The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-12 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 1846

The House of Lords did not sit yesterday.
The Commons met at Twelve o'clock.

Various railway Bills having been introduced, the
Order of the Day for the House resolving itself into a
Committee of Supply was read, on which, in answer to
a question from Mr. SHARXAN CRAWFORD, it was stated
by Sir J. GIARAM, that although the Govern-
ment did not intend to propose any measure
authorising the Poor-law authorities in Ireland to
grant out-door relief, yet full and ample arrangements
had been made to meet the danger of approaching i
famine, and that f, unfortunately, that calamity should
arise, the Government would not be taken by surpise.
A short discussion ensued, in which Mr. F. FRENCH,
SILLW,.OOI. CONNOLLY, and Mr. MOREERRALL
took part.

- The County Works (Ireland) Bill was read a second
time.
The Fisheries, Piers, and Harbours (Ireland) Bill was
committed.
Various returns were moved for, and ordered, and the
house adjourned.

The statements made by Lord GEORGE BErrrtxcx, yester. I
day, relative to bonded corn and the proposed reduction of
duty, merit the serious attention of the Government. His
Lordship seemed anxious that speculators and jobbers
should not be the first to obtain advantage, and an enormous
advantage too, from a boon intended by Sir ROBERT PEEL
for the manufacturing and labouring classes. It appeared,
said his Lordship, that there were in bond 944,548 qrs. of
wheat and 451,464 cwt. of dour. The operation of the pro-
posed measure would be, to reduce the duty from 16s
and the
. (at
which it stood, according to the last average,) to 45.,
whole of that bonded wheat would be entered for home
consumption at the low duty of 45., and the difference
would not be gained by the consumers, but by
the corn-dealers, thereby granting by Act of Parliament
a sum of about half a million sterling to a comparatively
small
number of individual,' All this comes of the sliding-
male, and this constant legislative interference with the
rood of
man ; but still it appears extremely unfair,
in fact, it holds
out
a,
premium on gambling, to al-
low such a 1
not according to the Ac mto be thus appropriated,
reference to which
the corn-dealers imported the grain, i"`
but one totally dif-
ferent. The parties who may ihuszoifiat by the change
can have no reason to complain,
be abia to devise Acme ply by which thehe Government
revenue shall

not suffer, and prosision be at the same time made` for an
ample supply of foreign grain. It would have been
satisfactory, therefore, had Lord G. Bzwrztcr: proposed
such a plan, instead of simply stating the grievance. Where
there is a will, however, there is a way, though we fear this
proverb may not be applicable to Mr. GouLnuax ; and we
think that some of the members of the Cabinet, with clearer
intellects than the Chancellor of the Exchequer, might
easily arrange matters to the satisfaction of the public.
The quantity of grain bonded up to a certain period
previous to which no grounds existed that wheat would be
admitted at 45., can be easily ascertained, and on that a
higher duty might be charged than en wheat imported
under different circumstances. In such a ease the corn-
dealers could complain of no unfair advantage being
taken of their position ; they would indeed suffer no
real injury, for it appears that large quantities
had been imported on speculation to pay the full duty
as fixed by the existing sliding-scale. In the month of
December alone not less than 8,097 qrs. of wheat and 2,177
cwt. of flour had been taken out of bond at the average
duty for that month. It has been argued, on the other
hand, that the public would be the sufferers, as the grain
in bond on the passing of the Bill would at once be
brought into the market. But that is not a sufficient reason.
Large quantities of wheat are pouring in for the purpose of
being at once taken out of bond when the duty is reduced.
Even from the United States alone an ample supply may be
expected before the discussions in the Commons and
Lords are brought to a close, and the Bill be-
comes law ; and neither the public nor the farmers
in the meantime would suffer. The revenue, too, by such a
plan, would be increased, and the Government, therefore,
could better afford a large grant for the relief of the starving
Irish. We were not disappointed in not finding any satis-
factory answer from the Chancellor of the Exchequer
to the application, for we expected none, and
the only explanation he gave was founded on error.
Lord G. Berernicx is an excellent calculator, like all those
successful on the turf, and we would bet ten to one in his
favour against the State financier. The case, as stated by
the former, was perfectly clear and intelligible, while the
latter mystified the subject in his usual manner, and would
not admit the argument that, because the duty on foreign
corn was 165., the corn now is bond would be brought
into market at 4s. "If his Noble Friend," continued
Mr. GOULBURN, " would look to the returns on the table
of the House, and would look to the periods at
which corn was imported, and the periods at which it
came into the market, he would find there.was a great deal of
importation under the sliding-scale, not for the purpose of
bringing in the corn jet the high duty which existed
when it was imported, but for the purpose of bringing it
in at a shilling duty when the prices would admit of the
importation of corn at. that duty." This is no an-
swer whatever, for corn is not to be admitted at is.
per quarter for three years to come, and the duty
till then is to be 4s. the quarter when wheat is at 535. and
upwards. Does the Chancellor of the Exchequer mean that
the corn-dealers will keep their wheat in bond for three years,
and lose one-half of it by waste, in order that they may im-
port it at a duty of is.? We agree with the more trusty
calculator, and have no doubt that they would throw it upon
the market at once.

