The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-22 00:00:00

SPAIN.

Madrid journals of the 16th have been received.
The Gaveta publishes a decree, appointing Senor
MANUEL DE SIERRA Y MOYA Under-Secretary of
Finance.

MADRID BOLSA, AUG. 16.—The Three per Cents.
were done at 20 for cash ; the Five per Cents., at 101 ;
the Debt without Interest, at 4 for paper ; and the
Coupons, at 61 for cash.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

The presentation by M. DROUIN DE LHUYs, to the
National Assembly, of the report of the Committee on
Foreign Affairs, on the petition of the National Guards
of Milan praying for French aid, gave rise to certain
interpellations on the subject of the policy which the
French Government intended to pursue in Italy. Gene-
ral CAVAIGNAC accordingly gave the required explana-
tions which do not differ in any material degree from
those given by Lord PALMERSTON in the House of Com-
mons on Wednesday. The most complete union exists
between the Government of France and England on this
subject, and there is every reason to hope that their
united good offices will bring this Italian affair to a
satisfactory termination. An interesting discussion fol-
lowed in the manner in which the Provisional Govern-
ment had disbursed the public funds. The following is
the report of the discussion:—

At two o'clock M. Blarrast, the President, took the chair.
M. Drouin de Lhuys ascended the tribune, and stated, that
30 delegates of the National Guard of Milan had addressed
to the National Assembly a petition, in which they directly
appealed for the armed intervention of France. The peti-
tion had been referred to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
The report was ready, and he was at the orders of the As-
sembly.
Some Members insisted on the report being immediately
read, whilst others wished it to be postponed for 24 hours.
M. Marrast observed that a Member had apprised him of
his intention to address questions to the Cabinet relative to
Italy. The two incidents might be discussed on the same
day.
al. Buchez said that France had completed her revolu-
tion, and that Italy, Germany, and other countries were
only beginning theirs. Those revolutions, like that of
1789, must necessarily have similar phases, and it was in-
dispensable to settle the question of Italy, not only as re-
gards the present but the future. He thought the Govern-
ment was perfectly willing and able to reply in the fullest
manner to any questions that might be addressed to it on the
subject.
Ueneral Cavaignac observed that he was quite ready to
answer immediately any special questions that might be ad-
dressed to him relative to Italy ; but that he did not see the
advantage of entering into general discussions.
Eventually the President decided that the report should
be immediately read, and M. Drouin de Lhuys having
re-ascended the tribune, stated that the Committee
of Foreign Affairs, desirous to ascertain if the acts and
language of the Government, had been in harmony with the
sentiments of the National Assembly, had thought proper to
apply to the Chief of the Executive for copies of the instruc-
tions given to the diplomatic agents of France in Italy, but
General Cavaignac had not deemed it prudent to accede to
that request. Under these circumstances the Committee
could only adopt one of two modes—either to invite the
Assembly to claim those documents itself, or to leave the
Government the whole responsibility of its acts. he Com-
mittee adopted this last alternative, and accordingly pro-
posed that the Assembly should refer the petition to the
Chief of the Executive and to the Minister for Foreign
kff sirs, as a pledge of its solicitude for the independence of
Italy.
General Cavaignac replied that whilst lie was ready
to answer any precise questions addressed to him he
was determine not to overstep certain limits within which
prudence required that he should remain. It was a deli-
cate question for him, who had not the habit of long Par-
liamentary explanations, and was little versed in diplo-
matic matters. When he assumed the direction of affairs he
made it a point to inquire into the foreign relations of France.
He had studied the manifestoes published since the revolu-
tion and paid particular attention to the affairs of Italy since
the Assembly declared its wishes in favour of that country
on the 24th of May. He was aware that it required more
courage in France to plead in behalf of peace than to recom
mend war. Had he been called upon previously to recent
events to give his opinion, he should not have hesitated,
even then, to advocate a pacific solution. These events al-
tered the situation. Lombardy and Piedmont wished to
achieve, as one, their emancipation, and to the last moment,
when their armies were in full retreat, they had not mani-
fested a.desire for French intervention. Under those circam-
stances he considered it his duty to effect, by pacific means,
what it had not been given to France to effect by arms, and
had applied to the English nation, saying :—" The events of
Italy impose upon us duties which you cannot ignore. We
desire peace, and do not wish to be instrumental in disturb..
ing the peace of the world. It depends upon you to avert
war, and maintain the peace of Europe." That
appeal was responded to by the English nation,
and it joined France in a mediation, which, he trusted
would be attended with beneficial results. He regretted he
was not able to enter into further details, and the Assembly,
he was sure, would perceive the inconvenience and danger
which might accrue from more extensive communications.
The General, in conclusion, declared that he would do every-
thing in his power to maintain an honourable peace; that, if
that result was not attainable, he should not hesitate to take
followed,blamed
thespoke
G a v
field, but that he would resist the last with immoveable
firmness all discussions, which he considered injurious to the
republic.
e amidstrn e
a t
ftahre claimingno of
d privatee
conversation,Puegsr'andwho
the mediation of England.

