The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-22 00:00:00

in
~~~ ~s

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 22, 1846.

In the proposition made on Monday by Lord JOHN
RUSSELL for the gradual reduction of duties upon
slave-grown sugar, and the ulterior equalisation of all
duties upon that article, whether slave-grown or
free-grown, foreign or colonial, we recognise the
commencement of a wholesome competition in com-
mercial reform between himself and his predecessor.
That proposition may be simply given as follows :
—That while the existing duties of 14s. on colonial
sugar be continued as it is without any alteration,
the present duties of 233. 4d. on foreign
free-labour sugar shall be immediately re-
duced to 215.; that that reduction shall apply
without distinction to foreign sugars generally,
whether the produce of slavery or not; and that, in
addition to this arrangement, the duty of 21s. shall
be reduced periodically until the equalisation at the
termination of five years of all duties both foreign
and colonial. This gradual reduction, according to
Lord Jousi RussaLL's plan, is to proceed in the sub-
joined gradation :

From sth July, 1840, to sth July, lU7
. 1847 lB4B ....,i. 20s.
1848
1849 1850
1850 lßsl
After 1851." ....... . ........ ..—.

Two circumstances are especially observable in
the Premier's explanatory address, namely, the
brevity of its details, and the simplicity of its lan-
guage. As the vehicles for the introduction of this
comprehensive relaxation in restrictive imposts, we
consider those two features of his harangue as by no
means unimportant, and likewise as most ap-
propriate to the occasion. With reference
to the reasons for the proposal of this
measure, they unquestionably required no very
elaborate exposition ; the supply of the com-
modity in question was proved to be inferior to the
demand—the importation charges were shown topress
very heavily upon the population of this country—
while the revenue derivable from this iniquitous and
gratuitous species of taxation tumbled not into the na-
tional exchequer, but into the pockets of individuals.
Nor were those the solitary reasons to be adduced for
the substitution of a more enlightened and more
honourable system in lieu of the one now in
operation—there were others capable of being enu-
merated as plentiful as blackberries, and some of
. these we have already ourselves particularised.
With reference again to the arguments ad-
vanced against the necessity of any alteration
whatever in the mode at present adopted for levying
duties upon various descriptions of sugar, the Premier
was somewhat more explicit, but at the same time
treated them with that cursory condensation of logic
which is generally opposed to a shallow antagonist.
Those, indeed, who pronounce themselves in
favour of the continuance of the differential duties
cannot even assume to themselves the credit of ad-
vancing any even sophistical pleas for the perpetuation
of their favourite system. Their arguments have not
even the negative merit of being sophisms ; and con-
sequently the answers given to those arguments by-
Lord JOHN RUSSELL were conclusive, without calling
for any peculiar effort of reason or any
remarkable display of intellectual ingenuity. As to
the equalisation of all duties upon foreign and colo-
nial sugar being considered pernicious, as an infringe-
ment upon the so-called protective system hitherto
adopted towards our colonies, that is a chimera which
has been pronounced such by the genius of British
legislation. The age, and the greatest statesmen of
the age, have declared the freedom of all commercial
intercourse, without exception, to be the only real
and profitable protection which can or ought to be
conferred upon the human family : and a writer in the
Edinburgh Review has happily specified the working
of the pseudo-protection on our colonial possessions as a
balance of profit and loss, which when reduced to
its elements stands thus :—" I make a gain by doing
you an injury, and, in compensation, I permit you to
make a similar gain by doing me a similar injury r
Well may the reviewer continue that such an arrange-
ment seems like " an attempt to embody the lex
talionis in mercantile transactions !" So generally are
these truths now recognised, that the Premier
scarcely devoted even a casual allusion to them, and
we presume that the deniers of these truths" will
content themselves with that simple expression of
dissent uttered on Monday by Lord GEORGE BEN..
TINCK, conscious that any oratorical enforcement of
their very antiquated opinions would be only liable
to render them supremely and personally ridiculous.
