The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-17 00:00:00

iMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, June 16.
Their Lordships met at Five o'clock.
FOREIGN ACTORS.
The Earl of FITZHARDINGE presented a petition
from Mr. Webster, the lessee of the Theatre Royal Hay-
market, and from the persons, 210 in number, engaged
at the Lyceum, complaining of the support given to fo-
reign artists. They did not object to the original Italian
Opera, or to the French performances at the St. James's,
but they complained that there was now an Italian
Opera at Covent-garden supported by foreign artists,
and an attempt had been made to introduce foreign
artists at Drury-lane. He reprehended the infamous
attempt made to put down the French performance at
Drury-lane, and Mr. Webster and the other respectable
members of the dramatic profession authorised him to
express their disgust at the attempts which had been
made to put down the French performances at Drury-
lane by force. The petitioners complained that the
Theatres Royal Drury-lane and Covern-garden, which
had been licensed for the performances exclusively of
the English drama, had been let for the performance
of foreign dramas, by foreign performers, and praying
the House to adopt means to do justice to English
performers, and to restrict foreign performances
to those theatres already licensed for such performances.
Lord BEAUMONT considered that the petition was
conceived in an illiberal spirit. They were not able to
produce pieces which would fill their houses, and they
wished to prevent others from doing so.
Lord BROUGHAM could not support the prayer of
the petition. He considered that native talent had no
right whatever to protection against foreign talent. If,
then, French performers had not come to Drury-lane
it would have been shut up, and 200 English workmen
would have been thrown out of employ. He entirely
agreed with the Noble Earl, in expressing his disgust at
the:conduct of those who had created the disturbances at
Drury-lane.
After a few words from the Earl of GLENGALL,
The Duke of CLEVELAND expressed his surprise
at finding the name of Mr. Webster attached to these
petitions, That gentleman had for years conducted the
Haymarket Theatre with great talent and great tact,
and he thought it was impossible that any foreign com-
petition could injure a manager of such tact and an
artist of such talent as Mr. Webster. He was sorry that
these petitions had been brought forward, and he hoped
they would be withdrawn.
After a few words from Earl SPENCER,
Lord BEAUMONT explained that he had been both
to the Lyceum and the Haymarket, and had seen in
each theatre a bad translation of a French piece. He
preferred the original to a bad translation; but so soon
as Shakespere should be properly represented he would
frequent the theatre.
The petitions were then laid on the table.
PETITIONS.
The Norms Eaiu. then presented a petition from Bris-
tol, against any alteration in the navigation-laws.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented several petitions
against the Scotch Registration Bill.
• CORN-LAWS.
Lord STANLEY, in calling the attention of the Go-
vernment and Parliament to the present state of the
ot
im-
portation of foreign corn, begged to say that he had not
modified his opinions upon the subject of protection to
British agriculture, but he did not then wish to invite
their Lordships' attenticn to it. During the general
distress and dissatisfaction which had prevailed it had
been observed that it was well the corn-laws were not in
existence to aggravate it. It was not, however, a very
happy remark, for there was in existence at this mo-
ment a corn-law, under the operation of which duties
on the importation of foreign corn, and especially wheat,
were in process of payment considerably more than
were paid during the existence of the corn-law in 1846.
