The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-11 00:00:00

EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.

On the motion of Mr. C. GRANT, the order of the day
for the second reading of the East India Company's Charter
Bill was read.

Mr. BUCKINGHAM rose to move the following
amendment:—" That the confiding of the political ad minis..
tration of our East India possessions, with the interests of a
hundred millions of people, to the direction of a joint-stock
company, and taxing the natives of those countries for the
payment of the dividends of a mercantile concern to the
constantly varying holders of East India Stock, is a question
involving too many important considerations to be hastily
decided on, more especially for so long a term as
twenty years; and that, as the other business of
the session is already more than sufficient to
occupy the whole time and attention of the Legislaturt
to bring to a satisfactory completion, it is expedient
that a short Bill be passed for the opening of
,Cy
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India should be deferred till next session., The Hon.

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strong as they now were. The East India Company's
, first Charter invested them with the character of a mer
cantile body, and empowered them to establish themselse s
India ; and at last they were enabled to hecom, masters of
that country. The exclusive power of trading was not at
first wholly objectionable, but now that it had been deter-
mined by his Majesty's Government that the Company
should not enjoy that exclusive trade, be was at a loss to
understand on what principle it was that the administra-
tion of India was to continue in the hands of a company of
merchants. The ground assumed was, that the Company
had exercised its power in a way so beneficial to them-
selves and to the natives, that it would be wise, although
no longer to trade for themselves as merchants, to give
them the government of India. Now he (Mr. Buck-
inebam) thought he should he able to show, in a very
brief space, that the East India Company had proved
themselves incapable either to manage commerce for their'
own benefit, or the territories of India for that of the
natives of that country. The Hon. Gentleman then rei.
viewed the advantages the Company possessed as YEW-
chants, and quoted authorities to show that its oseeetisa
taking even their own accounts, were not etifficieue
to meet their liabilities by 24,000,0001. What the Ad-
ministration ought to have done was to have said to the
East India Company, " We will undertake the govern-
ment of the country, as we have a right, and ought to do ;
hut as respects your mercantile affairs, you must
settle them yourselves. You say you have ass, :so
sufficient to cover your liabilities, turn, thew into nione'Y
and if you have a surplus we shall be glad, ire deficiency";
you must bear with it." Compromise implied a
but this he could not concede to one of the partice,
East India Company, as a chartered company had no
:nits fixed to its discretion on some points ; but with
respect to the Company's trade to China, their monopoly
would as completely finish in 1834 as the completion of
any law would be fulfilled. He thought the Government
should state the terms by which his Majesty's Ministers
were determined to abide, and leave it to the East India
Company to accept those terms or not. Passing, then,
the mercantile part of the question, and looking to the
territorial, he would first ask whether India had improved,
or otherwise, under the dominion of the Company ?
Was the country improved, or even the inhabitants
bettered in condition ? It was now two hundred years since
the establishing of British influence in the Indies, from
which period there had been continually going on terri-
torial annexations, and additions of inhabitants. The
Hon. Member then proceeded to state several instances
in order to prove that the East India Company had ma-
naged the territorial affairs of India most injudiciously, and
without due regard to the interest of the natives. He
severely stigmatised the system of taxation adopted by the
Company, which was most onerous, and in which they
persisted, though petition after petition had been sent
from India against it. Fifty per cent. of the gross pro-
duce of the soil was the acknowledged due of the East
India Company. It was alleged by the East India Com-
pany, that part of the system of taxation was of Mahometan
introduction. He believed that was the case ; bet it woo
very little excuse for continuing such a system; end be
must do the East India Company the justice to say that.
they had not failed to refine, even upon Mehometan
Lion. There was even a proverbial saying prevalent
amongst the natives to this effect :--'• You have taken all
front us but our skins—take these also." Rice, the general
food of the inhabitants, was taxed to the amount of 1,000
per cent. The Hon. Member then complained of the mode
in which justice was administered in India. Ire the
local or district Courts the presiding Judges were youoir:
Englishmen, probably well acquainted with the lit,-
nature of this country, and with the literature of
Asia ; but, in many in
nact:tai
tunhsceests
h,
ene
lraaecwqd
swaci
bun
istcseehdd
,et vha ene
ynd
cwue irrettlras
n t;theyo
tioantaglulyageutitnacwquhaieinhtetdhe
