The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-09 00:00:00

THE SUN. LO N DON, SATURDAY _EVENING, MAY 9, 1846.

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Inland.—(Hear, da.t—that
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for Oxfordshire (Mr. Henley) had said that he considered the
course the Government had taken was not compatible with
sought to he
far less calculated to obtain the end
honour,
obtained.
Mr.
aog dishonestly.
HnENLEYdnied that he had accused the Government
with
Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT considered the observations of
the Hon. Member were to that effect. With respect to the
charges made against the members of the Government, he
( Mr. S. Herbert) must say that there was a difference between
men in a private station and those who were in office.
He must say, that Hon. Gentlemen, in dealing with the Go-
vernment, should judge of the position in which public men are
placed ; as to them were committed great public interests.
They should take all the circumstances into consideration, and
keep in view that they were bound to act in consonance with
that policy which would best serve the interests of their
country.—( Hear, hear.) Especially they should consider that
no disgrace or dishonour could accrue when the scheme pro-
posed —the change of opinion referred—to was entirely of a
fiscal nature. There could be no charge of dishonesty where
the object was to remove a great evil.—(Hear, hear.) To
those who denied the policy of the Government, he gave the
full right of quarrel with that policy. He gave to every
one the credit of acting for the best intentions, and
at the same time he must claim the same for
himself. All he asked was the credit of having acted
from honest and upright motives, and with acting uner the
exigencies of the case for the welfare of the country.—
( Hear, hear.) Abuse he was prepared to meet, but at the
same time the parties who cheered the Noble Lord (Lord
George Bentinck), and who found fault with the Government,
—who charged them with having deserted their principles,
should' consider the position in which her Majesty's Miniaters
had been placed, and the circumstances of the country--
( Hear, hear.) When the troops of the Noble Lord strained
all their might against the Government—when illogical mysti-
fications were so frequently employed to support the cause of
protection when long arithrne.ical calculations were peraded
to meet the case—when a great pressure of distress, a
national exigency arose—and when, along with these,
they had the effects before them, of the partial relaxa-
tion of these laws respecting the importation of
food during the last seven years of reduced duty—
when they had all these, would it have been meet and proper
for the Government to stand still, and not make a provision
for the hunger and famiue that threatened a great portion of
the country ?—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Yes, he sa'd,
when famine and hunger threatened a large portion of the
country, the Government had considered it their (1114 to pro-
pose an alteration of those laws that restricted the importation
of food from foreign countries. Let it be understood lie did
not impute bad motives to any one, but he did think that the
charges against the Government were not fairly and candidly
made. He thought that violent and sudden measures were to
be deprecated, but with regard to the present measure, It was
not so, for the principle had been tried already for some years
in which it had been completely successful. Every year, in
this country, wheat had become cheaper in comparison to the
prices on the continent.—(Hear, hear.) He did say, that as
far as the state of parties were concerned—whether the
Lt ague or the protection society had brought about the present
state of opinions—the present time was the proper one for its
settlement, without doing violence to any great interest, with-
out physical force on the one hand, or the dread of the jail on
the other. lie, therefore, trusted that the measure would
pass, and that those in opposition would not oppose its further
progress. He trusted that as he gave them credit for honest
and conscientious motives, that they in return would extend
the same indulgence to him—and concede, that in this
particular measure the Government had in view the
great and valuable object of keeping down the price of food, so
as to place it within the reach of the poorer classes of the peo-
ple ; and especially with granting relief to the distress and dif-
ficulties of a large portion of their fellow-subjects in Ireland,
who were suffering much from the circumstances in which they
were at present unfortunately placed.
Mr. HENLEY explained that he never said that the Go-
vernmnnt had acted dishonourably. He said that two Cabinet
Ministers had recommended a certain course to be taken which
he considered was not consistent with honour. —( Hear, hear.)
Lord G. BENTINCK, who was at the beginning of his
speech rather inaudibly heard in the gallery, said that the Right
Hon. the Secretary-at-War had charged him with having en-
deavoured to agjtate the country in favour of protection. He
charged him with having been unsuccessful in that course of
agitation. He (Lord G. Bentinck) had never attended public
meetings, he had never made any speeches to those meetings,
nor had he written letters to any one.—(Cheers from the pro-
tectionists.) He had never said a word on the subject of pro-
tection in-public, until he felt that it was his duty to do so, and
then he had addressed that House.--( Renewed cheering.)
