The Sun.
London, England, 1848-07-17 00:00:00

gut JULY 17, 1848.

we must bear jointly. And this would be a sound and
equitable reply. No other is.
9. Because the extension of the suffrage by anything
less than an advance to universal would increase the
anarchical tendencies of things as now existing, and not
diminish them, as alleged by the advocates of a limited
extension. It is a long and well-defined law of political
causation—that the arbitrary elevation of a section of
the body politic acts as a virtual, and eventually brings
about a❑ actual, degradation of those not elevated. And
it is another equally certain law, that contentions exist-
ing between the superior and inferior sections, those
contentious (other things alike) increase in intensity in
the ratio of the removal of the parties from each other;
consequently, the degradation of those not embraced by
a limited extension of the suffrage would be increased ;
and then their animosity to the higher classes would be
increased proportionately with the degradation. And
that increase of animosity would be an increase of any
tendency in things, as they now exist, to anarchy.
Whereas, on the other hand, conversely, an elevation of
the enfranchised universally would be by so much a di-
minution of animosity, and an abatement of any anar-
chical tendencies now lurking in things as at present
constituted.

10. Because, if there be any truth in the Christian doc-
trine of a final theocracy of the world, every, step to-
wards the self-government of men by the Divine law
written in men's hearts is preparative of the advent of
that great King from whom the law in question emanates,
and whose is to be the theocratic throne. And, certainly,
the more we approach to the universal expression of
opinion in the law of the land, the more also we ap-
proach to self-government by any law whatsoever writ-
ten in men's hearts.

11. Because the opponents of universal suffrage them-
selves admit the validity of the universal judgment of
legislative measures, by continually and avowedly yield-
ing to opinion of which the smallest portion only is that
of the electors and vastly the greatest that of the non-
electors of the kingdom. So that if such a thing could
happen as the arrayal of the half million of electors in
behalf of a law proposed, and the clear arrayal of the six
million and a half of non-electors against it, there is no
manner of doubt but that it would be abandoned.
Opinion possessing all this weight and validity ought to
be afforded full and convenient scope to manifest itself
by a law of universal suffrage, instead of being per-
petually thrown on the limited, inconvenient, and extra-
ordinary expedient of manifesting itself by petition.
12. Because any limitary law must go on arbitrary,
invidious, and doubtful grounds. Every fresh limit
that has been seriatim fixed has been more and more
arbitrary, and grounded in reasons less and less tenable.
In short, the gradations of society becoming more and
more impalpable the further the descent, the arbitrari-
ness of any given limit, and the doubtfulness of its pro-
priety, and the dissatistactoriness of the demarcation it
effects, must in the very nature of things be correspon-
dently increased.:, So that every extension of the suffrage
brings with it a reason for further extension, till it
reaches all men not criminals; and thus involves inces-
sant mutations up to that point.
13. Because (as was to be shown) the taxation
of one is the taxation of all: and it is unjust, invidious,
and pernicious to withhold from the many a right con-
ceded on no batter ground to the few. It is grossly untrue
to say that the householder only pays. scot and lot:
the poorest artizen, who lodges in a third floor garret,
pays
is true it is not collected from him by the jtax-gatherer;
