The Sun.
London, England, 1870-10-18 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1870.

THE coincidence of the death of Herr TWESTEN
following so rapidly upon the imprisonment of Herr
JACOBY has all the effect of a most timely reminder.
Both these eminent public men of Germany had, each
in turn, for the cause of advanced Liberalism,
suffered prosecution—it might rather be said perse-
cution. Each was—one of them still is—the
champion of freedom of speech in the Fatherland.
The junior of the two by some fifteen years, has just
breathed his last. Herr JOHANN JACOBY, physician
and politician, born in 1805, at Konigsberg, survives.
Herr KARL TIVESTEN, politician and lawyer, born
at Kiel, on the 22nd of April, 1820, is now
announced by telegram to have breathed his last on
the 4th instant, at Berlin. He was a man
whose example was so striking that it will not be
lost sight of by his compatriots now that he him-
self has disappeared. The influence he has exercised
during life will be enhanced, in some sense, by the
simple fact of his death, rather than diminished.
His career will be held in not ungrateful remember-
ance. Himself the son of a learned Protestant theolo-
gian, his abilities were devoted first of all to the
study and practice of the law, and afterwards to the
higher and more responsible duties of a politician, a
legislator, and a parliamentary orator of considerable
influence and distinction. As a law student, his
youth was passed successively at Berlin and at
Heidelberg. Having entered the magistracy
and discharged various secondary functions
in different towns, he became, in 1855,
Councilfor at the Tribunal of Berlin. In 1861
because of a pamphlet he had written in furtherance
of the new ideas _of the advanced Liberal party,
Herr TWESTEN fought a duel with General
MANTEUFFEL, in which he (the civilian) had an arm
broken. During the same year, only nine years ago,
Herr KARL TWESTEN entered the Chamber
of Deputies for the first time as a
national representative. There both by the
brilliancy of his displays as an orator and by his
own direct participation in the labours of legislation,
he soon won for himself a reputation which he has
since then, especially during these last five or six
years, not only steadily sustained, but
very considerably advanced. In 1865, through
one of his most memorable orations, a
speech having reference to the administration of
justice, he gave to the world, so to express it, his
most striking pronunciamento in regard to the great
question of freedom of speech in legislative discus-
sions. For this discourse he was subjected to pro-
secution by the tribunals. A lengthened trial was
the result; the upshot of it all being that in 1868
the daring champion of freedom of speech was, for
the speech in which he had insisted upon the vindi-
cation of that freedom, mulcted to a very large
amount in the shape of a fine. For all that he was
yet under the ban of this trial, he was in 1867
elected at one and the same time to the Con-
stituent Diet and to the Ordinary Diet of the
North German Confederation. In both those assem-
blies, as he had done before in the Chamber of
Deputies, he distinguished himself' by the authority

with which he treated the subjects both of finance
and constitutional organisation. It is this bold,
outspeakiug, Liberal Prussian politician who has just
breathed his last, upon the morrow, as it were, of
Herr JA COB Y's incarceration. For what ? For
what was so dear to them both—Freedom of
Speaking!

Tim sincere anxiety of all Englishmen for the
termination of the war is a praiseworthy feeling; but
it is to be hoped that such an earnest wish will not
lead us into Utopian projects for the attainment of
the desired end. The latest scheme of settlement
sketched out by the Times is generous enough to be in-
fectious, and dangerous enough to involve us in endless
troubles. The Times proposes that the strong places
of Alsace and Lorraine should be dismantled, and
that the neutral powers should agree to join either
Germany or France against the other, in case one of
the two should declare war without first submitting
itsgrievance to the arbitration of the said neutrals. The
mind that could suppose the Germans would accept
such terms must be remarkable for faith rather than
foresight, but whether the offer be acceptable or not,
it is certain that it can never be made. The number
of indefinite obligations to which England is com-
mitted is already quite largo enough. To add
another vague treaty to those already in existence
, would only be to increase the chances of seeing
solemn documents signed by British statesmen set
aside without any consideration of British wishes.
This project would not only commit the nation ipde-
finitely, but it involves a highly objectionable kind
of obligation. The double-barrelled species of treaty,
by which a third party agrees to help either of two
powers if the other misconducts itself, may answer
as a temporary expedient to protect .Belgium, but
there are obvious objections to striking a permanent
bargain of the kind. It is a threat to both
Powers, and secures the goodwill of neither. It is
a clumsy expedient for keeping an aggressive State
in order, by assuring it that if it break the peace
a superiority of force will be arrayed on the
other side ; and it is likely to fail altogether if the
assailant can secure an ally to counterbalance the
assistance promised by treaty. The Times proposes
that such assistance shall be given if France or Ger-
many declare war without previous recourse
to arbitration. Nothing would be easier than to
shew a delusive compliance with this condition. The
intending aggressor would negotiate, as is customary
in these civilised times, with the full determination
that no good should come of the parley. Arbitration
is a resource on which the friends of p ease have
lately founded great hopes, but experience has shewn
that it prevents war only when the disputants find it
inconvenient to fight. If they distrust their strength,
they undergo ar►bitration. If they are confident,
they pretend to negotiate, and then fight. Before the
British Government can conclude a treaty of which
arbitration is to be the turning point, that friendly
mode of settling disputes must be more generally
recognised than at present.

It is u❑fortunately true, moreover, that in these
peace propositions the real character of the man who
guides German statesmanship is overrated. Count
BISMARCK is a politician who never threw away a
chance of aggrandizement, and there is not the slightest
hope that he will neglect the present one. No doubt
ho is a sincere lover of Germany, and is thoroughly
determined to make his nation one and indivisible;
but his ambition does not stop at this point. His
history proves that territory, as such, has an unmis-
takeable charm for him. The notion of Alsace and
Lorraine being "a guarantee of peace" to Germany,
is so flimsy that it is surprising to find so many
people in this country deluded by it. Alsace and
Lorraine are to be annexed for the same reason that
prompts the retention of North Schleswig, in spite
of the Treaty of Prague. The French provinces
will increase the size of Germany. It is much to be
feared that but one conclusion remains—they must
be yielded, or the Germans driven back.

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

THE LORDSHIP OF LORNE

The district of Argyleshire which is known as

"Lora," or "Lorne," is in the north-eastern part of
the county. The district was possessed in ancient
times by the MacDougals, a family as powerful as
the Macl)onalds, "Lirds of the Isles." According

to Sir Bernard Burke the lands of Lorne passed into
the hands of the Campbells, of Lochow, the direct
ancestors of the present ducal house of Argyll about
400 years ago. They were acquired by a fortunate
marriage, and not by force of arms. Sir Cohn
Campbell, of Lochow, in recognition of his great
achievements in war acquired the name of "More,"
or the Great, and from him the chief of the house is
known among his Gaelic tenantry as MacCallum Mcre.
This chieftain was killed in a contest with his neigh-
bour, the Lord of Lorne, and feuds con-
tinued. in consequence for a series of years be-
tween the families. They were terminated by the
marriage of Colin, Lord Campbell, of Lochow, with
Isabella Stewart, heiress of the Laird Jf Lorne. The
Marquisate of Lorne was created in 1701 in favour of
Archibald, first Duke of Argyll. It is thought pro-
bable that the broad lands of Lorne will be raised
into a duchy, as it would not be desirable for a
son-in-law of the Queen to hold a seat in the House
of Commons. The creation of this dukedom would
not make a permanent addition to the House of
Lords, as Lord Lorne would inherit his father's title,
and hereafter there would be a Duke of Argyll and
Lorne, as there is a Duke of Buckingham and
Chandos and a Duke of Richmond and Lennox.