The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-03 00:00:00

GERMANY

AND

THE NORTHERN STATES.

HOLLAND.

THE HAGUE.—The Government has communi-
cated to the Second Chamber of the States General
its reply to the observations of the section on the pro-
jects of law relative to the revision of the funda-
mental law.
LIMBOURG.—IIia MAJESTY has received an address
from the Chamber of Commerce at Maestricht, on the
separation of Limbourg from the Netherlands, as de-
creed by the Frankfurt Executive. The merchants
of Limbourg declare that they foresee in the separa•
tion of Limbourg from the Netherlands, and its in-
corporation in the Germanic Confederation, the most
fatal consequences for trade and commerce, especially
for Maestricht and Venloo. After referring to the
illegality of the decision of the Frankfort Executive
under its existing treaties, they call upon the KING
to take instant and energetic measures in opposition
to the decision of the Executive, in order to save Lim-
bourg from impending ruin.
His MAJusTY has sent his Minister M. VON
LIGIITENWELDT to Maestricht in quality of Coin-
missioner-Extraordinary, to assist the Governor in
regulating the present unsettled state of affairs at
Litnbourg. The Minister and the authorities are in-
cessantly occupied, and the Governor has issued a
proclamation, in which, after referring to the deci-
sion of the Frankfort Executive of July, 1848, he
calls upon the inhabitants of Limbourg to remain
perfectly tranquil, to await the results patiently, and
kaeping their eyes fixed upon existing treaties, to rest
assured that the future will be regulated by the
ruling authorities, and to keep thenselves in readiness
to oppose every aggressive attack which may be of-
fered either to persons or to property, or to the legal
authorities. While observing the most severe dis-
cipline, the military force of the state will energeti-
cally check any infraction upon order or tranquillity,
and every interference with legal authority. It does
not wish to make these countries the theatre of war.
but it is fully resolved to make the laws respected,
and personal security inviolate.—Journal de la Haye,
Aug. 1.
RUSSIAN DIPLOMATIC DOCUMENT.

The following is the circular which the Govern-
ment of St. Petersburgh has j ust addressed to all its
diplomatic agents in Germany :
" Let us hope that this manifesto, by re-assuring the
friends of peace, and quelling the audacity of those
imprudent men who long for war, will obviate a ca
tastrophe which the anarchists of every country are
endeavouring to bring about, and which, without the
most strenuous efforts of all wise men, it will be
impossible even for those states, which are animated by
the most pacific intentions, ultimately to avert from
Europe.
" The German press, whose animosity against
Russia appeared to have relaxed for a moment, has
lately re-commenced busying itself about us, and
those measures, which prudence for our own security
has forced us to adopt on our frontiers, have given
rise to the most unwarranted supposition and com-
mentaries.
"The language held on this subject in the Assem-
blies of Germany, though less immoderate and less
positive, nevertheless bears the stamp of the same sur-
mises.
"My preceding communication on the subject of
the political and military position of the Emperor,
have made you sufficiently acquainted with the actual
intention of his Majesty to render it unnecessary for
me to give you fresh details on this subject.
" You are aware, Sir, that since the origin of the
events which have shaken the centre of Europe, the
Emperor laid down for himself a line of conduct
from which he has not deviated even in a single in-
stance, that of not interfering in any manner what-
ever in the internal affairs of the countries which
desire to modify their organization, of leaving the
nations perfectly free, to give themselves up
without interference on his part, to the adoption
of political and sound experiments, not to attack any
power which shall not in the rat instance have
attacked him ; but at the same time resolutely to
repel every attempt upon his own .internal security,
if this territorial equilibrium should be broken
or modified in any part.
" Such has been for four months the system adopted
by the Emperor—such is his system, to which he still
adheres. But while his Majesty
confinest himself to
this passive and expectant system, he cannot volun-
tarily close his eyes to all those eventualities which
may be in embryo in the numerous and sudden
mutations introduced into the order of things which
has hitherto obtained in Europe, nor more especially
which, in to that spirit of hostility ich, the delirium of
change, has recently manifested itself against us
throughout the whole of Germany.
"In fact, that great country had scarcely stated
the terms of the problem of its unity when its first
thought was an extension of the limits of the Confe-
deration, it first note the note of war.
"In the preparatory meetings of the National
German Parliament at Frankfort, in the clubs, in the
pamphlets and public journals, war against Russia
has been proclaimed as one of the inevitable neces-
sities of the epoch.
"To make war an alliance of peace and defensive
of Germany with France has been publicly pro-
pounded.
" We have even been menaced that our Baltic pro-
vinces shall be ingulplied in the German nationality.
" That the ancient kingdom of Poland shall be re-
established in its limits of 1772, in order to serve
as the eternal barrier of Europe, against, what it
called, the common enemy.

