The Sun.
London, England, 1846-11-25 00:00:00

THE NEXT VOLUME OF

THE STANDARD ^ NOVELS AND RO-
M kNCES.

Europe which can alone guarantee its tranquillity ;
we are struggling to prevent the retrogression of the
continental principalities to the days of their old sub-
jection ; we are struggling in the cause of
freedom, and for the spread of liberal jurisdiction.
By an imperial decree, signed by FERDINAND and
counter-signed by the High Chancellor, FRANCOIS
Baron DE PILLERSDORFF, the villanous spoliation of
Cracow and its dependencies is officially announced.
After a preamble commenting upon the insurrec-
tionary movement of February last, and insinuating
that it was in some measure associated with " the
tranquil inhabitants of the city of Cracow," his Im-
perial, Royal, and Apostolic Majesty has the com.
summate coolness to say, " WHEREFORE we take
possession of the said city and territory of Cracow !"
Never were the solemn stipulations of a treaty con-
cluded between eight such nations as England, France,
Austria, Russia, Prussia, Spain, Sweden, and Por-
tugal, broken with such insolent and contemptuous
audacity. Never since the appearance of the puissant
adventurer, RonoLrn of Hapsburg—not even in the
monster perfidy of 1772, 1793, and 1795—has the
Austrian power been so basely exerted, and exerted,
moreover, with such an air of unkingly braggadocio,
It is certain, however, that the despotic Govern-
ments of the north would never have dared to p:r-
petrate a political crime of such magnitude had not
a most seductive opportunity just now presented
itself. That deplorable opportunity, to which alone
this annexation of Cracow is attributable,
has originated exclusively from the avarice and
faithlessness of our Gallic neighbour. By the Mont-
pensier marriage—a marriage solemnized in defiance
of the sacred engagements of Plume of Orleans
and in opposition to the reiterated protests of the
English Government—Louis PHILIPPE has entailed
upon Europe a lengthened catalogue of sufferings and
difficulties. For his own family aggrandisement, for
the lawless extension of his dynastic influence,
for the emolument and elevation of his own children,
that illustrious but misguided SOVEREIGN has set an
example of political perfidy which other Governments
have not been slow to imitate. If Austria and her
accomplices, Russia and Prussia, have violated the
Treaty of Vienna, France had already torn that of
Utrecht to ribbons. If FERDINAND has aimed at his
own aggrandisement, and in doing so has derided the
indignation of other states, Louis PHILIPPE has
done in like manner, notwithstanding the avowed dis-
pleasure of a friendly people. If the Emperor of
AUSTRIA and King of HUNGARY and BOHEMIA has
obliged the "tranquil inhabitants" of Cracow to pay
homage to his representative, Count MAURICE DE
DBYME, the King of the FRENCH and of the Barricades,
had long before harnessed the unoffending population
of Spain to the bridal chariot of the Due de MONT..
PENSIER, and had virtually appointed the Count DE
BRESSON as his viceroy in the Peninsula. France may
protest against the infamous annexation of Cracow,
but the Austrians may contumeliously throw that
protestation back in her teeth. France may com-
plain of the infraction'of the compact of 1815, but
the Northern Powers may point derisively to her
own infraction of the compact of 1713. France may
utter a remonstrance, but that remonstrance will be
necessarily feeble from the very consciousness of her
own culpability. She cannot co-operate at this im-
portant crisis with Great Britain ; the entente cor-
diale is broken, the friendship of the two great na-
tions is interrupted, the hope of their immediate and
permanent alliance does not exist.

