The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-22 00:00:00

HE EXPIIESS
EDITION.

is in itself a sound principle, and agriculture being a branch
of domestic industry, is entitled to a share of that pro-
tection. It is said, that in a country encumbered Ivit'a
an enormous cr bt, and liatle to an enormous taxation, it
is necessary that domestic industry should be pro-
tected from fereign competition—as necessary to
the great body' of the community. It is necessary
however that the labouring classes of the community
should not be omitted in this arrangement ; it is but
right that wages should vary with the prices of food,
that high prices should imply high wages, and that low
wages should be a concomitant of low prices.—(Cheers.)
If I admit that land is entitled to protection on account
of its peculiar burdens, it is a question of justice rattle r
than 'one of policy.—(Hear, hear.) I have always
felt that if we uphold this argument, it is still
liable to removal by compensation. The three first ob-
jections to the removal of protection are objections
feunded on public policy, and the last is fouteded on
public justice ; but by granting compensation we re-
move the latter objection. I do not want to arrogate to
my self that which has been used a priori by other per-
sens. I want to deprive none of them of the credit to which
they are justly entitled ; and I confess that my
own opinion has been greatly modified by the
experience of the last three years.—(G rent cheering
from the Opposition benches.) I have had opportuni-
ties of comparing from day to day the results which
have followed during the last three years, from that
principle on which you have been acting for some years
pest, 'lamely, the gradual removal of protection to agri-
culture. 1 !we hail the opportunity of comparing the
results of those ye ars. I have watched them; and the
affect of the policy has been, that during tile
last four or fire years, I have found that the
arguments of those who advocated protection are per-
fectly untenable. I believe that the rates of wages vary
with the prices of food. I do not believe that when
prices are high wages are low. I do not believe it is
impossible fi it me to coincide in the opinion; it is utterly
impossible fur me to contend that protection to domestic
ire( ustry is disadvantageous to the country.
With regard to the other argument that
because we have a high rate of taxation, it. is impos-
sible for us to compete with foreign industry—l have
submitted it also to the test of the last three years, and
so far as the experience of those years justify me, the
argument is a fallacy. I have seen from the experience
of the last three years, ending October last, that while
prices were comparative low wages were high, and
at no time were wages for labour higher than then.
But taking the three years preceding, I found that there
were high prices and low wages. I cannot, then, resist
the impression that prices vary with the prices of food.
Now, as to the state of trade, as I have said before, we
have hitherto for some time been acting upon the prin-
ciple ofremoving prohibitions and reducing duties, that
is to say, in doing away with protection. Well, what has
been the result ? I will just read a statement of the re-
sults of these measures from the year 1842. Beginning
with the year 1839, I find that the amount of British
produce exported was over fifty-three millions ; in 1840
it was fifty-one millions ; in 1841 fifty-one millions ;
in 1842, forty- seven millions ; in 1843, to fifty-two
millions ; and, in 1844, to fifty-eight millions—thus
showing a great increase since the year 1842. For in
that year the amount was 47,381,000 L, and, in 1844, it
amounted to 58,530,0001.—(Hear, hear.) Well, but it
may be said that this increase has been owing to our
trade with China. Now, I shall deduct all that, and
then state the result. I see by the returns, then, that
in 1842 our trade with all other countries, except China,
amounted to 46,411,0001., and in the year 1844 they had
increased by ten millions. With regard to the last
year we can give the accounts up to only the eleven
months previous to December, 1845. In the year 1843,
the exports of all the principal articles of British pro-
duce amounted to over forty-one millions ; and in 1844,
they amounted to 47,312,000/. ; while in 1845, they had
further increased, and amounted to 47,764,000/. These
results prove that they are the consequences of the re-
moval of protection, and that such protection ought not
to exist in a highly-taxed country like this.
—(Hear, hear.) Then with regard to the
Customs duties, the reductions I proposed in them were
to this effect. In the year 1842 I proposed to reduce
the Customs revenues by 1,438,0004 and in 1844 I
proposed a still further reduction in that department
of 273,0001. ; and in 1845 I proposed the
enormous reduction of 2,418,000/.—(Hear, hear.)
The reductions which I have made in the several imposts
on the foreign commodities amount to 4,129,0004 and
yet notwithstanding that this large amount has been
withdrawn, the revenue of the country has not been re-
duced. I ask then whether the expectation which I en-
tertained at the time these reductions commenced has
been real ? why the absolute advantage which the coun-
try has enjoyed, apart from the relief given by these re-
ductions, is upwards of 1,500,000/. In taking my estimates
last year I made an allowance of 1,000,000/. for the re-
duction of the Excise duties. I made a similar allowance
for the reduction of the duties on glass, and on auctions;
and in regard to those duties, it should be observed that
there was nothing there to make a return for the reduc-
tion of the duty. It was not like a reduction to
one half or one quarter of the previous duty, where
the increase in the consumption of the article
makes up for the deficiency of the rate charged upon
the article. In these cases the taxes were entirely swept
away, and there was a total abolition of the tax. I felt
that by vivifying other branches of industry I should be
able to make up for the deficiency which I thus occa-
sioned; and I ask the House whether I have not been
fully justified in the expectation which I entertained.
in making my estimate last year, I allowed
far a reduction of 1,000,000/. in the Excise, but
I have no reason to believe that the produce from
that branch of the revenue will be more this year than
it was last. Yet there has been no salient
point from whence to spring ; but the result has been
entirely owing to the natural progress of national pros-
perity, arising out of the great reduction of taxation. If
we were to take a comparison of the estimates of the
several years, we shall find that in the Customs' duties
alone there has been an increase of more than 2,000,000/.
