The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-16 00:00:00

NORTH KENT RAILWAY.

Mr. RICE then moved that this Bill be also recommitted
to tt e former Committee.
Mr. ESTCOURT said that this motion was not for the
purpose of re-opening the whole question ; it was for the pur-
pose of considering the propriety or expediency of sanctioning
the South-Eastern Company's line. There was no ground for
the recommittal of the North Kent.

Mr. AGLIONBY said that he dissented from the opinion
of the Hon. Member for Oxford. The decision of the House
was required, in order that the South-Eastern Company's Bill
be referred to the same Committee, to that they might consi-
der the expediency of sanctioning any one of the alternative
lines proposed by the South-Eastern Company. He would
put the supposition that the Committee were not anxious to
support any of the alternw.ive lines, and then the argument of
the Hon. Member for Oxford fell to the ground. If it were
inexpedient to support the South-Eastern Company's proje'ts,
the Committee ought to have the option of deciding on the
merits of another line ; and it would, therefore, be great un-
fairness if they did not have the opportunity of considering the
North Kent. Let the Committee take on themselves the re-
sponsibility of deciding, and let not the House, in the absence
of facts, exclude any portion of the subject of inquiry from
them. The Committee could not act fairly to the House, if
they were to decide in that House upon what course should be
taken. Let them have the whole inquiry referred to them, and
then let them take what curse they might choose.
Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said, that it was the opinion
of half the Committee that the North Kent line was superior
to the South Kent line. There was an equal division of opi-
nion on the subject, and he thought a fair reason had been
presented to the House for recommitting the North Kent
line.

Mr. PROTHEROE had paid the most particular attention
to the merits of the two lines since their first appearance in
the Committee. The circatristances were unchanged which
had influenced him in rejecting the line, which proposed
making a tunnel through Greenwich Park, and he was cer-
tainly opposed to the recommittal of the Bill.
Mr. RICE observed that his Hon. Friend must be aware,
as the Chairman of the Company, that the difficulty of carry-
ing out the line arose from a deficiency in the estimates, and
not from any difficulty of travelling through Greenwich Park,
hut as he thought that, it would not be advisable to proceed
further with his motion, he should withdraw it.
The motion was accordingly withdrawn.

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 16, 1846.

