The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

11%41! of the great community which I have the honors
inerePres nt, that they may have every facility for an
thsie"ed emPloyment, and a consequent increase 0.. f
cemforts ; for they are, in my humble opi
tliee, th
te, 1 e most hard-working, patient, and loyal
if P e oPon the face of the earth.—(Bear,
,h. hear.)
properly instructed when young, by truly religious
lara°os, they entertain for her
treatest r
the Addr espect and affection. I beg
The ~estle--(Hear, hear.) leavel\i6j etsotYse-c second
9,...;ARER then read the Address.
hie ho.", rEEL then rose and said—Sir, I would,
Pe that although the course I take is an unusual
yet that I
wish of h am acting in accordance with the general
pre-
The fire that
't th explanation
e House in now rising to give an
re-
ittt at course which I shall take upon the
hear.)p
question before the country.--(Hear,
&-
lire thanee will consider it but natural that I s
P eat,,t_ a momentshould elapse before I should.
Ittllfliati - tee Housethe motives on which I have acted,
Ciltit're Priociples which have governed my conductib—e
Neet' thea.) I may feel hurt at having beenn r
ILarltmuch accusation upon this subject.—( ea .)
ay no bin unjustly condemned without a hearing. I
111111 q upon that head ; and if any moment?xy
of the of indignation should pos.ess me,
..tveat events which have taken place would
ttobne
kiksZtlt to remove any such temporary u.np ease rit-
e eaTear, hear.) I enter, therefore, into
ettkirwireniar discussion or particular accusations,
ureic 4de ask—while I contend for the reseretaluao_f
eon, coef, I ask for an opportunity, after the condm
Nk liao NAaining the motives of my conduct.
ssd in.
r; , near.) I ask you to listen with patience
*hicligence to those f is and those eviden
44 h shall tb. •ht brit).* before you,
*ill iiwit,'cll will afford the materialsnlg on which the House
*het "ueetely pronounc •t opinion. I wish to explain
I %%et, e
.1 s
kted ;. ue grounds which led me, and those with whom
hsieleVlurchlY to tender to our gracious Sovereignl wish
,kttlso to els° of trust which was committed to me.
the
that
tr -IPlain what were the circumstances under which
s
he Nest was re assumed, d hy. lam now here.
Pr.' Chet". kinister. Sir,anthew ins- mediate connexion
shoe f itorneditite cause which led to
had (.° the Government
n that a great c 1 i
' am
k treitt,,en.the
,disrt;
portion n that articlewt of food on. which_om,
44(1 ttilivof the people of the United litagd
t'shilv f larger Sabersn of toe sister kingdom,
krllltl p 1,07 their übsi te c . That was the immediate
depend
Zeitire-;1114e cfaourse
ivrtshitnl.wheLluedid tobethe dissolution of the
and limn-
ef)°,4sne -11._ uIY part if I attached undue
IrPee me "° that subject. The particular causel
tilliktetlYe;ilt°B4rtte.quire immediate decision. It was abso-
kw: coos° zi:tit(pe time alluded to that an imme-
i h regard to the
1 ItilleWni!ic,h Aar urn thebe • taken
ntatiwon of corn.—(Hear.)
bike f-Co'sutolk enow fronanntherexpression of my opinions
114 Ivia-vse topics which have lately agitated the world,o..
444,v05e ,4Waithh. old. from the public that the progress t
fa.4l upon
tktruth have considerably altered my
tablitid 0 "ego topics.—(Hear, hear.) h es..Ject or PeulY confess that my own opinionsl w ts,l leo Protection have undergone a change..—(Loud
sltile
thsg.P"l'invtaintelleiSlit°P upon the
the right to exer-.
position cheers.) Alike in a pub-
keek•p" privilege of ylieledianimg to the force of.
„t'ery ellbt.,' ond conviction (Hear hear) and at
hseto,74.......b74(terttrizterizgiclipon the results Of enlarged expe-
Opposition cheers.) It may be sup-
tri, seal a eis something humiliating in the making
gals
confession. I think no such. thing.—
~,,38 dote I have no intuitive capacity
-`44(1.,,-'rtining what is right, but lof
haavle
k klie''Ce in the belief that it would be
be, conciliation indeed, if my opinions had under-
t° the,4 %edification or change, to pretend to adhere
toNliehrhe(Otheers.) But then it became. a qaestion,
talc, &louse and the public have. a right
heretra
~ Whether the motives for changing them
hese Acient and honest. Nothing could be more
a Public man 'than to protect himself from
al IN Y Pretending that no change had taken place Ll'coe:tisions, while on the other hand it would be most
C.iltryBlftlu and most unjust to his Sovereign and his
fearl4 to b ' Pon seeing reason to alter his course. of action
aer ,
st cf the r, 'colded from making that alteration by the.
""iissetrks.) ,rehuiziarge of. inconsistency.—(Hear, —(Hear, hear, and
kn. teethe the - question, then, forY•me to deal with is,
1124 Th motives for the change are sufficient and
itk:ll flier° are those who contend that the
`' v - talpediments upon the import of a
ery
great
La tioure necessary article of comtaaerce would
by 174 easy °f great advantage, and heretofore i
1,",_ POint'i to combat the position. of these parties
iince
of out the urgent necessity for the ex-
elts et.„."' these restrictious. But, the time
L'ssibi„-!ed when it has become almost im-
„sgeet...,-b‘o Meet them in fair and open argu-
17e eiveTit_erlewed Opposition cheers)—by showing that
Imo 'nes arising from the system of prohibition
teariester than those which might arise from their tae inch The time had arrived when the wassystFm.les
t*htoh ineensistent with the right and just principles
fil.):' lilaUfghhit to guide and regulate the trade of the coun-
Lz,ulitseit 3 Public view protection to domestic industry
deal
it" sound principle, and agriculture being a bran?.
6.9'ti 0:" 7 industry, is entitled to a share of that pr
e" ell pious't industry,
said, that in a country encumbered with
- ea°er,s debt, and liable to an enormous taxation, it..
teetka sary that domestic industry should be proto
,the ~,,, from foreign competition—as necessary
eaw.tsettt hod,. fl-tnh o - eity It is necessnry
illatittve' that'thne laboeurinognmcluasse-s. of the community
litht, ,not be omitted in this arrangement ; it is but
tl,et 11.144 wages should vary with the prices of food,
tik,,,l,h prices should imply high wages, and that low
41.1,,,,- soeuld be a concomitant of low prices.—(Cheers.)
Of its',nit that land is entitled to protection on account
thkti peculiar bujcdens,
(Iti.
eisa: questioniear of jratviecetitiawtay
r
tit, tnlinet of
if Pw°el YtiThold this argument, it is stills
it7t.li to removal by compensation._ The three first ob-
fsetsos to the removal of protection are objections
waded on public policy, and tl * last is founded on
ti(vgc„ justice ; but by granting compensation we re-
-14- toe latter objection. Ido not want to to arrogate to
14;"I that, which has been used a priori by other per-
,,(want to deprive none of them of the credit to which
evfil ore justly entitled ; and I confess that my
reteeri°Pioion has been greatly modified by the
'rota j,ee of the last three years.—(Great cheering
liva re OPposition benches.) I have had opportuni-
'4°- e°4lParine from day to day the .results which
lititiVelloieed
during the last three years, from that
ilesCe on Which you have been acting for some years
'elttir-441e1Y, the gradual removal of protection to agrbt-
tsteit:' pl- hoe had the opportunity of comparing the
lteet °,,t those years. I have watched them; and t e
st °' the policy has been, that during the
Zr'' 0- n -. . I Vero found that the
teett, - Ye 3ear.,
ig), Zor those who advocated ptection are per-
ee'th 11-e.`„/3.!hle. I believe that the rates of wages vary ihs.steatil,,, epees of food. Ido not believe that when
impossiblee nigh wages are low. Ido not believe it is
Pea; for me to coincide in the opinion; it is utterly wlett4ece for me to Contend that protection to domestic
.44 - regarda disadvantageous to the country.
