The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-27 00:00:00

fallacy, and to detect the sophistry of his a-gument.
But where could they find sufficient talent equal
to the task? Where the penetration, the clearness,
of perception, the coolness, the intellect, and the comprehen-
sieeness of mind equal to the task. He (Mr. Finch) would
undertake the task. The arguments which the Right Hon.
Baronet adopted were such as these ;—" There is a failure of
the potato crop, we must throw open the ports." That they
denied. " The ports being once opened, you cannot shut them
again." That they denied. He (Mr. Finch) would ask of
what use it could be to the Irish peasantry to open the ports ?
It was no remedy at all. The Irish peasant, who could not
give 153. for oats at his own door, how could be be able to give
50s. or 60s. a qr. for foreign corn?—( Hear, hear.) Besides, the
very arguments which the Right Hon. Baronet produced went
against him; for he had told them that the ports had been opened,
but he had never told them that the ports were kept open. He
thought that the statesmen of this country were too much in-
fluenced by popular clamour and agitation. He thought that
that man was not fit for a statesman who was not clamour
proof. He had heard of a French canary bird who, by con-
stant training, became accustomed to fire off a cannon, and he
bad no doubt that Ministers might soon be made unaeeailable
by clamour. If the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed the
system of free trade at a general election, be (Mr. Finch) was
sure that he would not have met with the support which he
had received. He believed that if the people of this
country were left to themselves, they would soon throw
the system of free trade into the British Channel.
The Right Hon. Baronet, in his statement respecting foreign
silks, said that since the reduction on the importation of that
article the silk manufacturers had carried all before them ;
but he (Mr. Finch) thought there was no doubt but that the
result would be the total destruction of the silk trade of this
country.—(Cheers.) He had also boasted of the advance of
ship-building in consequence of the reduction which had taken
place on the importation of timber, and of the number of peti-
tions which were presented in favour of the measure from
ship-owners, but he (Mr. Finch) thought that some petitioned
one way, and some another, and it appeared to him that
a great mass of evidence was, on the whole, against the
Right Honourable Baronet. With respect to feather-beds,
the Right Hon. Baronet seemed intimately acquainted,
although he (Mr. Finch) could hardly conceive how that
could be. He could hardly understand how he had so much
intercourse with feathers, because he thought, he and his
colleagues were reposing for a long time on beds of roses.—
( Great laughter.) With respect to the article of flax, the ar-
guments used seemed to make as much against as for the Right
Hon. Baronet. With respect to the linen trade, notwithstand-
ing the improvement which had taken place in the manufac-
ture of that article in Ireland, he never saw any Irish linen
that could at all be compared with the linen of Alsatia. The
Right Hon. Baronet it seemed to him made an unfortunate
allusion to Anacharsis Clooty. He was anxious, he said to amal-
gamate all classes, and to act with them on the principles of being
citizens of the world. When the Right Hon. Baronet could
gather round them Belgium, Holland, Germany, Prussia,
Denmark, and every other state to deal with him on ouch
principles, then he might fairly state that the country which
would produce the best articles should have his custom. The
Hon. Baronet would, he hoped, permit him to refer to the
splendid peroration of the Right Honourable Baronet in his
speech delivered at Tamworth in the year 1840._( Hear, hear.)
The Hon. Gentleman then read that portion of Sir Robert
Peel's speech, in which he stated, in reference to the corn-
laws, " That he could not think of obstructing that magnifi-
cent plan, for he found that there were great interests which
could not be disturbed without creating many perils—(Great
cheering from the protectionists)—and he would not
consent to put his hand on those interests for the purpose of
trying new and dangerous principles.—( Renewed cheering
from the same.quarter.) It seemed to him (Mr. Finch) that
that speech looked like wisdom, compared to that which they
had recently heard. He did not like to detain the House—
( Hear, hear)—but he was anxious, before he concluded, to
refer to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary
for the Home Department, who had a very happy knack of
expressing his opinions. (Loud laughter.) He gravely
informed them that while the price of food was low in Poland,
wages were high in America—(Laughter)—which might take
place in any case. In a country like Poland, where the
people possess no constitutional advantages, they could not, of
course, be in as good a position as the lower classes of other
countries. He thought they would admit that even in England
there were various rates of wages ; in some places eight
shilling', in other places nine shillings, and ranging to
twelve shillings. In some parishes that were over-populated, it
was true that the farmers called the labourers together and
made this proposal. They said they could not employ them
all at full wages, and offered to employ them all at a lower rate
of wages, or a portion of them at the usual rate, and the
labourers generally accepted the farmers' proposals. The
farmers were obliged to adopt that course in consequence of
the home competition, and the soil being poor they were not
enabled to give the same rate of wages. In some counties the
price for labour was not always to be depended on as an index
of prosperity, as in Buckingharashire formerly, where silk
was manufactured, and where the price of wages fell
on its being discontinued. It was always known, as
far as his experience went, that whenever the farmers
were prosperous, the labourers were benefited in a like ratio.
He found that that was the opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet,
for he at one time stated, "that when there was a low price
for corn, the manufacturing interest would be depreciated, and
that low wages would always be the consequence of low prices."
The Hon. Baronet went on to prove that when bread was
cheap the ratio of crime diminished. He took a period of
six years to prove his position, commencing with the year
1840, and terminating with 1845, This he divided
into two portions the one when the price
of bread was high, terminating in 1e42, and
the ether when bread was cheap, ending in 1845, he then
showed what was the amount of crime in the two portions, and
he showed a falling off of eighteen per cent. in the latter half.
He also pointed out to the House, that in the first period, the
price of corn averaged from 60 to 70 shillings, and in the
second, from 50 to 60 shillings. Now, he (Mr. Finch) ad-
mitted the decrease of crime, but he attributed it to a far dif-
ferent cause ; it occurred in a period of great manufacturing
prosperity, while the first period was the season of great
manufacturing distress. The increase and decrease of crime
were, therefore, dependent upon their manufactural prosperity,
and the price of bread had nothing to do with it. It was,
urged, however, by the Government that the sliding scale be-
came locked, and that it became necessary to make a change
in the system. Why, it was the Government themselves that
locked the scale. It locked fast enough until they commenced to
talk of opening the ports.—(Hear, hear.) The report
of their intentions having been whispered, it raised
the price of corn abroad, lowered it at home,
and raised the duty from fourteen to fifteen shillings a quarter.
He again asserted that the Government had to blame them-
selves. It was also urged that this was a final settlement of the
question. He could not agree to such an assertion—an appeal
must be made to the country either in that year or the next,
and the question, no matter how carried, would he just as open
as before. Sopposing them easure were carried early in the
next year or the present, there would be petitions for the repeal
of the malt-tax—(Hear, hear)—and petition on petition would
be presen'ed for the repeal of the land-tax and property-tax—
(Hear, hear) and probably for some organic change
in the Constitution ; there would then be such a
fear and panic among the fundholders, that the free
traders' would be burnt in effigy, and the whole question be
settled by retiring to old British principles.—(Laughter.)
