The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It was understood that the Council of Ministers
held yesterday was on the same subject which has
for some time occupied their attention—the impor-
tant subject of Church Reform. The plan will, we
trust, be of a searching nature, and as extensive in
its remedial provisions as are the evils which de-
mand a cure. No trivial or meagre measure will
suffice; such palliatives only increase the disease ;
the discontent of the people in England, and espe-
cially Ireland, will be exasperated by the mockery
of a bit-by-bit reform, and not a single Tory or
high Churchman will be conciliated; on the contrary,
both the lay and clerical Tory will be encouraged
to more vehement opposition to a Government who,
by a temporizing policy, show at once want of
wisdom and want of courage. We hope and be-
lieve, however, that the measure will be satisfac-
tory, and we hail with pleasure the disposition
which we know has been manisfested by many emi-
nent Churchmen to forward, instead of impede, any
well-digested scheme for correcting acknowledged
abuses, which they consider no., what their foolish
brethren call them, the outworks of the citadel,
but so many practicable breaches, through which
the foes of the Church may at any time enter and
lay the ancient and sacred fabric in the dust.—Tiezes.
The recommendation by the President of the
United States, in his message to Congress, to con-
tinue protecting duties only on those branches of
manufacture which are necessary to the national se-
curity, may or may not be adopted by Congress. If,
however, Congress act on his recommendation, the
desire of the South Carolinians to withdraw them-
selves from the general Union will be greatly
weakened. At all events, the party opposed to the
nullifiers in South Carolina, by such a change of
policy, will, in all probability, obtain an ascendancy.
It has been observed, that Federal Governments at
the best have a tendency to dissolution, and that
what has now happened in South Carolina, was to
have been expected sooner or later in one or other of
the States. We do not see that the Swiss and
Batavian Federations in Europe, however imperfect,
were more inclined to dissolution than the surround-
ing Governments. In so far as Federal States impose
powerful restraints on ambitious rulers, and secure
to the different Members of the Federation a better
chance of good Government, than the provinces of
an extensive empire can have, they may be said to
be less disposed to dissolution than other States.
In fact, Federal Unions are the only means by
which extensive countries can be governed, with-
out subjecting them to arbitrary power and in-
justice. The great secret of the rapid growth of
the English colonies before the American revo-
lution, was, that they were held by a sort of
federal union with the mother country, the in-
ternal affairs being committed to a separate legislature.
The great cause of dissatisfaction in the colonies
now, is the departure from the old system, in conse-
quence of which every colony has become a sort of
Turkish Pachalick. Our colonies are a heavy bur-
den to us, and a heavy burden to the natives at the
same time. The money wrung from this country
is spent in enabling a set of useless functionaries to
govern the respective colonies in such a way as shall
be most to the distaste of the colonists. The New
England colonies grew, rapidly into strength, be-
cause they were left to themselves. The Canadas,
if left to themselves, would by this time have been
great and powerful; but if we had offered premiums
to the different philosophical institutions of Europe
for the discovery of a mode by which the prospe-
rity of a fine country might be most effectually
checked, a better mode could not have been sug-
gested than that devised by the English Government
and its functionaries. No native Government, how-
ever bsd, would have committed the unspeakable folly
of impeding all communication in a new country by
setting apart one-seventh of the wild land as reserves
for a clergy without flocks. Governments, whatever
their name, can only be strong by an adherence to
the rules of justice. When a people feel that they
are oppressed, that the rules of justice
.have been
departed from in regard to them, they naturally feel
disposed to resent the oppression and injustice. In
the case of South Carolina, there can be no doubt
that great wrong has been done to the inhabitants
of that and several other agricultural States. Their
interests have been sacrificed to those of the inha-
bitants of New England. If America had been,
like Brazil, under one head, and the same injustice
had been committed by that head which has been
committed by Congress, the consequence would
have been a revolt. In fact, the Federation, by
giving to the different States the hope of effecting
through its representatives in the General Congress
redress of the grievance, tends materially to dimi-
nish the tendency to separation. In fact, a Federal
Union could alone have prevented resistance long
ugo, and there must be a strong love in the inhabi-
tants of the other agricultural States to the Federal
Government, or they would not have delayed join-
ing the Carolinians at this time. The well-wishers
to the people of the United States in this country
saw from the first that the tariff, if persisted in,
would endanger the Union. People may reason
about the virtue of obedience and the danger of se-
paration; but we all know that it is exceedingly
hazardous in rulers to count too much on submis-
sion. Should the Federal Union survive this crisis,
it is to be hoped similar experiments will never l;e
made by the majority on the patience of the mino-
rity. We have said that federation is the only con-
dition on which an extensive empire can be well
governed. Had so extensive a region as North
America been one State, it would have fallen to pieces
long ago. We shall soon, in our own case, verify
the maxim, if we do not delegate to our different
colonies the powers of internal Legislation. The Bri-
tish Parliament is only adequate to the government
of the islands. What is passing in America has
led to applications to Ireland. Ireland and Britain
are so situated, that one Legislature may attend to
the good government of both. In fact, the chan-
nel between the islands facilitates rather than im-
pedes communication. A separation of Legislatures
does not, however, necessarily imply a dissolution
of connection. But the worst of the matter is,
that the desire of separation in Ireland originates in
causes that would lead to a dissolution. The Irish
are persuaded that they are unjustly dealt with; that
they are sacrificed to the ruling caste of England.
Were the people of Ireland in the possession
of a tolerable degree of prosperity, we should
hear nothing of agitation for a separation, or
anything else. Before we are entitled to blame
the Irish for their agitation, we ought to be able
to show that we have done something for the good
of the people. Have we yet done more than offer a few
palliatives ? Is it not notorious that we have hitherto
committed the monstrous injustice of dedicating an
enormous revenue to a church without followers,
while the religion of the people, the only religion
from which Government could derive any aid, is
thrown for support on that people ? Is it not noto-
rious, that hitherto not one step has ever been taken
by the Government to afford redress, till com-
pelled by insurrection, or the threats of insur-
rection ? Have not the utmost pains been
taken to connect inseparably in the minds of the
people resistance to the laws, with remedies for op-
pression ? Do they not see that the universal con-
spiracy against tithes has alone led the Legislature
to attempt a remedy ? And even now, do they not
see that the Ministry of this country, even if in-
clined, dare not do more than trifle with the Pro-
testant Church Establishment ? Upon every prin-
ciple on which the union of Church and State is
justifiable, the Protestant Church has no right to
existence in Ireland. A Church to be established
"ought, at least, to be the religion of the majority.
But the Church is perpetuated, riot for the sake of
the people, but the English aristocracy. What is
required in Ireland is good government, which the
people never yet had. A nation of eight millions,
of whom the great majority exist by opposing inti-
midation to law, in order not to be crushed by the
relations between the owners and occupiers of the
soil, is alone a proof of terrible misgovernment.
What inspires the Irish with a desire of separation

