The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-17 00:00:00

Inquires to 198 families. We are utterly unable to describe the ex-
tent to which the destruction has gone on in this part of tke country.
_ .

Mani- families who have planted sufficient for their ordinary wants,
incitiAing- a portion for seed, have not had a potato for the last month.
This is the month of February, and it will be at least live months be-
fore- we call receive any supply hi the ordinary natural course. Other
families have lost nearly all, and the stock still remaining is totally.
unfit for human food ; in fact they are a mass perSectly disgusting to
look at. We have .examined many, but the results are always the
same—there are no potatoes remaining in the country." These are
totters received by me during the last two days. There is another
from the county of Waterford, written by Lord Stuart Decies. " Your
Exoellency will find the announcement of the alarming fact, that in
two districts of the union there are at this early period of the year no
less than 300 persons whose stocks of provisions are on the point of
becoming extinct, and the disease is making great ravages sunong the
potatoes. Those persons have no hope but from parish assistance.
It was the general impression in the district, that a rise in the price
of all kinds of grain would take place before the spring, and that
although foreign supplies were had even now, they would be far short
of meeting the evils of the case ; unless the Govertunent, as far as the
interests of Waterford and the surrounding country was con-
cerned, established corn stores where the people might be
supplied at wholesale prices. The writer was of oplri:on that ix
Youghal, Waterford, Clonmel, and °Diet-towns in that part of Ireland,
the establishment el these stores would be of the greatest benefit and
could be easily kept open, as there was an adequate military force in
them all for their protection. The next letter I hold in bIY hand
(continued the Right 110 n. Baronet) is from the county
Kerry, and is dated the 9th of February. The gen-
of
tleman who writes it was Sir Thomas Dillon, a gentleman
Whose statement was entitled to the greatest respect. The Right
Hon. Baronet then read an extract, to the effect that. very serions
ravages had been made in the potato crop by the prevailing
disease. He (Sir Thomas Dillon) had gone round the district
during the last ten days, and he had had every opportunity of
hearing and witnessing the destruction which had beenanade in the
potato crop : the disease was gaining ground rapidly„ and excited
the greatest claim among all classes, as to how the people were to
get a supply of food. The House (resumed the Bight Hon. Baronet)
will recollect that some time ago a Commission was appointed to sit
Is Dublin, and t• carry out an inquiry as to the extent of the potato
disease in different parts of the country ; that Commission has lately
made its report, and this official report embraces every part of Ire-
land, or I may say every electoral district of that country, wi h the
exception of 99. From all these districts, with the exceptions I
have named, returns have been made. And what do they reveal ?
I find in four electoral districts the loss on , the, potato
crop has been not less than nine - tenths of all the
produce. That out of ninety-three electoral districts the loss
hsis been not less than from seven-tenths to eight-tenths. In 125
electoral districts the loss is seven-tenths on the whole crop. In 16
electoral districts the failure is six-tenths. In 596 electoral districts
about one-half of the crop has bepn destroyed, and in 582 electoral
districts the less has been four-tenths in the amount of the produce.
.These are the returns made to us, and acting on its dates and the re-
commendations we have received, the Government has decided on
the establishment of stores of corn—( Loud cheers)—to be sold at low
prices, or given in remuneration forlabour.—(Renewed cheert.) But
though we might establish stores and receive supplies of foreign
-grain, to get potato seed from foreign countries was next to impos-
sible. One-eighth of all the potato crop was required for seed, for the
ensuing year. An acre of land required a ton, or at least three-
quarters of a ton of potatoes for seed, so that at this rate it would
require a supply which cantot be had from any part of Europe. To
reserve a supply in that manner is almost impossible. It
is therefore necessary that we should look to save a supply of seed
from the present crop for the ensuing year. —(blear.) But to do this
it is necessary to encourage saving from the p 1 esent crop by the
substitution of other supplies of food.—(Hear, hear.) Unless this is
dyne the danger of the coming year may be forgotten by the people.
The Government mast endeavour to prevent famine and at the same
time to preserve a stock of potato-seed for the next year by substi-
tuting other articles of provisions under wise arrangements, taking
potato seed in exchange.—(llear, hear, and cheers) If we asked
you for large Votes of public money, or were we to recommend ap-
peals to Roman Catholics or to the Established Church far charitable
assistance in order to meet the case —if we asked, you for a vote of
from 200,000/. to 300,0001.—h0w could we stand before you while at
the same time we maintained the duty on corn?—(Cheers.) Such a
proeeeding on the part of the Government I am sure would not have
been tolerated by the House.—(Hear. hear.) How could I have
blinked the statement that in Ireland, in 586 electoral districts,
seven-tenths of the potato crop were destroyed, in 600 more the crop
hilt gone, and in some the crop eight-tenths destroyed,
and yet have maintained the corn-laws inviolate ? Under
these circumstanees, supposing the persons anxious to
lieeep up the present system, I do not believe that the conduct
of the landed aristocracy would warrant the Government in not
proposing that the corn-laws be repealed.— (Hear, hear.) Fidelity
to the landed interest leads me to that supposition. I would relieve
you of the odiUm of supposing you would maintain the duty on corn
in the face of sack a Aide of things. In Holland and in Belgium
steps had been taken at an early period to provide for the coming
scarcity. The Belgium Executive Government had taken the pre-
caution of opening the ports. The Government of Holland at the
beginning of the season, by an order, repealed the duty on foreign
corn, and the Legislative Chambers of that country immediately
on
meeting (though Belgium is an agricultural country)., unanimously
indemnified the Government for what they had done. The report
which I have brought before your consideration shows that the state
of Ireland is worse than any of those countries; undersuch circum-
stances then what course was open for us to propose to the Par-
liament of England, interested though it was in agriculture? What, but
to appear before'you, and ask you to support a similar remedy? In
every view of the case nothing remained for us but to propose a
repeal of the duty on corn.(Lond cries of " Hear,. hear," and
cheers.) I come to that part of the question now—l rejoice In that
cheer—l,look upon it as an unanimous assent, or at least an appa-
rently unanimous assent to the course I have proposed.—(No, no,
from the Conservative benches.) If not, I recognise it at least as a
very general assent to the policy of a free importation of food to
meet tho Wants of the people.—(blear, hear.) If so, I ask you to
expedite the passing of those Bills the Government has introduced,
so as to enable us to meet -the difficulties of the country by every
means, by deciding that the duty on every article of provision shall
henceforth cease.—(Cheers.) I am only asking you to do that which
has been done in other countries, and if I did not do so, I should be
chargeable with that unfaithfulness and treachery to the interests of
the country and your Interests, which you have so often charged me
with. Agrcat deal had been said about my treachery to the cause of pro-
leaion, about my flinging protection overboard ; and a great deal
had been said about rousing the British Licin—(Loud laughtsr)—in
maintenance of the corn-laws,—(Hear, hear.) To all this I can only
say I have been guided solely by a sincere desire to advance the
best interests of the country, having not only the interests
of the many of the people, but also the landed interests steadily in
view. If such a measure had not been ptoposcd, would it have
been stipulated that no objection would have been made to the.
