The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-24 00:00:00

LONDON AND YORK RAILWAY.

Lord 13ROUGHAM presented a petition from the
Archbishop of York, against the London and York
Railway. The line proposed to pass within a quarter of
a mile of the windows of the Archiepiscopal Palace, at
Bishopsthorpe, and would cut off all communication
with his farm-house. Another line of railway ran
within a mile of the palace, and he prayed the protection
of the House against such interference. It was not for
himself so much as for his successors that he made the
pre c nt stand.

FEVER HOSPITALS (IRELAND) BILL.
Earl ST. GERMANS moved the second reading of this
Bill, and in doing so lie hoped their Lordships would
pass the Bill with as little delay as possible, as it had
been ascertained from returns that had been laid upon
the table, that fever was rapidly on the increase in that
coun try.

The Bill was then read a second and a third time, and
Passed.

STATE OF IRELAND.
Earl GREY, in rising to move that an humble ad-
dress be presented to her Majesty, relative to the state of
Ireland, felt bound to apologise to their Lordships for
thus; bringing forward a subject of such extreme
difficulty, and to which he felt unable to do justice. His
only excuse was this, that he had not found any other
Noble Lord to do so, and he felt compelled by a sense of
duty to introduce the matter. The measures which had
been introduced with reference to Ireland, were, in his
judgment, of such a character as to render it imperative
on the House to take the earliest opportunity, after
having seen these Bills, of declaring by their assembled
votes that those measures were in themselves quite in-
adequate to cure the social evils by which Ireland had
been su long afflicted, anti that they were only justified
on the supposition that they were intended to give time
for the application of other and more effectual remedies.
—(Hear.)'' It was the object of the motion that he now
•uhmitteJ to the House to call upon their Lordships to
express that opinion, and he only earnestly wished that the
task had fallen into other and worthier hands. But
as this was not the case he had only to intreat their
Lordships' indulgence to the very imperfect manner
in which he might fulfil the duty he had imposed upon
himself: In bringing this subject before them, unfor-
tunately, there was hut little need to dwell upon the un-
happy condition of Ireland. They had heard enough of
that from those placed higher in authority than he was.
The Noble Lord opposite, on behalf of her Majesty's
Government, in introducing the different measures,
had described the state of society as most
awful to contemplate— as a state of society
in which there was no security to life or pro-
perty—as a state of society in which the extreme
wretchedness was most appalling, in consequence of the •
partial failure of tho potato crop, a failure which was
likely to lead to famine and pestilence, unless counter-
acted by the measures introduced by her Majesty's
Government. This was the state of things described by
her Majesty's Ministers, and unfortunately this
was not an accidental nor an extraordinary, nor
an unlooked - for calamity. It was but an
aggravation, and not a great aggravation, but a chronic
and habitual state of Ireland. The evils of that unhappy
country were not accidental, they were habitual. The
ordinary condition of that country was one of wretched-
ness and hiwlessnes. It was so described by every com-
petent authority, and no intelligent foreigner who pushed
his inquiries 215 far aslreland but gave it this description.'
It was a disgrace and a reproach to any country, a
standing disgrace to England, that Ireland should to-.
main in the position in which it was. It was re-
garded throughout the continent, he assured them
—and they might flatter themselves as they
pleased, but there was no foreigner—Frenchs' .Ger-
man, American, or Italian, or any nation of any foreign
country', however different in form of government,
who visited Ireland who did not turn and congratulate
himself on the state of his own country. 'lt was a
greater disgrace because this state of things had been
create: by our own policy. The mere fact saved all
forms of argument and was a conclusive irrefragable
proof' - that it was the fault of our Government. Nor
could they lay to their souls the flattering unction that
it 111 S misgovernment alone that caused this state
of things. They could not say that whatever state
of things existed it was not their own fault. The
Government of Ireland before the Union was este moat
ingeniously bad that was ever contrived—it was the
Government of a corrupt minority sustained by the su-
perior power of the Parliament of this country, and it
triumphed over the good legislation of those opposed to