"To all these provocations and many others, which
I shall pass over in silence, have been added direct
acts of hostility. I need only refer to the welcome
given to the Polish refugees, and the gratuitous pas-
sage given on the railway, at the expense of the
German Government themselves, to those bands
which arrived from France, with the avowed design
of carrying devastation and insurrection into our
territories.

" If it had been our object, effectively, to seek for a
pretext for aggression, would not. this have been a most
fiivourable one? A;war, deeply to' be regretted, has
been made upon a Northern Monarchy, whose inte-
grity we have guaranteed, and the maintenance of
which is indispensable to the equilibrium of Europe,
which, by the complication to which it may easily
give rise, and by ideas of maritime ambition with
which popular opinion invests it, menaces an attack
upon the general peace and the interests of the
lateral Powers of the Baltic. At the same time the
insurrection in the Grand Duchy of Posen and the
state of Gallicia may seriously endanger the internal
tranquillity of our own provinces. Under present
contingencies, and, especially, under suer circum-
stances, the most common prudence calls for prepa-
ration. We have therefore concentrated our army
on the frontier in order to ward off those dangers
which may arise suddenly from the present, and at
all tunes precarious state of Europe.
" Our system. however, has been purely one of defenco
and precaution. We apprehend that it never had, and
that it has not at this moment any other character.
" Instead of regaiding it in this point of view, and of
acknowledging, that if we have been obliged to arm, the
principal cause was owing to the repeated provocation
which had been offered to us—the democratic opinion
loves to prefer the change of ideas of aggression. The
German press daily teems with the most absurd ru-
mours, and the most odious calumnies have been laid to
our charge. More than once these journals have stated
that our troops have passed the frontiers, although they
have not left their cantonments. There is 710 insidious
design but what is attributed to us, no entente, no sedi-
tion, ❑either in Germany or Sclavonia, which we do not
provide underhand, either by our money or our agents.
The hostility which we are supposed to entertain against
Germany is precisely on a level with what is felt, or
rather what is attempted to impose against us iu Ger-
many. If, instead of attributing to us sentiments of
hatred which we do not cherish, and of forming con-
jectures on our pretended design which are without foun-
dation, men would form a more just and true idea of the
present, they would see that this enemy which they so
gratuitously conjure up, which they delight in holding up
as a phantom, and against which a national war is said
to be indispensable, has ever been, and is at this mo-
ment, if Germany only wishes, animated with senti-
ments of benevolence and disinterestedness towards her.
When, indeed, has Germany had cause to complain of
as ; when have we formed projects against her inde-
pendence ; when have we ever menaced an invasion ?
What part of her territory have we taken, or even
coveted? During the whole time that the Continent
was groaning under the domination of an oppressive
conqueror, Russia shed her blood to assist Germany in
the maintenance of her integrity and her independence.
The Russian territory bad been tree for a long period
when she continued to follow and stistain her German
allies on all the battle-fields of Europe. More
recently, in 1840, when war appeared for a
moment on the eve of breaking
,out on the
Rhine, we placed our naval and military
at their disposal. During this long peace of thirty-three
years, the benefits of which are so lightly set aside by
the volatile spirit of the present generation, we have
never ceased to recommend and to maintain in Germany
concord and unity, not indeed that material unity which
is now the day-dream of a democratic spirit of levelling
and aggrandisement, noel which, if it were possible to
realise it as conceived by ambitious theorists, would
infallibly, sooner or later, plunge Germany into war
with all her neighbours ; but that mural unity, that sin-
cere accord of views and intentions in all political ques-
tions, which the Germanic Confederation formerly
treated of.
" It is the maintenance of this union, it is the
consolidation of the bonds which unite the
German Governments together, which has ever
been our sole aim, because we desire the peace of
Europe, and in our opinion the surest guarantee of
this peace has ever been lodged in the intimate union of
all the Governments which constitute the Germanic Con-
federation.
"What was desired at that time we desire at the present
day. _ _ _