present duty ; that maize, and oats, and barley, should not have
been admitted duty free, and that wheat wound have been
maintained at 17s. per quarter? In 176.5 there was an ap-
prehension of famine, and the very first act of the House
was, I think, a foolish one —they preserved a duty, but
by the second act they admitted the importation of foreign corn duty
free. We also were apprehensive of famine, and we determined to
admit corn duty free. In 1791 the old law was abolished and a new
corn-law was established. In 1793 there were apprehensions of a
second famine, and notwithstanding the new corn-law the first act
on the statute book was to remove all duty on the importation of
foreign corn. In 1795 there were again apprehensions of famine,
not so severe as we have now reason to dread, but measures were
taken to meet it. In 1796 the same remedy was applied,
namely the removal of all duties on foreign corn. In
1799 the same course was again pursued, and with these
precedents before us, would it be wise for Government to pursue a
different course than that which was then pursued? Wbold it be
wise to determine on the maintenance of protection? If. tSovern-
ment maintained the law as at present enforced, I will ask what de-
gree of odium Would attach to us if we were doing so ? "Could we
Offer any defence for our measures? It would be impossible. It'was
on the very same grounds that Government had universally acted in
every period, not only when corn was at a 100 s. or 80s. a quarter,
but when it was only 60s. The remedy was then, as now, to open
the ports. Let It be remembered that there was then no other re-
' mealy ; there was no sliding-scale then. When corn was 645.,
foreign grain was admitted at a duty of 6d. ts ew, why did
Parliament interfere then ? It was in order to give a
guarantee that a high duty should not attach to any
' sudden importation. Well, under these circumstances, I advised,
as did three of my colleagues, au immediate suspension of the law.
But you ask, what is ityuu recommend now ? —by your measure the
Ittiv is not merely sus?ended. It would be disreputable towards Par-
liament to recommend a suspension. It would be impossible to do it.
It is not in the power of the Crown now to do that which I invited
you at one time to do. But it may be true that the most fitting
time has passed away— that may, indeed, be true. It may bc'true
that when we were first informed of the progress of the evil it would
have been the better time to avert it. But admitting the necessity
for doing so by an order in Council in December, is it not a greater
reason -Is it no; an increased reason—why it should be done ou
the 16th of February ? (Cries of " Hear, hear," and great cheering.)
True, the supply might have been greater then, but we have six
months yet to come. But you may come to this ; you may say
maintain the existing. law, and make some other provision by in-
creased facilities for supplying the country. If, therefore, on account
of this temporal and unforseen necessity, we are obliged to refer to
precedents, they Are, in our favour. Beason argues that we should
suspend, the existing law, bnt it may he said, suspend the existing
law for six months. What are you then to do? This is a question
which any mail, having to examine the. subject, .would be required
to consider. But our conviction is strong, that it Is utterly impos-
sible, after establishing pi rfect freedom of importation for the pe-
. riod of eight months to permit the corn-laws to come into operation
at the end of -that period. I repeat that my conviction is perfectly
strong that such a course would be impracticable. But you say
further, give us a temporary suspension, but give us' a guarantee
that at the end of eight months the present corn-laws shalt be re-
newed. 1 say it is impossible to do so. It is an utter misrepresen-
tation of the. state of public feeling to suppose it to be probable, that
after this country for the period of eight months should have tasted
freedom from all duties on the iniportation of food, for Government
to renew those restrictions, either by its own principles or by the
enactments ‘f foregone statut. s. When yen refined the admission of
maize in the course of last Session it was a matter of consideration
so nit' cslleaestes aol myself, whether we should at .yrice sitspeta;
1 tie law ur rather ' Ming some modified measure. I ad-
mit inane I you were of opinion that maize
should he admitted, but that protection Amid be kept up upon other

~ .
lisinstre. Do not diaregaid public opinion on those things - do not
slight that feeling—for, thliend upon it, that when a question of this
character is involved, poetic feeling cannot be disregarded. By the
present corn-law, the duty on maize varies with the duty on o
rcorn corn.
It was desirable to admit maize free of daty, but as the price
rose the price of maize rose also. Yet it is remarkable that in the
last session of Parliament it was proposed by some o'yotuo thhaavtemittize
should be imported duty free, because it was desirable
the feeding of dot to
cattle. You think it advisable -or
recommend the- repeal of the co.rn-laws .
you admit the
principle that maize
' '' 5"
-4ailltri comet
In, because such admission will be for the
, oenetle of the farmer In
she feeding of his cattle. But y•e.;.4 fbreeet that there are other
articles necessary for hmansust;imias Upon which you say protected
- duties,ought.to he mainta;:..ed. What do you advise us now ? I
may assume that it ie. necessary now that this law Slioald be sue-
pended. i will asaedne it Is suspended. Would you deliberately advise
las to giveyou On the ground of any public or private necessity, a
Mlarantee ',fiat the corn-law, at the expiration of eight months shout('
be renewed. Do you not feel that the fact of the suspension would
constitute a new element In the consideration of things ; that the
fact eithe suspension would give tenfold energy to the agitation at
present existing. Would you invite us to fight the battle? What is
the 'state of tb e feeling you invite us to oppose, by asking us to grant
dfis renewal ? I ask you to look to the public expression, and of the
sincerity of which Honourable Members have given
amp le proof. Did the Noble Lo:d, the Member for
Dorsetehire, vacate his seat ttom any unnecessary motive ?
