The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORNING, MAY 21, 1846.

PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
A new five act play, entitled The King of the Commons,
in which Macready sustained the principal character,
was produced at this theatre last evening, with corn-
Vete success. The scene is laid in Scotland, and the
ing of the Commons is the chivalrous, warm-hearted
Poet-king, James V. The play opens in the antichamber
of the palace of Holyrood, where we find Mungo Small
(Mr. Oxberry), a foolish, foppish, self-sufficient gentle-
man•usher in waiting. Dackie of Drumshorian (Mr.
Cooper), the chief of a gang of robbers, enters, and de-
mands admittance to the King. To this demand
Mungo demurs, whereupon Dackie seats himself, and
declares that. he will not stir until he has seen the King.
The King is soon after announced, and James V. (Mr.
Macready), accompanied by his nobles, enters. The
king is chafed and irritated, and dismisses his nobles,
who, it appears have opposed his wish to go to war with
England. Before disrniising them, however, he rates
them soundly, and, calling to him Lord Seton (Mr. C.
ll'isher), directs him to go forth among the commons,
and ascertain if they are willing to support him ; and if
so he declares he will go to war despite the traitor-
nobles. When he is alone Buckier advances to him, and
is recognised as a man who had saved his life from
drowning. Buckier informs him that the greater part of
his nobles are, as he had previously suspected, traitors in
the pay of England, and the communication with Eng-
land is carried on through the medium of Sir Adam
Weir, of Laichmont. The king dismisses him and im-
mediately set out for Laichmont to reconnoitre.
The scene then changes to the wood at Laich-
mont, where we find Madeline Weir (Mrs.
Stirling), and Malcolm Young (Mr. Leigh
Murray), wandering in the woods. Madeline is the
grand-daughter, and Malcolm the poor relation of old
Sir Adam, who is a sort of Scottish Sir Giles Over •
reach, and, like Sir Giles, is bent on forming a high
alliance for his grand-child. Suspecting that an attach-
ment subsists between Malcolm and Madeline, he has
forced the former to become a priest, and is using Isis
utmost endeavours to bring about an alliance between
Madeline and Mungo Small, the gentleman-usher to
Whom we are introduced in the first scene. The two
lovers—for lovers they are notwithstanding the priest-
ship of Malcolm—are just about to come to an eclaircisse-
Thent, when the clash of arms is heard at hand in the
Wood, and Malcolm rushes out, and returns imme-
diately leading in the King wounded, whom he
has rescued from a gang of robbers. The king
is but too happy to accept the hospitality
proffered him by Malcolm, in Sir Adam's house, at
Laichmont, and to the residence of that worthy the
scene changes. Sir Adam (Mr. Ryder), a hale, shrewd
old man, is busied with his accounts, when Laird
Small (Mr. Compton), a garrulous old man, in the
last stage of fatuous senility, full of beginnings of
stories which his memory will not serve; him
to bring to a conclusion, enters, and they are negotiat-
ing the marriage which is to join their properties, when
they are informed of the arrival of the wounded stranger.
This incident happens most opportunely to serve the pur-
poses of Sir Adam, who needs a messenger to the traitor
'' 'rds, and he determines to see the stranger,
notwithstanding the opposition of old Small, who
is dreadfully alarmed lest the stranger should die
during the interview; and this brings us to the conclu-
sion of the first act. In the second act we have the in-
terview between the King and Sir Adam, and this is
certainly a most admirably written and cleverly managed
!sFene. Sir Adam and the King each endeavour to sift
the other, and albeit the King, in this shrewd encounter
of their wits, ultimately comes off victorious, yet he
domes not off altogether unscathed; for instance, be is
obliged to listen to some most bitter sarcasms
on his own poetry, which so gall him to the quick that
he is often on the point of betraying himself. However,
he at length circumvents Sir Adam, who entrusts him
With a packet containing divers parcels of money, to be
la livered to the various lords at the Scottish Court, to
Induce them to prevent the king from going to war, and
persuading him, that albeit unknown at Court,
the delivery of those packets will secure him
i_'friends and promotion. Previous to his departure, he
has an interview with Malcolm and with Madeline, and
discovers their mutual affection for each other ; and
manages so that they shall know the true state of each
other's hearts; and then, meeting Buckler, he delivers to
atm the packet, desiring him to bring it to the
Palace, and deliver it to the King, in the presence
of his council, in the evening. Meanwhile, Mungo
Small has arrived, and is introduced to Madeline, and,
in the presence of his father and the Widow Barton
(Mrs. Fosbroke), relates all sorts of anecdotes of his
doings at Court. This scene, which is a perfect hors
d'oeuvre, had better, in the future representations
of the play, be omitted altogether ; it is far
from being well writtten, and is anything but
cleverly acted by Oxberry ; and the success of the
play was last night jeopardised—the audience became
impatient, and gave expression to their impatience in a
very audible manner. The aversion of Madeline to the
match is so apparent that Sir Adam threatens her that
if she will not consent,he will send forth Malcolm abeggar,
and sends Malcolm to urge her to it. Malcolm, however,
unexpectedly turns upon the old man, refuses to aid him
is his schemes, and taxes him with his cruelty. At this
crisis the whole of the household of Laichmont are sum-
moned to appear at Holyrood instantly, to which spot
the scene must now change. The king, on his return,
is waited on by his old tutor, a bishop (Mr. Walton),
who tells him that he has discovered that Seton in his
absence has entertained an envoy from England,
andb hiss dismissed him with safe conduct. Seton is sum-
mo
ned instantly, and the scene between the King, Seton,
and th e Bishop, is the scene of the play. Seton listens
to the Bishop's statement, and admits its truth. The
agony of the King is intense—he has been deceived in
one who had been his playmate in boyhood, his
fellow-student in youth, and his friend in man-
hood—who might have coined him into ingots,
80 that he would not have betrayed him ; but
he will be firm. He summonses his guards to lead him
forth to instant execution ; but when lie comes to pro-
nounce the fatal words he cannot utter them,
and sinks into a chair speechless with agony.
Seton demands that the Bishop should produce
the messenger, whom he has arrested. The mes-
senger is produced, and delivers the letters
of Seton, in which that faithful and loyal friend spurns
with indignation the offers which have been made him,
and challenges the offerer to single combat whenever
the Scottish army shall cross the Tweed. The King
takes him to his heart, and dismisses the 'Bishop to the
superintendence of his priests, desiring him henceforth to
insist somewhat more on charity, and somewhat less on
firmness. This powerful scene was given by Macready
with au intensity of passion and tenderness which left
nothin,T to be desired. lie was great—very, very
great in this scene, and worked up the audience to a
pitch of enthusiasm which carried the remainder of the
play through triumphantly. In the last act we find the
captives of Laichmont at Holyrood. The King has pro-
cured from the Cardinal Archbishop a dispensation, re-
lieving Malcolm from the duties of the priesthood, and,
after awhile playing upon his hopes and fears, gives it
to him, and at the same time enrols him in the army.
The nobles are assembled, and Sir Adam is present.
Buckier is introduced, and proves himself to be the
nephew of Sir Adam, who, having been cheated by his
uncle of his property, has been forced into unlawful
and,
courses; having made this exposé, he accuses Sir
Adam f treason, and produces the fatal packet. The
traitor-nobles are horror-struck. The King opens it,
but, without reading it, destroys it, and by this act of
generosity wins the attachment of the traitor-nobles
themselves. Sir Adam, as the p
sents to divide his property i equally ceheotfwbeiesnpßaurdelocine,rcaonnd-
Madeline, and the latter s united to Ablatcholm,. w. ho
is
knighted by the Kthg. Chivalrou.s— ig -spirited-
4jealous in honour, sudden and quick in quarrel"—a
lover of adventure—a poet—manly in thought, in act
and in bearing, yet with a
n 4 tenderness of heart,
the character of James the Fifth is one admirably
adapted for dramatic purposes, and most especially
suited to Macready's peculiar potveerse.harlatetwera,s
aenvdidehnist
that he had carefully studied th
delineation of it was a series of ex qatliliesdi teflnyr:fianriids hreed
pictures. At the conclusion he wans c
ceived with rapturous applause; a d thbenwtehderheiwstaasca.
call for the author, Mr. White, who
knowledgments from the stage box. Mrek.iCe,oaonpedrmaanld.
Mr. Leigh Murray were very good as Buc r
colm; but Mr. Ryder was scarcely the Sir Adam
of the author. He
was
a white
old
• Notmerely
so
by virtue of wearding
Small
was
perfect.ilan
He was
Compton,
literally "e, foolish and a faded gentleman," and duct as
Small was, in its peculiar line, quite as great as the
James of Macready. Mrs. Stirling was a very interest-
ing" Madeline ; but Oxberry, as Young Small, was much
too farcical. The house was crowded, and the play was
announced for repetition amidst loud applause.

