The Sun.
London, England, 1846-09-05 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY NI 1 S Ny SEPTEMBER 5, 1846.

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deeds, in their blessed consequences, will not be found
to be " of the things which pass away."
I am, dear Sir, yours very truly,
Ell ENEZ ER ELLIOTT.
EDWARD SMITH, Esq., the Vice-President, next rose
and read the report of the Free-trade Association:—
" THE FINAL REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE
SHEFFIELD FREE TRADE ASSOCIATION.
"On former occasions we have met to keep alive our
hopes, to note the progress of our cause, or to devise
new and liberal measures for its promoti( n. We now
meet for the last time, but we meet to congratulate
each other that the principles of tree trade have pre-
vailed. That their opponents have become their Mi-
nisters, that every statesman has acknowledged them
to be true and just—that they have received the au-
thority of law, and that therefore our labours have
ceased. We shall not weary you with a retrospect of
the past history of this Association. The leading facts
are too well known to need recapitulation. Some
among us are the converts of the League, but there
are many of us who, before the League was formed,
before Colonel Thompson, Wrote his Corn-law Cate-
chism, or Ebenezer Elliott his Corn-law Rhymes,
from the time the food monopoly assumed its most
odious form in the law of 1815, have cherished an un-
dying hostility to the system, from the conviction that
it was highly injurious to the welfare of our country.
By the kindness of Providence, great men have been
raised up to accomplish its overthrow—the object hes
been pursued with unparelleled constancy, sagacity, and
zeal,—with a liberality, which, if it was not most wise,
would have been prodigal. We believe that the tree of
monopoly is not merely cut down, but uprooted, and
therefore we recommend that this association, following
the example of the League, be now conditionally dis-
solved; but if it shall hereafter be seen that any fibres
of the old root retain their vitality, if one shoot should
re-appear above the surface of the ground, then we shall
call upon you to resume your labours, and complete
your task by its utter eradication. And now, as a Free
Trade Association, we bid you farewell. We commend
to your sense of justice ,the_great leaders under whose
guidance we have reacbid this high consummation. You
will retire, we trust, to no inglorious ease, other fields of
labour for the good of your kind now claim your atten-
tion; to the moral, the intellectual, and the physical im-
provement of your countrymen you will now turn your
thoughts, your exertions, and your prayers."
lie afterwards alluded to the time when the association
was formed five years ago, and the progress it had since
made, until now, that its labours were brought to a
close. The League had been formed only for commer-
cial
reform; and so soon as that was obtained, as a
necessary consequence it fell to pieces. The men who
composed it, however, still remained, and they would
probably turn their attention to other subjects. They
must not forget, at the same time, to whom they were
indebted for what they had received—their early leaders,
foremost of whom was Colonel Thompson, who he was
happy to see present this evening.—(Cheers.) It would
be bad taste in him (Mr. Smith) to occupy the time of
the meeting just now, and be would therefore simply
move the resolution, leaving it to others to second and
support it. Mr. Smith accordingly moved the resolu-
tion, which was seconded by Edward Vickers, Esq.
Lord MORPETH, M.P., was introduced by the Chair-
man, and on presenting himself was received by loud
and often continued plaudits—the company rising,
waving their handkerchiefs, and renewing their applause
at several intervals. His Lordship, on silence being
obtained, spoke as follows :—Mr. Chairman, Ladies and
Gentlemen, I will confess to you that even placed
as I am, surrounded as I am, welcomed as I am. it
would not have been my first impulse at the end of a
very long and laborious session of Parliament—after
having myself during the progress of that session, gone
through two elections—it would not have been my first
impulse to have met you under a roof, and to have
come to make and to listen to speeches in a closed
apartment. I would rather have betaken myself—or
rather I should have been tempted to betake myself to
those woods and forests—(Laughter)—which are sup-
posed to be officially assigned to me.—(Cheers.) But
when I reflected on the uniform consideration and kind-
ness I have ever experienced in the town and neighbour-
hood of Sheffield, and the undeviating support which
has upon all occasions been given to me during my
connexion with the West Riding of Yorkshire-1--(Hear)