death-warrant of the Association. Of this there
cannot he the slightest doubt in any rational mind.
We rejoice, therefore, that Mr. O'CONNELL will not
" adopt the crude schemes and blustering violence of
men who, as yet at least, have achieved no victory,
and cannot point out any conquest."
By the latest intelligence, the state of Ireland ge-
nerally continues to be progressing as favourably as
we could reasonably expect. The price of food has
undergone a further reduction, and importations on
an extended scale are daily taking place. Labour for
the poor is now more easily secured ; fair wages are
gained, and a spirit of contentment is rapidly diffus-
ing itself among the labouring classes. The accounts
from Cork are most cheerful. Drainage is being
carried on in the districts of that county, under the
auspices of public officers, with the greatest vigour,
and with every promise of ultimate and abun-
dant recompense. Whilst, however, this improvement is
manifesting itself amongst those whose severe priva-
tions required prompt relief, and without which public
tranquillity would have been seriously compromised,
the small landlords are growing uneasy at the ex-
penditure incurred in the prosecution of works which
are not of the most useful or remunerative character.
They seem to forget that it was the first duty of the
Government to see that the people were not left to
starve, and also that by themselves, from the sudden-
ness and extent of the national calamity, and their
want of capital, little or nothing could be effected
with sufficient alacrity to mitigate the suffer-
ings of the famishing poor. A vast debt of
gratitude is owing to the Government
for having hitherto preserved the public peace, by
furnishing food and employment for the thousands
upon thousands who were suddenly reduced to the
brink of despair. Had this not been done, no man's
property would have been safe. Landlords can now
turn their attention with greater advantage as to the
best means by which, either by a well-extended
scheme of voluntary relief, or by a judicious and co-
operative prosecution of reproductive undertakings,
they can diminish the hitherto large, but forced ex-
penditure, under the authority of the Board of
Public Works. This could not have been done
before. The danger of a general outbreak
was imminent, and not a moment was to
be lost. Undoubtedly, the proviso of Mr. Laßou-
CHERE, requiring unanimity in the different landed
proprietors, where money was desired to be appropri-
ated to productive operations, has grievously ham-
pered the intelligent, politic, and benevolent inten-
tions of a large number of extensive owners of land.
The evil tendency of this and other regulations has
been clearly unfolded in the memorial addressed to
the Lord-Lieutenant by the Agricultural Society.
The following extract is worthy of notice
" To obviate these difficulties, and to carry out the
principle which your Excellency has so wisely recog-
nised, viz., that the amount of taxation necessary to
meet the present emergency shall be expended upon re-
productive works, your memorialists respectfully submit
that each proprietor, or combination of two or more
proprietors, who may be willing to charge their propor-
tion of the rate for employing the poor, upon any parti-
cular land to be improved thereby, shall be entitled to
have it expended on such land, and be relieved to that ex-
tent from the payment of rate; and that the works so to
be undertaken need not be confined to drainage or sub-
soiling, but may include works of a reproductive nature;
suited to the wants of the locality for which they are
proposed, provided only that such works meet with the
approbation of the Board of Public Works."

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The suggestion herein made is based on a fair prin-
ciple, and we dare say will be favourably entertained
by the Executive. It puts the saddle upon the right
horse. Those who have been absent, and neglected
their tenantry, will indirectly be made to feel that they
cannot continue such neglect with impunity. The resi-
dent frugal and painstaking landlord will not, upon the
principle recommended, be unjustly mulcted for the
improvidence and supineness of his neighbouring
proprietor. All these things will quickly find their
proper level. The marvel is that the social condition
of Ireland has not been more out of joint.

Notwithstanding these remarkable and unfortunate
obstacles, protests must be forwarded to St. Peters-
burgh, to Vienna, and to Berlin—humanity calls for
these protests, civilisation:calls for them, freedom and
the people are vociferous in the demand. Unless
some signal example be made, the violation of treaties
will be an everyday occurrence, the domination of
physical strength over moral rights will become the
predominant principle in European legislation, the
boundaries of nations will depend upon the capricious
dictates of avarice or ambition. Unless some start-
ling step be taken, unless some portentous attitude
be assumed, unless England and Ber colleagues are
unanimous in upholding the liberal institution
of their brother man, the prerogatives and
immunities hitherto sustained in this

We extract the following from a Berlin letter dated
Nov. 10 :

"The news of the occupation of Cracow, which has
been circulated in this city, has produced the liveliest
sensation throughout the entire population, and espe-
cially among the middle classes. It is said that the
Government, in order to mollify the effect of this act,
proposes calling together the States General in the
month of February, but it is not yet known whether that
is to be at Berlin or at Brandenburg. It is the first
time of the States being convoked, and it is txpected
that when 500 representatives shall be assembled toge-
ther. they will not separate witha.t —.4 a

sphere will be shaken to their founda-
tions, the baleful effects of tyranny and feudalism
will be again experienced, the talisman which has
heretofore secured us peace will be broken in twain.
The neutrality of Belgium is implicated in the
oennteu imutraiity of uractiw the integrity thp
German constitutions is implicated in the derided
integrity of the Cracovian republic. From
the Austrian seizure of that luckless city, the Northern
Powers may, by a natural sequence of events, proceed
to the Russian seizure of Constantinople. The
Western empires must bestir themselves ; they must
maintain the cause of liberality from which they have
derived such incalculable blessings, and repulse the
despotic advances of the Prussian, the Austrian, and
the Russian.

