The Sun.
London, England, 1846-12-26 00:00:00

S Ny DECEMBER 26, 1846.

SIXTH ARTICLE OF THE UNION.
(From the Leinster Express.)
At a recent sessions in the county of Monaghan, Mr.
flerculee Ellis applied to register a claimant for the
elective franchise, upon a 40s. freehold interest. The
101. qualification being the lowest recognised in this
country, under the Irish Reform Act, such an applica-
tion is quite novel ; but Mr. Ellis founded the right of
his client upon the Sixth Article of the Legislative
Union between Great Britain and Ireland, which pro-
voles that "the subjects of Great Britain and Ireland
•hould be entitled to the same privileges, and be on the
same footing, with respect to all righte and advantages et
home end abroad." Whether the " privileges" conferred
by the above enactment provide equal political rights
for the people of the United Kingdom, we must leave to
alien more learned in the law ; e e are, howevi r, dis-
posed to think-that the passage more directly refers to
the trade and commerce of the two countries, and upon
this point, our readers will recollect that we have upon
several occasions cited this very article of the Union, in
support of the claims of the Irish distillers, and similar
questions, wherein the traffic of this country has been
seriously obstructed. To Mr. Ellis must be awarded the
credit of having brought this important subject under
consideration, and we are informed that it is the inten-
tion of the learned gentleman, to submit the case to the
discussion of the House of Lords during the ensuing
session of Parliament.
It is strange if such a provision had been made at the
union, 47 years ago, that so little has been said of the
matter ; and we are inclined to think that the terms of
the sixth article are two vague and general to be made
applicable to Mr. Ellis's construction of its tendency. It
will be recollected, that a short time previous to the
Roman Catholic Emancipation Act, the 40s. qualifica•
tion was possessed by the Irish electors, and that a spe-
cific Act of Parliament—in the necessity of which, by
the way, no person more fully concurred than Mr.
O'Connell—disfranchised this class of our constituency ;
even subsequent to that period, in '32, the Legislature
passed a special Act upon the subject, and defined—al-
though very clumsily—the franchise under the Reform
Act. If there be any weight in Mr. Ellis's arguments,
it occurs to us that the Imperial Parliament had nopower
to make a distinction between any portion of the subjects
of the " United K,ingdem of Great Britain and Ireland,"
and if he can support this view of the question, all the
Acts which have been specially directed to Ireland, bear-
ing a singular tendency, must be rendered a dead letter
the laws relating to the Irish Church, in the reduction of
her bishops, and 25 per cent. of her income, must come
under the same clause, as well as the Corporation Act,
the Arms Act, the Marriage Act, and various others: in
short we might add, that the word ("Ireland ") invari-
ably inserted at the heading of every Bill, brought before
the Legislature, bearing reference to this country,
should be expunged, and thus every clause, from the
preamble to the conclusion, must be " left out."
Of course our observations merely apply to the ten-
dency of Mr. Ellis's arguments: with reference to their
law or justice, we do not at present offer any opinion,
further than a plain common sense view of the bearings
of the case; and so far as our judgment and experience
warrant us in the conviction, that as both countries are
circumstanced, there must be a distinction made in Acts
of Parliament in reference to their relative necessities.
We sincerely wish it were otherwise, and that " the
Union" could be established upon that basis which would
bind us equally in our several relations with the State.
In fact, there should not be any distinction, and we be-
lieve the day is not far distant when the same " privileges"
must be conferred upon all the people of the United
Kingdom. We are not disciples of that system of Rip Van
Winkleism which would retain " things as they are."
We cannot close our eyes to passing events, and the in-
fluences of the altered circumstances of the times, upon
society: we desire to qualify the people of this country
for every privilege which our liberal and enlightened
constitution confers, by inspiring a more exalted and
independent spirit amongst them, and by inciting them
to devote more attention to those industrial pursuits and
"arts of peace," which must best entitle them to the
exercise of those political privileges, which all who con-
tribute to the welfare of the State have an equal right to
enjoy. Of late years—particularly since the temperance
movement—it cannot be denied that the moral condition
of the Irish people—making allowance for those agrarian
offences incidental to the wretched condition of the pea-
santry, and the over-competition for land—may be com-
pared with advantage to the state of any country; and
it is this feeling, more than any other, which would
inspire us with confidence. Their social condition can
only be ameliorated by suitable exertions on the part of
those whose best interests are identified with the im-
provement of the country, aided by that mutual confi-
dence between the different classes, without which the
best efforts must prove fruitless.
Sir Robert Peel, in resigning his place as first Minis-
ter of the Crown, declared his conviction that this
country could no longer be successfully governed by
party influence, and he avowed his desire to legislate
for Ireland upon precisely the same principle as regards
the "privileges" of the people as for England and Scot-
land. Mr. Ellis's proposition is peculiarly calculated to
have those rights defined, and as the subject is likely to
engage the attention of the Legislature during the en-
suing session, we give the arguments advanced by the
