The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-27 00:00:00

some decisive steps for meeting the emergency ? From tilt,
scarcity of supplies generally in Europe, he gathered that this I
measure would produce little or no alteration of the price of
corn in this c .untry. Nothing was to be feared, then, upc,n
that point ; but it was contended that the change would throw
large bodies of lab3urers out of employ. It was errone-
ous to suppose so, for a more fitting time for the
alteration, avoiding such a result, could hardly have been
selected than the present. Railways and other public works
were largely in the course of construction, and labour was
never in so great demand. Tiere was a third reason for the
alteration taking place at the present time, namely, the influ-
te ace it would have upon the policy of other nations. It would
influence France, it would influence Germany, and it would
nfluence America. On these grounds, therefore, he thought
Hon. Members opposite were wrong in finding fault with the
change proposed by the Hon. Baronet. The Right Hon.
Baronet maintained the corn-laws as long as he could—he
maintained them for the interest of Hon. Gentlemen opposite ;

and if any one had to complain at all, he thought it was the
Members of the Opposition. Hon. Members opposite ought to
thank the Right Hon. Baronet for his past policy, and pin with
him now in yielding to the pressure of irresistible circumstances.
The most discreditable course which the Right Hon. Baronet

could have pursued would have been that which they said he
ought to have pursued—( Hear, hear)—for that course would
in fact have been this, that a public man who had changed
his opinions upon a great question should persist, contrary to
his convictions and conscience, for the purpose of pleasing a
particular party. But he had honestly come forward to refute
e fallacies from which he had been freed. But if the Hon.
Gentleman on the other side of the House told him that it

was the duty of the chief Minister of the Crown to vote and
act, contrary to his conscience, to please a particular party, he
conceived that the post of that individual would be one not of
honour or of dignity, but the most dishonourable to which a
man could be appointed.—( Hear, hear.) And now there was
only one other argument on which he would venture to trouble
the House on that occasion. It was an argument which had
been put forward by an Hon. Member, whom he regretted
not to see in his place. It was this—that the present Parlia-
ment had no right to do this and that ; the course which the
Right Hon. B ironet should have proposed should have been to
sugeeet the dissolution of Parliament, for the purpose of taking
fhe opinion and sense of the people upon this important ques-
tion. Now,to a certain extent, he (Mr. Buller) was bound
to admit that there might be some validity in that argument, if
he thought that this repeal of the corn-laws would really have
been carried by the ssnse of the country. If be could see any
unequivocal proms of that, he should say to the Hon. Baronet.
" the experiment which you are about to try is not only un
fair but most exceedingly dangerous—(Protectionist cheers)—
bscense if the sense of the country is so clearly against you,
the inevitable consequence of your act will be tint
th- new Parliament, which must be called into
being in a year or two—( Hear, hear)—will reverse your Act
for the repeal of the corn-laws."—( Hear, hear.) Well, now,
be would say, that if any Hon. Gentleman on the other side of
the House could show him that the inevitable consequence of
an appeal to the country would be the return to Parliament of
a majority of representatives in favour of protection to agri-
culture, he should be perfectly willing to have a dissolution of
the resent Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) But, really, after the
decisive majority by which the question had been carried, he
must say that he could conceive no ground for supposing that
the gentlemen opposite—the protection party—would increase
their numbers by one single unit in the event of a new Parlia-
ment.—( Hear, hear.) Well, then, he would say also, that
even if they should procure a small majority in favour of pro-
tection, they must (not suppose that the country would
quietly submit to their decisions. The Parliament that might
be elected must, like the present, act in conformity with the
opinion of the intelligent portion of this country ; and, unless.
the Right Hon. Baronet were certain that the new Parliament
which would be returned after the dissolution of the present
one would be one that would maintain the present corn-laws, it
would be a most culpable act on his part to put the country to
the expense and turmoil attending an election which could
produce no good result. He (Mr. Buller) did not think it
advisable that the country should be put to trouble merely for
the purpose of pleasing the whims of the protectionist party.
But what would be the effect of a majority the other way ?
