The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-10 00:00:00

THE SUN. LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING,
`FEBRUARY 10, 1846,

, ~esa
to
ei
'1"I ' . ll'''', -oit ablisli—had 'la ,ita'‘,l t',',' he had so to Thane their ir.easuree with mederation and justice that
' lee ul'. in binefit to the w;iole nation.
Ted
Y"1 tainsaten, '' t t- - .'
• . ' ' i v 6 the issce ,V,',.,- ' ' ' . ' '
ili, • e oce o. the aeiiatioe.. sear hull eee. ....„ , , ,
..,, . ,
''t
,t
if
,e , ' the
Ihs 1,•
reee'; to
Se ••ure fmin
4,1, -i,lt On .' 1 etlintr: --1:11.1.t .act he had sir J. 'f -s
su.senrier hts ceree:sntlons opinions
tti,.;,,OnA, he cooler
eci.fitrer„eett yen. aided in extrieeting from the diffieulttea .. -Y ~o.'
~,
J* - ' - --Li ,w-miz the toe pally to wineh be was
be aerniti.esi to be the organ of (Tinier, of a
ea re e mt, agtrt,'-tacthrendulT,u„:.`, oil 'lle' populat ion t,f this conot try, ard he !Ilona:lit
the motht c••ine forraaril to defend themselves from imputa-
sonal character which nail been showered upon
1i.,,, 'inn, but et. dii „0,.• 0.,,, et,,.,h• , a oie tions of a esrs - - a , . _
, ift -•1 stared ti ~ , Ley : 'v. .-,1- '
t;n ' ''one 'h ueemot country. Ihe Honourable Gentlemen
grist them tree, ,_ the
geli,'„,!•"'d teat hi. fu '--i
'''''''''''s -a-
'l".-9ne a opposite hot hel•l'he:n up as the weak and le potent advocates
s.seis alteratio tire ea the measute he had bre..els for-
0_ b n• Let them take an
11'k.'144nd ;tie. ,
the neitutions y person llnbt^SS,...
y prejudice, and if they told him that all
etanze of this country had grown up under
toZtsgelitte had
successfully
every other country envied, but
gthe 111 Y under the
imitated—if you said it had grown
4 01 a base and sellish monopoly. They bad been represented as
by no other method, and impelled by no other aim, than
actingtliat. of l maintaining the rent, f the landlords. He thought that
they appeared before the House under circumstances of great
disadvantage, as they had been deprived, by the sudden change
of opinion of the Beget Honourable Baronet, of the able advo-
its teleeee e reign of Tory Ministers, all in favour .
tete on of commercialca. cy of their case, on which onformer
occasions they were ac-
ts 'of midirestrictions-under the go-•
hit' argil ,%1 me" as Lord North, Mr. Pitt. Mr, Hus- Ito de-end The
customet- e . Right Honourable Gentleman had
i'a that ' r• Cannine_accompanied his tneaeure with some proposals of compensation
he could e • 1 be brought to Nha,, sea,
et,,, , .carce ye
and alleviation to the landlords. They (the landlords) were
si.. isit, , • nges had been proposed by a statesman
hr
the e Mat he was aso , t bound to give their opinion, and to defend their character from
''t tali ~ et. - !per er of the principles advo-
--1 er is which had been brought against them. He would
11a its ia. e (at men. Mr. Pitt in brineine forward the c "le" ' •• - .
ofrent, and
ItiNetZses.: treaty with France in 1787, spoke in similar deny •
that they considered this matter as a question
ie4e NI
it't'e t used by the Right Hon. Baronet the other nieht. of rent alone. But. before s• entered on
h i that subject. he
eee°"l ne, "se a man of inconsistency bee-use he said thatquestionen that
would ask, whether, if they. were to a: gue the
.._r-
h,:°kr,,.• se" why there should not hev a
'kindred spirit be- narrow basis --oyhether, if they were to consider it oo thes cola
4ti ,-• corn,
flet wts 4, , cit-
e and a free country ? When the present mai .
• scribed circle of rent—if, even on that ground, it wa
',That he',,'e•ht forward, in 1.'342, by the Right lion. 8a... equi•stion as•hichtmieht tiooto_wleBllt3e,ngAge the'
attention of the
which had been moved for,
,140eiy
statet !air. Cochrane ) said was this—that he th',ught .Housel'a From
it ibeerrefouci f
Wolvethameton, it appeared that the
riqe,ftlne,rt,,_l, the agricultural interest was better than aby the on. _. In
`l, tat ee •fultY• Now, he would ask the House whether erneunt at which the rental
14 WO in England
.hail
was the
f ea
au
• fi . ' since • -•
7 a-sessed to the income-tax was 45,7 0.000/. this
_w.,
i,,,,..,trraers , y con oenee in the country that period .
- ' lone ; and he thought a further sum
,i4"titiis wbard e
eel el ta:ne.d d.
ventiffereces as to whe;her tt:e mount in Great Britain a
Ireland
of from 15,000,000 i. to 20,000 000/. for the rental of
''ttai 'Y were agreed,
in five n sears ; but on this
was only a fair average. Tais was a yiestion of rent, involving
f
e; liel,
_we eeao, viz., that the earn-laws could not be ;
the consideration of a sum amountirg to 130, 00,000/.
do,
When yearly
el,aae ieeso° . H n. Gentlemen around him might say
income. He would ail, how WAS this income divide
ti 'tl}
Jesiye uu was that the farmers hail no eonfideece in ' • the rents of
late a erse evernment.—( Hear ) There had certainly her n Gentlemenopposite talked about
lion. . ,
übfished in their
4th i• it ehan„ . the landlerd, which had been I •
et at in s ,ee in the policy of the country; but hes
t , totall • ' trotamil tha farmers had openly said that they 1 t.' h •• ughtmt the country,
adt res es IA , , , . immediately nothing else
1 ' •
Indify was suggested I h .n the territorial
Irevenue of some great pro-
i ot aret
te_ erent about the corn-laws. —( Hear, hear.) .
t of son's. Duke of Northumberland, Duke of Bedford or
•t,y d.d I,eY ease nieeteen years leases, and he believed
P'rielt"rsl' d' or some of those wealthy commoners whose
eileseeer_ne sae e thing in England there would be much
estatesslo ,r and .mcs,.
scions rivalled the most ancient and extensive
i•t:lth re: race! among, th • English farmers than there now doni ainsanof poser
peerage- itself He would however remind .he
lt4.1)1 ere,ie_tt to the corn-laws, —( Hear, hear.)
.Iri all
House that there w. re entire counties in England in which
eer the greatest
the people considered the Prime Minister
there was no such thing, comparatively speaking, as an estate.
Slit titte7test saviour or traitor of Irs country ; as in
there were coanties in which small plots of land were owned
\l'st° be either
~,I.);:ople of Borne pronounced the chief of the)
and cultivatee by yeomen—by farmers, to whom the lands
4,retl the „... a lord or a tyrant. He (Mr.
theoneneither
m. had deseen4ed by a lone ancestry. who themselves held
who ieaughter)—but he did consider hue to be
ina .i- and cultivated the soil. Another most numerous
class was the sm mall retired • Iwiththat
iehitee e" done his best for the good of his country her •
e. e_ . a
_tr.:teem-nen, who
_love of
i'l "••41-lea hear.)- case exac'ly parallel rural life which characterises an Englishman, had invested the
teer/othe r,,,,. a In 1830 e
office, and we had frilled a life of industry strict and successful enterprise, in the
lkotleceverrirtnl.,,ehott.Horiiev. Baronet l st
Cochrane)his
would vote for Purchase of lend. 111 i. '111;C. ii. Hock had estimated the number
l'l:ttefiittetneasure, because he had confidence in the financial of landed proprietors, small and large, of (treat . Britain, at
hre e present Gov,-rnment. He would vote for this 200,000. 1 bus 200,000 persons, with their families and do-
e' 41 precise]the principle H \l ember mastics, dependent them, were interested directly in
es es,,„ J same
leetesue had laid down before the Hoese a few nights ago that question of land. He would say, on that ground the
a e"• because he had cenfidence in her 'Majesty's Minis- question should not be considered as a mere narrow class in-
iltteit:
t_ went for this measure, because he preferred wise terest. The land inter eat was one on which depended the well
et!at eset`leeeltation, and freedom to protection. He protested being of a great proportion of :he people. The question must
seto tee er'o',"onee one class, in preference to another; if there necessarily involve in it the interest of the tenant-farmer,
B andt
el'ileterps,srtlen, let there be protection to all classes and of all connected with agriculture. Toe Right
,I ont
thartottrie
lie' the eee° the British empire. —( Hear, hear.) Protec- who had brought forward the measui e, had s♦
_atet a. ..e
es'el were rs of darkness aed of trouble, which ee trustee great relaxa e . t•ori which would be given to the duties on articles
;!Pally lieca,r, final us. He would vote for this measure of consumption, would form a eounterhalancing equival
the equivalent
tto
la, in , ea'se in doing so he should show that he did not any loss which the
.farmer might sustain—that greater
dit-
' eartial f is cheapness of many articles would bean equivalent for any m
V slain
.aes
t_, ee in toward, or prejudice against, any •
Listerset 0., He was determined to he guided by no ri. notion of rent, or for any injury that might accrue
from the want
litl thOu - Preiadice or partial i
eiteg
or
to it niight
he)
uchva,e, se,
h cart:Uhl tOwards the the vete of cultivation of land. Good soils were more prohfit-
;Weed
ce_ the burdens of the much as he goul,i towards the the sate of cultivation I)f land. Good soils were more profit-
-51111 au m ribo,,, hi of his hii'l le sof this great country. able than poor soils. The profits of the farmerenaebsleldt
tfima
it4t he
eZ. %teat, his el humble mite wrongfully it might he, to pay proportionably. But what would be thea
,ro
thatu the
ile'Ynatie . roust sincerely) to increase the welfare of his great quantity of foreign wheat were brought 1, , :
It f"11 ow capital would
It ow git. 'Y of the poor, though not less loyal, classes farmer's profits would be diminished. Why, his
li 1.• DEE l'ets•—( Cheers. ) out of
be wasted, and the poorer soil of lands would be thrown
'llte I)ES w cultivation He would no longer be able to employ his capital
I tip" as aware that in rising to address the
the •1 '5 importantprofitably, and the whole agricultural population . would feel the
y debate a Rub' act and at so early a period
"at 'he was • • evil effect. Many causes conspired to render protection neces-
at, ()result
t, laying himself open to the charge sary for the farmer. There were fluctuations in the currency
o
ity7te of h P t°la. But when he considered the great im- to which the farmer was exposed equally with those engaged .
1 fleoit ,I e question with regard not--
only- the subject commerce and trade. He had also to contend against the will
to
etette,s Li'', with reference of Providence as regarded the elements; the vicissitudes of the
,i.elieesaleeetsee_e_ e ee to theenterests of all classes of her
weather were fraught with danger to him. Since the year
'l, „It'. sense ef, ,wn n he considered this, nothing but an
1815. the population had increased by upwards of six millions.
Id be at this dot would compel him to offer himself to
and
, e fair period of the debate and he hoped that hewhat had been the history of commerce anti manufactures
_
Slio'''Ui at With th • ''
-'c mite said that re.
since the year 181 a ? Hon. Gentlemen ,pe .
l
'en " the same t• e attention of the House— (Hear
strictive laws cramped commerce, and yet, since the period he
ilt, laelet,4ealliee
was w
en
t
itme with a liberal portion of that en-
had mentioned, a most extraordinary and rapid increase had
4'e furr'd under obe bestowed on all who, like him-
taken place in all our staple manufactures. It might, however,
eq tb_ the disidvantage of addressing this
Illi . treti,,,_,c first time.—( Hear, hear.) He wassaid that the agriculture of the country had reached its
be
.. ~.
skt, e_e'eu to offer • and therefore they must look to
utmost limit of improvement,
v iid he, heu, his opinions upon a previous
it .th • ever, refrained from d • (II It it , so song on the other countries for supplies. So far from that being the case,
• when aericulture was more calculated
ere Wisep appeared to hi. be understood that there never was a period ,
'9.4 i in bl'un th . im to
.was there a period
to take a great stride in advance. Never
40 hi,,,4 -0, and a, e merits of the question was to be
: when capital was more ready to be applied to the improvement
littaiß fzemlf ail imintirathecause he was desirous of removing ,
.f agriculture than now, if thee would but give it security.
4ethe had t'd
a t°o hasit"no which might be cast upon h.im for ,
So far from agriculture in this country harving reacneilt
stiet
_arrived
at a
(y.onpi.inion upon so great a subject, or
its utmost limits of improvement, he bedeved that i
kith tttattid lesion which a more mature con-
tra°at he hall not have was at present only in its infancy. Much . had been said about
warranted him in doing. He was
%tel', beeeh thus abstained from ' the peculiar burdens on land Those burdens had
peculiar
.ie ,Ate I, , speaking on a former oe-
iltssi!, le the e nael had the opp .t. since then of been denied by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. They were first
les wily i - coo ha
f °Huta y
Montrose and by the Hon.
denied by the Hen. Member for
I this'0 his _ .or which he was a /Member, a very Member for Sheffield; and it had been asked by those Hon,
seeee,.
"'ant and of hearing their opini
"d h "'ant sutes a ' on' Members and others what the peculiar burdens upon land
tli'sliltilue. Y chi. tn_ni .1“- • He was therefore at this period
were. The peculiar burdens upon land pressed as heavily
t stteetcy, whoa,.
;net
opinion of a large portion of his
upon agricultural, as tile metropolitan police-rate would unon
‘talse te , aed 1 e:. for the purpose of deliberating upon
tai nese . expressing tl air • • upon the same 1 k f London if that rate were imosed un
the s ioema ers. o , . ,
la, Phrt elteurn,tah . opinions thapt illustration
••• •- ' that body exclusively. and he consicered t is an _
Ils4 if °wexpre„ ,te', he trusted that the opinions
of the position of the agriculturists. He could not but look
et ests:l'elcen oil 'Tole d receive a more favourable reception
the proposed change as a leap in the dark. The
Os w,"e(1.11, te_YenPon his own authority..—( Hear, hear.) upon _
of
to °3 keel e "no. 'Member for Finsbury .(Mr. Wakley), repeal the corn-laws would cause corn to come
from which it was not now expected.
W14441%11. mentrh upon a former occasion to give a cau- from quarters from
be
grown in Spain, and sent to this country.
ttent,,t,:mPloyiern, embers
upon that side of the House as to the
ieirnhrn would
was then
at Hamburgh, in 1813, a merchant informed
,:iti, "'etaiutt T, the intervening time between that and the
When
nthat it was'
perfectly practicable to purchase corn in any
`Teeis'red en 4,' and warning us that we should take care how
him,•
t 36s per quarter, and to freight ,it over to
.this
lee of hap anger of the en le, and what would be the quantitytyaat at
per quarter. Indeed such was the competition
ls:e the iie'n'tg
\recourse to aPgitPation. He was happy to country
the D. Panish, the Hanoverian, and Hamburgh ship-
fPleneresent et derither that he would have seen, had he
‘it
t,
advie, h the
e meeting to which he alluded, that his owners, that corn might be sent to Hull or London at Is. per
t lf that were the case, how severely would the pro-
gibe most ria" been felloWed to the utmost ; that nothine,
was _ eseioreu_ Quarter. if
he felt in this country. The Right Hon. Gen-
e deees_e totes ells__ se conduct had been evinced, and the' Lemant took the state of Ireland as one cause for this
that
country,change.
if:y teminau of the'..b et. of everything like angry feeling
f_ in
He ( Sir J. Walsh) was too well acquainted with
i4teniliiinern he never attended
The Hon.
.Mernher or Fins-thatwould follo
rust to be aware of the appalling consequences
di, the •.''' that he "ended the meetings ef the League,' . he was perfectly ready
