The Sun.
London, England, 1848-04-25 00:00:00

btniag

LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 25, 1848.

Precarious as the destinies of Schleswig still con-
tinue to be, the right of Den mark to the allegiance
of its population no longer remains undecided. Talk
as the imaginative professors of Germany may about
the reclamation of that duchy to the Confederation,
about the consolidation of the nationality of their
fatherland, and, above all, about the infringement of
what they are pleased to call the constitutional rights
of the Holsteiners—Europe is not going to be hood-
winked by a few sophistical platitudes, or bamboozled
by the figments of a peculative coalition. History
speaks—Time speaks—Usage speaks—the races and
generations of the continent all speak as to the poli-
tical dependence of Schleswig upon the insular and
Peninsular power exercised by the Oldenburg
dynasty. From those unanimous Oracles of
Truth may be obtained the knowledge which
reveals the criminality of the pretensions raised by
Holstein, and through Holstein by the aggregate
government of the Germanic Confederation. The
distinguished character of Chevalier BUNSEN cannot
ne neither
alter the position of the question an
language
uissue; ith
can the reported violence
of til
eruditiong aoge f G of o
RUNRER
or the most specious
LEHmANN; or theou ingeniousaruments of the most scholarly
s g
politicians of Berlin. There the facts are—visible—
undeniable—indestructable. Let who will gain-ay
those facts—there they will remain, carved upon the
the reiterated strokes of an-
map of Europe by
tiquity. So long as the Eider rolls from the
direction of the Baltic to the billows
of the German Ocean, so long will the as-
sociation of the Schleswigers and
the Danes
in one common nationality remain indisputable.ad
When the boundaries of the empire of C.EsAlt,
the limits cf the one, obedient to the sceptre ofand
thethe
Carlovingian race are forgotten, then the iniquitous
claims of Holstein may be recognised, and the
maritime dreams of Germany be realised. Never
till then. Never at least without the violation of a
right sanctified by centuries, and the maintenance
of which right was successively guaranteed by Eng-
land in the treaty of Gotha, and by France in the
peace of PredPrickqadt.
L'eture the question can e very aceunitely
comprehended, it is essential thabt the precise extent
and character of the Danish kingdom should be com-

prehended. That kingdom, it will be remembered, '
comprises a considerable group of islands, situated at
the entrance of the Baltic, upon the larger of which
stands the capital city of Copenhagen ; of the ancient
possession of Jutland, the lower extremity of which
is the Scandinavian Duchy of Schleswig; and of
Holstein—a German Duchy contra-distinguished
from Denmark Proper, owing obedience to the last
descendant of the Oldenburg dynasty, simply in his
Ducal character, and totally irrespective of his regal
eminence, and entitling the Sovereign of Denmark as
Duke of Holstein to a proportionate influence in
the government of the Germanic Confederation.
Those were the constituent parts of Denmark as de-
finitively determined by the treaty signed in 1815 at
Vienna. Any interference with that arrangement
would be a solemn and unjustifiable attack upon one
of the most ancient constitutional edifices in Christ-
endom. It would be not only an infringement of the
decisions of Vienna, but of the older resolutions of
Gotha and of Frederickstadt. If, moreover, such an
interference as the one adventured upon by the Duke
of AUGUSTENDIJEG would be odious under any cir-
cumstances, it must be regarded as of a character in-
describably infamous at a juncture in Danish history
such as the one which witnessed its commencement.
What was that juncture ? It was this. To-
wards the beginning of the present year,
FREDERICK, the King, succeeded to the diadem of
Denmark. As Crown Prince he had long cherished
a determination to ameliorate the social and political
institutions of his country so soon as the supreme
power should have become concentrated in his grasp.
With a population of 1,500,000 in Denmark Proper,
and scarcely 800,000 in the Two Duchies, the Scan-
dinavian Duchy of Schleswig, and the German duchy
of Holstein, the newly-crowned SOVEREIGN an-
nounced to the nation the establishment of a Free
Constitution. In the Representative Chamber of
this liberal Legislature FREDERICK decided that an
equal number of deputies should be returned by Den-
mark Proper, and by the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein
notwithstanding the extraordinary disparity of the
number of their inhabitants. Immediately, however,
after the proclamation of this projected Constitution,
the Holsteiners intimated their distaste for any such
incorporation with the integral portions of Denmark.
Thereupon the Monarch yielded to the sentiments
expressed by his German subjects in Holstein, and
restricted the operation of his previous ordinances to
the Scandinavian duchy of Schleswig and the
other portions of the Danish kingdom. Out
of that magnanimous concession has arisen all
the distraction of the present movement. Instead
of gratitude, King FREDERICK has encountered
only insurrection, and beyond the immediate
troubles of invasion, he already recognizes the
destruction of dismemberment. Against those perils,
however, be is able to raise a barrier of insurmount-
able obstacles—the loyalty, the valour, the devotion,
andch a rtahe c
over
ev ere nrotfhhusim of h
his
is aodspopmo
dominions
not
tns
se
;a Danes
s,ias ;
imm an:
ietthe imp
ai
ms
uer apbole eegrn;able
superi-
ority
the
etsrnal sanctity of his cause; the daring of France;
and the conscience of England.

