The Sun.
London, England, 1848-11-29 00:00:00

Tins EVENING,

Will be performed THZWIFE'S SECRET. Sir Walter Amyott,
Mr. Charles Kean ; Lady Eveline Amyott, Mrs. Charles Kean.
After which, an entirely new and original Comedy, entitled THE
KNIGHT OF ARVA. The Knight of Arva, Mr. Hudson; the
Princess Martha, Miss Reynolds.
To conclude with the Farce of DEAREST ELIZABETH. Mr.
Lionel Lax, Mr. Keeley ; Betsy, Mrs. Keeley.

THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI.
Roder the direction of Madame Celeste.
During the Recess this Theatre has been entirely re-decorated, the
original designs by Digby Wyatt, Esq., executed by Mr. Sang. A
new Stage, Curtain, Act Drop, and Chandelier. An approved sys-
tem of Ventilation, &c., &c. The Private Boxes enlarged, Backs
added to the Seats, and Stalls rendered more comfortable.
THIS EVENING
Will be performed ST. MARY'S EVE. A Story of the Solway.
Tom Baggs, Mr. Wright ; Madeline, Madame Celeste.
To be followed by THE ENCHANTED ISLE. Alonzo, Mr. Paul
Bedford ; Prospero, Mr. 0. Smith ; Ariel, Madame Celeste.
After which a new Farce called SLASHER AND CRASHER.
Mr. Slasher, Mr. Wright ; Mr. Crasher, Mr. Paul Bedford.
To conclude with THE DANCE OF THE SIIIRT.

ItOTAL LYCEUM THEATRE.
Under the Management of Madame Vestria.
Sole Lessee, Mr. Charles sla• he a.s.
THIS EVENING,
Will be performed THE MERRY WIVES 0 F WINDSOR. Cha-
racters by Messrs. Granby, F. Matthews, C. 3lathews, Coper, Bel-
lingham, Meadows, Selby, Hail, Binge, lionne,. F. Cookeo, Charles,
Mi a Marshall, Madame Vestris, Mrs. Yates, MI is K. Fitzwilliam,
and Mrs. Macnamara.
To conclude with an APPEAL TO THE F ÜBLIC.
Dress Boxes, 55.; Upper Boxes, is ; Pit, 2 .; Gallery, Is. No
half-price to any part of the house.
The Sew Box-office, No. 2, Welllngton. st e .1, is open to the
public every day, from Ten till Six.

PRINCESS'S THEAT
Mr. J. M. Maddox, Sole Lessee and Manager.
During the Recess this Theatre has been re-decorated and embel-
lished in a superb and costly manner ty Mr. Hurwitz. A new Chan-
delier has been fitted, and the best arrant, meats have been made for
the due Ventilation of the Theatre, and the couuort and cenvesience
of the audience.

THIS EVENTN(I,
Will be performed LA SONNAMBrLA.
After which, a PAS DE TROIS.
To conclude with the comic Opera o; LC,VE IN A VILLAGE.
Hawthorn, Mr. Charles Braham; Young Meadows, Mr. Allen ;
Hodge, Mr. sherry; Madge, Miss Emma Stanley; Rosetta, Miss
Julia Harland.

TO CORRESPON DEIN Tb.
No communication can bo attended to uilless authenti.
cated by the name and address of the writer.
Rejected communications cannot bo returned.

THE WEATHER—SUN OFFICE. NOVEMBER 29.
THERMOMETER, Lowest, 47; Highest, 51; Moon, 55.
BAR( METER, 30.01.—WIND S.W.; dull weather.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAT.
Morning .. 41 min. after 3 I Evening .. Tlt min. after 3