If he had agitated the country, that agitation was restricted to
the speeches made in that House, and uttered to her Majesty's
Ministers.—( Continued cheering.) But he was a little sur-
prised to hear his Right Hon. Friend take this high tone, be-
cause the party to which he (Lord G. Bentinck) belonged had
been accustomed to regard his Right Hon. Friend as equal in
station, equal iu eloquence, and superior in honesty, to the pre-
sent Prime Minister of this country.—(Loud cheering.) This
was the agitator whom, in the month of December, when her
Majesty's Government was in a state of dissolution, and the
whole agricultural mind of England expected that his Right
Hon. Friend, and not he (Lord G. Bentinck), would be the
leader of that party. But his Right Hon. Friend now stood
up in this House, and held this high tone on the subject of
the corn-laws. He would have the House to believe that the
way to improve the aericulture of the country, especially of
his own county of Wilts—where, as he informed them, agricul-
ture was carried on in so slovenly a manner—that the
way to improve that country would be by repealing the corn-
laws. It was only in June last that, in answer to the
Hon. Member for Sheffield, he called on the House, and the agri-
cultural interest out of the House, to resist the motion of his
f-ion. Friend, and to make a manful exertion to refuse the se-
ductions of the Honourable Member for Stockport, who en-
deavoured to convince the agricultural interest that the way to
increase their profits was to reduce the value of their produce.
—(Cheers ) His Right lion. Friend had referred to .he case
of Ireland, and, as one of her Majesty's Ministers had repeated
the misrepresentations of the motions which actuated the Hon.
Members who sat around him in supporting the measures
which they were prepared to pass regarding Ireland, ho would
trouble the House with one or two observations on this matter.
That Minister had stated that they on that side were pre-
pared to suspend the corn-laws, for giving relief to that
country. How often had they stated, that though they con-
sented to that measure, they did not believe that it would give
reliefto Ireland? How often had they stated, that to no part of
the United Kingdom would so much injury be done by the re-
peal of the corn-laws as to Ireland. He would tell them why
Ireland would be injured by the repeal of the corn-laws. From
what they heard of the doings in Ireland, there was every ap-
pearance of poverty increasing, and tilled land being converted
into pasture land, because it was found now that it was more
profitable to rear cattle than to grow corn, and in process of
time new evictions would take plate over the whole of Ireland.
His Noble Friend the Secretary for Ireland had told them that
he was responsible for all the information that had been given
by Government in that House. He was afraid that his
Noble Friend was a very credulous Minister. He did not
charge his Noble Friend with misrepresenting facts—he
did not charge him with such wilful misrepresentations—with
making a handle of that which he did not know to he true.
He would not charge him with wilful misrepresentation in
order to advance his election at Falkirk, but he must say that
his Noble Friend was too ready to listen to every exaggerated
eaves-dropper that came near him, and this was simply the
reason why they had such exaggerated reports of the famine
in Ireland. There had never been that scarcity in that
country to the extent stated in that House. True there had
been some scarcity felt in some diets lets in Ireland, but he
denied that a general famine existed. They had heard from
his Hon. Friend the Member for Northampton the state of the
county of Limerick, and that statement was a corroboration of
that made by the Secretary for Ireland. He (Lord George
Bentinek) happened to hold in his hand a return of the
produce which came into England in the course of
last month, and was sorry to find that the importation
from Ireland was greater than from any other
portion of Great Britain. Between the 25th of September
last, and the 24th of April this year, be found that 71,000
quarters of wheat, 6,000 quarters of barley, 268,000 quarters
of oats, 55,00) cwt. of flour, 234,000 cwt. of oatmeal had
been imported from Ireland, making a grand total of 346,069
quarters of grain, 289,931 cwts of flour. He believed that we
had sent over 43,000 quarters of grain to assist the Irish
people, while it was clearly evident that from this, which was
called a starving country, a greater quantity of grain was ex-
ported than from any other portion of the United
Kingdom.--(Hear.) There was greater abundance in Ireland
than had ever been know in this country, and if her Majesty's
Ministers undertook to purchase oatmeal to send to the assist-
ance of the Irish, it would have been better to have purchased
it there, where it might have been done without any difficulty
and where it would have been distributed at prime cost, and'
without the expense of carriage. His Right Hon. Friend had
considerable interest in the county of Wilts, and had referred to
the low rate of wages given to the labourers there. He (Lord
G. Bentinck) had no property in Wilts, but he was a tenant-
farmer on its borders. He believed that he employed more
labourers, and paid more labourers too, than his Hon. Friend
had ever done, and the wages he had stated were not those
which were paid on the borders of Wales. In 1830 and 1837,
their wages were 9a. a week, but when the price of wheat rose
some Sc. or 103. a quarter, their wages were raised one
shilling a week; and if they were again lowered
in Wilts, of this fact he was perfectly assured,
that he was stet paying in his neighbourhood the same 103. ;
and, therefore, he thought there was the same little exaggera-
tion here as had taken place in Ireland. He had said before,
and he said again, that he charged her Majesty's Ministers
with that wilful exaggeration. 6He was there to speak the
truth, and he charged her Majesty's Ministers with wilful ex-
aggerationptlanowsseesecssoi
Commissioners.
