The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-15 00:00:00

of the Regent state of things in the colonies, and now I
I.lsk what can we do to remove that c iuse—where is your
remedy, ? 1r is very easy to say we will exclude, or we
gnt have excluded, all knowledge of those pro-
eee'liniZe from the colonies.—( Hear, hear.) 1 say you
ev",,ld, have done no such thing, and still less can
"° it for the future. You cannot prevent the
voice ; ,
°' the People from being beard within these walls,
ha— You cannot prevent the sound of what. passes
the colo
a, n'", but it will reach the shaves themselves, aggro-
' by the incautious comments of those who may be.
'rne the medium of communicating it to the negro po-
Pulstion of the West Inoiea. 1 repeat it. that if you wish
:r 10 stop the progress of this species of information, it is
ej(4 your power. The only course left you is t.o
,ance• The only dangerous course is happily impracti-
;C'''---you cannot recede—you cannot stand sill. It has
474." aid that " the best mode of avoiding danger is to
n,e,:il." I say that in this case the only possible mode of
e-(14 with the danger, so as to afford the smallest chance
army,(l.l,f is by manfully grappling with it in front.—
to, 'l.'ear.) Various objections have been raised to
e°
Noes founded upon propositions for ameliorating the
tave been
Udition of the slaves, and the strongest apprehensions
114- expressed lest we should proceed with steps too
y,
and upon data not carefultlyfuerxfarmeeidn(end ;
biEtfoirse said
offtha You
tr
him emancipation, otherwise you entail nothing but
ktr'. for trY, upon the negro and ruin upon the plant: r. Now
fagji!e examination of that question, it will be nocessary,
, nave already said, to trouble the House with a few
tit, 82nd figures, Up to the present moment, I purpose's
that "ned from adverting to particular cases, for I thought
toreference to facts affecting individuals could lead
that 13ng beneficial, and might be productive of
de,. heat and irritation which it should be our earnest
L4t,' th Lre t° avoid, (Hear.) I trust, therefore, that by
p;°- who may follow me similar abstinence may be
its
thee('actiS and
that in the course of such discussion
Othipresent measure may give rise to, we shall escape
ng of that painful and profitless species of disputa-
h°l,4,Which none but the enemies of the colonies and
triaen-,"" I ature would desire to see prevailing. If for a ma-
h should seem to depart from that rule which
Prescribed, it will, I assure the House, be so only in
aree4rince, my earnest and sincere desire being to avoid
tiou.
°lng having the slightest tendency towards irrita-
ali"-•(Hear, hear.) I have now in my possession a
ralilt,tY, of Pipers, to the results of which I will proceed to
'e attention of the House, on the subject of the
Orantities of sugar produced during three several periods
those
years each—its effect upon population during
*hie, Periods and the mode of exacting the labour by
these the sugar was produced. Before I can conclude
thiteth statements, I do think the House will agree with me,
Its, rue time has arrived when humanity compels us to
f.:. and decisively pronounce that the negro must be
rin-!Pated. The particulars with which I have been
oih-l'hed are from the official triennial register, and from
d' er sources of the highest authenticity. From these
th,lttleents, I think nothing can be more evident than
ti'n','n Proportion as sugar has increased, men have de-
and to this general rule there are but two excel).
1832 In Jamaica, from the year 1823 to 1826, onwards to
cin' 'ye find, dividing the nine years in three several pe-
t "N, that in the first period in that colony, the prodne-
tli? 'l'o
-Igor was 1,354,488 cwt., and it the second period
of thP%ltlction was 1,389 000 cwt. The mean population
to a4"r't period was 334,000 ; in the second it fell off
11-:i°00. In Demerara, the production of sugar in the
elvPeriod was 652,000 cwt. ; in the second, 662,000
dirnt; ; the third, 806,000 cwt. ; and what was the
tiod.l.,ution of the slave pobu'ation during those three pe-
slava • In the first, on the average of the three years, the
57,,1"' were 72,722 ; in the second, 71,005; in the third,
ss4:llof---67,000 slaves were made to produce 800,000
ugarr,ln•Brbice, the poipation
Stves was reduced from 22,000,e which it wasp in the
c't those periods, to 20,821, which we find it in the
Perr"bile sugar goes on in this proportion. In the first
°°, 51,600 cwt. ; in the second, 64,000 cwt. ; and
to„ the third, with a declining population, it was aug.
%'llted to the fearful amount of 94,312 cwt. One oft he
C'll:'l),i 008 to which I have alluded, was Trinidad. There
orer' in that colony a trifling increase in population as
h al in production ; but, at the same time, it is to be
•
it to mind that many negroes have been brought into
144:he°1°nY, as free labourers, from the Spanish Main.
adoes formed another exception. There, in the first
tilt.l°,l, the production of sugar was 32,000 cwt., and in
second it had fallen down to 29,000 cwt. ; while the
't".ls,e population
,thus., then, we
hes....l(Zlvanced from 79,800 to 81,349.
the
dun find, that as production increases, human
hear.) We might suppose, at
:lite first view, that children under ten years of
to D Would not be affected by the production of
Rey in
snose colonies ; but what is the fact ? that
1,111., do happen to be the very class of the population most
h thlY diminished by the course of events whose effects
t 4 the
hest been detailing. The reason must be obvious
of tht lloUse--the increase of labour, and the operation
se punishments by which the labour was called into
t,,,nee...-the productive power of the slaves themselves
4tt 624'inIshed. In the year 1817 the number of slaves
the ages of 30 and 40—the period when their
klifAnaS:; o
at f labour was the most productive—there do we
lilsre between the year 1817 and the present period,
0,1 sol' a difference of 11,652 persons between the ages
g1!1b.4 'l'd 40 ; from 40 to 50 there was a considerable
rh on os but not so from 60 to 70 and upwards.
'ts'4
,: Not labour, those rendered incapable of further
tkle°4 by the intense application of the West India
toira-f stimulating men into exertions, are numerous as
compare with the other classes. I feel that in going
these dry details I may have incurred the hazard
7 '''Ying the House, but they did appear to me to
us4aatters of the highest moment ; and I must here
411, derive to observe, that if no other advantage w.s to
Lot,'llved from the appointment of protectors of
thi,We have at least this benefit—that they afforded
c'atil,-le other recorded facts which I shall now sum-
Y before the House. This alone, I think, has
•ttil,tittitied the appointment of those officers in the
colonies, and would fully warrant Parliament
ba,ktii':ti,ng upon their introduction into the chartered
ot"'titit- al". I find that in 1829 the number of puni,ll-
- the turned to the protectors was no less than 6,500 ;
'l',llll,r4X year they were increased to 18.324 ; the
of year y,:r°ll.,l..ishe. in that time amounting to 194,7410mb1enr
litl?aoi,h MI, the population being 58,000, the nu
to . ornents were 21,656, the lashes being 199,500.
tO IN
&the the." official record of the punishments, supplied
'es
~rotectora of slaves by the owners themselves. It
Kt4'll;':t include any punialimi nts inflicted under judicial
4 . not one of those inflicted by direction of a
,p,:,,ate; but those domestic punishments which, in
totot pees
state of the law, were sanctioned; and this
'B°, let it be recollected, is confined to the crown
411 d it is the domestic, irresponsible punishments
re owners of slaves have inflicted by their own
I.'ffol-tY. Have I not, then, shown sufficient to warrant
n'tte,;("e in taking a st-p of immediate interference, to
;"ts,e What Mr. Canning called " the abstract love of
kOiCti,tc Whip?" lam aware that we have been often
7,44 With our ignorance of the negro character ; my
test that any man may inform himself sufficiently on
'o'oO:'nt, and that we commit a grievous error when we
kiYba, that the moral circumstances attendant upcn
changedsO the physical character of the neero
lsla-
!tltibmt'lle him forfreedom. It is a most dangerous error
qash that to the physical qualities of the negro
Ivi!siyielsulted solely front the moral conditions which
ooNi, ad superinduced. It yet remains to be seen
4
to:istir
,1115 negro is less industriou,, cr less
i:!i,ck Hear)—to better his condition than other
ttts, e are, however, told to look at the manumitted
leoet
ond we are taunted with the fact, that not 20
4 those manumitted had ever returned to field
tliol' as 2p
very much doubt if altogether there were so
ts,rPreoe field negroes manumitted. From 1817 to
!coal time it (lies not appear that above 14,163
tiitey strutted altogether; three.fourths of these
.were
to tiot:,,:nd I can have very little difficulty in imagining
whieh led to the manumission of those, and
kl:!aioill" omission likewise of their male children. Toe
al,oaotni fourth were made up chiefly of domestic slaves
eehani
of brought up to field
'etre, andrtes; none these were avo th
Jai no matter of surprise that when manu-
lOR 07 should not have turned to that, the most de-
ti,ktt bi,,,Tethe employments in which negroes are engaged.
'44itthlt °I this argument amounts to saying, that the
await
Ititirte,,,zl" fit for emancipatioti and that we must
so toin tilt are • and •I • be good for
, !leo - that argument, it 4Non,°o7 tOO •
fat'; for it proceeds to the indefinite
11,4bt,.() or we must Postpone emancipation, not fur
l'i4l-:tncie."", Years, but to some period no one can say
taC° I know that people will tell me we do not
1 tha eetusie
ft op° ~,egroe, slavery—we merely wish to postpone
'Y are fit for freedom—till they manifest
"I•s,t'ein For for laborious industry sufficient to qua-
-444 if it the privileges of free men. That argu-
Ihp,"er NIIPZVe_S „anY thing, proves too tnuch...
population
s tipp, f 4 aisposition to labour until popula
,t th "d ; and will that ever take place
t'so. e depopulating •
We influence of slavery Pre-
L,slikve wilit, Lotu that the negroes own no domestic root ry ueY, so long as you keep them in that state
the deb
tla n't of f
.es their principles, and which de
laoti„ foresight and which takes away front
vs to industry, The slaves have no etlu-