_
—upon the struggle, and (as far as Sheffield is con-
cerned) the successful struggle which you made even in
the hour of defeat—when I reflect further, that at the
two last elections yc,u were kind enough to dispense
with my personal attendance among you, but gene-
rously renewed your confidence and support without my
having appeared in the usual manner to claim it at your
hands—when I reflect further on the occasion which
now brings us together, upon the stake which Sheffield
has in that great question, the history of which seems
now to be completed, and of the part she has borne
in every part of the mighty struggle I felt
that I could not occupy the first moment of our recess
better than by coming among you, and here, in the heart
of Sheffield, joining you i❑ the office of ringing the knell
of the departed corn-law, and offering a benediction
round the cradle of free trade.—(Loud cheer ). The
resolution which has been moved and seconded brings
before you two different administrations, and the names
of the respective leaders of the two great parties in the
state. Any one who has bestowed any attention upon
what has been said will be aware that I for one have
never failed in €i►•ing the fell weed of just praise to Sir
Robert Peel for the part he has borne in the settlement
of the corn law. He himself, in the last speech he made
as a Minister of the Crown, paid a great and emphatic,
but no more emphatic or great than just, tribute to the
paramount claims of Richard Cobden.—(Loud cheers.)
And I feel that Richard Cobden himself would be the
last man who would deny the credit which is justly at-
tached, in connexion with the history and downfal of the
corn law, to Sir Robert Peel.—(Hear, hear, and loud
cheers.) I feel that I ought not, in the position I now
occupy, to endeavour to assign the degree of credit which
may attach to the party in the state with which lam
connected, or to the Ministry of which I have the honour
to be a member.—(Loud cheers.) What is more to
the purpose is to remember how incumbent it is upon
that Ministry to bear in mind what has been the course

_ -
it has hitherto pursued, and what the principles which
have entitled us to succeed to that high position. And
I trust that the Government of Lord John Russell, con-

formably with the spirit of that resolution, will feel that
throughout all the domain of free trade, their part is not
only to carry out, but to improve upon what has been
done.—(Loud cheers.) There is indet d one lesson which
our excellent chairman has given us, which, for my part,
I should be the last to disclaim. He has told us that

the great duty of governments is to let the people alone.
Now, feelinglow much more they have,always done, and
done so well, I am quite content to take the injunction
of my friend near me, and I wish it could be taken up
by half the world besides—to let them alone, and let
them manage their own business, which they can do
better than with the help of meddling governments and
legislatures.—(Hear, hear.) However, in managing the
complicated affairs of a country like this, there will al-
ways be plenty for its administration to do ; and I hope
the experience of the last great struggle, and the know-
ledge of the difficulties we have overcome, will show to
us that there is scarely a difficulty, when met in a
right spirit, which may not be overcome when fairly
confronted and honestly grappled with. And in this
spirit I hope the Administration which now enjoys the
confidence of the Crown will be able to reap many noble
