The Sun.
London, England, 1833-09-28 00:00:00

OLD BAILEY.

ABSTRACT OF THE RESULT OF COMMITMENTS
TO THE LAST SESSIONS.
Convicted. Acquitted.
Worship-street Office 33 16
Bow-street
Marylebone 2l 12
Hatton-garden
Marlborough-street
Whitechapel
Queen-square 1 3
Thames
County Magistrates 8 6

119 59
Lord Mayor and Aldermen 45 10
Of the above cases—
Mr. Justice Patteson tried .
Mr. Baron Gurney
The Recorder
The Common Sergeant 5B
Mr. Sergeant Arabin B7

12

The Leicester Corporation have hoisted the
standard of resistance to the Corporation Commissioners.
At a meeting of the Corporation on Wednesday, Mr.
Town Clerk Bo: bridge reported that the Commissioners,
after having occupied two days in his examination, " had
required other returns in addition to those already furnished
by him," and also demanded documents embracing the mi-
nutest details of Corporation affairs. The Commissioners,
on the question being put to them, had refused to say
that the perusal of these documents should be confined to
themselves, and, therefore, the Learned Town Clerk,
considering that the " further prosecution of the inquiry
was calculated to hold up himself and the Corporation to
the obloquy and ill-will of their political opponents," re-
quested the direction of the Corporation as to his future
course of proceeding. The Corporation, after some
discu-sion, came to a unanimous vote, " That they do not
consider that it can form any part of the object of the
Commission to assemble daily large meetings of the
town, and to require the disclo,ure before them of all
the private pecuniary affairs of the Corporation, and of
the tlles by which they hold their property ; and that,
therefore, they are of opinion that the Town Clerk should
not deliver up to the Commissioners the further books,
papers, documents, and accounts, which they have now
required." It appears that the Corporation are acting
under the advice of Mr. Sergeant Goulburn, their Recorder.

Last week, as a carriage belonging to Captain
Hall was proceeding from Collumpton towards Tremlet-
house, the seat of Cary, Esq., between that town
and Wellington, when near the White Ball, after leaving
the turnpike road, the postboy unfortunately mistook his
way and went towards a stone quarry, when the wheels
suddenly sunk, and the carriage twisted round, which
broke the pole and traces, and the vehick, fell down a pre-
cipice twenty-four feet deep. A lady and gentleman were
and a maid servant'on the hind dickey; the female
was much bruised, hut no bones broken. The n'aLn
vinasdnieth,
fractured,
ad his shoulder dislocated, and two or three ribs
but was able to proceed to London in a few
days, as were also the lady and gentleman. The carriage
was almost dashed to pieces.... Western Luminary.

(From the Morning Chronicle.)
LETTEIt TO PRINCE TALLEYRAND ON THE PRE-
SENT STATE OF THE BELGIAN QUESTION.
Paris, September 22, 1833.
MY PRINCE,--I know that I owe you no
gratitude—and that my correspondence with th. 3
Morning Chronicle has more than once excited
your wrath, and drawn down upon 0. P. Q.
(though to this hour wholly unknown), the
displeasure of Louis Philip's Representative at
the Court of St. James's. Your directions "to
find me out," and to torment and harass me,
are no secrets, and personally, therefore, if an
anonymous correspondent like myself can claim
the right of personification, I owe you no gra-
titude, and but little respect. And yet, my
Prince, believe me, I am not about to quarrel
with a valetudinarian, an octogenarian, and an
ex-diplomatist. 11l health, age, and the complete
discomfiture you have met with in this sad Bel-
gian question, will protect the Bishop of Autun,
the Aumonier of Charles X., the founder of the
National newspaper—and last, the Agent at
London of the Doctrinnaires ! ! Alas, alas ! my
Prince, you have lived too long for your talents
and your reputation. Your " good things"
are forgotten ; your jokes and conundrums,
witticisms, and repartees, have died before
you ; you are the last, except one (Charles
the Tenth), of the school of Courtiers; and
a new, busy, active, progressive school, has
sprung up, to which you do not, and, perhaps,
do not desire to belong. You began your life
by attacking the Catholic church, then by over-
throwing dynasties, and then by dancing or
praying, I forget which, at the fete of the Con-
federation ! Your last days have been devoted to
attempts to found dynasties—to support elective
monarchies—to settle the dimensions of coun-
tries by Protocols—and to treat people as shep-
herds treat their cattle—sell the " Luxemburg
mutton" to Farmer William !—and the " Ant-
werp mutton" to Farmer Leopold ! But allow
me, my Prince, to congratulate you on your
failure—to rejoice at your wain of success—to
remind you of what I have been writing for the
past three years on this everlasting Belgian
question—and to show you that the day is not
far distant when Belgium must be re-united to
France.
The history of the last three years' negotia-
tions as to the Belgic question is the most
amusing and farcical I ever read, with the soli-
tary exception of the Memoirs of Prince Tal-
leyrand. You have written home at least sixty
times, I mean to your friends at Paris, that they
were to pay no attention to the newspapers—
no attention to the agents of the King of Hol-
land—no attention to the letters from the
Hague, Rotterdam, and Amsterdam—but were
to buy Belgian Stock and hold it, quite satisfied
that the day was very near when Leopold and
William would sign a treaty of partition, peace,
and commercial relations, which would be most
durable. Some of these letters I have seen
Some of my acquaintances have visited you at
London. You have there held the same lan-
guage—spoken in the same tone of assurance—
and laughed or joked at those who en-
tertained an opinion that the Kings of Prussia and
Holland, and the Emperors of Austria and
Russia were not sincere. When these gentle.
men have returned to Paris, they have rushed
to the Club, to Tortoi's, to the Parliamentary
rooms, to the Chambers, to the Salons, and,
above all, to the Bourse ; and, in a sort of
mock solemn tone, in a whisper, and close to
your ears, have said, " I have seen Prince
Talleyrand—the Belgian question is marching
slowly, but surely—purchase Belgian Stock,
and hold it on, even though there should be a
fall." All this has admirably suited the Belgian
Stock contractors, Messrs. Rothschilds ; and
they are now thoroughly relieved of the inscrip-
tions which once oppressed them. All this is
part of a system not wholly unknown to you,
my Prince ; though I admit that, " in playing
the organ," you only take the part of the
" bellows-blower."

