The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-27 00:00:00

stances, he voted for the measure of the Right lion. Baronet—
he would be ashamed of himself ; and had his opinions
changed, which they had not, be would at once have said so,
and resigned his scat.—', Loud protection cheers.) Had he
changed, he would have Clone so, and se have disposed of all
his 3peechee.—( Laughter and cheers.) But it was his inten-
tion to stand by the speeches he had made, and therefore he
must vote against the Government. The Noble Lord seemed
to think that his not being opposed for the West Riding of
Yorkshire gas indicative of a change in the opinions of the
protectionists, but he ( Mr. Denison) hoped his Noble Friend
would not deceive himself on that point. There were
many reasons which induced them (the protec-
tionists) to abstain from oppesine, the Noble Lord,
but that was not one of them. If it had been a general elec-
tion, and if the people knew what they know now, the Noble
Lord may depend upon it that he would be opposed. Wien
the subject was discussed, in 1841, a e'entleman of considerable
intelligence told him that he would have then voted for the
Noble Lord (Morpeth ), but now he said the case was very
dill, rent, he would not do so. This conversation took pla-'e
the ether day. He (Mr. Denison) thought it only fair to tell
the Noble Lord that he must not depend too much on certain
classes. Now he would say, when he was returned to Parlia-
ment, he promised his constituency that he would stand true
to protection; and, in conclusion, he had only to say that he
had net changed his mind, and he would not give them an op-
portunity of saying that he had forfeited h's word of honour,
and betrayed them.—( Loud cheers from the Protectionists.)
Air. BR° MERTON rose and said that the lion. Member
for Yorkshire (Mr. Denison) seemed to think it was deroga-
tory in a man changing his mind, but he (Mr. Brotherton)
remembered reading in a book, remarkable for its wisdcm, that
a v:he man often changed his mind, and a fool, or foolish man,
seldom did. The Hon. Member had said that if the corn-
lass s were not beneficial to the working classes they were un-
tenable, and that his only motive for supporting those laws
was that they were beneficial to the working classes, aid that
he did not support them on the ground of being beneficial to
the landlords. Ile had also shown certain figures, to r rove
they must be beneficial to the community at large, because
there were fewer persons selling foreign corn at the present
time than when the corn-laws were enacted. He was at
issue with the Hon. Member on that point, and if he referred
to the returns made to that House, he would find that, in the
year 1815, one only is thirty of the population were fed on
foreign corn. That on an average of one in ten years,
one in twenty-two were fed on foreign corn ; and on an
average of ten years, up to 1841, that one in 1612
were fed en foreign corn ; and if the Noble Member would take
the case of wheat and Hour imported into this country for the
last eight years, he would find that one in ten of the population
were led on foreign corn. But the corn-laws had not answered
the purpose for which they were enacted. They were enacted
—and many honest persona voted for them because they
thought they would beneit those engaged in agricultural pur-
suits—in order to make tt corn scarce and dear," but the os-
tensible object of their establishment was, as he had said, to
encourage agriculture, and on the assumption that the pro uce
of thin country was sufficient for all the wants of the population.
—( Hear.) Now the question was whether or not they had
answered the end for which they were passed. He held that
they had not. He had shown that during the last
thirty years the people of this country had been fed
more on foreign corn than before the corn-laws were
enacted.—( Hear.) Then let Hon. Members consider
whether the Government had no reason for the change that had
taker, place in their opinions. Four millions of the people of
Ireland subsisted principally on potatoes. The Prime 51 inister
Lad stated in that House that the potato crop of that country
this year would be much below the average, and they all knew
that the price of provisions had increased 50 per cent. during
the preceding year—that trade was in a state of stagnation.
He had lately received several letters, which bore him out in
this opinion. He had witnessed the effects of the distress and
scarcity which existed in 1839, and he considered it was the
duty of Parliament to provide food for the people during such
periods of want and suffering. He wae, therefore, astonished
to find country gentlemen standing up in that House and en-
deavouring to prevent the Government from opening the ports
in order to give food to a suffering people.—( Hear, hear.)
