The Sun.
London, England, 1848-07-17 00:00:00

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

M. LAMARTINE'S DEFENCE OF HIS 1
FOREIGN POLICY.
We have received the Paris papers of Saturday
and yesterday, and we are consequently enabled to
present our readers with the speech on foreign affairs
delivered by M. LAMARTINE in the bureaux of the
Assembly, in reply to General OUDINOT, who re-
commended immediate intervention in Italy, and to
MM. BONAPARTE and MauGuiN, who lauded the
foreign policy of NAPOLEON. It is the • speech not
only of an eloquent and a good man but of a pro-
found statesman.
M. de Lamartine—Gentlemen, there is "nothing more
charming, and at the same time more difficult, than to
reply to a speech from M. MaugUn en foreign affairs: he
has benevolent forms of controversy; he elevates and
enlarges the discussion to the height of his intelligence,
and to the horizon of the map of the world; but at the
same time he has points of view so eccentric and so per-
sonal, he makes assertions so hazardous that one fears, in
repelling an error, to oppose at the same time a truth.
He borrows, to use an expression of his own, my poetry
for his politics. I shall endeavour to borrow a little of his
good sense, his science, and his language to refute him.
Ho has frankly attacked the position taken by French
diplomacy, and my manifesto of the month of February.
It is, he says, a coptradictory policy, comforting and
threatening at one and the same time the' Courts of
foreign countries. Let M. Mauguin read once more that
political declaration of the 24th of February, and he
will acknowledge hiterror. Did that manifesto say that
France ought at all haiiide to fan the flame of republi-
canism, and support all democratic tendencies through-
out the universe? Nothing of the kind; it said the con-
trary. It said that liberty, in order to be durable, ought
to be an indigenousplant of the soil; that before being
proclaimed in the institutions, which are only the last
expression of the manners of nations, it ought to exist,
in the first place, in their manners—that France would
not make any incendiary or agitating, and far less a per-
fidious propagandism; of order, of peace, and of frater-
nity with nations. What was necessary to it? Time,
to make its nature bb known to Europe, in order to pre-
vent the irritations and the misunderstandings of all
Cabinets against it, in ,its weakness and in its cradle—
Cabinets which would at once have recombined against
it, and in the name of the terror which it inspires, the
league of 1813. And is it true, as pretended by M.
Mauguin, who in that is faithful to his recollections
of 1831, that that policy would have been a dupery for
France. That an armed propaganda would have been
more sure, and that we are more threatened with a coa-
lition against us to-day than we were the day after the
revolution of February. I shall go on with him, king-
dom by kingdom, the map that she recognised, the com-
patibility of all the advanced and backward Governments
of the world; that she would not advance the hour of
any one. It added only, that after nationalities or de-
mocracies had been produced, reconquered, or organized
around her, within the reach of her arm or her influ-
ence, if these democracies, or these nationalities, made
an appeal to her support in virtue of the conformity of
their principles, she would consider herself entitled to
lend her assistance. This is what the manifesto said,
and this is what the Minister did for the last four
months. I sustain that the manifesto could not say, and
that the Governnient could not do, anything else in
the name of the Republic. • In fact, was that Re-
public a republic of disorganization and conquest ?
No, it was a Republic of the sea and the continent,
and showed to him by facts that that policy has
borne its fruits, has saved us from universal war, and
has placed the Republic :in one of the freest and
most beautiful ADOlitical situations thst France has ever
known. Ido not attribute this honour to my miserable
ability; I give the honour to that power to which it is
due, to events—and I repeat the word which I said yes-
terday—it is Providence that for the last four months
has been minister of the foreign affairs of the Republic.
Let us commence with England, the powerful mover of
all wars, the knot of all continental coalitions. Since
the last fifty-four years, what should the Republic de-
sire, if properly directed and enlightened ? A continued
good understanding with England, since it is upon such
a good understanding that the harmony of the continent
principally depends. France and England, wero they
to separato, would inevitably entwine the world in
their divisions. Permit me then, gentlemen, to tell you
at what price an intelligent and honest policy on the
part of France may maintain, notwithstanding anti-
national prejudices, and by overcoming those
prejudices, concord between England and France,
It is as follows:—When it is desired to treat with Eng-
land, or to enter into some common undertaking with
her, it is not only, it is not, above all, with the English
Government that one must negotiate; there is some-
thing in England still more powerful than Govern-
ments and Ministers—it is public opinion. But there
are in England two organic, secular, traditional opinions
—the Whigs and the Tories ; the aristocratical opinion
exists in the Tories, and in the Whigs the democratical
opinion, such at least as the. institutions and customs of
England allow its development. Each of these opinions
constantly counterbalances the other ; and according as
the one sinks and the other rises, the power falls into
the hands of the Whigs or of the Tories. Now the groat
good fortune of the revolution of February was to meet
with a Whig Ministry in England. For the opinions
even which this Ministry represents would not have per-
mitted it, without proving false to its nature, to declare