In 1831 you were occupied, my Prince, in
giving to or imposing on Belgium a King For
a long time you were sadly embarrassed—hunted
in vain for a Monarch—found one with great
difficulty, and when you succeeded, carried your
point by only a small majority. The Belgian
nation had no more really to do with your King
than the Natchez had to do with electing their
hereditary and savage chief. The London Con-
ference imposed Leopold upon Belgium, and
the inhabitants did not resist with brute force
the selection made for them. Europe looked
on. You thought you bad effected a vast deal
by the nominal election of Leopold ; and you
wrote home to congratulate your partisans on
this happy combination. The King of Prussia
did not send an army to overthrow your puppet ;
and so you imagined that your toy had pleased
him. The German Confederation did not order
Luxemburg to be occupied militarily, and so
you believed that it would consent to Leopold
becoming Grand Duke, and to his taking an
active and deliberating part at the Diet of
Frankfort. I told the readers of the Morning
Chronicle in 1831 that the German Princes had
come to an arrangement amongst each other as
to this matter, and the result has proved that I
was not ill informed. The nomination of
Leopold was never looked upon by the Courts
of Vienna, Berlin, or S!. Petersburgh, as a final
measure. They never proposed to recognize
Leopold, without the previous and full consent
of the King of Holland—and William wrote
with his own hand to the chiefs of the Orange
party at Brussels and at Paris not to be dis-
couraged, as the measures then taking were
merely provisional. It is very true that in the
year 1832, towards the close, and at the com-
mencement of the year 1833, you caused it to be
given out in the German and French prints, that
Ambassadors were about to proceed to Brussels
from St. Petersburgh, Vienna, and Berlin ; but
the Ministers have been a lcmg tune on
their routes ; and whilst the King of
Holland is courted and flattered by every
European Power—not even excepting France
and England—your unfortunate Leopold is only
recognized by the cabinets of St. James and the
Tuileries.. • I do not pity Leopold on this
ground, for the recognition of a thousand
Kings would never satisfy the Belgian people—
and his non-recognition would ueither prove
him to be a wise or ignorant, honest or dishonest

----konarch. But ,I mention this fact of non-
recognition just to show you that you have made
no progress—that even your King has gained
nothing by your three years' negotiations, and
that you must begin again de novo. In 1832
you were busily occupied with the marriage of
this Protestant Leopold to the Catholic daughter
of the Catholic King of the French. This,
you know, my Prince, you looked upon as the
very master-stroke of policy, and the short-
sighted crowded your drawing-room, and said
_ in your hearing, " How wonderful a man is
the Prince !" But this marriage, instead of
tending to accelerate, retarded the settlement
of Belgian affairs. The Kings of Prussia
• and Holland, and the Emperors of Austria
and Russia, instead of being urged on by this ar-
rangement to recognise Leopold and make peace
with France and the new State of Belgium,
were, on the contrary, by this marriage so of-
fended, as to resolve on taking an opposite
de•ermination. The letters of congratulation
:era from Berlin and Vienna to Louis Philip
and to Leopold, proved nothing whatever, ex-
cept the superior generalship of the Monarchs
of Austria and Prussia, and the adroitness of
Prince Metternich and M. Ancillon. You
know perfectly well' all that passed about these
very same letters between the Queen of Holland
and the Prince Royal of Prussia—and you
know that the former was entreated not to attach
the slightest importance to a mere diplomatic
measure, which meant nothing more than that
for the moment the northern powers desired
to save appearances. So you gained nothing
by the marriage but a young male child, who
has as much chance of being King of Belgium
as he has of being Emperor of China—and no
more!

