The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON,_

%soul,' propose to follow, which was the supply of sugar and creased supply of sugar to this country would render it im-
the effect upon the slave trade by the introduction into this i possible again to reduce the duties on auger, but in the presen
country of slave-grown sugar. The Noble Lord had traced state of things it would be madness to attempt to go beyond
the history of the sugar question in all its details in a manner what they had already done. His Noble Friend then came
which he could not undertake to equal. He stated that when to the list topic, the encouragement of the slave-trade. It
the East and West India colonies were not sufficient to supply was impossible not to admire and respect the opinions which
the country. he and his colleagues had opened fresh ports, and he gave on the subject ; nevertheless, harrowing as were the
he ( the Chancellor of the Exchequer) hoped to show descriptions of the slave trade as now carried on, and the treat-
to the I louse that • all the consideration which induced ment they received, in Cuba, they had failed in showing that the
the Government to introduce foreign free-labour sugar present measure tended to promote the slave-trade—still more
into the ports existed at the present period. In 1843, the had they failed to show that the free-labour sugar could be
consumption of sugar was less than in 1841. The consunap- brought at all to compete with it. His Noble Friend, anxious
tion of last year over that of 1843 was 36,000 tons. The price that he should clear himself from the imputation of eiicou-
at this moment is higher by 4s. per cwt. than in June last, and raging the slave trade, had refused to sanction such a measure
the average of three preceding months was ss. 3d. higher than as the present. His Noble Friend abstained from the use of
the preceding quarter. 11r. Gladstone had estimated the con- sugar grcwn by slaves, but yet he did not deny himself the use
sumption of free labour sugar at 20,000 tons, whereas the of other articles which were raised by slaves. How he drew
whole, in fact, instead of 20,000 was under 4,000 tons. Last the distinction he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not
quarter the consumption of free labour sugar had been only pretend to say, but he knew that the produce of slave labour
118 tens, and in the five quarters preceding it had been only was used to a considerable extent in that House, and yet they
4,113 tons instead of 20,000 tons. The amount of revenue opposed the present measure in order to escape the charge of
from free labour sugar produced, ending sth April last, was using slave-grown goods. Copper, cotton, and other articles
45,000'. less than was estimated in the preceding year. He were slave produce, and they were extensively used. He
believed that if the price of sugar was low, it was almost im- could show that in no way whatever was greater cruelty in-
possible to place a limit on the consumption of that article. flitted on the slaves than in the production of copper, yet they
The quantity of sugar consumed had always varied with the supported slave-produced copper from Cuba, and had con-
price of sugar. The following table will show the effect of siderably increased its import. In 1840 they imported
the prices upon the consumption :
26,000 tons, and in 1845 they imported 41,000 tons.
Such is the effect if we take free labour sugar from the conti-
nental markets. The continental markets make up the defi-
ciency occasioned by the demands we• litake on it for free-grown
produce by the importation of slave-grown sugar, so that while
we carry on that trade we are in reality encouraging the slave
. trade.—( Hear.) If we take free grown sugar from the conti-
• nental market, slave-grown sugar is certain to flow in, and
I thus we give an indirect encouragement to slavery. Whether,
. therefore, we import directly slave grown sugar from where it
is produced, or free labour Einar from the continental market,
the result is precisely the same—such was the tendency of the
present system. After the experience of the last year, would any
man doubt that slavery was not encouraged by the present
state of the law. If so, then they were guilty to the
fullest extent in the charge brought against them by
the Noble Lord (the Fret Lord of the Treasury.) Were they,
therefore, on such slight grounds as bad been stated, to adhere
to a principle which they could not carry into effect, and tilt
deprive the great body of the people of; this country of a cheap
and necessary article of comfort ?—( Hear, hear.) The im-
practicable nature of the present system, was admitted by all
who had fully considered the question. He admitted that
many very honest, sincere, well meaning men were against the
proposition of her Majesty's Government, and he was wishful
to pay the greatest deference and respect to their opinions, but
he was bound to observe that the sentiments of those parties
were not participated in by many other parties who were as
much opposed to negro slavery. Looking at the proceedings
of the Liverpool Anti-slavery Society, a more rational and
practical view of the question had been taken. That
society at least took a different view to that which had
been taken by the Noble Lord (Lord George Bentinck),
At a meeting which they had just held, they had agreed to re-
solutions to the effect that the measure now proposed by her
Majesty's Government was in harmony with the general prin-
ciples of commercial intercourse laid down by the late Adminis-
tration, and that taken in conjunction with friendly negotia-
tions with other powers, it was better calculated to lead to the
extinction of slavery than any other course.—(Hear, hear.)
