The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-24 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON. SATURDAY EVEN] N G JANK Alt 1846.

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
FRIDAY, JAN. 23.
The following Petitions for Railway Bills were presented,
and ordered to lie on the table :
Ayrshire and Galloway Railway.
Wakefield, Pontefract, and Goole (Methley, Askern, and
Oakenshaw Branches) Railway.
andS oioie
Sheffield, Rotherham, Barnsley, Wakefield, Huddersfield,
Edinburgh and Peebles Railway.
General Terminus and Glasgow Harbour Railway.
Epsom and Dorking Railway.
Direct London and Portsmouth. Railway.
Manchester and Birmingham Railway.
Leeds and Bradford Railway (Alteration of Levels in
Bingley).
Staines and Richmond Junction Railway.
North Kent Railway.
Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle-upon-Tyne Junc-
tion Railway.
Larne, Belfast); and Ballymena Railway.
Nevrry, Warrenpoint, and Rosstrevor Railway.
East Lincolnshire Railway.
Belfast and Ballymoney Railway.
Belfast and County Down Railway.
Irish Great Western Railway.
North Staffordshire Railway (Potteries Line).
North Staffordshire Railway (Churnet Valley Line).
North Staffordshire Railway (Harecastle to Sandbach).
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment and Branches (No. 1).
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment and Branches (No. 2).
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment and Branches (No 3).
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment aid Branches (No. 4).
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment and Branches (Nb. 5).
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment and Branches (No. 6). '
London and South-Western Railway . (Chertsey and
Egham Branch).
London and South-Western Railway (Romsey and Red-
bridge Junction).
London and South-Western Railway (Basingstoke and
Salisbury Extension).
London and South-Western Railway (Epsom Branch).
London and 'South-Western Railway (Salisbury Junction).
London and South-Western Railway (London-bridge Ex-
tension).
London and South-Western Railway (Hampton Court
Branch).
London, Newbury, and Bath Dire. Railway.

COURT '
CIRCULAR.

FRANCE.
CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, JAN. 21.
RELATIONS WITH AMERICA.
The order of the day was the adjourned discussion oil the
addtest - • • • •

The Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday in
the royal gardens of Buckingham Palace.
His Royal Highness Prince Albert, attended by Col.
Bouverie, visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of
Gloucester yesterdays Tht Duke of Cambridge visited
the Royal Duchess yesterday.
Her Majesty and Prince Albert honoured the perform-
ance of the French plays with their presence yesterday
evening. The royal suite consisted of the Viscountess
Jocelyn, the Hon. Miss Paget, the Marquis of Ormonde,
Colonel Buckley, and Col._Bouverie.
Baron Dedel is prevented from resuming his diplo-
matic functions at this Court, in consequence of serious
indisposition, which detained him at the Hague.
The President of the Board of Trade and the Vice-
President had an interview with Sir Robert Peel yes-
terday. The Chancellor of the Exchequer and other
Cabinet Ministers visited the Right Han. Baronet yes-
terday.
The Earl of Powis, and a deputation, had an interview
yesterday with the strl of Dalhousie, at the Office of the
Board of Trade.
Mr. Hedworth Lambton, M.P., arrived at Farrance's
Hotel, from Brighton. _

