The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

moved the Address—who would support him if th

thought the measures were really required by the exi
gencies of the country.—(Hear.) But he would have been
taking a great risk upon himself ; and if he and his col-
leagues should have failed in that endeavour—if they
should have been defeated in the House—after encoun-
tering a protracted struggle—ror if some new Adminis-
tration should have been formed to make a new settle-
ment, upon himself and his colleagues would most un-
doubtedly have fallen the blame of having attempted to
perform that which they could not accomplish.—(Hear.)
I did consider that all the parties ought to be of one
mind; that they should all bear the risk, and be pre-
pared to encounter the opposition, and to give their
cordial co-operation and advice as official Ministers. I
must say of those with whom I concerted generally, that
I have to bear my testimony that they looked only to
the national good; they did not consider whether it
would be advantageous to their party or to themselves
should the administration be formed, but upon all the
great questions called upon to decide there was entire
unanimity. It was on the 18th of December that he
undertook to form a ministry. But, Sir, on the follow-
ing morning, after I had made some arrangements, I
fond that one of those with whom I was to act
had gn objection to join me, which I found impossible to
overcome, consequently, that I should lose his as-
sistance in the `ministration. Ido not think it neces-
sary- to state the nature of the ground of his objection—
it is enough to say that would have deprived me of his
assistance in the Governs en.. ;nor do I think it scarcely
so often been men-
necessary, as
111.-,
name ha; .
e individual was
tioned, to inform you that 1.,k,s
that
Lord Grey. With the highest zwe._
oe,ct for
a.
ts
Noble Lord, considering his great tah.'.l:, Lnear,k taking
into uccount his great courage and honesty—
hear)—l should nevertheless have thought that 1:;"
a common occasion the loss of an individual eve.'
of his importance would have prevented me from
attempting the formation of a Ministry. When I save
the great risk we were incurring, and the necessity there
Wite that we should all hold together upon these questions.
When considered, also, that my Noble Friend was the
first amciig those who were acting with him in a
measure whieh contemplated free trade in corn and who
considered it desirable for the country in its present
state. When I gni these things together I thought that
the task of forming a Oovernment without my Noble Friend
was a task that I should not be justified in undertaking.
I could not but consider that if my Noble Friend
were absent from that Ministry, that all kinds of
interpretation would be put upon his absence.
Considering, therefore, the absolute necessity, as I
thought there was, for complete agreement—
considering the importance of the person who could not
take a part in the Administration—l came to the cone
elusion that it was necessary for me to give up the task
which her Majesty had graciously imposed upon me.
When I considered that for eight days the country had
been in expectation, and that the want of a Government
was very serious, I could not but think, whatever col-
league might leave me, that it would be impossible to at-
tempt the settlement of those great questions which agi-
tated the public mind. It was, Sir, in this mind that I
waited upon her Majesty, on the 20th of December, with
the following letter, which I will now read to the
House :

