The Sun.
London, England, 1870-04-04 00:00:00

NOTHING IMPOSSIBLE.

A-
GUA AMARELLA restores the Human Hair
to its pristine hue, no matter at what age.
JNO. GOSNELL and CO. have at length, with the aid of one of
the most eminent Chemists, succeeded in perfecting this wonder-
ful liquid. It is now offered to the public in a more concentrated
form, and at a lower price.
Sold in bottles, 3s. each; also 55., 7s. 6d., and 15s. each, includ-
ing brush.
Red Bull Wharf, Angel-passage, 93, Upper Thames-street, Lon-
don, 8.0.

THEATRE ROYAL, HA YMARKET.
Sole Lessee. Mr. Buckstone.
THIS EVENING, at 7, AN ALARMING SACRIFICE. Mr
Buckstone, jun., and Miss F. Wright.
After which, at 7.40, OUR AMERICAN COUSINI Characters
by Mr Sothern, Mr Buckstone, Mr Chippendale, Mr Braid, Mr
Rogers; Mrs Chippendale, Miss P. Wright, Miss F. Gwynne,
Miss C. Hill, &c.
Concluding with MY WIFE'S MOTHER: Mr Chippendale,
Mr Howe, Mrs Chippendale, &c.
Box-office open daily iron Ten till Five.

THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI.
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. WEBSTER
THIS EVENING. at Seven o'clock, MY PRECIOUS BETSY:
Messrs J. G. Taylor, C. J. Smith ; Min Eliza Johnstone.
After which, THE PROMPTER'S BOX: a Story of the
Footlights and the Fireside. Mr Benjamin Webst r, Mr Henry
J. Byron Mr J. D. Beveridge, Mr R Phillips, Mr C. H. Stephen-
son, MrJ. G. Taylor, Mr C. J. Smith, Mr shlcy, Mr W. H. Eburne,
Miss Furtado, Miss Lavis, and Mrs Alfred ellon.
To be followed by WHITEBAIT AT GREENWICH: Messrs
J. G. Taylor, C. H. Stephenson, Ashley; Mrs Leigh Murray, Miss
Lennox Grey.
Box-office open daily, from 10 till 5. No fees for booking
Places can be secured a fortnight in advance.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
Lessee and Manager—Mr. Benjamin We*ster.
THIS EVEAING, at 7, YOUR LIFE'S IN DANGER
After which, PAUL L AFARGE: Messrs. J. Rouse,
nold, Geo. Belmore, ; !Mesdames R. Leclercq and Le-
thiere.
With A DARK NIGHT'S WORK; Messrs W. Itignold, G.
Belmcre, H. Creliin ; Misses E. Leclercq, Barnett, &c.

LYCEUM THEATRE (under the management
of Messrs Mansell (elegantly redecorated by Macintosh).
THIS EVENING, at 7.30, T WENIY MINITES WITII A
TIBER.
Followed by LE COMPOSITEUR TCQUE: M. Herve.
Aft r which (2d Act) ,CHILPaIIIC, by nerve: M. Marius, G.
Vincent, Odell, Aynsley Cook, and SI. Tierce; and Miss Emily
Dluir.
And SAMPSON'S WEDDING.

) OYAL STRAND THEATRE.
IV Sole Lessee and Manageress, Mrs Swanborongh.
TEAS EVENING, at Seven, WIDOWS' WEEDS. Messrs
Croueh, Turner, and Mesdames E. Button and Anstiss.
Followed by SIR GEORGE AND A DRAGON. Messrs.
James, Terry, Fenton; Mesdames Sautley, Dashwood, Goodall,
Hughes, Anstiss, and Metcalfe.
And A FISH OUT OF WATER.

h's/047%
TI
Sllll4

LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 4, 1870.

Mn. FAWCETT is becoming the "terrible child " of
the Liberal party. He is always doing or saying
g•omething which puts his friends into a state of
alarm. In fact, he keeps them in a condition of
chronic uneasiness. Now it is election expenses, now
the appropriation of the Irish Church surplus, now
University Tests, now Secular Education. There seems
to be an unconquerable suspicion in Mr. Faweett's
mind, and Mr. Gladstone is the object of it. This is
unfortunate, for Mr. Fawcett is a clever man, and
might be a useful man. As it is, he threatens to be
only a crotchety man. On Friday night his suspicious
nature made him form acquaintance with a strange
bedfellow. Between Mr. Plunket, the high
Tory and Protestant member for Dublin
University, and Mr. Fawcett, the Radical
Professor of Cambridge University, there would
seem to be nothing in common. Yet we find the
one proposing and the other seconding a resolution
for throwing open Dublin University to persons of
all religions. The mystery is to some extent ex-
plained when we remember that the educational
arrangements which the Conservative party in Eng-
land dread are those which the Conservatives in
Ireland desire. The first like denominational
education, because it will give the English
Church greater power ; the second dislike it
because it will give the Roman Church power. The
second aim to get in Ireland what the Secularists and
Radicals are aiming to get in England. Hence the
strange alliance of which we have spoken ; hence the
strange mélange of parties which the division list
discloses. -