cation, and you deny them any ; for, as slaves, they can
have none. They have hitherto been treated as chattels
attached to the soil—do you think they can be made fit for
freedom, till freedom has exercised its influence upon their
minds and upon their moral character ? The treatment
of the West India neeroes is a stain upon a Christian age,
and upon a country professing itself Christian. If the
slaves be made acquainted with religion, they must learn
that slavery is inconsistent with the Christian religion;
and will you shut out religion, in order that you may
maintain slavery? Other countries have read us a severe
lesson upon this subject. In colonies belonging to Catholic
countries, no man was allowed to possess a slave, who
did not provide the means of instructing him in the
Catholic faith. Be that, however, as it may, this I will
say, that the Hause will ill discharge its duty, if it does
not forthwith put forth a declaration of religious freedom,
as respects the colonies, and leave to every negro within
their limits, the free, independent, and inviolable right of
adopting whatever form of Christianity be may think
proper. The next point to which I mein to advert is the
evidence of Mr. Dumas himself, a man of colour, and who
had the best opportunities of forming an opinion upon
such subjects; because a case fell under his observation at
Antigua of an experiment made upon 371 captured
negroes and 36 freehold escheated sleeves, which bore
directly on this part of the question. If there were any
case in which such an experiment could be made under
unfavourable circumstances, it must certainly be when
Afric ins newly captured and unaccustomed to slavery were
to be maintained and regulated according to the manners
of the inhabitants of civilised countries. Yet the result
of this experiment at Antigua was such as, I think the
House will say, afforded a convincing proof of the fitness
of the negro for speedy emancipation. With the excep-
tion of a single case of petty larceny, the manumitted
slaves had, up to July last, when he left the island, been
guilty of no, breach of the liws whatever. Their industry,
as he stated, was remarkable, as well as the avidity with
which they endeavoured to obtain the possession of pro
perty, and the eagerness with which they copied the
dress, the manners, and the speech of the Creoles. In
some instances they had even the advantage of the
Creoles, and most of the laborious works at St. John's
were performed by them. They had gone on so pros-
perously and so diligently in their career of industry, that
many of them had purchased their own houses; end out
of the 371 captured slaves, only one man and five
women had been returned upon the bounty of the
crown; these, too, being induced to do so by medical
advice, as no longer able, from age or infirmity, to gain
their own living.—(Hear.) There was a still more
remarkable instance of the same kind in the Bahamas.
There the slave population was not regarded by
themselves, but by the freemen of the islands,
as no longer belonging to the class of slaves, but as already
half free. An Hon. Gentleman has spoken of what he
saw in the Island of Cuba, where the soil was not only
highly cultivated for raising the necessaries of life, but a
large quantity of sugar was raised by free labour. With
respect to the case of the inhabitants of Sr. Domingo, in
my mind it proves just nothing at all. If we consider the
horrors of their long struggle for liberty ; if we call to
mind the uncertainty which hung over every species of
property ; if we remember the driving out of all the
capital formerly employed in the cultivation of the island ;
if we add to these the ruin of every species of manufac-
ture ; if, under all these circumstances, the cultivation of
sugar had been diminished, it would not be at all sur-
prising. But the House will recollect, that though sugar
is not extensively exported from St. Domingo, yet sugar
is very assiduously cultivated, as well as other necessaries
and conveniencies of life ; and all this is done by the mass
of free labourers, working on their own account. I have
a still stronger instance to adduce—the only instance,
indeed, of the gradual emancipation of a slave population
on a large scale with complete and entire success ; and if
I appear to dilate too much upon this topic, the House
will, perh,:pe, excuse me, considering the importance of
the subject-, when I state that ever since the plan for
the emancipation of the West India slaves has been
proposed, I have had an opportunity of conversing
with a person who could give me the most
important information on the subject—l mean the
President of Venezuela, who in 1821, the year in which
the measure of emancipation was first put into operation,
was the protector of slaves at Caraccas, and consequently
had the best possible opportunity of seeing what was done.
In 1821, it was determined by General Bolivar to carry
into effect a general measure of emancipation. It had pre-
viously
been a rule, that such slaves as took part in the
struggle against Spain should be liberated ; but in 1821,
it was resolved to proceed upon a general plan. For this
purpose, a fund was created for the purpose of redeeming
the slaves, principally, as we understood, from the proceeds
of intestate estates. At the same time a tariff of the value
of slaves was determined. They then proceeded to redeem
the slaves. The older slaves were first redeemed, and those
whose redemption cost the smallest sums of money ; they
next proceeded to purchase such as had the best claims in
point of character; and they went on steadily in this
course; so that, whereas in 1821, the number of slaves in
Venezuela was 100,000, at the time of which I speak
they were reduced to 25,000. This is an instance which
must be extremely valuable to the House in its discussions
upon this subject. Even in Venezuela there was no
immediate measure of emancipation. A course was
laid down—the certainty was given to the slave of
ultimately attaining his freedom—and those who la:d
down the course, which has proved so successful, did
not fail to persevere in the course which has led
to that success. Eager to take advantage of the opportu•
nity thrown into my way by my interview with this gen-
tleman, I put some questions to him upon such topics as
seemed likely to afford useful information to me and to the
House, fir the purpose of directing us in the business of
legislation on this important question. The first objection
which struck me against thee plan was the jealousy of the
unt4riancipated slaves against their more fortunate brethren.
I therefore asked him " What was the effect upon the
minds of those whom you left in slavery at the time when
you redeemed the others?" " There was not the slightest
jeelouse (was his reply)—their condition was not wretched
—they had indulgent masters—masters rendered more in-
dulgent by this prospective freedom of their slaves. Still
liberty was the obj,ct of their wishes ; but seeing that they
were sure in their turn to reap the same advantages, they
were content to wait with patience." But as any as-
sumption of superiority on the part of the emancipated
slave might have in time destroyed this feeling, 1 asked a
second question : " What a ffect had the acquisition of
freedom upon the emancipated slaves themselves ? Did
they feel any sense of degradation in mixing with those
who had formerly been thir companions ? Had they any
r. luctance in joining them in the labours of agriculture?"
" None in the least," he said, " if there be any difference
between time free labourer and the slave working on the same
estate, it is only that the free labourer works with greater
energy." The last question which I put to him was—
" What effect had this substitution of free for slave labour
upon the agriculture of the country ?" "In 1821," he
replied, " when the measure first came into operation,
agriculture was reduced to the lowest ebb ; it is now fl,m-
rishing." In corroboration of this statement he showed
me a letter from the Treasurer of Venezuela, a near rela-
tion of a gentleman a Member of this House, in which it
is stated, that in the article of sugar, so far from any dete-
rioration having taken place, the cultivation of it had only
begun since 1821. Till there was a free labouring ripu-
dotion in Venancio, not a single pound was raised in Ve-
nezuela. Now that country has begun to furnish Curacoe
with sugar. Even in the English island of Trinidad, the
rum of the adjoining continent was sold and denominated
as the best Jamaica rum. Having thus stated in detail
what I conceive to be the real circumstances of the case,
having particularized the position in which this country is
placed, which renders it impossible upon this point that
the Legislature should stand still, even if it would ; having
shown, from the events which have taken place in other
colonies, that perseverance in our system is replete with
danger ; having dwelt upon the facts which are de-
tailed in official documents, and stated the repugnance
of the Colonial Legislature to take any effectual step,
either for the immediate or the gradual abolition of
slavery ; having proved, in my opinion, the absolute
and imperative necessity by which this House is bound
to advance calmly, but resolutely and determinedly,
to the one great object, the ultimate and complete aboli-
tion, to the utter destruction of the last vestige of colonial
slavery ; having stated all this, I now proceed to lay
before the House the means by which this great object
may, in my judgment, be effected—not without danger
(for that can hardly be)—but with the least danger that
may be. I will not now eater into the details of the mea-
sure. I will merely show the outline of the measure
which I intend to propose—a measure, no doubt, suscepti-
ble of amendments and modifications, for :t is impossible
that any Governtnent can propose a
so complicated a matter, which shall ein every respect
be
unexceptionable—which shall not plan, particularly in
liable to many great
and grave objections; but the proposed measure is °pee
to the consideration and the judgment of this House and
of the country, and our only wish is to try
if by any
mucous we can reconcile contending hetet eats and conflicting
claims, if we can effect that great,;that hallowed object—
the extinction of slavery throughout every country that
owes allegiance to the British Crown. The Hen. Mein
tier for Weymouth (Mr. Buxton), who has often advocated
the cause of the slaves, made a proposal in 1823, for
the progressive abolition of slavery, by providing that all
children of slaves born after a certain date should be