—Mr. Jules Favre, the next speaker; insisted on on the neces-
sityproduction of all the documents, so that tt
of a public discussion on the afairs
Assembly
might decide whether the intervention of France the
have
maintained
could not
have taken place at one period without danger.
efol 3,
European and
t h e
peace. The conditions on which peace will
Whyb
might not be approved by the Assembly.
placed
France at the mercy of England ? Here jeneral e Cavaignac
interrupted the speaker, and observed that his asserti
unfounded. M. Jules Favre replied that the expressionenwase
had escaped him, for he considered the joint mediation
England and France was an act not only national but wise,f
ye
documents,
but in saying that France had placed herself at the mercy of
popular
England, he feared he was only the interpreter of the
feeling.
being sove-
reiGgnen, General Cavaignac
iCgahvtairgenqaucirerettleieeed
nithinatu,ntiheeatAiesnseemfbthl
and that he only asked to ,be excused from furnishing them.
As to having placed France at the mercy of England, he
protested against such a supposition. M. Jules Fabre had
spoken of the national feeling. He did not believe that
gentleman was a faitlaMl, interpreter of that sentiment.—
(No, no.) If he had he (General Cavaignac) should con.
sider it his duty to enlighten it, and not yield without hav-
ing combated it.`'
M. Larochejacquelein, the next speaker, said that it was
indispensable the Government should tell the country what
were the conditions of the mediation of England. He was
not a blind adversary of English alliance, but he could not
help regretting that that alliance should be renewed at a mo-
ment when England was' coercing Ireland, which groaned
under a more terrible oppression than Lombardy.
The discussion being closed, the Assembly referred the
petition to the President of the Council and the Minister for
Foreign Affairs.
M. Creton next ascended the tribune, and asked the Mi-
nister of Finance to lay before the National Assembly the
returns of the outlay of the public funds between the 24th
htipresenteel
nda r
y Ministerwho
responsible.
had
i Il s c
it
of February and the Ist of June last. It was not, he
said, his intention to incriminate the predecessors of the
Fuith the
no
mderDepartment
informationeth
se
of
funds Fin aenhcehe
should
d Thehad alonef u n
bc
e-
ob-
tained he had reason to believe that the treasury of
Pv'oratendcefohradthepapidaymtheentciovfl
thewar.—("w
National Assembly
might t
sub prefects for the whole to know how the credit
salaries of the prefects Theand
of 1864hhalYbeese nls'e .x‘hNa exhausted sl t"ed in six
months? It might be anxious to know with what money
were paid those numerous bird
departments? s of prey who alighted on the
llere a most violent tumult arose.
members of the Assembly, Considered
themselves insulted
The Commissaries,
by the expression, loudly called upon M.
...;r
etp to retract
it. M. Clement Thomas particularly distinguished
by his vehemencep and advanced t' the foot of himself
gesticulating amidst cries of order! Silence beingtle taribune,
at last
restored, M. Cretinn declared that the expressiondi
apply to public men who had been sent to administer d not
the
departments, but to the delegates of the clubs. He
next
asked who had paid the propaganda and the armed men
who had been sent to attack Belgium and Savoy, if not the'
Treasury ? M. Ledru Rollin, who was personally accused,
had come to him, and protested that nobody was more
anxious than be was for the production of the documents,
which would prove his best justification.
M. Ledru Rollin, who spoke next, said that he thought the
charge would have been better investigated during the dis-
cussion on the inquiry. He was, however, ready at once to
present his justification: The amount of the secret funds,
he said, after the revolution, WAS inferior to those claimed