The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

TIIE SUN LONDON, FRIDAY EVENINS, J_ANCAttit i 846.

THE LONDON GAZETTE.
(THIS EVENING.)

At the Court at Windsor:Castle, January 19, 1846.
The Queen, as Sovereign of the Most Noble Order of the
Garter, has been graciously pleased, by her letters patent,
under her royal,sign manual and the great seal of the Order,
bearing date respectively this day, to dispense with all the
statutes and regulations usually observed in regard
to installation, and to give and grant unto the
Most Honourable George Charles Marquis Camden,
and the most Honourable Richard Marquis of Hert-
ford, Knights of the said most Noble Order, and duly invested
with the ensigns thereof, "full power and authority to exer-
cise respectively all rights and privileges belonging to a
Knight Companion of the said Most Noble Order of the
Garter, in as full and ample a manner as if they had been
formally installed, any decree, rule, or usage to the contrary
notwithstanding.
CROWN OFFICE, JAIL 22, 1846.

MEMBER RETWRNED TO SERVE LN Tills PRESENT PARLIAMENT.

Borough of Buckingham—Robert Hall, Esq., Eieutenant
Colonel in her Majesty's Ist Regiment of Life Guards, in the
room of Sir John Chetwode, Bart., deceased.
FOREIGN-OFFICE, Ji 21.

The Queen has been pleased to approve of Mr. William
Cerro], as Consul at St. Helena, fur the Free Hanseatic City
of Bremen.

WAR-OFFICE, JAR. 23.

3d Light Dragoons—Cornet Robert Hodgson, from the
16th Light Dragoons, to be Cornet, vice Bruce, who ex-
changes, Oct. 31, 1845.
Bth Light Dragoons—Captain R. T. Hopkins, from half-
pay Unattached, to be Captain, vice G. Brown, who ex-
changes; Lieutenant A. J. Lord Killeen to be Captain, by
purchase, Tice Hawkins, who retires ; Lieutenant P. B. M.
Wood, from 73d Foot, to tie Lieutenant, by purchase, vice
Lord Killeen, Jan. 23.
9th Light Dragoons—J. IL King, Gent., to be Cornet, by
purchase, vice M'Farlane, promoted, Jan. 23.
IGtli Light Dragoons—Comet G. W. K. Bruce, from 3d
Light Dragoons, to be Cornet, vice Hodgson, who exchanges,
Oct. 31.

Ist, or Grenadier Regiment of Foot Guards—Ensign J.
Carnegie, from 92d Foot, to be Ensign and Lieutenant, by
purchase, vice Bradford, promoted, Jan. 23.
4th Regiment of Foot—Ensign G. Collins to be Lieutenant,
without purchase, vice Thomson, appointed Adjutant, July
15, 1845 ; Ensign C. R. Wollaston to be Lieutenant, without
purchase, vice Collins, whose promotion, on 30th July, has
been cancelled, July 30; Lieut. G. L. Thomson to be Adju-
tant, vice Sheppard, promoted, July 15; Sergeant-Major W.
Thorpe to be Ensign, v ce Wollaston, Jan. 23, 1846.
sth Foot—Lieutenant C. Durie to be Captain, without
purchase, vice Baker, deceased ; Second Lieutenant F. W.
L'Estrange to be First Lieutenant, vice Durie, Jan. 9; Gen-
tleman Cadet H. Monro, from the Royal Military College, to
be Second Lieutenant, vice L'Estrange, Jan. 23.
6th Foot—Lieutenant C. B. Blaydes, from half-pay Un-
attached, to be Lieutenant, vice Ralph, promoted, Jan. 23.
Rth Foot—W. H. Macadam, Gent., to be Ensign, by pur-
chase, vice Lyon, appointed to the 68th Foot, Jan. 23
9th Foot—Lieutenant C. Elmhirst to be Captain, by pur-
chase, vice Brevet Major Ogle, who retires; Ensign W. H.
Forster to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Elmhirst; H. E.
Fardell, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Forster, Jan. 23.
18th Foot-Assistant Surgeon T. W. Barrow, from 2d Foot,
to be Assistant Surgeon, vice Smith, promoted, Jan. 23.
21st Foot—Second Lieutenant E. Clemison to be First
Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Brabazon, who retires; E. T.
Barnard, Gent. to be Second Lieutenant, by purchase,
vice Clemison; Lieutenant J. P. Stuart to be Adjutant, vice
Dears, who resigns the Adjutancy only, Jan. 23.
434 Foot—Ensign R. H. Wayland to be Lieutenant, with-
out purchase, vice A. S. Bruere, deceased, Dec. 28, 1845 ;
Sergeant-Majar E. Dwen to be Ensign, viceWeyland, Jan. 23.
46th Foot—Brevet Major G. de Rottenburg, from the 60th
Foot, to be Captain, vice Mansel, who exchanges, Jan. 23.
53d Foot—Captain J. G. Ogilvie, from half-pay Unat-
tached, to be Captain, vice C. Inge, who exchanges; Lieut.
C. H. Fenton, to be Captain, by purchase, vice Ogilvie, who
retires; Ensign F. E. Tighe to be Lieutenant, by purchase,
vice Fenton ; G. J. Ashton, Gent., to be Ensign, by pur
chase _vice Ti he,; Jan. 23.
57th Feot—Lieetit. L. Frost to be Captain, without pur-
chase, vice Jackson; deceased ; Ensign C. G. D. Annesley to
be Lieutenant, vice 'FrostO
P.
11, 1845.
60th Foot—Captain G Manse], from 40th Foot, to be
u
Captain, vice de Rottenb who exchanges, Jan. 23.
64th Foot-4. Singleton, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase,
vice Reed, who retires. Jan.
68th Foot—Capt. M. C. Treviira
E.
n, from half-pay 14th
Light Dragoons, to be Captain, vice
by Macpherson,purch a
purchase,
vwhoi
exchanges ; Lieut. P. Hill to be Carta.il3,
Trevillian, who retires; Ensign tr.
nant, by purchase, vice Hill ; Ensign Storerr to be Lieute-
Foot, to be Ensign, vice Storer, Jan. 23. D. Lyon, from Bth
69th Foot—Assistant-Surgeon J. C. G. Tice, M.D , from
the Staff, to be Surgeon, vice F. O'Brren, who retires pen
half-pay, Jan. 23.
73d Foot—Ensign A. C. Knox, to be Lieutenant, by pur-
chase, vice Wood, appointed to the Bth Light Dragoons; F.
J. T. Arnie', Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Knox;
Jan. 23.
80th Foot—D. B. E. Bain, Gent., to be Assistant Surgeon,
vice Macnish, deceased, Jan. 23.
88th Foot—Lieutenant E. Norton to be Captain, by pur-
chase, vice De Butts, who retires, Ensign E. G. Maynard
to be Lieutenant by purchase, vice Norton : Gentleman
Cadet H. Ernest, faom the Royal Military College, to be
Ensign, without purchase, vice Maynard, promoted, Jan. 23.
94th Foot—J. Lurch, M D., to be Assistant Surgeon, vice
Booth, appointed Medical Officer to the Military Prison at
Greenlaw, Jan. 23.
Royal Canadian Rifle Regiment.—Brevet Lieutenant-
Colonel W. H. Newton to be Lieutenant-Colonel, without
purchase, vice Elliot, deceased ; Brevet Major R. Muter to
be Major, vice
Diluter.
Lieutenant Hector Munro to
I
be Captain, vice uter Dec. 18 ; Ensign and Adjutant
R. Macdonnell to have. the rank of Lieutenant, Dec. 17 ;
H.
G. ign
A. Powell,e
Gebe . d to Ltoieuttan
nt, vice Munro, Dec. 18 ;
Hnt
STMT.—Lieutenant J. M. mason from 24th Foot, to be
Jan. 23. t, vice Ensign, vice Geale,
Distric Dec. 23.
Adjutant of a Recruiting
Cowell, promoted,
BZEVET.—Captain M. C. Trevillian, of 68th
Major in the Army, Jan. 10. Foot, to be -
11.0eNTAL Sms-v.—Assistant Surgeon G. N. Foake
43d Foot, to be Staff Surgeon of the Second Class, from
Brodie. Dec. 15, 1845
biIifAQAANDVAI ...The commission of Lieutenant E. 6