A wonderful outcry has recently been raised among the
agricultural gentlemen] about the " unconstitutional " exer-
tions made by the Anti-Corn-law League. They have
swaggered very much about the virginity and the disin-
terested nature of their own cause ; continence of purpose has,
according to their account, added additional lustre to a ques-
tion originally pure and magnanimous. By action and by
utterance, they have bruited forth against that remarkable
body epithets but a single hair's breadth from being libellous.
They have, in fact, proceeded so far as to assert that it is
scarcely legal. But while they have indulged themselves
with these excusable ebullitions of malignity, they have
not been sparing in allusions the most flattering
to their own integrity. If we may repose implicit
credence in their insinuations, they were the most
barbarously treated, single-minded, generous, and up-
right characters in the universe. From all these eupho-
nious expressions of self-adulation, however, we can merely
discover one that is strictly and entirely applicable to them-
selves—they are, beyond a question, the most single-minded
of rational beings. But single-minded only, inasmuch as the
whole of their faculties are occupied by one superior and
exclusive object—self! Self-emolument, self perpetuation,
self-iniportance, and self- applause—as far as these particulars
are concerned they are marvellously single-minded indeed.
With reference to the candour of their proceedings
and their straightforward adherence to what is usually
considered "fair play," we must be permitted to utter a few
sentences of the most decided and complete dissensience.
Plentiful have the Neophytes of the New Bond-street mystery
become, and hence we are more particularly resolved upon
advancing a downright and unmistakeable negative to their
assumption of purity in motive and in movement. In the
recent efforts made by certain Right Hon. Members of the
Upper House, we conceive—and our estimate must necessa-
rily be corroborated by every right thinker that
one of the most comprehensive principles in the British Con-
stitution has been either voluntarily disregarded or altogether
lost sight of—namely, the non-interference of Peers in the
election of representatives. This, we repeat, is ono of the
most fundamental principles in our political state ; destroy it, •i
allow the oligarchy by their moral influence to tamper
with the freedom of county or borough elections,
and the Government by triple force—the Government by the
Monarch, the Nobility and the Commons—is subverted, and
transposed, and utterly annulled. By such a dangerous in-
terference the main vigour and efficacy of the State becomes
vested in the Peers . under such a species of party domina-
tion the representatives of the people become little better
than puppets. To point out the precise application of
these remarks, it will be sufficient in all conscience to parti-
cularise one or two of the numerous cases which have re-
cently occurred, wherein several Noble Lords have acted
a rather prominent and impolitic part. As these in-
stances have Severally been detailed in our columns
as they transpired, we need but mention the names of the
personages implicated. What, for example, could be more
apparent than the electioneering impulse thrown into the con-
stituency of Newark by his Grace of NEwcssTLE? At
Chichester, too, Lord HENRY LENNOX is a worthy automaton
for the wire-pulling of the Protectionist Association ; while
in the instance of that doomed and luckless borough
of Buckingham, the heir to the dukedom is a suit-
able creature for the dictation of a paternal land-
lord. The Marquis of CHAisnos will prove no undu-
tiful advocate of the spirit for the maintenance of
which he is thrust upon a credulous or overruled constituency.
It is assuredly not requisite to specify any further occur-
rences of a like nature : every one who has observed the
alternate retirements from the Commons, and nominations of