bet Mrs Sturt, did Mr. Wilson Patten avow their change of
eoineas from any dishonest motive?—(Cheers.) Did Mr. Egerton,
the ••_denaber for Cheshire—did lard Henniker entertain any
ritr.e,r,tviitin a real change of opinion, and a real conviction that the
tm
as tome for a settlement? Did that young Member of this
House, Mr. charterie, who has shown as high and noble a spirit as
ever animated the breast' of an English gentleman, combined with
;great acuteness,
abandon his t, with great promise of excellence—did Mr. Charteris
rum inetie •• t for Gloucestershire from any dishonourable or cor-
inntiye.„,, levsi'v Bid Mr. Downey resign kis seat through corrupt
who had underta'kare not these conclusive proofs that that Minister
taws would hay, 1.Z1.• after suspension, to guarantee the existing corn-
let us take tl., d numerous difficulties to contend with ? But,
course of
Nions, the egp„.,00,,, the pros lit debate- let us take the admis-
iii their condiannatimt:r opinion of those who have been the loudest
the Alember for ilun
the tineo ar the Government. The first Instance is
3 urprisexl at some of 0"11*— W
(Cheers.) ell, I coulees that I was
with respect to the mile P ntons maintained by the lion. Gentleman
yi:ef the Government.—(Cheers.) Will that
lion. Gentleman follow me
)asdefence of the existing corn-law
after sespension?— (Hear, hear.
ulna thinks that this is just the time fr
from that, the Hon. Gentle-
man
to the corn-laws. That means or making a compromise with
abandon me if, after suspension, I s 1111 uln'edwertea°krne-ti‘alw gUariainetweectuihel
existing corn laws. That is quite clear.
was an unfortunate
arrived for a compromise. 'Why, if ever
( C h e e
Andrese) ,:.11,,
there says the time is just
but is the mean-
moment for a compromise this is it.—
lug of a compromise but a new corn-law ?
for the tuaintenance of that?—(Opposition cheers.) What cents
the security
security? What says every Hon. Gentleman who tee ~p ceuld be the
part of the agriculturists ? Why it is this—" What we lairriccUll'Unr9ltes
' wish Is permanence as to corn." Well then, can any one who thinks
the agricultural interests will be promoted by a permanent rystem
of corn-laws advise a mere alteration of the corn-laws to take effect
after a period of suspension ? I am now considering that question
' after suspension, and it would be impossible for a prudent men,
having the responsibility of Government, to advise the continuance
of the corn-laws. What would be the state of parties? I will only
take Vac loudest and most vigorous advocates for protection. Now,
be impossible to restore the corn-
:Mrs after a suspension. What says
I nu truly convinced that it would
the llon. Member for Box-
loudest in his denunciation.bargleskire ?—(Cheers.) He was the
The Hon. Member for Roxburghshire leas a curious notion of the
linlsters—and the Ministers
relations between tits country and its a l
likens me to a
the Sovereign. The lion. Gentleman
hired advocate -- a particular • counsel who had thrown
net aware
up his brief. Perhaps the Ilon. Gentleman is.
that the Minister takes an oath, and that constitutes the
material difference between his position and that of an advocate.
and
debuted The Minister takes au oath that in all matters to be
Iver his opinion
dis-
cussed in Council he will truly and unreservedly del
that
aecording to his heart and conseience—(pleas)—and I apprehend
that olillgatiou constitutes a material difference between his position
and that of an advocate.-- ( Loud cheers.) 1 will ask the Hon. Gen-
tlewum who eays he stands here ti, advocitie the old corn-law, and
that I had made a terrible ',reach in 1642, but that I was bound, at
any rate, for considerations of consisteney and honour, to !maintain
the corn-law of 1842—1 will ask what was the admission which the
1
41zgry deer* thefore he got to the dose of his speech ? lie
' .edrute that in my own couuty, within the last
t44.,....„,,k* •L improvements
_)have een such made
• rifttik-ii"...hgatti,),eluctions of. science, and indeed
• . r • •
:467 r 44.4)64:,,____ ,
_n_ e cheap corn, that my opinion
4.44 t „ ~,!____.e?na.o , ,heene the present cern-law should be al-.
~......tt . ~,c.e:-:!,ct__ fs.) Well,
. I said to the Hon. Gen• set for on
11'.As_Perf*IY lug*, nt'at being. Of course, the lion. Gen-
, ono, and he Chitin for himsclfo
_.....dasupposed to be an advocate
r _
.47.440 s the Attorney-torc"'e which animated
..--..(GheeukanWighter.) Both the Membereneral for the human
Were 011Redi elti 'n I asked him for wilum be and the Minister
Via:i VA:I4W, the

lion. Gentleman said, " Counsel That is an imputation on my 7
honour. lam counsel for the agriculturists—l am counsel for the
commercial Interest—l am counsel for the whole country—l am Coun-
sel for humanity."—(Loud cheers and laughter.) .All I claim is to be
counsel for all the great interests of the country. I have obliga-
tions superior to any which party engagements Impose—namely, to
give that advice which is required of me according to my heart and
conscience, and which I believe to be the best for the country."—
(Cheers.) Well, then, there is the Member for Newcastie-under-
Lyne. He informs me that hereafter, and fbr ever he must with-
draw his confidence from me, and on this ground, that I
establish no peat principle in respect to the corn-laws.
Id() not know whether the Hou. Gentleman has shared in my mis-
fOrtune, and read the pamphlet of dohn Colquhoun.--(Great
laughter.) I «ill now refer, with great respect, to a Noble Lord who
has not yet spoken. I meats the Noble Member for Newark.—
(Hear.) But would it be possible for the Government to rely on his
support if they had taken the course of adopting a new and modified
system of corn-laws?—(Hear, hear.) I know_ not what course he
will take with respect to this measure, for though be says he is in
favour of a repeal of the corn-laws, yet he thinks that the present
Farliaraent is not the one to enact it. Surely that is no satisfactory
reason.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member for Maidstone said he would
not ask whether the measure was right or wrong, but that he
i would quote extracts from my speeches to show that I was not con-
sistent. Sir, the question for the country is this—is the measure
right or wrong? If it be right ant necessary I call on you
to pass it ; if it be wrong, then withdraw your confidence
from the Government.--(Cheeriug.) You cannot justify an adverse
vote if you believe that we are right.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Member
for Huntingdon is in favour of the continuation of the
present measure ; and he further gave me notice that henceforth I
cannot calculate en him* as 4 supporter. I Implore of him to visit all
consequences on the Ministry which he may think we merit, but
not to injure the measure we now offer to the country.—(hear,
hear,) If you believe the measure to be necessary, pass it at the
present crisis ; but take any opportunity that may offer for punish-
ing the introducers of it.--(Bear, hear.) In the course of last year
I proposed, Is the course of the last year, • that certain duties on
grease should be remitted, as grease was much used in mmufactures,
but the lion. Gentleman resisted me. Hence, avaunt ! this is holy
ground ! Grease you shall not touch.—(Cheer s and laughter) For,
said he, though grease may be introduced for the benefit of manufac-
tures, yet I doubt the vigilance of the Custom-house officers, and
some persons may introduce and use the grease intended for manu-
factures as butter. Ido assure the Hon. Gentleman that it is rather
hard
.to devolve upon me the duty of defending protection, after such
measures as that ; and I do not believe that Use Hon. Gentleman, by
taking this stand upon grease'—(Laughter)—did so much injury to
the cause of free trade as to the cause of protection.—(Cheers )
Mr. MILES—I merely stopped the discussion iss order that it
might go on the next day. I was not present at the division.
