The Sun.
London, England, 1848-05-02 00:00:00

Republican Missionaries was at this time, purely, at the
very lowest point of probability. The power which
any Frenchman would possess of exciting an English
multitude to violence " by open and advised speaking,"
was surely in a very limited degree. The ridicule which
the lion. Baronet had alluded to was sure to arise; Red
this had always been so great that the most aecone•
plished French tragedian, Talmo, had never been
allowed to act Hamlet ou the English stage,
because it was felt certain that that the first sentence he
uttered would throw an English audience into a roar of
laughter.—(Hear, hear.) We must look in a different
direction for the danger, if any, of Republican princi-
ples, and must direct our legislation rather against the
writings of the illustrious dead of our own
country, than against living missionaries from foreign
lands. The great Republican teachers —if Eng
land could be taught Republicanism—would bo found
upon the shelves of our libraries—Milton, Sydney,
Hampden, Mote, and others of later date; and if they
—addressing us in our own native tongue, and giving us
that language in all its richness and power, and sur-
rounded by so many associations which commanded our
reverence—almost our idolatry—if they did not mcke
us Republicans, where was the genius or skill, the elo-
quence or persuasiveness, amongst Frenchmen, Germans
—er any other people, to seduce the inhabitants of these
realms from their allegiance to their Queen ?—(llear,
hear.) But it aright be said that it was not merely
Republicanism in the common sense of the word, for
the free institutions of this country had at least as much
affinity with the Republicanism of other countries as with
the despotism of other countries-7-but the doctrine of
socialism and communism which we had to fear. To lull
our fears let us take example from the noble-minded
man who was now at the head of the French people..
Socialism and communism had been the rock-ahead of
the Provisional Government and the people of France
throughout this trying season ; and though our socialist
and communist leaders had been in France during the
whole period, fraternising with the leaders of those
opinions there, and making themselves conspicuous, had
he deported any one of them ?—(dear, hear) Much
better were it to imitate this example, especially with
the means which we possessed in such abundance for a
full sense of our own security. This and the other mea.
sure lately passed for the better security of the Crown
and Government were as worthless for the real security
of the institutions and peace of this realm, as the parch•
ment on which they were engrossed would be as a but-
tress to that venerable abbey in whose shade they were
deliberating, which had stood the storms of centuries
past, and would abide the storms of centuries yet to
come.—(Hear, hear.) It was not in legislation such
as this that our safety was to be found ; nor could he
agree with the Learned Attorney-General in thinking
that if the Bill did no' good, at any rate it could do no
harm. Such measures did this harm: they. falsified the
character of this country ; they put us in an untrue
position as to the public opinion of Europe and the
rest of the world ; they declared apprehensions which
did not really exist, or for which there were no real
grounds ; they imputed feelings of pliability and fickle-
ness, of proneness to be easily led into violence, which
were not the characteristics of the people of this coun-
try; which never had been, and which never would be.
—(Hear, hear.) They put us in this false position, and
were likely most injuriously to affect our relations with
other countries.—(Hear, hear.) -They might breed mis-
understandings which would plenge us into war—that
worst of all calamities; they showed suspicion of what
was going on in Europe; they showed that we did not
rely on the events taking place being so over-ruled as to
guide the world onward, and to lead it into a better
position. They proclaimed us to be at variance with
that movement, to be looking on fearfully, jealously, and
suspiciously; they placed us on the wrong side, and put
us in alliance with those who endeavoured to uphold a
part that could not be retained, and to obstruct a future
that must and would realise itself. They made us the
enemies of the rising republics and constitutional go-
vernments, and the friends of the despotisms that were
deservedly crumbling into the dust.—(Cheers.)
Mr. H. DRUMMOND said the necessity for this
measure need not be long sought by persons who were
acquainted 'with what was going on in Europe. The
Nonle Lord the Member for Slarylebone seemed
anxious that London should continue to deserve the
poetical description which had been given of it, as a
city which
" Sucks in the dregs of each corrupted state,"
—(Laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman then alluded to
the events which had preceded the first French revolu-
tion, and contended that all revolutions had been brought
about by propagandism. He expressed his determined
detestation of the principles which had been enunciated
by lion. Gentlemen opposite, and his conviction that
they would end in wholesale slaughter.—(oh, oh.)
Mr. URQUHART was anxious for 'some guarantee
that the power to be vested by this measure iu the Se-
cretary of State should not be improperly employed.
England had long offered an asylum to the unfortunate
of all nations, by making her laws as nearly equal as
possible for the alien and the native ; and this measure
would virtually pass a censure upon that system of le-
gislation. Even scriptural authority was in favour of
the same law for the alien and the native ; and the
principle had been maintained in eastern legis-
lation till the present time. In England no necessity
had ever been discovered for an Alien Bill
until the first French revolution, and the circum-
stances which then rendered it necessary did not now
exist. Propagandism was now carried on through the
medium of tne press ; conspiracies amongst individuals
no longer existed; and against this the Alien Bill would
be inoperative. He much demurred to the delegation of
any fresh powers to a Secretary of State. In a late case,
where an individual's letters had been opened without
warrant, the inquiry had been shelved; what security
then existed that aliens weuld not be snore unjustly
used? He believed this measure would fail of its pur-
pose; and he feared it would bring us into collision with
foreign powers. It might even be used to serve the
purpose of another power, as the London police had
been in the case of Count Drozki. Should seditious
foreigners assemble here in such force as to threaten
the peace of the country, surely the Government might
act on their own responsibility, and afterwards obtain an
indemnity Bill from the House. This would avoid the
risk of passing a measure which might never be neces-
sary. An appeal being given to the Privy Council, in
the case of an alien deported, it would appear that there
must be judicial ground for such a proceeding; and if so,
why should not the matter be brought before the ordi-
nary tribunals of the country? He had voted for the
Crown and Government Security Bill, and had given the
Government all the powers necessary, in his opinion, for
preserving the tranquillity of the country. He should
therefore oppose this measure.
The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY said that the
late events on the continent had shown how a very small
number of disaffected individuals might disturb the peace
of a country; and there being in England a great number
of Germans and Frenchmen who would be glad to see
this Government subverted, he should readily support
this measure.
Mr. HUME denied the possibility of any body, how-
ever large, of foreigners exciting the people of this
country to rebellion. He thought the Noble Lord who
had just sat down must have been bitten by the special
constable mania.—(Laughter.) He had too much con
fidence in the loyalty of the people of this country to
fear anything that could be done by the French or Ger-
mans. No necessity whatever had been shown to exist
for this Bill; its only effect would be to create ill-feeling
against this country abroad. He deeply regretted
such an un-English proceeding; it was nothing but the
result of timidity and panic. It would excite the belief
abroad that our Government was tottering to its fall; he
should, therefore, appose the Bill at every stage.
Dr. BOW RING said it had been the boast of Eng-
land that nothing here was done in secret; that every
accused person was confronted with his accusers; but
this Bill enabled the Secretary of State, acting even on
anonymous information, to banish any foreigner from
the country. It had been said they might apply for
letters of naturalisation; but this could not be done by
persons who came here only for a short period, on either
business or pleasure. lie complained that this measure
w ou
with
b e
rl
ei ke l s
pe3 to
e,
tt placeto
the h er theel n
es Governmentts o f
for
eig in a bad n
Go v
er
nme n posi-
tion t
s
they
Ghoeet
ynatlnlieopmtresoniplacomplained
oofaf
srepro,
reopainbileo—ns
prevail? He would oppose the measure, because he
believed it would lower this country in the eyes of
foreign
apt
acionunt
HARRIS
i es
g( Ht aoru,hh etar.)
Captain
the Government deserving
of great credit for bringing forward a measure of an
unpopular nature like 'the present lie saw on a late
occasion some foreigners very busy in Trafalgar-square.
Lie asked lion. Gentlemen to look at the Ithine, and see
what was happening there in consequence of the system
of propagandism. He believed that all respectable
foreigners would' be anxious to see this Bill pass.
hatthsr.
thoughtd that the best answer to this
display
He yof thei pe(lple of this country
o
of
ft the is
last
month.andproceededfrn
believed that this Bill
of anidle fear. It
England, and,
mneuereEl O VV
was
was a
A
was unnecessary,
was one opposed to the constitution
h e be mixed
as he thought, highly impolitic. If foreigners
themselves up in the affairs of this country,
the people themselves would aeon make those foreignerseved
repent of their conduct.
The House divided, when there appeared—
For the second reading
Against it 22
Majority ... —ll9
ELECTION RECOGNIZANCES BILL