The King of DENMARK has just published an edict
relative to the liberty of trade with China. This do-
cument declares that the exclusive privilege which
the Danish Asiatic Company has enjoyed from the
Danish Government since March 21, 1792, and which
was renewed on January 29, 1822, having expired,
such trade is at present free. The KING received
large sums annually from the persons to whom this
privilege was granted.

Our interference at this moment will be no Quix
otic enterprise in behalf of some half-dozen Polish
burgomasters. In protesting against the execrable
spoliation of the Cracovian republic, we shall be advo-

Madrid papers of the 17th have arrived. The.
contain no intelligence of interest.

MADRID BOLSA, Nov. 17.—The Three per Cents.,
34 for cash ; the Four per Cents., 201 ; Five per
Cents. at 51- paper ; Coupons, 194 ; Passive, 6 ;
Exchange ou London, 361 cash.

..... -
eating the cause of the helpless oppressed—we
shall be insisting upon the obedience of nations
to the articles of a treaty—we shall be
insuring the continuance of the balance of
power in Europe—we shall be cherishing the
germs of regeneration in future days and among
distant people. The three great dynasties of the
North are excavating the ground beneath their feet.
Let them tarry in their wholesale; aggressions. Europe
warns them from the West. By such heinous in-
fringements upon the political rights of the times, and
such monstrous proceedings as this annexation of
Cracow, the kingdom they had dismembered years
ago, may be evoked from its ashes, and the wrongs of
Poland may call upon their perpetrators a terrible
vengeance.

We have received the Paris papers of Monday.
If we are to trust to the information of the Cour-
rier Francais, King Louts PHILIPPE is getting
alarmed at the unwonted energy exhibited by M.
GUIZOT in preparing to at once carry out his
protest against the annexation of Cracow, and that
a Mole Ministry may shortly be expected to be inau-
garated in office. Count MOLE has hitherto been the
staunch alvocate of an intimate alliance with Russia.
Such an alliance we believe would now be scarcely
tolerated by the people of France, after the contempt
which Russia has shown for French interests and
French feelings in the affair of Cracow.
The following is article from the Courtier Francais
to which we allude
vve are, it appears, in a decided Ministerial crisis.
On reading this single line in the Partefeuille—' Count
Mo!e had yesterday a long conference with the King'—
we sought information, and learnt that the pacific M.
Guizor, in order to meet the aceinations of Lord Pal-
merston, wished to commit follies—to take Laudau,
fortify Haninguen, pass the bridge of Kehl, and so go
on. Then it was that Count Mo!e was called in, as M.
Guizot was no longer a possible Minister either for the
north or the west; and it was found most convenient
for maintaining the system to change the Ministry. Will
Count Mo'e go towards England or towards one of the
Northern Courts? It is said that thg visit of Lord Nor-
manby to Champlatreux may have changed the opinions
of Count Mo'ti with regard to England. But what will
become of Poland between Lord Palmerston and Count
Mole?"

Mr. O'CONNELL is unbending in his resolution to
keep aloof from Young Ireland. He leaves them
without a loophole. No reunion between the dis-
sentient fortes can take place, short of an absolute
renunciation on the part of Young Ireland of their
" physical force" principle. From a letter, written
by Dr. BLAKE, the Bishop of Dromore, and read the
(lay before yesterday at the meeting of the Repeal
Association, it is evident that many of the tried
and devoted admirers of Mr. O'CoririEnn are anxious
that the seceders should be rendered sensible of the
erroneous policy they are pursuing, and return
to Conciliation Hall. Disunion is always a
source of weakness. But, we conceive that,
as there is no rule without an excep-
tion, so the Repeal Association has been considerably
strengthened by the severance of Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN
and his coadjutors. This strength has been derived,
first, from the excellence of the principle of moral
force as distinguished from the detestable doctrine
propounded by the recusant party, and, next, from
the insignificant number of those who have repudi-
ated the peaceful policy of the Liberator. Again, it
was formerly frequently urged against Mr. O'CON-
NELL that he was not sincere in his advocacy of pur-
suing various public objects by legal
and constitutional means alone. The proceedings
of the disaffected portion of the repealers
have afforded Mr. O'CONNELL an opportunity of de-
monstrating how unswerving is his fidelity to the
principle of peace. By the bold stand he made on
this point, and at a moment, too, when it was un-
certain how far the reckless policy of Young Ireland
might have been expanded, and at a crisis, more-
over, when, by reason of the feeling of almost
absolute despair that pervaded the minds of an
excitable people, menaced with the horrors of
famine, the slightest leanings by the Liberator
towards the physical force doctrine, might have
engulphed all Ireland in the vortex of civil re-
bellion—by the bold part which Mr. O'CONNELL
has thus assumed from the first; and still
firmly presents, he has rivetted his claims
upon the confidence of millions of his countrymen,
by whom all his efforts for political amelioration have
for sears been ardently seconded.
On Monday Mr. O'CONNELL read his long
and able report upon the resolutions published
in Cork, which called upon the Association
to alter the terms of its resolutions of the

