The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-26 00:00:00

agnation pia down by concession extorted? The writer goes on to
say that they inuet have something more than free trade when the
eaeeseten bas taken place. An exlightened nation would ask,
wet t thebanefft of a eontinued system of taxation levied on the
? They would so ask if it would not be better
eras
ttroae o tite country te
abolish the custom-house system, and to have no excise. To
have esessele placed at certain places, where customs were formerly
1 elevie 1, declaring that all nations might land their produce there.
That the operation of the principle of free trade would be extended
to everything. lie says, that the friends of free trade must remember
that they had yet got a House of Lords-the stronghold of the arise
eee racy—who were struggling for something more. Hence the main-
tenance of the present commercial policy, afar the settlement of the
free-trade question. The people would have more time to act for
the great principle's, of universal suffrage. If it was good for com-
merce to be free, it was good for man to be free.—(A laugh.) I beg
the attention of the Right Rev. Bench to what follows. The writer
stated th it if it was good to inculcate free-trade in commerce, why
should they not have free-trade in religion?—(Laughter.) Why
shouts' they continue under such a system of ecclesiastical despotism
as the one then prevalent in the country? He believed that the
tints was not far distant when the Catholics would ask why should
Ilia clue ch of Christ be attributed only to one sect ? Freedom of re-
-1 gion would be one of the laws of the country. Such are the opin'ons
of many of the advocates of free trade. I cannot conceive any
more unfit sentiment for a good man than the unworthy fear of
being suspeettd of a dishonourable motive. Do tot, therefore, be
carried away by the consideration that your efforts may be attri-
buted to wrong motives. Do not be thrown back on this question
by the consideration or the fear that your endeavours may be
ascribed to a personal interest. You are trustees of far more than
the commercial utility of this question. You are the trustees for the
interests of the people-you are trustees for the constitution of this
country. My Loral, you are each and all of you concerned in la-
bouring for the good of the people. The people have taken their opin-
ions from your -your neighbours have taken the colours of your opin-
ion, and have looked up to you with respect and deference. You have
encouraged them in the opinion that the present commercial system
is for the benefit of the country. Can you go amongst your neigh-
bours after voting for the destruction of all protection, and show such
a result to those who have respected you, whose opinions you have
influenced, and hear them justly charge you with that fault with
which you charge the Government. If you consent to this measure
deep regret rill remain with you. Be prepared to be. looked
given
You will have given
abrogating the constitution of the country.
to intimidation, and be prepared to be considered a subordinate part
of the c mstitution -as the registers of the decrees of the House of
Commons.—(hear, hear.) What is the object of the formation of
that House as a part of the constitution ? It is to impose a wholesome
and salutary check aed obstacle against rash and inconsistent legis-
lation. It was to protect the people against the consequences of their
own imprudence. It was not to resist the continued expression of
deliberate public opinion,
for your Lordships have always attended
to the expression of such a feeling of enlightend public opinion. It is
yours to protect the people against their own caprice and the
Iftr youeac , treachery of those whom they have chosen as leaders.—(Hear, hear.)
'eliberate on an impartial principle—though you may not be
successful, yet you will not be quite put down. Tots may fail in
saving the people from the threatened evil, but you will have the
approbation cf your friends, and the respect of your opponents.
Tow will give time for the intelligence of the nation to act, and should
you happily be successful in bringing the people back to the wiser
counsels of deliberate wisdom, you will have the satisfaction of having
discharged the duties imposed on you. You will have performed
your duties, unalarmed by power, and unintimidated by clamour.
you will have saved the country from a serious and hazardous
experiment, and your reward will be the consciousness of having
done your duty ; and you will have another reward arising from the
grateful admiration of a people, who will exclaim with thankfulness,
" Thank God we have got a House of Lords.—(Loud cheering.)
Lord BROUGHAM said, that he was quite aware it was an un-
usually late hour of the night. - (Cries of " Adjourn, adjourn.") He
should certainly take the sense of the House upon the question of
the adjournment. They had heard a speech of singular ability de-
livered that evening. - (Cries of " Order. order," and "Adjourn.")