gleanings in the field of human progress.—(Loud
.cheers.)
There is one consideration adverted to by your chairman,
whilst it tends in some degree to damp the exhiliration
and to suspend the satisfaction with which we should
be otherwise disposed to hail the past triumphs of free
trade policy, and to enervate its coming trophies, yet if
rightly considered, at the same time embraces the value
of that principle which has been embodied in the recent
measures of the Legislature, and ought to make us more
satisfied than ever that it has now given it a permanent
sanction. The consideration I mean is that which I fear
is too correctly stated in the recent speech of her Ma-
jesty from the throne—the disease in the potato crop.
But, lamentable as the presence of this evil is—fearfulas
the prospects are which it may open before us, yet we
ought to feel grateful that we have already done all
which pertains to human knowledge and legislatures to
break the shock, and to counteract the mischief.—
(Hear, hear.) The mysteries of nature which we cannot
read ; the decrees of Providence which we cannot con-
trol, seem to proclaim to us that at present at least
there will be a large deficiency in an ordinary and very
general article of human subsistence. But at last our
ports will no longer be subject to an uncertain and
capricious sliding-scale, which must have practically
shut them on the importation of wheat, oats, beans,
barley, maize, and other grain. At last articles of
human food will be admitted free of duty under all
circumstances. And does not this dark and myste-
themselves,twho,aeien sthae
rious evil, which now seems to be spreading over vast
nwith
earlieri
tth the
e somethingf
ad
ri smc
formers'
rs s-
tracts of country, seem to bring something in the spirit
privations of 'their
sions of the present. session,. without, I am sure, any
y
; and to those who have
cilinoictueennpttrriyoenmmaetntotirydeeelatelvitlyjg,ttolinwdluthlgethien sarcastic references
of a solemn rebuk:ertmeittlatipn.sge
tables of our provinces with dismal lamentations over
the good old days of bygone
imaginary
protection ? I fear that
to the malady
filli thethe potatoesmar.ket
been lately
I am presenting to you no picture when I
say that if such measures are not taken, especially in
the sister country .
of Ireland—as I know are about
being taken—multitudes run the risk of famine.
The most inveterate protectionist will tell you that he
is as ready as any one to meet the pressure of any im-
mediate evil, and that if the natural operations of their
loved sliding-scale had not of itself reduced prices, in
such a state of affairs they would have been ready in
the face of famine to throw all the ports open. But
we tell them that that is not enough—small thanks to
you, that the sharp cry of a people's famine will be
strong enough to sweep away every obstacle ; but what
we
want to proclaim is that in every year, in every sea-
son, in every state of the weather, the ports of Britain
shall be open.—(Loud cheers.) '.Therefore plough now
your fields, and wastes, and prairies ; cut down your
forests ; grub up the roots of your trees ; sow wheat,
and maize. and barley, and oats, and beans, and peas,—
load all your boats and barges on your seas and rivers,
the Baltic, the Don, the Hudson, and the Mississippi,—
come when they may, and from whence they may, for
the ports of England shall be open to them, and no man
shall stop them.—(Loud cheers.) The manufacturers and
workmen of busy England *hall open their paputhe wide