Ilteeits, the to the other argument, that
11,-"kle to Ite have a high rate of taxation, it is
fattedimpos-
ka("taitl:3 tcompete with foreign industry —I have
;pa it also to the test of the last three years, and
Lthew-4 tile experience of those years justify me, the
e lastti a fallac I have seen from the experience
,age% w three Years,y ending October last, that while
If 40 tiro cemparaive low wages were high, ani
tit
I:tttki,-`e , were g for labour higher than then.
tetteihigfigptrojee_threewyaelterse precedin I found that there
,Ileet4Pressio es and low wages.
othen, f resist
food.
ae. ,es t, II that prices vary with
eie hitherto.tilge, athnenoptk
..,, ,e„, ~ -
.trade,b
-"
' ' "'tub state of as I have said before, we
vt: °er
10"0 !or some time
e reducing duties, that
been acting upon the prin.;
‘tt laY, in °Al.l.ng Prohibitions and • o. Well, what has
litilt,4 tilt e;s7irig away with protection.
k'iitli of these t ? I will just read a statement of the
Beginningre
ii the y
e.. Measures from the year 1842. British
ltOce ex p'or 1839, I find that the amounto;f
hi in Art rted was over fifty three millions
e444a, Yiene millions ; in 1841, fifty-one 43 millions ;
fifty-two
tilio'4lla . fete millions
millions ; in 1840
tle:it.el,, kti , in 1844,
1842.1 For
in
t. yq seat increase since the year
fifty-eiginht 18
1844, it
millions—thus
‘eatie r the an, 7
381 000 L, and, in .
ekv etkd
t_
.. ount was 4,-
41) Li' said" 8,530,0001—Hea,r, hear.) 1.4,410 With-toth.at this increase has been o
te -x.stat, o,‘'hina. Now I shall deduct all that, and
wWinegi4tobnotuirt
dine 0, e result. I see by the returns, then, that
I'4 ttcte tr. trade with all other exceptcountries,lB44
they had
China.
deaeltasti to 46)411,000L and in the year
to
r te „?',.. ten millions. With regardthe last
ttl),,'`on te.-0-‘,`.l give the accounts up to only the eleven
dace
emrt-'4nni to December, 1845.
h
tit:: Ittuoillt,°F,ull the principal articlesln otbfeßYZ!ers• pro-
slB43
i.J.Nountt'eu.to over forty one millions ; and in 1844,
ether lee ''d to 47 312 000/. ; while in 1845, t ery_heasde
teeetst Proveeitstked;andi amounted to 47,764,000/. rte
......,,,rexim,
.eetion and that such protectionllueg
this.
14
4 'it
l'tatillit they are the consequences of thebt
not
0 \ "•estr le '
-Uston, '
_, hea,,a, highly-taxed country
to th'-tiuoties-;;,' Then with regard to the
reduce
pro,,,.._u,tonis r `on year
the e'ect. lo•-°„_teductions I proposed in tthoem were
1842 I proposed. a
°C r""
it st'O'eolles by 1,438,000 k, and
..i
the
Thc:-°ll3
.reduce,nd ' in 1845 I
r2.73°00/.14 further reduction in that depa!tment
hear.)
04
thrtleductonsvir.Ttk of 2,418,000/.
Yet foreign tuch I have made in the—
/11i uotw' e°Mtnodi 4,129,000 L, and
-ther,, Ithbteod. ties amount to
uned"w, the ing that this large amount has been
(sHeveral imposts
4,1,1. / al,
..rove.Uue of the country has not been re.
be. 14;1 kt %nen whether the expectation whichl
bolas-
trsei-e,d ? ti.e time these reductions commenced
44' 11.asi enioWhy the absolute advantage which the coun-
his tio-1,
~,, , q i Yed, apart from the relief given by these re-
d ' yeet e uPwards of 1,500,000 L In taking
for the re-
fectiae of the
ma aids
an allowance of 1,000,000 L
ll allowance
,(4 MI, r ,tne Excise duties. I made a similar
m estimates
N hi „_souction of the duties on glass, and auctions;onnn
t!leee 'egard to those duties, it should be observede that
gee was not '
reduc-
e- of th hiug there to make a return for t
rkii,-e half e duty, It was not like a reduction to
4' i t)" one quarter of the previous duty, where.
kake nereaeo in the consumption of the article
the al uP for the deficiency of the rato charged upon
it,_ Nee:, e
-eel, --. in these eases the taxes were entirely swept
tliatt;:ll..d. there was a total abolition of the tax. I felt
Itf.'et.;' vivilSing other branches of industry I should. be.
.eoeci
It' Malt', up for the deficiency which I thus Med
1411 v ; and I ask the House whether I have not been
le ' jastified in the expectation which I entertained.
far Makin my estimate last year, I allowed
h a redUCtloll Of 1,000,000 L in the Excise, but
thet4je no reason to believe that the produce from
it ,ranch of the revenue will be more this year than
Point last, lest. Yet there has been no salient
enti 4,lrOrn whence to spring ; but the result has been
Perit-7 owing to the natural progress of national pros-
we tY, %rising out of the great reduction of taxation. If
were t - see, o take a comparison of the estimates of the
Itei tal Years, we shall find that in the Customs' duties
e there has been an increase of more than 2,000,000 L

In 1843 there was an improvement over 1842, and in
1842 over the year preceding. In 1842 the Customs
duties produced t9,961.,0001., and now they are upwards
of 20,000,0001., although there has been a reduction of
no less than 4,129,000/. Taking the reduction of duties
into consideration, I believe that I shall be justified in
asserting that the improvement in that department has
be .n upwards Of talfa million But I will now take amore
important matter into consideration—a more important
matt, r than either trade, commerce, or revenue, unques-
tionably important as all are. I will take the moral
state of the country, and I am happy in stating that
during the last year there has been a large reduction in
the amount of crime. '1 he number of offences has within
these 12 months been greatly reduced in the country. In
1845 the numberof commitments was 24,305, that is 2,237
less than during the preceding year, namely, 1844.
This was a decrease of 51 per cent. on the year before.
In 1842 the reduction was 51 per cent. In 1844 it was
3 7.10 th ; in 1845 it was 51 per cent. as I learn from
the communication from the several quarters ; and that
is to me a source of Brea gratification. That is the
fact,, that this reduction is chiefly observable in the chief
manufacturing districts, and in some of the chief manu-
facturing towns, while on the other hand, the reduction of
political offences has been equally great
.in the agricul-
tural districts. In Wales there is perfect quietude, and
net a single offence of dissaffection or sedition has been
committed throughout the whole of the Principality.
['he Atterney-General's office has been, for the last
two years a sinecure—(Hear, hear)—for during that
period there has not been a single prosecution for
any offence against the State—(Hear, bear, and cheers)—
in the years 1840, 1841, and 1842. Now, let us listen
to this serious state of things in these three years.
There were 1,257 committed upon charges of sedition-
and riotous conduct. In the years 1843, 1844, 1845,
there were 124 persons instead of 1,257. In the last
year there was not a single one. In the year 1845 there
were 422 persons sentenced to the punishment of trans-
portation, less than in the year 1843. In the last
three years there were 1,701 less sentenced to
transportation, than in the three preceding years.
Now, this has been during times of comparative abun-
dance. Is it possible, I say, then, to resist the conclusion,
that low prices and comparative abundance have con-
tributed to produce this beneficial result. Now, these
are great social benefits. I do not say they are the
necessary results of it, but I do say they are
concurrent with a diminution of protecting duties.
(Hear, hear). Well, have these advantages
beim obtained by any serious detriment to that great in-
terest whose welfare should be the constant object of
our care, the agricultural ? Protection to them has been
diminished, and I have been the object of much attack for
diminishing these duties, and deeply should I regret if
these great social advantages to which I have alluded
had been accompanied with any serious injury to agri-
culture. Now, let us see what has been the effect of re-
ducing the duty upon the four great articles of
our imports. In the year 1824, the protecting
duty on flax was 101. 14s. 6d. It is now
comparatively nothing. Protection having been re-
moved, what has been the result ? What is now the
price of Irish flax ? In the year 1843 the prices of
fine flax in the market of Belfast was from 65 to 70.
In the year 1844 the prices were from 64 to 68, and in
January, 1846, the prices now are from 70 to 80. There
is no such fear from a reduction of duties on our
importations, nor indeed is there any cause for the
alarm raised by some Hon. Gentlemen who have given
expression to their feelings on the subject of protection.
The taking off the duties from foreign cattle was pre-
dicted to be highly injurious to the agricultural interest.
Now what is the fact with respect to that prediction ?
In 1843 there were 1,019 foreign horned cattle imported,
and in 1844 there were 2,899, and in the last eleven
months there were not less than 12,000 ; but it is not
proved that this increase has been detrimental
to the agriculturist of this country, In the year 1844,
the contract for stores for the navy was 31. 18s. sd. per
tierce, and it is now 6/. Bs. Bd. This latter price
.s the one now paid for the navy contract
and this proves beyond all doubt that, not-
withstanding the free importation of cattle, the
article has nearly doubled, or at least very considerably
increased in cost; and this, I think, cannot be
denied as an argument against those, who ex-
pressed so much alarm on the repeal of this
duty. It cannot be denied that the price has
not more than kept pace with the import
Now there was no article which caused so much alarm
as lard.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and great laughter.)
In 1840 there were only 97 cwt. of foreign lard imported
into this country. In 1842, when the duty on its im-
portationwas repealed, 48,000 cwt. were introduced ; in
1844, 76,000 cwt. ; and in 1845, I believe it will be
found that above 80,000 cwt. had been introduced. Now
what has been the price of domestic lard ? In 1844 it
was 48s. per cwt. ; in 1845 it was 675. ; and in January
of the present year, notwithstanding these enormous
importations the increase in price has been from 48s.
to 625. in 1845 and 675. in this year.—(Loud cries of
" Hear, hear.") Now there is only one other article
which is of great importance and which demands the
most serious attention, and that is the article of wool.
I was persuaded in 1844 that it was expedient that the
duty on wool should be altogether repealed—that there
in tact should be no restriction on its importation. It
was more certainly in deputations than in this House that
objections were urged against the free importation of that
article. Certainly there were grievous anticipations lest,
in consequence of the abolition of the duty on that arti-
cle, parties engaged in the wool trade, should be injured.