, .
M. Guizot, Minister of Foreign Affains—Gentlemen) the
Chamber will allow me to request not only its 118U:it kind=
ness, but its entire liberty of spirit, and its most considerate
attention.' The Hon. M. Thiers yesterday made an appeal
to your first impressions—to your instincts; I shall appeal
to your judgment, the surest fundament condition, in my
opinion, of all good and great policy, What I ask of you I
have practised myself in the examination of this question, I
have felt all its gravity—l foresaw, long before I acted on
the Texan question, all the objections that could be raised to
our policy, It required my deepest conviction to determine
the line of conduct which I felt it my ditty to recommend to
the Crown, and I am convinced that it is the only one Snits
able to the great interests of the country. I wished to point
out in the first place, with some degree of precision, what I
have done. I shall retrench nothing—modify nothing—that
I have done. I wish only that it should -be well ekplained,
In concert with the Texan representative at Paris, and called
on by his overtures, I advised Texas to preserve its in-
dependence, and I counselled Mexico to recognise that inde-
pendence—nothing more. Prom the first I set aside all idea
of guatanteeing that independence. I declared, both in this
tribune and elsewhere, from the very outset of the question
that its solution depended entirely on the resolution of the
Texan people; that when their determination should have
been declared we should hate nothing further to say. Con-
sulted by it while yet undecided, we gave our advice, we ex-
ercised our influence. Since then, the Texan people have
declared themselves ; the majority for the annexation is evi-
dent; from that moment we abstained from further action,
we neither used nor sought to use any kind of influence. In
the course of the affair we had no communication on the ques-
tion with the United States ; we addressed no note to them
on the subject; the question was entirely between the
two independent states, France and Texas. I main-
tain the correctness of this policy, but I considered
it my duty to re-establish it in the terms in which it
was practised; nothing could be more candid, more cor-
rect, or more considerate of every right. In this state of
things when I met in the message of the President of the
United states words which I haVe already quoted in another
place, I could not but feel some surprise (the Hon. Minister
then read the extract from the Message relative to the inter-
vention of European Powers in the affairs of tke American
continent, and continued)—that is to say, that we are for-
bidden to interfere or express our opinion on the affairs of
any independent nation of North America. We ;have had
with those nations relations and affairs in common, and
nevertheless we are interdicted from exercising our moral in-
fluence over them, I ask the Chamber whether this is suit-
able to the dignity iind grandeur of France, For my part I
consider our dignity to be in a certain degree wounded by
this pretension, and I do not hesitate to say that if any other
Government bad made use of the same expression, it would
have filet with general censure in this assembly. I have
done nothing mote than claim freedonft of action for French
policy in North America. As to the interests of Preece in
those countries, they are of two kinds—commercial and
political. As to commercial interests, I shall be very brief
in my remarks on them, although the Honourable Deputy
(M. Thiera) has perhaps treated them with a little dis-
dain. We have a great general interest with the affairs of
the New World. This general interest is this—it is, that
there is not there a single mode of regulating the tariffs.
Picture to yourselves the entire of the New W orld regulated
by one commercial law I Do you consider it would be for
the interests of our commerce to have it governed in Ame-
rica by such a state of things. So much for our general in-
terest. As to Texas, and to our superior interest in that
affair, I cannot admit the disdain shown by the Hon. M.
Thiers. In 1838 the recognition of Texas by France was
based on the advantage of our commercial relations with
that country. At that period it appeared desirable to have
in that part of the world a great country which could supply
us with raw materials, and purchase our productions on
better terms than the United States, and it was this motive
which determined the recognition of the independence of
Texas by us. I shall now pass on to the political interests.
M. Thiera made use of an expression which I accept. Yes,
the question here undoubtedly is one of the policy of the
world. There were immense facts connected with it, which
were inevitable in the present state of the world ; three great
Powers—Russia, _England, and the United States—were
seeking to extend their territories. From circumstances
which you 'are well aware of France was not pursuing
the same course in so great a degree ; it had undertaken
a great task in Africa, which it is for its ho-
nour to bring to a successful termination. But
with this exception France was not seeking terri-
torial aggrandisement; but it concerns her that the
three great nations I have alluded to should observe a balance
of power, that neither one of them should be exclusively pre-
ponderant. France has this great interest and she has also
another—the maintenance of secondary and independent
states. In Asia, Russia, and England had increased their
possessions; but they had now mutually stopped in thefr
progress. In America, the United States were aggrandizing
alone. I shall not here repeat what I said in another place of
the sentiments with which the grandeur of the United
States does and ought to inspire us; we applaud it both as
regards the present and the future. It is necessary to us for
the part which we are called on to perform in the affairs of
the world. Ido not retract any of the expressions I have
used, for no conviction can be stronger on the subject than
what I feel. Is it to be supposed that in no case, whatever
may be its progress, the greatness of America is not to
be to us a subject of uneasiness, that she can never be for
us a cause of umbrage, if, for instance, the whole conti-
nent of America were to fall into the same hands? (Murmurs
from the Left.) It is sufficient for me to remind, you of the
words which 1 just now used. The language of the Presi-
dent excludes you from all participation in the affairs of
America; he forbids you to meddle with them, notwith-
standing the relations which you have with states there
situated, or the treaties you may have concluded with them ;
and it will be easy for me to convince you that the preten-
sion of M. Thiers is excessive. By the words balance of
power, and counterpoise, I did not intend to make any assi-
milation between the New World and our own, although the
experience of the one might well serve as a lesson to the
other; I said that we ought not to remain without thinking
of the future, at the aspect of a great power, which I wel-
come as sincerely as any one. It has been said, that we sa-
crifice to this forethought our present relations with the