for all this abundance, and no man shall stay it.—
(Cheers.) And this it is mainly which makes me re-
joice that the people and the Parliament of my country
have given a complete, an irresistible, an eternal sanction
to the principles of free trade, and to reverse which I
believe will be a far harder task than to remove the
pyramids or to stop the downfal of Niagra.—(Cheers.)
And I have the sanction of your chairman and of this
meeting, that if such an attempt should be made, the
free-traders of Sheffield will do their best to stop it and
to put it down —(Hear, hear.) But then it is the fashion
for the defeated and disappointed to deprecate and dis-
parage the principles which they have been unable to
arrest, and which they are powerless to change. And
therefore it is that we hear some of that party talking
with infinite scorn of its being supposed to be a right
thing in a commercial country to lay down the rule that
you are to buy in the cheapest and to sell in the dearest
market. Now I certainly cannot see anythng igno-
minious in such a maxim. On the contrary, it seems to
me that if we should act in any other way it would be to
act in despite of every-day prudence and of plain common
sense. But Ido nut stop here, for I would ask whether
buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest market
is not the only course which can enable the individuals
who practise it, or the nations, which are formed of such
individuals, to put a larger surplus into their pockets
than if they had bought in a market less cheap, or sold
in a market less dear? To put a surplus in one's pocket
—" Oh, what a low idea," it will be said.—(A laugh.)
How very unlike the days of chivalry—how very unlike
the days of Archbishop Laud, the eavesdropper. But
this practice of putting a larger surplus into your pocket,
paltry as it may seem, what does it represent? It repre-
sents the power, in the first instance, of having a larger
meal, a rasher of bacon, or a jug of milk, when these
things, under other circumstances, would have been
forbidden luxuries. It represents the power of having
better furniture in your houses and lodgings, of mend-
ing your broken panes of glass, and of stopping the
holes in your roofs to keep out the-cold and rain, when
under other circumstances it would have been a sort
of waste to do so. It represents getting better clothes
for your children, which will enable Sou to take them
to church or to meeting, or to walk out on a Sunday
afternoon, or to send them to school to receive the bene-
fits of a good education.—(Hear.) It represents, as you
rise still higher in the social scale, a choicer collection of
books upon your library shelves, or more favourite prints
and pictures upon your parlour walls. And it represents
the power, without having recourse to additional taxa-
tion, of providing better security for the wars of our na-
tive land. It will enable your Member, Mr. Ward, not
to increase the navy estimates, without calling on your
other Member, Mr. Parker, to devise a fresh tax for this
already heavily-taxed people.—(Cheers.) It will also
represent additional comforts for your soldiers and
sailors; it will provide new sources of recreation for your
labourers and mechanics, by opening public walks and
galleries, supplying them with the sight of works of
art, and with the exhibition of works of science. It
will make the nation at large, not only more wealthy in
the lowest and grossest sense of the town, but more bril-
liant, more refined, more benevolent.—(Loud cheers.) In
short, it is the talent which, put out to interest, will make
its possessor wealthy, and worthy to rule over ten cities.
In the measures lately adopted we have, of course, mainly
sought our own good as a nation. But other nations will
see what we have done, and will copy us, for their own
good.—(Hear.) The more you establish and extend the
benefits of tree trade, the greater security there is for a
good understanding and the harmony of nations. Talk
of buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest
market being a low and paltry maxim, why it is to se-
cure that cheapness and to acquire that dearness that
nations will be brought to see the guilt of war.—(Hear,
and cheers.) No sooner has this country, in her impe-
rial Legislature, given lofty utterance to the doctrines of
free trade, but already we hear the echo across the At-
lantic. Even Russia is contracting the giant limbs of
her prohibitive system; Sardinia and Sicily are also
giving in to that maxim of law and prudence; and even
the Pope of Rome has become the promoter of railways,
and I hope he will end by becoming a sound commercial
reformer.—(Hear, and cheers.) And fate whispers that
we are beginning to instil these principles into the
hitherto closed ears of Germany and the Rhine. Our
charmer charms too wisely for parties to stop their ears;
and I look forward to the day when the sword will drop
from the hand of the soldier, and the red artillery shall
quench its murderous flashes.—(Hear.) And now I
hope you will go with me in saying that this derided
maxim of buying in the cheapest and selling in the
dearest market, besides the immediate benefits it confers,
must tend to the sublimity, the charity, and the blessed-
ness of peace.—(Loud cheers, during which his Lord-
ship sat down.)
JOHN PARKER, Esq., M.P., was sure that the meeting
would think, from the speech which they had just heard,
that the Noble Lord had made a very recent incursion
from the woods and forests, and happy was it for them that
he had carried into that district all that poetry of nature
and truthful portraiture in the speech which he had just
made. But as he (Mr. Parker) had not the advantage
of presiding in so poetical a region, he had no occasion
to dwell upon those beauties, or to enter at all into the
question of woods and forests. They must be content to
hear his humble views advocated in common and prosaic
English, and showing the triumph which truth had
gained over prejudice and error. They had very pro-
perly put upon one of their banners, " Time works
wonders"—that was an undoubted truth ; -but he would
ask which of them in the course of a few years would
look back to anything compared with the magnitude of
the struggle that that great commemoration bad con-
summated, or could have thought that they should have
met at that period to speak no longer of the law as it
exists, but which was obliterated, and gone to that place