is a deep-rooted conviction that no Ministry of Eng-
land will ever have power to grapple with that evil
—that the Ministry of England will always support
the law, and that execution of the law in Ireland is
quite different from execution of the law in a coun-
try in which the law-makers have not to rely on fo-
reign force fcr the means. Ireland is a pregnant
example of the danger of violating the principles of
justice. Whichever woy we turn, we are surrounded
by danger. For our part, we honestly confess we
see no remedies for the disease. When a social
system has arrived at so very diseased a state, all
ordinary means prove inoperative. We fear England
will yet have dearly to pay the injustice she has
perpetrated with regard to Ireland.—Morn. Chron.
The melancholy fact that Government would be
under the necessity of sending a large additional mi-
litary force to Ireland must have been for some
time foreseen by the most casual observer of the
scenes which have been acting in that interesting
and ill-fated country. Of the necessity of this, we
fear, there can be but one opinion ; but of the
causes which are thus producing new scenes of ruin
and misery to a land for which Nature has done so
much, and man so little, opinions doubtless differ
widely, though we confess that they appear to us
to be gradually concentrating into a focus, which
must soon fix the present misery of Ireland on one
party, if not on one man. But our business is not
to criminate, but to cure; and we would, as we
have repeatedly done before, earnestly call upon
those, into whose hands the present destinies of
Ireland appear to have fallen, to pause upon the
threshold of her new calamities, and to ask them-
selves what must be the consequence, both to Ire-
land and themselves, if the present system of internal
agitation and convulsion is allowed to go on ? To
the principal actor in this frightful tragedy we would
say, in the splendid language of the poet—
" Is there not some chosen curse,
Some hidden thunder in the stores of Heav'n,
Red with uncommon wrath, to blast the man
Who owes his greatness to his country's ruin ?"
What renders the state of Ireland at the present
moment the more interesting, and the error of those
who are hastening on so fearful a crisis the more in-
excusable, is the fact that there has been no period
in the history of her past misrule, when there was so
fair a prospect presented of seeing her extricated
from its consequences as now exists. Though we
may not altogether approve either of the persons
employed, or the measures which the present Go-
vernment has hitherto adopted towards Ireland, yet
there can be no doubt that at no period hss there
existed an Administration either so warmly inclined
or so deeply pledged to consult i►er welfare by every
possible means. Even were that not the case, the ills
of Ireland are the ills of England; and it is impossi-
ble, therefore, that a Reformed Parliament, such as
we have now got, could assemble without the state
of Ireland being one of the earliest objects to which
its attention must be direcred. There is, indeed,
one way—and one only—in which the best inten-
tions of the Government and the Legislature can
he defeated; that is, by the two countries being
brought into angry collision ; and the sword being
called for, instead of the hand of peace being held
out and accepted. If a struggle is to take place,
frightful as its progress must be, there can be no
doubt as to the result ; and the utter hopelessness
of an appeal to arms, on the part of the wretched
and misguided portion of the population of Ireland,
only enhances, in a hundred-fold degree, the crime
of those who, to gratify a feeling which ►t is impos-
sible to define or comprehend, are insanely urging
on a catastrophe of which they themselves may
probably be not the last victims. If we mistake
the motives of these persons, let them show us
that we do, by giving heed to our counsel. Let
them, we repeat, pause on the threshold of those
calamities which await this member of our com-
mon country. Let them remember that there
exists the warmest disposition, both in the people
of England and the Government, to redress the
wrongs of Ireland ; and that the beneficial effects
of such disposition► can alone be defeated by the
cup being dashed from the lip to which it is on
the eve of being presenteal.—Morning Herald.
Want of space has hitherto prevented us from
noticing an article which appeared in The Sun on
Thursday last, respecting the intentions of the Go-
vernment relative to the duties on newspapers and
advertisements, and in which the accuracy of the
statement which we published some time ago is
called in question
" The Spectator of Sunday last," observed our contem-
porary," contained a paragraph, stating that the Chancellor
of the Exchequer would, early in the approaching Ses-
sion of Parliament, bring forward a proposal for the re-
duction of the stamp duty on newspapers, but that he bad
not made up his mind to a reduction of the duty on ad-
vertisements. The Morning Advertiser of Monday,
doubted the correctness of what the Spectator had stated
on the subject of the advertisement duty, and mentioned
a particular scale of reduction as likely to be adopted by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer. We have reason to
think that our respectabie contemporary, the Advertiser,
is in error. The Chancellor of the Exchequer does not
appear to have resolved upon the reduction of the adver-
tisement duty. He stands pledged, however, to reduce
the stamp duty on newspapers, and we may expect that
measure in the course of a few weeks. What the exact
amount of the reduction will be is not known. Probably
it will not be more than will enable the newspaper pro-
prietor to sell his paper at 6d. or sid. ; but the public,
we are sure, will not be satisfied with anything short of
such an allowance as will reduce the charge to the public
at least twopence, so that the sevenpenny paper may be
sold for fivepence. As to the duty on advertisements, it is
said, but we cannot attach much credit to the statement,
that the Chancellcr of the Exchequer is indisposed to make
any reductions until an increased revenue shall enable
him to do so, without immediately affecting the yearly
returns."
Now, in reply to this alleged error, or misstate-
ment, ou our part, we beg to put in two answers—
the first, our original statement—the second, the
improbability of the scheme attributed to the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, in consequence of its utter
inanity as to all useful purposes, or rather, we might
more properly say, its gross absurdity. Our first
statement was that although no absolute decision
had been come to by the Government as to the
quantum of reduction to be made in the newspaper
duties, yet that it nevertheless was the intention
of the Government, or of those members of it to
whose departments the settlement of the matter pro-
perly belongs, to adhere to the proposal made by
Lord Althorp two years ago, both with regard to
the stamp and to the advertisement duties; but
with this improvement—to allow on the stamps the
same per centage which is at present granted. That
any change in the views of the Government has
taken place since we made the above statement, we
have not only no reason to believe, but hold to be
highly improbable; for what benefit could the public
derive from the trifling reduction on the stamp duty,
attributed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
while that on advertisements remained ? Reduce
both with a bold and decisive hand, and all will be
benefited—else touch them not at all, but allow
them to remain a blot upon the character of the
Administration, a standing proof of the hollow-
ness and falsehood of Whig pledges /. In this mat-
ter there is no medium course to be pursued, either
in justice to the existing press of the country, in
justice to the public, or in justice to the revenue.
The interests of all call aloud in the same tone, and
for the same enactment. The existing press would
derive no benefit from the reduction said by our
Sunday contemporary to be proposed by the Govern-
ment—the public would not be satisfied with it—
the revenue would suffer from it. Is it at all rea-
sonable then to suppose, that such a scheme—so
'useless in one way, so mischievous in another—is
harboured by his Majesty's advisers ? We
repeat that we do not believe it; and we re-
peat also that we know of no mode, of no mea-
sure, by which the character of the Govern-
ment, and especially the character of Lord Al.
thorp, for good faith, and sound judgment as a
financier, would be more seriously compromised than
by patronizing such a scheme as that which has
been attributed to him; The promise of reduction
was made publicly, and not once, but often ; while,
in so far as the revenue is concerned, every one