United States. In a country like America, where things pro-
ceed so rapidly, foresight cannot be distant and confused.
Call to your recollections what this country, now so great
and so powerful, was fifty years since. Who among you
could have anticipated such a development of her power?
Who can foresee what that power will be fifty years
hence? In the.face of such facts, I repeat that forethought
is not distant ; it is wise and prudent. Neither is it true
that we sacrifice to it our present good relations. Between
intelligent nations good relations are not so easily broken,
when the general interests and feelings of the countries are
in their favour. Do not in the least believe that the affair
of Texas will have so disastrous a result as has been repre-
sented ; our good relations will not be compromised ; they
will surmount those momentary difficulties; we may there-
fore take thought for the future without fear and without
danger. I can find in it sufficient motives to justify the po-
licy at once reserved and candid which we have followed.
There is, however, another imminent' and pressing interest
to which I would direct all the attention of the Chamber.
The United States are not alone on the American continent ;
they have, under the title of neighbours, frequent relations
with England; relations which are at the present moment
delicate and even perilous. I need not say- that I allude to
the Oregon question, and it is with regard to this point that
the policy we have followed is excellent. The Chamber
must permit me to say a word on the subject of our relations
with England.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Those relations
are easy and friendly. We wish to maintain them so; we
consider that this intelligence between the two countries is
necessary for the maintainance of peace; we are convinced
that it is necessary to choose between real intimacy and that
indifference, that coolness, which does not completely disturb
peace, but which removes from it its real character, and we
have made that choice.—(Marks of adhesion from the Centre.)
I have to add, that this policy has taken nothing from the
independence of France.—(Denial on the Left.) Gentlemen,
if I could put aside the solemnity of this discussion, and
appeal to the familiarity of private conversations, there is not
a single person to whom I could speak, who would not allow
that the policy of France with respect to England has been
completely independent.—(A loud burst of denial on the Left,
met with counter-exclamatiens from the Centre.) Consider
all the questions that have divided France and England for
the last five years—Greece, Spain, Syria, Otahiete, and the
Right of Search—and you will see that the independence of
France has been complete, and that the: results of the good
feeling between the two nations have been reciprocal ant
equally to the advantage of each. M. Thiers told you yes-
terday that the two countries were discontented with each
other—that England considered herself eanrificed to France.
M. Thiers—No, no.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—l shall read your very
words.—( The Hon. Minister here read, from the Monitear,
the expressions of M, Thiers, on this poir it.)
M. Thiers—l cannot admit the interpr station given by the
Hon. Minister to my words.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—l gi7ve no interpretation
whatever—l merely read the words th ernselves.
M. Thiers—Because I was yesterday impartial and true,
the concessions which I made are no- sr turned against me.
What d meant to say was, that in cone sequence of the manner
in which the alliance was conducted, use two nations were
exceedingly discontented with each c other. And whilst im-
mense sacrifices have been made, and , in particular the Prit-
chard indemnity—(" Oh, oh," from tl he Centres)—I repeat it
that whilst one makes immense sa crifiees, the other is not
satisfied with what it has obtained. Yes, I repeat it with a
profound conviction, it is a badly-e, inducted alliance which
renders the two nations dissatisfied , with each other. This
state of things is due to events wh. ich have been unneces-
sarily brought about by the prestint Cabinet.—(Applause
from the Left.)
The Minister of Foreign Affairs.—l- -must beg leave to deny
in the most positive manner that the ;two countries arein the
least discontented with each other.- —(Dissent on the Left.)
I must demand pardon from the thr sue Hon. Gentlemen who
interrupt me if Ido not recognize them as the couns
ant lint
trtyi—at
(Approbation from the Centre), or t ake their opiniont
of the great majority of the nati as. I repeat it, ehehtawvoe
countries are not discontented with. -each other-- th(J y
ail to
not, for a length of time been on. better
tte
hat h. arisen
mind in fact all the questions, all the . incitden
five years,ave and how,
to trouble their relations during
by the mutual confidence of eth a 1
two" Cabinets, these diffi-
culties have been surmounted h
. Tlain.lc, for instance, of Oils-
hei of the Right of Search—of Morocco.—(Violent ex-
clamations on the Left-)
All these -questions have been re-
solved in a manner . conformable ;to the true interests and
honour of the two countries. And:lloth evyouesruy iapcpoasbete_lyit
that this
would have beeri equally the case
every description of policy? Do you a believe that if matters
had been conducted in the two coun tries with less prudence,
these relations would not have been altered? Do not ima-
gine any such thing, for you would fall into a great error
The reason of matters having prisset I over so peaceably is,
that in both countries there were.. men who placed general
policy above all special questioris; cwho comprehended that
mere temporary_ incidents ought to .be settled amicably—
(gear)—and that the flag of peace ought to float aloft, high
above all passing diff:erences.—(Lou,l einem) Such are the
means by which good relations have been maintained, and
I repeat it, that they could not 'have been effected by
every hand—(Renewed cheers.) 1 alit I leave aside this
question of our relatiom with Engli tnd, which I should not
have alluded to, had I not been led t o it by the Hon. Deputy
opposite. I return to our relation s with America. What
line of conduct ought we to observe c in the question pending
between the United States and F :ngland? We ought to
make every exertion to prevent a . collision, but should it,
notwithstanding our efforts, unfortunately take place, our
part will be to guard between the two nations an absolute
neutrality. Such is the line of cos id:act which we shall fol-
low, and I venture to say, that it s ril I not be without an ad-
vantage and profit to France. As %I i acted with respect to
the United States in the question Pi-T, exas, so should we have
done with respect to England, if she wished to take pos-
session of that country. We wished to express the sentiment
of France in the future policy of the world—and we have
acted precisely as General Washink ;ton determined on
in 1794. That great man founded the policy of
neutrality for the United States, at the moment when
France, to whom the Units* States osit ed.so much, was in-

