The Sun.
London, England, 1848-03-08 00:00:00

TY _E ~;UN, LON DON,

, vigorously as they can grasp thy fasces of repub-
-1 licanism.

But, unless the Northern Powers coalesce in a tri-
partite alliance, and adventure themselves. upon a
campaign against their neighbours, we see no proba-
bility whatever of_ an outbreak among the Euro-
pean dominions. If the torch of 'war again fire the
population of the continent, it will have been ignited
by the combustible jealousies of tyranny.
Peace is essential to Europe ; and this fact is very
easily demonstrable.
ENGLAND REQUIRES PEACE, for the better main-
tenance of tranquillity throughout the United King-
dom ; for the conservation of order in Ireland ; for
the calm deliberation of many social and political re-
forms, of an internal character, which are become
absolutely necessary ; for the recovery of that com-
mercial activity which has been recently
deteriorated by panic, pestilence, and privation ;
and especially for the prevention of any
additional increase to a National Debt, which
presses upon her energies like an incubus, and which
was accumulated to the enormous sum of 800,000,0001.
sterling principally through her taking part in the hos-
tilities of the continental nations. Besides these, there
are many additional motives which would impel
England to preserve the peace of the world by
every imaginable expedient; among others, there is
the popular thirst for education ; there is the exigency
of a sanitary innovation ; there is the necessity of
leisure for the better improvement of the laws, and
particularly for the organization of the Penal Code,
and the remodelling of the different currency enact-
►vents. Everything clamours for the maintenance
of peace in these islands. There is a growing dislike
to taxation, and an increasing deficiency in the reve-
nues; there was an appropriation of 10,000,0001. in
the last two years to the starving peasantry of Ire-
land, and that peasantry still continues in a frightful
state of destitution • our colonies are at the same time
becoming troublesome, and the responsibilities entailed
upon us by the vastness of our Indian empire are
more than ever onerous. Of all periods in our his-
tory, therefore, this would be the very one in which
war would be the most unpopular.
FRANCE REQUIRES PEACE! It requires peace for
he consolidation of that republican form of govern-
ment which (notwithstanding the experience of the
interval between 1791 and 1800) is still a novelty.
It requires peace, because the preservation of its sway
in Algeria is sufficient occupation for its armies. It
requires peace, because its aspiration is to become the
Beacon of Liberty. The prestige of conquest, the
glory of heroism, the magnificence of imperial autho-
rity are no longer essential to it. On the original
foundation of a Republic by the Parisians, these
were acquired in an abundance, and were in-
vested with a lustre so remarkable, as to render
the French for ever memorable among the
most extraordinary races of the globe. What France
wants now is time for the re-organization of its legis-
l.►ture and the perfect development of its internal
resources. Therefore France would be naturally in-
mioal to the idea of warfare.

BELGIUM REQUIRES PEACE, because peace can
lune enable the constitutional sovereignty of
LEo-
r.:LD to survive the contagion of republicanism conse-
quent upon its contiguity to France. Already it
,-ould appear that the KING has recognised
this inevitable circumstance, and has, in conse-
quence, intimated to his ministerial advisers
his readiness to concede to any suggestion
which they may deem advantageous for the coun-
try. With this assurance of comprehensive reforms,
the Belgians would be insane to commit their
destinies to the perils of a general conflict.
ITALY REQUIRES PEACE perhaps more than any
other portion of the continent ; it is only now
beginning to recover, in some measure from the
oppressive influence of centuries of despotism.
Great, and almost miraculous, as its progress
towards liberation has been, the rights of its people
are still in embryo; a lapse of years is requisite to
enable the leaves to germinate, and the fruits to
ripen. Rome under Pius, Turin under CHARLES
ALBERT, Florence under LEOPOLD, Naples under
FERDINAND, all yearn for that safety from invasion
or assault which can alone secure to their citizens the
happiness of a well-digested constitution.
Of the pacific tendencies of the other European
nations we shall speak hereafter.