but it is charged as part of his rent by the householder
i
who lets the garret to him: that, however, s only a
surer way of securing his payment of it, and adopted
for the convenience of the Government. Is it reason-
able on these grounds to deny him a vote in the making
the laws? Especially when, on the contrary, not only
are the very poorest (for every man lodges somewhere)
most closely looked after, not only is their share of the
tax paid every week, whereas the householder's is not;
but they contribute a much larger proportion of the tax
than the householder, inasmuch as each room let to a
lodger is always so let at an immense advance of pro-
portional rent beyond what it would run at as the actual
proportion of the house. In fact it is demonstrable that
the lower we go down in society the greater the ratio of
taxation on the means of subsistence. The principle of
a taxation• based constituency admits of but one equitable
development in theory, and that is impossible iu prac-
tice, whilst in theory also it is only equitable very par-
tially. It might be said theoretically let every man
have an amount of electoral franchise equal to his
taxation. But then, as we have seen, that amount could
never be truly ascertained; and if it were it would
operate unjustly and perniciously by rendering the mere
condition of poverty a criminal condition, and forfeiting
rights fully earned by the fulfilment of duties.
14. Because of the positive injustice involved to in-
dieiduals in vast numbers by every limitary rule yet
proposed, and liable, it is conceived, under any that could
be propos«). It is highly and grossly unjust that groat
numbers should be deprived of the franchise when
virtually entitled to it by legal quibbles, and little
negligences, told guiltless inaccuracies in the execution
of conditions, and utterly inconsequential noricoeforrei-
ties; as has been the case under all limitary rules on the
point, and under none more so than under the Reform
Act. Esre eially as these injustices will necessarily in-
crease in a greater ratio as the occasion extends into the
classes more liable, from want of time and education, to
fall into the omissions and inprecisione. Now this great
evil of limited suffrage, unequivocally increasing in ratio
as the sun': age extends outward to the point of universal
suffrage, but there vanishing, and it being at the same
time absolutely necessary that some extension should
take place, universal suffrage is again on this ground de-
monstrated to he more proper than limited suffrage.
15. Because moral virtues and political rights are re-
actionary in a way amounting to the promotion of moral
virtue by the enjoyment of political rights, and the de-
pression of moral worth by the reseriction of political
rights. The examples are everywhere throughout his-
tory. Enslaved nations have ever been morally de-
graded. The heroic nations have been the free nations.
The reasons, moreover, are as evident as are their facts.
A man's country ceases to be his own in exact proportion
as despotism prevails over it and him. It is the ruler's
country by just so much as the ruler makes the laws and
he does nut make them. But love of country is a gene-
rous principle, infusing its own generosity, and dignity,
and warmth through all other regions of the soul. In-
deed every influence that tends to draw out the affections
of man upon the outward renders him a better man
morally, as everything that contracts the sphere of his
affections outwardly, and throws him back upon himself,
mikes him inure selfish, and effects a moral deterioration
of his humanity. Universal suffrage is promotive of
patriotism., Increased patriotism is 'promotive of moral
worth. `I he promotion of its own moral worth should
be the desideratum of a nation.

