The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-16 00:00:00

sfa
flaencing our information by ciataining it from particularly dis-
interestetlAuthorities through Ireland, so as to aid us to form a
just conclusion. Whether we were mistaken, or whether we
were not—and I believe still we were not mistaken—but even if
we were, a generous construction should be put upon the motive.
and the conduct of those charged with the responsibility of
protecting millions of the subjects of the Queen from the con-
sequences of the scarcity of provisions.—( Hear, hear.) What-
ever may be the result of this measure, I feel severely the loss
of the confidence of those from almost all of whom I have re-
ceived such support. Although I- em inflexible on my own
opinion, I perfectly recognise the sincerity with which they
adhere to their own opinions. I perfectly recognise the right
of those Hon. Gentlemen to admit the danger of my specu-
lation, and to withdraw from it. I honour their motives ; but
1 claim, and always shall claim, while entrusted with such
powers, and subject to such responsibility as the Minister of
this great country is entrusted with and subjects to I always
will assert my right to give that advice which I conscientioutev
believe to be conducive to the general welfare of this country.—
( Hear, hear.) I was not considering, according to the language
of the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury, what was the best
bargain to make for party. I was considering what were the
best measures to avert this great calamity, and also to relieve,
by that measure, as much as was possible the misery that was
then existing. I cannot charge myseif, or ray colleagues, with
having been unfaithful to the trust with welch we were en-
dowed. I do not believe the great institutiees of this
country have suffered during our administration. A Noble
Gentleman had opened a discussion, in which he observed,
that circumstances had occurred which threatened the main-
tenance of amicable relations with the United States, and
hoped such would be brought to a fortunate issue. I think I
can appeal to the course which I have pursued to secure use
against any insinuation of not maintaining the honour of the
country. I can appeal to the pa-4 experience of the
country that it has been our earnest desire,
.by every
effort consistently with the national honour, to maintain the
friendly relations with which we stand with nearly every infirm
on the face ,he earth. This prineiele, so long es lam en-
trusted with the management of public affairs, will continue to
influence us with respect to any differ' rice with foreign powers.
Look at the prerogative of the Crown—l-ok at. the position
of the Church, and the position of the aristocracy,
and you will see that I cannot charge myself
with having tekon any course inconsistent with my principles.
and calculated to endanger the high privileges of any branch of
the Legislature. My
p i nti
no n
ftohramt theth
e
earnest wish, during my ten years of
the opinion
has been to impress the people of this country with
desirehe
Legislature Government
onaP animated
ec
idp I be
ys
oaf sincere
equity
and justice. The Government. contemplated the social condition
of that class of people,
to it by the exerciseor tt:eehl are brought into a certain relation
since them that our object has been
franchise. I wish to con-
that it shall relieve industry- and n labour to portion taxation,
burden, and transfer it, as far asa ,woeu re furiodm any
with our public duties, to those better able toar it.
I look around me and find peace where formerly there was dis-
sension—loyalty where there was formerly sedition—the agita-
tion and excitement which prevailed succeeded by a calm in
she public mind; seeing this, how could I resist the de'er mina.
tion, in such a disposition of the public mind, to risk that im-
proved state of feeling by the further continuance of this truly
unjust tax. When I tell you this—when I refer you to the
improved state of the country in all these respects—when we
see a disposition to confide in you, as being friendly to and
not against them, in their great and fundamental interests—
it will be some justification of the course I have pursued.
You may dispossess me of power to-morrow, but you
cannot deprive me of the consciousness that I have exercised
the powers committed to me for no corrupt or selfish and in-
terested motive.—(Load cheers.) Regarding the question of
our foreign relations, I believe we have maintained our power
abroad consistently with national honour and the
defence of our just rights; and I further believe
that while we have done so in bringing forward and submitting
the present great principles of justice, and in endeavouring to
disseminate the blessings of equal laws, trusting to conciliatory
instead of coercive measures, we have done that which was
best calculated for the interests of the empire, and to improve
the condition of the great body of the people.
