The Sun.
London, England, 1848-07-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON,

Bill, was calculated to do any good, but he firmly be-
lieved that it would do great:harm, as no ne could tell
where it would end. He believed that o
this measure
would only increase the evil and was not
calculated to heighten the opinion of the country
towards the House. He believed that the effect of
the Bill would be to throw on agricultural districts
those burdens which had hitherto been borne by towns.
He could not see the justice of such a measure, and he
should therefore oppose the second reading, and move
that it be read a second time that day three months.
Mr. RICE moved the adjournment of the debate.
Mr. C. BULLER said if it met with the approbation
of the House, he should propose to resume the adjourned
debate on this Bill on Thursday morning next, at twelve
o'clock.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER said that the Bill was a most
important one, and he did not believe it could be done
justice to in the present session.
The debate was then adjourned to Thursday next at
twelve o'clock.
PAROCHIAL DEBT AND AUDIT BILL.
The Committee on this Bill was postponed to Thurs-
day next, at twelve o'clock.
ECCLESIASTICAL UNIONS.
The Ecclesiastical Unions and Divisions of Parishes
(Ireland) Bill, was read a thir IRELAND andassed.
PUBLIC WORKS (E)
The report on the Public Works (Ireland) No. 2 Bill,
was brought up.
The House then adjourned to Five o'Clock.

The House resumed at Five o'clock.
On the motion of Mr. GLADSTONE, the Farmers'
Estate (Ireland) Bill was ordered to be re-committed to
a Committee of the whole House on Friday next.
Mr. H. HERBERT presented a petition from the
county of Kerry, praying for an inquiry into the defal-
cations of certain savings' banks in Ireland .
Mr. MONSELL presented a petition from Limerick
praying that some measure might be adopted to prevent
the desertion of seamen from ships in the port of Li-
merick. -
Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from Manchester
in favour of superannuation allowances to officers of poor-
law unions.

LAW OF MARRIAGE.
Sir R. H. INGLIS, geeing the Right Hon. and Learned
Gentleman the Member for Bute in his place, wished
to ask him a question relative to a notice of motion he
had given for to-morrow. The Right lion. and Learned
Gentleman had a notice on the paper to the effect that
he intended to move for leave to bring in a Bill to alter
the sth and 6th of Wm. IV., relating to the degrees of
affinity, and he should be glad to know whether the
Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman intended to perse-
vere in that motion.
Mr. STUART WORTLEY said the present law of
marriage was certainly in a most unsatisfactory state,
but as the report of the Committee which had been
sitting upon the subject could not be in the hands of
Hon. Members to-morrow, he proposed to postpone his
motion till one day next week. If, however, Govern-
ment would take the Bill up he would readily surrender
it into their hands.
Sir G. GREY said the matter could not be in better
hands, and he hoped the Hon. and Learned Gentleman
would still retain charge of the measure. A good deal
of valuable evidence had been taken before the Com-
mittee, which was well worthy the serious consideration
of the House.
DENMARK AND PRUSSIA.

Mr. DISRAELI, seeing the Noble Lord the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs in his place, wished to ask him a
question relative to the negotiations which had taken
place between Denmark and Germany under the Noble
Lord's auspices. It would be in the recollection of the
House, that the King of Denmark, out of regard for the
commerce of this country, was reluctantly induced to
sign an armistice between Denmark and Prussia, which
was afterwards carried to Berlin, and there signed
by the King of Prussia ; he believed mainly "
through the auspices of Sweden, and the native in-
telligence of the Noble Lord the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs. The House would be surprised to learn
that this armistice thus signed and ratified had been
repudiated by the Prussian people, and Europe had now
the mortification to learn that hostilities ruinous to the
commerce of England were about to be commenced. He
wished therefore to ask whether the Noble Lord had
any communication to make to the House on this almost
unprecedented occurrence in diplomatic negotiations;
whether he had received any communication from
Prussia to the Court of St. James's explanatory of these
proceedings; whether Prussia, under the new con-
stitution which at present prevailed in Ger-
many, which not even the King of Prussia
seemed to understand, had informed the Government
that the King had had no authority to sign and ratify the
armistice, and whether the King himself had withdrawn
his ambassador from the Court of St. James's ?