In 1843 there was an improvement over 1842, and in
1842 over the year preceding. In 1842 the Customs
duties produced 19,961,0004 and now they are upwards
of 20,0(10,0001., although there has been a reduction of
no less than 4,129,000/. Taking the reduction of duties
into consideration, I believe that I shall be justified in
asserting that the improvement in that department has
been upwards of half a million. But I will now take a more
important matter into consideration—a more important
matter than either trade, commerce, or revenue unques-
tionably important as all are. I will take the moral
state of the country, and I am happy in stating that
during the last year there has been a large reduction in
the amount of crime. 'The number of offences has within
these 12 months been greatly reduced in the country. In
1845 the nutnber of commitments was 24,305, that is 2,237
less than during the preceding year, namely, 1844.
This was a decrease of 51 per cent. on the year before.
In 1842 the reduction was 51 per cent. In 1844 it was
3 7-10th ; in 1845 it was 5i per cent. as I learn from
the communication from the several quarters ; and that
is to me a source of grea, gratification. That is the
fact. that this reduction is chiefly observable in the chief
manufacturing districts, and in some of the chief manu-
facturing towns, while on the other hand, the reduction of
political offences has been equally great in the agricul-
tural districts. In Wales there is perfect quietude, and
not a single offence of dissaffection or sedition has keen
committed throughout the whole of the Principality.
The Attorney-General's office has been, for the last
two years a sinecure—(Hear, hear)—for daring that
period there has not been a single prosecution for
any offence against the State—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—
in the years 1840, 1841, and 1842. Now, let us listen
to this serious state of things in these three years.
There were 1,257 committed upon charges of sedition
and riotous conduct. In the years 1843, 1844, 1845,
there were 124 persons instead of 1,257. In the last
year there was not a single one. In the year 1845 there
were 422 persons sentenced to the punishment of trans-
portation, less than in the year 1843. In the last
three years there were 1,701 less sentenced to
transportation, than in the three preceding years.
g
t o prices
produceandm p thtiemne,stoofreesoismt pthaeractoinvceluasbiuonn:
thisco arati comparative
beneficial
re
sabundanceult.
Nhoawv,e
these cno -
dtNt
rhaioanbwtcue'tl.eotdhwliss
th
possible,as b ee n dlusrai
yn
are great social benefits. I do not say they are the
necessary results of it, but I do say they are
concnrrent with a diminution of protecting duties
(Hear, hear). Well, have
these advantages
been obtained by any serious detriment to that great in-
terest whose welfare should be the constant object of
our care, the agricultural. Protection to them has been
diminished, and I have been the object of much attack for
diminishing these duties, and deeply should I regret if
these great social advantages to which I have alluded
had been accompanied with any serious injury to agri-
culture. Now, let us see what has been the efft et of
articles ot.
re-
ducing the duty upon the four great
our imports. In the year 1824, theprotecting
duty on.
flax was 10/ 14s. 6d. It is now
comparatively nothing. Protection having been• re-
moved, what has been the result . 2 What is now the
price of Irish flax ? In the year 1843 the prices of
fine flax in the market of Belfast was from 65 to 70.
In the year 1844 the prices were from 64 to 68, and in
January, 1846, the prices now are from 70 to 80.
There is no such fear from a reduction of duties on our
importations, nor indeed is there any cause for the
alarm raised by some Hon. Gentlemen who have given
expression to their feelings on the subject of protection.
The taking off the duties from foreign cattle was pre-
dicted to be highly injurious to the agricultural interest.
Now what is the fact with respect to that prediction ?
In 1843 there were 1019 foreign horned cattle imported,
and in 1844 there were 2899, and in the last eleven
months there were not less than 12,000 ; but it is not
proved that this increase has been detrimental
to the agriculturist of this country, In the year 1844,
the contract for storee for the navy was 31. 18s. sd. per
tierce, and it is now 6/. Bs. bd. This latter price
-s the one now paid for the navy contract
and this proves beyond all doubt that, not-
withstonding the free importation of cattle, the
article has nearly doubled, or at least very considerably
increased in cost; and this, I think, cannot be de-
nied ttA as an argument against those, who ex-
pressed so mach alarm on the repeal of this
duty. It cannot be denied that the price has
not more than kept pace with the import
Now there was no article which caused so much alarm
as lard.—(Cries of "Hear, hear," and great laughter.)
In 1840 there were only 97 cwt. of foreign herd imported
into this country. In 1842, when the duty on its urn-
portationwas repealed, 48,000 cwt. were introduced ; in
1844, 76,000 cwt. ; and in 1845, I believe it will be
found that above 80,000 cwt. had been introduced. Now
what has been the price of domestic lard ? In 1844 it
was 455, per cwt. ; 1845 it was 67a. ; and in January
of the present year, nt4"withstanning' these enormous
importations the increase in price has been from 48s.
to 625. in 1845 and 675. in this y ear.—(Loud cries of
" Hear, hear.") Now there is only one other article
which is of great importance and which demands the
Most serious attention, and that is the article of wool.
I was pprstuicieo ifils4i that it wile exiseflient that th-
v

no other monopolies in this country ?—(Hear.) What
do you think of the Eaet India Company ?
what do you think of the Bank ? and vy aat
do you think of the hundred others? If you consent to
mak.? further iuroed into and get rid of proteeCoe,
you will have to pull down the house and rebuild it re to
the :commencement.—(Cheers.) I will ask e he-
ther the Civil List will remain. I will ask if a
single salary in this country gill remain if yen
at once destroy the protectiva duties of this
country. My Lords, I for one will not give yo
rt
Lordships the trouble of voting upon an amendment
upon the present occasion ; but I. enter my protest, my
solemn protest, against that clause in the peech, which
is contrary to every principle which the present Govern-
ment has ever brought forward from the Speech of 1839
up to the present moment. I know nothing of what
their measure is, but I have a right to speak strongly,
because I happen to be one of those who are
of opinion that no relaxation of the corn laws should be
made. What have we said respecting these little mea-
sures brought before Parliament by the present Govern-
ment, against which I end some of your L.e.dships
voted, only that they were steps towards free trade.