Mr. DISRAELI rose to explain. In consequence of an in-
sinuation that had been thrown out by the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet, he wished to correct BPI impression it was calculated
to convey. The meaning that won'd be attached to it was, that
his opposition to the Right Honourable Baronet arose from
disappointment, arising out of an application for office. It
was the impression that in 1841 he (Mr. Disraeli) was denied
office by the Right Hon. Baronet. In reference to that,
there was no foundation whatever for the insinuation.—(Hear,
hear.) He recollected an interview with a party in connexion
with the Government, who called on him in reference to a cer-
tain matter, and a conversation ensued such as what might take
place with the most high •minded and honourable Member in
that House; but he could assure Honourable Members that
none of the opposition he now gave had anything to do with
that termination. Moreover, he would say, that that interview
was none of his seeking, whether the Right Hon. Baronet was
a party to it he could not say. He (Mr. Disraeli) had never
taken any decided step against the Right Hon. Baronet till
three years'after, and then at the strong request of his'constituents
to redeem his pledge respecting the protection. Even then he
gave but a silent vote on the question. This did not seem to
favour the supposition that he acted from any feeling of hostility
respecting what took place in 1841. He had never
asked any favour of the Government.—( Hear, hear.)
He would confess it at once, that if in 1841 he had been
offered office, in all probability he would have accepted it. Ho
was now, however, very glad that he had not had any office
offered to him. But he did most emphatically, upon his
honour, declare that he had never been influenced by feeling
of disappointment in opposition to the Right Hon. Baronet.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the Hon. Gentleman had
not at all correctly stated the which 1-e (Sir R. Peel) had
said. He had said nothing about the Hon. Gentleman being
influenced in his opposition. What he had said was this that if
the Hon. Gentleman, upon reviewing his (Sir R. Peel's)
political life previously to 1 841, which was a period of thirty
years, really believed he was deserving of the character which
the Hon. Gentleman had given him that night, it was not
right that the Hon. Gentleman should accept him (Sir R.
Peel) as a leader, believing, as the Hop. Gentleman must have
done, that he (Sir R. Peel) had committed, what the Hon.
Gentleman called, " petty larceny," upon other men's
ideas.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman did accept
him as a leader, and he ( Sir R. Peel) did understand
that the Hon.. Gentleman had intimated that he was not un-
willing to give a proof of his confidence of him (Sir Robert
Peel) as a Minister, which was implied in the acceptance of
the Hon. Gentleman of office.—(Cheers.)
Lord GEORGE RENTINCK rose to address the House,
amidst much confusion and cries for a division. He attributed
the prosperity of the country during the last two years to the
extension of railways. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secre-
tary for the Home Department had that night said that this
country was not altogether an agricultural country; and yet
it June last he declared that the country was essen-
tially an agricultural country. Had the charac-
ter of the country changed since June last?
It was as much an ageicul t oral country as it was when. After the
speech of the Hon. Gentleman the 'Member for Wolverhamp-
ton, the Right Hon. Baronet declared that a third of the
people in this country were engaged in agriculture. He did
not mean to state that there was not a large number of per-
sons engaged in manufactures ; but, speaking comparatively,
he said the number engaged in agriculture were mere than
those employed in manufactures. There were one million
of persons said to be engaged in the manufactures of the coun-
try. Now, what were the numbers engaged in agriculture?
Why, exclusive of the number employed in agriculture in
Ireland. there were 800,000 of labourers in this country, whose
only means of subsistence was that of raising corn and tilling
the land.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) They were told
that in advocating the existence of protection they
were actuated by selfish motives, but let him tell Honour-
able Members who made this assertion, that, exclusive of the
labourers, there were three millions of persons interested in
agriculture, who must fail with the landed interest.—(Hear.)
