The Sun.
London, England, 1870-06-28 00:00:00

THE PRESIDENT ON CUB 1.

The President's Message on the Cuban question is an
impartial review of a highly important phase of national
policy. The opinions it enunciates are those which the
best authorities on international law have consistently
maintained, and its protest against the barbarities of the
contest is the earnest of an authoritative remonstrance
which we have repeatedly urged. The present document
refers to the position taken up by the President in his
first annual Message six months ago, and proceeds to re-
capitulate the present circumstances of the insur-
gents as the most conclusive vindication of the senti-
ments then expressed. The most important sec-
tion of the Message is that which refers to the
time-honoured policy and precedent of the founders of
this Republic on similar questions of international law.
The early necessity which existed for a well-defined rule
in such matters is clearly shewn, and the honorable pre-
eminence we have secured by a steadfast adherence to the
line so drawn, is emphatically noted. With regard to the
position of foreigners making war on a friendly State,
under cover of our protection, the President shews that
nearly all of his predecessors had to deal with, a similar
difficulty, and that all treated it in the same consistent
manner. As a question of policy, our relations with
Cuba are ably and concisely summed up in the statement,
" the question of belligerency is one of fact, not to be de-
cided by sympathies for or prejudice against either party."
After an exhaustive resume of arguments which we have
repeatedly adduced in connection with the same subject,
the President comes to the conclusion : " I am unable to
see in the present condition of the,contest in Cuba those
elements which are requisite to constitute war, in the
sense. of international law." The strength of a conviction
which has been reached in spite of a natural leaning to
the cause of the struggling colonists, and in spite, also, of
the weight of popular sympathy inclining in an opposite
direction, cannot fail to be appreciated by every candid
citizen. It ought, especially, to convince the Spanish Go-
vernment that our Executive has earned the highest right
to demand the perfect immunity of our citizens from
annoyance, and full reparation for all the outrages they
have sustained. Scrupulous honour has the best claim for
scrupulous justice in return. In seeking redress on be-
half of our injured citizens, and in interposing on behalf I
of a common humanity to prevent atrocities that disgrace
civilization, our Government occupies a position in which
it is impossible that its motives should be misapprehended.
Had any wish existed to provoke a quarrel with Spain,
and to profit by the dissensions of her colonists, it could
have been very easily and profitably gratified.
But in persevering in the high-minded and
honourable policy which was laid down very early
in the struggle, the President has shewn that
no such desire was ever entertained, and the
demands which he makes in the name of the nation ought
to receive instant attention. Though the Message wisely
abstains from apportioning the blame of savage warfare
anything but equally between Cubans and Spaniards, yet
the latter must necessarily bear the larger portion of the
blame. We treat with them as a regularly organised
Power, having disciplined armies, and professing to regard
the usages of modern warfare. Atrocities perpetrated by
them must, therefore, rank as more heinous crimes than
those committed by scattered bands of desperate and ill-
organised insurgents. From the one we are entitled
to demand the proprieties of a civilised people ;
from the other, though we may wish for mode-
ration we can scarcely be surprised to find excess.
The short and emphatic refere,nce to the fact that Cuban
bonds have been issued, whose payment is subject to the
recognition of Cuban belligerency, or independence, is all
that was required to make the Message a very complete
statement of all the points of a complicated question.
Perhaps no more appropriate comment can be made upon
such a proceeding than that contained in the document
itself, namely, that "it is a subject for serious reflection."
If the Government has a right to expect that its un-
swerving rectitude will Meet its due recognition from
foreign powers, it has ano less unquestionable right to
look for both appreciation and imitation among the
representatives of the people at home. One thing is
certain —we must tolerate no more outrages upon
American citizens in any part of Cuba.— New York
Times

WASHINGTON, June 13.