from which he hoped it never would return. Some-time
ago the persons who entertained these views were not
many. Col. Thompson had certainly given the country
some sound opinions, which he had taken from Adam
Smith, who had lived before him, and illustrious writers
who had gone before their time, and had constituted the
age in which they lived by their discoveries. But the prin-
ciples of commercial freedom, though popular here
some few years ago, were inadequately understood,
and it was not until the mind of the nation had had
the stirring events of late years applied to it, that they
saw before them the reality of this question in all its
importance. They had industry enough to deal with
these monopolies as they had been dealt with. He re-
membered well when this question was first raised in
Sheffield. He remembered, in 1840, when the ques-
tion first took a formidable position, he took the liberty

of asking some friends as to the great difference between
this question and others which had been easily carried.
He contrasted this question with the slavery question
and the reform in Parliament. In slavery there was
none to oppose them but the planters, while in the
abolition of boroughs, there was none but a power-
ful aristocracy and a powerful party in those bo-
roughs—but there was a mighty majority in the
nation. Now in the question of the corn-law matters
were in a different position, because they had not only
the great proprietors, but also the small landed pro-
prietors against them in the three kingdoms. He
therefore saw from the first that it would be a
severe struggle, and therefore they ought to thank
those who had shared in the struggle, and whose
services could never be sufficiently appreciated. The
corn-laws were now, he believed, settled for ever.
But if Mr. Fisher's doctrine of letting things alone had
been applied some ten years ago to the corn-law, they
would have been in a different position. He meant
letting things alone when they were in a natural and
inartificial state. He wanted to clear away these in-
jurious laws, and then, when the coast was clear, let
things alone. He trusted it would be the maxim of
every future Minister who should conduct the affairs of
this country. There was another victory not less im-
portant than that of corn, he meant sugar. It was emi-
nently useful and desirable that when the corn-law was
settled. and before lassitude came over the public mind,
the Government should address themselves to the sugar
question. They did so, and taking advantage of cir-
cumstances within their reach, they had succeeded, he
hoped, in settling that most difficult and perplexing
question, and putting sugar as well as corn upon the
principles of free trade.—(Cheers.) He must say, with
respect to this great achievement and victory of free
trade, he could not pourtray its results in such lan-
guage as they had heard from his Noble Friend, but
all must see that it was in point of fact the necessary
result that when that cloud in the west appeared,
frightening statesmen from their propriety, and alarm-
ing every lover of peace and good order—(Hear, hear)—
when there were rumours and reports as to the possi-
bility of our friendly connexions with America being in
jeopardy, they must see that if this great question of
free trade had not intervened there would have been
little hope of these dangers being averted ; but they were
now holding out the olive-branch of peace and the right
hand of fellowship. They could rejoice that the quarrel
was over, without having recourse to the department of
his Honourable Friend, or to to his own department, to
maintain the dignity of England. He was happy to see
Colonel Thompson present, one of the great veterans
and champions in the cause. During the fourteen years
which he had had the honour of a seat in Parliarnentffrom
whatever side the question had come, his vote had always
been recorded on the side of free trade.—(hear, hear.)
He had voted with Colonel Thompson when perhaps
not more than a score were with them ; with Lord Mor•
peth, when the votes did not reach 100 ; and with Mr.
Cobden, since he had taken the command of that great
cause. He had not expected that for some years they
would have obtained that great victory ; but it should
teach them that where a mighty nation and an intelligent
people employed their minds and energies in the right
way, without mixing the question up with party objects,
looking only to truth, that power is irresistible. He hoped to
see in future the absence of that vindictive and party
feeling by which the affairs of the country had been too
much agitated. He hoped to see a prospect of some
armistice and lull of party warfare. The result of the
struggle must impress them with the truth that there
were means in store for carrying out great social results.
It taught him—and he hoped it would teach all—that if
they had but steadiness and industry, honour and ho-
nesty, they would have the support of nations, and be,
as we were—victorious. (Mr. Parker sat down loudly
cheered.)
Mr. WARD, on rising, was received with: long and
loud cheering, which lasted some minutes. After it had
subsided, he said, that if he had looked only to personal
feelings and circumstances, he should have preferred to
meet that company at a future period. He had, how-
trrer, felt it to be his duty to do so, and had accordingly

PRICE SD.

come amongst his old friends. He wished to remind
them that it was not a convivial meeting, but one to
celebrate an important operation in our history
—and to pay respect to that company without disre-
spect to others. He felt that he had a difficult task
lo
Ithto aoedr dflofeol
irwoft hthri
pint
°het
sohoos
me
ml
little
ndlwhoe
tattt
oaohkr had preceded
upon
pa
aonnn, itparticularlynhteell
es
intellectual,
m eal
reasasnnohddl
eu t
‘wi
ofhanr os:
h
Parker a practical view of the great question of free
trade—and he would therefore like to know what they
had left for those who followed them.—(Hear and
laughter.) The course which that meeting was adopt-
ing was one which was suitable to the great occasion—
and singularly so, as regarded its time and character
and constitution. In all the speeches which he had
heard that night it had been made a matter of astonish.
mint that they should have been then meeting for such
a purpose, and at such a time. If, at the same period
last year, any one had predicted the most impossible
thing, it would have as ea: ily gained cr‘dit, as to have
prophecied that his Noble Friend, Lord Morpeth, should
now address them, not only as a member of the Cabinet,
but also as Member for the West Riding, and congratu-
lating that company upon the position which the country
had assumed. This position, however, he believed, had
been attained owing to the intelligent minds which ham
entertained the question. He had never anticipated that
it would have come so speedily to a successful issue. In
fact, he only looked forward to such a period as the result
of his Parliamentary career. He had heard sympathies
expressed, which it was not possible for any one not
engaged in the daily struggles in the House of Com-
mons to hear, he meant the sympathies of con-
cession. He had never looked to so sudden a dissolu-