Upon the repeal of the old corn-law a temporary mea-
sure was introduced, which was intended to operate
for two years, and to be similar in principle to that
which it abolished—namely, en the principle of the
sliding-scale. Under the operation of that temporary
law a°duty was now paid on the importation of
.wheat of
9s. a quarter ; and after the two years during which this
experiment was to be tried it would be for Parliament to
determine whether any modification of the law should
be made. Tile failure of the potato crop rendered it de-
sirable that no duty should stand in the way of a tempo-
rary importation of provisions ; but in consequence of
that general opinion and the temporary law which was
enacted, limited of having had the experience of two
years as to the operation of the moderate sliding-scale,
they had only had the experience of little more than three
months—namely, from the lit of March last. If Par-
liament should, therefore, close at the end of July or the
beginning of August they would only have had the ex-
perience of about five months, and before the meeting of
Parliament the Act would expire. A short time ago he
moved for a return of all grain, meal, and flour, im-
ported into the United Kingdom since the Ist of March,
1848, the period at which the temporary duty was re-
vived, and also for the month previous, commencing on
the Ist of February, with the amount of duty re-
ceived during each week. This return was for a period
of eleven weeks only ; and during that period, under the
operation of a duty from 7s. to 95., there had been
brought into consumption 993,348 quarters of wheat, of
which there were 193,000—say 200,000 quarters—which,
having been imported. previously to the Ist of March,
did not pay the duty. But upon 800,000 quarters there
had been paid duty in eleven weeks amounting to
127,9301. Now, supposing he took the amount of duty
received during the eleven weeks, and, assuming that it
formed a fair average of the year's consumption of fo-
reign corn, that consumption would give a revenue
amounting for the year U 1.604,7601.; and if he might fairly
take into calculation the additional fifth which had been
brought into consumption, though it had not paid duty,
the amount would be 755, 9471. in the year. It was to the
financial part of the question that he wished to draw the
attention of the Government, because here was a duty not
causing any dissatisfaction, not aggravating the price of
the food of the people, and bringing into the revenue, at
a time of deep depression and defalcation (and it must
be remembered paid by the foreign importer), a sum of
money amounting to nearly three-quarters of a million
in a year, which they were about, unless Parliament
should interpose ifs the present session, absolutely to
throw away, and deprive the Exchequer of three-quarters
of a million in the next year. A moat important fact
was that this duty had been realised without affecting
the price of corn. During the month of February there
had been no duty, or merely a nominal one; but on the
Ist of March there was a duty of 75.; and it would na-
turally be supposed that the price had then risen. Wheat
had fallen from 51s. 2d. to 50s. 2d. in February, and
oats and barley had also fallen in proportion; and in the
week subsequent to the 7s. duty being put on the price
of wheat was identically the same—namely, 50s. 2d.
The same observation applied to all other grain except
rye, in which there was a trifling rise in price. And
during the whole time since the duties had been in
operation, from the Ist of March to the 20th of May,
when the *turn closed, the price of corn had fallen.—
(Hear, hear.) He thought, therefore, that he was justi-
fied in saying that this amount of duty had been levied
without being the cause of an increase of price or a
pressure on the consumer here, and that what had been
gained was at the expense of the foreign importer.—
(Hear, hear.) Well, then, had the effect been to check
and;discourage importation? So far from it, a consider-
able increase had taken place in the quantity of corn
imported. In the first four weeks there were altogether
brought into consumption 97,000 qrs.; but in the last
four weeks up to the 20th of May the quantity had in-
creased to 141,000 qrs. The amount of duty realised in
the first four weeks had been 12,4441.; but in the last
four weeks it had been 46,689/.—(Hear, hear.) Such was
the state of things; and although he did not wish to
make any motion, he thought it was his duty at this
period of the session, and in the present state of the
finances of the country, to call the attention of the
Government to the fact; because, unless they interposed
the
by some step, this large amount of incomewould be
wholly lost from the Ist of February next to
re-
venue, which was now suffering from a state of great de-
pression, and without producing the slightest corre-
sponding benefit to any human being.—(Hear, hear.)
The period at which it was most important that there
should be an importation of foreign corn was in the
winter months, because it was harder than our grain
and most useful to mix with it. In the months of
November, December, and January, it was most re-
quired ; but with the prospect of the duty 7s.
being taken off on the Ist of February, 1849, it was
lic
quit© clear that a direct impediment would be placed
ea in
the way of the introduction of foreign corn.
—(.)'
No general Bill could be introduced into their Lordshipsr
House on the subject, but he asked the Government
w4ther it would not be in accordance with sound
policy and their own sense of public duty, that a short
Bill should be introduced to allow the existing duties as
they now stood to be continued for five or six months,
which would enable Parliament to meet together again,
and not with the experience of six months, but of a
whole year, consider whether it would not be desirable
to continue so small a duty which returned so large a
revenue ; and even if the Bill were extended for a
longer period, to give Parliament time for further consi-
deration, he did not think her Majesty's Govern-
thent could be taunted with inconsistency; be-
cause, although they gave their consent to the
Bill for the abolition of the corn-laws, the
Whig Goverment more than once contemplated a
•o• or Bs. dury, He was of opinion that the operation
of a sliding-scale was more advantageous than a fixed
duty ; yet he confessed, as between a fixed duty of Bs.,
and a duty fluctuating from 10s. as a maximum to 4s.
a minimum, the continuance of such a measure
could not justlk subject the Government to any charge
of inceniistency • and he ho ed the Government would
state whether they thought such a course would not be
desirable.