The Cuban Message sent to the House this afternoon
fell like a bombshell in the camp of General Banks and
his supporters on the Cuban question. To-morrow had
been set for the consideration of General Banks's report,
several strong speeches were to be delivered, and it was
intended to drive through the House a bill prepared by
by General Banks that is directly at antagonism with the
policy of the Administration. Very few persons were
aware that the. President contemplated such a Message.
It has been talked of in a quiet way for at
least a fortnight, and no determination as to it
was reached when the President went away last
week. He seems to have thought it over during
his absence, and his somewhat unexpected return
this morning may have been due to the fact
that he had made up his mind to send in the Message, or
at least consult with the Cabinet about the matter.
A special meeting of the Cabinet was called at noon.
Boutwell and Belknap being the only members absent,
and the Message reached the House just before four
o'clock. The reading of it caused some excitement, and
everybody in the House and galleries paid the closest
attention to it. General Banks asked that it might
be printed and laid on the table, this being the
usual course with papers relating to matters concluded
in committee, Mr. Judd thought it had better go
to the Foreign Affairs Committee. Mr. Cox broke out
in hot wrath, denouncing it as an insult to the committee
and saying it ought to be treated as the House formerly
treated Andrew Johnson's Message. Mr. Dawes then
came to the front, and remarked that, after Mr. Cox's
words, the only respectful course was to send it to the
committee. This was accordingly done by a decided ma-
jority. There is a great deal of talk in official and poli-
tical circles to-night about the Message, and nobody now
supposes that General Banks can, carry his Belligerency
Bill to-morrow.—Special Despatch to New York Times.

There. are very few Americans who will cherish at this
day any of the feeling of resentment against Mr. Dickens
which was so prevalent at the time of the publication of
" American Notes " and" Martin Chuzzlewit." The dis-
appearance of the sentiment of wrath may be dated from
the war, which while it gave us some cause fornational pride,
took a good deal of the old foolish conceit out of us ; but
the feeling had been on the decline for some time, a sober
second thought having convinced most sensible people
that Mr. Dickens was entirely honest, and his tendency
to caricature was inseparable from his genius, that he
had made greater fun of the weaknesses of his country-
men than he had of our own, and that there was a greal
deal more truth in his most disagreeable remarks than
would appear at first sight to an American whose eyes
were dulled by familiarity.—Boston Advertiser.

A DEMONSTRATION IN TRA.FALGAR,
SQUARE.

On Saturday Trafalgar Square was visited with a new
class of demonstration in a gathering of teetotaller from
all parts of London and the suburbs to agitate in favour of
Mr. Rylands' proposed restrictive legislation respecting the
sale of alcoholic drinks on Sunday. The place occupied
by the demonstrators was thst which was formerly the
scene of the Reform meetings, at the foot of the Nelson
column and facing the National Gallery, and the people
who made up the gathering were nearly all " Sons of
Phcenix," " Sons of Temperance,' and members of other
temperance societies. The various societies marched into
the square with bands and banners, and many present
wore tinsel ornaments, cross-belts, and sashes.
The position of chairman was taken on the base
of the column by Mr. Hillman, and the following con-
clusions were sought to be enforced :—" That ex-
ter ded restrictions on the Sunday sale of intoxi-
cating liquors would result in sensible public benefits,
including a diminution in drunkenness and crime,
and an improved condition of the homes of the people
more directly affected by them ; that to realise these
benefits no corresponding drawbacks would be incurred,
and no serious inconvenience occasioned to the sober and
respectable of all classes ; that the restrictions required
to obtain these results would be in accordance
with public sentiment ; and, therefore, that nothing
in the way of popular reaction may reasonably be
feared," The chairman urged that where the public-
houses were closed on Sunday, vice, crime, and pauperism
were diminished, as in Scotland, and he urged the working
classes not to hug their chains even if the upper did keep
their club-house rights of drinking and so of dissipation.
The motion of Mr. Corrigan was to support a petition to
Parliament in favour of Mr. Rylands' Bill, and arguments
in favour of the enforced total abstinence were urged
with some weight, and many homely illustrations
were used. Mr. Clutterbuck, a working man, seconded
the motion, and it was supported by Mr. Lester, who
described the publicans as a class who kept the work-
ing classes of this country in a state of degraded poverty,
and he told his hearers that the money the working
classes spent in unnecessary drink, if put to legitimate
use, would lessen the need for charitable institutions, for
workhouses, and prisons. The motion was carried,
though not unanimously ; as was another thanking Mr.
Rylands for the Bill. The meeting then broke up into a
number of different gatherings, and the display of teetotal
eloquence was kept up in several parts of the square for
some time.

