The Sun.
London, England, 1848-02-19 00:00:00

THE SUN;.

addition to the income-tax. The Noble Lord stated that
when the income-tax was first proposed in 1842, ho
voted against it, but the Noble Lord not only voted but
spoke against it, and that speech was very memorable
with regard to the particular point that now came
under the consideration of the Committee, namely,
with regard to the national defences. The Noble
Lord, speaking of foreigners, and e Tecially the
French, then said that they were le t aware of the large
amount of burdens from which the proposed tax would
relieve the population of this country, and he asked
what foreigners would think of the condition of England
if it would suffer, after many years of peace, the imposi-
tion of a tax which bad always been considered essen-
tially a war tax. The imposition of such a tax, the
Noble Lord had observed, would produce the conviction
that this country had no other security, but was obliged
to resort to it as if the nation was making a struggle for
its actual existence, and therefore that the country was
unprepared fur war. Such had been the expressed
opinion of the Noble Lord, and yet now the Noble Lord
said the object was to assure all the world that England
was afraid of none of them, especially those powerful
States who might be supposed to leek at this country
with the greatest jealousy, at this very mo-
ment the Noble Lord prepared to play the last card
in his hand, which being played, foreign nations would
say, " We know you have not another.' Therefore, if
it were only with a view of getting foreign nations to
believe that this country had yet a large stake left, be
(Mr. Bankes) would reserve this tax for any coutingency
that might arise; but at all events he urged on the
Noble Lord how inexpedient it was to incur this tax, and
thereby show the condition in which the country was
placed. But the IsTable Lord had remarked that he had
not played all his cards, for he had another five per cent.
The announcement had given the Huuse and the country
fair warning as to what might be expected, and he (Mr.
Bankes) believed that the best defence the Government
could provide for the nation would be, that they should
remain in their present places as short a time as possible.
—(Hear, and laughter.) Under all these impressions
he had heard with great regret the propositions of the
Noble Lord; ho wished for a different application of the,
existing forces of the country, upon whom the unhappy
lot of au addition to the income-tax ought to be spared.
Mr. B. OSBORNE said, that of all the financial state-
ments which it had been the duty of a Minister of the
Crown to submit to the House, he thought the House
would agree that few had beets made with greater fair-
ness and candour than that they had just heard ; but at
the same time he thought the manner in which it would
be viewed by the country would be one of great: alarm
and consternation. He confessed he thought that if there
had been any regular organized opposition in the House
such a statement would never have been made by any
Government, for it would have signed the death warrant
of any alinistry.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had
undertaken the impolitic task of adding to the burden of
ahe country. When this fact went forth to the public,
the Ministry would be stamped as having made the most
unpopular proposition ever known. Sense time since,
he (Mr. B. Osborne) had wished to call the attention of
the House to the state and condition of the national
defences, but he rejoiced that the subject had been taken
out of his hands by the Noble Lord at the head of the
the Government ; but at the same time he thought that
the efficiency of the national defences might be increased
with no more than the present expenditure ; and further,
it was his firm conviction that it was possible to cut
down the expenditure in such a way as that the country
should be well served without the necessity of any in•
crease in the establishment. The Noble Lord had gone
through various items of the enormous load of taxation
which was now about to be placed upon the nation.
Ile had told the House that there were to be added
92,000 men from the dockyards and body of pensioners;
but be had kept out of view and from his estimate the
very important force in Ireland—viz , the police force,
which could not be regarded in any other light than as
a military force from 10,000 to 12,000 men. The
Noble Lord proposed to meet a deficiency of 3,346,500/.
by an increased income tax of five per cent. for two
years. Was there any man in the country who
doubted that if the Government once gut on that
tax for two years it would last during the course
of their natural lives ?—(Hear, hear.) When the in-
come-tax was proposed Ly the Right Hon. Baronet the
Member for Tainworth, it was only to continue for three
years. Following in the train of the Noble Lord, he
(alr. Osberne) had voted against that proposal, be-
ts tuse he thought a property-tax would be a fairer im-
post. By the course now taken by the Noble Lord, who
ought now to be ashamed of the vote he gave on that
occasion, the Light Hon. Baronet was now nobly
avenged. He (Mr. B. Osborne) was much mistaken if
this country was not on the eve of very gloomy days, fur
he could not believe that the vigour of the population,
or the elasticity of the revenue of which the Noble Lord
had spoken, could ever make up a deficiency of three
and a half millions. The Noble Lord had taken credit
for the Kafir war; but he (Mr. Osborne). must remark
that it had arisen out of gross mismanagement, and would
never have taken place if Lord Stanley had not inter-
fered with the treaty effected by Sir Benjamin i)'Urban.