of troninco

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1848,

In the movements now making in various quarters
of Europe there is evident the commencement of a
struggle which must ultimately terminate in a general
war throughout the Continent. It has at last become
impossible to close the eyes to this certainty, to shut
the heart against this conviction. The characters on
the wall are already too legible. The first resonance
of the horn of war may even at this moment be
heard. Nothing but a miracle can prevent a general
resort to arms in France, in Austria, in Prussia, in
Italy, in Spain, in Portugal. Of this there is unfor-
tunately too ',much evidence• Since the beginning
of the year 1848 the two great Powers
of society have been gradually accumulat-
ing their strength and concentrating their
hatred. They now stand face to face with their
passions inflamed by a variety of reverses, by a con-
fusion of success and discomfiture, by a chaos of
hopes and fears. On the one side are the champions
of liberty, and on the other those of absolutism.
here are grouped together the people and their most
distinguished leaders ; there, on the contrary, are the
kings and the aristocrats, the oligarchies and auto-
cracies, the rulers by the sword, the dungeon, and
the scaffold. Wonderful as have been the events of
this memorable year, the revolutions which have
already occurred have only been the preliminary
skirmishes of the encounter. The two conflicting
powers of the European commonwealth cannot
rest satisfied with a drawn battle ; one or
other of them must be annihilated. The
combat is for a final victory or overthrow—a conten-
tion ala vie, ala mort I When, however, we speak
of general war being inevitable throughout Christen-
dom, we mean not a war between state and state,
between people and people, between the subjects of
one sovereign and those of another—but an intestine
battle of life and death, between the democratic and
despotic classes in the several dominions of conti-
nental Europe. We mean a decisive war within the
boundaries of each nation, between the men in favour
of advancement and those in favour of retrogression,
between the reaction sires and the friends of liberty,
between the revolution and the counter-revolution.

The signal for this definitive struggle will
emanate from Paris, exactly as the signal fur the
°Pening of the popular campaign in February came
from the same capital. And the event which will
constitute this signal will be the election of the first
Republican President.
No matter whether the suc-
cessfulouts NAPOLEON, LEDRU ROL-
LIN, EUGENE C&YAIGNAC, or ALPHONSE DE LAMAR-
TINE—the signal will be recognised, the struggle will
ensue, the fate of despotism
or democracy will be de-
cided. No doubt but that the characterof the move-
ment would vary according to th
character
individual selected by the French multitude. In
of the
one case the predominant consequence would be
bloodshed, while in another the chief
weapons em.
ployed by the combatants would be moral and di lo
matic. It is from this conviction as to the connexion
existing between the contest for the Presidency and
the ultimate triumph of Opinions among mankind,
that we imbibe such a peculiar solicitude for the
result of occurrences on the 10th of December. And
it is because we would see blood spared as much as
possible in the capitals of the different Powers of
Europe, that we are anxious to witness the rejection
of LEDRU ROLLIN and Louis NAPOLEON, and the
triumph of either CAVAIGNAC or LAMARTINE. Sup-
posing LEDRU ROLLIN were, by some extraordinary
chance, to gain the majority of suffrages, it would
be one grand step towards the revival of Terrorism
and the guillotine ; it would heighten the animosity
and nerve the arm of the counter-revolution, by en-
hancing its dread of Democracy; while, above all, it
would afford a terrible encouragement to those evil-
hearted conspirators who would drive " liberty mad''
by subverting. all the foundations of the social fabric
and giving loose to the unruly passions of the un-
educated million. In the event, again, of Prince
LOUIS NAPOLEON being nominated to the chair
of the Presidency, a disastrous blow would
in that one act have been stricken at those
very institutions which have been gained with so
much difficulty. The reactionaires would be ani-
mated to a renewal of their efforts at retrogression,
regarding the acceptance of the Prince, very natu-
rally, as a direct encouragement to themselves. If