neoiwsfvs.eiitophnnireiregard to the famine in Ireland. He wanted
tress should whichH e hsl ekoewu
tad:
like
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see
eeept Aho
report
nrniefs
pt rot yrh
tewopefinetnhvi in
Inspector of Prisons. He knew something of these reports,
and he knew that they differed very materially from the reports
at h antn
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el
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vd oant t hyen tuaglohl
al, inHethheeldcoinunht
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denied that famine to the extent stated existed in Ireland.
(The Noble Lord referred to other documents confirming
this statement.) It had been said that they had imported their system of political economy from France, but he would inform
the House that they had Pitt, and Fox, and Canning, and
Huskisson as advocates of these opinions ; and, looking to a
period somewhat more ancient, they found Cromwell support-
ing the same economy. 'I here were besides the very Ministers
who were now sitting on the Treasury Benches; those two
Right lion. Baronets supported them as long as they continued
in the vigour of their intellects, and now it was only after
forty years political experience that they came forward, for
the first time, to make a new experiment on the
principles of commerce and in favour of free trade.
It had been the doctrine of their great masters before them,
Mr. Canning and Mr. Huskisson, that they cared not how
cheap corn was, so long as that cheap corn was grown at home.
They refused to have cheap corn that wa3 bought from the
foreigner in substitution of our own.. He denied altogether
that they were endeavouring to serve any selfish interest. He
had never said a word against the manufacturing interest. lie
had always thought that the interest of the agriculturist and
the manufacsurers were bound up together; but he believed
that the manufacturers were more dependent upon the success
of the agricultural interest than the agrieultuists were upon
the manufacturers. The manufacturers wanted to change
their old customers for new ones, but were they sure that their
new ones would be better than their old? The arguments of
the manufacturers were, that if they were allowed to take
earn from abroad, the foreigners would sell us corn, and would
take our manufactures in return. That did not appear to he
the case now. This country took mere of foreign pro-
duce than foreigners took of our manufactures. He
knew that the agriculturists were benefited by the prosperity of
the manufacturers ; but the agriculturists, when they were
prosperous, purchased more extensively the productions of the
manufacturers. Was this the time to make the proposed
change in the corn-laws, when their granaries were fuller than
they were ever known before, While every other country was
suffering from scarcity, this country had plenty, and this was
the time which they had selected to make an alteration in the
law. He had received a letter from Liverpool, which stated
that there was abundance of food locked up in Ireland, which
had been purposely concealed in consequence of the scarcity that
was so confidently predicted at the commencement of the session,

His Right Hon. Friend the Secretary-at-War bad stated that,
notwi hstanding all the alarming statements which had been
made, there bad been no county meetings. He (Lord G.
Bentinck) thought that, sitting by his Noble Friend the Secre-
tary for Irela d, that would have been a very delicate subject.
Until last year his Noble Friend had all Nottingham at his
back—there was scarcely a man in Nottinghamshire that would
not have followed him. Who carried that election? Was it
not the tenant-farmers?—( Hear, hea-.) Oh, the money that
was spent in Nottingham by his Noble Friend (the Earl of
Lincoln). He was not going to charge the Noble Lord with
bribery, but did the Noble Lord deny that it was a most ex-
pensive election ?—(Cheers and laughter,) He had no doubt
the House would allow the Noble Lord to get up and make his
own explanation of the affair.—( Hear, hear.) But did they
not know that every agent in Nottingham was engaged ?
