The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAX 16, 1846.

year there were only 24,000 tons imported into England,
whereas in the latter there were 62,000 tons. Coffee exhibited
the same results. The price of Ceylon coffee in 1840 was
from 90s. to 915., while in 1846 it was only 475. per
bag. The quantity imported in the first year was
55,000 bags, and in the last year 100,0:)0 bags.
During the last year, 43,533 lbs. had been imported. Well,
the attention of theewereot House,herart articles to
htowe had no desire t
hichheshouldlikeo
trespassto
direct
much further upon the attention of the House. Let them look
at the case of indigo, of salt, of iron, and of coals, in all of
which they would observe an universal development. Now he
wished to knew on what grounds corn was to be made an ex-
ception to the general rule S—( Hear, hear.) He wanted an
answer to that. He thought that it was as fair a question to ask
as could be conceived.—( Hear, hear.) Why was corn made an
exception to the rule ? Was it because corn was prod seed in
every country, and in every climate —( Hear, hear.) Now,
for example, he wanted to know where they c uld not produce
corn. They had recently received large quantities of that
article even from Persia ; there was no part in Persia in which
corn could not be produced at ss. per quarter. It was a mere
question of the cost of transporting, and he begged the country
to bear in mind that the progress of steam power in this country
was reducing the price of all articless that were capable of being
removed to the common level. Now, before he ventured to
estimate the consequences of this change, he might
state that he well knew that the case of foreign
cattle nad been urged. There was as slight a con-
nexion between corn and cattle as could possibly be con
ceiyed.—(Hear hear.) Why, in the first place, the continent
of Europe bad been a corn growing country long before
England was a corn growing country. lilted never been a
cattle growing country, and the very fact of th • Roman
Catholic religion, which had prevented the consumption of
meat, which prevailed in Protestant countries, led, in a great
measure, to that result. No one could contend that there were
in any part of the continent of Europe, such pastures as wi=re
to be seen in England? Then, again, let them look to the
danger and cost which attended the transmission of such an un-
m arkable article as a live beast. He was, therefore, obliged
to come to the conclusion that, to promote the manufactures
of this country, they were prepared to destroy all the agricul-
tural labour which had before existed in it. Now what would
be the consequences of such a step? The Right Hon. Baronet
rose in his place and said, " That England was not an agricul-
tural country—( Hear hear. )—and that it was a manufac-
turing country."—( Hear, bear.) That was a perfectly novel
argument. He believed on investigating the subject, that
England was not, as regarded her commerce as great
a cernmercial country at this moment as she had been
at previous periods of her history.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
Of course he did not mean to say that England, at this mo-
ment, had not increased commercial transactions to what she
had several years back ; but what he meant to contend was,
that when we took into account her increased population, there
had not been a corresponding increase in the amount and ex-
tent of her manufactures.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and " Oh,
oh." The Hon. Member might groan, but that was not the
way to answer his assertions.—(Hear, hear.) He believed
that, if they looked at the present manufactures of England,
they would find that she was lower in point of her commercial
importance than she had ever been. He said this unhesi-
tatingly. Looking at the number of people employed in the
manufactures of this country, England was lower in a com-
mercial point than she was an hundred years ago.—( Hear,
hear.) For instance, he would ask where were the manufac-
tures of the West of England, that flourished so much centu-
ries ago? The woollen manufacture of England was tar more
flourishing many years ago than it was at the present
moment ; and yet it was for this fluctuating and drooping com-
merce, that the agriculturists of Englard were to be deprived
of their rights, merely for the purpose of satisfying the desires
of the manufacturers of a single county. He contended that
agriculture had done far more to improve the mind of man and
the state of the country than ever manufacture bad done. In-
deed that had been admitted by most eminent manufacturers.
he poverty of the soil was such that it could only be made
productive by the use of artificial soil and manure. What
would have been the state of the fens of Lincoln if protection
had not existed ? They would have been mere waste fens and
plashy marshes.—( Loud cheers.) There were two or three
points which he did not intend to treat of at that hour of the
night, but which he would call to the memory of the House
before they came to vote upon he subject now before it. He
would merely glance at them, he would not presume to touch
upon them, having taken up so much of the time of the House
already. It was very well to talk of the Canadas in the
manner is which it bad been treated by some Hon. Members--
to talk of it as a matter of indifference to this
country whether it was annexed to Canada or not. He never
had been one of those who thought that Canada would never
be annexed to the United States. Canada had too much of the
elements of a great country within itself for that.- -( Cheers.)