The. Marchioness of Hastings and Captain Hastings
Henry have arrived at Pirrance's Hotel, from their seat
in Hampshire.

PRINCE ALBERT and the PARISH
OF WINDSOR.
WnthSOß, FRIDAY.—A very numerously-attended vestry
was held yesterday afternoon' in the vestry-room, and ad-
journed thence to the Town-hall, in pursuance of the follow-
ing notice, signed by the three churchwardens (Messrs.
Adams, Clode, and Ingalton), and the four overseers of the
parish (Messrs. Noke, Rose, Cleave, and Chisholm) :
" PARLSIL OF NEW WINDSOR' WITH DEDWOHTII...-NOtiCo
is hereby given, that a vestry will be held in the vestry-
room, on Thursday next, the 22d of January inst., at three
o'clock in the afternoon, for the purpose of receiving the
gracious reply of his Royal Highness Prince Albert to the
memorial presented to his Royal Highness by the church=
wardens and overseers of this parish, on the 14th inst., and
returning to his Royal Highness the grateful thanks of the
parishioners for his liberality and kindness, and for the ex-
pression of the feeling of the parish towards his Royal High-
ness.

The Rev. ISAAC Gorier, the vicar, upon the motion of
Mr. CLODE, jun., seconded by Mr. COBDEN, was voted into
the chair.

NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL-OFFICE.

