The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDA.V_MORNING, StILY 2S, 1846:

of the argument of an unskilful opponent, or the
clumsy weapons he used. But he would supply him
with an argument. He would give them an answer who
inquired why they should admit the sugar of Brazil
and of Cuba ; why they should receive the slave-grown
coffee of of T:er states as well ? Why, this was one of
the greatest fallacies that had ever been broached, one
of the most pure and indefensible fallacies. If this
were a new reason it would be a different matter. But
even in allowing all the value of that consideration, he
must be bold to say that, with his friend Thomas Clark-
son, he was none of those who were such advocates for
a barren consistency as would induce any man to over-
look the advantages of a change when circumstances
had altered. When he was asked why they admitted
slave-grown cotton, slave-grown coffee, slave-grown to-•
bacco and sugar from Cuba, he would reply, that
admitting all the reasons of finance, of conscience, and
of what he was quite unwilling to underrate the new
science of political economy, still he was compelled tosay
there was no sufficient reason for the chanee that was now
proposed. Well did lee recollect the efforts of his dear
friend Sir S. Romilly, and his equally dear friend Sir
James Macintosh, whose efforts, now happily- swccessful,
were at that time so fruitlessly directed for introducing
humanity into our system of punishments. Well did
he remember when his friend Sir S. Romilly endeavoured
to appropriate freehold estates for the payment of simple
contract debts; to do away with such anomalies as in-
troducing steaming into bleaching grounds a capital
offence, as well as other measures of a similar kind; how
he was met by Sir William Grant, who threw out his
measure on that occasion, and by Mr. Canning who used
on that debate the much ill-used term of the wisdom
of our ancestors, when, as it is well known, our ancestors
were younger in wisdom than ourselves. Did they say
to him at that time, why bring in a Bill to abolish
this as a capital felony, when there were five and forty
others remaining, or why not, instead of stopping at
touching freehold property, and making it available for
simple contract debts, or why not, instead of taking the
debtor to prison, pass a Bill giving power to the creditor
to take the money of the debtor? If such
arguments had been brought forward he would no doubt
have said " Stop a little, perhaps I will go to that."
That was the worst] possible answer that could be given
to his argument. But again and again let him tell
those who consider this great question that they were
not then called upon for the purpose of rescinding what
was established ; they were not undoing what was
already done. lie was not asking them to repeal a law
enabling Brazilian and other slave-grown sugars to come
into this country. He was resisting a law which was
proposed to open this county to the slave produce, and
then they said, " Oh, you admit tobacco! Oh, you
admit copper." Yes! but if he were called upon for the
first time to let in those articles, then would be the time
for questioning his consistency of opinion on the ad-
mission of these articles. But let any man show him a
measure which would have the effect of doubling the
quantity of cotton to be brow ht into the market,
and he wou'd then oppose that also. The great
increase or the cotton from America had been pro-
duced by a population who had increased in a fair and
natural manner. But from these remarks of his own he
would call attention to the statements of one whose candour
and justice was only equalled by his steady consistency
in his principles, and who could not for an instant be sup-
posed to be warped by any kind of bias of reasoning, or
by party or personal considerations, against any mea-
sures proposed by the present Government. He alluded
to the Lord Chief Justice of England, and he confessed
when he reflected upon the high character of that great
magistrate, and the pure and the spotless life, profession-
ally, politically, and individually, and to the proud
situation which he had always held i❑ the eyes of his
countrymen, and above all when he recollected that he
could be labouring under no bias of political feeling
against the measure introduced by his own political
friends, he had the greatest reason to allow the
greatest weight to his opinions on the subject. When he
(Lord Brougham) was talking to his Lordship—and he
had his authority for stating it, grieving as he did that
he could not himself be personally in that House.
Lord LYNDHURST—Where is he ?
Lord BROUGHAM—Oh, he is too far from this.
He is at Holyhead. Lord Brougham then con-
tinued—When they were talking of a Govern-
ment to be formed on the expulsion of Peel, they
agreed that they could not go to the country with a
great and liberal measure at that time. (His Lordship
then read from a letter of Lord Denman's.) His Lord-
ship (the Lord Chief Justice) said that they had forgot
that a liberal Government would be very popular if they
proposed to restore the slave trade. They acted upon the
principle of doing evil that goad might come ; they gave
a free passage from Africa to the Brazils for life—
(Laughter)—and they added the free liberty of the lash.
—(Hear, hear.) Why, argument in such a case was
nothing. They should ascertain what was the right,
and whether they could reconcile it with their duty to do
a wilful and deliberate wrong—a wrong committed by
England, too, which affected to exercise a moral
influence on the rest of the world. They argue "We
cannot do all good, and therefore we are free to encour-
age some evil."—(Hear, hear.) As a great experiment
was to he tried between free-trade and slave-grown sugar,
he was convinced that it would be decidedly in
favour of the latter. Slave labour was cheaper
forty years ago, because it was always cheaper to buy
than to breed, and now the experiment could never
be tried on equal terms. The slave-trade could not be
put down, and common sense had agreed that the de
sire to do so should be termed fanaticism. Frequent
changes of Government were assuredly evil, but what
was this to be compared with the suffering inflicted by
the success of ten slavers. But it was not the success of
ten slavers that could enable these markets to cope with
the products of the slave countries. Not less than 20
slavers would require to be successfully delivered, for
20,000• additional slaves would be required to supply
sugars for the English markets. He also read another
expression of opinion from Lord Denman, in which he
wondered what Mr. Fox would have said if he had
thought that those who had done their utmost to abolish
the trade would be engaged afterwards in promoting it and
giving a new stimulus to it, for the purpose of trying a
new experiment in political economy? The withdrawal
of protection, continued the Lord Chief Justice, from
our own countrymen in Jamaica would be an injustice,
both to black and white. He (Lord Brougham) begged
to remind them that sugar was the article which more
than any other encouraged the slave trade. Cotton and
coffee went but a small way in the encouragement of
slavery. He grieved to know that slavery was part and
parcel of the institutions of a country which called itself
the freest in the world. That, however, was their
affair, and slavery being a status established in
that country, he had no right to interfere with it.
Ile said the question of slavery was not before him now,
it was the question of the slave trade.—(Hear. hear.)
In increasing the quantity of sugar produced in Cuba
and the Brazils, they encouraged not slavery but the
slave trade, and that was the gravamen of his charge—
the ground of his argument. He said he would not in-
flict the sorrow and the pain, and almost agony on their
Lordships, partaking in it as he did himself, by recalling
;o their recollection the source of that execrable traffic,