Well, here again there has been an enormous increase
in the importation of wool. In 1842, there were 45,8801b5.
of foreign wool imported into this country, and in 1844,
there were 5,790,0001b5., and during the last year,
I am bound to admit, that there were no less than
65,216,0001b5. of foreign wool imported into England.—
(Hear, hear.) Now what has been the cause of the re •
on of tmhided.ru,totlyBioo4cls wool ? In 1842 the price had
but fromlecel
dsuunckin:,eaingclhtienenlBm43onftrhosmsilnlciedt.hteolld
aboli-
tion of the duty, the price has sunk from llid. to loid.
per lb.—(Hear, hear, and great laughter.) Now I think,
Sir, we have had experience for the last three years,
sufficient to show that the removal of protection to
domestic industry has been followed by an increase of
our social happiness, and the interests of the country
have been materially promoted.—(Hear, hear.) Our
morality, too, has been much improved. I could read
the most conclusive proofs that the public health
has also been much improved.—(Hear, hear)—
and that the national trade has been increased. Exports
have been increased, and this is a fact in which I rejoice.
—(Hear, hear.) The trade in those articles from which
protection has been removed has been increased. Now,
sir, it is right that I should state that, notwithstanding,
the conviction which this experience has brought to my
mind, that my decided impression was that, on other
grounds, the corn-laws should be reconsidered.
This I was firmly resolved upon. I could not
have met in this session the motion of the Hon. Gentle-
man for the reconsideration of the corn-laws. I could
not, I say, with these convictions—which, say what you
will, I cannot forget—l could not have met that motion
with a direct negative.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, let
me again repeat, that the convictions which I have come
to have been brought about by observation and experience.
With this change in my opinion, I could not have under-
taken the defence of the corn-laws upon the ground
that the country being heavily taxed the continuance
of protection was necessary, or upon the ground that
it was for the interest of the labouring elasses
that high prices should be continued as a guarantee for
high wages ; nor could I have undertaken its defence on
the ground that a non-interference of the system was a
guarantee for domestic peace.—(Hear, hear.) But I have
more urgently wished fur this opportunity to explain to
those friends who have hitherto honoured me with their
e o u confidencerse h andsy u
taken.supp o
Ha as
awellr
hear.)
I justify
wish to
tothema
s s the
e
them
thistha that
Parliamenthad I nowt
outlad,kenhavthecoursel huavpe,
and the defence of their interests would been
brokenhave been coin-
initted to the country, and another Parliament would
have had the opportunity of reconsidertng the question
of the corn-laws. Circumstances occurrd in the last
tutumn which would have precluded me from
meeting Parliament on the principles I had
previously entertained. A- great calamity has mani-
ested itself, the limits of which were then, and are still,
little known—(Cheers)—and it was evident to
us that we should have great difficulty in con-
tending against that calamity. The calamity was
not confined to Ireland, but it had appeared,
not only in many other parts of Europe,
but in England itself. This calamity made the Go-
vernment aware of the fact, that the time had
arrived when a change in the corn laws became
pressingly necessary ; and it was, then, our duty
to our Sovereign and the country to make known
the necessity for this change, which existed in the
coming danger. Now, had we pretended only that
there was apprehension of a scarcity, for the purposes
of effecting ati alteration in the corn-laws, nothing would
have been more base or dishonourable; and you shall have
the opportunity of judging of the importance of the in-
formation we received upon this calamity, and to deter-
mine whether or no that information was not sufficient
to justify the Government in warning the country
against the coming danger.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
So strongly, indeed, was I impressed by this information
of the necessity for a change that, in the month of No-
vember, I advised the suspension of the protective duties.
—(Opposition cheers.) There are two important periods
to which I must particularly allude in my explanation,
namely, the periods between the Ist of November, 1845,
and the 6th of November, 1845, and the 25th of Novem-
ber, 1845, and the 6th of December, 1845 ; but before I
do so, I propose to read, in consecutive order,
the information which we received at diffe -
rent periods from different parts of Europe,
which induce me to come to the conclusion I have
done. The Right Hon. Baronet then read a
series of letters from Belgium, Egypt, Poland,
France, and other countries, detailing the
great ravages of the potato disease in those places,
Now with respect to England, this is the limit of the
information which has reached us. I should mention
that the first account we had of the failure of the potato
crop was received from the Isle of Wight. A gentleman
writes us on the 10th of August that he cultivates 300
acres, and he is also a salesman in London. He was
also engaged in the retail trade, and therefore fully com-
petent to give an opinion. He had examined
the crops around Sandwich and its neighbour-
hood, and they were almost entirely destroyed.
In Kent also the crop has been most seriously injut ed,
as appeared by a letter received from Mr. Clay. In
Yorkshire the crop has been even worse, for it appears
by a letter from Mr. Wood, from that place, that the
injuryre
e ehi
vaes d b eae nl e mt t
eors t
ferxotme n s imv ey.
fTr
ihe ennd f rtohmeScotland
Memberl
for Dumfries, in which he says that the po-
tatoes there, in many districts, were unfit for
human food. This was the nature of the accounts which
my right Hon. Friend and myself had neen receiving
during the months of October and November, and which
we spent days and nights in reading. Then, as to the
Recounts which came from Ireland, it would appear by

them that the people of that country chiefly subsist upon
that article of food. It would be difficult to estimate '
the number that so exist ; but by the official accounts
which we have received from that country from Sir W.
Brown, Mr. Lucas, and Professor Kane, it appears that
nearly four millions of the people of that country mainly
depend upon the potato for their support. It is quite
clear, then, that we have now to contend against a cala-
mity affecting no fewer than four millions of people.—
(Hear, hear.) I will not enter into any details upon
this subject, I will merely content myself with
reading the Recounts we have received from
the Lord Lieutenant, confirmatory of them.— (Hear.)
The Lord Lieutenant stated in one of his letters that
the evil will not be felt in all its intensity until the
month of February or the beginning of spring; that is
the stock of last year's potatoes. This, be i. remem-
bered, is the opinion of one who was chiefly responsible
for guarding against any calamity.—(Hear, hear.) Now.
after all the accusations which have been brought against
me, I wish to place upon record what were the appre-
hensions of those who were responsible for the providing
of measures in order to meet this calamity. In a letter
from the Lord-Lieutenant, be stated that the disease
was very prevalent, and that results of an alarming
nature might be anticipated, it measures were not speedily
taken to meet the evil. This letter was fol-
lowed by another, dated the 21st of October, in
which he says that accounts still continue to pour in of
a most discouraging nature; the extent of the calamity
it would be impossible to; calculate—potatoes were dry
up, apparently in an healthy state, which in a few days
presented all the appearances of decay. On the 24th Oct.
another account reached us, in which we were told that the
prices of the necessaries of life were rising, and that a
spirit of discontent seemed spreading among the people,
and urging upon us the necessity of adopting speedy
measures in order to allay the feeling of the people,
and wishing to know whether he should issue a proclama-
tion forbidding distillation from grain. This of the
24th was followed by another on the 29th, from Lord
Haytesbury, in which he stated that he was most
anxious to know the result of the deliberations of her
Majesty's Ministers upon the state of the potato crop in
Ireland, and that accounts from the constabulary tended
to confirm the extent of the calamity. Communications
were also received from the Lord Mayor of Dublin of
a similar tendency, and urging upon us the necessity for
prompt and effective measures. But not only had they
had the opinions of the Lord Lieutenant, but
also those of the Secretary to the Royal Agricul-
tural Association, contained in a letter of the
date of the 17th November. In the postscript to his
letter, he states that, since the letter was written,
later reports of the wide-spreading calamity had reached
him, and he could safely say that there was not a
county in Ireland but was affected with the disease.
That communication was from the Secretary of the
Royal Agricultural Society of Ireland, who was certainly
in possession of most extensive means of information.
It came to hand on the 24th of October. I hold a letter
from another gentleman, who is, perhaps, as well in-
formed as any man in the country, and he says, " that
those who best know the country are the most
puzzled to perceive a way out of the difficulty.
Formerly we could, even in times of great
scarceness, generally see some means for reliev-
ing the distress, and of carrying our people onward
through to the time when the potato season returned.
But now the case is very different, and we see no way
whatever of getting through the winter. Shortly after
this, the Duke of Leinster presided over a meeting
called in Dublin to consider the state of the country,
and there a resolution was carried, to the effect that
unless the Lord Lieutenant took immediate steps for
relieving the general distress that famine, pesti-
lence, and destitution would fill the land. He
had also a letter to the same purport
from Lord Clare. Impressed with these communica-
tions, we thought it our duty to send two, men both
eminent in their way, and quite unconnected with the
country. Professor Lindley and Dr. Playfair, who went
from Dublin to Drogheda, passing through the several
counties between the two, and their report was to the
effect that where the crop was not entirely destroyed, the
potato was in such a state as to be quite unfit
for human sustenance.—(Hear.) At my request
these eminent men placed their opinions npon record.
It is from the 25th of November that I am re-
sponsible. On the Ist of November there was
no agitation on the question, there was no
petition, but the report received by the country
fully and clearly showed to me the course which I
ought to take. The news from Belgium, and the state
of the market at Liverpool fully justifies the course of
the Government ; and it was the knowledge of the fact
that a great measure, such as I now speak in fa-
vour of, being necessary, that I acted as I did. I
was perfectly prepared to issue an order in Coun-
cil to throw open the ports. I was prepared to
take the responsibility of that act, but I was overruled,
and then it only remained for me to ace as I subse-
quently did. I advised my colleagues to adopt the
course of taking off the restrictions on foreign corn.