Lord PALMERSTON had great pleasure in furnish-
ing the House with such information as he had received
with regard to this important matter, and he trusted the
general result of his answer would be encouraging, but
perhaps not so satisfactory as the Hon. Gentleman
anticipated. Government proposed to the two parties,
Denmark and Prussia, articles of an armistice which also
contained the basis of a future permanent settlement of
the disputes between the two powers. That offer,
however, was not accepted, bat eventually an officer in
the confidence of the King of Prussia was appointed to
negotiate for the King, and he repaired for that
purpose to Malmo to communicate with. the Ministers
of Sweden and Denmark. At that meeting articles of
an armistice not involving the principle of a paramount
settlement were agreed to but not actually signed.
It might undoubtedly have been reasonably supposed
that the articles of the armistice were finally concluded
and duly signed, but when it was sent to the General
commanding the Prussian forces, that officer started
difficulties with reference to the position of his
own Government and the German Confederation. He
would not trouble the House by going into further de-
tails, but he might state that from a communication
which he had received this morning from Ber-
lin, he was led to hope that the difficulties
which had arisen would eventually be got over, and that
the armistice would be signed and finally concluded upon.
The House would understand that the main question re-
mained to be settled,• but her Majesty's Government
would still continue to give their good offices, with the
view of settling existing hostilities.
DANUBIAN TERRITORY.

Mr. URQUHART asked whether the Government
had received any information respecting the Danubian
provinces, and also inquired in what character the
Russian troops bad marched into that territory?
Lord PALMERSTON said the Government had re-
ceived information of the march of the Russian troops
to Wallachia, but they had not received any in-
formation as to the actual entrance of any Russian
or Danish forces into Wallachia. He did not expect
that any collision would take place, the object of
their entry being to enforce certain arrangements sub-
sisting between the two powers, the sovereign power on
the one hand, and the protecting power on the other,
With regard to the matter of the treaty, he had n• in-
formation of any negotiation for a now treaty between
Russia and Turkey.
VICE-ADMIRALTY COURTS.
Captain PECHELL asked what steps had been taken
to put an end to the abuses in the Vice-Admiralty
Courts of our colonies?
Mr. WARD said the subject had been considered, and
with the able assistance of Dr. Lushington the Govern-
ment had arrived at a very clear conception of the evil,
without, however, arriving at a conclusion as to the re-
medy. The costs of these Courts consisted of fees and
expenses. The fees were very moderate, but there was
a discretionary power in the Court to make other
charges, about the legality of which, however,, there
was considerable question. The only remedy they could
devise would be to allow the bills of these Courts to be
taxed by the Admiralty Court at home. The matter
was under consideration.
OVEIi-CROWDING OF STEAM-BOATS.
In reply to Mr, C. LUSHINGTON,
Mr. LABOUCHERE said his attention had been
directed to this subject. By the Steam Navigation Act
owners of steam-boats were obliged to present to the
Board of Trade once in six months a certificate of the
sea-worthiness of their vessels, but unfortunately the
Act did not enforce a penalty upon the owners of river
steam-boats. From information which had reached him
he believed, however, that it would be necessary to legis-
late further upon this subject, and be had accordingly
given directions that a Bill should be drawn, giving
power to the Board of Trade to enforce the provision of
the Steam Navigation Act to which he referred, and
also giving power to the same Board to limit in certain
cases the number of passengers on board steam-vessels.

THE CHOLERA.