91
France, on the contrary, declares herself boldly for
either CAVAIGNAC or LAMARTINE, she will honour
herself in so doing, she will consolidate her newly-
acquired institutions, she will secure her own free-
dom, and give the death- blow to despotism in every
nation on the Continent. Well will it be for
her, therefore, and for Europe in like manner,
if the claims of these two great citizens
are maturely reflected on, and one or other
of them raised to supreme authority in the
Republic. The question is not a question of men
but of principles ; and the French electors, in exer-
cising an enormous power over the destinies of their
own land, will, when dropping their votes into
the urn of election, be wielding an awful influence
over the futurity of Christendom. One only doubt
consequently remains to be solved, according to our
estimate, of the approaching contest—the doubt as to
the expediency of supporting CAVAIGNAC or LAMAR-
TINE. The electors must decide at once, if they have
not already arrived at any determination. They
must decide for the poet or for the soldier. Poet or
soldier—they are both patriots, both true and devoted
Republicans. They have both displayed capacity in
the arts of government, they are both statesmen, both
diplomatists, both orators, both men of unimpeach-
able probity, of unwinking vigilance, and of
unconquerable valour. CAVAIGNAC defended the
Republic in June—but LAMAUTINE created
it In February ! CAVAIGNAC beat down the
anarchists with his sword—but LAMARTINE had pre-
viously blighted them into the dust with the audacity
of his unarmed heroism, and the lightnings of his
superb eloquence ! CAVAIGNAC has preserved tran-
quillity in France during a period of five months, from
the close of June to the close of November—but
LAMARTINE has other claims upon the population of
his mother country, he preserved peace in France,
and not only in France but in Christendom, during
the more perilous months preceding that interval, dur-
ing March, and April, and May; he abolished capital
punishment, he proclaimed the Republic, he decreed
the system of universal suffrage, he inaugurated the
National Assembly, he spoke in the tribune and
fought before the barricades, he laboured for France
in the privacy of his cabinet and struggled for her
salvation in the uproar of the streets, he has proved
himself firm in danger, patient under calumny, and
capable of sacrificing for his country, fame, and
, name, and property, and life, and, as a final claim
upon the suffrages of the multitude, he it was who,
by his last and perhaps his most felicitous master-
piece of oratory, preserved to the people themselv es
the right of electing their President. Between these
two great candidates, therefore, France has now to
make her selection. Were we asked to express an
opinion upon the alternative, we should say that
France would gain greater safety by the acceptance
of CAVAIGNAC, and greater glory by the election of
LAMARTINE.

We recently directed the public attention to cer-
tain observations upon railway management con-
tained in a letter to GEORGE CARR GLYN, Esq., M.P.,
by Mr. WEITEuBaD, late secretary to the South-
Western Railway, and now a member of the Stock
Exchange. The position formerly filled by the
writer, his experience in everything relating to rail-
way management, and, above all, the tone and manner
of the communication, entitled his suggestions to an
attentive consideration, and to receive something
more than a mere passing notice. That letter has since
called forth a reply from Mr. MARX Hulse, the ge-
neral manager of the London and North-Western
Railway, in which the several points alluded to by
Mr. WIIITEHEAD are answered in detail, and placed
in a very different point of view. And it is only just
and equitable that the justification put forward
should receive the same currency as the original
strictures.

The arguments of Mr. WHITEHEAD were princi-
pally directed against the practical monopoly of the
goods' trade since the company became carriers on
their own account, a course which he maintains
to--- be alike injurious to the interests of
the shareholders and of the country in ge-
neral. He also asserts that the rates charged
L•. hv no means remu-
nerative, that in fact the traffic i s attended with losses
which absorb a considerable portion of the profit re-
c,i; ed from passengers. Mr. HUISH grapples with
these Narious assertions, and certainly produces facts
hich strongly support his vie As in opposition to
Bose of Mr. WHITE/MAD.

We confess that we are at all times opposed to any-
thing in any degree tending to the creation of a
monopoly. There is something so odious in the
very name that it at once excites a spirit of opposi-
tion. No practical injury has, however, as yet re-
sulted from the change. Mr. Huisu declares that
the rates are the same formerly paid, and no
charge has been made against the company of not
duly attending to the public convenience. There is,
however, the possibility of some future evil