On the 25th November it became necessary to consider
what instructions should be issued. Those instructions
were determined on, and we reserved to ourselves the
option of acting as circumstances might determine.
I however stated at that time that it appeared to me
that the prescriptions issued were at variance
with the information received from the Com-
missioners. On the Ist of September our position
was entirely changed. I have no hesitation in saying
that the agitation going forward in the country affected
my own position. I had been overruled in the earlier
part of our proceedings, when investigation would have
been the more natural proceeding, and I admitted at once
that the letter of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John
Russell) aided also to materially alter my position.
It was wholly impossible for me, or those with whom I
acted, to know whether there would be all this calami-
tous failure in the potato crop. I had felt on the 26th of
November that there was no chance of bringing
this, matter to a successful issuse. I should
have adopted precisely the same plan as that
which was recommended in the letter of
the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), and I had hoped
that my views would have met with the unanimous con-
currence of the members of the Cabinet. I thought that
there was a justification for extraordinary measures,
and that such extraordinary measures would have been
supported by the other members of the Cabinet.—(Hear.)
That was my conviction. But, finding that my feelings
on this question were not similar to the rest of the Go-
vernment, I felt it my duty to resign the situation which I
held. I felt it to be my duty, not being supported by
the unanimous voice of the Cabinet—l felt it my duty
humbly to tender my resignation to her Majesty. That
resignation was accepted by her Majesty. Her Majesty
then sent for the Noble Lord, the Member for London.
The Noble Lord undertook to form a Ministry, and for
a short period I was in the situation of a private Member
of this House; and I do not hesitate to say that I would
have done all in my power to promote a settlement of
such a question as this.—(Loud cheers.) I repeat it, that
I would under such circumstances have done all in my
power to facilitate the settlement of the question.
I remained under the impression that my services were
then at an end in my capacity as first Minister of the
Crown, and that I was to return to this House
as a private Member of Parliament. Whether
the Noble Lord opposite had, in the mean-
time, undertaken to ‘form a Government I was
not aware until Thursday, the 18th of December,
when it was then intimated to me that the Noble Lord,
the Member for London, had undertaken to form an
administration. However, on the 19th, the next day, I
received a gracious intimation from her Majesty, to the
effect that she would wish to see me previous to taking
a final farewell. I waited upon her Majesty accordingly,
and I then was told that the Noble Lcrd opposite had de-
clined to form an administration, and her Majesty was
pleased to express a desire that I should withdraw my
offer of resignation.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I do not
hesitate to say that as it was intimated to me that the
Noble Lord had failed to form an administration, I con-
sented to withdraw my resignation, after a moment's
consideration, and to ask my colleagues in office
to cooperate with me in complying with the
wishes of her Majesty.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I
measuresthose m e
measures
have already given notice of my intention, on the
eurienstenfodrtothpartopooeseeafsoiorn.meemting the part of the Government, on-an early day, to submit the
exigen-
cies of the time, and I shall leave the justificatio of
thethe a
n evidenceticipat
that
Government after
upon hearingin
calamity,possession. it
explanation,
therefore, for the present rests here , aynd I do hope,
woifl lt hbee
ed
deemed sufficient for the present. Some may think
that the conclusions I and others have come to are erro-
neous • but I warn those who think so, that even
now the extent of the calamity is not fully known.
Let them pause, therefore, before they express a con-
fident opinion upon our conduct. But, at all events,
I trust if I have not satisfied some of them that our
conclusions were correct, at least they will admit our
motives were honest.—(Hear, hear, and loud Opposition
cheers.) Would it not have been derogatory
to the agricultural interest, and degrading to ourselves,
had we proposed to supply the deficiency in the potato
crop in Ireland by relaxing the protective system
in respect of oats, while we could have met
the calamity in another and a better way, and
given the people of Ireland corn instead of oats?—
(Cheers.) Well, then, I trust we shall receive credit
for the honesty of our conclusions, if our
conclusions are not approved of.—(Hear, hear.)
I felt that it was impossible to come down to the House
with any partial measure, that only affected Indian corn.
I could deal with Indian corn, and not at the same time
deal with oats. If it was necessary to regulate any
portion of the food of the people, it was requisite to take
such measures as should at once and entirely set the
question at rest. Sir, after the severe, the lengthened,
and the incessant labour of the last session of
Parliament, I say I do feel it bard to be thus con-
stantly misrepresented. Ido feel it hard that, after that
labour, and when every hour of the recess has been em-
ployeciin considering the large mass of evidence on this
most important subject, that I should be made the con-
stant object of misrepresentation—(Loud and continued
cheers)—and be told that I am altogether unworthy of
the confidence of the agricultural interests.—(o-eers.)
I have over and over again endeavoured to define the
position which I hold with respect to party,
the country, and myself. I have felt it neces-
sary, in justice to myself, and to every one of those
who have preceded me in the office which I hold ;
and yet, over and over again I have been told that the
same power which placed me in this position could al-
ways unseat me from it.—(Loud cheers from the Op-
position.) I now here distinctly state that I do not
owe my personal position to any man or body of men
whatever, and in saying this, I distinctly say that I will
never rely on any particular party for that support
which I ought to receive only
of the service which I may render to the State.
For what is office, and what are the pleasures of these
official duties ? The pleasure does not consist in that
distribution of honours inseparable from the duties of a
Prime Minister. Believe me, that the possession of the
• vower of advising the Sovereign with regard to the

highest rewards and highest offices is more than com- to attempt to effect the object by endeavouring to obtain
pensated by the invidious duty of choosing and the die- a majority in the Houie, or was he to propose to her
appointment which any selection can make. I value not Majesty a dissolution of Parliament in order to ascertain
the power to the extent of one farthing for any such pri- the strength of the popular opinion.—(Hear, hear.)
vilege as that. So far as personal objects, then, are He confessed it appeared to him that if it could
concerned, I have none of them.—(Hear, hear.) I be possible to obtain a settlemeut of the question
have served under four Sovereigns George the without having recourse to a general election—without
Third and his three successors. In the reign of putting in collision- the manufacturing and 'commer-
office was of a very subordinate cial interests against the landed and agricultural George the Third my
nature. I served under George the Fourth both as interest, it would be unquestionably for the benefit
Regent and Sovereign. It has been my fate to hold of the country at large.—(Hear, hear.) But it was im-
some high office under each of these sovereigns, and, as possible for him to expect such an amount of confidence
I have served them in critical and difficult times, from the House, if he could not secure the support of
they have taken a favourable view of any services which those who agreed with him in the measures he had in
I have rendered them. But to each of these in succes- view—of those who were in the habit of supporting him
sion there was but one distinction—one reward—desired in absolute free trade principles, but also of the support
by me for all that I had it in my power to do for them of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, and those who had
—that was, the simple assurance that I had been to been his supporters when he proposed a relaxation of the
them a loyal and faithful servant.—(Hear, hear.) protective duties. The Right Hon. Gentleman, for
There is, Sir, that in office that it gives you great op- potent reasons, which it was unnecessary for him to go
portunities for rendering public service according to the into, thought it not right that a person not in the ser-
best of your judgment, that constitutes the real value of vice of the Crown should be consulted upon measures
official power. I can say with truth I have not abused that might be brought forward not upon his own respon-
that power for any unworthy object. I have always en- sibility. He (Lord John Russell) had to consider what
deavoured to use that power for the promotion of the were the kind of measures which, if he were successful
public interest and the advancement of the public good, in forming a Government, it would be his duty to pro-
nor can I charge myself with having acted at variance pose.—(Hear, hear) Under these circumstances, he
with the principles of a true and comprehensive Conser- thought it necessary to have a consultation with those
vative. I cannot think it has been at variance who had been his colleagues ; for the letter to
with Conservative honour that I have attempted which he had adverted, had been written from a strong
to repair the disasters of Caubul, to infuse feeling of public duty, and the apprehension of public
into the Indian army that spirit which bad been checked danger, and two persons only had been cognisant of his
by misfortune and defeat. I cannot think it incon- intention to write it. He had consulted with them, and
sistent with a true Conservative if we have allayed that with persons dispersed in different parts of the country,
animosity which has long prevailed between ourselves in order to ascertain how far they might agree, before
and a great and powerful neighbour. I cannot think it he undertook the settlement of the corn law question, or
inconsistent with true Conservatism that we should endangered the public convenience by proposing a mea-
have been enabled, with truth, to hear that sentence sure which might not meet with public approval. The
from her Majesty's Speech, " that our relations with grounds upon which he stated that the corn-law question
France might ever be conducive to the public interest." I ought to be settled were : first, that he thought the im-
cannot think it inconsistent with the principles of position of any duty at present, without a provision for
a true Conservative that we have been en- an ultimate extension, would but be prolonging a contest
:shied, with truth, to listen to such a passage. which ought, upon many accounts, to be discontinued.