who knows any thing upon the subject must be
aware that the newspaper duties arc but a drop its
the bucket of the great ocean of taxation, and that
although the whole were taken off, the revenue
would not be greatly injured. The whole of the
tax does not bring into the Exchequer qui.e so
much as 700,0001. per annum, of which about
' 170,0001, arises from the stamp duty, and the re-
maining 480,0001. from advertisements. How
paltry to propose a reduction of 50,0001. or 60,000/.
in the lesser, and to allow the greater to remain in
full force I The thing is not to be believed.—
Morning Advertiser.

SPIRIT OF THE SUNDAY JOURNALS.

Much discussion has taken place in various of
the public Journals on the choice, by Ministers, of
Mr. Manners Sutton once more to fill the Speaker's
chair. Those who urge the propriety of this choice
rest on two main pints—the long experience the
Honourable Gentleman has had in the office, and
the saving of his pension of 4,0001. during the time
of his holding it. Of the superior fitness of Mr.
Manners Sutton for the office, we think but little.
There are, we believe, many old Members of the
House of Commons as well versed in Parliamentary
law as he is, and as well qualified in other respects
to support the dignity of the Chair. And as to the
saving of the pension, though an advocate for eco-
nomy, we like not to barter money for principle.
The appointment by Ministers of the Anti-Reformer
Mr. Manners Sutton to the office of Speaker of a
Reformed House of Commons involves in it an ano-
maly, and a violation of public principle, for which
the saving of 4,000/, per annum forms no excuse.
It is, however, of a piece with the conduct of Mi-
nisters in other respects. Their exclusive patronage
of the Tories has been manifested in hundreds of
instances, since their accession to office.—News.
Rumours have been afloat during the last week,
of the probability of a partial change in the Admi-
nistration before the meeting of Parliament, by the
accession of some of the more influential of the Con-
servatives, such as Sir Robert Peel, &c. &c. ; and it
is added, that Sir Robert has been applied to on the
subject, but has declined. We shall be glad to find
the lat ter portion of this repot t true, for the sake of
both parties, who would be injured in the opinion
of the public, rather than benefited, by the alliance.
Earl Grey and Sir Robert Peel never can form a
political union, without yielding something on each
side ; end this same yielding can redound to the cre-
dit of neither.-"lnstead of being strengthened by
such an accession, the Ministry would be weakened,
as the confidence of their old supporters, and only
true friends, would necessarily be shaken to a degree
not likely to be quickly re-established. If the Pre-
mier doubts his ability to manage his large majority,
or rather, if he suspects that the tameness of the
measures he is about to propose to a Reformed Par-
liament will not meet with the tacit concurrence of
that majority, he may rest assured, that lie will, to
use a homely term, be falling " from the frying pan
into the fire," if he applies for aid to the Tories.
Without conciliating the one party—which, do all
he may, even to the sacrifice of his political consist-
ency, he never can conciliate—he will lose the
esteem and confidence of the other. In all our poli-
tical reading and experience, we never knew a coal'-
tion between parties heretofore strongly opposed in
politics to succeed. The downfall of Sir Robert
Walpole may be traced to one coalition; so may the
subsequent ruin of the Pelhams ; and, in latter times,
that of Lord North. The truth is, the public like
consistency in Statesmen, more especially where
they have attained to that maturity in life, as for
their opinions to have become the result of ex-
perience, rather than of whim or caprice. A
change in this case involves a dereliction of prin-
ciple, which the people do not readily forget or for-
give. Lord Grey will do well to stick to his old
friends. They will never desert him, as long as he
remains steady to theprinciple of Reform.—News.
We hear, for the hundredth time, that Lord Pal-
merston is about to retire from the Foreign-office,
and to be succeeded by Lord Durham, the son-in-
law of Earl Grey. The change will be a good one,
if it be true, as stated by some who are riot very
friendly to Lord Palmerston, that he is but a soi-
disant Liberal, and that when Earl Grey threw up
the seals of office, six months ago, Lord Palmerston
had given reason to believe that he would join the
Administration of which the Duke of Wellington
was to be the bead ; but if this be not true, and
Lord Palmerston be at heart the friend of liberty,
and -the advocate of an enlightened foreign policy,
there can be no necessity for his quitting office to
make room for the son-in-law of Eail Grey. There
is much, however, to be explained in the conduct
of Lord Palmerston, ere we can give him our feeble
but cordial support. Why has lie not enforced re-
paration for the infamous outrages upon British sub-
jects, and the insults of the British flag, committed
by the Dey of Portugal, Don Miguel ? Why are
Sir John Milley Doyle, and the other Englishmen,
who languished in the dungeons of that monster,
and in whose favour the law officers of the Crown
made an award, unsatisfied, as to the pecuniary part
of the affair, to this day ? Why was even an hour's
delay granted to Miguel, when application was
made to him for compensation and redress ? Is it
honourable, is it manly, in a British Minister to take
excuses from the ruffian who sits on the throne of
Portugal, when the French and American Go-
vernments have obtained to the uttermost far-
thing of their demands ? Again, why did Lord
Palmerston allow the vulture of the North to put
his fangs upon Poland, and to massacre the brave
but unfortunate inhabitants of that country, when
he had an offer from the French Government of
cordial cooperation and support in an attempt to
obtain emancipation for the Poles ? Was not the
British Cabinet bound, by the treaty of Vienna, to
secure the nationality of Poland ? And had not
Lord Palmerston himself declared that, whatever
else might happen, the nationality of Poland should
not be destroyed? When Lord Palmerston can
reply to these questions satisfactorily, we will say
that a change is not necessary. Until then, we
shall hail with pleasure the promised accession of
Lord Durham, or of any other person of liberal
principles, to an office which, in tile pre.ent state of
Europe, should be filled only by a man of upright
and dignified mind.—Merle's Weekly Register.
The Bishop of London has had a long conference
with Earl Grey on the subject of Church Reform.
The result has not transpired ; but if we are to
judge of the nature of the conference by what oc-
curred at the palace of the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, we may conclude that nothing very gratifying
to E irl Grey was communicated by the Bishop of
London at the interview which has just taken
place. The superior clergy cannot, it seems, yet
make tip their minds to the necessity of the sacrifices
which are required from them by the nation, and
they are preparing for a struggle which, for the
sake of religion, ought not to be made. Nothing
good to the clergy can arise from a trial of strength,
but much that would be detrimental to their in-
terest would inevitably ensue. There are three par-
ties who feel a strong interest in the question of
Church Reform—the superior clergy, the enemies
of the Church, and the intermediate party who
respect the Church and desire its welfare, but who
wish to see it in the purity wilhout which it can
never be of use. The first of these parties, having
much to lose, and not being thoroughly sensible of
the propriety of yielding more to expediency than
they would be disposed to concede to what they
consider the demands of right, will, we fear, stand
too rigidly on the question of privilege, and neglect
the opportunity which they possess of arranging
their difference with the public in a way which
would tend to confirm their own fair authority over
it, although they must necessarily make concessions
in conformity with the spirit of the age. As to the
avowed enemies of the Church, who are numerous,
we can see little danger to the clergy from either
their open hostility or their intrigues, provided the
heads of the Church themselves do not by their
obstinacy—their " all or none" policy—disgust the