( Hear and sheers.) Nottinghamshire was taken by sur-
prise, but the tenant-tarmera of.Nottinghamshire carried the
county against his Noble Friend by a majority of between 600
and 700—(Cheers)--and were they to have it said that it was
his majority in the borough of Hamilton 'hat had swamped the
constituencies of all other boroughs in that district ? Did North
Nottinghamshire follow the example of South Nottingham-
shire ?—( Hear, hear.) Did South Gloucestershire or Dorset-
shire?--( (fear, hear.) Who was better entitled to have a seat
in that House than his Noble Friend Lord Ashley ?—( Hear,
hear.) He, too, would have been at the head of the poll in
Dorsetahire, if he had maintained his principles.—( Hear, hear. )
But Englishmen were true at heart—(Hear, hear)—they hated
tergiversation—(Loud cheers from the Hon. Member for Lin-
coln)—they detested all breakers of pledges and geod faith—
( Hear, hear) —they did not like to be betrayed.—( Hear, hear.)
When he recollected that his Noble Friend at his last election
for South Nottinghamshire, when he last stood unon the
hustings, congratulated the electors of Nottinghamshire on
their having refused to be cajoled by the latest fabrication
from the workshop of delusion—( Hear, hear)—that they were
independent and clear-sighted enough to scout the cry of
cheap bread—( Hear, he,r)—and that they had refused to be
caught by the last fugitive humbug of a dying faction.—
(Loud cheers.) Why, it was not the protectionists that had
agitated the country.—( Hear, hear.) Was it they who had
drilled the public mind and taught them that cheap bread was
a fallacy, and fraught with delusion to the country.—( Hear,
hear.) He rejoiced that the British people had shown them-
selves true to themselves. They had shown their aversion to
political inconsistency, vascillation, and tergiversation. He
thought, in the language of a modern writer, that the man
who was fit for the representative of a great people, should be
a man of a stable mind, fit to be the pillar of the state, and
not a weathercock—( Hear, hear)—at the top of the building,
whose only quality was its versatility and power to show the
last shifting of the passing gale.----(Loud cheering.)
Lord LINCOLN was aware that he was acting irregularly
in speaking a second time during one debate, but he trusted,
after the elaborate attack which had been made upon him by
the Noble Lord, who had kept back his store of envenomed
bitterness—(Cheers)—to the present moment—(Loud cheers)
—that the House would allow him a few moments to reply to
the charge brought against him by the Noble Lord. He would
not enter into any particulars, or explain any of his hustings'
speeches—(Hear, hear)—which he was quite prepared to do
on a proper occasion.—(Cheers.) With reference to the
charges of bribery made against him, he simply denied it, and
challenged him to the proefs.—(Loud cheers.) He had not
expended one farthing in bribery. It was stated to be an
expensive election, but it was not more expensive than
county elections generally were. ( Hear, hear.) It had
been said that he took the county by surprise ; the fact was
that the county was taken by suprise, but not by
him. The Hon. Member for South Nottingham had canvassed
the country before he had resigned his seat, he was therefore
eempelled to employ a great number of agents.—( Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord would have shown more discretion had he
refrained from alluding to the question of expense during the
election, because he knew or ought to have known that a noble
relation of his had paid a large sum—he could name that sum
if he pleased—towards the election expenses. Having thus
contradicted the statements of the Noble Lord, he then threw
out the same challenge as he had given to his Friend the Mem-
ber for South Nte-ts.—( Tremendous cheering )
Lord G. BENTINCK said that he was quite ready to divide,
though a great many of his party had withdrawn, under the
impression that no division would take place.
After a discussion in which Mr. Miles and Mr. Young took
part—
Mr. LAW moved the adjournment of the House.
Mr. HUDSON seconded the motion.

Sir R. PEEL said that he would advise the House not to
press a division, as there seemed to be an understanding that
no division should take place
Mr. LAW then withdrew his amendment, which he said he
only made in order to place the parties on a state of equality.
The amendment of Sir Charles Burrell was then withdrawn,
the report was brought up and agreed to, and the Bill was or-
dered to be read a third time on Monday neat.