We, fortunately, voted against them; but Sir Robert
Peel has contrived, by his eloquence and by
his soothing speeches, to get a large number
of Members of both Houses of Parliament to place con-
fidence in him. My Lords, that confidence may exist
still in some quarters, bat I beg to say that it exists nut
in the large body of the middle classes of this
country. What is the fair, Open, honest, English
manner in which the farmers of this coun-
try have come forward on a thee cecasion
They do not ask .you to reject the measures to be pro-
posed. No ! But they come to you, and they say to
the Government, " You came into office pledged to pro-
tection ; you have thought fit, we know not why—we
care not to impute motives, but we say you ought not to
carry out these meneures without appealing to the coun-
try."—(Cheers.) It must be a bad case indeed when a
Minister does nut dare to face what is called a poeular
question on the hustings.—(Cheers.) We ask for no
more. We ask for a clear stage and no favour. We
ask you to appeal to the country to know
whether or not these modern innovations are to
he admitted, and to know whether we ought to
be made dependant upon foreigners for a supply
of that which we can produce ourselves.
I think the House has a right to demand from her Ma-
jesty's Government the reason of their sudden changes.
I know not what to call them. These reasons are only
known to some; dozen individuals on the opposite side.
I think the country has a right to inquire why they
threw up their offices, and if the protective duties were
in any danger.--(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I feel that your
Lordships will take this question into consideration, and
will do your duty to your Sovereign and your country;
and that you will lavish from your minds the Minister
who proposes these measures. My Lords, Ido not on
this occasion intend to offer any factious opposition to
the Address, but I do intend, and I do trust, your Lord-
ships will aid me in offering every fair opposition to
the proceedings of the Minister. We have heard a
great deal about the disease in the potatoes, and we
have suffered in Eugland as Nell as in Ireland. There
wiil be plenty of opportunities for discussing this ques-
tion. But I beg to enter my solemn protest against that
part of her Majesty's Speech which threatens the ruin
of the agricultural interests, and this House, I think, is
entitled to know the reasons why they have come to such
a decision.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, the Noble
Duke states that he will not offer any amendment to the
Address, as proposed. He has camplained of the omis-
sion of all allusion to the corn-laws in the Speech from
the throne. My Lords, it is not necessary in this
House to fellow my young friend in his observations on
the conduct of the Ministry.—(Hear, hear.) Nor de I
think it necessary to make any allusions to the Address
moved by my Noble Friend, as I beg to in-
form your Lordships those measures will he brought
before the House in a very few days.—(Hear.)
I entreat your Lordships to consider whether now it is
right to expect me to make any explanation such as that
which the Noble Duke requests.—(Hear, hear.) I
hope it will not be insisted upon that any such
matters will be entered upon ; but I entreat you
now to adopt the Address, and leave. explana-
tions to another time. Respecting such a ques-
tion as that which has been put by my Noble Friend,
regarding the resignation of her Majesty's Ministers ;
the Noble Duke who has put it, has been a privy coun-
cillor himself, and knows what a privy councillor of the
Sovereign must keep the counsels of the Sovereign
secret. I cannot, therefore, state here what has passed
in that privy council, without obtaining the previous per-
mission ot the Sovereign. Betore my Noble Friend had
.asked the question, he should have given notice
of his intention of doing so, in order to afford an oppor-
tunity of the necessary permission from her Majesty
preliminary to such explanation being given. Had I
known that such a question would have been asked, I
should have obtained permission to make a statement in
answer to it But why should the question be put
on the first night of the session ? Such a course
is not usual. The public interests require that
the counsels of the Sovereign should be kept secret. It
is nO doubt convenient that sometimes what takes place
should be revealed, but as a general rule the secrets of
the council cannot be revealed without obtaining the pre-
vious permission of the Sovereign. This is the first in-
stance in which such a question has been put without
previous notice, and no one present can deny that the
secrets which it involves should be at present stated.
The Duke of RICHMOND said he would be glad to
give notice of his intention to ask the question, though he
could not but wonder that his Noble Friend had nut ex-
pected that such a question would have been asked, and
therefore have been prepared for it by obtaining the
previous consent of the Queen. He would now give no-
lice that to-morrow night he would ask the qnestion of
his Noble Friend.
Lord STANLEY saide—Although he had the per-
mission of her Majesty to make any statement ifs refer-
ence to the subject that was under the consideration of
the House, in reference to the circumstances connected
with his resignation, he thought the present time was
not a proper one for going into explanations. Still,
without going into details he would state briefly the rea-
son wby he had separated from those colleagues with whom
he had acted for the last four years. Although dif-
ferences had existed which led to his separation from
the Ministry, he still entertained for those with whom
he had hitherto co-operated the most unfeigned regard
and esteem.—(Hear, hear.) He could not state all
the grounds that had led to his retirement, without
also stating the measures that were then under
the consideration of her Majesty's Cabinet. At
the present he could not go into details, and
therefore he could not vindicate his conduct, or afford all
the explanations necessary why he bad abandoned the
position he had held. Since that time those measures
may have been altered and modified, or others may have
been introduced in their stead ; but, in reference to
them as they then stood, he would only make the state-
ment that on one measure, and one only, there
was a difference between himself and his colleagues.