founded in fraud, pillage, rapine—the hunting of men,
the treatment of them as wild beasts, crowding them on
shipboard, and afterwards using them like so many irre-
sponsible beings. But suppose he should remind them
of but one circumstance in that traffic—one circumstance
of which, had he " the tongue of men and of angels,"
he could not do such justice to it as the bare recital—as
the poet says, could he " warble in sweetest strains that
ever seraph sang." The death of a friend, his being con-
signed to his grave in all nations—but more espe-
cially in uncivilised nations, who, if they saw
not so largely, and felt not so long, yet
felt mere deeply than those who, civilised, had
more to divert their ideas—these men where almost
frantic if visited with any affliction of Providence,—as
the death of a brother, a wife, or a child ; these uncul-
tivated men, themselves, when on board of ship, if
one of their relatives was to be consigned to the deep,
celebrated the occasion with revelry an unlimited joy ;
because they found their relative was released from his
sufferings, and an end had been put to his miseries. The
guilt of these innumerable horrors—these inhuman
crimes —did not rest with the captain and his crew ; but
fell also on those who sent them to Leon and Pernam-
buco for their cargo of ill-fated beings. They did this
by opening their markets to this infernal produce. For
it was known to them that the sugar was the growth of
Cuba—that it was procured by the assistance of slaves ;
and, therefore, they were the abettors of this villainous
traffic. They understood, too, how these poor natives
of Africa were treated. They had had letters on the
subject from the various authorities. They had a letter
too from the consul at Pernambuco to Lord Aber-
deen, which stated, " That all the worst features of
slavery existed in that country. That there was the
greatest degradation of intellect, and that even the laws
assisted to transform the African man into the American
brute."—(Hear, hear.) He now came to the last com-
ment he should make. Before concluding, he must
make allusion to what astonished him, notwithstanding
Ce^ 4u;perieTtn2, ha 11?.11 b 9.4. of failaciew reasonin7 end
dot;trior Tbe -97 ayr-tv WPF FTC:A:big of
.
bad ttseTiec3 the anll9. hvbe Vac eneray'r, emptry,
v.+l3 trao aboli,jeniq!-4 giva um our
money and we shall soon abolish slavery."—(Hear.)
This then was the argument which they used, that the
slave trade in Africa would certainly be increased by the
abolition of the duty on foreign sugars. That was the
argument. This was the monstrous argument used by
the advocates for this new system of political economy.
They allowed that this trade, for a time at least, must be
increased. The admission of foreign sugars would in-
crease the horrors of the slave trade ; and this they did
while perfectly aware of the consequences that must
ensue from their conduct—this they did in cold blood ;
and fully aware of the amount of misery that must
ensue to the miserable victims of this horrid trade. He
must say that in the whole course of investigation into
the annals of human presumption, he had never found a
more gross act of presumption than that which the ad
vecates for this measure held out as a justification of their
conduct. They asserted openly that they were aware
that this measure would have the effect for a time of in-
creasing the horrors of the slave trade, and they were
ready, for the sake of carrying out their views, to un-
dertake the great responsibility, he might say the guilty
responsibility, of increasing the slave trade ; whilst the
poor wretches who were its victims were hunted,
captured, murdered whilst this experiment of political
economy was being tried. Yet truly terrific
as was this asret of the affair—truly as was the terrible
future laid before the world by the future thus presented
—Lly,re was in it something ludicrous, which in its
effect overlaid the terrible, and which even softened
the audacity of those by whom it was exhibited. It had
been stated that free labour would supplant slave labour.
He agreed with the proposition that it would do so if in
equal circumstances, because persons would work with
greater zeal when working under a system of free labour
than when under the terrors of the lash in slavery. The
A B C of the abolition society was that free labour would
supersede slave labour, but only when upon equal cir-
cumstances. That principle had been recognised by Mr.
Litt and Mr. Wilberforce. It was most profitable to