Why, that they would have a Parliament, of which tee
minority would be pledged one way and the majority
the other, and the legislation would be carried on by a party
whose opinions were contrary to those of the majority of the
intelligent people of this country. And he believed that the
consequence would be that the people would cry out for a second
Reform Bill of a nature far more formidable than what any
Hon. Itlernber could anticipate.—(Near, hear.) Hon. Mem-
'bers in favour of protection had said that the election which
had lately taken place in Westminster was a proof that the
people were also in favour of protection. Now, he could
scarcely understand how the returning of a consistent free-
trader could be an evidence of their feelings in favour of pro-
tection. —( Hear, hear.) He had certainly heard it stated that
the Duke of Richmond had 400 voters ready to come up on an
emergency in favour of a protectionist candidate, but no such
candidate had ventured to introduce himself to the notice of
the constituents, and he (Mr. Boller) must, on those grounds,
conclude that the people of Westminster were decidedly in
favour of free trade.—( Heer, hear.) He would wish to ask
Hon. Gentlemen opposite whether they really anticipated that
in the event of an election a majority of votes would be recorded
in favour of protectionist candidates? Why, they knew that
the contrary would be the result of an appeal to the country.
—(Hear, bear.) It was impossible for them to get re-
turned by the large constituencies of the country. The
great counties would not return them. They might get re-
turned for the small agricultural boroughs, but it would be
impossible for them to be returned by the great county of
Lancashire. They knew that very well. They would also
lose the great constituency of the West Itiding.("Hear," and
" No, no.") They would also lose the' great metropolitan
Constituencies.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no ")
Bat if they did get a majority, that majority would be impo-
tent to keep their places—they would bring the House of Com-
mons tumbling about their ears. They talked very largely
about their county representatives. They believed that they
would obtain the representation of Northampton and Gleu-
cestershire. His Noble Friend, the M ruber for the West '
Riding of Yorkshire (Lord Morpeth) had entered that House
as the repres-ntative of a constituency which had sent him
there to supeort the total repeal of the corn-laws. And he
believed that that Noble Lore would silos have a colleague
to support him in those views in the event of a new elec.
tion,—(Protectionist cries of " No, no.") Three two
Honourable Members would then represent as many peo-
ple as were represented by twenty -three of the
county Members. Now, he would not take into consideration
the borough Members, but he would say, as a fact, that the
representatives of Middlesex, Lancashire, and Yorkshire,
%soul(' represent the greater portion of the people of England.
They must, therefore, tremble at the result of a dissolution of
Parliament. Even if they were successful, they must tremble
at the consequences of their own success, for he would tell
them that the minority of the representatives represented the
wealth and intelligence of the majority of the people of this
country. He, therefore, warned them to look at the ground
on which they were treading ; and he begged of them, before
they determined to persevere in their present policy, to recol-
lect that there were questions yet to be settled of far greater
importance than that even of the corn-laws. His own belief
was, that the course which had been taken by the Right Hon.-
Baronet was a wise and statesmanlike course. They bad
heard much of true Conservative policy. He believed
that never did the Right Honorable Baronet show a more
sagacious foresight into the true nature of conservative policy
--(Protectionists' cries of " Oh, oh !")—than when he pro-
posed to repeal those laws, which were the only real cause of
the heart-burnings and divisions amongst the people of Eng-
land, and which gave them a right to demand their repeal.
Lord G. BENTINCK said that the Right Hon. and
Learned Gentleman who had just sat down, commenced his
observations by stating that the universal common sense of all
mankind were agreed in the principles of free trade. Why, he
(Lord G. Bentinek) thought the Honourable and Learned
Gentleman looked to the opinions of the United States of
America, of the monarch and people of Prussia, of the people
of France and her Government ; the Zollverein of Germany,
and the opinions of Russia. He should have paused before
he came to the conclusion, that the united sense of all
mankind was in favour of free trade.—(Hear, bear.) He
( Mr. Buller) was something like the tailors of Tooley-street,
who mistook their opinions for those of the united people of
England.—(Hear and laughter.) He had mistaken the
opinions of his party for these of the majority of the country.
In his observations he had alluded to the alleged potato famine
in Ireland. He (Lord G. Bentinek) believed that the allega-
tions that had been made by the First Minister of the Crown
at the opening of Parliament, respecting the potato famine in
Ireland, were gross delusions. —( Hear. hear.) The papers
that had been laid upon the table of the House, and the accounts
which they received daily, stated the averageprice of potatoes
in the more important towns of Ireland at a fraction under
4d. a stone, and he could not therefore conceive that the people
of that country were in such a distressed condition as had been
represented by the Members of the Government.—( Hear. s.