moderate party, by whose support or opposition
they must stand or fall. This latter party, we can
confidently say, will not co-operate in any outrage
upon the Church establishment ; but it is more than
probable that if the superior clergy should exhibit a
disposition to retain all that they now hold, without
regard to the justice of the claim made upon them
for sacrifices which, though large in their amount,
they can yet afford to make, the third patty may
abandon them to their own resources, and thus ren-
der their destruction by their enemics comparatively
easy of accomplishment. As friends of the Church,
we sincerely hope that the superior clergy will not
allow a blind conviction either of their power or of
their right, to detach from them that influential body
without whose aid they cannot hope to contend
against the enemies, not only of the Established
Church, but also of religion itself.—ilierle's Week&
Register.

The Times of Friday contains the following para-
graph in a leading article—
" The House of Commons has just been elected ; and being
in its infancy, and no rational prospect of another election
being at hand, neither the mode of election nor the duration of
Parliaments is likely to occupy, for some little time forward,
the minds of steady and reasonable politicians ; unless, indeed,
it can be shown that no subjects of more immediate urgency
are waiting. The ballot, therefore, does not press ; Quinquen-
nial or 1 riennial Parliaments do not press at this moment ; and
more especially, because no candid man will say that such ques-
tionshave less apparent chance of being decided fairly in any
future Session, than in that which is now about to open."
Now, after the Speaker has been elected, what is
the next important business which the House will
have to attend to ? Why, to ascertain whether some
of its Members have not been improperly returned,
by the appointment of Committees to decide upon
disputed elections. The evidence which will be pro-
duced before these Committees will prove the ne-
cessity of the ballot, provided it is allowed that the
electors are to vote according to their own will, and
not in obedience to the commands of superiors. This
is the only real question to be decided upon. The
opponents of the ballot keep this out of sight, and
give utterance to a vast deal of irrelevant matter
about the duplicity and meanness which secret voting
would permit or produce. But in so doing, they
shirk the question—" Am I to vote as I like, or as
my master likes ? If the former, I must vote se-
cretly ; if the latter, openly. But, in the latter case,
don't insult me by saying that I am an independent
elector."—Spectutor.
SHALL EARL GREY OR THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
ELECT THE NEW SPEAKER ?—lf the choice of a
Speaker of the Reformed House of Commons rested
with the King's Ministers,--if the members for ex-
tensive and important cities and counties wese to be
driven up to vote for a Government nominee, like
the old tools of corruption who sat in former Parlia-
ments,—then we might congratulate the Conserva-
tives on their success in bamboozling Earl Grey,
and their triumph in replacing that firm old Tory
Mr. Manners Sutton in the chair of that House.
But wait a little, Gentlemen; your game is only half
played, and by no means won. It would have been
more discreet in you not to have thrown your best
card on the table, where it is already somewhat
soiled, so early in the deal : your opponents may
yet trump it with a better, and carry off the stakes,
notwithstanding your chuckling. It is bad enough,
certainly, that the attempt should be made to vote
an old Tory, of the house of Rutland, into the chair
of the first Reformed Parliament. But the mode in
which the business is managed—the offer of Minis-
ters to hand over the votes of the representatives of
the people (whose ears are still tingling with pro-
fessions of perfect independence from those very re-
presentatives), strikes us as being peculiarly insult-
ing. We are informed by the Times, that " Mr,
Manners Sutton has accepted the offer of Ministers
to secure, as far as their influence in the House of
Commons can secure, his election to the Speaker-
ship." Very gracious and condescending, no doubt,
in Mr. Manners Sutton. " As, I see, you will not
make me a Peer, why I don't care if I become
Speaker again, to oblige you." So the matter is
comfortably arranged—between Mr. Manners Sutton
and the Ministry : but not between the Ministry and
the representatives of the people in Parliament as-
„le ,
semua, as that Ministry may yet learn to its cost.
Why should the Government interfere at all in the
matter ? They are the paid servants of the people,
and not the viceroys over that people's representa-
tives. The choice of a Speaker is not a measure of
the Executive. The Ministry, therefore, had no right
to take the initiative in proposing a person for that
office. Their interference betrays an ignorance of the
altered state of thing, which they have themselves
been active agents in producing. They think that
they have an old boroughmongering House to deal
with. We trust that they will find themselves mis-
taken, and that he very first vote of the Reformed
Parliament will show them their mistake in such
plain colours as will make them cautious how they
attempt to play the dictators in this genuine Pitt
and Castlereagh style again. We should have ima-
gined that Lord Grey had had enough of promoting
political opponents to offices of trust and secure
emolument. The conduct of Lord Lyndhurst should
have taught him a lasting and profitable lesson. Mr.
Manners Sutton is too shrewd a man to make him-
self troublesome to a Ministry in whose hands the
grant of his retiring pension was placed. But that
check is now removed. He is snugly provided for,
may retire when he likes, give as much trouble as
he can while lie remains, and laugh at this most sim-
ple of all Premiers while he pockets his quarterly
cash. He is irritated, moreover, by the refusal of his
Peerage; and if he does not become a thorn in the
side of the Ministry, be will be the most singularly
conscientious and placable Tory that ever secured a
retiring pension. The Government may yet be
brought out of the scrape by an independent vote
of the House and the rejection of their candidate.—
Spectator.