On all the others they were agreed. The
measure to which he referred had relation to the degree
and nature of protection that was to he afforded to the
agricultural interest.—(Hear, hear.) The measure pro-
posed could not meet with his approval without a sacri-
fice of his consistency and convictions, which he was not
prepared to make. The opinions of his col-
leagues during the past few years had undergone
considerable change, but his own had not done
so ; and he could not make himself responsible with
them for the changes proposed. He therefore separated

SUN-OFFICE, Half-past Eight.

TTERSALUS-THIS EVENING.

SIX o'CLocK.

CHESTER CUP.
33 to 1 agst Best Bower—t
33 to 1 agst Mickey Free—t
35 to 1 agst Wa
40 to 1 agst Whinrp stone—t
40 to 1 agst Ould Ireland
40 to 1 agst Mermaid—t
45 to 1 agst Aliss Burns—t
66 to 1 agst Mervis
ll to 2 ags DERBY.
t Sting
14 to I agst Brocurdo—taken
25 to 1 agst 'ago—taken
30 to 1 agst Spithead—taken
30 to 1 agst Malcolm
30 to 1 agst Ginger
35 to 1 ag,t Fancy Boy
2000 to 59 agst Humdrum.

IMPERIA PARLIAMENT.

(Tills DAY).

"OUSE of LORDS.
r, :I I e THE ADDRESS.
e(jitiotiEarl of (10,,,,
, air. (in continuation from our Third
cif her 3m41:"-Nly Lord. I now come to that part
oneer -o.teety's
SPeech" in which there is brought
kid thelir notice the prosperous state of the revenue,
are ii
.t4aerieral improvement of the country, and they
Eneastik'resueed ai sure symptoms of the success or past
ie
1,40. went commerce, and recommend-
laleretio latnent to take into their earliest con-
earritd 4 Whether the same principles may not be
ted Ler with benefit to the country. And,
hating a• this
1. so part I approach with great timidity,
gel),b Jule experience of Parliament, and having so
i.t Presueae°'ne a Member o• your House ; I therefore feel
411lijeet,Tlit!ious in me to express any opinion upon this
°Pon the'ling confident that I should throw no light
Play feel: lli(..et; and fearing that I might arouse
aka ei, gby bringing; on a premature discus-
would estonasnbject which thmajority of your Lordships
atal too_ Wer more fitting to be disposed of at another
have nr_e Proper tinae-(Hear, bear)-and one which, I
fake t" doubt, when; her Majesty's servants shall
etiaed their views respecting it, may be dis-
nl eao With the utmost unanimity. I feel confident you
arespe-rgratulate the Sovereign and the country on the
ale e °us state of the revenue and of the interests of 1
, ouatry
gate been ,a and that every Noble Lord, whatever. may
sates all his opinions heretofore respecting the mea-
ereased tut: "I to, will now rejoice that they have in-
IN end wealth and the resources of the country,
(Acta :übted evidence that they have produced these
Pear, ilill he laid on the table of your Lordships.-
° take •eal%) I feel quite certain also, that when you
tositosell,ntoveoTiside.rafion the measures which.. will be
ee "e of di . will do so with a disinterested
blittiyaterte.tzetchideingin the way which will be most
interests of the empire.-(Hear, hear.)
table .baring now addressed you to the best of my
-tree: a1y.....(
IDs top to • hear, and c eering -o
Hear, h ' ) n the
1,4". totet
the
Ines of her Majesty's Speech, I hope that
°flag the"exPerienee of Parliamentary business, and it
h; addre •fir3t time that I have had the honour
t;I tletis.4Blls so illustrious an assembly as
Lelreaio-' 1 MaY not have been betrayed into any
-atiog i 11, Whieh might awaken a feeling of disappro-
°,lloa trill the Members of this' House. Having touched
Vheref:ae subjecte to the best of my ability,
414ve tre re thsnk you for your consideration while I
isai_ saassed on your attention, and, with de dress I will
est I read the words of the Address. (The Ad-
N•Bile-,as thenread • of the
ie-ere) ; it was a merely an echo
440 d b
tahrlcl said, IE ROS then rose to second the
.Addre_ss,
e able am much obliged to my Noble Friend for
Address manner in which he has moved the
:tbentio' and I shall not, therefore, occupy your
"4 tribute any length. I shall commence by paying a
able ton to the Emperor of Russia for the honour-
-3,ertit:ll4" in which he has assisted her Majesty's
`eater, ent in establishing peace. It is a distinguishing
Nara (11. his country the manner in which he en-
(listing" the arts and sciences; and he himself has been
ee„nnigue ished in his efforts to assist her Majesty's Go-
°f the t.'
e With regard to the convention of the King
moble- Drench as to the slave trade, I concur with my
treat bar that it will be the means of preventing
eohie
ebarity and many horrors, and will promote a
kretre emulation between the two countries. With re•
Riven e t° the Oregon question, my Noble Friend has
aliatevitn opinion in which I also concur, via., that
PaoNeter Party on that side of the water may do to
sess e irritation between the two countries, the good
~..iet,rees?! the Americans, and the knowledge
that their
Aleje,," are identified with ours, will enable her
erranra Government to come to an amicable
attvy,gcent. As to the increase of the army and
duties " Must be obvious to your Lordships that the.
cress_ and labours of the colonial service are on the in-
osp
_eot
_.nd it would
.not be fair to strain too hardly on
kaz!sid!e,rs and ailors there. The next topic in her
jereteYobmtp•enlihtilos all
in which I feel great interest--
heSt
satt some endeavours. should be.
iced to suppress then system of assassination in Ireland.