He entirely concurred with the view which this body had taken
of the question, as he believed the result would be eventually
to put down slavery, while the general interests of all other
parties would be improved. He would now say a few words
respecting the West Indian interest. He had been communi-
cated with many times by leading gentlemen connected with
that interest, and he must bear testimony to the temperate
and reasonable manner in which they have urged their claims.
None would regret more than he would, if he thought the
measure proposed by the Government would lead to any diffi-
culty as far as that interest was concerned. No one injury, he
was persuaded, could be inflicted on that interest without doing
injury to the rest of the community. But he did not appre-
hend any evil from the operation of the measure. He looked
still to the West Indies as the source from whence the people
of this country should continue to derive their supplies of sugar.
With capital and energy he felt sure they would continue to
command the markets of the country. In the same way that
he believed the landed proprietors of this country would not
suffer from the repeal of the corn-law, did he believed the West
India interest would not suffer from the withdrawal of their
present protection. But as the agriculturists of this country
would make up for the absence of protection by capital and by
increased skill and improved modes of cultivation, so did he
think would the West India planters.—( Hear, hear.) Increased
skill, and greater energy would make up for any temporary
loss which they might suffer. Besides, they had been favour-
ably considered in other respects by the Legislature of the
country. There had been last year a reduction of 10s. per
cwt. on produce imported into the colonies. But beyond this,
it would be a great benefit to the West India interest if the
questioninr
settled,
ettle Hear,end, discussions
h andt e
if they a
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r .
the)t That in-
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iwished
sy
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was permanentlyerrelieveded
permanently
it s
we settled.—(
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e greatest
ef
were
thiste s t
enabled to know what the regular rate of duty was to be.
The present Government proposed to do this. The Noble
Lord (George Bentinck) said that slave labour was cheaper
than free labour, and that the produce of the latter would have
no chance in competition. In supporting that statement,
he referred to Louisiana. But in answer to that
he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would say
that it had been proved that the free labour of Mexico was
twice as productive as the slave labour of Cuba.-_( Hear. )
Such he hoped would be the result elsewhere. But, further,
lie understood that, in Cuba even, so dissatisfied were the
planters with slave labour, that no less than 3,000 free la-
bourers had been imported. If Cuba found it necessary to do
this, would not they find that British capital and energy would
do the same ? In many of the colonies the deficiency of labour
had been met, to some extent, by the importation of labourers
under the restrictior.s provided by the present laws. The Go -
vernment were willing, to extend the privilege of importing
labourers, under such restrictions that the labourers imported
should be really and truly the same. And while this advan-
tage would be given them, during the time the present mea-
sure was carrying out, the West Indian interest would en-
joy no meagre share of protection. For the first
year, they would have fifty per cent. protection
in their favour-44 per cent. the next year, 32 per cent. the
following year, 21 per cent. the next year, and 10 per cent.
