitted to make the House of
Commons appear to be an assembly of the iepresenta-
tives of the people, freely, impartially, and honestly
chosen.

The high principle which prevented Mr. COCHRANE
from answering any questions relative to bribery, or
money expended, followed him throughout his Parlia-
mentary career—and, having come into the House of
Commons a protectionist, he felt bound to resign his
seat when, having changed his opinions, he became a
free-trader. That he changed his opinions conscien-
tiously, no doubt can exist, and although a peerage in
abeyance, and at the disposal of the Premier, gave rea-
sons strong enough to warrant any alteration in Mr.
COCHRANE'S views, we believe that nothing but a chi-
valrous sense of honour and a patriotic desire to sup-
port Sir B. PEEL'S measures, induced him to return
the trust which had been confided to him, and to
seek re-election. For, although he had made assurance
of no opposition to his return, and had secured the
ground before hand, a journey to Bridport and back,
the making of divers election speeches, and the compli-
mentary fatigues of an uncontested return, had all to be
undergone, and were, in themselves, no easy task to a
gentleman of Mr. COCHRANE'S habits. But Mr. Coca-
Itioe was deceived in his powers of management ;_ he
forced an opposition upon the truly liberal party in Brid-
port, by an uncalled-for attack upon their principles, and
on the day of polling a majority of ONE was all that Mr.
COCHRANE could show. A petition against that ma-
jority, alleging bribery, treating, and illegal practices,
came on for trial last Saturday, and the result has been
to deprive the country of his services in Parliament.
We think further inquiry ought to be made into this
matter. We trust the House of Commons, which on
Friday night last was appealed to by Mr. COCHRANE
himself for protection, will not allow that appeal to pass
unheeded by. In little more than twelve hours after-
wards Mr. COCHRANE was no longer in Parliament. 1

Let inquiry be made, how and why that happened. It is
rumoured that arrangements were made to prevent ex•
p(xsures, and that the fear of bribery, treating, and other
illegal practices coming to light, drove Mr. COCHRANE
out of the field. The House of Commons is bound in
justice to him to pursue this inquiry—the imputation
must be removed; for if it could be conceived that a
Member who got into Parliament by a compromise,
crept out of it without conviction of bribery, by compro-
'nig; the entrance and the exit ought alike to be re-
corded, and Mr. COCHRANE'S Parliamentary dying speech
ought to be accompanied by his confession.

Already many meetings have been held of scrip-
holders in several of the railway companies, in which it
is manifest either that a Bill cannot be obtained during
the present session, or that, if obtained, it would inflict
a severe injury on the parties whose shares, on a new
call being made, would become either wholly valueless,
or, perhaps, in some instances, still worse, requiring a
further sacrifice to have their owners relieved from fur-
ther responsibility, in order that " the affairs may be
wound up, and the balance, if any, distributed
amongst the parties entitled thereto. When we consider
thela
ccountane
large
.Geneeel,e amount of capital now deposited in the hands
of the
pihateeldrata
amounting in round terms,
for Great Britain and Ireland,ioton.
of
fearl 15,000,0001.
eh:
eaenrdtl
liaangtgrei,
ntbonyttehfdaeragmet hnoeenrg greater
whichowritt might now
tmtohneetseriary
hhtgreat
country,ad-
such
we cannot wonder at an anxious wish
existing on
the part of those interestedonly fear an
that toobtain
immediateoeh
return thereof,and we
an anxiety
maybepsooigrntseaottasesvteorianldoufeethme
any
undertakings, parties
t
overlook the good
and the fair prospects of ultimate success with an ample
equivalent in the way of profit for the inconveniences,
expenses, and annoyances, to which the shareholders may
now be subjected.. The Government propositions al-
though excellent so far as they go, still appear
defec-
tive in one respect ; for while, on the ono hand,
ndthe resolutions which are about to become ,by
ses-
sional orders, no Bill can be obtained until there
has bean the clearly expressed opinion of a majority
consisting of three-fifths of the scripholders, assembled
at a meeting duly convened, with full notice to all par-
ties interested, and a reasonable time to enable them to
avail themselves of that notice, so that it must be through
sheer negligence that any person should remain unrepre-
s2nted thereat; and at which meeting there must be
present the holders of one-third of the entire stock, and
thus no further liability can be incurred without the
express assent of the parties to be charged therewith—
yet, in the event of no such meeting taking place, or
even if the further progress of the Bill for the
present session should be negatived thereat, there would
be no means, in consequence thereof, of a return of a
portion of the deposits being obtained; the resolutions
are therefore merely protective in their nature, but no
active step can be taken under them. On the other
band, the Bill proposed affords no alternative but the
total abandonment of the project, or its continuance
under the present system; there is no intermediatecourse.
The one, the only question which can be entertained at
the meeting, is the dissolution of the company; if that be
carried the concern is, ipso facto, dissolved; if not carried
it remains, with all its objectionable features, as at
present, money being retained, for which there cannot
be the slightest use. It is quite clear that directors,
who have now in their hands a large sum of money,
will not be willing to surrender the possession of it, and