effect was sorry he did not, for it inieht have a failure of the potato crop, and .
tte-t"itins . t'f. repressingth'.• practicable measure
to admit that there was no pra
which $ those violent and angry
q),"'. milli ha, (i frsque.ntly took plaee. His ex-whichthey ought not to adopt to alleviate such a great calamity.
.
fte, in di:seese• e bee a 1.- •il on that But he could not conceivehow a calamity
of this sort, which,
Cat ire sing a. ,e,e,tetere ea ii,ary in eence
Nip portance. He w which he acknowledged to be of
. However fri hteul, must, in its very nature, be temporary, could
Ns. ian opposite leer d venturethat the 1-1 g • h f the ro rosed change. \Vas the
be mane a pound lig ter or . p i
tk 'est ilia , ed on to say on. . i ortance of Ireland a sufficient cause for a permanent alte-
t and - the measure as one of the l
ire stet ,
tot to
complete and t that if ration of the law .—( Hear, hear.) The general state of Ireland
i - involved thing more or less be in
'lee's, all; rete
.t. told
wiping f then° -
book' ofthe was one of the strongest arguments that could . used _
eet' Itireseth ' "'n to natty . from statute .
favour of the present law. Ireland was purely an agricultural
. untie,
.ers had instit teed e ledustry which the wisdom of .
ountr There was a denser population in that country than
littseri m the very Sir, let it be remembered, e
operatin •i
thisy* and they were entirely dependent upon agriculture.
Peg her a P"'''''n in th nof (hi'-ie very ws this country 1! ' . •la
ep, glory anti h . e scale of nations which has been The
trade in agricultural produce between
England and he-
se, of teesso er pride. It land was one of the greatest links and bonds of union that
was d for the resent. tole ereeee untry to prove that ihreselrve
could possibly exist between the two countries. There
ought to be sx-
eeTslate lo the
st i nature ute bockagricultural
, and th°astethawswere oil • bound were two great links—one was the trade in
hurch
tf ti:" to for • ' a manner as would do everything'
Yto open produce, and the other was the Protestant
t 14.4:
toae, eigners and drive the
out of Ireland. 'They were going to destroy the one, let them
• :1, es. rxet. _ corn of this country . lie considered take care to defend the other. The Right Honourable
it t 4, _ Which they we red that the extent of the
Gentleman based his measure on the experience of the
.
handy'. desete„e which re how called on to make
last threeyears. He (Sir J. Walsh) was sure that public
e 'el eayaees; l'been should only be come to once in a
.._
iire ii stay se ''' seldom
could circumstances which opinion, and that posterity, _ whose suffrages the Right Hon.
se . reed _ complete a revolution arise
• of this Gentleman was sn richly desirous of obtaining, would consider
iCable th'reete..._ n as an alteration
, ( Hear.) N that ano,her cause had been in operation in England some two
ttt deithe 4so late as th Now would the Howie think it
which had had a most powerful effect in producing
, te„ reie tan,... e year 1842 these very laws received tears
salt.
fte2.e" nese ~tion of both Houses of Parliament. aid that He b l'eved that the efforts and funds of the Anti-
thts r e 1, .
st _ ell)._ lee princi lof
which that House
e",latiee the vet_
.1) es protection were fully acknow- Corn-law League had produced the change
',het S fro_ e Parties who were now for removing all re-calledupon to sanction. The Anti-Corn-law League
had been
ho . eart he sat
cern' •
stockagitation company which
; i imported into this country.-( Hear.) Association was the seeond joint .
!'ll spi 184asa"' when they found that the same gentlemen had produced so important a change in the policy of this coon-
le e,t - tanctioned the laws which we now find try.e age %Attie isLet them read the history of the first, and then let them
sso-
,,P he'' seek book are the same gentlemen who s • . _
solve him this problem:—How many more of these repeal. a
independence
of Parliament?
'44,01 gc.mtenl to erase those laws. It would be ciations
c would it
This
ske
wtoaesruasnh the
c vil that some day er other
t,tl:llei,tAge of en. who now advise this measure to j.ustife
h ( Cheers.)
r wonld have to grapple with, and this
Sao t l'Nis th °Pinion, and he doubted not that in their own t e mis e .
to at eY were • a system whle coul
d not long co-exist with
eh phoid , • doing what was right. He was the last was
tski.ange ~ the doctrine that public men were not at liberty
T • sueir • the represen . . tative Government, but most sooner or later prove
He opposed this measure'
distruction of its independence.
eaea,:titta taw.° Politicalt opinions. But that change must he
thebecause he believed it to be a dangerous experiment upon the
Itillet"t
ti.e 1,:u1
old be
b.et should be made with care, lest public
resources of this country, and he oppo-ed it doubly because he
LP oti..(4lrable Baronet
ten
that
them . He could assure the
believed it had been brought about by the influence of an asso-
sivilti estZ"n, he believed thatt atthoen
Rthiisi,tahwellAs on every
il(-1 ciation which he considered every lover of order and a regular
44,44'44 peed in his course of public conduct byenthe convictions Government was bound to oppose.
,ai belts Iseee-fe'eience. In e- 1 life he Dar. Dd ) haul Mr. B. HOPE wished to say a few words
.upon this
im-
"tit 'pee 0 the b• 'ae y (I r. pe• es
:env_ . Polite
measure. He would discuss the question upon the
''llieett ie leader,but, in the mean time, he had never simple ground of whether or not the present Parliament. was
!ic li e "„PPose those '
measures which he I,l.uht forward, morally as well as equally bound to maintain protection.—
e s'ltg ' hived d, it for interestsof tisk . ago a not a ajee the the country. .
( Cries of " Oh," from the Opposition benches.) Who were
lk,aliat, ' 1829, when he brought, forward the Catholic the Parliament that were elected five years ago, and who was
}la: by then Act, not being able to approve of the course the party that elected them ? In 1841 there was a great
itee'iliere e Right Honourable Baronet, he, as a member of struggle—wh,,ther it was right or wrong was not the question—
seessessi„,:tion. felt it his duty to oppose his return. In the the Right Hon. Flaronet led that struggle againse free tead_ e,
N tt lil " Parliament he
mentionedoposed his measure with refer- when the Noble Lord, the then I%.lem.ber for the city of helm
do retltel'looth
h_illeo, sut ‘ • He
these facts only, because he burgh, made a lest effort to maintain the Whig Government
rieee'l tha;'e,that on those great pubic questions he never which had _ existed souice the year 1830, and whiclfi in
slilil; kw; ae was actuated by any other than honest and the national
duts
AI events had
.become a great ete.
The Noble Lord , the ember for the cit of London, brought
'eel' ela li PS— ear hear ) With reference to the potato
. irsi reeete hi
e, •. . for free trade, but the opposition of T
forward a measure -
`tti tat 'a, was of inion lhat the agricultural pro- .
ffir willi ring, thou h muchabused, would have been ready ries _
compelled the Noble Lord to appeal to the country upon it,
It 'thin -ag to , g
and then in
at h tee . nave assented to any measure calculated
to the present Parliament, pledged as protectionists,
atee e eetit;' of their fellow-subjeets.--( Hear, hear.) returned
eal. The people returned the Righ
pledged to el ash rep
Ile 14the e not go further, for he could not Fee and
e Hon. Baronet as the leader of that party, and now, in the year
to liked tehernelaw of 1842 was to be altered.
6 they were callsd upon to pass the very same
possible,measurhe—h
fair bees It that measure exceeded the most sanguine 184 •
and more sweeping measure, if w le
ply ritelnottera.‘,l! even its framer, nay, a stronger
themselves to their constituents to opyose:
teeing eti 1" for h* • The ducer got by it a
r. e pro
the had pledged principle . taa„,,m, . is industry, while the consumer did not .-Y
This had now become a matter of ,
riied hea.r,fl ' Price for the articles: of bis consumption.—
yet to thi iii, ,„right or wrong.
of political expediency' any change could
rt. se thri,t• Right II Baronet in his speech re-
km, ow .„ s` ate
on.and by measurewhfiatdhe
was at a loss to undersßtatirdo.a—et
f i P'ece bee' shoeia be of the country for the last three be
( jl4le To be sure the Right Honourable. a
13-
'842. b.."'" th -"e understood that' this state of thins \Hear, hear.) _
wessie reteeet e npeat.l84l by his party,
I.'
It 4' aforether (-)n by h• tcui of the amended and revised law was elected in
neither himself
Hon. Baronet should recollect,
eselels ne it e, himself.—(Hear, (Hear hear.) In the neat but the Right
s' a -''e th ' -as s *--- '
Member for the City of London, nor
1.1 to atv at very 1 tratige that lie should call upon them leader of any
1)4, ace°, e the Right aw ; and, anxious as he (Mr. Deedes) the [ion. Member for Stockport, nor any other
, Pre, dier, ,_ . (Le
n Gentlemanhis ot he could political party, was such by
that '" oe„asrl.'" the heat •
. supp r ~• , onant of their
of his art simply and solely, as being she exp.
for fereie leu, Th •of los judgment, support him on the -
I'and of course he maintained that position as long as
Iv, the corers wttot,e Rig..t lion. Bat onset intimated also principles,.
•A 1) --rn which -- " tette
k,keata twit_ th„ their manufactures. . or de-
rise to him it his party, finding that he has altered_
th " sure te_ Y would supply. He (Mr. Deedes) p
vire; -..e R. , nat su _
follow, and he serted the principles by which they
elected
him, should again
(1,1,-,1" exper; 'grit He Lil a result would . his line
to chose their own leader, or each to take own
eee 'I., lieesernetit oe -fle• Baronet if the alteration was retire.
Is: hear ,L)--and s the native industry of the country— for himself.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Such ought to be
for the Rieht Hon. Btronet has brought for-
ste•"(leet le areeteiteiPPorted though it, might be by the influ- the e now,
eaUre in a speech abounding in the
}dot4l Rive ~,, from '' of the Ri ht Hon, Gentleman, he wardsa free trade m s , ,
atrinn' aY'
g • d h. h la h• h h
sae glowing eloquence as t-at wIC e used while tram-
orlltati,
te pany it.t. an apprehension of the anger w ic
der his feet, in that House of Commons, or that
14 4hiue eolintr He feared that if these measures were pairg un
pre i y ~f th Y w`lild be made dependant on
foreigners Parliament, au wring
d dinthe early debates of the present Par-
AlNatee, e very fir,t -
H. • h y liameut, the very pples of which this inea ure was to carry
N . bt,.. fl su,h _ article of
stn food.- ( eal, ear.
Hear,(hear.) And upon what ground was this change
411,2 ught fee_ e state ef thing nd the very first argu-
tree.,
s!iii„ i_ ward enut.—
q the Right H Gentleman ac few to be made?. they were all present, and
Vs,'" katar;' •"n reference t - on.heard the grounds and what were they , They , .
'' had a long
ii h in "eh 0 the failure of the potato crop, on-
fleet e stated }tad °Pini°a• Belgium,Sweden and other and very clear exposition of . , .
the Right Hon. Baronets views ;
Ily, 4vLiele e , -ht Hon. Baronet
Placed • -' ` '
•of hut what were the arguments which the Rig ,
hi tie (Nait'a Prtvented Of
restrictions on the exportation
advanced to show that the measure, which in 1841 would have
ki Mist r'.l-) ) is country from obtaining any sup-
h,lst 1.1 'e his ass required no further argument to induce the destruction of the kingdom, should now be its salva-
keen
°al 'n•l3 e ent to the measures did the Right Hon. Baronet mean by true Con-
Pei, so m a.on,t h , sures brought forward . by the teen. What
tiv
lie
To-
servative policy, or what was true Conserve e pe y. .
tri.' of toned that Si rn t Lrrs.) The Right Hon. Baronet
_.
was a tangible thing—Whigism was a tangible thing-
-1,),?..,(ew......ite the
eventaoferial change would take place in the )
rFrtostutectionism was a tangible thing—and so was free trade.
lhai (Irti (Hear,
hear.) _th: contemplated measures becom-
All these things have their meanings, but what meaning
t was
d
prot r eritts cal eheer fro 1-)1 tbb
.Anti-Corn-law League say
the new word Conservatism?—that word which he hear
tlie't'tia nie4t With rm t e Ministerial side of the House. therein2
t a time when the old Tory party, finding a difficulty
th e the was „..:, . espeet to the abolition of agricultural .in 183 , a
sa wee_ 'Nee the reversetogether under their old banner, ventured to rally
They •
"tie reed y'e of corn
___ • said that
it would re- in gathering
'roundand support—what? Toyrism? no ; Whigism? no
1,,._ of h. 'el t ett.e.te, s (Hear, hear.) '1 he Hon. Gentleman .
~.114,_, 1% ow_ _ . from a letter which he had received from . but Conservatism. Toryism and Whigism was now no more;
tit,,, c, and n friends confirmatory ofthe views he had and, in his opinion, Conservatism ought long ago to have been
des„"ewes Proceed e t - ,
the
catacomb ( L ht )
of all the hoaxes.— auger. The
lake'eel --- wiaeti ' .o say that the epsilon before the sent to
or en , ler this taxation h Id q •' Right Hon Baronet came down to that House in the end of
thes . ft, e t.rie consumer b s ou bear entirely on the p
- ro-
l to advocate protection, and for what maser'? Why, be-
th
tf 4(4, a ientireie the present effect of the corn- 1
.1 concurred as tt(ll,blBec4au'seit was consistent ; anti now, in the beginning of 1846,
ISD: }an • the propriety of calling this down to that House to
t -tAht ,t, question. He was ofthatthe plan the same Right Hon. Baronet came , . . his
'le Xeirer "'in. Baronet 1 opinion
Conservatism • and what did he say was reason
tett,
~041
t,,,t
of
soils
would have the effect of throwing advocate
s 0
7 Why,' became it was consistent with the
tltnr_t the give his entirely out .of cultivation. for doing
best
is law %use .attention to the measures Principles of, true Conservatism.
. the
This lei -
might be true Con
et "h : "Alit t", but .he could not think that the servative policy, but it was not '
once
of
policy to serve the intention
great power,
tlet !„)e to ~,,,r_,
a, he interfered with. He feared that of his own party. There was a minister
flog,t itt'entrr "
, would. e corn from foreign countries, the speciewho '
lived before the days of the House of Commons, and when
Crown, and not by
t„_ i•e a2,_t be carried out of it, and that this defalca- the power of England was exercised
withby the
itute":?,,a.ttd, ""t_"__u.. of the specie which went out of the Bank the people, This time, but
minister ruled strength . for a
t°Tersewoold uotri. nined with the limitation of the ! he became a little too arrogant, stet adopted as his motto,
v.,ett,, reial
and Leasion great confusion, in fag', paper money
" Ego et rex meus,"
Reeeenti the
„;..arieultural pursuits- ' Lookingruinotin 1 and it ultimately proved his downfall. Let other ministers
oil iiii tif th,, ill -et, a, , with these
d beat•ieg strongly 'b • lest they meet their fall in the cry of " 1 and my
)ieit. ' eueste‘lght 'ion. Baronet t. in mind the lan- beware .
teeasehs tie eee';',.•, be could not co r4,l!‘tent :15 with~leagues in 1812 I.artyr, --.( II
lion
wre w
He "'m (Si - s lns own con- were letted s r 1-. 1
' t o•-ti s (r.litec' ionise:, were, neon this principle, of
House of Corn-
-• on • •se d • ' It• Peel) andgive I ithe following their leader, brought down to the ,
sit thi °sired to thaek l,s support to
tioet 8 °is -fir the House for their kind aft i . mops ori last Tuesday week without the common courtesy,
4 truyt,_ thattempt at addre •-• h 'e -1
which • former Divine Providencesing t em, and would , in er da s was resorted to in measures of minor im-
would enable them portance, and called upon to dothat,