The Right Hon. Baronet said that the principles of free trade
were the principles of common sense.—( Hear.) That might
he true in the abstract, and perfectly true in some planet which
he was not aware had been as yet discovered, and which was never
disturbed by war. But upon the earth they dwelt the principles
of free trade would be discovered to be of uncommon nonse-
sense. Prussia could not be depended on, neither could France.
Every one knew that the latter country was in every way op-
posed to the commercial policy of this country. The great
passioc of the French people was glory, and the smallest possible
circumstance was sufficient to induce them to gratify this
passion by a sanguinary war of conquest or invasion. With
regard to America, it could not be denied that she was desir-
ous to embrace the first opportunity to extend her posses-
sions—have uncontrolled empire wherever she had a chance of
being successful. There was no country with which he depri.
cated wnr more than with America, as he firmly believed that
they would out be two years at war with her before they should
be involved in a war with France, nor would they be two years
at war with France before they were engaged in a war with
America. To such an event look then at the consequence; de-
pending as they were on America for tobacco,
cotton, and a considerable portion of their employment
for the manufacturers.—( Hear, hear.) Now, he did maintain
that the system proposed to be adopted with regard to the
agriculture of the country was essentially unjust. During the
last fifty years more than 400,000,0004 or 500,000,0001. of
money had been invested in land under the imp ession that
protection would not be withdrawn from it. He could not,
therefore, but think that it was essentially unjust that the
agriculturists of this country should be now brought into com-
petition with the labourers of other countries, who were only
paid at the rate of 6d. per day. Every country should, in his
opinion, have a. system of poor-laws (and Heaven forbid that
this country should ever be without a system of poor-laws);
but with those heavy burdens which were pressing upon the
English agriculturists, he considered it impossible for them
to be able to compete successfully with those countries
which were not so burdened. They might be called
upon to use machinery to a greater extent in
agricultural operations andisteam-ploughs, had been recom-
mended, but if this were the case, the first result would be the
setting on fire of their corn-stacks. He contended that it was
utterly impossible for them, under any circumstances, to com-
pete in corn with other countries, in consequence of the low
price of foreign labour. In a speech made by the Right Hon.
Baronet a few years ago, it was stated by him that the price
of corn in Denmark for the twenty-five years preceding was
only 20s. 10d., and that there was a surplus of 700,000 quar-
ters ready to be exported after the demands of that country
were fully supplied. Now, if so much might be expected
from Denmark, what, he asked, might not be expected from
Russia and other countries ? The Right Hon. Baronet stated
that, in the course of three or four years, there would be a
glut in the market, and in that case there would neither be rent
for the latAllord, profit for the tenant, nor .wages for the la-
bourer. lie made those remarks when it had been proposed
that there should be a fixed duty of Bs., and he (Mr. Finch)
wou!d ask, if the Right Honourable Baronet expected
such a complete glut in the market then, what
might not be expected when the duty was abolished altogether?
There was a period when the Right Hon. Baronet at the head
of her Majesty's Government had it in his power to do away
wish the malt tax, and relieve the agriculturists from it, but he
did not do so; he contented himself with taking the duty off
glass. Neither had he reduced the land tax ; and he was
therefore guilty of another act of injustice. (Hear, hear.) He
would then conclude by offering his opinions as to the result of
the division.—(Hear, hear.) There could be little doubt that
the Right Hon. Baronet would have a nominal majority, but
whch, in fact, would be a bona fide minority. And when Hon.
Members who had misrepresented their constituencies had been
deducted from that majority, there could be no doubt that, in
the estimation of the country, it would be regarded as a
minority.—(Protectionist cries of " Hear, hear.") As, far as
he (the Hon. Member) was concerned, he would ever be found
battling on the present side of the question; and, he doubted
not that, on their first appeal to the country, which they would
make on the first occasion fearlessly and boldly, they would
have the majority of the population with ahem.—(" Hear,
hear," " Oh, oh," and laughter.) The appeal would shortly
be made to the nation ; and he feared not they would have the
constituencies with them, when 300 protectionists would 'be
returned,—(Laughter.) The cause of protection was not lost.
No, it was still dear to the hearts of the nation, because it
was in consonance with their feelings and habits.—(Hear,
hear.) They were strong in principle and consistency, and
they! were prepared to defend and support that principle as
long as they had voices to utter, arms to raise, or shots to dis-
charge.—(Cheers and laughter. )
Mr. SEYMOUR said that on rising for the first time to
address the House, he hoped to be able to enlist their sympa-
thies in his favour, and he was certain of being suc-
cessful, when he assured them that his speech would
not occupy more than a few minutes. --(Hear, hear, hear.)
He was not going to discuss the principle of protection,
which had been canvassed mush at that (the Ministerial) side
of the House; and had not allusion been made to the opinions
of the tenant farmers, he would not have risen then. It struck
him, indeed, that some Hon. Gentlemen, who had been elected
six 3cars ago, appeared at that moment to be quite forgetful of
their own opinions, as well as the feelings of their constituents.
—(Hear, hear.) But he doubted not, the time was not far off
when their memories would be thoroughly refreshed.—
(" Hear, hear," from the protectionists.) He (the
Honourable Gentleman) had the honour of being
elected on last Thursday for Dorsetshire, and he
should-then state the opinions of the Imam of that district)

which he feared not to assert were the opinions of nine-tenths
of the farmers of England.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Mem-
ber for Finsbury, in the course of the debate, had been pleased
to state that what the farmers required for the advancement of
agriculture was not protection, but the shield of the ballot to
, protect them. Now he should inform the Hon. Gentleman,
and other members who supported his views, that they could
not labour under a greater mistake in saying that the
farmers were not in favour of. protection.—(Hear,
Le sr, from the; Protectionists.) He looked on
the assertion as a R radical shot fired at random by a gentleman
who might be qualified to represent a metropolitan constituency,
but who knew nothing of agriculturists.—( Hear, hear.) There
were a few circumstances connected with the Dorsetshire elec-
tion which could not fail to prove that the farmers were in
favour of protection, and which he begged to trouble them
with.—(Hear, hear.) When the requisition calling on him
and his Honourable Colleague to come forward for the repre-
sentation of the shire was in progress of signature, some
of the tenants who held under free-trade proprietors—three
or four of whom held the largest properties in the locality--
naturally held back and refused to sign the requisition until
they knew what the wishes of the landlords were.—(Hear,
hear.) He believed it was notorious that English tenants
always wished to consult the opinions of their landlords; and
in that they were not, in his opinion, to blame. They con-
sulted thtir landlords, who, he was happy to state,
did not interfere, the question being solely a farmer's
question, and the moment the will of the land-
lord was made known, they,
,without exception, came
forward and signed the requisition.—(Protectionist cheers. )
That was a proof of his assertion that the farmers were in-
clined to protection.—( Hear, hear.) Another statement made
was, that the small farmers alone were in favour of free trade ;
or in other words, that class of farmers who, from their indo.
