The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-08 00:00:00

• first div. of 4d. in the pound, any Wednesday, at the office of
Mr. Whitmore, Basinghall-street.
H. Kohne, wholesale stay manufacturer, Lawrence Pount-
ney-lane—fii st div. of lid. in the pound, any Wednesday, at
the office of Mr. Whitmore, Basinghall-street.
R. Putt igrew, jun., tailor, Woolwich—second div. of 3s. 9(1.
in the pound, any Wednesday, at the office of Mr. Whit-
more, Basinghall-street.
W. Soffe, printseller, Strand—first div. of Hid. in the
pound, any Wednesday, at the office of Mr. Whitmore,
Basinghall-street.
T. Wenman, merchant, Birmingham--first div. of 9s. in
the pound, any Thursday, at the office of Mr. Valpy, Bir-
mingham.
W. Drinkwater, woollen cord manufacturer, Salford—final
div. of Hid in the pound, any Tuesday, at the office of Mr.
Pott, Manchester.
W. Senior, hosier, Sheffield—first div. of Bs. 6d. in the
pound, any Tuesday, at the office of Mr. Hope, Leeds.
J. and W. Sugden, machine makers ;Leeds—first and final
div. of 4s. 3d. in the pound, any Tuesday, at the office of
Mr. Hope, Leeds.
J. and D. Sugden, fancy cloth manufacturers, Spingfield,
Yorkshire—first div. of 9s. in the pound, any Tuesday, at
the office of Mr. Kynastou, Leeds.
DIVIDENDS.
At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street.
J. F. Harrison, merchant, Tower-street, April 28, at one—
W. Spiers, printer, North Audley-street, Oxford-street,
April 30, at eleven—G. Goddard, tea dealer, Leicester, April
30, at eleven—J. Webber, warehouseman, Wood-street,
Cheapside, April 30, at twelve—T. Dean, victualler, Chenies-
street, Tottenham-court road, April 29, at half-past one—B,
Thompson, innkeeper, Aldeburgh, Suffolk, April 29, at one—
C. O'Neil, R. Salkeld, and G. S. Digby, shipowners, Margam,
Glamorganshire, April 30, at eleven—R. Salkeld, shipowner,
Margam, Glamorganshire, April 30, at eleven—M. Guy and
Smith, linendrapers, Farringdon-street, April 29, at eleven
—B. Wade, tailor, Strand, April 29, at eleven—E. Clayton,
licensed victualler, Edgeware-road, April 29, at eleven—G.
Watt, linen factor, Old Jewry, April 29, at half-past eleven
—E. N. Kendall, brewer, Frederickton, New Brunswick,
May 1, at twelve—G. C. Bridge, grocer, Maldon, May 1, at
eleven—R. Marshall, stone mason, Deptford, May 1, at
eleven—M. Jones, grocer, Theobald's-road, May 6, at one.
In the Country.
J. Melhuish, innkeeper, Exeter, April 30, at one, at the
Exeter District Court—lL Gardner, merchant, Liverpool,
April 28, at twelve, at the Liverpool District Court—T.
Turner, D. Brade, C. Schwind, and F. L. Schwind, merchants,
Liverpool, April 28, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court
—NV. L. Brown, merchant, Liverpool, April 28, at twelve, at
the Liverpool District Court--C. Williams, currier, Sunder-
land, April 30, at twelve, at the Newcastle-upon-Tyne Dis-
trict Court—W. Thompson and J. Mellis, merchants, New.
castle-upon-Tyne, April 30, at one, at the Newcastle-upon-
Tyne District Court—L. Pearson. currier, Newcastle-upon-
Tyn, April 29, at twelve, at the Newcastle-upon-Tyne Dis-
trict Court—J. Todd, ship-builder, Hylton-ferry, Durham,
April 30, at half-past one, at the Newcastle-upon. Tyne Dis-
trict Court—NV. Brown, ironmonger, Atherstone, Warwick-
shire, May 2, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court—
W. Riddle, draper, Lane-end, Staffordshire, May 12, at eleven,
at the Birmingham District Court—R. W. Fletcher, J. Flet-
cher, and J. Fletcher, merchants, Walsall, May 5, at eleven,
at the Birmingham District Court.

CERTIFICATES to be granted, unless cause be shown to
the contrary, on the day herein mentioned.
R. G. Fox, wine merchant, Canterbury, April 29—J. C.
Edwards, bill broker, Conduit-street, Hanover-square, May I
—W. Spiers, printer, North Audley-street, Oxford-street,
April 30—T. Wilkinson, ironmonger, Quadrant, Regent-
street. April 30—F. Glass, woollen factor, Basinghall -street,
April 30—W. Harding, sen., mason, Vincent-square, West-
minster, April 29—J. Hutchinson, machine maker, Elland,
Yorkshire, April 28—W. Fordyce, bookseller, Newcastle-
upon-Tyne, April 28—J. Boman, woollendraper, Carlisle,
April 29—G. C. Nicholls, commission merchant Upton,
Cheshire, April 30—T. B. Daft, button maker, Birmingham,
April 29—G Middleton, wine merchant, Nottingham, May 5
—J. Wilkinson, builder, HAslingden, Lancashire, April 30—
H. J. Barker, miller, Flixton, Lancashire, May I—T. W.
Pierce, and G. Homan, merchants, Manchester, April 28—
T. Nash, jun., Stourbridge. Worcestershire, April 28—J.
Cleary, builder, Church-road, De Beauvoir-square, April 28
—E. Sheeter, builder, Bristol, April 28—A. Macdonald, mer-
chant, Leaden hall-street, April 28—H. Hughes, linendraper,
Manchester, April 28.
PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. _

W. Cope and J. Wright, lace manufacturers, Nottingham
—T. Cooper, W. Cooper, and G. Strongitharm, line masters,
Minworth, Warwickshire—G. Strongitharm, T. Cooper, and E.
Strongitharm, lime masters, Dawend, Staffordshire—J.
Plumtree and M. Gibbono, grocers, Lincoln.—W. Woodward
and W. W. Walkvier, tailors, libury-street, Pimlico—F.
Balkwell and C. Baldwin, Liverpool—H. Merry, E. Phipson,
and C. Parker, Birmingham—S. --tanifortli and G. Hatton.
grocers, Sheffield—H. Hohne and J. Ilolme, shoemakers,
Manchester—P. Brooke, J. Brooke, and E. Brooke, Ashton-
under-Lyne—H. B. Rye and I'. P. Thomas, mine agents,
Old Broad-street, City—M. Thorpe and E. Holeywell.
common brewers, Spalding, Lincolnshire—J. Wickens and
W. Bird, stationers, Old-street, St. Luke's—T. Forshall
and H. D.tvies, surgeon, Doildingten•grove, Kennington—
. R. Laycourt, W. Belden, and R. Butler, grocers, Witton-le-
Wear, Durham—W. Wallen, sem, and W. Wallen, jun.,
architects, Circus-place, Finsbury-circus—J. Fitztnaurice
and W. J. Sage, chemists, Holloway—J. C. and W. R.
Hudson, Blackheath—J. and G. Longman, pawnbrokers,
Staff,rdsitire—W. Goodland, J. Quant, and C.
Goodland, coal merchants, Tiverton, Devonshire.
scowl' SEQUESTRATIONS.
John Mackenzie, carpenter, Inverness, April 10 and May 1,
at twelve, at the Union Hotel, Inverness.
William Anderson and Alexander Drummond, share-
brokers, Glasgow, April 10 and May f 3, at one, at the chant
hers of Mr. Smith, Glasgow.
James Strong, merchant, Glasgow, April 13 and May 4, at
two, at the chambers of Mr. Ross, Glasgow.
John Dunn and John Wilson, stockbrokers, Glasgow,
April 14 and 'May 4, at two, at the Globe Hotel, Glasgow.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
DOUSE OF LORDS, April 7.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY took his seat on the Woolsack
at Five o'clock.
SELLING SPIRITS ON SUNDAY.
The Bishop of LONDON presented petitions from Llantres-
san, in Glamorgansh:re ; Sunning-hill, in Berks ; Northaller-
ton and other towns in Yorkshire; Seaham Harbour, in Dur-
ham ; Lanark, and other places, praying that a clause should
be introduced in some Bill to enforce the closing of houses for
the sale of spirits from the hours of twelve on Saturday night
to one on Sunday. The system had been found to work well
in London, and petitioners prayed that the same might be ex-
tended to the provinces.
Messengers from the Commons brought up several Bills.
THE OREGON TERRITORY.
The Earl of ABERDEEN laid on the table several papers
and documents in reference to the negotiations between this
country and the United States of America respecting the
Oregon territory.
SUPPLY OF WATER TO EDINBURGH.
The Duke of BUCCLEUCH presented a petition from the
Sanatory Association of Edinburgh, praying that the supply of
water in that city should be placed in the hands of a public
trust, and not a private company. There was no town worse
supplied with water than this city, and the petitioners were
desirous that the supplying of it should not be left in the hands
of speculating companies.
FREEDOM OF SCOTCH BURGHS.
Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from Edinburgh in
favour of local free trade, and in support of the Bill before Par-
liament for the doing away with the present system of freedom
in Scotch burghs. His Lordship stated that many of the peti-
tioners ,were possessed of the freedom of Edinburgh them-
selves ; nevertheless they cordially supported the Bill.
Lord KINNAIRD presented a petition from the royal
borough of Dundee, on the same subject.
THE LAW OF DEODANDS.
Lord CAMPBELL laid on the table of the House two
Bills, whose object was to abolish the law of deodands, and
to enable parties injured by gross negligence to insti-
tute civil actions for compensation. His Lordship
said that he took this step with considerable reluc-
tance and hesitation. He had been persuaded to do it at
great heard. The maxim of the common law of England
was, that wherever a wrong was done there should be a remedy,
but there were two strange exceptions. The one was where
death took place, or a limb was broken ; but if the party injured
could not prove malice, there was no liability. Another
maxim was one which he admired very much ; and it was this,
that wherever there was an injury there was a civil remedy.
One of the Bills which he now introduced was to abolish the
present superstitious laws of deodand, which it was strange still
continued in the middle of the 19th century. The other Bill
was to substitute a civil action, whereby, although there should
be no no negligence, which would make it a case of manslaugh-
ter, a railway company, or the proprietors of any other public
undertaking, would be compelled to make compensation to a
party injured by the negligence ef themselves or their ser-
vants. A law similar to that which these measures would
establish in England was already in force on the other
side of the Tweed, and it was a matter of great
surprise to him that the Legislature bad not before this altered
the law in this country on this subject. It was quite unneces-
sary in this stage further to explain the object of the Bills.