of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the first. Minister
of the Crown. I agree with the Noble Lord that Ido not
think he has laid down the grourds of it largely enough or ex-
tensively enough in point of time.—( Hear, hear.) He has
alluded to measures about which he would have no difficulty,
because I believe he is the Member of the Cabinet by whom
those measures were introduced. I mean, Sir, the measures
of Alie liusk:sson —( Hear, hear)—which measures m•ght
have been quoted by him to show the advantage of moderating
duties, and the doing away in a great extent of prohibitory
duties. I will not make any statement in figures, but I can
say that I think, in consequence of the reduction of the duties
an silk, tie importation of the raw material during the years
1837 and 1838 had- increased over the years 1835 and
1836 (during the existence of prohibitory duties)
more than one hundred per cent. In the article
of wool a reduction of one penny in the pound,
produeed an immense increase in the price of that article,
Sir, are instances
foreign wool was then introduced at a low rate of duty, and the
eolfpmoratnsyinoctrear•-se,dwthoiach showgreat theexte benefit
nt.t
These,
at
least of reducing
duties. But, then, the Right lion. Gentleman at the head of
her Majesty's Government, has proposed a plan which goes
beyond the mere reduction of duty to a moderate amount, and
thereby increasing the imports and prices. He has proposed
with reference to the duties upon corn that after the expiration
of three years, the duty upon that attic o shall altogether
cease. Now, Sir, lam of opinion, that if the Givernment had
undertaken this task in 1812, and had made far greater reduc-
non than they then did, it would have been better fot the agri-
culturists as a body, and for the country at large. As the
matter now stands, I am ready to say, seeing the contest now
going on, and the struggle that would continue to go on if no
attempt is made to stop it between the intermediate steps of the
sliding scale cr a small fixed duty. I am prepared to repeat
what I hale before stated in public, that the struggle will con-
(H Hear, hear. ) I unlit say, I
tinue unless some efficient measures are taken by her Majesty's
e-'.°lon:iedr n'rrutehreltietilt•aohniciohrfestv eheilel
lay
ntit
Right
.—(
on. Baronet as a great measure
...a measure the foundation ef a complete flew
ririnciple as to commercial legislation—a principle which will
have the effect of leaving both agriculture and manufactures
entirely to the energies and skill of the British people. I must
cay, Sir. believing those principles to be sound principles, I am
prepared to give every support to the plan brought forward by
her Majesty's Government.—( Hear, hear ) But I think it is
iecumbent on me to say that, with reference to the mode he
has adopted of int rodueieg a new system of corn duties for three
years, that the opinion which I had formed in my own mind in
the month of December last, has been more and more strength-
fled by everything I have seen or heard since the Right lion.
ilaronet made kno.vn his plans.—( Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") I have heard from all parts—from Devonshire.
from various parts of Scotland, from the midland counties, and
rom various other parts of England, that the opinion of the
farmers was to the effect "That if we are to have a system of
reeltrade instead of protection, let us know what that system
is to be at once—(Hear, hear,)—let the duties be repealed at
once." I consider there was great reason in that remark.