,_` should be the last many
to nposefany coercive measures
0 affect the general libertiespr
but I do think thaat her Majesty's sub-
es,rdinary efforts of the law is nescoemsseatrymfgor Ireland. do not wish to be misunderstood, for Ido not refernte;
ttllbe whole of Ireland, but only to those districts where
k a aystana is carried on ; and in those districts it is well
etiwn that e his the whichthe .. uc impunity with
tltiaPes, that Cea price of blood is brought as low as
doree or four pounds. Under these circumstances, I
yeiir think that the state of Ireland requires
/ oeLordships' serious cdhsideration.-(Hear, hear.)
prod7__Nfer to the scarcity in the potato crop. It has
of tarsed, and may be expected to produce, a great deal
athoonY• All who visit that country can speak to the
aneerlied hospitality in Ireland; but I think there is
peevaiel virtue not sufficiently apppreciated, and which also
Net, a to a most unbounded extent upon all oc-
hi so lof national distress. This charity, exerted '
'eut thpraisevrorthy a manner, will, I think, pre-
tlittN. ° worst evils anticipated by the approaching
lior -s• We also know that there is great room
latit4Ployment in that country, and a great
the ihta for the outlay of capital. There was access to
it re "seriei• of Ireland by water, there being no part of
41 el% th fifty miles trom the sea. With respect to
far be aaation of the prohibitory duties, it is a subject
ealtYlee3'°,l4,d my experience ; so I will content myself by
O'OC 'am what has been done in this respect has not
title or that evil which was expected. The importa-
°aetiee foreign cattle has not, I believe, been pro-
;Pieta °l.,_ any injury to the British farmer,
;11.1tiry '' near.) I da not . anticipate that any
I.lareQhatever will follow the other contemplated re-
k•ol telsi,i°• All I will do is to draw the attention of your
' tent Ps to the measure which may be proposed, and
:4111(41, to say that no measure will be produced that
11,. ICece,ive your just and dispassionate considera-
"me reot; °NY remains now for me, my Lords, to second
sad The T'nf,ll which Noble Friend has proposed.
deejußl) CHANCELLOR then put the question,
A.fte-aried that the Contents had it.
Thera i.eiv seconds,
at to a la, uke of RICHMOND rose and said-I am notd
t° aaneuPriseel to see the desire which has been evince
ThrpF.;,e,S,S discussion upon
a, an-'njt 111) CHANC ELLOR-I beg the Noble Duke .
mutates state that. I waited deliberately for a few'
tiiried Li' and finding that the Noble Duke was not in- HOUSE OF COMMONS.
14 - use, I put the question and put it slowly.
THE ADDRESS.
Ite° etlrderl). eke perfectly
should
RICHMOND- HMOND-I am
d- Sir the immediate cause which led to
tile Ihe Pee have listened with satisfaction Sir ROBERT. PEEL (in continuation from our Third
re‘ri,,dresss
ifeh of the Noble- Lord who moved Edition) said-Sir,
et tiled that',..._ he had not iii.
ar
heard the statement calamity had.fallenfthep
t of his speech re• the dissolution of lhue
oGnovtberantmaerntitclowaosf,
fothoadtona
which
people of the United Kingdom,
tddree tirnist:e should wait until we
ht.
.litoi._olr. I have heard :my . Lords, enough in that a great portion o
mainl for their subsistence. tio7.r ) 1,01 v what the Minister 'titan to do.-(Hear, and still larger.numbe.rs,of theTsihsatetrwkaisntghdeom,
immediatedei)end
ns.) r e intends to withdraw protection.-(lnterru
• for it would be
unfair
ndof
uthu•_•
g;1/440 Lore had mentioned the corn-laws at once. I defy Government •
ee'tattein teutab:o say that the Speech just_ re)ad does not candid on my part .if I
laltiteachpeadrtieuenledrue
cause
This is portance to that subject.
ite-
mittle g. lid v corn-laws. -(ReaF, hear.
Ai, 111 la; the compact which Sir Robert Peel appeared to require immediate decision.tbultt wanes
iiiiebesioe:
difpre`i!adsC2 with the agriculturists, and which Inte necessary at the time alluded to
the tuties, ne, the Secretary of State, said removed diate course tvneurlitiltbbee
importation
tliatZletiltltiitt.l was made for the purpose of securing to laws corn.-(Hear.)
I:ativointhofrecgo'rnc.l
11114 15e"%%119;;,tiat,6 a permanent law. It was to secure I will notv s shrink
topics
now i
ef from mh
have
lately expressionagiteotfe
dm opinionstyhe%o rld,
Y:itir,„fice--,„tw that the agriculturists acquiesced in upon thosel p
Ltoeti sae hog hear.) My Lords, I wish to draw nor will wdithltiouldthfrohmaytehe
epeuebeliicdetrhaahtlytheepitreorgerdessmoyt
°,°nous,.-,,:,;t Iv- „t,"" wha't Mr. Gladstone said in 1843. He reason an
they -.ate to 411 lie unjust to the agriculturists, and dis- views upon theser
oto
tHmeayr,owlnieoarp.i)oionls wupilclaintohwe
clihave undergone a change.-(Loud
13rii:istaltde a "paLU'oveinment and to the Parliament, if freely and openly topics.
-(Hear,
Sphere Indu 1.99-'allg. in the laws which protected subject of protection
(1. is st
' whilegreat and adequate ca
ISease . the out a . on I claim the right to exer-
use. and long-continued. Opposition cheers.) Alike in a pub-
tiot 8 to eauso? Decidedly not the potato lie as a private situation .
ie
al o. Thelreland. No, my Lords, i
•t was cise the privilege of yielding to the force of
law ae first ;,, POtAt,
upon the rusults of enlarged expe-
,e 0 failure was assined as the reason argument. and, conviction - (Hear, hear) - and at
lahy arltgue.an. 'ante, and promulgated It ma be sup-
life see rience.- (Renewed Opposition cheers.) y. . " .'-'l4 in the Anti-Corn- every time acting .
thest-n Cohd`e'-ar, hear.) I cannot for my
tisk tilnanche 11,should nut be made a Peer an . d sit on posed that there is something humiliating in the mewing
vtith le People oftar• hear, and laughter.) I wish to of such a confession. I think no such thing.i.