On the whole, the Noble Lord had shown that the pre-
sent was not the retrenching and economizing govern-
ment which tho people of this country had expected. On
Monday week, when the question cause on, he (Mr. B.
Osborne) should be prepared to enter fully into it. In
the meantime he called upon the Noble Lord to reflect,
and not be led away by the admiration ol a militia force
expressed by Lord Chatham. The people of the present
day had not the same sentiments as those which pervaded
the population which existed in the times of that states-
man. If any proposition was made for any increase
either in the army or the navy, he should vote Stith the
Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume), and lie should
oppose any addition to the taxation which already op-
pressed the people of this realm.—(Hear, hear.)
The Marquis of GRANBY reminded those Hon.
Members who had supported the free-trade measures of
1842 and 1846 of the results which the present budget
exhibited of their policy. The Noble Lord at the head
of the Government had attributed the deficiency of the
revenue to the panic which had pervaded this country,
and to the want of employment in the manufacturing
districts, and therefore he (the Marquis of Granby) was
sorry to think that the Noble Lord had not adopted, the
previous evening, the precautions calculated to prevent a
recerrence of such a panic disturbing the commerce and
industry of the country by the adoption of the resolu-
tion proposed by his (the Marquis of Granby's) Right
Hon. Friend and colleague (Mr. 'lorries). The Noble
Lord had admitted that it would take some time before
the country could recover front the panic which had
pervaded it, and the misery into which it had fallen,
but he destroyed the chance of recovery by proposing
an increased income-tax for two years, and the continu-
ance of the present tax for live years longer. He
therefore thought the Noble Lord showed that he had
no great confidence in the free-trade measures
which he had supported in 1842, and again in 1846.
Although it was too much to expect the Noble
Lord to return to a sounder course of policy,
still he might in his statement have alluded to
the measures which in his (the Marquis of Granby's)
opinion had conduced to the miseries which the country
had suffered. The Noble Lord ought not to have taken
credit for the increase in the enjoyment of articles of
consumption by the poorer classes of the community,
when the commencement of his speech, in which he
talked of the number of mills stopped for want of em-
pit)) ment, afforded a contradiction to his calculations.
Much as he regretted that part of the Noble Lord's
speech, he had received much gratification from that
part of it in which the Noble Lord declared his determi-
nation to maintain the independence of the country. He
rejoiced to have heard the Noble Lord state that while
he was an advocate for peace, he thought the best way
to secure it was to be prepared for war. lle (the Mar-
quis of Granby) would nut attempt now to enter upon
the question of the different items of expenditure for
the army and navy; he would only observe that he re-
joiced to hear the Noble Lord utter the patriotic senti-
ments which he had expressed in reference to that part
of the subject. At the same time he must join in the
condemnation of the increase of a tax, which only ought
to be resorted to in the worst times of war.—(Hear.)
Sir B. HALL said that, in common with the lion.
Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume), he had heard with
sincere pain and deep regret the announcement which
had to-night been made by the Noble Lord at the head
of the Government. Though the Noble Lord who had
just down had approved of the proposition of the Go-
vernment in reference to the maintenance of the inde-
pendence of thiscountry—in which he (Sir B. Hall) con-
curred—still he thought that, looking to the present
position of foreign affairs, the Government and Legis-
lature could well afford to look at the state and con-
dition of the population at home. He did not think
there was anything to apprehend from foreign
invasion ; and, therefore, looking at the distress
which prevailed throughout the country, he was of
opinion that the present was not the time for increasing
the expenditure, and consequently the burdens on
the people. In taxation not a single reduction was
promised, except the miserable reduction in the tax
on copper, about which nobody cared anything. It
was a fallacy to suppose that the additional income-tax
would ouly continue for the time specified—two years;
because when it fell in another Government would be
enabled to make a further increase for a further period.