work out thQ negroes. It was frightful to talk of'human
beings in that manner ; but they were not responsible
for that, the fault rested with the owners of slaves, then,
to take care of them. They bad access to the coast of
Africa, and could always obtain a fresh supply of slaves.
—(Cheers.) I have now nearly done. I have ac-
complished a task which I felt it my duty
to undertake. I have reminded your Lordships of the
general features of the case, and I have run over the
ground at more length than I wished to have done. If
I had had more time to prepare my speech, I should
have reduced it to narrower bounds. I may perhaps
have a future time to speak, in the meantime all I have
to say is this, I do most earnestly and fervently hope
that your Lordships will not treat the question as one
merely of commercial policy, but as one which involves
all the best interests of this c iuntry, and of mankind,
religion, justice, and humanity, and policy, and above all
the national character and credit and reputation of our
country; and, using the language which had been
adopted by an eloquent advocate upon a former occasion,
" that national honour is in our mind inferior to the
course of justice, humanity, and virtue." National
honour and national credit is, I am sure, sate in
your
Lordships' hands, and the prayer of the petition, whose
society I represent, and their venerable president, will
not before your Lordships have been urged in vain. The
Noble Lord sat down amid loud cheers.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then said, that in
rising be was prepared only to offer a very few words,
for he entertained an opinion in common, not only with
the majority of their Lordships present, but he believed
with the Noble and Learned Lord himself, that this
was not the best time or the fit occasion for discussing
a measure which was at that moment introduced into
the other House of Parliament, and which was yet to
receive that full consideration that it must before it
came before their Lordships.—(Hear, hear.) His
Noble and Learned Friend must have been himself of
opinion that this was the least convenient period for a
debate on this great question, when he himself had
placed on the order book of their Lordships' House a'
notice for discussion on this question, and had after-
wards, in the course of a few days, postponed it, on the
ground that it was not yet brought before the other
House of Parliament. He, therefore, thought that al-
though his Lordship was unquestionably entitled to take
any opportunity, by giving forty-eight hours' notice be-
fere his resolution should be received by the House ; yet
he certainly thought that although the Noble and
Learned Lord had, with his usual eloquence and ability,
introduced this question, still it was the wrong period
to do so on that occasion, when every argument
brought forward in the other House would
require to be met by atiticipation.—(Hear, hear.)
But his Noble and Learned Fkiend, in the petition which
he had presented, had bestowed a great part of his
speech, not in supporting the petition, but in answering
the arguments of petitioners. The prayer of the peti-
tion and the speech of the Noble Lord were in direct
contrast, The petitioners called upon their Lordships to
adopt the policy of refraining from all commodities which
were slave produce, but the whole tenor of the speech of
the Noble Lord was to avoid the ground of the peti-