Parliament, at the present moment, stands sum
moned for the '29th, but Ministerial :Arrangements,
as well as other weighty considerations, will proba-
bly postpone the commencement of the Session till
the second week in February. In the meanwhile,
and pending those momentous discussions which the
questions at issue must call forth, it is perhaps ne-
cessary to mark with attention the number and the
power of the parties which the Reform Bill has
called into action. Taking Members to be faithful
to their engagements, and judging of them by their
professions on the hustings, the Ministerialists and
Reformers of every shade will, in the new Parlia-
ment, for England, Wales, and Scotland, amount
to 429, while the party which is, we know not why,
called Conservative, will only number 124. To
these we may add the 105 gentlemen from Ireland;
but their principles and professions are so charac-
teristically wild and anomalous, that it gives us
some trouble to dispose of them. Taking them,
however, at their own words, they give to the Mi-
nisters, on every question except that of tithes, an
addition of 42, and to the Conservatives 25, while
the remainder of the 105 is made up of persons who
call themselves, and who belong to no party, save
that which, by producing the greatest quantity of
confusion, may work the most mischief to England,
and give the largest portion of ascendancy to the
Catholics of Ireland. Rejecting these nondescript
gentlemen from our enumeration, the whole number
of Liberal Members in the House, will be 471, and
of Conservatives 149. Supposing, however, as we
apprehend we safely may,. that some of these Libe-
rals prove Tories in disgAse—and knowing, as we
do, that several of these will on many occasions be
found in the ranks of faction, whoever may be the
leader—we think it will be safe to conclude that
four hundred, at least, will support all those measures
of economy and improvement which the Reform
Bill was mainly intended to secure. Under such
auspices, and armed with this force, Earl Grey will
promulgate the plans which have engaged the atten-
tion of the Cabinet during the recess; and we learn
that amongst the first and the most prominent will
be the measures for a commutation of tithes both in
England and Ireland, and the repeal of the greater
part, if not the whole, of the house and window
duties. With respect to the taxes on knowledge,
the Government adhere to the proposition announced

by Lord Althorp last session, which, by reducing
the price of the stamp on newspapers from the no-
minal sum of fourpence to the real sum of twopence,
will allow all the papers' now priced at sevenpence
to be sold to the public at sixpence. On the ad-
vertisement duty it has been determined, after the
most anxious inquiry, to make no alteration for the
present. These and some other measures with re-
spect to Finance and the Colonies will form the
subjects of immediate consideration, but not until
the House has been asked for, and sanctioned, an
authority, the highest known to the executive, for
the restoration of perfect tranquillity in Ireland. In
anticipation of a ready assent of the Legislature to
the preliminary step, the suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Act, several regiments of horse and foot are
to be added to the already imposing military force
in that country; and if circumstances render it ex-
pedient, the English militia will be called forth to
their assistance. On the propriety of this proceed-
ing the heads of the Opposition have been consult-
ed, and we understand they are fully consenting.
Few, indeed, of those who wish to preserve the in-
tegrity of the empire—to insure obedience to law—
or to stay the career of unbridled anarchy and licen-
tiousness, can object to such a course, when it
known to be, and when the Legislature is pledged
to make it, the preamble of a Bill for the settlement
of the questions of tithes and of cess—for an effec-
tual redress, in brief, of all the real grievances of the
Irish people.—Observer.
We can positively assure our readers that a ne-
gotiation is going forward to effect a junction between
Earl Grey and Sir Robert Peel. A modification of
the Ministry by the ejectment of Lord Palmerston,
to make way for Durham ; and of Goderich, to
make way for any body, is at hand. Some difficul-
ties exist with respect to Lord Aitborp, which it
seems might be got over, by sending his Lordship
into the Upper House; but others, of a more for-
midable natnre, are offered by the peculiar position
of Mr. Stanley. However, within these last few
days a new turn has been given to the negotiation, and
Earl Grey now only requires Sir Robert's assistance
in Irish affairs. His in.ention, lie says, is to bring
Ithat country under the dominion of the laws, and
hopes that no party feeling will induce Sir Robert
to oppose him in his arrangements for that purpose.
Sir Robert has not, as we understand, yet given a
decisive answer, and we recommend him to aecer•
tain what are really the ulterior measures medi-
tated by the Whigs, with respect to the Church,be-
fore he gives any adhesion, no matter how quail-
fist], to the existing Cabinet. Let him not trust to
the ten-times-told tale that the Church is to be sa-
crificedfirst, and Ireland to be quieted afterwards.
He abandoned his principles in 1829, under the pre-
tence that it was necessary to tranquillize Ireland,
arid he soon found that the mischief he had done
was not followed by the promised peace. He should
not make the same blunder again; if lie does, his po-
litical character, now at a sufficiently low ebb, is
gone for ever. He should tread most cau!iously—
one false step is ruin.—Age.
NECESSITY OF REVISING THE PRESENT SYSTEM
OF TAXATION.—Among the most urgent duties of
the Parliament which is about to assemble, will be
the revisal of our present fiscal system. Others of
our abuses and grievances may be equally great,
some possibly greater, but none are more palpable
and glaring. We are over-taxed and mistaxed. To
the overtaxation many eyes have long been open; to
the mistaxation, fewer. But the manner of our tax-
ation begins at length to be thought of by popular
constituencies, as well as the amount; and the voice
which is raised for the repeal of so many taxes is not,
as it was wont to be, a mere inarticulate outcry of
the overburdened, eager to have the weight taken
off their own particular shoulders, but a deliberate
protest against an unjust mode of distributing the
common load, and a claim to have the apportionment
made on principle, with a due regard to the strength
and convenience of all. The two pervading evilsof
most fiscal systems, and of our own among others,
are inequality and waste. There is inequality, when,
' to supply the public revenue, a greater sacrifice is
required from one part of the people than from an-
other. There is waste, when a needlessly large por-
tion of the proceeds of a tax is swallowed up in the
expense of collection, or when the tax necessitates
or encourages bad processes of production, or diverts
labour and capital from the channels into which,
being the most productive, they would sponta-
neously flow. In the revenue system of this country
all these forms of evil abound. Nor are the rewant-
ing striking examples of a still worse mischief, taxes
operating immorally ; by precluding or discouraging
the exercise of some virtue (as the taxes on soap,
and on insurance), by obstructing access to whole-
some instruction (as the taxes on paper, pamphlets,
newspapers, and book advertisements), or, finally,
by holding out a premium to smuggling; as is done
by all high duties on importation, arid in England,
particularly, by those on foreign spirits and tobacco.
But the objection of immorality applies to some
pans only of our revenue system; the vices of ine-
quality and waste pervade nearly the whole. For
instance, all our direct taxes proceed on the avowed
principle of sparing the rich ; the very poor are also
in some instances, spared ; but the rich invariably.
Thus the window tax stops at a certain maximum;
a limit is fixed, beyond which windows in any num-
ber may be added without being taxed. The dis-
graceful inequalities of the house tax have lately at-
tracted universal attention, though the whole extent
of them is not even yet known to the pubic. The
house tax,besides, even if fairly assessed according to
the common standard of fairness, that is,in proportion
to the bona fide rent, must still be an unequal tax;
for a person of moderate income generally expends
a larger proportion of that income in the rent of his
house or apartments, than the very rich; arid the
houseroom a man requires is proportioned, not to
his riches, but rather to the number of his children ;
that is, to his poverty. The tax on proba'es of
wills, a most objectionable impost on many accounts,
stops, like the window-tax, at a maximum. The
same principle is carried into some branches of our
indirect taxation. Thus the stamp duty on receipts
does not rise in proportion to the amount of the sum
paid : the ascending scale stops at a certain value.
The legacy duty presents an inequality which, to a
person unacquainted with the composition of the
Legislature by whom that duty was imposed, would
look like an unaccountable anomaly : it is laid exclu-
sively on what is called personal property ; land is
exempted. Further, all taxes on articles of con-
sumption, which either nature or universal habit has
placed among them the necessaries of life, are un-
equal in the highest degree ; for of such articles
the poor consume as much, or nearly as much, as
the rich, sometimes far more. The tax on foreign
corn, considered merely as a source of revenue, and
apart from its other evils, has all the iniquity of a
poll tax ; for the poor man, unless he is actually
starving, must eat as much bread as the rich, and
(if we count children only, and not servants) has as
many mouths to feed. The duty on raw cotton, re-
cently substituted for the still worse tax on the ma-
nufactured article, is objectionable on the same
ground. Cottons are the dress, not so much of the
rich as of the poor ; and the coarser article con-
,
sumed by the poorer purchaser, contains mote of the
raw material, and consequently pays a higher duty
thereon, than the fine muslins worn by the higher
ranks. Not only is inequality chargeable upon nearly
the whole of our taxes, but from the additional evil
of waste, in some one or other of its forms, very
few of them are exempt. There are not many of
our Excise duties which do not subject the pro-
ducers or dealers to vexatious and burdensome re-
gulations, interfering, in many ways, with the best
and cheapest processes of production. Our Custom
duties cause much unnecessary expense and annoy-
ance to the merchants, for which the latter indem-
nify themselves at the cost of the consumer ; and so
far as those duties affect articles which can be pro-
duced in the country itself, or in the colonies, they
are almost always purposely shaped to protect (as
the phrase is) home and colonial industry : a term
which always means, to set home or colonial industry
upon producing some particular article (which it
would not naturally take to) in preference to pro-