He (Sir B. Hall) was one of those who had voted with
the Noble Lord against an income-tax in any eliape,and
therefore ha was surprised that the Noble Lord should
come down now and not only propose a continuance, but
also an increase of that tax. It was an unpopular im-
post, and its unpopularity arose from the unfair way in
which persons in business were taxed, and the proposi-
tion to continue it in its present mode would create the
most general dissatisfaction--(Hear, hear.) If it were
necessary to continuo an income-tax, it ought to be
established on an equitable basis, and ought nut to be
enforced on those who lived by their labour or the ex-
ercise of their wits and talents.—(Hear, bear.)
It was, however, to continue in the same state as now,
and the shopkeeper would have to pay as much as the
landed proprietor. Ile would not now enter into details,
but when the proposition came legitimately before the
House, ho should give it the same opposition as when he
had joined the Noble Lord in voting against the tax
when originally brought forward; and if it was carried,
he should propose that the impost should be extended iH
its operation to the sister kingdom.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. G. R. ROBINSON observed that it was mani-
fest from the statement of the Noble Lord at the
head of the Government, that the people of this
country had no hope of obtaining any reduction in
the national expenditure, and must be prepared to
bear additional taxation to make up the existing defi-
ciency. Nothing could be more unsatisfactory than the
statement of to-night. True, there had been since the
peace a considerable remission of taxation, but mean-
while the condition of the people had retrograded in a
greater and more rapid degree than the reduction of their
burdens. Hence he contended that protection was essen•
tial to the prosperity of the commerce and industry of
the land. Thu people had been deluded, and their best
inteieete betieyed, by tilt: uulnSiYe jisospects held out to
them of the results of free-trade priuciples. At present

between 7,000 and 8,000 persons were out of employment
at Manchester, while others were only partly employed,
and then only with inadequate wages for their mainte-
nance and support. And yet with these facts it had
been attempted to persuade the House that they might
reasonably lock for returning prosperity, for improved
commerce, and, as a consequence, a better state of
things. But facts and every day's experience proved
that the difficulties had arisen from the avoidance
of that system of protection which had been
so successful for so long a period of years Many
of the commercial reforms which had been effected,
though perhaps called for by the circumstances of the
time, had not benefited this country. On this subject
he should, however, reserve himself until a future oc-
casion. He might be ridiculed, but he declared his
solemn conviction that by exposing the labouring classes
to unrestricted competition with other countries, they
must load them with taxation for the public service, and
tend to pauperise the whole land. If so the income tax
would become an inadequate source of supply. As to
the exemption of Ireland from the income-tax, he knew
there were reasons in favour of this. It was most de-
sirable to improve the condition of that country; but in
increasing the income•tax at home, it was most unjust
that the man le ho had an income of 1501. to 2001. a year
in this country should be taxed, while the possessor of
an income of 20,0001. a year in Ireland was exempt. The
prospect of any improvement in our foreign trade was
most delusive. Ile was recently advised that not only
in the northern states of America, but in Georgia, the
great seat of the cotton plantations, manufacturers
were rapidly extending. Not only was this the case
in America, but in France, Switzerland, and all over
the continent. The only way for this country to sup-
port its position was by protecting her agriculture, hur
native industry, and her shipping interest. By this
means the people, instead of being pauperised, would
have a sufficiency of employment. He despaired of im-
pressing the Government with his views ; for, after the
conversion of the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth by
the Right Hon. Member for West Yorkshire, he feared
they could do nothing more than go on as they were,
however much he might wish the Legislature to retrace
its steps.
Colonel SIBTHORT? said, whatever pain he might
have felt in listening to the statement of the Noble Lord,
he had experienced no surprise; nor should he be sur-
prised at any amount of hypocrisy and tergiversation on
the part of Cabinet Ministers and leaders of this House.