He thought it was not the destiny of Canada to be annexed to
the United States.—( Hear, hear.) An Hon. Member, in
noticing the speech of his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn,
had stated that the commerce of Canada was nothing but a
mere smuggling trade, by way of Canada, to the United
States. That was his argument for keeping Canada. What
would be the condition of England in a commercial point of
view, if the whole of the transatlantic continent belonged to
one power ?—( Cheers.) He would not then dwell upon or
touch the case of Ireland. It was too terrible a subject, when a
Noble Lord, whose conversion was a subject of congratulation
to her Majesty's Government, had stated that this measure
would be fatal to the interests of the small farmers.—( Cheers. )
It was too terrible a thing, he expected,for him to contemplate,
when he knew that that nation was peculiarly a nation of small
farmers.—(Cheers.) But there was one observation with
reference to Ireland which he could not refrain from making The Honourable Member for Stockport (Mr. Cobden)
had stated in that House, and in other pieces, and
very recently, too, in that House, with considerable effect.
" that Ireland was an argument in favour of the corn-laws."
Of all the countries in the world he should never have ex-
pected that Ireland would be brought forward as an argument
in his favour, Did the Hon. Member mean to say that the
state of Ireland was an argument against protection ? There
was a population drives to the last source of human sub-
sistence. But how did they get these sources of subsistence
how did they get their potatoes ? By cultivating the earth, and
by producing oats and wheat, which they sent to England.—
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Glad would he be if the whew and
oats remained in Ireland for the consumption of the people.
And if the state of Ireland be so as be described it,
such must be the t ffects upon the markets of England.
If he was wrong in his calculations, they
might have a thousand answers and a thousand assump-
tions, founded on the vagaries of political economy. If he was
right in its effects upon the labour of the United Kingdom, he
wanted to know what would be the state of Ireland if they
ruined these manufacturers of the soil. It might be said that
these agricultural labourers would turn manufacturers. But
how long a time was to elapse before this would take place?
How long would it be before these manufactures would be
established in Ireland? Before these manufactures were es-
tablished they might perhaps see the drooping energies of the
Dorchester labourers paid with the same high wages as those
paid by the Honourable Member for Durham.—
( Cheers.) He did not believe that this measure could
change the character of that country as an agricultural one.
Believing as he did that these measures had a tendency to stop
the elements and springs of manufacturing industry and manu-
facturing prosperity—believing that it would have injurious ef-
fects on the distribution of the metals, on which he would not
now touch, and believing that it was calculated to bring aliou t
a domestic and social convulsion—he was obliged to ask him-
self whether the measure would not be perilous to the in-
terests of the country to pass this Bill.—(Cheers.) He needed
not to ask what so many gentlemen had already asked in the
wHaoautshee,
rad which so many
enintheatateandtpheerseoinrus had inquired
umstane circumstances
of it, wha
t
authorise this change.—( Cheers.) If they really were only a
commercial and manufacturing country, did not their com-
merce flourish, and were not their manufactures prosperous ?
And what, he wished to ask, did it signify that agri-
culture was doomed to pine and suffer in a country
which was no longer an agricultural one ?—( Hear, hear. )
A number of men had arisen, distinguished by their elo-
quence and their energy but more distinguished far their
eloquence and their energy than for their knowledge of
human nature or political science.—( Hear, hear.) He was
not one of those who either here or elsewhere, in public or in
private, had spoken with disrespect of that great commercial
confederation that sought to rule the country, although he dis-
approved of their doctrines, though he believed that they
would be as pernicions in the end to the manufacturing interest
as to all others, still he admired men of abilities convinced of
a great truth, proud of their strength, and in their energy
binding themselves together to obtain its triumph. The
country could only exist by free discussion. If once it was
suppressed, if once it was put down, why then liberty bail
vanished —( Cheers.) If they thought the opinions of the
Anti-Corn-law League deleterious, if they considered that
their system was founded on error, it was open in free countries
like England to oppose them with the same earnestness
to resist them with the same energy, and by all active
organisation also to devote themselves to the course
which they thought right. But a body of Gentlemen, able to
direct the affairs of the country, came forward to oppose these
doctrines, they place themselves at the head of a party, and
they climb and clamber into power— ( Hear, bear)—by braving
generally accepted distrust. It followed that the body who
aught to have been represented were asleep at their posts.
It was not for them to have come forward, it was not in human
nature to have done so. No, they had trusted to others.—
( Tremendous cheering.) They trusted to others, who, by
accepting the trust, or rather by challenging the doctrines,
had obtained the greatest places in the country.—( Hear. hear. )
The Right Hon. Gentleman, the first Minister of the Crown,
had told his friends that he had given them very significant
hints of his change ; he said that even last year Lord Grey
had found him out—( Tremendous cheering)—and he was sur-
prised they could have been so long mistaken. Of course no
observation of the Right Hon. Gentleman applied to him (Mr.