itself hostile,ipso. facto, to the French Republic, just as
in 1792.Erietuid did not contest our first Republic. It
was the .eribestel of the Reptiblic, after 1792," that forced
England 'to forth' te: "ehaiition against France. I hope
ancLl' trust that the wisdom; the moderation the loyalty
of the- Retitiblic of 18487 • 'Will not for long bring
about a like -:schism between these two great people
This inoffensive and even kindly attitude of Eng-
-hind towards the Republic of 1848;'`disolved from the
first all possibility of a continental coalition against us.
This gave time for reflection to Europe, it gave time for
reflection to France itself. Let us see how this time has
been employed, and whether it be true, as M. Mauguin
and M. Napoleon Bonaparte pretend, that the coalition
surrounds us, that we have no appreciable policy, and
that every day but adds to our dangers. I shall say no-
thing of Russia, our new relations with her not being as
yet defined; but nothing indicates the necessity of a
shock between these two powers, destined rather to act
as counterbalances than to contend with each other at
the two extremities of the continent. What is the
power which could more alarm us, after the revolution
of February, and serve as advanced guard to Russia,
and as expeditionary corps to Germany?—it was
Prussia. With her immense military power always on
foot, she could have undertaken an invasion, and
attacked our left flank, while Austria invaded us on the
right. Her 400,000 men, increased by Russian
auxiliary corps, were a terrible weight to resist in
case of a war. The generous conduct of the King of
Prussia did not long allow us to fear such a thing ; our
relations with him, instituted by a French agent, su-
premely clever ' and unjustly calumniated, M. de Cir-
court, re-assured us from the first moment ; the events
in Berlin, the first conire• coup of the policy of the 24th
February, still more reassured us on that side. What
could a Prussian intervention effect to-day ? Let M.
Mauguin reply, if he can, to the dilemma which I am
going to put to him. "Ile King of Prussia almost
obliged to exile himself from his capital to Potsdam in
the midst of his troops, is no longer, so to say, but the
King of his army. Well, one of two things ; either the
King of Prussire'avili 'again throw himself into the
bosom of his people, and will ally himself with the most
liberal and most democratic people of Germany, or he
will separate himself from his people, will remain sur-
rounded by his army, and will ally himself with Russia.'
Should the Kingeof Prussia return to the bosom of his
people, the democratie,z-sympathies of his subjects
will forcibly drag ' 'him towards us, and our
natural alliance is consummated. Or, should the
King of Prussia remain in the midst of his
army, ho will be obliged to ally himself with the
Russians in order teteconquer his own country; and
then what can a sovereign do who is obliged to take the
Russians for aids, and to reconquer his throne and his
nation by the help of foreign arms?. We have nothing
then to fear in either case un the side of Prussia. The
twelve or fifteen democratic revolutions which took
k place in tie centre and north of Germany everywhere
produced the same result. Everywhere, by a natural
attraction, and of which the pacific attitude of France
was the signal, nations detached themselves from the
absolute principles of their Governments, to cast them-
selves, with all the weight of that attraction towards the
French people, and thence towards a natural alliance
with France. M. Guizot took as his formula peace at
all price. I took for mine, and would wish to give it to
my country, the union of France and Germany at any
price. But this is not all. Look to the very citadel of
the old absolutist principle in Europe—to Vienna, and
tell me what you have to hope or fear, relative to the
Rhine and relative to Italy, from the court of Austria.
What can a court do at =this this moment whose Sove-
reign has been obliged to fly from his capital, and
to go and seek an asylum at Innspruck, in the fast-
nesses of the Tyrol? What can a Court do from whom
Italy detaches herself in repelling from Milan, from
Venice, from the whole Italian soil, the Austrign army?
What can a Court do whose nominal sovereignty Hun-
gary scarcely recognises any longer, so much so as even
to create for itself a separate army and a Minister for
Foreign Affairs, in order the better to watch over its
interests distinct from those. of Austria?--a Hungary
which, at the moment evedwhest I am addressing you,
has /proclaimed a levy of 200,000 men, not to cast them
at the mercy of Austria, but to make them the rampart
of its own independence?—a Hungary which has de-
clared—it was this mornieigounly that I learned it—that
not a single Hungarian soldierehall pass the frontier to
go and serve against ;the Italians? Lastly, what can
that Court do whilst Bohemia is torn asunder into a
Selavonian and Teutonic race, and whilst the general of
the empire is obliged to bombard Prague, one of the
capitals of the empire? go further, and say—
what can a Court do from svikrit the Diet of Frankfort
has just torn from the brow'bf the Emperor of Austria
the imperial crown, to' place it on that of the Archduke
John as Emperor of Germany?
That the foreign policy of France will still be con-
ducted according to the principles laid down by M.
DE LAMARTINE is evident from the reply of M. BAS.
TIDE, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, to M.
SARR4NS, on the:subject of the Maronites of Syria,
who lad petitioned for French protection. On the
presertation of the petition, M. SARRANS expatiated
on the necessity which devolved upon the Republic
of extending its influence in that country, in order
to prtvent England, ".the implacable enemy " of
France, from seizing upon that country, as it fully
intents some time to do. M. BASTIDE, in his reply
eatisid himself with declaring that he fully app

