The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-25 00:00:00

least prudent arming the governed ? In this
country there is, hOWeirer; always alocus peni-
tentix for. public men. Though not slow to
condemn, John Bull is the first to forgive. Let
Ministers, then, cease to persist in obstinacy
and error. Surely they cannot be so deceived
as not to see what is passing around them ; and
that, though backed by a too willing majority in
Parliament, they are condemned by a far greater
majority else Where, to whom they and that Par-
liament are amenable. It is not too late to
retrace their steps. At any rate, plunge, as they
appear to do, deeper and deeper in the mire, is
one of those inexplicable instances of folly which,
looking at the fearful consequences which it is
Calculated to entail, deserves, perhaps, a much
stronger epithet.—Morning Herald.
The question of the Bank Charter is one
Which involves more important and more com-
plicated considerations than perhaps any other
on which the present Parliament will be called
to determine. We need not say how intimately
Connected that question is with the subject of
the most vital interest to this great commercial
empire—the state and regulation of its currency,
over which the Batik of England has, for many
Fears, exercised an almost despotic control. The
regulation of the currency, of necessity, involves
tie investigation of the causes of low prices of
fgricultural produce and manufactures--the suf•
irings of an unemployed population, and the
fluctuations of the foreign exchanges. All sub-
j'ects, it must be admitted, deeply and painfully
interesting to the British public. We need
Scarcely remind our readers that we published
some time ago copious extracts of the evidence
taken before the Secret Committee of the House
Of Commons relative to the trade of banking
in England. That evidence comprised the
opinions of the ablest practical men in the
country, touching the system of the national
Bank, and its influence on the moneyed re-
lations and commerce of the country. The
witnesses included the most intelligent sup-
porters and friends of the Bank system as well
as its opponents. The whole of the evidence
taken by the Secret Committee formed a mass of
dry and intricate statement and calculation which
few persons would have patience or leisure to
wade through, and still fewer would be able to
understand. We are glad to find that what in
this voluminous evidence was complicated has
been simplified, and what was obscure has been
made clear. We have lately perused a little
work, which professes to give a digest of the
evidence taken before the Secret Committee, to-
gether with a summary of the law applicable to
the Bank of England, to private banks, and
joint-stock banking companies, from the pen of
Mr. Michael Quin, the barrister, which we can.
not too strongly recommend to the attention of
ail persons who are anxious to obtain, at the
least possible expenditure of time and trouble, a
correct and impartial notion of the evidence for
and against the system of the Bank of England,
and its practical effects upon the commer-
cial operations of the country. It was, no
doubt, a laborious task to reduce the chaos
of evidence into order, and make it
luminous. This task Mr. Quin has per-
formed with great ability. He has produced a
compendium equally distinguished for the judi-
cious selection of the important testimony on
both sides of the question, its perspicuous nar-
rative, and lucid arrangements. Whether the
monopoly of the Bank of England, qualified as
it has been by the Act of the 7th George IV.,
c. 46, allowing the formation of joint-stock
banking companies at the distance of 65 miles*
fiom London, be salutary or pernicious to the
commercial interests of the country--whether it
should be abolished altogether, or placed under
certain restrictions—whether the close alliance
between the Bank and Government should be
dissolved, and the former reduced to its proper
dimensions as a trading establishment, divested
of what many consider its usurped share of the
Royal Prerogative in regard to the money of the
realm, are questions which Pat liarnent will shortly
have to decide one way or another. It is im-
possible to calculate what may be the evil con-
sequences to the country if the decision of those
questions, which affect momentous interests,
should be the result, not of enlightened judg-
ment and mature deliberation, but of rash igno-
rance and unreflecting passion. We shall give
some extracts from Mr. Quin's work when we
have more space at our command. In the mean
time we cannot do better than recommend its
careful perusal to all persons, whether Members
of Parliament or others, who, not being inti-
mately acquainted already with the Bank question,
would wish, without wearisome application, to
form an impartial, intelligent, and dispassionate
opinion of its merits.—Morning Herald.