----.---m----
A NEW TRICE..—An impudent fraud, by which many 1
of the respectable inhabitants of Coventry and the neigh-
bourhood were completely swindled out of their money, was
successfully practised in that city on Friday se'nnight. It ap-
pears that a concert, under royal patronage, was advertised to
take place in St. Mary's Hall on the evening of the above
day. Themaiartaisutsomanenrounced were the veteran Braham, Mr.
C. Bland,
5,5 the Misses Smith, Signor
in the whole about Sivori, and
, tperbformers. Admission was to be by
ticket only, 55. each
The
scheme
woas
ae bad at the hall, from 12 to 3
o'clock.
most attractive one, and tickets
were in great demand. One
the hoax remained at his
post
t
until
of the parties engaged in
four o'clock in the
afternonn, when he left, as it was
arrangements
ought, for the purpose
tigements for the per
completing the necessary
care to have the music-
rte position.
iormers, baying previously taken
stands for them placed in prop:
nni;chasers of tickets
named for the doors to be opened
.to receive the
At the hour
was
and quietly took their
flocked foarndadtnheiyssiwonal;kebdutinttloietrhee
announced for the
tickets,
seats. After waiting long past the hour
commencement of the concert the audience re= from the
ball, much chagrined at their disappointment, and some a
little enraged at having been swindled out of their money-;.*
not
There were three actors in this disgraceful affair,the oprinci-
pal of whom went by the name of Hayden, al
Proctor,ins
and another of the gang is known by the name of Chadwick.
The name of the third has not transpired. Two of these
.
worthies, it is stated, formed part of a company of theatricals
ately performing at Gloucester A description of their per.
lons has been published, which it is hoped will lead to their
speedy apprehension —Birmingham Gazette.
FALL IN THE PRICE OF BREAD.—Tuesday, in the
neighbotirhood of Whitechapel, Blackftlar's-road, and other poor dis-
tricts, large posters were exhibited, announcing " Glorious News,"
" Tremendous Fall in the Price of B
&C.,re ad," " Repeal of
whic thhe Corn-
laws," " Success to Free Trade," fcc. the cause of state-
ment appeared to be that the price of bread had fallen to the extent
of 1 y,d.—naraely, from 74d. to 6d., and from 7d. to 5)4d. per loaf.
BRIGHTON, MAY 18.— Lady Campbell and daughters,
and Sir Thomas Fremantle and daughter, left here on Saturday after-
noon, in the packet for Dieppe, en routs for Paris.
SALT MINES IN ALGERIA. The French Govern-
ment is about to cause the salt mines in Algeria to be worked on its
own account.
A writ of habeas corpus was on Tuesday granted by the
sitting Judge at Chambers, directed to the Sergean
he body t-at-Arms of the
House of Commons, commanding him to bring up tof William
Smith O'Brien detained in his custody, together with the cause of
his detention.
There is a metallic substance in the British Museum
weighing fifteen cwt., which is said to have been a projection from
some planetary body.