It was only with the philanthropic cant which has
unfortunately been employed as an offensive and de-
fensive weapon against any alteration in the existing
plan Lord J. RUSSELL had in reality oily necessity
to deal, and upon the flimsy and shameful character of
which philanthropic cant we yesterday took occasion
to dilate. The Premier very felicitously pointed out
that most significant fact in connexion with this outcry
against the patronage of slavery, that the outcry was
only raised when it suited the pecuniary ends of these
would-be charity-mongers ; that there was a violent
storm against the importation of slave-grown sugar,
while tobacco, and copper, and cotton, and various
other articles, the produce of slave industry, were
permitted to enter our markets without a dissentient
voice being heard. Then again, with equal
felicity, the Noble Lord exposed the inefficient
and hypocritical character of this compact, to refuse
the purchase of slave-grown sugar, under the pre-
tence of discouraging slavery, by explaining the
mode in which the restrictions of that compact
are obviated—the slave-grown sugar being disposed of
in framburgh, or Petersburgh, or elsewhere, and thence
introduced without obstruction into our English
markets ! May not that slave-grown sugar be ren-
dered accessible to our insular purchasers with infi-
nitely more facility, by being colonialised, instead of
being passed through the continental markets—by
being carried first to the Cape of Good Hope, instead
of to Hamburgh? There are a thousand means of
evading these Minatural restrictions, and that they
are evaded is notorious. Why, therefore, maintain so
monstrous and,lS,et so powerless a chimera ? So ma-
nifest have these grievances become, that their hour of
doom has arrived, their continuance is altogether
impossible even with the powerful support which will
in all likelihood be given for their perpetuation.
Granting, even for the sake of argument, that the Ad-
ministration were frustrated by the present Parliament,
that Parliament would forthwith be dissolved, and an
appeal to the country would then assure the noble
and patriotic endeavours of the Government.

A very interesting discussion took place on Monday
in the House of Lords upon a motion of the Earl of
Powis, that the St. Asaph and Bangor and Man-
chester Dioceses Bill be read a second time.

The object of the Bill is to prevent the see of St.
Asaph merging into that of Bangor, upon the decease
of the bishop of the former. The motion was opposed
by the Government—the Marquis of LANSDOWNE
taking the lead—and, after a ♦ery animated debate,
was carried by a majority of 10; the numbers being,
in its favour, 38; against it, 28. The Marquis of
LANSDOWNE subsequently stated that the Govern-
ment would offer no further opposition to the
measure, but would leave the expediency of
proceeding with it entirely with the Earl of
Powis. So far, then, as the Upper House is con-
cerned, it may be taken that, should Lord Powis
persevere, his measure will pass. The lateness of
the session, and the great measure which Lord JOHN
RUSSELL on Monday launched for discussion, and
which will be keenly and elaborately discussed, ut-
terly preclude any chance of the Earl of Powis's
Bill being this year passed into a law. There
is, indeed, scarcely a prospect of its being even noticed
in the House of Commons before the rising of Par.
liament. Should it turn out otherwise, we venture

to predict, as well from a general view of the question
as from the fact, that, though the voice of the Govern-
ment did not prevail last night, their opinions remain
unaltered, the Commons would certainly reject the
measure.

It will be in the recollection of our readers, that in
1835 a Commission was appointed, comprising many
of the bishops, to consider the state of the Esta-
blished Church. They reported, inter alia, that it was
not advisable to increase the number of bishops, but
that it was desirable, by a union of certain sees,
to constitute bishoprics in parts of the country
where the want of spiritual superintendence
was severely felt. They especially recommended
that a bishop should be appointed for Manchester,
and that this object should be accomplished by
uniting the dioceses of St. Asaph and Bangor.
This arrangement subsequently met with the
approval of Parliament, as well as many others
of an admirable description, the general ten-
dency of which was to equalise the labours
and to produce, as far as was practicable, a
due proportion of emolument among the bishops.
We hope, therefore, that a comprehensive scheme of
ecclesiastical reform, which has been so cautiously
entered upon, and hitherto been found to answer so
well, will not be disturbed by the piece-meal legisla-
tion of the Earl of Powis. The bishopric of Ripon
has been established by virtue of the Commission
already alluded to, and is answering all the
wholesome expectations that led to its for-
mation. Earl GREY admitted there was an
improved feeling in the country towards the
Church, and greatly attributed it to the reforms
effected by the Church Commission. Would it not
then be the height of itnpolicy to make a retrograde
movement, when the work of ecclesiastical reform is
progressing so favourably ? By the present ar-
rangement Manchester will continue to be
without a bishop till the intended union be-
tween the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor zhall hay'?
been 'effected by the death of one of their bishops.
Ten years have already elapsed since it has been
determined that Manchester ought to have her epis-
copal want supplied; and, comparing the importance
of that city and its teeming population with the dis-
trict proposed to be annexed to the see of Bangor, it
is greatly to be lamented that financial considerations
have alone necessitated a procrastination.