from want of that active competition which at
all times affords the best assurance that the wants
of the community will be fully provided for.
Mr. Huisu merely regards the question so far as the
interests of the shareholders are concerned, and in
this respect he certainly makes out a complete case.
He says, " that the matter is settled by the almost
universal fiat of the railway boards," and claims as a
strong argument in favour of the system, the fact
adduced by Mr. WHITEHEAD against it, viz., " that
the canal companies have been compelled to adopt it
as their only means of maintaining any competition
with railways." And he adds, " that the system must
work very profitably indeed, since the rates
are the same and the carriers' profit comes also
into the company's exchequer." The facts of the
amounts derived fro:n the traffic, however, afford
stronger proofs than any mere speculative reasoning,
however plausible, and these-are altogether with Mr.
Huisu. So far from the goods' traffic being carried
on at a loss, as insinuated by Mr. WHITEHEAD, it

appears that the total cost of working the railway in
every department, was very nearly defrayed
by the receipts for goods and merchandise,

in the very first year that the company
became carriers on their own account. That the re-
ceipts for passengers, mails, and parcels for the year
ending the 30th June last, was 1,417,6591., of which
105,0871. was for parcels, which might fairly be in-
cluded in the goods' traffic, while for goods, coals, &c.
(after deducting collection and deliveries and terminal
charges at Camden-town), the receipts amounted to
722,376/. for tonnage only, the cost of working the
line being 751,1721. There can, therefore, be no
possible grounds for supposing that the traffic in
goods is carried on at a loss, as asserted by Mr.
WHITEHEAD.

Mr. Iluisu also explains the apparent anomaly of
the difference in charges between goods and passen-
gers, alluded to by Mr. WHITEHEAD, when he makes
the assertion " that either the goods' rates are too low,
or the passengers' rates too high." He shows that
the receipts per mile for the merchandise trains were
ss. 6d. during the past year, while for passengers it
was 6s. 81d. only during the same period.
This is accounted for by showing that
that ass enger carriages are very seldom entirely full,
in fact on the average little more than one-half
fao rinugada
the seats
average arniecyroec, occupied; that a passenger train does not
ogzeeneacrrarierdiagfreese,)ofawrehichtwo
(guards' yang
to 35 trucks. Themerchandisecomlp2an
passengertrain
eawrrililagceosn,sisatt of 30
unpro-
ductive, while
z•osienvery journey double the
each, cost the
capital to carry on the
dice trucks at 651. each. The former, of
the 30 merchan.
at 36 miles an hour, while the others
too, are carried
at only: half that speed. This
sersl are conveyed
Mr. WHITEHEAD'S own showing,
who recommends
fact, on
rteocommends
that passengers should be charged in '
the speed at which they are carried,pforpms ortion to
material element in the calculation, which hasa been
wholly lost sight of by Mr. WHITEHEAD. Another
fact stated by Mr. lima is of importance. It
appears that the passenger trains which left the
Euston•square station during the month of October
last averaged sixty-one passengers each ; the mer-
chandise trains during the same period about seventy-
two tons. That as there are a greater number of
third than of first-class passengers, a receipt of lid.
per passenger per mile was above the average, while

• Letter to George Carr Glyn, Esq., M.P., in reply
to a Lato Pamphlet. By Mark Huish, General Manager
of the London and North-Western Railway. London:
W. H. Smith and Son, 136, Strand.

the receipt on each ton of goods exceeded that amount,
after deducting the cost of collection and delivery.
No analogy between the comparative weights of
goods and passengers will assist the calculation of
the charges that should be made to each. " A run
of 238,732 miles was sufficient to convey a weight of
goods which it required 4,220,078 miles to transmit
when converted into passengers." Again, the capital
employed to transmit 100 tons of goods would be but
3,6501., while it would take 14 times that amount,
or 51,6001., to convey 100 tons of passengers. This
extraordinary circumstance is explained when we are
told that " four tons of passengers require a
dead weight, including engine and tenders, of
no less than 52 tons to convey them, while 72 tons
of goods required only 80 tons, including the engine ;
thus it appears that there is 13 tons of dead weight
for every ton of passengers conveyed, and but little
more than one ton of dead weight fur each of mer-
chandise.

