The Sun.
London, England, 1848-02-19 00:00:00

r

fall as lightly as possible ;on the great bulk of the
People.
Mr. M. MILNES could not permit the present dis-
cussion to close or the evening to pass without expressing
his profound regret that the speech of the Noble Lord at
the head of her Majesty's Government, and so much of
the subsequent debate, should have been taken up rather
upon a subject introduced by accidental circumstances,
as a matter of discussion with the public, than upon one
necessarily connected with the actual condition of the
country. He profoundly regretted that the possibility
of an invasion of this country by France should have ever
come before the House of Commons as a subject of dis-
cussion—(Cheers)—or that any such monstrous position
should have occurred to the mind of any sensible man.
—(Hear, herr.) He was certain, whatever might be the
feelings of the Members of that House on the subject,
that that, and that alone, was the sentiment of all the
intelligent people of England.—([Tear, hear.) From all
be knew, and all he had heard, of the feelings of the
people of France, he believed that so far from any hos-
tile sentiment having entered the mind of a single states-
man of that country towards England, even under the
influence of any accidental acerbity that might have
been excited, all the eminent men of France were in-
clined to look upon the agitation of the subject in this
country rather as a speculation, or, they knew not
what, among certain individuals, than as a matter
gravely contemplated by the Ministers of the Queen, or
seriously entertained by the people. He thought there
prevailed a great misapprehension as to the nature and
tendency of, the speech of the Noble Lord at the head
of the Treasury. He (Mr. Milnes) heard it whispered
by Honourable Members about him, that the speech of
the Noble Lord was a war speech—that it was a speech
of menace to France. Upon him the speech did not
make th,at impression—(Hear)—nor did he think it
would have made that impression on others had not
their minds been by previous disquisitions rendered
more than usually susceptible to any allusions upon that
topic,. He could quite understand why the Nolsle Lord
should think it necessary to make allusions to the forces
of other countries when summing up our own, but he be-
lieved the Noble Lord did so rather as comparing what
other nations thought necessary for their defence with
what he considered proper for ours, than as intending to
draw a comparison for any antagonistic purpose. Lie
regretted these allusions the more bemuse there was no
necessity for the Noble Lord to have said anything upon
the subject. The additional sum required was so very
small that a less honest Minister might have put it into
the estimates, and have slurred it over altogether. There
was no reason whatever for believing that there was any
likelihood of the peace between this country and France
being disturbed; although he saw no great objection to
the people of England being made somewhat more ac-
customed to military training than they were at present,
The system prevailed with good effect in Prussia, and he
saw no reason why it should be at all injurious to the
domestic habits of the people of this country. Some
men appeared to think that from the very fact of our
having long been at peace we must necessarily come
to war. But this long peace had taught the world
the value and power of peace, and that it was by
peace alone that the liberties of the world could be
permanently secured, however necessary it might be
under certain circumstances for a nation to be prepared
for war.
Mr. BRIGHT had expected to hear a financial state-
ment connected with the trade and commerce and fiscal
concerns of the country, such as they had been accus-
tomed to hear for years past; but instead of that he
found that the substance of the Noble Lord's speech was
in reference to military topics—a speech that would have
been much more appropriately delivered by the Noble
Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The
Hon. Baronet the Mebaber for the University of Oxford
had taken a very unexpected course on this occasion.
Hitherto that Hon. Baronet had relied more upon the
protection of Providence in preserving this country from
its enemies than on the arm of flesh; but now it seemsd,
since steam had been invented, Providence was no longer
able to protect us from the assaults of France. Steam
had given, according to the Honourable Baronet, a
power to France to cross the Channel and invade this
country which made it no longer safe for us to rely
alone upon that higher power; and yet we found that
steam had not hitherto succeeded in enabling the
ships of France to cross the Atlantic.—(Hear, hear.)
He was certain that in France any man who read and
deliberated upon the speech would come to the conclu-
sion that in this country there was great suspicion and
jealousy of France; and they all knew that
the most bloody wars had their origin in
jealousies and suspicions. The Noble Lord said he was
prepared to maintain the independence of the country;
but would any man affirm that there was the slightest
risk of this country losing its independence through
foreign aggression? There was, however, a source of
nationalen ta e independence which the policy of the Govern-
ment, explained that night, was calculated to destroy.
the, people were ground down with taxation, and led
to mink that that House was careless of economy, and
regarded the people in the light of a class from
*horn they could raise taxes—if a feeling of this kind
was awakened, the confidence which the nation was ac-
customed to repose in Government would be lost; and if
there was to be an invasion, it would only be when
schism had sprung up among ourselves, and when we
had not a united people to face any enemy that might
appear.—(Hear,hear.) He felt bound, in reference to
this increased taxation, to tell the Noble 'Lord what
were the circumstances of Lancashire. Within that
oounty, the most populous in the kingdom, the manu-
facturers were pressed down under a series of losses
unexampled in the history of the cotton trade. This
was not the time, therefore, when for the sake of in-
creasing our military expenditure to meet an imaginary
enemy the country should be saddled with an increase of
taxation.—(Hear, hear.) In nearly every cotton mill
in Lancashire during the last twelve months the whole
amount of wages paid to the work people bad been
taken from the capital of the employers ; and there was
not one employer engaged in the staple trade of that
county who had not paid his income-tax upon
a loss more than the assumed profit upon
which the income-tax was charged.—(Hear, hear.)