Earl GREY said he had heard with great surprise,
and also with so
Noble Friend, because satisfaction,
the speech of his
been to prove thatauas:3l the object of that speech had
sake of protection,
hotuteoflevied on corn, not for the
approxi-
mating to a fixed duty_that
veanudeu—ty aodf suchade-
scription which, h e said, did not, intheslightesthtest
de-
groe, raise the price of corn to
it produced a large sum to the treasury was a measure
of great itnportance.—(Hear, hear.)
He was bound to
say that the facts upon which his Noble Friend founded
his statements were a little too narrow to warrant the
conclusions at which he had arrived. He thought ho
had neglected to take into consideration many circum-
stances and facts which had occurred within the last
few weeks, and his Noble Friend was, moreover, entirely
in stror in believing that when the Act of 1846 was
pasted, deferring the period when free trade in corn
should take place, that such a measure was contemplated
on the ground of its beitg an experimental one, for the
real object was to make a gradual change, and let down
the farmer as easy as they could.
The Duke of ttICHMOND—Hear, hear; "let down
the farmer."—(Laughter.)
Earl GREY (in continuation) said—He was not
using his own phrase—(lm, hear)—because he always

thought it would be better for the farmer and the coun-
try generally, that such a measure should be passed.—
(Hear, hear.) He might however ask, to whom it was
that the country owed it that they did not possess at
this moment a law which his Noble Friend said would
be attended with such advantage. It was a doctrine—
that of a fixed duty—which he had always advocated;
but how was this argument invariably met by the Noble
Lords on the other side of the House? Why, they were
told that they must not levy a tax upon the food of the
people—they might establish a corn-law for protection
—but a corn-law for revenue was most unjust.—(Hear,
hear.) He could see no course so greatly to be depre-
ciated as that, after all the agitation and discussion of
the subject and the settlement of the question in 1846,
Parliament should once more throw into doubt what was
to be the permanent law on this most exciting subject,
and pass such a temporary Bill as that spoken of by his
Noble Friend. He could not help expressing his hope
and earnest expectation that Parliament would not inter-
fere again with the final settlement of this question.
The Duke of RICHMOND said that such a measure
as that suggested by his Noble Friend would prevent the
necessity of an increased income-tax; as to " letting
down the farmers," he could only say they would never
submit to being let down, and if a bad harvest occurred
in this country, when there was abundance of food
abroad, an agitation would be commenced amongst th
see
farmers of a serious nature, and, perhaps, they would e
sort to measures which he would not recommend; they
would be ready to join any set of men in refusing pay-
ment of taxes when they found the Government embar-
rassed from a deficient Exchequer. He should ner
forget that the present Corn-law was passed byen
who all their lives before had advocated protection to
the agriculturists, and they had voted against their con-
victions. The House of Lords also had lowered them-
selves by their conduct in 1846, in reference to this
measure, in the estimation of the great body of the
people of this country, and if they did not naindf what
they were about they would not gain their con idence

again.
The subject then dropped.
the table
some papers relative to the poor-laws in Ireland.
AONWCIE laid :on
The Marquis of LVA.ANGSRD
Lord MONTEA.GLE said he would postpone the mo-
tion of which he had given notice relative to this subject
until he had seen the papers which the Noble Marquis
had presented.
Lord BROUGHA.II condemned the practice of re-
lieving vagrants by giving them a supper, a night's lodg-
ing, and breakfast the next morning. He thought it a
rt
oeq
nnu dt
,i s the
ya and
dr Char-
tistsit
Lordiis . .
practice calculated to encourage vagrancy. Many per-
sons.
deownr adyt hßete:Muamat
bad been relieved in Hertfordshire last week who
meetings in the metropolis on Whit-Monda
were
D 1 icukokenlevy
oe to osnabtieicohnor
an theirobnedt
v:Te
Salis-
bury, after
testdirale, the subject dropped.
IRELAND.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE wished to know the
form of a motion of which his Noble Friend (Earl Fitz-
william) had given notice with reference to Ireland, and
when ho would bring it on?