" Chesham-place, Dee. 80, 1845.
has
tLord
honourJohn to Russell
state
hhaisslifuomunbdle
idtuunty
ptoossyiebn Mletaojefsairmy, a
annd
Administration. pre et
nht es
" Lord John Russell was aware from the first moment when your
Majesty was pleased to propose to him this commission, that theret
were very great difficulties in the way, which it required the most
cordial co-operation on the part of his friends, and the firm support
of a large portion of those who followed Sir Robert Peel, to sur-
mount.
" Lord John Russell has had solely in view the settlement of the
question of corn-laws by which the country is so much agitated.
" Those who have served your Majesty and your royal predecessor
in cabinet offices during the administrations of Lord Grey and Lord
Melbourne, Who Were now in political connexion with Lord John
Russell, were consulted by him. They agreed on the principles by
which they would be guided in framing a measure for the repeal of
the corn-laws. Thus one great difficulty was surmounted. But as
the party which acts with Lord John Russell is in a minority in both
Houses of Parliament, it was necessary to ascertain how far they
were likely to obtain the support of Sir Robert Peel.
" Your Majesty is acquainted with all that has passed-on this
' Subject. Lord John Russell is quite ready to admit that Sir Robert
Peel has been willing from the commencement to the end to di-
minish the difficulties in the course of a new Government, pre ct
pare
to attempt the settlement of the corn-laws. But Sir Robert Peel,
could not, of course, rely on the support of his political friends'
should the proposed measure be in their eyes dangerous and unwise
" In this uncertainty of obtaining a majority in the House of
Commons, it was absolutely necessary that all those who were pro-
minent in the political party to which Lord John Russell is at-
tached should give their zealous aid, and act in concert in the new
Administration.
" Lord John Russell has, in one inStance, been unable to obtain
this concert, and he must now consider that task as hopeless, which
has been from the beginning hazardous.
"Lord John Russell is deeply sensible of the embarrassment caused
by the present state of public affairs. lie will be ready, therefore,
to do all in his power, as a member of Parliament, to promote the
settlement of that question, which, in present circumstances, is the
source of so much danger, especially to the welfare and pe.e.Co o
Ireland.
" Lord John Russell would have formed his ministry on the basis,
of a complete free trade in corn, to be established at once without
gradation er delay. lie would have accompanied that proposal with
measures of relief to a considerable extent, of the occupiers of land,
from the burdens to which they are subjected. But he will be little
disposed to insist, as a Member of Parliament, on what may seem to
your Majesty's advisers an impracticable course. The country re-
quires, above all things, an early and peaceable settlement of a
question, which if not so settled, may in an adverse state of affairs
cause a fearful convulsion."
Now, Sir, I should state, that I owe the greatest
gratitude to her Majesty for the very gracious manner
in which, in her communications, she entrusted me with:
this task, and for the facilities which she always afforded
me in order to lessen the difficulties of the task I had under-
taken. Her Majestyhas imposed on me a sacred obligation,
which I shall feel to the end of my days. Also, to the
Right Hon. Gentleman, that the offers made were en-
tirely spontaneous upon his part ; and with regard to
his after communications, there was nothing in them.
which tended at all to make my task more difficult than
' before. With reference to my Noble Friend Lord Grey,
I am sorry that I was not able to overcome his objec-
tions, but in justice to him ho must say that his objec-
tions were not of a personal nature, but were founded
upon what he considered to be for the public good. As
to the question that is now agitated, the settleinent of
the corn-laws, I do hope that we may be able to coivie to
such an agreement as may afford the country hope of' its
peaceable settlement. I saw with no inconsiderable sur-
prise that at a meeting of the agricultural interest it was
stated that the danger had been exaggerated, and that
the great scarcity does not exist, and that the prospect of
famine is chimerical. Therefore, leave the pro-
tective laws as they are at present. But do these gentle-
men never carry their thoughts forward ? do they never
consider that if it has pleased Providence to visit us
with an affliction which is lighter than we at first dreaded,
do they never think that they may not always
have this consolation 2—(Hear, hear.) Do they
never think that a time may come when the scarcity wilt
be undoubted?—when it will come home to the eyes and
understandings, and feelings of every man ?—when the
near prospect of a nation's famine may be too real and
too near, not to appal the stoutest heart among us ? Do
they wish to wait for such a time 2—(Neer, hear.) Do
they think it desirable that the settlement of the corn-
laws should be delayed until we have a year of famine,
when there will be no power of choice, no discretion;
when there shall be nothing left to them but a humiliat-
ing capitulation to the multitude who will then demand,
sternly demand, the instant repeal of this odious tax ,
which limit the supply of food.—(Hear, hear.) Do.
any of them say that in a season of scarcity the law of
1842 is sufficient to provide for the food of the people
better than the free, full, and entire admission of
foreign corn ? The House had heard this evening what
were the opinions of the minister who proposed that law
in 1842—what he considered to be the result of his ob-
servations and his experience. He, with all his natural
talents, his acquired experience, he, placed at the head
of the affairs of the country, having to watch over
them, and feeling the responsibility which he had
so truly described, and which, although
the highest post of trust and honour to which a subject.
can attain, is at the same time the most grave, if not the
most alarming station.—(Hear, hear.) I do
otfruthsit:
therefore, that we are about to see a se
erhaps have
shall bring forward their measures, I may, p 7of the
some observations to make, both as to the. nature.
great, this important question. When thtteleGmoevnetrnment.
the expediency of waiting even
accompany it, and as to
lthe
the present time for a aepea of law of 1842 ; for
measure itself, as well as to the provisions which now
to
the present I refrain from the discussion of such ques-
tions. I must, however, refer to another subject., which
onbiteiespotshsaniblle
is always uppermost in my mind, when I think of the
tpheaotp
tleheofprlirmeleanNeln—nis(tHereahr,asheroaro.r)o
opportunities
or pmay t
have for the purpose of proposing measures upon this
subject. But I will not deny that Ido think, with refe-
rence to the state of Ireland, that I should have been
enabled to apply to the Government of that country, had
I succeeded in forming
vernment of that country in the hands of a person who,
by means of conciliation and firmness, would have
allayed many of the evils under which the people of
Ireland are now suffering. I do think that if I were to
succeed in carrying the Bill with reference to taking the
restrictive and prohibitory duties off corn, and many of
the more essential articles of manufactures, I do think
that I should be able to propose a large and comprehen-
sive plan for the amelioration of the condition of the
people of Ireland, which should be the foundation for
future Governments to act upon. I did certainly indulge
such a dream with respect to the people of Ireland, that
I regret my expectation of forming a Government was
disappointed. I cannot assent to any opinion in favour
of the wisdom of the conduct of the present Govern-
ment, from the time they first came into office up to the
esent time. I see at the present time, according to the
Queen's Speech,:that dreadful acts of premeditated assas-
sination have occurred lately in that country. But
there Fire in Ireland two violent parties bound to-
gether by „seciations. The one asking that dangerous,
and, as Icons,.er, fatal measure, the repeal of the
Union ; the other is,.
wing addresses, from which it is
obvious that they consider nartiality still to be the rule,
and that their Roman Catholic Follow-subjects are not ethne-
titled to the same favour from tin 7 Legislature Tile I
favoured Protestant part of the commOitY%_vrbile I
see Ireland divided between these two putt., . eon-
see each of them so firmly bound together, I can once
5.::
sider that there is a prospect, either of that
pc
which we
Ireland, or of that affection to this con nt am
i sorry to
ought to wish to prevail. I cannot seeo,riis doing,
will
say, that anything that has been del?
foer us that affection.
establish that peace, and p ro.icnuto
stated what were the transactions
this subject. I have
Sir, I will not enter further which took place
when her Majesty was pleased to call upon me to form
a Government.
-j hgasve stated the reason why I was
unable to do so.
I have stated my views shortly with
that is pursued by
others ; and I
respect to the policy
have now only to say that, whether in office or out of
office,
I shall be ready to give my hearty assent to mea-
sures which I think are for the benefit of the country,;
and I trust that the freedom of industry and commerce
may date from the present session of Parliament.—
(The Noble Lord sat down amidst loud cheers.)
Mr. DISRAELI next rose to address
the House, but,
at the commencement, he was extremely indistinct, in
consequence of the noise
caused
by Members leaving the
House. He said—lt is only since I entered the House