The above facts, recorded by Mr. Huisu, appear
conclusive on the points of difference. We cannot
conclude, however, without giving one extract ex-
plaining his views on railway prospects. He Bays—

" The attention now directed towards Railways—the
spirit of inquiry which prevails—the collision of opi-
nions—the necessity for increased care and vigilance to
recover the ground which has been lost from a viciou s
system (or rather want of system) in legislation—all
tend to a healthier state of things. Called as you have
been to preside over one of the largest of these under-
takings, no one *an have a greater interest in pro-
moting and extending the circulation of authentic
information on the subject of railways than yourself.
Few know the labour and anxiety of such a position ;
very few will ever know the mental cost of the last three
years—but the horizon is clearing, a calmer future is at
hand, clashing interests are settling down, the disap-
pointment and the triumph are over, and the pause
which has succeeded will not be wasted in refl.ctions on
the past (save as a beacon for the future), but devoted to
the internal improvement of a property as secure as the
soil upon which it is based, and to the full development
of a system which, amidst all the struggles of its early
career—the discouragements of one Parliament and the
oppressions of another—the mistakes of its friends and
the opposition of its enemies—not only exists as one
of the greatest monuments of modern improvement and
social advancement, but (unless this country also is
doomed to pass through the furnace of affliction) must
improve with the increase of population and the exten-
sion of commerce."

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
Prince Louis NAPOLEON BONAPARTE has at length
issued his electioneering address, which bears in-
ternal evidence of having been drawn by some
"practised hand" of the English Carlton Club.
It bears a family likeness to those tissues of ♦ague
generalities which were wont some twelve years
since to be issued by gentlemen of the Conservative
party, who " were desirous of reforming all proved
abuses," without stating what proof was necessary to
satisfy their minds of the existence of an abuse.
Our readers will at once perceive that this manifesto
is as much made up of vague generalities as
a royal speech. It pledges to nothing, it
throws no light whatever upon the opinions of the
writer. lie may be an Absolutist, he may be a Red
Republican, and the only conclusion to be drawn from
a perusal of it is that the writer is purposely endea-
vouring to deceive and mislead.
The following is the address :

" LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE TO 1115 FELLOW•CITIZENS.
" To recall me from exile you have chosen me repre-
sentative of the people, On the eve of electing the chief
magistrate of the Republic, my name is placed before
you as a symbol of order and security.
" This testimony of confidence, so honourable, is
offered, I am aware, much more to that name than to
me, who have as yet dune nothing for my country; but
the more the memory of the Emperor protects me and
influences your suffrages, the more do I feel myself
bound to explain to you my sentiments and principles.
Between you and me there must be no misunder-
standing.
" I am not an ambitious man, who dreams now of
empire and of war, now of the application of subversive
theories. Educated in free countries, in the school of
misfortune, I shall ever remain faithful to the duties
imposed on me by your suffrages, and by the will of the
Assembly.
" If I were elected President I would not shrink from
any danger, from any sacrifice, to defend society, so
audaciously attacked; I would devote myself entirely,
and without any reserve, to the consolidation of a Re-
public, wise by its laws, honourable
,by its intentions,
great and strong by its actions.
" I would make it a point of honour to leave to my
successol:',,t.4,a en d rI irF Mo vpsirs. nowpr ~,,..1,r1.4.,,a,
1, --•,- .ntouched, and real progress accomplished.
" Whatever be the result of the election, I shall bow
before the will of the people; and my concurrence is ob-
tained in advance for whatever just and firm govern-
ment shall re-establish order in the public mind, us well
as in public affairs; shall effectively protect religion,
private life, property—the eternal bases of every social
state; shall bring about reforms where they are possible,
shall calm animosities, reconcile parties, and thus permit
our troubled country to calculate on a morrow.
" To re-establish order is to bring back confidence, to
provide by credit for the temporary insufficiency of re-
sources, to restore the finances.