When the people of England learnt that the average price of
potatoes in Ireland did not quote up to 4d. a stone, he real y
did not think they could bapersuaded to believe in:the existence
of a potato famine in that country. From the return made on
the 24th of January, and also from the prices current of the
markets in Ireland, it appeared-that prices were falling in that
market instead of rising. They had also heard that several ship-
loads of potatoes bad left Ireland for 'W ales and Cumberland
—(Protectionist cheers.) He (Lord George Bentinck) had
surc,eded with considerable difficulty in forcing the Right
Honourable Baronet to a declaration that, in his opinion,
bad a free trade in corn existed in the year 18.36, when the
piece of wheat was 46.. and not as stated at 395., the prices
would not have been reduced. He (Lord George Bentinck)
had calculated from the Parliamentary returns of the prices
of wheat in ten different countries in Europe, that
wheat could have been brought into this country and sold
at a profit at a price of 325. Ilid , being 13s a qr. less than *tee
average price in England. The same calculatipns made wi,h
reference to the year 1835, including freight and all othe •
charges to Mark-lane, as in the former case, would give as a
result that wheat could be sold with a profit at a price of
293. 10 d., being about 10s. lower than the lowest price of
wheat in this country. He hoped he hid shown to
the satisfaction of the House, that the fears of
the farmers were not altogether visionary. The
Ministers, in all their speeches to his side or the House,
stated that free trade in corn would have the effect of enlist:lc-
ing rather than lowering the prices. But they no sooner finished
their address than they turned roundto the tree-traders and tle-
eiared that their object Was t• obtain cheap bread—( Hear. )
-=and the time is gone by When rents can be eked out by the
sufferings of the poor.—(Hear, hear.) It has been argued
that free trade is corn is necessary to procure steadiness in
the prices throughout the country ; and it has
been made one of the principal charges again-t the
present law that it has not produced a single
steadiness of price, but rather a great fluctuation. He was
ready to meet Hon. Gentlemen on bnth sides of the House as
to that fa .t. Gentlemen around him had not abandoned the
sliding-scale, and he bllieved that a large portion of
the ofri.
cultural community were in favour o the present corn-law,
and in the year 1842 the prices under its operation in this
country, had been subjugated to less fluctuation than to any
other market in the world. The Right Hon Gentleman then
went into various details, for the purpose of showing that fo-
reign wheat could be imported into this country, from
Patitzic
and other places, at such a price as to swamp completely all
attempts at competition on the part of the British farmer. The
fact of -there being 600,000 qrs. of wheat in bond in October
. last, proved that the sliding scale, and the duty even of 18s ,
per quarter, were no impediment to its importation. He c
nt-
tended that the Right Hon. Baronet was wrong in stating that
the wages of the agricultural labourer was 6s. per week. The
prosperity of the labourer did not depend on the low price of
corn. The Right Hon. Member for Portsmouth, the late
Chancellor of the Exchequer, called upon them (the protec-
tionists) to say what course they woul I adopt under the cir-
cumsta.nces. He had no hesitation in repeating what he had
said on ti:e night of the great debate, that there was no ne-
cessity whatever for opening the ports, and th it the rumours
respecting the fetilure of the potato crop were not founded on
truth. When the Right Hon. Baronet proposed to open the
ports, there were only teree in the Cabinet to concur in opinion
with him; and a noble indivielual,possessedofgreat influence, s..id
that he believed the reports of tbeeetirciVand failure of thepotato
crop were greatly exaggerated, but Y they were founded in
truth, and if a famine really was approaching, that the ports
would open themselves. His friends around him concurred in
that opinion.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet at the
head of her Majesty's Government, when at the point of having
the sweets of office dashed from his lips, asked them at his side
of the House for their support. Now, he would give an answer
to that. It was not till the year 1841 that the f overnment asked
for something like a reduction, and after that they proposed a
Axed duty ; elebseqaently to that, the Noble Lord the Member

a S

for London, found out that something was brewing in her Ma-
jesty's Government, and it was then he sought to outbid them.