It is not inconsistent with the principles of a true Con- He also said that no Government, or legislative body,
servative, that we endeavour to extract from the recol- could satisfactorily regulate the corn-laws.—(Hear.)
lections of all our former exploits everything that can He also stated in his letter, very clearly, the objects to
savour of bitterness. It is not inconsistent with the be obtained ; but he suggested, farther on, that the
principles of a true Conservative that we are trying to Minister should propose such a revision of the
engage in rivalry—not in the field of blood, but on the taxes as would tend to equalize the public
field of honourable negotiation— the advancement of burdens, and that he should add, also, such other
commerce and the improvement of the social condition. measures as scrupulous forbearance might suggest.
I cannot think it inconsistent with true Conservatism These were his general principles. He did consult with
to have reduced taxation.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot think his colleagues, and the result of his deliberation could
it inconsistent with true Conservatism to have extin- best be given in a letter which he addressed to her Ma-
guished agitation and to have discouraged sedition, not jesty. • Part of that letter had reference to the Right
by coercive laws— (Hear, hear)—but by creating an Hon. Baronet opposite. He (Lord J. Russell) could not
impression on the part of the great body of this kingdom, read it, without referring to the measures the Right
that we, the rich and powerful, are ready to take our Hon. Gentleman said he had in contemplation.—[Lord
share of the public burdens, and to relieve them J. Russell read a private letter he had addressed to her
from' oppressive measures.—(Hear, hear.) The duty Majesty on the 16th Wt., in which he stated his desire
of conducting the affairs of this country is, indeed, to suspend immediately the present corn-laws, and to
a most arduous undertaking.—(Hear, hear.) I may say repeal them at no distant period—allowing, at the same
it without irreverence, that the, ancient institutions of time, adequate relief to the occupiers of land. His Lord-
our country ire like our physical frame—fearfully and ship concluded by intimating the necessity that corn-
wonderfully made ; that it is no easy task to ensure the pelled him to decline the task of forming an Admi-
contentment of an ancient monarchy, a proud aristo- nistration.]—The Noble Lord proceeded to say, her
cracy, and a reforming public.---(Loud cries of " Hear, Majesty had been graciously pleased to answer his
hear.") I have done every thing that I could do, letter on the same evening, statingthat she had for-
consistently with Conservative policy, to reconcile warded it to Sir Robert Peel, and that she fully under-
those three branches of the Legislature, and stood the motives by which he had been guided in endea-
make them harmonise in action. I thought it consis- vouring to secure the greatest possible support for the
tent with true Conservatism to promote as much as pos- measures he wished to propose.—(Hear, hear.) It would
sible content among the people—to cause the voice of be necessaay for him to say, in the position he at present
dissatisfaction to be no longer heard—to prevent any occupied, that he had been unable to bring those who
destruction of our ancient institutions, and to give all consulted him to an agreement on the qnestion of the
our fellow-countrymen an opportunity of living in peace- corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) All those whom he had
ful enjoyment of their rights. These are what I have consulted had at a ;previous period belonged to her
attempted to do, and I have thought it consistent with Majesty's Privy Council. Her Majesty, on the following
pure and enlarged Conservative principles. lam ready day, desired that, he ,should attend her at Windsor
to bear the scorn and the ridicule of the public for the Castle, and when he errrived she handed- him a letter
part which I have taken on this question, but I will not from Sir Robert Peel, dated the 11th December.
do it with mutilated and shackled powers.—(Cheers from What he (Lord John Russell) wished was, not a pre-
the Opposition.) I will not stand at the helm during vious pledge from the Right Hon. Baronet, but he
the tempestuous nights which I have seen, if that helm thought, as he had stated the general nature of the
is not committed to my uncontrolled guidance. measures they should propose, that if they should
I will not undertake to direct the course of the vessel afterwards propose a different measure without inform-
if I am not permitted to make my own obser- ing him, or go to a greater length, they would incur
vations and to act according.—(Cheers.) I will the evil to which he had alluded. The letter he had I
reserve to myself the right of my own private judgment read seemed to him
.to amount substantially, that he
as to the course which I should pursue in the govern- should be quite readys and would not be precluded 1
ment of the country. I do not wish to be the Minister from concurring in such a measure, and supporting it if
of England ; but while lam the Minister of England I he thought right, if it were proposed by a Minister of
will hold the office by no servile tenure —(Loud cheers)— the Crown. He (Lord John Russell) was of opinion,
I will hold the office unshackled by any other obligations that the task was subject to risk, and full of danger and
than the consulting of the public interest and providing peril, yet placed as they were, they should meet it
for the public safety.—(Loud and continued cheering, boldly, and assure her Majesty they were ready to un-
in the midst of which the Right Hon. Baronet resumed dertake it.—(Hear, hear.) He was not, when he came
his seat.) to the determination, blind to his heavy responsibility.
Lord J. RUSSELL said—Sir, I rise up at this early He had already said he wished' the question
period of the session, to explain the part that I have of the corn-laws settled without any violent struggle
taken in the matter to which the Right Hon. Gentleman between different interests. He was aware—he hardly
has referred ; and I would not have done so now, but knew how he could express the opinion—but he knew
that the Right Hon. Gentleman was aware that such many persons thought both agriculturists and those in-
was my intention. Before I had resolved upon adopt• terested in manufactures, and a portion of the liberal
ing this course, I communicated with the Right lion. party, while they would support a repeal of the corn-
Gentleman, and I stated to him that, if it would create laws, if brought forward by him (Lord J. Russell),
any inconvenience to the public service, I would be would like better to support it if brought forward by
ready to postpone my explanation to a later period of the Right Honourabk Baronet opposie.—(Oh, oh !)
the session. In answer to that the Right Honourable And that on the other hand there were many who fol-
Gentleman stated, that not only would it be quite in lowed the Right Hon. Gentleman who would give him
accordance with the wishes of her Majesty, but also con- their confidence if they saw him in office and power, but
sistent with the convenience of the public service that I who would not vote for the same measures if he (Lord
should enter upon this explanation now. J shall there- John Russell) had proposed them. That was a fact, and
tore proceed to do so, with the understanding that I shall it was an opinion conveyed to him by many persons
be excused for doing so, by reason of the willingness the whom he knew, by others whom he had never spoken
Right Hon. Gentleman has expressed that I should do so. to, and by many others who, at Manchester
Before Ido so, however, I think it necessary to refer to a and at other places, were anxious for the
letter he has mentioned, detailing the circumstances settlement of the corn-law question. It would
which led to his resignation. Early in the month of No- have been a hazardous task for him to undertake such a
vember the Lord Provost of Edinburgh invited me to re- measure ; but while he thought the Right Hon. Gentle-
ceivo the freedom of that city, and to be present at a man opposite and his colleagues would give him a fair
public dinner. In accepting that invitation I took support upon the question, he thought that there were
especial care not to make any reference whatever to the many--for instance such persons as the Noble Lord who
measures then under consideration ; and the Lord moved the Addresswho would support him if they
Provost expressed his regret that I did not state my thought the measures were really required by the exi-
opinion in reference to the corn-laws. I said that I gencies of the country.—(Hear.) But he would have been
was unwilling to do so, entertaining as I did very strong taking a great risk upon himself ; and if he and his col-
opinions in respect to those laws, an expression of which leagues should have failed in that endeavour—if they
might have the effect of embarrassing the public coon- should have been defeated in the House—after encoun-
cils, as well as myself. But I saw by the public prints, tering a protracted struggle—or if some new Adminis-
and the London Gaatte, the state of the public mind on tration should have been formed to make a new settle-
this question, as well as the manner in which it had been ment, upon himself and his colleagues would most un-
dealt with by the Government ; and, finally, after many doubtedly have fallen the blame of having attempted to
discussions, I saw an announcement of a further proro- perform that which they could not accomplish.—(Hear.)
gation of Parliament. Under those circumstances, I I did consider that all the parties ought to be of one
did think that her Majesty's Ministers had not been per- mind; that they should all bear the risk, and be pre-
forming their duty to their Sovereign or to the country, pared to encounter the opposition, and to give their
and I did entertain the opinion that it would be advisable cordial co-operation and advice as official Ministers. I
to call the Parliament together at an early period to must say of those with- whom I concerted generally, that
consider the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) I also had I have to bear my testimony that they looked only to
seen announcements of the failure of the potato crop in the national good; they did not consider whether it
Ireland. The Right Honourable Gentleman has stated would be advantageous to their party or to themselves
to-night that the Government Commi sioners reported should the administration be formed, but upon all the
that the food of five millions of the people of that coup- great questions called upon to decide there was entire
try was the potato ; that one-half of that crop had unanimity. It was on the 18th of December that he
failed ; that one-eighth of it would be necessary for undertook to form a ministry. But, Sir, on the follow-
seed, and that therefore only three-eighths of it re- ing morning, after I had made some arrangements, I
inained for food.—(Hear.) I did consider that such found that one of those with whom I was to act
a state of things was most alarming, and demanded im- had an objection to join me, which I found impossible to
mediate consideration, and it would appear that I stood overcome, and, consequently, that I should lose his as-
not alone in this opinion.—(Hear.) It appears now sistance in the Administration. Ido not think it necei-
that the Right Hon. Gentleman himself had formed sary to state the nature of the ground of his objection—
the same opinion, and that he and three it is enough to say that it would have deprived me of his
of his colleagues had expressed as much in the assistance in the Government ; nor do I think it scarcely
Cabinet Council. In this state of circumstances I pub- necessary, as his name has so often been men-
lished a letter on the 26th of November, to which the tioned, to inform you that the individual was
Right Hon. Gentleman has alluded. That letter did, Lord Grey. With the highest respect for that
certainly, state very strongly my opinion that the pre- Noble Lord, considering his great talents, taking
sent Government were not as active as the circumstances into account his great courage and honesty—(Hear,
demanded, and I suggested that the public should ex- hear)—l should nevertheless have thought that upou
press constitutionally its opinion as to the remedy that a common occasion the loss of an individual even
should be deemed necessary. I cannot but think I was of his importance would have prevented me from
right in adopting this course ; and from what has trans- attempting the formation of a Ministry. When I saw
pired, it would now appear that the Right Honourable the great risk we were incurring, and the necessity there
Gentleman concurs with me in that opinion.—(Cheers.) I was that we should all hold together upon these questions.