Earl FITZ WILLIAM said he should move that the
House felt grateful to the Executive Government for the
manner in which it had been conducted in Ireland; that
it regretted that the legislative measures which had
hitherto been taken for the relief and improvement of
Ireland had not been as extensive or successful as could
be wished; and that it would be desirablo that the Par-
liament or the Government should take other and more
extensive measures for relieving the distress and improv-
ing the condition of the country. He would bring on his
motion on Friday next.
EVICTED DESTITUTE POOR (IRELAND) BILL.
On the motion of the Marquis of CLANRICARDE
the amendments to this Bill were ordered to be printed,
and the report to be received on Thursday next.
Their Lordships then adjourned.

man whose views are adverse to mine in many re-
spects, but who is nevertheless a gentleman of great
intelligence and of great experience, and one moreover
who has devoted more than ordinary attention to this
subject. I allude to Mr. Innes, who was examined be-
for the Select Committee on sugar and coffee planting.—
(Hear, hear.) He was asked the following questions,
which are numbered 13,384-5 in the report of the evi-
dence :—" Do you believe that the change of the sugar
duties which took place in 1846 has materially affected
the condition of the West Indies?" His reply WAS as
follows:—" I entertain the opinion that much more has
been attributed to that Act, as regards the past. than can
rto in pre-
fianirllBy4b6e, it;iatscirsibinaedpotosaihar
od
thhoaltd tthhaetre
uced hiththeean Act
ahvaevinceffe
consepnasasneyd
great accession of sug
operate most
quence of that Act, thinkyon pdroospneocttihveelliyeviet
twhialtl
injuriously:'
attribute
the
Nthe
sstate
ioefs d itsot r etshse o
p whiche-
irnt
aotwti
000rnui
01 iln:ft;
ye
fair
hexists
twehi Acte to
hexisted before that ?—I believe
in
of 1846, but you trace it back
causes which existed before that ?—I believe
if the Act of 1846 had never been passed, the
price eof sugar would have been nearly as low last
it c can
Ae
year as it was ; but I consider that the Act of 1846,
having entirely destroyed confidence in West India pro-
perty, has deprived the planter of support, and dimi-
nished his power to supply sugar."—(Hear, hear.) My
own opinion is, that the distress which has prevailed of
late in the West Indies, taken by itself, resembles many
cases of distress which existed during the continuance
of monopoly; and I am disposed to think that what we
have now to consider is rather the general effect of the
legislation that has hitherto prevailed, than the distress
which just at the present moment exists in those colo-
nies. There are two periods and two great acts by which
' the present state of the West Indies has been materially
affected. The first of these Acts was that by which the
negro population was made free.--(Hear, hear.) I con-
: sider, and have always considered, that that was a
great act of humanity and justice.—(Hear, hear.) I
think it was due to a numerous class of persons living
under the British Crown, but living, unfortunately for
themselves, in the miserable condition of slavery; and I
am most decidedly of opinion that if that Act had not been
passed, we should have had a series of insurrections and
disturbances which would have been fatal to the prosperity
of the West Indies.—(Hear, hear.) I desire, therefore,
to have it expressly understood, that in anything I may
say to-day, I wish rather to take pride to myself than
shame for having been a party to that great act of
emancipation. I think that the gift of 20,000,0001.,
cheerfully conceded at that time by the people and Par-
liament of this country, demonstrated how (rreat was
their abhorrence of slavery, and that it also showedb that
the people and Parliament had such a sense of justice
that, deep though their aversion was to that atrocious
system, they were disposed, as far as in them lay, to
make a sacrifice in order to prevent misery and distress
from falling on those who heretofore were permitted to
possess slaves. But it was not to be expected that a
great lact!of that kind, by which freedom was given in
a very short period to eighty thousand human beings
who had previously existed in a state of slavery, should
operate in such a manner that the transition could
be effected without very considerable inconvenience.