The Rev. CHAIRMAN briefly opened the proceedings by
observing, that he hoped those present would confine their
observations to the object for which the vestry had been
convened.' .
Mr. DAtIVILL entered into a statement of the proceedings
which had taken place between the parish officers and_ Mr.
Anson,Prince Albert's private secretary, regarding the rating
of Flemish Fartn, the particulars of which have already ap-
peared, and added that he bad written to Mr. Anson, acknow-
ledging the receipt of his letter, and expressing the thanks
of the parish officers for the kindness and liberality mani-
fested by the Prince Consort.
Mr. BLUNT expressed his grateful thanks to the Prince
Consort for the liberality he had evinced towards the
parish. He regretted very much he had not been present
at the previous vestry meetings, because he then should have
had an opportunity of setting some of those persons right
who had spoken upon those occasions. He begged to move
the following resolution :
" That an address be presented to his Royal Highness
Prince Albert, expressing the most sincere thanks of this
meeting for his kind consideration of the memorial presented,
and for his graciously consenting to contribute towards the
parochial funds, although not liable thereto."
Mr. ROBERTS briefly seconded the resolutiOn.
After a few observations from Mr. HOPKINS,
Mr. JUDGE entered into a lengthened statement, touching
the chief features of the case. /
Mr. BEDBOROUGH said he would be the last person to ob-
ject to the thanks of the vestry being given to his Royal
Highness, in conformity with the resolution proposed by Mr.
Blunt; but -he certainly bad an objection to the *latter
part of the resolution, in which the Prince is thanked for
contributing towards the parochial funds. He had pre-
pared a resolution, embodying his views, which might be
incorporated with the resolution or not, moved by Mr. Blunt,
and which he would read :—" That this vestry, relying on
the assurance :of the churchwardens and overseers, ;that
his Royal Highness Prince Albert has been improperly and
illegally rated for the Flemish Farm, deeply regret that any
supplication should have been made to his Royal Highness,
craving ass boon that which they (the parish officers) fully
acknowledge they. have no claim to as a right. That whilst
freely acknowledging the dignified condescension of his Royal
Highness, in allowing any communication to take place with
the pariah officers. after the comments which had been pub-
licly made upon the question relative to the Flemish Farm,
and the razing of houses connected with the improvements
of the Castle; and deeply impressed with feelings of pro-
found respect for his Royal Highness for his ready acquies-
cence in the prayer of the parish authorities, yet this vestry
is of opinion that the credit and character of the town and
its inhabitants will be seriously compromised by sanctioning
the late supplication by tl:e receipt of his Royal Highness's
gracious donation, and that this vestry do adjourn for the
purpose of maturing the best means of extricating the parish
from its present position."
After some further discussion, the amendment was then put
to the meeting and lost by a show of hands, and the original
resolution carried.

FRIDAY, JAN. 23.
Sheffield, Rotherham, Barnsley, Wakefield, Huddersfield,
and Goole Railway—Committee on Petition, Monday, Feb. 2.
Wakefield, Pontefract, and Goole Railway (Methley,
Askern, and Oakenshaw_Branches)—Committee on Petition,
Monday, Feb. 2.
North Kent Railway—Committee on Petition, Monday,
Feb. 2.

Staines and Richmond Railway—Committee on Petition,
Monday, Feb. 2.

RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS.
MANCHESTER, JAN. 23.
STOCK EXCHANGX.—The sales are —Birkenhead, Lancashire, and
Cheshire Junction, 438 p.—Blackburn, Dariven, and Bolton, 24 p.—
ClitheroeJunction, % p. c.—Eastern Counties, 224—Grand Union,
p.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, % p.—Leeds and Thirst,
4 p,—Leicester and Bedford, % p.—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston,
2% p.— London and Manchester (Rem.), % die,—London and York,
2 p.—Manchester and Birmingham, 774—Ditto, New Quarters, 7%
p. —Manchester. and Birmingham Cnntimation and Welsh Junction,
dis.—Manchester and Bury Atmospheric, 4 p.—Manchester and
Leeds Extension, 4% p.—Manchester, Midland, and Grimsby, it p.
—North Staffordshire, 338 p.--North Western, 88S. p.—Nottingham,
Erewash, Ambergate, &c., % p..—Oldhain, Birkenhead, &c., par—
Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction, 2 15-16 p. —Sheffield and Man-
chester, 130—Ditto, Quarters. No. 3, 4 p.— Shropshire Union Rail-
way and Canal, % P.--BOuth Eastern and Dover, Consolidated
Halves, 14 p.