tioners; to adopt the most untenable ground on which
any motion ever attempted to rest its policy, and to limit
the consumption of slave produce only to certain articles.
Ile wished to tell his Noble awl Learned Friend that
her Majesty's Government and himself, who, as his
Noble Friend knew, had been at every period of his life
zealous for the suppression of the slave-trade, were
still anxious for the extinction of it by every legitimate
means by which it might be effected by cruisers on the
high seas, where it could be done according to the prin-
ciples of morality. as well as the principles of policy.
But, at the same time, he must say, on the part of the
people of this country, who had a right to intercourse
with those of other nations, from whom were bought
those luxuries now almost become necessaries of life,
that the Government had no right to withhold them

from the people, and thereby virtually to extinguish
those principles which but lately had been adopted by
Parliament. They would certainly use all proper means
for putting down that trade, hut they were averse to in-
terfering with the interests of other States, or with the
principles of their policy; which, however unfit
their Lordships might deem them—however er-
roneous—these nations alone had a right to
consider; and he was sure that by holding out threats
wiqi a view to leading
.them to adopt those pi:inciples
which this country cherished, and has cherished for the
last twenty years, but in reference to which this country,
fifty years ago, was as much in error as they, so far,
from accomplishing the desired effect, they would
only tend to perpetuate the system which they sought
to destroy. There were more horrors committed in
Lousiana in one day than in Africa in a whole year.
When this question came to be discussed he trusted that
they should hear from his Noble and Learned Friend
what was that morality which looked to any particular
country, consistently with the principle upon which it
was based.—(Hear, hear.) On the subject of time, after
the discussion upon discussion which had already taken
place, it would appear almost unnecessary to add a word.
Notwithstanding what his Noble and Learned Friend
had said in such contemptuous terms about the
sugar famine that subject had occupied the
attention of every Government for the last twenty
years. Her Majesty's Government did not think it
right, under these circumstances, to allow this subject
to float on the surface of legislation, but to fix it on a
firm and permanent basis. If, however, the matter had
been brought forward on a motion, instead of a peti-
tion, there would have been an ample discussion given
to the matter, and when the time arrived for that dis-
cussion it would be entered into.—(Hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM said he rose merely to explain,

that though he was in intimate eonnexron with the
Anti-Slavery Society, he was not aware of the fact to
which his Noble Friend the Marquis of Lansdowne had
alluded. With respect to cotton, that was a question
on which he was at issue with his Noble Friend. _ _

Several Bills were then forwarded a stage, and the
House adjourned at Twenty minues after Seven o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 27.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at ten minutes before
Four o'clock.

Mr. T. MAITLAND, the Solicitor-General for
Scotland, was introduced by Mr. Fox Maule and the
Lord-Advocate, and took the oaths and his seat upon
his re-election for the county of Kircudbright.
THIRD READINGS.
The following Bills were read a third time, and
passed :
Australian Agricultural Company.
Barr's Estate Bill.

Edinburgh Paving (No. 2).
Fleming s Estate Bill.
Londonderry and Enniskillen Extension Railway.
Park's (Dr Yates's) Estate Bill.
Philps' Charity Estate Bill.
Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway.
Stamford and Spalding Railway.
ROYAL ASSENT.
__ _

Sir Augustus Clifford, the—Usher of the Black Rod,
appeared at the table, and summoned the House to the
House of Peers to hear the Royal assent given to several
public and private Bills.
The SPEAKER, attended by several Members, then left
the House, and upon his return, after an absence of forty
minutes, the Right Hon. Gentleman read the titles of the
Bills to which the royal assent had been given (for which
see Lords' report).

. -
Lord John Russell entered the House, attired in deep
mourning, at a quarter before five o'clock.

SHEFFIELD AND LIIsfabLNSIIIRE JUNCTION

RAILWAY.