Learned Gentleman, as reported in the Northern
Standard:—
Counsellor Ellis—To enforce my client's right to the
elective franchise, it will be necessary to establish the
four following propositions:—First, that the treaty of
the Union forms the written constitution, and supreme
laws of the country, revoking all opposing statutes;
second, that by the sixth article of Union, her Majesty's
subjects of Great Britain and Ireland are entitled to the
same privilege; third, that my client is the owner in fee.
and occupier of land in this county, of the yearly value
of forty shillings; fourth, that a similar owner and
occupier in England is entitled to the elective franchise.
The last two of these propositions I have proved by evi-
dence—the first two I shall endeavour to demonstrate by
argument. If I shall succeed in doing so it necessarily
follows, that my client is entitled to the elective franchise.
For, if a supreme law gives to the inhabitants of this
country, as their right, all privileges enjoyed by the
inhabitants of England, then is my client, by virtue of
his qualification as a forty-shilling freeholder in fee, en-
titled to the elective franchise in this country. My client's
right altogether depends upon the construction of the Act
of Union. I shall, therefore, be obliged to observe upon
the origin, nature and constitution of that Act. For some
time prior to the year 1800, no power on earth (to
use the words of the declaration of Irish rights) had
authority to bind the people of this country, except the
King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland. In that year a
treaty wss entered into and concluded, for the purpose of
uniting the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland into
one kingdom. This treaty is commonly called the Act
of Union. This instrument is not, however, a mere Act
of Parliament, but a treaty—it is so expressly termed in
the second paragraph of the fourth article, which runs
thus:—" That such Act as shall be passed to regulate the
mode by which the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and
the Commons to serve in the Parliament of the United
Kingdom shall be summoned and returned, shall be con-
sidered as forming part of the treaty of Union," No
other Act of Parliament is styled a treaty. What is the
meaning of the word treaty? It does not signify a law
enacted by a governing body, to bind its subjects, but it
means a compact entered into between co-ordinate and
sovereign powers, The co-ordinate and sovereign
powers who were parties to the treaty of Union were
the separate and independent Kingdoms of Great
Britain and Ireland, represented respectively by
the King, Lords, and Commons of each kingdom. The
treaty of Union commences with the following recital:—
" Whereas, in pursuance of his Majesty's most gracious
recommendation to the two Houses of Parliament in
Great Britain and Ireland respectively, to consider of
such measures as might best tend to strengthen and con-
solidate the connexion between the two kingdoms, the
two Houses of Parliament of Great Britain, and the
two Houses of Parliament of Ireland, have severally
agreed and resolved, that in order to promote and secure
the essential interests of Great Britain and Ireland,
and to consolidate the strength, power, and resources of
the British empire, it will be advisable to concur in such
measures as may best tend to unite the two kingdoms of
Great Britain and Ireland into one kingdom, in such
manner and on such terms and conditions as may be es-
tablished by the Acts of the respective Parliaments of
Great Britain and Ireland. And whereas, in further-
ance of the said resolution, both Houses of the said two
Parliaments respectively, have likewise agreed upon ceF-_
tain articles for effectuating and establishing the said
purposes in the tenor following." Immediately after
this recital, the treaty sets out the articles of union,
eight in number. These articles were first settled by
the Irish Parliament, and sent to England as the terms
and conditions upon which Ireland would consent to be
united to England. England accepted these conditions
with some slight alterations. Ireland agreed to these
alterations, and confirmed the articles so altered. The
articles of Union thus became matters of stipulation and
bargain between the two independent kingdoms of
Great Britain and Ireland. Great Britain solemnly
pledged herself to an exact observance of these terms
and conditions, and Ireland confiding in this solemn
pledge, consented to the union which she was at
that time fully competent to reject. These articles
contain a great number of covenants of a temporary
nature, which in certain events, or after a certain space
of time, the United Parliament was, by special provi-
sions, empowered to repeal. The covenants for the
alteration or repeal of which no provision is made in
the treaty of Union, aro shortly these:—The first ar-
ticle declares that the kingdoms of Great Britain and
Ireland shall be for ever united into one kingdom. The
second article settles the succession to the crown of
the United Kingdom. The third article declares that
the United Kingdom should be represented in one and
the same Parliament. The fourth article (together
with the Representation Act, which, as I have already
mentioned, formed a part of the treaty of Union), settled
the number of Lords and Commons who should sit
in the United Parliament, and the manner of their
election. The fifth article united the Established
Churches of England and Ireland, and declared that the
doctrine, worship, discipline, and government of
.the
united church should remain as they were at that tree
established for the Church of England; and also that the
Church of Scotland should be preserved as at that time
established. The sixth article declared that the sub
jects of Great Britain and Ireland should be en-
titled to the same privileges, and be on the same