Smyth, as Adjutant in the 2d Foot, has been ante-dated to
the 16th of Dec. 1845.
Commission by the Queen.
West Dr:iddlesex regiment of Militia—Capt. J. IL Evelegb,
to be Adjutant, Dec. 17.
Commissions by the Lord-Lieutenant of Kent.
East Kent Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry—Cornet C. M.
Lushington, to be Lieutenant, Jan. 11 ; N. H. D'Acth, Gent.,
to be Lieutenant, Jan. 12; F. M. Mulcaster, Gent., to be
Cornet, Jan. 13 ; F. C. Hyde, Gent., to be Cornet, Jan. 14.
COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH.—HILARY TERM,

Victoria 9th, Jan. 22, 1846.
This Court will, on Monday and Tuesday the 2d and 3d
days of February next, and also on Monday the 9th day of
February next, and the five following days, hold sittings,
and will proceed in disposing of the business in the Crown
paper, the New Trial paper, and the Special paper, and
giving judgment in cases then pending.
BY THE COURT.

WHITEHALL, DEC. 24.
The Right Hon. Sir N. C. Tindal, Knt., Lord Chief Justice
of her Majesty's Court of Common Pleas, has appointed
William Rees, of the town of Haverfordwest, Gent., to be one
of the Perpetual Commis ioners for taking the acknowledg-
ments of deeds to be executed by married women, under the
Act pasied for the abolition of fines and recoveries, and for
the si:.-bstitution of more simple modes of assurance, in ar d
for tl,c town and county of the town of Haverfordwest, also in
and for the county of Pembroke.

these Peers. Last night, gentlemen who had spoken
against the proposition of her Majesty's Govern.
ment, threw out a challenge to the Ministry to
test their measures by a general election. In
that case, bow did they hope it would turn out ?
They knew that they would not be able
to carry their views without the influence of the Peers;
and to that influence they trusted in the event of such an
election taking place. They were aware that without
the Peers and the other country gentlemen they could
not hope to defeat the Ministry; for they knew the
measures proposed by the Cabinet would meet with the
support of the great mass of the people. For the sake
of the character of the House, if they passed such reso-
lutions, they should be accompanied by proper means
to enforce them ; or if they could not give effect to
them, they ought not to be passed.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir R. INGLIS said the House had from time to
time passed' the rules to which the Hon. Gentleman had
referred, to prevent a Peer from interfering with the
election of Members of Parliament, but the Hon.
Gentle man was not content with objecting
to the proposition as voted, but wished to
prevent, by more stringent means, the still further inter-
ference of great men with the election of Members of
Parliament. Was he prepared to disfranchise a Peer of
that hereditary right which he el.joyed in common Kith
his fellow-subjects, of voting for the election of Members
of Parliament? Was he prepared to establish a maximum
scale and to say that a large landowner ought not to inter-
fere with elections, and that this privilege should be left to
the 40s. freeholder created by the Reform Bill? He
ought t recollect that the privilege which he
desired to neutralise, so far as one part of the com-
munity was concern( d, was conferred by that very Act
to which the Members of that House owed their seats.
He should hare sought the abrogation of the principle
when the Reform Bill was under discussion. He (Mr.
Williams) wished to go much further than the
sessional orders, and prevent every landowner from in-
terfering in any way with elections,
_ a rule which, consi-
dering their great stake, would be both arbitrary and
unjust. He (Sir R. H. Inglis) might not see sufficient
reason for retaining the order, but he saw no reason at
all why it should now be either abrogated or rendered
more stringent.