free. That was the whole of' his demand then ; that
was the consummation at which he then aime,f;
and that, in fact, would have secured the extinction of
slavery. The Hon. Member then used these memo-
rable expressions—" If you will not go hack, at least do
not go forward. Ido not ask you to retrace your steps,
but I demand for every child that shall hereafter be born
of a slave, the rights and the privileges of a freeman."
To the whole and full extent of what the Hon. Member
for Weymouth (Mr. Buiton) then asked us to go, to
that whole extent are Government now disposed to go ;
and they are disposed to make a still more extensive change
—to avoid that objection to the Hon. Member's plan,
which Mr. Canning made in 1823. " What !" said Mr.
Canning, "will you place the future in a condition so far
superior to the present generation ? Will you so far in-
vert the feelings between parent and child as to doom the
parent to hopeless slavery, while the child is free from his
birth ?" The power of this argument was irresistible, and
the House felt it. I trust the House will now feel that it
is necessary to act in a different way, and that they wili
not think it sufficient to promise freedom for the future
generations, but to provide freedom for the present.
I am prepared to offer freedom to the existing
generation ; I would not condemn them to that
state of despair in which Canning supposed the Hon.
Gentleman wished to leave them ; but I agree with
the prudent language which was used in the discussions
of 1823 and 18,24, that the slaves should not be made
free by one hasty step—that the shackles should not be
burst at once—that they should not he flung forth suddenly
from slavery to freedom, for which they may be unfit. But
am I prepared to say that we ought to wait for any given
period, for one or two years,,and that then the slaves
should he irnineiliately emancipated ? I say there would
he still greater danger if such a course were pursued, be-
cause the slaves would he unsettled, by having the pros-
pect of liberty so long set before them. The intermediate
period would undoubtedly be a period of great excitetnen's
and the slaves would be abandoned to irrepressible disobe-
dience and want of control. I propose a safer and a
middle course, which will give to the slave all the
essentials of freedom, will gradually sweep away slavery
arid remove the slaves from the restrictions imposed upon
them by Colonial Legislatures, but leave them still subject
to such regulations as will operate as an incentive to the
acquisition of industrious habits. I propose that every
slave, on the pasing of this Act, shall immediately, not in
one year ner two years, have the power of claiming to be
put in a situation in which they may enjoy all the
privileges of freemen—in which they may wear no servile
badge, and be subject to no corporeal punishment—in
which they may be entitled to the fall enjoyment of all
the comforts of their domestic ties—in which those who
are nearest and dearest to them may not be liable to cruel
punishments—in which their evidence in courts may not be
disputable—in which their rights of property may be as full
and as complete as those of their masters—a state, in short,
in which they would be entitled to every right and every
privilege of freemen, subject to this condition and to this
condition alone—that for a certain period they shall con-
tract to labour under their present owners but their then
employers. lam asked how I propose to meet all those
acts of the Colonial Legislatures which control the actions
of slaves ? Why, I say, if you pass a measure of this
kind, you sweep away all these acts at once. These re-
gulations are enacted for slaves; but they are no longer
slaves. They would be entitled to every right of person,
of property, of religion, to which a freeman is entitled—
subject to this one only conditisn, and that but for a
limited period. I cannot believe, even if the matter stood
thus, and thus only, that this condition would be consi-
dered such an infraction of the freedom of the labourer as
would give out the smallest reason for the opponents of
slavery to withhold their assent from the measure. Those
who are anxious that this House should proceed to the
immediate abolition of slavery, and who wish that every
trace of slavery should vanish in a few years, would do
well to reflect in what condition the agricultural labourer
in England is placed when he works upon contract—
bound, as he is, to provide for himself lodging, clothes,
and food, for which his wages are so inadequate.—
(Hear, hear, hear.) In what state is it proposed to place
the negroes? The master will be bound to supply him with
food and clothing, or to give him money to provide
them, if it should be thought more advisable by the negro.
For this, three fourths of the negro's time are to be
given to his former owner—the day being considered as
consisting of ten hours ; and seven hours and a half can
not be considered any very exorbitant demand for these
advantages. For the remaining fourth part of his time,
whether it be taken as portions of the day or of the week,
the negro is at liberty to transfer his services where he
pleases ; but with this advantage, that the master is bound
to employ him at a rare of wages proportionate to the
value which he originally sets upon him. Much of the
dispute upon this question depends upon mere verbal criti-
cism. "At what rate shall we fix the rate of wages?" it
is asked. " Can you fix any rate applicable to any two
islands ?"—" Can you fix any rate applicable to all the
islands ?"—" Can you fix a rate applicible to every species
of labour in any one particular island ?" On the otter
hand, we may ask, " Shall we fling this whole matter
loose, and satisfy ourselves by saying that the wages shall
be such as are sufficient to supply the labourer with the
necessaries of life ?" There may be some islands where
the unoccupied land is of great extent, where the fertility
is such as to render food easy of acquisition, where
the wants of the people are few, and easily sup.
plied. If wages were there restricted to what is ne•
cessary for procuring the mere necessaries of life, it would
be impossible that agricultural labour should not come to
an immediate and entire cessation. Would such wages as
these be a sufficient inducement for the negro to iievote
himself to continual labour? I do not credit what some
people say about the negro character; but I do crAir
what is said about the slave character. I know the effect