Disraeli), but he remembered when some years back he said pro-
tection appeared to him to be about in the same state as Pro-
testantism in 1828.—( Cheers.) And he remembered his
friends being very indignant with him for the expression ; how-
ever, they had since been so good as to say that instead of a ca-
lumny it was a prophecy—( Loud and continued cheering)—but
the Hon. Gentleman might congratulate himself on his com-
plete success in having deceived his party. And even the Noble
Lord, the Member for Lynn, himself, in a moment of frank
conversation, the other night, told him that, to the last moms nt,
he had not the slightest doubt of his fidelity.—( Hear, hear. )
The Noble Lord thought that the Right Hon. Baronet was
making—what was then a favourite word—the best bargain for
his party.—(Cheers.) When the Government of the Whigs
was rejected,the Right Hon. Baronet proposed some changes
which some thought suspicious, but all suspicion was hushed
because he could make the best bargain for his party. Well, who
had, he would like to know, the best part of the bargain now ?
And when the confidence of gentlemen was complete at
least no announcement had been made to them—gentlemen
had not been called together as was usual on such °elusions—
the fact was announced to the country through the columns of
a journal which was always careful never to insert important
information except on the highest authority.—(Tremendous
cheers.) Let them conceive the effect of the announcement on
demanding an explana-
tion, England,reign pr ianncde sh
he
and o foreignuld h e
bear
witnesscourts.
to it.
iwt.a wasthenHe
n eawb soefnat from
great
prince sending two ambassadors, and
there was not the slightest truth
All that time—he had mem-
bers and continued cheering.)
in
who
and he was aware of the aminbastshsedorasnnannuswneeermingenttt
w
'ls thenthem to declare that the announcement
Govern-
ment, anti encouraging
Governmentourna
devoted
dhtios
her
re
estyw'seregomgwas the conduct of her Majesty's j
in'. the Cabinet.—( Loud laugh-
ter.)baherosut
oftothtehej
who formed a glorious minorityentle an then met the House and
was an infamous Fabrication.—(Loud
-01-Ifotwheinf
leinniirers
The Right Hon. G
them. Who could forget those tones—who
Gentleman, The Hon.
looks and that indignant, mien?
continued Which
hav-
ing quoted a Latin passage,
and
his party, and acted as if they had desewrtheodeohuird
forget
dget notthohsee
i C rn-law league."
England by the means of an Ant - d
unless by the
That was a scene which could not be paralleied,
mean, " I am a protection Minister, mean to govern
conversion of the Saxons by Charlemagne—( Loud cheers)—
who followed him as a Costar when he went over to them, as
they were assembled on the banks of the Rhine, and were con-
verted by battalions, and baptised by platoons.—( Great
laughter.) When he saw the 112 fall into rank and file—
( Cheers and laughter)—he was irresistibly reminded of the
memorable incident on the banks of the Rhino. And now he
must say, in justice to the Right Hon. Gentleman—
(Laughter)—that he believed great, miscosteeptiou prevailed
with regard to hina.....(loatinued laughter.) We had hewn
',cased of altering his opinions, and of tang meditating the do..
eeptioas which he had now avowed. He (Mr. Disraeli) en-
tirely acquitted him of that intention, and he did it for this

reason. When he examined the career of that Minister, which
had extended over so long a period, and filled so great a space
in the political history of his country—when he looked back
upon his career for a period of 30 or 40 years since the days of
Mr. Horner, down to the Hon. Member for Stockport, the
Right Hon. Gentleman the first Minister of the Crown had
traded upon the ideas and the intelligence of others.--
Tremendous cheering.) His life had been a great appro-
priation clau*e.—( Tremendous cheers.) He was a burglar of
other men's intellects.—(Continued cheering.) From the
days of William the Conqueror, down to the present period, no
statesman had committed political petty larceny to *o great an
extent.—(Continued cheering.) He (Mr. Disraeli) believed
however, that when he undertook the advocacy of either cause
to which he attached himself, he was sincere in his support of
it, for having none of the sympathy which attaches men to the
advocacy of great principles, his sutip(Ot of them crumbled
away when opposing circumstances appeared to his conventional
mind to make a departure from them expedient. The Right
Hon Gentleman imbibed his present opinions as he did every
doctrine that presented a life-like, popular, and progressive ap-
pearance, ac he did those from Horner, and from every other
political leader—every doctrine, except that of Reform, whieN
the Whigs had allowed to attain to too great a maturity to fall
into the mouth of the Right Hoe. Baronet.—( Tremendous
cheers.) Every one, however was not effected in the same
dependedopinin s wvbei
rament or idiosyncrasy of the mind, and on the nature of the
re
yh
mthey foonr mt
eemr
Feaelitienrgatoiofnaisii:ktihned
ly
paneimal who had made the change.—( Great laughter.) The
entertained.wa y b y
striking
the course he now proposed to adopt, but his country ought to
Right Hon. Gentleman might not feel humiliated in following
feel humiliated. Was it so pleasing to the self-complacency of
so great a nation as this—was it so pleasing to a country like
England, that it should be said of one of its statesmen, as
Dean Swift said of another gentleman, " tha he was one who
had the perpetual misfortune of being mistaken ?"—( Great
laughter and cheers.) Now, in the last scene of the drama.