Yes, they might smile, but what he had stated was true. The
Government was aware of the dangers of famine; they had
seen that those dangers had not been over-rated ; and with
that conviction on their minds, he considered that they had
acted wisely in proposing a gradual repeal of the corn laws,
and a relaxation on other article's of foreign produce.
He had heard a great deal of cant about having regard for the
working classes of foreign countries. He had listened to many
of the speeches which had been delivered by Hon. Members
in favour of continuing protection. if those speeches were
divested of all their mystification and verbiage, the arguments
might be summed up in these words :—The land is our own,
and we have a right to do what we like with it ; we have a
right to do what we like with our territories ; you have food,
and you are much better off than the serfs of Poland";
—( Hear, hear)—what have you to complain of ?
But the people had not the food they required.
And what a terrible thing it would be if the agricultural
labourer were thrown out of employment. This Might all
appear
,very humane ; but who emplord the labourer ? Let
them only look to the returns which have been made. He men-
tioned that there were fewer labourers employed in 1831 than
in 1821, and fewer in 1841 than in 1831. Now, that was
his assertion ; let them disprove it if they could. Since the
year 1821 there had been an increase in the population of four
millions. Who employed them?—who paid for forcing corn
to feed them ? The people had a right to ask for compensa-
tion for being deprived of what he (Mr. Brotherton) considered
their rights. The law is maintained to be just; but he main-
tained that it was unjust and inhuman, and he would prove it
to be impolitic. Let them talk of wages; if cheap food pro-
duced wages, then dear food must increase wages ; so that dear
food and high wages must come together. The Hon. Member
for Westmorland had said that he was against the removal of
protection on corn, but he wished that the Govern-
merit would reduce the duty on tea, sugar, and
tobacco, and the working classes would be benefited
by the reduction. if they were to benefit from the reduction
of the duty on tea, sugar, and tobacco, would they not benefit
by a general reduction f the price of food ? He was con-
vinced that the present law could not be maintained on any
principle of justice, humanity, and sound policy, as it kept
back the improvement of agriculture. Tho best encourage-
ment for the agricultural interest was foreign competition;
and if they could get up a good foreign trade the agriculture of
this country would prosper. In 1815 a piece of calico would
purchase three bushels of corn ; hut now a piece of cotton of
the same texture and quality would not purchase three-fourths
of a bushel ; showing that manufactures had decreased in
value, while food was at its original price. So far from the
landed interest requiring compensation, the commercial interest
required compensation from the landowners. He would now
say a few words with regard to some observations that fell
from the Hon. Member for Finsbury in speaking of the law
of settlement. When the Right Hon. Baronet introduced a
Rill for the removal of Irish and Scotch paupers, he (Mr.
Brotherton) conceived that the measure was one of humanity
and justice, and accordingly gave it his cordial support. With
regard to the present measure proposed by Government, it was
a measure of humanity and justice. The manufacturers do
not oppose the Bill, but rather support it. He was in the
country. a short time since, and the chairman of a
union informed him that the measure was generally
considered to be a very humane and politic one.