lence and ignorance of political matters, did not ddserve to be
farmers at all. Now, as far as his (the lion. Gentleman's) ex-
perience went, he should say the v ry contrary was the fact.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") In his opinion all classes of farmers
were protectionists, particularly the large farmers, the em-
ployers of labour and capital, and who, moreover, had leisure
and inclination to master the details of political affairs.--( Hear. )
In the course of his canvas he had heard strong language used
with respect to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the
Government.—( Hear, hear.) Farmers were plain men, and
consequently used plain words, the introduction of which in
that House might not be deemed Parliamentary.—(A laugh. )
He had heard these observations made use of ; yet, though he
had been much amongst the farmers, he did not observe an
atom of turbulence, or a single jot abatement of their usual
loyalty and peaceable demeanour, which could not be said of
the gentlemen composing the Anti-Corn-law League. Hear.)
Indeed, it was his firm belief, that if the farmers of England
had been more seditious in their bearing and expression they
would have had more weight with the Right Hon. Baronet.—
( Loud cries of " Hear" from the protectionists.) If the
Anti-Corn-law League should at any future period be inclined
to attack the ancient institutions of this country, they would
find that the lo3alty of the farmers would meet them in the
spirit of opposition dictated by the loyalty for which they were
proverbial, and with far more effect, than they had opposed'
them on the present occasion. Having said thus much, he had
nothing more to say than to thank the House for the patient
hearing granted him, and to declare bis intention of voting
sgainst the measure before the House.—(Cheers from the Hon.
Member's party. _

Mr. VILLIERS had some difficulty in rising to address
the House after the speech of the Hon. Member who had just
sat down ; more especially after the manner in which they
had been used to the course of Gentlemen addressing them
on both sides of the question, for, if he was not mistaken, the
Hon. Member, who had last addressed the House, said he
was in favour of a repeal of the corn laws.—(Loud cries of
" No, no," from the protectionists.) If the cries on the op_
posite side were correct, then the Hon. Member was greatly
misrepresented by the papers, for there was not a paper
which did not state that, if there was to be a repeal of those
laws, he was for an immediate repeal.—.( He- r, hear. )
Mr. SEYMOUR wished to explain. What he had said on
the hustings was, that he was against the proposed change in the
corn-laws; but that if there was to be any change at all, he
was for an immediate repeal in preference to the measure of
the Right Hon. Baronet ; and such was still his opinion.
Mr. VILLIERS was most happy to find that the accuracy
of the gentlemen of the press was not called into question.—
(Cries of " Oh, oh," from the new Member's party.) He be-
lieved the Hon. Member was in favour of this measure.—

(" Oh, oh.") He took the Hon. Gentleman's own explana-
tion. He had stated that the farmers were in the habit of
going to their landlords and asking their opinions, and it was
really wondrous how they had preserved their loyalty.—
( Cries of " Oh, oh.") The Hon. Gentleman had given proof
that the farmers were generally loyal and well affected, and
that was a proof that they were not under the influence of
their landlords.—(Great laughter and cries of " Oh, oh.") He
believed they were loyal and not disaffected because they were
not affected by the disloyal views of their landlords.—(" Oh,
oh," and cheers.) He believed that the farmers
were men who did not believe the stories of
the interested landlords. As far as he had
understood the Hon. Gentleman, the farmers were in
favour of an immediate repeal of the corn-laws.—( Groans
from a section of the House.) The point of the Hon.
Member's speech was to show that the farmers were not under
the influence of their landlords. The Hon. Member for
Rutlandshire had said the same thing. The Hon. Member
who had spoken last was like the gentlemen who spoke the
chorus in the Greek play, which stated all that had taken place,
and all that was to take place in the drama.—(Laughter.)
He had told the farmers that they were to be ruined by the
present measure, and all gentlemen on the protectionist side
of the House had told them the same thing. He (Mr. Vil-
liers) felt great difficulty in rising to address the House after
the speeches which had been delivered on the question, for
there was nothing that he or any other Hon. Member could
say, which had not been already said by the Right
Honourable Baronet at the bead of her Majesty's
Government. He could not help contrasting the attention
shown to the Hon. Members who had addressed the House on
the present measure, to the scenes which, on a former occa-
sion, when he (Mr. Villiers) brought forward the same ques-
tion at a former period. The groans and cries of parties in the
House at that time still tingled in his ears.—(Cries of
Hear, hear.") At that time, however, the country was in a
state of great suffering, and much disorder was the consequence.
The gentry were crying out for time, soldiers surrounded the
House, and the people were declaring that time had not been
afforded them to present their petitions against the measure;
and again, he would repeat that the measure passed the
House with greater rapidity than any measure had been
known to pass it before.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
Notwithstanding this, they were now to have this question
postponed in the present session for a longer period than any
measure that had been known before. For three weeks now
had they been discussing the merits, and during the whole of
that time they had heard nothing but the same arguments over
and over again.—( Hear, hear.) What then was the conclu-
sion the public were to come to, but that a distinction was
made in this House between the interest taken in the affairs of
the rich and that of the poor.—( Hear, hear.) However, as
the time was to be wasted—(Laughter)—in those discussions,
he would proceed to express his sentiments, and he would say
that he did not think he would be doing justice to his own feel-
ings, or the opinions of those whom he represented in that
House if he did not declare that he hailed with joy and sa-
tisfaction the present measure, which he looked upon as one
dictated by feelings of honour and justice.---( Hear, hear.) It
must, of course, be gratifying to every Hon. Member in that
House to have observed the number of Hon. Members who
had become advocates of this cause, from a conviction of its
utility, and many of those Hon. Members occupied positions
which rendered their motives perfectly free from suspicion.—
( Hear, hear.) When the Noble Lord the Member for Lon-
don delivered his sentiments on this subject, in a letter to his
constituents, he (Mr. Villiers) sincerely believed that the
Noble Lord did so from an honest conviction that an imperative
sense of duty called upon him to declare those sentiments, and
that he was not in the slightest degree influenced by party
feeling.--( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Villiers) was also at a loss
to understand how it was that the Right Hon. Baronet oppo-
site deserved the reproaches by which his introduction of this
measure bad been received, because the Right Hon. Baronet
had not introduced this measure under the influence of any
private or personal feeling, but solely because he believed it
necessary for the benefit of the country ; and he (Mr. Villiers)
did not think that the Right Honourable Baronet had
any reason to be discontented by the manner in
which the measure had been received by the public,
because it was quite evident that Fe had thrown
over and utterly disregarded the importunities of an insolent
domination.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet had been
told that if he persevered in carrying this measure to a division,
that he would deeply regret it ; but the Right Hon. Baronet,
wills a characteristic perseverance for which he was remarkable,
disregarded all those remonstrances, and he (Mr. Villiers)
really did believe that the public were delighted to seethe
Right Hon. Baronet throw off with so much determination
those party trammels.—(Cheers.) An Hon. Member opposite
had asked him how it was possible he could show his face to
his constituents after giving the vote he intended upon
that occasion ? But he would ask the Hon. Member
in r
aeortiu rthnhe,ea hrot
oHhs
ieet
owintended
rdee to ohl
aaratecds to
Omaptei
nNitohonebs
eunpeoant
Lords,
tehl cm
is qt i
uoe
(b ir
es
tion as contradictory as any that had been assailed in that
House.—( Cries of " Name, name.") He (Mr. Villiers)
could have no hesitation in naming the parties ; one of them
was the Earl of Essex, who had declared that the free im-
portation of Indian corn into this country would be of the
greatest possible benefit to it.—( Cheers and laughter.) Hon.