Aliethree in
Pinion ugland and those persons who duis_a_guwrese, (Cheers.) I have no intuitive capacity of a
waa a determining what is right, but I
k!apo`Tr they nil the question of the corn-laws,
1
1144 caiv Lee approve of the course taken by the. Anti- confidence in the belief that .it would _. .
_ Teague?,- H
ofth:een uncona.
.( ear, hear.) I say their course a false conciliation indeed, if my opinions had under
gone a modification or change, to pretend to adhere
its
4,3 change. f
ILI' uttonal and that they are the authors
Cor dot as to 9pe this House will not so far abandonto thein.--(Cheers.) But then it became a question,
114 4.1,,, Le Permit itself to be intimidated by the Anti- which the House and the public have a right
ask, whether the motives for changing them
!gue? or
Ilia What i, by the money that body has raised.
D.,! sserifie_tne time the Government asks us to make iiiieffic
aient and honest. Nothing could be more
public man than to protect himself from
Coen pe u,_ to Popular clamour ? We find that Sir base . ,
lit th "asnotproduced _ asore
b pretending that no change had taken place
titlo Itt'°ll the c
Tnione, while on the other hand it would be most
ape e to take .ontrary, murders and assassinations con- in his op
- tCnt and most urjust to his Sovereign ana his
„aeh, Sir Robert every
day•-(Elear, hear.) In this inconsis ,
i ion seeingreason to alter his course of aetion
t Peel come ountry i , tit
foil., and alter those laws sto us, and asks tie to give 0 . d from making that alteration by the
es._ ihe benefit which every man knows ar•he is
to be r• elude
char e of inconsistency.-(Hear, heal:, and
kverY eias • 9 not of the agriculturists alone, but of fear of the The
hear •) in the commu •t • guestion, then, for me to deal.% with is,
tr, .) I shall ni ).-(Loud cries of a Hear, cheers.) question, i change arc sufficient and
motives for toe e the statementnow call your Lordship? attention whether the
re
those who contend that the
ft al. 183,,wien made by Sir Robert Peel in the just. Thera are
t upon the import of a geea
nnovarof ',lupe imen.s .
l'ietiltu • ,n he wanted office from the r e i of
tealtests. tie then said, e necessary article commerce would
tio„
,ethe farmer will lf you take away pro- and very
a ask you to et rid of all protec- be a source of great a it has
dvantage, and heretofore
these parties
- -scion e,-TY other article ."y IT g - ' - to combat the osition of
ate ' - -t ' pon that occasion Sir R. been eal.r die ex-
%re, ted wt,.. , would be the effect if urgent necessity for .
protection to by pointing out the ,
~
[Goal
the time
t' were abolished,The effect be that • f these restrietl4laa win t iol.
don
on must all rotes istence 044 other articles must be Abolished,-(Hear, hear.) has arrived when it
in at;
has become . -
fair and open awl.
Ite,, You prepared to destroy y '''. ettetom-house possible to meet them
' bhshoeing that
- e
40, Y that means destroy -;;.- e „"ne that, went-(Renewed Opposition cheers) .7
of prohibition
Are gnes to support the liabilities r ."-' - " ? the advantages arising from the system
(lestrY°.4 prepared to do that ? or, are of the •11,..7-n, ,-- . :ere greater than those which taiga.
I tarise from their
this ~ ) the custom-houses ? Are you prepared oi • -ael, The time had arrived the
system was
it itrt prineiplvs
to • If you are, where will youget
paprepared to. do rem, --eistent with the rig— ;Pa --', a• •• _
b. Y the public creditor ?If revenue. sufficieot • '- .ind regulate the trade of the ethin
got rid of because it is protection to corn is to
a ^^tion t 9 domestic industriy
great monopoly, are there

Lord BROUG HAM rose, also, to express the gratifi-
cation which he experienced at the course which Go-
vernment had pledged themselves to adopt with regard
to America.

(LEFT SITTING

become inco...
which ought to gum..
try. In this rublic view pro 4,.

SUN, LONDONI TM. TY'R SDAY YEN' IN F, JANUARY 2 1846. 46-

~~~J

duty on wool should be altogether repealed—that there
in fact should be no restriction on i:s importation. It
was more certainly in deputatiens than in thie House that
objections were urged :against the free importation of that
nett:Vie. Certainly there e ere griev, us entiefatione 1, et
in eonsequceee of the ebolition of the duty on that elm
cle, parties engage d in the woel trade, should be injured.
Well, here ugein there has been an enormous increase
in the impation of wool. In 1842, there were 45,8801b5.
of foreign wool imported into this country, and in 1844,
there were 5,790,0001b5., and during the last year,
I ant bound to' adrnia that there were no less than
65,216,0001b5. of foreign wool imported into England.—
(Hear, hear.) Now what has been the cause of the re
duction of the duty on syool ? In 1842 the price had
sunk from 1 qd. to 10d., and in 1843 from 11 Ad. to lid.,
but in Deceneber, 1845, eighteen months since the aboli-
tion of the duty, the price has sunk from laid. to 104 d.
per lb.—(Heer, hear, and great laughter.) Now I think,
Sir, we have had experience for the last three years,
sufficient to show for the removal of protection to
i domestic nduetry has been followed by an increase of
our social happiness and the interests of the country
have been materially promoted.—(Hear, hear.) Our
morality, too, has been much improved. I could read
the most conclusive proofs that the public health
has also been much improved —(Hear, hear.)
and that the national trade ha been increased. Exports
have been increased. and this is a fact in which I rejoice.