proved of the policy followed out by M. GUIZOT in
Syria, and that he had no intention to change any-
thing in the relations between France and the Porte.

The Bien Public thus defends M. DE LAMARTINE
from the attacks which have been made on his foreign
policy :

" He who contended with so much patriotic firmness
against anarchy at home, he who put down the red flag,
triumphantly raised over thousands of bayonets, has not
to reproach himself with having for a single moment
tolerated anarchy abroad. Are any proofs wanted from
other countries? Let reference be made to the impre-
cations of the German, the Belgian, the Polish demo.,
cratic clubs in Paris,'and to those placards issued by
these different assemblies with which the walls of Paris
were hung, dooming M. de Lamartine to the hatred and
vengeance of these foreign demagogues. If any other
proof were necessary, they would be found in the daily
correspondence of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
Provisional Government with the Minister of the Inte-
rior, and in the correspondence of the Minister of the
Interior with the commissaries and prefects. Foreigners
are more just to AI. de Lamartine than France. We
have been able to judge of this by the testimonies of con-
sideration and confidence which these Governments
incessantly lavished upon him while he was in power.
We can judge of this again by the daily appreciatioas of
the German, English, and Belgian press, and by the
striking homage rendered to him by all the Legislative
Assemblies from London to Turin. and from Turin to
Frankfort and Berlin. Let it not be said that ingrati-
tude is the indigenous fruit of our soil, and that France,
preserved by M. de Lamartine from a general conflagra-
tion, accuses him, while all Europe defends him."

In the sitting of the National Assembly on Satur-
day, the President read the following letter from the
Abbe LAMENNAIS

" Citizen President,—A few days before the journal
the Peuple Constituent ceased to appear, the signature
of a responsible editor (gerant) being required, in virtue
of the laws on the press, one of the ;persons employed
on that journal consented to sign it temporarily, in that
quality.
" Soon after, the last number of the Peuple Constituant
was seized, and the responsible editor is at present cited
to appear before the Juge d'lnstruction.
" As the incriminated article was written by me, and
signed by me, it would be sovereignly unjust that any
other person than I should answer for it.
" In consequence, I demand earnestly from the Na-
tional Assembly to authorise against me the prosecution
which could not be directed against any other without
an evident injustice. Health and prosperity.
" LAMENNAIS,
" Representative of the People."
This epistle gave rise to some discussion, but even-
tually the Assembly passed to the order of the day,
as it could not authorise a prosecution until a demand
to that effect had been made by the Law Officers of
the Republic.
In the course of the sitting M. GOUDCHAUX intro-
duced a modified Bill with respect to the tax to be
laid on mortgages. The tax is to be 5 per cent. on
the interest, and is to be paid by the creditor. The
remainder of the sitting was occupied with a discus-
sion on the project for the association of ouvriers for
the completion of public works, but it did not lead to
any result of interest.
M. BETHMONT has resigned the office of Minister
of Justice on the ground of ill health. He will, it is
said, be succeeded by M. SENARD, whose present
office, that of Minister of the Interior, will be con-
ferred on M. DUCLERC. General BEDEAU has defi-
nitively declined to accept the office of Minister of
Foreign Affairs, and M. BASTIDE, therefore,
retains the portfolio of that office, but will be
succeeded as Minister of Marine by M. VERNINHAC‘
The National announces that the indemnity claimed
for the losses sustained by the French residents at
Naples in the affair of May 15, has been paid in full,
and that Admiral BAUDIN and M. Bois LE COMTE
had orders not to leave their respective stations until,
by their efforts, they had obtained the performance of
this act of justice.
The lifoniteur publishes the following table of the
receipts of indirect taxation for the first six months
of the present year :