He could not go on with this confusion, for it was absolutely neces-
sary that in order to make others hear him he should hear himself.
Arrmeest many great advantages which his Noble Friend enjoyed
aver him - advantages which he would not stop to enumerate, he
had an advantage which outweighed all the others together, he had
obtaiued an influence over a large portion of their Lordships in a
kng speech he had delivered. It was a long speech, and yet he
(Lord Brougham) did not feel it to be long, but the clock had shown
it to be long. What compelled him to arise and to address
their Lordships at that late hour of the night was the great
advantage that his friend enjoyed over him. He should not address
himself to those wise agreed with him in opinion, but rather to those
who differed from him, and therefore he entreated their indulgence.
He would go to the origin of the present law.—(Some manifestations
of noise being made by several parties at the bar of the House, the
Noble Lord turned round and addressing them), said, if any of the
Nub's Lords who had so patiently listened 'to the Noble Lord
who had just sat down, were not disposed to hear him,
they . might go elsewhere and taste those enjoyments
which lie had no doubt they had left when they
came there ; he was persuaded that the House would go on per-
fectly well without them. For the observations he was about to
address to the House, he begged the attention of the Noble Lord.
He (Lord Brougham) would proceed at once to the origin of the
present measure. It was said to have arisen from the sressur :4*
famine in certain districts in Ireland. He doubted the fact of any
general famine in Ireland, though he had heard it so stated, but that
there was a great scarcity in some districts could not be denied.
But, says the Noble Lord, this was no reason why they should do
away with protection or open up the ports. Bat he denied the fact
that Such grounds should weigh in the present matter, and he was
ready to abide by the facts in reference to the origin of the present
ineasur . Ti e Noble Lord said, it was the deseased potatoes that led
to the ettrociaction of the measure, but he (Lord Brougham)
said, it was perfectly immaterial what was its origin.
He might say, that in bringing in the Bill Sir Robert Peel performed a
rash, imprudent, and inexpedient act; that he ought not to have
brought it in in the present year ; and yet, however rash, imprudent,
and inexpedient the introduction of the measure may have been, he
(Lord Brougham) said, if the measure was a sound one, if its merits
were good, it ought to have their support.—(Hear, hear.) He spoke
thus to guard himself from the supposition that he supported the
measure on any extraneous or accidental ground, or that he thought
there was any real or substantial ones for supporting the measures.
But in respect of the rash, extraneous, and imprudent character of
the measure, what was the real cause? A vast number of
persons were reduced to great distress on account of the failure of
the potato crops ; not only were potatoes bad, but the
people had no other means of paying for food. Were their Lordships
serrate of what has happened since the introduction of the measure,
but wh*ch the Noble Lord had omitted to mention? The Noble Lord,
however, was surelyawara that one part of the Government measure
respecting corn had been inserted in the customs' tariff, and by that
arrangement maize hail been imported as it the Corn Bill was passed.
This did not meet the evil of the diseased potato crop. The poor
peasants who had lost their usual supply of food had thus been
supported by the importation. The Noble Lord admitted that he
would have been perfectly ready to open the ports to let in oats duty
free ; but had that been done, would not the objection, as had been
stateffto-night, that the price would be reduced, thus affecting the
employment of the peasant, of which he complained so much. But
the most successful part of the Noble Lord's speech was that in which
he said that if they carried the present Bill, it would, while professing
to supply oats at a cheap rate to the peasantry, by competition, so
reduce the value of their own produce, that they would not have the
means of purchasing these cheapened foreign productions, and thus
the object of the measure would be defeated. But has the
Noble Lord forgot his own Canada Bill which he proposed two years
ago, and which he (Lord Brougham) supported at the time. That
was a free-trade Blll—a corn-law-repealing Bill—which reduced the
ditty to 3s. per quarter, and allowed the whole of the United States
of America to take their grain into Canada, through which it was
brought into England, where protection still existed, and which was
represented to be so necessary to the welfere of the landed interest.
Thus for the payment of ir smell duty, without the operation of a
sliding scale, were they allowed to import corn from the
Careen— ere (lid not charge incomeete, se ea- ea...,..