pledaed themselves not do. In 1841 he knew some-
thitig of what was going to take place. The West
India Sisser Bill watt then an important question, and
the Conservative party was called together to consider what
roio-,t he its effect and operation, but now when the old corn-
mei ci al system of the noun .ry was to be rseolu tionized, they were
n•it called together to consult on the subject—this would have
been contrary to the principles of true Conservative policy.
This would have been a bold measure for the consideration of a
new Parliament, but now they were going to consider it in a
Parliament which was nearly t xtinct. Protectionism had
been the policy of England for upwards of a century, but now
they were going to do away with it, and when the measure
reached the Helve of Lords, it would be moved by the Lord
Chancellor from that memorable emblem of Protection to
British Industry, the Woolsack ; which, ever since the
time of Edward the Third, had been placed in the
House of Lords as the seat of its highest and most
honoured officer of the state, and probably as a
memento to warp the Parliament of England of what
and in what its true policy should be.—( Hear, hear, and much
laughter.) Whether that policy was right or wrong, it does
seem strange that they should be called upon by a Minister.
who. in 1841, advocated it in the strongest terms, to abandon it
altogether.—( Hear, hear.) But the Right Hon. Baronet might
say there was no other course open to him ; but he thought, as
he had done on feriner occasions that there were two or three
courses open to him.—( Hear, hear, and laughter ) The Hight
Honourable Baronet might have dissolved the Parliament, and
that, in his opinion, would have been one and a better course;
or the Right lion. Baronet might have come boldly forward,
and told them, as the Noble Lord the Member for the City of
London—whose great openness and straightforwardness, he was
willing to admit, entitled the Noble Lord to great credit—had
sactitsii°i:.idtitihiatheth
could uld
principles doso
onto. longer,alihi
his
orm ande
l‘a,serhee
done from the city of Edinburgh—that he had supported pro-
r life
tee
wr
raosn enootiws
he was prepared to gise up the Government, and tender the
)
ppesitien his warmest support in carrying free trade.
( Loud Opposition cheers.) That would have been a policy
which they would have commended, whatever their
private views might have been, and looked upon it as a
magnanimous attempt on the pat t of the Right Hon. Baronet
for the well-being of his country.—(Cheers.) The Noble
Lord and his supporters opposite had a right to have the credit
of passing their own measure. They had a right to demand
that the conduct of a measure in which they pent all their
lives should be left to them, and the Right Hon: Baronet having
been placed in power in 1841 by protectionists, he called on him
to give it up to them. These were the views which had
led! him to the determination of supporting the amendment.
but he supported it the more, because, by doing so, he recorded
his protest agaiest a system and policy which he was sorry to
see being adopted as being one that must diminish the expedi-
ency, if any, and add no lustre to the very best system of ab-
stract legislation.—( Cheers.)
Lord SANDON was one of those who would support the
measure. although it did not meet with his approbation.—
( Laughter.) He was sorry that the arguments of the Right Hon.
Baronet in its favour were so flimsy, and thought those argu-
ments would not justify a sudden changing of opinion which
had prevailed for years.—(Hear, hear.) He insisted that
the wages of the labourer depended on the price of corn.
and declared that experience both at home and abroad proved
that the rate was varied by the fluctuation in the prices of
grain. He had yet to learn that it was an established
principle of political economy that increased consumption pro-
duced high prices, and protested that the experience of
three years in some minor articles of commerce
did hardly justify so extensive an experiment as the present.
During the present state of uncertainty the farmers were in a
most helpless state.—( Hear, hear.) He knew he should be
told by Hon. Members on the other side of the House that
this was not the farmers but really the landlord's question.—
( Hear, hear.) Abstractedly speaking that was no doubt true.
If there was a bad harvest farmers would expect the landlords
to make abatements in their rents; abatements were made.
and consequently so far the landlords suffered. All their capital
was embarked in land, and year by year they found that that
capital was dwindling away, till at last they were compelled to
take refuge in some other profession. But he would lastly
take the case of the farmer and his labourers. Those of
all others suffered the most in times of agricultural
distress.—( Hear, hear.) The first struggle which the farmer
made to meet the distress was by diminishing the number ot
his laborers. That step of course added to the number ot
paupers in the country. Those wcre the reasons then why he
would vote fur the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet at the
head of the Government, although he disapproved of it.
Though he (Lord Sandon) disapproved of his proposal, still he
ink that the Right lion. Baronet must be supported, because
he felt convinced that by the Right Hon. Baronet the country
must be governed. He felt that unless questions of this
nature, were settled by very great masses of enlightened opinion,
a country ike England could not long be properly governed. He
felt that when opinions hostile to protection had been enun •
ciateil by the great leaders on both sides of the House—( Hear)
—they ought to be supported by tho great body of the people.
He had now arrived at this position—viz., that all the
members of her Majesty's Government, with the exception, he
believed, of two, had expressed themselves in favour of fret
trade—all, with the exception of the two Hon. Members to
whom lie had alluded, had given their sanction to the proposal
then before the House. He confessed that the question
seemed to him to be no longer a matter of discussion—it was
merely a cpestion of time. For his own part, he believed
that the sooner the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet was
passed into a law, so much the better would it be for the coun-
try at large.—( Hear, hear.) The measure, he confessed.
would entail some difficulties upon those concerned in
the agriculture of the country; but their difficul-
ties could not last more than a few months—
certainly not more than twelve. But it was better that the
question should be decided without further delay, for it was
only, as he had before said, a matter of time ; postpone the
matter as the might, they would have to come to the same result
at last.—( Hear, hear.) lie believed he had spoken at some
length of the peril of the experiment, but he could not say that
peril would extend so far as was apprehended by Hon. Mem-
bers opposed to the measure. For the sake of the millions of
the country, he believed that it would be well that the present
uncertainty on the question of food should be removed. But
he could not see the process by which those advantages antici-
pated by Ho ourable Members oho advocated free
trade would be realised. He had seen in the course
of his life the price of corn down as low
as 555., and that was termed by the agriculturists a paying
price. If the present proposal were carried into a law, he really
believed that instead of land going out of cultivation, it woult,
he much more cultivated, and, of course, more labourers would
be employed. He could not think that Hon. Members need anti-
cipa' e the risk, which they appeared to do, of the land going out
of cultivation. He did ern, rtain a hope that, although much
individual misery would have to be gone through in the event
of this measure being passed into a law, the vessel of Englanii
would sail much more safely and smoothly than it did at pre-
sent.—( Hear, hear.) Those were the general reasons why he
bad determined to support the Right Hon. Baronet's proposi-
tion. He saw in that measure great wisdom, and although
there was involved in it a perilous experiment, at the same
time he did not share in the amount of apprehension that was
entertained by Hon. Members in favour of protection. Under
those circumstances, he felt bound to give his support to the
measure, tad he eonceived he was right in doing so.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose and said, I believe, Sir,
I am about the first to speak, upon this side, upon the impor-
tant question before the Honser—( Hear, hear.) And while
l shall give my vote op the same side with the Noble Lord
who has just addressed the House, I cannot help saying that I
shall do so with better hart and hope.—( Hear, hear, and
laughter.) Sir, I will not attempt to deny the importance of
this question. Hon. Gentlemen en the other side of the House,
whom I have heard, and who assent to the proposition of her
Majesty's Ministers, say what is quite true, when they say
that the system of protection has been a system of legislation
adopted for one particular class.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, I am
not at all terrified by that enunciation.—( Hear, hear.) I
know very well that for centuries religious disability was the
system of this country.—( Hear.) I know that for centuries the
want of security and liberty of the person was the system of
the Legislature of this country. But I am happy to *acknow-
ledge that great benefits bate flown from the destruction of
the system, and I hope we are now at the commencement of
the destruction of another system which has been injurious to
the country, and that we shall hereafter be proud of having
pa-ticipated in the foundation of a new and a better order of
things.—( Cheers.) It appears, sir, that the question with
respect to the corn-laws; which in former years had been
almost confined, has been of late, but especially in meetings
and discussions in the country, widened to the whole principle
of protection, but those who have defended the present corn-
laws wish in maintaining them to avoid all appearance of sel-
fishness or legislation for a particular class, and they
have said that they wish all native industry
to be protected. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, the
Honorable Gentleman who seconded the amendment to-night
seemed to confess—or at least appeared to have said so—that
all native industry was not entitled to protection. When we
come to the question of protection of native industry we find
various branches of industry—the great cotton manufactures,
the woollen manufactures, and the great linen manufactures of
this country, which are sent abroad to compete with the pro •
ductions of nations at the greatest distance from this country—
such as America and Asia. These interests are not benefited
by any protection which yet remains upon your
statute books..—( Hear, hear.) It is obvious then
that the protection you now seek to maintain
for agriculture is a protection for one particular class of iudus-
try—( Hear, hear)—and an advantage for them alone. We
find,
Sir, a great argument, which is the
argument of alt
writers on political economy, applies to that particular protec-
tion ; that, in the first place, it is an interference with the due
current of trade anti labour, and is in behalf of one particular
class. In the next place, that it is a tax upon the rest of the
community for the benefit of that class. In the third place,
that the class which you seek to benefit loses by the pretended
protection that you afford it.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, these are
the propositions which are ,o true that they have become axi day
in political economy.—(( Hear.) I was induced the other ay
be the Honourable Member fir Norfolk
tt.i read a pamphlet
which has been pub'.ished on this question, andsu also
another pamphlet by Martin and Co. on the
subject
of protection. These gentlemen state that a quarter of corn is
raised 17s. in pi ice by the protet tion which is afforded to it.—
' (Hear. I thought as I read that statement, and I now believe
it, to be a great exaggeration ; but if that were so, if the price
of corn had risen to such an enormous amount by that pro-
tection which you give to agriculture. supposing there were
20,000,000 quarters of wheat consumed in this country, and
that on each of thaw quarters there was a tax of 17s , there
would be some millions sterling imposed on the food of the
people of this country. I believe the statement is most
egregiously exaggerated, but still I believe that while you give
protection such as is afforded by the present law to a
particular class, which I believe to be an apparent
benefit tst it, that protection is an injury to the rest of the corn-
munity.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member
for Hampshire, who seconded the amendment, and who did so
in terms as temperate as could be desired—( Laughter)—the
Hon. Gentleman stated that a difference was to be made be-
tween those occupations in which mere manual labour was em-
ployed, and those in which machinery was brought into requisi-
tion. Now I cannot see the value of that argument, I cannot
see what are the grounds of that argument. Suppose there are
five millions of people employed in works of machinery, and
others in which little machinery is employed, I cannot see any
good ground why the one should have the protection of the
Legislature, and the other should not enjoy that protection.
Well then, Sir, if it be the case that the system of protection is
so, then the question comes—What is the course you ought to
take in order to get rid of this particular protection? And here
I must say that those writers who have written upon political
science, even Mr. Adam Smith, Mr. Ricardo, and Mr. Hus-
kisson, all speak of the caution that ought to be used in dealing
with this question. But what should be the particular mea-
sure, and what should' be the protective system in these
! matters? and what way should you deal with the question
that is not a subject upon which we really have very little
light, and it is impossible to have much light from theoretical
writers.—(Hear, hear.) I confess with the Noble Lord, who
has last spoken. I confess that. I do not think these great
transcissions can be made without incurring risk at least, and
considerable suffering.—( Hear. hear.) 'I he circumstances of
the country may be so far so fortunate that suffering may be
avoided, but I Certainly think that if you wish to get rid of
protection you will run the risk of some hazard, and incur
considerable suffering.—( Hear, hear.) This, Sir, is a
confession and admission that is made by all persons
who have re fleeted on the subject. Some speele of fa-
mine. otttes speak as the Noble 1..,,r(1 has
spoken, of the difficulty of arrangements between the different
cla,ses of persons who are concerto(' in trade, but all admit
that there is considerable danger of losing capital and diminu-
tion of trade.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, I come to the plan

