The Sun.
London, England, 1848-03-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY

to the unfortunate when once their wildered footsteps I
have touched the shores of England, has become:the '
proverb of our kindliness among the nations of
Christendom. If we consider for an instant the dif-
ferent personages who are at this moment sojourners
in the metropolis or its vicinity, we shall the
more readily comprehend the nobility of
our national disposition. In one direction is
the dwelling of the Conde DE MONTE-
MOLIN,—in another that of Dom MIGUEL DE BRA-
GANZA,—in another that of Prince Louis NAPOLEON.
Very recently a villa in the Regent's Park was the
tenement of the expatriated Duke of VICTORY. A
moment's consideration would enable us to add very
considerably to this remarkable catalogue. From all
countries the children of woe flock to our coasts as
to their last and most secure retreat—as to the im-
pregnable fortress of their sorrows. The victim of an
infamous intrigue—the disarmed despot whose crimes
are without palliation—those miserable personages who
have encountered ruin either through an unanticipated
accident, or through an organized conspiracy—men of
all ranks, of all classes, of all races, find a home within
the ocean boundaries of Great Britain. This capa-
bility of affording solace to the evil-doomed is one of
the holiest of our national prerogatives. It cannot—
it shall not be violated very speedily. And no con-
tinental state can be more fully enabled to
appreciate our humane jealousy upon this
particular than the Republican State which is at this
moment being organized in Paris; for of the many
eminent men who constitute the Provisional Govern-
ment at the Hotel de Ville, there is one who has per-
sonally experienced the advantage of our magnani
Illlty—we mean Citizen ARMAND MARRAST, the
editor of the National, recently one of the secretaries
to the Republican Administration, and now one of the
chief champions of the Revolution in his new capacity
as the democratic Mayor of Paris. Citizen MARRAST
himself once found a haven in England as well as the
CX. KING of the FRENCII, commonly called the Count
DE NEUILLT.

There is one distinction, however, which it were
well for Englishmen to draw immediately, and which
it were still better for them to act upon henceforth
and for ever. The distinction is that which exists
between generosity and prodigality—between an
exalting courtesy and a degrading flattery—between
the reception of a criminal, as criminal, or as a hero.
For instance, it appeared to us, from the moment
when the match was lighted by ODILON BARROT
in the Champs Elysees, and when the popu-
lar explosion burst forth, hurling royalty to the
winds, and scattering the Orleans dynasty in all
directions, it appeared to us, we say, from that mo-
ment probable, that the fugitives from the Tuileries
would, like so many of their predecessors in distress,
very speedily appear upon the horizon of London. In
anticipation of this occurrence we suggested the pro-
, priety of receiving those fugitives es became our pro-
verbial amenity as a people, though we, at the same
time, maintained that their welcome should be of a
silence so profound as to indicate our abhorrence of
the cause in defending which they had met with their
destruction. Some individuals were fired with such
supreme indignation at the execrable career of Louis
Futures since his first retrogressive steps
in 1834, as to demand some public mani-
festation of contempt immediately upon his
appearance. Of this cruel system of retaliation
WALTER. SAVAGE LANDOR, was the most impor-
tant advocate, and while we permitted our columns to
be the medium through which his suggestion was first
promulgated, we accompanied that suggestion with
our most resolute protest—a protest which was morally
enforced by the historic claims of Great Britain to the
characteristics of humanity, dignity, and magnanimity.
We may acknowledge at once that the letter addressed
to us by Mr. LANDOR was published by ourselves
for two reasons—first, out of a feeling of respect for
his eminence in literature, and secondly, because his
communication afforded us an opportunity of giving
expression to our own sentiments. Since those re-
marks were written many disgraceful circumstances
have transpired in reference to the ex-Royal Family of
France, or to those Ministerial sycophants who have
shared in their downfal. Louis PHILLIPPE himself
—LOUIS PHILIPPE, the systematic violator of his
royal oath, of that oath which he swore solemnly
before GOD and man to the Charter of
1830— LOUIS PHILLIPPE, who huckstered the
virginity of IsAnELLA, who pandered to the despotic
views of METTERNICH, who lavished bribes upon his
" creatures" in France, and arms upon the marauders
of Switzerland—Louis PHILIPPE, this traitor to the
cause of liberty, was welcomed at Newhaven, at
Croydon, at Claremont—with acclamations ! Sight-
seers have stood agape before the carriage—have
wrestled with each other for the privilege of shaking
hands with him, have been fain to kiss the ground
upon which he has trodden ; and the stern hospitality
which should have been shown to a fallen tyrant
has been changed into a senseless and criminal ovation.
Of all these disgusting and reprehensible acts, how-
ever, the worst that has yet come within our know-
ledge has been the lip-service paid to that monster of
Ministerial turpitude, M. GUIZOT, by an ill-witted
and perverse committee of the Atheneum. The oc-
currence to which, we are here alluding is described
in the following protest, which is now, we believe, in
active course of signature :
"It is understood," says the protest, " that six
members of the committee of the Atheneum., as-
suming a power supposed by some to belong only to
the whole body, have declared M. GUIZOT an hono-
rary member of this club, and as many members
think that the power, if legitimate, has been most
injudiciously exercised in the peculiar position of M.
GUIZOT, we whose names are undersigned present
this exposition of our views to the committee, as a
formal protest against the appearance of M. GuizoT,
in the hope that it will obviate the necessity of
appealing to a general meeting, which may produce
the public rejection of that gentleman, or such an
admission as cannot be agreeable to him."
Heartily do we coincide in the indignation felt by the
vast majority of the members of the Atheneum at
this unjustifiable exaggeration of the rights of a
committee. That M. GUIZOT is eminently entitled
to a mark of honour of this description by reason of
his brilliant genius as a historian, and, generally
speaking, as a man of letters, cannot by any sane
mind be denied, but that he also richly deserves every
token of contumely and abhorrence is equally certain,
if we only bear in recollection his atrocious policy as
a statesman.