Notwithstanding all the defiance and outrage we
have received, it has been impossible to change our dis-
position. Amid these mad declamations we know how
to distinguish between deliberate and hotheaded men,
between simple credulity and perfidious malice. We are
sensible of the intoxication and momentary excitement
brought on by events so unexpected, so sudden, so far
beyond all expectations or surmise.
"At this time, as hitherto, far from desiring trouble,
far from seeking to sow divisions, we desire nothing
less for Germany than harmony between the Govern-
ments and the people—harmony so essential to preserve
the complications which may arise from abroad, as well
as to avert the imminent danger which may proceed
from her internal position.
" We may have our doubts and our apprehensions as
to the results of that great experiment which she at-
tempts at this moment for gaining to her nationality a
greater force and cohesion; but these doubts and these
apprehensions have never transpired beyond the limits
of our internal and private opinions.
" We desire nothing more than to be speedily re-assured,
and if in truth Germany succeeds in solving the problem
of its organization without prejudice to its internal Iran.-
quillity, without causing the new forms impressed on her
nationality to be of such a nature as to disturb the re-
pose of other kingdoms, we shall sincerely congratu-
late ourselves on the same motives which made us desire
to see her powerful and united under her ancient political
forms.

•• Such being our dispositions of peace and conciliation,
we cannot but deplore that they are responded to by sen•
tiwents so adverse.

" Had wo merely to repel the imputations of the
demagogue faction, we should not trouble ourselves
about them, nor should we attach more im-
portance to them than they merit. The ascer-
tained intention of this faction is to refuse a
priori to see any good intention whatever on our
p4rt, at all hazards to embroil the country with ue, in
order by war to excite a confusion, from which it hopes
to reap advantages for its own anarchical designs.
" As this party is determined to refuse us justice, and as
it is useless to attempt to convince those who will not be
convinced, Lad we no other adversaries than thole we
should content ourselves with meeting them in silence,
leaving it to time to show the fallacy of
all the false reports and all the calumnies
which they spread. But aide by side with
these demagogues are men of good faith, who from igno-
rance orcredulity receive without mistrust or examination
all the false impressions which are given them, and thus
without intending it, act the part of revolutionists. By
acting upon these imaginations, by nourishing these sus-
picions, by raising their fears, it has hoped to plunge
them into a war, which, in regard to their own interest
to say the truth—is a monstrosity—and would precipitate
them, as happens but too frequently, into an abyss of
real war, in order to escape an impending evil. This is
the desire of the ultra democratic party, and up to this
point it will, if it be possible, persevere. It is, therefore,
indispensable that the Government, in their diplomatic
relations with us, should be made acquainted with our
true intentions; it has become the duty of the enlightened
members ofassem blies and legislative cheat bers,of all those
in fact, who combine with the doctrines of reform the
desire of preserving to this country the blessings of
public order and monarchical principles, to use all the
legitimate influence for endeavouring to redress on the
part of Russia the character of public opinion, and to
prevent it from going aside into a path which sooner or
later must lead to incalculable evils.
"The Emperor charges you expressly, Sir, to make
them sensible of this necessity, in working upon their
conviction the preceding considerations and reflections.
Tell them, and make known to all men of sense, with
whom you may come into contact, either in business or
social intercourse, that the intentions of the Emperor in
regard to Germany are, and remain, purely pacific; that
our armaments have hitherto had a strictly defensive des-
tination, that of being prepared to meet oneof the thousand
unlooked-for cases which it is impossible for any one to
foresee in the provisional state into which the recent
events have suddenly plunged the world; that in regard
to Germany in particular, inasmuch as she does not
attack us, inasmuch as the Confederation, whatever new
form it may please to take, shall respect the neigh-
bouring kingdoms, and not attempt forcibly to extend
its territorial circumscriptions or its legitimate compe-
tency beyond the boundaries assigned to it by existing
treaties, the Emperor will also respect her internal in-
dependence, and will not deviate from the position which
he has maintained to this day.
" In complying with these directions, you will do well
to give a copy of the present dispatch to the Cabinet
where you are accredited.
(Signed) "NESSELRODE."
Dutch Papers, Aug. 1."