Members might shake their heads at that as-
sertion, but it was nevertheless true. ( Hear, hear.)
He had heard, in the course of that debate, that it was for the
purpose of raising a question as to a great principle, viz., the
system of protection a a) stem of policy long believed in this
country, and which was now about to be abolished. Its friends
were about to resist its abolition, and the object of their
resist
the system
em o f abolition.
protection, Th
is
wasaod the
now h
l 1 t he
wouldday of
ask, what was the system ? Had anything fallen from
discussiontmhoetion
to
of
the Gentlemen en the other side of the House as
to what the principle was—whether it had any rule, or whe-
ther anything would result from it? Was there anything to
be dignified by the name of a system ? The House had not a
single idea on the subject. He had asked on his own side,
whether the system of protection could be universally applied?
The answer was, certainly not ; it would raise the prices of
food and diminish the price of labour. There was no definite
test by which protection could be tried. Was it opposed to the
principle of protection ? No ; for Lord Stanley had said that
protection was competition subject to regulation. (Laughter.)
They had no idea of what the system was. The protec-
tionists say that they did not want to oppose all the advantages
that free trade might give. At least, so said the Hon. Mem
ber for Shrewsbury. He (Mr. Villiers) had asked,
whether the system of protection had not dwindled down

on the subject. He (Mr. Villiers) listened during his speech, and all
that he heard was the reading of a speeech of the Attorney Ge-
neral's—at least that was all he could collect. These persons would
go any length, at any rate they would go great lengths, in throwing
the Right Hon. Baronet from the heed of the Government, though
they were unable to give the House a single motion of the way in
which it would benefit agriculture. Mr. Wawn says that the farmers
must take as their text low prices, and trust to an improvement in
agriculture. That they must not look any longer to high rates, but
endeavour to produce a larger quantity, so as to meet the reduction
in the price of grain,-- (Hear.) Ile would ask the Hon. Member
for Norfolk how it was that, in disciesing the merits of the protective
system, so little reference was made to the farmers and labourers,
However much they might be referred to out of doors, he did not
find the farmers and labourers brought forward prominently in that
House. There was hardly a word about the farmers there, though
there was no lack of reference to them out of the House. He thought
that a farmer who had prospered under the protective system during
the last thirty years, would be a strange animal—an extraordinary
bird, that from its rarity ought to be catched and stuffed, in order to
be placed in British Museum.—(Laughter mid cheers.) It was,
indeed, a rare occurrence for the farmer to thrive under this protec-
tive system. Again, had they heard any evidence respecting the
condition of thelabourer. He was aware that it had been said of the
Goatacre meeting that it had been got up by the Anti-Corn-law
League—( Hear, hear, from Conservative benches)—but he knew
well that the Anti-Corn-law League had had nothing to
do with it.—(Hear, hear.) He knew it to be one of a
series of meetings that had been held for some time in Wiltshire, at
which the labourers assembled to express the miserable and deplor-
able condition in which they were placed. If they would look at all
the reports on the agricultural districts that had appeared for many
years—from 1824 to 1843-11 on. Members would find the same re-
presentations of the extreme distress and degradation of the agricul-
tural labourers. It was evident from all these that the condition
of the labourers was as bad as bad could be—(Hear, hear)—par-
ticularly in the most agricultural counties. He would call the atten-
tion of the Hon. Member for Suffolk to this statement, as the county
he represented specially merited this charge. He (Mr. Villiers)
knew of no county that contained more gentry and clergymen, and
yet the people of it were sunk in the lowest state of degradaion,
demoralisation, and misery.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The
Hon. Member for Shrewsbury (Mr. Disraeli) had stated that the
country had thriven under a protective system, but lie (Mr. Villiers)
would meet him with these facts, which could not be gainsayed. A
Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) had stated once in another place, on the
hustings, at his election, he (Mr. Villiers) believed, what the pro-
tective system was. That Noble Lord said that it was a system to
raise rents, and keep up the price of food, but it did not raise the
condition of the farmer. That was what they had been fighting for
for the last eleven days, in the present debate, and on which they
were going to a division. That being the case, was he not justified
in saying that a prosperous farmer was a rare bird, that ought to be
stuffed and placed in the British Museum, and that the labouring
population were sunk in the lowest state of degradation
and distress? The Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary at the head
of the Home Department, had made a statement which they had no
reason to disbelieve. lie had shown the effects of the system on the
people at large And what he stated the other night, he also stated
last year. The case the Right Hon. Baronet had placed before
the House was such as fully justified the Government in the course
they had taken ; and, instead of railing at them, lion. Gentlemen on
the opposite side of the House ought to have supported them by
every means ha their power. The Right Hon. Baronet stated the
effects that seasons of scarcity
and abundance had upon the people
—how that a season of scarcity, misery, immorality, and
disease extensively increased, while a period of abundance
brought a mitigation, of all these evils ; and that
therefore he could no longer, in face of this conclusion, support the
system that kept up an artificial scarcity, and therefore perpetuated
misery.—(Hear' hear.) To the present moment no answer had
been made to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, The High'
Hon. Baronet, last year in reply to the speech of the Noble Lord the
Member for London, in proposing his resolutions, stated the same
doctrine he did the present year, and yet no one on behalf of the
system of protection got up to answer him.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
When they said that high prices in provisions were good for the
poor, and when they heard the Right Hon. Baronet rise and say that
it was time this artificial system was abolished, because it militated
against the comfort of the working classes, why was it that no one
on that side of the House had arisen to deny it? He thought that
before the debate closed some of them should answer the Right Hon.
Baronet. They ought not only to look at the "Price Current," they
ought also to look to the mortality among the lower classes,
and to trace the effect of high prices there. They would
not then, perhaps, have to charge the protectionists with
the misery that existed with the spectacle of a people willing to work
yet wanting employment.—(Cries of "Oh ; oh ! " and cheers.) He
maintained that the Right Hon. Baronet had stated last year, and
the Noble Lord the Member for London had reiterated the statement

in a letter addressed to his constituents, that the consequence of high
prices were co-existent with low wages. He wished to know how
they were to get out of that difficulty ? They wished to keep up high
It was all very well for a Noble Lord
prices, and the purpose of this law was to do so, otherwise there was
onno
that
tnsiindge inof ire
House
to rs.)say_,.