He earnestly entreated the consideration of her Majesty Go-
vernment to them.
LONDON AND YORK RAILWAY.
The Earl of HA RE WOOD presented a petition against the
London York and Railway. He moved that the petition be
referred to the Committee or, the Bill.
RAILWAY BILLS.
The Earl of DALHOUSIE said that he took that oppor-
tunity of rising to enter on the subject referred to by
the Noble Lord ; and he intended to offer to their Lord-
ships some observations on the proposal he had to make
to them. He wished to draw their Lordships' atten-
tion that evening (and he ought properly to have
given notice of his intention) to the subject of railways, but
he thought it most desirable that whatever proposition Govern-
ment had to make should be made forthwith.—( Hear, hear. )
With this view, therefore, he wished to direct their attention
to the state of the railway Bills now before that and the other
House of Parliament, and the course which it was proposed
Parliament should adopt upon the subject. It would be
hardly necessary for him to request their Lordships' re-
collection, even incidentally, to the state in which the
country was placed during the last twelve months. Even to-
wards the close of the year 1844 the public mind was in a very
feverish and excited state on this subject. In the last session
248 railway Bills were introduced before Parliament, which at
the time was looked upon as an immense number, as unprece-
dented and unmanageable, and many Hon. Members thanked
heir stars that such a state of things would not continue.—
( Hear, hear.) In this, however, they were mistaken,
for so far from the number of Bills diminishing spe-
culation in these, matters, they waxed more hot
and fierce. During the summer the excitement was
on the increase, and in autumn this spirit spread through every
class in the community, young and old, rich and poor ; and he
was sorry to add that it extended to the one sex as well as the
other.—( Laughter. ) The practical result of all this was, that,
as was shown in the report of the Joint Stock Registration-
office, the number of Bills brought forward was greater than
before. On the 31st December the number of schemes pro-
visionally registered amounted to upwards of 1,400. He need
not state the large capital which was supposed to be involved,
because that, in fact, had no existence. In November not less
than 800 of these Bills were brought b, fore the Board of Trade.
By the 31st of December this number had slightly diminished,
although not to a great extent, as the number of projects de-
posited at the Private Bill-office was 700. The attention of
the Government was very early directed to this subject, and
they endeavoured to make such arrangements before the meet-
ing of Parliament as would facilitate legislation with re-
spect to them. But it was not in the power of her
Majesty's Government to come down to the Houses of Par-
liament at the commencement of the session with 'any definite
plan, as the facts on which they were to recommend the adop-
tion of any new line were not fully developed. They
could not take any steps until those projects had
been submitted to the tests of paying the deposits
and passing through the Standing Orders' Committee.
The adoption of this plan had enabled them to ascertain that
not more than one •third of the whole number of projects would
ever come before the consideration of Parliament. They felt
that it was their duty, as far as practicable, to save the time of
Parliament by not delaying their intentions with respect to
them which would certainly come before Parliament in the
present session, and the Rieht Honourable Baronet at the
head of her Majesty's Government (Sir Robert Peel)
moved the appointment of a Committee to consider the course
to be adopted in this session with respect to the great number
of rail ways which had been submitted for their consideration.
He (Lord Dalhousie) also moved for and obtained a similar
Committee of their Lordships' House. These Committees sat
several weeks, and came to the determination that it would not
be prudent to make any selection from those Bills during the
present session, or to arrest the course of them, It
was net for him to make any remarks on their decision,
as he had on all occasions, both in that House and in Com-
mittee, held this opinion, that it would be both unsafe and
unfair to interfere with the voluntary speculation of indi-
viduals in railways.—(Hear, and cheers.) But be thought
there was a wide distinction to be drawn between interfering
with persons disposing of their capital without the assistance
of Parliament, and to interfere with parties who applied for
special, and in many instances most objectionable, powers to
carry into effect railway undertakings.—(Cheers.) As the
Committees were of this opinion, arrangements were
accordingly made to divide the railway business
as equitably as possible between both Houses of
Parliament. Since that period Parliament and the public
had had their attention constantly directed to the subject, and
much discussion had ensued in both Houses with respect to it.
Recently, however, these discussions had assumed a substantial
form, through the consideration of Parliament, and from the
statements and opinions contained in the petitions and memorials
which had been presented both to the Government and Par-
liament. These memorials stated, that great injury had been
occasioned to all branches of trade, and to the promoters of
railways themselves, by the undue speculation which had taken
place.
The price of material was greatly enhanced as also the
price of labour. To the latter he had no objection if
he thought it would be of a permanent character, and not
operating injuriously on those who were engaged in those
works. But it was because it would be of a temporary, and
not of a stable and permanent character he considered it would be
injurious. In addition to the increase in the price of material
and the price of labour, there would be, further, a great de-
mand for money, which would exert an injurious influence on
every other branch of trade, which would be cramped and made
to suffer. But it was not only the other interestes he referred
to that would be affected, but the railway companies already
in existence. It had been found that the shares in
many of the old railway companies had fallen in valise
considerably ; and if many of these new schemes were pushed
forward, it would be impossible, from the state of the
money market, for the former companies to make any in.