was he going to pass as his own what it was a matter of noto-
riety was not of his own invention. The project had been
offered to another Government before betook office, and by that
Government was rejected.—( Cheers. ) A gentleman of con-
siderable weight in that House had asked him (Mr Disraeli),
when these chan_ies were firs talked about, what bis opinion
was of the contemplated alterations?—in reply to whom he
said, " Oh, I suppose it is some
great and comprehensive plan
of the Right Hon. Baronet;"--( Great laughter)—to which
he replied " Oh, it is not his plan at all ; it is Hopkin's plan."
—( Cheers and laughter.) And was England, he would ask,
to be governed and c 'nvulsed by Hopkin's plan ?—( Great
laughter.) Would the Righ Hon. Baronet go to the country?
—( Cheers.) Would he appeal to the people? Would Eng-
land—that was governed by a Bolinbroke and a Walpole, a
Chatham and a Canning—submit to such a measure? He dill not
believe it. Those political pedlars who bought them up in the
cheapest market, and sold them in the dearest.—( Loud cheers.)
Notwithstanding the unfavourable opinion which he had formed
of the damaging effects on the English character, from beings
familiarised lately with political tergiversation—notwithstanding
that the people had become vitiated by the political gambling
of the present day—though he knew that all confidence in pub-
lic men was lost—still he had faith in the primitive and en-
during qualifies of the English character—(Loud cheers)—and
he believed they would regard the project with very different
feelings from those which the promoter of it anticipated.--
(Loud cheers.) It may be idle now to tell them in the spring
time of economic policy, that it would have the effect of in.
volving them in trouble, difficulties, and disaster ; but the time
would yet arrive, when chastened by misfortune, and sobered
into reason, they would remember not with unkindness the
predictions of those who were now endeavoering to avert their
calamities, and who did their utmost to prevent those measures
which were the pregnant cause of their evils from being carried
into effect.—(The Hon. Member sat down amidst loud
cheers.)

ottimwhfoihsoowidiutceegphsrahh,rithontad been just received did not furnish any symptom of
dissatisfaction. They did not appear to show that any insu-
perable objection existed to the alteration.—( Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Gentleman ended his speech by giving an account of the
declaring Baronet
iiHe
yauan.l
lwdld h
the
hteeohhees.bhti
mannerahatretnhe
i:,Rightdbisydu
in
tbnhj
oe.t. Honourable
belongho ni
we hohheu ora
wh(be
eler;ercoei
(Lord
Baronet adi
for
exclusively
eoj
many
noay eheatttnnoe
ydc
theam
yearse
R igi i
Russell)
Right
his
towardsinto
and
tnhdtohuhagitsh
ttchotel
the
colleagues
systeme s i
Rightn
oHofffio
protection
re.
0,
tßebeautrtiootnnhe at twcasaosmmee unjustpart
into
li o
powerfollowers.n'
having determined the same but four years ago. Whet, be
( Lord J. Russell) considered what that party was in 1841, not
one had reason to lament the disruption which had taken place.
—( Hear. ) He frankly confessed that he thought that there
was one defect in the great Conservative party of 1841. They
were in possession of great advantages—their machi • •
nery for
elections was wi
el arranged—they had candidates
ready for every
election—they had every means successfully to contest the con-
stituencies of the country, and in order to forward their interests
they had resort to fables to advance their views.—( Hear, hear. )
There was the fable of the Lichfield House
comfort, and
others of a similar character. Their fancy
invent these fables, and they were very ysuewce as turia ined
on tht oe
hustings in diminishing the majority of the Whig
the same time they pointed to their great tea,fer':a-irntybotalti
Houses of Parliament—to the glary of the Duke of Welling ton
as well as to the high charact rof the Right. Hon. Baronet to these as well to the useiul labours of the great runner of
their party. The one defect to which he had alluded, notwith-
standing all these advantages, was the want of some definite
object for which to contend.—( Hear, hear.) Party means
union of men for some great object of public welfare, such a
union did not exist. —( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman
who had spoken, said that the opinions of the party were very
openly, honestly, and decidedly expressed that protection to
native industry was bound up with the best interest
of the country. They expressed great fear of
the Roman Catholics—(Cries of " Oh! oh !")—and that
Protestant ascendancy or Protestant supremacy, as Lo-d
Stanley expressed it, should be maintained above all other in-
terests.—( Hear, hear.) But among the leaders. ss bile such
opinions prevailed, it was known that the Right Hon. B ronet
had sat under Mr. Huskisson, and wel known to be in favour
of the asstern of free trade, and against the system of protec-
ti in Those opinions with regard to free trade and protection
han led the Right lion Gentleman to the measure of 1842,
which hail led him in time to the measure of 1843. But then,
what was this great Conservative party ? What was it but a
union of men to turn out a party whom they disliked? He
did not wonder, therefore, that they had been disappointed in
what had taken place. He thought, too, that the Right Hon.