It is observable, as the Marquis of LANSDOWNE
well reminded the Earl of Pow's and their Lord-
ships, that Wales has already largely participated in
the reformatory fruits of the Commission, and
has realised a balance in its favour of two
thousand pounds a year. Whilst this benefit
was accruing a very obsequious silence was
maintained. "It was an odd coincidence," said
Lord LANSDOWNE, "that the Principality of Wales
brought forward this question just at the time that it
had received the_ maximum of all it could receive—
(Laughter)—and when the whole of those proceed-
ings were finally carried into effect, as recommended
by the Commissioners." Wales has made no scruple
of partaking in a reform affecting the whole of the
Church of the United Empire, but when the time
may soon arrive that, for the general benefit, a merely
titular sacrifice must be made, they put forth a cry
of "reckless spoliation," and dream that the bare fact
of a particular bishopric being very ancient, ought
to prevail against the solemn deliberations of
Parliament, sanctioned years ago, and that a
measure, matured under the advice of nu-
merous spiritual heads, should be at once
flung to the winds. The duties attendant upon a
union of St. Asaph and Bangor, and their extent of
area, would, as alleged by. Lord STANLEY, in some
instances, when compared with other sees, be ten-
fold less. Again, since the Commission was issued,
the population of the proposed diocese of
Manchester has added to itself a number greater
than that of the entire population of the
united diocese of St. Asaph and Bangor. That
St. Asaph is a very ancient bishopric is undeniable ;
but the respectable age to which Old Gatton and
Sarum had reached, weighed as a feather in the scale
of reason when the Reform Bill was proposed
to Parliament. Some people are rather venture-
some in their appeals to antiquity, and oftentimes tin •
wittingly supplying materials for astonishment that
things have been suffered so long to go on without
reform.

A good deal was elicited, in the course of the de-
bate, with respect to the opinions of some of their
Lordships, touching the important questions of whe-
ther there should be an augmentation in
the number of bishops, and also whether
new bishops should have seats in the
House of Lords. Upon the first point, we think
their Lordships will do well to bear in mind the
advice which the Duke of WELLINGTON tendered to
them some time ago. His Grace recommended the
Church to complete the work of its own internal reform,
before they invited the country to incur any addi-
tional burdens for the support of the Establishment.
The Church will, therefore, act wisely in limiting
her efforts, for the present to the prospering of her
own handiwork, already auspiciously in progress.
Upon the second point, we imagine that the general
tone of Lord LANSDOWNE'S observations, and especially
the distinct avowal of Earl GREY, will be read with great
gratification by those who are warmly attached to
the Established Church ; and may do something to
silence the calumnies of those who confidently pre-
dicted that her MAJESTY'S present advisers would
strive to weaken the Protestant hierarchy. " With
respect to giving new bishops a seat in
the House ,of • Lords, his own opinion
was, that if a new bishopric were created,
the prelate should take his seat on that bench. He
attached a great value to the presence of bishops in
that House." Such was the language of Earl GREY,
a member of the Government, who, more than any other,
it has been flippantly promulgated, is inimical to the
religious Establishment of this country.

The Coroner's inquest on the body of FREDERICK
Joni.; WRITE, the unfortunate soldier of the 7th

Hussars, who came by his death, as it is alleged, in
consequence of the severity of the punishment in-
flicted on him on the 15th June last, resumed its
sittings on Monday, and heard evidence on part of the
case, viz., on the fact and nature of the punishment,
and the health of the ill-fated young man before and
after the flogging.
A question was also asked by Dr. BOWRING, in the

House of Commons, on the same subject, which
called forth an explanation from Mr. Fox MAULS.
This must be considered as the defence of the mili-
tary gentlemen responsible for the punishment, and
arraigned at the bar of public opinion, for ,
their participation in the shocking transaction ;
it must, therefore, be looked on with some
degree of suspicion, but we fearlessly assert
that even supposing it to be correct to the utmost
extent, there existed no such necessity as could pos-
sibly justify the degrading and brutalising exhibition.
As to the offence, it was doubtless a grave one, and
the preservation of military discipline loudly de-
manded that it should be checked in a strong
manner ; but would not a sufficient example
have been made by a long continuance of
incessant drill, and close confinement, together
with the stoppage of the ordinary liberty and comforts
of the delinquent ? We doubt not that sucb a course
would have been found fully as efficacious for the pre-
vention of a similar offence. The regiment was not
in such a situation as to make its safety dependent
on a prompt and vigorous example. Neither
could the soldiers be said to be in
such a state of insubordination as to
render such a punishment necessary. At all events,
if such was the case, it speaks trumpet-tongued
against the efficacy of such a system, for it was
sworn in evidence before the Coroner " that the punish-
raent in thgat regiment was more severe than in any
other in the army ;" and the witness stated " that he
had seen an extraordinary degree of punish-
ment in the regiment while on service in America."
The heart sickens at the description given of the
revolting exhibition. The whips, or cats, with
handles eighteen inches long, with a number of
thongs about the same length knotted, and three of the
five produced in court stained with the blood of our
fellow- creatures—of those who had devoted them-
selves to the service of their country—who had left
home and friends, and given up their own

liberty for the public service. The cats, too,
that were used on the occasion, it appeared,
were those with dark handles, in which the
thongs and handles were heavier, the cords and knots