The Lords' amendments to this Bill were considered
and agreed to.
LANCASTER AND PRESTON JUNCTION
_ RAILWAY.
.

On the bringing up of the report on this Bill,
Mr. E. BULLER entered into a lengthened statement
of the position of the company, and pointed out to the
House that in the early stages of the Bill the promoters
were desirous of introducing a clause allowing them to
take high and extravagant fares, but the Committee to
whom the Bill was referred, and of which he was chair •
man, refused to sanction the clause, and an adjournment
took place to enable the parties to reconsider their
position. At the expiration, however, of the ad-
journment, the parties declined to make any altera-
tion in their rates and charges, and the Committee
thereupon determined to make a special report to the
House, recommending the House not to allow the Bill
to proceed further. He moved that the report be con-
sidered that day six months.
Mr. GREENE said that the Committee, having •
passed the Bill, recommended that the Bill ought not to
be passed.—(Hear, hear.) The Committee had no power
to alter the toll, but. the Committee, being aware
of their want of power, compel the company
to come before Parliament to sanction the tolls.
The preamble had been proved, and the standing orders
had been complied with, but of what purpose was that,
since the Committee did not wish to sanction that upon
the recommendation contaieed in the
which they were not called upon to determine. Now
[ he; therefore, rose to defend the decision of the Com-
o illcen'oer for
rm3iptetevet,, het not
constituents, it was also natural to
Lancaster I(B(1-I°r.N jrrYeenseldhatidlatstathtef'd very fairly that it
was extremely natural for him to support his consti-
tuents' views. The Hon. Member supported the views
of a canal in which his constituents were interested.
srsof hisof tat House to support the
But whilst it was natural for the Hon. Member to sup
public ; and he (Mr.
port the
views
hmeaevni
Members
brie,
Aglionby) considered that they would be supporting the
interests of the public by agreeing to the motion of the
llon. Member, the chairman of the Committee to vvhotn
this Bill was referred. That committee were unanimously
interests of the
of opinion that the tolls proposed to be charged by this
railway company were far too high, and after having de-
,, ji you refuse to reduce the tolls to a
de-
sired the promoters to reconsider their Bill they still
easonable rate, you must seek some other
re-
fused, and as long as they had so conducted themselves
but, from the confusion
oeurer
Blieilrl.:ctlY justified in
slrmtaceo:nctiiiheierldorg.3au,Bttg;ee.hymEttobustet;Tmnarclttiostthueli H;(,iurpasoez
el),v,
which prevailed in the House, his observations did not
e ache gaery.
Aftethr a fellw
words from Mr. E. BULLER,
The Howe then divided, when there appeared—
For the adoption of the report 6
For the amendment 7 1
Majority for the amendment —6s
The re
port was consequently lost.
LONDON AND SOUTII-WESTERN RAILWAY.
The Earl of LINCOLN moved that the Committee
on the
heLondon and South-Western Railway (London-
bridge Extension)
Bill,
have leave to report forthwith ;
and that the standing orders, Nos. 119. 120, and 139,
report be taken into consi •
if the amended prints have been
deposited with the doer-keepers at least the day previ-
ous.—Agreed to.
NOTICES OF MOTION.
db be r suspended,atieb on
Tuesday, and the said
Ittr. 5HAR24.46.14 CRAWFORD gave notice that on