—(Wear, hear.) The trade in those articles froni which
protection has been removed has been increased. Now,
sir, it is right that I should stete that, notwithstanding,
the conviction which this experience has brought to my
mind, that my decided impression was that, on other
grounds, the eorn-laws should be reconsidered.
This I was firmly resulted upon. I could not
have met in this st ssion the motion of the nom Gentle
man for the reconsideration of the corn-laws. I could
not, I say, with liaise convictions—which, say what you
will, I cannot forget—l could not have met that motion
with a direct negative.—(dear, hear.) Now, Sir, let
me again repeat, that the convictions which I have come
to have been brought about by observation and experience.
With this change in my opinion, I could not have under-
taken the defence of the cern-laws upon the ground
being heavily taxed the
round thatcontinuance
of
thatprotection
country
nas necessary, or upon the ground
it was for the interest of the labouring classes
that high prices should be continued as a guarantee for
high wages ; nor could I have undertaken its defence on
the ground that a non interference of the system was a
guarantee for domestic peace.— (Hear, hear.) But I have
more urgently wished for this opportunity to explain to
those friends who have hitherto honoured me with their
confidence and support, as well as to justify to them the,
course I have taken. —(Hear, hear.) I wish to assure
them that had I not taken the course I have
done, this Parliament would have been broken up.
and the defence of their interests would have been com-
mitted to the country, and another Parliament would
have had the opportunity of reconsidertng the question
of the ecru-laws. Circumstances occurred in the last
autumn which would have precluded me from
meeting Parliameist on the principles I had
previously entertained. A great calamity has mani-
fested itself, the limits of which were then, and are still,
little known—(Cheers)—and it was evident to
us that we should have great difficulty in con-.
tending against that calamity. The calamity was
not confined to Ireland, but it had appeared,
not only in many other parts of Europe,
but in England itself. This calamity made the Go-
vernment aware of the fact, that the time had
arrived when a change in the corn laws became
pressingly necessary ; and it was, then, our duty
11 to eur Sovereign and the country to make
of the necessity for this change, which existed iu the
coming change. Now, had we pretended only that.
there was apprehension of a scarcity, for the purposes
of effecting an alteration in the corn-laws, nothing would
have been more briee or dishourable ; and you now shall have
the opportunity of judging of the importance of the in-
formation we received upon this calamity, and to deter-
mine whether or no that information was not sufficient
to justify the Government in !yarning the country
against the coming danger.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
So strongly, indeed, was I impressed by this information
of the necessity fur a change that, in the month of No-
vember, I advised the suspension of the protective duties.
—(Opposition cheers.) There are two important periods
to which I must particularly allude in my explanation.
namely, the periods between the Ist of November, 1845,
and the 6th of November, 1845, and the 25th of Novem-
ber, 1845, and the 6th of Deccmb er, 1845 ; but before I
do so, I propose to read, in consecutive order,
the information which we received at diffe-
rent periods from different parts of Europe,
which induce me...to come to the coclusion I have
done. The Right Hon. ;Baronet then read a
series of letters from -Belgium, Egypt, Poland,
France, and other countries, detailing :the
great ravages of the potato disease in those places,
Now with respect to England, this is the limit of the
information which has reached us. I should mention

vember, and that between 25th November nnd 6th De-
ember following, were Ferias of importunce.during the
late Ministerial crisis, and he would read to the House
the communications which he had received
during these intervals, and which had induced

im to offer .the advice to Avhich he had alluded.

(The Right Hon. Gentlenian here read various commu-
nications which he had received from foreign countries,
and from persons in England, relative to the
failure of the harvest throughout Europe, and
to the prohibition of articles from foreign countries.)
There was throughout Europe a general apprehension of
scarcity, measures were taken for excluding us:. from
our usual sources of supply. With respect to England
and Scotland, he heard first of all from the Isle
of Wight that the potato crop had altogether
failed—this was as early as August, 1845.
(The Right Hon. Gentleman then read various commu-
nications front authorities in different parts of the
United Kingdom, setting forth the extensive failure of
the potato crop.) The pressure was great in England
and Scotland, but it was greatest in Ireland, and the
report presented by the Commissioners on that
subject. Among the Members of which were Mr.
Lucas and Professor Kane, It was stated that
4,090,000 of persons depended upon the potato crop, so
that the Government found itself called upon to pro-
vide fur the subsistence of 4,000,000 of people in tha

country.
The reports of the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, con-
firmed those fears, and, althongh there was now no dan-
ger, yet he called upon the House to judge of his motives
by the intelligence which was then communicated to
him. In consequence of the potato disease, the Lord
Lieutenant said that everything was rising rapidly in
price—that the people were becoming discontented,
asking if he should issue a proclamation for prohibiting
the distillation of grain, and urging on the Government
the necessity of adopting measures to obviate the evil
Such were the communications they had received, and he
hoped allowances would be made for the feelings of
those whose duty it was to uatch those
calamities, and to forecast for the future.