" Is it more advisable to erect a sign. post at the
beginning of a man's life, or a gibbet at the end ?"
Such was the very significant and most apposite
question asked, some time back, at a public meeting
by an advocate of education. Brief as it is, that one
sentence is worth all the arguments that were ever
brought forward on the subject. It is an emphatic
exposition of what education really is, and what are
the all-important benefits which it alone can bestow.
This sentence is particularly recalled to us just now,
by the appearance of a pamphlet, bearing a title
similarly significant and suggestive—" The Prison
and the School." The very name of this little work
expresses almost as much as its contents. By placing
in close juxta-position two words so widely diffe-
rent in signification it necessitates a com-
parison between their opposite tendencies, and
compels us to decide between the sign-post and the
gibbet. The author of this pamphlet, the Rev. JOHN
DurroN, is already well known as a philanthropist by
his writings on " National Education." He could not
possibly have displayed his philanthropy to better
purpose. than by attempting, as he has most success.
fully
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" that the attainment of knowledge prevents the com-
mission of crime." As an evidence of the truth of
this assertion is the fact, that of 25,107 criminals
convicted in the year 1846, only 1,936 could read and
write well, and only 85 had received a superior
education. Hence it is very apparent that the
school is the best preservative against the
prison—the sign-post is the best warning from the
gibbet. By a general (Effusion of education we are
enabled, as is very justly observed in the pamphlet,
" to cut off, at the very fountain head, the streams of
demoralization by which the torrent of crime is ali-
mented and supplied." If, however, the preservative
properties of the school he neglected, the only alter-
native is to make the plisJn itself become a place of
teaching; second only to the conservation of innocence
is the reformation of crime. And this is a considera-

tion which is too much neglected. " Economically►
viewed," says Mr. DUFTON, "it is our interest to
reform the criminal—socially considered, it is
our advantage; and if we regard the ques-
tion in a religious point of view, it is our duty."
The two latter propositions require no exemplifica-
tion—they are self-evident; be has consequently
endeavoured more especially to enforce the truthfulness
of the first assertion, namely, the economy of the
system which he advocates. We cannot now parti-
cularise his arguments—one illustration is sufficient
It appears that the cost incurred by Government in
courts of justice, police and criminal prosecu-
tions, and correction, amounted in one year alone
to 1,557,756/. More than a million and a half
for one year's punishment of crime ! How
much less might have served for its prevention ?
Or how much less, according to Mr. DurToN, would
suffice for the reformation of the criminals ! Not
that we are so deceived by our wishes as to expect
an entire, or even general reformation, but something
at least might be done, especially among juvenile
offenders. We are aware that among these much
has already been effected, in pursuance of recent
prison reforms, but we desire more, infinitely more.
Speaking on this subject, and on the duty incumbent
upon society itself to assist in the regeneration of its
fallen members, Mr. DUFTON makes tke following
very appropriate observations :