LICENSED VICTUALLERS'
ASYLUM.
The nineteeth anniversary of the establishment of
this excellent and philanthropic institution was cele-
brated last evening by a dinner at White Conduit
House. James Le Seager, E•ci , presided, and was sup-
ported on his right by Captain Pechell, M.P. Upwards
of 350 sat down to dinner; the large room being almost
inadequate to hold those desirous of being present with
anything like convenience. In fact, several persons
were compelled to dine in the lower apartments of the
house.
Several of the most distinguished members of the
trade were present.
The dinner, and Non Nobis Dornine having been dis-
posed of,
The CHAIRMAN gave in succession " The Queen, and
long may she reign over a happy, prosperous, and free
people," " The Queen Dowager," " His Royal Highness
tPor it nhcee fAu
ol
db
se r
of
,f"
twhehoinsyt•
jetshtleirodnaT
~presentedT h e P ri n
efieftoy
fguineasWafer,
and the rest of the Royal Famrly,." and the " Army and
Navy," all of which were enthusiastically responded to
by the numerous assemblage.
The CHAIRMAN then called on Mr. Jones, the secre-
tary to the institution, to read the report for the past
year, which detailed at length the labours of the
institution, and the benefits it had conferred on those
for whom it was established.
The CHAIRMAN then rose to propose the toast of the
evening. In doing so he said, he believed, there never
was a more satisfactory report presented at any of the
former meetings of the iM-itution than the one they had
just heard read. It evinced the deep interest taken by
licensed victuallers on behalf of this large and most
benevolent establishment.—(Hear, hear.) But the in-
terest taken in the welfare of the society was not con-
fined to licensed victuallers alone, but extended to the
highest personages in the country—(Hear, hear)—and
the interest taken in it by other parties not connected
with the trade showed how beneficial it was considered.
(Cheers.) On.a late visit to the asylum with the
Lord Mayor, both himself and his Lordship were par-
ticularly struck with the excellent manner in which the
whole establishment was conducted, and also with the
sympathy that appeared to be felt for the inmates by the
excellent management of the committee ; and it was most
gratifying to every one present on the occasion to which
he referred. to hear the blessings poured on the heads of
those for the comforts which they enjoyed through their
instrumentality—(Hear, hear)—because they knew that
but for their aid and sympathy they would be compelled
to seek the workhouse—that place of despair, which none
could enter without abhorrence. He invited those who
had not not yet seen the asylum to visit it, in order that
they might see for themselves the happiness and com-
forts which the inmates enjoyed. He was most happy
to inform them that one of the circumstances alluded to
by the Lord Mayor had reference to the Charitable
Trusts' Bill, and his Lorship expressed himself with great
feeling on the subject, and that he would oppose it to
the utmost of his ability ; but he (the Chairman) was
gratified to state that without the exertions of the com-
mittee of the institution that end had been obtained by the
rejection of the Bill by the House of Lords—(Cheers)—
and that there was no fear of the introduction of a simi-
lar measure into the Legislature, for some time to come
at least. And they ought not simply to look to the contri-
butions which they gave to the society, and to the ad-
vantages which they thus conferred upon those who had
the misfortune to be stricken with poverty ; but they
must look further, and they would find, that whilst
they contributed to the institution, they set a
noble example to those in other parts of the
kingdom to follow their example. He had also the
pleasure, a few days ago, to be in the company of Mr.
Thomas Phillipps, the late Mayor of Birmingham, who
stated, that ho was so delighted at the way the establish-
ment was conducted, that when he presided over the Pro-
tection Society of the town of Birmingham, he endea-
voured to induce that society to promote the interests of
licensed victuallers by establishing a similar institution
in that town—(Hear, hear)—and, as an earnest of
evincing his desire to accomplish this object, he headed
a subscription list by putting down 501.—(Cheers.) And
he added that it was quite delightful to see the way in
which parties came forward to contribute their ten and
fifty guineas to accomplish so great an object, and he
had now obtained sufficient to erect a number of alms-
houses for decayed licensed victuallers in the town of
Birmingham.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") And he had
also got a similar fund in order to relieve
the distressed members of the trade until those
almshouses could be constructed.—(Hear, hear.) That
he (the Chairman) hoped that they would carry on their
exertions to the utmost extent, and that their meetings
would form a stimulus to their labours for the future.
He would not, however, detain them longer on such an
auspicious occasion, except to thank those who
had given donations to the institution. There
were many persons, at that moment, in the
last stage of poverty, who had lived in better circum-
stances, and as there was no tradesman who might not,
at some period of his life, be reduced from affluence to
poverty, he was sure their sympathies would be enlisted
in behalf of such an it stitution, and that they would
contribute to a fund which had for its object the support
of the decayed members of the trade in their declining
years.—(Cheers.) He concluded by proposing " Pros-
perity to the Licensed Victuallers' Asylum."—(Cheers.)
The toast was received and drank with great applause.
Captain PECHELL, M.P., said they were no doubt well
aware how advantageous meetings of that description
were, where conviviality was part and parcel of the pro-
ceedings. He thought it would be admitted on all
hands, that the proceedings had been conducted
by the Chairman in a manner which had led to the
best results. It could not fail to he otherwise than a
source of pride and satisfaction to him to preside over
such an assembly. Beloved and respected by a large
and numerous acquaintance, he could not convey:toihim-
self a more amiable distinction than to possess the re-
gard of so many of his fellow-creatures. But he would
not be guilty of such bad taste as to interpose one
moment between them and the object of their`‘ meeting,
which he considered was entitled to the utmost appro-
bation.— (Cheers.) He, therefore, had only to pro-
pose that they should drink the health of James Le
Seeger, Esq,
The toast was drank, with three times three, and
with great applause.
The CHAIRMAN briefly returned thanks. He felt
himself quite inadequate to expresss his thanks in
suitable terms. He assured them that he never
was more delighted or proud than he felt at
that moment, because he saw around him so many
friends who entertained for him the kindest feel-
ings. He hoped he should riot express himself with too
inuch enthusiasm, when he said, that he had been con-
nected in business with many of those around him for
the last thirty years. He also felt deeply honoured
by the expressions of those with whom he was not in im •
mediate acquaintance. He had only one circumstance to
regret in behalf of the institution—that the Committee
should have pitched on so feeble an advocate as himself.
—(Cries of " No, no.") He felt his inadequacy to
discharge the duties of the chair to their satisfaction ;
but at the same time he considered that it was only
right to be in their call whenever they considered
tt
oant
.—h(ec
bceoeur
sl be of any
and Hear,
hear.b)enfi He
et
feltto himself
iit
selfnbsotonu-
d
at all times to express his gratitude, not only in words,
but by every means in his power.—(Hear, hear.) He
hoped, however, that in what he had done they would take
the will for the deed. After again thanking them cor-
dially, the Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat, after
drinking
eriAt
ingtheah3ein thhoefn proposed
p
os
o d present.
The
sure the health of Captain
Pechell, M.P. He was the toast would be accept.
able to all of them. He had not onlysanidnedabtlheeamdvbnynhaties
presence, but by a donation. He was
destroyd there
theself people,more
ohfa dthe devotediliberty
himself nuonm-Ealingwlihsho
system of poor-law which toeaxnisted in this country.—
(Hear, hear.) And when his services were not required
in the Legislature, he was always ready to aid them to
country.furthe He work
ed by pr
further the
nononlfubdenevolenc:p proposing
Gacsllapnttsin CapEptacirL—dL,
M.P., brieflyoudcheers. benefit of his
therhealth of the
the
returned thanks
the honour they had conferred uponhi I
It happened
for
e ood
that, among his public duties, when he first entered the
House of Commons, he undertook the cause of the
licensed victuallers.—(Cheers.) He took up their cause
because he thought that they were some of the most in-
telligent and. most respectable portion of her Majesty's
subjects, and because they were nndoubtcdly one of the
most oppressed classes of society—('Hear, hear)—for
whenever the Government of the day, of whatever shade
of politics, found the imposition of a new tax necessary,
they invariably fixed upon licensed victuallers. They
also considered the tax they were imposing like physic,
but as long as they could get powers to inflict the dose,
they did not care how they got it down.—(Hear, and
laughter.) It was, no doubt, from the measures which
he undertook to get rid of a great many disabilities and
impositions that were practised upon them, that he
believed his name had attracted their attention, and
it was gratifying that at the end of fourteen years he
had the honour to appear before them, and to find that
they sanctioned all he had done.—(Cheers.) These
were the rewards which public servants had to look to—
no other did he expect, and it would be a stimulus to him
to continue in the same tour se.—(Hear, hear.) He was
glad that they relieved the decayed members of their
trade from the necessity of entering the union work-
house, and that they administered
rto their relief in a
truly British manner.—(Hear,
and the wine and spirit merchants who had attended the
The CHAIRMAN then gave " Nhlra. a con (of Yarmouth),
anniversary."
occuation fet leasure in i e
Mr. LAcote briefly returned thanks. Men of his
quota lto the supportextreme of their old friends contr
whboutin sung kth int
difficulties.
The CHAIRMAN then gave "John Scott, Esq., editor of
the Morning Adveitiser, and the Press," in a neat speech,
in which he passed a high eulogium on the talents of
Mrm.Sri.ctosstmtc,:naTnTad the ability he had displayed in conduct-
ing the Morning Advertiser since he had been entrusted
with
and of the management.
Mr. thanks in his own behalf
press, and assured them that whilst that news-
paper was under his direction, it would support the liber-
ties
The
of fe t
fhoel po ewot pn lge .
toasts were amongl those given, and in
" The Goverrnmory respondedr to as their
succession, and were as warmly
the Committees;" "The Manager of the
predecessors;cbaimr an or
Protection The
Society"s(trecplbieadirmtoanboyf MtbirlemFiJnplts);" "The
the t i ;t
u Ilr.
" Mr. Jones, the Secretary," &c. ; and the assemblage
separated.
The subscriptions altogether amounted to 2,5061. 6s.
Amongst those subscribing were the names of the
Chairman, 52/. 10s. ; George Byng, Esq., M.P., 101.
10s. ; the Lord Mayor, 10/. 10s.; Messrs. Goldsmith,
10/. 10s. ; Mrs. Goldsmith, 51. ss. ; Charles Pearson,
Esq., 51. ss. ; J. E. Layton, Esq., Yarmouth, 26/. ss. ;
Captain Pechell, Si. ss. ; Mr, Rouse, juu., 101, 10s.; and
John Scott, Esq., ss, ss.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMOIVS, May 20.
The SPEAKES took the Chair at a few minutes past
Twelve.
EASTERN UNION RAILWAY (ARDLEIGH TO
COLCHESTER.)
This Bill was road a third time and passed.
REPORTS.
The following reports were agreed to, and the Bills or-
dered to be engrossed, viz.:—
Bristol Waterworks.
Manchester Markets.
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Improvement.
Leith Paving.
Somersetshire Midland Railway.
Great Grimsby and Sheffield Junction Railway (Humber

Ferries).
Legal Quays (London).
Edinburgh Paving.
Leeds, York, and Midland Junction Railway.
Edinburgh and Peebles Railway.
York Improvement.
Birkenhead Small Debts.
South-Eastern Railway (No. 2—Greenwich Railway to

Chilham, near Canteibuiy, with Branches).
Norfolk Railway Extension (Dereham, Wells, and Blakeney

Branch). -
Perth and Inverness Railway.
Caledonian Railway (Mid-Lothian Branches).
Chard Canal Railway„____

FREE OHURCII OF SCOTLAND.