Lion of political bonds as to warrant him in coming to
such a meeting as that in the autumn of 1846.—(Hear,
hear.) It gave them an opportunity of redeeming their
past sacrifices for prirciple—for it was a triumph of
those principles both over the Government and over the
country. It was not one, or two, or ten things which
had produced these effects—but it was owing to the
Feat and growing intelligence of the country, and to:the
increasing experience and wisdom of the nation. Almost
all public men had, at one time or other, been in the
wrong. As public men, they had not at one time
thought it necessary to entertain different opinions from
each other. The case was different now—though they
at one time, like the French merchant, might have said,
this is not fair, do not legislate; but, with some few
brilliant and honourable exceptions, all must allow that
most public men had at one time held the principles of
protection. It was the country, therefore, that had set
this question right, and amongst the growing intelligence
of the country might be reckoned Mr. Cobden, as the
most powerful organ.—(Cheers.) The sifting which this
question bad undergone, the many facts which had come
under the observation of every man, and which he
could never before have explained, had shown him that
the principles of protection were unsound and hollow.
They had therefore ultimately arrived at the truth.
Now what was truth ? Why, it was the same when it
was painted by Colonel Thompson as when it was
painted by Mr. Cobden—and would be a blessing to all
for generations to come.—(Hear, hear.) But how long
a time elapsed before these convictions were forced
ys alya,ythhlst
luhopaonokndi
looking
men'sback
amsti
ionn minds
argument
uen hmettaedrnehte heardM.
el roh.ualeddo
hbnadoretdnbeen l
pre-
viously touched upon by the Gallant Colonel.—(Hear,
and cheers.) And yet all that interval the principles of
free trade were not gaining ground upon men's
minds, because there was no standard of truth.
Let them but now look at the operation of
these laws which were for the benefit of the
people. Although they were told that to some these
laws were a disappointment, and to others a benefit,
he believed there never was such a deception as the
corn-laws had been to agriculture. He was most
happy to say that this conviction was beginning to
spread among the agricultural classes, as was evinced
by a mistake which had been made in the passing of
the Bill for the repeal of the corn-laws. They would
all remember that beans had been omitted in the last
Act of Parliament, and Lord George Bentinck had in-
sisted that no alteration should be made. Were there

was one farmer who was a grower of beans, there were
twenty who wanted them—and those farmers who now
wanted to buy beans were asking themselves why they
had not got the benefit of free trade?—(Laughter.) He
hoped, therefore, that this circumstance would have a
salutary effect. It seemed as if dearness and scarcity
had gained a concurrence from some parties which they
had before refused to give. In one of the excellent
addresses which they had heard that night they had
been told that the tree of monopoly had not only been
cut down, but also uprooted. Now they had never
heard of such a thing as re-action in English history,
for there had been no re-action in any of the great and
beneficial changes which have taken place, and where
the intelligence of the country had been acting on sound
and healthy principles. Indeed some of the free-traders
themselves had been the bitterest opponents of the Go-
vernment, and wanted to delay the Parliamentary result
until next year; but now they showed that their own pro-
tection was quite another thing, for having got cheap corn,
they wanted also cheap sugar,and cheap tea,and cheap ships
to import them; and, in fact, to get rid of every other
monopoly, now they had lost the monopoly of corn.—
(Hear, hear.) There was also a class of converts who
were now convinced that the change which had been
made could never be retraced, bat whether the protec

tionists would give it up as a hopeless struggle he could
not tell. At first they talked very loudly, and although
the Free Trade Association was setting an excellent ex-