God forbid that we should keep
the prices high at the expense of the people," but how did the
Noble Lord vote ? Corn had never been at a low price in the market,
but they had Members coming to that House to complain that the
agriculturists werebeing ruined. In the year 1822, the Hon. Member
for North Devon might remember that it was a grievance of county
Members that the prices were low. Some Hon. Member—he be-
lieved the lion. Member for the West Riding—had said, in the course
of this debate, that this made no difference ; bat let them look to the
years 1822, 1825, and to the last year, when the prices were low, not
arising from importation, but from the blessing of God in sending
them good harvests, than they complained that they had been
deceived. Lord Castlereagh came down to that House and proposed
a scheme for raising the prices of food. He proposed a vote
of money to buy up what was called the surplus
food. In the years 183.5 and 1836 there were no grounds
of complaint but what proceeded from a good harvest,
yet the Marquis of Ckandes came down there and proposed a repeal
of the malt-tax and a Committee of the House to inquire into the
distress which pressed upon agriculture. What was the speech
made last year by the Hon. Member for Somerset ? He said that
the Right Hon. Baronet had broken his promises, because the prices
of corn were low, there being a too great abundance in the home
produce. -The Right Hon, the Secretary for Foretgn Affairs had,
however, said, that he could not resist the conviction that low prices
were a blessing to the working classes. But they wanted also pro-
tection to domestic industry. What was the meaning of the word
" domestic industry ? Did it mean something that the working
classes were interested in? Did the working classes agree
with them in their admiration of the corn laws ?
Had they the authority of any working man
to quote in favour of their sehemes, or to acknowledge that they were
benefited by these laws ? He would venture to say that they had
no such authority from any town in England. He keld in his hand
a communication sent by a working man since this debate had com-
menced. A resolution was agreed to at a meeting at Sheffield, an
open air meeting, that this law had deranged their whole mercantile
system; it had made numbers of merchants and manufacturers
bankrupts ; it had checked the natural currents of trade ;
reduced thousands of families to misery and starvation ;
neither did the good to the great mass of the agricultural
population, those who tilled the ground under these laws
receiving but the slightest share of the blessings they
produced. There was another meeting at Liverpool—a meeting of
respectble artisans whose characters were avouchod by the leading
merchauts of Liverpaol ; and they stated that the manufactures were
in a state of great distress—that things were getting worse, and that
crime increased in proportion as food diminished. They stated that
the working classes were unable to purchase articles necessary for
their existence, because they found that as wages were low prices
were high, and they affirmed also that when wages
were high the price of food was low.—(Hear, hear.)
There was another argument used by an Hon. Gentleman opposite,
who, from his position in the country, would be looked upon as an
authority, he meant the Hon. Member for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson).
That Hon. Member was very much alarmed at this measure. He
was afraid of the effect of a free importation of corn upon the ex-
changes. The Hon. Gentleman quoted several papers to terrify the
country gentlemen and the agriculturists, and he stated that he him-
self had imported grain fit for human food at 255. per quarter in the
year 1837. It was impossible to doubt the truth of anything the
lion. Member for Sunderland said ; but when he stated a fact of that
kind, he intended something, and he wished country gentlemen to
draw the general conclusion that wheat could be imported at 258.
He thought the Hon. Gentleman should have stated where he im-
ported his corn from, and what were the charges attending the im-
portation.
Mr. HUDSON made some remark which we did not hear.
Mr. VILLIER i continued—He believed that the Honour-
able Gentlemen would admit that we could import corn in
considerable quantities from Poland and Russia. We could get a
million, or two millions, or four millions of quarters of wheat an-
nually. Now it so happened that he (Mr. Villiers) had an authority
as to the amount of corn Imported, and the price in the year 1837.
Now, the price of grain at Dantzic in that year was not lower than
295.--(Cries of " At Odessa.") The freight was never less than
4s. 9d. per quarter, and yet the Hon. Gentleman said he had pur-
chased grain at 255. The price at Dantzic was 295., the freight to
Liverpool and London never less than 4s. tilds and in one case 65.,
and other charges 35., and yet the lion. Gentleman said he purchased
grain at 255. Another peculiarity in that year was, that a very large
portion of corn went front the Baltic to America. The Hon. Gentle-
man the Member for Sunderland was one of that school who had an
objection to free trade, because they thought the imports
would have to be paid for in bullion. Now he (Mr.
Villiers) would tell the Honourable Member what was the
state of the money market during four years in which we imported
corn, namely, from 1839 to 1841. After 1839 we had 4,000,0001. in
the Bank of England, and we imported 2,700,000 quartere Of Wheat,
and during the year the amount of bullion in the Bank fell to
2,000,0001. In 1840 we imported 2,60(1,000 quarters, and by the end
of that year the amount of bullion had risen to 3,100,0001. In 1841
we imported 2,800,000 quarters, and at the end of that year the bul-
lion in the Bank amounted to 4,580,0001. In 1842 we imported
2,600,000 quarters, and at the end of that year the amount of hellion
had reached 10,000,000/.. What were the exports to corn growing
countries ? In 1837 our exports of manufactures amounted
to 12,800,000/. ; and in 1842, after four years of im-
portation of corn, the exports were to 16,800,0001.—(Hear.)
The argument of country gentlemen was, that the home trade was
better than the foreign. That was their case, and they maintained
that nothing affected this market so much as the high price of corn,
The Hon. Member for Sunderland appeared to be of this opinion,
that the home trade was better than the foreign. That Hon. Mem-
ber was well acquainted with the midland counties, and he would
just read to hint the opinion of an extensivs manufacturer in Lei-
cestershire upon this question. His correspondent stated that the
wages of the artizan were extremely low ; the distress and suffering
was
sat
dwehpernespserdov;ishinor
vrl-eetrte hprigohritshioensLewiceer
which prevailed in the town of Leicester had never been known to be
greater than it was at present. This distress and suffering was attri-
buted to the high price of provision, and his correspondent added
and flourishing. No. The fact setelorw, trade manufacturingheraintretahrrki.sekt
was, the agricultural labourer, as
well as most other labourers,
were paid so low that when food
was dear, he had nothing 10 spend on stockings andsuch likearticles.