In Ireland, where there were four millions of people subsist-
ing on potatoes, it might be argued that, after a five years' re-
sidence in this, country, being entitled to a settlement, many
would be strongly induced to come from that country, and that
the labourer of England would consequently be effected. Now
he had no such prejudices, because he believed it was a great
error to apprehend mischievous results to this country from an
influx of Irish labourers; as well might it be said that the
price of corn was affected by the importation of that grain when
first it was admitted into England.—( Hear, hear.) He was
of opinion that the measures proposed were worthy of the sup-
port of the country, and he should like the measures better if they
proposed the immediate repeal of the corn-laws, because then
a great object would be accomplished.—( Hear, hear.) But
be that as it might, he was convinced that the measure, so far
from being injurious, would cause increased employment, dimi-
nution of the poverty, axed be conducive to the general interest
and happiness of the community.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. CHRISTOPHER was very desirous to offer a few
observations before the close of the debate, partly because he
had taken much interest in the question when it had been in-
troduced on a former occasion in a more modified form. He
should confess that his views of the whole question would be
indeed narrow were he to offer opposition to the measure pro-
posed by her Majesty's Government, because that they affected
the interest of the constituency whom he had the honour to
represent. But it was because that he looked on the measure
as a whole, and believed it to be, whether as regarded the agri-
cultural or commercial interests, injurious to the country, that
he opposed the measure, that he was prepared to resist
it, and to give his most cordial support to the
amendment proposed by his Hon. Friend the Member for
Bristol.—( Hear, hear.) lie should say, that thongh it had
been charged against the agricultural gentlemen in that House
that they had mystified the question, yet he should say that, in
his opinion, all the mystification proceeded from the gentlemen
who wished to look at the country, not as it existed at present,
in the full enjoyment of protection, but as it would be when
inundated with foreign produce.—( Hear, hear.) He would
not begin by casting imputations upon his friends on the Trea-
sury benches, even though, when they were at the head of a
powerful Opposition, they used their best exertions and influ-
ence to eject the Noble Lord the Member for London and his
party from power, and they succeeded in doing so. Now, would
he do so in reference to the year 1842, when the change was
made in the protecting duties that then existed to so great an
extent? He would also pass over to more qualified expres-
sions used in the speeches of Hon. Members upon the sub-
ject of protection last session. Ou the 10th of June last,
when the subject of the corn-laws was introduced again into
that House, he ferebore to interfere, because he thought it
would be imprudent and inconvenient to do so, when he con-
sidered the large amount of capital which was then invested by
parties speculating in corn. But the reason he
had not changed his opinions upon this question
was, because he had not heard a single solid
reason given by the Right Hon. Baronet for the proposed
change. It was ef.the utmost importance that Noble Lords
and Hon. Members, who had an interest in the welfare of the
country, and a large majority of whom had been returned upon
protection principles, should have had more time to consider
this measure. But, whatever this House might think of it,
they might rest assured that the great bulk of the people out of
doors would not put the same construction upon their acts,
With regard to the mode of carrying on the affairs of the
country in an advantageous manner, he considered it highly
necessary to have a strong Government. His Right Hon.
Friend the First Lord of the Treasury, was so trusted by the
House that he was enabled to bring the country to a
most prosperous state. But he must say that,
looking at the present measure, ho certainly would
rather the country was at the mercy of such a Government
as had preceded the Right Hon. Baronet, than see such laws
as the present introduced. Considering the time at which
the measure of his Bight Hon. Friend was introduced, he con-
sidered it a most hazardous experiment—( Hear, hear)—and
it was for that reason that he would vote against it. His
Right Hon. Friend had laid it down that, with regard to the
productive interests of this country, no protective duties would
be of any benefit ; and that, consequently, no duties should be
imposed except for the expenses of the revenue. The Right
Hon. Baronet proposed to continue the duty of 101. per cent.
on certain manufactured articles, and a duty of 10/. per cent.
on woollen articles—a duty of 101. per cent. on metal articles,
and he proposed to continua a duty of 101. per cent. on silk
articles. Now, on the other hand, he proposed to discontinue
the duty on the articles of agricultural manufactures, and after
the lapse of three years to abolish them altogether. If the
Government, therefore, wished to carry out their own princi-
ples, then on those very principles, he would like to know why
agriculture was not protected equally with manufactures. It
would have been much better that they had adopted
the proposal of the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton,
when, in the year 1840 or 1841, he proposed the
fixed duty. The Noble Lord the Member fur esouth Lan-
cashire stated that he would place agriculturist and manufac-
turer on the same footing. The only diffeeence, an his opinion,
was that the one produced corn and the other produced cotton.