On Monday next, the 27th instant, there will
be held at the City of London Tavern a meeting.
of " Planters, Merchants, Shipowners, Manu-
facturers, Tradesmen, and all others interested
in the preservation 9f th Britih West India
Colonies;" in other wordse , of all who desire to
maintain the political power and to preserve the
commercial resources of Great Britain ; of all
who have sense to ascertain what is true, and
courage to do what is right ; of all hut the
knaves who love to mislead, and the dupes who
long to be misled. The invitation by which this
meeting is summoned is signed by men from
whom it is not possible that such an invitation
should come in vain. Exalted rank, extended
wealth, mercantile enterprise, manufacturing in-
dustry—all have their sufficient representatives
among the requisitionists. They are well en-
titled to make this solemn appeal to the judg-
ment of the citizens of London, upon a question
as momentous as any upon which England has
legislated, at a period as eventful as any which
her history records. It would be superfluous for
its to urge all who would interpose between
British justice and the hypocrites who would
profane it—between British opulence and the
hands which are raised for its spoliation
—to neglect for one day their most attrac-
tive pleasure, to sacrifice for one day their
most necessary business, that they may be pre-
sent at this important meeting. We would
rather deprecate the attendance of those who
ought to stay away than recommend the attend-
ance of those who ought to be present. Let no
man go to the meeting who is prepared to give
up, for the applause of a multitude, or for the
compliments of a coterie, the confidence of ho-
nest men, and the approbation of his own con-
science. Let no man go to the meeting who
wishes to impair the forces, to diminish the
wealth, to destroy the importance of the land
which gave him birth. Let no man go to the
meeting who holds that lie who has seduced
another into error is the fairest judge of the
penalty by which the error should be expiated.
Let no man go to the meeting who fancies that
there is one law of morality for a nation and
another for an individual ; and that an Act of
Parliament may do that equitably and laudably
for which a private man would merit the hulks.
Lastly, let no man go to
-the meeting who takes

Mr. Powell Buxton for Socrates, or Mr. Stanley
for " the calculating boy." All such persons
being excluded, if the meeting be not, notwith-
standing, most unpleasantly crowded, we will
give up our oppositon to Mr. Stanley's plan.—
fiforn ing Post.

The debate on the subject of the corruption
charged against the borough of Hertford took
place last night in the House of Commons,
when it was determined by a majority of 227 to
55 to refer the matter to a Select Committee,
with a view to the eventual disfranchisement or
extension of that borough. Hertford is not the
first borough against which an Election Com-
mittee since the meeting of the present Parlia-
ment has preferred the accusation of bribery,
nor is Hertford the borough which has furnished
to its Election Committee the strongest evidence
in support of such a charge. But Hertford has
committed offences deeper that that of bribery.
It has been guilty of the unpardonanle sin of
deserting the cause- of the Whigs in order to
strengthen that of the Conservatives. It has
offended alike against good morals and good
taste by the rejection of Mr. T. Duticombe and
the adoption of representatives whose talents and
virtues are less conspicuous and exalted than
those which have always distinguished that
very Honourable Gentleman. These are
delinquencies which the reformed Parlia-
ment could not with any consistency over-
look. Was it not the very principle of the Bill
which called the reformed Parliament into being,
that Whig influence should every where be In-
creased, and Tory influence every where de-
stroyed ? And would it not have been at once
the most shameful inconsistency and the foulest
ingratitude on the part of the reformed Parlia-
ment, had it proved on this, or any other occa-
sion, untrue to the principle to which it owes
its existence? Some of the Members of the
House of Commons talked last night of evi-
dence, as if evidence had anything to do with
the matter. Is not instinct a much more autho-
ritative guide ? And what instinct can be so
natural or powerful in a House of Commons,
the offspring of Lord John Russell's Bill, as
that which impels it to condemn every Tory
borough that is accused, be the evidence against
it ever so weak, and to acquit every Whig
borough, be the damnatory proofs as conclusive
as they may ?—Morning Post.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-1-10 USE.
JOSEPH ADY.—Somecommunicationshave passed
within the last few days between the well-known
Joseph Ady, of " Unclaimed Dividend" fame, and
the LORD MAYOR, upon the subject of the nume-
rous contributions which the former has levied upon
the public, and the unwarranted references made in
his letters to some of the Aldermen, whom he re-
presents as voluntary securities for his integrity to
the amount of 1,0001. Yesterday the affair closed.