of a tropical c,itnate. The eff•ct of the state of slavery in
these countries is to inculcate upon the slave that labour
is the greatest of all curses, and that the removal of labour
is t; .e greatest of all blessings. To throw the slave sud-
denly into freedom would he to damp all his inclinations
to industry; it would be exposing him to the temptation
of recurring to his primitive habits of savage life from
which he has but lately been reclaimed ; therefore some
restriction is necessary for a time both for the masters and
for the good of the slaves themselves. Now there can be no
better security devised thin that which has been proposed,
by obliging the masters to fix a value upon their slaves,
and afterwards regulating the rate of wages by that value.
In what other w,yis it possible that the rate of wages
could be fixed? Should it be referred to a committee of
planters to determine the rate of wages according to the
cost of maintenance and the price of the necessaries of
life? There can he no other criterion. My Noble Friend
speaks as if there could exist any competition, and that
the rate of wages could be determined by that. I should be
glad to hear him support, much more prove, such an opi-
nion. There is, I repeat, no mode of doing more equal jus-
tice than by imposing upon the planter the necessity of fixing
the price of the wages in this way; because the re-
lation hetween the wages and the price fixed would ope-
rate as a check upon the planter's valuation. If he fixes
a high price, he pays a high rate of wages. If he fixes
a low price, the easier it is for the negro to obtain his
freedom. I propose, therefore, that the labourer shall
hare a right to claim employment of his master for one-
fourth of his time, according to a fixed scale of wages;
that during such one-fourth of hit, time, the labourer shall