In the first place I think the farmer will be better able to
arrange with his landlord as to the particular sums he has to
pay, and the sums he will have to pay, if he knows at once the
state of the law, and has not to wait until the end of the
month of February, 1849, and take the chance of what may
then be the price of corn. I think also there is some danger
`o the farmer in adopting the proposed plan. In 1848 the
prices may be low, there may be a considerable accumulation
of corn in the country, the glut which would not happen in
:he spring of 1848, may happen if there is a sudden reduction of
the duty from ten shillings to one shilling per quarter in the spring
of 1849, not owing to the price of corn, but to the effect of the
previous legislation. I think, Sir, that the danger will be
greater after the lapse of two or three year., than it would be
If the alteration were total and immediate.—( Hear, hear.)
The present would be a favourable time for removing these
restrictions, for in consequence of deficient harvests in moat
of the countries of Europe. there is now little stock remaining
on hand in Dantzic or Hamburgh. There is no reason to
-uppose that there is any great stock in the United States of
America ; there is no apprehension on the part of the farmer,
with reference to a reduction of the duties upon corn, and I
eorodder these together as forming a pretty conclusive proof
:hat there is actually no danger at the present time.—( Hear,
hear.) If they had any danger to encounter, it was when on
the continent of Europe and in the United States. prepara-
tions had been made, the ground hail been oultivated, and the
seed sown with a view to send large supplies of corn to Eng-
land. I consider, Sir, that the policy of the Government is
ike furnishing a farmer with a great coat to wear only
in the summer, and which he was to take off when
the winter arrived._( Hear hear.) But, having said this
much, I put it to the Right Hon. Baronet if he will not re-
consider that part of his plan which had reference to the corn-
iaws.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet has often
Alleged, is bringing forward his measures for the reduction of
duties upon subjects of much less importance than the one now
under consideration, that it was almost impossible to know the
affect of such duties till they had been tested by experience
- ow, Sir, it does appear to me, that with reference to the
proposed measure, we shall be labourinc under this disadvan-
tage. I hope that the Hon. Baronet will reconsider that part
of his subject. I wish that his plans may succeed. I wish to
see this measure successful, not only in this House, but also in
the other Howe, and I would not be one to oppose the progress
of that measure.—( Hear, hear.) When, therefore, this sub-
ject cornea into Committee, if the Right Hon. Baronet tells me
that he has reconsidered the subject, and that he still considers
the three years' duty to be an essential part of his plan,
I will then support him to the utmost of my abilities.
Sir, I have stated thus much with reference to the plan as it
Affects the article of corn ; it is not necessary that I should say
much as to the other parts of the plan. With reference to the
article of sugar, it will not be necessary for me to make any
observation; as regards the articles of manufactures, and the
taking off the duties upon them, I consider that you are bound
to do s a you are bound to
.show that you abandon protection
altogether as a principle, vie ous and injuriou., and not for the
alca of subjecting them to any exper invent to which you would
not expose the manufacturer.—( Hear, hear.) Thare is
another part of the subject, and one which I certainly cannot
Approach with great satisfaction, I allude to the question of
burdens upon agriculture. The Right Hon. Baronet bas pro-
posed to make certain relief as to local burdens, the expenses of
prisons and prosecutions ; these amendments in the law I con-
sider to be just. and they are improvements is the existing
law. These measures are offered as compensation to the landed in-
terest. I do not think any compensation could be properly offered.
I am not sure that as regards the general burdens of the
country, that the occupiers of land have not more than the
share which belongs to them.—( Hear. ) it is a point upon
which I feel a difficulty, because I have found that whenever
r proposition was made by the Hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr.
Ward), to make a statement adverse to that opinion, and ask for
a Committee to inquire into this point, none were so ready as
:hose agricultural gentlemen to oppose that inquiry —( Hear,
hear.) The Hon. Member for Radnorshire ( Sir John
Walsh) had draw a comparison, of shoemakers, who were alone
compelled to pay the police rates. They might complain thrt
they could not sell their articles so cheap as others who were
not so taxed—they would complain of the injustice practised
toton them. But if the shoemakers, who formed the majority
in this House, had always strenuously resisted the proposal to
inquire into the subject of their grievances, I certainly
should suspect the shoemakers of thinking there was something
in their case which would not hear to be sifted.—( Hear;
hear.) There is another difficulty in the question. When about
two or three years since there was a large surplus of about
three millions in the Exchequer, I thought it might be worth
while to the agricultural interest, with a view to their obtaining
some relief from their burdens, to remove the taxes of several
articles—the malt tax fi r instance. They would not hear of
such a proposition, and when the Right Hon. Baronet dis-
tributed this large sum of three millions and a halt, he did net
seem to have any particular regard for this interest. I freely
state that I do not feel any sympathy with this class.—( Hear,
hear.) Nor can I see why any relaxation of bnrdens should
be made towards those whose burdens were shared equally by
their fellow countrymen. I do net consider that that they
have any claims to a relaxation of thoir burdens.—( Hear,
ar. ) Had I brought forward any scheme of commercial
policy. although it would have differed in some respects from
the plan brought forward by the Right Hon. Baronet. I do
not think that I should have given them so much
relief as be has done. Ido not think I would
have given so much as 503,C00/. or 600,0091.—
Were they to lay burdens on the commerce of the country, arid
t, propose an increase of taxation which would expose the
Government to great and to deserved unpopularity ? No ! and
for these reasons I will therefore say at once that I concur in
the Government scheme as proposed by the Right Hon.
Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government.—(Loud
cheers.) I wish that the repeal had been immediate, but, in
the present state of affairs, and the strong desire that exists for,
and the advantage that will accrue by, getting rid Of the com-
mercial system with respect to corn, even at a remote period,
it is too great an advantage to the people of this country gene-
rally net to support the measure.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
But, Sir, I cannot forbear from takieg notice of one remark
which fell from an Honourable Gentleman, the Member for
Finsbury (Mr. Wakley). The Hon. Gentleman stated (and
he thought he had no particular motive for doing so) that he
thought the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her
Majesty's Government was more able to carry this measure
successtully than I was That is an observation that compels
me to state, that a measure of the same kind would be equally
successful, if 1 had received the :ame support from my political
opponents which they now receive from me.—(Great
cheering.) This measure of free trade the protec-
tionists say, an& they say what is correct, was loudly
oppos. dbe the Right Hon. Baronet. When Mr. Huskisson
brought fel. ward, in his place in Parliament, a measure of free
trade, mans, of us gave him our support ; but the Iliget Hon.
Gentleman opposite, the Secretary for the Home Department,
stated, when he was in Opposition, that he could not give him
his support. In 1639 the Secretary of State and the Chancellor
of the Exchequer proposed going into Committee on the corn-
laws but they were met then by the party in Opposition.—
(Cheers.) In 1841, when we came forward to propose a re-
duction on the impartation of corn, of sugar, and
of timber, we were met by a party, many
of whom represented commercial constituencies.—( Hear. )
But, Sir, I am bound to say the Hon. Member for Wakefield was
an honourebie exception—(Great cheerinC —and he did not
join the then opposition, nor did my Hon. Friend the Member
for Wilverhampton. But, Sir, I think that the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet, and those who have intradoced such a sound principle of
commercial potcy as that which is proposed reelecting the
corn-laws, coup: not be ignorant of those princiles; and it is
to be lamented that they did nothr
if they
corns forward and
)t. they then did so, they
would not be defeated.—( Hear d
hi
The Hon. Gentleman
' for himself an s party, much of that
would have avoided,
propose them. My opinion that
y generally
somebody or other.—( Cheers and laughter. )
cast upon him by
Baronoent'ai‘titherne
How inconsistent it was when they compared the course the
bheeradfoorf
1-1 Baronet had now taken, with :hat which he pur-
Rigid on. But Sir the •H
odium and reproach which is now ver
be can do so.—(Great cheering.) I feel myself
Wakefield
this measure than I would be. I tell him again, that it is with
her Majesty's Government would be more. successful in carrying
sued
tells.
eC, htehearts
the.)
Right
so.—(Reiterated cheering.) As the Right lion.
bound .0 say
t
Gentleman has adopted that course of commercial freedom
which will benefit this country and enable the poor man to get a
fair reward for his daily labour, a course which I believe will
our aid that
add much to his social and moral improvement,
I feel bound to give this measure my hearty and warm support.
(Chi ers.) I will not do anything as a political opponent to
thwart the promoters of this measure ; no triumph of party
feeling will induce ma to sacrifice the interests of the country,
and in conclusion, I beg to soy, that I aim anxious for the
triumph of thesmeasure.—(Continued cheering.)
Sir 11. INGLIS said he was now witnessing a party which
were once united, firing into each others vessels.—( Laughter )
He could not help asking himself what would become of the
Honourable Gentleman the Member for Durham, or rather the
Member for Southport. What would become of all the
new converts at the other side of the House, if
his Noble Friend had not come to the rescue. —( Laughter.)
He hoped he would not say (for it was not his wish) an unkind
word to provoke an angry feeling; but he could not help
thinking what unpleasant feelines must be entertained by those
who found that their party was diai'led. There were three
fro; o,itions proposed, which wonld give full and entire satis-
faction to all political econo.nists, but he begged leave to state
that these propositions' were not supported by any argument oe
the part of the Noble Lord (Russell). Its styled he weuld
not raise art angry feeling, and he would apply himself to that
part of the question of most importance, and would only
occupy . their attention for two or three minutes. ( Hear. )
His view of things was this that in trade we should
to procure all articles at the most moils-T4-ln tMrket. Looking
at the products of Europe generally, he found that averagei
could not be made of crops as if they were the products of