Sir ROBERT PEEL—I think the Hon: Gentleman has shown
his qualification for the past of leader, by the discretion
which he used in being absent from the division.—(A laugh.)
Now with regard to cattle and meat, the Hon. Member opposed the
Introduction of foreign cattle, because he said it would tend to reduce
the price of home produce, but the fact is the price has increased
rather than decreased, and yet the Hon. Gentleman voted for the
corn-ltw of 1841, but strenuously opposed the admission of foreign
cattle.—( Hear, hear) And what is it the Hon.
.Gentleman does
'now ? Why, while exulting in having opposed the prohibitory duties
imposed on the admission of foreign cattle into this country, he says,
in the year 1843, we suffered severely from a defective supply of meat,
and in the course of the last six months he says the quantity of sheep
brought to Smithfield has been 250,000 less than in the half-year pre•
ceding—that the average weekly supply •of sheep in the London
markets is 16,000 less, and that the cattle bought in Smithfield in ,
consequence of deficient food weighed from 7 to 10 lbs. less than in
former years, and were extremely lean and ill favoured.—(hear,
hear, and laughter.) Now, in the course of the last six months this
deficiency of 250,000 sheep had been supplied from abroad, and with
this Met staring In the face ought he not to regret having opposed
the carrying out of this anti-protective principle.—(Hear, hear.)
But how does he think It is now possible for him or me to maintain
that law, when from diseases and defective fodder we are often
compelled to go abroad for our supplies.—(Hear, hear.) Was it
not a strong fact against the motion which the lion. Member
brought forward some time ago to restrict the importation of fo-
reign cattle, that from the defective food produced by the land of
this country, 250,000 head of sheep were prevented from coming
into the English market? Did this not show that it was against
the interest of the landowner to restrict the free importation of
wholesome and healthy fodder?
Mr. 311 LES—My motion was not to prevent the importation of
grain. My motion relative to cattle was to tax cattle by the weight,
and not by the head.
Sir It. PEEL—Whate'ver the motion of the, Hon. Member might
have been, his words were that he was disappointed with the work-
ing of the cons-law, and he wished to impose a further restriction on
the importation of cattle.—(Hear, hear.) Now the Hon. Gentleman
must excuse me if I refer to flax ? And what do we leans front the
history of flax ? When there was a duty of 101 per ton upon the im-
portation of flax, there was a certain parish In the county of Somerset
which grew flax, and let us take that parish for drawing our -compa-
, risons. In the parish of Chtselberough there were 100 acres of

.
...
land devoted to flax, and the Hon. Gentleman says the growth of
tilmilff thiat land was abandoned in consequence of the withdraw2l of.
protection, Now, I ask the Hon. Gentleman at what period was
that ?.

Mr. MILES—At the removal of the last duty.
Sir ROBERT PEEL—WeII, then, the last removal of the last duty
was only 2s. per cent. ; the higher duty on flax having been unloved
in 1824. The duty upon foreign flax in 1821 was 101. per ton. It was '
reduced in 1824 to the nominal duty of 2s. per cent., and in 1842 it
was removed altogether. Now, by the removal of this duty you say
100 acres of land in the parish of Chisleborough were thrown out of
cultivation, and that is what you call withdrawing protection from
native Industry. But let us see what has taken place in other parts
of this great empire, in consequencs of this withdrawal of protection
of native industry. You will find that the growth of flax in Ireland
has become a very flourishing trade since the with-
drawal of protection. Some Honourable Members are very-
fond of taking particular localities, and saying, wlint has
been the consequence of your policy here ; and the Hon.
Member for Somersetshire had done the same to Ciriselborough, but
let us look at Ireland and see what has taken place there. What his
been the consequence of the withdrawal of protection in that country
where manufactures were very much restricted, why you will find
that the growth of flax is mach more profitable than wheat. F.ax
without protection affords a better return than wheat with it ; so
much for agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) Now what has become of the
manufactures in Ireland since the withdrawal of protection. Previous
to the withdrawal of protection the importation of cambric
into this country from Ireland was as 6,000 to 1;000 from France,
New, Filleo the withdrawal of protection, has there been any increase
or not? In the year before the withdrawal of protection, the num-
bers were 10,000 French, 110,000 Irish. In the next thur years the
increase of the Irish importations in London was 300,000. In the
next four years from 1838 to 1842, 400,000. And what said the great
manufacturers of cambric, in Loudon, who waited on me the other
day, when they said ten years since three-fourths of the
cambric handkerchiefs introduced into the London market,
came from France and four from Ireland ? Since the reduction
Of the duty, they state that three-fourths come from
Ireland, and the remaining fourth from France.—(Cheers,)
Then, whatever that parish of Chiselborough may have suffered in
consequence of this alteration, the culture of flax in Ireland' has
prospered, and the linen manufacture in that country has long had a
degree of prosperity which its most sanguine friends could hardly
have expected.—(Cheers.) Well, now, will you restore this duty upon
tlax?—(dear.) This debate has chiefly turned en the corn-laws;
but it is not necessarily a corn-law debate.—(Hear, hear.) I pro-
pose that we should go into a Committee of the whole House for the
ptirpose of considering the principles of our commercial policy
(Hoar, hear)—and no doubt the corn-law will come before that Com-
mittee. But it Is perfectly open to you to reject the measure for the
cern-law and yet to consent to these measures. Sir, so much has
been said on the subject of the cora-laws that I cannot pass it by.