As to the mode of taxation, he would only
remark that he would not oppose direct taxation if
any necessity for an increase existed at all. They
had long reached the limit of indirect taxation ; they
were nearly approaching the limit of direct taxation ;
and lif this increase of armaments was to go on, the
people would soon not have much to choose between
being eaten np by the French and the military expendi-
ture of their own country.—(A laugh.) But if the
income-tax was to be made permanent—and the
Chancellor of the Exchequer had informed them that it
was to be permanent—how was it that Ministers had not
placed it on a footing more equitable to all classes of the
community ?—(Hear, hear.) Why was mere income
from tsade to be chargeable in an equal degree with the
income drawn from real property ? He could tell the
Government of one tax to which the Government might
have had recourse with greater propriety than the
income-tax, and that was the probate and legacy duties.
—(Hear, hear.) To collect 2,500,000/. annually by
these duties, and allow great landed estates that passed
from father to son without paying any tax whatever,
was a gross injustice, and one discreditable to the
Government to overlook.—(Hear, hear.) He knew a
property that within a period of seven or eight years
paid the probate and legacy duties three times over.—
(Hear, hear.) No less a sum than 70,000,000/. had been
drawn by these duties since they were first imposed
from personal property, while the landed property of the
country had been left untouched.—(Hear.) He knew
it would be said they were subjected to an enormous
burden from stamps ; but the rest of the community
had to boar that burden also, as was exemplified in bills
of exchange, the transfer of railway property, and the
like. He could assure Government that the announce-
ment they had made would be received with much dis-
satisfaction throughout the country. Ile had formerly
said in that House that the Government was the Govern-
ment of the middle classes ; and he would now add, that
if it ceased to be the Government of the middle-classes,
it would soon be no Government at all. The present
Ministry came into power by no virtue or influence of
their own ; they were brought in by a lucky accident,
and because there were no others to take the charge of
the Government at the time.—(Hear, hear.) If the
Ministry fancied that they could do in 1848, with re-
apect to foreign affairs and warlike armaments, what was
done 35 or 40 years ago, they would commit a most
egregious
blunder—(Hear, hear)—and he was satisfied
from 'hat he had seen and heard, that by the course
they, were now taking, they would place themselves in
fr_e_?t, opposition to many of their best friends, who
"um no longer consider it their duty to support
them.—(Hear, hear.)mr..l,4_,_?
mach rear;ovfni:oEeGomit
rE thought the Ministry had really
lain of the manner in which they
were treated by
own friends on this occasion; but
with regard to this their
increase of taxation, he must concur
with many of them in
opinion. He regarded the in-
capital
come ta
emplo x as v
yiciod inus in principle, and as injurious to the
e sea
and he believed that the
country was not in such a state as that it could bear an
additional taxation.—(Rear, hear.) The Hon. Member
for Buckinghamshire had answered the Hon. Member
for the West Riding by anticipation.
It was with gee
regret that he (Mr. Newdegate) saw
trhe ev
ecnounes ummation
and in the
of the free-trade policy in a decreased p
necessity for increased taxation. The anticipations of
prosperity held out to the people as a cons,-
,eience of
free trade had been most dreadfully disappointed; and
though the members of the ultra free trade school might'
flatter themselves thrift they still retained a hold on Popular
opinion, the time would probably soon arrive when they
would be undeceived.
Lord PALMERSTON—I do not wish to enter into
subjects which have Iteen repeatedly discussed. But I
should wish to say one word or two, especially on the
speeches made by my Hon . Friend on this side of the
House. It is very natural for young Members, unused
to Parliamentary tactics, and who do not feel entirely
easy when they come to this House, to let fly
speeches which they may have prepared beforehand,
though the occasion they expected should not exactly
occur.—(Cheers.) But certainly I did not expect that
Hon. Gentlemen so accustomed to Parliamentary debate
as the lion. AI-embers to whom I allude should have
fallen into that mistake.—(Cheers.) We are told that
my Noble Friend has been proposing vast armaments,
that he has
armaments there are none. If
been making speeches full of warlike sen-
tic
al runitssa d and that aet he has been holding language
had
my Noble Friend jealousy, and even enmity on the
part
of prance.
As to
an addition of said that he had intended to
propose
of 10,000 men to the 20,000 men to the army, and
the language of those navy, I could have understood
come down to protest !i° spoke as if against s h they had
to the army' there is no incre ue
a proposition. But
disposition, a different distribution There is a different
There is no addition whatevern't!,ftt existing army.
There is none to tho navy. There is - regular army.
to the marines and to the artillery; but stmall increase
no augmentation such as the House might there has been
gined, from the sort of denunciations they have have lean"
have heard.