crease of their accommodation by new branches. The
effect of the whole would be, that it would be found
the calls sought for those new lines and extension of old lines
could not be obtained. In Ireland, especially, the case would
be worse than in this country. He understood from a No-
ble Friend of his that her Majesty's Government had received
applications for assistance from two of the best
schemes in Ireland. He referred to the Waterford
and Limerick, in the south of Ireland, and the
Newry and Enniskillen in the north. The Waterford
and Limerick was represented to be a most valuable
undertaking ; to be Irish in its origin, and in
those who had subscribed the capital for it,
and one that ought to be accomplished. It was one
which was laid down by the Commissioners in 1837; yet both
this scheme and the Newry and Inniskillen were in the most
depreciated state, anti called upon the Government for
assistance. In the beginning of the present Session of
Parliament many Irish Bills were brought forward, and it
was held out that the passing of a number of these
would be a great boon to Ireland as a means of employ-
ing
labour. In consequence of this feeling many Bills passed
through Committee with the greatest facility ; and if they
were agreed to by Parliament, they would only, he
was persuaded, interfere prejudicially with the companies
already sanctioned, and thus the object sought to be obtained,
the giving of employment, would be defeated. At present
many of the schemes agreed to last session of Par-
liament could not carry forward their wishes fromthe difficulty of obtaining the necessary capital; andif t
any
other schemes were pushed forward, the difficulty would be
much increased by the greater demand for money. With regard
to the general question in the last session, the passing of a
Bill operated immediately on the Stock Exchange to raise
the value of shares, whereas in the present session a fa-
vourable decision had entirely an opposite effect. He knew
this to be especially so in Scotland, the country
with which he was connected ; for he had
carried their
been
eir
in-
formed of two companies who bad
o Commons,
Bills through the Committees of the Hu
after which they called their sharehleldeorsasse
nottog necessaryether, and
agreed to wind up their affairs. It was
for him to say to their Lordships that it would be unwise for
Parliament to interpose and restiiet the flow of capital in any
way which the public might reasonably desire; it would not
only be very_ objectionable to do so but it would be absolutely
unjust.—( Hear, hear.) If parties desired to free themselves
however from the trammels and obligations into which they
had entered, he did not think that Parliament would be doing
its duty if they did not assist such parties to enfranchise them-
selves.—( Hear.) The law as it at present stood was to this
effect. There was an Act for winding up joint stock corn-
paties, but before they could do so, it was absolutely necessary
that they should first become bankrupt, and then that the con-
sent of every individual shareholder should be obtained before
they could wind up their affairs. It would be manifest to their
Lordships that it was impossible, in many of the great under-
takings at present existing, to obtain the consent of every
shareholder. A case had been stated to him the other day, in
which 600,000/. had been subscribed as the capital of a certain
'railway undertaking, and they recently declared that they had
no desire to persist in their project. They desired to wind
up
of some of them
their affairs, but in consequence
it was found impossible to wind up their affairs,
although not more than 10,000/. had been expended
for the 21. 10e. which they had deposited on their sh.aratn.sd
they would have had 21. ss. returned. The law required that'
there should be the actual consent of every individual share,.
holder, and in many instances it was the cause of much in-
justice. The law, as it was at present, was on this subject
both unjust and unreasonable.—(llear, bear.) It was the
intention of the Government, after Easter, to introduce a Bill,
the object ef which would be to enable railway companies now
before Parliament to wind up their affairs if they should

think proper. It could not be expected that he could
at present lay before the House the provisions of the
Bill in detail. It would be sufficient if he stated th-
principles upon which the Government proposed to legislate
upon the subject.—( Hear.) The Bill would provide the
means for those who avers the actual holders of the stock in
railway companies of calling a meeting of the proprietors, for
the purpose of determining whether the affairs of the Company
should be wound up or not. That meeting should determine
what course the Company should pursue with respect to the
winding up of the affairs of the Company: If the determina-
tion should be in the negative, of course the Bill would be pro-
ceeded with. If the determination to wind up the affairs should
be come to, then, under this measure, an official assignee or
trustee would be appointed to take charge of the funds of the
Company. He would hold them for the purpose of satisfying
any demands of creditors against the company ; and when these
were satisfied, the remaining portions of the funds would be
divided rateably amongst those who were entitled to receive
them. If it so happened, which he did not anticipate, that a
deficit should result, it was not proposed by this Bill that the
parties
to
oholltlhde be exempted
whichtedfrom tmheiigrhtliahbialviteiesbneeinth re-
spectin-
curred. It was not proposed to give any exemption.
He thought that by such a Bill every facility would be given
to parties who are desirous of winding up the affairs of rail.
way companies with which they were connected. But it
would be manifest at once that whatever speed—supposing
such a Bill to be sanctioned by that and the other House of
Parliament—whatever speed was exhibited it was clear that,
some little delay must occur before the measure could pass.
The Government therefore proposed that a resolution should be
passed in both Houses of Parliament, that where a petition
should be presented to Parliament from aegiven number of
shareholders, praying a suspension of the progress of their Bill
or Bills till they should have time to consider the state of their
affairs in relation to such railway Bills, that they should have
power to act accordingly. The Bills which had commenced
in their Lordships' House and in the other House were to be
alike affected by this measure. The object of the Bill was
to give the shareholders power to wind up their affairs should
they see fit to do so. The Bill would also propose, at the same
time that this power was'given to the shareholders, to have a full
security given for the liquidation upon the funds up to the
time of the wind up of their affairs under the provision of the
measure. When a petition shall be presented by a majority of
shareholders, praying that they should have the benefit of the
Bill, both Houses should have the powers of granting the
prayer of such petition. It would procure a little time to pre-
pare the measure, and immediately after Easter it would be
introduced, and then it could be discussed in its details.