Hon. Members opposite appeared unwilling to listen to this matter ;
but they might depend upon it that the surplus population of the agri-
cultural districts could never find employment in manufactories,
unless the price of food was diminished, and the home manufacturing
trade improved. The Hon. Member for Northamptonshire, who was
the leader of the protection party, and generally proclaimed
their views to the world in that House, declared that the price of
food should not be cheapened, and stood up for a system which pro-
duced three-fourths instead of five-fourths. The Hon. Member and
his party objected to Increasing the foreign trade, and called loudly
for a diminution In the business of the manufacturer. With the aid
of their Quarterly Reviews, their Standards, and their Heralds, they pro-
clahred to the world that If some of the manufacturing towns were
razed to the ground, this country would be more moral, more con-
tented, and more happy. With an Increased population and diminished
employment, they wished to have fewer manufactories, and told the
House and the world, that if this measure was abandoned, theywould
provide for the surplus population, and diminish the prevailing dis-
tress in the manufacturing districts. Now he wanted to ask them a
simple and plain quefition—llDW did they propose to do all this ? Upon
what did they depend ? From what had fallen from some of them,
he was led to understand that they depended upon the present distri-
bution of the constituenees and the House of Lords. Now that was
the position of this question at this moment, and that was the nature
of the latrine that was going on with some Noble Lords upon this
subject. They hoped to throw out this measure, and to form a Go-
vernment, and they hoped by the influence they could exercise over
dependent voters to get a majority fvr the purpose of maintaining
the present corn-law system. Now he wanted to know
whether Hon. Gentlemen had considered the position of this
question? These corn-laws must either be supported by force h
or by reason —(Cries of " O, oh," from the protectionists,
followed by Opposition
cheers.) They had tried force when
this law was introduced and carried by force.--(Opposition
cheers.) Four ears after it was carried it was maintained by force.
The people had been cut down for the purpose of maintaining this
cut down in Manchester for resisting this
lcaowrri The people were
-law in 1819, and they were attempted to be put down by force
in 1830, but that was found too difficult a task. In 1839 they found
the people discontented with the results of former years, and the Go-
vernment was not able to persuade them to give up their opposition
to the corn-law. it was that agitation that first gave rise to,the
League. Their protection societies were created for
Anti-Corn-law League. people, those pose of deceiving and
societies
gave
the express purpose
rise to the Anti-Corn-law League, which was induced to exhibit
itself in the extraordinary manner that it had done, to circulate, not
its own doctrines or view., as been ascribed to it by
Honourable Gentlemen opposite,_ a had
ad
'the deliberate convictions
of the most enlightened
men that ever wrote or ever existed
n
and by their extraordinary exertions, the members
in
this country ;
that body brought about the opinion of the country in favour
of the emancipation of trade, and the removal of the restrictions on
commerce, and the abolition of the corn-laws.--(Hear, hear.) And
he state
o
the af
maintained that that was the question at this rao•
th
ment. They could not support e law by force ; they could not
support it by deluding the people, or inducing them to quarrel
with a minister who had conscientiously
come forward with the
present measure. Ile would ask them whet her they had ma& any
security for a period of scarcity; or if the people were to call for
universal suffrage, or were to rise up in arms against the law, what
position would the protectionists be in ? lle would onty ask them
to imagine such a Government as they had described with a Noble
Duke at its head.—(gear, Marl) The country would be in a state
of tumult, and lion. Gentlemen opposite would be responsible for
the peace and order of the et?untry. (R
ear, hear,) The state of
the country would really
be In a miserable position. And what
would they do? They would do what they did in Hai
their knees, hear.) They would come upon praying the Right
l
Honourable Gentleman at the lead of the Government to taiee
office again.—(Opposition cheers.) Then the Hon. Gentleman the
Member for Rutlaads
~ wee quarrelled with the Right Hon. Baronet
because he did not stick to his guns.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
Would the Right Hon. Member himself stick to his guns if he saw a
starving people before him? Would he attempt to put the people
down by force ? They dare not. That was their position, therefore,
at the present moment. Re would ask them whether it was
rea-
sonable to resist the demand of the peimle to remove this corn-law ?
The Right Hon. Baronet, In bringing forward his motion, was con-
sulting the interests of the agriculturists, for it would have the effect
of giving them the protection for which they sought. It seemed to
him (Mr. Villiers) that the Right Hon. Baronet had maintained their
interests.—(Hear, hear.) Would the Hon. Member for Dorset
wish such a man as Neckar to get into the Government?
The French Minister, Totirgot, in 1775, repealed the cern•
laws as soon as he went into oftace.—(Flear, hear.) That
Minister said " There are two things to be avoided in every commu-
nity, and if they are net averted in this country -we should have na-
Waal Pealkruptot and revolution, ". -That WSI itablitfteen years be.

to an attempted continuance of the sliding scale. Every
Member who had spoken on the subject had hardly been speaking
five minutes before he began to discuss the horrors of free trade in
food. The question was whether they should continue the system
of the sliding scale—and that they call protection. Had there been
the slightest information given about protection to agriculture?—had
they heard any way in which protection assisted agriculture by

capital or otherwise? They had only heard the calamities which free
trade would cause to agriculture. He would ask, had any agricul-
tural authority been quoted to show that the System of
protection was advantageous? No such quotation had been

given—there was not a single man who had given any
explanation at all. Many persons on the other side of the
House said that the principle of protection to agriculture de-
pended upon none of the causes he had stated, and that it did not
require to be assisted or explained by an Act of Parliament. For the
last two nights there had been in the gallery of the House. a gentle-
man said to be one of the largest occupiers of land in the kingdom—
a man who was spoken of as being a great authority on the subject
of agriculture. That gentleman was In the Howe in order that he
might give some answer to the silly statements which had been put
forth. That gentleman occupied 3,200 acres, extending into six
counties, and he received rent in eight counties. No wonder that
they were so adverse to any inquiry by way of a Committee
embodied by the House, for they knew that this person would
come forward and give evidence against their views.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) They never wished to refer the question to
a ComMittee for fear this person should come and demolish all the
fuv,uments of their side.—(Cries of " Oh, oh 1" from the Ministerial
benches) They cried out " Oh, oh 1" but why did not they go be-
fore a Committee ? They were on their trial before their country,
and they could not find any person in favour of their views. He
(Mr. Villiers) would venture to say then what he had said before,
that if they went before a Committee of inquiry they would find
farmers from every part of the country to give evidence against their
!principle. They would find land agents whose opinions were
hostile to them. There was a society of land agents in this town,
.and the majority of that society were of opinion that the total and
' immediate repeal of the corn-laws would do no harm if it did no
good. What was the case with the Honourable Members for Essex
and Suffolk—they both plumed themselves on their knowledge of
the subject, and they both spoke. The Honourable Member for
Essex, after uttering some very questionable jokes, ended by quoting
a chapter of Mr. Arnold's work. The Honourable -Member for
ttiMk, who was returued to the #Towle u the Armen, friend, spoke
- - •

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORN ING, FEBRUARI 27, 1846,

fore the revolution occurred. He said, " You must take care that
your revenue is maintained. and that you avoid scarcity."—(Cheers.)