steam-engines. Much would depend on the state of the wea-
ther, for the variations in it would create great difference in
the averages, and consequently in the price of food. The
largest average was 140 per cent., and that was an average
extending over ..a period of twenty-four
.rars.
In Prussia the average was 212 ; in Saxony
it w.>s 269 ; and in Westphalia it was 340.
lint as hs told t,em himself in his remarkable speech, the
cif untries which p7odue,:d potatoes prohibited their export.
From Sweden, from Belgium, from Holland, the distress was
there so great, you could have hoped for nothing. He also
told you that Turkey and Egypt refused t permit the higher
kinds of grain to be exported. But might they not supply
the wants of Ireland with an inferior grain.—(Hear, hear.)
He was quite aware that he could from the pages of " Hansard"
prove various inconsistencies on the part of those who now
advised this measure. But it was needless, as the very authors of
it in the strongest terms admitted them. His Noble Friend
(the Member for London) had himself made great changes in
his opinions on the subject of this very question. He neither
taunted him or the members of the Government with what
passed. He did no:. accuse him of having been interested in
any such change, and he not only did not accuse the Right
Hon. Baronet of having been influenced in his change by im-
pure motives, from his personal knowledge of him, but from
that which was clear to every one, that he had no conceivable
motive for those changes, and that he had every conceivable
motive from refraining from them. lie was at the head of the
largest majority that ever sat in that House siege ;634,
s Right CheerCheer in g
Hon. and
Figireenadt
It was a party on vilicrn he might have looked with some
satisfaction.—(Loud cheers.) A party who certainly looked
up to him with respec,, and only regretted that they were not
earlieraug hte are. t e
hoped, d
p withed,
nesastesh. (
would forgive him if he exactly distrusted hi, powers as a
statesman in the same proportion as he had suddenly changed
laughter.)
however,
his weak
that
the opinions formerly held by him.—(Hear, hear.) if he
were now a great statesman all his former acts were those of a
personinsensible to the wants of the country. In these observa-
tions he was speaking his cool and deliberate conviction. They
could not admit the purity of his motives without impeaching
his claim to guide the destinies of a free country.
__(Cheering.) His suddenness of change was such, that there
might not be another change in another month. With re-
spect to his Noble Friend the Member for the city of London,

if he gave hlm a pledge that he would support the Irish
Church, he knew that he would carry out that pledge to the
utmost extent, and nothing could induce him to swerve from
his promise, he therefore knew to what he had to trust, and
he would much rather trust an open enemy.—(Cheering.)
(Here the lion. Gentleman paused for a few moments.) " I
stopped," continued the Hon. Baronet, " for my own sake—
I will not pursue the subject."—( Immense cheering.) He
would not put the Government into the hands of the
Gentlemen opposite. With respect to the Noble Lord op-
posite, he bad, however, to observe that his change had been
at least four years old. While he deeply deplored the part taken
by the Government, he could not help asking at what time
were these measures brought forward? They were brought
forward at a time of profound peace. Ireland had not at
that time her monster meetings; England was arrived at
a pitch of prosperity a'most unexampled, to which she had
grown under the very system n6w proposed to be altered.
Why then shoal they, when well, take physic and die? He
pledged hinvelf to the fact that, in every instance, the actual
produce was greater last year than the year before. Linder these
circumstances he, for one, could not see why the Govern-
ment measure should be supported.