" Aids in this difficult task of reformation we may
have from a well-organized police, and an enlightened
administration of justice; but, at best, these salutary
influences can only act upon the criminal parents; the
care of the neglected, or rather the perverted, children
must devolve upon society itself—upon the nation as a
collective body. Wait not until they who have never
heard of the value of instruction shall intuitively dis-
cover its worth, and offer themselves as voluntary stu-
dents, but go out into the highways and hedges, and
compel them to come in.' If every opportunity of
training them in virtuous habits be neglected—if every
chance of instructing them in useful occupations be
thrown away, their inevitable ruin is as assuredly pre-
determined and predestined as if, according to the
Mahommedan belief, it had been graven from eternity
on the awful Table of Destiny.' They are lost, and
society is the loser. Society has lost all that they have
wasted by guilt, and all that they would have gained by
indtrory; and we have purchased this double loss at an
infinitely higher price than would have ersured us the
double gain. The detention of children in gaols is one of
tic most expensive modes of punishment that could be de-
vised, as I shall have occasion to show in another part of
this letter; the custody of children in industrial training
schools might easily be so managed, as to defray the
greater part of its own expenses."

Of all great public questions, there is, perhaps, not one
cf more importance than that of education. It pos-
sesses universal interest; it affects every individual,
whether the ignorant or the enlightened. It hardly
requires the eloquence of Mr. MAcAuLA.r to assure us
that national education concerns every member of the
community quite as much as the national defences.
It is also a question of always immediate interest.
Other topics have their times and seasons, they are
occasionally and periodically important :—as, for ex-
ample, taxation agitates us annually, and elections,
whenever a new ;vrit, is issued. But education is
always, and must be always (until it is established in
the most perfect manner) a subject of general anxiety
and interest. Nevertheless, it is more than ever
brought before us now, not only by the little pam-
phlet to which we have just referred, but also,
although indirectly, by the motion of Mr. EWART,
in the House of Commons last night. The question
with him is not so much to substitute the sign-post for
the gibbet as to abolish the use of the gibbet
altogether. It is a matter of very grave
and awful importance, and very mach may be
deduced in support of the proposition. And yet we
are inclined to consider education as even, if possible,
of still greater import. The one, it is true, decides
on the life and death of those concerned, but the
other decides on more—on their guilt or innocence.
Consequently we are disposed to regard Mr. Doi-
TON'S aspirations as not inferior even to Mr. EWART's;
for, however much we might rejoice in the abolition
of the gibbet, we should rejoice infinitely more in the
abolition of all necessity for its exercise.

Letters from Rome of the 6th inst. state, that on
the receipt of the account of the revolution in Paris
the whole population of Rome repaired to the Aca-
demy of France to proclaim the French Republic.
The people afterwards proceeded to the Quirinal to
demand from the POPE the long-promised Constitution.
Order was not disturbed at Rome, but the agita-
tion was at its height. The following reply of the
Pore to the address had somewhat allayed the effer-
vescence :

" The events, I will not say which succeeded each
other, but which have hurried on to a conclusion, justify
the demand addressed to me by the senators in
the name of the magistrate and the council. Every-
body knows that I ihave been incessantly engaged in
giving the Government the form claimed by those
gentlemen and required by the people. But every-
body must understand the difficulty encountered by him
who unites two supreme dignities. What can be
effected in one night in a secular state cannot be accom-
plished without mature examination in Rome, in con-
sequence of the necessity to fix a line of separation
between the two powers. Nevertheless, I hope that, in
a few days, the constitution shall be ready, and that I
will be able to proclaim a new form of government,
calculated to satisfy the people, and more particularly
the Senate and the Council, who know better the state
of affairs and the situation of the country. May the
Almighty bless my desires and labours! If religion
derives any advantage therefrom I will throw myself at
the feet of the crucified Jesus, to thank him for the
events accomplished by his will, and I will be more satis-
fied as chief of the Universal Church than as a temporal
prince if they turn to the greatest glory of God."
A letter from Naples of the 6th says :