He (Mr. Christopher) considered that there was a very mate.
rial difference between them, With regard to corn, the ma-
chinery used in its manufacture. was of an, expensive nature. and
intricate in construction, but the manufacture of cotton was not
so tedious, and was easily managed by the aid of steam-engines.
The manufacturers of corn had greater difficulties to contend
with than the manufacturers of cotton. He was obliged to
cultivate the land to the best of his knowledge. He could not
regulate the supply, nor control the circumstances which affect
it. The Right Hon. Baronet, however, does not deal equally
Kith the manufacturer of corn and cotton and other goods,

To the manufacturers of the latter he still affords profeetkio;
on a number of articles, but from the grower of corn he ta
0,
away all protection by removing the duty on the importation
si,
foreign corn. They were prevented from cultivating tobacco, In
order to afford a benefit to the colonies, but he ( Mr. Cbristoph
c.,/
was convinced that in the county he had the honour to I:ePrse
sent there was soil which might be profitably employed ieu.iirt
growth of tobacco. Differential duties are also alio" f 1)
favour of the colonies in sugar and other articles —( ,Hear.,ure
In France also the cultivation of beetroot for the manutac; aii
of sugar was carried on to a large extent, whereas which he
infinitely more fertile character in the county for ,b of
was member (Lincoln), and equally adapted for the grow to
te
beetroot, was thrown out cf the cultivation of that artrot
afford advantage to the colonies.--( Hear, hear.) The __,sti
Hon. Baronet had proposed to grant us certain benefits 01
the
he pleased to call compensations for thus depriving ustet 00
protection to which they were entitled. He regret „,,,e,
Right Hon. Member made use of such propositions.. .0,,,
were off red compensation, but let them consider Oa,' that
compensation was. In the first
gentlemen with settled estates should have an opport. ll,:t.Jaie
going to commissioners and borrowing money at a lore that
place it was proposenC,t,ol
of interest. Now he (Mr. Christopher) was sn,s the,'
any gentleman of credit in the country would, l' la $
were in a position to do so, prefer gliing Idal'
neighbouring friend, than to Mr. Darby, where they shnslt to
low their title-deeds to be examined before a public bones,
be then invested ; and they may not, perhaps, be good ni of t
and then people, who, like himself, had the experiencesert
chancery suit, would rather submit to anything than raidis
their title-deeds under the restriction of clerks in ',Yoe'
office. His Right Hon. Friend next proposed to alter tll fro
of settlement, and to prevent, after acertain time, persnniderd
being remoued to their parishes. That he (Mr. C.) COFrusell's
a very proper measure, although he would rot pledge uirociii•
support it, because, I ke his Noble Friends the Members sei cerl,
cestershire, Worcestershire, and Lincolnshire, he doobl'uttatal
much whether they would confer a benefit on the arcs, At
classes who had found work in the msnufacturing
the same time, he freely admitted that he was willing el, ie
the measure, so far as the law of settlement was concernid bet
a favourable light. No one could say these changes the O.
benefit to the agricultural classes, for the effect of ' $0
sure would be to inflict suffering ors them for manY Yeai:lor.
that he thought, after taking the nsost
root'
able view of the proposition of her Majesty's Gal, of ls.