clueinghich i someCO uldth
n it
oerbtaairntietlhee, thfirrostuginhgtrheaettenreqdtilu:lificiti
and at less expense. The loss to the mother coo,
from the discriminating duties on timber aloner_A
moderately estimated at a million sterling ale:
crahrirniaetdir
isiaovfethseavTe
The measure, an approximation to which the n
Tortes defeated
cdhe feaatseudmin t
01 8t
would have enabled us, without adding to age
the public burdens, to get rid of all the taxes on 10„1
ledge at one blow. We had no intention to o'o'
into a minute analysis of the vices of onr rei,a
system ; as a brief abstract the above may On
The question of most moment is, seeing the bet,
of most of the existing taxes, seeing, at the 01,
time, that taxes of some one or other kind Wet
had, what should they be ? On this matter alj
ciple is establishing itself in the public mind,
we consider an extremely salutary one ; that an
the modes of raising a revenue, those are comill7
3hehnwatlotiols:‘,l
the most eligible which are the most direct. Ai
which blends itself with the price of a cometo7;
has, indeed, the seeming advantage, that by con%
ing to forego the use of the commodity it is Ross!:
to escape the tax, while from a direct tax on 11.0;
or on property there is no escape; and
doubt, is one of the causes why a nation will sup
ro be taxed much more heavily when the taxes cc;
In that shape. But this increased willingness tooti
dure a burden, which hitherto has almost al'
been too readily borne, is at least a doubtful'.
vantage. On the other hand, the more directli
make your taxation—that is, the nearer youo
proaeh to making the person who is to pay it I
mately, pay it at once arid avowedly—the great
your security both against inequality and ar,
waste. In the case of all indirect taxes, there Ov
apparent uncertainty hanging over the questionp:i
pays them ? an uncertainty at least sufficient to :i
room for doubt and cavil; so that there beingi
sure standard acknowledged by all, to determine
real weight with which the taxes fall on differ
classes of the pryers, an excuse may always
round for overcharging those who ought, 011,
contrary, to be relieved. We ' unp
this in Lord Althorp's budget,
posed to tax the fundholder on ti
thesis that he was greatly under'
to be remarked, that all taxes o
on the transfer of commodities,

effect in diverting production fr,
most beneficial course; indepen
limiting the demand for the taxed
rte as a discouragement to all

in production, which,in order to
advantage, require that the pra
should be on a large scale. Taxi
if possible, to be direct. But
aims at equality at all, must be
a property tax, therefore, we

are difficulties of detail in valuini

of property, and assessing them
as to avoid inequality, without d
feelings of individual:. But, to
ficulcies, we cannot believe any°
cessary, than that the practic►
which exist in the community
thet
dail
whi
the

CONTRACTS
CHEESE
„, ,
A'r•PARTMEN

Ts
HE &
CUTINI
InAL of the
BRITAIN and
01: 'rratrltSDAY,
ready to treat
Contract for sup
V
ittuldling Stor
namely

Bialt..47l:ctrytisitt:iwillsestoiieiifr:tsl,l:Eithassrhi_ep,a:teiofrc.,Ase
erizeso.(d..iseoffinauiwfoc(,
cii
ells ............
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BEEF KIDNEY"unds clean, an,
adering• The
beera Clock on i
.ty attend,
in *thin '
ante I: Tender
tea e•
, - ••e accompar
l° responsible
de person tender
sviaus, for the du
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LIGHT