Mr. Gladstone, of course, thoroughly understands
that a large number of Conservative M,P:s who
voted for him have little faith in his
policy. His speech was directed, not so
much against them (if we except Dr. Ball) as
against his opponents on his own side of the House.
These he addressed. somewhat warmly. He pro-
tested against their suspicions and against their
attempt to force his hand. As ho resisted the at-
attempt to extort from him the principles of his
Irish Land Bill last year, so he will resist the
attempt to extort from him the principles of his
Irish Education Bill this year. At the same
time we do not altogether wonder at
the impatience which was shown by Con-
servatives then or by Radicals now. Certain
speeches made in 1869 gave rise to a fear of extreme
and spoliatory measures and the present rumours
about the nature of the report of the Commissioners
on Irish Education cause some apprehension as to the
extension of denominational education. The alarm
in the first case proved unfounded, and the Land Bill
is so moderate that even Conservatives support it.
Perhaps this very moderation is the cause of the
alarm in the second case. Mr. Fawcett is one of
those who think that a Minister cannot be worth
much if his measures do not disgust his opponents.

NEXT week Mr. Lowe makes his financial state-
ment. Rarely has a Chancellor of the Exchequer had to
deliver it under more satisfactory circumstances. No
doubt there has been exaggeration in the estimates
of the surplus made by some of our contemporaries,
and it has not always been remembered that the
Abyssinian war bill is a heavy one. Nevertheless
it is a very handsome present, which the Chancellor
will have to make, and the interesting question is
in what form he will make it. Of course there is
not much that is new to say as regards the politico-
economical aspect of finance. Already in anticipa-
tion of the Budget, we have had the various schools
of financiers going down to the Treasury,
and urging their views upon Mr. Lowe
with their mull vehemence, and Mr. Lowe listening
with unusual patience. The country party have
proved incontestably, to their own satisfaction, that
England will never be the prosperous country it
ought to be until the poor man's beer is made
cheaper by the repeal of the malt duty. The anti-
income-tax agitators, with Mr. Whalley for
their spokesman, have shown that the
tax ought to be levied only on real pro-
party, and tit the incomes of trades and Protonic=

should be exempt. The financial reformers have
advocated a free breakfast table, the abolition
of all customs and duties, and the raising of thi
national income entirely by direct taxation. There was
something to be said for all of these proposals. The
malt tax, like all excise duties, is a meddlesome
one, and interferes with industry. But then it is to
a certain extent a moral one, and the tendency of
legislation is certainly not, and happily not, in the
direction of increasing the facilities for intoxication.
The Incom3 Tax is open to many and grave objec-
tions. It is inquisitorial, it is to a certain extent
unjust, inasmuch as precarious incomes pay as much
as land. Nevertheless no one has ever yet been able
to draw the line between the two ; to say, for

instance, if railv-,-ay shares should be treated as land
or as business. Moreover the tax is the least costly
of all to collect, and it will bear raising or lowering
without affecting the price of the markets, or lead-
ing to any unhealthy speculation. Moreover, being
direct it is the most felt by the taxpayers, and is there-
fore an incentive to economy. The customs duties are
the most costly of all forms of taxation ; but
without them how is the working class,
the class in receipt of incomes below £lOO,
to pay taxation? It is a very serious thing indeed
to transfer all the burden of taxation to the shoulders
elthe middle and upper classes. Yet this would
be the result of the proposals of the Liver-
pool Financial Reformers. We an not say
that they will not succed eventually ; for
the working classes have a very large share in tlm
election of the House of Commons, and if they should
attempt to benefit themselves at the expense of other
classes they would be doing no more than was done
by the landed class when resisting the repeal
of the corn duty. Still, Mr. Lowe is scarcely
a man to help forward such a revolution as thats
for a revolution it is, unless indeed some
plan can be shown for levying a poll-tax
instead of the Customs duties, so that each
man may contribute to the cost of government.
Such a scheme would take a good mnn j finaultai
to devise.

There is one other mode of getting rid of our our•
plus which has not been much discussei of Iste.
Why not devote a portion of it to reducing the
national debt ? A witty Sheridan may object to
muddling away his money in paying his debts, but
a sober, sensible nation ought to entertain no such
feeling. At the same time the argument
even here is not all on one side. The Government,

in other words, the English people, pay under 4 per
cent. for their debt, but there are few of us who
could not make 4 per cent. with the money. Happy
is the man of business who can persuade his friends to
let them have their money at this rate of interest. He
must, indeed, be an idiot if b.e can't make a
ortuno. No one would think of telling
him when he bad accumulated capital that
he ought to repay the money he had borrowed, so
long as he had the chance of using that capital in
his business. The position of the nation with regard
to its debt is somewhat similar. At the same time

it is not identical, and bearing in mind that increased

income means increased burdens, that (leaving out of
the question the natural growth in the productive-

ness of any one
_tax) we must impose
more taxes if we want more revenue, it is
well to consider if it would not be well in a time like
this to reduce our liabilities, so that if at any time

hereafter we should be engaged in war, or suffer from
any serious commercial depression, there will be so
much less to be paid under the item of interest on

the National Debt. We expect that Mr. Lowe, while
not overlooking other modes of reduction—especially
that of the income tax to the normal fourpence—will
make this a portion of his scheme, and all the more
because there is a tendency in somo quarters to throw
oa the burden of taxation alto other.