ample in not meaning to continue the agitation, he
would advise them to rest upon their arms and not to
consider the triumph of sound principles to be so good
as not to be disturbed. There might be a rally on the
part of the enemy, not a national one, but of a contrary
character, and if there were one, it would only be as a
last struggle. He was therefore glad to see that there
was a saving clause in the resolution, and that the asso-
ciation could renew its arms. He had, however, no
idea that a permanent attempt would be made to renew
protection. He was fully prepared to see a certain
amount of disappointment, but England was now set-
ting an example, and progressing in a steady and right
direction. Every year would give another field for
more extended operations, but they must not expect to
reap all the benefit at once. They would have up hill
work as to foreign countries, but there was the same
interested impressions in France, and also in Russia,
and which had also been here, but which had been up-
rooted by the agitation of the last five years. Although
he augured well from Mr. Cobden's visit to France, and
his reception by the French King, people must not be
surprised if they did not realise to the full, and at once,
the fruits of this mighty change which had been worked
among us. Until very lately men had been wedded to
monopoly here, and we were now but trying a great
experiment, under most happy circumstances in some
respects certainly. What was to become of this country
respecting the difficulties with Ireland he believed no
man could foresee, and particularly those who enter-
tained the notion that we were not to reap the benefits of
free trade for half a century to come. What he wanted
was to have no premature and hasty re action. They
must take time into account, and with it he was sure
that no reasonable expectations which had been enter-
tained by the friends of free trade would be disappointed.
He was struck some time ago by some observations which
had been made by the Bishop of St. David's, who bad
looked at this great question in a moral point of view.
He said he had seen with pain that honest labour had
not its reward, and good:conduct was no security for
prosperity, and he saw but little change which held out
hope for the future. Though there might be no imme-
diate realisation of the great benefits ultimately to be
expected, he hoped for a steady and gradual progress in
social improvement.—(Hear, hear.) He himself even
felt it was difficult to provide adequately for his children
—and he had ten of them—(Laughter)—and this formed
a great expense upon the fund out of which a family was
living. But free trade would not only benefit the middle
classes of society, but it would also add in the same way
to the means of the working classes, and enable them
ultimately to earn wages to a deal greater amount than
would suffice to supply their physical wants. They
would then see the fallacy of the principle that wages
were lessened proportionately with the price of food in
this country. He hoped to see both merchant and
manufacturer in this country have less to complain of,
and more to be satisfied with, on the successful carrying
out of the great change upon which they had entered.
If, as one of their mottoes prescribed, they would only
use the present wisely, and learn from the past—trust-
ing to their own energies and not expecting too much at
once—they need not fear competition, come from what
quarter of the world it might.—(Hear, hear, and loud
cheering.) Fenced in as some other countries were by
restrictive laws, they were forced to come to England
for machinery, which they could not make themselves.
In the French dockyards was a vast quantity of Eng-
lish machinery which they could not do without.
What he wanted to see was, that there should be such
an interchange carried on between us and other coun-
tries, that all hostilities might disappear. The views of
Adam Smith may be realised, and the time arrive when
those expensive and frightful protections must be dimi-
nished on all sides, and when people might rest satisfied
that the peace of the world was identified with the inte-
rests of the people. It should all be worked together in
one great system—and he hoped would also be as success-
fully carried out in France and the United States as it
had been in England. Still there were men who thought
the world would be thrown back at least half a century—
and that nobody could tell whether anything would be
gained by free trade or not. They were met that night
to celebrate the passing of the free-trade measures, and
when free-traders and their friends would give their full
sanction to them, seeing them, as they were, connected
with vast ideas of progressive national improvement,
and founded upon a better understanding with all coun-
tries.—(Cheers.) He believed he had addressed himself
fairly to the subject, and trused that all would see their
reasonable expectations more than fulfilled by the pro-
gressive application of free-trade principles. He trusted,
in conclusion, that the beneficial changes which had
taken place would be brought home to all, and that they
would feel a better effect for the future.
After the dessert the CHAIRMAN called upon Mr. R.
Solly to move the next resolution.
Mr. SOLLY then rose, and briefly moved a resolution
to the effect, " That in case any serious attempts be
made by the protectionist party to induce the Legisla-
ture to retrace its steps, or prevent the final extinction
of the corn-laws in February, 1849, this Association
44 be celled int() renewed exisOlice."