new candidates, must by absolute necessity have remarked
the influence—agitation, instituted at each of the vacated bo-
roughs by the self•appointed directors of the Protectionist
Association, and the ostensible manner in which the oligarchy
have been instrumental in the selection of such and such can-
didates—fit champions (we had almost said fit mercenaries)
of their most noble patrons. If these proceedings
are not totally and essentially unconstitutional, acts the
most subversive of the Executive authority are in accord-
ance with the principles of free government. The facts to
which we have made this especial allusion cannot
be too strongly objected to ; they are inimical to the
continuance of an admirably balanced state— they
are opposed to the grandest principles upon
which the English Constitution is founded—they are in
direct antagonism to freedom of thought and liberty of aotion,
and hence are liable to exercise a most malign influence
over the nation at large—an influence that will spread rapidly
unless rapidly destroyed.

An advertisement appeals in another column of a new life-
boat, the invention of a seaman, named WlLLt,t3r WlLLums,
who gives it the name of the " English Catamaran haft."
It is composed of sheet iron, capable of lying within four
points of the wind, and withstanding all weathers, cannot
by any accident capsize, can be managed by four men, and
can be made to save at each trip 100 souls without risk. It
can be taken to pieces for stowage, and can be put together
by any ship-carpenter in thirty minutes. The inventor is
anxious to raise a subscription for building a working model,
and we feel confident that in so truly national a cause funds
will not long be wanting.

Madrid journals of the 4th state that the discussion on the
new electoral law commenced that day in the Chamber of
Deputies. The general tenor of the Bill was approved, and
next day the articles were to be taken into consideration
separately; also an amendment, proposing that each Deputy
must possess landed property, the rent of which shall exceed
2001., or pay 201. direct contribution. The Ir.fante Don
HENniQuE had arrived at Ferrol.

On the Bourse the Three per Cents. closed at 32 9-16 for
cash, and 33 at 60 days, and the Fives at 23%, also GO days.

In the French Chamber of Deputies the Secret Service
Money Bill was presented on Monday by M. DUCHATEL, the
Minister of the Interior. This Bill, on former occasions, was
generally delayed for some months after the opening of the
session, and gave rise to keen debates. Indeed, it was con-
sidered as a test of party in the Chamber, but the Ministry
haying been so successful in the divisions on the Address,
consider it best to lose no time, and put matters beyond
doubt at once. This decision has given great offence to the
Opposition, as they looked forward to another protracted
debate some weeks hence, when circumstances unfavourable
to the Ministry might come to their aid. In introducing
the measure M. DUCJIATEL made these remarks :—" In
compliance with the Kraa's commands, we have come to
demand the extraordinary credit which the wants of the
service every year required for the expenses of the secret
police.
We have often assured you that this sum of 1,000,000
francs was scarcely sufficient. In more serious and difficult
circumstances, a larger sum would be necessary. The
credit constantly voted by the Chambers. since 1840
cannot be reduced witheoauttedi danger;
moved
ng
e amendment factdmeninthe
debates NYhich
rep
they, even, who have
debates on the secret mvoenreyy
service seem to have
feeble sums, the amendment
lodged. Confined
A
poear ago,lhe Bill we have now
supported by the 07positionlitaienadl rveojetoc,tedanbdyatildre
not
tambbeaerr
had the character of a
on the service itself. Y
againpolicy. We had,
decis our-
selves,decisive the honour of
provoke that debate. At pre-
sentpresenting to you gave rise to a
edede
to
ffirs does not impose upon us
ernbaedteitonnetcheessary
the general situation of a a
in
its
ensemble
Government's
' the same duty. You have just appreciated