The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

" One of the People" inflicts upon us agocci
deal of well-meant, no doubt, but somewhat
vague, and, so far as it is intelligible, we flatter
ourselves, rather needless counsel. We are not
going to chop opinions with this gentleman,
who seems to abound in dicta as much as be
falls short in the power of supporting them by
argument ; but it may be allowed to us to differ
from him, and even to use his own privilege of
throwing overboard our reasons for dissent. He
is entirely wrong, therefore, as we conceive, in
his notion that " the Whigs are at heart as
despotic as the Tories." Look at the Reform
Bill, and the Church Bills, and the Law Re-
form Bills, and wonder that any upright or candid
man would risk so daring a paradox. That the
Whigs are men is true, and therefore, being
men in power, as exposed to some temptation.
they do unquestionably require to be " watched
by an independent press." This is a mere
truism. So, our correspondent complains that
the construction of Parliament is still decidedh
" aristocratic." What does lie mean by so em-
ploying the term aristocratic ? If it mean nothing
more than that the bulk of the House of Commons
consists of men of fortune, family, and education,
we are at a loss to find materials for censure
in such a description of Parliament. The vice
of former Parliaments was, that the majority of
their Members were not sufficiently " aristo-
cratic"—that is to say, not independent enough
in fortune and situation to enable them to with.

stand the wiles of corruption, or to vote and act
according to their own consciences. With cer-
tain votes of the present Parliament, we have
ourselves quarrelled, and do quarrel, and with
ream, of the measures proposed, or perhaps it
would be more just to say, acceded to, by the
Whig Ministers. But it appears to us that
both Parliament and Ministers have erred more
through ignorant selfishness than evil or anti-
popular design. They have not yet acquired the
habit of observing and understanding the wants
of the intelligent part of the community, or
discriminating between them and the wolfish
appetites of the rabble. Nevertheless, we do
not abandon the belief that both Parliament and
Government are sound at heart ; and that their
intrinsic staple will show itself to advantage, ac
that of most other orders of Englishmen is
wont to do, when the crisis comes to test
them. The natural course of things in
this country at present, is not to give rank and
property an undue preponderance in all our
institutions; it is, on the contrary, to give them
just that weight which public opinion (the su-
preme guarantee of all our most precious rights
and enjoyment) assigns to them,—that public
opinion to which our correspondent appeals, and
which he talks about without seeming to com-
prehend its irresistible force. In yesterday's
Times we said enough to indicate what is our
feeling of the necessary result of a prolonged
opposition between the higher classes and the
great bulk of the nation. It must end in a col-
lision, an overthrow of the aristocracy, and a
tremendous revolution, but such an opposition
can never practically be prolonged to such a fatal
period. Opinion must and will recall the most
inWtiated aristocracy to its sense —that same
opinion which scared and chasea away ever
the Duke of Wellington's championship of
the borough system, and which finally crown-
ed its own series of victories by carry-
ing the Reform Bill through the House of
Lords. Our correspondent thinks fit to ask
how comes it Ministers contrive to go on in
such smiling harmony with the Peers, of whom
12 months ago there was a large majority against
them ? We will tell him—because the Peers
are now fully sensible, that to repair a defeat in
their legislative assembly the Ministers woule
need only to fall back, first upon the national
indignation, and next on the prerogative of the
Crown. This the Peers know, if " One of the
People" does not, and it may furnish the inter-
rogator with some clue to the late good beha-
viour of their Lordships. As for the repeal
of the corn law, and the enactment of Irish pool
laws, let but one simultaneous and general cry
be raised throughout the kingdom, and em-
bodied in petitions, on either or both of the great
subjects referred to, and see how long the Eng-
lish corn law will exist, or the Irish poor law be
successfully opposed in Parliament. On these
two points we believe the fact to be, not that the
balance of opinion is at all doubtful, but that it
has not yet formally and energetically pronounced
itself; the attention of the people having been
rivetted else%s here, upon objects supposed to be
more pressing. As for our sympathies in rela-
tion to the Spafields meeting, our correspon•
dent is unjust in saying that they were con-
fined to the police. They were not, indeed,
like those of some of the jurors, fanati-
gay engaged against the police ; but it was
only on Wednesday that we condemned the
latter for having acted with extreme intempe-
rance and outrage. That the materials of the
police are defective in what contemns their cha
raster aagitizens we have already stated. The
peace and confidence of the great cities of the
kingdom never will be so well secured as
committing the executive duties of a conservative
power to armed householders of the largest
property and most entire independence through-
out the respective distric's, commanded by their
own friends and neighbours as officers, ant:
under the direct guidance of the magistracy.
Still the police is, in principle, and in its general
demeanour, an efficient and excellent institution
We treated the last Birmingham meeting, as a
political experiment, with far less contempt, or
:Fitat " One of the People" terms " contumely,"
than it really deserved. It was a good and
merry fair ; but for aught else it was nothing.
As for our correspondent's pretending to connect
such a holyday mummery with an expression of
" public opinion !"—if it be not hypocrisy, it is
arrant folly. We have now replied to " One of
the People," at a length and with a degree of
forbearance for which many others "of the
people" will perhaps be but little obliged to us.
Threadbare common-place and dogmatic bubbles
are, indeed, on both sides rather troublesome
custom.—Tones.