protest by the late Lord Hclland,in 1925, during the Irish in- i tries, ordered prosecutions before the ordinary tribunals, and
surrectien, in which that Noble. Lord said he opposed the inea- i the country was restored to a state of tranquillity. Now, with
:ore because it was a susperw ion cf the law rather than regard to the outrages its Ireland, those the Noble Lord had
prevention of crime ; and, secondly, because only Snell mentioned to them were by no means of an unusual or extra-
measures ought to be adopted as would generally ordinary nature. In the year 1832, being then in office, he
tend to cement the union between the two countries.) had to consider the propriety of introducing a very severe Co-
llie fact was. as admitted by all who have addressed the House, ercion Bill for Ireland ; but he confessed that
the whole of Ireland was in a state of organisation and struggle he did not agree with all the measures relating
between life and the rights of property. It might be true, end to Ireland, which were agreed to by the then Government.
he admitted to the fullest extent the state of outrage in that. Indeed, at one time, he was on the point of retiring from office,
country; but the question was, how were they to act. These but finding that his late lamented Friend ( Earl Spencer) had
outrages had become almost indigenous to the soil. come to the conclusion that remedial and conciliatory measures
The people had not been treated properly by the sue- were not sufficient to meet the circumstances of the day, he
cessive Governments of this country; they had never consented to remain use of the Government. Accordingly a
been treated as subjects. With a people thus re. very harsh measure was introduced for the protection of life
and Perna-
(laced to the lowest depths of misery and destitu- and property in Ireland, and for getting rid of the prevalent
tion how were they to act? It was not possible fer disturbances, amounting almost to a civil war, which had broke
the malignity of human or inhuman beings to support a system out in that country, upon the subject of the tithes. Muiders
if you cannot cure that measure was suspended, and in 1835 a
more cruel and disastrous than the presentrelations betweenland- and assassinations were then daily taking place,
lord arid tenant, which led to such a vast amount of crime and ment sanctioned the passing of the 13111 ; but in the year 1834
• ' mitigated
let measure was introduced, which
the country, abdicate it ;if you can, in God's name, us - • met with the general approbation
misery. The Hon. Member for Cork said,
know the remedy. The Right Hon. Gentlemen at the head of the House—indeed it scarcely met with any opposition; but
Government de-
of the country made precisely the same speech in that House he must state that in the previous year of 1833 his Noble Friend
in
nrinleBipts to Ireland which
thirty-two years ago. Ile had referred to that speech, and he Lord Althorp introduced several measures of conciliation. He
believed the one speech might be taken for the other, introduced a measure for the abolition of Church tests—a mea-
with the exception of the names, the dates, and sure for the improvement of juries—a measure for assimilating
de-
not a(t,htaerecdortphoeriartiioantesnotf4,reeltanarlp—plyainergl,
introducedDuringto al
removeth the periodgr ie v-
since of the tenure of land—a grievance which the Right Hon, were more congenial to the feelings and affections of the great
placessgl e
measure mentionedhad
beenn
Baronet stated was the cause of these outrages.—( Hear, hear.) body of the people. The consequence was, confidence was re-
The present measure was nothing more than a temporary posed in the Ministry, and the powers of a mitigated Coercion
measure—it contained nothing better than the old provisions. Bill were intrusted in their hands. That confidence, he be-
lie gave the Govenment credit for what they had done, and 'levet], was not violated, for, from a communication which he
fir as far as they had gone; they had not, however, gone far had received from his Noble Friend the Marquis of Normanby
enough. He believed that a defeat of this last expiring at- he found that the Bid was never put into c peration. He had
tempt at misguided legislation would tend to support the asked his Noble Friend whether the knowledge of such a power
Right Hon. Baronet in the course which he thought he ( Sir being in the hands of the Government had had the effect of de-
R. Peel) was anxious to pursue in his government of Ireland. terring crime ; and his Noble Friend had told him that he thought
It was high time that a new system should be tried. The it had not, for the existence of the power was soon forgotten in
past system of legislation had produced an intense hatred in Ireland. The Bill continued in force from 1835 to 140,
the minds of the people of Ireland against, the Administration. when Government determined it should not be continued. It
He recognised in the present Bill the old system of terrorism, was said with regard to this Bill, that placing such a power
and it would not do to act upon that principle any longer. as that which the present Bill gave in the hands of the Go-
The system was condemned by all parties. The Hen. Mum- vernment, would have the effect of preventing crime, but if the
ber, who moved the amendment, had as little sympathy with Bill possessed any advantage of this sort, it was lost by the
the murderers and assassins as any member of her Majesty's delay which had taken place. Now, with regard to the state
Government. He (Sir W. Somerville) and the other Irish of crime in Ireland, he thought in comparing crime with
Members opposed this measure, because they could not reconcile crime, it was well to take the whole crime of Ireland
with their consciences such restrictions as their own consti- and compare one year with another. The number
tuency would not permit. of homicides in 1832, before the introduction of
Mr. COLQUHOUN said that if he felt a perfect confi- what was called the Coercion Bill, was 242
dence in the Government he could not sati-fy himself to vote in 1837, 230 ; in 1840, 125; and in 1542, two years after the
for such an unconstitutional measure as the present. If the Act had expired, 180. The number of charges for firing
Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, were to houses in 1832 was 328 ; in 1837, 91 ; in 1842, 74 ; in 1845,
offer him such a Bill he would say to him tirst prove your case 78. 'file number relating to the crime of attacking houses
—( Hear, hear)--end thereby forward your measure with all was, in 1832, 723 ; in 1837, 606 ; in 1840, 229 ; in 1842,
possible speed. The Noble Member for King's Lyun said :337 ; in 1845, 482. The conspiracies to murder were, in
there was a decrease of crime, therefore the case broke down. 1842, 24; in 1845, 8. With regard to assaults with intent to
He could not agree with his Noble Friend ; he thought the murder, in 1e42, 3 ; in 1845, 2. He thought it was plain
proofs of the Government of the existence of outrages were from this, that there had been no very great increase in crime
overwhelming, and also the necessity of bringing forward some in Ireland between the years 1842 and 1845 ; but the Right
measure for the suppression of these outrages. Magistrates of Hon. Bart. the Secretary for the Home Department men-
all creeds and classes had stated the difficulty of obtaining tioned five counties where be said there had been a great in-
evidence and conviction of the assassin. He would say intro- crease in crime during the past year, as compared with former
duce any measure calculated to suppress these things. Sup- years. Now the Right Hon. Bart. the First Minister of the
posing it. were desirable to increase the number of Irish Mem- Crown made an admission on this part of the subject which
bers to 100, the case of the peasant and the people of Ireland told greatly against the Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman stated
would be in an alarming condition. He thought there hail tort crime had increased in Tipperary, Limerick, Clare,
been a most culpable delay in bringing forward this and Roscommon ; but with regard to Leitrim,
measure ever since it came into that House. He it hail decreased. The total number of crimes being
would not enter into the details of the progress in 1845, 804 ; and for the first five months in 1846,
of the Bill through the House of Lords. If the only 106. The Right Honourable Baronet attributed this
Government had passed the Bill through the Lords, and filling off to increased vigilance of the constabulary force, and
proceeded with it with half the earnestness with which they the stipendiary magistrates, and to the fact that an overwhelm-
forced the Corn Bill, the Protection to Life Bill would now ins military force was stationed in that country. Why, here
have been the law of the land. He agreed with the Right was a complete answer to the whole case of the Government,
Hon. Baronet the Member for Oxford, that the Bill, as it at an answer which fully showed that a remedy could be found in
present stood, was perfetly inadequate to meet the exigency in the existing and ordinary law of the country.—( Hear, hear.)
Ireland. He objected to the want of power contained in the Rut, he said, he had inquired into the operation of this law,
provisions of the Bill. He also agreed with the Hon. Member had made inquiries amongst persons familiar with its opera-
for Belfast, that it was unwise to pass a Coercion Bill that tion, and he had asked in what manner this law, when a
would not have the effect of repressing crime, or of preventing district was proclaimed, was put in force in any county of Ire-
the taking away of life. If the two clauses which alone gave laud. He was told that constables took many persons who were
life to the Bill were struck out, he should certainly object to it. out at night, that these persons were put upon their
He begged to ask the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the trial, that their excuse was net taken, and their friends had no
Government, whether, to gratify Hon. Members opposite, it weight as witnesses. If these persons had previously borne a
was his intention to strike out in Committee these two clauses, good character, they were not subjected to punishment, but it
or whether he was prepared to maintain in all their integrity they belonged to a suspected class, sentence of imprisonment
the provisions of the Bill ? If the Right Hon Gentleman de- was passed upon them. But then it might have been trans-
(dined to answer the question, he (Mr. Colquhoun) having no portation. The House would observe what a discretion they
confidence in the intentions of Government, from past expe- allowed.—( Hear, hear.) In one of the cases which he had
rience, should certairly vote against the second reading of the mentioned, the offence as created by law, was one of the most
Bill. The Hon. Member then alluded to the meeting at Lord ordinary acts of men—the offence was nothing more than tra-
John Russell's house, in Chesham-place, which had become yelling on the Queen's highway ; yet for this offence a wan
notorious during the last few months for political assemblies. might be brought into the presence of a ude and jur, and
Looking at the strange assortment of Hon. Members, having diffe- if circumstances appeared wisp' •sentence of transportation
suspicious
rent political views, at those meetings, he must say that the Noble might be passed upon him. He said that to such a measure
Lord the Member for London would have a difficulty in deal- Parliament would rightly refuse to give its sanetion.—( Hear,
tag with Ireland. The Noble Lord would have a strange hear.) But there were other considerations in connexion with
team to drive—such restive horses, and such kicking and cur- this Bill which very much demanded the attention of the
vetting amongst them. He had ruled them before, and past House. Whenever Bills of this kind were brought before
experience must have told him the difficulty of managing the' House, it had been always thought right to con-
them. If they had not had the corn measure this year they sider what were the grievances of Ireland, and in
would have had a grand educational scheme, which, like the what manner these grievances might have been the
other popular measures, would have been filched from the cause of these offences.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, the
Noble Lord the Member for London. The course that the late Secretary for Ireland (Earl St. Germans), in proposing
Right Hon. Baronet had pursued was for him at the end of the this Bill, denied that the majority of these offences were con-
session to give some indistinct hints of the course he meant netted with agrarian considerations. But he (Lord John
to pursue, and he went forth to the world as the liberal Russell), after having consulted all the evidence laid before the
Minister, the great spirit of the age. At the beginning of the House, and the report made by Lord Devon's Commission, was
session he promulgated his liberal opinions as a concession to convinced that the majority of these outrages were agrarian,
the principles of Hon. Gentlemen opposite. He wanted to and connected with land, arising out of the social habits of the
see the Noble Lord in power, not from any confidence in his people in reference to land. The Noble Lnrd then quoted the
administration, but that it would give them (the Protec- opinions of Mr. Barrington, Major Shaw Kennedy, and Cap-
tionists) the opportunity, perhsps, of recovering themselves, tats Warburton, that the majority of the outrages in Ireland
and of truly arpealing, to the people of England on the prin- were agrarian. Here then, he said, were magistrates and
espies they maintained. He should rejoice at having an oppor- farmers, and who had been so in that country for many years,
tunity of recording his vote against her Majesty's Ministers on who had given it as their opinion that alterations of the farms
a want of confidence. He required a pledge from the Govern- affected the existence, and brought on starvation upon the pea-
ment that the Bill should he maintained unmutilated, other- sentry ; and, therefore, he considered that eviction from land
wise he should vote against the second reading. was the cause of the outrages in Ireland. He said then, that
Colonel SIBTHORP said the Hon. Member re- on these grounds, if it was right to introduce measures of re-
quired a pledge front the Government ; he required none. pression beyond the ordinary powers of the law, it would have
He had made up his mind to the performance of his been right, at the same time, to introduce other measures, by
duty, and he should fearlessly perform it. Ile was never ac- which the means of existence would have been in-
customed to flatter any man, but he could not help recording creased, and brought within the reach of the peasant.
his admiration for the Noble Lord the Member for King's He knew that the Noble Lord (Earl of Lincoln) had intrc-
Lynn. What was the reply of the :Right Hon. Baronet—he duced measures of au important character, within these three
would not call him his Right Hon. Friend—to that speech ? days, but he thought that these measures ought to have been
It was most weak and vain. It had been his painful duty to introduced at the same time with this measure. After hearing
pass much of his time in Ireland. During the whole period, he only the Noble Lord's annunciation of the Bill, it might, per-
had never received one unkind feeling or expression from any haps, be difficult to say whether they would be fit for the pur-
class in the sister kingdom. He would not support a pose. Another measure, it was true, had been proposed for
measure which in his opinion emanated from a Whig Ireland by an Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Poulett Scrop-a), but he
Government. He should feel it his duty to oppose the (Lord J. Russell) confessed that he did not. expect that measure
measure. The policy of the Right Horn Gentleman was to would remedy the ills of Ireland, but instead would tend to
pass the Corn Bill, and then, if expedient, to appeal to the fix them deeper in their place. Another measure proposed for
country. Petitions had been signed by 250,000 persons against the amelioration of Ireland was the cultivation of waste
the Bill, and their rejection of the measure ought to be attended lands. He thought that the cultivation of waste
to. He could place confidence in neither the Hon. Gentle- and outlying lands would certainly abate the competition for
man's opponents, nor in the present Government, for men who land, and would in so much tend to abate the crimes which
had been caught twice in a trap ought never to be allowed to were being committed. Now, he had already stated, in giving
get out of it. He had no confidence in their wish for the wel- his consent to the second reading of this Bill, that he had obe
fare of the country, and he should feel it his duty, when a mea- jections to it. He objected to that clause which made it en-
sure more efficient was brought forward, to vote for it ; but to minal for a man to be out between sunset and sunrise. But if
get rid of the present Government, which was the best measure this clause were taken out of the Bill, he did not see but that
he could promote at the present time, he should join certainly it would cease to exist—it would cease to be a Coercion Bill for
with the Noble Lord, and vote against the second reading, of Ireland. There was an Act passed by the other House of
the proposed atrocious measure. Parliament, imposing fines on certain classes of the people;
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he hail paid particular at- and the Whiteboys' Act contained the same clauses.
tention to the mass of Parliamentary evidence which had been Some such clauses might perhaps have been intro-
laid down by his friend the Member for the city of Oxford. duced into this Bill, but certainly not such as he
The Hon. Member was of opinion that if a measure was intro- had seen in the Act passed by the other House of Parliament.
duced on the responsibility of her Majesty's Government for the If they should proceed to make the people pay for the out-
protection of life in Ireland, that being the assumption on the rages done in the country, if they set about collecting in the
lace of the Bill, but it did not much matter what might be the small sums of money for such a purpose, they would most likely
intention of the Bill, still it was their duty, the Bill having raise such an opposition that they would require to send out
been referred to that House to be deliberated on, to give their the military to exact the two-pences and three-pences from the
assent to that Bill. To that doctrine he (Lord J. Russell) people, to pay for the outrages that had burst out. But he
could by no means assent. He could understand that upon a might be asked, why, if he objected to the Bill, he had con-
motion to bring in a Bill, or in the first bringing up of a Bill tented to the first reading. He said, if he had stated his ob-
from the House of Lords, that so much was due to her Majesty's jections to the Bill, and said that he would not consent to the
Government that it might be riaht to consent to the in- first reading of the Bill, it would have been said that it was a
troduction of the Bill, in ordei:- that it might be fully most violent opposition, that he should not allow a Bill
and freely discussed, but that the law-makers of to come into that Honey for the protectiou of life in Ireland.
the country were not to consider what those laws were— No, he had not done so, but he had stated
that they were not to consider the effect of those measures, Isis objections to the Bill—objections which went to the foun-
but blindly consent to them—was a proposition which seemed to dation of the Bill. On the first day when it was fixed to
him so contrary to all his notions of Parliamentary duties that come on with the orders of the day, he had stated that, he
it was impossible for him to countenance that doctrine in any would oppose it. Other grounds of opposition had been
way. In commencing a review of the proposed measure, he taken. It was said by the Noble Lord (Lord G. Bentinck) on
was tempted to take th.e course in objecting to it which was a former night, and it had been reiterated by an Hon. Gen-
usually adopted by a Minister of the Crown when presenting a tleman to-night, that they had no confidence in the Govern-
Bill for their consideration. A Minister of the Crown, when vernment, and could not give their support to an unconstitu-
about to propose any measure of great importance, generally tional measure. This was a Parliamentary ground for op-
ushered it in by quoting some paragraph affecting the welfare of position. But, he confessed that, had he thounht this Bill
the country from the speech from the Throne which had been calculated to meet the necessities of the case, and that these ne-
delivered at the opening of Parliament. In the present cave cessities required such a Bill, he had no want of confidence
he did not think that her Majesty's Ministers could make a in her Majesty's Ministers and in their own measures, in re-
similar application, because he thought that the Queen's speech spect to Ireland, and therefore he would not have opposed it.
wae a strong argument against the proposed measure. Her He said it would be no novelty if he bad no confidence in her
Majesty, in that speech, called attention to the frequent Majesty's Government ; for
several years he had thought
acts of outrage and assassination committed in Ireland, for himself, and bad brought out his own independent mea-
and wished to know whether any measure could not be devised sures. The practical working of the policy which had been
to prevent those outrages, and to bring to justice the perpetra- employed on either side showed results, and
Government
tetical
tors of them. A delay of five months, after such an announce- commentaries, proving that her Majesty'sheerand counterrnm cnheewres7
ment from the Throne, ensued before any measures were mistaken, and they were rigbt.— (C
',which they had tir-
taken.—(Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Ministers had not suffi- These results showed thatent the
had conuerNsve
a tly adopted Pwas
cient confidence in the measures they had prepared, or, as it sued and the Goyernm
what had been "'said of temt course
had been said, the press of public business had prevented them right, notwithstanding
Ministers were out of office.
proceeding with those measures. There were two courses when her Majesty's
hpresent of great increase in population to
open, en • her of which it would have been competent for her Ma- He attempted
.t e ground
lax the restrictive measures. Upon all these measures the
jesty's Ministers to have edopted, and would have been per- re.
dchangedThey had adopted their
• • of the Government and Ministers had their course.
fectly compatible with the dignity
that House. One course would have been to have introduced measures. They had gone far beyond what they proposed in
Hegavethem every credit for
for the purpose of introducing the impor- the admission of foreign corn.
with
a temporary measure
some
sure which they had acted. It was some
tation of food, and also to have introduced a temporary mea- the motives upon
sure for the protection of life • in Ireland, thus leaving the great regret that Hon. Members
doing their duty should have been
measure of the corn-laws in its native integrity open to the un- so long the objects of slander and calumny as they had been.
fettered and dispassionate consideration of that blouse. The Secretary of State for the Home Department accused
With respect to the measure, he was bound to consider the them when going out of being like pirates who set fire to the
It appeared that havinggot •
now, possession
which were urged in favour of the Bill. The amount ship.—(Cheers.)
grounds
of crime
had lived upon the stores which they had
consider: he was bound to consider in what manner Minis- left them—(Cheers)—guarded themselves by the charity which
to
tern
had arrived at that amount of crime ; he was bound to they deposited in the cabin—steering by the compass they had
consider whether the present measure did afford that remedy left on the deck. It would hardly have been too much if they
which was likely to increase protection to life and property ; had expressed some regret that they have been exposed
and, lastly, whether measures of a different character would not to such charges before the country, with promoting a ten-
have removed the cause of the alleged insecurity of life. But dency to set up a Popish Government in the country, and
the Noble Lord who holds the office of Secretary for Ireland promoting measures tending to destroy the agricultural in-
introduced this Bill in a speech which he owned gave him con- terests of the country. He had felt the poignancy of these
siderable embarrassment. In the early period of the session charges. It would have been little more than justice to have
they were told of dreadful murders—of murders committed in said that they were not deserving of these attacks. The Hon.
the open day; and he had thought that the speech of the Noble Member for Newcastle spoke" of measures, which he said, he
Earl would have given them some details of those outrages : (Lord John Russell) was happy to promote. He thought
but the crimes the Noble Earl mentioned were of an ordinary he was mistaken as to the character of the measures.
character, nor could he gather from the statement of the Noble To preserve the institutions of the country, the
Earl that they were different to, or greater in amount, than best course to pursue was to reform. The Hon. Gentleman
those which had been committed for several years past. thought it rash that Manchester, Leeds, and all the great
But the Noble Earl put it to him whether, towns, should be represented in that House—that it was a
having supported a similar measure in 1845, brought serious innovation. Was it so ? Would it not hare been
forward under similar circumstances to those of the better to have carried these measures? Would it not b present day, he could refuse his assent to the Bill now before conservative if, instead of carrying this Bill, th • turnede more
the House. He would answer that appeal at once. It was no attention to the grievances of Ireland eserious
reason because an Hon. Member had supported a measure to consider, by some such —the social grievances
which went beyond the constitution at one period of his life, 1-:e and securing the lives measure as cultivating the wastes'
ought to support it at another; but the Noble Lord having was the case, then was
and property of the people? If this
made this appeal to him, he must trouble the House with a resort to riot always the most conservative to
measures of coercion, and delay measures of reform. He
review of his conduct with regard to measures of this descrip- wished to preserve the institutions of the country, and he should
tion. Soon after he entered Parliament in 1817, indeed in wish to cleanse them
in some degree from their abuses. With
the year 1819, a measure was brought forward to suspendregard
the to Ireland, the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn,
Habeas Corpus Act, and what was called the " Six Acts" could not vote for the present measure, because he had no
was introduced to remedy the disturbances which then pre. confidence in her Majesty's veiled in the manufacturing districts. Foll • the • 'the other Ministers. Some Hon. Members
Following opinions on
of the political party to which he belonged, he voted in support had an overwhelming confidence in the commercial policy of
of the measure. Soon after he came into office, a disturbance the Minister. What was the state of the case ? There was a
of a similar character, accompanied by declamations of the large party in* Ireland native Par-
same democratic character, broke out in the country, but after Hai ent eeuldd who thought nothing butt a
redress of their
prom e proper measures for theeooks duo and careful examination he came to the conclusion grievances— to violence,
a party which excited to violencie,,l
that it was better not to make any alteration in as its means f said the Noble
the constitutional law of the country, and he came Lord, andseparation as its
itendwas
for the benefit of
you pass this Bill because,
down to that House to ask for an increased military and eon- Ireland case was made
and that you considered a
stabulary force. He recollected that the Right Hon. Baronet out for the measure - say to Ireland, we have endea-
the First Lord of tho Treasury acquiesced in the proposal he voured to legislate t:cycoourdeiann to our consciences, but if you say
made, and with this increased force, and with the aid of pro- any thing else to them—if you say we thought it a bad measure,
secutions under the ordinary law, the country was restored to nevertheless we allowed it to pass because there were measures
a state of tranquillity. After the Right. Hon. Baronet the more for the benefit of England, going along with it. What
First Lord of the Treasury came into office, a disturbance, an effect will this have upon the people of Ireland. They will
in the manufacturing•
very similar in its nature, occurred des- say, " You have oppressed us by
your laws to such an extent
triete—perhaps it was of a still more alarming character—and that if we are found looking after a stray cow, or visiting an
theßight Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home afflicted parent a few miles off, after the hour of sunset, we are
Department pursued the course lie H And you who vote for this measure hadtlone before him.
He liable to punishment."
be-
sent down an increased military force to the disturbed dis- cause other measures of a commercial nature go along with it,