Lord MONTEAGLE said that hehad informed the House
sometime since of the evils which were likely to arise from the
reckless manner in which railway schemes were progressing;
and he was not at all surpris:d that such a measure as the one
proposed by her Majesty's Ministers was now required to put a
stop to such a system of wholesale speculation. He had had
various interviews with shareholders—many of them of great
importance, from the amount of shares they held—and they
expressed their ignorance of whether they had power to
wind up their affairs, as they had already made some progress
in Parliament. He was glad to find that some measure
was proposed to put a stop to this state of things.—(Hear.)
The necessity of their interference in some shape or other had
originally proceeded from persons who, of all others, are con-
sidered the most shrewd in matters affecting their pecuniary in-
terest, he meant the people of Scotland. They wished now to
retrace their steps, and they asked their Lordship to suspend
the progress of the Bills. He thought they acted wisely in so
doing. lie thought that a measure like the present, in which
he mosf heartily concurred, should however be conducted with
great precaution. Persons for instance might cry down the
merits cf any line for the purpose of purchasing the shares at a
very low discount, upon which large sums had been paid, and
then reaping a large benefit by the transaction. He hoped
such conduct as this would be guarded against. He thought
their Lordships should not allow shares of too small amount in
these transactions. While this continued, he thought these
gambling transactions would still be carried on. He heped th ere-
fere, that on grounds of public morality, some step would be
taken to stop this gambling.—( Hear, hear.) He thought the
House should adopt some measure to stop these "little go"
speculations. He did not think that the lower classes were
competent judges of what schemes were likely to
be u-eful and beneficial to themselves. Persons of both sexes
and all ranks, from the highest to the lowest, had
not been exempt from this gambling fever. The Government
were bound to put a stop to this ; they had the power of doing
so, and they would be held responsible if they did not, by
adopting some stringent measures, secure thepublic credit. The
Noble Lord had not exaggerated the mischief which had arisen
from the paralysis, which had taken effect on the general
commercial and banking interests of the country. That mis-
chief was indiscribable. Let their Lordships just suppose the
case of a bank holding a million of deposits—this million of
deposits representing every class
ef their customers; a great
proportion of these classes are engaged in railway specula-
tion ; and the banker, knowing that A B and C
were considerable shareholders, would be aware that
the deposits which he held on their account would be the
very first available fund that they could draw on, and he
would not dare, therefore, to use any portion of that fund for
discounting purposes; he could not discount with the same
freedom and unreserve as in other circumstances he would have
done. Their Lordships probably knew that the profits of a
banker mainly depended on his lending money on good se-
curity ; and the result, therefore, of these banking engage-
ments, would be to suspend all power on the part of the
banker of using with freedom the deposits which he held in
hand. Now, how did the case stand with the trader ? Let
them take the manufacturing interests of the country. Suppose
a manufacturer engaged in railway speculation to a great extent;
his mills would still require to be attended to, his machinery
would require constant repair, and a constant drain on his
capital would be required far the extension of buildings. But
how could he provide for these repairs, and these extensions,
with an unascertained number of calls impending over him?
'the manufacturer had certainly entered into these speculations
with his eyes open, but that did not lessen the effect of the evil
produced. That evil pressed on the bankers, on the manufac-
turers, and on the other classes: it had suspended and cramped
the application of capital, and it had been augmented—and he
said this without any intention of reflecting upon the Noble
Lord opposite—by the course which her Majesty's Govern-
ment had taken on the subject of railway speculation. The
case was repeatedly urged upon them—(t. Hear, hear," from
Lord Kinnaird)—that the practice of compelling parties to
pay the deposits in money, to invest that money in stock, and
to sell that stock subsequently for the purpose of making the
railways, was an aggravation of the mischief. He could not
help saying that it would have been better if they had at as
earlier period introduced the measure which they proposed to
introduce now. He would now advert to the measures which
the Noble Lord proposed. The Noble Lord had undoubtedly
felt that some observations might be made on the want of a
definite scheme on the part of her Majesty's Government. He
stated what had been the general effect on the trade of the
country, and he added that it was not the wish of the Govern-
ment, as he (Lord Monteagle) was sure it was not the wish of
Parliament, to interfere with the free application of capital.