Such a result was to have been expected; and I
think that we may be well satisfied that the
inconvenience did not proceed to such an extent
as entirely to disorganise and overthrow the state of so-
ciety which existed in the West Indies previous to the
passing of the Emancipation Act. I think it speaks
well for those who bad been proprietors of slaves be-
fore then, and well too for the negro population them-
selves, that so little of disturbance accompanied a change
of such magnitude. But in carrying that Act into effect
some measures were adopted, which, although they were
supported by public feeling at the time, and met with
the concurrence of Parliament, did certainly throw ad-
ditional difficulties in the way of the West Indian pro-
prietors. I speak more particularly of the prohibitions
which were then imposed on the importation of la-
bourers from the coast of Africa.—(Hear, hear.) It
was thought to be impossible to obtain labour from the
coast of Africa without reviving slavery, and giving en-
couragement to the slave trade. So strong was the
feeling upon that subject, that when .1 was in
the Colonial-office I found that there was very great
difficulties in the way of an attempt—a slight
attempt which I then made to facilitate the
importation of labourers from Sierra Leone ;
and when, at a later period, a plan on a larger scale was
proposed for the introduction of labourers from the East
Indies into the Mauritius, the project was objected to,
and, in fact, rejected by a vote of this House.—(Hear,
hear.) Other measures were subsequently adopted, with
the view to obtain a supply of labour of a different kind
for the West Indies and the Mauritius; but those mea-
sures required a long time to carry them out, and have
not been attended with any very satisfactory results.
The introduction of Europeans into the West Indies is
said to have failed as a source of supplying labour. The
introduction of coolies has not been attended with any
remarkable success; and the various measures which
have been adopted for bringing over labourers from the
coast of Africa were of a complicated character, and re.
quired a great deal of correspondence and regulation to
prevent abuses. I believe, however, that several such
measures were attempted in the year 1843, and
again in the year 1845; but I have not learned
that, as yet, they have produced any beneficial
effect on the supply of labour for the West Indies.
Other measures were taken at the same time, to
which great objection was made, but which were not on
principle so fairly liable to those objections. I allude to
the facilities which were given for entering into contracts
with labourers. The other great changes which have
materially affected the condition of the West Indies
took place in the years 1843 and 1846.1 1 Those changes
consisted of the admission of free-labour sugar in the
former year, and the admission, in the year 1846, of all
foreign sugars, at duty reduced at first from 635. to
215., and with a subsequent reduction which, in the year
1851, was to end in the equalization of the duty. As
the former measure—that of the emancipation of the
slave population of the West Indies—rested on un-
doubted principles of religion, humanity, and justice, so
I think that the measure of 1846 rested no less on views
of sound policy and justice to the labouring population
of this country. I cannot but think that while only a
very scanty supply of sugar was to be obtained from our
own possessions, and while our proprietors in the
West Indies were very much perplexed for a
supply of labour, and were oftentimes unable
to get anything but a very small return in-
deed in work for a very considerable outlay,
(for we have evidence to show that many of their
labourers refused to work for more than five hours dur-
ing five days in the week)—l say, Sir, I cannot but
think that it would have been unjust to the people of
this country to refuse them the power of procuring else-
where so common, and indeed so indispensable an article
of consumption as sugar, at a cheaper rate than it was
possible for them to obtain it from our own possessions,
suffering as these colonies were under such previous dis-
advantages. With regard to the great measures which
I have mentioned, I cannot but think that the great ob-
ject and main purpose for which they were introduced
have been succcessf'ully achieved. The main
purpose of the Act of 1834 was to give free-
dom to 800,000 human beings, to place them iu the po-
sition of free labourers living in a state of independence,
prosperity, and peace. That that grand object has been
accomplished, all will admit. It is my decided opinion
that a class of labourers more happy, more
comfortable, and more in the possession of those
advantages which should be incidental to persons in
their position of life, than the negro population of the
West Indies, does not exist. That great object has been
accomplished by the Act of 1834. The Act of 1846, too,
has accomplished the object for which it was introduced
—that of affording a cheaper supply of sugar, and, at the
same time, of lessening the burden of taxation upon the
people of this country. The Act has been completely
successful in effecting two purposes which those who in-
troduced it had in view. It has given to the consumer
in this country a larger supply at a smaller charge, and
at the same time has been productive of an increase in
the revenue. From an authentic document which I hold
in my hand I find that the consumption of sugar in 1845
was 244,000 tons; in 1846, 261,300 tons; in 1847,
290,700 tons. It may be in the recollection of the House
that in making an estimation of supply and consumption
in the year 1846 I calculated that the consumption
would probably reach 280,000 tons, or thereabouts. And
now let us see how the revenue account stands. In
1845 the revenue received on account of sugar was
3,745,0001.; in 1846 it was 4,050,0001.; in 1847 it
was 4,596,000/.; showing an increase in the
revenue of 1847 over the revenue of 1845
of no less a sum than 851,000L—(Hear, hear.) That
enormous increase, of no less than Bal,OOOL on the reve-
nue derivable from a single article of consumption, is
attributable not simply to the operation of the Act of
1846 a but also to the diminution of the duties in 1845.