The threatened demonstration of yesterday has
passed over as quietly as its more pretentious prede-
cessor. Another petition has been drawn up, an-
other procession organized, another Monday has
passed by, and London is still at peace, and the
Crown and Government secure and this not
through the agency of the Security Bill. Let us
hope we have had an end of such proceedings, which,
so far from aiding the popular cause, only tend to
throw discredit upon the practice of petitioning, and
are most derogatory to the dignity of the people.
There is much, in all sorrow and seriousness, we
must admit there is much, very much that requires
reform and remedy in the social condition of the
English nation, or rather of those " two nations"
into which the people of this country are divided.
There is much to remedy, but this remedy must be
sought by other means than fictitious petitions,
placarded vans, and perambulating mobs. Such
puerile proceedings only throw ridicule upon a holy
cause, and in consequence disgrace all who take part
in them. But let them pass. We have no satisfac-
tion in dwelling upon them ; rather would we con-
sider some more appropriate and more feasible means
of ameliorating the condition of the lower classes of
this country. They need amelioration Heaven knows.
As an evidence of their necessity, in one individual
particular, we may cite a document recently pub-
lished by Government, in which is set forth the
number of persons taken into custody by the metro •
politan police in the year 1847, with a comparative
statement from 1831 to 1847. This document adds
another proof to the thousands already ad-
duced to prove in how remarkable a man-
ner ignorance is the companion and cause
of crime. From these tables it appears, that of
forty-one thousand men who had infringed the laws,
thirteen thousand were totally ignorant, while only
one hundred and fifty could read and write well ;
while of twenty thousand five hundred female
offenders nine thousand could neither read nor write,
and only fourteen could read and write well. This,
as we have said, merely refers to one particular neces-
sity of the English poor, but that a most vital necessity
—education. What an awful and unnatural state of
things—perhaps one of the necessary accompaniments
of civilized society, though certainly no mark of
civilization—is that in which prisons abound and
schools are wanting, and where the guardianship of
the young is consigned, not to the pastor and teacher,
but to the police and the gaoler ! Such, however, to
a great extent, at least, is the lamentable condition
of this country—a condition which has certainly
been somewhat ameliorated of late years, but which
has still considerable need of further improvement.
Perhaps the recent movement, or projected movement,
on the part of the populace may be in some degree
beneficial, by directing attention to the real condition
and real necessities of the people. Theoretically that
condition has been long:since known, those necessities
have, been canvassed, and their fitting remedies dis-
cussed. But what we now want is some practical benefit.
It is not an abstract essay upon the " rights of man,"
and neither, perhaps, a projected extension of the
suffrage, that would actually improve the condition
of the public. Political reforms are, without doubt,
required, and would be advisable, but social reforms
are imperatively needed. One of the recently con-
stituted special constables has indited a letter to his
brother officers and fellow-countrymen in general
upon the recent occasion of these constables "being
called out to keep the peace." This special constable
happens to be the author of a deservedly popular little
work, entitled " The Claims of Labour," and conse-
quently his remarks on such an occasion are worthy
of attention. And they are worthy of attention,
moreover, as being of that practical character to
which we have just alluded. It is true there are
many of his reflections (of a somewhat Conservative
cast) to which we cannot ; entirely agree ;
yet the pamphlet, on the whole, contains some
salutary advice. Speaking 'of that attractive but
delusive word "equality," the writer of this letter
asks, "As to equality what does it mean ? Civil
equality ! we have got it." This is one of the asser-
tions from which we beg leave to differ, but the re-
marks which follow contain much truth. He pro-
ceeds—" Social equality 1" Which of us ever met his
equal? Indeed to the same man in the same day I
am lord and servant; now instructor, now pupil.
Life is an interchange of dependencies." One of the
practical means suggested by the author of the
Claims of Labour" for ameliorating the condition of
the poor, is abetter fulfilment of the duties of employers
towards the employed. "That," says he, "which all
the wise books and articles in newspapers cannot do,
kind words, considerate dealing, and friendly inter-
course will do. This," he adds, " does not seem a
grand remedy—l believe a true one seldom does."
The following remarks are worthy of attention, for
their truth is unquestionable :—" No one who has
studied the life of the poorer classes will pretend to say
that their present means would not allow of
their being raised many degrees in thought, refine-
ment, and enjoyment. If they were so raised, we
might say to revolutions—revolve if you like ; in
your course you will bring nothing uppermost which
we should much fear to see. It will be said that for
the present difficulty all such small things as I have
suggested are too late. Quackery always promises
great things to be effected lansho)rbe a
short times,
tes;:in ptre-
kilets buOdeu cilangeb• i,iu ie v
of
death to-dgy, and quite well to-morrow. Ages will
pass, and the world will continue to believe that all