tier Majesty's Government have proposed, after the lapse of three
years, that the ditties upon corn should be repealed, or at least re-
duced to a nominal duty. I proposed that measure on the part of
the Government from a sincere belief that it would be more ac-
ceptable than any other to the agricultural interest. .I propose.' it
. _

ttom a belief, not merely that it would be more accptable to them,
but that they would prefer it to immediate repeal. We combined
with the measure of the corn laws—we combined, I say, for en-
couragement in the improvement of land by advancing money for
the purposes of such improvement.— (Cheers.) I certainly thought

it would be more probable that with respect to many parts of this
country we should be in a much better position to compete with
foMgners If the corn-law repeal were postponed to the end of the
next three years. I thought there would be snore opportunity for
arrangements between landlord and tenant.- -(Cheers.) But, above
all, we seriously considered what could be done with respect to
drainage, and what advantage could be taken of that proposal of the
Government. I certainly also thought that the consideration that
Canada has at present, the advantage of a repeal in the admission of
her cern compared with the corn of foreigners -I thought that it
would be much mere like to he acceptable to Canada and more for
the interests of Canada, and that some time should elapse
before their corn came into competition.--(Hear, hear.)
It was for that purpose bona fide, and believing the ar-
rangement upon the whole much better, believing also that it would
be more for the advantage of the agriculturists, that on the part
of her Majesty's Government I make that proposal. Believing it to
be the best, it is my intention to adhere to it -(Loud cheers)-that
is to say, it is my intention to I ropose it-(Cheers)-and to use all
the means-the legitimate means I can, for the purpose of giving
effect to it. But it was intimated the other night by the lion.
Gentleman, the Member for Suffolk, that he greatly preferred
(speaking on the part of the agricultural body) that he greatly
preferred immediate repeal to the measure wkich I have proposed.
-(Protectionist cheers.) And whea he uttered that sentiment he
turned round to his friends, and it received apparently their general
concurrence.-(Cheers.) Now, as I stated before, it is the inten-
tion of the Government to adhere to their proposition.-(Cheers.)
They have stated the reason why they propose it, and why they
are inclined to prefer it.-Considering the advantage of the oppor,
tunity that there will be afforded for an improvement of the land.
But I stated this, that if the agricultural body are not of ophilm
that It Is for their advantage-(Protectionist cheers) -and if they
think that immediate repeal will he preferable to the deferred repeal
-(Great chefs and laughter oil the Opposition benches)-and
th,-y place me bl the minority, then the only consideration that
shall bear ht intuit will be this -- What course can I best take to gi
effect to the law as anien,led upoli yolti instance? - (Lon/1
peatect Opposition cheers, amid laitgli:er.) I will 410 al'
carry the proposition of the Government. -
and t will persist in believing It to he P
interest. I da not say what
I ant to pursue. My
meit of the corn-law
• prefer ininic4ll9'
sir, it 1.
co,

and re-
cruit I can to
,oeerz.) I prefer it,
to the a., ricultural
course -speaking for myself —•
-oon with respect to the final adjust-
. will remain unaltered, and I shall decidedly
-.5 repeal to the coninsion of the country.—(Cheers.)
..ight carefully to consider what course we should pursue
...ME question. This I do believe, that the final adjustment of
this question has become • paramount to all other questions.—
(llew, hear, and cheers.). Now, Sir, I was asked in the course
of this discussion what price I calculated ter corn in the year
after the proposed repeal.—(Hear, hear.). I thought it; too, natural
to say that it would be very difficult for me to give a positive answer
to that question—that I thought the price of corn must be affected by
seasons, and by other considerations, and that therefore I could not
undertake to give an answer, and I am afraid that past experience
induced me to avoid giving any guarantee to any price whatever.—
(Laughter, and cries of "Oh, oh.") But this I will say, that I think
nothing can be more ruinous than to suppose that the Interests of
agriculture are necessarily and intimately connect d with the price
of wheat —(Cheers.) Now I will own that I do not anticipate that
'when the Hon. Gentleman talks of countless miles that are ready to
be cultivated, I will only ask the Hon. Gentleman to consider that in
Germany there has long been a free trade, and that corn from Egypt
and Odessa is plentifully admitted, subject to a nominal duty.
The price of corn is dependent npon its quality. • Corn brought to
Malta from Egypt and Odessa, bears what is there called a fair price
of 31s. per quarter. It is stated that the same corn will bear a
price of 10s. less in the markets of England, on account of Its infe-
riority ; and, therefore, it is impossible to draw an inference from the
merely nominal price of corn, or to ascertain the real value which
should be fixed upon that article. I entertain the hope that a re-
duction in the price will be caused by a more extended importation.
'What I want to show, however, is this, that agricultural prosperity
is nut necessarily connected with the prices of wheat. It is ad-
mitted upon all hands that there never was a time when science has
been so much applied to agriculture, or the cost of production so
much reduced as for the last three or four years. Now what
has beim the prices of wheat? We shall see that it has a
natural tendency to decline in price.—(llear, hear.) Now we will
just take the decennial period commencing with the year 1805.
In 1805, the price of wheat was 81s. 2d. ; 1815, 975, 6d. ; 1825,785.
.6d.. • 193.5, 565, 7d. ; 1540, 575. lid. And during the last four years,
which have been years of great Improvement in agriculture, the
price has been only 51s. 10d. So that the price of wheat has fallen
from 975. Gd. to the comparatively email price of 51s. 10d., and yet it
is generally admitted that persons employed in agriculture are in a
state of greater prosperity than at any period before. And If there
should be a still further reduction in prices it will be
the result of scientific improvements. The price of wheat,
therefore, cannot be taken as a criterion of agricultural pros-
perity. There is another circumstance to which I will also
allude. The rental of land. As taken tram the returns made to this
House, makes the gross rental of land in England, in the year 1815,
the sum of 32,500,0001.—the price of wheat for the five years ending
1815 was 102 e 2d. Now, this is very remarkable, for in the five
years ending in 1842 the price of wheat had fallen to 625. 7d., and the
gross rental of England had increased to 37,000,0001., so that, coin-
cident with price has been the increase of rental.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, 1 am perfectly ready to admit the benefit which you might
claim with reference to the difference of currency ; but, remember
that if you take 10 per cent. off the price of wheat (102 s. 2d.), you
must also take 10 per cent. off the amount of rental (32,000,0001.)