" To protect religion and private life, is to ensure
liberty of worship and liberty of education.
" To protect property is to maintain the inviolability
of the produce of all kinds of labour; it is to guarantee
the independence and the security of possession—the
indispensable foundation of civil liberty.
" As to practicable reforms, the following are those
which appear to me the most urgent:—
" To allow every economy which, without disorganiz-
ing the public service, may permit a diminution of the
imposts that are most burdensome to the people. To
encourage enterprise, which, by developing the resources
of agriculture, may, both in France and in Algeria,
afford labour to unooeupied hands; to provide for the
old age of labourers by provident institutions; to intro-
duce into our industrial laws ameliorations which may
tend, not to ruin the rich for the benefit of the poor, but
to found the well-being of each on the prosperity of all.
" To restrain within just limits the number of em-
ployments that depend on the Government, and which
often make a free nation a nation of applicants.
"To avoid that disastrous tendency which leads the
State to execute of itself what individuals can do as well,
and better than it. Centralisation of interests and of
enterprise belongs to the nature of despotism—the nature
of a republic repels monopoly.
" In a word, to preserve the liberty of the press from
the two extremes which always compromise it—the
arbitrary and the licentious.
" With war their is no relief for our evils. Peace shall,
therefore, be the dearest of my wishes. France at her
first revolution was warlike, because she was compelled
to be so. Invasion she met by conquest. Now that she
is not assailed she may consecrate her resources to
pmcific ameliorations, without at the same tima abandon-
ing a policy true and resolute. A great nation should
either be silent or never speak in vain.
" To have regard to the national dignity, we must
not neglect the army, the noble and disinterested
patriotism of which has often been misunderstood. At
the same time that we maintain the fundamental laws
which constitute the strength of our military organiza-
tion, we must lighten, and not aggravate, the harden of
conscription. We must watch over the present and the
future, not only of the officers, but also of the sub officers
and soldiers, and provide a sure subsistence for the men
who have long served under our colours.
" The Republic ought to be generous, and have faith
in the future ; hence I, who have myself been familiar
with exile and captivity, anxiously desire to see the day
when a magnanimous pardon may without danger put
an end to all proscriptions, and obliterate the last traces
of our civil discords.

" Such, my dear fellow-citizens, are the ideas that I
would carry with me to the exercise of power, it you
should call me to the Presidency of the Republic.
" The task is difficult, the mission is immense—l know
it; but I should not despair to accomplish it, by taking
to the work, without distinction of party, men whom
public opinion and their own elevated intelligence and
probity would recommend.
" Besides, for whoever has the honour to be at the
head of the French people, there is au infallible method
of doing good—namely, to will it.
" Lours NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.
" Paris, Nov. 27, 1848."
The National states that the Austrian army en-
tered Hungary on the 23d November.
The .Aloniteur du ,S'oir contains an official announce-
ment that the POPE has been expelled from Rome.
It was currently reported last evening in Paris that
he had arrived in France.

The Univers says—" The Minister of Foreign
Affairs yesterday communicated to several represen-
tatives dispatches which he addressed t• the Duke
D'HAII.COUBT, the French Ambassador at Rome,
after receiving accounts of the disastrous events of
the 15th and 16th of November. If our information
be correct, in that dispatch the Minister charges the
Ambassador to offer to the Sovereign PONTIFF the
expression of the profound and dolorous sympathy of
the French Government, and to state that the French
Republic is determined to remain the eldest daughter
of Me Church, and that as a Catholic and Republican,
the Minister owes a double homage to the Head of
the Church and the great reforming Pope."
At the sitting of the National Assembly yesterday
M. Bum addressed certain interpellations to the
Governuent on the subject of the affairs of Italy.
lie demanded in what situation the Anglo• French
mediation was. He then called attention to the ac-
counts which have arrived of what is taking place in
home, and declared that the demagogical party had
aato
Generalmade w
.\
ti
teanc
nar ka
lon
had
oAdt
nvhAeihisGpreventedr causec of
f Holinesst
repliedli
h et
mediation
teey. It t
dhp.
that
oewas commenced
by a cowardly assassination,
n.
the
and it now finished by
recentfrom
meavke
inn events
g
much progress, but that it was now going on with
great activity. With respect to what was taking
place at Rome, as soon as the news was known the
French Government at once sent 3,500 men from

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