Sir ANDREW LEITH HAY presented petitions from
various places in Scotland, signed by members of the Free
Church, praying the House to grant them sites for building
places of worship.
ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL.

Lord JOHN iiAßKkils presented several petitions from
various parts of the country in favour of this Bill.
BRIDGEWATER AND TAUNTON CANAL, RAILWAY,

AND HARBOUR BILL.
Lord HARRY VANE, on bringing up the report of the
Committee on the Brdgewater and Taunton Canal, Railway,
and Harbour Bill, moved that the Bill be re-committed to
the former Committee, and that the Committee have leave
to sit and proceed on Friday next, at one o'clock. The
Noble Lord also, on bringing up the report from the Commit-
tee on the Bristol and Exeter Railway (Crewkerne Branch)
Bill, moved that the Bill be re-committed to the former
Committee, and that the Committee have leave to proceed
on Friday next.—The motions were agreed to.
CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL.
Mr. SPOONER presented a petition from the inhabitants
of Birmingham praying the House not to pass this Bill until
due inquiries had been made into the Roman Catholic
belie-

GRAND JUNCTION RAILWAY.
Mr. GREENE moved that leave be given to read the
Grand Junction Railway (Showhill and Portobello Branch)
Bill a second time on Thursday, the 21st May, although no
breviate shall have been laid on the table, such Bill having
been separated from the Grand Junction Railway (Huyton
and Aston and other Branches) Bill, on the recommendation
of the Classification Committee, and the breviate of the
whole having been already laid on the table of the House.
The Hon. Gentleman also moved that the order made on the
16th day of March, for referring the Tring, Reading, and
Basingstoke (Tring to Saunderton) Railway Bill to the Com-
mittee of Selection, be read ; that the said order be dis-
charged ; that the said Bill be withdrawn.—The motions
were agreed to.
DISTRESS IN IRELAND.
On the motion that the orders of the day be read,
Mr. P. SCROPE wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet
whether the attention of the Government had been called to
the distress which existed in Mallow, in the county of Cork ?
It appeared that out of a population of twelve thousand per-
sons, six thousand persons were wholly destitute of food.
He wished to know whether the Government were about to
adopt a similar precedent to that set some years ago in the
western districts of Scotland, when a scarcity was existing
in that district? The Government then taxed the landed
proprietors to the amount of fourteen per cent. upon their
holdings, in order to make a relief fund.
Sir J. GRAHAM said his attention had not been called
to Mallow. There was a committee sitting in Dublin
which had full power, upon proper application, to afford such
assistance as was in the power of the Government. With
reference to the second part of the Hon. Member's question,
whether it was the intention of the Government to adopt the
precedent set them in Scotland, he had only to say that it was
not, in the present year, and under the present circumstances
of Ireland, the intention of the Government to propose a land-
tax to meet the present distress. What might be the future
policy of the Government regarding the subject he was not
prepared to say.
LACE FACTORIES BILL.
Mr. GISBORNE said that he was of opinion that the Lace
Factories Bill, which stood first on the orders of the day for
a second reading, should be allowed to pass sub sitentio,
and that the discussion and division on the question should
take place on the motion that the House go into Com-
mittee.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he would most cheerfully assent
to such an arrangement, as he had been entrusted with the
care of the Bill, and it was his duty to forward it in every
possible stage.
Sir J. GRAHAM said he could not be a party to any such
arrangement, for he felt so strongly impressed with the
feeling that any legislative interference with the subject of
lace manufactories would have the worst possible effect ;'if,
therefore, the Hon. Member would proceed with his Bill, he
would ask the indulgence of the House whilst lie would
shortly state his opinions upon the subject.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. GISBORNE then withdrew his motion.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented several numerously signed
petitions from Nottingham in favour of the Lace Factories
Bill.

Lord J. MANNERS presented several similar petitions,
signed by several thousand persons.
Mr. I'. DUNCOMBE said that, in moving the second
reading of the Bill now before the House, he should state his
opinion that it was imperatively necessary, if they regarded
either the moral or the social comfort of those poor children
employed in the manufacture of lace in this country, that
some legislative interference should take place in the conduct
of the lace manufacturers. He had nearly the unanimous
assent of the operative and the master manufacturer in
favour of the Bill, and the question did not stand in the
same position as the factory question, in consequence of
their having been no legislation on the subject, and the
question for the House to decide whether there should be
any interference or not in the lace manufacturers. He was
aware that some persons considered that the Bill ought to be
restricted entirely to children—that others considered it did
not go far enough, while others did not approve of the
principle of the Bill. Now what was the state of the
factory trade in the country? The House should be aware
in the first place, that these steam engines ran, through
the whole week, from twelve o'clock on Sunday
night to twelve o'clock on Saturday night, without
intermission, and that this could not be carried
on without the assistance of children. Children from
'le ages of six to eight years were obliged to remain up al'

night; and many of -these poor children never saw their bed.
They lay upon the floor of the factory, during the intervals
they might be able to snatch for rest, and they
were momentarily roused up to pursue the
stern labours imposed upon them. Could the House
suppose that children so brought up were reared as they
ought to be? What was the evidence of Mr. Saunders, the
intelligent inspector of manufactories, upon the subject ?
He says that legislation was not only passible, but most
necessary. Consumption and fever were the concomitant
results of the system, which also induced the
most immoral effects in the children themselves.
He confessed that there was this principle in his Bill, that it
interfered with adult labour ; but, in point of fact, the Right
Hon. Baronet also interfered with adult labour in his Bill,
and the only difference between them was, that Life (Mr.
Duncombe) did so in exceptions, by preventing labour after
ten o'clock, while the Right Hon. Baronet did it by a
species of inference. They were often accustomed to
hear that there should be no interference between
the manufacturer and the operative, and they were assured
that if they did not interfere manufactures would flourish,
and the social condition of the workers be greatly improved.
They saw this result in the lace factories ; there there was
no interference between the master and the worker, and what
was the consequence ? That there was disease and discontent,
and immorality, rife amongst them—that as a class they were
most degraded, that as operatives they were the most depressed
of all those engaged in factory labour. He appealed to the
Right Hon. Baronet not to reject the second reading of this
Bill ; unless, indeed, his objection were to the principle of
interference with the manufacturer. There was one pecu-
liarity attached to this measure, viz., that it had received
the assent of at least four-fifths of the proprietors of lace
works ; and he might also say the consent of all the workers
employed. He implored the House to consent to the second
reading of a measure which had been already sanctioned by
the very persons who were most interested in it. He did
hope and trust that the House would not disappoint these
humane and just expectations. He moved that this Bill be
read a second time.
The question having been put,
Sir J. GRAHAM said that the Hon. Member who had
just moved the second reading of this Bill had made a forcible
appeal to him not to resist that second reading. He told the
House that the measure was supported by four-fifths of the
master employers in the trade, and that, with scarcely an
exception, the operatives had dared in its favour. He did
not know the sources whence the Hon. Member had received
that information, probably from a different quarter than he
himself had, for as far as he could judge the opinions of the
master were entirely opposed to the lion. Member for Fins-
bury. With respect to the measure itself he acknowledged
that first impressions were in favour of restricting the hours
of labour, but then it was for the Legislature to consider
whether this restriction would be followed by the effect so
ardently desired by the Hon Member for Finsbury, and by
other Hon. Members. They had to consider well whether
the benefits arising from shortened hours of labour, would
not be more than counter-balanced by the miseries
arising from reduced wages. This question, however, was
by no means a new one. It had been often before the
House, and the dangers of any legislation of this character
had been often strongly dwelt upon. In the consideration
which had been given to this subject it was impossible
that so important a branch of manufactures as the lace
manufacturers should not have received a due attention.
Parliament had granted commissions to inquire into the
question times without number, and therefore it was that
this subject was not for the first time brought under
discussion ; but they were that day called on to
come to a decision precisely the reverse of that
which bad been recommended by these commissions.—
(Hear, hear.) By far the greater of all the lace manu-
factures which was produced was not the results of ma-
chinery, worked by power, but the effect of hand-loom
weaving; and there existed a very marked difference be-
tween the lace and the cotton manufacture, the raw mate-
rial of the latter being in a great degree the produce of ma-
chinery wrought by power, whereas the other was almost all
produced by the hand. The hand-loom weaver was waging a
hopeless struggle against the untiring efforts of machinery,
but the Honourable Member, by this measure, sought still
inure to fetter his exertions by denying him the liberty of
working at night. Then there was another striking differ-
ence between these manufactures, for while the one was con-
ducted in dwellings, where large numbers of personsolsveeit•oe
Hon. Member's measure were
congregated, gdrsevge
dwelling-houses,
the(gl,..h o oetsh, other wasmo
re frequentlyperformed
ese shopsl,er
very
dwel-
lings themselves, and if the
necessary to give them a p
•1-1 hear.) Let
the ni ear,
houses at all hours of
t proportiondi which existed
carried out in the matter of ton\Nseprectoofrs,enitterwinoguldthebier
them look at the very grea
and in the other. The average cost of
d in the lace trade
mated at 20/., while the machisery require
from 000/ to 1 000/. There was also this remarkable
between the cost of the machinery emaplpooyweder
ranged . i-nlotoini Novnase ecsatsie-
that the trade was dependent upon the caprice
the fancies of the public, and this machinery, which in many
fact to be considered with respect to the l.aceeomf
fashion and
cases cost above 2,0001. might, in six or eight months
after its first purchase, require extensive alterations
which would involve a further and increased cost.—(Hear,
hear.) Then, again, with reference to the number of persons
employed in a power-loom factory : a girl of thirteen to
eighteen years of age could superintend three or four looms,
while in the silk trade one worker was required to be at-
tached to every loom. The lace trade, it was well known,
was dependent upon its foreign customers, but the Bill of
the Honourable Member would press severely upon the