This, as' well as the other orders, was agreed to.
Mr. WILLIAMS again rose to express a hope that
the House would take into their consideration the neces-
sity of making some arrangement respecting Wednesday
sittings ; and complained of having been obliged to
wait frequent]) in that House to see if a-. order would
come on, Lund said that if he happened to leave for a
few minutes it might come on. He was of opinion
that orders should come on regularly, and such incon-
veniences would be avoided. He took that opportunity
of making an observation which he deemed of much
importance to the Members of that House.

6ir ROBERT PEEL replied, and said, her Majesty's
Government would be most happy to afford every facility
in their power consistent with the arrangements of
public business, and he did think some better arrange-
ment could be made tl:an at present.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL observed that it would be more
convenient, with respect to Wednesday, to select twelve
o'clock, for the commencement of business such as was
alluded to.

Sir ROBERT PEEL remarked that the House was
very frequently counted out on Wednesday, and on the
whole there was not more than two or three hours de
voted to business; at the same time, if they could have
the evening of Wednesday, he would have no objection,
but he trusted the Hon. Gentleman would not put the
Government to any inconvenience.
Mr. BROTHERTON said that an order with respect
to Wednesday would be a very useful one, but he was
not disposed to interfere with the arrangements
of the House, or with its business ; it was never
his will to do so, and would not on this occasion.

Mr. HUME said that at the end of the last session he
suggested to the Government the propriety of making a
rule that the House should only sit on Wednesdays
between the hours of twelve and one, during the pres-
sure of private business ; and he trusted his suggestion
would be now carried out.

Lord JOHN MANNERS said in all probability there
would be an immense number of railway and other
Committees sitting, and the proposed arrangement was,
therefore, in his opinion highly objectionable.
111 r. WAKLEY must say that he thought the arrange•
ment most objectionable, and nothing could be more
unwise, or more likely to be detrimental to the public
interest. If he understood the arrangement correctly,
independent Members of the House, who had measures
to advance which were not supported by the Government,
or in which the Government were not interested, were
to assemble on a Wednesday at twelve o'clock, and pur-
sue their labours until six in the evening ; and after that
period the Government were to be at liberty to bring on
their measures.—(Cries of " No, no.") Then lie was to
understand that the House would rise at six.—(Cries of
" Yes, yes.") And the usual dinners were to be enjoyed
after that hour.—(Hear, bear, and laughter.)
Sir G. GREY said, as the order was but imperfectly
understood, perhaps the Right Honourable Baronet
would have no objection to delay its further considera-
tion till it hae been printed.
Sir R. H. INGLIS objected to the proposed arrange-
ment on many grounds. He understood that Etom 12 to
6 on Wednesdays was to be devoted to private business,
or rather business that was not connected with the Go-
vernment. Now his Noble Friend had, within the last
half-hour, given notice of one of the most important mo-
tions which could be brought under the consideration of
the House; and if it was the intention of Ministers toabsent
themselves from the House on a Wednesday this important
motion with respect to charitable endowments might be
brought on and disposed of in their absence, and the
question decided when perhaps there would not be more
than forty members present. For this and for other
reasons he certainly objected to any alterations being
made in the existing sessional order.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said, if the Ministry fonnd
that the motion, to which the Honourahle Baronet
alluded, was to be brought forward on a Wed-
nesday, they would certainly take care to be present.
An HONOURABLE MEMBER wished to know from
her Majesty's Ministers whether in consequence of the
large number of Railway Bills before the House
this session making so many more Committees
than had been sitting last session of Parliament, the
public business would not be postponed till the rising of
the Committees, so as to enable Hon. Members to attend
the House.

Sir ROBERT PEEL said it would be matter of con-
sideration.

The sessional order was thed read and agreed to.
RAILWAY DEPOSITS.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL wished to know from the
Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, whether the amount of the deposits on Railway
Bills had yet been taken into consideration. Last year
the amount paid in was 3,000,0001., bat this year it was
calculated that 9,000,0001. would be the sum ; and that
amount might cause a very great depression in the
money market.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he
felt exceedingly obliged to the Noble Lord for haring
given him an opportunity of removing from the public
mind any doubt that might have existed as to the course
the Government intended to pursue on this subj, ct•
The House was aware that by a resolution of the stand-
ing orders of this House all parties engaged in railway
speculations were bound to pay a deposit equal to
three-fourths of the whole expense of the under
taking. And by an Act of Parliament passed
a recent session, the parties making the deposit had a
right to have the money invested by the Accountant-
General in any way they should think fit. About the
middle of November last, an application had been made
to him by very respectable parties in London, that a
definite answer should be given as to the course the
Government intended to pursue in reference to that
order; and it was then suggested that the resolution
should be so altered, that parties, instead of being com-
pelled to invest their deposits in Exchequer-bills or
Government Stock or India Bonds, should be allowed to
invest in bills of exchange. To the application so made
he gave an answer, which he had resolved upon after
due consideration, to the effect that he could not give an
assurance of any alteration in the standing order in
question. Under these circumstances, he did not feel
justified in holding out any hope that any proposal for
an alteration of the standing order in question would be
held out, or that he would not resist any such proposal
if it should be made. He had every reason to believe
that the difficulties apprehended from the order as it
now stood were not founded in fact, and that, therefore,
he would not be justified in acceding to an alteration
of the order.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he had not put the
question with a view to consider to what might or might
not be the benefits to individuals, but with a view to
avoid inconvenience to those who might have misappre-
hended the order.
Mr. MANGLES conceived that the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman had taken a very one-sided view of the
question put by the Noble Lord. The Right
Honourable Gentleman the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer seems to think that this question has nothing
to do with any portion of the community, except those
who have been engaged in railroad speculations.
And I must beg to inform him that the evil has
fallen much more heavily upon the general dealers than
upon those who were most intimately connected with
railways. It has happened within these few days that
circumstances have come to my knowledge which evince
that great hardship has had to be endured by individuals
engaged in business. who have, through the want occa-
sioned by this unsettled question of the railway deposits,
been deprived of the accommodation which they have
usually received from their bankers. Those who have
been accustomed to grant that accommodation well know
how heavily the pressure has weighed upon those with
whom they have to deal. Nor does the evil rest here,
for not only is there the deprivation of the means,
but the money deposited in the hands of bankers has
not only been locked up, but has commanded
such prices that those most in need of accommodation
tott righthhean ge in himself, are quite unable to obtain ; and hence business has
grievously suffered. He spoke in the presence of many
etgentlemen who are much better acqurinted with matters
in
r th e
erC
City
lef,otabniuterhcid eboelotoievmedunlihtyat
thhane wasto
perfectlya
that the mischief was far
g
the proprietors of railroad property.
Mr. MASTERMAN said, that as he had d
the honour of being the medium of enjoyed
the
commu-
nication between the parties referred to and
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he felt
it necessary to state that when he went to the Govern-
ment to obtain some definite understanding respecting the
railway deposits, he did so from an impression that the ,