Mr. WYLD asked whether any measures had been
taken to subject to quarantine vessels coming from certain
ports? _

Mr. LABOUCHERE regretted his Noble Friend
question. He had been gin his place,
(Lord Morpeth) was not to reply to the
scourge of cholera being broughtsa
pro-
vide, as far as human meansen eodAuin endeavouring to
tldßo ;)duor
ssuou,
raegs.ainst the
DUTCH
whether any correspond-
ence the table on the subject of Dutch
encLeorwduGul.dßbEeNlaTi
sugars?
Viscount PALMERSTON said theeorrespondence
referred to between her Majesty's Government
and the
Government of Holland was still going on.
Lord G. BENTINCIC asked it there had been any
correspondence on this subject during the last three
months?
Viscount PALMERSTON—No; not within the last
three months.
CASE OF SIR JOHN CLARIDGE.
Mr. GLADSTONE then moved " An address to her
Majesty, setting forth, that by an order in Council,
which his late Majesty was pleased to approve on the
15th day of December, 1831, Sir John Thomas Claridge,
then recorder of Prince of Wales's Island, was removed
from the said office on account of an irritation between
the local government and himself,' which, in the opinion
of the Lords of the Committee of Council, acting judi-
cially in the case, was principally to be attributed' to
the conduct of the said local government and of the.home
authorities; also setting forth, that it further appeared
to their Lordships in their investigation of the case,
that no imputation rested on the capacity or integrity of
Sir J. T. Claridge in the exercise of his judicial func-
tions, so as to preclude his Majesty from employing him
in his service in some other judicial situation:' and pray-
ing that her Majesty, graciously taking into consideration
the
roexpectations which the terms of the said order in
Council
ntehialtwseirre.
J.calTcu. lcaltuerdidtgoecrmeauyter,emcuaiyrebeaupleasedto di-
cappointment
in her Majesty's service, of such a class as to her Ma-
jesty shall seem meet." The Right Hon. Member said
appointed
Sovereign that Sir John Claridge was recorder of Prince
of Wales's Island in 1825 hatoerrdeeirgn w
in Councilashis
which
expressed the views of the whole
case, and if he invoked the aid of- the House it was not
to interfere with the patronage of the Crown, but to

carry out the virtual promise of the Crown. The Lords ,
of the Council reported " that though Sir John Claridge
could not be altogether justified in the measures he had
had recourse to, still their Lordships were of opinion
that the local Government were not wholly justified in
refusing to allow what the former recorder of Penang.
and Sir J. Claridge thought a just and necessary expen-
diture; and that the conduct of Sir J. Claridge pro-
ceeded from from a mistaken view of what he considered
to be the line of his duty, and not from any corrupt or
improper motive. But that though the local Govern-
ment were to blame, as a matter of public policy they
recommended his removal from his office." He rested
his case entirely on this document, and would not enter
into the charges on which Sir J. Claridge had been
tried. Their Lordships further said that though they
did not recommend that Sir J. Claridge should be rein-
stated in his office, they expressed their opinion that no
imputation rested upon his character, either in regard
to his conduct or ability, to prevent the Crown from
employing him in some other judicial situation. The
House would see, therefore, that Sir John Claridge was
dismissed (not altogether without blame certainly, but
more for the fault of others than his own) because of a
collision which had occurred between him and the local
Government, and upon grounds of public policy and
convenience, it being more easy to remove one officer
than a whole Government. He contended that the words ,
of the order in Council were such as to lead Sir J. Cla-
ridge to expect employment from the Crown in some
other judicial capacity, and the object of his motion was
for the House to interfere to assist the Crown in carrying
out its expressed intention.
Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE observed that he had had no-
thing to do with Sir J. Claridge's appointment or re-
moval, and was in no way responsible for any part of the
transaction, except so far as that he had not thought fit
to recommend him for an Indian judgeship. But sup-
posing that the case did involve so great a hardship as
the Right Hon. Gentleman represented, how was it that
during the five years he had himself been connected
with the Government, it had never pressed itself on his
attention ? The proviso in the order in Council on which
the Right Hon. Gentleman depended was extra-judicial;
but it contained no promise or recommendation, it
merely said that there was nothing in Sir J. Claridge's
conduct which should prevent his being employed in
some other judicial station. It did not enjoin his em-
ployment on the Minister, and it would be odd if it
did.—(Oh.) Having looked over the papers, he could
say also that there was nothing in them to impugn
the conduct or ability of Sir J. Claridge. Ho would
follow the example of the Right Hon. Gentleman by
, not entering into the causes which led to Sir J. Claridge's
removal, as he was not desirous of saying anything
which might appear to bear hard upon that gentleman
and be painful to his feelings. All he would say was,
that he had rather not recommend him for an -Indian
judgeship. The case had been fully examined by Lord
Brougham, who had caused it to be conveyed to Sir J.
Claridge, that it was not meant by the decision of the
Privy Council to give a triumph to either party. The
case had also been brought before Lord Glenelg, Lord
Ellenborough, Lord Fitzgerald, Lord Ripon, and him-
self, as Presidents of the Board of Control, and they had
found no ground to interfere; and now the Right Hon.
Gentleman asked the House of Commons to take a
course opposed to all precedent, to interfere directly with
the patronage of the Crown by addressing it to give this
gentleman an appointment. Suppose the address was
agreed to, where would be the advantage?—who would
be responsible if the appointment was not given? Such
an interference he considered most unconstitutional; and
whatever might be the opinion of the House as to the
hardship of the case, he hoped they would not agree to
this motion.
Sir F. THESIGER supported the motion, and con-
tended that there was precedent in favour of this motion,
but there was no precedent of a Government refusing or
neglecting to carry out the recommendation of the Privy
Council.
Sir J. HOBHOUSE—It was not a recommendation.
Sir F. THESIGER—It was trifling with the meaning
of the words to say that it was not. It was more than
a recommendation, for it was a positive assurance that
Sir Claridge, being fit for another appointment under
the Crown, he should receive it. He called On the House
to express an opinion in favour of the motion, and he
had no fear that the Government would carry it out.
Lord J. RUSSELL knew nothing of the case until
brought forward by the Right Hon. Gentleman; but he
must express his dissent from the unconstitutional doc-
trine that the Committee of the Privy Council not only
recommended Sir J. Claridge to the favour of the Crown,
but gave a pledge that he should be appointed to an In-
dian judgeship, or some other vacancy whenever
it occurred.—(Hear, hear.) He had never heard
before of such a pledge having been given by the Privy
Council. But the Right Hon. Gentleman went further,
and said it was to be carried into effect by an address to
the House of Commons, calling upon the Crown to make
good that pledge. He was surprised to hear such an un-
constitutional doctrine enunciated not only by the Right
Hon. Gentleman, but by the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man who spoke last, who had himself served under the
Crown, and who had no excuse for so far mistaking the
prerogative of the Crown and the functions of the House
of Common:. But it appeared to him that the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council gave no such pledge.
They did what was often done by the Secretary of State
for the Colonies, when he removed a person from a
judicial or other position, stating that although he felt
bound to remove him there was nothing to preclude the
Crown from appointing him again to some other situa-
tion in another colony. There might be local rea-
sons to unfit him for the particular place he occupied,
without any imputation whatever being cast upon his
character, conduct, or capabilities, to prevent his
being appointed elsewhere.—(Hear, hear.) More than
that the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council had
not done; and he (Lord John Russell) saw no reason for
questioning the discretion of Lord Glenelg or Lord
Ripon in not having thought it necessary again to ap-
point Sir J. Claridge. The only question that remained
was, whether the House of Commons should ask the
Crown so to appoint him, and on that question he had
only to remark that they had quite business enough to
occupy their attention without undertaking to interfere
with the patronage of the Crown.—(Hear, hear, and
cries of " Divide.")
Mr. GOULBURN and Mr. UNatmaaT supported the
motion.
Sir J. HOGG admitted the case was one of hardship,
but hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would not divide
the House.