" The old Ministry still continues in office; Prince
Cariati, who had been called upon to compose a new one,
having declined the undertaking. How this will end no
one can foresee."

should he refuse to grant the required reforms. The 1
steam-boat companies of Maine and the Rhine have
placed their boats at the disposal of the insurgents.
The Germanic Diet has passed a solemn resolution
that " black, red, and gold are the colours and em-
blems of the Germanic Confederacy."
A letter from Hamburgh, of the 11th of March,
says :—" Our Senate, frightened by the great de-
monstration intended to have taken place on Monday
next, has submitted to the will of the people. Ham-
burgh is now as free as Great Britain."
It was reported at Hamburgh that the Bth corps of
the army of Prussia had refused to march to the
Rhine.

On the Bth instant the citizens of Bremen wen' en
masse, and demanded from the Senate the following
concessions :

1. Publicity of the discussions in Senate.
2. Free representation of all citizens.
3. Free public discussions.
4. Publicity in all courts of justice.
5 Separation of the justice from the administration.
6. Trial by jury in all political, criminal, and press
cases ; and demanded the concurrence of the', Senate
within six hours, or they would proceed to other mea-
sures.

The Senate granted the whole of the propositions
immediately. ___

A letter from Berlin, of the 7th of March, an-
nounces that the Polish Deputies, to the number of
fifty, purpose giving in their resignations, not wishing
to form a part of the German States General, as likely
to affect Polish nationality. This resolution is, it is
said, based on the treaty of 1815, which guarantees
the national institutions to all the Polish provinces.

A letter from Gotha of the Bth states that as soon
as the Duke arrived there from England, on the
evening of the 7th, he caused a proclamation to be
issued, granting equal political rights to all his sub-
jects, a representative assembly, and freedom of the
press ; and this step of the Duke made an address
needless, which his subjects had prepared to present
him with. A deputation proceeded to his palace, to
demand a national guard and trial by jury, which was
graciously conceded.
Count FREDERICK DETM, the Kossuth of Bohe-
mia, and twenty of the most distinguished members
of the Opposition, have proposed the immediate con-
vocation of the Bohemian Diet. They give two rea-
sons for taking this step—First, " To express their
loyal and true sentiments to the Throne, and to make
any sacrifice that may be necessary, compatible with
the interests of the State ; and, secondly, "To lend
their joyful co-operation to a development of the re-
presentation of the country." An address to this effect
has been forwarded to Vienna.

The permanent Military Committee, appointed by
the German Diet on the 2d instant, had proposed the
adoption of various measures for the security of the
confederation, in consequence of the events now pass-
ing in France. They recommended, amongst others,
that the fortresses of Ulm and Rastadt be imme-
diately armed and provisioned—that the garrison
of Ulm be formed of 14,000 Austrian, Bavarian,
and Wirtemburg troops, and the garrison of Rastadt
of 8,000 Austrians and Bavarians—that the garrison
of Mayence be raised to 18,000 infantry and 300
cavalry, to be supplied by Aiistria -and Prussia—that
Prussia, the Grand Duchy of Hesse, Wirtemburg, and
Baden, be charged with the protection of the western
frontier, and directed to adopt such measures of pre-
caution as they may deem expedient, and
to give immediate notice to the Diet of any
symptoms of danger they may observe; that Prussia
should lose no time in arming the fortress of Lux-
emburg, and Bavaria that of Landau, and that those
two Governments should furnish the military com-
mittee with a full account on the condition of the
other fortresses situate in their Rhenish provinces.
The Diet had concurred in the above resolutions, and
voted a million of florins to defray extraordinary ex-
penses. On the Bth the Diet moreover prohibited the
exportation of German horses from all the states of
the Confederation.