question of the mode in which they were to be received
most deeply affected the commercial interests. He must
acknowledge that this interview with the Chancellor of
the Exchequer was anything but satisfactory. The
answer he bad received left the matter quite in as much
doubt as it was before, and it was of more importance, as
he knew that within the last 14 days this matter had oc-
casioned serious inconvenience to several gentlemen of
high repute in commercial circles.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD said that it was necessary that
the matter should be settled, as it materially affected the
interests of the Irish tenantry.
Sir R PEEL—As there are measures of equal impor-
tance with the railway deposits shortly to be brought
under the consideration of the House, I must beg leave
to say that I must defer giving an answer to the Noble
Lord's question till some days hence.
CORN-LAWS.

Mr. COLQUOHOUN said that he should crave the
indulgence of the House for a few moments, not upon his
account, for ho felt he had no claim upon them, but he
felt that he should express the sentiments of many
lion. Members of this House. He begged to express his
opinions upon one of the questions raised last night, and
he referred to the question of agricultural protection.
I voted last year with the Honourable Member for
Wolverhampton, with the opinion that the preserva-
tion of a moderate protective duty would be desirable
for the country. He was most anxious that the adjust-
ment of the question should be effected with a
view to the benefit of all classes of the country,
It was not his intention to enter at length into the
questions which had been introduced last night, either
by the Honourable Member for South Lancasoire, or
the Right Honourable Baronet ; his fingers certainly
itched last night io be allowed to say a word—
(Laughter)—upon some of the subjects advanced by
the Noble Lord. He heard also with surprise one
statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman at the bead of
her Majesty's Government, which he considered to be of
paramount importance. The subject of wages he had
often heard much better and more able arguments upon
the question. He only hoped that these distinguised
leaders would indoctrinate their disciples with some
better arguments. It may be right to repeal
the corn-laws, but do not repeal them upon
false grounds. Do not repeal them on tl.e maxim
that wages have no connexion with the price of provi-
sions. Is is a doctrine which he did not find in any of
those standard political works which were so often
quoted by Honourable Members in this House.
He could not, he said, find them in any of
these works, down from Adam Smith to Senior. And
when the Hon. Member for South Larcashire stated
that the produce of the soil sheuld be placed upon an
equal footing with other manufactures, and that it
was entitled to the same protection. We shall
be able to show the Noble Lord that there is some diffe-
rence—a great difference, one of which any mind as
candid as his will not fail to admit that the force and truth
He had read that morning a speech of the Hon. Gentle-
man the Member for Stockport, who stated at Man-
chester, that if the ports were to be opened now
it would be the best possible time, inasmuch as
this country could get scarcely any provisions from
abroad, because the whole world wag contending for the
stock of corn at present for sale in America.—
(Hear, hear.) If, therefore, the Right Hon. Baronet
anxiety for the welfare of the population was to be re-
lieved by the opening of the ports, he (Mr. Colquhoun)
would say, that he hoped his anxiety would be relieved
by some other mode, as he did not anticipate the
discussion they were to have next week on the subject
of the Corn-laws, he rose on the previous even-
ing to advert to some remarks which fell from
the Right Honourable Baronet the First Minister, but
had been anticipated by the Honourable Member
for Shrewsbury.—(Hear.) He did not wish, afteriso
able and so eloquent a speech, to occupy the attention of
the House, but he felt it necessary to say something on
the subject of the appeal made. ay the Right Hon. Bart.
and to acquaint him with the views he entertained con-
cerning the relation existing between a party and the
Minister. Sir Robert Peel, it apceared, had evidently
reconsidered his views with respect to political and other
economy during the last three years.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

MARKET INTELLIGENCE.
(From the London Near Price Current of Jan. 23.)

SUGAR—The purchases made in raw Sugar for home con-
sumption have bcea upon rather a larger scale than they
were last week ; prices advanced for West India, but any
improvement in Bengal, Mauritius, and Madras, has been
prevented by the extehsive parcels that importers continue
to offer at public sale.
REFINED.—There has inert more activity in the market
this week, and a good demand has prevailed from the town
and country trade for Refined sugar: more especially for the
low and middling descriptions, the rates paid have been in
some instances rather above those previously quoted.
This afternoon there were sellers of Mauritius Sugar by pri-
vate treaty at rather lower rates, still few buyers are to be
met with. This afternoon Bengal Sugar met with little
attention, and 2419 bags at auction were only in
part sold at a decline on former rates of is to is 6d per cwt.
To-day there wasmore desire shown to purchase all kinds of
Foreign Sugar privately; but business of moment was pre-
vented by holders insisting upon an advance on former rates
of is per cwt.