%%De Pictures hi
fre consider 4
tiClated for E
Z•••.:ZIL 26, Ho
La 2
Secon
THE L

, alO

na.,:l4.l.Aittileilijiotiinitoni,„La.tl
fairly gtri..telett4i.
itivassible
100:00 dyur
Boughton,gt
BIRTH.
Bank,t
e 11:1:
..tt I'l-7ei'Lirhkek.„l::":.e.2l-t-idht°hhetn'arweinwllithbeelseta:l
tvr:..,thwiof.eel.....isaLasitTititallleest.ii
. _..
intrary, to be relieved. We had anexamPw.e,
el:ii::roneathlyl
lis in Lord Althorp's budget, when it Wee !",
osed to tax the fundholder on the unfounded bX
tesis that he was greatly undertaxed. It is W cool estiroatedvWl
be remarked, that all taxes on commodities,W ditePioris cannot
n the transfer of commodities, have more or with'''. Macfarlane
fleet in diverting production from its naturafro P:ittota2l,industry
Lost beneficial course; independently of whit!
miting the demand for the taxed article, they. .10 L14417726f"
its as a discouragement to all those improvefoj d'-‘
i production, which,in order to be introduced 0 kj U li
dvantage, require that the productive operal. j
hould be on a large scale. Taxes, therefore, cutr
I possible, to be direct. But a direct tar, !if
ims at equality at all, must be a property tax;li ltLell_ie°a*oda:ladndidato
I property tax, therefore, we must come. I,j eiwoßevereane
ire difficulties of detail in valuing the different Ittl'i tkeette7eig a grey
mit Prk
if property, and assessing them to the reve- 01. ted
0 diee for E
is to avoid inequality, without doing violence t i 'l, 26, Hoi
eelings of individuals:. BosurtK,Bvvetlon3atss,4utdromsaour23arthst
odßothweeleolf,
04.0r,5, .
41,41
jT,,N
Ticulcies, we cannot believe anything more to bei rtiiir, VA
.le,•sary, than that the practical skill and sag'?
which exist in the community, should '-a BI
themselves to the task. That skill and earl i,(l:TiteZeGiegE°i
laily effect things far more difficult. In the
while, now is the time for clearing up thoro
the question of principle; setting right every 12
t
ry fi • Ilettip_et tWo eras
.:orrectness in any of the conceptions commonliit;
tertained of a property tax, and rendering the.
of such a tax definite and tangible, And this',
propose to attt min in our next number.—Eragfi
xiitt...B.t oublii
:i; , 'lty by
.."'"•-•.!....2..6.2.11!!
COUNTRY CORN MAR3ll(..E.T36S.,:iroifiij;
Oats. WIERIC2
DURING L.vßsTarleviy•.EEK.
, ------ --- t' 2,..ii We h By a
Per Quarter. !s.to S. Is.to s. s. to s. ,* '..-.4 - mail with
Carlisle 5.5 C 26 IS —' 40 - I,Pose; soUndP*
Hexham,.................. 46 59 28 32 18 22 .01 tiimh It "ce place
j
Morpeth .................. 41 54 '2B 30 17 20 ~° 4.411#0 - eoritain,..,,
Penrith ................. 54 I 25 --• 19 '''' ' • 1*.•....2L.0ngEn,
Sheffield ................. 58 1 30 19 -;:,
,10.,
Winchester ....... 49 54 , 'l3 30 22 '24 .'t', PUblilbed, ii
Per Bushel. s. d. s. d. s. d. e. d. a. d. s. d. gog
Cannarthen....... 5 6 6 0 3 0 3 3 1 3 1 8 0 A
Coventry ----..... 70 90 48 54 36 40 57, Eton ~
Newcastle (Staff.) 8 0 8 6 5 6 5 9 2 9 33 .
35 "6. 3 elLk. ti
z i 1 1' h.
Ft
yr
0:_
.. BY
4 Author
omsCt,
pulirit
lsesoAtili
Northallerton ....... 7 0 93 3 6 4 6 3 3 4 0 0 . upi , ergy
Stone-------. 8 4 9 0 5 3 6 0 3 2 4 0 6/10 vet: Prftetit• '
5wan5ea........... 69 72, 39 42 20 22 ~,- s 114 of
th ton
Warwick ........... 90100i46 5 0 2 2 2 6 ' tish Pr e. lint
Per 8011. 0 achtion
Barnardcastle ...... il2 0170 8 0 86 5 0 5610 0 1, . g
Durham .....----.,-. ill 6 14 3 '7 0 83 40 53 0 0 -uklen. . Y RII
Richmond ......... 11 61701 7 6 86 4 6 62 9 :1-'- ' 1.-....,_.:..?!____...igm
(1 itk, .
Stockton ................... 11 0 12 31 9 6 10 0 4 0 4 6 0 - Pubr I
ivued, ii
WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—Jan. 11 .
Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Suffhlk...—s. 465. to 555. 0,,,,11; , Nvi,..,
Lin. and Cam. —s. 425. to 535. I.'" ',I UAL
----- Yorkshire —s. 425. to 525. 1926, -. iv 1,11,,,,,,,
White —s. 475. to 593. 0"" ' ,‘; geo, ~,tt• I(
--- Foreign, Red —s. —a. to 445. tilt u itev . n`t; Sir
White —s. —s. to —a. 191" , IL4 - ,s. e„,,_
Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk
-- Lincolnshire Q9s. to 365. fit ~ if W. ,„, +Met
--- Yorkshire Wold
---- Foreign —S. to --S. 005 e Vs I •p. W. ; :
Beans, Small
---- Tick 33s to
tWo 3534'5‘. 6001iStil Butler isFq,"
Oats, Potato 2os. to 225. fill- I, p "oho° h
--- Poland —s. 18s. to 205. 9„°,,e, •11,._ ellew . 8, Mc
--- Friezland and Small —s. I6s. to 19s. PIY , cuter,' , J. H
—. Mealing
Shelling 2ls. to 265. Od. pet tio: A few
c(
Malt 33s. 425. fine 455. per
Rapeseed 2Ol. Os. 221. Os. 231. 10s. per • 1**`•••••......z..........._Angtn"1"
SCOTCH MARKETS. 14 2 vole
•
Wheat. Barley Oats. Beans 104
--------, —.-- ---- ..—,---- „,.., i sA
Aberdeen ........ 40 54 21 23 16 18 ~A 1,
Coldstreamflerviick.......... .... 3034 3458 1107
2118
1142 1415 2210
2241
..
...„ 4
t. g
ain
Cupar ............... 48 70 28 3d 20 24 26 29