and ati 1 it will leave 710 question but that concurrent with the great
reduction, aila since there has been a great increase of agricultural
e
prosperity,—(.Ito mhear.) New I must refer to the speech of' the
n. cia
P
were the for Northam ten (Stafford O'Brien). No e, what
orgurrients be adoptdlW? " Now (says, the Hoe. Member)
after these corn-laws
to his laudlonl and pre will have
passed,
,rd thus address him.
the tenant farmer will come
landlord, " I cannot ate He will say to the
hitherto—the bones of my tet'' pay
the same rent which I have paid
iuoiretatbers have been collected in the
charcchyard of this anclen.tf
my
yli—it 13 most painful for me to think
uitting the residence
sli
ancestors,, the church of my fore-
fathers, and the home of my family,
seek my fortune in a strange
place." And it will be remembered that
fire 11ou.
nsie.qhtt.oni (tlhentil,tetrnthaentienitadonce
a great Impression on the House in consequence
;,,eiber then in which the speech was deliver
tenant. He
pro-
posed that the landlords should make speech to the
,ert.)hat tilleisroglitte
makes him say, "My good fellow"— ( roars of
plaaungslitit
trite that your forefathers ive lived in this
been an intimate relationship between your ancestors and mine, thata'
the priticiples of free <rade are prevailing. I can purchase articles sr
cons!' iiipt ion at a cheaper rate, and I must deal with you upon the
num principle. It is quite trite that the land you now occupy Pro-
duces only three quarters, whereas by the application of a little
capital and skill It might be made to produce five quarters, and there
is a gentlemen close by who Is connected with the Anti-Corn-law
League."—(Cheers, and cries of "No, no," from Stafford O'Brien )
If I have not correctly quoted the landlord's speech,
I wish the 11011. Member would
add make the landlord's speech again.—
(Roars of laughter.) The Hon. Member says the gentleman alluded
to was not necessarily a member of the League. Well, at any rate,
he meant a person with large capital., The landlord proceeds in his
speech to the tenant to say he must sell in the dearest market, and
must, therefore, give the preference
sugges
tohinl (the capitalist); Now,
t a better spech
Sir, if the Hon. Member will allow me, I
fir the landlord.—(Hear, hear.) c, My gll
ood fellow "—(Rearse of
buried in the church-yard
laughter)—" your forefathers have been
"1e1...1111C, Year forefathers have had their fortunes interwoven
with the fortunes of ray atmstors. It is piEE•ible that

stranger may overbid you in the market. Under this protecting law,
your land, which should produce live quarters, produces only three,
end public opinion will hardly tolerate this, or accede to our desire
that no foreign cattle shall be Imported. We must therefore take
Some measures to increase the productim of the land ffom three
quarters to five. I have the advantage of the new tariff, and I pro-
pose to apply that advantage to your assistance.—(Hear, hear.) I
will not turn you out ; I won't let the manufacturer come in to re-
slace you. It Is my interest as well as yours that the produce of the
land be increased from three qu triers to five. I will lend you ca-
pital, I will assist you, and let you and your son, to whom this lane
will descend,. keep out this foreign invader. I, by my
capital, and you, by your industry, will remain by the land,
and let it be handed dawn to our posterity wills all the
improvements which we respectively can give it." But if the tenant
should say this is a labourers' question, I should, make hint say in
reply to that—" If we make this land produce five quarters instead
of three, surely more employment wolfld be created, and all this by
the application of that saving which the rich shall derive from the
benefit of the laud so improved. That was how be should be ad-
dressed. This was the question her Majesty in her Speech had said,
" I recommend you to take into your early consideration whether,
after taking a review of the laws relating to protection, some altera-
tion might not be made so as to benefit the agriculture and the com-
mons of the country." The address was so worded as to give no
pledge en the subject. It said that the House would take into con-
sideration whether it would not be advisable to make such further
reductions In those laws as might be compatible with the interests of
the country. How then doyou fulfil that assurance? You refuse MO
into the question at all. I expected from the early notice whicls the lion.
Member gave of Isis Intention to move an amendment, that it would
have been either that the Government was not entitled to their
confidence, or that no change should take place in the protection to
industry. Now what was the amendment? Why, not a great
principle was involved is it. You refuse to take the question at all
lute consideration. • Do you decide then against the admission of
foreign brandy? Do you decide against the admission of foreign
silks ? This amendment proceeds so far. The question for you to
consider, with regard to, our commercial policy, is, will you advance,
or will you recede ?—(Lond cheers.) You perhaps say, you will stand
still, which is the effect of the amendment—to postpone the consi-
deration of the subject for the next six months. I say to that, that
there is no stationary point—to standstill is to retrograde.—(Cheers.)
l do hope that this Parliament, which passed the law of 1842,
which simplified the Customs, which consented to a change in the
tariff, which passed the Canada Corn Bill, which assented to the
tariff of last year. I hope that this House will net accede to the
sroposition that this question be postponed for six months.—(Lpud
cheers.) The question at issue simply was, whether there should
he a relaxation of duties and of protection, or whether they should
restore prohibitory- duties and Increase protection.—(Cheers.) I
offer this challenge —I never said that it was upon the experience of
the last three years:that I was induced to propose the alterations
now under consideration of the House. What i said was, that
tiring the last three years I have seen coincident with low prices
great prosperity, great contentment, diminution in crime, improved
health, and Increasing commerce, and that experience of three years
has convinced me that cheapness and plenty were the
concomitants of relaxation In our prohihitory duties, and
were the foundation of our commercial greatness.—(Loud cheers.)
I did not take credit to myself for the tariff. What I said was, that
it was a measure which had conduced to the general interests of the
country. This is the challenge which I throw out with respect to the
tariff. Show me a taxation th it on removal did not create some
unnecessary apprehension. I will go further ; show me any removal
of a taxation that has not contributed to the general interests of the
country. Why, I was ashamed when I heard of many of these
petitions against the present measure. Why, here is a petition sent
from the shipowners: They invoke the wisdom of Parliament to
support the general interests of the commtusity, and to
prevent all further rash experiments on the mercan-
tile interests ; and, above all, to mutilate the timber
duties—and this is a petition from the shipowners —the builder§ of
ships.—(Hear, hear.) You reduced the timber duties from 455. to
255., and the reduction did not work that injury which the opponents
of that reduction would have reside out. There is one branch of the

timber-trade which required to be Unproved, and to which good
timber ought to be supplied. So trifling was the supply, that, at thi
present moment, there was not, in one of the greatest maritime
ports in the kingdom, a single block of foreign wood .of that descrip-
tion which was the most valuable for ship building. I propose increased
facilities for procuring timber, in order that good ships may toe built.