COMM.—This afternoon the market was abundantly sup-
plied with Mocha Coffee; three parcels, amounting to 1,192
bales, and two half bales, were submitted to public competi-
tion. The principal part found buyers, the lower kinds at
full rates, but the long berry sorts went 2a to 4s. per cwt
cheaper.
Cocon.—Holders of British Plantation are less inclined to
realize, and have refrained from offering any at auction, by
private treaty the operations have been upon a more extended
scale, but not at better prices.
TEA.—lmporters have confidence, and still refrain from
submitting any to public competition; there is not a large
quantity of black or green offering privately, notwithstand-
ing the stock is heavy. None has been received since this
day week, whereas the deliveries since that time has been
upon a large scale.
MOLASSE.S.—West India are still held with firmness, but
the demand has been limited ; previous rates are however
sustained.
SPlRlTS.—lmporters of Jamaica Rum are not inclined to
submit to any further decline in prices, but shippers and the
home trade have been cautious in their proceedings. Lee-
ward Island has met with little attention, but cannot be had
upon lower terms. Demerara is little wanted, and former
rates are with difficulty supported. For Brandy prices rule
very firm, and large purchases have been made.
Sr es.—To-day Black Pepper was purchased with more
freedom, and 250 bags at auction were sold at, full rates.
Nutmegs are little wanted, and three chests at auction went
a little cheaper.
COCHINEAL—This afternoon at public sale 100 bags of
Honduras were all sold—middling to good silvers at 5s 5d to
5s Bd, being from last sales rates to ld advance; black fetched
6s 3d to 7s 6d, which is rather higher; 51 bags of Mexican,
silvers sold at 5s 4d to 5s sd, and black 5s 6d to 6s 3d per lb.
SALTPETRE.—To-day there was little desire shown to pm,
chase Rough, and 2,559 bags Calcutta at public sale were
only in part sold, upon rather lower terms.
Taeww.—This afternoon at public sale 139 pkgs 63 hds
South American Tallow were onlxin part sold at 4ls 6d to
42s ; 46 casks North American all sold 39s to 42s ; 440 casks
New S. Wales only in part sold at 40s 6d to 42s 9d, and low
38s 6d to 39s 6d; 25 chests East India taken in at 455; 50
casks Petersburgh Yellow Candle sold at 41s 6d for second
sort; 46 casks Odessa Sheep 41s 9d to 42s per cwt.
INDIGO.—To-day during the progress of the sale 405
chests were withdrawn, and 735 chests have passed the
hammer. The biddings were rather more animated, but
there is no alteration to notice in the prices. 4,970 chests
have now passed the sale, of which 2,917 are sold.
Ons.—Although there are sellers of Linseed Oil upon
further reduced terms : still the operations have been upon a
small scale. Rape Seed Oil has been purchased with cau•
tion, and prices are with difficulty kept up. In Olive Oil only
a moderate business has been transacted, but holders are
prevented from pressing sales by the smallness of the stock.
Cocoa Nut has been sparingly dealt in, but not offered at
at any further decline in prices. Palm is not to be had upon
lower terms, but the demand has been small. Lard Oil is
heavy of disposal. Although Cod Oil can be obta rate of
261 to 261 10s—still :the business transacted has been li-
mited this week.

CUICHESTER.—An instance has just occurred in
this vicinity of refusing to read the burial service at the
grave of a child baptized by a Dissenting Minister. The
circumstances of the case are as follows :—An infant whose
parents are members of the Independent chapel in the vil-
lage of Bosham being unwell, their minister was sent for to
baptize the child ; subsequently it died. The vicar of
Bosham being applied to to bury it, he sent for the father,
and told him he could not read the burial service, because
the child had not been baptised by him, who, being a
successor to the apostles, was alone qualified to perform
that religious rite, and that the Dissenting Minister acted
only by Satanic agency. These arguments, however, having
no influence with the father, another stratagem was resorted
to in order to induce him to consent that the child should be
interred without the usual forms, viz., that the reading of
the burial service could be of no service to the dead; to
whie;i the father, being a conscientious man, assented. The
vicar then asked if he would be satisfied if he attended the
funeral without reading the service ? The father replied that
feeling conscious the child could not be benefited, he should
not insist on its being done: but he wished for the sake of
others that it might. A witness being called, he left the
vicar's house. The Dissenting Minister having heard
what had taken place, was on his way to lay the
matter before the Bishop of the diocese when he was met by
the father, who told him that the vicar had not positively
refused to read the service, and that he felt persuaded he
would. The child was, however, taken to the grave and si-
lently interred, after which the vicar read the Lord's Prayer
and the Benediction only. What a pity that individuals
holding the sentiments of Dr. Newman do not imitate his
example and go at once over to Rome. The Vicar of Bosham
will do well to be cautious how he refuses the burial rites to
another Dissenter's child, as it is not very likely that another
father will be found who will submit so quietly to his priestly
authority.—Brighton Guardian.
AMSTERDAM, JAN. 20.—The statement given by
many Beigiaa journals that the negociations between the Nether-
lands and Belgium arc resumed, we are able to contradict on goad
authority.

Noble Friend that it will be the means of prev6nting •
great barbarity and many horrors, and will promote a
noble emulation between the two countries. With re•
ference to the Oregon question, my Noble Friend has
given an opinion in which I also concur, lit, that '
whatever party on that side of the water may do to
promote irritation between the two countries, the good
sense of the Americans, and the knowledge that their
interests are identified with ours, will enable her
Majesty's Government to come to an amicable
arrangement. As to the increase of the army and
navy, it must be obvious to your Lordships that the
duties and labours of the colonial service are oft the in-
crease, and it would not be fair to strain too hardly oh
our soldiers and sailors there. The next topic in her
Majesty's Speech is one in which I feel great interest--
the recommendation that some endeavours should be
•ised to suppress the system of assassination in Ireland.
I should be the last man to propose any coercive measures
to affect the general liberties of her Majesty's sub-
jects, but I do think that something beyond
the ordinary efforts of the law is necessary for Ireland.
I do not wish to be misunderstood, for Ido not refer to
the whole of Ireland, but only to those districts where
the system is carried on ; and- in those districts it is well
know n that such is the impunity with which the assassin
escapes, that the price of blood is brought as low as
three or four pounds. Under these circumstances, I
lo think that the state of Ireland requires
your Lordships' serious consideration.—(Hear, hear.)
I now refer to the scarcity in the potato crop. It has
produced, and may be expected to produce, a great deal
of misery. All who visit that country can speak to the
unbounded hospitality in Ireland; but I think there is
another virtue not sufficiently apppreciated, and which also
prevails to a most unbounded extent upon all oc-
casions of national distress. This charity, exerted
in so praiseworthy a manner, will, I think, pre-
vent the worst evils anticipated by the approaching
distress. We also know that there is great room
for employment in that country, and a great
latitude for the outlay of capital. There was access to
the interior of Ireland by water, there being no part of
it more than fifty miles from the sea. With respect to
the relaxation of the prohibitory duties. it is a subject
far beyond my experience ; so I will content myself by
saying, that what has been done in this respect has not
produced that evil which was expected. The importa-
tion of foreign cattle has not, I believe, been pro-
ductive of any injury to the British farmer,
—(Hear, hear.) I not anticipate that any
injury whatever will follow the other contemplated re-
laxations. All I will do is to draw the attention of your
Lordships to the measure which may be proposed, and
I venture to say that no measure will be produced that
Pill not receive your just and dispassionate considera-
tion. It only remains now for me, my Lords, to second
the motion which my Noble Friend has proposed.
The LORI) CHANCELLOR then put the question,
and declared that the Contents had it.
After a few seconds,

