The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-15 00:00:00

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The National Assembly, which on the previous
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induced to vote the exclusion underbeen an unfounded
apprehension, caused by the exaggerated account
which the members of the Executive had given of the
emeute of the preceding day, but principally to the
fact that M. LEDRU ROLLIN put himself prominently
forward as the advocate of the decree of exclusion ;
and therefore the vote is to be considered not so
much a vote in favour of Louis NAPOLEON as
a vote against M. LEDRU ROLLIN. The de-
bate was remarkable also for an angry col-
lision between LEDRU ROLLIN and his former
favourite, M. JULES FAVRE, the author of the
far-famed circulars. In the course of the discus-
sion General CLEMENT THOMAS gave the following
explanation of the firing of the " three shots," which
seem to have been as fatal to the Executive Committee
as the charmed bullets were to CASPAR
He said he rose to correct the statement which had
been made the day before relative to himself. It had
nut been his intention to convey that three shots had
been expressly fired. The facts were, that seeing a
crowd of persons on the Place de la Concorde, whose
intentions he had reason to suspect, he ordered the
place to be cleared. The crowd was composed of
men with whose faces he was familiar, for he had
recognised them among the attraupements at the Porte
St. Denis and the Porte St. Martin on several suc-
cessive nights. While his orders were being executed,
a pistol shot was fired, whether by accident or not, he
could not say, nor could he affirm that it was directed
towards himself, but the shot wounded the finger of
an officer near him. There was also an accidental
discharge from the musket of a National Guard. No
further consequences followed, but as some misappre-
hension had arisen, he thought it due to all parties to
set the matter right."
It is said that after the decision of the Assembly, M.
LEDRU ROLLIN resigned. Indeed, we do not see how he
could have done otherwise, after the speech which he
made in support of the decree of exclusion, any;
which we give below, together with the conclusion
of the debate, continued from The Sun of yesterday.

M. Ledru Rollin—This question is too important for
the Government to allow the discussion to pass over
without declaring its opinion. Yesterday it said, "'A
law exists, and the Executive Committee will act on" it
until the National Assembly shall declare its opinion on
it." We are now told that the law does not exist.

Why, then, has any proposition on the subject been sent
to a Committee ? The law exists by the sole tact that
it has been a question whether it shall be acted on;or
not. We have been told that we have vii/lated the soie-
reignty of the people. Can such a charge be brought
against those who founded that sovereignty on the
24th of February ; and again, can the opinions
of three d•-partments be called the sovereignty
of the whole people ? Certainly not.—(Murmuis.)
Allow me to tell you that you are not better revolu-
tionists than the authors of the constitution of 1753

The authors of that constitution tell you that insurrec-
tion is legitimate when the whole of the principle is ton).
lated. But has such a thing been done ? The sove-
reignty of the people only exists in its ensemble, and in
an absolute manner.—(Laughter and murmurs.) If one
department were to think proper to elect the Count de
Paris or Henri V., would you not say that departnient
had made a blunder? It has also been said that the
Executive Committee had allowed it to be supposed that
the law against the Bonaparte family was abrogated' by
permitting other members of it to take their seats in the
Assembly; but to that I will reply by saying, that Our
colleagues of that family have never suffered any piali-
tical condemnation. Besides, was the Chamber ignorant
of what had taken place in the last few days? A judi-
cial investigation has just commenced, and it has been
discovered that money has been distributed, and the
house from which that money has come is knoWn;
wine has also been distributed; cries of " Vive Napo-
leon" have resounded in our ears, and the walls have
been covered with seditious placards. Within four days
three Napoleonist journals were established, preparing
the way for the candidatesbip of Louis Napoleon
as President. If the National Assembly thinks that
no measures should be taken in the lace of such facts,
let it declare its opinion—the Executive Committee does
its duty, let the National Assembly do theirs.—(Ap ro-
t
bation.) Proscription and the sovereignty of the eo-
ple have been spoken of, and these words bad, no do bt,
their effect on us. But we are now statesmen, and reason
must take the part of sentiment.—(Approbation.) It has
been said that Louis Bonaparte is a stranger to what is
going on. That has been the expression of every one
but himself. Has he come and given his adherence to
the Republic? I wish that those Republicans who are
assembled round the walls of this building, and who
allow themselves to be led away by generous sentiments,
could hear my voice, for I would say to them, "It is a
law of necessity, but which will be only temporary." As
for those who have only placed themselves under this
standard to work on the old souvenirs of glory against
the Republic, there is no pity for them.--(Approbation.)
At the conclusion of the Hon. Deputy's speech there
was a great agitation visible in the Chamber.
M. Bonjean read another letter from Louis Napoleon,
dated " London, May 24," stating that a report had
reached him of an intention to bring in a Bill to exclude
him from the French territory, and complaining that
any such difference should be made between him and the
rest of his family. The writer protests his devotedness
to France, and declares that, if the Bill should pass, he
would unceasingly protest against it.—(Agitation.)
M. J. Favre denied that the law of 1832 existed, for
if it were still in force three members of the Bonaparte
family would not now be sitting in the Assembly. The
placards of Prince de Joinvillo had been torn down,
and the printer of them proceeded against, whereas the
bills of Louis Napoleon were respected. Why was
that, except because the universal feeling was in favour
of his being entitled to revisit his country ? If the pre-
sent Bill, as introduced by the Executive Committee,
were adopted, it would be the commencement of a sys-
tem of arbitrary law. As to the information given by
M. Ledru Rollin, of money being distributed, and
other acts, nothing had been proved against Louis Na-
poleon. " I much fear," said M. J. Favre in conclusion,
" that all these representations, like the story of yester-
day about the shot tired and the blood shed, are only a
iieins to surprise the vote of the Chamber."—(Hear.)
M. Buchez repeated the arguments which he had
previously brought forward against Louis Napoleon, and
coitended that the Assembly had a right to annul the
election of two or three colleges.—(Murmurs and loud
interruption.) The Honourable Member continued to
speak amidst all the tumult, but his remarks were in-
audible.
The President—Does the Assembly intend to
continue the discussion ?—(Cries of " No, no," and
" Divide.")
M. Buchez declared that he was charged, in the
names of several Members, to present a new proposition,
and to demand the adjournment of the discussion.—
(Cries of "No, no, enough, enough," from all parts of
the Chamber.)—Rejected.
M. Degousee demanded that priority should be given
to the abrogation of the law of 1832.
Numerous voices—No, no, vote on the conclusions of
the report.
M. Degousee proposed an amendment, tending to
maintain the law of 1832 until the constitution was in
force.—(Cries:of " No, no," " Divide, divide.")—Rejected.
The discussion was declared to be closed.
The President read a proposition of M. Decoux, to
the effect that the admission of Louis Napoleon should
not take place until he had declared his adhesion to the
Republic one and democratic.
The proposition, not being seconded, fell to the ground.
The President—l shall now proceed to put to the
vote the question as to whether Louis Napoleon Borne
parte is admitted to take his seat in the Assembly or
not.—(Movement of great interest.)
The question being then put, was voted in the affir-
mative by a great majority.—(lmmense sensation,
which lasted some time.)
In consequence of this vote, Louis Napoleon is ad-
mitted to take his seat, subject however to prove that he
is a French citizen.
The Assembly separated at a quarter past six, in ex-
traordinary agitation.
The night passed off quietly, and public tranquillity
in Paris had continued undisturbed up to the hour the
post left.