Gentleman was to blame. He thought he ought not to have
cautiously reserved his opinion, but that he ought to have
stated fully those principles on which he acted—principles
with which he (Lord John Russell) had little fault to find. It
was a fatal defect in the Conservative party to go on from
week to week, and from year to year, in a course of opposition
for the purpose of overthrowing a Government—risking
thereby the peace of Ireland and the tranquillity of the empire.
He could admire the cavaliers of 1645, who defended the
throne against Cromwell ; and he could admire theJacobines of
1745, who came forth in behalf of the Stuarts, against that
which he thought was the right cause, the house of Hanover.
He c, uld admire the chivalrous spirit and determined loyalty—
the adherence to settled opinions in those men who were engaged
in those two unfortunate causes. But when he came to that
cause which existed in 1845, he found such an absence of all
chivalrous feeling that he could not be surprised at the party
that supporting
cause having been misled. Those Hon. Gen-
tlemen who opposed this Bill believed that it would be injurious
to the country, and they had supported their views with much
talent. He, however, considered that it would be otherwise—
that it would tend to foster peace with other nations. Looking
to one of the greatest nations of the globe, he was happy to find
it was already influenced by feelings of amity and good-will to-
var.le this country; and when he read the speeches of Mr. Web-
ster and Mr. 'Calhoun. he forgot all those declarations which
hail lately been wafted from the other side of the Atlantic. He
trestedtbat her Majesty's Government would be enabled to ix
finally a limit to divide the dominions of her Majesty and those
of 'he United States, and he trusted that this measure would
make the two countries one vast. domain of wealth, as it were—
each to vie with the other, if they would—each endeavouring to
make their productions more perfect, so that we might clothe
the inhabitants of the United States while they fed us, and
. . . _

Lord J. RUSSELL said, that in rising to address the
House, after the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, he
should certainly feel considerable hesitation, if he thought tl:e
Hon Gentleman had been equally successful in his agricultural
views, as he was in his invective against the Minister; but he
could not fail to see that the Hon. Gentleman's talent consisted
in always dressing up and using invective against the Minister
instead of addressing himself to the Bill before the House. It
was their business that night to debate whether or not the
measure should be read a third time instead of hearing an
abuse of the Right Hon. Baronet. The Hon. Member was
there more as a spectator than a party conversant with the
subject. The Hon. Gentleman began by questioning the
abandoned arguments, as he called them, of the Right Hon.
Baronet. Now he did not think that the Right Hon. Gentle-
man's former arguments had failed, or that he had been lost in
alarm during them. Indeed a Noble Lord had read a letter to
the house, which had been written by one of his ancestors in
the year 1610 in support of protection to agriculture.
This was a question which was before both Houses of Par-
liament in 1840. It was introduced into the House of Lt rds
by Earl Fitzwilliam, and, upon two occasions, eleven Members
voted for the consideration of the question ; and in the House
of Commons they voted for a Committee for the same pur-
pose; and he (Lord J. Russell) thought at that time, that if
that object should be effected, and the New Peor-law carried.
a great difference might be made in the state of the country ;
and that that change could then with safety be made ;
and several members of the Cabinet were of the same
opinion ; but Lord Melbourne and several other
members of the Cabinet voted against any change. (The Noble
Lord then read an extract from the opinion expressed upon the
subject by Lord Melbourne, and which was to the effect that
his (Lord Melbourne's) opinion was that it was not expe-
dient to make any change, and that he would maintain exist
lc h
the a eta
whole of
Ctahbi innge ss
ith
own al
ds
not to tOlubtieeser. LdNeVree
sell) felt justified in entering into those details, because of
dlLatt,hetnh,atwinithlB7
propose a change in the corn-laws. Now, he (Lord J. Rus-
what had been said of the part he had taken in them, by
others in this House, during this debate.—( Hear, hear.) He
thought then, and he did still think, that a moderate fixed
duty would then have been the best change that could be
made in the laws of 1828. He was of that opinion when
protection was ingrafted in their law-books as wall as in
the habits and opinions of the people, and that therefore a
change should be made gradually; and he also thought tha
d.e Anti-Corn-law League would have been glad to accept a
fixed duty of Bs.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no.")
He had good authority for saying so, and he would state it.—
( Hear, hear.) Up to the commencement of last year, he
was still of the same opinion, and, after a fixed duty had been
agreed to and in force for a number of years, it could be
changed into free trade by a gradation which would be almost
imperceptible. But when the changes which had been pro-
po.ed had been resisted for a number of years, and
when the Anti-Corn-law League had debated the question of
free trade, and had made an impression upon the public mind
as to its necessity, and when the proposition, as to a moderate
fixed duty bad been so frequently rejected, then he did
think it would not be wise to adhere to a wish to persevere in
that project; and there was no precedent for doing so under
such circumstances, in the conduct of any Minister down to
the time when Huskisson acted the part he did in reference to
the Catholic question. Therefore up to last year, he (Lord J.