A letter from Leipsic of the 9th relates that deputa-
tions of six towns having presented petitionsto the King
of SAXONT, demanding the liberty of the press and
other reforms, the Burgomaster of Werdau made an
harangue on the occasion. His MAJESTY re-
ferred him to his proclamation, and declared
that he would submit to the next Diet such
demands as appeared to him Put and oppor-
tune. The Burgomaster SCAWEDLER, of Meerane,
then said, " Sire, permit me—." The KING replied
"No I no ! I cannot discuss with you any
insensate demands ; I have only to say to you,
Adieu." The Burgomaster said, " Sire, do not
allow us to depart without some concession?,
The KING replied, " I have nothing more to say'
to you, adieu!" The King's Ministers have pub-
lished a notice announcing that they had given in
their resignation, but that the KING refused to accept
it, resolving to convoke an extraordinary Diet for
the 20th, in order that it might be known whether
the whole country wished to have the Ministers dis-
missed. A law on the liberty of the press was to be
presented to that assembly.

Madrid journals of the Bth have arrived. Their
contents are unimportant.
MADRID BOMA, MARCH B.—The Three per Cents.
were done at 23i for cash; the Five per Cents. at 14
for paper ; the Debt, without interest, at 5i ; and
the Coupons at 10.

TnE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS•

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The panic in the money-market still continues,
and, according to the Constitutionnel, five of the first
banking-houses in Paris have determined to wind up
their affairs. Among them, it is said, are the firms of
HOTTINGWER and Co., DELESSERT and Co., and the
house of MALLET.

M. EMILE DE GlRAnntis has, in the columns of the
Presse, suggested the following plan for lessening the
pressure of the financial crisis:—
" The perpetual debt is a precious force which, when
prudently employed and ably turned to account, may
resolve, if not all the difficulties of the situation, at
least the most urgent and perhaps the most important
ones. No fear ought to be felt at having re-
course to such means, not only for the voluntary
conversion into rente of the bons du tresor that are
issued, and the caution-money deposited, but also for
the redemption by the State of railways and canals, the
working of which it ought never to have alienated,
and of the great enterprises to obtain coals and
to fabricate salt. The perpetual debt is the bosom
which may sweep the money-market clean—the fund to
pay off the liabilities, to save and even to augment the
social assets. Of all means of credit a perpetual debt is
assuredly the most simple, and it is because it is so,
that it is the most powerful. Let, then, the sinking
fund, which, under the various titles of dotation, re-
serve, &c 4 takes from the rate-payers 125 millions a
year, be at once suppressed. Let the Three per Cents.
be given at of. to all holders of Buns de Tresor and to
all persons having deposited caution money; let a similar
conversion be effected for all the shares of railways and
canals demanding to be dissolved ; let the same means
be employed to reconstitute for the profit of the State
precious monopolies, such as those of salt and sugar, at a
cheap rate; let this be done, and the French Republic,
we hesitate not to say, will soon have rendered to
public credit a greater power than that the loss of
which is at this moment so keenly felt. The
State thus seizing in an equitable manner on important
monopolies ; not by violence, but by eredit, completing
rapidly all the useful works now in course of execution.
The State, by this pacific attitude, will re-animate con-
fidence, acquire new strength, give itself the means of
reducing its military forces, without increasing the
charge of pensions inscribed on the books of the Trea-
sury, and without plunging into misery a multitude of
brave officers and non-commissioned officers ; the State,
in fine, will multiply the consumers, and occupy usefully
the working classes, putting a stop to the sad spectacle
of men turning up the earth in the Champ-do-Mars, for
the sole purpose of turning it up—a sort of tread-mill
in the open air! Does work fail in France? Are all our
railways, from Paris to the frontier, from the Atlantic
to the Mediterranean finished ? Have all our canals
reduced to the lowest limit of price _the transport of
encumbering matters, of all the objects of which the
consumption would increase in immense proportions if
they could be placed within the reach of the poor man?
Assuredly not."
At Marseilles the demand for money is so great,
that 50f. are given as a premium for changing a
bank-note of 1,0001. into 51. pieces.
M. TESTE has been set at liberty, on condition that
he shall again surrender himself into the hands of
justice when called upon to do so. The reason
assigned for his liberation is, that he was not safe in
the Conciergerie.
The Ministers of Baden and of Hesse have signified
to the Provisional Government the desire of their
respective Sovereigns to maintain amicable relations
with the French Republic.
On Saturday evening an entertainment was given
at the Jardin d'ifiver, tur the benefit of toe workmen
out of employ. The sentinel of the National Guard