1848. 1847.
Registration dues, Etc. 90,910,000f. 100,154,000 f
Stamps
Customs
Navigation 1,094,000 1,316,000
Customs' Duties (Sundries) 912,000 1,387,000
.Salt Dues
Potable Liquors
Salt Duties (without Cus-
toms' limits)
Indigenous Sugars
Various 14,584,000 19,055,000
Tobacco Sales
Gunpowder Sales 2.559,000 2,682,000
Letters and duty ou send-
ing money 25,045,000 24,234,000
For Passengers by the
Mal les- Postes
Ditto by Mails and Packets 595,000 548,000

Total
Showing a decrease of 61,818,000 f. Compared with
1846 there is a decrease of 67,652,0001.
The Committee of Finance examined on Friday
the proposition of M. J. FAYRE, to authorise the
State to seize on the private domain of Louis PHI-
LIPPE, on the ground that the donation made by that
monarch, when on the point of ascending the throne,
was an act null and void. The author of the pro-
position maintained that, previously to 1789, it had
always been the custom in France for the property of
the reigning prince to merge into that of the throne ;
he denied that the decree by which NAPOLEON had
constituted a private domain could have any value in
1830 ; he declared that LOUIS PHILIPPE, in making
over his property to his family, had done nothing else
than defraud the State. M. JULES PAYEE admitted
that a law had been passed in 1832, recognizing the
donation so made; but he argued that such law could
now be declared of no avail, since LOUIS PHILIPPE
had lost his crown by his own faults and crimes. M.
THIERS, on hearing this language, said :
"I am accustomed to the language of victorious par-
ties, and, as far as I am personally concerned, I never
Lad
allow
oulwi es vtpoe rh
birleiepply.p esaid
withoutß u t t h eprreo t
eares
ti
ntgh i
anggas
allow myself to be either astonished at what I hear, nor
ws
thti
hc he
them.
c nogt
, no doubt, committed faults, and grave
ones, which led to his downfal—faults which I de-
plored and opposed for eight years ; but he has never
committed crimes. He was in his own person often the
object of crimes; but it is false to say that any can be
laid to his charge. I appeal on this head to every
honest man. I appeal to history. As to the confisca-
tion of the privata property of the late royal family, I
shall oppose such an act as an odious injustice. I admit
the Republic, and desire to see it firmly and peace-
ably established; but I do not wish to see it dis-
honoured by such acts of iniquity as this. The
principles of the old monarchy cannot apply
here. It is true that before 1789 the property of
the King and that of the State were confounded together;
but at that time it was not the custom to dethrone kings;
they were sent neither to the scaffold nor into exile.
Napoleon laid down new principles with respect to the
monarchy, and ho laid them down in the interest of the
state, allowing the occupier of the throne to dispose of
ina privateall
sperso
pinertatyci in .
is
ascending the throne, made over his property to his
lonr d elrotoo, ILeoauv trh ahti
iopfp eb
es
ftoart ee
children. Nothing :was more strictly legal and permis-
sible than such an act; it was a proof of paternal pru-
dence, which some persons (and I was of the number)
regretted, thinking that he would have done better to
trust to the generosity of the nation for the future
position of his children. But this Prince was of opi-
nion that, in times of revolution like ours, he was
bound to assure the fortune of his children indepen.
dently of his station as King, which he might either
retain or lose. At present it must be allowed
that what has taken place has justified his fears,
and that his paternal solicitude was perfectly well
founded. At all events, the sentiment which

prompted him to that course was not in any way con-
demnable, or such as to merit insult or abuse. Since
then, a law was passed in 1832—was voted by the oppo-
tion itself—confirming all that he had done. It is now,
it is true, asserted that this law ought not to be re-
spected; and why not, I ask? Were not the two Cham-
bers which voted it fully invested with power to make
laws? If we do not respect the laws made by our pre-
decessors, the whole of our legal system is shaken to
its base—we fall back into barbarism. All laws, and
particularly those affecting property, are contracts on
which it is impossible to go back. The present As-
sembly is all powerful; it represents the national sove-
reignty more than any constituted power ever did—it
can do everything, except act in a retroactive manner
with regard to laws which have regulated questions of
property. I trust that this great Assembly will respect
itself sufficiently not to commit an injustice. I trust that
it will act justly, and restore to the members of the de-
throned family the property which belongs to them. I
trust that the Republican form which is at present that
of France, will not have weakened in her sentiments of
justice, delicacy, and honour."