Mr. HENLEY protested against judicial oppointments
being forced upon the Crown by addresses of that
House.—(Hear.)
Mr. GLADSTONE replied, maintaining that suffi-
cient had been said to justify Sir J. Claridge in believ-
ing that he would be re-appointed; but as the sense of
the House was against it, he would not divide.
Motion by leave withdrawn.
MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.

A message from the Lords informed the House that
their Lordships had agreed to the following Bills:
Wbitehaven and Furness Junction Railway (Extension
Or Deviation from Silecroft to Foxfield)—Great Western
Railway (Branch from Slough to Windsor), with an
amendment—Midland Railway (Gloucester and Stone-
house Junction)—London, Brighton, and South Coast
Railway (London-bridge and New Cross Stations)—Ad-
ministration of Justice (No. o—Administration of Jus-
tice (No. 2)—Protection of Justices from Vexatious
Actions, with amendments.
COLONIAL EXPENDITURE.

Sir W. MOLES WORTH rose tobring---forward the
following motion:—" That it is the opinion of this House
that the colonial expenditure of the British empire de-
mands inquiry, with a view to its reduction; and that,
to accomplish this object, and to secure greater content-
ment and prosperity to the colonists, they ought to be
invested with large powers for the administration of
their local affairs." lie maintained, and was prepared
to show, that that reduction might take place without
detriment to the interests of the empire, and with advan-
tage to the government of the colonies, rendering their
resources more useful and their inhabitants more at-
tached to the British empire. In speaking of the colo-
nies, ho alluded to those only which were under the
jurisdiction of the Colonial-office. They embraced an
area of between 4,000,000 and 5,000,000 of square miles,
about 1,000,000 of which were divided into forty different
colonies, having separate governments, and 6,000,000 of
inhabitants, one-half of whom only were of European
origin; their expenditure amounts to about 8,000,0001.
annually, one-half being defrayed by the colonies,
and the other by Great Britain. That portion de-
frayed by Great Britain was under four different
heads—military, naval, civil, and extraordinary.
The military expenditure in 1822 was 1,700,0001.;
in 1843, it was 2,500,000/.; and, at present,
it could not be less, having in our colonies about 42,000
troops, for which alone we should have to vote 1,500,000/. ;
so that he thought he under-estimated the present mi.
litary cost in saying it was only 2,500,0001. They had
255 ships in commission, and taking 45 of them, with a
complement of 8,000 men, as required for the colonies,
the naval expense must be at least 700,000/. to which
must be added the cost of naval establishments and
works, and freights, and expense of reliefs, raising the
sum to more than 1,000,0000/. The civil expenditure
annually voted in the miscellaneous estimates consisted
of a great variety of items, and amounted to 300,000/.;
and the extraordinary expenditure made up of such
charges as for relief to sufferers, money lent to South
Australia, and promised to be lent to the West Indies,
might at the lowest calculation be put down at 200.0001.,
making altogether 4,000,0004, which, however, was
much under the real expenditure by Great Britain on
account of her colonies; while the declared value of our
exports only amounted to 9,000,0001., 1,000,0004 of
which was an export trade to Gibraltar for smuggling
into Spain. So that our expenditure amounted to
Os. for every 1/. worth of goods we exported.—
(Hear, hear,) Now colonies ought to be useful for
political or commercial objects, and with what view were
sometimes employed as military stations. But he would
ask what we derived from our military colonial stations?
kßenuretes
si
instead
periods
dibse necessary
fstrength,
wart
he fyo
arms i purposes6t,hhetypoco,
ef
woulda a
sourcegogbreg.l
e-
oTsifohnwe.yea were
mightea r , bhe e
compelledar ) a s d
tn theobinoa casegtoi
Id.
us to scatter when we ought to concentrate our forces—
the nt of
themfao t
na
slonian
nmt o
States
seriousbt
aettheiriensgstruggle we
Pass-
ing over Gibraltar and Malta, he would ask where was
eeyx%ip,oerrots
It2o2t,hsooosel. Sintatae
troops,t he necessityat a o
costf
opfr protecting fate.
withsomething
1842 they
rsr?ear
with this country ; and he doubted not that, instead of
diminishing, it had since increased, while we were this
year to be called upon to vote 12,000/. to complete the
fortifications. Bermuda, another military station, ex-
pended since the peace 600,000/. upon military and
naval works ; and to complete the fortifications we must
expend 260,000/. more. St. Helena cost us 40,000/.
a ear.