He was himself a magistrate, and felt the defective Late
ternal communication,but he considered that the propo-6`aid it'
sores with respect to the highways of this country vat ths°
countiew net
jure instead of benefit the poor. It was notorious t pees°
highways maintained a great number of poor 'icial tee.°
who were unable, from their infirmity, to earn a subs°, edit"
the fields, and who wet e set to this labour by parochiatibeat'
lilies, in order that they might support themselves; h°,,,iteio
ment they appointed district surveyors they would I"es irerru
by that political economy on which these most° foil i
founded ; anl whilst the differences which could lotig sg,
come between them and the local authorities were be' opt
justed, those who were earning their living in the walorretr
mentioned would be driven into the workhouse, thussase ella
ing the poor-rates and inflicting great injury on
.tp 4,11 ir
were compelled to pay it. It was said that the shlPPs'i 001401
terest would be greatly benefited by the importationtfieosu
into this country, but he was at a lasi to all
the argument which had been advanced, that Hers be Pie
turists would he benefited to a similar extent.—(
%sitbeei
He would not refer to documents, or occupy the Wu thet
long. quotation of figures, but this he would assert, thatAligtkl
merits of the case were concerned ; that it was 1)11%0;
labour and large produce of the continental marketsloo-0,
competition with the labour and produce of this cli goal
the produce of which so much larger and so one pot°,
capital and labour were every year expended. Soine_ssalitts
sireen years ago there might have been a greater .`0 s
a reason for a change in the corn-laws, but now tbeAtt oil
evidently different, and he believed that it was 61'400°
to the proceedings in Parliament, and'the protection lie 04;
agriculture, that the people of this country were in ts disolie
ment of a better supply of food and other necessarie 1109
people of any other country on Europe. It was weericalliy
that good wheat could be purchased in the a' of sll
districts—he did not say London or all Atilt a
large towns—but even there it was easily tentard
at 545. 3d.—(Cheers.) It was a fact that his °lneansrt.o.
the east of Lincolnshire paid as much money in r—ftbo,ol
that produce to Lancashire, or any other portion nrboottol
nufacturing districts, as the grower in the neighlt utt_4o
on delivering his corn at any port in London. so te",#
known that the people of this country only consuln`oootl 01
quantity of wheat, and it was not proved that the Ile th
eca/
A
not grow sufficient for the wants of the people.
„Ad rkie
wish to take an extreme view of the question ; herinestfi:oi
a very great authority on political economy, he ~ a le
Deacon Hume. He was asked this question, flave!rt4se
an estimate of the quantity of corn that would bell W.OOl
der the proposed tariff, taking one year with another and 0
swer was, taking all the quantities of corn eigblitt
received, into the country, I think that lreinr, 110,
ten millions will be imported evey ,Ye:4o
Mr. D.illume would likely be able to form this oninithe e It
official returns. He was also asked what would be beesoSjf
this increased importation on the home produce the.drt lit
and his answer was, that a considerable portion °''.,, ei. „,11 11
would be devoted to grazing purposes. Now, any
cultural matters would be perfectly well able to lwerst yersr
they once broke up pasture land, it would require
,sttesof
bring it to its former condition. At present such 0;0;0
proved system of agriculture pursued in this country' oil 0!
poor lands, which formerly produced nothing, wer'sst 0 0"
cultivation for corn. He had endeavoured, as 000
possible, to enter this question without having.recanuarl.i,lsoo
unnecessary arguments, and to treat it exclastvelissreta to
merits. He believed that if the measure were 'l3'fietl '
toe'
effect in the sudden manner in which it was °teer 4
carried out, every interest in this country, whets l ilitiotli
cerned agriculture or manufac ore, would be 0,00
and disturbed. He believed that the first persenannd ®Apt
rot/
suffer would be the agricultural labourers ; the tec;,e A °eft°
who would suffer—according to his Hon. Friend, ',`,:erianlo
for Northamptonshire—whose opinion had been ra",„,00;01
at by the gentlemen on the other side of the House. thes,e,l
the small farmers and occupiers. He believed thal'asalllV
would suffer after the small farmers, would be the 5,050 p,
proprietors who were not, generally speaking, tnecand;oll,
much capital, but were persons of small property „ hie
_,
family, and had succeeded in maintaining a respects 4
in society. It was not those who were possessed °.tieeOltori
perty and estates, and who enjoyed all the superflaitotoAo,
that would he affected. No, they would still contin besl.l.