Some of the Bureaux on Friday examined the Bills
relating to the press and to the clubs. On the former,
a sharp discussion arose, some Members seeming to
think that, in place of caution-money, the severity of
the punishment against the person should be aug-
mented, and that the responsibility of the printers
should be increased, in order to attain more certainly
the authors of incriminated articles. Other Mem-
bers suggested that every article should bear the sig-
nature of the writer. The supporters of the Bill
dwelt on the necessity, in present circumstances, of
strengthening the Government as much as possible,
arguing that it could never be consolidated in pre-
sence of the incessant appeals to anarchy, and to the
destruction of all social principles, which were now
unremittingly put forth. M.Tuiaus admitted the part
which he had taken in the laws of September, which
did not appear to him, he observed, to differ from
the measures now brought forward. Tie denied that
the journals had any right to discuss the principle of
the established Government. As, under the monarchy,
it was not lawful to avow oneself a republican, so

now it was not permissible to declare oneself a roy-
alist. The caution-money for journals had the effect
of favouring a serious and more respectable press, and
of killing, in their very commencement, all those in-
famous publications which, if permitted to exist, would
be a dishonour to French morals and literature. M.
Duints, sen., M. LEON FAUCHE, ili. AVOND, M.
ISAMBERT, and M. COMBAREL LEYVAL, spoke,
strongly on the same side; whilst M. DUCLERC, N.
PASCAL DUPRAT, M. BERRYER, M. GERMAN SAR-
RUT, opposed the Bill. The committee is composed
pretty equally of Members of both parties. The Bill
relative to the clubs also called forth some -discussion.
The most of the Members who expressed an ()pinion
admitted the principle of clubs being allowed to exist,
as such a state of things would, they in the end,
thought, take away all pretexts for secret societies ;
but they considered that they ought to be subjected
to certain regulations, and that the Government
should exercise over them an active surveillance.
Some Members, however, expressed strong doubts of
the possibility of clubs being ever implanted in
France without troubling society. M. DUPIN, sen.,
looking on the right of clubs, not as a simple right,
like that of the press, but a mode of organization
and government in opposition to the established Go-
vernment, came to the conclusion that such assem-
blages ought not to be permitted in any case. He
pointed to the share which the clubs had taken in the
affair of May 15 and in the late struggles, and then
asked, was what they did the exercise of a political
right? He would reply, certainly not—it was the
most shameful misuse of individual liberty, As to the
right of meeting for the purpose of deciding about pe-
titions, or for a determinate purpose, that was per-
fectly legal. M. ISAMBERT thought that clubs were
so dangerous in their tendencies, that the very name
ought to be banished from the code, and that provi-
sions should be made for the right of meeting only.
If, however, clubs were to be permitted, it ought
to be, he thought, under most severe police regula-
tions. M. DENJOY presented two principal obser-
vations—the first, on the proclamations which
might be.made by the clubs, a faculty which he
would not grant them, and on which the Bill said
nothing; the second, relative to the presence of a
Government agent at each sitting. Thus constrained
by the presence of an agent, would not the clubs, he
asked, have two kinds of sittings, one public and the
other secret ? The authorities ought certainly to
have agents in the clubs but would not their action
be so much the more efficacious that it was the less
apparent ? The. Members appointed to the Com-
mittee are MM. LEBLOND, COQUEREL, POUJOLAT,
BECHARD, DENJOY, BOUSQUET, NOGUE, BARE, J.
DE LASTEYRIE, ISAMBERT, DUPIN, scan., BIDAULT,
EVARISTE BABOUX, CRETON, and BILIN.
The discussion in the bureaux on the Constitution
is nearly closed. In many of them amendments have
been adopted to the effect that no member of any
family which has ever reigned in France shall be
eligible to be elected President of the Republic; in
others an amendment has been adopted to the effect
that no citizen who has not been resident in France
for ten years can be eligible even to become a candi-
date for the Presidentship. These two amendments
were aimed at Prince Louts NAPOLEON.