manufacturer, who was already competing at a disadvan-
tage with the French manufacturer. He hoped that
arrangements would soon be completed which would give
him a fairer chance of coping with his continental rivals.—
(Hear; hear.) The Hon. Member had told them that the
physical condition of the labourers in the silk manufactories
was of a very low character; but he could not see that any
improvement would be effeeted by a measure which would,
from its very character, involve a reduction of wages.
If this Bill were passed into a law, the capital employed in
the lace manufacture of this country would fly away into
ether hands, it would go into other countries where no such
restriction was enforced.—(Hear, hear.) The destruction of
that branch of our manufactures must be the inevitable re-
sult of such a law. He had already stated that his first
objection to this Bill was, that it proposed to interfere with
adult labour, though he felt that there was anetber grave
objection to it—an objection which the Hon. Member for
Finsbury felt also—which was this, that it was not expedient
that children should work from six in the morning till ten at
night. If this measure were passed it would be incumbent
on the Legislature to restrict the labour in the other four prin-
cipal branches of manufacture. It was impossible for theme to
carry such a measure into effect in the way proposd.
It could only he enforced by a system of inspection or in-
formation on the part of fellow-workmen, which would not
be tolerated in this country. The Excise law would be per-
fect lenity compared with such a law as that proposed. It
would empower a body of men to enter constantly into the
thuen.roomAnin which the
man, who wished to earn a subsistence for his family
would be prevented from pursuing his trade after ten o'clock
ofwoarkfamwilays—charreMiegd
at night. His rival would, no doubt, be tempted by the offer
hand
-loom
of 10/., and give information against a man of an industrious
character employed in the manufacture of lace. But the fact
was, that the objections to this Bill were so insuperable, that
he felt satisfied that it would never be tolerated in
this country.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He would, for
a moment, beg leave to call the attention of the
House to the effect of their recent interference with the rope-
makers of this country. Petitions from both masters and
men in that branch of trade were continually being pre-
sented to the House, praying them to repeal the late law which
they passed with reference to the hours of work in that trade,
and it was now a subject for discussion whether they should
not comply with the prayer of those petitions. Both masters
and men had found that the recent law, which restricts the
hours of labour in their trade, was injurious to their interests,
and they asked the House to repeal that Act whose con
tinuance they represent to be fatal to rope making in this
country—that that trade must in fact be abandoned if they
were not allowed to work free from all such supervision as that
law had introduced. Well the Legislature had now time
to coesider. They were, by this, called upon to interfere
directly with labour. They were called upon to extend the
system of inspection into the private workshops and dwellings
of this country. It was certainly one of the painful duties
attached to the office which he filled to be opposed very often
to the popular wishes, and he had almost said the popular
feeling, but, entertaining the strong opinion which he did that
this would be a fatal and a wrong step, he did not hesitate
for one moment to move an amendment, that the Bill be read
a second time that day six months.—(Hear, hear.)
Colonel ROLLESTON said his name was endorsed on the
Bill, and be was of course bound to give his support to it.
After the fullest consideration which be had been enabled to
give to the Bill, and the circumstances attending its intro-
duction into the House, he felt it his bounden duty
to entreat the House to take into their serious con-
sideration the various provisions of this Bill.—(Crie.e
of " Hear, hear.") The parties whom it would effect
looked to the Legislature for relief, for they were unable to
rescue themselves from the bondage and slavery in which
they were under the present state of things. The hardship
which they had to endure was, if paralleled, certainly not
exceeded by any persons employed in the manufactures of
this country.— (Hear, hear.) Before he touched upon the
details of this measure he would briefly allude to an objec-
tion raised by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State
for the Home Department, who had said that no
petitions had been presented by the operatives employed in
the manufacture of lace. Now the truth was, that it was
not many days ago, since he (Colonel Rolleston) presented
a numerously signed petition in favour of this measure from
those individuals. A petition had also been presented a few
nights ago, and at the head of the names attached to the
petition, was that of Mr. Herbert, the Mayor of Nottingham,
the centre of this branch of manufactures. The petitioners
prayed the House to adopt speedily some measure whereby
the children employed in that manufacture should be released
from the bondage to which they were subjected at present.
roposed by this Bill, because
should not interfere in the mode p
The Right Hon. Baronet had said that the Legislature
there were not many children employed in the manufacture
of lace, but after travelling through four or five volumes of
the Commissioners' report upon the question, he found that
the number of children so employed was very con-
siderable indeed, and that the effects were of the most
ruinous character as regarded their health, morals,
and education. (The Honourable Member then proceeded
to read several extracts from the report in question.)
He hoped the House then would allow this Bill to go into
Committee, for in his opinion it was the on measur calc-
lated to remedy all the evils complained of.—ly (Hear,e hear.)
Another portion of the Bill bad reference to adult
labourers; but he did not attach so much importance to
this part as to those clauses and provisions which re-
lated to the employment of children in factories. Those
provisions, if agreed to by the House, would improve
the physical and moral condition of a multitude of children of
industry, and he entreated the House to let the Bill be read
a second time.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. STRUTT said the Hon. Member had quoted from
Hansard, which only gave a condensed summary of what
he (Mr. Strutt) said some few years ago upon a similar sub-
ject to the present, but he would, with the per-
mission of the House, read a more extended re-
port from the " Mirror of Parliament," and it
would be seen that he was then, and he might add that he
was now, of opinion that such a Bill as the one before the
House would be ineffective unless it applied to mills worked
by power as well as by hand.—(Hear, hear.) Were they,
however, prepared to go the length of saying that they would
not allow a poor lace worker to get up at four o'clock in the
morning and labour at his trade in his own room ?
And yet this Bill went to this extreme, and he for one said
the Bill would be committing a practical evil instead of
doing any good. Why, they might with as much justice
apply the same principle to the sailor, the shoemaker, or the
bricklayer; but be that as it might, he was sure, if the
passed this Bill in its present form, it would be made the
medium for committing acts of oppression and injustice on
poor and industrious persons who were anxious to improve
their condition by employing their leisure time or what they
treated as leisure hours in labour and industry. —(Hear, hear.)
He was sure, then, if the House passed this Bill, they would
be committing a great wrong on the manufacturing interest
of the country, while the Bill itself would only aggravate the
evil which it was intended to remedy.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE said he was an advocate for a Bill
defining the hours of labour for persons employed in large
public mills, but lie certainly could not go the length of sup-
porting a Bill which applied generally to all mills
and all workshops, whether public or private, large
or small.—(Hear, hear.) He believed, too, the public
were not prepared to go this length; for, in the petition lie
had presented to the House upon this subject, he found they
applied to large public factories, and not to private work.
shops. The principle of this Bill was not to regulate the
hours at which children should be employed in fac-
tories, but to stop the night labour of adults, and
he for one must say lie was not prepared to
support a Bill of this nature.—(Hear, hear.) It was
true that in 1821 lie introduced a Bill restricting
the hours of labour in cotton factories, when an attempt was
made to include silk, flax, and lace manufactories in it. But
it was thought then by the House, and by the operatives
themselves, that as regarded those branches of manufacture,
the Bill would prove inoperative, if it did not result in aug
menting instead of diminishing the evil.--(Hear.) Again,
in 1827, he introduced a similar Bill, and, again the same
aernatitoonthe
attempt was made, and the same arguments and opinions
urged with success against it.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
If the Hon. Gentleman would subject the children in the fac-
tories to the same regulations which were in existence with
regard to other factories in the country he should have his
(Sir J. Hobliouse's) support.
Lord JOHN MANNERS said that 475 of the master ma-
nufacturers of the town of Nottingham had signed a petition
in favour of this Bill. If, therefore, the opinion of the master
manufacturers were to be taken as conclusive upon this mat-
ter, he thought the fact he had just stated was a sufficient
ground for passing, this Bill. He bad nit, doubt as
to the rectitude of the principle of interference. It had
been acknowledged over and over again in that House, and
he trusted that it would be supported by this Bill being
passed into a law. Ile should give his hearty support to the
second reading of this Bill, reserving to himself the right of
introducing amendments in Committee.
Mr. MUNTZ believed that those who overworked their
people did an injury to themselves. He worked his mills
at night as well as day, but he employed two sets of people.
The reason why people overworked themselves was that they
were badly paid for what they did. He believed that some
interference was necessary. These children were most severely
worked ; that arose from the extreme competition amongst
themselves. Now, he thought they ought to inquire into
the cause of that competition, for he believed that inquiry
was a most important one.
Mr. GISBOKNE said that if the Noble Lord had searched
the county of Nottingham lie would not find 475 master
manufacturers, those, he meant, who would be so considered
under the common acceptation of the word. The master
manufacturers did not object to the prohibition that children
under eight years of age were not to be admitted to work
in factories. His Hon. Friend proposed to lay a restriction
on machinery. The Hon. Member for Birmiigham (Mr.
Muntz) had stated that he worked his machinery night and
day, and that the men were employed for twelve hours daily.
Mr. MUNTZ here interrupted the Hon. Gentleman, and
uite lon enou h
loeulwdas distinctly of
g for any man to
,evechpiclahi,neini thhiastophiinsimone,nweaysorriked onlygnine or ten hours a day,
work.
This Bill would only dissatisfaction
Mr. GISBORNE resumetdo-TdWetllo, then, he was mistaken.
among the workpeople. No interference on the part of the
second reading
House would better their ciricatstancies, unless the House
imP°osfs the Lil
and he should,Nvwork mischief
therefore '
among the labouring classes,_ re, give
which, if attended with evil con-
his strongest opposition
erasopin
opinion
prepared
that toth
odoop
Mr. WAKLET prefaced his speech with a few allusions to
the observations made by the Hon. Member, the proposer of
the Bill. He thought the people ought really to be allowed
to understand those queetionsin which they were so much
concerned. Some respect ought
.to be paid to their feelings, if
not to their judgment. In their petition they prayed the
sequences, they were quite willing•to bear the penalty, and
relieve the House of all responsibility. He did not think. the
Bill which he held in his hand had been prepared with any
degree of prudence or judgment, and if it were now befoie
House to do certain things,
the House for a third reading he should have felt it his duty
to oppose it. He had, however, no objection to vote for its
going into Committee, when there would be an opportunity
afforded of altering its present imperfect shape. The
question was, whether or not the House could interfere to
protect infants from a species of toil which was calculated
to injure their physical energies and destroy
their moral constitution.--(hear, hear.) It had been
argued that the labour was not of a severe nature. He hail
heard many Hon. Members complain at times of the weari-
ness they felt at attending the House on long debates—what
then must be the feelings of infants, of eight
years of age
when subjected to similar watchings and late hours?
The
house '
house had interfered in regulating the hours of othes
of labour, which had been attended with bothadvantage
the manufacturers and their workmen. Why, then, was
to
' v
this species of labour to be exempted from the interferenceNas
of the Legislature ? He would not wish to interfere
with the late hours of adult labour, as
change might be more productive of evil than of good.
If they began where were they to stop ?—(Hear, hear.) To
interfere with the labour of adults would be a tyranny
which should not be endured. As they had it in their'
power to alter all objectionable clauses hi Committee, for the
sake of the infant children who were compelled to work
day and night, night and day, without holiday or intermis-
sion, from one year's end to another, he would vote for the
second reading.
Sir ROBERT PEEL was very much surprised, after the
speech of the Honourable Gentleman, that he should still
affirm the principle of the Bill by voting for its second read-
ing. There Iva., Aething Which the 11911, amber re-