administer, and which was either Malionaet or Hindoo,
according to the religion of the plaintiff. These judges
were, however, assisted by persons called Pundets, or men
learned in the law, who were the virtual judges. These
Pundets were most notoriously corrupt, and it mattered
little how upright or in icceesible to bribery the judge was,
if these Pundets, who decided for him, thus shamelessly
sold their decisions. If he were called on shortly to cha-
racterize the provincial administration of law in India, he
should say, that justice was put up to auction, and knocked
down to the highest bidder. He would be the last man
to interfere with the religious belief of the natives ; but he
thought it highly reprehensible that a Christian Government
should, as the East India Company had done, encourage
idolatry, and uphold its observance,, for the sake of making
them a source of fiscal gain.—(Hear.) They encouraged
pilgrimages to Juggernaut, and tacitly sanctioned idol
missions, even at a time when it was proposed to send out
more Bishops and Missionaries to India, for the purpose
of propagating the doctrines of the Church of Christ.
Another proof of the little advantage which had arisen to
India from the government of the East India Company
was afforded by the lamentable deficiency of the means of
conveyance which still existed in that country. The
Honourable Member then proceeded to detail an in-
stance of the imperfection of the means of conveyance in
the case of Sir Charles Metcalfe, who, in coming from
Delhi, had had occasion to send a despatch, which he for-
warded at first by express, following it up by a letter,
atter which he sent his servant, to make sure of the mat-
ter. Exactly in the inverse order to what might have
been expected, it was found that the servant arrived first,
the letter next, and the express after all. The last had
travelled at the rate of just 3/- miles an hour. The Hon.
Member concluded by moving his amendment.
The amendment not having been seconded,
Mr. HUME rose to offer a few observations upon the
original question. He exceedingly regretted the course
pursued by his Hon. Friend. He (Mr. Hume) hoped
that the Board of Directors would be reduced in number;
and that care would be taken that no man should be made
a Director who was not prepared to devote the whole of
his time to the situation. If so, then he thought that the
Board of Directors might very beneficially be the organs
of the Company. He thought the proposition of his Hon.
Friend, to pass a Bill to allow the China trade to go on
for a year, very unwise and short-sighted ; and that it
would be much better to come to some immediate ar-
rangement with respect to the whole subject. It was no
wonder that the natives of India bad suffered much of late
years in their manufactures, and had in consequence become
greatly impoverished, when it was considered that owing to
the extraordinary improvement which bad taken place in
machinery in this country, we were enabled to import the
raw material from India, to manufacture it, to re-export
it in the shape of muslin, and to sell that muslin at a price
lower than that at which it could be produced by the na-
tives, trifling as their wages were! It was because the people
of India were so impoverished, that not an hour ought to
he lost in endeavouring to better their condition. As to
what his Hon. Friend had said respecting the roads, it
must be remembered that the long continuance of the pe-
riodical rains rendered the permanent improvement of the
roads in many parts of India almost hopeless. His Hon.
Friend seemed to think that the natives of India would be
better pleased if the sovereign authority were transferred
from the Company to the King. Now he (Mr. Hume)
must say, that much of mismanagement and abuse of pa-
tronage as he had seen under the Company's Government,
it was trifling to that which existed in any colony under
the Crown. With respect to terms, he thought they ought
not to drive a Jewish bargain with those who had risked
their capital in so extensive an undertaking. But, the
ternis being agreed upon, then came the question of time.
He trusted an arrangement would be made, by which a
change should be allowable, if, within the ten years speci-
fied, it should appear to all parties to be desirable. The
annuity of 630,0001. to the Proprietors was not giving
them any boon ; it was merely continuing them in the
same situation in which they were. It was erroneously
supposed that this would be a tax on the natives of India.
Those who thought so, forgot the separation of the revenue
from the commercial capital made by the last Charter. He
was persuaded that the surplus of the commercial capital
would be sufficient to pay the 630,0001. in question. The
abolition of the East India Military Colleges in England
might be a subject of consideration. He also doubted the
propriety of increasing the church patronage in India; and
thought it would be much bettter to increase the number
of archdeacons with small incomes, than of bishops with
large incomes. There was one clause in the Bill, providing
that all acts respecting India not repealed by the Bill
should be enforced. He thought that it would be much
ill
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Lew Commission. He objected to the existence of ,tny
A" the Sovereign