The 45th article of the project of the Constitution,
which sets forth that the President shall be elected by
direct and universal suffrage and by secret ballot, and
that an absolute majority of the whole of the votes
given must be in his favour, was originally pro-
posed in the committee by M. DE CORMENIN, and has
been strenuously defended by that gentleman and
by M. GUSTAVE DE BEAUMONT in the bureaux
from the attacks make upon upon it. M. GUSTAVE DE
BEAUMONT contended that with a single legislative
Assembly the strength of the head of the Govern-
ment depended upon his having the same origin
with that body, and proceeding, like it, from the
direct and universal suffrage of his fellow-citizens;
Some people appeared to think that the power of
the President would be too great, but M. G. DE
BEAUMONT was apprehensive rather of an opposite
danger. As regarded the antagonism which some
people feared would be produced between the Presi-
dent of the Republic and the Assembly, if they were
both of one origin, he thought it a chimera at which
it was ridiculous to be alarmed. It might indeed take
place if the President of the Republic were invested
as the King formerly was, at the same time with
legislative and with executive power. It was evident
that in that case, in appointing two agents invested
with similar functions, the people would be organizing
the elements of an almost inevitable struggle. But
by the plan proposed by the constitution, this strug-
gle could not exist, because the Assembly would
have itself the whole of the legislative power, and
the President of the Republic would have abso-
lutely nothing but the executive power. This, he
contended, put an end to the argument of those
who maintained that it was necessary to establish an
equilibrium between these two powers, of which
the one, they said, was more powerful than the
other; for there could be no paint of ponderation
between two powers who had each a distinct mission
to fulfil. Ile further contended that the limits of
the powers of the Assembly being to legislate, and
those of the President being toexecute and administer,
according to the laws passed by the Assembly, the
clearness of the line of demarcation laid down as to
the attributes of each did away with all danger that
might be apprehended from either of them. M. DE
CORMENIN spoke at great length on the subject, con-
tending that unity was the only form which suited
the genius of France, and that, excepting by the
adoption of the system of an absolute majority, there
could be no unity.
Several Representatives (says the Democratic Pa
cifique) have received letters from their departments,
showing the prevalence of a wish there, as in Paris,
for the appointment of General CAVAIGNAC to be
President of the Republic far a limited period, as the
only means of restoring France to that degree of sta-
bility of which she stands so much in need.
It is expected that the four military commissions
appointed for the trial of the insurgents will com-
mence their labours this day.
Arrests still continue. It was rumoured on Friday
that M. DE PONTECOULANT had been arrested. We
find the following on this subject in the Constitution-

ned of Saturday :----
" It was by mistake that we yesterday announced the
arrest of M. de Pontecoulant, ex-peer of France. M. do
Pontecoulant, his son, has alone been called on to give
information to M. Desnoyer, juge d'instruction, with re-
spect to an interview which he had in March last with
the Prince de Joinville in England. This interview,
quite honourable on his part, took place to enable him
to remit to the ex-Prince all the: papers, deeds, and do.
cuments relative to his property in Brazil. As soon as
these explanations were given, M. Adolphe de Ponte-
content was set at liberty. It is to M. de Pont e:oulant
that the Prince owes the preservation of his library, of
his numerous scientific collections, and of his large
charts, the estimated value of which exceeds 80,000 f.
An album belonging to the Princess de Joinville, stained
with mud and filth, and leaving traces of having been
trampled on, was given up to the Prince by M. de
Pontemulant, and has just been sold by her in London
for 25,0001."
In the same journal we find the following :--
" We find in a journal of the Pas-de-Calais, the Li-
berte, the following fact, which is somewhat curious:—
On the 17th ult. the letter-carrier, deceived by a resem-
blance of name, remitted to M. Pays, a respectable
person of Lille, a letter giving precise details on the
dmeute which broke out on the 23d ultimo. This
letter demanded that a centre-coup should be pre-
pared at Lille, and said—' My brother, in passing,
will remit you the funds which you will require.'
The letter was immediately carried to M. Durand
Saint-Amand, Prefect du Nord, who contented
himself with sending it to the Minister of the
Interior, without taking any precaution at Lille, without
causing the person who was to have received the letter,
or the individual who brought the funds destined to such
a guilty use, to be arrested. We must add that the per-
son for whom this strange letter was destined was a
functionary of the prefecture of Lille, placed in this post
by the celebrated M. Delescluze, whose conduct in the
affair of Risquons-Tout was so inexplicable. We read
in the same journal a letter from M. Durand Saint- ,
Arnaud, who admits having had the letter referred to in
his hands, and having sent it to the Minister of the In-
terior. We regret that the Prefect du Nord bad not ex-
plain why he took no measures at Lille which the state
of the public mind appeared to call for, and which might
have led to the discovery of the truth. However, that
may be, the letter of M. Durand Saint-Amand shows that
the Minister of the Interior received this instructive do-
cument in good time. We thus establish the arrival in
the hands of the Executive Commission of an additional
warning before the insurrection."

We read in the Droit :
"On Lecomte, the second husband of the widow of
Pepin, whose arrest we have mentioned, was found a
sum of 5,600 f., a card of the Barbes club, and a paper on
which is written—, We must have ammunition at any
price, to support our old doctrines.' On being asked how
he became possessed of this money, he said that it came
through his wife, who received it from a banker near
Saint 1146:y, in the Quartier Saint Martin. Being called
upon to explain his motives for going from Paris into the
department of the Seine et Marne, he declared that be
wished to avoid being compromised in the affair of June.
But the circumstances under which he was arrested
create a belief that his object was to raise the adjoining
departments. He will be tried before the second per-
manent court-martial."
We read in the Union