We never were converts to that favourite po-
litical axiom of the Whigs, when out of office,
that representatives were bound to obey im-
plicitly every instruction they might receive from
Their constituents. Such a rule, dogmatical!)
exercised and rigidly complied with, renders a
mber of Parliament a mere automaton, with.
out a soul be can call his own ; and we need
baiti!y add, that talent of every kind is Seared')
necessary, but rather an encumbrance, in such 1
man, but that the less of it he possesses the
more likely he is to be moved by the wires
vihieh are to direct his movements. Occasions,
for instance, may frequently occur, when the
interests of a man's constituents may be whoily
at variance with those of the country w large.
There may be places where, from peculiar cir-
cumstances, a state of war a ay be partially ed-

vantageous to the inhabitants, and others, where
they may have no particular dislike to contra-
band trade; yet no one will be so insane as to
contend that the representative is, in the one
case, to do all he can to plunge the country in
war, that his constituents may be enriched by ir,
or, in the other, that lie should encourage smug-
gling, by voting away the coast guard or revenue
schooners from the neighbourhood. But
though we repudiate this out-of-office doc-
trine of the Whigs, we are still less ena-
moured with the new dogma which they
appear to have laid down as a standard
for themselves and their followers, now that they
are seated in power. Their new rule seems to
be this, that it is the duty of a representative to
place implicit faith in the judgment of a Mi-
nister, and none whatever in that of his consti-
tuents, however indisputably they may express
the general feeling of the country. That we do
not, in the smallest degree, distort or overstate
this new Whig canon must be apparent to every
one who has watched the conduct of Ministers
and that of the representatives of even the most
populous and influential places, on the subject
of the house and window duties, the repeal of
which has been resisted by vast majorities of a
reformed House of Commons, apparently on no
other ground than because it is the will and
pleasure of Lord Althorp to maintain large
establishments, and to repeal only such small
portion of the public burdens as people in ge-
neral are indifferent to. And let it not be for-
gotten that this is done by many who, only six
months ago, were as loud in their pledges to
follow the instructions of their constituents, ac-
cording to the old Whig rule, as they now are
reckless in disregarding them, according to
the new one. Though we were not so
sanguine as to forbode success to Sir Samuel
Whalley's motion, still less were we prepared
for the large majority by which it was rejected.
It is true that there were more absentees than
would have given a larger majority the other
;'ay; but on such persons little reliance can be
placed ; there is little, if any, difference between
the soldier who deserts his post by falling into
the rear, and he who openly goes over to the
enemy : both are alike untrue to their colours,
and unfit for the service. We regret the fate of
Sir Samuel Whalley's motion the more because
it took that moderate middle course which we
were ourselves the first to suggest—viz., a pro-
spective repeal of these partial and odious im-
posts, by which time would have been given to
the Finance Minister to make such arrange-
ments as so large a defalcation in the revenue
would naturally call for. Yet, were we inclined
to prophecy, what, we should say, will, after all,
he the consequence, that Ministers, having
pledged themselves and their too-willing ad-
herents in Parliament again and again to resist
this call, will, at length, yield to an influence
they have themselves called into action, and
cannot resist ; thus establishing arid confirming
that most mischievous of all notions, that the
people can obtain that by clamour and agitation
which is denied to their calm and reasonable de-.
mands ?—Morning Herald.
Our contemporary, the Standard, thinks the
!itne is fast approaching when the Tories may
again become Lords of the Ascendant. The
late oposition of Ministers to Sir Samuel
Whalley's motion (which we cannot but consi-
der a political blunder), and the deci,ion of the
House of Commons against it, have, in the opi-
nion of our contemporary, so damaged both
with the country, that a dissolution might in
safety be attempted.
"The fact is (he sap.), the present Ministers and the
present House of Comniona are united in their fate by a
igature much more vital than the congenital link of the
Siamese twins ; for the Ministers and the present House
of Commons must live or die together—a change of
Ministers wou:d send three fourths, at least, of the present
Members about their burin. see. They know this, and,
therefore, no matter how much more their conduct may
offend their constituents, whom they have already offended
beyond all hope of forgiveness, they will not allow of any
measure Ilkely to unseat the Ministers. True, the
Ministers are the most incompetent, unpopular, and
odious that ever were in England ; and the House of
Commons must incur a very considerable share of their
ortpopu!arity by supporting them ; but their removal
would sound the death-knell to the political existence of
three fourths of the House of Commons. Do we want,
therefore, to get rid of the present Ministers? Apprise the
King of the feeling of his people. We may get rid of the
present House of Commons, or reform its conduct by get-
ting rid of the present Ministers. The first course is the
preferable upon all accemsts. Let the King be thoroughly
assured that he has a House of Commons that will support
whatever Ministry he gives it, and has also a Ministry so
generally hated and hateful, that every man, of whatever
opinion in Eng'and, would take their dismiss,' as a per-
sonal favour conferred upon him.. This information can
tee best and most r4spectfully communicated to his Majesty
try ' Ilobh ou sing' every Minister or ministerialist who
shall dare to exhil,it himself upon any popuhr hustings.
We tope that the electors of South Stafford will act upon
this principle, and that all polit'cal distinctions wiU be for-
gotten in the determination to turn out the ministerialists.',