Mr. BLUNT then moved, that an humble address (which
he read) be presented to his Royal Highness, expressing the
thanks of the parishioners for the Prince's kind consideration
in contributing towards the poor's-rates of the parish for
Flemish Farm.
:The address was seconded by Mr. SNOWDEIT, grocer to her
Majesty, and carried.
The address, upon the motion of Mr. DARVILL, was or-
dered to be engrossed and to be taken round the town by the
parish officers for signatures previous to itsbeing presented to
Prince Albert.
The Rev. CHAIRMAN, in acknowledging a vote of thanks
for his conduct in the chair, congratulated the meeting upon
the result of the proceedings and upon the good feeling which
prevailed. He sincerely hoped it would tend to umte still
closer the town of Windsor with her Majesty and her Royal

Consort.
Mr; NEIGHBOUR, before the meeting broke up, begged to
suggest, as a benevolent mode of disposing of the money
received, and to be received in future from Prince Albert,
that it might be appropriated in the payment of the poor-
rates of all persons in the parish, who were rated under 101
a year.
The Rev. CHAIRMAN informed Mr. Neighbour that the
suggestion he bad kindly made could not be legally carried
into effect.
The vestry then adjourned.

'RETIREMENT OF DR. NICROLL.
The following explanation of his motives for retiring from
the office of Judge-Advocate-General has been addressed by
Dr. Nicholl to his constituents :
- •

TO THE ELECTORS OF CARDIFF, COWBRIDGE, AND LLAN.

TRIASEST.
Gentlemen,—Having ceased to be Judge-Advocate-
General, I hasten to lay before yon the cause and circum-
stances of my retirement from an office which confers honour
on all-who hold it worthily.
, When suddenly driven to the south of Europe by the
11,e&lialt of one deservedly deaf to me, I foresaw that the same.
cause which forced me abroad would enjoin my residence out
of this country during a longer period than I could properly
be absent from the discharge of my official functions ; and on
the 19th of October I most reluctantly made, in a proper
quarter, a communication to that effect.
An offer was kindly made that I should not retire until I
had a better opportunity of deciding on the necessity of re-
maining on the continent.
I readily, though with faint hopes, accepted that offer.
Those hopes having vanished, I announced that my duty to
others forbad my constant residence in England throughout
the spring, and I begged that a successor might be given to
me whenever that could be done most conveniently.

Such, gentlemen, have been the cause and circumstances
Of my retirement. My political attachments and affections,
and my confidence in Sir Robert Peel's Government, are as
strong and as decided as ever. As a proof of this, I have
sought and have been appointed to an unpaid seat at the
Board of Trade.
I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
Your most faithful servant,
" 33, Belgrave-square, Jan. 23. JOHN NICHOLL.

IRON AND THE IRON TRADE.
(From the Builder.)
The quarterly meeting of the ironmasters was lately
held at Birmingham. It was not so numerously attended
as heretofore. This may he attributed in some degree
to a dispute now waging between the great masters on
the one part and a number of small factors chiefly re-
siding in Walsall and Wolverhampton on the other, with
respect to the exact days on which the quarterly meet-
ings are due. The prices, however, remain firm, with a de-
cided tendency to a rise in all descriptions of iron. loZ per
ton for bar iron is firmly maintained ; indeed, there was
little inclination to sell at this price, and but few sales
were effected. There was an advance of los. per
ton on Shropshire pig-iron, which now stands at 5/. 10s.
There was no advance on Staffordshire pig-iron, the
price of which may be quoted at from 51. to 51. ss. per
ton. The Glasgow pig-iron trade has experienced a
rise of late; nearly
4,000 tons were sold last week at
80s. to 82s. 6d., after which 1,000 tons realised 83s.
Several of the makers are open for contracts or sale for
immediate delivery at £555., but it is believed that 83s. 6d.,
prompt cash, would buy from makers 8,000 to 10,000

tons.
To show how cheaply iron is obtained, and how the
mecrianical skill and labour expended upon it totally
overshadow the original price, the last number of the
British Quarterly Rev zew gives the following curious and
instructive calculation :
Bar-iron worth 11. sterling, is worth, when worked
into—
Horse-shoes.
Knives (table), 36 0
Needles ........ 71 0