The negotiation for the purchase by the Govern-
ment of the Lyons Railroad, which two days ago was so
advanced that we believed we might safely announce
was concluded, is for the moment entirely at a stop.
M. Goudchaux, after having lowered his offers to 7f. 60c.
of Rentes in the Five per Cents, for each payment of
250 f. already made, has almost finally declared that the
purchase cannot be made on any terms."
By order of the Government the Prefect of the
Rhone has ordered the dissolution and disarmament
of the National Guards of Lyons and its faubourgs,
with a view to a re-organization on principles more
consistent with order and public security.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, Jurx 15.
Boulogne and Amieus, 71/B—Dutch Rhenish, N,—ltalian
and Austrian, 1/2—Northern of France, s%—Orleans and
J3ourdeatts, 2..Parie and Lyons, 1%;

GERMANY

AND

THE NORTHERN STATES.

---. •4;).----

FRANKFORT:
INVESTITURE OF THi'.; VICAR OF THE

EMPIRE.

FRANKFORT, JULY 12.—The Archduke Vicar of
the Empire arrived here last night in great state.
The mounted Burgher Guard had proceeded to the
frontiers of Frankfort to receive him. -The streets
were lined with people, and the windows were filled
with gaily dressed ladies. All the bells of the city
rang a merry peal, and the guns were fired in honour
of the illustrious visitor. His Imperial Highness
was seated on a carriage drawn by six horses ; he was
conducted with pomp to the Hotel de Russia, where
he was received by the President of the National
Diet. He appeared almost immediately on the bal-
cony, and made an address to the assembled throng,
which was received with tremendous cheers. 31.
VON GAGERN, the President, then delivered the fol-
lowing address :

"Illustrious Archduke and Vicar of the Empire,---
The National Diet bid me respectfully to greet
your Imperial Highness on your arrival et
the head of this deputation. I must express the
general gratitude at the prompt readiness with
which your Imperial Highness was pleased to re-
spond to the wishes of the Diet, and to take upon
yourself the central provisional power of:Germany
confided to you. All Germany unites in this senti-
ment of gratitude, and recognizes in the 'general
resolution of your Imperial Highness the immediate
guarantee of a happy and a glorious future.
" We suppose that it is the intention of your
Imperial Highness to appear at the National Diet, to
be there invested, in due form, with the high dignity
of Vicar of the Empire. It is the object of our 'ills'
sion respectfully to receive the commands of your
Imperial Highness on this subject."
The Vicar of the Empire replied
" I thank you, gentlemen, for the reception which
you have given me.
" When I received the intelligence that the choice
of the people had fallen upon me, I was astonished
that my large native land, wide-spread 'Germany,
should think of me in my old age.
"Man has important duties to discharge, from which
he dare not shrink in whatever position he may be
placed. If his country calls upon him, it is his duty
to consecrate to-it his utmost energies, his remaining
years. This it was which induced me to respond to
your call, to accomplish, with you, our important
task. Behold, lam yours. I belong to you."
A torch-light serenade, such as Frankfort hits
never witnessed, terminated yesterday's festivities.
Between eight and nine o'clock the cortege, corn'
posed of all the musical societies and public singers
of the city, set out, accompanied by a crowd of per
sons carrying torches. All the houses were beauty
fully illuminated, and the windows filled with ele'
gantly-dressed persons.
The Archduke again appeared, and addressed
.±
few words to the crowd, which he concluded wit°
the words, " All hail Germany ! "
FRANKFORT, JULY 12, Nom—The Vicar of the
Empire has just appeared in the National Diet, where
he was received by the President, M. VoN GAGEIat
who addressed him in the following words :
" Illustrious Archduke, Vicar of the Empire,.°
We cordially welcome you here in the bosom of the
National Diet, which has bound itself and has sworn
to the country to support you with all its powers."
The Secretary then read the law on the centre'
authority vested in the Vicar; upon which M. V°lll
GAGERN spoke as follows : •

" I pray your Imperial Highness to make 'a declars'
tion to the National Diet :now assembled that 7°
will maintain this law, and cause it to be maintaineut
for the good of the country."
To this the Vicar replied :
" Gentlemen,—The eagerness with which I hotel
to appear in the midst of you gives you the iI
decisive proof of the value which I attach to the
exalted dignity to which you had called me, and the
confidence reposed in me.
" In receiving the solemn investiture of the lrii
cariate of the Empire, I renew the declaration, tbs
I will maintain, and cause to be maintained, for the
glory and prosperity of our country, the law of the
central authority. I declare at the same time the j
still devote myself exclusively to this charge, os,
that I shall not delay to recommend to the Empet
of AUSTRIA that he will appoint another represents'
tive of his sacred person in my stead."
These words were received with long and continued
shouts of approbation. The Vicar of the Empire tbe.
again addressed M. VON GAGERN, reiterating t;
declaration, that it was his determination to do"
himself exclusively to the cause of Germany.
The next measure of importance will be the forms'
tion of a responsible Ministry for the German enWirej
It is said that the Archduke JOHN has appoint j
M. CAMPIIAUSEN
_Prime Minister of Germany, 1113
the Prince of PRUSSIA. Commander-in-Chief.