' America already sent here more produce than the amount
of manufactures which she took from this country. Whe:o
was the hope, then, that if we removed all re tictions from the
importation of American corn she would take from us more of
our manufactured goods in return? It was a question of profit
to the manufacturer-4 hear)—and the expectations that
those gentlemen who had been the great advocates of the
measure, as to the increase of our trade with foreign countries
in consequence of the removal of all restrictions on the importa-
tation of their corn, had no foundation. Well, now, what was
the state of the foreign trade? Why, the entire of the foreign
exports of cotton goods did not exceed one-third of the entire
consumption consumption of our home manufactures. He appreoh_encd._don
would not be disputed, that the home consumption of
goods was at least double the amount thatm than
one-hT;
d to
foreign countries, and of that amount_
di-di:l2:ot grow corn. Well
at
least was exported
to countries that
anything,i and if it were
then if their argument was good
for -
' countries to purchase their
order to enable formic'
necessary, in
foreign
purchase their grain or
manufactures, that this
tcoufht7
argument hold good
their produce, d d
to thei net
markets?—(Co Divide, divide.")
with regardthat
the home consumption of n- anu-
fa
He believed
rn,. of all descriptions in this country did
not fall short of 195,000X0/. perannum. He apprhended he
did not exaggerate when he said that the home consumption
amounted to at least 4-sths of all that was raised in the way of
manufactures in this country. Four-fifths of the woollen
manufactures of this country, and even in greater proportion
with respect to the other articles of manufacture were consumed
at home. It, therefore, seemed clear that, exclusive of our
colonies, our home should be preferred to the foreign markets.
—( Hear, and cries of " Divide, divide.") There was the
shipping interest too, and how did it stand ? By the returns
that lay on the table of the House, it appeared, that between
40,000 and 50,000, were annually engaged in
the shipping interest, and if they surrendered
the coasting trade to the foreigner, what, he wished to know,
must be the result? Why, the result must be, that the
shipping interest, instead of engrossing more than one-third
of the entire coasting trade, would be almost completely de-
stroyed, and the carrying trade along the coasts would be trans-
ferred to the hands of foreigners ; for it was to the coasts, and
not to the large towns of this country, that foreign corn would
be brought. But when he spoke of the shipping interest, he
must not forget, that there was a large number of ships engaged
nine out of the twelve months of the year, in bringing guano
to this country for the improvement of the land.
when a statement of the kind was made, it was for him to re-
fute it. Why, the country had been told that these free-trade
measures would be beneficial to the landed interest, and that
they would increase
• the price of land. Now he held state-
ments in his hand which plainly proved that the
price of land had materially diminished since the
introduction of the principles of free trade. The
Right Hon. Baronet had reproached them for objecting
against his policy then, and he said that the year 1842 was the
time when they should have protested. But he did not sets
that such should have been the case. The Hon. Gentleman
had not then disclosed his 'opinions, and they were
were in unison with those of the protectionists.—(Hear.
1 ot the country now.
)
Her Majesty's Ministers dared not appeal t
In 1829, when differing from his constituents at Oxford, he en.
tertained a different opinion, and wrote to them from a prin..
however to be influenced
le of honour. -He did not appear, ,
cip
by such feelings E
ow. This measure might b e carried,
but it was not carried yet.—(Cheers.) If it did pass, it
would disgrace
upon this House.—(Cheers.)
reflect lasting
Lord The Noble
sat down amidst loud cries of " Divide,
divide."
Mr. VILLIERS would not occupy the House more
than a few seconds. He could not allow the Noble
Loyd to ~low that debate by claiming to himself
all the merit of the position which he assumed. The Noble
Lord's party had always complained of the bounty of Providence.
(Loud cries of " Divide, divide.")—The Hon. Member (Mr.
Disraeli) had charged that side of the House with having
abandoned their position.—( Cries of ‘, Divide, divide."
He would contend for it that they had not aban-
doned any of the principles they had always advocated for tie
last nine years.—(Cries of ',Divide, divide," and " Oh, oh.")
He would advise Hon. Gentlemen to pause before they
offered such examples to the country and to these who were to
succeed them, or to leave their names on record as having at..
tempted to ie last to keep from the country and the people
that which would be of great advantage to them.
The gallery was then cleared for a division, when the Homo
divided, and there appeared—
For the Bill
229
Against it

Majority for the third reading . 9g -
The Bill vas then read a third time and passed.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and thi
House adjourned.