footing, with respect to all rights and advantages
at home and abroad. Tho seventh article
declares that no article should be more highly
taxed in Ireland than in Great Britain. The eighth
article gives an appeal to the House of Lords—secures
the continuance of the Irish Court of Adtniralty—and
repeals all the laws that conflict with the treaty of Union.
Such is the entire of the treaty of Union, which still
ra-
mains in force. The solemn ratification of this treaty
by Great Britain and Ireland respectively is thus ex-
pressed in the words of the treaty:—" And whereas, the
said articles having, by address of the respective Hewes
of Parliament in Great Britain and Ireland, been humbly
laid before his Majesty, his Majesty has been graciously
pleased to approve the same, and to recommend it to his
two Houses of Parliament iu Great Britain and Ireland,
to consider of such measures as may be necessary for
giving effect to the said articles. In order the, efore to
give full effect and validity to the same, be it enacted by
the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the
advice and consent of the Loris Spiritual -and Temporal,
and Commons in the present Parliament assembled,
and by the authority of the same, that the said
foregoing recited articles, each and every one of them,
according to the true intent and tenor thereof, be
ratified, confirmed, and approved; and be, and they
are hereby declared to be, the articles of the union
of Great Britain and Ireland, and the same shall be
in force, and have effect fir ever from the first day of
January, which shall be in the year of our Lord 1801."
No words can be more full—no meaning more unequi-
vocal—no declaration more solemn than those contained
in this ratification. By it the two kingdoms of Great
Britain and Ireland solemnly covenanted with each other
and with every citizen of both countries, that so long as
the union existed, so long should the, terms and condi-
tions upon which that union was agreed to, be exactly
and faithfully fulfilled. By this ratification the kingdom
and people of Great Britain solemnly covenanted with
the kingdom and people of Ireland, that, although the
British Members of the United Parliament outnumbered
the Irish Members by five to cue, that majority, great
as it is, should be powerless to violate the articles of
union; and that the United Parliament should be compe-
tent to alter the articles of union only, in the manner
and at the time for that purpose limited and appointed
by the articles themselves. Competent is the very
word used for this purpose by the treaty itself. Thus,
in the seventh article, it is covenanted in these words—
" That if at any future day the separate debt of each
country respectively shall have been liquidated, or if
the values of their respective debts shall be to each
other in the same proportion with the respective
contribution of each country respectively, then
it shall be competent to the Parliament of the United
Kingdom to declare that all future expenses thence-
forth to be incurred shall be defrayed indiscriminately
by equal taxes, imposed on the same articles in each
country"—that is, that under certain circumstances the
otherwise unalterable nature of this part of the seventh
article shall be changed—that it shall, under such cir-
cumstances, become liable to alteration, and that the
United Parliament, before incompetent to alter this part
of the treaty of union, shall, by force and effect of this
special provision, then become competent to alter it. By
force and effect of this treaty, the Parliament of Ireland
ceased to exist, as did also that of Great Britain. The
Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland did not, there.
fore, attempt, in the year 1800, to bind their successors,
for successors, in the legal import of the term, they had
none ; both of these Parliaments were at that time ex-
tinguished, and a new Parliament was constituted, en-
titled the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland. The avowed object of the treaty
of Union was to supersede the old Legislatures of these
kingdoms, and substitute in their place a new form of
government : this, of itself imports legal obligation,
permanence, and uncontrollability by any laws but the
authority empowered by that treaty to alter or abolish
its enactments. By force and effect of the treaty of Union
alone was the United Parliament formed and consti-
tuted. The United Parliament has no prescriptive rights
in Ireland—no ancient prerogatives, which so often loom
larger than the-truth amid th gloom of antiquity. It is
the creature of the treaty of Union. That treaty is the
sole fountain of its power, the only legal source of its
anthority in Ireland; and if the treaty of Union be not in
full force in Ireland, the Parliament sitting in London
has no more right to legislate fur Ireland than the Con-
gress of America. Within that treaty the extent of the
powers of the united Parliament must be sought. By
the letter of that treaty is its jurisdiction marked out
and limited. The two sovereign kingdoms of Great
Britain and Ireland, by a great international compact,
united themselves. together, formed a new legislature,
and for ever bound by a supreme, unalterable, uncon-
trollable law, the legislature which they had themselves
created and constituted. The treaty of Union thus be-
came the written constitution of the empire, and-a law
of supreme paramount obligation, revoking all opposing
statut€ s—a law which the unitei Legislature, its crea-
ture, is altogether incompetent to violate or annul. When
I say this law is unalterable, I, of course, merely speak
as a lawyer. In the same way I should say that the
' succession to the Crown was settled by an unalterable
law. lam perfectly aware that in alt such cases there
exists, in the body of the people, a right in the last re-
sort to amend any law, if such a proceeding be necessary,
for the safety of the state. This implied resulting
power in the people, in all cases, to provide for their own
safety, however, is not a legal and regular course, it is an
illegal and violent one. It is the revolutionary remedy,
sometimes necessary and wholesome, but one which until
it has actually occurred, cannot be used as an argument
by counsel, nor as a reason by a judge, Notwitlistand-