Russell) asked himself if there was any course to be adopted,
but that of a total repeal, which was likely to give satisfaction
to the country.—(
Hear. hear.) Had he been able to carry
the measure for a fixed duty, with the consent of the
Cabinet, and the acquiescence of the people, he would
have been proud of it ; but he was not anxious to
occupy the position of a Minister, who would afterwards be
compelled to have the prudence and wisdom of the measure
continually debated in this House.—( Hear, hear.) The
question now was, however, between the keeping up of
the present system of protection, or the total abolition of all
protection in the few years proposed by the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman. He ( Lord J. Russell) had not said that this was the
way in which he would wish to effect the change, because he
was for doing away with protection by means that
would not have any suddenness of character about it ;
but now. believing that the repeal of the corn-laws was
a right measure, he saw no other course left than to re-
, peal them, or keep up the present system of protection.
The Hon. Gentleman had made an assertion. He had made
the assertion that the corn-laws did not enhance the price of
corn, and he also and at the same time asserted that the power
of the community to purchase was increased. That which
the Hon. Gentleman had admitted was capable of proof, and
this admission strengthened the proof. He had, however,
given no proof of the pr position that the power of the people
to purchase was increased by the existence of the law. The
Hon. Gentleman had stated, indeed, that the prices of corn
would be ruinous to the small farmers.—( Hear, hear. )
And in giving these details of the apprehension which he felt
on a former occasion, he spoke of foreign markets from which
were to be derived immense supplies of corn. Let him (Lord
J. Russell) observe that in the first instance the Hon. Gentle-
man's argument entirely destroyed that to which he and many
others had all along limited themselves, and had relied their
main strength on it, vie., that protection upon corn ought to
be continued in order to make us independent of the produce
of foreign nations. He could understand that agreement
very well if all the corn came from one or two coun
tries, for it would quite warrant the apprehension that in
time of war we might run the danger of scarcity from the sup
plies being impeded. He had gone over in his mind this ques-
tion with regard to Russia and America, and other important
corn-trading countries, and had found that in the course of the
last century there were a very few years indeed—exce7t, perhaps,
with regard to America, in 1783—when we were at war with
any one of them. He was comforted by this discovery, and
would, therefore, depend in foreign countries without any ap-
prehension. The Hon. Gentleman, however, went fat tiler ;
he said that there were other countries from which we received
our supplies—Hungary, Spain, and Egypt—and yet he asked
the nation if it could calculate on supplies from them all?
What became of our independence of foreigners according to
that statement? There was no fear of this nation beco.ing
involved while it continued its maritime supremacy—if the
country maintained its maritime supremacy it would always
Corn would be furnished at
have a supply. The Hon. Gentleman told them that there
would be very low prices. and that
18s. per quarter, or perhaps 205. per quarter. The average
Creed wasto alarm
the the prospect of cheap bread
He a Earodspect
heard the
the people of this country.
S erset,hire state
prices had been from 40s. to 503 and be very much questioned
his Honourable Member for som
appre-
hension that
he Hon. Mem!. er for Shrewsbury was in
nothing, and now t
their butchers' stalls would fade to
more,
some alarm in respect of the baker's bill, and showed that
hread would be very cheap indeed. If they admitted large
and they would have much better He did not feel,
ectEnutrioonpesainn
quantities of corn they would have the
,poedople consuming
therefore, any of the apprehension which the Hon. Gentleman
entertained, for he thought that some years hence great quan-
athndi, Ame'
market
quan-
tities of corn would be brought into this country in expecta-
tion of the prices which could be realised, but there would not
be any depression to affect the agriculture of this country.
The Hon. Gentleman had spoken of slight fluctuations in this
market. He (Lord J. Russell) would not compare the
rt.
cflaunctumaatiroknestsw. hicwhithhadregoacrcrtroedthine
they had been very great and the prices very high. In
January, 1838, the price of wheat was 545. 4d. per quarter,
and in December in the same year it was 78s. In 1839 it
was 81s. 6d., in January, and in October it was 655. In this
fluctuation of two years was there net sufficient reason for the
Government to consider that the admission of foreign corn
would benefit the people ? Let them look at the prices which
existed during the last century after the admission of
foreign corn. In 1763, when this country ceased
to be an exporting country, and began to import, he found that
Mr. Burke, in a pamphlet, said that the people had no great
reason to complain of the priee of bread, because for some
years past corn had varied from 325. to 408. per quarter. If
they took the 34 years from 1750 to 1784, the price of wheat
averaged 455. per quarter ; that was not complained of, and in
1791 it was propoed to raise the prices. His belief was that
the high prices of the war, and the depreciation which had
taken place in the currency had altered their notions, and
made them support the high price for grain—a higher price
to the consumer than he was able to afford. Look
also to the question as it regarded manufactures and corn.