Penknife blachts
657 0
Polished buttons and buckles....., 897 0
Balance sprit]: gs of watches ......50,000 0
Cast-iron worth 1/.. sterling, is worth, when converted

into—
Ordinary mac hinery £4 0
Larger ornatr‘ental work . 45 0
Buckles and Berlin work 6OO 0
Neck chains, Scc. 1,386 0
Shirt-buttons .. 5,826 0
Thirty-one pounds of Shropshire iron has been made
into wire upwards of 1.11 miles in length; and so fine
was the fabric, that a. part of it was humourously con-
verted, in lieu of the usual horsehair, into a barrister's
wig! The process fc 'Rowed to effect this extraordinary
tenuity consists of beating the iron, and passing it
through rollers of eight inches diameter, going at the
rate of 400 revolutions per minute down to No. 4 on the
wire gauge.
It is afterwards drawn cold, at Birming-
ham or elsewhere, down to the extent of 38 on the same
so completed to the surprising length of
gauge, and
111 miles. .
Of the quantity of 111 al manufactured in Great Britain,
South Wales produces ; 2721 thousand tons; Stafford-
shire, 2191; Shropshire 4811, Scotland, 31;
Yorkshire,
33; Derbyshire, 22k; ,and North Wales, 25.
_,,,...---- ...... —._._!_.• __,
Mr. Robert Robert John Bagshaw, who seconded one of the
re,oluti.m- at the M Liryltbonc Anti-Cure-lay;- meeting on
Tuesday last, and who . made a most excellent speech on the
\
occasion, is the son of Mr. Bagshaw, so well known as a
staunch reformer, and great supporter of the Liberal party in
Marylebone. The s( ,n bids fair to do honour to the nan.le,
and is a valuable acs paisition to the cause.

curring mat hi:twine/it dangers: Washington acted wisely,
and he has given us ari admirable example to follow.
Washington had to defend himself a stteng portlar clamour_
which urged him on to engage in the struggle. I foYesavr,
and I foresee still, that a similar movement may manifest
itself in Prange, and I thought that it was both prudent and
frank ,to intimate thtts early what should be our conduct
hereafter. Stich was the meaning of our demonstration in
the little question of Texas. We had no desire to manifest
any hostile intentions -todrards the United States—we
merely wished to anntmtice what France would do—namely,
to adopt a policy of strict neutrality. It is by liberty of
action that France will weigh most in the balance, and
oblige the powers to think the more of her. Such was the
object of our conduct with respect to Texas, and we shall
persevere in the line of condttet that we have traced out to
ourselves.—(Loud cheers,)
M. Billault, who rose to reply, began by Contesting the
commercial advantages accruing to France from the hide-
pendened of Texas. The commercial relations between the
two countries in 1840 had been, he said, confined to the ex-
change of two vessels ; the quaiitity of cotton imported from
Texas had only amounted to 53,000 kiktgeamme.,s whilst
France annually drew from the United States 37,000,000
kilogrammes Of that article. The proceeds of the trade with
Texas had been under 200,000 francs, whilst the commerce
of France with the world exceeded 2,000,000,000 francs.
M. Billault having asked M. Guizot what he should have
done had Texas given herself to England ?
M. Guizot replied that he should have held the same lan-
guage, followed the same conduct, given the same advice,
and stopped at the same point.
M. Billault then proceeded to describe the gigantic power-
of England, enumerating the military positions occupied by
her in every sea and quarter of the world, and asked if the
maritime balance of power was not actually destroyed by
Great Britain. Ministers, however, were too desirous to
preserve her alliance to venture a remonstrance on the sub-
ject. M. 7illault next showed the interests of England and
France everywhere at variance. The' power of England de-
pended, be said, on the development of her manufacturing,
commercial, and maritime interests, and the day she found
no markets for the production of her industry, there would
be an end to her power. He next reverted to the conduct
of the Cabinet in American affairs, and contended that it
had not exerted itself to reconcile the two parties, but had
sided with England, to the great detriment of the interests
of France.
When M, Billault had concluded, the general discussion
was closed.