The Duke of RICHMOND rose and said—l am not
at all surprised to see the desire which has been evinced
to suppress discussion upon—
The LORD CHANCELLOR—I beg the Noble Duke
will not state that. I waited deliberately for a few
minutes, and finding that the Noble Duke was not in-
clined to rise, L put the question and put it slowly.
The Duke of RICHMOND—I am perfectly
in order. I should have listened with satisfaction
to the speech of the Noble Lord who moved
the Address, if he had not in part of his speech re-
marked that we should wait until we heard the statement
of the Minister. I have heard, my Lords, enough in that
address to know what the Minister intends to do.—(Hear,
hear.) He intends to withdraw protection.—(lnterrup-
tions.) I should like to have heard a more manly speech,
and that he had mentioned the corn-laws at once. I defy
Noble Lords to say that the Speech just read dors not
relate to the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) This is
getting rid of' the compact which Sir Robert Peel
made in 1842 with the agriculturists, and which
Mr. Gladstone, the Secretary of State, said removed
difficulties, and was made for the purpose of securing to
the agriculturists a permanent law. It was to secure
that permanent law that the agriculturists acquiesced in
that sacrifice.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I wish to draw
your attention to what Mr. Gladstone said in 1843. He
then said it would be unjust to the agriculturists, and dis-
honourable to the Government and to the Parliament, if
they made a charge in the laws which protected
British industry without a great and adequate cause.
Where is the cause? Decidedly not the potato
disease in Ireland. No, my Lords, it was
not so. The potato failure was assigned as the reason
in the first instance, and promulgated in the Anti- Corn-
law League.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot for my life see
why Mr. Cobden should not be made a Peer and sit on
these benches.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I wish to
ask the people of England and those persons who disagree
with me in opinion on the question of the corn-laws
whether they approve of the course taken by the Anti-
Corn-law League?—(Hear, hear.) I say their course
has been unconstitutional and that they are the authors
of this change. I hope this House will not so far abandon
its duty as to permit itself to be intimidated by the Anti-
Corn-law League, or by the money that body has raised.
But what is the time the Government asks us to make
this sacrifice to popular clamour ? We find that Sir
Robert Peel has not produced tranquillity in Ireland ;
but that, on the contrary, murders and assassinations con-
tinue to take place every day.—(Hear, hear.) In this
speech, Sir Robert Peel comes to us, and asks us to give
way, and alter those laws which every man knows an:
for the benefit, not of the agriculturists alone, but of
every class in the community.—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.) I shall now call your Lordships' attention
to the statement made by Sir Robert Peel in the
year 1839, when he wanted office from - the
agriculturists. He then said, " If you take away pro-
tection the farmers will ask you to get rid of all protec-
tion on every other article." Upon that occasion Sir R.
Peel stated what would be the effect if pr otection to
corn were abolished. The effect must be that all protec-
tion on other articles must be abolished.—(Hear, hear.)
Are you prepared to destroy your Custom-houses,
and by that means destroy the revenue that
now goes to support the liabilities of the nation ?
If you are, where will you get revenue sufficient
to pay the public creditor ? If protection to corn is to
be got rid of because it is a great monopoly, are there
no other mohopolies in this country ?—(Hear.) What
do yon think of the East India Company ?
what do you think of the Bank ? and what
do you think of the hundred others? If you consent to
make a further inroad into and get rid of protection,
you will have to pull down the house and rebuild it from
the commencement.—(Cheers.) I will ask whe-
ther the Civil List will remain. I will ask if a
single salary in this country will remain if ycu
at once destroy the protective duties of this
country. My Lords, f for one will not give your
Lordships the trouble of voting upon an amendment
upon the present occasion ; but I enter my protest, my
solemn protest, against that clause in the Speech, which
is contrary to every principle which the present Govern-
ment has ever brought forward from the Speech of 1839
up to the present moment. I know nothing of what
their measure is, but I have a right to speak strongly,
because I happen to be one of those who are
of opinion that no relaxation of the corn- laws should be
made. What have we said respecting these little mea-
sures brought before Parliament by the present Govern-
ment, against which I and some of your Lordships
voted? Only that they were steps towards free trade.
We, fortunately, voted against them; but Sir Robert
Peel has contrived, by his eloquence and by
his soothing speeches, to get a large -number
of Members of both Houses of Parliament to place con-
fidence in him. My Lords, that confidence may exist
still in some quarters, but I beg to say that it exists not
in the large body of the middle classes of this
country. What is the fair, open, honest, English
manner in which the farmers of this coun-
try have come forward on a late occasion ?
They do not ask you to reject the measures to be pro-
posed. No I But they come to yon, and they say to
the Government, " You came into office pledged to pro-
tection ; you have thought fit—we know not why—we
care not to impute motives—but we say you ought not to
carry out these measures without appealing to the coun-
try.'--(Cheers.) It must be a bad case indeed when a
Minie(er does not dare to face what is called a popular
queolllsn on the hustings.—(Cheers.) We ask for no
more. We ask for a clear stage and no favour. We
ask you to appeal to the country to know
whether or not these modern innovations are to
be admitted, and to know whether we ought to
be made dependant upon foreigners for a supply
of that which we can produce ourselves.
I think the House has a right to demand from her Ma-
jesty's Government the reason of their sudden changes.
I know not what to call them. These reasons are only
known to some dozen individuals on the opposite side.
I think the country has a right to inquire why they
threw up their offices, and if the protective duties were
in any danger.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I feel that your
Lordships will take this question into consider ation, and
will do your duty to your Sovereign and your country;
and that you will banish from your minds the Minister
who proposes these measures. My Lords, I do not on
-this occasion intend to offer any factious opposition to
the Address, but I do intend, and I do trust, your Lord-
ships will aid me, to offer every fair opposition to
the proceedings of the Minister. We have heard a
great deal about the disease in the potatoes, and we
have suffered in England as /veil as in Ireland. There
will be plenty of opportunities for discussing this ques-
tion. But I beg to enter my solemn protest against that
part of her Majesty's Speech which threatens the ruin
of the agricultural interests, and this House, I think, is
entitled to know the reasons why they have come to such
a decision.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, the Noble
Duke states that he will not offer any amendment to the
Address, as proposed. lie has complained of the omis-
sion of all allusion to the corn-laws in the Speech from
the throne. My Lords, it is not necessary in this
House to follow my young friend in his observations on
the conduct of the Ministry.—(Hear, hear.) Nor do I
think it necessary to make any allusions to the Address
moved by my Noble Friend, as I beg to in-
form your Lordships those measures will be brought
before the House in a very few days.—(Hear.)
I entreat your Lordships to consider whether now it is
right to expect me to make any explanation such as that
which the Noble Duke requests.—(Hear, hear.) I
hope it will not be insisted upon that any such
matters will be entered upon ; but I entreat you
now to adopt the Address, and leave explana-
tions to another time. Respecting such a ques-
tion as that which has been put by my Noble Friend,
regarding the resignation of her Majesty's Ministers •
the Noble Duke who has put it, has been a privy coun-
cillor himself, and knows that a privy councillor of the
Sovereign must keep the counsels of the Sovereign
secret. I cannot, therefore, state here what has passed
in that privy council, without obtaining the previous per-
mission of the Sovereign. Before my Noble Friend had
asked the question, he should have given notice
of his intention of doing so, in order to afford an oppor-