know that there are some men of low minds who have When I considered, also, that my Noble Friend was the
said that that letter was nothing more than advertising first among those vi4io were acting with him in a
myself for office.—(Hear, hear.) But I trust I need measure which contemplated free trade in corn and who
scarcely say, that nothing could be further from my considered it desirable for the country in its present
thoughts.—(Cheers.) I did it only for the purpose of state. When I put these things together I thought that
placing upon record the expression of my opinion, that the task of forming a Government without my Noble Friend
the Government should yield to the pressure of circum- was a task that I shOuld not be justified in undertaking.
stances, and save the confusion and accumulation of I could not but consider that if my Noble Friend
serious evils.—(Hear, hear.) On the 26th of No- were absent from that Ministry, that all kinds of
vember, the Right Honourable Gentleman again interpretation would be put upon his absence.
nrged that the ports should still be opened for the Considering, therefore, the absolute necessity, as I
admission of grain, and that the corn-laws should be thought there was, for complete agreement—
considered ; but unfortunately the Cabinet did not agree considering the importance of the person who could not
with him, and difficulties to so great an extent followed, take a part in the Administration—I came to the con-
as to lead the Right Hon. Gentleman to believe he elusion that it was rincessary for me to give up the task
could not carry on the Government, and on the 6th of which her Majesty bad graciously imposed upon me.
December he resigned office. On the Bth or 9th of the When I considered 'that for eight days the country bad
same month, I had the honour to receive her Majesty's been in expectation, and that the want of a Government
command to wait upon her at the Isle of Wight, and I was very serious, I could not but think, whatever col-
did so upon the 11th. It could not but be apparent league might leave me, that it would be impossible to at-
to me that her Majesty had received the resignation of her tempt the settlement of those great questions which agi-
Government, and had sent for me for the purpose of tated the public mind. It was, Sir, in this mind that I
consulting me as to the formation of a new Administra- waited upon her Majesty, on the 20th of December, and
Lion. I felt that the only course left me was to decline made to her a communication, to the effect that it was
doing so, because I was aware that the party who usually impossible for me to form a Ministry, owing to the ob-
concur with my views Lpon public questions were in a jections of one of the persons who was to have joined me,
iwnatririlasntliedon ins exposing her•Ma- agreement between all parties ; and that it was my inten-
, and therefore I especially as there was so much necessity for a cordial
yto the chances of a dissolution tion to have formed the Ministry with a view to effect a
almost as soon as it was complete and free trade in corn. Now, Sir, I should state,
d
ear, hear.") I do not think it in furnishing this explanation, that I owe the greatest
ndefneoifeisdrnetmyennrseomasidttany. tr_dhyoGit:nnt
ceokevreeli aboutner
ese Government
countryt
Hob et
any explanation here of the rea- gratitude to her Majesty for the very gracious mannerh
party who stupport me in this House are in which, in her communications, she entrusted me with
number ;
.I .must say that during the this task, and for the facilities which she always afforded
wrtheinree in the Administration, our motives were me in orderto lessen the difficultiesof the task Ihad under-
ssttoomnisenfwwerheiyo
nded, and our meas
never fairly comprehends measures never re- taken. Her Majestyhas imposedf
fromdays. Also, to the
ceived a fair consideration from
it
may,our political opponents. which I shall feel to the endhet of my
offers made were en-
rity,___(Hear, hear.) Be that _ we were in a mino- Right Hon. Gentleman, t
t • and with regard to
and, therefore,
under these considerations I did not tirely spontaneous upon his par .
warranted in forming an • •his after communications, there was nothing in them
to
eraepretsheantt on me a sacred obligation,
think I would be _ Adminis-
Her to my Noble Friend
Lord Grey,
she had sent for me for the
aMinajiessttryatiohna,vinlg
essktaedtedif
purpose of before. With reference
that I was not able to overcome his objec-
Governmentforming an sem
tration. whichl
emeetrernyd.ed at
.all to make. my task more difficult than
ware of her having done 'ions, but in justice ,to him he must say that his objec-
she were a . so, and
answered me by placing a paper in my hands, con- tions were
not of a personal nature, but were founded
taining the resignation
of the Right Honourable Gen- upon
what he considered to be for the public good. As
for doing so, and expres ••
tleman, his reason sing his will- to the question that is now asbitated, the settlement
of
every assistance in his I do
corn-laws, hope that we may be able to come
ingness to afford power to the the to
agreementafford
of measures for the such an as may the country hope of its
new Ministry, for the
l adoptionH
settlement peaceable settlement. I saw with •
of the corn- avys.—( ear, hear.) I then . no inconsiderable sur-
stated to her Majesty that that document altered prise that at a meeting of the agricultural interest it was
the state of the question, and that with her stated that the danger had been exaggerated, and that
permission, I would consult with a few of those with the great scarcity does not exist, and that the prospect of
whom I had been in the habit of acting. I came to famine is chimerical. Therefore, leave the pro-
London for that purpose, and, I must say, received tective laws as they are at present. But do these gentle-
all the information I could require from the Right Hon. men never carry their thoughts forward ? do they never
Gentleman, the Secretary for the Home Department, in consider that if it has pleased Providence to visit us
reference to the causes which led to the resignation of with an affliction which is lighter than we at first dreaded,
the Right Hon. Gentleman. I then called my friends do they never think that they may not always
together, with a view of framing a measure for the set- have this consolation ?—(Hear, hear.) Do they
lenient of the corn-law question, a measure which I con- never think that a time may come when the scarcity will
sidered would be of the greatest possible advantage to be undoubted?—when it will come home to the eyes and
the country, inasmuch as it would not only tend to put understandings, and feelings of every man ?—when the
an end to present grievances, but would be attended near prospect of a nation's famine may be too real and
by much future good.—(Cheers.) But there was another too near, not to appal the stoutest heart among us ? Do
question for consideration, if he was to undertake the , they wish to wait for such a time ?—(Heer, hear.) Do
settlement of the corn-law question. Whether was he they think it desirable that the settle,ment of the corn-

laws should be delayed until we have a year of famine,
when there will be no power of choice, no discretion;
when there shall be nothing left to them but a humiliat-
ing capitulation to the multitude who will then demand,
sternly demand, the instant repeal of this odious tax,
which limit the supply of food.—(Hear, hear.) Do
any of them say that in a reason of scarcity the law of
1842 is sufficient to provide for the food of the people
better than the free, full, and entire admission of
foreign corn ? The House had heard this evening what
were the opinions of the minister who proposed that law
in 1842—what he considered to be the result of his ob-
servations and his experience. He, with all his natural
talents, his acquired experience, he, placed at the head
of the affairs of the country, having to watch over
them, and feeling the responsibility which he had
so truly described, and which, although
the highest post of trust and honour to which a subject
can attain, is et the same time the most grave, if not the
most alarming station.—(Hear, hear.) I do trust,
therefore, that we are about to see a settlement of this
great, this important question. When the Government
shall bring forward their measures, I may, perhaps, have
some observations to make, both as to the nature of the
measure itself, as well as to the provisions which now
accompany it, and as to the expediency of waiting even
to the present time for a aepeal of the law of 1842 ; for
the present I refrain from the discussion of such ques-
tions. I must, however, refer to another subject, which
is always uppermost in my mind, when I think of the
people of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) It may be possible
that the Prime Minister has more opportunities than I
have for the purpose of proposing measures upon this
subject. But I will not deny that Ido think, with refe-
rence to the state of Ireland, that I should have been
enabled to apply to the Government of that country, had
I succeeded in forming the Ministry, by placing the Go-
vernment of that country in the hands of a person who,
h
y means of conciliation and firmness, would have
allayed many of the evils under which the people of
Ii eland are now suffering. Ido think that if I were to
succeed in carrying the Bill with reference to taking the
restrictive and prohibitory duties off corn, and many of
the more essential articles of manufactures, I do think
that I should be able to propose a large and comprehen-
sive plan for the amelioration of the condition of the
people of Ireland, which should be the foundation for
future Governments to act upon. I did certainly indulge
such a dream with respect to the people of Ireland, that
I regret my expectation of forming a Government eras
disappointed. I cannot assent to any opinion in favour
of the wisdom of the conduct of the present Govern-
ment, from the time they first came into office up to the
present time. I see at the present time, according to the
Queen's Sp, ech,:that dreadful acts of premeditated assas-
sination have occurred lately in that country. But
there are in Ireland two violent parties bound to-
, gether by associations. The one asking that dangerous,
and, as I consider, fatal measure, the repeal of the
Union ; the other issuing addresses, from which it is
obvious that they consider partiality still to be the rule,
and that their Roman Catholic fellow-subjects are not en-
titled to the same favour from the Legislature as the
favoured Protestant part of the community. While I
see Ireland divided between these two parties—while I
see each of them so firmly bound together, I cannot con-
sider that there is a prospect, either of that peace in
Ireland, or of that affection to this country which we
ought to wish to prevail. I cannot see, lam sorry to
say, that anything that has been done, or is doing, will
establish that peace, and procure for us that affection.