COUNSEL to the ANTI-SLAVERY
SOCIETIES.
The last advices from the United States mention that
the line of Texas is to be extended, and California pur-
chased from the Mexicans, if they will sell ; and taken,
of course it will be, if they refuse the money. In Con-
gress, a gentleman who would be reckoned insane out of
America, but is quite suitable for that republic, has sug-
gested the purchase of Cuba, and will offer resolutions
on the subject. Spain needs money, and the slave-
holders of the Southern States have dollars ; but if
the people at Madrid will not sell, it is easy to quarrel
with them. The tendency of all these purchases
is apparent. The members of the Anti-Slavery
Societies here may see in it the frustration of their views
—benevolent views they nre—but unsuitable for the
interests or the passions of the United States. We
advise them to checkmate the slave-drivers. Our advice
comes into few but decisive words:—Buy Cuba• and
California. Mexico and Spain need money. The States
offer ten millions of dollars for California. Give twelve
or sixteen—it is a cheap purchase, and you will devote a
region to liberty that would otherwise be a hotbed of,
tyranny and the vilest oppression, while a fair
dividend will be payable on the shares. Where
will the money be obtained? All the purchase.
money is not requisite. Buy up Mexican bonds at
home, or compound with the holders. Then buy
Cuba, and pay it in Spanish bonds, of which there are
rather too many in this country. Liberate its slaves, as
those of the British West India Islands were liberated;
and the noblest action ever performed by a gigantic
joint-stock company will be completed. And a large
joint.stock company will de the work, and do it well.
Britain and France would protect the new states, and
we should greatly rejoice to see President Polk, in his
regimentals, check Mated by Joseph Sturge in his drab
and pacific costume.
These are practical measures, and far more useful
than any number of quarrels amongst those who join
in a perfect hatred to slavery, while they differ in its
mode of suppression.—Glasgow National..

4..NALS.

THE LATE EARL SPENCER.
Lord Althorp, who now became Chancellor of the
Exchequer, and 'leader of the House of Commonlh was
eighteen years younger than Lord Grey. His father,
Lord Spencer, had joined Mr. Pitt in the first revoltt•
tionary war, and held office under him, In returning to
his old connexions, he had retained several of those
opinions of Mr. Burkel which first led to the schism.
Accordingly, Lord Althorp, when he first sat in the
House of Commons, was not friendly to Parliamen-
tary reform. He worked out his free principles by con-
stant observation and reflection, in the practical school
of Parliamentary life. His diligence was indefatigable,
his sagacity quick, his judgment seldom at fault. Or,
if ever he fell into a mistake, it was from too unsuspi-
cious a confidence in the virtue of mankind—the error
of a trusting, believing, hoping nature. He had im-
proved his understanding by extensive reading, and was
accustomed to work out by reflection all the great pro-
blems of moral and political philosophy; no that his
mind was easily brought to act upon any subject which
events placed before it. His views were large and com-
prehensive, embracing the whole compass of improve-
ment in our laws, our commerce, and our constitution.
But, above all, his opinions upon questions both specu-
lative and practical, were guided by a humble reliance
on the goodness of God; and a conviction that he was
bound in whatever he might think or do,—whether in
following or resisting his own inclination,—to follow the
law of Christ. The state of public affairs led him
to take an active part in the House of Com-
mons; and although no one was ever so free from
the pharaisaical profession of purity, yet the sim-
plicity of his character soon made him under-
stood, beloved, and trusted beyond any man in that
assembly. This was the more remarkable, as his tongue
was far from eloquent; and, although his arguments
were sound and comprehensive, he was so often wanting
in words as to be obscure, and unable to convey . ade-
quately his meaning. But the confidence of his friends,
his party, and the country, supplied all deficiencies, and
gave to his few and simple expressions as much influence
over his audience as had ever been obtained by the
most admired eloquence of our greatest orators. He
was plain in manner and in dress; but a short inter-
course disclosed the scholar, the gentleman, and the
statesman. For he possessed, with the entire absence of
all artificial politeness, the most genuine courtesy of be-
havi mr to all who approached him. His kindness of
heart shone in the most casual, as in the most cordial in-
tercourse ; and while the intimacy of his friendship was
a treasure reserved for few, the equanimity of his temper
and the charity of his judgments extended to all who ap-
proached him in the conduct of affairs, or were opposed
to him in political enmity. He had no jealousy, no envy,
and perhaps too little ambition. He often said, that he
had hoped the many votes he had given in favour of mo-
tions which were supported by small minorities, would
have prevented any proposal to him to accept office. But
when he was told by Lord Grey, that the formation of
the Ministry depended upon his decision, he felt that he
could no longer hesitate.—Edinburgh Review.