ALEXANDER HARRIS.

HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.
There was not only a very numerous but a very bril-
liant assemblage on Saturday—her Majesty, her Royal
Consort, her Royal highness the Duchess of Kent, and
several illustrious members of the Royal Family ho-
nouring the theatre with their presence. „bull' aria,"
"Crude' perehe," "Non piu Audrai," end "Deh vieni,"
were loudly encored, whilst " Sehiatti Signor Conte"
produced an electrical effect, being repeated three times,
amidst the general applause and cheering of the au-
dience. The old habitues agree in thinking that there
never was such a Susannah as Jenny Lind. Her acting
alone of the witty Abigail of Beaumarchais is full of
witchery, a perfect tableaux de genre in the gallery of
dramatic art; whilst her execution of " Deh yield ' is
above nil her previous achievements. The most severe
of puritanical hypercritics of the old school must be
satisfied with the purity and chasteness of her kyle,
whilst it ria-ats the aLimutiull of the lovers of the most
frivolous and modish music; its thrilling delivery hushed
the whole audience to breathless attention. Cruvelli was
loudly applauded in her solo, whilst the one long-sus-
tained low note with which she terminates " Sull' aria"
would form alone a title to praise. We regretted
to find Mdlle Schwartz, so fitted by her natural powers,
her musical science, and her petite, agile form to perform
the part of Cherubino, labouring under still greater op-
pression than on the first night. In the other scale must
be placed the performances of Lablache, Coletti, Belletti,
and Bouch6; never was this marvellous work supported
by four Lueb bassi, for the simple reason that never has
any theatre had the good fortune to assemble four such
talents of the same kind, still widely varied and different
in their peculiar gifts. We hear that her Majesty has
chosen another of Mdlle. Lind's matchless imper-
sonations for Tuesday night—La Figlia del Regyiniento.
Her Majesty and the Prince were accompanied by her
Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent. In attendance
upon her Majesty Were the Conntess of Charlemont, the
lion. Miss Cavendish, Lord Camoys, and Major-General
Wemyss. His Royal Highness Prince Albert was at-
tended by Lieutenant-Colonel Seymour. In attendance
upon her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent was Lady
Augusta Bruce.
Their Royal Highnesses the Duko and Duchess of
Cambridge, accompanied by her Royal Highness the
Princess Mary, and attended by the Baroness Bose and
Mr. Edmond St. John Alildmay, also honoured the
theatre with their presence, occupying her Majesty the
Queen Dowager's box.
Among the audience we also observed his Royal High-
ness Prince George, the Duke of Wellington, the Duke
and Duchess of Cleveland aid Lndy Alice Paulett, the
Duchess of Leeds and Miss Lane hex, the Marquis and
Marchioness of I fouro, the Marquis and Marchioness of
Sligo and the Ladies Browne, the Marquis of Huntley,
the Marquis and Marchioness of Aylesbury, the Mar-
quis of Donegal, the Marquis of Clanricarde, his Excel-
lency the Russian Minister, his Excellency the Sardinian
Minister, his Excellence the Hanoverian Minister, his
Excellency the Danish Minister and the Countess Re-
ventlow, his Excellency the Swedish Minister, the Earl
and Countess of Wilton, the Countess of Glengall and
Miss de Horsey, the Countess of 131essington andthe
Misses Power, the Earl of Malmeshury, the Earl of
Besborough, the Earl of Lonsdale, Viscount Enfield,
Viscount Dunrannon, M. de Berg, Baron Nicolay2
C. de Koudriaffsky, Lord Ward, Lord_ .e and Lady
Brougham, Lord and Lady Charles l''..e/tstioYuri,
Lady
Adolphus Fit zclaronce, Lady Foulis, Lord
Paget, the Count
Willoughby de Eresby, Lord Alfred
_ao,an,
General
D'Orsay, Lord Ernest Bruce, Hon. F. " Lord
dish, General the
the Hon. 11. Cavendish, Hon. C.
Hon. A. Upton, Sir C. Des VceC'utsven
! Howard, Sir 'l'. Marc Sir . W hl • S. A. inoug ,
Sir R. and Lady
Macdonald,
Bar-
nard, Major Gordon, Ur. Numau Captain

Lyon, Mr. Wheeler, Mr. C. W. Packe, M.P., and Mrs.
Packs Reading, Mr., Mrs., and Miss B. Trelawney,

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, JULY 15.—The Limerick Reporter contains
,he

TRUE BILLS FOUND AGAINST MR. MEAGI-!ER.
FRIDAY.—At one o'clock a bill of indictment for sedi-
tion was sent up against Mr. Meagher, and about a
quarter to two o'clock the jury returned into court with a
true bill. Mr. Meagher, who was followed by an im-
mense crowd who cheered him vehemently, proceeded to
court upon receipt of this intelligence.
Mr. Bennett, Q.C., inquired whether he would tike
his trial at this assizes?

Sir Colman O'Loghlen—We will tell you when we get
a copy of the indictment. If it be for felony, the Croy' n
can try now; if for a misdemeanour, Mr. Meagher can
traverse in prox.
. _ .

It was agreed that a copy of the indictment should bz,
furnished this evening to the traverser, and that he
should plead to-morrow at twelve o'clock.
We understand the bill is for sedition, or a misde-
meanour, and not for felony.
Mr. Bennett then inquired into the recognizances,
when it was found that they bound the traverser to attend
from day to day for the present assizes, and any future
assizes. He then suggested to Sir Colman O'Loghlen
that Mr. Meagher should not in the meantime address
the people.
Sir Colman would not make any promise of the kind.
The court was then adjourned to twelve o'clock to•.
morrow, and Mr. Meagher proceeded to his hotel, en•
thusiastically cheered by the people.
The counsel already retained for Mr. Meagher are
Sir Colman O'Loghlen and Mr. Butt. His attorney is
Mr. John O'Donnell, assisted by Mr. Daniel Doyle.
COMMITTAL OF MR. DOHENY TO NENAGII