pudiated more—nothing which he allowed to be more
radically unjust than to restrict the hours of adult labour.
If they once interfered with the labour of adults the next
demand would be to fix the minimum of wages and how
could they resist that demand ?—(Hear, hear.) The Bill did
not profess on the face of it to apply merely to children, it
professed to interfere with the labour of adults. The title of the
Bill was to regulate the hours of labour in all night fac-
tories. And see what would be the effect of an interference;
why it would be a direct premium to increase the labour
in those places where their enactments could not reach.
'Then, as the Hon. Gentleman had just said, how were they
to carry into effect that interference with labour? Why
they might take their choice between the common informer
and what were called domiciliary visits; that meant, that
if,
as was very natural, they shrunk from the
contamination of the common informer, then they must
establish these domiciliary visits throughout the whole of
the country, those visits to be carried into
effect by a Go-
vernment officer. Thus, if a light were seen in any house
after ten o'clock, then they were liable to the infliction of a
visit from one of those officers—a domiciliaryfoilie t because a
man was suspected of labouringdaily bread.—
(Cheers.) Why this Bill made no prßovililsionefor any cases
like those which the Factory
accident, such
suelht
made no provision for a case of
as might happen from a derangement of
when the works would require to be suspender machinery,
when
a
thebe
factory were turned by water-power, the stream might
suspended, and the Bill very fairly and very wisely
case allowed some extra labour. But this in
such
con-
tained no such provision, and, therefore, no case was
provided in the event of a man being subject to
sickness for any period. Let them suppose him
to have had an accident—let them suppose him to
have been invalided for threedays—(Hear, hear)—let them
suppose him visited by sickness, prevented from making any
exertion on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, or at best
only working some five hours a day, and his wages reduced
in a corresponding degree. Suppose him not quite
recovered, but, for the subsistence of his family, lie
determines to work some additional hours on the
Thursday, Friday, and Saturday—let it be remembered
that he worked within his own house. Why, was it pos-
sible, then, that because he said to himself, " I must repair
the misfortune of the earlier portion of the week, by extra-
ordinary labour at its close," they should punish him, be-
cause he toiled till eleven or twelve o'clock at night, for the
laudable, the truly honourable purpose of providing sub-
sistence for his family?—(Cheers.) What, did they mean
to sanction any measure that could punish a man
like this ?—(Cheers.) Would they sanction a law which
would subject this man to the annoyance of a domiciliary
visit ?—(Continued cheering.) But, then, the measure im-
posed a penalty. He (Sir R. Peel) should like to see an in-
dictment framed against such a man.—(Hear, hear.) He
should like to see him after some five or six persons
had been brought up for petty larceny, or crimes of
a similar character—he should then like to see
this man brought up before the magistrate to answer
the offence of working till eleven o'clock at night to provide
bis family with food!—(Cheers)—and 501. was the penalty
to be exacted for this offence—(Hear, hear)—an offence
charged by his next-door neighbour, perhaps, the
informer, being an idle, dissolute fellow, who ne-
glected his work, who envied, perhaps, this ho-
nest man because he was honest, who hated
him because be was industrious and succeeding in the world.
The informer said to himself, " He is my enemy, and I will
punish him. I want 101. (the reward granted by this Bill).
I want to advance myself and to depress him. I am idle, I
am a vagabond; he is industrious and honest. I saw a light
in his house. I found him out. He was work-
ing for the maintenance of his family. I will
lay an information against him. I shall receive
101., my reward for maintaining the law, while he should be
punished with a penalty of 501., or sent to prison for main-
taining his family."—(Cheers.) Was it likely that they
would be rewarded for inculcating morality like this?—
(Cheers.) Was it likhat they would be thanked for this
charitable interference-(Cheers.) What answer could be
made by the framers of this Bill? None. No answer could be
given. The Bill was to regulate the hours of labour in all
factories. This was not a question of restricting the hours
of labour for children. It was not a mere measure for regu-
lating the hours of labour in factories only. It was a ques-
tion whether a man had a right to labour in his own house
after ten o'clock. But the Honourable Member said that
the benefits to children would compensate for the other
defects of the Bill. He would not go into that question, he
telt and acknowledged the evil of taxing the infant labourer
too severely. But what was this Bill ? Was it possible for
the House to consent to a measure which not only permitted
but sanctioned the employment of children above 8 years
lof age to the extent of 16 hours a day. And yet the Hon.
Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley) would, in his zeal for
factory children, sanction a Bill which permitted girls above
eight years of age to work sixteen hours a day.—(Laughter
and cheers.) He thought that the. artists who had framed
this Bill should have bestowed a little more pains upon it
before they introduced it to the House. Let them by every
means have a new Bill—(Cheers)—and let Hon. Gentlemen
not require them, by a second reading, to affirm the principle,
that girls above eight years of age should be worked
sixteen hours a-day.—(Cheers.) He should have thought
that the Hon. Member for Finsbury would, instead of ad-
mitting the second reading, have been the first to have re-
ceived the Bill with an indignant remonstrance.—(Hear.)
Mr. WAKLEY—I don't like it at all.—(Laughter.)
Sir R. PEEL—Then if this were the reason for the sup-
port that the Hon. Member forFinsbury gave to the measure,
he (Sir R. Peel) could not say another word to such a
curious argument in its favour.—(Laughter.) ,
Mr. FERRAND could net but express detp regret that the
Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government should
turn into ridicule the arguments in favour of this Bill.—(No,
no.) It was a melancholy fact, that whenever an Hon.
Member in that House proposed to legislate for the welfare
of the working population of this country, he was always
met with the strongest opposition.—(Hear, hear.) The
working population for several years had appealed to that
Rouse to take the peculiar circumstances under which they
laboured into consideration. They had almost appealed in
vain, and they had now commenced to legislate for them-
selves, and he would ask her Majesty's Government, as well
as Honourable Members on both sides of the House, to
look for one instant to the manufacturing population of
the north of England. They were entering, at this present
moment, into an alarming combination to protect themselves
against what they called the tyranny and oppression of their
masters. Let the House look at the fearful strikes for wages
which had taken place in Manchester, Liverpool, and other
large towns in the north of England, and he thought there
was there sufficient to induce that House to consider that it
was high time for Parliament to take into its most mature
and deliberate consideration the serious quarrels which had
from some causes been taking place between masters and their
servants. In the case now before the House, they found that'
the master manufacturers and their own workpeople had
united in a body to come before that House, to ask redress
for their grievances; and what had they witnessed that
afternoon ? Ridicule cast upon this attempt to legislate on
their behalf, by the Hon. Member for Finsbury, and from both
sides of the House. They had asked for the second reading of
this Bill, and he had no hesitation in saying, that if that
House refused the second reading of the Bill, it would be offering
to those working classes a direct insult, and would drive
them ultimately to their own resources, as he had before
said, to legislate on this matter, which they would do by
entering into one universal combination throughout this
country, and compel their masters to consent to protect them
and their interests, as Parliament had refused to interfere in
their behalf. He would not say one word about the question,
whether the manufacturers of this country were in favour of
the second reading of this Bill or not. The working classes
of this country were watching the tone and temper of that
House on the present occasion—(bear, hear)—and it was
his firm conviction that if Parliament would, by a more con-
ciliatory spirit, endeavour to mitigate the bad feeling which
existed between the employers and the employed of this
country on the present occasion, they would do more to put
a stop to the strikes in the north of England, and the mis-
understandings which were taking place between the em-
ployers and the employed than all the combinations which
could be formed either amongst masters or men.—(Hear.)
Mr. S. CRAWFORD did not deny that he entertained
objections to this Bill, he did not deny that he felt an ob-
jection to limit the hours of adult labour ; but, at the same
time, he did not think they were precluded from interfering
with infant labour, to prevent the younger portion of the
manufacturing classes of England from being overworked.
—(Hear, hear.) That was what he should desire to do—
(Hear, hear)—and he hoped to effect that object by voting
in favour of this Bill. The great question before the House
was whether the infantine labour of this country should be
protected from the oppression of the holders of capital.—
(Hear, hear.) The long hours which they were com-
pelled to work injured their health and morals,
and he, therefore, contended that, no matter whether this
Bill would injure the interests of the manufacturers or not,
the Legislature was bound to extend its protecting influence
to the hard-working children of England.—(Hear, hear.)
The hours of labour, which this Bill sought to restrict, were
more than human nature could endure. Taking that position,
he conceived it to be the duty of the House to pass some
such measure as this, whatever might be the effect on wages.
He should, therefore, give his hearty support to the second
reading of the Bill.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. BRIGHT wished to make one observation in answer
to the Hon. Member for Knaresborough (Mr. Ferrand), who
had asked the House to interfere with labour on the ground
that certain strikes had taken place in the north of England.
He (Mr. Bright) begged to tell that Hon. Member
that those strikes existed only amongst those
trades which were not in any degree connected with
mills or factories—(Hear, hear)—and amongst a class of
workmen who never worked more than ten hours a-day—
( Hear, hear)—and respecting whom there was no proposi-
tion before the House. With respect to the feeling between
the employers and employed he should think that the
Honourable Member would have recollected that with the
exception ofYarkahirethere had not for a longperiod been any
disagreement or ill-feeling between the cotton manufacturers
and those in their employ, and that there never was a better
feeling between them than at this moment. He was sure
that with respect to the cotton trade there wasless reason for
any vindictive feeling between the manufacturers and their
employed at this moment than at any period since he was
acquainted or connected with it. The feeling that had ex-
isted between masters and men during the last two years in
that trade was equally creditable to both parties con-
cerned.—(Hear.) He was sure then,that all argument which
might be based upon the statement of the Hon. Member
was totally fallacious, and had no bearing whatever upon
this question, and it was rather in favour of the present
state of things than the Bill at present before the House.
Mr. FERRAND said the Hon. Member for Durham would
perhaps remember the strike that took place in 1841 in all
the cotton manufactories in Lancashire.
Mr. BRIGHT—Ia 1842.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought that the present Bill was
not opposed solely on the ground of its interference with the
labour of children, for it appeared to him to raise a perfectly
just principle, that as they protected minors and all
other persons similarly situated who could not manage
their own affairs, the Legislature should interfere with
infantine labour. Arid if, therefore, that alone was the object
of the present Bill, he should think that the Bill ought to
be allowed to be considered in Committee. But there were
two objections to the present Bill, which seemed to him
to violate every principle of legislation upon this subject.
In the first clause of the Bill night labour was prohibited, and
the labourer was required to work from a certain hour in the
morning to a certain hour at night. Now, if a man could
earn his living by no other means than engaging to work
eight or nine hours at night, ought they to legislate to pre-
vent him from earning his wages in that way—(Hear, hear)
—ought his means of subsistence to be endangered by a legis-
lative enactment ?—(Hear) Were there not, infect, cases where
they could notprevent night labour ?—were therenot instances
where men had no other means of subsistence except by
working at night, such as the driver of a stage coach,
the guard of a coach, or a police-officer, and various other
offices of business, which were carried on at night, and which
could not safely or conveniently be abolished, either for the
sake ofthe public, or of the parties themselves?-(Hear, bear.)
Another part of the Bill not only applied to the interference of
children, but sanctioned the interference with pri_vate houses,
and he, for one, thought the interference in the private houses,
whether through the instrumentalitity of the informer or do-
miciliary. visitations, would be an act
toof teyouraentinoyu.2/I(nHchearrt
would be impossible for Parliament
hear.) The Honourable Member for Rochdale had said'
,he wished to interfere to prevent capital tyrannising over
labour, but how cold they hiteifere WA" voluntary agree-