ing, therefore, the existence of this extreme right, it my
argument be correct, I am justified in saying that the
treaty of union is a law revoking all opposing laws ;
that: every Act of the united Parliament is to be read
as if it contained a proviso, that nothing contained in it
should be construed to repeal or alter anything finally
settled by that treaty ; and that all statutes made in
violation of its provisions are, ipso facto, null and void.
My next proposition is simple in its terms and easy in
its proof—it is, that by the sixth article of the union,
her Majesty's subjects of Great Britain and Ireland are
entitled to the same privileges. The part of the treaty
of union upon which I rely to establish this proposition
is the first section of the sixth article, which is in the
following words :—" That it be the sixth article of
Union that his Majesty's subjects of Great Britain and
Ireland, shall, from and after the first day of January,
1801, be entitled to the same privileges—and be on the
same footing as to encouragements and bounties, on
the like articles being the growth, produce, or manufac•
ture of either country respectively—and generally in re-
spect of trade and navigation in all ports and places in
the United Kingdom and its dependencies—end that in
all treaties made by his Majesty, his heirs and succes-
sors, with any foreign Power, his Majesty's subjects of
Ireland shall have the same privileges and be on the
same footing as his Majesty's subjects of Great Britain."
This section recites four covenants entered into between
the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, four of those
terms or conditions, which the kingdom of Ireland sti-
pulated for as the price of its independence; they are, in
fact, four limitations to the power of the united Parlia-
ment, and set out four matters which the united Parlia-
ment shall for ever be incompetent to enact. The first
of these covenants is, " That from and after the first
day of January, 1801, his Majesty's subjects of Great
Britain and Ireland shall be entitled to the same privi-
leges," that is, that from the day on which the union
shall take effect, and so long as that union shall exist,
the inhabitants of each island shall have an inalienable,
incontestable, indestructible right and title to every pri-
vilege enjoyed by the inhabitants of the other. This
covenant mutually extended to each country all the pectic:
liar privileges at that time enjoyed by the other, and pro-
vided that at no future time should the United Kingdom
be competent to grant to the inhabitants of one island
any privilege which it did not at the same time grant to
the inhabitants of the other—nor, on the other hand, to
take from the inhabitants of one island any privilege
that it did not, at the same time, take from the
inhabitants of the other. The second covenant
is in reference to encouragements and bounties to
the produce and manufactures of the two islands.
This covenant declares that British and Irish
subjects shall, so long as the union exists, " be on the
same footing, as to encouragements and bounties on the
like articles, being the growth, produce, or manufacture
of either country respectively." By this covenant the
united Parliament is limited and rendered incompetent
to grant or take away any bounty or encouragement to
the manufacture or produce of one island, which it does
not, at the same time, grant or take away from that of
the other. The third covenant contained in this section
is in reference to trade and navigation. By this cove-
nant it is stipulated " That the inhabitants of Great
Britain and Ireland shall be on the same footing in re-
spect of trade and navigation, in all ports and places in
the United Kingdom and its dependencies." By this
covenant perfect equality in all matters connected with
trade, in all parts of the United Kingdom, is for ever
established between Great Britain and Ireland, and the
Parliament of the united empire is declared incompetent
to disturb that equality. The fourth covenant assures to
the inhabitants of both islands an equality in all advan-
tages derivable from treaties made between the united
empire and foreign powers. It declares that in all
treaties made by his Majesty, his heirs and successors,
with any foreign power, his Majesty's subjects of Ire-
land shall have the same privileges, and be on the same
footing as his Majesty's subjects of Great Britain. The
first three covenants contained in this section secure to
the inhabitants of Ireland, perfect equality with the in-
habitants of Great Britain, in all rights, privileges, and
advantages at home or in the colonies. The fourth co-
venant, which I have just read, secures to them a similar
equality, in all rights, privileges, and advantages, ac-
quired by treaties with foreign countries. The treaty
of Union does not contain any provision authorising the
slightest alteration in any one of these covenants.
These covenants, therefore, form portions of the written
constitution of the country, and are supreme unalterable
laws, revoking all opposing statutes. At home there-
fore, and abroad—in the British islands, and in the Bri-
tish colonies—in his native land, and in foreign countries
—perfect equality with Englishmen, in all civil rights,
benefits, privileges, and advantages, is the inalienable,
indestructible birthright of every Irishman. This
equality was the great political advantage for ages
sought for by Ireland—the great price agreed to be
paid for her legislative independence. This equality,
in the largest and most beneficial sense, is for ever
sees ,d to Ireland by the great international