will say to them, you are punished, not for the security of life,
but because other Government measures were passing through
Parliament at the same time; and for the sake of these
measures it is that these restrictions are placed upon you.
In answer to this, the people of Ireland will turn round and, in
a tone of triumph, exclaim, " Teil us, is the Parliament com-
posed of English and of Scotch Members fit to legislate for
Ireland ?" Will they (continued the Noble Lord) not seek
for a domestic Legislature? Will they not use their utmost
endeavours to obtain a repeal of the union? What answer
would there be to such an appeal ? The unanimous voice of a
generous count] y would join in the declaration, that we have
not justice, that we are determined to obtain justice, and,
as it is now proved to us that that justice is not to be obtained
from an English Parliament, we are determined to have a
Legislature which will represent our feelings and our interests.
Beware (said the Noble Lord) in giving such arguments as
these, if you wish, as I do most heartily, to maintain and to
improve the union, and make it a source of happiness and bles-
sing to the people of Ireland, as well as a source of increased
strength to the ties of kindness and good feeling to Ireland,
beware, lest you in any way weaken the link which
Lind the two countries.—(Hear, bear.) Do not set
so far apart the governors and the governed. Do not let the
people of Ireland believe that you have no sympathy with
their feelings, and no care for their wants, that you are intent
only upon other measures in which they have no part. I say,
if you are persuaded that this measure Wright pass its second
reading, and pass it through Committee; but if you are not so
persuaded give no sanction to it. Let it at once be rejected;
let it not be said that such was your conduct, and such your
maxim with reference to this measure. The consequence of
passing such a measure would not be temporary, it would not
be repaired in a year, or five
years;or)ten sears. lt would be
an irrevocable loss.—(Loud cheering.
Mr. B. DISRAELI—If the Noble Lord had felt keenly
the unjust attack of those who
supplanted him
in power, the
Noble Lord had at least this consolation—he had received a nobles
revenge.—( Cheers.) And he was sure thatreecaeci pupils rose before him, before that
red box—(Laughter)—toe'
whose authority they succeeded, the Noble Lod,h
was sure, must have felt, although they had not yet received
that expression of spontaneous feeling which his generous
svmpathising character expected— ( Cheers)—the Noble
Lord must have been receiving from those Right Hon.
Gentlemen and Noble Lords opposite ample compensation for
the injustice which he is nationally and universally aeknovv-
!edged to have suffered from their hands.—(Cheers.) The 1
Noble Lord had treated them that night with the eloquence
that was habitual to him whenever he touched upon the
affairs of Ireland. He (Mr. Disraeli) was one of those who
regretted, and would not refrain from the expression of his
regret, that the fate of Ministers should be supposed to de-
pend, after all that had occurred this session, upon an Irish
subject. It was not, however, to any Honourable Gentle-
man who sat on the benches near him that this circum-
stance had occurred. They had shown themselves ready
upon the earliest occasion to discuss the question ; and he
thought, that whatever might have been the policy of the Go-
vernment upon other questions—however irritating he might
say that it had been to the outraged feelings of many Hon.
Members upon that side of the House, still he thought that,
from the first and earliest occasion, they had been ready to dis-
cuss the matter. It was impossible for the House to forget the
circumstances under which this measure had been brought
forward. It was an unconstitutional measure, framed for a
country which required to be treated with consideration and
delicacy. He would remind the House of the manner in
which the subject was first brought before their considera-
tion. The measure was then brought before the
consideration of Hon. Members—it was recommended to them
on account of its temporary character—on account of the exigen
ties which called it into being, and then studiouslyconcealed from
their notice till it was at length almost forgotten. He had no
wish to speak of h s own feelings upon the subject more than
was actually necessary, in order to defend his individual vote
which he should give upon this measure. If he saw the present
measure recommended by Irish Members, or a majoity upon
whatever side of the House they might it, he should come to
the consideration of the question with feelings different to
those which he should have embraced when he found all the
Irish Members denouncing the measure as futile.—( Hear.)
This was not the first measure of the sort which had been
forced upon Ireland. He was not, however, prepared to say
that occasions might not yet arrive when extraordinary powers
would be required by the Legislature of the United Kingdom.
If it be true with reference to the state of Ireland—as he be-
lieved it was admitted to be true by all parties with reference
to the state of England, namely, that while they had been dis-
cussing the principal and political measures of England—the
Constitution of the people of Ireland had been neglected.
He would not weary the House with the memoranda which he
could in a moment give to them. This Coercion Bill was pro-
posed on the 22d of January ; it was ordered to be printed on
the 16th of March ; it was read a first time on the Ist of May,
and ordered to be read a second time in June. This was the
temporary measure which the Government seemed to make
eternal. Let them look at the early adjournments of the House
while this measure was under discussion, and they would see
the importance attached to this measure. On the 20th of
April there was no House, and on other days other measures
were taken before the Coercion Bill, although it was first on the
order of the day. It was evident that there had not been an
earnest, even if there were a serious, intention on the part of
Government to bring forward this measure. He could call the
statistics in this measure the statistics of shuffling.—(Hear,
hear.) It was net his intention to enter into the merits of the
Bill itself, although be could point out many details; but one
circumstance was very remarkable, viz., that the Bill of her
Majesty's Ministers did not apply—( Hear, hear)—to the dis-
turbances which had been brought forward by the Secretary for ,
the Home Department. It was very satisfactory to find at the
present moment that there were any circumstances of a kindly
feeling in Ireland, even in the wilds of Munster, though it
was only with regard to the introduction of Indian maize. It
was unfortunate that this intelligence, which was communicated
through a very influential organ—which was generally favour- i
able to her 'Majesty's NI inisters,although not personally favourable i
to her Majesty's Ministers themselves—he meant the Time