—(A laugh.) When the Right Hon. Baronet the
Member for Tamworth, after professing so much anxiety
for the protection of agriculture and so much regard for
the Church, and avowing his fixed determination to
maintain the interests of both, had displayed such tergi-
versation and such umnindfulness of those interests,
what surprise could be felt at the course now taken
by the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London?
In 1842, when out of place, he had said one thing; now
he said another. On the introduction of the income-
tax, he had expressed his his anxiety that it should
be equal ; but what equality was there in the ex-
isting tax, which he now proposed to aug-
ment ? The fact was, he was now relying on the
support of those who had preceded him in office; there
was a kind of comfortable understanding between the
two parties.—(Laughter.) The Noble Lord had thought
it policy to act thus, no doubt influenced in some little
degree by a regard for the high office he held ; for it
was not to be supposed that Ministers were above re-
ceiving their salaries. He had no faith in the minis-
terial promises as to the limited duration of the increased
tax. There was an old saying, " Catch a weasel asleep."
—(Laughter.) lie agreed with the Hon. Gentleman
who had last spoken as to the impossibility of our
national interests being supported with protection. To
such a pitch of liberalism had we now arrived that he
understood we were about to send an ambassador to the
Court of the rope ; and this would probably increase
our burdens some 4,0001. a year.—(Question.) This
was the question, if he was not mistaken ; for their
liberal friends (there never was such a misnomer) were
now proposing to make additional demands on the poc-
kets of the people. Thus, after thirty-three years of
peace, we were about to augment a war tax. He believed
the invasion-panic was groundless; but the jealousy of
foreigners must be excited by our increased preparations
for defence, especially at a moment when the country,
was loudly proclaiming its inability to bear farther taxa-
tion.—(Question, question.) When he bad done, the
Hon. Gentleman who cried " question" might speak.--
(Laughter.) He never had been put down in that
House, and never would be.—(Laughter.) What was to
be the result of the present proceedings? Were the people
to be robbed by an excessive income-tax to patch up the
misdeeds of an inefficient Government? The lion. and
Gallant Member then alluded to the army, and said he
did not regret the proposed increase is its efficiency.
Were the militia called out he was confident that, in six
months, they would be fit for the inspection of any
general in the service. But the militia was a consti-
tutional force, and therefore they did not find favour
with many lion. Members. Convinced that the Noble
Lord's proposition must be distasteful to the country,
he would meet it with the most direct opposition.

Mr. F. T. BARING said he had lieard tho Noble
Lord's statement with considerable pain, not on account
of the mode in which it had been made, for, like every-
thing from the Noble Lord, it was clear and straight-
forward—(Hear, hear)—but he deeply regretted that,
under existing circumstances, in a time of severe distress,
the Noble Lord was obliged to state to the House a
considerable deficiency, that he felt it his duty to in-
crease the estimates, and consequently to impose
additional taxation. Great part of the excess of expen-
diture, he understood, had already taken place; and the
Noble Lord now felt it his duty in certain points, to add
to the establishments of the country. He was not one
who thought we could entirely rely on the good feeling
of foreign countries, or omit to place ourselves in a state
of adequate protection. He should therefore be pre-
pared to support that part of the proposition, if it
were necessary for the security and defence of the
country. But while doing so, he should feel it his duty,
and he trusted the House would do the same, to look
carefully to the amount of expenditure proposed, with a
little more reference to economy than had been practised
in former years.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped that this
House, unlike its predecessor, might feel it its duty to
investigate the votes proposed by the Government. He
should do this with a friendly feeling towards his Right
Hon. Friends below him, and with the firmest confidence
that they would propose nothing except on the best
grounds.—(hear, hear.) He apprehended there was at
present about two and a half millions of actual defi-
ciency, without any increase whatever. He entirely
approved of the manly and proper way of meeting this,
either by reducing the expenditure or :increasing the
taxation.—(llear, hear.) It was pardonable, last year,
wider the remarkable circumstances of the case, to meet
the deficiency by a loan; but he would bo no party
again to any postponement of a permanent .defici-
ency; and he entirely approved of the course pro-
posed by his Noble Friend, of making the income
meet the expenditure fairly and regularly.—(Hear.)