Our colonies on the coast of Africa
cost y
52,000/. a year
• while we spent at
least 500,0004 a year in ,vain attempts to suppress the
slave trade. lie could not avoid recommending the
House to dispense with their military stations on the

WEDNESDAY

coast of Africa. Then there was the Cape of Good
Hope, larger in extent than the whole of the United
Kingdom, rendered particularly remarkable of late by
the Kaffir war—the fourth war within the last twelve
years; one which formed a strange instance of the little
influence exercised by the Colonial-office over a distant
colony—(Hear)—which cost this country 1,100,000/.,
and which would in all probability cost us 800,0001. or
1100,000/, more. When Sir Henry Pottinger came to the
colony he was astonished at the proofs he found of the
enormous expenditure that had been committed, of the
monstrous peculation that had been perpetrated, and
peculation in which there was reason to believe men
of very ihigh station had been implicated.—(Hear,
hear.) As an example of the reckless expenditure he
would mention, that a party of colonists settled in is
frontier village had been receiving rations, &c., from
the Government to the extent of not less than 2,0001.
per annum, on the pretext that they served as a sort of
out-post. What had the renewal of the Kaffir war been
owing to ? Simply to the circumstance that 20 oxen
having been stolen by some natives, although immediate
restitution was made of 18 of them, the Governor chose
to say he was not content with the restitution, but must
proceed to punish the whole nation to which the robbers
belonged. The war which proceeded was conducted on
principles the least likely to bring it to a satisfactory
issue, the troops employed being partly old Peninsular
soldiers, wholly unaccustomed to the sort of warfare,
and partly of heavy dragoons, armed with heavy rifles
which, once discharged, they could scarcely manage to
reload without dismounting, and it was not until recourse
was had, by the new Governor, to native forces, officered
by young and dashing British officers, that success
was accomplished. When Sir Harry Smith arrived
to replace Sir H. Pottinger, he found the struggle termi-
nated, and all the new governor did was to make the
native chiefs kiss his feet, and to add to our possessions
some 40,000 square miles of territory of as barren and
useless land, to use the surveyor's phrase, as was to be
found on the earth's crust. This splendid result of a
war, which originated in a removed axe and two stolen
cows, had cost this country two millions of money.—
(Hear, hear.) As to the Colonial office here the pro-
babilities were, that while the struggle was going on
they knew nothing at all about it, the Noble Lord at the
head of the department being, very possibly, more sur-
prised than anybody else when the bill of costs was pre-
sented to him.—(Hear.) The war was at an end now,
indeed, but the House might be sure that, unless some
effectual measures interposed, a similar war would be
got up again before many years had expired, for
the Cape Town people admires the sort of thing vastly,
in consequence of the active expenditure upon it, by
which they so largely benefited.—(Hear, hear.) Now
his (Sir W. Molesworth's) proposition was to withdraw
at all events the great bulk of the troops from this
colony, and to leave the colonists to protect themselveee
which they'could very well do, the more especially, that
under such circumstances they would take good care not
to provoke hostilities.—(Hear, hear.) If a military
station must be maintained at the Cape, 1,000 soldiers
would be amply sufficient for the purpose; but he
thought that,emigrants would serve the colony and the
mother country much better than troops. Emigrants
might be conveyed to the Cape at the cost of 101. per
head, while every soldier kept there cost this country
601. per annum; so that if the money spent upon them
were laid out in emigration the colony would receive
9,000 new inhabitants every year, who would be
a far more efficient protection than the 1,500
soldiers could afford. (Hear, hear.) The Mau-
ritius was to be regarded at once as a com-
mercial colony and as a military station. There
the expenditure was 285.,0001. per annum, while the
total of our exports thither did not exceed 92,000/. The
expenditure, in fact, was far more than he had stated,
for there were to be additional troops placed on the
station, and 150,000/. were to be expended, it appeared,
on the improvement of our defences. Yet here, as at
the Cape, 1,000 soldiers would answer every legitimate
purpose, the colonists receiving free institutions in re-
turn far undertaking their own protection. Ceylon was
neither a military station nor a commercial colony, but
came rather under the class of Indian possessions.