Sir, I will not enter further into this subject. I have
stated what were the transactions which took place
when her Majesty was pleased to call upon me to form
a Government. I have stated the reason why I was
unable to do so. I have stated my views shortly with
respect to the policy that is pursued by others ; and I
have now only to say that, whether in office or out of
office, I shall be ready to give my hearty assent to mea-
sures which I think are for the benefit of the country ;
and I trust that the freedom of industry and commerce
may date from the present session of Parliament.--
(The Noble Lord sat down amidst loud cheers.)
Mr. DISRAELI next rose to address the House, but,
at the commencement, he was extremely indistinct, in
consequence of the noise caused by Members leaving the
House. He said—lt is only since I entered the House
that I have had the advantage of hearing her
Majesty's Speech ; and it is only now that I
have learnt that the real question which has
agitated the country was not to be discussed ;
and—except perhaps in a kind of protest—we should
address her Majesty without any attempt at a difference
of opinion. Sir, lam not now—after the indication of
the Right Hon. Gentleman, the first Minister, that
an early day is to be appointed for the discussion of that
question—l am left now, after so formal an announcement
trona so high a quarter, presuming myself to introduce
that question to the notice of the house. Not even the
allusion made to it by the Noble Lord who has just sat
down, or even the details entered into by the Right Hon.
Gentleman shall tempt me, or I might say would even
authorise me, to touch at such a moment upon such a
question. At the same time lam bound, in fairness to
the House—rising with their indulgence, at this moment
of the debate—l am bound not to conceal what my
opinions are on the general question, though I
shall not attempt to express them, except in
giving the result. I am not one of those
who are converts to the new opinion. I am, perhaps, a
member of a fallen party. Those odinions that I have
feebly some times attempted to express in this House
in favour of protection, I adhere to, and I sincerely in-
tend to do so. They sent me to this House, and if I re-
linquished them I should relinquish my seat—(Cheers)
—and I should not have appeared here. I give that
frank expression of my opinion. I will now attempt,
with the indulgence of the House, to give the reasons
why I rise at this moment. I confess that the tone of
the Right Hon. Baronet /vas hardly fair to the House ;
for while he stopped discussion on the great question on
the present occasion, he entered into some details, and
gave vent to his feelings with a fervency quite unusual.
Sir, I admire a Minister of this country who has the
courage to say that he holds authority in order to vindi-
cate his opinion, and to give expression to the conviction
of his intellect and conscience. Sir, there is hardly
any man in this House, who will rise and say they are
not the feelings of a very great and courageous spirit,
whieh should at all times, and under all circumstances,
be respected. Unfortunate, indeed, will be the position
of this country, when its destinies are regulated by a
Minister who recommends a policy adverse to the con-
viction of his mind. But, Sir, while the Right Hon.
Baronet has touched on the subject of such high deli-
cacy, we may be permitted to ask ourselves what are
the causes, and what are the circumstances, that ren-
dered it necessary for one so able, and one so eminent,
occupying a position so high—at least of so great a re-
sponsibility—to enter into these apologies, to enter into
these vindications, and rising in the House amid the
cheers of former opponents, to place himself in a posi-
tion of such an apologetic character to those who
once were his party ?—(Cheers.) Sir, I have no
doubt that the Right Honourable Baronet has
arrived at conscientious conclusions upon this great
subject.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman
says that it is not so much through the force of argument
as the cogency of observation that he has arrived at
these conclusions. But, Sir, the observation which the
Right lion. Gentleman has made must have been made
by him at a period when lie filled in this House a post
scarcely less eminent, and in which he exercised scarcely
less control than he does now. I want to know how is it
that the Right Hon. Gentleman, who certainly is in the
enjoyment of the full maturity of manhood, should
have arrived at this change of opinion—no doubt con-
scientiously—should have arrived at this state of opinion,
when, after a long opposition, this question was argued
in all its bearings, a Government was formed in oppo-
sition to the very opinions he now advocates? I think,
myself, not only is a Minister bound to advocate that
policy which he believes to be necessary to the welfare
of the State, but he is bound, under all circumstances,
and at any sacrifice, to announce his opinions. But what
are we to think and say of an eminent statesman, who
having served—as he has informed us—under four
Sovereigns who cannot want experience any
more than he can royal confidence—who was
called to steer the ship on so many occasions
and under such perilous circumstances—what are we to
say of that Minister, our greatest and most renowned
statesman, who, by the observation of three years, has
found it necessary utterly to change his conviction on
an important topic. which must have presented itself.) r
more than twenty years to his observation, and whichf
has been debated in this House, under every variety of
circumstance. Sir, I will say, of such a Minister, that
he may be conscientious, but he is unfortunate. But
this I will say of him, he is the last man who should
turn round and upbraid his party in the tone of menace.
—(Cheers.) Sir, I must say that I find a difficulty in
paralleling the position which the Right Hon. Gentle-
man now occupies with anything which history or
experience affords us. The only circumstance,
the only incident which occurs to me as bearing any
parallel to it is in an event which occurred in that late
svar in the Levant, which was terminated by the policy
of the Noble Lord opposite (Liprd Palmerston). I re-
member when that great struggle was taking place
which affected the existence of the Turkish empire—when
the Sultan of that day, a man of great energy and great
resources, determined to make a last effort for
em-
pire, fitted out an immense armada. It ni his
co ssted of
many of the finest ships that were ever built. Its crews
were picked, and its officers were chosen with discretion
and rewarded before they fought.—(Laughter.) Never
did such an armada pass the Dardanells since the days of
Selyman the Great. The Sultan embraced
—all the muftis prayed for the success f the expedition,
Admiral
as the muftis here did at the last election.
o Away went
the armada, but what was the astonishment
and consternation of the Sultan, when the Lord High
Admiral steered at once into the enemies' port.—(Cheers
and laughter.) Now, Sir, the Lord High Admiral in
that instance was much misrepresented. He too was
called a traitor, but he vindicated himself. He said
" True it is, I did place myself at the head of ,the valiant
armada—true it is my Sovereign embraced me, and that
all the muftis of the kingdom offered up prayers for the
success of the expedition, but I have an objection to war ;
I see no use of prolonging the struggle, and the only
reason I accepted my high office was that I might fermi
nate the contest by betraying my master." And, Sir,
these reasons, offered by a man of great plausibility and
great power of discussion, and adroit in debate, have had
their effect, and what is still more surprising is the fact
which the Hon. and Gallant Admiral opposite (Sir C. Nae
pier) will bear witness to, that at this moment that man is
First Lord of the Admiralty at Constantinople under the
new reign.—(Sir Charles Napier made some observation
which we could not hear.) Well, lam convinced at all
events that he remains a very influential personage in
the Ottoman world. Now, the Right Hon. Gentleman
has turned upon us and said, " A certain power made me
Minister, and a certain power can prevent me from be-
ing Minister." I protest against such an authority I
never will acknowledge such a servile position. Sir, the
sympathy of all sides of the House must be with tfrle
e,
lion. Gentleman ; but, like his former adhheesee
b
trade, it must he sympathy in t abstract
because no person has a right to till the position 01,

the Right Hon. Gentleman, and give utterance to sent L-
ments so magnanimous, without some reference to
that understanding which placed the Right Hon.
Gentleman lit the head of the Government,
and which, after all, should not be lost sight of in esti-
mating the position the Right Hon. Gentleman now
occupies. It is all very well for the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman to say, I am the first Minister of the country—
and, by the by, I thinks the Right Hon. Gentleman
might as well adopt the phraseology of Sir Robert
Walpole, and call himself sole Minister, for his speech
to-night is rich in egotistic rhetoric—l think he is per-
fectly justified in such a course, as almost all his Cabinet
voted against him, and so I think he is quite right not to
notice them. It is all very well for the Right Hon.
Baronet to advance to that table, and say I am thinking
of posterity—l am certainly doing that which is exactly
contrary to what I counselled on the other side of the
table; but lam appealing to posterity, and therefore I
care neither for your disapprobation nor your cheers.
But then we might ask ourselves, as Members of the
House of Commons—as subjects of a popular Government
—we might ask ourselves, what are the measures by which
the Right Hon. Gentleman has attained this position ?
The Right Hon. Gentleman has supported a different
policy for a number of years. He (continued the Hon.
Gentleman) remembered when the Right Hon. Gentle-
man was in a different position, and was a little more
bashful.—(A laugh.) The Right Hon. Gentleman calls
upon the Queen, but would the Queen call upon the
Right HOn. Gentleman ?—(Hear, hear, cheers, and
great laughter.) In 1821 he would not place himself in
opposition to the then Government of England. It was
all very well for the Right Hon. Gentleman to take this
hightiowingcourse, and if hecould maintain it may be for
the benefit of the country. Ile thought and said with
great respect—for he belonged to that party which he
believed could now triumph no more—(A laugh)—and
that they had nothing at their side except the Constitu-
tion—the duty of a great statesman was to represent
great ideas, that may lead to great events, as well as
lead him to power. Ile did not care whether he was a
mannfacturer or a manufacturer's son.—(Hear, hear.)