was at the sane time accompanied by a report in the same
journal of a mutiny in Limerick gaol in consequence of the
substitution of Indian Maize for their ordinary food.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter.) There never was any individual who had
acted more fairly to any Government than the Noble Lord
near him (Lord G. Bentinck). There never was any indivi-
dual who had given a more full and fair intimation of the
course which he and his friends intended to pursue than the.
Noble Lord, and he could not therefore admit that any argu-
ment against the consistency of the Noble Lord was proved,
for no person could deny that the Noble Lord had fulfilled his
engagement in a just and complete spirit. He was not pre-
pared to admit that the accusation brought forward against the
Nob le Lord with regard to the Factory Bill was at all better
founded. Two years ago, when that measure was brought for-
ward, the Noble Lord had voted for the Government measure,
but did that preclude the Noble Lord from voting for the mea-
sure of another after that lapse of time? This was called
by her Majesty's Government inconsistency.—(Laughter. )
The Right Hon. Gentleman said—l have changed
my policy, but are you, the Member for Lynn, the person to
reproach me ? You, who changed on a Coercion Bill—who
voted for a first reading, when you did not intend to vote for a
second; and who have changed your opinion on the Factory
Bill. The Noble Lord had violated no confidence, nor betrayed
any trust.--(Hear, hear.) It could not be said that the Noble
Lord got into Parliament by promising to vote differently for
the Factory Bill. It could not be said that the Noble Lord,
with practised duplicity, supplanted a candidate on the hust-
ings, by professing opinions; which he meant to oppose when
he got into Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had
not turned the Noble Lord (the Member for London) and his
Friends out of office, for attempting to carry a measure, which
they were now themselves promoting.—( Hear, hear.) This
was the charge they brought against her Majesty's Ministers.
They were not to be met when they made these charges by the
taunt of having changed their opinion on the Factory Bill. The
quarrel is great and national, not a miserable individual squabble
between individual Members of Parliament ; and they were riot
to be answered by a Secretary of State or a First Lord of the
Treasury saying, " Don't remind us of our pledges, we have
discarded them long ago; the electors who sent us to Parlia-
ment, and by their confidence made us Ministers of the Crown,
we can lead and direct just as we please." But he (Mr.
Disraeli) would tell the Right Hon. Baronet—
Tu oblitus es, sed meminentur omnes,
Afeminit fides."
He would give the House an instance from the speech
of the Right Honourable Gentleman of the con-
spiracy practising against the Parliament of England,
and if he or any of his friends could explain them, he would
not only be glad, but surprised. It was used when the Right
Hon. Gentleman was vindicating himself and his principles, in
that high-flying tone which he so well knew how to assume
when occasion required—( Laughter.) He wanted that an-
swered—he asked it before, he asked it again and again, and
the Right Hon. Gentleman called it bandying personality.—
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) But a few weeks afterwards, how-
ever, the Right Hon. Gentleman informed the House that he
was going to explain the whole circumstance. He (Mr.
Disraeli) was sitting opposite to him, and was listening atten-
tively to evety syllable that fell from his lips—he could have
said nothing that could have escaped his observation. Twice
he told them, and dazzled the eyes and ears of all, that he was
about to give an explanation. Instead, however, of doing so
he read some confidential communication, which had no refe-
rence to the subject in question. That explanation he had
never given, and that they required.—(Hear, and cheers.)
Why he (Mr. Disraeli) reminded the House of this was
in consequence of the observation made a few nights ago at the
conclusion of the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech, when he
said that "the accusation of his (Sir R. Peel) wishing to oust
the Noble Lord (J. Russell) from settling that question, was
the foulest calumny which the most vindictive imagination
ever dictated to a virulent tongue."—(Tremendous cheers.)
He who described this as the most vindictive calumny, was
describing the conduct which he himself practised.—( Great
cheering.) He ventured to allude to this, in order to explain
the attack which he made on the Noble Lord with regard to
his political consistency.—(Cheers.) As for consistency he
(Mr. Disraeli) thought that the Noble Lord might be ready
at any time to put it against that of the Right Hon. Gentle-
men.—(Tremendous cheers.) But he (Mr. Disraeli)
did not wish the constitutional principles of the
country to be left to political squabbles.—(Cheers. )
The Right Hon. Gentleman, in order to put an end to the am-
bition of the Noble Lord, made another attack upon him. He
said that the Noble Lord had assumed a license in debate
which exceeded its legitimate bounds ; and the. Secretary-at-
War also admonished the Noble Lord, and reminded the House
that they had been addressed by him in language which had
never been used to them before,
and which, he trusted, would
never be used to them again. It appeared that the Noble
Lord used strong language, and his having addressed them as
Janissaries had excited their strop indignati on He (31r.
Disraeli) saw that the Speaker did notin
interfere on'
that occa-
sion ; and when he saw that men, the
meminent of their
time, had also used stong language in that House, he was not
surprised that the Right Hon. Gentleman did not interfere.
He had to regret that the gentleman of this new
generation
would f
did not appear to know the history of their timei
the speech
He
take the liberty, however, of quoting a passage from
of a Gentleman, who was much admired by the Noble Lord,
the Member for London ; and as these were mealy-mouthed
times, it would be well to know how Ministers and the op-
ponents of Ministers occasionally expressed themselves, The
Hon Gent. here read an extract from a speech of Mr. Fox on
the Indian Bill, in which that gentleman implored them, " for
God's sake, not to triumph. by an infamous string of bed-chamber
Janissaries;" and again, in another pa.sage, in reference to
the opposition of his opponents, lie designated it as the
"work of the Pretorian Guards." Burke also made use of the
strongest language h
in reference to IS opponents. On one
occasion he said that " the whole compass of language did•not
afford terms sufficiently adequate to describe the contempt
with which he regarded them." In another place he said that
their conduct " reduced them to the level of the meanest