To say that the day-dreams of philanthropy are
approaching their realisation—that the reign of uni-
versal amity has commenced—that we are entering
o❑ that glorious Utopia long since prophesied by the
poet—

" When man to man, the world o'er,
Shall brothers be, and a' that,"
would perhaps be somewhat premature. Nevertheless,
it is certain that never before were the hearts of na-
tions animated with such sympathetic sentiments
as stir them now ; never before did the doings of each
individual people awaken such earnest and anxious
) interest in all the rest. More especially is this evi-
denced by the breathless eagerness and heartfelt
sympathy with which those nations who have hardly
won their own liberties and asserted their own rights
watch the struggles and rejoice in the successes of
those inspired by a similar ambition and toiling for
the same glorious goal. For example, how greatly
has the interest and even enthusiasm of our own
countrymen been excited by recent events which have
transpired throughout Europe. When FREDERICK
WILLIAM bestowed a Constitution upon the Prussians,
the people of England exulted as though they them-
selves had obtained another reform When Pius stood
forth as the avowed champion of liberty and the
foe to tyranny and abuses, religious animosities
were forgotten, even prejudice stood aside and
Protestant England hailed the Reforming POPE.
But it is France, emancipated France, that has aroused
our most heartfelt enthusiasm and elicited our warmest
sympathies. For some time past her retrograde policy
has filled us with astonishment and indignation.
When we saw the Citizen King following in the steps
of the most legitimate of tyrants, our only marvel
was how long such a state of things could endure—
" Quousque tandem, Catalina, abutere patientia nestrar
We are answered—it is over—and heartily do we
rejoice. We rejoice in the glorious enfranchisement
of a great people, we rejoice in the glorious assertion
of a great principle. We cannot rejoice over the fallen,
but neither can we fail to recognise in that fall a mo-t
just and terrible retribution. A very brief period
has elapsed since the tears of ISABELLA, wronged
as a Queen and insulted as a woman, thrilled our
hearts with horror and indignation. How speedily,and
how awfully has her agony been expiated ! Those
midnight tears have been responded to by floods of grief
from the wife and the daughters of him who caused
them. In answer to the insults he heaped upon her
throne, his own has become tenantless, and been made
the sport and mockery of his people. Can we fail to
recognise in all this an awful and appalling retribution?
Yet there are other and nobler sentiments with which
the French Revolution should fill us. We must not
only sympathise with—we must emulate the glorious
spirit by which it was inspired. We must not only
regard its retributive justice as a warning to king:—
we must make its achievements a reason and example
to ourselves. Not, be it understood, that we wculd
imitate the doings of the Parisians, by destro3 ng
railways or fighting pitched battles in the streets. Be
it ours rather to emulate their spirit and endeavour
to share in the results of their glorious achievements.
inFor this no servile imitation is required. Hitherto
their revolutions the French seemed to have
copied us. The corresponding dynastic changes of
the two countries have formed the subject of an in-
teresting historical parallel. The resemblance, in-
(lced, is almost marvellous. The characters and for-
tunes of CHARLES I. and Louis XVI., their violent
deaths, the subsequent government of their respective
kingdoms by CROMWELL and NAPOLEON' both
successful soldiers, sagacious rult•rs, and men
of amazing ability, different though they
were in other respects—the temporal resto-
ration of the STUART and BOURBON families,
in the persons of CHARLES 11. and Lotus XVIII.
each of these Kings being succeeded on the throne
by his brother, JAMES 11. and CHARLES X., and in
both instances the brother being expelled and the
crown bestowed on another branch of the same
family, in the persons of WILLIAM 111. and Louis
Pituan-E—in every particular the similarity is most
singular. But the resemblance goes no further ; the
present Revolution is unparelleled. It had no need
to look back for a pattern—it has nothing to do with I
the past. " It is not," exclaims its eloquent and I

energetic Statesman, " it is not a retrograde but an
advancing movement." It required no precedent,
and it has no parallel. It commenced its existence
by a glorious innovation of established ideas.