As it proceeded, considerable merriment was ex-
cited. The following is a brief account of what
took place:—
In the first instance, the LORD MAYOR sent for
Ady in consequence of having received a letter from
him. It is generally known from the advertise-
mews of the Court of Aldermen in the newspapers,
that they have " blown" upon Ady by their cau-
tion to the public. Ady having paid his addresses
to a lady, found it necessary, in consequence of her
disapprobation of the proceedings of the Court (so
much to the prejudice of her lover), to endeavour
to induce the LORD MAYOR to withdraw such a
stigma, and sent his Lordship a note, of which the
following is a copy :
" Sir Peter Laurie--I am a widower, and if you
continue to advertise me as a lyar, I shall remain such,lis
my intended wife, who believes my ipse dixie' in pre-
ference to four•and-twenty others, declines going to church
with me until lam at peace with my rulers. Therefore
I beg a cessation of arms. As soon as you ratify, I will
destroy all my stock of circulars disagreeable to you, and
issue only according to the amended form. I request an
answer.—Yours truly, " J. ADY."
The LORD MAYOR—Mr. Ady, I find that in your
circular to the public, whom you humbug, you call
me a referee, as well as other members of the Court
of Aldermen. I never saw you in the course of my
life before, and how can you dare to attempt such
a deception ? Ady—The proclamation against me
gives me authority.
The LORD MAYOR—Why, I never laid my eyes
upon you before. Ady—Oh dear yes. I have
seen you before, and you might have seen me, at
church.—(Laughter.)
The LORD MAYOR—I wish your name was not
so public, Mr. Ady. Ady—l don'tssee how it is a
disgrace to me; I have done great good to the
world.— (Laughter.)
The LORD MAYOR—Yes, indeed. The case of
the poor creature whom you induced to come from
Devonshire upon the promise of something "con-
siderably to her advantage," proves that. The case
of the poor fellow who came over upon your call
from the West Indies to receive a fortune, is another
in point.
Ady (laughing)—Oh, my Lord. Aye; you
mean Brown, the black man.—(Laughter.) But
what right had he to come over ? Mr. Brown, the
black, wasn't John Brown, Esquire.—( Laughter.)
Who ever knew an esquire to be black in the face ?
—(Laughter.)
The LORD MAYOR—You are not black in the
face, Mr. Ady; but you and Mr. Coster seem to
be rather of that hue somewhere else.—(Laughter.)
But you say that you will not send any more of
these circulars about, with the names of members of
the Court of Aldermen as referees, if I withdraw
the advertisement ? Ady—l do.
The LORD MAYOR—Very well. The moment I
hear that you do anything of the kind, the adver-
tisement shall certainly again appear, and in every
paper in London.
Ady—Then there's a cessation of arms.
The LORD MAYOR—I know that your object is
to get your marraige over, and to begin your trade
again, but I'll watch you. Depend upon it you are
in rough hands ; and if I catch you tripping down,
you shall tumble.—(Much laughter.)
Ady—You bring me before an inquisition, my
Lord Mayor, and don't treat me in a gentlemanly
way at all. This is not fair at all, I say that I have
served numbers. Why, my Lord Mayor, I have
served yourself. You have got money through me
yourself.—(Laughter.)
The LORD MAYOR--llow can you get any sleep
with so much upon your conscience ? You have, I
may say, caused great distress to thousands.
Ady—Not a bit. Did any of them pay their
twenty shillings ?—(Laughter.) Ady then departed
upon the understanding of the cessation of hostili-
ties; but the LORD MAYOR again sent for him
yesterday, and wall, I perceive, Mr. Ady, that you
have published a circular, in which you state that
you have received the thanks of the Court of Alder-
men for your conduct, and you attach that infamous
falsehood to the letter you sent round, pro-
mising something considerably to the advantage of
those you address.
Ady—l had that published long before I had
your Lordship's ratification of the terms on which
we agreed; but I'll stop it if you wish. It was
only a little fable in reply to the proclamation which
you advertised. If 'tis disagreeable, I'll check it.
The LORD MAYOR—I have ordered to be struck
several thousands of copies of the advertisement in
the newspapers, and if we hear of your perseverance
in your old game, we'll send them through the
c,mntry. I have received several letters to-day
which you transmitted to parish officers and others.
Ady—Very well, my Lord, let them first pay
their fees, and then, if they think proper, complain