to run the chance of the general body again paying up
their deposits; they will prefer retaining the control of
the funds, although their so doing, in many cases,
may have the effect of destroying the project they
are anxious to have carried into effeet—many
shareholders who, feeling the utmost degree of confi-
dence in the soundness and eventual success of the pro-
ject would be rejoiced if it could be suspended for a
given time, and an opportunity then afforded them of
deciding whether the scheme should be abandoned or
carried into execution, and in the meantime the amount
of money which could not possibly be required in the
interval be placed at their disposal, but who
from having no such option afforded to them
will now vote for the dissolution of the company
in order to get back a sum, important to them at the
present crisis. With this feeling, on the first statement
of the intended legislative enactments, we suggested, in
The Sun of the 9th April, " that it would be desirable
if a similar number of shareholders were given the
power 'of suspending for the present the operations
of the company, and getting back at once a portion
of the deposits, leaving a sufficient sum to meet
all the liabilities of the company, and a small sum in
hand for the trivial expenses which might be necessary
between the present time and the next session of Par-
liament." There is little doubt that such an opportunity
would be hailed with the greatest delight in the cases of
many of the projected lines. A large sum would be at
once released, brought into circulation, and ren-
dered applicable to the general purposes of
the country. In the event of a reaction in
the money-market, the schemes which have already
stood the test of Parliamentary inquiry will probably be
revived. Vast expenses have already been incurred in
the engineering and other departments, which, in the
event of a dissolution, will be wholly lost, or which may
be made use of by parties who have already derived a
considerable profit, without the shareholders, by whom '
they were sustained, reaping any benefit therefrom-
This would not be just or equitable. Was
there any prospect of ultimate success, the
advantage should be retained to those who
at present are heavy pecuniary sufferers, and
who would, by the keeping alive of the company,
have a chance, however slight it might be, of obtaining
some return hereafter. We trust that some of our legis-
lators who have interested themselves in railway affairs
will turn their attention to this subject, and that when
the Government Bill comes before the House such an
addition will be engrafted thereon as to give the scrip-
holders such a power of suspension as we have here
advocated.