It is said that every great revolution, that every
great popular movement, must be baptised with a
" baptism of blood." But, in sublime defiance of such
a doctrine, it was by uniting with the names of
" Liberty" and " Equality" the loving word " Fra-
ternity," that the young Republic " invoked upon its
cradle the blessings of GOD and man." We have
said that with the accession of LOINS PHILIPPE and
WILLIAM 111. the resemblance of English and French
history is at end ; yet we might begin the analogy at
another epoch, and show that the two nations have
not only been in similar positions since, but are in a
similar position now. In 1830, Louis PHILIPPE and
WILLIAM W.—the " Citizen King" and the " Re-
former" ascended the thrones of France and Eng-
land. In each country Liberal feelings were
agitating the minds of the multitude, in
each county Liberal principles were predominant.
In England they have slowly and surely progressed
and prospered ever since. It is hardly necessary to
search the pages of " Hansard" for a record of the
glorious achievements of these eighteen years. It
has been an arduous, in many instances a most
arduous struggle, but it has been a triumphant one.
It is not over yet, let us remember ; it is not over yet :
we must not abate our energy, we must not weary in
our labours, we have progressed, and we are pro-
gressing, that is all. France has acted differently ;
after electing a Chartist KING, and proposing most li-
beral institutions, she withdrew from her labours, she
suffered the King to undo all the people had done. Yet
the liberal feelings of the people, the great prin-
ciples which had animated them formerly, were
not dormant, nor were they forgotten. They ac-
quired increased vigour in secret, and have now
made themselves manifest. In three days they
have won back all ithey had lost in eighteen
years, and more. They have acquired more power,
more glory, than they ever possessed before. The
result of their long apathy and sudden resolution,
and of our long and persevering exertions, are nearly
the same. At this moment England and Frtv:ce
are peaceful and prosperous, and the
people of each country powerful and free.
In both countries there is without doubt much evil
to ameliorate and much good to achieve—a hard
struggle to endure and a great victory to gain, :but
in each country the people have only to resolve and
it is done. What does it matter if the one nation be
called a Republic and the other a Monarchy, the time
is passed when a name was a tower of strength.
Republicans and Monarchists may debate upon the
merits of their respective governments ; for us the
best government is that which ensures " the greatest
good of the greatest number," and whether the head
of that government be "La Raison," as LA.'
MARTINE has it, or her Gracious Majesty Queen
VICTORIA, we have no doubt that the glorious prin-
ciples of " Liberty" and " Fraternity" may be
gloriously and completely carried out if the people
will it. While we leave to the young Republic—
The young and strong Republic that shall fill Ina
world with fame"—
the hazardous task of introducing these great inno-
vations which, according to LAMARTINB, only a re-
public can carry out, let us emulate its spirit and
share in its reward by pursuing a steady and pro-
gressive course of I eform and social regeneration,
such as we have already successfully commenced—let
us, too, make a step not " en arriire," but "en avant."

The Frankfort Gazette of the 6th inst., contains
the following statement :
"We learn that at the last sitting of the Diet the
measures necessary for placing the frontiers of the
confederation in a state of adequate defence were dis-
cussed. It was determined-1. To intrust to
Prussia, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden, and the
Grand Duchy of Hesse the guard of the western
frontier. 2. To call upon Prussia, Austria, Bavaria,
Wurtemberg, and Baden to maintain the garrisons in
the fortresses of Mayence, Luxemburgh, Landeau,
Ulm, and Ristadt,'according to their federal duties.
3. To request of Prussia, Bavaria, and Baden, as
the neighbouring states, to give notice to the Diet
of any symptoms of attack from abroad. 4. To in
vite all the Governments of the confederation to send
the amount of their contributions now due to the
Federal Treasury."

The Suabian Mercury publishes the following letter,
dated Stuttgard, 2d instant :
" There was a numerous assembly of citizens hold here
this day, at which a petition to the King was voted,
praying him to grant a constitution conformable to the
spirit of the age. Two thousand signatures were pre
fixed to the petition. At this meeting it was said that
the Sovereigns and people throughout Germany should
join to contend in common against the Colossus of the
north and against the pretensions of France."