the year when the equalisation of the duty took place. The
third year—the critical year of the new proposition—they
would possess 32 per cent. in their favour—a fair and ample
amount of protection under the circumstances. But he hoped
they would not alone trust, under the new system proposed, to
the importation of labourers, but that they would do every-
thing in their power to cultivate the soil, and bring
skill and capital to bear upon it ; in doing which he
felt persuaded they could safely go into competition
with the produce of any other portion of the world.—(Hear,
hear.) And to enable them to prepare for the change, and to
bring their energies to bear upon their possessions, he thought
five years protection, as now proposed, sufficiently ample. Mea-
sures would also be brought forward to benefit the West India
interest in other respects. He was enabled to state one mea-
sure, which was the reduction of one-third of the deferential
duty on rum ; and he promised that interest he would support
every claim which they could fairly and in justice establish
as necessary for their well-being. There was another claim that
would be benefited by the present measure. He meant the
ship-owners, who would be greatly benefited in the carrying
trade, if the proposed alteration were made. Instead of fo-
reign bottoms being employed in the Brazilian and Cuba trade,
as now, British vessels would be almost entirely em-
ployed. But, after all, the interests of the great body of the
labouring population of the country was what they had to
consider, and these would be greatly benefited by the measure.
Whatever they might do for other classes, they were bound to
consider the comforts of this class, and there could be no
doubt that it would confer a great benefit on them, in giving
them a large, abundant, and cheap supply of a necessary—
nay, an indispensible article of life. It was on that ground
mainly that the question was now brought under the consider-
ation of the House. (The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst
loud cheers.)
Sir H. INGLIS thanked the Noble Lord the Member for
Lynn (Lord G. Bentinck ), for the temperate and practical
resolution which he had submitted to the House, and for the
speech with which he had supported it, so complete and con-
clusive in its reasoning, and so full of fact. He, for one, was
willing to rest the decision of the question on that most con-
clusive speech; but as it was not the custom of the House to
decide any matter by single combat, he would shortly occupy
the attention of the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the greater portion of his
speech, spoke as a Chancellor of the Exchequer for the next
year. The greater portion of the speech would have been
more appropriate on May 10, 1847. The sum total of it was,
" We want 350,000/. in April, 1847, and we must make it up
by some means." That sum he wanted, and in what
way he got it he did not seem greatly to care. He
stated his expectation that 20,000 tons of slave-grown
sugar would be imported next year, but he did not
express any regret, or misgiving that such a sum as he had
named should be realised from such a source. They were
then told that the obligations of treaties compelled them to ad-
mit slave-grown sugar, and that, therefore, they were obliged
to give Spain advantages which Spain did not possess. If that
were so, than he (Sir R. Inglis) maintained the treaty of
Utrecht should be repealed, and the preference-giving prin-
ciple abandoned. But he did not think that the treaty of
-Utrecht warranted the construction put upon it. The treaty
of Utrecht was limited to trading transactions its Europe only,
and did not extend to the colonial possessions of the two coun-
tries ; but if the treaty really warranted the construction put
upon it, then ought they to relinquish the principle of
favoured nations altogether.—(Cries of Hear, hear.")
He resisted this measure because it was a great discourage-
ment to British induitry in the colonies, and a great encourage-
ment to a most inhuman traffic. The sufferers that it would
produce would not be confined to Cuba—they would extend to
the Brazils, and whatever other part of the world men should
choose to drag them. The tortures which had been described
by his Noble Friend that evening were tortures which the ad-
vocates of this measure must be prepared to perpetuate and
patronise ; for every ton of sugar imported into this country
was produced at the expense of the blood of three African
slaves, and these three slaves were got at the expense of nine
from the coast of Africa—a cost which, with all the attendant
evils of kidnapping Lnd torture, was countenanced by the
authors of the measure ; and if these nine individuals were
multiplied by 20,000, the result would be not less than 180,000.
—( Hear, hear.) That was the wrong which they, a Chris-
tian assembly, with all their professions, were asked to en-
courage. He must say, deliberately, God forbid ! He hoped,
at least, that those he saw on the other side of the House, who
had often opposed slavery, would not vote with the Government.
He did not oppose it from party feeling, but
he and those who agreed with him desired to give more
time to the Government to consider the measure. He said
there was an enormous increase in the free-labour sugar of
India; it was stated to be 500,000 tons, the actual produce of
India. Was it to be supposed, he asked, if the British markets
were opened to all the world, that this would not soon find its
way into Europe? Might the demand not be met by this?