Indeed it seemed to him that it would be far better to
transfer it altogether to the East India Company, and to
save the cost, which at present amounted to 110,0001.
per annum in military expenditure, besides 70,0001.
per annum paid by the colonists ; the whole
of our exports thither not exceeding 240,0001.
Upon Hoeg-Kong this year he found that
94,5101. had been voted—a small sum in comparison
with what this station would very soon cost. The
Government had began very promisingly with the
governor of this new station, who was to he paid no less
a sum than 6,000/, per annum.—(Hear.) Altogether,
our expenditure within, the Chinese and Indian seas did
not fall short of 600,000/. per annum, while all our ex-
ports thither did not exceed two millions. Another sta-
tion now figured on the list, Labuan, which was to cost
us, in this its first year, 8,8271., of which 2,0001. was to
go to Mr. Raja Brooke, whose territories at Sarawak,
meanwhile, were to be looked after by a consul, whom
we were to remunerate with 500/. a year. No great
length of time would elapse under the present system of
things, before Laguan woud figure as largely in our esti-
mates as the Cape or Ceylon ; and we should thus
have to pay ten shillings purchase money for every
twenty shillings of exports that we transmitted
to this colony.—((`fear, hear.) Then there were the
miserable Falkland Islands, which, since 1841, had cost
us no less than 45,0001., with no return or advantage to
us of any description. By all means, he would say, let
this utterly useless possession be forthwith handed over
to the acknowledged claims of Buenos Ayres. By re-
ducing the troops at such military stations as it might be
deemed expedient to reduce, from 21,000 to 10,000,
there would be a saving effected of one million a year in
military and naval expenditure alone. Then as to your
colonies in North America, the West Indies, and Aus-
tralasia, of what possible benefit was it to the mother
country to retain the present system there ? In former
years, when monopoly had the ascendant, that principle
was alleged as the ground for exercising the dominion we
had assumed, for it was said this monopoly gave us the ex-
clusive benefit of the trade with all these possessions. But
monopoly had now been struck dowa by the stroag arm of
free trade, and there remained no compulsion on our
colonies to trade with us instead of with other markets.
As regarded commerce, they were now virtually indes
pendent states; but, as independent states, they would
still be very glad to sell us their produce, and, selling us
their produce, they would receive our produce and our
longaswweeenmaibglhedt
makethem sotn
manufactures in pa
to expenditureos
naval armaments would better our
a ll
therefore, let this expenditure be
ettho
discontinued.sedeow;ay and oAftby militarya
elllvne nor 'yearmeans,thets
our exports to oar North American colonies, to our West
Indian and Australian colonies, was six millions sterling.
In the same year our expenditure upon these colonies
was not less than two millions sterling, and afterwards
we paid two millions a year for the chance of getting
purchasers for six millions a year of exports.—(Hear,
hear.) Cut off the whole of this two millions a year ex-
penditure, and there would not be a diminution in the
demand for our exports to the extent of a single pound.