and basest of the species." And then came the Secretary- at-
War, and told them of lan(7,,uage that had never been used in
Parliament before, and which he hoped would never be used
again. He (Mr. D.) would stronly recommend him to get
Fox's speeches, and to study them day and night, and he would
promise him that if he did his knowledge of Parliamentary lan-
guage would be improved, and he would find that his nervous
and masculine eloquence would not suffer by the perusal.
He confessed that it was one to which he could not allude
without unaffected pain.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was
very possible for Gentlemen to treat with derision the memory
of a great man ; but he confessed that whatever might be his
feelings on the conduct of any individual who had been a dis-
tinguished citizen in this country, and particularly an illustious
Member of that Senate—if he had left them for ever he could
not have received an allusion to the subject with the miserable
derision which he had just ezpetienced.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) It seemed that after his Noble Friend the other

S U N

___.... 7„.:/7,,.t:..,_,,...t.'5,,6))
night had used that language, whit tfltatigh-,Parlial.-'
i and authorised by the greatest author lea,:itPitet°,,,,. '''',,,,,..,..' '4l
their minds, and te astound the Secr 9tt- 'ar 101, g,,,
,_,......-.,
‘
Felled by no common warmth, made tioe---alltialo whae', i'7l
touched a secret sore. The Noble Lo e.llll*lgu'" of 'OR' I
:...upheeris,,arid
to
so
ainnyhips e
tptryeseonffceencbeecaounse
thhu
wok
rat' '
tali- r--:
Member fur Lynn, if he badany characteristih t t
it was the total absence of affectation and pretence. The Noble
Lord had never forced himself there into the place which he
occupied. He was thrust against his will into the position
which he occupied. He had always said that he had not
much skill—that he was not a statesman, and asked them why
he could not get somebody else—that he was bred a soldier
and never aspired to more than the reputation of being a high
spirited matiand a gentleman. That was the character of the
Noble Lord, and he believed that he had obtained his
limited wish. He did not know his Own powers—he (Mr.
Disraeli) thought he had great abilities. There were dozens
of such men, but the fact was that the Noble Lord had no am-
bition. Any one that knew him intimately, knew that the
idea of raising himself with the State had never entered into
his head.-_( Hear, hear.) It was once the happiness of the
Noble Lord, and it was still his pride, to have filled the
humblest station of the political career near a great Minister ;
and from that period he had not wished to occupy any
office however exalted, and e-en the Right Honourable Ba-
ronet admitted, that as regarded the Noble Lord, he
was a consistent, but a pure and disinterested supporter. The
Noble. Lord might have expressed himself with unust.al warmth
and vigour, for, without any pretention to oratory, be spoke
1 from the heart. He was not sere that the racy vigour of
his brave honesty
An How. MEmaza (on the Oppo-ition title of the House)—
Yes ; the racy vigour suits the stable mind.—(Laughter.)
Mr. DISRAELI—Yes ; he was not sure that this brave
i honesty is not worth all that modern eloquence with which we
pompous plausibility and solemn
adroitness—ha)l that
-1
all
stale sophistries—(Olt,N oh,— that damnable iteration of
and cold common-place which
are held out to us as models of eloquence._
(Oh, oh, and loud laughter.) The Noble Lord,
speaking with earnestness, and remembering his position—the
only Position in public life he ever aspired to—the humble
Position which a political career could offer to
a great Minister and bound to him by the
nearest and dearest ties, the Noble Lord said the Right Hon.
Gentleman had hunted to death Mr. Canning. The Noble
Lord said that, in 1829 the Right Hon. Gentleman admitted.
or rather had announced, that in 1825 he had informed Lord
Liverpool what was his opinion with regard to the Catholic
q u e s
ot iogne. r
plo{sesib(it,hteoßraisgihstt
their claims,
cGlaeimntsl,emanand)evhea:lifstahideyitcowualds
only besettled by his leaving office ;he was P
no lnthat sacrifice to himself. The Noble Lord, rereparembdetriongmathkee
conduct of that Right Hon. Gentleman, in 182:eto Mr. Can-
ning, and remembering the effect of the conduct of the Rig ht
Hun. Gentleman on the career and probably or. the life of
that statesman, and taking the position laid down by
the Right Honourable Gentleman himself that it was
base in a Minister to conceal his opinion, asked
him how it was in 1825, when he changed his opinion on the
Catholic question in the year 1827, having announced that
change at so late a period after he had formed his opinions.
The reason of that change was given by the explanation with
regard to the cause of severance with Mr. Canning, and never
would be forgotten in that House. The Right Honourable
Gentleman had made an answer which he would not reca-
pitulate—not from any desire of being unfair, but because it
was fresh in the recollection of every one who listened to it.
The Right Hon. Gentleman said that, in the year 1825. he did
of course, deny his communication with Lord Liverpool ; and
he had said that, in 1829, when he announced that communi-
cation, he announced nothing more than he announced in 1827,
in the presence of Mr. Canning himself. It was a remarkable
circumstance, as the House would recollect. The Noble Lord
had accused the Right Honourable Baronet of having,
in 1829 acknowledged, or rather announced, the
change of his opinion on the Catholic question
in 1825, that announcement being made in a speech of 1829.
The Right Hon. Gentleman never read that speech—the Right
Hon. Gentleman had read the speech which he made in 1827,
in the presence of Mr. Canning. It was remarkable that the
Right Ikon. Gentleman never referred to the speech on which
the Noble Lord alleged the great accusation then before the
House. The position of the Right Hon. Gentleman was that
in 1829 he only stated in that House what in 1827 he stated he
had urged in his communication to Lord L;verpool.
in the presence of Mr. Canning. He would wish
to read to the House that speech of 182.9, where the
allegation of this great omission was contained. The
Right Hon. Baronet referred Hon. Gentlemen to the speech
of 1829, but he never read it, and, therefore, he (Mr. Dis-
raeli) would read to the House what took place in 1827. It
was but due to the Right Hon. Gentleman to open that pas-
sage in Hansard, as the question was too interesting and too
important to be passed in silence. The Right Hon. Gentleman
said, " As far as my own course in this question is concerned."
Mr. R. YORKE—Which Right Hon. Gentleman ?
( Loud cries of " Order.")