Lord, as they were all apt to profit by experience, but
he brought forward this to show that the arguments for
the Canada Bill was applicable to the present measure. On the
proposal of that Bill, they were told of the rapid increase of the
population of every day, adding from 300,000 to 400,000 to the body
of consumers, and that if the measure was not passed, they could not
hope to supply with food this increasing population. The same argu-
ments applied to the corn-laws at all times, and therefore at all
times he and those with whom he acted had advocated this repeal.
He wished he could take the same view of the question as the Noble
Lord bad done, as to the reduction that would take plus. The
Noble Duke on the cross benches had asked his Noble Friend who
introduced this measue, what the effect of the corn laws would be.
Looking to the produce of the country, he should have thought it the
most difficult question to answer that could have been propounded.
Why, bow could his Noble Friend tell what the demand would be
for an article at the expiration of three years? It would furnish no
conclusion to arrive at to say that wheat was now sell ng
in Dantzic at 335. a quarter, that 3s. would probably
be charged for freight, and 23. for insurance, and that
therefore it could afford to be sold in the London markets at 40s. the
quarter. That was not the question, the question was what effect
the repeal of this law would have upon the Dantzic market ? But,
said his Noble Friend opposite, a great deal of English land would
.be thrown out of cultivation, while a proportionate quantity would
be cultivated in Hungary and other countries, and all this was to be
done in order that they might import into this country half a million
more than was already brought from the mouth of the Danube.
Now let them consider the value of this observation. A quantity of
forest land would require to be cleaned, they would require to scrub
np Cue trees, to charn the roots, then to cut them to pieces. They
woe!, I require also to fence and inclose the ground, and after all this
preparation it was expected that at the end cf three years they
would he enabled to pour into this country at least 5,000,000 quarters
of grain. He did not ask as to the population ,if Hungary, but he
did not suppose that they increased at the rate of 1,000 ;I, day. And
where was the capital to come from ? In this country a considerable
sum was estimated for the cultivation of cacti acre, but then a
greatly increageel sum would be required. He did not know who the
Noble Lord Liverpool's authority might be (perhaps Mr. Saunders),
but at all events he must have been a very sanguine gentleman to
foresee an increase of 5,000,000 quarters on the immediate passing of
this PAIL

Lord STANLEY explained that he hid state.l that this quantity
would be broulht into the country not immediately, but at the expi-
ration of the three years.

Lord BLOC. UTAH[ said that was the very thing he had said, but
he suppoeel his Noble Friend was exhausted in consequence of the
hrellatit Fpeceb he had lately made in the House ; and he would,
therethre, excuse him, but when an opinion of this kind was given he
(Lord Brcngham) expected that the person giving the opinion should
be net only a respectable man but a man of some common sense
also a•( ramaliter.) It was an incredible assertion that in three years,
and lib (Lord Brougham) woulidgivo three days also, that in three
year; Alia three days 5, 00,000 of acres was to be added to the cut•
tivatoo of that country for the purpose of deluging their markets
and doatroving the cultivation of England. And one word with
regard .0 nant-farmers. Much had been said of the injury
which had been inflicted on tenant-farmers. They were a class for
whom the landowners expressed a very great consideration, and he
believed they were sincere in their desire to advance the position of
the tenant •farmer, and to ameliorate the condition of the agricultu-
ral labourer, hut if their Lordships would take the trouble to examine
the opinions of those different parties ill the agricultural counties of I
England, they would find that no apprehensions were entertained of
the result that would accrue from this m 'asure. How did tenant
farmers show their alarm of this measure? why, it was by t (king
more farms than they had at present; but perhaps It was at reduced
renta. No such thhig, but rather at increased rents. In all parts of
the country lie had heard of nothing, but of farms being taken at in-
creased rents, while he found that the statements in the public prints
waere to the sane effect. That prices would to a certain degree fall he
had no doubt, but that would not take place yet; wheat would be
toe arr, it would not be so low as to prove injurious
brill: here rfer:,neile.ii.whilehe
measure increasing our foreign trade looked forward to this
There neverin a very short period of time.