IMPORTANT MEETING OF THE
AMBERGATE, NOTTINGHAM AND BOSTON
AND EASTERN JUNCTION RAILWAY, AND
THE GRAND UNION RAILWAY.
(From the Nottinghamshire Guardian.)
A most important and influential meeting of the share-
holders in the above companies was held this day (Friday),
at the Exchange Rooms, in compliance with the sessional
orders of Parliament, for the purpose of giving their sanction
either for winding up the affairs of the company, or to the
further proceeding with the Bill, which yesterday passed the
Committee of the House of Commons.
C Thosompany, presided.
The meeting was numerously attended, a majority of the
most influential shareholders being present. The business
was to have commenced at ten o'clock, but it was found that
it required considerable time to register the scrip, in order
that the votes might be taken by the directors either for or
against the line being proceeded with • consequently the
chair was not taken till after twelve o'clock;. The chairman
having explained to the shareholders that the present meet-
ing was held in consequence of the sessional order of Parlia-
ment, said he would at once request the solicitor to read the
advertisement calling the meeting in conformity with the Act
also an
of Parliament, the title of the Bill, and
Act enabling
the company to purchase the Nottingham and Grantham
Canals. This having been complied with,'
The Cruiaaraze said, he would now proceed to make a
f fe
observations relative to the meeting, and move a resolution
thereon, but before proceeding to Co so, he would read a
letter from the Chairman, which was as follows :
" 6, Mansfield-street, May 7th, 1846.
MY DEAR SIR,—My present engagements will unavoid.
,ably prevent me from having the opportunity of being pre-
sent at the meeting of the Ambergate, Nottingham and
Boston, and Eastern Junction Shareholders, in Nottingham
to-morrow ; but I have given my proxy, approving to pro-
ceed with the Bill, to our Secretary, and I am sure that the
gentlemen who may attend will be happy to learn that the
Committee of the House of Commons repeatedly expressed
their opinion, that our line is highly necessary, and ought to
be made, and that the evidence given before the Committee,
is such as to give every assurance, that when made com-
plete, it will afford the greatest convenience to the public,
and remuneration to the shareholders—circumstances which
no one can explain to the meeting better than yourself,
and believe me to be, yours, very faithfully,
" W. H. NORTON, Chairman.
" Thomas Bishop, Esq., Vice -Chairman."
Considerable applause followed the reading of the above
letter, on the subsiding of which, Mr. Bishop proceeded to
state the cause of the chairman's absence, who was detained
in London on Parliamentary business, connected with the
Bill. He next proceeded to state, that this line of railway
was projected last year, and had the influential support of
those landowners through whose property it passed. It was
no bubble company ; its remunerative character was calmly
conFidersd and dispassionately weighed. It was not a specu-
lative railway, but one which offered the greatest advan-
tages to the public, and would yield a very handsome remu-
neration to the shareholders. It had not only passed the
ordeal of the standing orders of the House of Commons, but
had advanced another step by the preamble having been
proved.—(Loud cheers.) He (the Chairman) would explain
the line of country velf ich it passed though commencing at
Ambergate, passing thrott,h the great coal fields of Not-
tinghamshire and Derbyshire, taking in its route the
important towns of Nottingham, Grantham, Sleaford,
Boston, Spalding, and thence opening a communi-
cation with Lynn, Yarmouth, and Norwich, and, at
the same time, touching upon most of the manufacturing
villages of our neighbourhood. He (the Chairman) firmly
believed that there was no person who could not but ac-
knowledge that the inhabitants of Nottingham suffered the
greatest inconvenience for want of proper railway accommo-
dation to the eastern and western part of the kingdom. Just
look with regard to Manchester; the public have to take a
most circuitous route, the distance being upwards of one
hundred miles, at an expense cf twenty-one shillings, and
were upwards of six hours performing the journey, whereas,
by the proposed Ambergate line, there would not only be a
saving of nearly half the expense, but in point of time
nearly three hours would be gained, the distance being
little more than sixty-nine miles. These were no small ad-
vantages offered to the public, besides the gratification they
would experience in having an opportunity afforded
them of enjoying the 'magnificent scenery of the
Peak of Derbyshire, and also with having a direct
communication w1:1 the eastern and western parts of the
kingdom, having Yarmouth on the east, and Liverpool on
the west. If we only looked at the east, we should find
it a most fertile district, redundant of agricultural produce,
yielding some of the largest crops in the kingdom. Then
look again at the west, possessing, as it does, an extensive
coal field, from which we shall derive an immense traffic.—
(Loud cheers.) When we were before the Committee of the
House of Commons there was a strong demonstration in
favour of the line, and so satisfied were the members that
the Bill ought to be obtained, that they did not even con-
sider it requisite to examine one-half of the witnesses whom
we had in attendance. The Chairman was aware there had
been a great number of lines in competition with this; there
had been the Boston, Newark, and Sheffield, but that, with
others, were now no more. Nottingham and Mansfield was
not a competing line, it was to run to a certain paint and
not exceed it. We were now left without a single opponent.