It is, in fact, the consequence, gradual but inevitable in
its growth, of the reduction of the rates and taxes pay-
able by the people.—(Hear, hear.) So far as concerns
the great object of enabling the consumer to have sugar
at a cheaper rate, while, instead of injuring, we improved
the revenue, nothing could be more successful than our
legislation. But I have stated what I thought to be the
grievances and evils accompanying the Act of 1834.
The Act of 1846 was also accompanied by evils which
affected the proprietors in the West Indies very injuri-
ously, land certainly produced, to a very great extent,
that discouragement to which Mr. Innes alludes in
the passage which I have read from his evidence.
It has been said that the prospect of the speedy
abolition of all protective duties, and the equalization
9it
thf
;la 11
tuoudtpul
art
yei evseuni i ttahhniend
shs
uoaga a sri hn oer
factst
ta taes, pd,
ae
prevented,nridod ,w ei
as
aren
yc alcu-
i themutinto
regardt tho
tsoa market,
rakr eg te,
that many of those estates, it left out of cultivationftoulolrdr-
e months to come, will require many years to restore
productiveness.gaudanectiitdyldtohfclahs
e been also said, that with
foreigner, by his being encouragedl to export advantage t
sager
hogirrctahanuit is
article
brought
r
a better description to this
inferior article to continental mnarre,
that the difference in point of value of
while
flt
ahe
mesugarinformedsends
praen-
pared with clay and other ingredients, and the ordinary
Muscovado sugar, is no less than 65. per cwt. This it
is said, arises from the inequality of the duty, for so long
as there is so marked a difference in the scale of duties, it
is clearly to the advantage of the foreigner that he should
send the better article to the English market, and the
inferior to the markets of the continent. We see there-
fore, that while these two great measures are in their main
principles not only defensible, but as I think, de-
serving of support and commendation, they have
nevertheless been attended in their operation by
certain
presenttainlisa odvatntages, which have contributed for
the
place the proprietors in some
parts of the West Indies in the embarrassed position
which they now occupy. In speaking on this subject
I have frequently taken occasion to enforce the great
principles which ought to be maintained in our treat-
ment of it. It is, as I conceive, of the greatest importance
that the experiment of 1834—the experiment of a

rapid transition from slavery to freedom, should be suc-
cessful, and it is also of great importance that we -should
give every fair opportunity for the competition of free
labour as against slave labour. The Governnunt is
bound to propose any measures which they think they
can fairly recommend as calculated to alleviate the evils
by which those classes are distressed who now appeal to
us for relief. I will state at once what it is we have in
contemplation to do. I will do so without going into
into arguments on the subject, for I am rather anxious
that the discussion should be deferred until Slonday
next. It is right, however, that the House should be put
in possession of what our views are with respect to this
important matter. With regard to the first question, to
which I alluded as depending on those adjunct; to the
may take leave to say that much has been
Act of 1834 by which labour was made diffe.ult to be
years to diminish the difficulties which were
pdthrootineseucorrefedla'attieed. The present state of the case is, that
labourers may be introduced into the West Indica from
any British possession in Africa, attended with this
proviso—that there is to be an officer on board whose
business it shall be to take care that no transaction
shall bit
permitted which resembles the traffic
emigrate to the West Indies shall
in slaves, and that, in fact, to ensure that
who
oe
own free will and assent. But there has
my Noble Friend now at ha head of the
pdeorssoonsof
their
been another measure adopted wit h respect to liberated
Department. Formerly those Africans were
sent to Sierra Leone, or to some other possession in the
Colonial Africans
neighbourhood, and' the West Indies derived no advan-
tage from their labour. They were maintained at a
great expense in a state of idleness and barbarism in
the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone. My Noble Friend
at the head of the Colonial Department has provided
that those liberated Africans shall, under certain re-
strictions and coaditions,:which it is untmessary for me
here to explain, be sent to the West Indies, for the pur-
pose of being there employed as labourers. By this
means we hope that some good will be effected. With
respect, however, to this question of emigration, I may
state, as 1 have observed on former occasions, that the
suspicion which prevailed in this country that the slave
trade might perhaps be revived under the pretext of