The advice which he (Lord George Bentinck) had given the
House and the country on she part of his friends was, to follow
the advice of Dr. Bailey, and to take no more of the remedies
which were propounded by the opposite side of the House,
supposing even they were to come into office. With respect
to the Right Hon. Gentleman on the Treasury bench having
alluded to his (Lord G.Bentinck's) speech as a poetical one, he
(the Right Hon. Baronet) must have been thinking—like the
man who was said to be an object worthy the envy, if not the
admiration of the gods—(Laughter)—he must have been like
a gentleman who was fishing for the budget—(Laughter)—and
no doubt he was fishing up for the budget. The
Noble Lord on the opposite side of the House,
when -he found- out that •he was- about to be
dismissed from office made a virtue of their condition, and
then went out on the cry of cheap bread. The Noble Lord
and his Hon. Colleagues were then like pirates, who rather
than surrender their ship were determined to apply the torch to
the magazine.—( Laughter.) He thought the present Ministry
were also comparatively pirates, for they had pirated the opi-
nions and principles of the Noble Lord, nay, they had gone
farther, and even pirated the principles and the speeches of the
Anti-Corn-law League.—( Laughter. ) They had applied the
torch to the magazine of the state vessel, and
they would assuredly partake of the danger. But
he could not compare the dare-devil courage of the pirate,
who in the extremity of the storm, applied the torch to the
magazine. That was not the course of the Ministry—far from
it.—( Hear, hear.) They had been entrusted with the care of
a ship, and what did they do? The commander had led her
upon a lee shore—he brought her upon the breakers—(Cheers)
—and under the guns of the enemy's battery—(Cheers)—while
the crew were asleep in their hammocks, the commander scut-
tled the ship, with the assistance of the sentinel, and the master,
and the mate, and then they stole the compass, and skulked
away in the long-boat, and attempted to sell to the enemy the
gallant crew who had saved them.—( Loud cheers from the
Ministerial side of the House.) But the captain judged of that
gallant crew by their own craven hearts—(Renewed and pro-
longed cheering from the Ministerial side of the House )—but
still they were not thrown into dismay and confusion ; they ral-
lied and took the ship off the breakers, and would, eventually,
carry her int* port.—( Great cheering.)
Sir .1. GRAHAM said that he rose at an early hour of the
evening for the purpose of addressing the House on this ques-
tion; bat not having been able to do so until now, he would
not wish to begin at this late hour of the night, and, therefore,
he moved that this debate be now adjourned.—( Hear. )
The debate was then adjourned.
Upon the motion of the other orders of the day being read,
Lord G. BENTINCK moved that the House do now
adjourn, which, being seconded, strangers were ordered to
withdraw ; but no division took place.
On our re-admission to the gallery, we found
Lord G. BENTINCK on his legs, in explanation of the
fact of adjournment. The Noble Lord was quite inaudible in
the gallery.
Mr. YOUNG followed in reply.
Lord G. BENTINCK said that his Hon. Friend the
Secretary to the Treasury had informed him that he had a
communication to make froni the Right Hon. Baronet at the
head of the Government, with the view of making some ar-
rangement with respect to the Irish Coercion and the Corn
Importation Bill. It was arranged between them, and with,
as he (Lord G. Bentinek) understood, the entire concurrence
of the Right Honourable Baronet, that if the party on that
side of the House would not provoke a discussion on the
question put by the Noble Lord, the Member for London, the
third reading of the Corn-law Bill would not be taken until
after Easter. Their party, therefore, paced the matter,
sub silentio, according to the terms of their agreement, and it
was not until afterwards, when be received a communication
from the Hon. Member for Craven, that he was aware that
the First Lord of the Treasury was no party to this arrange-
ment. He merely stated this to the House, that it
might know that the misunderstanding was not attributable to
him or to the party with which he was connected.
Mr. YOUNG said that he had expressly guarded himself in
his interview with the Noble Lord by saying that he was not
authorised by the Right Hon. Baronet to make any proposition
on the part of Government. The Noble Lord seemed to have
recognised this qualification, for within ten minutes after he
expressed himself thus:—" Then the agreement is no agree-
ment after all." He afterwards wrote to the Noble Lord,
stating that he had been acting throughout without the au-
thority of the Right Hon. Baronet. If the Noble Lord did
recollect aright, he (Mr. Young) had made answer to one of
his suggestions, that he could not entertain this point at all, and
therefore would not mention the matter to the Right Hon.