the motion for going into Committee on the Rateable
Properties (Ireland) Bill being made, he should move
that it be an instruction to the Committee to make
provision that the county and poor-rate be levied upon
the same valuation ipsteaci of two separate valuations,
provHed by the present Bill ; also that landlords be
made chargeable to the county-rate in the same propor-
tion that they were liable to pay for the poor-rate.
Mr. HUME gave notice, that to-morrow week he
should move a resolution to the effect, that to prevnt
drunkenness and intemperance amongst the working-
classes, it was the duty of the Legislature to open
the British Museum, the National Gallery, and similar
public places on Sundays, at such hours after morning
service that gin palaces and public-houses were allowed
to be open.—(Hear.)
THE STATE PAPERS.
Mr. E. DENISON wished to know whether the State
Papers could be put in a more convenient form for use
than they were at present. He found that the estimate
for printing a volume (Class A), was 5741., and that
the expense of printing 2,000 copies was over 4,0001.
Lord PALMERSTON said that the subject had oc-
cupied his attention, and that he did hope, next year,
to be able to have them put in a much smaller form.
COURT OF COMMON PLEAS.
Mr. STUART WORTLEY desired to know if her
Majesty's Government intended to take any measures
for opening the Court of Common Pleas.
Tho ATTORNEY GENERAL said that he could not
pledge himself to pass any measure this session, but he
would do the utmost to pass such a measure which he
considered to be most useful and necessary.
THE WELLINGTON STATUE.
On the motion of Sir F. TRENCH. a copy of the
report from the sub-Committee of the Wellington Mili-
tary Memorial, inclosed in the letter from his Grace the
Duke of Rutland, K.G., to the Viscount Melbourne,
dated 14th of January, 1839, was ordered to be pre-
sented to the House.
SUPPLY OF FOOD IN IRELAND.
In reply to Mr. O'CONNELL,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
the people in the distressed districts of Ireland had been
relieved by means of employment given by the public,
and also by the people in their immediate neighbour-
hoods. Government had also furnished supplies of food
at a cheap rate in various parts of Ireland. He con-
curred in what the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had
said about the beneficial effects of the relief af-
forded to Ireland, for, from all accounts which
he had had the opportunity of seeing since he
had the honour to hold the situation he then filled, he
was impressed with the Beneficial effect of that relief
in saving the people from the evil of famine and pre-
serving the peace of the country. It must at the same
tiine be observed, that much as the measure might be
beneficial in affording a temporary relief, it must not
be imagined that it was to become a permanent
system, and thus induce the people to rely
on the Government permanently for food, for such
a feeling would be a great evil to the country. In
some parts that feeling was already beginning to grow
up, and therefore the Government, thinking it necessary
to mark that it was not its intention to continue the
system, had given instructions that the supply was to be
rtopped as much as possible on the 15th of August. It
was rat first the intention to stop the supply on
the Ist of August, but that period was extended
to the 15th, in order that there might be no
pressure on the people. The Commissary-General
in Cork had written a letter to him,
a part of which he would take the liberty of reading to
the House. It was dated the 12th of July, and stated
that considerable consignments of Indian corn were on
their way from England to that country. There were
half a dozen vess?ls in the port, and if their cargoes
were left much longer on board, they would spoil
from the heat. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
felt that they must be unwilling to land their cargoes, as
they could not enter into competition with the
Government, but if the Government reduced its supplies,
it would give an opportunity for private enterprise to pour
food into the country.
Mr. O'CONNELL thought they ought to be careful
as to withdrawing the relief from the Irish people at the
present time. Before the middle of September they
might find that the measure was still as necessary for the
preservation of the people from famine as it had already
been.
Mr. HUME wished to know whether there would be
any objection on the part of the Government to furnish
a return of the amount which had been expended in re-
lief of the Irish people—in money, in provisions, and in
work. It was desirable that they should have this re-
turn placed on the table, to know whether it would be
be necessary still to go on affording relief.
Mr. P. SCROPE was desirous of asking the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer a question. It was whether
it was his intention to afford any explanation of the
mode in which the people of Ireland had been relieved.
They had been relieved partly by grant from the Go-
vernment, and partly by private contributions. Now what
he was anxious to know was, what the amount of private
contributions were to those supplied by the Govern-
ment, in order to know whether the relief afforded by pri-
vate individuals was at all in proportion to the wealth of
these individuals or the property which they pos-
sessed? The public could not be satisfied unless these
details were supplied, in order to know whether private
contributions were at all equal to the distresses to be
relieved.
Mr. F. FRENCH said that 100,000/. had been
placed at the disposal of the treasurers of the
counties in Ireland, in order to be appropriated,
under the present Tenant and Grand Juries Act.
No part of that he found was in existence at the present
moment. The distress was still great, and he wished to
know really whether all had been distributed, for he
could scarcely credit that it had been so.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
with regard to the question of the Hon. Member for
Montrose, he had no objection to make the return re•
quired, and he was also perfectly ready to lay upon
the table of the House an account of private contri-
butions, but he was not prepared to say that he would
give the names of the contributors, specifying the
amount they had subscribed. He might remark, how-
ever, that the landed interest of Ireland generally had
come forward and liberally assisted Government in re-
lieving the distress of that country. With regard to the
last question of the Hon. Member behind him, he
begged to state that the whole of the 100,000/. had been
fully distributed, as well as 30,0001. more under the
second Act passed this session. He could assure the
Rouse that the attention of Government had been
closely directed to the state of the crops in
Ireland. They received reports from all parts
of Ireland day by day, and the attention of Government
was constantly directed to the subject. He trusted,
however, that Government would never be called upon
to take measures to avert any coming evil, but never-
theless they should be prepared to act with vigour.
Mr. HORSMAN wished to ask the Noble Lord the
First Lord of the Treasury whether, in case the sugar
resolutions passed, they would take effect without waiting
for the Bill to pass?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL was understood to say that
he intended to take the same course that was pursued
with respect to the corn-laws.
THE SUGAR DUTIES.