Why, the supply from the Mauritius alone was, twelve years
ago, 27,700 tons, and last year, 35,800; and for the season
1846-47 the calculation was that not less than 60,000 tons would
come in. He held a list in his hand showing the capacity of
estates on that island—a list exhibiting one-eighth of the whole
produce of the island. Estate A produced, in 1843, 300 tons;
in 1844, 400 tons; in 1845, 500 tons ; in 1846, 800 tons ;
and for the season of 1847 it was expected that the return
would be 1,000. Other estates exhibited a like increase of
return, though somewhat more irregular. Here, then, was
one of the colonies of England producing last year one-fourth
of the whole quantity consumed in Britain. He said he should
not regret the change which had been made in the social con-
dition of the people of the West Indies; still less should he re-
gret that great sum which was voted by this country as its con-
tribution in honour of the principles which it held ;:but he
never would feel other than regret that the country should
have left her colonies with no better supply of free labour.—
( Hear, hear.) As for the importation of Hill Coolies, it was
now under so great restrictions that it was accomplished
with perfect safety to those individuals themselves, and as there
was a local authority, if their liberties were encroached on or
undue advantage were taken of them, they could immediately
apply and find a ready remedy. They ought to recol-
faenry
example,
alupaine quantity this B
etrhhi
isa e countryan d
they
recol-
lect also that their colonies had an almost un-
limited command of soil, soil which might raise
requireßritish;Gupiarea-
prietors that advantage which would enable them to raise a
supply equal to the demand. He asked for a preference for
mighteught to
them- nt?t stn exclusive
rfereneet but such a preference as

Consumption
per head.

In the year

Price.

1846

48s. Od.

15Ibs.

1845
1846
1846, 30th June, 365. 9id.
The great body of the people of this country consumed a con-
siderable quantity less than could be supposed. If every individual
in this country were to consume 201bs. per head, the consump-
tion would be; considerably greater than stated to be by the
Noble Lord the Member for Lynn. The total consult ption in
this country for the year ending April 5, 1846, was 252,000
tons. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had taken
great pains to find out the amount of sugar likely to be im-
ported; the highest amount he had received was 255,000 tons.
He had received other estimates, such as 250,000 tons, 225,000
tons, 230,000 tons ; and the estimate he had received from an
Antwerp merchant was 220,000 tons. The Noble Lord the
Member for Lynn had said, that 240,000 tons would be im-
ported from the East Indies ; for the comfort of the West
India growers, he would say, that he did not think it at all
possible that such a quantity could be produced from the
East Indies. He, therefore, now showed that they could
not look to the East Indies for a supply, for the price of that
sugar would be as high, if not higher, than the present
prices. With regard to free-labour sugar, the highest
estimate of the importation into this country was 20,000
tons, but he thought the amount nearest the truth was
15,030 tons. The amount imported last year was only 4,000
tons. It was well known that the greater part of the sugar
from Java went into the Dutch market. But taking the whole
supply at 12,000 tons, the largest amount of colonial and free
labour sugar would not exceed 250,000 tons. What their con-
sumption would be next year he could not say, but his opinion
was, that if a larger supply were afforded to the people of this
country at a lower price, there would be a greater consumption
than at present. It was computed by all acquainted with the
subject that the price should be 455. per cwt. to give a con-
sumption. That quality of sugar was at present 503. in the
market. His Noble Friend said a good deal about the rise of
foreign slave-grown sugar. It had already risen in the Con-
tinental markets, party owing to the deficiency of the crop
and partly owing to the anticipation of having
the privileges of importing it into this country. But
latterly it had fallen, even since these measures
were announced ; and he thought it very unlikely that it
would rise to any great extent. (The Right Hon Gentleman
here read two letters from commercial firms, to show that 21s.
was an amount of duty which would allow a large quantity to
come in, and bring down the price to such a rate as to allow
it to come into general consumption.) This duty would not
only, continued the Right Hon. Gentleman, bring in a larger
supply, but also reduce the price. The increase of consump-
tion last year was 42,000 tons ; and why they should not look
to a consumption proportionably great this year he could not
see. He had now shown that the estimates of the Noble
Lord, as to supply, were too large, and his estimate of the
consumption too small ; and he had also shown that by
fixing the duties at the rate of the proposed measure,
a proportionate increase in the consumption might be expected.