emigration, and that emigrants might be compelled
against their will to work on the West Indian estates,
has continued for a longer time than was anticipated,
and has retarded the energies of the planters, by de-
terring persons from emigrating to the West, Indies, and
thus limiting the supply of labour. Entertain-
ing these views, therefore, we now propose to do
more than we should have done if the question had been
from the beginning settled in favour of the West Indian
proprietors, and more than we should have done if a free
importation of labour had been going on from the year
1835 to the present day. We propose to make advances
on the security of the colonial revenues, or to guarantee
loans which may be made to the colonies for the purpose
of defraying the expense of the importation of emigrants
into the West Indies, and we propose that the sum to be
allocated fur that purpose shall not exceed 500,0001., in
addition to the sum of 170,0001. to which the House has
already given its sanction.—(Hear, hear.) With regard
to ;,the contracts of servants, and the questions of
vagrancy and squatting, they are matters which engage
the most serious attention of my Noble Friend at the
head of the Colonial Department. lie is willing to
agree to any reasonable proposition that may be
made with respect to those questions, but there is a
great difficulty in framing Bills upon the subject, and
it does not appear that in many instances the colonial
legislators themselves have suggested measures which
are calculated to be practically beneficial to them. Any
such measures, any measures which do not contem-
plate a system of compulsory labour, are sure of com-
manding the ready attention of my Noble Friend, and
the serious consideration of the Government at large.
I now come to that other question, namely, the question
of the Act of 1846. I have said that complaints have
been made of the too rapid operation of that Act, and
that it has likewise been alleged that there is one kind
of sugar which in the present classification of duties
enjoys advantages which it ought not to enjoy in the
admission of sugars into the British market. Now, in
considering this matter I must say at the outset that I
do not consider it would be at all fair towards the British
consumer that we should impose anything like a differen-
tial duty of 10s., to last for six years or longer, for the
purpose of reviving industry and prosperity in the West
Indies. When I take into consideration the heavy
amount of taxes that we have to impose on the people of
this country—when I take into consideration that the
labourer in this couatry, the man who gives his whole
industry to toil for ten or twelve hours a day, looks to
those articles of consumption—tea and coffee, and sugar,
as necessary comforts —I do think that to impose
on him a duty which may be exaggerated when
it is said to amount to 2,900,0001. a year; but which,
at all events, cannot be less than 2,000,0001. a
year—(A laugh)—l am ready to take it at a mil-
lion, or a millicn and a half a year; but I still do
say that to impose upon him such a heavy tax for a
long period would be a hardship to the English con-
sumer, which I, at least, should not wish to be a party
to.--(Hear, hear.) I look, therefore, in another direc-
tion.—(Hear, hear.) The experience which we have
had of late years with regard to many articles to which
I need not more particularly refer, but with respect to
which the duties have been lessened, or with regard to
which, without a lessening of the duties, there has been
a greater production, and therefore a lowering orthe
price, is such as to encourage us in the course which we
propose to adopt, That experience has gone to show
that the consumption of the articles has vastly increased,
and that while the consumer has greatly gained, the
revenue has not been injured. Therefore it is that I
am encouraged to look again in the same direction rather
than in the direction of an increase of the duties now ex-
isting. Instead of aggravating the burdens which already
press so heavily on the British people, I think it is wiser
and more politic that we should seek.to modify the Act of
1846, by reducing restrictive duties, and so promote a
larger consumption.—(Loud cheers.) While on this
point, I will take the liberty of referring to a paper
which was submitted to the consideration of the Select
Committee on Sugar and Coffee Planting. It is written
by Mr. Green (as we caught the name), and is addressed
in the form of a letter to the Noble Lord who was chair-
man of that Committee. The letter gives an account of
the increase of the consumption after the lowering of the
duty, and it then goes on to say—" In 1825 an increase
of 7s. per cwt. in price caused a decrease in consump
tiou of 16,000 tons :

Tons.
1826 a fall of 7s. 11d. increased consumption 25,900
1827 a rise of sa. 2d. diminished ~.
_ _ . . _ .