The Cologne Gazelle of the Sth inst. publishes the
folloviing letter, dated Berlin, 2d instant :

On tho 25th instant the Council of Ministers re-
olved to set in motion the 4tb, 7th, and Bth corps, but
this resolution has been rescinded, and an order has
been dispatched to the generals, commanding them to
adopt all mea3ures necessary to enable them to march at
two days' notice."

The Minister of Nassau has issued the following
proclamation :
" Faithful inhabitants of Nassau,—The Duke has,
hitherto, not returned. I will, therefore, no longer
hesitate to declare to you that, for my own part, I un-
conditionally agree to the demands proposed to me,
and further express my firm conviction that the Duke
will also agree to them.
"In the mean time her Royal Highness the
Duchess places herself, together with her son Prince
Nicholas, the only brother of the Duke, who is pre-
sent, under your protection, and offers her person as a
pledge and security for the same.
"If the Duke should not concede your demands, I,
the Minister, will, as I have already declared, imme-
diately resign my situation without a pension.
" Inhabitants of Nassau, remain faithful! Citizens,
protect our city! Be Germans ! Be united !
(Signed) " VON DUNGERN.
" That I perfectly concur in the above declaration,
I hereby attest my own sign manual.
(Signed) " PAULINE, Duchess of Nassau.
"NICHOLAS, of Nassau.

" The undersigned citizens of Nassau hereby attest
that her. Royal Hiligness the Duchess Pauline of
Nassau, his Serene Highness the Prince Nicholas of
Nassau, and the Ducal State Minister of Nassau,
Herr Von Dungern, formally affixed the above sig-
natures in our presence.
" Wiesbaden, March 4, 1848, 10 o'clock A.M.
(Signed)
" HERGENHARN. " JOH. KINDLIMORR.
" KRIEGER. " FRANZ BERTRAM.
" Fit. W. KAMMER. " C. BUCRER.
" Da. LEIBLER. " BUCHER, J.
" C. MULLER. " REINHARD WEIL.
" M. MATTHES. " BREIDBACH-BURRESHEIM."
" B. Mar.

The DUKE, who returned in the afternoon, ratified
all that his Minister had done, and thus saved his
throne.

The following petition was presented to the Senate
of Frankfort on the Maine :

" Supreme Senate,—
" In the country of our nearest neighbours we sud-
denly find a Republic substituted for the monarchy.
One sentiment alone now penetrates every German
heart, the necessity of maintaining the closest concord
of all the states of our fatherland against any attack,
from what side soever it may be made. We deem it
a sacred duty to give utterance to this universal
t.antiment.

"Freedom, however, can alone inspire us with
strength for self-defence. We must therefore declare
what pledges of liberty are still wanting to the father-
land :

" 1. Repeal of all the exceptional laws enacted
since 1819. 2. Unconditional liberty of the press.
3. Trial• by jury. 4. Universal arming of the people.
5. I general German Parliament. 6. Civic equality
without distinction of creed. 7. The free right of
meeting in public. 8. A political amnesty, and the
plenary restitution of civic rights.
" The same sacred duty to the fatherland and the
laws of right compels us, at the same time, to exhort
S'our attention, in the most impressive manner, to
the solemn warning of history. No war of agres-
sion against France on account of her form of Go-
vernment.

" Whosoever will have liberty must also respect and
secure the liberty of others.

"Herein consists our demands, and those of the
fatherland collectively.
" 'We request the Supreme Senate, following the
example of several Federal Governments, immediately
to concede these demands, and where this is not im-
mediately practicable to labour with the utmost
energy for the speedy assurance of the same.
" Frankfort• on-Maine, March 3, 1848."
(The signatures follow.)

Madrid papers of the Ist inst., have arrived. There
was a rumour in Madrid that MARIA CHRISTINA had
fled ; it was, however, disbelieved. The Ministers had
received several communications from France, the
nature of which had not been, suffered to transpire.