In 1832 you began, however, my Prince,
to be convinced that « all is not gold that glit-
ters ;" and that the Northern Powers looked on
the arrangements of 1830 and 1831, as to
Belgium, as purely provisional. So you de-
voted some months to prevailing on the British
Cabinet to summon the King of Holland to
sign a treaty with Belgium—to recognise Leo-
pold as King—to fix the boundaries of the
new State—to arrange as to the debt of the
two countries—to make the Scheldt free—to
destroy or deliver up those forts and strong
places, the occupation of which by the King of
Holland would always secure to him the power
of stopping the navigation of that river at his
pleasure—to admit the ships of Belgium to
navigate the Dutch waters—and to deliver up
to Belgium the possession of Antwerp Citadel.
After months of negotiation—piles of letters—
doubts and difficulties—objections and suspi-
cions—this summons was presented by Eng-
glaed and France to the King of Holland--
and was treated by him then, as it is still
treated by him, with scorn and contempt.
And here let me ask you, my Prince, whether
any one of these points (except the cap-
ture of the citadel of Antwerp at an immense
expense) has been obtained by you, or has been
acceded to by the London Conference ? Has
the King of Holland signed a treaty with Bel-
gium ? No ! Has he recognized the Belgian
revolution, or Leopold as King? No ! Has
he fixed the boundaries of the new State ? No !
Belgium to this hour exists only in name—
and her dimensions are simply recorded in the
137th folio volume of the abridgment of the
Protocols of the Conference of London. Has
lie made any arrangement with reference to the
debt of . the two countries ? No. Is the
-Scheldt really, and permanently, and securely
free? No. The King of Holland, at a mo-
ment's notice, can stop the vessels of all nations
from proceeding up that river, and can overflow
in a few hours the spots of country from
which his forts on the Scheldt might be
attacked. Has he destroyed or delivered up
the forts of Lillo and Liefkenshoek to
the Belgian or French armies ? No. From
;he entrance of the river at Flushing to
the very gates at Antwerp, the stream is still at
the mercy of the Cabinet of the Hague ! Do
not tell me, my Prince, that, at least for the
time being, the Scheldt is free ! No, this is not
freedom—it is simply a momentary permission
to navigate, and which permission may be with-
dtawn by the very Monarch who granted it, and
that without the previous notice of even an hour.
Are the ships of Belgium suffered to navigate in
Dutch waters ? No. In fine, nothing has
heen accomplished by this famous summons of
1832 to King William on the part of Great
Britain and France, but the capture, at an itn-
mense expense, of the citadel of Antwerp !
And here allow me, my Prince, to say two
or three words as to the non-performance of the
conditions by the King of Holland, which were
entered into by Baron Chasse, or imposed on his
Majesty at the time of the surrender of the ci-
tadel in question. The Dutch garrison were to
be retained as prisoners until the forts of Lillo
and Liefkenshoek were delivered up to the Bel-
gian Government. Yet where are the Dutch sol-
diers now? At S!. °niers? No; but in Holland.
And by whose soldiers are the two forts in ques-
tion occupied ? By those of Leopold ? No ; but
by those of King William. The coast of
Holland was moreover to have been blockaded,
and the ships and merchandise of Holland held
as hostages until a treaty was signed by the
Dutch King, and until the Scheldt and Dutch
waters were freed, not only from the then existing,
but from all future impediments and difficulties,
Yet the blockade has been raised! the embargo
has been taken off! and King William has made
no sort of concession, but the optional, mo-
mentary, and most uncertain navigation of the
Scheldt. By the war against Antwerp and the
King of Holland, nothing then has been gained
but the mere possession of the citadel ; a
possession which is valueless, as it does not at
all secure the freedom of the river which flows at
its base. The first three months of 1833 were
occupied with negotiations as to Antwerp Citadel,
with the bombarding of the fortress, with the
proposals afterwards made, and with preparing
and signing a treaty between France, England,
and Holland, for placing the question in the
position in which it was found at the momont
the expedition to Antwerp was proposed by your-
self to the English Government. Nine months"
conference with Lord Palmerston—a three
mouths' war—nine months' blockade—an im-
mense expenditure, and a ruinous delay only
elinstt—er,
conducted you to the status 9no. The next
three months of 1833 were consumed in fruit-
less negotiations with the King of Holland.
The HandelsUad and Mr.
but they la-
ed
mes seen throualt
with zeal, and talent to aid you,
a
as the paid organ of the E .
bound in vain. The form
and violently expelled
and the latter was illegally a
ii)Gt
lot Government--
and
the result of all this was
from Holland, But
yeer so many shipwrecks, there
tuo
wtendoonTel`m:torolibautreiriamilaip:tee tI la
appeared an harbour ; post tot naiffragiu
bqftreitiloleeitensstvieetoni:ndiet;;?af_itaaongaidfuMt ' Vers to 1 kr,eetrnhceh