The Chairman next, in a clear and lucid manner, proceeded
to explain the remunerative prospects of the Company, pro-
vided they obtained this Bill, and said that, allowing 40 per
cent. for the cost of outlay, there could not be the slightest
doubt but the Company would reap a profit of 7% per cent.
The cost of the line would not exceed 20,000/. per mile,
while other lines would cost between 70,000/. and 80,000/.
The Chairman said he had the pleasing satisfaction of an-
nouncing to the shareholders that the preamble of the Bill,
was yesterday proved before the Committee of the House of
Commons.—(Enthusiastic cheers.) Terms had also been
made with the Grand Union--(Continued cheers)—who had
withdrawn their Bill. The Chairman next proceeded to
state to the shareholders the terms upon which the two
companies had amalgamated, from which it appeared that
the shareholders of the Ambergate line had paid a deposit of
2/. 12s. Gd., and the Grand Uion had only paid 1/. 7s. Gd.,
being a difference of 255., and as an equitable adjustment, the
Grand Union had agreed to allow 4 per cent. interest, until
their paid-up capital rea:hed the same amount a; the Amber-
gate, which the Chairman thought was a satisfactory arrang?-
ment to all parties. The Chairman said the dark and omi-
nous cloud of the panic having passed away, it now be-
came a question with the public, which lines were
to proceed. With regard to the Ambergate line, lie
was firmly of opinion that it would be to the advan-
tage of the shareholders that it should go forward.—
(Great cheering./ You have spent your money, said
the Chairman, in surveys. You passed the standing
orders; you have proved the preamble ; you have
not a single opponent; the strictest economy has been
practised in the outlay; and now you are ceftain of obtaining
your Bill; the directors cannot recommend you to halt, or
stay prouelings when yoa have so nearly arrived at the
goal. The preamble being proved is tantamount to having
obtained the Bill.—(Loud and general cheering.) The
Chairman then explained that the directors proposed, when
the Bill passed, to invest the money in Government securi-
ties, and not to expend it for the present in a portion of the
works. They would watch the money market, and not pro-
ceed in a reckless career, in expending the capital of the
shareholders. They had at present 300,030/. in hand, and
they thought the spring of next year a very favourable time
to commence. He would also announce to the meeting, that
it was their intention not to make a call until the expiration
of twelve months,—(Hear, hear.) He would just now ad-
vert to a rumour which he believed had obtained credence
with a portion of the public, namely, that the Ambergate
line had been sacrificed to the Midlands. " Such,"
said the Chairman, with marked emphasis, "such, gentle..
men, I can assure you, is not the case: the line is your line,
and yours entirely—(Reiterated cheers)—and Mr. Hudson is
our friend by alliance with ue."—(Contiaued applause.) The
Chairman, in conclusion, said the directors were now on
their trial, and appealed to the shareholders for their verdict,
and then moved the following resolution :—" That a Bill be
submitted to this meeting for making a railway from or near
Ambergate station on the Midland Railway, through Not-
tingham to Spalding and Boston, with branches therefrom,
and for enabling the Company to purchase the Nottingham
and Grantham Canals, and the same is hereby approved."
J. WILES, Esq., of Grantham, in an able, argumentative,
and forcible speech, seconded the motion.