be at liberty to employ himself elsewhere ; that the master
shall fix a price upon the labourer, at the time of his

apprenticeship ; that the wages to be paid by the master,
shall bear such a proportion to the price fixed by him,
that for the whole of his spare time, if given to the
master, the negro shall receive one-twelfth of his price
annually, and in proportion for each lesser term.—(At
this time some marks of impatience were shown by
the House, which were met by cries of " Order.") The
Right Hon. Member continued :—I will detain the House

no longer than is absolutely necessary. In what condition
does the planter then stand ? He obtains three-fourths of
the negro's time for his food, clothing, and lodging.
It may be asked, is it not necessary, in arranging a
plan of such magnitude and import:lace, to look at
the loss which the West India proprietor is about to
sustain ? Is it right or just that on him alone should
be thrown the whole burden of repairing the injustice
which has been done to the negio, with the concur-
rence of the National Legislature, for ages ? The pies-
two must not be looked upon as confined entirely to pro-
perty, however fully the species of property in
question
may be sanctioned by law; however frequently it may be
made the subject of legal decision..—l will not enter into
the abstract question, whether one man ever can con-
sistently with the principles of natural justice acquire a pro-
perty in another man ; hut I proceed upon the principle
that if one man employs the labour of another, lie is hound
to give him relief, end to take upon himself a portion of
the risk attending his being so employed. Upon what
then do the colonists rest their oljections? Upon the
deterioration. of West India property. It is exceedingly
daft cult, iu the present state of such property, to fix any
criterion for fleterinining its value. I know an instance
of a West India estate producing 1,4001. a year, which
was mortgaged for 5,0001. or 6,000/., and afterwards sold
for 10,000/. All incumbrances having been cleared off,
and a surplus left besides, it was sold last year for an
amount which would be exactly covered by the produce of
last year. I admit all that can be said, therefore, about
the insecurity of West India property, and the uncertainty
of its market value, but I deny that any effect has been