AUSTRIA.
THE NEW MINISTRY.

VIENNA', JULY Io.—Nothing is yet positivell
known respecting the new Ministry. The following'
however, is given as the new combination :—Doblh°,,
Interior and President ; Wessenberg, Foreign A'
fairs; Baron Stiffie (formerly banker), Financ.
Count Anersperg, War; Dr. Alexander Back, .1116'
tice; Van Bruck, Trade. This construction, h°lll'
ever, appears problematical.

RUSSIA.
THE CHOLERA.
ST. PETERSBUAGH JULY 7.—On the sth therg:
were still 2,983 cholera patients • on the 4th 111,3
persons were seized by it, of whom 553 died.
Moscow it appears to be on the decline ; it has, 11%,
ever, broken out in the vicinity of Warsaw, 00
frontiers between Lithuania and Poland, in the er")
rons of Cowno. It is of a spasmodic nature,
has not as yet shown any virulent character.
The St. Petersburgh journals state that an unusli4l
number of fires, viz., above 150, have lately tsl
place ; six of them were caused by thunder-storel
all the rest were occasioned by carelessness and f°
chimnies. Among the buildings which have beef
consumed were churches and 19 manufactories neArif
o's
all connected with making brandy, and nine: pert.
either perished in the flames or were mortally P"
jured.
A four days' quarantine has been estalifished,
Swinemunde for all vessels coming from St. Pete;l3o
burgh, in consequence of the appearance of
„;es
Cholera. It is affirmed by the medical authollre
that three persons on board the Wiadimer
supposed to be infected with cholera were labs:flirt*
under another disease.

SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. to
The latest accounts from North Schleswig e_.%
that the armistice between Germany and Deno", fi
which has been so much talked of for the last Je •
days, is not to be concluded at Berlin and Coe
hagen, but between the two commanders of the °Poi
posing armies, and that, as authentic information •
the Government states, the ratification may be e$
petted in the course of a few days.
th
n e
Accounts from London of the 10th state, 0
that )
Russian Consul-General, HEBELAR, has notified "
the German vessels lying at Cowes that they n3°Y. go,
without molestation to their places of destinatl°
According to the Italian Republianco Tissine.+.
public demonstration of the people took place at MiTt
on the 6th July, in order to compel the Governine
to call in the assistance of France for terminett
the war with Austria, if CHARLES ALBERT should
unable to carry it out. The demonstration was suP,j
lw pressed, and for the present, at least, the Provisio
Government of Lombardy will not call in the assist'
ante of France.—Hamburgh Borsenhalle, July 14.

PRUSSIA.
Dr. JAcony's motion, censuring the Frank/10,e
Parliament for appointing a central irresponsit
power, and also censuring the Prussian Ministu,,'
was rejected on the 13th, in the Prussian Assembh"
by a majority of 262 to 53.
The receipt of a telegraphic dispatch from Frani‘;
fort announcing the appointment of M. CempuA.oses
to the Presidency of the Archduke JoßN's Cabin
caused the Prussian funds to rise 2 per cent.

CROATIA.
AGRAM.--Letters from Vienna of the 10th, 01
that the differences between Hungary and Crest the
are becoming more and more complicated. In
last sitting of the Diet of Agram, when the questOcis
was started that there was a want of adequate fund
for sending troops to the threatened quarters, all tbe
deputies, and even the auditors, rose to offer volulici
tary contributions, several giving 500, 1,000, stici
2,000 florins ; the ladies followed the example, 8.13,,,
gave watches, chains, rings, and other precious trfrtg
kets, so that in a few minutes, besides other objects
of value, no less than 15,356 florins were collected.ot
The Hungarian Ministry, on its side, does act
appear inclined to make any concession.
To-day there was to be a grand battle between tbe,
Hungarians and the Illyrians. The former are es‘'ot
mated at 35,000 men ; the force of the latter is°
known.
The Ministry this day at noon received an. exPress
io,
from the Royal Commissary VARY in Transylvs%
bringing the authentic information that the Rumo',
had not only crossed the Pruth, but were rnarebi%
onward. All the rich Boyards quitted their estioe
and fled to Cronstadt.

el
EARLY HARVESTING.—A sample of new hArI d
was exhibited at Truro market on Wednesday last, I,
a field of oats has been cut near lienwyn Church,
longivg to Mr. Cradock.— West Briton.

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