His Noble Friend had stated that if the present sum proposed
to be applied in the construction of railways was permitted to
' be so applied, the greatest mischief might ensue ; but why did
not his Noble Friend come forward at an earlier period of the
session to propose some remedy ?—( Hear.) He quite admitted
that no imputation ought to be cast upon his Noble Friend
for not having taken this course previously. But he must at
the same time say, that the course which had been taken was
wholly without precedent, and unjustifiable, and might lead to
the most serious results. He had understood that in the Com-
; mittee np stairs, his Noble Friend, on the part of her Majesty's
Government, had proposed the course to which he (LordMot-
eaele) had given his entire consent, and that proposition was
e
that the different railway Bills which must come before them
should be classified. It was suggested that those Bills should
be classified, and that those comprised in number one should
have preference in consideration to those included in number
two, and those latter over those comprised in number three, and
so on. That course he believed would have been a just one.—
' ( Hear, hear.) And he should have been glad to know that
' that course had been adopted in the House of Commons,
because the mode at present acted on was an anomalous
and inconvenient one.--( Hear, hear.) But what were
they called upon to do now ? Why was it that his Noble
Friend had postponed until the present time, the lastday before
the Easter recess, the proposition that he had submitted to
their Lordships ? If he did attempt to interfere with capital, he
should come forward prepared to say what amount of capital
her Majesty's Government thought it would be wise to expend
in the construction of railways. Let his Noble Friend say
what was the amount which should be so applied before he
called upon their Lordships to express an opinion upon this sub-
ject. Parties had been allowed to proceed with their Bills in
the usual course, and now, when it was asked to amend the
law on this subject, he (Lord Monteagle) contended that the
limiting of the amount to be subscribed was incidental to any
such amendment. If his Noble Friend had comeeaforr,woardd, on
the part of her Majesty's Government, with his present
prop
sal at'an earlier period of the session, much mischief would have
been obviated. But there was nothing tangiSle,
tl nite in the proposal. There was nothing in it that
coueldeblie
weighed or fully considered, or anything that could be measured
with
calculable
with regard to an amount of money which
was
Under
Under the present state of things this subject w ness and indistinctness, all of which ought hay: beeetntaovvoaigduede.
,had her Majesty's Government moved in this direction at the
commencement of the session. The Bill was a simple one,
but, by introducing it at this late period of the
se
son on the adjournment of the Houses ofl3.siarTia'manendtifmor.
the holidays, it could not be printed and circulated
emongst the parties interested in its provisions; but
if it was
.possible fo print and circulate an ab
:tract of it without delay, great public adVantage could not
fail to result ; but above all it would give parties notice of
the intentions of the Government, and do away with the un-
certainty which prevailed. Bat the Noble Lord said he wished
to effect the object which he bad in view by means to be taken
hereafter, and by allowing parties to come before their Lord-
ships and to make an appeal. This, however, would throw
those parties into utter confusion by its vagueness ; for a pro-
positionl of this magnitude, affecting such an amount of
pc
ea
rp
si otan
he would venture to say, was never allowed to be
brfouwgahrtd a
therefore efore
subject urf gtsee
itself
for-
wardthesabnlyeatiVimlten:sxteersnlinutfhninsisplaancde,
ewniaotchutordut
nbfrsi bringing
which or
enactments
effeoted. He re-
might know in what way they could
NgrnebtlteedFrthfeinsde—xcaesedninneglyre,alalyndinfiterecwsfoeudidin
if the Bill could not be given to the public in eaten, at least
tfurnis o
h them with its must material points. Ha would throw
out one suggestiun, for
The the adoption of which he saw some
immediate necessity. y ought—and this showed the
necessity of the Act—to limit decision on those sehemes
which had been profitable over those which had not
been profitable, or were unlikely to be constructed
pbuecreahuasese,
sifhatrheesy
itnlidthneotndthoesro,tneanne
extent
ttewnto
wrihviaelhplrTonjencldts
them to stop its eoustruction, and consequently cause the,
greatest confusion to the parties. They did not wish to have
their remedial measures turned into instruments of fraud; but
if they did not guard against their abuse, they would enable
parties who had the disposition to do so to harass the pro-
moters of a competing line, in order to eat a majority in the
proprietary. He could name many measures which had had
this effect. In his opinien, the Bill ouoditdto have effect from
the date of the resolution,whbeheiaecdhaousttehioet.yhieeydii
nadthvearn.tNeaetc(slidonnentrathiliwnakyt tewish to give
extend to an-
dthit'sno.rotecommendation
would have the effect of preventing the carrying out of legiti-
mate projects. An unfinished railway t nuisance.
Some had been got up with the mostabs
and a Sandwich Fishery Company
`implywasurda pretensions, grea
and
for the purposes of speculation. Imagine a Columbian
but he put it to their Lord-
ships to imagine large dry ditches in a country without
rails, or with any probability of the works being executed.
Further, respecting property, these railway companies pos-
sessed compulsory powers to take land, and if they would not
make their lines, what a position these landowners would be
placed in. This was one great difficulty which he appre-
hended. But the worst of it was the direction of capital from a profitable to an unprofitable market, and thereby involving
the condition and interests of all classes of society. He hoped
it was the intention of the Noble Lord to atop the further
progress of all railway Bills till after Easter, as nothing could
be more absurd than to pass any of these Bills, or forward
them any of their stages, if they were told that her Majesty's
ypi egress that might be made. Tiiic was
Government intended a course of legislation that would here-
after neutralise an
a matter they were bound to consider; they should not send
Bills into the other House of Perliament and leave that
House to provide a remedy. He did not know what that
House might propose, but their Lordships were their own
masters, and should act accordingly. It was his
decided opinion they should riot at present advance a
single stage, or at least to a definite stage, until the question

involved in the Bill proposed by the Noble Lord was settle
He should call upon their Lordships not to take any dein
• ,top respecting these Bi!!a till the dec:ion that Bill u
known. There would be difficulties attending this meatut
For instance, there would be no means of ascertaining whett
the names to the petitions were those of botta.fide sliareholde
Lord KINNAIRD did not attach any blame to the Gover
ment for not having brought this measure on before. On t
contrary, he thought they had wisely delayed it until no
He would, however, ask whether the existing powers of th,
Lordships could not be extended to meet the difficulties of tl
subject. By the existing orders of their Lordships' House,
new Bill which was brought in, with respect to an exist'
railway company, had to be submitted to the proprietors befe
;t could be passed. Why not extend that standing order
new companies ?