Well, thin, we will supriz•e the present Mi•
nisters out, and the. present flouse of Commons
sent about their business, the Tories in office,
and a majority of Tories returned. It, is pos-
sible that the Tories, in order to quiet the great
owns, and in order to acquire some popularity
:it the expense of the Whigs, would repeal the
house and window tax. But they could not live
ong on the reputation they might acquire from
this source. What would they do next ? Would
they go beyond the Whigs—nay, would they at
dl approach them in a disposition to satisfy the
public demands at this time ? What says the
Times of yesterday ?

" There never was dissatisfaction more gravely expressed
by the town and commercial population of the country
ti an that which has been excited by the protecting duties
on corn. flow came the majority of the House of Com-
mons to differ with the majority of their constituents on
that important question? Was it that Hon. Members de-
sin d indirectly to r ropogate an eagerness for revolution?
Again, was there ever in this world a mere striking onr-
itnity front North to South of England, than in praying
a repeal of the assessed taxes ? Then, what could
'ie the hope of that majority of the House of Com-
mons, which declared against their constituents, and in
favour of the house and window tax, but to inculcate upon
,he minds of the middle classes that they must look to
•onie mighty change, far beyond the boundary of a r re-
firm, d ' Parliament for relief? The public murmurs at
lie rence of Parliatrent, and of the upper ranks of
Englishmen, to Ihe feelings of their poorer brethren, have
recently grown to a frightful magnitude, and betoken
,orne tragical result. The institutions of the kingdom
share the dislike so genera 1y entertained towards the
higher orders by the lower, from a belief that those insti-
tutiees have been framed and adminirered in an unfair
spirit. The bad odour in which the aristocracy are
held arises from the arrogance and selfishness too fee
pent!), imputed to ?hem, and of which, if we be bound to
.peak truly, they afford no niggard proofs No real &fir'.
euby could base prevented Lord Abbot-pis acquiescence
oi the public wish for a repeal of the corn laws and the
issesseii taxes. We fear there is an habitual, nay almost
conventional, distaste in some quarters to appreciate
the national desires, or to concede at all, save only in
the nibbling, peddling manner which has been exhihited
to the Noble Li.rd's unhappy budget. The centinuance
f such a temper will •not do. it can lead to nothing
but a crisis which must end, so poweilal are the
democratic elements every where, in a downright over-
,vhelming revolution. The verdiet in Spafields, and the
ondisguised dispositions of the jurors, may be taken as
indices of the sort of instinct which actuates large bodies
lit Well against the public functionaries and the (hitherto)
ruling classes. How were such feelings engendered amone
Englishmen ? 'l'lrey are the reverse of natural. Let
look car,-itilly into III! origin of them, and they