produced by this upon the rate of profit derived from that
property. IVhen brought into the market, West India
property undoubtedly has sustained a fearful depreciation ;
but in order to ascertain the real state of the case, let us
look at the rate of profits, and in doing so, we have
r sure guide in the official statements of the quan-
tity and prices of sugars as compared with the
planters' own statements of the cost of production.
Estimating the whole value of the annual exports from the
West India colonies at 1,500,000/, we propose to. advance
loan to the planters, amounting to ten years' purchase
of those exports. We propose a loan to the West India
planters of 15,000,0001. It will be a question for Par-
liament to decide in what manner and on wh it conditions
that loan shall be granted, and how it shall be repaid—
and further, if they shall be prepared to go so far as to
say that they will not require repayment, it will be for
Parliament, if it shall think fit to do so, to convert the
loan into a gift. In the first instance, however, our pro-
position is to advance to the planter a loan of fifteen mil-
lions, in consideration of the sacrifice on his part of the
fourth of the labour of his slaves. With that fourth of
his labour the negro will be able in twelve years (if we
have not fixed the rate of wages too high, which I do not
think is the case) to purchase the other three fourths of
his time. From the labour of the negro, in the first in-
stance, the planter will have the means of paying Govern-
ment the sum advanced ; and at the end of twelve year:;
the purchase money of the whole labour of the negro will
be at his disposal. Ido not state this proposition as
wishing to bind the House with respect to it. On the
contrary, I wish that both the amount of relief which the
planter is to obtain, and the means -of repayment, may be
fully open to consideration. I also wish to leave to the
consideration of the House whether we shall or shall not
call upon the negro labourer to contribute his share to the
repayment of the sum advanced to the planter. It is
quite clear that the repayment must be borne either by-
the produce of negro labour, or by the revenue of this
country; it cannot in justice be borne by the planter.
One or other of these alternatives Must he adopted. There
is certainly a middle course, but 'into that consideration a
will not at present enter. For my own part, I think I
great object would be gained by calling on the negro to
contribute his share to the repayment of the advance. I
think it more likely that the negro will continue in a state
f industry and exertion, if out of his wages for the
fourth of his labour some deduction should be made for
the purpose I have adverted to. To tell hint that out of
the produce of the fourth of his labour something should
be laid up for that purpose, would certainly be more con-
ducive to create in him habits of industry and of self denial,
than if, having all his wants provided for by the planter
in consideration of three-fourths of his labour, he should
feel that the only object of employing the remaining
fourth would be, at his own option, to provide himself
with superfluities. In the latter case there would not be
such a stimulus to active exertion as in the former. .1,
therefore, do not think that to exempt the negro from
contributing his share of the repayment is by any means
desirable. I believe, Sir, that I have now stated as much
in detail as is necessary, and with one exception, the plan
which his Majesty's Government propose to carry into
effect on this question. The exception is this. It will
be necessary, in order to secure the success of this plait,
to provide that, the absence of which has rendered so
many former proceedings with respect to the colo-
nies, void and ineffective; I mean something of an
executory power. The House will, therefore, be called
u pon to consider the expediency of having in the
other, as in the c tnquered colonies, stipendiary magis-
trates, to be appointed by the Crown, unconnected with
the colonies, having no local or personal prejudices, paid
by this country, for the purpose of doing impartial justice
between the negro and the planter, of watching over the
negro in his state of new-born freedom, and of guiding
and assisting his inexperience in the contracts into which
he may enter with his employer. There is also another
object on which I ant sure his Majesty's Government will
not appeal in vain to the House or to the country. I feel
perfect confidence in calling upon this House to pledge
itself in aid of the local legislatures of the colonies, or with-
out any aid from those Legislatures, to the establishment of
a religious and moral system of education for the negroes.
You are about to emancipate the slaves ; the old, after a
trial of their industrious and other good qualities--the
young immediately. With the young, therefore, your re-
sponsibility will immediately commence. If you place
them in a state of freedom, you are bound to see that they
are fitted for the enjoyment of that state; you are bound to
give them the means of proving to themselves that the
world is not for merely animal existence—that it is not
the lot of man merely to labour incessantly from the
cradle to the grave—(Hear, hear)—and that to die is
oot merely to get to the end of a wearisome pilgrim-
age. You should endeavour to give them habits, and to
imbue them with feelings calculated to qualify them for
the adequate discharge of their duties here; and you
should endeavour to instil into them the conviction, that
when those duties shall be discharged, they are not " as
the brutes that perish "—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I have now
gone through the various points to which I think it neces-
sary to call the attention of the House. I know the diffi-
culties, the almost insurmountable obstacles, which attend
almost any plan with reference to this subject ; and I know
the peculiar disadvantages under which I bring f Jrw ird
the present plan. But I entertain a confident hope that
the resolutions which I shall have the honour to submit
to the House contain a germ, which, in the process
of time, will be matured, by better judgment and
knowledge, into a perfect fruit ; and that from the day
on which this Act passes there will be secured to the
country, to the colonies, and to all classes of his
Majesty's subjects, the benefit of a virtual extinction
of all the horrors attendant on a state of slavery; and
that, ac no very distant period, by no uncertain
operation, but by the effect of that machinery which
the proposed plan will put in motion, the dark stain will
be wholly blotted out of the institutions and practical policy
of Great Britain.—(Hear.) Sir, in looking to this most
desirable object, it is impossible not to advert to those who
first broached the mighty question of the extinction of
slavery, who were the earliest labourers in that cause, the
final triumph of which most of them were not destined to
live to see. They struggled for the establishment of first
principles ; they were satisfied with laying the foundation
of that edifice which they left it to their successors to rear;
they saw the future, as the prophets of old saw " the days
that were to come." But it is not without the deepest
emotion I recollect that there is yet living one of the ear-
liest, one of the mast religious, one of the most conscien-
tious, one of the most eloquent, one of the most zealous
friends of this great cause, who watched it in its dawn—
that Wilberforce still remains ; I trust to see the final con-
summation of the great and glorious work which he was
one of the first to commence; and to exclaim, like the last
of the prophets to whom I have already alluded, " Lord,
now let thy servant depart in peace."—(Hear, hear.) Sir,
it is with great regret I have felt it necessary to detain the
House so long; but, on a subject. of so much difficulty, it
was imperative on me to do so. I will now, however,
after thanking the House fur the patience and attention
with which they have been so good as to listen to me,
conclude with offering up an ardent prayer, that, by the
course which they may adopt, they will fur the second
time set the world a glorious example of a commercial
nation, by whom commercial advantages are considered
right in the balance against justice and religion ; that they
will achieve the great object of extinguishing slavery,
Jadually, safely, but, at the srme time, entirely ; a re-
sult the more valuable, if accomplished by a union of sen-
titnent, by reconciling conflicting opinions, by a yielding
on one side and the other, which may make both sides
forget their extremes ; and that they will exhibit a great
and proud example of a deliberative assembly, vindicating
their character, moderately, but with determination, and
in a manner honourable to the nation of which they are
the representatives ; in a manner which will afford a sure
pledge of a successful termination of the glorious career
on which they are about to enter.—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") Sir, I now beg leave to move the following re-
solutions.—(The Right Hon. Gentleman here read the
resolutions, which were published in The Sun of Satur-
day last, and then proceeded.) lam too well aware of the
extent and of the importance of these resolutions to desire
to call upon the House to pronounce on them hastily. It
was with the greatest regret that his Majesty's Govern.
:vent felt themselves unable to accede to a proposition
which was made to them to defer bringing forward their
plan on this subject. But, after the publicity which had
been given to all the details of the proposed measure, his
Majesty's Government felt that it teas important, in justice
to themselves and to their plan, to refuse the delay, and to
state, through their official organ in that House, the
grounds and principles of the proposed measure. Having
done so, however, I have no wish whatever to call for a
sudden decision of the House scion the subject. If it
should be the desire of any Hon. Member to have farther
time to confider the resolutions, I am not only prepared to
accede to such an intimation, but I must confess that I
think it would be very just and reasonable. It will there
fore he in the discretion of the House whether they will
enter into the discussion of the question at the present
moment or not.