those superfluities. He would oppose the measures ciFri te
won't' inflict an evil on the lower and middlileets ° ,
society, and would prove injurious to the /ate elr
country at large. 114",
• ht be r
Mr. CA RDWEL L said, that though it wig si. for _A),
fortune to differ from his Hon. Friend the Meralicha b,,,,
-amptonshire, and also from the Hon. Gentleman 1' few ,f trio
sat down, it would be his duty, in the course of the 00,111,100
tions which he had to offer, to avail himself oreigst, 11
opinions on which they seemed to lay so great wd silo te;s
press into his service many of the features an . fl°,o t
which they had thought it expedient to enslil'aPhsd!sls
have no difficulty in admitting that agricalturespho lo
improving in every part of the country, and that:tete, ;ip
had hart a constant relaxation in the protective all'ighot
prices of agricultural produce were very much „T th,soe.o
sent than they ware during the commencement riste!raj,r,i,
century. Notwithstanding all the drawbacks, lige for
in Prof
in a prosperous and improving condition, and t t° ft trf
dition of the people was satisfactory. On theooooo
however, he should not contend theta in pr°Pcf the 4 Lot
supply of the harvest, the general prosperity nseer9"4,s,
had been affected. Neither would it be "kelt (fro
him to dispute with the Hon. Gentleman who 'Sem beZI
the population had been greatly improved. write :0
Cardwell) had not enjoyed the opportunity °on/04Y
occasion during the debate of expressing his the iambi
House on the subject of the corn-laws, perhaPasere4 it
allowed to state the grounds on which this 10,etestaito0101
final adjustment of the various conflicting inoeol/40 01
country, should meet with his cordial support•
tennotiotd.
of the measure had held very strongly that pre„niar esoltbr
intended for the exclusive benefit of any parr'',, the,4ol
was intended for the advantage of all classes 11",sehratsatr
The Government was dealing with the genera tleaselay°
community, which important object those gen useibd de'
dially supported. The arguments that had been 1t k 5,44,1
of protection were great arguments against,' o;isTi
said that the existing measure of protection nil thsteartai
mestic agriculture against foreign produce, a!) tail '-yroff
lord, the farmer, and the labourer, had each u:bstebto 01
advantages ; that it had p ilsrovided for the renteas, it 0,001
protected the rate of wages. Ile would ask ' rshstati,
talked of protection from foreign nations', toilet! at
meaning of the language they employed ? D°„/.ooThs?_,"
foreign nations are the consumers of 50,000,013",w05P-0 /Si;
manufacturers ? Were they aware, that for two 0100' '
imperial revenue, we were indebted to the to ist° JO
imports? Do they remember the history °s„ thed tr 0
former times? Do they not know that it W.'"oteas_t of: f,
turers that brought them through the cruel ef of ttitj hi!tteri,
war ? Do they remember, that at the Clo:.,!ariee, rltho 'OO/
were in collision with America and with r'ot from 100;
ceiving cotton from the former country, and otos Aft ,1111
the deficiencies between the contending n_a.saintt
,_ ea AL,
adjusted ? Why, then, do they exclaim fti,i42 orss"togrjr,
tions? We all know what the distress of ivs-eficiPietas°oo",
was that distress owing to ? Not to the,: Gentiseeto,,,
food from foreign nations. The Honourah'ilgu traWsci 0'
proceeded to review the condition of the feretatip ? 1400 IV
that it had benefited the interests of this con rot .j. , ,
that boasted unanimity in the agricultural irndtespeneuca,osol
many followed in the steps of the late L°Nrifeeceilla Ord
present Lord Grey ? 'What the British He Ater` 000 ,
IT ) 'r rapers Aor
security against further change.—(—ear in the pt
ill
Honourable Gentlemen, if they succeeded _ the p,400,,00,
sition, if they frustrated for a short tiro° old t"thesfi,4
relaxing the operation of the present law,:
uses ontur Isl,005;
to their estates and offer the farmers long neniber.'sseM:. fori,
of the present law ? The Honourable ''''
tof the ''',„o s„, 0
seater test osr J,`, i
shire says, No. Could there be a gre
~rsione ernbastslee
of that law ? It bad been urged as an ergo Den:, "the ipii
.trade that the country was in a PwsPerer
d the,' for , dor it
the first symptom of reviving trade, u s deinani.'d thli;seeleec
Manchester, that there was an increases!,
was sai„,n 0 es
porior joints of meat sold in that town.