may draw from the source a salutary lesson for thtir ow
Guidance, and for the course to be recommended to
Parliament, as well in finance as in other branches o,f
legislation. _ .

" Mr. Harvey's motion for a return of Civil List
Pensions, as well as those charged upon the consolidated
fund, was carried without amendment. The object is gine
of incalculable value—namely, a disclosure of the especial
services, or other grounds, on which each individual pen-
sion has been granted. But we question whether the
investigation will lead to much practical good, unless— l st,
the name be inserted in the return of each Minister by
whom each particular pension was recommended to tho
Sovereign, or applied for ; and 2d, unless a Committee Le
appointed to conduct the inquiry, and to cross-examine a
certain class of witnesses."

Would the Tories at once remove the pro-
tecting duties on corn ? Would they abolish
all pensions granted without an equivalent ?
Would they honestly endeavour to purify the
corporations of the country ? Would they
analyse the expenditure of our army, in order to
confine as much as possible the payments to
equivalent services ? Would they, in short, dis-
play-a tithe of the honesty of purpose evinced by
the present Ministry to root out abuses wherever
they exist ? If they fell far short of the public
expectations, does our contemporary suppose
that the democratic elements which, according
to the Times, threaten a downright overwhelm-
ing revolution, will he powerless against the
Tories ? They might attempt to stem the tor-
rent, but they would miserably fail. If the
Whigs have lost much of their popularity, from
a want of tact in one or two cases rather than
from a want of sincere desire to benefit the
public—if the people abuse the Whigs, who
cannot remedy all possible abuses at once, and
wish to inquire before they decide, lest they may
decide wrong, will the Tories, who hate the
people, and wish to prevent all remedies which
go to the root of abuses, be less unpo-
pular? Assuredly not. They might attempt
to coerce the people—they might once more
convey arms and stores to Fort George,
and other secure depots, with a view to
strike at the great town populations. But this
would only throw the whole United Kingdom into
a flame. " The institutions of the kingdom
share the dislike so generally entertained towards
the higher orders by-the lower," says the Times.
If the hatred of the higher orders induces even
a hatred of the institutions of the kingdom, will
the Tories consent to sacrifice the higher orders
to conciliate the lower to our institutions ? We
yesterday gave a specimen from the account of
the meeting at Sheffield of the manner in which
the gentry of the country are spoken of by those
with whom the Whigs are unpopular. The
Whigs are now the objects of the invectives of
these people, because they are -in power, and
stand between them and the Tories. But do
not let the Tories believe that they are forgotten.
One of the achievements on which the people
at these meetings dwell with most satisfaction is, !
the driving the Tories from power. Mr. C.
Alcock, the chairman at the Sheffield meeting,
said, " he would advise the people, at the present
gloomy crisis, to act firmly and peaceably, and
they need not despair. They had before driven
the greatest Captain 9f the age from his
place, by the peaceable exhibition of their united
energies and mighty power." This conveys a
hint, from which the Tories may derive some
profit. The King may, as we have said, change
his Ministers ; but if his Majesty were to do so
in order to be served by mote popular Ministers,
by whom the country would be tranquillized, his
Majesty would find out his mistake. We have ad-
mitted that the persisting in retaining the house and
window tax, is a great blunder. Every Ministry
should endeavour to stand well with th e great towns,
and especially London. Opinion manifests it-
self
in these places with tremendous force. It
has been decmcd generally good policy to keep
capitals quiet. Bread used to be provided at
an under rate in times of scarcity, for the Pari•
sians. The Romans were quieted with distri-
butions.
No Minis:ry can afford to he unpo-
pular in London. A majority of the House
of Commons does not mend the matter. No
argument, however ingenious, will satisfy the
people of the metropolis that it is good for
them to pay the house and window tax. With
respect to the corn laws, it is admitted that a
change is necessary ; but Ministers could not
possibly have entered on so extensive a subject
with any advantage now. They have already
inure important questions on their hands than
they can do justice to this session. After all,
wish the exception of the dissatisfaction caused
by the determination with regard to the assessed
taxes, we do not believe that, with the middle
classes generally, there is any dislike of Mini-
sters. By repealing the house and window
taxes, they might conciliate all who have any
material influence. A very small number of
people, who have nothing to do but to cry out,
may make a very great noise. We are quite
satisfied that the great bulk of the people wish
no change of Ministry; and that the present
effervescence is more of the nature of a family
quarrel than otherwise. Let it be only believed
that the Tories were about to come into power,
and the members of the family would soon
march against the common enemy. Those who
deal out invectives against Ministers at meetings
of political unions, and elsewhere, are but a
small fraction of the people, and by no means
represent the general feeling.—Morn. Chronicle.
We propound to-day a little arithmetical
puzzle, which his Majesty's Cabinet, now that
it has sent a Secretary to Dublin and concluded
a convention with the Dutch, may perhaps have
leisure to investigate. Mr. Stanley assumes,
lino., that the whole annual profits derived from
the West Indies are 1,500,0001. 2d0.; That
the whole number of slaves employed, is
800,000. 3tio., That the average value of
each slave is 601. He proposes to enable the
slave to declare himself an " apprenticed la-
bourer" for a term of twelve years, after which
period he is to be absolutely free. He proposes
that the slave shall give to his master three-
four►hs of his labour in return for his house, his
clothes, and his food, which his master, as at
present, is by law to be bound to provide. He
proposes that the slave shall have at his own
eisposal the remaining one-fourth of his labour ;
and that if he gives it to his master, or compels
his mas er (for he ntay compel him) to accept it,
the master shall pay him annually 1-12th of his
whole value as wages for I.4th of his labour.
We shall probably not err very widely, if we
anticipate that, of the 800,000 slaves, 400,000
will elect to be " apprenticed labourers." These
of course will be the stoutest labourers and
most skilful artisans of the estates, for the young
and active will shake off the yoke of slavery,
while the weak and aged will hold its privileges
tenaciously. If then the average value of the
800,000 slaves be 60/., the average value of the
400,000 "apprenticed labourers" will be some-
thing more. We will assume, however, as we
suppose Mr. Stanley means to assume, that the
average value of the 400,000 ",apprenticed
labourers" is only 60/. Upon this hypothesis
duel wages to be paid for one-fourth of the labour #