In answer to a question from Sir R. PEEL, which was
inaudible in the gallery,
Mr. STANLEY sAid, that though the power of cor-
poreal punishment was taken from the masters, it was nut
taken away from the Magistrates and judicial authorities.
Up..n particular violation of contract the apprentices
labourer would he liable to corporeal punishment ; but in

other respects he would not differ from the Agricultural
labourer in this country.
Lord HOWICK said that, situated as he was, the
House would feel how painful it must be to him to be
compelled, by an imperatiVe 'sense of duty, to state an
',pinion adverse to the plan just unfolded by his Right
Hon. Friend. The present was a question of which the
importance had not been underrated at either side of the
House. It was a question upon which were at issue, not
•mly the honour of the country, but the happiness of mil-
lions. The proposed mode of treating it was pregnant
with such fatal results that he must briefly state his rea-
sons for opposing it. It had been said that the first reso-
lution gave the slave the essentials of freedom ; but this
was attempting to dupe the House with words. Th
only distinctio❑ between the slave and the freeman was
the condition on which he gave his labour, and that
being the case, how did his Right Hon. Friend seek to
get rid of slavery ? For three-fourths of his time the
negro is to be the apprenticed servant of his master,
not by his own free choice, but by a contract
forced upon him. And what was that contract? That
he was to give three-fourths of his time fur the food and
clothing which he now received. Now, in the evidence
taken before the House of Lords, it was stated that the
value of the supply furnished to each negro was 455. a -
year. So that the negro, for three-fourths of his time,
was to give his labour for one-fifteenth of its value. Was
not this a distinct mark of slavery? His labour would
not be voluntary, it would be extorted by the fear of
punishment. His Right Hon. Friend asked in what re-
spect the apprenticed negro would differ from the labourer
in this country ? The difference was the greatest in the
world,—it was neither more nor less than that one con-
tracted voluntarily, the other compulsorily. Was the plan
intended for the benefit of the slaves or their masters ?
There would be, no doubt, a dispute upon this point. If
for the master, he (Lord Howick) most solemnly protested
against any part of the system in respect to the pecuniery
interests of the master. Whatever were the claims of the
master on this country be had at least none on the slave.
The sieves, on the contrary, had themselves claims for
compensation.—(Hear.) But his Right. Hon. Friend
might deny that he intended this measure for the benefit
of the master. He might say he proposed certain parts
of the scheme for the benefit of both. If this was the
case—if be meant to promote the benefit of the slave
as well as that of the mister, this should be dis-
tinctly shown. But it was difficult to understand bow
the slave was to b 3 benefitted by giving away se
large a portion of his labour. Why not allow hint to apply
it to his own purposes ? His Right Hon. Friend said
that though there was no difference between the white
mau and the negro, there was a difference between the
character of slave and freeman—that the slave had con-
tracted habits of idleness which he could not easily get rid
of. But was not the plan of his Right Hon. Friend cal-
culated to continue that very evil ? He said that the negro
had been compelled to labour under a system of force,
fraud, and injustice. Why then continue, for 12 years
more, that same system of forcing the negro to labour
without the idea of reward, and solely by the idea of pu-
nishment? The necessary tendency of the regulations was
to perpetuate that vicious association of ideas which slavery
necessarily produced. On the view of the interest of the
negro, therefore, he (Lord Howick) was prepared to reject
the scheme. But there was another view to be taken of
the subject, and one to which some Hon. Gentlemen were
likely to give their chief consideration—the interest of the
planters. He asked, what would be the effect of the regu-
lations on the interest of the masters? Nominally, the
planter would have a right to three-fourths of the
labour of the sieve. But how much would that nomi-
nal advantage really produce to the master ? It was
not to be expected that the slave would voluntarily
give up his time to his master. His Right Hon.
friend had truly stated, that men would not labour dili-
gently and strenuously, except under the impulse of some
strong stimulus. In this country, in every country where
free labour existed, men were induced to work to avoid the
pressure of want, and they knew that the reward they
should obtain would be in the direct proportion of their
diligence and industry. In the case of slaves, they laboured
because they knew if they did not, they would be subject
to punishment, and, therefore, they submitted from a
sense of terror to do what was disagreeable to them
Which of these motives could be brought to bear on the
apprenticed negro ? Had the appr, nticed negro any motive
to voluntary exertion? His wages were not increased by
increasing his exertions. In no respect would he be a
greater gainer by work than by idleness. He would do a,
little as he could, not only from a desire to avoid tatigue,
and to reserve his strength for those hours which were at
his own disposal, but from a determination to make a con
tract and bargain unprofitable, which was in the highest
degree unjust. and to the advantage of hi 3 master. If the plan
of his Right Hon. Friend failed to enlist the feelings of the
negro, how stood the case on other groundi ? He has
admitted that there must be some stimulus. The planters.
and every witness who bad spoken upon the subject, con-
curred in stating that a slave would do twice as much for
himself, in a given time, as the utmcst amountof punishment
would induce him to do for his master.—(Hear.) This was
the case even under the present system ; with the cart-whip
at his back, the negro could not, by any amount of punish-
ment, be forced to give out the full amount of his power.
Accordingly, the Colonial Legislatures had uniformly
refused to allow the punishment of slaves to be dirsinishe,i.
The abolition of the whip was one of the first improve-
ments pressed on the colonies. In the debate of 182 e
Lord Seaforth (then Mr. Ellis) stated that there would be
no difficulty whatever in procuring the assent of th,
planters to this obvious and necessary improvement. It
(Lord Howick) was afraid that Lord Seaforth was no