0.!! of 15,;°:::sie A
the last year, there had been a falling n many
.ias,l4l
the London market. He would ask how : ,
uralb the de!teto,,
had been imported into this country
id erne seet,is 0".0e!'„,
Why, not more than sufficient to suppet'ar.) 70P.,101,4011;
the people's consumption.—(Flea.ra'hies,,shich a iiererPrelte
he could prove from authenticated tables,
The
not 0
ti,bot
her might peruse, if he felt
s°ollthe prod w&shad beset° itd
was mathematically correct, an measure coo, ,I) ioo
vwerhi;unord_tie_la whe°_, deal co°rati
against the sup
aid or,„,t ~,
ble. Another argument , had
been ro. es
bad helps pro
ate
fromupon
atghreiopuelctuulriea.r burdenslhate
ceased, to be equally adjusted. .t was intethe af!vista,lol
when agriculture was protected,
'
land did bear peculiar burdens, but accrue t° ricaltw If ittr
loss which might the ag es&:ntild i
ire would nuskdea te_tesltv
sate amply for my
herder° •e. oOn
were otectle ,vite, 1,,
any right to say that they
its for Pr -0 in -. tr - t
interests. But he did not think that d inter vs f °
were, it was a virtual argunie
, order that 101110„
interest, in -7'' ..""-elle 'oil
we will remain a burdened ,s 'stem • is was -00
agriculturists say to the
the protective ) that i ,sa 11 , lief
have an argument for
certainly saY , he s. hot „041
the conclusion, and he must
eved that
char here co
He bell nts f 4l
could not be supported. _ „Tome
your 1.), t„ost
over every one of the !taw
members in fad him. was teas valet(
Government--
adduced by Honourable .
memory Nile , whien_ worst)`
laws. _(Hear, hear.) His tion of the'o„r triheseeur
any besides those, with the eel'itati „one
6 .goers A°- realis if °St
the " colonial " argument. He
f searing S that %O P' or°
eirniedeustrY, "" He h usd a al
• ei
with reference to dependence
tiers to the farmer for his
labourer. snits tbe isollS
the home trade, as well as that ouP°na_:sheeaisii:sa:sviserflogaioil-i:1:Aere:(0:
ulase.tourt-ndg she's' and To! Isctslattl
distria that t. 4. neri tl).'
increased rate of wages to the
show,
least he had endeavoured
rolifila "'ns.3' 12,.'" even at theb'ebe
people, instead of receivinp fo_ „7„e• o
e_sui even hat
~,n
~
p"a'aigdeisnpaagirdiciunlitubreal greatdiatrro
taant.
were now the recipien-s_e r,__Ztuicsn nr,s y0_01• .00,
manufacturing districts. ne . tr_". te pTis oec,e;ekly *:,rell
of the people had increasthdonny
to drawn :f 301. Wand ao:oteld
described. He had asked be receipt '4 Meat' 6 alle I'l,l
in t
isher - nite
ence, that a man who was
_Ol., hu` ~,„ ear
_.,. ) o
~,
would require a great deal
manli" „cue weee's, cbeela',• 'neri' dsbv.
deal more bread than thels's.'weesiy.—s_k,, gre it,. i'tetivt
,t';
than Bs., Us.' or that when .;t0 the fro° OF
to no more
s to believe,
drafted
oty 1 d lest of
also asked the House
population
was dra
hey had
bto
or
the agricultural
districts which tas,song t
tuning districts, the audition.
thefebi in a mull better

.~, ~i
ice. _.
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