The European settlers ought to be encouraged by all
possible means, and the agriculture of the country was beet
provided for by the labour of Europeans. He did not
object to allow the Government still to remain in the
hands of the East India Company, but he thought it
should be for a shorter period than twenty years. He
thought that ten years would be sufficient.
Mr. MACAULAY said, if the Company was a►lowed
to continue its China trade, it was impossible that it should
be able to advance any thing towards the expenses of the
Indian Government. There was a long account between

the Company as a trader, and the Company as a
merchant, and it was impossible that that account
should be settled, so difficult was it to distinguish be•
tween the debts incurred in the two several characters.
No one could truly say what were commercial and
what were territorial assets, and yet it would be unjust to
apply one set of assets to the payment of debts incurred
upon another account. No lawyer could successfully assist
in the arrangement. The common principles of the law
of this country were not applicable to the gigantic Com-
pany, that was a Sovereign in one hemisphere and a
subject in. another. Under these circumstances, as it
was impossible that the case could be adjudicated, it
became necessary that the matter should be compro-
mised. That the compromise had been fairly made
between the country and the Company was evident from
the fact, that it bad been equally censured as too favour-
able to the tertitorial, and as too favourable to the corn-

mercial interest. If the prediction of the most violent
partisans of the Company were verified, the Company
would have 30,000,0001.,—if the predictions of their
worst enemies were verified, they would not get one shil-
ling. As to the price of India stock having risen within
a few days, the fact was, it bad only risen to the same
amount at which it had stood four or five years ago, be-
fore the excitement had been created in the public mind
by these discussions on the East India Company. It was
not to be wondered at that now, when the whole matter
was satisfactorily arranged, the price of stock should have
recovere. If it were true, that they had given 100,0001.
in a matter of 20,000,0001., still, if they gave the people.

Good institutions, under which property could be secured
and could accumulate, they would be conferring a cheaply
1p urc h a sed benefit on the country ; and if they did not
give the country those institutiens, if they saved several
hundred thousands, they would but be guilty of doing

mischief. Then they came to the great question, whether
it was desirable to retain the Company as an aid to the
Government in administration of government in India.
In resolving that question, they had endeavoured to give a
good government to a people to whom it was impossible
to give a free government. If the matter related to an
European country, they could at once have answered the
question of what Government they should institute, by
setting up a representative Government. But they could
not set up that in India, and therefore they were obliged to
give such a Government as the people would bear. It was
proposed to give to the Supreme Government the power
of legislating for Europeans, in the same manner as it
now possessed the power of legislating for Hindoos. the
present state of the law in India left everything in the
utmost confusion ; and there was no one acquainted with
our oriental possessions who would not readily acknow-
ledge that tbe present was a most favourable moment for
introducing into India a new and practical code, fitted to
the wants and adapted to the genius of the people of that
country—a country in which there at present prevailed—
not law, but a sort of rude and capricious equity, which
formed an insuperable barrier to tbe progress of civiliza-
tion. There was another part of the subject upon which
he desired to state his sentiments most explicitly : it was
that which had reference to the admission of Hindoos to
office. He protested altogether against their exclusion.
With a knowledge of British arts, the people of India
might acquire a desire for British institutions, and he
should never be a party to any thing that might avert or
retard that happy consummation, come when it might.
Let England seek only to establish that empire, which
would be immortal--the empire of her morals, her lite-
rature, and her laws.

Mr. C. W. WYNN agreed that all offices ought to be
open to the natives of India, and agreed also in some of
the provisions of the Bill; but he regretted that it should
have been brought forward at that late period of the session,
for he thought it important that that part of the measure
should be agreed to. He objected to the Council which it was
propos d should assist the Board of Control, that the Di-
rectors of whom it was composed could neither be known
nor responsible to the proprietary who elected them. Ex-
perience had shown that the numb r of Directors might
be safely diminished. With respect to the revenue of
India, he was afraid that there would be a deficiency next
year. As to reduction, he thought that bad been carried
as low already, both in the army and civil service, as it
could with safety be carried.
Mr. ANDREW JOHNS TONE called upon the Right
Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Board of Control,
to give the Presbyterian Church that prominence in India
which it merited.

Mr. O'CONNELL commenced by eulogizing the speech
of the Hon. and Learned Member for Leeds, as being
characterized by sound politics and humane sentiments.
He now only rose to dissent from some of the details of
the Bill. His first objection was to the 20 years' lea,e of
India to the Company, which he considered as binding
that country too long. His next objection was to the
pecuniary bargain, which he considered too hard upon the
people. Why, again, should 1874 be allowed to pas 4,
before the country was allowed to disencumber itself of the
burdens laid upon it by this Bill ? He regretted, too, that
no declaration was made in the resolutions, that the mo-
nopoly of opium and salt should be abolished.
Mr. 11. TODD made objections to some parts of the
measure. He objected particularly to that clause which
abolished slavery.
An Hots. MEMBRA agreed with the Hon. Member
for Dublin, that means should be taken to give security to
landed proprietors, and encourage agriculture in India.
Mr. WALLACE expressed his unqualified approbation
of the measure.