Mr. DISRAELI proceeded to quote :—" As far as my own
course is concerned, it is the same which I have always held
in my mind since 1825, when he was principal Minister, Tend
found myself in a minni ity on this question.. When I saw the
number arrayed against me, I found my own position unten-
able. When I found I was left in a minority do this ques-
tion, I wished to be relieved from the responsibilities and the
duties of office, and in consequence of the decision given against
me in that House, I wished to be relieved from that office."
He was ready to admit that it appeared that the Right Hot,
Gentleman used the same language in 1827, nor did the Right
Honourable Gentleman say anything which he did not say
in 1827, in the presence of Mr. Canning. There was no con-
tradiction to that by any of the intimate friends of Canning,
or those most intimate with the conduct of public men in this
country. And what was the impression of the House at that
time, when that speech of 1829, an extra et from which he bad
just read, was written? He made no charge against the Right
Hon. Baronet, but he said that this was a garbled and muti-
lated report ; or, to use the softer language of that House, it
was a correct report of what was said. Now, it really
amounted to this, whether or not that important statement
was made by the Right Hon. Baronet? That was really the
great question.—(Hear.) It so happened that there were
two reports of that speech. There was not oily that of Han-
sard, which appeared after after a long interval, but there was
that which appeared in the ‘. Mirror of Parliament," and
which paper was reported by men of education, talent, and
of the greatest intelligence. The speech of the Right
Hon. Baronet was taken don n in short-hand by verbatim
reporters. When this speech was made, a great question then
agitated the public mind, and the course pursued by the Right
Hon. Baronet was that which suggested itself to his mind at
the time as the only one which he could adopt tinder tlie cir-
cumstances. It was a most important question to the country,
and related to the great Catholic question.—(Hear, hear.
The Right Hon. Gentleman then felt that the time was
come when something respecting the Catholic claims should be
done. He stated to Lord Liverpool that something should
be done with respect to the Catholic question. There
was such a thing as a version of a speech—a speech for the
House, and a speech for posterity.—(Hear, hear.) It so hap,
pened that the speech of-the Right Hon. Baronet was both
ways; and now they read both, and compared the speech of
'the hour with the speech of posterity.—(Cheers.) It hap-
pened that at that time a very eminent gentleman, who was
at the head of a great Protestant party in that House, re.
marked that if there was a time for consenting to the Catholic
question, the Right Honourable Baronet—in justice to his
own character—in justice to his friends—and in jus-
tice to Mr. Canning ought to have consented
before. If, said the Honourable Member, the question
was not found necessary in 1825, when brought forward by
Mr. Canning, why did he again vote against it in 1827,
when Mr. Canning was in office, and then advise it in 1E29:1
(Great cheering.) These were the remarks in an Hon. Mem-
ber's—in the speech of Sir Edward Knatchbull—(Hear, hear. )
—and it was well-remembered by all who listened to the
speaker, that it brought an answer from the Right Hon.
Baronet. He did not answer that speech in the language
which he quoted from Hansard, as the speech of the Right
lon. Baronet. His answer was the speech of Hansard, but
not the speech of the Mirror of Parliament. It was no
doubt a revised speech, a corrected speech. It was marked
in Hansard as the speech of the Right Hen. Baronet—and
there was this most remarkable note appended to it—" printed
with sanction, and by the authority of Mr. Secretary Peel."
( Hear, hear. and cheers from the Protection benches.) Now.
with respect to the speech in the Mirror of Parliament, he
had inquired who it was that reported it, and he
learned it was reported by Mr. Barrow, a
first short-hand writers
gen-
tleman who was one of the
as well as one of the first scholars of the day, they would not
doubt the ability and correctness of Mr. Barrow, but if they
did, he fancied that that speech had
the
alsobeenreported in the
Times newspaper of 1929, wherein_ Right Hon. Baronet
was made to say that the time was come when something must
be done with the Catholic question. He did not bring those
statements forward without wishing that the Right Hon.
Gentleman should have the opportunity of answering them.
He had quoted them from anonymous works, but it should be
remembered that anonymous works, at times, were written by
those who were high in office, and who were above writing any-
thing contrary to fact, at least wilfully. He found it stated in
a work of great reputation, that Sir Robert Peel bad a
letter in his writing-desk, which he had written to
Lord Liverpool, stating that it was high time that something
should be done with respect to Catholic claims. This was
stated in the Edinbusgh.Reriese, and it was signed anonymously ;
but it should be remembered that that work was read in 56
highest circles, and quoted as a great authority ; and
best of all reasons, that its contributors were menofhdigfherratnhke
and of great attainments. It was within eight and forty hours
afterrae
Baronette r Nolfr.
c.
whichoCstmn oe Canning gave
commenced
appearedvh eatt the Right
tRi
o b geht
opposition,
s o lion.proud,
which t h Gentleman
attiec gitdheter
Recdho
naa -t.
the time, and had been consideredeversinee,wtoas have outraged
all decency. It was agreed upon, at a party of gentlemen, held
in—he would not • saym what great house, though
he had been told—where they were dining. It was enough
for him to know that they came down to that House, and the
Right Hon. Gentleman was amongst them. It was a party
favourable to the shipping interest,
pnd theehwhich in
Rightt Heoonn.taGeend-
tleman delivered himself of -a speech
aearfl
iniornoroedernexctlmmesg., and far
language far more vehement,:
mere passionate than any
y
ha tn
dH Hon.
8.
sionat e Gentleman
sspeeches
cr
hl es
hear.) On the third dfityheaftebre he had received his character
and delivered one of most tvhieoleßntig.
for candonr, and sincerity, i
trae ry
h
•
that had ever been made in that House, which called for the
celebrated reply from Mr. Canning, that he was always ready
to meet the attack of an open and honourable enemy, but he
despised
iend. Now, the sneaking insinuation of a lurking foe in the garb
o
he would not enter into any details aswn
to whether the Right Hon. Baronet hunted down Mr. r.Can-
ning, because that was the poetical phrase, used meta-
phorically, to describe the feelings of the friends, and
relatives of Mr. Canning, with regard to the transactions with
which they- were familiar, and because if he were to do so he
must go into secret councils, and quote secret correspondence,
read passages from newspapers, set up and maintained for a
particular purpose,—(Hear, hear.) He must go into details
of matters which the Right Hon. Gentleman addressed to the
new generation who have entered Parliament since these events
had occurred, and in vindication of his own character ; but let
him remind the House that it was not a vindication made on
the spur of the moment, although the Right Hon. Baronet
might have had an imperfect knowledge of the
details of what occurred nineteen years ago, for the Right
Hon. Gentleman took three or four days to get up his case,
which was to make an impression upon the rising generation.
He thought, however, he had proved from the extracts which
he had read that the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman
in vindication of his own character was garbled.
(Hear.) He had brought them evidence—unintentional evi-
dence—confirmatory of the impression left upon the minds of
those who witnessed the occurrence of these events, and whoa
were cognisant of the unenviable avowal before the Rousa:.
nineteen years ago..—(Cheers.) But a complaint was
made against his Noble Friend that he had called
the Right Honourable Gentleman " his Right Honourable.
friend." The Right Hon. Baronet asked if the Noble Lore
believed that he hunted Mr. Canning to death, how was lei
justified in calling him his Right Hon. Friend ? and as far a s
he possibly could do he would deal with that question. He
remembered when the Right Hon. Baronet was at the head o:
a phrasaical confederacy, called the " Conservative party."—
( Hear and laughter.) He remembered then the Right Hon.
Gentleman had more than 300 Hon. Priends—(]:soar, anti
laughter)—many of whom he did not knowbfname--I,Laugh.
ter)—many of whom he certainly could not recognise , and yet
most of whom called him their Right Honourabb <. Friend.
In that time the Right Hon. Baronet seemed to thin that he
was the sole Minister of England, and he came tq the tablt