Baronet. He could only repeat, that throughout the whole
matter, it was without the authority of the Government.
Sir R. PEEL said that it would be necessary for him to state
that his Hon. Friend was not authorised directly or indirectly
by the Government to enter into any arrangement or engage-
ment with the Noble Lord, and he (Sir R. Peel) came down

to the House without an idea that there was any specific
engagement entered into. He should regret if the Noble
Lord and his friends had lost any advantage. He thought they
bad not, for if the Noble Lord would recollect, he (Sir R. Peel)
had distinctly stated in his place that he would give precedence
to the Irish Coercion Bill, but to nothing else.
Mr. THORNELY said that a most important question arose
out of this debate, and he would ask the Right Hon. Baronet
if the Corn 8,11 was not to be read a third time until after
Easter, because if not the country ought to be aware of it.
Mr. DISRAELI hoped that her Majesty's Government
would state whether it was possible the third reading of the
Bill would take place before Easter.
Mr. HUDSON did not see much reason for pushing the
measure forward ; for though it was said great stagnation of
trade took place from the present state of suspense, be be-
lieved much greater stagnation of trade would follow if the
13i11 passed than what now existed. The country laboured
under no anxiety for the passing of the Bill. If the Noble
Lord, the Member for the city of London, had made any
engagement with her Majesty's Government on the subject,
perhaps that Noble Lord, it requested by the Right Hon.
Baronet, would release the Government from the engagement.
Mr. ORMSBY GORE said he would not be bound by
any arrangement that might have been made respecting the
close of the debate. If he saw it necessary be would move
the adjournment of the debate to-morrow night, in order
to express his opinions.
Lord G. BENTINCK said, there was no bargain at all
on his part, beyond an understanding expressed on behalf of
a number of his friends, that the debate should be allowed to
conclude the present week.
Mr. YOUNG said, that he was not authorised by the
Right Hon. Baronet to make any specific arrangement a. to
the mode in which the Corn Bill and the Coercion Bill were
to be taken up.
Sir R. PEEL repeated that he had never authorised, either
directly or indirectly, any arrangement but the one stated by
the Noble Lord; and when he came down to the House he did
not conceive that the Noble Lord was under that impression.
He thought it was of the utmost importance that the Bill
should be passed before Easter, and every eff, .rt would be made
on his part to pass the Bill in that time. He might ask those
of his colleagues who were with him on Friday, to bear him
out in this statement ; the question was agitated among them,
whether the Irish Coercion Bill should be read the first time
before the Corn-Bill, thus leaving no assumption on their
mind that any arrangement had been entered into with the
Noble Lord.
• Sir J. GRAHAM said it was absolutely necessary that no
concealment whatever should be made in respect to what bad
passed at the meeting, to which the Right Hon. Baronet had
referred. They then considered whether they should proceed
with the corn-laws, without taking any step in reference
to 'the Bill sent down from the other House of Parlia-
ment for the protection of life in Ireland—( Hear, hear )
and he (Sir James Graham) expressed his strong con-
viction, that notwithstanding, the pressing urgency for pass-
the cern-laws, they should, in courtesy to the other House,
pass the first reading ; but that should it not go beyond that
stage, no interruption would be offered to the passing of the
corn-law. All his colleagues had come to the conclusion, that
that was the course to be adopted, and they also came to the
conclusion that no compact should be come to with any other
party, in the House.
Mr. DISRAELI thought that this was no explanation of the
misunderstanding which had been come to. The Hon. Mem-
ber for Cravan was well known to be the active manager of the
business of the House, and he had before that time bad no less
than three conversations and a lengthened correspondence
with the Noble Lord. They were, therefore, entitled to con-
sider him authorised by Government in making any arrange •
ment with him. This, before any Committee of the House,
would be held a clear case of agency—immediately brought
home.—(Laughter.) As far as he himself was concerned, he
did not care when the third reading of the Corn Bill would
take place, but still he thought it necessary that they should
• know when that third reading was anticipated.
The conversation then dropped.
The other orders of the day
were then disposed of, and the
House adjoutned at a Quarter past One o'clock.