[relaxed the duties on timber, and with that relaxation as enormous
increase of Canadian timber had taken place, in the same manner as a
reduction on the duty on wool caused a vast increase of the importation
of that article. That reduction increased the demand for Canadian
timber, In which we arc so deflicientand which is so useful in the
building of ships, that in the port of Liverpool was none to be found.
*a much for that. The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpeol made
a long speech about the colonies. What am I proposing? lam not
Proposing an immediate repeal of everything. lam not pr,posing
that you should sweep away the customs' duty on spirits
and other articles.—(liear, hear, and cheers) I am not for
doing away with all protective duties for revenue. With respect to
the colonial interests, I know that very great interests are involved.
The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool proposed that discern!•
Hating duties should be at once repealed, but it was not his polity to
diminish protection, whore it was necessary. That was the pen-
- Ciple of the policy of my Honourable Friend. What did we do in
1842? We permitted the colonies to get the produce of this country
At a trifling cost. We said with respect to the colonies, that the
time was come for relaxing those principles of restriction which had
marked our policy for many years, and which could not any longer

lie maintained, with the sustainment of the liberties of th's country
Has it injured the colonies ? You are wrong to say that the affection
of the colonies for the mother country depends on the amount of
supply. Look at Australia—what is the great benefit derived from
her ? I propose to proceed on the path that leads to prosperity and
abundance, by gently redwing the protective duties. My Mon.
Friend who spoke on the first 'light of the debate was very
severe on the removal of the protective duties on foreign
carriages.—(near.) I really do not know anything In this
country to prevent it. I knew that there was a duty of a farthing per
yard on printed paper, and I proposed th there should be a cus-
toms duty of 2d. per yard en foreign paper. Why is it that we can-
not compete with France in paper hanging ? The patterns are not So
good, but a limited competition would give the trade a' stimulus and
the talent Would Increase. I know of nothing in the physical consti-
tutem of an Englishman that would hinder him from drawing a
proper pattern. The Hon. Gentleman had said that when he looked
out of the window of his foreign carriage he would see a number of
people standing 'and e.e would be obliged to say to them, "My
good friends I have been obliged to sacrifice you. When has there
been an alteration made in any protective duty that this argument
has not been used--(Laughter)—that the same anticipations have
not been indulged us? In the tariff of 1842, I proposed to let in
potatoes at 2s. per cwt., and -the potato growers of
Yorkshire came to me in a body, saying that the
potato cultivation would be ruined. With regard to hops, in 1842,
I reduced the duty from 8/. lOs to 4/. 10s. All Kent and Sussex
were in arms, saying that the trade would be injured. What is the
tact? Since that time only two cwt. of hops have come in, and yet
the hop growers had feared the Influx would be so great and inju-
rious as to throw a great many persons out of employment. Mr.
Ituskisson let down the protective duties on silk, and Mr. Baring,
the present Lord Ashburton, restated it to the utmost of his power.
He said that hundreds of thousands of poor honest men, knowing
nothing whatever of political economy, would be thrown out of
employment. He had said that a duty of thirty per cent. was n
sufficient protection against foreign competition, and that an admis-
sion of silk at that duty would drive all the workmen from the trade.
Mr. Huskisson said, in reply to the clamours raised against his course
of proceedings, " I have been assailed by ungenerous appeals to my
feelings, appeals calling on me to commune with my feelings, and
asking me if lam not open to the visitations of sorrow. I hope lam
not wanting in the duties of a man or a Christian. But at the seine
time that I entertain these feelings, I have a duty to peetbrm as a
Minister." That was the language of Mr. Huskisson.— (Hear, hear.)
He, however, persevered and removed the prohibitory duties. What
has been the result ? have the hundreds of thousands of silk manu-
facturers been thrown out of employment? Have the poor-rates
been burthened further for their support ? (Hear, hear.) Have we
not been able to compete with the foreieeer ?—(lienewed cries of
"Hear, hear.") In ten years euding in 1823, the import of raw silk
was 19 million pounds, in the tell years following it rose to
3() million pounds, and finally increased to 88 million pounds.
Now which was the true philanthropist—he Who said, " Keep out
French silk, their patterns are sunerier to ours; you will never be
able to compete with them ; yen Will ruin thousands of workmen ;"
or the Minister who sahls " Good God, do you charge me with
apathy? I run not Insensible to the miseries of my fellow-men. I
have-escort...tined that Spitalfields is threatened with devastation by
famine. Let me try whether or net, by bringing the free air of
competeion, I may not improve the condition of my
country." (Great cheers.) have we been enabled to
compete 'with Pereign powers ? Why yeti have sent
more silk manufactures into that country which is said
to be the head of the manufacture you have tent .in
the last year-more silk manufactures into France than you eeperted
• to the , whole world in any year Under' the Old eyettile-,-(Cheers.)
Now, I can go over the whole of there tirtielee. I Can enumerate
tinaberoilk —I can even reter to Inferior articles, and I may men-
tion one reduction in 1842. 111 that year we reduced the duty out
foreign feathers,—(Laughter.) It seemed to me a small article,
made up by an aggregate of small articles—(Contlntled latighter)—
but a manufacturer, came to me and said, "Oh, title is the Most
hard-hearted measure you could have pasted. It Will thin the Melt
farmer—(Laughter) —I have a horse Of call flir lhittlletBl the Eng-
lish farmer Is very careless of his feetilefel telt the Irish farmer finds
hie profit in their trade. afirleti, ' I take all my feathers
reduction,
front Ireland. use son tellit of feathers, at 20s. a stone. This
trade will be drsttinytel.' The duty was reduced. Another letter
."to.asthreeicer it7rala
there grating that
ohicti never
I'l'C'ashadassietteselia sathireWttosgt importven
300 tons from foreign countries, and 150 bated from Ireland, and in-
stead of 20s. per some, he had been obliged to pay 2813: 10d. lie
paid also, that the greatest demand hail been tlntS Cornwall, and
the Cornish miner had been enabled/ lee theee feather manufactures,
to rest himself from the labottrs Or the day, without being obliged
to expend the greater part I h 1
t earnings.' I offer you that chal-
lenge, that you eelltetat ert"..4 me-'-I won't say some small manufaeture,
there may h
• Q 511 MC which will be injured—but I offer this chal-
lenge thee', .1.1 '
.:eing for the list thirty years, to the re-
laxation
.s, your Colonial policy—to the relaxation of your protec-
tie-
,e policy at home —I challenge you to produce an instance in
'which the consumer has been injured---I challenge you to produce
an inslaeee in which the producer has suffered. You have to matte
yOur choice, and vote .on this question. It is a question of
confidence hi, the Government. It ought not to be. Reserve that
lot a' separate motion. The question is, will you advance in the
• path you have hitherto pursued, or will you retrograde. (Cheers.)