His very first Act in 1775 was to make Internal trade free, and he
put on record his views at the same time with respect to corn com-
ing from foreign countries. And he observed that the effect of
the then existing law was to make the provinces dependent upon the
season. They were always
.exposed to scarcities. He also stated
that it would improve the commercial interests of a country, by
removing this prohibition on corn. Now, what was his fate ? He
would mention it to the House, as It was not unlikely that the same
fate would befal other 31inisters. Condorcet says there was a corn.
bination of all the people, All classes of the people in the state—
young girls and kept mistresses—all combined to drive him from
power, and every. Minister who succeeded him, between the years
1775 and 1789 were driven in like manner from power, when they
thus adopted measures to' prevent the emergency which they fore-
saw. It is such men as those of whom the Hon. Member for Dor-
setshire is afraid lest they should come into power. Mr. Carlisle, in
his " Historory of the French Revolution," states that the prevalent
opinion among the Nobility was, that. they could not live alone
upon the rents which they derived from their estates; they wanted
something more. They could not parade themselves at court —they
could not preserve their equipages—they could not maintain their
proud position unless they had some exemption of privilege, In the
'Bt there was a scarcity, and in '69 there was a comprehensive
scheme such as the Honourable Member for Shrewsbury (Mr.
Disraeli applauded; and the results of that measure was known
to all. Ile maintained that it was impossible to provide against the
season of scarcity, or a famine, or a failure in the revenue. He there-
fore recommended Hon. Members opposite to consider whether the
Right Hon. Baronet was not a real Conservative—whether they did
not think he was really doing what he thought was best for their
own interest? Hon. Members opposite had not one security against
time of scarcity. They had heard the Right Ilon.Baronet state his
apprehension and his dread of a recurrence of that time. After all
this discussion, all the enlightenment of the public on the subject, it
would be an impossibility to deceive them again. They had now an
intimation of a famine in Ireland, and they had not the least cer-
tainty that such' a season would not recur again. If such an event
should occur, what would they do ? It was a fact that the people
were not fed, that the people were distressed, and what did they un-
dertake to do for them ? Did they mean to answer that question in
the year 1847 or in the year 1848 ?—(Cheers.) He would assure
the party who were opposed to the present measure that if a
period of famine should arrive it would not be a question of
corn-laws ; if the people were driven to a dangerous extremity he
was quite sure that It would be very much for the interests of the
aristccracy that before such a period should arrive that that question
should be settled. He thought if there came a period of famine,
confusion and distress would follow, and the people would look to
the cause, and would come to no other conclusion than that for the
last forty or fifty years the aristocracy of the country were using
the powers of legislation against them, and that they had been
faithless to their trust, and he (Mr. Villiers) therefore urged them at
that moment to reconcile themselves with the people by giving their
hearty compliance to that measure, by voting in foto for the aboli-
tion of the corn-laws. If they did that he would venture to predict
they would follow only that course which would win for them the
respect of the country and the people over whom it ought to be their
guide and glory to rule with mercy and with justice. (The Hon.
Gentleman sat down amidst loud cheers.)
Mr. HUDSOII rose (amidst loud cries of "Adjourn, adjourn)" to
explain that he could give the name of a gentleman who imported
grain at 225.
Mr. FERRAND rose and said that he was informed that he was
grossly attacked by four Members of that House that evening,
during his absence, and he begged to state that to-morrow evening
lie should be in his place to defend himself from any charges
that might be brought against him.—(Loud cheers,)
Mr. ISANKES then rose and moved the adjournment of the de-
bate ,when
Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose and said that he hoped, as it had con-
tinued so long, it would be brought to a conclusion to-morrow
evening.
Colonel SIBTHORP observed, that having failed in many endea-
vours to say a few words on the subject of the present measure, he
hoped he should not be out of order in putting a few questions to the
Right Honourable Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) The country at the
present moment was in an extraordinary situation, in fact it was be-
coming a laughing stock to the nations of the earth.—(Hear, hear,
and laughter.) There was no Secretary for the Colonies—there was
no Secretary for Ireland—there was no Attorney-General
for Ireland—there was no Solicitor -General for Ireland
within that House; what an anomalous condition was that,
when Honourable Gentlemen, who, like him, were anxious to put a
question to these gentlemen, had no opportunity of doing so. lie had
a right to presume that the Secretary for the Colonies was a very
important person in that House. His salary was not less than 5,0001.
a year, yet he was not there ; and the Secretary for Ireland, who
had promised himself success in Nottinghamshire, where he (Colonel
Sibthorp) thought it his duty to go to oppose him, had been re-
jected, a pretty plain proof that the Prime Minister was not very
popular among the agriculturists. He felt an honest pride that not a
tenant of his was bound down to any particular course ; he had no
communication with them, nor did he know which way they voted,
but he had no doubt— (Laughter)—th at they voted in the manner most
conducive to their interests, namely, by supporting protection to
agriculture. There was a Lord of the Admiralty, where was his seat
in the House?—(Hear.) Why the Minister should have little weight
indeed who could not secure him one, though he received a salary of
1,2001. a-year. They were informed there were two vacancies in the
Lords of the Treasury, at 1,2001. also; where were they?—(Hear,
hear.) Of the gentlemen who held the offices and resigned he held
the highest opinionfor their highmindedness, and the independence of
the course they pursued in throwing off the Government livery under
the circumstances.—(Hear, hear.) There was the Commissioner of
Woods and Forests at a large salary, where was he, or what became
of the salaries ?—(Hear, hear.) He thought it the duty of the Right
Hon. Baronet to satisfy the country of its present condition, and the
likelihood of its future condition.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon.
Baronet had said in his speech " that never should the year 1841 be
effaced from his memory ;" but he (Col. Sibthorp) wished that the
Right Hon. Baronet would not permit the year 1839, when he first
embodied the Conservative body to escape from his memory.
Mr. SPOONER said after what had fallen from the Noble Lord
(Russell) as to the debate closing on the nett evening, he could not
think of disagreeing with the views of the Noble Lord, but he could
not agree to that without expressing his opinion that
the debate should not close without giving an op-
portunity to Hon. Members to express their opinions upon the
measure before the House.—(Cries of "Go on, go on.") He was not
at that time of the night prepared to go on, but on the next night he
would be enabled to inform the Hoa. Member for Wolverhampton
why it was that he was opposed to the present measure. He was in
favour of cheap food, but he was not in favour of a measure which
was nothing more than a delusion.
The debate was then adjourned.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House
adjourned at a quarter to One o'clock.
DRURY-LANE THEATRE.