THE SHIPBUILDING INTERESTS IN
FRANCE.

The United States Consul General for France, John
M. Reade, jun., has addressed a letter to John Lynch,
chairman of the Committee on the Decline of Ameri-
can Tonnage, relative to the condition of the French
naval and commercial marine. Mr. Reade calls special
attention to the protection afforded the shipbuilding
interests by the French government. This is in the form
of a rebate or drawback similar to that proposed by the
bill reported to the House by Mr. Lynch. Mr. Reade
states that the provisions of this act seem tobe inadequate
to the actual requirements of the interest it was intended
to protect. It is a notorious fact that shipbuilding in
France has for several years past been gradually declin-
ing. The number and tonnage of vessels built is growing
less with every year. In view of these facts, the princi-
pal shipbuilders in Havre, Bordeaux, and other leading
ports of France have addressed a series of manifests
to the Government, setting forth the inadequacy of
the decree of Ju ie 19, 1866, and praying for further pro-
tection. The sense of their memorial may be stated in a
few words, as follows :—The decline of shipbuilding in
France is becoming more alarmingly apparent- from day
to day. Constructors are discouraged and are rapidly
closing their yards, withdrawing their capital from the
business and investing in other directions. Since the tax
on foreign tonnage has been rendered uniform with that
on French tonnage, foreign vessels have monopolised an
excessive portion of the carrying trade of France. The
activity of the principal yards of Great Britain, Italy, and
the North German Confederation, contrasts most unfa-
vourably for France with the decline of her shipbuilding
interests, the abandonment of her yards, and the de-
crease in her tonnage. The increased activity
displayed by these Powers in the building of first
class vessels indicates that they appreciate the
decline of the shipbuilding interests in France, and are
preparing to monopolise amongc, themselves her very
important carrying trade. In -the course of three or
four years France will have fallen from the rank of a first
class to that of a fourth or fifth class maritime Power.
If the present unfortunate state of affairs is to be reme-
died the radical difference in the aid extended by the
French government to its marine and that allowed by
foreign Powers to theirs must be taken into consideration.
If the requirements of the government render an exten-
sion of the privileges accorded to French vessels impos-
sible, certainly foreign ships should not be admitted to
the enjoyment of the same privileges. The manufacturing
interest of France, protected by a tariff varying from five
to twenty-five per cent., has no right to demand a uniform
rate of taxation on French and foreign tonnage, to the
detriment of the national carrying trade, lowering the
rate of freight and in the end transferring that trade en-
tirely to foreign bottoms. The matter, thus fully ex-
plained, is now before the Chamber of Deputies, and a
committee has been appointed to investigate and if pos-
sible apply a remedy to the evils of which the memorial-
ists complain. Mr. Reade further states that the French
Government now pays government subsidies to steamship
companies employed in its postal service to the amount of
$4,716,496.

The Marquis of Westminster is confined to his bed
by illness.
The Times is requested to state that the report of
Lord Ebury's illness is fortunately unfounded.
_ _

An odd item in the expenditure of the United
States Government for the past year is $416,000 for arti
ficial legs for soldiers.

CUBAN LADIES.—The Cuban ladies residing in
New York are after their unwarlike compatriots of the
other sex, who, they say, " spend their time promenading
Broadway and sending letters to the papers, instead of
going to Cuba to fight." They held a meeting in the
metropolis lately, and took measures for reviving
interest in the patriot cause. The most serious proposition
was that of a Mrs. Villaverde who is going to raise to
company of amazons, teach them to shoot, and take them
to Cuba if the "Broadway promenaders" do not go. This
is a hard hit at the patriots of the pavement. Judge
Orth, of the committee on foreign affairs, also admini-
stered to them a sharp rebuke in his late report, and it
really seems as though they must do something pretty
quick—Boston Advertiser.
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