The Sun.
London, England, 1833-09-26 00:00:00

blotted from the map of Europe. Surely the
Czar ought to rely on the tyrant's logic of brute
force alone. To appeal to reason is to make
even his atrocities ridiculous. But the real
question is not what are the elements of which
the kingdom of Poland consists, but what was
clone with those elements by the treaty
of Vienna ? By that treaty, which the three
despotic Powers signed in conjunction with
England and France, the Duchy of Warsaw
received the style and title of a nation, and
was erected into a kingdom to be irrevocably
united with Russia by the tie of its Constitution.
By the same treaty the Polish provinces,
which had become the spoil of the three par-
titioning Powers, were guaranteed popular re-
presentations and national institutions. To the
kingdom of Poland a constitution was granted
in compliance with the treaty, and accepted ;
but every essential part of which was violated by
Russia, under the viceregal government of the
brutal and perfidious Constantine. As to the
Polish provinces, the stipulations of the treaty
were never fulfilled. Let not England boast of
her adherence to the faith of treaties while
history retains a recollection of the violated treaty
of Vienna. But it is the Government, not the
people of England, who have surrendered Poland
to the merciless sword of that ambition which
meditates the subjugation of Europe. Again,
the writer says—" The Poles had no right to
rebel against their Sovereign because he would
not comply with all their constitutional follies."
If the Emperor of Russia, in his capacity of
King of Poland, had a right to subvert the
constitutional charter of Poland, the Poles had
no right to rebel; but inasmuch as Poland was
only united to Russia by its constitution, the
violation of that constitution by the Emperor's
Government was a virtual dissolution of the tie
which bound Poland to Russia. The sovereignty
which he exercised was founded on a condition,
which having broken, he released the Poles from
the allegiance which depended on it. The
manifesto of the Polish Diet explained to Europe
that the Polish charter had been violated in
every essential part. Nothing then remained for
the Poles, to whose complaints other nations
were deaf, but submission to absolute tyranny or
an appeal to Heaven. We come now to the
argument that "the Powers could not in 1815
have given Poland to Russia on the condi-
tion of establishing a constitution, since that coun-
try had then formed a Russian province for two
years by right of conquest." It required con-
summate effrontery for one of the great Powers
engaged in the " settlement of Europe" to
advance such an argument as this ! Let it be
recollected that.those Powers, calling themselves
the " Deliverers of Europe" from the military
domination of Bonaparte, disclaimed all notions
of conquest, and pretended to be guided in all
their political and national arrangements by a
sincere desire to restore the balance of power,
and so to consolidate the peace of Europe as to
preserve it against the inordinate ambition of any
one ruler. The greatest conqueror was England,
for, by the victory of Waterloo, she removed the
last obstacle to the conquest of France. She
did, in fact, conquer it. Why did she not
attempt to retain it ? Because she professed to
conquer only to restore. So did Russia and
her other allies. They declared that they warred
against Napoleon, not against nations; and that
they fought, not to make conquests for themselves,
but to give peace and security to Europe.
England conquered Portugal, and Spain too,
and she restored those countries to their former
rulers. She conquered Egypt, which she gave
back to Turkey. What ground has Russia,
then, for talking of the right of conquest as to
the Duchy of Warsaw ? As the Duchy of
Warsaw was not given back to the King of
Saxony, had not England a right to call upon
Russia to place it in media, that the whole of
the Powers might erect it into an independent
kingdom, as a means of strengthening and con-
solidating the " settlement of Europe ?" They
did so by a common treaty which Russia has
dared to tear to pieces, with utter contempt for
the British. Government and the other parties to

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the compact.—Morning Herald.
We find we were right in expressing it as our
decided opinion, that no overtures connected
with the settlement of the pending contest had
been sent to. Lisbon from the Royalist camp.
This matter is set at rest by the evidently autho-

rised paragraph in the Globe of last evening,
which paper very justly expresses its indignation
at the levity with which delusive stories are
manufactured, often by the cabin passengers of
packets, it is to be feared ; but oftener still,
there is every proof, by those who have an
interest in questioning them. All the proposi•
tions brought by the Echo, numbered, speci-
fied, and commented upon as they were, have
then vanished into air, and with them, we
presume, the armistice, or tacit suspension
of hostilities, announced as the natural con-
sequence. Ere long, we make no doubt that
the affair of the sth will also be viewed in its
true light. Even before the next packet ar-
rives, we should not be astonished to hear
those call it a reconnoissance, who before
had pronounced it a general action, and pre-
dicted that its results would prove fatal to the
Royalist cause and Bourmont's fame ; nay, we
expect to see those recant who, without under-
standing its object, condemned it as an useless
effusion of blood, and thereupon told us that
Don Miguel's sun had set, never to rise again.
It is, as every body knows, impossible to calcu-
late the chances and contingencies of war ; nor
is it easy to form an opinion of the state of
public feeling in Lisbon, so successful are the
efforts of the party most interested to conceal
the truth ; but we have had sufficient evidence
placed within our reach to be convinced of the
fact that the army and great body of the popula-
tion are for the King. With such a basis as
this it was, therefore, almost ridiculous to imagine
that Bourmont could offer terms, even before he
was in readiness to make the attack, for, up
to the 10th, we repeat that the Alemtejo
troops had not taken up their positions.
From the first we were of opinion that the ac•
counts brought by the Echo related more to the
apprehensions of the British residents than any
important incident in the war. Not to create
uneasiness, we were silent upon the subject,
although we were perfectly well aware of the
perplexities in which both Admiral Parker and
Lord William Russell were placed by the con-
stant applications of the British residents to land
marines for their protection, when it was at the
same time unquestionable that from the moment
our troops were put on shore our neutrality
would cease, and a Spanish army instantly cross
the Portuguese frontiers. England has, there-
fore, to choose that alternative which best suits
her ; but in the choice it is to be hoped that
Ministers will not allow our residents in Lisbon
to influence them. Many of our merchants in the
course of the present contest have acted in a most
imprudent and unguarded manner, often impli-