The Sun.
London, England, 1848-04-12 00:00:00

whom they took 200,000 francs, giving him bank paper
instead. The state of trade in that country was dread-
ful, the funds falling suddenly from 70 to 32; the bank
stepping, notwithstanding the order for the suspension
of cash payments; the taking possession of one of the
railways, with the proceeds, amounting to about 8,0001.
a week, which were put into Louis Blanc's pocket to be
dispensed again according to his peculiar theory.
In the same way, it was said the Provisional
Government intended to act with all the other rail.
ways. They had, no doubt, a right to do all this, if
they pleased and also, as it was rumoured they intended
to du, to seize the bank, and to issue a paper currency
to a very large amount. He only hoped that at the
meeting of the National Assembly they would open
their eyes to the necessity of taking such steps as to
prevent that mischief to which such experiments as
these were likely to lead.—(Hear, hear.) He believed
that the certain result of such a Government would be
this—that they would be stricken down with imbecility,
and would become too weak to perform the ordinary
functions of a government. They might struggle on
for a time, until some military commander would arise
and destroy the republic, and perhaps plant in its place
a military despotism, which was one of the worst de-
scription. At this moment he was of opinion that any
one general, with ten thousand men, marching
into Paris, would have the effect of at once
putting an end to the republic. No man
could doubt it. The Belgian Ambassador the other
day had applied to M. Lamartine for protection ; the
latter said in reply, he admitted the full right of the am-
bassador to such protection, but he bad nut really three
men at his disposal. The people in Paris were as un-
easy as any persons could be at this state of things, but
they have made up their minds to the fact that this
experiment of a republic must be tried ; so that France
must remain a republic for some time, whether it be for
her advantage or not. When Louis XVIII. was re-
stored by the allied army, in 1815, commanded by his
Illustrious Friend the Gallant Duke now at their Lord-
ships' table, it was the second time he performed the
office for that Monarch; for he restored him first in
1814, when he was called " Louis Desirk" Instead of
that title, his Illustrious Friend, on restoring him in
1815, designated him " Louis l'lnevitable," as it ap-
peared absolutely inevitable that he should rule.
Having said so much of France, he wished he could
view what we: passing in the north of Italy with
half as little dread. Ile regarded England as
absolutely and perpetually safe against any such
convulsions as they had reeently seen take place in other
countries. He knew upon what foundation the security
of this country rested. The constitution of this country
was safe in the affections of the people—affections which
they could only gain by constant good offices, and which
they could
arms
keep by entire good faith--
Non a"nieque thesauri regui prmsidia sunt, verum
amici."
Such they would have all over the empire—such they
would have amongst the Orangemen of Ireland, and
even amongst the Catholics with the exception of a dis•
contented tew. lle felt that he should not be discharging
his duty if he did not allude to many of the unfounded
reports that were now in circulation. Some of these
reports spoke of the danger which surrounded the
English residents in France, and the attempts which
were said to have been made to expel them. These
were all to his own knowledge utterly and absolutely
'startle. He should say that au Englishman was as safe
now in Paris a, iu any part or the kingdom. The Noble
wet Learned Lord concluded by moving for copies or
•xtruCts of the correspondence that had taken place be
tweet' the British Government and the Government of
Sardinia, having relation to the recent events that had
taken place in the north of Italy.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE, who was scarcely
heard in the gallery, was understood to say that he ab-
etained from going into the details referred to by the
Noble and Learned Lord, or from giving any opinion as
to what the duty of the Government was under such cir-
cumstances. He was fully conscious of the falsehood of
meny of the reports that had been put recently into eir
eulation. Even this day he saw a paragraph in the
peblic pipers stating that his Noble and Learned Friend
nad applied to the French Government to be naturalised
—(Laughter)—and that such an example was likely to
induce a great many other members of this House to
settle in France.—(Contieued laughter.) The speech
which they had heard this night from the Noble and
Learned Lord was, however, of itself sufficient to remove
ell apprehensions of this sort from the minds of the
British public. He fully agreed with his Noble and
Learned Friend that the steps taken by the King of
Sardinia, in invading the Austrian dominions, were
contrary to the terms of the treaty. He could assure
the House that these measures of the King of Sardinia
had not been contemplated with indifference by the
British Government. He was not, however, prepared
;o pronounce an opinion in respect to the peculiar
circumstances which might have influenced that
country, with which we maintain relations of amity, or
to express himself in so unqualified a manner as the
Noble and Learned Lord had done, in respect to recent
events in that part of the world. Before those events
had taken place, their Minister at Turin was directed to
express the unfavourable opinion of this country to such
a proceeding, and our wish that the King of Sardinia
should observe a perfect neutrality. He was not pre-
pared to say that the British Government were called
upon to repel that intervention. Although the advice
given by the British Government to the King of sar-
dinia was unsuccessful, he believed it was somewhat
effective in delaying that intervention to a later period
than it otherwise would have taken place. He should
have no objection to lay upon the table of the Huse
such copies or extracts from the correspondence, the
production of which would not have the effect of incon-
"""i"VMAFC Y3I.*LIVESS-Ul PARLIAMENT.
Lord STANLEY gave notice of his intention, on
Friday next, to call treir Lordships' attention to the
tie,de in which public business was transacted in this
arid the other House of Parliament, and he would beg
their Lordships' attendance on that occasion. He would
et the same time, lay upon the table a Bill upon the
subject.
Their Lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF CO-51.NONS, April 11.