On the motion for considering the Lords' amendments
to this Bill,
Sir R. INGLIS suid he did not intend to revive any
discussion with respect to this Bill in the House, but
he begged to call its attention to the fact that in the
House of Lords, where no personal interests were con-
cerned, every lawyer of every party condemned the
Bill.--(Hear, hear.) As he knew, however, that it
wai not intended by those with whom he usually acted
to divide the House upon the present occasion, he
should content himself with entering his protest
against it.
air. S. WORTLEY said the impression of the Noble
Lords to %howl the Right Hon. Baronet had alluded had
been materially altered by consideration of its provisions
during its passage through the House of Lords.
Mr. WALPOLE, as the originator of the measures
which had. been brought forward upon this subject,
wished to repeat his conviction that the course he had
pursued was sound in Jaw, sound in justice, and sound
in equity. _

The
amendments were then agreed to.
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE (IRELAND).
Sir W. SOMERVILLE then rose to move for leave
to bring in a Bill to regulate the elective franchise, and
for the registration of Parliamentary electors in Ireland.
He commenced by saying that he believed it was unne-
cessary to dilate on the importance of this question.
tor the evils of the existing system had been recognised
by all parties for a long time past, though those evils
still remained unremoved. The evils he referred to
,were threefold: first, the nature of the franchise itself;

TH E SUN,

MA Y .2,