trinity of the necessary permission from her Majesty
preliteinary to such explanation being given. Had
known that such a question would have been asked, I
should have obtained permission to make a statement in
answer to it. But why ehoeld the question be put
on the first night of the session ? Such a course
is not iistittl, The public interests require that
the counsels of the Sovereign should be kept secret. It
is no doubt convenient that sometimes what takes place
should be revealed, but as a general rule the secrets of
the council cannot be revealed without obtaining the pre-
vious permission of the sovereign. '1 his is the first in-
stance in which such a question had been put without
precious notice, and no one present can desire that the
sectets Which it involves should be at present stated.
The Duke of RICHMOND said e would be glad to
give notice of his intention to ask the question, though he
tould not but wonder that his Noble Friend had not ex-
pected that such a question would have been asked, and
therefore have been prepared for it by obtaining the
Queen. He would now give no-
previous consent of
lice that to-morrow night would ask the question of
his N ble Friend.
Lord STANLEY said,--Although lid bad the per..
mission of het Majesty to teelse any statement in refer-,
ence to the subject that ?vas under the consideration of
the llouse, in reference to the circumstances connected
with hie resignation, he thought the present time was
not a proper one for going into explanations. Still,
without going into details he would state briefly the rea-
son why he had separated from t hoseolleagues with whom
he had acted for the last four yelled. Althutigh dif-
ferencea bad existed which led to his septitatioe from
the Ministry, he still entertained for those with whom
he had hitherto co-operated the most unfeigned regard
and esteem.— (Hear, hear ) He could /Kit state all
the grounds that had led to his retirement, without
also stating the measures that were then under
the consideration of her Majesty's Cabinet. At
the present he could not go into details, and
therefore he could not vindicate his conduct, or afford all
the explanations necessary why he had abatitlotied the
position he had held. Sine° that time those measures
may have been altered and modified, of others may have
been introduced in their stead ; but, in reference to
them as they then stood, he would only make the state-
ment that on one measulOi and one only, there
was a difference between himself arid his colleagues.
On all the others they were agreed. The
measure to which he referred had relation to the degree
and nature of protection that was to be afforded to the
agricultural interest.—(Hear, hear.) The measure pro-
posed could not meet with his approval without a sacri-
fice of his consistency and convictions, which he was not
prepared to make. The opinions of his col-
leagues during the past few years had undergone
considerable change, but his own had not done
so ; and he could not make himself responsible with
them for the changes proposed. He therefore separated
from the Ministry, being certain that to remain would
be to sacrifice his personal character and consistency.—
(Hear, hear.) Such he believed to be his public duty.
He would not go further now than to state that on one
ground alone, that which he had just explained, he had
dissented from the rest of the Cabinet. The details of
the measures under consideration, at the time, as he
before observed, need not be gone into at present, as
other opportunties would be afforded for that purpose.
Those questions would be explained on a future occasion.
The Earl of HARDWICKE said, he could not agree
with every part of the Address, still he thought that,
from sentiments of loyalty and good feeling, it should
go without an amendment. He was glad that he had sat
down and had given the Noble Lord an opportunity of
making the explanation he had done. . He
wished to follow in his footstept, and to enter
as little as possible into the disetission at
present, reserving such till another time. His feelings
he could only say, at the present moment, were in uni-
son with that Noble Lord, which was to give au opinion
without any mental reservation whatever ; and that
opinion was, that he thought that the measure agreed to
in 1842, respecting the duty on corn, was at least for
a considerable time a final measure. He con-
sidered the question settled, and in conse-
quence with it the wants and exigencies of the country.
But, they had it in the same Speech that there
never was a period. in which the people were better off;
better fed, or more cheaply supplied. If this
be so, what should we do when we come to
a time of difficulty ? He was desirous not to be
led away upon this occasion, and, therefore,
He was desirous to control his feelings, but he would
rather stop short, that he might not give any offence to
those with whom he had been associated for ten years.
He deeply regretted that anything should have occurred
which should have led him to differ from those Noble
and Honourable Friends whom he looked upon as better
fitted to guide the country than any men he knew ; but
there was a change come over the spirit of their dream.
He stopped where he was; but it appeared to him that they
had gone on in a course which, however right it might
be, or proper it might turn out to be, appeared to him to be
wrong, for he did not know where it might
stop. lie would say no more about this subject, or the
reasons which led him to dissent from those friends
who had put into the mouth of the Sovereign the Speech
which they had heard from the Throne; but he telt it
incumbent on him to give expression to his sentiments
on this occasion.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE observed that he
was induced to rise for the purpose of saying,
that on this subject he entirely agreed with the senti-
ments expressed by the late Secretary of State for
the Colonies.. Like him, he expected that an explana-