ment between a person in the possesSion of capital and a
person whose property consisted in his labour, without inter-
fering with respect to the remuneration to be received by the
labourer ?—(Hear, hear.) Therefore, as in his opinion the
Bill contained two principlesof false legislation, he must give
his vote against it.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. MARK PHILLIPS advised the Hon. Member for
Finsbury to withdraw his measure, and introduce another
Bill confining itself to infantine labour.—(Hear, hear.) At
all events, he could not support the second reading of this
Bill after so many practicable difficulties to its ope-
rations had been pointed out by the Right
Honourable Baronet, at the head of the Government,
and the Noble Lord, the leader of the Opposition.
He would, therefore, advise the Hon. Member to withdraw
his Bill, as he saw himself that it was so full of inaccuracies.
If the question came to a division, he would be constrained
to vote against it.
Mr. BROTHERTON said, that for the last thirty years,
he had ever been an advocate for the restriction of the labour
of the working classes, but he considered that it was impos-
sible to meet the views of the Hon. Member for Finsbury
by the present Bill. They would be interfering with the
hours of labour in private houses.—(Hear, hear.) It would
certainly be most advisable to check the hours of labour
allotted to children, but the present Bill would not effect such
an object.
Mr. COWPER said that he wished his Hon. Friend would
introduce another Bill which would have for its object the
sole interference with children. The principle of the Bill as
far as they were concerned was sound.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he should take the sense of the
House upon the question.—(Hear, hear.) The case before the
House was, whether they would interfere or not in the lace
representing capital em pl employed
their
sentiments—petitions
thel ac e
manufactures. He was the representative of four-fifths of the
manufactories,
badabnede
uhpe
the House in its favour signed by
yet this was the Bill whichr es e was
n tt ehde tr oe
both masters and operatives,
met with ridicule. The
principle of interference was adwmTtsteli
chil-
dren. Well then, if they passed this Bill
respect to
they
opportunity of altering those portions would have an
ofth
they thought proper. The House bad to decide
Bill which
ecide whether
protection was to be given to infants of eig th
He had wished to conceal nothing in his statement years of age.
House, and should be quite satisfied if he couiobtain to the
second reading for it. (The Hon.:Gentleman then read some
minutes of evidence from the report of the Factory Commis
sioners, from which it appeared that the machines worked by
hand, as well as by steam power and water could be brought
under the operation of the Factory Act.) He did trust that
the House would allow the second reading of the Bill to take
place.
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN wished to explain. He would
give his vote for the second reading if in Committee he could
distinctly be assured that any interference with adult labour
should not be included.
Mr. DUNCOMBE—Most distinctly.
Mr. FIELDEN would vote for the second reading of the
Bill, because he thought it would be attended with advan-
tages to the labouring population engaged in the silk manu-
facture.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the amendment l5l
Against 66
Majority against the second reading --85
ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL.
The House then went into Committee on the Roman Ca