' purchase Polish wheat ; hut he doubted if it could be got free
on board at a cheap a rate as it could at present he purchased
at home.—(Hear, hear.) So fee from the corn•laws having
produced an unsteadiness in price, if they looked to the last
twenty years, they would find that flurtuat ien was
less at present than in the year 1815. In Spein, where
corn was grown cheaper than in any country in' the world,
they had to import grain from America ; and he (Mr. Her-
bert) ehould say that he found a great alteration of opinion
amongst the public at large, and particularly amongst the agri-
culturists and tenant farmers on the question of protection.—
( Hear, hear. ) It was not long since that a meeting took place
in a part of the country called Goatacre. He was not prepared
to deny that these working men were not drawn together by
their own agencies, but he would say that all the statements
they advanced as to the manner in which they lived were per-
fectly tree. He, for one, lived in the midst of a population
of considerable extent, and he scarcely knew how they existed,
He knew, however, that whether these facts were or were
not true, the investigation of them could do no harm to the Go-
vernment.—( Hear, hear.) He confessed he had heard other
arguments more cogent than the extension of commerce, and
the advancement of the trade of the country. He saw that
the question must be settled, and that this was the time in
which it could he best settled with honour.—( Ironic 1 cheers
from the Protection benches, and loud cheers from the Op-
position side of the House.) Honourable Gentlemen might
have a different opinion as to what constituted a settle-
ment of the question, or to the honour of which he
was speaking. He was speaking, not of the honour of the
Government, nor of personal honour, but of what he con-
ceived was justifiable and expedient as an honest man.—
( Irenical cheers.) Ile said, after much inquiry and careful
deliberation he, as an honest man, had found good reason for
changing his opinion on the corn-!aws. He had not lightly
abandoned the opinions and convictions he had previetisly ene
tertained, but, despite the threats which had been held out,
against the advice of many friends and advisers, and though the
terror of his constituents had been employed to intimidate' him,
he had followed the dictates of his conscience rather than their
influence and dictation._( Hear, hear.) He said that all this
would take piece, and that it would be the subject of
deep mortification to many ; but, at the same
time, he knew his duty to them,as well as
what he owed his country.—(
ear, h ear, )
He had, there-
fore, taken his present course, honestly to act for the public
good. So much for personal honour ; but the honour to
which he alluded, w hen interrupted, was the honour of the
country gentlemen, who had now the opportunity of conceding
the measure without danger. There was no danger in the
qui at on at present, whatever there might be if it was de-
layed. They could now allow the question to be settled with
honour, which would nut be the case did they succeed in de-
feating the proposition submitted to the House. They had
against them parties of great weight, independent of the agita-
tion of the Anti-Corn-law Lea.eue—en association conducted
by men of great energy and perseverance, who would not stay
their exertions till they succeeded in their object.—(Hear.) He
did not however call on the country gentlemen to yield to that
agitation, but to the dictates of reason. If they did not yield
to reason, they would be obliged to yield to another power—not
a power of reason or agitation, but a more material and
dangerous fence. But he would sugge•t a stronger motive
than any he had done. The public mind was not in
the same state it was in 1815. In those days
the Government had not the support of the people.
In 18411 when the Noble Lord the Member for the
City of London brought forward his budget, he (Mr.
Sidney Herbert) supported the principle of free trade, but
objected to its application, thinking corn an exception to the
rule. He had seen reason to alter that opinion, and now the
public mind was more enlightened, and men of all political parties
and commercial and trading interests joined together to give
effect to this measure. They saw that the corn-laws were a tax
to benefit. one class at the expense of another. Honourable
Gentlemen had said that the Parliamentary party of the Go-
vernment was broken up. Surely they did not mean to say
that the great Tory or Conservative party were bound together
only by a question of cuetems or imports—that they
placed their existence on a mere political arrangement.
The corn-laws were not a part of the constitution, but rather
opposed to its spirit. In former times the public mind was so
sensitive regarding an import of this kind, that when
the duty on corn was but sixpence a quarter, that
duty had had to be suspended. He maintained that
these laws were contrary to the whole spirit of the
constitution. He was nut one to make that constitution more
democratie than it was, as democracy was in some instances
rather more like despotism than what it professed to be. Ile
wished to preserve the aristocratic elements in it, as he con-
sidered them essential to the proper working of the Constitu-
tion ; and on these grounds he said to them,
do not act in opposition to the measure—do not in
any manner interfere so as to occasion its rejection.
Let them recollect that great changes had taken pace in their
manufacturing and social arrangements. These manufacturing
arrangements had been increased to an enormous extent.
There might be many who doubted the propriety of these
extensions—who questioned the morality of number. congre-
geting—whO doubted where fidelity to the state could exist in
such multitudes. But he could assure the House that one of
the means of diffusing wealth was the keeping up the springs
of society. Their wealth was that which maintained
their colonial empire—that which had given them the
dominion of the world. Let them remember, too, that if they
wished to disseminate their religion, their libertie , and their
faith, they could do it in no surer way that, by the very mane
fee tires that they sent abroad.—(Cheers.) Let them also
recollect that the men who extended these benefits were
entitled to some portion of them. His Noble Friend who had
opened the debate on the first night had, in a most
eloquent address, fully characteristic of himself, stated that
the Conservative party were interested in the security, peace,
and welfare of the Constitution of this country. How much
more then were they dependent, who had all to lose and nothing

Captain FI l'Z MA UR ICE. who spoke most inaudibly, said
he confessed his view of the question of protection was very
different from that of the Right Hon. Baronet. He regarded
it as a compensation for the industry of the agriculturist,
and as a security against the competition of foreign avicul-
turists, in consequence of the peculiar burdens which fell to
the land of this country. He defended it, therefore, on those
grounds—on the ground of the burdens which pressed on the
agricultural energy of the country. He defended last year the
protection which was given to the West India planters on the
same principle. The Right Honouraele Baronet him-
self, in 1844, had given expression to the same ideas.
With regard to the present measure which has been
brought before the country, it was stated by the Right
Hon. Baronet that he rested it upon the famine, which was
apprehend:d in Ireland. He would ask the Government had
they taken that view of the question which other countries had
adopted under similar anticipations? Had :they attempted to
prevent exportation. Had they adopted those other expe-
dient- which The necessities of the case seemed to warrant ?
In 'rebind, exportation of corn and provisions had been
proceeding to an enormous extent since October last.
fhe Right Honourable Baronet had taken protection
off this country when the country had a great impulse from
public works—for instance, such as from railways. Let him
take the county of Wiltshire; they had no shipping which
could bring about a benefit to that county by importation.
How, then, could the present measure—how could free trade
benefit that part of the country ? Manufactures were carried on
there, agricultural pursuits were prosperous there, but free
trade, with all its importation, would not be of any advantage
to its inhabitants. Now, let there be a railway
constructed through that county, and the people
xould be greatly benefited by such a project—
( Hear, hear.) It was said that the manufacturers of this
country would be received by foreign countries in exchange
for their corn. Let them take Poland for instance. Now he

spoke from information furnished by a gentleman residing in
that country, and he would say that the growers of corn there.
when the duties would be taken off in this country, would
send corn from there at 30s. the quarter. Let them take
America. They were told that the growers of corn there
would take the manufactures of this country in exchange for
their grain, but he had good grounds for saying that they would
want gold and not manufactures. It is well known that
the American shipping left this country, after getting rid of
their corn, in ballast, and, that would be the very way in
which they would leave our ports when free trade
became a law. What said the. Right Hon. Baronet in 1844 ?
At that period he complained that the principles of free trade
were delusive and visionary. . Such was not his opinion now,

to gain by any inferrtiption to the peace of the c
Manufacturers had for a long time flourished, not
because they were of the customs' growth, but
because they were of the same existence with the country.
He wished to see the agricultural and manufacturing
interests at peace. joined in an inseperable union. lie believed
that the Government wished to cement that union—and he
believel further that whey the agriculturists themselves came
properly to appreciate their po•ition, they would be glad i.f the
chance that had offered of thus extricating themselves.—
( Hear.) He believed that they would now pursue their avocation
without doubt or apprehension, aid he believed also that
that prejudice which had before existed between classes would be
swept away. The Government now offered then the oppor-
tunity of repairing the greatest error that was ever committed
by any body of men.—( Cheers.) But the landed proprietors
of this country had also contributed to the burdens of the
State. They had assisted its resources; they had provided
its eminent men in every department. But, however, he
might affirm this, he was willing to admit that the
law of 1815 was a great error.--( Hear, hear, and cheers. )
The Government now wished to repair the error.—( Hear,
hear ) Would they accept it ?—( Cheers ) His own mind
had been long made up. He hoped he had now done his duty.
He believed that the propositions of the Right Hon. Baronet
at the head of the Government were not oely intended tor the
benefit of the country, but the agriculturists themselves. He
trusted they would throw all prejudices aside—that they would
weigh the question aright; and let them be assured of this,
that these propositions had been made for the guod of the coun-
try and for that altine.—( Cheers.)
"The debate was then adjourned.
CITATIONS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
This Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com-
mitted to-morrow.
DRAINAGE (IRELAND) BILL.

however. There was one way of remedying the evil of a
famine without bringing forward the present measure. and that
. .

was to be done by taking the price of corn at the weight, and
not by the measure. If this had been done, corn and bread
would now be more corre.ponding in price, and still protection
he upheld. Can it be expected th:. t farmers will lay out their
money in making improvements, when the law which protects.
or rather ought to protect him, is to be changed by the Right
Honourable Baronet, who had always led them to believe him
their best friend, by his having always spoken in their favour.
It was said that " woman's vows were traced in sand." He
should like to know what men's vows were traced in. Were
they traced in adamant Laughter.) He should like to
know what the Right Honourable Baron is v-,ws were traced
in ?- -( Hear, hear.) He (Captain Fitzmatirice) thought they
were traced in steam.—( Great laughter.) The Honourable
Baronet had made vows, but they were all broken ; all the pro-
mises made had been abandoned, those who had supported him
were nut taken into consideration, their opinions, their influ-
ence, and their interests were alike disregarded. He might
well say—