of the House and spoke of measures which " I proposed "
(Laughter)—but he must tell the Right Hon. Baronet that,
when a party was formed, it was not a single individual, how-
ever eminent his abilities might be, who proposed measures,
but it was the party of which he was the leader. It must be
remembered, however, that his Noble Friend, in supporting
the Right Hon. Baronet, did not acknowledge him as his
leader, but he did Lord Stanley, who had long been his
political associate and intimate private friend, and
with whom he voted on a certain occasion in
driving the Right Hon. Berm t from power. He was not
surprised that his Noble Friend, connected as he was with Mr.
Canning, should have felt deeply upon this subject. For his
own part, he never had any acquaintance with that illustrious
man, and never saw him but once. It was in that House, and
at a time when he had rather a hope than an expectation of
becoming a member of that assembly ; and he could recollect
how he listened, as if it were only yesterday, to the last
breathing thoughts, and, he might say, the dying words of that
great orator. He could recollect, as if it were only yesterday,
the flourish and tumult which his mighty dreams created.
Even now the melody of his voice still lingered on his ear,
and he was afraid he should never see another Canning. A
man who ruled the House as a rider ruled a high-bred horse—
as Alexander ruled Bucephalus.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Hon. Gentlemen might laugh, but he was conscious that they
lived in a Parliament and in times over which a great change
had come, and he was not surprised to find that even the
public feeling assumed a sleepy apathy upon subjects of this
nature. He well knew ti. at the tone and temper of that
House had long since undergone a change, and he was
conscious that it did not evince the pride, the spirit, nor the
courage which it did in the time of Canning. He was not
surprised that the vulture ruled when the eagle reigned.—
( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman once said when
in the House, and the phrase must be familiar to all, that
Ireland was his greatest difficuity." But why was Ireland
his greatest difficulty? He asked him, if he had acted with
frankness towards Mr. Canning, in regard
whether Ireland wouldrd to the communica-
tion he made to Lord Liverpool 29
have been the great difficulty which he felt it was at this mo-
ment. They were about to divide on an Irish_ question, and that
division might be fatal to the continuance of his power. It is
Nemesis that inspires this debate, and decides this division, and
seals with the stigma of Parliamentary reprobation the catas.
trophe of a sinister career:—(The Hon. Gent. resumed his
seat amidst the most enthusiastic plaudits.)
Sir R. PEEL—I am quite aware that the forms and
usages of the House altogether exclude me from making any
reply to the statement of the Honourable Member, but still in
a matter so purely personal I dare say that the House
will do that which is allowed to be a uniform custom, not to
enforce a rigid adherence of an established usage. Ido not
now ask to reply, but I ask the House in justice to suspend its
judgment until an opportunity for a reply occurs.—( Hear,
hear.) The whole of the question turns on this single fact—
did I, or did I not, state to Lord Liverpool in 1825 that my
opinion on the Catholic question was changed—( Hear, hear)
—and that it must be settled ?—( Cheers.) The whole ques-
tion turns on that, and whether the statement in the report of
my speech of the sth of March was a correct statement of the
truth.—( Hear, hear.) I then stated that I said to Lord
Liverpool in 1825, in my position as Secretary of State for the
Home Department, as I was the only one of the Government
who was opposed to the Roman Catholic claims, and yet I was
responsible for the administration of Ireland, and seeing
that my colleagues were in constant concert with the
Opposition, that my position in the House was so in •
tolerable, that I asked to resign.—( Hear, hear.) I believe
every man has a perfect right to do so, and I was only deterred
from pressing my resignation from the fear of breaking up the
Government.—( Cheers.) In 1825 I opposed the Roman Ca-
tholic claims.—( Hear, hear.) In 1825 Lord Liverpool made
the strongest speech that he ever made in opposition to these
claims. I spoke on the question after that speech, and I dis-
tinctly stated my continued opposition, and this would have
been quite inconsistent with the advice which it is alleged I
gave to Lord Liverpool to settle the question, or to my express-
ing an opinion that the question should be set at rest.—( Hear,
hear.) In 1826 I still offered my opposition to the question.
In 1828 I still offered my opposition to the motion, and I was
then left in a minority ; and I then said, in 1828, something
similar to that which I stated to Lord Liverpool in 1825. I told
my Noble Friend the Duke of Wellington that I could not
longer be responsible for the state of Ireland.—(Hear, hear. )
The Clare election then took place, and I then said -and I said
it for the first time—(Hear, hear)—to my Noble Friend the
Duke of Wellington, that not only must I relinquish my posi-
tion in the House of Commons, and the office of Home Se-
cretary, but I also said that the time had come when this
question must be settled—( Cheers)—and that in a private ca-
pacity I would do all that I could to aid him in the settlement
of this question.—(Hear, hear.) Now, with respect to the
Edinburgh Review, there has been a lapse of seventeen or
nineteen years since those proceedings, and all the evidence
was quite as accessible to the Hon. Member during the whole
of that period as now.—( Hear, hear.) He had just the same
opportunity then as now of bringing forward the subject—
( Hear, hear)—but he reserved himself until a particular
period—(Hear, hear)—when I took a course with respect to
another question which has not given him satisfaction.—(Loud
cheers.) Yet, after a lapse of seventeen years, I am called
upon to reconcile any objection which may be put forth. But
the main question is, did I in 1825, or did I net, state that
my opinion on the question was changed ?—( Cheers.) Lord
Liverpool was a personal friend of Mr. Canning.---( Hear, hear.)
Do you believe, with his intimacy with Mr. Canning, that
if I had told him in 1825 that I had changed my opinion
on the Catholic question, that he would not have communi-
cated the important fact to Mr. Canning?—(Loud cheers.)
As for my speech I admit I did what many others do, I
concocted my speech, and what occasion have I to admit
that ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I have nothing to do with the
Mirror of Parliament. The speech was delivered on the
sth of March, and I was questioned on the 6th of March.
The report, with which I had no concern, was printed on the
6th of March, and there you see the answer to the question of
the sth.—( Hear, hear.) Now as to the Edinburgh Review,
is any public man safe, if any anonymous writer makes a state-
ment in the Edinburgh Review and it is not contradicted im-
mediately, that it is to be taken to be correct ?—(Hear, hear.)
Am I to contradict any malignant paragraph which appears,
and if this is not done is the truth of it to be assumed?—
( Cheers.) But what does the Honourable Member state?
It is, that the writer in the Review asserts that there is a
letter in existence from me to Lord Liverpool, of the date
of 1825, in which I state that the Roman Catholic claims
should be settled.—(Hear, hear.) Now I challenge the pro-
duction of this letter.—(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Gentle-
man said that I had in my possession a copy of this letter,
addressed to Lord Liverpool. What authority has he for
making such an assertion ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
What authority has he for making such a statement ?—•
(Cheers. ) If the Hon. Member knows the fact, I now chal-
lenge the production of it.—(Loud cheers.) But I will go a
great deal further—l pledge my honour if there is a letter
of mine written on the subject to Lord Liverpool, that copy
I will produce in extenso, and then you will see what is the
ease.—( Renewed cheers.) I stated on the sth of March
that I made a communication respecting my resignation in an
interview with Lord Liverpool—l have every reason to believe
that the communication was personal. I was in the habit of
seeing Lord Liverpool every day, and of communicating with
him, but if this letter exists, a copy of it shall be produced—
(Cheers)—but I assert that I never did, in 1825, intimate to
Lord Liverpool, or to any other person, that there was a
change in my opinion on the subject of the Roman Catholic
claims.—(Cheers.) I shall not say one word more.—(Hear,
hear.) I have no right to make any further observations on
what has fallen from the Hon. Gentleman, but I feel deeply
grateful to the House for the indulgence it has extended to me
On the motion of Mr. C. POWELL, the debate was a(
journel.