In adnition to these communications, he had received
communications from gentlemen unconnected with the
Government detailing the fearful consequences of the
failure of the polato crop. Lord Monteagle had written
to him on the subject, and the Duke of Leinster had pre-
sided over a public meeting at which the Government was
called upon to interfere. Lord Clare had also
written to him on the subject. The Government
had sent over Professor Liniey and Dr. Playfair
to inquire into the subject. Dr. Linley had given to
him the most alarming accounts, and these accounts
had been confirmed by the report of the Com-
mission. The conclusion they had come to was,
that one-half of the potato crop had been destroyed
In any advice which he gave on the 6th November, he
had only been guided by some of these letters. The
Cabinet was called together on the 31st of October, and
many were held on the 4th and 6th November. On the

Ist November there was no deliberation ; it appeared to
him that there was the full justification for the Order in
Council, or by calling Parliament together, and fully to
remove all restrictions on the importation of grain. He was
ready to take on himself the issue of an Order in Council
but he did not adopt that course. H

call Parliament together and propose the temporary re-
moval of all restrictions. He did not consider that that
would necessarily involve reconsideration of the corn-laws
but he thought it would compel Parliament, in the in-
terval, to reconsider those laws. His opinion was
overruled, and if he did not resign it was
on account of public and not of private reasons. He
felt it was his duty to remain. The Cabinet reassembled
on November 25 ; the events which had occurred in the
interim had not altered his decision. A Commission
of Inquiry had in the meantime been appointed, and it
became necessary to determine what should be
the instructions issued to them. He then stated

that he considered the issue of those instructions
incompatible with the maintenance of the existing pro-
hibitory laws, and that he could not consent to the
issue of those instructions without reserving to himsel
the power of proposing an alteration in the corn laws.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

that the first account we had of the failure of the potato
crop was received from the Isle of Wight. A gentleman
writes us on the 10th of August that he cultivates 300
acres, and he is also a salesman in London. He was
also engaged in the retail trade, and therefore fully com-
petent to give an opinion. He had examined
the crops around Sandwich and its neighbour-
hood, and they were almoit entirely destroyed.
In Kent also the crop has been most seriously injured,
as appeared by a letter received from Mr. Clay. In
Yorkshire the -chop has been even worse, for it appears
by a letter from Mr. Wood, from the place that the
injury has been most extensive. Then from Scotland
I received a letter from my friend the Member
for Dumfries, in which he says that the po-
tatoes there, in many districts, were unfit for
human food. This was the nature of the accounts which
my right lion. Friend and myself had neon receiving
during the months of October and November, and which
we spent days and nights in reading. Then, as to the
accounts which Caine from Ireland, it would appear by
them that the people of that country chiefly subsist upon
that article of food. It would be difficult to estimate
the number that so exist ; but by the official accounts
which we have received from that country from Sir W.
Brown, Mr. Lucas, and Professor Kane, it appears that
nearly four millions of the people of that country mainly
depend upon the potato for their support. It is quite
clear, then, that we have now to contend against a cala-
mity affecting no fewer than four millions of people.—
(Hear, hear.) I will not enter into any details upon
this subject, I will merely content myself with
reading the accounts we have received from
the Lord Lieutenant, confirmatory of them.— (Hear.)
The Lord Lieutenant stated in one of his letters that
the evil will not be felt in all its intensity until the
month of February or the beginning of spring, that is
the stock of laz;t year's potatoes. This, be iL remem-
bered, is the opinion of one who was chiefly responsible
for guarding against any calamity.—(Hear, hear.) Now.
after all the accusations which have been brought against
me, I wish to place upon record what were the appre-
hensions of those who were responsible for the providing
of measures in order to meet this calamity. In a letter
from the Lord-Lieutenant, he stated that the disease
was very prevalent, and that results of an alarming
nature might be anticipated, if measures were not speedily
taken to maet the evil. This letter was followed by
was followed by another, dated the 21st of October, in
which he says that accounts still continue to pour in of
a most discouraging nature; the extent of the calamity
it would be impossible to calculate—potatoes were dry
upiapparently in an healthy state, which in a few days
presented all the appearances of decay. On the 24th Oct.
another account reached us, in which we were told that the
prices of the necessaries of life were rising, and that a
spirit of discontent seemed spreading among the people,
and urging upon us the necessity of adopting speedy
measures in order to allay the feeling of the people,
and wishing to know whether he should issue
a proclamation forbidding distillation from grain.

. . LITERATURE.
KAIG(tiT'S 141.C.EKLY VOLUME, LXXXIIL..._
icapofrv.e•Bonam irte : his Sayings and Doings. Vol.- I.
Ry A. 7'.ieusseu. z
From tire title: of this volume, the reader would
naturally have ea:pected to discover in it something
epigrammatic and something novel, either in the in-
formation or in the manner in which things already
familiar might have been conveyed, but he would
have been egregiously deceived. Far from this form-
ing a collection of the sayings and doings of Na-
poleon Bonaparte in any way deserving of such a
distinctive denomination, the book is simply a very
meagre, watery, frigid, matter-of-fact history of that
most wonderful of all wonderful men. As tar as our
judgment will permit us to discriminate the character
in which any personage is written about, the style of
composition in biography should in some measure be
commensurate with and subservient to the particular
idiosyncracy of the individual. The statesman should
be delineated with candour and dignity ; the critic in-
a terse and didactic fi:shion ; the poet with a glow,
and fervour, and imagery apportioned to the theme;
while, in the memoir of any extraordinary warrior,
the drums, and the guns, and the musketry, and the
bugles should to some extent be symbolised on its.
pages. When, however, a great marvel, like Napoleon
—a Cw.iar, without the libidinous nature of Cwsar—
an Alexander, without the drunkenness of Alexander
—a Washington, without the stolid 'intellect (entirely
devoid of imagination) of Washington—a Cromwell,
without being a regicide or a fanatic like Cromwell—
Alahoinet, without being an impostor—a Frederick,
without sullenness—when a great man, like Napo-
leon, coinbines in hithself the character of a lawgiver,
a captain, a statesman, a sage, an orator, and a sove-
reign—it is but natural to look for something in the
account of such a being characteristic of some, if not
all, of those striking qualities. In this respect the
volume before ns is excessively inapt. M. Vieusseux
is neither a Sallust, nor a Tacitus, nor even a