Lord WHARNCLIFFE expressed his satisfaction with t
propositions of the Government. He regretted, however, ti
that it had not been brought under consideration before. Th
might have brought it in immediately after the ordeal of t
payment of the deposits had been passed. He would ask I Noble Friend whether he intended to propose a new standi
order with respect to this subject ; and he would tak that portunity of also asking whether it was intended to it trodu
into all railway Bills of this session a clause subjecting su
Bills to the operation of general railway Actg.
The Earl of DALHOUSIE said, that such clause was i
troduced into every railway Bill. It was his intention to pr
pose a standing order with respect to this Bill. A resoluti kali been adopted in the other House for postponing the thi
reading of all railway Bills until the 27th of April, and on t
first day after the recess he should move an order similar
postponing- those Bills in that House. With respect to the o
jectian to the time at which this proposition had been made,
might state that, as early as December last, the Governme
had entertained a suggestion to classify the railway Bills, a
to recommend to Parliament to adopt the best of the Bills
classified. Circumstances, however, prevented this cow
being carried into effect.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY wished to know wti
was intended to be done with the Bills which were on the tat
waiting fora third reading?

The—Earl of DALHOUSIE said he would, on the first d
after the recess, make a motion for postponing the Bills until
certain day.
The subject then dropped.
On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON, the Hou
adjourned until Tuesday, the 21st inst.

HOUSE OF COll illaNS„4pril 7.
The SPEAKER took the Chair
,at
laTf.ew minutes to Four.
A new writ was moved for the R
borough of Malton, in ti
county of York, in the room of Mr. J. W. Childers, who has a'
cepted the office of Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds.
SECOND READINGS.
The following Bills were read a second time and ordered '
be committed, viz.:_.
Schoolmasters' Widows' Fund.
Campbeltown Harbour, Waterworks,:Paving, Lighting,
Watching. an
Cameron's Coalbrook Steam Coal and Swansea and Lougbc
Railway.
Port Gordan Harbour.
Kilmarnock Waterworks.
Gorbals Gravitation Waterworks.
Hamilton Gas.
Kendal Union Gas and Water.
Rotherham Gas.

RPORTS.
The following reports were brought up, the amendments an
alterations
oadg r eseodu tt oh, andwe thestWestern
oR
Bills
aoi
ir
wd earye d( tco
hbeer et ts ?yr oasos edd ,Ev
Branch).
London and South Western Railway( Hampton Court Drench:
East Lincolnshire Railway.
Royal Asylum of St. Anne's Society.
Upwell-cum-Welney Rectory.
Scottish Midland Junction Railway Branches.
Exeter and Exmouth Railway.
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amendmen
and Branches ( No. 3).
Eastern Union Railway ( Ardleigh to Colchester).
South-Eastern Railway ( No. 11) (Branch from Rye to 1191
Harbour.
Midland Ra)ilways ( Syston and Peterborough Railway Devil
tion and Branches).
General Terminus and Glasgow Harbour Railway.
Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan
Ayreshire, Bridge of Weir, and Port Glasgow Junction Railway
Witham Navigation.
Bolton Waterworks (by order).
THIRD READINGS.
The following Bills were read a third time and passed, vie.l
Willingham Inclosure and Drainage.
Welsh Charity School Incorporation,
Birmingham Cemetery.
Eastern Union and Hadleigh Junction Railway (further pre'
ceeding, by order),
London and Brighten Railway (East Grinstead Branch)-'
( by order).
Brighton and Chichester Railway ( Bognor and Littlehampton
Branches)—(by order).
South Eastern Railway (Extension of Stations at Ashford)."'
(by order),
Melton, Witham, and Braintree Railway (by order).
Scottish Grand unction Railway (by order).
Lord G. SOMERSET moved that all proceedings on rail-
ways
shall, after Thursday next, be postponed until Monday
the 27th day of this instant April. There could be no doubt
that this adjournment of railway proceedings would afford great
facilities for those companies who were doubtful of the pro-
priety
of carrying on their Bills to obtain the opinion of the
majority of their shareholders. Parties would be put to great
expense if they were called together immediately on the re-
assembling of Parliament, if anything daring the first week of
its re-assembling was done that interfered with the further
progress of this scheme. It was to obviate this expense that
he proposed the postponement for a fortnight.
On the question being put,
Lord H. VANE said he merely rose, as the member of
Committee, to say that the motion would be a serious in'
convenience to the Committee on which he was
engaged, as it had nearly terminated its labours.
He had no objection to the motion as a general proposition, but
there were cases in which Committees had nearly closed their
investigations; and to prevent their sitting on the assembling
of Parliament, would put the parties to great inconvenience
as well as expense.
After a fow words from Lord J. STEWART,
Mr. ESCOTT thought that the expenses to the share-
holders would be the same, whether the Committees met in 1
week hence or in three weeks. He was on that account dis-
posed to support the motion of the Noble Lord.
Mr. PRO'I'HEROE thought that a serious inconvenience
would be induced by this delay from the want of Committee.-
rooms. It would be better to dispose of as many of the Bill!,
as possible, instead of deferring the consideration of them until
the business of Parliament had greatly accumulated.
Mr. LABOUCHERE rather took the views of the Noble
Lord opposite than of the friends beside him on this matter.