-

/ '-- - - - ---
- - ----
--- -- -
-----_-.-- - ../
46-4azg---------1,,,-.
' compact and treaty of the Unioa‘‘:',weii-e,_ i.'',r-7_,..
--14464
as that union exists, never can that ittl94siii, .°-,, ; 7:--:Kt,
from Ireland except by arbitrary 0 ;,:nicLihr\ie :.:' "'..;1!"-- ._.
usurpation. By virtue of that right titgeitenl4•3*-iti-"°3,' rir
ternational compact and solemn trealp4eivalillikAefkk
that supreme, unalterable law, I now daps.client shall be admitti d to the enjoymeettWitllo-t-PitV:=Y:t"
, vileges of the elective franchise. I have proved ffiat fie
is the owner in fee of land in this ccunty, of the clear
yearly value of forty shillings. I have proved that a
similar owner in England is entitled to the elective
franchise. I now call upon you, Sir, in obedience to the
sixth article of the Union, to place him upon the registry
of this county. I admit that the Parliament of the
' United Kingdom has attempted to raise the lowest
qualification for the elective franchise in Ireland to 101.;
that is to make it five times greater than the lowest qua-
lification in England. I acknowledge that Parliament
has attempted to deprive the Irish forty-shilling free-
holders in fee of their elective franchise ; and thus to
take from her Majesty's Irish subjects a privilege
which still belongs to her Al,,jesty's En/fish
subjects. But that is the wry act the sixth article
of Union renders the Parliament incompetent to do.
The Act of Parliament attempting thus to violate the
articles of union is 1..7550 fircto null and void. My client's
right to the elective franchise stands precisely on the
same grounds On which the rights of the Parliament it-
self
stand. The same treaty that gives to the United •
Parliament each and every one of its rights over Ireland
gives also, um) flute, to my client his right to the elective
franchise. The Parliament can no more legally deprive
my client of his right to the elective franchise so long
as a similar right exists in England, than my client can
legally deprive the Parliament of its own peculiar rights.
I now demand that my client shall be placed in respect
of the elective franchise upon an eqUality with his Eng-
lish fellow• subjects, and be put in possession of his con-
stitutional right. For if the treaty of the Union be still
in force—if the pledge so solemnly given be not broken—.
if the terms and conditions granted to Ireland as the
price of the union be not withheld—if the supreme un-
alterable law be not violated, and the constitution of the
country trampled under foot—then is my client's right
to the elective franchise as perfect as that of the Sove-
reign to the throne. _
____