Why the price of manufactured fabrics had fallen two-thirds
in price ; corn had risen 20 per cent.—( Hear, hear.) This
was a reason why they should not exclude foreign corn ; a
reason why they should no longer keep up a law,
to keep up
by a restrictive law the price of this important neces'ary of
life.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentlemen, the Member for
Shrewsbury, had spoken of an important principle. Exeept_
ing that the principle was the maintain' at of the corn-laws, he
(Lord John Russell) knew not what it meant. Then he went
to the colonies. He considered that the colonies would not
suffer from this pleasure, while they had already enjoyed
great advantage from the e"enflansesit of the differential
duties.—(Hear, hear.) lie thought the colonies would
not be sorry to see this restrictive system abrogated.—
' (Cries of " Hear, beer.") And as for Canada, the accounts

hen there would be no cause to fear that British and American

bayonets should ever be crossed upon any battle field what-
ever. With these views, hoping that this Bill would go to the
House of Lords with a large majority from that House, he
should give the measure his hearty support.—( Loud cheers. )
Sir ROBERT PEEL said—Sir, I believe it is now nearly
three months since I first proposed, as the orga-i of her Ma-
jesty's Government, that measure which I trust is about to re-
ceive this night the final sanction of the House of Commons ;
arid considering, Sir, the lapse of time, and considering the
frequent discussions, and considering the anxiety of the people
of this country that the debate should be brought to a close, I
feel I should be only offering an insult to this House—that I
should be offering an insult to this country, if I condescended
to bandy personalities on the present occasion.—(Cheers.) Sir,
I saw that the cause which I have taken• from a sense of public
duty, would expose me to serious sacrifices—sacrifices which
were inevitable, and almost impossible to avert. I foresaw that
I must forfeit personal friendships, which I had long cherished—
that I might break up political relations which long existed,
and which I highly valued and esteemed, but the smallest penalty
I anticipated was the continued venomous attack of the Hon.
Member for Shrewsbury.—( Renewed cheers ) I will on), say,
that if the Hon. Gentleman, after reviewing the whole
of my conduct during a li!e of thirty years previous to my
accession to office, in 1841, then entertained the opinion
of me which he now professes—if he thought I was guilty of
those petty larcenies from Mr. Horner and some others, it is
surprising that, in 1841, after the long experience he had had
of my public career, that he should be prepared to give me his
confidence—that he should be willing and ready to unite his
fortunes with me in office—( Loud cheers)—which is. I think,
the strongess proof a public man can have of the confidence
reposed in his honour and integrity.—( Hear, hear. 1 I have,
at other times, explained, more than is usual, what were the
circumstances %latch rendered it necessary for me to propose
this measure—that I felt that there was apprehension of a
scarcity and a famine in Ireland.—(Cries of " No, no" from
the protectionist benches.) lam stating what were my ap-
prehensions at the time, and what were the motives which
created those apprehensions—which, if they are denied now, at
least they were shared by Honourable Gentlemen who sit
upon both aides of the House.--k Cries of " Hear, hear.")
The Hon. Member who has recently taken his seat in this
House, and who spoke with great ability the other night, the
Member for Donut-shire (Mr. Seymer)—(Hear, hear)—dis-
tinctly declared that he thought i should have abandoned my
duty, if I had not advised that, considering the circumstances
of Ireland, the restrictions upon the importation of foreign
corn into this country should be removed.—( Hear, hear.) I
may have been wrong, but my first impression was, that duty
towards a country threatened by famine required that that
which had been the ordinary remedy, under all similar circum-
stances, should be resorted to—namely, that there should be a
free access to the food of man, from whatever quarter it might
come.—( Hear, hear.) I gave that proof which public men
are generally required to give of the sincerity of their opinions,
by tendering my resignation of office.—( Hear, hear ; cries of
" Oh, oh," from the protectionists; followed by cheers from
the Opposition.) It devolved upon me, as the first duty, to
propose this measure.--( Hear, hear.) And, Sir, I felt that
if these laws were once suspended, and that there was an un-
limited access to the food produced in other eountries, I, and
those with whom I acted, felt the strongest conviction that it
was not for the public interest, and that it was not for the in-
terest of the agricultural patty, that an attempt should be made
to re-assume the restrictions upon the importation of foreign
corn.—( Hear, hear.) I could not propose the re-establish-
ment of the existing law with any guarantee for its perma-
nence. As the NebleLord says, I united with Mr. Huskisson in
the years 1824, 1825, and 1826, in revising these laws. In
1842, after my accession to office, I proposed a revision of the
corn-laws. Had nothing taken place from the election in 1841
which precluded that revision? Was there public assurance
to the people of this ceentry at the election of 1841 that the
existing amount et protection to agriculture should remain ?