He cared not what may be the position of a man who
never originated an idea, who watches the atmosphere,
and takes his observations, and when he finds the wind
in a certain point, sails in that way. The man who does
so may be a powerful Minister, but never can be a great
statesman. He is as much a great statesman as a man
who gets up behind a carriage is a great whip.—(Great
laughter and cheering.) Both are disciples of progress.
—(A laugh)—both get good places—(Great laughter)--
but how far is the original momentum indebted to their
power.—(Cheers) The Right Hon. Gentleman places
himself in this position. Ile tells us that he held high
offices under four sovereigns, and exercised power in
those high offices. This is the reputation of this
man of ability and experience—that a king
trusted him, and that a Conservative sovereign
trusted him. lie tells you this as a recemmendation
to follow him. But is this the way for a great statesman
to win the proud aristocracy ?—(Hear, bear, and cheers.)
It would never reconcile him to be dragged upon a
wheel. He had not arrived at that conclusion, and the
opinion of the majority of the House he hoped would be
the same. Ile is the only man who, coming forward and
devoting himself to the country, says he sacrifices him-
self to his Sovereign's deliverance. Sir, the Right Hon.
Gentleman tells us he is still purely Conservative,
and says his Conservative Administration is determined
to put down agitation. He confessed when he heard
this, great es was the power of Parliamentary faces, he
was thunderstruck.—(Hear.) He felt that men who
appeared to speak the truth were most likely to mislead.
A man who differs from him, however, may be permit-
ted to speak in a popular assembly. But when be said
he would put down agitation—when he said this in the
face of the Hon. Member for Stockport, and the Hon.
Member for Durham—when he said this in the
face of a great General, and attempted it, he
thought the Right Hon. Gentleman would achieve
one of the great qualities of a statesman, that of
making an impression. He put down agitation
He will when he induces the Noble representative of
South Lancashire to come forward and stand his bail.—
(A laugh.) Ile remembered, when in the midst of great
revolutions, hearing of the inconvenience of the proud
aristocracy, and the necessity of inventing some means
of managing reform constituencies—he remembered
when a great mind delivered itself like an oracle, who
ought to be ranked with the Seven Wise Men of Greece,
for saying register ! register ! register ! Register to
save the Constitution—register to save the corn-laws
and the Church. This was the way the Right Hon.
Gentleman went on before the green table. The states-
man who opposed emancipation against argument, may
now be said, Gentlemen, to be a member of the League—
he who over and over again opposed political ex-
pedients one thousand times more urgent.—(Hear.)
There was the Right Hon. Gentleman now trying to prove
himself right, who had proved himself false ten thou-
sand times. A Learned Member for some county, the
name of which he could not then remember, said he was
ashamed any longer to resist those claims, but had not
the courage to propose their abolition. The moment he
heard South Lancashire was invaded, the moment he
heard Yorkshire was in danger, he deserts the principles
of protection, and having arrived at an opposite conclu-
sion, he comes to Parliament to convince them with ar-
guments they had heard for thirty years. He gave him
credit, however, for extremely singular conjectures—as
a Minister who tells them, it was not intellect, it was not
great talent, but it was the state of the registrars they
should appeal to, &though, when he was in opposition, he
read them a very different lessen, and gave them very
different counsel. But he comes forward, and says he
was acting for posterity. What a blessing it was for
the country to have a Minister who was only thinking
of posterity—(Great laughter)—not thinking of the
poor, but of posterity; and not thinking at all about the
present constitution. One feature of the present Cabinet
was to support peace, and in the history of parties he
would defy any man, even the Honourable Gentleman
the Member for Edinburgh himself—(A laugh)—to
show any instance to equal the present in this or any
other country where Ministers were more determined to
keep their places; but "coming events cast their shadows
before," and he saw in the element of the Government
shadows that no gentler' an could possibly doubt. They
would resist a moderate proposal—(Hear, hear)
—by men who could make such gross and
palpable blunders as they had seen. The Right
Honourable Gentleman had been to them as a
nurse, but they had lost the nurse they engaged and
looked on with such confiding regard—a nurse that
when in Opposition had fondled them so tenderly, but
who now could not see anything beneficial in the treat-
ment he had formerly adopted—a nurse that in a fit
of patriotism flung aside all that he had formerly con-
sidered would act as beneficial towards their temporal
condition.—(Laughter and cheers.) Never had the
, House of Commons, even in the most strong times of the
country, been placed in a similar position by a Minister.
Never had it been tried to carry out a similar policy.
And what had produced this ? A Minister had lost a
valuable colleague. He had not been present in the
other House when the Noble Lord to whom he referred
had made a speech, and therefore he bad not bad an
opportunity of bearing his explanation of the reasons
why he had withdrawn from the Ministry ; but from what
he (Mr. Disraeli) had learned, that Noble Lord stated
the reason of his withdrawal. They all knew where
Lord Stanley had been ; he would ask them where was
Lord 6tanley now ?—(Hear, hear.) As he said, he
bad not had the satisfaction of hearing the Noble Lord's
speech ; but he understood he had told them that he had
withdrawn because he did not agree with the Govern-
ment on the question on which they had been called
into power, on which they had derived their official ex-
istence, and on the operation of which they had gained
the confidence of the House of Parliament.—
(Hear, hear.) Ile said the confidence of Parliament,
for he was not one to sacrifice party, or the confidence
of Parliament, by such a course as the Right Hon.
Gentleman pursued.—(Hear, hear.) The Right ll.oun.t
Gentleman talked of being independent of paortyo ;1' the
could he reconcile his policy with the constitution
tin
gcoauinnetdry:ny
ilmVpheor,ranorn
oeritcheenrlidnel.
in of the
d g positilion ith
ht saou, swe'hoaudt
receiving the confidence of t
aa
tr ihaem ehnatd?
obtain h e
the
Hon. Gentleman mid y t
hweithiSoonvtetrheiegne,on bfiudte
nbe
ee (f
tlhre.
upoisuleloof
out the confidence of that House, no
cmeai confidencee
nt aei
se_d that
tht
commanding position could be obtained.— fear, hear.)
It was impossible to carry on the business of the coun-
try, it was impossible to achieve any great benefit for
thepeoplewithout parties.—(Rear, hear.) There must bo
distinct principles enunciated and maintained.—(Hear.)
Whether it was my Lord John this or that, or whoever
it might be that was celled on to form a Ministry, this
was a feature in the construction of the Government
of England. If a Government is to be constructed,
there must be principles on which it must declare to pro-
ceed, and a party to give it their support. A Govern-
ment ought not to recommend measures which it did not
approve of at one time, which it considered essential to
the welfare of the country at another.—(Hear, hear.)
Was this not committing a great party connexion to a
false policy, and which might bring down on them great
evils ?—(Hear, hear.) That House of Commons existed
on the principles of party. If they destroyed the Go-
vernment of parties—of definite ideas of sympathy with
straightforward and honest policy—what would be their
position ? Six hundred individuals—men at the direc-
tion of the Sovereign, under the will of the Govern-
ment—to be used for the purposes of corruption, and
not employed for the benefit of the people.—(Cheers.)
Who could doubt that such would be the result of the
policy of a Government without a party ? Had it
not been so in a neighbouring country, which was
as yet in the infancy of the representative system. They
knew that such was the case.—(Hear, hear.) There was
no Parliamentary party in France, and they knew the
state of things there. They knew that whatever might
be said of danger from Bonapartists, and the supporters
of the Napoleon dynasty, that the real danger to that
country was the corruption of the servants of the State
—of the Government—the whole power of which was at
the command and under the direction of a single indi-
vidual.—(Hear, hear.) Would it not be so here? Nay.
was there not a danger of its being so if a Government
without without a prrty were to be considered a liarmliatmed now.
principle.—(hear, hear.) But such, ,t
had never, heretofore, been endured.
,
lish Government,
of eminence in the history of the g
not been submitted to from Walpo.Fe
rsuaded, now.—(hear.)
would not be endured, add,
n Sgt That
hat ese
rwpMh ienhi s had
cards
Theauth
orßight
t).
without H
He would beg leave to
e Gentlemanrespect.j'ewstaae3yp-s
teyi,vi rulelud wai d
leavee xer c ihisse
inform him that very the
reached future ays' names
tae trbil otayot nr
werev oul c':hod-t
character to posterit.,y.
were
the n
going
to commit his fame to
the planets.—(Loud
andamt ha
ufaect
dchghtorneeaeofl
cheers.)
we-
)t_nh
numerous
Amth aaen
trt piot
he
scee eat
wehi
aawn
sn,
who
laughter
posterity on the principle of relaxed protection:—
mhaenair.o)f
theßut d
ahneg
card advised
whicht Righthet Honourable
htcourse
was
whether of n. te t
fraught. His (Mr. Disraeli's) declaration
(GI le
en
at
Gentleman
whatever opinions, free trade,
were adTvcated in that House, hF, at would °p-
i protection tolenasotr,