Judging from every circumstance that may enable
he mind to form an idea of the result of appearances in
such a country as Spain, we can only come to the con-
clusion that the country is again on the eve of a revolu-
tion. Probably it will be a very short one, and attended
with little suffering ; but in whatever way it may end,
the people are not to blame. Ever since the return of
CHRISTINA from Paris they have displayed the greatest
patience and forbearance towards her rule—Ministry
after Ministry has been dissolved through her intrigues—
the constitution has been destroyed—a military system
adopted—the military system again abandoned with
the banishment of NARVAEZ, and a sort of heterogeneous
Government formed, in which no one can tell whether
the influence of France, or this restless and unprincipled
woman, or the Camarilla, or ISTURITZ prevails. Never
was there a Government so undefined, or the army so
little under the control of any General respected for
military talents and decision. The Spaniards have sub-
mitted now for some four years to these violent and un-
constitutional changes, hoping that every week or month
something like a rational mode of government would be
developed, but they have waited in vain, and affairs
now appear more complicated and mysterious than ever.
No surprise, therefore, can be felt at the manifestations
of discontent and insurrection in Galicia, or at the con-
viction entertained by well-informed parties, that the
spirit of disaffection will extend over the whole country.
The army as well as the people have been treated with
supercilious contempt. NARVAEZ, so long their fa-
vourite, and apparently attached to their interests, has
been hurried out of the country like a felon ; they
are left without a chief, and are at the mercy
of an intriguing woman, guided by a conclave
of priests and the least respectable of her sex.
The discontent of the leading men among the Mode-
redoes and the Progressiatas, so long repressed, can be
no longer restrained. They have all been used as mere
automatons, and were kept down chiefly by NARVAEZ
and the army. They were :afraid of imprisonment,
banishment, and death, and submitted till the power of
the oppressor was weakened. Their eyes are now
opened, and they find that they had been made
the victims of a policy concocted in a foreign
capital, and carried into effect by a single
woman, who thinks only of her own family and
her own interests; who is resolved to sacrifice
to these the young QUEEN, marry her to her uncle,
against the will of the Cortes, of every respectable
statesman, and of the people in general, and thereby
prolong the dominion of foreigners over a proud and
brave people. The latest accounts from Madrid lead to
the belief that the insurrection in Galicia becomes every
day more serious. Santiago was in the hands of the
disaffected troops and national guards, General CONCHA.
had been obliged to raise the siege of Lugo, and it
was firmly anticipated that Vigo and Corunna
would give in their adherence to the insurrection.
We should not wonder to see it spread like wildfire
through the country, for there is really no Government,
the army is under no control, the regular troops, in fact,
commenced the revolt ; and the provinces, after so many
Ministerial changes at Madrid, which have made the
country a bye-word, can place no confidence
whatever in the QUEEN-MOTHER and her satellites,
who seem bent on making the Cortes and constitutional
government ridiculous, in order to pave the way for
pure absolutism. It is hazardous to make any conjec-
ture as to political movements in Spain; but we believe a
despotic Government can be maintained there only by a
powerful army, well paid and attached to a skilful
commander. Neither of those circumstances exists
at present. The field is open for any party that
knows how to seize the opportunity. There is no hand
sufficiently strong, nor any authority at Madrid suf-
ficiently dreaded, to keep down insurrection ; and
in a few weeks, perhaps a few days, we may hear of
general risings, with the watchwords, " The QUEEN
and the Constitution," "Death to CHRISTINA and TRA-
PANI," which will probably end in the second expulsion
from Spain of a mischievous and selfish woman, the
main cause of the present confusion and the determined
enemy of good government.

With his characteristic perspicacity, Mr. COBDEN, on
Friday night, unravelled, in a few simple observations,
many ideas which had become entangled in the course
of the present protracted discussion. lie interposed
between parties alio were on the eve of coalescing, or
of quarrelling amongst themselves without reflecting
upon the rationality of their behaviour ; he carried
back the wandering attention of the debaters to their
original starting point, and reverted to the grand
question of this session, the commercial altera-
tions, and the effect which the Corn Bill es
well as the Coercion Bill would have upon
Ireland. Above all, however, he reminded Pro-
tectionists, Ministerialists, Free-traders, quondam Oppo •
sitionists, and representatives generally, of the relative
position in which they stood with regard to each other.
That point, indeed, appeared for the moment to be al-
most forgotten by some Honourable Gentlemen, particu-
larly when the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn and
the Honourable Member for Limerick seemed about
to join issue, with a thorough oblivion of the
abyss of opposite sympathies which otherwise prevented
the coalition of their principles. For that timely inter.
position on the part of the representative of Stockport
all sections of politicians should entertain towards him a
feeling of thankfulness, as in the event of such an unna-
tural compact having been consummated, confusion must
have become even " worse confounded." Mr. COBDEN
seized the difficulty just at the critical moment ; he re-
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matter then under the consideration of Parliament—viz e
the policy to he adopted in our commercial relation's'
with each other and with our neighbours. It was
absolutely incumbent upon the Legislature to impinge
its faculties upon this point, as in it was visible, not only
the permanent welfare of the British isles generally, but
the amelioration of the deplorable scarcity in Ireland.
Nothing, he maintained, could be more fallacious than
the notion of the opening of the Irish ports for three
months, while the English ports remained as hitherto,
closed. This, he said, was a most illusory scheme, and
he fully demonstrates its insufficiency, even if it were
capable of being accomplished, and its impracticability, if
it were attempted. Suppose, continued the Hon. Mem-
ber, that this project were realised—that the ports of
Ireland were free to import the corn and provisions of
foreign countries, and those of England. denied that
same importation—how could a secondary Introduction