A new grand opera, in three acts, entitled The Crusaders, the music
by Benedict, the libretto by M. de St. Georges and Mr. Bunn, was
produced here last evening with the most triumphant success. The
playbill contains the-following notification Notwithstanding the
various novelties which have been produced in the course of the pre-
sent season, the preparation far this opera (which was entered upon
at the end of last summer) has never been suspended; it having
been deemed essential, while every necessary care has been bestowed
upon other entertainments, to pay minute attention to the produc-
tion of a drama more elaborately and 'expensively worked out than
perhaps any other previous performances which have been fortunate
enough to obtain'snch favour at this establishment." For once the
playbill does not exaggerate. This drimais more elaborately and ex-
pensively, and, let us add, tastefully worked out, than any
that has ever been produced at this establishment. The scenery, by
Grieve and Telbin, is exquisitely beautiful; the costumes and proper-
ties are magnificent, and the spectacle gorgeous in the extreme. To
attempt to do justice to the splendour of the scenery would be im-
possible—suffice It to say that it is a perfect realisation of some of the
most splendid descriptions of Tasso. We have, for instance, in the
first act, " The enchanted wood ;" and, in the second act, " The
planting the cross on the walls of Jerusalem," descriptions which
any lover of poetry knows by heart, and which he will here see re-
alised. But the Crusaders is not a mere spectacle—as a musical
composition it is certainly the greatest work that Benedict has yet
produced—learned, profound, fully instrumental, elaborately worked
out, as every composition by such an accomplished musician as Bene-
dict must necessarily be. The Crusaders surpasses all his former
compositions in originality, variety, and dramatic point. There is,
moreover, a rich vein of melody running through the whole com-
position, which we seek in vain in his former productions. There is
an unity and a purpose about the music of the Crusaders which stamps
it as, par excellence, an opera.
It is a work which will undoubtedly enjoy not only an English, but
an European reputation. The following is the cast of the characters:
Conrade (King of Jerusalem), Mr. Howell; Bohemond (Prince of
Tarnetum), Mr. W. Harrison; Raymond (Count de Toulouse), Mr.
Borrani ; William (Archbishop of Tyre), Mr. Weiss ; Hassan (Prince
of the Assassins, surnamed " The Man of the Mountain"), Mr.
Stretton ; Ismael (a young Fedavi, or follower of the Sect
of the Assassins), Mr. D. W. King; Aimee (a Sumnite
Girl, of the Sect of the Assassins), Miss Homer; Iseult
(Daughter of the Count de Toulouse), Miss Rainforth.
The opera opens with a scene of revelry in the palace of Tyre, on the
occasion of the coronation of Conrade as King of Jerusalem. Various
Sumnite girls are seeking to intoxicate the Crusaders, and plying
them with wine, and dancing around them. The Archbishop in
the orgies, orders the Sumnites to leave the city, and the
Crusaders, recalled to a sense of propriety, renew their vows to
march to Jerusalem ; and the scene concludes with an energetic
chorus, without accompaniment, "On, Chieftains on," a delightful
composition, which was deservedly encored. Bohemond refuses to
permit Aimee to depart, and swears to protect her, and while the
caber Crusaders go to:attend the coronation, he returns to her, tells her
man loves Almea,
nowa and
dhrasagsheroff accompanied; as
his
br
love, which is returned, and she gives him an assignation in the
vrlordoeft Ao,l3lntheeno.ld of mountain,
Ismael,
he
Crusaders enters terrified, Conrade has been
parchment threatening every
future king of Jerusalem with a te
rti to him
stabbed by byte) thery of the old man of the mountain,
ilar fate. They cast lots for the
crown, and it falls to Bohemond, who,
and by his side has been ..."and a
2ndeterred by the fate of his
.r'
The next" scene
2san of the
introduced
ipsreidnectehsesofrzreasetceopftAs
lathmeedni—gstfihtye
apiryoodpoesoedf the ole
for the
her love for Bohemond, and at the same time beseeches him to cut
moun-
tain—who,thefin first
BonunntillnefoErmngsliushs, isntahgise.preAfaimeee,ais
rnes;p7
his enchantments in practice for the purpose of so intoxicating the
senses of Bohemond that he may become hers. Bohemond now
enters the wood, and here is the realisation of the beautiful descrip-
lion of Tasso, in his 18th canto—Almea, of course, being the Armida
of the scene. Bohemond, however, escapes from all the snares,
and returns to Tyre. In the second act we find him, as
King of Jerusalem in the camp near the city to which he is lying
close siege. Among his army are the old man of the mountain, Is-
mael, various other assassins disguised as crusaders, and Alm6a dis•
guised as a young knight. She overhears Hassan directing Ismael
to assassinate Bohemond, and knowing her power over Ismael, she
promises to become his wife if he will save Bohemond. There is a
beautiffil dttet in this scene which was very tastefully sung by D.W. King
and Miss Homer. The Count of Toulouse and his daughter Iseult (the
affianced of Bohemond) tides arrive in the camp, and here is intro-
duced a delightful ballad "In the heart's early dream," which was so
exquisitely sung by Miss Rainforth as to call forth a rapturous encore,
and which very narrowly escaped a second encore. It is
certainly the most exquisite ballad in the Opera. This
is followed by a duet equally beautiful, which was given most
effectively by Harrison and Miss Rainforth. His love for Iseult has
returned ; lie has forgotton poor Alma, and indulging in pleasing
reveries of his loVe Bar Iseult, he has sunk into repose, when Hassan
enters, and dragging In Ismael, commands him to assassinate Bohe-
mond. lie is in the act of So doing, when Almea rushes forward,
and uttering a scream, snatches the dagger from his hand. Hassan
hurries out Ismael, and Almea is arrested as the assassin, and con-
demned to die, notwithstanding afi 23ohemond's efforts to save her.
We then have a gorgeous spectacle of the u;'fftult on Jerusalem, and
the planting the cross on the ramparts, which i; another realisa-
tion of Tasso. In this scene Alma is saver by Ismael,
who comes forward and confesses that he 'v-Zs the
assassin, and is led out for execution, while the Crusaders deterMii:P
to attack Hassan In his stronghold. The third act opens with a
pretty chorus of female voices attendant on Iseult', liftman, dis-
guised as a Christian Pilgrim, informs her of Bohemond's love for
Aimee, and she determines to reject him. At the same time, Bo-
hemond receives a communication offering to deliver up to him the
old man of the mountain if he will marry Aimee, and thus unite the
European and Asiatic races. He consents, and llassan, who has
taken poison, delivers himself up, and dies, but not until he has
heard that Aimee is turned Christian. She overhears a scene
between Bohemond and Iseult, and discovers that Bohemond still
prefers Iseult. The last scene is the grand marriage procession of
Bohemond. Alines, approaches covered with a bridal veil, but when
she takes it off she is discovered in the costume of a nun ; she has
taken the vows, and gives Iseult to Bohemond as his bride. The final
is a duet between Miss Rainforth and Miss Romer, in which both
ladies sung most exquisitely, which was deservedly encored. Benedict
and the two ladies, and Harrison and Bunn, were all called for at the
fall of the curtain. The house was crowded to suffocation, and a
more successful piece has not been produced for years. We heartily
congratulate M. Benedict. The Crusaders is worthy of the pupil of
Weber.