it, and left behind it fatal and irreparable evils. No
man could have a stronger opinion than himself of the
venality of the Government which existed in Ireland be-
fore the Union. The Union, however, was a matter of
history. .1-felt a century, or more than fifty years, had
clapsr:d since that measure was carried, and for nearly
fiftv years Ireland had been under the control of the
Imperial Parliament of England. Another generation
had since grown up, and was now passing away and
giving place to another ; and he asked what impression
bad been made on the evils of Ireland since that time ?
Ile could not deny that many good measures had been
passed, and he was the:first to acknowledge and approve
of them. He believed that several measures had
been adopted, many of which he hoped had contributed
in some respects to improve the condition of Ireland, but
in the worst and leading symptoms no improvement had
been made. On that point he could quote high authori-
ties. lie found that the Commission presided over by
a Noble Earl, not then in his place, had said, the year
before last, that a slight improvement had begun in
agriculture in Ireland ; but there was evidently no advance
or improvement in the condition of the labouring classes.
In the report of that Commissions they were informed
that the agricultural labourers still suffered great priva-
tions and hardships ; that they depended upon casual
and precarious employment for their subsistence ; that
they were badly !missed, badly fed, badly clothed, and
badly paid for their labour. Anti the Com-
missioners concluded this part of their statement
by saying—" We cannot forbear expressing our strong
sense ef the patient endurance which the labouring
classes generally exhibited under sufferings greater, we
believe, than the people of any other country have ever
endured." This was an authentic statement, and came
from a Commission appointed only the other day to
inquire into the state of the people of Ireland. It was
a repast
describing the state of things in that
country before the failure of the potato crop, and they
told them that the sufferings of the great mass of the
people of that country were greater than those endured
by any other country in Europe.—(llear, hear.) This
.wee indeed a field for statesmen, and coming
from such a quarter could not he without founda-
tion. Upon equally authentic information, he
(Loot Grey) could state that the condition of Ireland
was much worse now than formerly ; he meant that the
whole mass of the nation were dissatisfied with the con-
stitution under which they lived.—(Cheers.) A
strong, a deep feeling of hostility to that form of
Government under which they were placed, seemed
to him to be rather gaining than losing strength.—
(Hear, bear.) lie was led to that opinion by what
he heard fall from the Right Honourable Baronet,
the Secretary of State for the Home Department, two
years ago. He heard that Right lion. Baronet say—
and the statement made a deep impression on his mind—
he said, in answer to a speech of a Noble Friend of his,
that lie distinctly admitted that we held military occu-
pation of Ireland, and that that country could not be
govewe • byd any other means—that it was occupied
by froops,
but not governed like England. This was a
atatetoent
inaele by the Secretary of State for the Home
Departtoentlle (Lord Grey) asked if that state of
.
things oug.ht longer nil) continbue? It lead hine• m to infer
een somethi wrong
that there must ave
. they. had pursued, and that some
measures
en the poli
stiffere,et in character were required
to meet the exigencies of the country.
That was the inference which arose out of these pre-
esisee. He could not understand how a min who was
in his reason could arrive at a (211hrerit conciusi .
repeated that a change was absolutely necessary. But
her elilajesty's Government proposed to continue, the mea-
sureg which had hitherto been pursued—measures which
had ince•eases
• 1 instead of decreased the evils under which
Ireland ieboured they proposed doggedly to pursue.
He asked how they could expect but that their mea-
sures would conduct to the old termination.
Money and coension had beeen the whole
policy of her Majesty's Government. There had
been no lack of money, but it had failed to re-
The statement he had made
iome remedies, other than those
Luired to meet the condition of Ireland.
for tide state of things to continue with
try.—(Hear, hear.) Should it be told
ditiou of Ireland was in such a state
)ssible for them to alter it, he would
a libel upon common sense, unless,
it in the wish of the Legislature to
td was gifted by nature with great
had great coasts and harbours—
she had great water-courses—and, indeed, her great
matunkl reseources were not to be denied. When the

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