—( Cries of " Yes, yes," from an Hen. Member on the protec-
tionist benches.) There was, was there ? (Laughter.)
Then, if there was, you were as guilty as I was.---( Loud
cheers.) It was agreed that the amount of protection to
agricul'ure, that existed in 1840, and 1841, should
be retained, and a revision should have been made in
the existing laws. Why was the removal of the prohibition
on the importation on foreign cattle consented to ?—( Hear,
hear.) Tnat removal must have been utterly at variance with
any assurance that the protection to agriculture that existed in
1840, and 1841, should be retained.—( Hear, hear.) After
the Bill of 1842, was I not repeatedly asked this question?
" Now that you have passed this Bitt of 1842, establishing
a new corn-law, will you give a public assurance that
that law shall at all times remain unaltered ?"—( Hear, hear. )
And did not 1 uniformly decline to give such an assurance?—
(" No, no," and cheers.) Did I not say that I had no inten
tion of proposing any alteration of that law —( Cheers)—and
when the question was put to me, I distinctly declare that I
would not fetter my discretion ?—(" Oh, oh," and cheers. )
Then it was impossible for me to propose, consistently with my
own convictions, after the opening of the ports, the re-esta-
blishment of the existing law. The question then naturally
arose, whether we should propose some diminished protection
to agriurlttrinreent or
of whether proposeouAldfterallthe debate
some
ulti-
mateate e
which I have heard upon this question, I am
firmly convinced that it is better for the agricultural interest to
s'te the
question.e sh
contemplate a final settlement of the question rather than to
propose a law giving a diminished protection. My belief is
that a diminished protection would not conciliate the agricul-
tural feelings. It would be of no avail unless the amount
were very greatly diminished, and such a proposition would
have met with as severe an opposition as a final settlement ;
and this I must say, that nothing could be so disadvantageous
as to give an ineffectual protection, and yet incur all the odium
attaching to such a law.—( Cheers.) I have li tened, with
scarcely an exception, to every speech which has been made
upon this subject, and I confess, admitting the talent displayed,
they have in no respect altered the condition on the subject.
( Some interruption here arose on the part of the proctectionists.)
( The Right Hon. Baronet made some remark, which was
inaudible, but which we understood, complained of this inter-
ruption.) The Right Hon. Baronet then went on to say, I
will assign a reason why the arguments I have heard have not
shaken my opinions. I have been told that it was possible to
continue this duty after this temporary suspension, but I am
now assuming this temporary suspension had taken place, for
it would have been shown after three years. During the con-
tinuance of abundant, or at least average harvests, that then
it had failed to effect its object; and that would, in addition to
the state of public feeling with reference to the restriction
upon imports generally, it would have lately added to the final
settlement, if it could be shown, that with reference to the case
of Ireland, the working of the law, so far as Great Britain is
concerned, has not been satisfactory, he would have had to
contend, not merely with adifficulty arising from a suspension on
account of the ease of Ireland. But it will be shown,
as it now would be shown, that the rate of duty is high on ac-
count of the apparent lowness in the price of corn, that low-
ness of price arising from the deficient quality in the crop.—
mar
that
greater disparities in the leading articles of the s
(Cheers) It will havebeen shown conclusively that thee
r ar
in the country, in point of price of corn of theprincihighet.st qualities
and lowest qualities, than existed at any former period. It
, would have been proved that there nevi's- was a greater than
there has been during the present year of wheat of the high ,
qualities, for the purpose of mixing with wheat of an inferior
quality. It would have been shown that had there been wheat
of a higher quality, the whole population of this country would
for the last four months have beten consuming bread of a bet-
ter quality than that which they hail had. When you
proposed an:arrangement of the existing law, you would have
had to contend with greater difficulties than you now
have, I think you might have had a majority in favour of the
continuance of these laws notwithstanoing the enormous diffi-
culty, for some short time longer. I believe that the interval
of this maintenance would have been short. There would,
during that time, have sprung up a desperate conflict between
different classes of society. The arguments would he unheeded,
and you might have had no alternative bat to repeal at an early
period, when the cycle of unfavourable harvests came round ;
have
come? who can give any assurance that that time would not
come? You would then have bad no alternative, I say, but to
concede the alteration of these laws under e
Hon.ireumsk. or anmeeh*for
Dersetshire said that they could haveinfo
nitely lets favourable to yourselves
their own weapons —weapons whichone do not defend,
forh
but which I sincerely reprebate—assaely the making of
faggot votes, and
the landed interest would have greater facility
for the manufacture of these votes.
Well, then, what
foughtTe the League with