PROTECTION OF THE CROWN AND GOVERN-

MENT BILL

(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.)
On clause 2, which extended the operation of the Bill
to Ireland,

Mr. J. O'CONNELL rose to move that the Bill be
amended by striking the clause out of it altogether, and
also that portion of the preamble which related to it. He
believed there was no necessity for this Bill in Ireland;
but if there was, it would be brought out on the trial that
would shortly take place in Ireland. the Goverronent
insisted that the clause should remain part of the Bill he
should divide the House against it.
Sir G. GREY did not see why that which was treason
in England should nut be equally so in Ireland, and he
must, f
the Billtherefore, persevere in retaining this clause as part

Mr. F. O'CONNOR objected to the Bill, because ac-
cording to its provisions one witness could prove the
treason, whereas in England it required two.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that after the
passing of the Act it would require two witnesses to
prove the treason in Ireland the same as in this country.
Arer a few observations from Mr. IlumE and Mr.
JOHN O'CONNELL, clause 2 was ordered to stand part of
the Bill without a division.

On clause 3, which takes away the punishment of
death for treason and substitutes that of transportation,
Sir G. GREY said that in this clause it had been
thought necessary to ask increased powers with
respect to those who made speeches ea tell
listed to endanger the Crown. He admitted
that this was a great alteration of the law, and he was
to b guided by the wishes of the House with
respect to the enactment. He, however, thought that
,oree provision was necessary in order to prevent and
put a stop to speeches that were calculated to effect in
calculable mischief. He was willing to adopt the pro-
vi.oof the statute of Anne, but he could not con.;ent to
take
,ra,vay the provision that made the offence felony.
anT h'aPdi
se::fiC,OreNaNuOnßdesraitdhe pherheasdenretpleaawt:dad h
lynbeeen
etreieel(ld,
easessAuesr:teetfrhsseedlifeitowiuese that it was amply sufficient to meet all
wordsn. from Sir GEORGE GREY,
Mr. AGLIONBY wished to have the opinion of
the Attorney-General urn the construction of the
that all parties who shoculadurompaasss
third clause. The
it
or
advisestoo d t proddedh e de ro.
sition of the Queen, of her royal name, or the rights of
her royal Crown, either in the United Kingdom or any
of her colonies, or dominions, should be liable to trans
portation. Any person, therefore, ho should advocate
telsought such a law
the separation of a colony from thewes
Ingdoms would
upon it.
be
alldhaaid the clause would
subject to transportation
as
Thethat
ATTORNEY would be most
GENERAL unfair,
not bear the construction the Hon. Member
The clause provided simply that those whopuattl
force of arms that the Queen should be deprivedvisr by
of her rights should be liable to be transported. (714%
Mr. AGLIONBY said the explanation of —the liorr;-
and Learned Gentleman was as intelligible as the Claus.
itself, itself, and he should move, as an amendment, that the
wording of the clause should be simply that any person
who proposed to depose her Majesty should be liable to
transportation.
Mr. OSBORNE asked if the Right Hon. Baronet who
had charge of the Bill would consent to the admission
of the word " forcibly," so that the clause should pro-
vide for the transportation of those pFrsons who should
advise the forcible deposition of her Majesty.
Sir G. GREY declined to accede to the proposition.
Mr. MARTIN gave it as his opinion that, if the
ood, it would be felony
clausetto
advocate w e re
tphaes passed
:al s
it
fw
Mr. ANSTEY said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman
o n the union.st
was mistaken.

PA LIiER,
------
Mr. R. - -----; - the
After a few words from
were legislating under
ou c
Mr MOWAT 1. said they w the Hou,e never c li
:4 t 1,4 tic,- ot panic and fear, or -
lie therefore
think ot pa,ing such a
d it.
Calitl.l upon the Government to amend
the
clause as it
Mx. G. THOMPSON protested t
uncertain, and al-
clause as
,tood was, no doubt, dangerous and
it ~.. n
this.
though the Attorney-General might construe
.:"a:
inuiner favourable to the views of the House, ye' id
that Hon. and Learned Gentleman's opinion
h "mold
not prevail in a court of law, the clause ought to
rendered intelligibl, to the meanest capacity.
After some turther discussion,
Mr. AGLIONBY said he would not press his amend-
ment to a division.
The CHAIRMAN sai
clearly over. d he would now read the clause
Thi. clause having been read,
Mr. AGLIONBY should be omitted. proposed that the word
"utter"
The ATTORNEY-GENERA.L laid he could not
consent to the omission.-
Mr. F. O'CONNOR hoped the HOU. Member for a