The Assistant-Barrister, in giving his decision, com-
plimented Mr. Ellis upon the able manner in which he
brought forward the claim: the arguments were quite
new, and in rejecting the application, he took a note of
the ease—Mr. Ellis being afforded the right to " ap-
peal."

THE RIVER PLATE.
The following is the minute signed by the Earl o-
Aberdeen, on which Mr. Hood acted in his recent mis-
sion to the River Plate. It does not differ in any mate-
rial respect from the summary of the propositions, as
published by the Monte Videan Government, in the
document which we translated a few weeks ago:—
" The Government of her Majesty the Queec of Great
Britain, and his Majesty the King of the French,
having had under their consideration the proposals made
by General Rosas to the Plenipotentiaries of the two
Powers, as a basis for the pacification of the Argentine
and Oriental Republics, dated the 26th of October, 1845,
notwithstanding they give to General Rosas full credit
for the anxiety which he expresses for the restoration of
peace, order, and a return of that friendly commercial
intercourse which has hitherto united both republics
with the Governments of England and France, regret
that they cannot accede to the proposals in their present
form; but the two Powers, having no separate or selfish
objects in view, and no other desire than to see the peace
and independence of the States of the River Plate, as
recognised by treaties, securely established, confiding
also in the desire expressed by General Rosas to co-
operate in the re-establishment •of tranquillity upon
principles of equity and justice, have agreed to the fol-
lowing propositions, in order to arrive at a perfect and
final adjustment of the present differences:--
" I. That General Rosas will unite and co-operate
with the two Powers in obtaining an immediate suspen-
sion of hostilities between the Oriental forces in the city
of Monte Video and those in the country.
" 2. That the armistice having been established, the
Plenipotentiaries of England and France will claim from
the Government in Monte Video the immediate disarm-
ing of the Foreign Legion, and of all other foreigners
bearing arms and forming the garrison of the city of
Monte Video, or who may be in arms in any other part
of the Oriental Republic.
" 3. That General Rosas will, simultaneously with the
execution of the preceding condition, cause the whole of
the Argentine troops, officers and soldiers, to be with-
draWn from every part of the Oriental territory.
" 4. Immediately after the Foreign Legion and the
other foreigners in Monte Video shall have been dis-
armed, and the Argentine troops withdrawn from the
Oriental Republic, the blockade of Buenos Ayres shall
be raised; the island of Martin Garcia shall be evacuated;
the Argentine vessels of war shall be returned, as far as
it is possible, in the same state as when detained; the
flag of the Republic saluted with 21 guns; and all mer-
chant vessels, with their cargoes shall, on both sides,
be given up to their original owners.
" 5. The navigation of the river Parana is admitted to
be inland navigation of the Argentine Confederation,
and subject only to its laws and regulations, so long as
the Republic continues to occupy both banks of the said
river.