t is evident that a Ministerial crisis is at hand in
France, and if Count MOLE should come into office
upon the pair a lout prix principle and sacrifice, not
only Poland, but the rights which France has just
acquired by the violation by the Northern Powers
of the Treaty of Vienna, he will find himself
in precisely the same position in which he was
placed in 1840, opposed not only by the great bulk
of the French people, but by all the great
leaders of party, by M. GUIZOT, by M. ODILON
BARROT,
The following article from the Constitutionnel, which
and last, though not least, by M. TRIERS.
is, according to report, from the pen of M. TRIERS,
and may be looked upon as his programme of policy,
is valuable, not only as being the manifesto of the
chief of a great and influential party, but as showing
to both France and England the terms upon which
an honourable and safe alliance may be constructed
between, and maintained by, the two nations :
".The resolution of the three Northern Powers to
act,' says the Constitutionnel, without our consent in
the affair of Cracow has caused astonishment to our
Cabinet. For our own
parts we have felt no surprise
at the inflexible antipathy manifested towards us by
the absolute powers. We have never deceived ourselves
as to the aversion with which revolutionary France has
inspired them. The fact, however, much it may be to
be regretted, has always appeared too evident. The
efforts which our Government has made to extinguish
a liberal spirit in France, and the half success of which
it boasts, have rather encouraged then weakened the
hostility of the Northern Courts. They only see in us
a revolutionary Government ashamed of being so ; but
that shame does not efface the crime. With regard to
the question of Cracow, we can comprehend that Aus-
tria, desirous to realise, by the acquisition of that city,
her pretensions of 1915, may have forgotten the reasons
she had for mistrusting the solicitations of Russia, who
will make her pay, sooner or later, a hundredfold, on the
lower Danube. But Prussia ought to know that any-
thing which tends to strengthen the Muscovite power in
the Duchy of Warsaw hastens the day when Russian
ambition will become threatening to Prussia herself.
The complete annihilation of Poland was not necessary
to maintain the peaceful obedience of the Grand Duchy
of Posen ; for in the last insurrection the Poles were
seen to throw themselves voluntarily into the arms of
Prussia, who appeared to protest against the massacres

13th of July last, by which the doors of Con-
ciliation Hall were closed against the adherents of
physical force. The report was received with accla-

illation. It sets forth that the slightest concession to

he seceders would be tantamount to signing the

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, NO 25, 1846.