" Blow, blow, thou wintry wind,
Thou art not so unkind,
Nor is thy bieath so rude
As man's ingratitude."
The Hon. Member sat down amidst some applau'e.
Mr. SYDNEY HERBERT said that of all the speeches
which had been delivered against the present measure
of her Majesty's Goverment, he might select the last
two speeches as arguments in its favour.—(Hear, hear.)
Those changes bad not been forced upon the Government by
any choice of their own, but by the advent of circumstances
which it was not possible for any human power to foresee. He
wished he could be convinced that the position of
Ireland was really not such as had been represented,
or that he could be justified in declaring that the
contemplated change in the law affecting the price
of food would be unnecessary, but they had had too many
proofs to the contrary not to be satisfied of the justness and ex-
pediency of this measure. The Hon. Member had stated in his
speech, that there was deficiency of food in Ireland, or rather
that there was an average supply, and that therefore the appre-
hended loss or deficiency need not be apprehended.
Sir R. INGLIS said he alluded to the potato crop.
Mr. SYDNEY HERBERT continued by saying that the
potato crop was not the exclusive food of the people of that
country. It would not be necessary for him now to expatiate
up in the miseries and misfortunes of a large mass of people who
were accustomed to subsist upon that article of food. They
had already heard a great deal as to the state of
that portion of the population who were compelled to
depend upon this worst kind of subsistence for the
greater part of the year. But if the Hon. Members had
followed oat his argument by quoting the returns, the state of
the crops for several years past, he would have found that in
many instances there had been actual deficiencies for the supply
required, even where the crop was stated to have been an
average one. During the whole of those discussions he should
say, that he had heard no arguments or statements which had
the effect of lessening the truth of the reports the Government
had received from the magistracy and constabulary in Ireland
on this subject. The Government had neither lent too willing
an ear to the reports:that they had received as to the exaggerated
state of the prevailing distress on the one hand, or of the asser-
tions with regard to Ireland being a fool's paradise on the other.
But, with regard to the actual state of the potato crop in Ire-
land, he wished he could persuade himself that the reports the
Government had received, as to the actual deficiency, were
reaily erroneous or exaggerated. The melancholy combination
of facts upon which the Government had acted, were too pal-
pable to be disbelieved, and therefore some measure was neces-
sary to avert the apprehended calamity. Nor was this state of
things confined to Ireland alone, for he had ascertained, upon
good authority, that in the West of England also, where the
potato crop was extensively cultivated, it had there failed to as
great an extent as any part of Ireland. As had been stated
by the Noble Lord the Member for London. the potato crop
was one which presented this singular paradox—that a crop
was often pronounced to he an average crop when it was, in
fact, of so inferior a quality as to be almost unfit for food. If
they looked at the returns of the year 1839, it would he seen
that the prices had been raised precisely in that same way as
had occurred in November, 1845; but there was a great dis-
tinction to be noticed between the causes upon these two
occasions. For instance, it would often be found that the
wheat crop was an average crop, but the quality was
bad, and yet the bread made from it was not;
the result was, that bad bread was not
made, but that a greater quantity of inferior wheat
was required to make the same quantity of bread than would
have been necessary if the wheat had been good. This had
the effect of lessening the price of wheat, while no change
whatever took place in the price of bread. No, he would not
hesitate on an occasion like this—for he, like many others, had
a change of opinion to announce—to declare that his opinion
had uedergone a change upon this snbject, because he had seen
that the law of 1842 had most signally failed.—( -lear, hear.)
This might have resulted from a combination of circumstances
that no Government could have foreseen. But lion. Members,
while they argued in favour of the corn laws, seemed to forget
that those laws were enacted in order to meet the expediency
caused by a transition from a state of war to a state of peace, and
now that the time came when they ought to be abolished, for
they had seen that other countries had met the circumstance of
a scarcity of food by throwing open their ports to all the world.
He regretted that the course then being pursued had net been
adopted by Hon. Gentlemen at the opposite side. A Noble
opinion,th the
measure and hadshuadvocateduld
h elef
left
the
necessitysyinin
other hands.—( Hear, hear.) He had expected that the Noble
Friend, who preceded him, had expressed it as his opinion that
the present measure was one which should not have been intro-
duced:by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's
Government. Now he (the Hon. Member) had nohesitation in
hiet s wasst
adoption,ig strongly of
that Lord (Lord John Russell) at the opposite side, who
had spoke of past differences, regarding the sliding
scale, though a convert to free trade principles, only since
last November, would have had a better right to bring forward
the present measure than had the Right Hon. Baronet.—
saying
that
of
( Hear, hear.) He regretted that the Noble Lord had made
use of an expression which should convey a slur on the Hon.
Members opposed to him, which was to the effect that, had the
smile support been given him by M rs Woembe h
Q 41' prgient Flips
ported the Right Hon. Baronet, he would have carried a simi-
lar measure.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL here made an observation, in ex-
planation, across the table, which did not reach' the gallery.
Mr, HERBERT continued-- He should admit the sounds
ness of the Noble Lord's arguments; hut at the same time he
should say that no support was ever more frankly or freely
offered than was theirs —( Hear, and cheers.) Ile wished to
knew, if ruin was to come on the land, through the iewortatiop
of foreign graid, by reason of the pretent rpeasere. Ile wished
it would b told *hat countries the abundance would come
from.--Olear, hear.) If they ;volt to Dautlia they could

•
The committal of this Bill was postponed till to-day.
GRAND JURIES (IRELAND) BILL.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM ebtained leave to bring in a Bill to
authorise Grand Juries in Ireland, at the Spring Assizes of the
present year, to appoint Extraordinary Presentment Sessions ;
to empower such Sessions to make presentment for county
works, and to provide funds for the execution of such
works by loans of public money. The Right Hon.
Baronet subseqently brought in the Bill, which was read a first
time, arid ordered to be read a second time to-day.
The remaining orders of the day were then disposed of, and
the House adjourned at One o'clock.

LAW Li TELLIGENCE.
"'OUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 9.
The House sat. to-day. at eleven o'clock, to hear English
appeals. The Peers in attendance were the Lord Chancellor,
Lord Brougham, Lord Cottenham, Lord Campbell, and Lord
Hood.
THE LATE JAMES WOOD, OF GLOUVESTER.--THE
DERMEN,'AND BC EGE.S.SES OF TIIE 130 ROUGH OF GLOUCESTER
r. OSBORN AND SURMAN.
This case, which comes before their Lordships upon an ap-
peal from the decision of the Vice-Chancellor Wigram, stood
specially appointed for to-day. The question for the decision
of their Lordship is,whet her, under one of the codicils to the
will of the late Mr. James Wood, of Gloucester, the Corpora-
-1 tion of that borough are legatees of two sums of money
I amounting to 200,000/. The late James Wood, the banker,
of Gloucester, died in 1836, possessed of immense wealth, both
freehold and personal, and upon his death considerable liti-
gation to,,k place upon the subject of his testamentary dispo-
tions in the Eccleaiastical Court, the Privy Council, and the
Court of Chancery. In the Eccleastical Court two papers
were propounded by the executors, and another paper
which had been anonymously sent by the post to
the late Mr. Thomos helps, one of the legatees, was
propounded by him. By the judgment of the Ecclesiastical
Court probate was refused to all these papers but upon ap-
peal t• the Privy Council, the two papers propounded by the
executors and also that propounded by Mr. Helps, were ad-
mitted to probate, the two lirat as being Ste will of the tes-
tator, and the last ass codicil I. that will, and upon the latter
paper the question now at issue arose. That paper was to
the following effect :—" In a codicil to my will I gave to the
Corporation of Gloucester 140,0001. In this 1 wibh my
executors wd give 60,0001. more—to them for the same par-
pos as 1 have before named Iwd also give to to friends Mr.
Phillpotts 50,0001 , & Mr. Geo. Council 10,000/.—k to Mr.
Thos. Helps, Cheapside, London, 30,0001., & Ilrs. Elith.
Goodlake, mother of Mr. Surnian, & to Thos. Wood, Smith
str. Chelsea (each) 2,000/.—& Saml. Wood, Clevland st..
Mile End 14,0001.—k the latter geutu. family 6,0001—.8, 1
confirm all other bequests k give the rest of my property to
the Execs. for their own interest.

JAMES WOOD."

- - -
"Gloucester City Old Bank, July, 1835."
Upon probate of these papers being granted, the executors
refused to pay any of the legacies contained in the codicil,
and the result was, the legatees tiled their bills in Chancery
for the purpose of obtaining payment. The Corporation of
Gloucester also tiled their bill for the payment of the two
sums of 140,000/. and co,coor., given them by the codicil.
The cause came on for hearing before the l'ice-Chancellor
Wigram. It was argued for several days, and ultimately his
Honour gave judgment, dismissing the hill of the Corpora-
tit:T, but without costs, and directing that the sum of
250,507/. 10s. 2d., New Three-and-a-Half per Cents , stand-
ing in the name of the Accountant-General, in trust. in the
cause, should, together with the interest and dividend, be
transferred to the surviving executors, the respondents in the
present appeal, his Honour, at the same time, refusing
to direct any inquiry, or to direct that that the dismissal of
the appellants' bill should be without prejudice to the ap-
pellants tiling another bill in relation to the legacies, not-
withstanding that it appeared by the printed proceedings in
the suit in the Court of Probate, that the testamentary pa-
pers and the repositories of the testator had been improperly
dealt with during his last illness, without his knowledge, and
also after his death ; and that at least one paps) of the tes-
tator's, of a testamentary character, had immediately after
his death been burned; and that the:cocicil of July, 1835, it-
self, when propounded, was in a mutilated state, and partly
burned; and that in the envelope in which the same was for-
warded to Thomas Helps was enclosed a paper on which
wero written in pencil the following words :—" The enclosed
is a paper saved out of many burnt by parties I could
hang—The pretend it is not J. Wood's hand, many will
swear to it—They want to swindle me—Let the rest know."
From this indolent the Corporation St Gloucester brought
the present appeal, contending that the codicil of July, 1835,
amounted to a substantive gift of 140,0001, ; that the re-
ference in the codicil of July, 1635; to A former codicil, did
not prove that that former cached ever existed; and that,
althongh inch farmer codicil should be considered as having
once existed, yet the gift of the 140,000/. referred to as
),_made,
by such former codicil was not revoked, and that
of then
the
appearance of such codicil did not affect the validity
gift either of the 140,000/. or the 00,000/.
gir Thomas Wilde, Mr. Hodgson, Mr. SwanLt
tio::d ir.
andaa 3Mr.
i James Wilde were counsel for the a
pp•u
IGeorge Turner, Mr. Remilly, Mr. Walker.d ,Aclrrc.cJacfmewsoPacrolerrt,
and Mr. Rolt were in suaort of the