' "6.1 t is freely acknowledged and admitted that the
Argentine Republic is in the unquestioned enjoyment
and exercise of every right. whelher of peace or war,
possessed by any independent nation ; and if the course
of events in the Oriental Re public has made it neces-
sary for the Allied Powers to interrupt for a time the
exercise of the belligerent rights of the Argentine Re-
public, it is fully admitted that the principles on which
they have acted would, under similar circumstances, have
been applicable either to Great Britain or France.
" 7. After the disarming of the foreign troops in Monte
Video shall have been effected, and the Argentine forces
shall have evacuated the Oriental territory, a new elec-
tion for the Presidency of the Oriental State shall take
place, according to the forms prescribed by the consti-
tution. This election shall be made freely and without
restraint from any side whatever. General Oribe shall
previously declare that he will abide by the result.
"8. A general and complete 'amnesty shall be declared,
with full security for life and property, and oblivion of
the past. The rights of foreigners shall be respected,
and their lawful claims, of whatever nature, admitted.
But this amnesty shall not prevent those Buenos 4yrean
emigrants, whose residence at Monte Video might give
just cause of complaint to the Government of
Buenos Ayres, and might compromise the good under-
standing between the two republics, from being removed,
according to their choice, to the nearest foreign port, or
else transferred under good escort from the places situ-
ated on the coast, or in the neighbourhood of the coast,
to any other place in the interior which they shall
select.
" 9. General Rosas and General Oribe having agreed
to the preceding articles, if the Government of Monte
Video should refuse to disband the foreign troops, and
in particular to disarm those who should form part of
the garrison of Monte Video, or should delay unneces-
sarily the execution of this measure, the Plenipotentia-
ries will declare that they have received orders to cease
all further intervention, and they consequently with-
draw, in the event of their recommendations and remon•
strances remaining withont effect.
'" In such case, however, they will, previously to re-
tiring, obtain from General Oribe the official promise of
a full and complete amnesty, as ahove stated, as well as
guarantees for the safety of the foreigners who inhabit
either the city or the country, under all future contin-
gencies which may arise.
" London, sth May, 1846.

" ABERDEEN.

MESSES. ROWNEY, DILLON, AND ROWNEY'S MO
DERN IMPROVEMENTS IN PENCILS.—We lately received
some blacklead drawing pencils from Messrs. Rowney,
Dillon, and Rowney, of Rathbone-place, of a very novel
character, being neatly and elegantly finished, and
which, on trial, proved vastly superior to those of the
old kind, notwithstanding their extremely low price. The
lead is so beautifully tempered as to retain a fine point
for a length of time, and sib° free from grit or danger
of breaking, the common faults of pencils of the present
day, while the process of finishing, which polishes the
cedar and stamps the makers's nave aid the degree of
the pencil in gold, is most ingenious, and reflects
great credit on the taste of the manure:-
turers. We took particular pains in tryst g
these pencils in every possible way, aad they
are such as completely to justify us in according them
the very highest praise. From an inspection of some
very beautiful drawings done with them, their full
superiority is made manifest. An evenness of tone, and
their freedom in handling, combined with the intense
depth of the softer degrees, point out their value over
the Cumberland lead pencils. The material from which
black lead pencils are manufactured is found in various
countries, as North America, Bohemia, the East Indies,
France, Spain, Guernsey, England, Ireland, and Scot-
land. And yet it is a curious fact that the lead
of each country differs most materially from that of
others, either in the form of crystallization or in the
substances found in combination with it. The Borrow-
dale mine, in Cumberland, has long been held in the
highest esteem, from the purity of the lead found in it;
and some idea may be formed of its value from the fact
of the manor of Borrowdale being, at the dissolu-
tion of the monastery, let by James for the
yearly rental of fifteen shillings and four-
pence, while, in 1804, the stock of black-
lead then on hand was valued at 54,0001., and the value
of the annual consumption stated to be 3,5001. This
amount which Afterwards greatly increased has latterly
proved too heavy a demand for the productive powers of
the mine ; and the immense falling off in the quality of
the produce has led many of the pencil manufacturers to
try various compositions as substitutes. Among other
inventions, a Mr. Brockeden, an artist of very consider-
able scientific acquirements, patented a method of com-
pressing lead-dust into a solid form, but this, however in-
genious in theory, has not answered in practice as we
found the pencils made from this lead to be exceedingly
rotten, and it is now scarcely made use of by any of the
pencil manufacturers. The failures of othgerrecsaothuercimmeisps in-
duced Messrs. Rowney, Dillon, and Rowney to investi-
gate this subject more fully, and, with the aid of Mr.
have
emas succeededß owne
ny ,
producingof
an article
a o
Collegef of
ance to the Fine Arts as well as of general utility toottrrhyte: public

COUNTY CounTs.—Last night's Gazette contains
an Order in Council for the division of the county of
Worcester into three districts, under the .6 Act t?
amend the law respecting the office of County Coroner. '
The districts to be styled the North, Middle, and South
districts.

The Duke of Wellington does not receive any
company this Christmas at Strathfieldgaye, owing to the
indisposition of his friend the Right Honourable Charles
Arbuthnot, who continues confined to his room, from a
severe attack of gout. Lord and Lady Charles Welles.
ley are staying with the Noble and Gallant Duke.