Just look at the amount of force you use for the purpose of prevent-
ing smuggling, and don't refuse to consider whether it may not be
'right to reduce protection on s, irits. Reduce the duty en feleign
spirits. I only ask you to reduce the present duty on French
beandy to 15s. On English spirits the duty is 9s. lam only asking
yen to cut up •the trade of the smuggler by the roots. I ask yeti to
-permit French silks to come in at a duty of 15 per cent. Is It not
possible tora benetical result to follow th.s ? Thirty per cent. la
now levied, and smuggling is going on. A further reduction in the
duty on silk would cause the manufacture to increase. Vivify your
manufactures by a spelt of free competion, and see if a beneficial
result will not follow.- But then you will have to decide by a vole
-upon this question. Will you advance or will you recede ? What
is the policy best suited to this great commercial empire ?
I ask you to look at the advantages that God and nature has given
yoq. Look to your geographical position on the confines of
Western Europe, the connecting link between the North ot Europe
and the great continent of America The improvement in naviga-
tion and the application of science have brought you within ten
days of St. Petersburgh on the one side, and ten days of New
Yerk on the other. Look to your physical advantages. The nerves
and sinews of manufactures, iron and coal abound in this country.
Look to your acquired advantages-you have ten times the
amount of capital possessed by any country in the world.
Look to the advantages derived partly from the instate tendency of
yottr own character, and partly from a constitutions reconciling per-
fect liberts , with an absence from licentious rules.—(Cheers.) Look
to all these things. Look to your physical—your geographical posi-
tion. Your physical resources, your capital, and skill, are immense.
You have every advantage. Your powers are beyond any of the
other nations of the geobe.--(llear, hear.) And will you allow it to
be said that ether countries on this question are in advance of you ?
There arc countries that are so, from whom I least expected such
conduct, ant to whom I did not refer. I did not refer to Sardinia,
where the duty or the importation of foreign grain has been re-
pealed. • Naples is stated as likely to follow.—(Hear, hear.) Prussia
is shaken in its present course, and France was desirous of following,
the only objection to that course being from the aristocracy of ma-
nufactures and commerce. The Executive are fully alive to the
question, but at present are restrained by the parties I referred to
in the Chambers ; but the opinion of all sensible men
is, 'that before long, the question will be settled in favour of a more
liberal system.— (Hear, hear.) The leading men of the United
States give, us great encouragement to proceed, and by carrying the
measures of the Government we will be strengthening the halide of
the party in that country- who are desirous of establishing com-
mercial freedom. But whether these countries act in a liberal com-
mercial spirit or not —whether or not they relax the principle of pro-
tion, do not punish yourselves because others choose to do so. For
the sake of your country, and to show a good example to other
countries ; let the decision of the present debate be in favour of com-
mercial freedom.—(Loud cheers.) Let y-ottr vote be for a
principle, based, not on three years' experience, but out
the experience derived from every, relaxation of protective
duties.—(Loud cheers.) Set the glorious example to other nations,
and you Will force them to follow in your wake ; but if even there is
an uncertainty in that, pass the measure, and believe me that int so
doing you will be taking that step which of all others will be most
conducive to your own security—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—and at
the'same time by doing that, will settle st question that will lead to
the'contentment and happiness and willing obedience of the great
body of the people.--(Loud cheers) It must be clear to all, that
after the measure is passed, there will be no certainty that pros-
perity will be generally secured, or that periods of distress in the ma-
nufacturing or agricultural districts may not arise. It will not make
a state of prosperity certain, though it will do much to
prevent the recurrence of distress. We shall have, no doubt, as before,
seasons cf scarcity following on seasons of plenty ; or it may be that
a return of manufacturing distress will be coincident with a season
of agricultural scarcity. You all recollect the times of 1841 and 1842,
those are periods that may occur again.—(Hear.) Let me revive
the recollection of those sad years. The memory of the winters of
1841 and 1842 never can be effaced from my recollection.—(Cheers.)
Recollect the course that we pursued on every occasion on which the
Sovereign met her Parliament when there was an expression of the
deepest sympatey with privation and suffering—recollect that ex-
pression of the warmest admiration for the patience and fortitude
with which those sufferings were borne by the people.—
(1(oed cheers.) Those times may have gone, the years
plenteousnem may come, and the ears of adversity may also
withlt they do come, and if it be 1 t ^ •
our ( u y main to express
sympathy w sutrerht and
I do
ask
everyman
her a,,ant to exhort the people to patience.
himself ties queition :e
lorcorseA mune with his own heart, and to ask
must express sympathy
withtlsese calamitous times do come—if we
to fortitude—will it not be a ceufrerin‘
g—if we must offer exhortation
selves, trout the heavy respensirtioiltation that we have released oar-
food of the people.— (Cheers.)
Wilt ofn regulating the supplies of the
be snore consolatory ?—(Cheers ) wilt our expressions of sympathy
Lurie be more impressive, if we at the sannuset
the exhortations to forth-
fully, that urged by no necessity, and
time say, and say right-
aoticipated those difficulties —(Cheere) • _ to no clamour, we
-eds-'•1 removed every/• •
meld to the free circulation of the bountiesof raped:-
--(Hear, hear, and load cheers.) Will it not be the Creator.
a great and ltst: consolation to us to be enabled to say to a suffering people, ing
are the chastenings of an all-wise and beneficent Provide,tl„ieenset
for :soma dreadful shas to abate our pride possibly, and convince us of
our nothinincS3—to awaken us to a sense of our dependence on our