He would now speak of the question of revenue. The state of
the revenue up to the present year was prosperous, but he was
afraid they could not look so sanguinely to the future. He
was sorry to see by a circular from Manchester that stagnation
in the trade prevailed to a very great extent. His Hon.
Friend said on a former occasion that he would wish to know
what the income and expenditure of the years 1847 and 1848
would be, presuming this measure was in full operation.
He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) stated that,
deducting the China money from the income of this
year, the remainder would be 50,950,0001. and de-
ducting from the expenditure of this year an item which
might not occur again, an item of 200,000/., the income
would be 50,673,0001. at the present moment. But, adding to
that, the expenditure necessary for the maintenance of the
fresh constabulary, namely, 175,0001„ and adding 283,000/.
for purposes of a similar nature—adding one half-year's
expenditure for the maintenance of the Poor-law establish-
ments and officers in the country ; also one half-year's ex-
penditure for the prosecution of prisoners, and for their main-
tenance when convicted (for which purpose one half
year's expenditure only had been voted in the esti-
mates for this year, and for which it would be ne-
cessary to vote a whole year's estimate) supposing that
the expenditure would be the same as it was estimated by the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, there would be added to
next year's estimates 628,5001., making in all a permanent
expenditure of 51,302,000/., and leaving, supposing the
income and expenditure to be made as he had stated, a defi-
ciency of 352,0001. That being solved the House would see
how necessary it was that from some source or another addi-
tional means of income should come. He did not see in the
course of the past sessions any such prospect of reduction of
expenditure as would justify the cabinet in believing that it
would not be necessary to provide additional resources. Let
them look at the estimates. Let them compare the estimates
of the last ten years, from the year 1835 to 1845, and they
were not estimates prepared by any gentleman on that side of
the lions. He took the year 1845, because it excluded any in-
crease made this year, and which the Hon. Member for Coventry
seemed inclined to put down for next year. Let them compare
the expenditure of 1845, and they would find in the charges
on the consolidated fund, that other duties had increased
492,000/. The expenditure of the army, the expenditure of
the navy, and the ordnance had increased 4,700,1.001 The
increase on miscellaneous services had been 582,0001., so that
the whole•inerease between 1835 and 1845 had been no less
than 5,081,000/. He confessed that he did not see any disposia
tion or tendency in the estimates of the present year to
reduce that expenditure, especially with reference to the
army. He did not think that, when they considered the
hardships of the colonial service for our soldiery, the in-
crease of our colonies, and the necessity of providing means of
defence for China and New Zealand, that they could see
any probability, with justice to the soldiery, of diminishing
the numbers of the army, which was at present exposed to ser-
vice such as no other army in Europe was enduring.—( Hear.)
He did not think, in common justice to the soldiers, and the
maintenance of protection to the colonies, that he could sug-
gest any reduction of the standing force f the country. The
Hon. Gentleman, the Member' for Tavistock, wished to put
down corporal punishment, and another Hon. Member said
that it would be necessary to increase the pay of the army ; anti
there were various other means of expenditure suggested,
which rendered it impossible to reduce the expenditure of the
military establishment. It was impossible to reduce the expen-
diture caused by the steam-vessels, and other classes of ships
with which it hail been thought necessary to increase the navy,
and which caused additional expense. An Hon. and Gallant
Member was anxious to increase the provision for worn-out
officers; it might be necessary to increase the pay for active
service in the navy—the new ordnance and the improvements
in gunnery required a large expenditure, as it was necessary
to have very heavy guns. A large amount of expenditure
might, before long, be incurred in providing harbours of re-
fuge for the steam-vessels which had been lately built. He
had been in hopes that more had been done than he had
found executed, though he knew that there had been great
obstacles in the way of improvement. It would be absurd to
attempt to conceal from the House the necessity of consi-
derable expenditure upon that head. In the fortification of
the coast and the colonies the introduction of steam navigation
had involved the necessity of a great expense, for they were
no longer safe as they were before from sudden attack,
and it was, therefore, necessary that the forces of this
country should be put in a state to repel invasion.