The Rev. Mr. Poor, would ask a few questions before the
motion was put to the meeting. He was rather astonished
to hear the statement from the Chairman relative to the
friendly alliance of the Midlands. Now, he thought from a
circular that was placed in his hands, that there had been
some trickery with the Midlands, and if we had been so
tricked it should be exposed. The Chairman had said that
the line would pay 7i per cent. •, now, he wished to know if
Mr. Hudson had not asserted that if the Company obtained
their Act to-morrow, that the line would never pay 1 per
cent. He wished, also to know how many shares had been
allotted, how many paid up, and how many reserved ? The
Chairman had asked fcr their verdict, which would depend
upon a bold, fair, and upright answer; lie should also wish
to have the terms of canal purchases explained, and he should
also like to ascertain the expenses which the Company had
been at ?
The CHAIRMAN instantly replied to the queries of the pro-
prietor in a business like and straightforward manner, and
said the directors were not men to go behind the door; if
they erred, it was an error of judgment. It was impossible
to give an exact account of the expenses, particularly while
the Bill was in progress, but it certainly did not amount
at the present moment to more than 9a. or 103. per share,
and he firmly believed the expenses incurred were within
that amount. With respect to the Midland Company they
had taken 10,000 shares, upon which they had paid a deposit
of 5,000/., and as to Mr. Hudson lie had never heard him
express any sentiments as to the line not paying one per
cent. ; he believed lie never stated anything of the kind; on
the contrary, at a meeting at York, he was informed, on
good authority, by a gentleman who stood high in the rail-
way world, that Mr. Hudson placed his thumb on the map,
pointing out the route of the Ambergate line, and said in his
emphatic manner, " Here is a line that I will make pay 10
per cent." To the other questions of the Rev. Gentleman,
the Chairman said, the whole of the shares hail been allotted
—there was no reserve whatever, and all the shares paid u
Each provisional committeeman had 100 shares allotted, and. they had bought shares at a premium.
Mr. PERCY then, at the request of the Chairman, explained
the nature of the purchase of the Nottingham and Grantham
Canal, which was—" That the Committee do recommend for
adoption by the general assembly of proprietors, that the
principle of the amalgamation should be by a purchase of the
canal and works at 225/. per share in cash, or nine shares at
251. each at par, in the amalg mated railways, at the option
of the canal proprietors, to be signified in writing to the
railway company, within two months after the opening of
the line of such railway, from Ambergate to Grantham, the
canal company continuing the management, and appro-
priating the dividends amongst the canal proprietors, until
such two months shall have elapsed.
The Rev. Mr. Pool, asked if the Boston, Newark, and
Sheffield was not a competing line.
The CHAIRMAN explained that the Bill was lost.
The Rev. Mr. Poor. wished to know if the Boston, Newark,
and Sheffield Bill could not go again to Parliament ou its
merits?
The CHAlRMAN—Certainly not.
It was then explained to the meeting that the directors
I,ad taken a bold and-decisive step by having a second deed;
the opinion of eminent counsel had been taken on the sub-
ject, and it was found highly desirable to have a new deed.
The Rev. GENTLEMAN then expressed his satisfaction, and
said lie should vote fur the Company proceeding.
Mr. BIELEY' of Leicester, wished to know if the Birming-
ham, Stamford, and Boston line was not a competing one.
To that line he observed that the names cf Mr. Macanley- and
Mr. Ellis were attached,, and he thought that the Midlands
had an under-current at work, and this was a competing line.
The CHAIRMAN explained that the line did gosev t
Boston. They might give the line a fine title, like several
coaches which had the names of towns painted on them,
and they did not go within fifty or a hundred miles of the
place.
Taos. Xxxos, Esq., of Nuttal Tmspole,
business-like
as said
itkhea t
andthe
Temple,
statements of the directors v
- atraightforward, that although _
noterheh andavpaaidthtehesdliegphritseistt, but
not signed the deed, he should
ob-
jection to do so at any moment.--(Cries of "Hear, :hear,"
and greatapplause.) soiitary' exception,
The sb.areholders Freon., /Pity

.
having expressed their satisfaction, the voting commenced,
at the conclusion cf which the numbers were (shares re-,
presented)

For proceeding 30,293
Against 2,190

Majority ........ 28,103
Loud cheering fAlowed the announcement.
Votes of thanks and confidence were given to the- Chair-
man and directors, after which the meeting separated.
[The Chairman and directors, from the open and straight-
forward mann•.>r in which they answered all questions put to
them, and from the circumstance of their courting inquiry,
won the good opinions of all the shareholders present.—ED.
N. G.]