A number of petitions were presented for and agains
the proposed Government measure in regard to the
sugar duties. Amongst others
Mr. GIBSON presented a petition from the di-
rectors of the Commercial Association of Manchester in
favour of the proposed Government measure respecting
sugar, and praying that the measure may pass intoa law.
Mr. HOPE presented a retition from Manchester
against the proposed Governmentschemerespecting sugar.
The petitioners prayed that no measure would receive
the sanction of the House which would not allow them
time to procure additional labour for their plantations,
and which would not permit them to compete on equal
terms with sugar admitted for the use of home made
spirits.
Mr. MACAULAY presented a petition from the in-
habitants of Edinburgh, in favour of the proposed mea-
sure respecting sugar.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL having moved the order of
the day for the House resolving itself into a Committee
of Ways and Means on the Sugar Duties,
Lord G. BENTINCK rose and said, that in moving
the resolution which was in the Speaker's hands as
an amendment to his leaving the chair, he regretted,
while he asked the indulgence of the House, that
the motion had not fallen into abler hands. He
felt deeply the responsibility of being an advocate of the
•intererests of those great mercantile speculators in the
East and West Indies, and that other greater cause
connected with the slaves of the African race. He
regretted that on this occasion those interests should
have a less able advocate than they had ever had
before. He felt confident that his Noble Friend
at the head of the Government would give
him credit for truth when he said that he
brought forward this motion with no hostile feeling to-
wards her Majesty's Ministers.—(Hear, hear.) On this
0CC56.032, tha question of the sugar enti,2s and that
of elavery had been mixed up with a vote of confidence
in her ltojes!-y's Ministers, but he could truly say that
on this 0c.T0.,.i0n, though ha did not mean to say
that he could place his confidence in her Majesty's Minis-
ters, it was not his intention to mix up with this question
any considerations of confidence in her Majesty's Mi-
nisters.—(Cheers.) Indeed, he felt that, on a question
of such great interests as those of the East and
West India planters, and above all on a question which
concerned the liberty and happiness of, the African race,
it would not be proper to mix up with this question any
party consideration. But while, on the one hand, he
disclaimed introducing any motion hostile to the Govern-
ment, he must vindicate himself from the attacks which
had been made upon him and his party.—(Hear, hear.)
He could not deny, and he did not moan to
deny, that the effect of the emancipation of slaves was
Indies;
he much to diminish the produce of the West
he could not deny that whilst, for some years, during
the six years previous to the emancipation of slaves in the
West Indies, the average produce was between 190;900
and 200,000 tons of sugar. That production, since the
emancipation of slaves was completed, had fallen off to
such an extent that at one period it did not exceed
170,000 tons, whilst it was admitted that the produce of
the West Indies did not exceed 143,000 tons. In like
manner it was the natural consequence of this falling
elf in sugar that the prices had risen.—(Hear, hear.)
He found, when he took the average of prices,
which had been furnished to him by the
Grocers' Company, that the six years previous to the
emancipation of slaves, and the twelve years since, the
average difference of the prices had been no less than
18s. per cwt. He had taken the two periods of July
and March in each of those eighteen years, and he
found that the average price of the six years whilst
slavery was in use did not exceed 275. and some pence
per cent., whilst the average prices of the last ten years
amounted to 375. per cwt. He had, therefore, stated the
case fairly to the House. The Noble Lord had stated
that 100,000 tons of sugar could be obtained from the
West Indies, but that
_he (Lord George Bentinck)
thought was an over sanguine calculation of the produce