tion would have been made that night on the motives
which had led to the resignation of the Right Hon.
Baronet at the head of the Government. He -was
delighted at the course taken by her Majesty's
Government with regard to the question of America.
Lord BROUGHAM rose also to express the great
gratification which he experienced at the course
which Government had pledged themselves to
adopt with regard to America. He did not
wish his observations to take from that re-
spect which he, in common with all who had observed
his Noble Friend's public conduct, felt for him; but still
he might express his regret at the course which his
Noble Friend had adopted. There were some matters
on which he differed from his Noble Friend, and there
were some on which he agreed with him ; and he felt
bound in fairness to take that opportunity of setting his
Noble Friend right, if he thought anything that
he had said came within the scope of his
observations. In 1839 he (Lord Brougham) had
made a motion, in which he failed. He had made a
motion that evidence should be called, and that they
should examine the whole of this question by means of
testimony. It was his opinion that an alteration in
the commercial policy of this country with regard to
corn was necessary, but not for the purpose of lowering
the price of corn, which he never expected it to do,
and which he had endeavoured to show it had no ten-
dency to do, any more than the corn-laws, against which
he had argued, had tended to keep up the price of food.
But it was for the purpose of remodelling the whole
commercial system of this country that it might assume
such a position with-regard to foreign powers as would
enable and make them open their markets to our manu-
factures and produce ; but in that attempt before,
their Lordships were aware, he was so entirely defeated
that he did nut try again. He hoped, however, that he
had lived to see better times, and greater Aanges in
opinion, and be hoped and trusted that before he had
done with that subject some of his opinions would be
more favourably received. They were, however, quite
uncertain what the Minister's policy would be with
regard to the corn- laws. It would be folly to
say that, because they had taken one course
in :842 they should not alter or change that course in
1846. Such was the doctrine of his Noble Friend, but
it was no part of his policy : he had learned a different
lesson. He must; however, express his disapprobation
of the manner in which his opinions—important as they
were, and sincerely as he held them—had been received
and supported. He had said to their Loidships—and
they knew well the grounds on which he wished to re-
peal the corn-laws in 1839—could he have said to the
public as an honest man, that the repeal
would make - bread cheap ? Could he say
now that the corn-laws, against which he argued,
so strongly were, the mine of scarcity in the country?
the cause of famine in the country, the cause of disease
in the country? the cause of crime in the country? or the
cause of mortality in the country? He would rather put
his right hand into the fire, and see it consumed, than
put it to any document which purported that the corn-
laws caused famine, crime, disease, and death. He bad
sat for four years in her Majesty's Councils,
never saying a word to prevent crime and
famine, disease and death, knowing that these
things were the fault of those laws, and that
their removal would be the advantage of their
repeal or alteration. He differed from his Noble friend
and with many persons on the question, and he
was as much at issue with them on the one side
of the case as he was with his Noble Friend on the other.
But there was another class of persons connected with
the question--he meant the agitators—for whom he en-
tertained no respect whatever. his Noble Friend might
ask him if he were the friend and abettor, or perhaps
the accomplice, of the Anti-Corn-law League. He said,
God forbid. He differed infinitely more, ten thousand
times more, from the conduct pursued by that body
than he did from the corn-laws, and those who advo-
cated them. After long observation and much reflec-
tion, he was deeply convincedthatarepwreisliecnhtawtiayse
bGeost-
vernment was the form of Government
adapted to confer the greatest amount of happiness and
kind
of humanGovrearcnem. Now the nature and
that was, that when power
ferseseednocme ofotnhatthe
was deh gated to representatives, the representatives
hem to
tion f'auntus
wree,rantdhenotNtohbeleconbastritduenincy,
what he said as to appealing to therand
er eo trpihci ices. led
him to answer the Noble lord in reference to
what he said as to appealing to the people. It
was not a wholesome thing to appeal to the people
when they were in a ferment. At that period
it was wrong to call upon them to pronounce
upon an exciting subject.—(Murmurs.) He did not
mean to say that there were no exceptions to that prin-
ciple. He did not mean to say but that there might arise
conjunctures when it would become necessary to
make such appeal.—(Hear, hear.) When differences of
Opinion arose between the two Houses of Parliament, the
only means of composing the difference was to appeal
to the people, but i: oa every question that interests
Parliament they were to appeal to the people they
ceased to be a representative Government, but were
entirely influenced by the multitude, and even
by the mob. He did not see in the whole
circle of political questions one more objection
able for such an appeal as that which was at
that moment occupying their attention. A continuance
of such an agitation would expose them to the same
dangers as those which followed the agitation which was
now being pursued in Ireland for the repeal of the Union.
With respect to these agitators, he was about to state
the course of conduct now in great vogue w;th that
body, some of whose members were highly respectable,
while on the contrary others were quite the reverse, as
was customary in all large bodies. He found they