Mr. A. Wrif.ltraem eeetinded the fesolutfon;
The CHAIRMAN then announced that Colonel Thomp;
son would address the meeting.
The Gallant COLONEL' rose, and was received with
loud cheers, and waving of handkerchiefs. When this
had subsided he came forward and said I was
cheered by the last speech of your representative, I
feared that something like a forlorn hope had fallen to
my share; but after hearing the statements now made by
men of power and station, I feel security that eyes are
open to the dangers which may still surround us. I
should have been happy if it had so happened that these
halcyon days had been occupied in searching for what
remnants of fallacies might yet be left ; that you might
have trodden out the latest sparks, and not have left the
remotest chance for any advantage being gained by your
opponents. Affairs are not'so settled as they might he :
in America the alteration of the tariff has been carried
by a single vote, and it would be said that the cry for
resorting to the old law should be encouraged by
any shadow of success permitted here. We have
too much at stake to afford to be incautions. We
cannot risk the world's harmony—(Loud cheers)—
nor give a chance for losing the fruits of the
great peace society of our day. Wit, in these times, has
taken a stride in power ; and wit is only wisdom in
disguise. The Society of Friends, as you know, have to
quiet but caustic wit of their own ; and one of their
members at Bristol has best expressed the truth. On
occasion of some disturbance there the Yeomanry were
turning out in arms, and as one of them was setting out
his Quaker partner said to John, take care thou
dost not cut down any of our customers.'— (Great
hmaatyr perceive
id lrcu v
e too,
hitherto the ch a n
been
ee n i s t equally
he
bitterest
laughter and cheering). That is the principle which
will win—the world will be much less willing than it has
been to cut down one another's customers. In our own
country,
eive
againstinthe
yoursi rtioszrtaheeysoftening ameounkg
notthose
of who
not
it aterepspart:ent Can There you
is no
friends and leaders, but of those who have heretofore
been the objects of popular dislike. The great act of
justice which has taken place has softened all hearts and
healed all warfares. The wildest man in the most
savage country will yet he reached by the improvement
of :which you may be called the authors. In regions
which seemed to be divided between the despot and the
slave the sense of common interest is amalgamating
both into the admission of human comfort. The custom-
house and the passport systems are everywhere coming
down, and man will visit man without necessitating the
magistrate's permission for the act. But should the re-
suscitation of the old enemy be ever seriously attempted
it was a happy announcement which stated that your
association was only in a state of suspended animation.
The country everywhere will take its tone from you ;
and what you have uttered here will find its echoes to
the extent which will most probably end in preventing
the evil feared. You have achieved the greatest victory
announced in human history. We have loved our ene-
mies, and in return many of them have begun to love us.
—(Loud cheers.) A powerful Government is on our
side, and has only to pursue the principles which gained
it popular support to carry us forward in the way of
peace and happiness, Those yet unborn will look back
on you as having been partakers in this great work, and
envy your good fortune in being sharers in so happy a
performance. The Gallant Colonel sat down amidst
loud cheers.

The CHAIRMAN said he had next to introduce one
whom he was sure the company would be glad to once
more welcome amongst them. He meant R. R. R.
Moore, Esq.
The meeting was subsequently addressed by Mr. R.
R. R. Moore and several other gentlemen.
0 P sta
In returning thanks for the acknowledgment to the
proceedings,
that
th at
e b a
best
meetingthin
g
distinguished visitors for their attendance,
L
where the members had sat so long, and listened
so patientlyord M R
to E T a
ell id
he oe in felt
would be to say good night to all. For himself,
and he believed for their other guests, he might
say that they felt themselves amply repaid for any
trouble they had had by the company and the applause
of the meeting. He
believed he had only been in that
room once before, and that was fifteen years ago. On
that occasion Lord Brougham was present, and also
Lord George Bentinck. He regretted that he was not
then present. If, however, after the lapse of another
fifteen years, he should meet their two present repre-
sentatives, he believed that they should have the same
tale to tell as they had then. There was only one thing
wanting to conclude the meeting, and that was a vote of
thanks to their chairman, who also was the president of
the Sheffield Free-Trade Association, and they would
concur with him in the opinion when he said that he-
was worthy of every honour they could confer upon him.
His Lordship then put the question to the meeting,
and it met with a ready and hearty response.
The CHAIRMAN having replied, three cheers were
given for the Queen, and three for the Free-Trade Go-
vernment of Lord John Russell, and the meeting termi-
nated shortly before eleven o'clock.