..., Niertatio
Dundee....... 50 60 30 33 20 25 30 31 J..
10 N ara°n th
Elgin ......... 40 47 24 26 17 20 23 30 A -4 °such le e
Inverness...-. 40 46 24 28 16 23 23 30 3, ,colilinen,. he
Kelso .............. 32 37 17 IS 13 14 23 24 A and..obdo., cetnen
Kirkaldy....... 40 45 27 39 25 32 45 48
„7, ..er•' Lor
Perth -......--... 54 57 29 31 21 21 26 30 %.;0. dock; J.
:n- The size of the measure varies throughout the 0
; "• Duncan
EDINBURGH CORN MARKET,—Jan. 9.
1111
We had a large supply of all kinds of Grain to-day, a TRAM
,_ s'l SLAT]
Barley, and the sales in general were rather brisk. .„, `v.. g
Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. .' kb,' VOls. 8,
First 575 lid 34s Od 21s 41.1 293 od IRs.;',4.ICAL c
Second
Third— 4os Od
PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. ' With
i
vt,, LEmE
E '
tisieuetft,opne *.r 1b.",...... 00s. 44d. to 00s . 666 .
sFarletshDßitutott,........er, lb.oos. 901 to
f Veal —................... 0 6 0 8 Ditto, per ca% t. 74 0 "ATER:
Pork---..-- 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per dos. 1 0 /La bei
, Lamb, rer qr. 1 6 1 8 OatStraw(kpl.) 6 0 r., fig an
Ql'atil 0 0
Hahrylee,alyt,
eDDr
siitttt.tLo
.......,
505
080 , ),..I:94lllltdaz.
.B 3
EDINBURGH MEAL MARKEI'..—Jan.B. gll AIMATI
i The supply of Oatmeal at this day's market was 111 b age compai
ra p 0 t'lt:rttwoee'rsncji°ti. ai.hr-.3700 6834
and the sale dull, at last week's prices. rilund.
Per Sack of 2801 b. imp. Per Stone of 1411 x 1 NUEs
I First Oatmeal £l 10 0 First Oatmeal dated
TIONF.
0. ..1-D n
Second ditto 1 8 0 Second ditto
e Barleymeal 1 5 0 8ar1eymea1............... c bffltage; with
1 Peasemeal 1 5 0 Peasemeal kEY to HA.
Pot Barley—No. 1, per cwt. 123.-24 145.-3d„163.-1' lid
_
GLASGOW CORN MARKET.—Jan. 9. Vol) •
1
" different C
rnatmioaur.ket is still inanimate, and prices
(I, th_
.I 1 British, old
ariptaeeir 2401 b s. d. s. d. Oats, per 2641 b. 5.
25 oto3l 0 Irish is 0 i.e,sential I
....,(1 i..,_ HAMEL.
1-
Canada, free ..... ... 27 0 30 0 Beans, per 2601 b. # yb.to CH
s-
wvviOtliluloeruattG,
,S Irish -2 0 27 0 English
Barley, per 3201 b. Scottish
new ...... 25 0 27 6 British
toi,DLANAT
n Scottish ............... 22 0 249 Oatmeal, per 14011 i 13
4,70, be', the Fl
dlrish .................. 21 0 22 hall r, per2Bolb
IS English ......... ...... 0 0 Pease, Scottish „ l5 d#
1ve,..1,%"; *berei
4, •Y
a MINING INTELLIGENCB, Ton-
i, Quantity of Copper Ore sold at Redruth last Thur a I All gYll h
dy I 651 Lo BY ale
- --,..•,.........,•WwW1N0M10N0 -..0b *l, Quantity of fine Copper.„,,,,_____ l', h.' Y. 6s
I a Average Produce ..,?...................... -
, tltril -: Lon
Amount of Sale, 9, ,25/,:i 3,.._,._
ou AverageStandanl. 111.- --. ati •
119 .--............
the 01 "llliikr,6.-61131
tLhltaede Regent's-park, ea nod
of Sir
' s-s ioai
fi: r
Johnti ::
e t:.: ziNnrcii.su:
Deputy-Commissary-General Cumming, of a daughtq:, lite, PILL',
e
he Dyinoke, of a son.a l3‘, SID
I.- N. IL, of a son.
he MARRIED. ice, gear, TN
eat,-
of
OIDOOD:ja
the
eee.
rsl:9:22th,tt,hhh ini
lust.niinntshsts
.tte .
acaata23otttussNs4
Hugh Sea I.o4ilfve
St. Andrews, Holborn,, Ai., ~
er of Thomas liabgood, Esq., of Hatton.garden. IKON n
q., ' ,fee,i• AGE
VV
On the 12th inst. at Hampstead, Charles Ridge, E 5, , lon i
.I_, chester, to I'ryphena, daughter of the late Thomas a' 01%14 i exec
vit Esq., of Lower G
tosvenor-street blj, '•beg 1
ry DIED. relhbl4 gen
of On the 11th inst. in his 64th year, Mr. Daniel Folk p„ ...1) er
London-road. COak A EGA'
r - On the 7th inst in the 34th year of his age, Arnb . ended '.1.. tst
re- laren, Esq., of Tavistock-square. lion • by th
On the 7th inst. in the 68th year of his age, George ut .14 1,,,,e
est Esq., of Sloane-square, Chelsea, surgeon, late of the 11 ~, , 14 k,..41:,
DM On the 11th inst. in Parliament-street, Henrietta ?nays ti,"'‘lQH
wife of Mr. Frederick Sh,lls, of the House of Lords. „caor x4llli ,„
' ,boat
EV" On the 12th inst. in Great George-street, Westmins „y
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M- Alexander Craig, Esq. ittliaears .
On the 10th inst. in Eaton-place, aged 13 month* ' Ittetill
.;
SO Theodore, son of the Hon. G. Godolphin Osborne. e, 1111... i
r - On the 11th inst. in Mecklenburgh-street, after a s I ~-,-•q.,,,,, , 13.
protracted illness, Thomas Charles Waugh, Esq., the t LETS uo N,
ley viving son of the late Joseph War,l, Esq
g i AliL"Dre're," 1 "hAls,t,
On the 11th inst. at Sunning , t oof ",,,,„ ir,s.
(as Michael Duffield, Esq., of Hinde.street, in her 82,d Y . •gore,,, ‘'il
Trn On the 30th ult. in Robert-street, Chelsea, very_ sayer -et of
Matthew Blucke, Esq., of the Agent's-office, Royal 1-1 . As'' ever_
try
, d All It PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY 51 U 11. I) 0 YOUN-, 'AU rl
vu
TO. SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.