in Austrian _Galicia. She must know, besides, that the
annihilation of Poland throws down the fi:st barrier
between Russia and the West, and that whenever the
torrent breaks its bounds Prussia would be the first suf-
ferer. The common hatred, however, of the three
Governments against our revolution has decided them in
taking the resolution they have adopted.
" This state of things, properly understood, will of it-
self explain the utility and possible grandeur of the
alliance between France and England. We are aware.
however, of the difficulties which stand in the way of
such an alliance. We know that ten years of faults have
obscured this question, so clear, however, since 1830. In
1836 the alliance was broken from a fear of executing
the most politic of interventions ; in 1839 it was broken
by making ourselves ultra-Egyptians, which, however,
would have been comprehensible if we had gone on to
the end. England has passed successively from friend-
ship to distrust, and from distrust to hostility. It was
attempted, indeed, in 1840, to bring together abruptly
the two separated nations ; but in France, since, their
pleasure seems to have been taken in exciting lively
susceptibilities. Nothing, in fact, rendered necessary
the signing of the treaty of the right of visit—a
treaty more than useless—or the ridiculous conquest
of the barren rocks of the Marquesas. More than
four years have been taken up with the passionate de-
bates• caused on both sides of the channel by these
subjects. These gratuitous faults have rendered the
alliance difficult and rather unpopular in both countries;
but they do not prevent their good intelligence from be-
coming, in the present state of the world, the true
guarantee of peace and liberty. It is objected that the
two nations are rivals at sea. This point cannot be
contested. But a grand rivalry does not prevent alli-
ances. It will not be denied that France and Austria
were rivals on the Continent in the last century, and
yet France was allied with Austria. It is to the free-
dom of action which this alliance gave that we must
attribute the fine war which France was able to carry
on in America against England, Besides, we must see
whether in the mode of appreciating this rivalry the
souvenir of the past does not play a more extensive
part than the study of the present. If, indeed, the
question were now, as formerly, a struggle for the
possession of India, without doubt the interests of
the two countries would be irreconcilable ; but the
question of India is solved, and our greatest colo-
nial interests are now in Africa, the prosperity of
which is to be best assured by a long peace with
England. The two nations having made the reasonable
concession, one of India, the other of Africa, their
maritime rivalry is, for the present at least, more ap-
parent than real, Now is there anybody in France who
has an idea of sending out squadrons and an army to
attempt the conquest of British India ? Is there, on
the other hand, an intelligent Englishman who does not
comprehend that Algeria, where the presence of 50,000
men in times of calm, and of 100,000 in disturbed times
is necessary, can only be possessed, colonised, and de-
fended by the interest of the continental powers in men
and money ? If a conflict were to take place between
France and England, we would strike the most terrible
blows at English commerce, and England could gravely
compromise our possession of Africa ; but what true
profit would either France or England derive from such
a war ? In the present state of things the two countries
could do each other great injury, without either being
able to take from the other anything that it has great in-
terest in acquiring. On the contrary, let us turn our eyes
to the Continent. There the interests of the two nations,
which in the time of the Empire were divided, are
now nearly identical. Both have an equal interest in the
maintenance of distinct nationalities, the independence
of nations, and the equilibrium of Governments. It is
no longer France that menaces the independence of the
Continent; our Government is, unfortunately, very far
from those days of grandeur; the menace comes from
another point. The treaties of Vienna, which were
drawn up against us, have just been scandalously torn
up, to the profit of the absolute powers. England is
particularly anxious for the equilibrium of Europe;
France is, above all, attached to the cause of liberty.
The peril is now equal for liberty and for the equilibrium
of Europe. Justice and the common interest of France
and England require that the nationality of Poland
should subsist, that the free towns should be respected,
that the German constitutions should not be illusory,
that neutralities should not be violated, that Belgium
should remain free and neutral, that Switzerland
should throw off the ultramontane yoke, and
be no longer in hourly dread of intervention,
and that Italy should not be slowly conquered
by oppression. All these secondary nations which sur-
round and separate the great Powers are the allies of
liberty for France, and the guarantees of the peace of
the continent for England. When the absolute Sove-
reigns coalesce against the west, England sees Europe
leaning on one side ; when a nation falls, when a liberty
perishes, it is a battle lost for France. The interests of
the two nations become equally mixed up when the
inland seas of Europe aro in question. The free pas-
sage of the Sound and of the Dardanelles, which com-
mand the navigation of the North and Mediterranean
Seas, equally interest France and England. When it is
necessary to protect Constantinople against a slow but
inflexible ambition, and to prevent one day a sudden
notification being given to the two Governments of some
fresh act of usurpation towards the east, the rivality is
not between France and England. A good under-
standing is not, therefore, impossible between the two
countries, although it has its difficulties. It might be
glorious; both have to struggle against the aggressions
of the absolute powers. Are there not, moreover, be-
tween France and England other points of contact besides
interests ? The two nations are united by a communit%
of principles. Both have established, as the basis of
their social state, that there is in the world another right
besides the divine .40" I"" ”"."' ri"si•
iney nave given this example to every nation, and
henceforth render more easy the enfranchisement of
Europe ; it may be said that they have paid by two
revolutions for the liberty of nations. We have en-
tered after England on this road, but we advance more
quickly, and we abridge, so to speak, her history. Is it
not a noble task to defend by a common accord the
cause of liberty and civilisation ? Generous sentiments
have a great influence on the resolutions of the two
people. The nationality of Poland certainly is not
less worthy of inspiring elevated minds than tne eman-
cipation of negroes. When one nation dies under
the restraint of a coalition of absolute Kings, every free
and proud people ought to feel struck to the heart. It
France and England had not been divided, it is certain
that their good understanding would have paralysed the
projects of the absolute courts. It is evident that the
common will of the two most powerful nations of Europe,
supported by treaties, and seconded by the burst of pub-
lic opinion, would have been invincible. It is now very
difficult to come back upon un fait accompli; besides, the
misunderstanding of the two Governments appears to
subsist, and their protests appear to remain isolated. We,
nevertheless, hope that, laying aside their misunder-
standincrs and their quarrels, the two nations will unite
to produce from their alliance something grand and use-
ful which may efface all resentment and all objections.
France ought not to forget that each of her conflicts
with England gives fresh chances to counter-revolution;
England should not forget that each of her ruptures with
France makes Russia advance a step nearer towards
Constantinople."
The Commerce also recommends the formation of
a strict and honourable alliance with England—not a
renewal of the entente cordiaix of the Ministry of the
29th of October; • but, it adds, that such an alliance
cannot be constructed by the present Ministry. The
article thus concludes :
" Let a Cabinet more firm, more liberal, more jealous
of our supremacy, succeed the present Ministry, and
France will prove that, without infeodating herself to
any other power, rival or friendly, without causing a de-
plorable isolation to succeed an entente cordiale, rendered
unnatural by those who had made a yoke of it, she will
know how to choose between the two extreme points,
solid, fruitful, and above all, honourable alliances. For
our part we ask for nothing better than such an alliance
with England. There is between her and France a com -
munity of principles. As to interests, they are sometimes
at variance; but would not this be the case on other points
—with Russia, for instance, which is under a politiealre-
gime completely hostile to the ideas of which France makes
the glory of her flag. We must not despair of seeing
one day at the head of our Government men who will
know how, with energetic perseverance and a true
knowledge of affairs, to regulate between England and
us the thorny question of material interests. The field
is sufficiently wide for a line of demarcation to leave a
large
vent
ef'or
suffi-
cienteanwditfhuoruntishcoallisjon
without any of those conflicts which have hitherto had
part
their
expansive nation,
for
for object to revive, keep up, and develop the prejudices
and national hatreds which are no longer the spirit of
the age. This is how we comprehend alliances in ge-
neral, and that with England hi particular. It is for
having misunderstood and still misunderstanding these
high necessities that the present Cabinet has made the
entente cordiale a scourge for France; and we are sure
that with it all new friendship, all international relations,
having for basis the same system, the same causes, will
produce the same results."
The Pre‘s.se, the organ of Russia, still advocates
the Russian alliance, and it is plain would willingly
sacrifice, not only the nationality of Poland, but the
freedom of action of France herself, for the honour
of being "acceptable to Russia."