He did not exactly mean invasion, but those inroads and
attacks to which it was impossible for this country to submit,
and which it would be impossible to repel without taking
proper means of fortification. He had come to the miscellaneous
estimates. .The increase in them was of such a nature that
he was sure that the House would be willing to pay the tax
required for the purpose. There were many other subjects of
improvement pressed on by various Members of that House,
involving the necessity of art increased expenditure under that
head. There was one subject which weighed very heavily on
his mind, and that was the necessity of providing in some way
for secondary punishment in this country. The evils and
expense arising from transportation had already been fully
entered into, and he would say nothing of them • but
inflictinghe
thoughtsecondary
withoutpuna punishment,
expenditure
dditthuarl could not thought that in some way it was necessary to provide for
-effectuallyo f ttee
Under all
those heads he was afraid that they must look forward
in-
creased expenditure—at any rate they could notloif
o an
reduction, but rather to an increase, for which it was absolutelyrany
reduction,
necessary to provide adequate sums. Mr. Gladstone, when his
Noble Friend brought forward his resolution against the re-
duction of duty on sugar, said that he was at a loss to conceive
what his Noble Friend could say, rendering it likely that the In-
come Tax could be removed, or that any measure could be
suggested to avoid its renewal. He (the Chancellor of the
Exchequer) thought that his Friend showed no very extra-
ordinary foresight in saying that he did not think it probable
that the Income Tax could be removed at the end of three
years. It was said a year and-a-half ago that it could be re-
moved, and in the second year there was a surplus of some
3(10,0001, and now, he was sorry to say, that even with its
continuance, a deficiency of 350,000/. was to be apprehended ;
and therefore his Friend was justified in saying that the pro-
bability of its being taken off was small. He did
not know how far the resources of the country might
go ; or how far, under the increased development of industry
which would be occasioned by measures which had passed this
sessions, they would progress, he did not pretend to say ; but
this he said, that looking to the present state of the revenue
and expenditure—to entertain any view, however distant, of
removing the Income Tax—to indulge in that hope, it was
most essentially necessary to increase the sources from which
the income of the country was derived, in order to maintain
the credit of the country for the payment of her debts to those
establishments necessary for her honour and her name. He
did not know if he should make any further statement on the
sugar question, because he depended on an increased con-
sumption of sugar. Let them take 240,000 tons at
144. per cwt. duty, and that would give 3,460,000/. ;
and if they gave 15,000 tons for free-labour at ',ls.
per cwt., it would give an addition of 315,000/., making
3,775,000/. That would, however, only be 255,000 tons
of sugar ; but be hoped to get 20Q,000 tons of slave-grown
sugar, which would raise the sum to 4,195,000/. If, as he was
inclined to hope, they would have a supply of slave-grown
sugar beyond all the colonial supply, of 30,001) tons, and wh ch
he believed they might have, they should have an income of
4.405,0001. He hoped he had now disposed of the two first
branches of his Noble Friend's argument, and he would pro-
ceed to the 'ast, which had reference to the raising and en-
couragement of slave grown sugar, and which his Friend had
stated with so much pathos. It was to increase the consumption
of sugar, and to benefit the revenue, that it was expedient to
adopt the measures proposed by her Majesty's Government,
and he did not think that they would have obtained either of
these objects if they had not gone so far as they had done. It
would not only provide as large a supply as the sugar pro-
ducing world could afford, but it would produce as
large an increase as any other measure that could
be proposed. (Hear,
hear.) Some gentlemen
had wished that they could have reduced the duties to lOs
and•
the produce of the colonies, to 15s. per
per cwt. on He did not think (and he
cwt, NI slave-grown sugar.
agree with him) under e
trusted that .the House wou
they Vf0011:1 have beenthat justifiedth in
present state of the revenue
He did not believe that
running so great a risk as
create, at if?. dpty, any-
there was then sugar enough to -
thing like the revenue he anticipated from the presZTt
~as#tre, The time would however, come when the in-