He thought that a period longer than ten days would be ad-
vantageous to the shareholders, as it would give them time k°
mature their future plans,
After a few words from Sir John Easthope, the O'Conor
Don, and Mr. Thornely,
Mr. WA KLE Y requested the Noble Lord to postpone his
motion until to-morrow, because all parties would be surprise('
and considerably inconvenienced if it were persisted in this
evening.
Sir G. CLERK supported the motion of the Noble Lord.
He behaved the House was unanimous en the previous night ke
wallowing parties time to consider whether they would rather
ind up than go on with many of the Bills now before Par-
liament.
. Mr. BECKETT DENISON hoped the motion of the Noble
Lord would be read, for he was not himself aware of its exact
tendency.
Sir WILLIANI HEATHCOTE wished to learn whether
the motion of the Noble Lord included petitions on private
Bills generally. He had much experience of the manner in
twh which
dcf henh petitions
aeotasthafni
inat
tdti
dthowaenii
gatfs
asse ati
possible
theuoisa,
could
nEi
motion
ohlei
tißoes
btoyi
they
be
t I
esi
oyo
fwowil
wouldeonor jdueuel urpddyr: gett
aveoh
fdeet
yhr eCommittee,muchf
expense
t fai
parties,
r:deaei
ntnnt
so_e;
s
neatiroin)
consider
troubleies
lon
should take, withdraw the Bills
altogether. He would, therefore, suggest to the Noble Lord
°
that the motion, as originally framed, would be much better.
Lord G. SOMERSET declined to restrict the motion onll
to the Bills in a particular stage.
After a few words from Mr. ESTCOURT and Lord WoasLEY's
Mr. STRUTT said, in the Sub-committee of which he wag
chairman, there were petitions for Bills which were grouped in
Committeess appointed to meet on the 27th instant. Many of
these petitions were yet unheard, and if the Sub-committee
were obliged to adjourn to the day on which the Committees on
groups met, it would be attended with considerable inconve-
nience.—( Hear.)
The motion was then put and agreed to.
Lord G. SOMERSET then moved that no railway Bill be
read a third time before the 27th instant.
Lord JAMES STUART said that the Scottish Grand
Junction was a Bill to which there was no opposition what-
ever, and it was one, if passed, which would be the means of im-
mediately employing a large number of persons who were at
present much distressed.
The LORD ADVOCATE thought, under the peculiar
circumstances of the case, that this Bill ought to be read
third time at once.
The motion was then agreed to.
The Willingham Inclosure and Drainage Bill was read a
third time and passed.
GENERAL TERMINUS AND GLASGOW HARBOUR
RAILWAY.
An Host. Mearken moved the consideration of the report
of the Committee on this Bill.
Mr. HUME doubted the propriety of any further proceed-
ings being taken with reference to this Bill, until the evidence
given before the Committee had been laid upon the table of
the House. He objected to the Bill, because the trustees of
s
the Clyde Navigation would incapacitate themselves for carry-
ing out
at
talag
spreoefgnet
omothei
and
being deepeningthne Navigation of the Clyde, by
having to borrow
o
duembteodftomthoeneamy'ouanmt of 3100
deteriorate the public harbour, that House ought not to seine-
tion it. He should therefore move as an amendment, that the
evidence taken before the Committee be printed, or at least so
much of it as related to the Glasgow Harbour Bill, and that it
be laid before the House.
Lord WORSLEY the Chairman of the Committee, to
whom the "roue of Bills, of whieh that was one, was referred,.
said that the Bills comprised in the group were considered to-
gether. Evidence had been taken before the Committee for
three or four weeks, and among the witnesses examined was
Captain Washington, on the part of the Tidal Harbours' Con'
, b teoo
7.
0:
Ho contended that if the effect of the present Bill would
mission, who expressed a strong opinion against interference
with the harbour of Glasgow, and considered that the General
Terminus and Glasgow Harbour Railway would greatly ob-
struct the traffic, and be highly injurious to the navigation.
He fully coincided in that opinion; and he had the misfortune
to differ from the other gentlemen on the Committee, and be
accordingly voted against the threo Bills.
Mr. SPOONER said, that being a Member of that Conk'
triittee, he would take occasion to state what the facts were.
He had differed from the opinion taken by their Noble Chair-
man, and he had done so with great reluctance. The Com-
mittee had the evidence of Mr. Walter, an engineer, who Was
always opposed to anything like an obstruction on the lines
and had resisted the bringing down mineral traffic to the
convenience of other trains. He gave his opinion that the
mineral traffic of Glasgow was so much increased, and was
likely to increase so touch more, that he waived his former
objection on the point, and thought that the mineral traffic
should be brought down to a place appointed for it. He said
that the mixing up of the mineral traffic with the genera,:
traffic was very inconvenient, and the bringing it down to
distant place would occasion no inconvenience to the harbour.
H t:_
He actually went so far as to say that some alterationse
necessary. The trustees of the Clyde—a regularly elected!
body—concurred in the measure, and not a single petition .
presented against the Bill by the merchants of Glasgow ;._l7
fact, there was no oppositions to the Bill, except two rival
companies, who afterwards did not make out their eass
It was of great importance to the merchants and coal ow_
.nee7
in the neighbourhood, that this scheme had been carried 7
the Committee. HPe thou this was a case in whichthe
House ought to support the Committee.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House
divided, when there appeared—
For the amendment
Against it . 74
Majority in favour of the asaendmezZ