1828 s fall of 43: ld. increased . .: 17,000

1830 a further fall of ss. 21
a 1836 a rise of 7s. sd. diminished .. 21,500
in 1837 a fall of 6s. 3d. increased
In 1839 a rise of ss. 6d. diminished....
In 1840 a further rise of 103. 4d
In 1841 a fall of Bs. Bd. increased .
The trade returns for the years 1845, 1846, and 1847,
establish tho fact beyond all dispute ;hat an enormous
increase in consumption is the inevitable result of a re-
duction of price. In 1845 there was a fall of lls. 9d.,
and the consumption increased 38,0J0 tons. In 1846
there was a rise, and the consumption decreased 17,300
tons; but in 1847 there was again a fall, and the con-
sumption increased 29,400 tons, making, in three years,
an increase of 85,000 tons per annum on the consump-
tion of 1841.—(Hear, hear.) That increase of 850,000
tons within a period comparatively se brief, is, I think,
a singular and most remarkable procf of the powers of
consumption in this country—(Hear. hear)—and proves
so satisfactorily that our natural consumption has
been limited and checked heretofore by restrictive
duties, that we are encouraged to make further experi-
ments in carrying out to a still greater extent the prin-
ciple of the reduction of duties. What I propose, there-
fore, is, that the duty on colonial sugar shall be reduced
after the sth of July, in this year, to 135.; and that it
shall be progressively reduced at the rate of ls. a year
until it reaches 10s.—(Hear, hear.) I propose that the
duty on ordinary foreign Muscovado sugar shall remain
according to the Act of 1846, but I propose that a new dis-
tinctive duty with regard to sugar to be called " brown
cloyed sugar," or sugar equal thereto, which during the
year, commencing, the sth of July, 1848, and ending on
the sth of July, 1849, shall remain at 20s. (the perma-
nent duty on all foreign sugar), and then be reduced by
Is. 6d. a:year until it reaches 10s. on the sth of July, in
the year 1854.—(Hear, hear.) The House therefore will
see that colonial sugar will at once fall to 135., from
that to 125., and from that to I Is.; and that after three
years there will be a permanent duty of 10s.—(Hear,
hear.) Foreign sugar in the same way will fall ls. 61
a year fur six years, until 1834, when the duty will be
10s. 6d. There it will remain, and there will be the
equalization of duties.—(Hear, hear.) I will read the
scale we propose to establish. Ia the year ending the
sth July, 1849, the respective duties will stand thus:—
s. d.

Foreign brown claved sugar
Common Muscovado (foreign)
Colonial Muscovado l3 0
In the year ending 5111 of July, 1850:—
Foreign brown clayed sugar
Common Muscovado (foreign)
Colonial Muscovado l2 0
In the year ending sth of July, 1851:
17 0
Foreign brown clayed sugar
Common Muscovado (foreign) 15 6
Colonial Muscovado ll 0
In the year ending sth of July, 1852:
15 6
Foreign brown clayed sugar
Common Muscovado (foreign)
Colonial Muscovado
In the year ending bth of July, 1853:—
Foreign brown clayed sugar
Common Muscovado
Colonial Muscovado lO 0
In the year ending sth July, 1854
Foreign brown clayed sugar
Common Muscovado (foreign) ..• . 12 0
Colonial Muscovado lO 0
After July, 1854, it is proposed that each of these
classes shall pay a uniform duty of 10s.—(Hear, hear.)
There will not then be a temptation either to the foreign
or the colonial grower to bring to the English market
superior classes of sugar to the exclusion of all sugars of
an inferior qu,lity. lam most decidedly of opinion that
the wisest and most politic course we can pursue is even-
tually to abolish all distinctive duties. It is very much
better to establish all tho duties at the uniform standard
of lOs., than to maintain permanent differences of that
kind. Of course such changes as I have proposed will
require corresponding changes in the duties on refined
and double-refined sugars, and on white clayed and mo-
lasses as laid down in the schedule. I have said that
complaints have been made on the subject of rum. It has
been frequently represented that the differential duty on
that article is an injustice to the producer in the West
Indies. It will be in the recollection of the House that
last year my Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the
Exchequer proposed that a duty of 6d. should be imposed
on rum. Finding that there was considerable difficulty
in inducing the House to accede to that proposition, he
consented to substitute a duty of 9d, for td,, but in so