The Sun.
London, England, 1870-06-28 00:00:00

THE PRESIDENT ON CUB

The President's Message on the Cuban question is an
impartial review of a hi.•;hly important phase of national
policy. The opinions it enunciates are those which the
best authorities on international law have consistently
maintained, and its protest against the barbarities of the
contest is the earnest of an authoritative remonstrance
which we have repeatedly urged. The present document
refers to the position taken up by the President in his
first annual Message six months ago, and proceeds to re-
capitulate the present circumstances of the insur-
gents as the most conclusive vindication of the senti-
ments then expressed. The most important sec-
tion of the Message is that which refers • to the
time-honoured policy and precedent of the founders of
this Republic on similar questions of international law.
The early necessity which existed for a well-defined rule
in such matters is clearly shewn, and the honorable pre-
eminence we have secured by a steadfast adherence to the
line so draivn, is emphatically noted. With regard to the
position of foreigners making war on a friendly State,
under cover of our protection, the President shews that
nearly all of his predecessors had to deal with a similar
difficulty, and that all treated it in the same consistent
manner. As a question of policy, our relations with
Cuba are ably and concisely summed up in the statement,
" the question of belligerency is one of fact, not to be de-
cided by sympathies for or prejudice against either party."
After an exhaustive resume of arguments which we have
repeatedly adduced in connection with the same subject,
the President comes to the conclusion : " I am unable to
see in the present condition of the contest in Cuba those
elements which are requisite to constitute war, in the
sense of international The strength of a conviction
which has been reached in spite of a natural leaning to
the cause of the struggling colonists, and in spite, also, of
the weight of popular sympathy inclining in an opposite
direction, cannot fail to be appreciated by every candid
citizen. It ought, especially, to convince the Spanish Go-
vernment that our Executive has earned the highest right
to demand the perfect immunity of our citizens from
annoyance, and full reparation for all the outrages they
have sustained. Scrupulous honour has the best claim for
scrupulous justice in return. In seeking redress on be-
half of our injured citizens, and in interposing on behalf
of a common humanity to prevent atrocities that disgrace
civilization, our Government occupies a position in which
it is impossible that its motives should be misapprehended.
Had any. wish
.existed to provoke a quarrel with Spain,
and to profit by the dissensions of her colonists, it could
have been very easily and profitably gratified.
But in persevering in the high-minded and
honourable policy which was laid down very early
in the struggle, the President has shewn that
no such desire was ever entertained, and the
demands which he makes in the name of the nation ()light

to receive instant attention. Though the Message wisely
abstains from apportioning the blame of savage warfare
anything but, equally between Cubans and Spaniards, yet
the latter must necessarily bear the larger portion of the
blame. We treat with them as a regularly organised
Power, having disciplined armies, and professing to regard
the usages of modern warfare. Atrocities perpetrated by
them must, therefore, rank as more heinous crimes than
those committed by scattered bands of desperate and ill-
organised insurgents. From the one we are entitled
to demand the proprieties of a civilised people ;
from the other, though we may wish for mode-
ration we can scarcely be surprised to find excess.
The short and emphatic reference to the fact that Cuban
bonds have been issued, whose payment is subject to the
recognition of Cuban belligerency, or independence, is all
that was required to make the Message a very complete
statement of all the points of a complicated question.
Perhaps no more appropriate comment can be made upon
such a proceeding than that contained in the document
itself, namely, that "it is a subject for serious reflection."
If the Government has a right to expect that its un-
swerving rectitude will meet its due recognition from
foreign powers, it has ano less unquestionable right to
look for both appreciation and imitation among the
representatives of the people at home. One thing is
certain —we must tolerate no more outrages upon
American citizens in any part of Cuba.-- New York
Times.

WASHINGTON, June 13,

The Cuban Message sent to the House this afternoon
fell like a bombshell in the camp of General Banks and
his supporters on the. Cuban question. To-morrow had
been set for the consideration of General Banks's report,
several strong speeches were to be delivered, and it was
intended to drive through the House a bill prepared by
by General Banks that is directly at antagonism with the
policy of the Administration. Very few persons were
aware that the President contemplated such a Message.
It has been talked of in a quiet way for at
least a fortnight, and no determination as to it
was reached when the President went away last
week. He seems to have thought it over during
his absence, and his somewhat unexpected return
this morning may have been due to the fact
that he had made up his mind to send in the Message, or
at least consult with the Cabinet about the matter.
A special meeting of the Cabinet was called at noon.
Boutwell and Belknap being the only members absent,
and the Message reached the House just before four
o'clock. The reading of it caused some excitement, and
everybody in the House and galleries paid the closest
attention to it. General Banks asked that it might
be printed and laid on the table, this being the
usual course with papers relating to matters concluded
in committee, Mr. Judd thought it had better go
to the Foreign Affairs Committee. Mr. Cox broke out
in hot wrath, denouncing it as an insult to the committee
and saying it ought to be treated as the House formerly
treated Andrew Johnson's Message. Mr. Dawes then
came to the front, and remarked that, after Mr. Cox's
words, the only respectful course was to send it to the
committee. This was accordingly done by a decided ma-
jority. There is a great deal of talk in official and poli-
tical circles to-night about the Message, and nobody now
supposes that General Banks can carry his Belligerency
Bill to-morrow.--Special Despatch to New York Times.