On an average of the last sixty years our North Ameri-
can colonies, in one way or another, had not cost us less
than a million a year, or, in other words, full thirty per
cent. on our exports thither.—(Hear, hear.) On what
principle did we keep up 9,000 troops there? To protect
our colonies from the
very
dS tpoct arteste
were loyal, they could well
they were not loyal, twice 2,000 troops would not at all
If
themselves; the
colonies
i
answer the purpose.—(Hear, hear.) Even suppose our
North American colonies did join the United States, we
should, in a commercial point of view at all events, be the
better for the change. In that commercial point of view
the United States themselves were as much our colonies
as ever, and better colonies for the purpose than any of
those we retained at such a heavy outlay.—(Hear,
hear.) In 1544 the declared value of our exports to the
United States did not fall short of. smotocot
sterling, the whole expenditure throughout the union
not exceeding 15,000 for the various consular este-
blishments.—(Hear, hear.) As to emigration, the'
United States received every year more of our popula-
tion as emigrants than did all our own colonies put to-
gether.—(Hear, hear.) In the West Indies we kept up
a force of 6,000 men, at is cost of 513,0001., the civil
and other expenditure raising the total expenditure to
not less than 700,000/. per annum—(Hear, hear)—being
95 per cent. on the entire of our exports thither, which
condition give the
exports, be it remembered, were every year decreasing.
It would be well worth our while, in his opinion, to
ofe s t
theirlndia
becomingcol°i' ts
independentloo,oooL sterling,states. I on
would effect- a saving of full 350,0001. per annum to
this country. In Australian colonies,
270, includingooo
New Zealand, we
in military t
per annum, and in other items fully 80,000/. more,
the declared value of our exports to these col ones
not exceeding one million sterling ; so that
ourA
here again our expenditure amounted to 30 per cent. on
ifis As to the purely another million per annu .
ionurtheexeepoerottso.nießsy ewrithdiuncing ourreasona mhloilliimtairtys
wesetasbhloisuhumeeanytes
commer-
cial colonies, if they were entrusted with their just right
of self-government, they need cost us nothing at all;
and here would be effecied an enormous annual saving.
At present scarcely anything could be worse than the
system of their government by the Colonial-office. As
to money matters, he had before him a Treasury minute
of June 16, in which my Lords complained very empha-
tically of the delay, on the part of the Colonial-office,l'in
the auditing of the colonial accounts, specifying, among
other glaring instances, that the accounts of Mauritius
were in arrear ten years, those of the Ca jot:
of Good Hope eight, those of Ceylon six;on the
arrears,to fia rvree a
;se, a thei ea r otherhea
hear)
o n iTe sh, r ainigo inn. g
3
from four
ember
pro-
ceeded to show that the rate of expenditure in the Crown
colonies was infinitely less than the expenditure in
colonies which, more or less, administered assemblies.
their own in-
ternal affairs by the means of representative
Omitting from his calculation Ceylon—as
t not properly
a Colony—the military stations on the west coast of
expenditure in the former class
of the latter class. The
colonies with representative assemblies
population of the
Africa, and the lonian States, hnegoffnoouonlodniteheatwtahse, roantethoe
average, half less than that f
was !,680,000, anti theexpend'ture upon them 1,830,00044
•
the colonies withoutrepresentative
The population of
head; ' "
rate of 1/. 14s. a or 18s. 7d.
being the
being at the rate of 14s.
.11d. Per head per annum.
more than in the other class of colon' , hear.)
In the North American colonies the rate of expenditure
apsopthuelatgiorena,teinstlBa
4ms7bneti
being
assemblies was 820,000, and the expen.edsi.t_ur(enle4:oooo/
thew
1,700,000, the expenditure was 1,134,0001., or 13s. 4d.
self-government.
ss-g theov
elronwnae
nt , t o thheerree
per head, and taking into account that half a million of
the sum was a special amount raised by loan for public
works, the expenditure in point of fact was only 9s. per
head, and even this amount was 30 per cent. higher than
the expenditure in the United States. The difference
arose in great measure from the enormously heavy sala-
ries paid in our colonies to the higher functionaries, who
received three or four times more than the same class of 1