of each " apprenticed labourer" will be 51. per
annum, and the wages to be paid for
one-fourth of the labour of the 400,000
" apprenticed labourers" will be 2,000,0001.
per annum. Now let us examine the
conclusions to which we have come. Mr.
Stanley, premising that the annual profits derived
by the planters from the whole labour of their
slaves amount to 1,500,0001., provides that for a
part of that labour they shall make annual pay-
ments to their " apprenticed labourers" to the
amount of 2,000,0001. Or, in other words,
Mr. Stanley expects Parliament to enact that
the planters shall cultivate their estates at a loss
of 500,0001. per annum. It is true that Mr.
Stanley proposes to advance a loan to the planters;
and that a portion of the wages he will compel
them to pay to the " apprenticed labourers"
will be paid by the " apprenticed labourers" to
the Government, in liquidation of the interest
of this loan. This part of the scheme appears
to us so ludicrously impracticable that it is
scarcely worth while to examine the effect its
operation will produce upon our calculations.
However, if the slave pay to the Government, in
liquidation of his master's debt, the half of the
wages which he receives from his master, we
must take the payments made by the planter to
amount to 1,000,0001. instead of 2,000,0001.,
In this case Mr. Stanley, premising that the
annual profits derived by the planters from the
whole labour of their slaves amount to 1,500,000/.
provides that for a part of that labour they shall
make annual payments to their "apprenticed la-
bourers" to the amount of 1,000,0001. Or, Mr.
Stanley expects Parliament to enact that the
planters, who cultivate their estates now, if he is
to be believed, at an annual profit of 1,500,0001.,
shall cultivate them in future at an annual profit
of 500,000/. And he calls the deduction of
1,01 0,000/. from their annual profits by the in-
genious nickname of " compensation. It is
difficult to attend to figures of arithmetic, while
one is studying figures of speech ; and many
orators can strike the imagination of a hearer
more readily than the balance of an account. We
are afraid that Mr. Stanley's computations will.
not rival Bonnycastle's, till Lord John Russell's
tragedies surpass Shakspeare's.—lllorning Post.
The feeling of admiration, and of gratitude,
towards the immortal Jury that, in defence of
the people's rights, brought in a verdict of " jus-
tifiable homicide," in the case of the slain po-
liceman, Cully, exceeds even all that we be-
lieved it to be. Letters pour in upon us not
from the several parishes and districts of this
great metropolis only—not from the avowed and
well-known friends of the people only—not from
quarters where public spirit, and due sympathy
with upright dealing might be expected—but
from all quarters of the country to which intel-
ligence of the verdict of the Jury has reached—
from Whigs, from Tories, and from Radicals, of
every hue, and of every complexion. There is
but one voice, one sentiment, one wish—one
feeling on the subject. Would to Heaven that
the Government or the Legislature would
take due note of it, and shape their con-
duct accordingly ! We fear, however, that
both are lost--that both are ignorant of
the public mind, and that they will pursue
a course of conduct which will inevitably
bring about the very revolution which they
dread, and know not how to check. However,
to the subject of the inquest jury. Many
local committees have been already formed—
many more are in the course of formation, and
we have reason to believe that a local meeting