As to the mode of meeting it now proposed,
he regretted he could not concur in it. He had opposed
the income tax on its introduction, when the Right
Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had stated
that it might last for fire years, but that he would take
it for three:years first. When, at the end of the three
years, it was proposed to continue it, he (Mr. Baring) had
stated that, though he entertained all his objections to
it, yet, as it had been originally proposed for five years,
and as there was a deficiency of revenue to meet, he was
not prepared to throw any difficulty in the way. Had
the Noble Lord now come down and proposed its conti-
nuation, without any addition, he should have had diffi-
culty in offering any objection to it ; for, much as he
had always objected to it, he thought a deficient revenue
worse than any tax.—(Hear, hear.) But the Noble
Lord, not content with the income tax as it stood, sought
to raise it from three to five per cent. ; he asked for the
original tax for five years, and the additional tax for
two, though it was almost a joke on the House to speak
of its continuance for so short a time.—(hear.) The
truth was, the three per cent. was permanent, and the
five per cent., in all probability, we should never get rid
of.—(Hear, and laughter.) This was a new proposition,
he could not concur in making the income tax part of
the permanent taxation of this country, and therefore he
could nut vote for this addition of two per cent.—(Hear,
hear.) He had opposed the income tax at the time,
thinking it a bad species of taxation. Ho considered it
a war tax; and now that there was a talk of improving
the defences of the country, he deeply regretted that
they were throwing away the most powerful weapon in
the treasury, which might have been made available on
the occasion of the breaking out of a war.—(Hear.)
Three per cent. was a small sum, and left a considerable
margin for au increase in cases of difficulty; but when
it was raised to five— and ho veiy much doubted whe-
ther it would stop there—to what taxation could
we recur in case of a war? Would it be possible to
raise the income tax above tea per cent.? and at a
time when, of all others, trade was in difficulty
and distress, could they have recourse to the
taxes upon ceetoms and excise which had been thrown
away so lavishly ?—(Hear, hear.) Again, he was op-
posed to it because he thought it a dangerous course to
accumulate upon a direct tax any very large amount of
Taxation. At present the income-tax might be popular
in certain quarters ; it might be supposed to relieve the
poor man, and to press only upon the rich. That
opinion was beginning to change ; and he believed the
time was not far distant, when, if the tax was raised to
five per cent., or perhaps a little higher, and was sent
over to Ireland, a very considerable feeling would be ex-
cited against it. In such a case, in the play of parties,
and with the difficulties of Government, the income-tax
might clip from under them, and place them in great
inconvenionce.—(Hear.) He was quite ready to aban-
don all custom duties that had been imposed for the
purpose of protection, but not those imposed for revenue.
There was another bjection which weighed much on
his mind. In times of great difficulty or war it might
be very well, in laying on a tax for two or three
years, not to bo very nice as to whether its
pressure was equal on all classes. But when
the income-tax was raised to five per cent., and
made part of the permanent system of taxation, they
were bound to make it more equal and fair.—(Hear,
hear.) He alluded, of course, to the different way in
which the tax pressed upon income derived from pro-
perty and that derived from the exertions of individuals.
—(Cheers.) This could not long stand the test of fair
reasoning ; if the tax were raised to five per cont, the
public opinion would he strongly excited against it.
They must make it fair if they could. He hardly knew
how the alteration could be made : he feared it would
be attended with the greatest imaginable difficulty ; and
this of itself was a great objection to the tax, that there
was inherent in it an extreme difficulty of making it a
fair tax upon different classes.
Mr. DISRAELI said that a wiser speech, a more prac-
tical ypeech, or one more justificatory of the opinions of
Hon. Gentlemen on his side of the House he bad never
heard than that which had been delivered by the Right
Hon. Gentleman. lie could not deny himself the feeling
of COLlgrattlithltig 1116 11011. FfieilL6 Lai uuu eats, upon Lue
imoral drawn by the Right Hon. Gentleman from the