Mr. EWART agreed with the Hon. and Learned Mem-
ber for Dublin, that there were some symptoms in the
measure of a wish on the part of the East India Company,
to drive too hard a bargain ; and he regretted that he had
heard nothing said of the abolition of the monopolies of
salt and opium. His constituents hat, three years ago,
exported 340,000 tons of salt, which showed how great
the East Indies must suffer by the monopoly.
Mr. C. GRANT would only say a few sentences in
answer to the suggestions made by the House. The Right
Hon. Gentleman, after eulogising the speech of the Hon.
and Learned Member for Leeds, exprested his satisfaction,
and the satisfaction of his Majesty's Government, that the
measure had met with the approbation of the House. He
would not enter into the details of the measure at present,
as ample opportunity would be afforded in the after stages
to discuss them. The main principle which recommended
this measure, he had no doubt, was, that they were legis-
lating for the good of India ; and that, throwing aside all
ideas of wealth and commerce, they were bound to
egislate for the countless millions of that empire which
Providence bad placed under our control in India. He
thought that be could make out to the satisfaction of the
House, that when the a-sets were realized, there would he a
surplus of between three and four hundred thousand pounds.
There were two main features of the Bill ; the one was
the annexing of a fourth Presidency in the Upper Pro-
vinces, and the other, the arming of the Governor-
General with extraordinary powers of legislation. Neither
of these features contained new principles. From 1808
there were documents to show that the Company's servants
were of opinion that there should be some control over
the Western Provinces, for they were distant from the
other provinces, and required peculiar protection. The
state of those provinces was disgraceful to the Government,
and the evils that prevailed among them were justly
ascribed to the want of peculiar inspection into them.
The circumstance of admitting Europeans with greater
facility into India was connected with this part of the
measure. Those piovinces were far better adapted than
others, on account of their soil and climate, for the
development of European skill and capital ; and, unless
the Government in those Upper Provinces were strong,
for the protection of the natives, it would not be right or
possible to admit Europeans into them. In reference to
the Government of Bengal, Lord W. Bentinck two )ears
ago suggested similar principles. With respect to the
additional powers proposed to be given to the Governor
General, the only difficulty started was, that unity of
control over the provinces might cause uniformity of sys-
tem. That was the great objection; but he did not see
that unity necessarily involved the uniformity dreaded.
The uniformity required was one of discipline and regula-
tion, which would be consistent with the difference of
castes and regions. When additional power was granted
to the Governor General, at the same time he should be
enabled to wield that power ; and, as there was not
sufficient talent now to enable him to wield that
power, it was
proposed to augment the number of the
Supreme Council. Though be was aware of the
advantages that would arise frem the admission of
Europeans with greater facility into India, still he
would never consent to this admission unless the natives
had equal protection afforded to them. Let the doors of
that magnificent empire be thrown open—let Europeans
go thither, not as enemies but as auxiliaries to the natives,
and then he doubted not but mutual blessing would be
heaped on the two countries.
Mr. C. FERGUSSON said be was perfectly unfettered
as to his vote on certain details of the measure. He should

DUKES.
Cumberland
Beaufort
Newcastle
Northumberland
Wellington
Buckingham

MARQUISSES.
Salisbury
Abercorn
Bute
Cholmondeley

EARLS.
Westmoreland
Sandwich
Doncaster (Duke of
Buccleuch)
Abingdon
Morton
Leven and Melville
Selkirk
Orkney
Dartmouth
Delawarr
Bathurst
Digby
Beverley
Mansfield
Wicklow
Belmore
Caledon

DUKES.
Leeds
Manchester
Dorset

MARQUISES.
Exeter
Aylesbury
Camden
Thomond

EARLS.
Pembroke
Winchilsea
Plymouth
Poulett
Home
Airlie
Macclesfield
t9raham (Duke of
Montrose)
Warwick
Mount Edgcumbe

DUKES.
H R. H. the Duke

of Sussex
Somerset
Richmond
St. Alban's
Devonshire
Cleveland

MARQUISES.
Lansdowne
Westminster

EARLS.
Suffolk
Thanet
Albemarle
Radnor
Hillsborough (Mar-
quis of Downshire),
Clarendon
Cadogan
Charlemont
Craven
Gosford
Rosse
Grey
Morley
Camperdown
Lichfield
Ripon

VISCOUNTS.
Dunmore (Earl of
Dunmore)

DUKE.
Norfolk
Bedford
Portland
Sutherland
MARQUESS.
NVinchester
Anglesea