tholic Relief Bill.
Sir R. INGLIS said he left the House under the impres-
sion that the Bill would not come on, and appealed to several
Members if such were not the impression they laboured under ?
Mir. LAWSON said that, if such were the feelings of the
Hon. Member, he would not press the Bill.
The Bill was accordingly adjourned until this day three
weeks.

ART UNIONS BILL.

This Bill was also postponed to this day fortnight.
CORRESPONDING SOCIETIES.
_ _

This Bill went through the Committee pro forma, and was
ordered to be re-committed for the purpose of considering
an amendment proposed to be inserted by Mr. T. Duncombe.

VISCOM4T-HARDINGE'S ANNUITY

This Bill was read a third time and passed.
LORD GOUGH'S ANNUITY BILL.
This Bill was also read a third time and passed.
ART UNIONS.

Lord G. BENTINCK presented a petition in favour of Art
Unions.

THE WHITSUN HOLIDAYS.
Mr. REDHEAD YORKE wished to know from the First
Lord of the Treasury to what period he was prepared to ad-
journ the House for the Whitsun holidays?
Siry ROBERT PEEL said he did not know what business
was et fixed. In the meantime, he would have no objection
to take the adjournment from Friday week till the Thursday
followinMEg.
TROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS BILL.
In answer to a question from Mr. HAWES
Sir J. GRAHAM said that on Friday next he would state
what course the Government intended to pursue with re-
spect to the Metropolitan Improvements Act.
THE POISONING IN NORFOLK.
Mr. WAKLEY called the attention of the Right Hen.
Baronet the Home Department to the case of poisoning six
members of a family in North Walsham, Norfolk. He
thought it was a case which called for the interference of the
Government.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that Government were pre-
pared to give every assistance in their power to the inves-

igation.
The House then adjourned.

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons. •
TUESDAY, ➢tAY 19.
The following Railway Bills were withdrawn :
Inverstone, Furness, and Lancaster and Carlisle.
Carlow Extension.
Kirklntilloch and Kilsyth.
The following Petition for a Railway was reported, and the Bin
ordered to be brought in by the undernamed Hon. Members :
Grand Junction (Huyton and other Branches)—Mr. Patten and
Viscount Sandon.