was held last night for the purpose of forming
or appointing a general committee. With re-
gard to a public meeting, the matter is In full
train ; and on Monday morning we trust to be
able to announce to our readers, not only a satis-
factory place of meeting, but a chairman, whose
public conduct will guarantee the attendance and
the confidence of all well-wishers of the people.
To revert once again to the inquest. It is im-
possible for the most careless observer to glance
over the peculiarities of the scene of conflict in
Calthorpe-street, with the stations, the line of
march, and the localities occupied by the
police, without being convinced that a mili-
tary eye had surveyed the ground previous
to the conflict ; that a military head had
preconcerted the whole order of attack ; and
that the crowd assembled were, in true
military spirit, cut off from retreat, or " turned,"
as the phrase is, at the moment the main assault
was made. It is to be hoped that the warning
of the Inquest Jury on Robert Cully will prompt
those whom it concerns to divest our English
civil force, in future, of their obnoxious mili-
tary character—a character quite alien to the
principle and habits of a constitutional consta-
bulary body. Look at the evidence of Baker,
the Waterloo man and superintendent, and of
Major De Roos ! The whole of their statement
is thrice dipped in the tranchant dye of military
habits. Major De Roos "examines the streets,
and avenues, and ground," as if he were pre-
paring for another battle of Waterloo. Instead
of taking steps to disperse some twenty or thirty
idlers, the greater part assembled to laugh at the
harmless speechifying of half a dozen politicians,
they are enclosed on all sides, as if for a sport-
man's battue, or for a massacre like the Turks
at Al Arish. With what burlesque importance
the Major next places a military officer in the win-
dow of Collinridge's manufactory to watch the
proceedings of the " field of battle." This ma-
iimuvre effected, he places himself in circum-
spect ambuscade at the " back window of Bur-
bidge's stables." The military scout at the ad-
vanced post shortly returns, and apprizes him
(awful news !) " that he saw a waggon"—round
the corner. Titburnia could not see the Spanish
fleet, " because it was not in sight." On this
the Major girds up his loins, hastens down to
the portals of his secret fortress, and accompanies
the Gough-street " division," till it forms a junc-
tion with the Calthorpe-street " division." He
proceeds, like Bonaparte at Waterloo, at the
head of the united '' column," till " within sixty
yards" of the awful objects of the attack, viz.
half a dozen rags on poles. The attack of the•
police Russians (not " ruffians") is made on
there Poles, with all the fury of Don Quixotte
attacking the wine-bags, or the windmill. The
people are knocked down like a flock of sheep in
a pen ; and the Major has the pleasure of assist-
ing to gatlierliterp„tifirend"s
°tl9wionlaasrPtcesli,a""b but withoutvictory
among which
any " lance-heads" thereto attached, which is
pretty much the same as calling a watch chain a
watch, or a horn-handle a carving-knife. It
resembles the tragedy of Hamlet with Hamlet
omitted. Again, hear Baker's evidence—the
Brigade-General of another of these civil "
He receives orders from his " superior
officers. tie orders " his men to march,"
right shoulder forward." The columns
4, march" and halt " simultaneously ; one
attacks the front—the other turns the left
flank; and another encloses the rear. The
people are the " mob," the " enemy," " ruf-
fians," and " rebels." But the policemen are