COUNTY WORKS PRESENTMENTS (IRELAND

AMENDMENT BILL.

The House then went into Committee on this Bill, and re-
sumed, when the report was ordered to be brought up to-
morrow.

ADMINISTRATION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE BILL,
This sal was read a third time and passed.
The House then adjourned at a quarter to Two o'clock.

LITERATURE.

THE HISTORY OF EGYPT.
By Samuel Sharpe.
As the author of this noble volume very judiciously
observes in his preface; after the histories of the Jews,
of Greece, and of Rome,' the next in importance among
the ancient empires of the globe is, without any ques-
tion, that of Egypt. From that wonderful and myste-
rioas land we have derived our chemical and mathema-
tical knowledge ; from the emulation excited by its
primitive inhabitants first emerged the arts of architec-
ture and of sculpture ; to its political systems we can
almost trace the root of our legislative learning ; and
the original texture of our philosophy, our poetry, and
our practical studies have derived their colouring from
pa,:sing to us originally from the country of the Nile.
When we reflect, moreover, that the obelisk of Helio-
po!is was in existence at the remote date of Abraham's
migration—that the colossal figures and tumuli which
still excite our awe amidst the sands of Africa have
braved destruction during four thousand years—when
we remember that Plato strayed among its acacia
boughs,
and that Pythagoras has strode upon its beach
—that Thebes was in such glory before the birth of
Romer and is in such ruin now—that the Pharaohs
battled' thelthaetpronpli a prophets, and that Alexander there
purposed.
tua, erection 'city which should continue
for ever and far eve;
?thee capital of the world, bearing
his name to the avast'
posterity—when we turn,
moreover, to the deeds reozess achieved by the Em-
peror Napoleon, under 'they
stability, ~ea°plvro of the Pyramids, and then bPhold the stab
tia;rog.flothryat,
of the present government, underrthegilidl'
illustrious old man, Mahomet A
blla not
to regard with an exceeding interest the narration of
the History of Egypt. Mr. s '
Sharpe has „zed
ni,sia a
noble subject for the employment of hi s historical earn-
ing and of his literary powers ; and nobly has he accona_
polished his endeavour.

MAYOR TO VA ITXHALL-
VISIT OF THE LORD
GARDEM.—The Right Him. the Lord Mayor al; I
n last
lsatgr e pa r party
evening." oTfhieny-
fluential gentlemen visited the " Royal Proper
were received by the spirited and liberal proprietors, to whom, a:
well as Mr. T. Holt (acting manager), his Lordship expressed h.
perfect approbation of the entire arrangements of the gardens—th
character of the entertainment—and the good order that prevailed,
His Lordship and friends subsequently supped in the Grand Pavilion.
PRESENT FROR HER MAJESTY.—Three splendid
Cochin China fowls, bred by Mr. Walter, the superintendent of the
Royal Aviary, at Windsor, have just been torwarded to Strathdeld-
says, as a present from her Majesty, to the Hon. and Rev. Gerald
Valerian Wellesley, the brother of his Grace the Duke of Wel-
lington.

ABOLITION OF THE " EARLY DELIVERY," BY COM-
MAND of THE raiTMASTER-GENERAL.—The following order with re-
ference to the early (I.:livery of letters in the metropolis was posted
in the letter-carriers' branch of the Inland-office, a few minutes be-
fore eight o'clock last evening: —" Order of the Postmaster-General,
dated June 13, 18-It;.—On the 25th Instant the early delivery on the
City walks will he discontinued. The sub-sorters who deliver the
City walks will, on and after that date, act as assistant letter-carriers
on their respective walks. Mr. Kelly will reake proper arrange-
ments to carry these regulations into effect. To ensure the above
order of his Lordship being carried Into complete operation, with the
smallest possible inconvenience to the public, the letter-carriers hold-
ing such walks will prepare statements of the present deliveries, so
that they may be equalised and regulated in compliance with the
above urdep." (Here follow the names of upwards of 50 the early
de ivory walks.). The operation of the above " order" will save the
merchants and traders of the metropolis upwards of 2,0001. per an-
num. Extensive changes in the management must follow It, as the
chief part of the men on the City walks depend principally upon the
public for their incomes, the "Crown pay" of the senior men being
only 361. Se. per annum, or 1 is. per week. Last night (Monday)
twelve additional letter-carriers were added to the list of general
post letter-carriers.

SUDDEN I)EATH OF MR. PETER GRlLLlON.—Yester-
day Mr. Peter (lrilllon, the well-known proprietor of GriMob's
Hotel, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, died under the following awfully
miden circumstances:—Between nine and ten o'clock the unfor-
tunate gentleman was standing in the rick-yard on his farm at East
Acton, superintending the erecting of a rick of hay, when he was
suddenly observed to stagger and fall to the ground. Re was imme-
diately picked up and conveyed into his residence, and Mr. Clubbe,
surgeon, of Acton, sent for ; but Mr. Grillion never rallied, and ex-
pired Just after the arrival of the surgeon. The inelancholy event
has occasioned much regret in the neighbourhood, where Mr. Grillion
was highly respected.
STEAm-BoATS—In 1814 there ws but one steam-boat
belonging to the British empire. During thirty years the number
has increased to about 1,000 British steam-boats, which are now na-
vigating to and from all parts of the world.

IMPORTANT NEW HISTORICAL WORK.
Now Ready, Printed and Illustrated uniformly with Miss Strickland's
" Lives of the Queens." Vol. 1., Price lOs. 6d., bound (to be
completed in about 6 vols.) of
LIVES OF THE KINGS OF ENGLAND,
FROM THE NORMtN CONQUEST.

By THOMAS ROSCOE, Esq.
" This work will prove a great addition to English history. No
better supplement to our annals could be supplied than well-written
biographies of our Kings. If the succeeding volumes should prove as
interesting as this one, we can imagine no more delightful series of
books."—Weekly Chronicle.
Hesery Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

VISIT of PRINCE ALBERT to LIVERPOOL.
E
LOO HOTEL,enlvt aantdergelonot,efielvaeccomllmems
olto?,YoALn tWheANToErtilh-
odfraomtionLaitvteh4
Shore, immediately opposite the Sea, commanding a view of the
vessels passing and repassing to and from the port of Liverpool to all
parts of the world. Sea-bathing, and Carriage Drives on the Sands,
five miles in extent.
The Royal Waterloo Hotel. Waterloo, near Liverpool, is con.
ducted by IL S. HEWITT, (late of the Adelphi Hotel, Manchester,)
who begs most respectfully to inform the Nobility, Gentry, and
Public generally, that the premises consist of entertaining, coffee,
and private sitting-rooms, servants' hall, forty bed-rooms, warm
and cold salt water baths, which may be had in the house, with
every convenience for large or small parties. The stables are good
and extensive, having room for fifty horses, with lock-up
coach-houses that will hold twenty carriages. The distance from
Liverpool is only five miles, and omnibuses run every half-hour
during the season. Waterloo needs no recommendation, either for
purity of air or eligibility of situation.
Mrs. Hewitt (formerly Miss tqnith,
who for many years managed
the Hotel at Seacombe for her late parents, Mr. and Mrs. Parry),
superintends the domestic department; and from her experience and
well •known attention to the comfort of her inmates, hopes to meet
with support and patronage from her friends and the public.
Royal Waterloo Hotel, Waterloo, June 12, 1846.

RAILWAY SHARES BY PUBLIC SALE.
riTESSRS. LAMOND, SMALE, AND
LAMOND, Railway Share Auctioneers, beg to thank their
'lends and the Public for their continued support and patronage,
and to announce that their Public Sales of Railway Shares, &c.,
take place every Trasnsy and FRIDAY, at One o'clock, at the
Hall of Commeree, Threadneedle-street, London, to which place,
favours, containing instructions (with a reference), are respectfully
requested to be addressed.

All Scrip and Share Certificates must be deposited, at least
one day previously to their being offered ; and advices of results
will be forwarded by the first post ;after the sale, and the proceeds
immediately disposed of according to instructions.
Offices, Nall of Commerce, Threadneedle-street, London.