aware of the real cause by which the labour of his negroes
was obtained. The Legislature of Jamaica, however.
refused to give up the driving system, and the driving
system was still in full vigour in Jamaica.—(Hear)—an.,
in every one of the legislative colonies. The whip had
been abolished in the Crown colonies ; and he would read

the sentiments of a person of great authority, speakim:
the sentiments of a committee of planters :—" It is only
through fear of punishment that ill-disposed slaves can
be induced to work ; and by the orders in council

the slave managers are so fettered, that their power is
inadequate to compel a proper quantity of work."
For " ill-disposed slaves," we might say " slaves in gene-
ral ;" for, so far as regards unwillingness to labour for

another, every slave is ill-disposed.—(Hear.) His Right
Hon. Friend had quoted the number of lashes inflicted in

the last three years in Demerara, and had stated, that
ahhough there had been a decrease of the slave population,
there had been a great increase in the number and severity
of the punishments. He (Lord Howick) wished he had
read the sentiments which followed from the Protector of
Slaves in that colony, in which that able and intelligent
officer added—" and three-fourths of the punishments
have arisen out of difficulties in respect to work." The
same officer said that seven-eighths of the whole punish•
merits inflicted in the colony arose, directly or indirectly,
from the same source.—(Hear.) A still more remark-
able fact was, that notwithstanding this vast increase of
the number and severity of punishments, the eff..cts they
were intended to produce had daily diminished ; that there
was a rapidly increasing difficulty in compelling the negro;
by any amount of punishment, to give that degree of
labour which he was capable of performing. The Colo-
nial Legislatures, in rejecting the improvement offered t
them, considered that if the present system was to be
kept up in full vigour, the power of stimulus must
not be diminished. His Right Hon. Friend asked whether
there was so much punishment in Jamaica as in Deme-
rara? He (Lord Howick) thought much less, for as
the number of lashes was regulated, they must be made
up in intensity, and this was borne out by the fact, that
in no colony was the mortality so great as in Demerara.
It might be alleged that he (Lord Howick) was arguing
inconsistently with his former opinions, and he admitted
that his opinions upon this subject had undergone a very
great change ; the more be had inquired, the more his
views of it had enlarged. He was now ashamed to think
how lightly he had imbibed the notion that it was all a
delusion to talk of the evils of slavery, and that the slave
was not to be pitied. The last time this question was
discussed in the House he did not vote. It was brought
forward at the close of the session by the Noble and
Learned Lord now on the woolsack in the other Hoes.,
but even his eloquence failed to convince him ; he thought
there was more declamation than re non in that speech,

and actually went away without voting. When he wa•
appointed to the office he lately filled, he became satisfied
that the negro ought to have protection against an abuse
of the power which the master possessed. But he was
not then convinced of the evil inherent in the system itself,
and it was only by the progress of discussion that he bLs
cams convinced of the practical failure of the experiment
on which we had been acting of late years, and particularly
during the last two years a
d;
theid l
ntleiagtroi
work
ktett
was ,
efsthaevePrerestoenwt
force to
eanbde mnoatinbtyai‘nveidll', the evil was less where the rnastei
was an irresponsible despot. In Jamaica there would
be
cases of infinitely mon. cruelty than in Demerara, but th,
total amount of suffering would be less. A good matte,
in Jatnaica need seldom use the whip. The slaves in the
island knew that the power of punishment existed, and
therefore did not provoke it. But in Demerara, the slave
knew that there was an amount of flogging beyond whici
the master could not go, and if he could bear that, 6.
:night be as idle as he pleased: practically it was thefact.
hat such was the feeling of the slaves, and that they acter
upon that feeling, If the slave received 25 lashes for being