The Sun.
London, England, 1846-12-14 00:00:00

THE STATE OF IRELAND.

TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD J. RUSSELL, &c.
My Lord,—The deep anxiety which must be felt by
every man who is connected with Ireland, by property
or residence, regarding the present disastrious condition
of her population, will be, I trust, a sufficient apology
for my adding one more to the number of those who
have addressed your Lordship on the subject of the
remedies which that c mdition requires.
But those who venture to propose remedies for a
disease are bound first to inquire into and determine the
causes of evil. _

records of Irish history—the statutes of Parlia-
ment—the reports of committees and commissioners—
all join in establishing this one undoubted fact—" That
every evil in the present condition of the people of Ire-
land is directly traceable to the system of letting lands
adopted by those proprietors on whom the forfeited
estates were originally conferred, and as continued by
their successors." The middle tenant system—the
joint tenantry—the cottier takes—the con-acre—the rack
renting ; all these practices, the names of which are un-
known and almost unintelligible to Englishmen, sprang
from the reckless conduct of these proprietors; and
hence arise all those evils which we now suffer—exces-
sive popu'ation in some districts—extended wastes in
other (almost contiguous) parts—bad cultivation—bad
housing—apathy, indolence, and idleness of the people—
want of employment—want of :manufactures—in fact,
the absence of every element of prosperity. This state
of things prevails generally over more than three-fourths
of Ireland; and, if what I have here asserted requires
any confirmation, it is found in the fact, that, in the
north-eastern portion of the province of Ulster, in which
is situate, the town of Belfast, where the relations of
landlord and tenant are established on more just prin-
ciples, a prosperous, happy, and well-employed popula-
tion exhibit all the benefical fruits of industrious enter-
prise.
Such was the mischief created by those proprietors
on whom the state conferred those lauds. They had
no feeling of moral responsibility for the welfare of the
people, and no legal responsibility was created by the
laws of the country. Why?—because these landlords
were, themselves, both the Government and the legisla•
tors; they had supreme power in the Irish Parliament,
and worked together solely for their own selfish objects.
But the landlords of the present day will say, " We
are not to blame for this ; it was the landlords of former
generations who were the authors of the evil—we are
sufferers in common with the rest of the community."
Very true. But if we, the landlords of the present day,
have, by inheritance, the estates of our forefathers, and
enjoy the rights and privileges attached to the posses-
sion of landed property, can we throw off the responsi-
bility attached to their misdeeds ? In justice we cannot.
I, for one, shrink not from the full acknowledgment of
the responsibility, But again, have the landlords of the
present day no account to settle ? I say they have ; if
not for misdeeds of their own, they have neglects of their
own to answer for. I admit that they cannot remedy
the misdeeds of their predecessors without the aid of the
Legislature. But, I ask, have they, the landlords of
Ireland, either as members of the Legislature, or in any
other capacity, used any exertion to suggest or procure
the enactment of any measures for the employment of
the people or the amelioration of their condition ? The
landlords plead that their hands are tied by entails, and
that they are oppressed by rent-charges and mortgages,
the owners of which are not made liable to taxation.
Have they sought for any measure of relief ? They
have done nothing ; they have been apathetic, both as
regards their own interests and the interests of the people;
and now this awful calamity and responsibility comes
upon them, without any preparation to meet it.
I have shown what the landlords have to answer for.
I have no disposition to screen my own class from their
due responsibility ; but they are not the sole delinquents.
I arraign the Imperial Parliaments, and the different
Governments which have been in power since the Union,
with the commission of bad legislation and the neglect
of good. They knew, by the reports of their committees
and commissions, both the evils and the remedies ; and
if the landlords of Ireland neglected their duty, and the
Members for Ireland neglected theirs, it does not absolve
the Governments and the Legislature from participation
in the continuation of bad systems, and the neglect of
the remedies required to amend them.
I have now briefly stated the causes of our diseased
system. I next inquire from what defect in our treat-
ment was this diseased.thas
done
? I condition
asnuiffv,e,orerdbtre
to take
~rBooet:
and progress as
of the country fcr the employmentr as briefly—" Impose
cause no legal responsibilitywasim poofstebdeopneotphlee.uoTpberetny,
complications of advances from,
simple forthrowing
and the accumulating pressure
and debts to, the state,
aside
t tihs thmeiscrhe
e
resulting from s
this responsibilituychinaitscoduirrseee.t and
meaning more fully, I would submit to
To explain my
imeevdoyus answe
such
provisionsm ea a uforre s
theas
people should be combined with, or
machinery, only so far as the
the following
form part of, the poor-
y employmento your Lordships
of
as thatsonit some
e
be convenient for the purpose.
divisions into unions
havemay be
I
been adopted for the : consideration
d onot
by the Government, to
con-
struction of relief committees
the numbers
of ascertaining
whom the duty is entrusted
destitution for want of it.
At present, reguthlaetionslaw.
I would propose that a committee o
that powers should
should be formed in each union, and
requiring employment, and in
.f
this description
be vested in the Government to impose a tax n
union to such an amount as might be necessary
h of these
employment (or else rations of food) to suc
to e givethe
be able I" to obtain it, by other means. I
destitute persons as should not receive employmuledntp,roer.
pose that this should be combined with a clause, exempt-
ing from taxation any, townland, or combination of
t,ownlands, in one estate, which shall give employment
to its doe quota of the labourers returned by the
relief committee as in want of employment—the tax
to be levied, as under the poor-law, in certain propor-
tions from landlord and tenant, and on all descrip-
htioolndsorof of relaolodp,ropwbeeirctthayuo, subjecting
osetit
is exception,
expedient
to
n osuch
matter t
that, a tI
tt
they
bee
ye
being
ght eo nru
et
nd;
x
dbeer e rendered
ul
gi abbtl e
athe t
eo
rapressureo
do fo ttabxeai
r-
rheyvheoarwyl
classesl
tsmallen
duties in their several spheres; the owners of lands and
the tenants of the higher class to give employment; and
the tenants of the working class, who may be small
holders of land, to be stimulated to support themselves
by increasing the production from the land in their oc-
cupation, and not to augment the taxation, of which
themselves would bear a part, by pressing for employ.
ment at the public cost.
By a measure of this nature, I would impose perma-
nently on the property of the country the responsibility
of the employment of the people; but, under the extra-
ordinary and unexpected pressure existing at the time,
I would propose that a temporary discretion should be
vested in the Government, in case the demands on any
particular union exceeded a certain amount on the
valuation; and, in case the Government should be satis-
fied that all due exertion had been made in the Ir.
to order a contribution, in aid, from the pp,'
such extent as might be necessary.
on the union. The State

_,eatity,
_,,oc funds, to
to be chargeable
, oeing responsible for its
landlords. may be fairly expected
a quota; the principle of the ordinary re-

neglects, as well as tl, - '
to contribute “-