theil years of scarcity, more than
tat,t2,:r)3,,outee'fa4r,,kl;s
to, ft
new,l,i)ooeatqiumapct, ed. In the years 800 and 1801
were added, the amount of importation would
quarters of flour
the year lam, the greatest year of ae.areityd 174" (in"
seen.
in
quarters imported into this country. It was'said,ehoweEe:r:,slMir
they were made deperhlent on foreign countries fot7it
upply
this he giving to th' se countries the
power of starvingthem. To that assertion he would point to the year
1810, and he would conjointly ask, did the argument
after the consideration of the circumstances of that
year stand fora moment ? Did they not then see the continent under
the influence of a power which yielded .a most despotic sway over
it, who was influeneed by
feeling of ruthless hostility towards
,ani 1 . Tv, to him of the petty sovereigns of Europe—talk to
Enm
him of E4YPf, Bed:elan!, Antwerp, and the Hague, refusing to sappb.
the necessities of this country in
ruler
doayf
oFfrannceeed. merely,
but was not then the
t.
but of every country in Europe: front
.:les.lerelioftreedi at Paris,
edict,
as he
to the extremities of Europe; he could by n
,
thought, close the ports of Europe—yet notwithstanding this was so
dear to his heart, completely in accordance with that policy which
he always pursued towards this country—even he was finable to
_
carry cut kis intentions and to deprive them of those supplies which.
they required. What was the result? Why, 1,51.1,000 quarters Of
wheat were imported during the year 1810, and this supply did not
chine from the outports nor from distant quarters, such as
Odessa, or Naples, or Sicily, the old granary of Rome—
but
110,006 of the quarters came from France itself.
That at once extinguished —for ever extinguished the argument about
dependence on foreigners.—(Cheers.) His Noble Friend had said that
the protection system was supported by universal consent, and he
had quoted statistics that had been made in the most ancient times ;
but really if ha were to quote old statistics—(Laughter)—he (Lord
Brougirani) amid furnish his Noble Friend many such statistics, were
they not too ridiculous to quote. He could quote him some of the
most absurd provisions of the wisdom, or the ignorant and unex-
perienced wisdom, rather of their ancestors, to which his Noble
Friend had so eloquentlytreferred. There was the statute against fore-
stallery, which aas one of the ancient statutes, and with the ab-
surdity of which Iheir Lerlships were no doubt acquainted. And
yet that law met fettle b en deemed by Vie legislature, by whom the
statute was enacted, to ho the height of wis=dom. Bat such things
were now ttholislied, and condemn ,d by universal consent. The
system of preiteetion was suspended in Eelgaiin, in Holland, and in
l'ig'ht:., daring the autumn of 1R 15 ; every one ui those places suspended
ttt ot'mnt of the law of protection to native industry; and he
n lit ;hat that Wa3 tint a Commentary on the tisiaess and absurd
tt. interfere ti ith the supply of the food of the people. If
a pro eatlye mws were of any us 3 at an they must of course be
100 re tteena the times of scarcity than at arty other moment.—
(fie ir, bear.) His Noble Friend then argued that the trade of
the comma' would be seriously affe this measure, and here
he meat lefend ilia Noble Friend agdacteltn:slntehib:mself.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) He must undertake his
he
weeegiadinst himself, because
nothing more harsh, more cruel, and,
t_ ellY, more uncharit-
able—he had almost sail more unelifistran(Eo;:j3nrhis treatment of
himself could not have been uttered. He
really
rgupersienungt:haaidnabtsou ti the
tittle. I him when he was delivering himself ofya
tariff; Ito could not have believed that an
bowels of compassion.—(Laughter.) The tariff in his (Litt:de Brougham's) opinion, did not deserve the vituperation which it re-
ceived at the hand of his Ncbie Friend. It never was pretended by
any man that he ever heard argue—any rational man at least —no
such man ever could have argued that by increased competition
molt the producers of any article the price of that article would
fall. He thought it was perfectly evident that increased competi-
tion amongst the consumers of an article raised the price of an ar-
ticle. But the object of the tariff was to enable us to
obtain cheaper goods from abroad and thereby send our
goods advsuatageeusly to foreign markets.—(Beer, hear.)