" my men," ig my force," 44 my lads," 44 my
division." Before the attack is made on the
ragged paling, anti the ragged flags are taken by
storm, the speeches of Nelson and Bonaparte
are imitated : " Every man is to do his duty
nobly,"—" Now, boys, we shall have some
warm work,"—" Go it, my lads ;" and again,
before the capture of the headless lances
and " -air-drawn daggers," Wellington at
Waterloo is parodied. " Now, my boys,
have at them." No wonder that great disap-
pointment should be expressed by the " force,"
that they were not " covered" with all the
" glory" they expected. No wonder that after
knocking down their own wives, and assaulting
porter-pots, bread-baskets, and baked shoulders
of mutton in their loyal determination to " clear
the ground," as well as every head and hat their
truncheons could uncrown or encounter, they
should lament as Alexander did that there were
no more worlds to conquer—that there were no
more heads to break—and that, in fact, the affair
" was not hal f a spree." So ended, to quote
Byron, this " tragi-comedy of bloodshed and
burlesque—of ferocity and fun ;" and we trust,
in the spirit of the concluding remark of the
jury, that such " disgraceful transactions will
never again be suffered to occur in this metro-
polis."—Morning Advertiser.

ROLLS' COURT, MAY 23.

HUGHES V. WYNNE.

In this cause, which has so frequently been before
the Court, a petition was this day presented by Miss
Emma Wynne, for the purpose of having a reference
to the Master to inquite what charges had been pro-
perly incurred by certain valuations which had been
made prior to a sale, by the order of the Court, of
the devised estate of which the petitioner was tenant
in tail in remainder; and also what proceedings
should be adopted for the purpose of compelling the
purchasers of some of the lots to complete their
contracts by payment of the purchase-money and
interest.

Mr. BICKERSTETII appeared for the petitioner.
The prayer of the petition was granted.
HIS HONOUR rose at three o'clock, having to attend
the Lords' Committee on the Chancery Regulation
Bill.

COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, MAY 23.

BROOKES V. PIRIE AND ANOTHER.

This was an action of trover brought by the plain-
tiff, as assignee of an insolvent, against the defen-
dants, late Sheriffs of London, to recover the value
of certain goods of the insolvent sold by the de-
fendants under an execution. The execution had
been issued at the suit of a creditor on a judgment
entered up on a warrant of attorney two days after
the insolvent had gone to prison, and the Sheriffs
sold the goods for 181., notwithstanding that the
property in them had become vested in the provi-
sional assignee by the operation of the Insolvent
Act. This, the Court decided, the Sheriffs had no
right to do, and consequently the jury returned a
verdict for the plaintiff for the value of the goods,
which they estimated at 80/. In the course of the
following term, after the trial, Mr. Sergeant Jones
obtained a rule to show cause why the verdict
should not be set aside, on the ground that the
action was not maintainable against the Sheriffs,
who, if liable at all, were only liable in an action for
money had and received to the plaintiff's use.
The question was argued to-day by Mr. Sergeant
ANDREWS in support of the verdicu, and by Mr. Ser.
geant JONES and Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD in reply.
Rule discharged.

COURT OF EXCHEQUER, MAY 23.

PENNELL V. THOMPSON

This was an action for a libel against the pub-
lisher of the Satirist Sunday newspaper, which was
tried in the Court of Common Pleas, when a ver-
dict was found for the plaintiff, with 1001. damages.
Mr. Hutchinson now moved in this Court, on be-
half of the plaintiff, for a rule to show cause why
proceedings should not be directed against the stile-
ties given for the defendant at the Stamp-office, to
recover the damages and costs.—Rule Nisi granted.