The Bey of Tunis, MIMED PACIIA, arrived on
Sunday in Paris, at one o'clock, by a special train of
the Orleans Railway. Ile was received at the sta-
tion by M. DESGKANGES, First Secretary, Inter-
preter to the King of the FRENCH, and by Colonel
TMERRY, Aide-de-camp to the Due DE MONTPEN-
SIER, who are charged to attend the BEY during his
sojourn in Paris. Six of the royal carriages were in
attendance, to carry the BEY and his suite to the
Palace of the Elysee Bourbon, where apartments
were prepared for their reception. Throughout his
route from Toulon to Paris the 131.-r has been re-
ceived by the French authorities as a sovereign.
The Illoniteur publishes a royal ordonnanee, sepa-
rating the administration and military command of
Goree from that of St. Louis, thus erecting Goree
into a separate colony.
Cou RS A tyri lENTIQ 1:1 E.—PA R IS, Nov. 23.—French Five per
Cents., 1161. 50c. 60c. 75c. 80c. 90c. 117 f ; Three per Cents.,
81f 45c. 50c. 55c. ; Bank of France Shares, 3,460 f. ; Nea-
politan (Rothchild's) Definitives, 1021.; Romans, 997/8 3f.;
Belgian Five Per Cents., 1840, 991/2f.; Ditto, 1842, 1.019 f.
Exchange on London—One month, paper, 25f. 45c. ; money,
25f. 45c. ; three months, paper, 25f. 35c. ; money, 25f 32ic.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, NOVE3II3ER 24.
Boulogne and Amiens, 13%
Indian,Dutch Rhenish, 41/2—East
%—Jamaica South Midland Junction, I%—Loxem-
bourg,%—Natuur and Liege, 3%—Northern of France Con-