The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-30 00:00:00

,1 •
'44
e JJ txton

SUN OFFICE, Seven o Clock.

BOULOGNE.

AUGUST 29.—Our private correspondent informs us
that The O'Gorman Mahon, M.P., passed through this
town between three and four o'clock this morning, en
route from Paris to London, and embarked on board
her Majesty's steamer Albert, Captain Smythick,
-which awaited his arrival, he being the bearer to the
Secretary for Foreign Affairs of dispatches supposed to
be of a more than usual important nature.

ELECTION COMMITTEE.
(THIS DAY.)
HORSHAM.
The Committee were again occupied the whole day
with receiving rebutting evidence on behalf of the sit-
ting Member, Mr. Fitzgerald.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF LORDS

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat upon the Woo;
sack at Five o'clock.
LOCAL ACT BILL.

This Bill was read a second time on the motion of the
Earl of GRANVILLE.

acts of a man while under the influence of ruffled temper,
produced by being disappointed in obtaining
a dinner, that indicate his secret views. It
is only under such circumstances that tha pas•
sions and master feelings of the Man come out ;
and although the Noble Teord talked a great deal of the
forms of the Hewes ft is quite clear that he feels with the
Hon. Member for the %Vest Riding, that the proeepeitV
for discussion is the reason why the betereee'i bf the
country cannot be carried on vilth Iteeldity.—(Cheers.)
Now I propose, in Matinee the most brief and
condensed that I can keennmand, to ascertain whether
these two causes ate the real causes, whether it is to be
attributed to the discussions in this House. Cl‘ to 'toe
fears of the Legislature, that after haselbg eat nearly ten
months we have done very little, and that very little
not very well.—(Chentes.) But, however, before I
enter into that argument, it will, perpaps, be
interesting to the House that I should just state, hale-
pendently of our debates, what the Hoene Of Commons
has done in the present seeeietneeehat really has been
done falls very far short uf what was originally proposed
to us. From a ecport of the Committee on Public,
Business, which has been kid upon the table of the llouse,
but which from an accident has not yet been circulated
amongst Members, it apps ars, Sir, that there have been
this year 45 public Committees, some of them of more
than usual importance, with an average number of
fifteen Members serving on each Committee; that thcrs
have been 28 Election Committees with five Members
serving on each Committee ; that there have been
fourteen Groups on Railway Bills, with five Mem-
bers serving on each Group ; that there have
been seventeen Groups on private Bills, with five Mem-
bers serving on each Group ; that there have been 111
other Committees on Private Bills. Of the public Com-
mittees, that on commercial distress sat 39 days,
that on sugar and coffee planting, 39 days; that on the
navy, army, and ordnance expenditure, 40 days; and
that on miscellaneous expenditure, 37 days. It
appears that there have been presented this
year to the House upwards of 18,500 petitions, showing
an increase of 25 per cent. upon the greatest number
presented in any former year, except the year 1843.
I will take this opportunity of making an observation
upon these petitions, since a considerable degree
of error exists out of doors on this subject.
It is supposed, when a petition is presented, it is simply
ordered to lay upon the table and never heard of
again ; but it is well that our constituents should
know that every petition that is laid upon the table
is scrutinized by a Select Committee of the most ex-
perienced and intelligent Members of this House,
and that every petition which from the import-
ance of its subject, or the ability of its statements, renders
it deserving of the distinction, is printed at the public
cost, and circulated among Members. The right, then,
since we are not permitted to make a speech on every
petition presented, is a more important and efficient right
than has ever been enjoyed at any time by the public in
England.—(Loud cheers.) Having, Sir, fully I
hope, stated the causes to which are imputed
the great delay which we all acknowledge—
namely, the present inefficiency of the system of govern-
ment to transact the businesa necessary for the
country, the next thing for me to consider is whether
those causes are founded in truth and accuracy, and if not,
whether it is possible before Parliament is prorogued for
this House to ascertain what the real cause is.—(Hear,
hear.) Now, it will be perhaps convenient to re-
cal to the recollection of the House the circum-
stances under which Parliament met.—(Hear, hear.)
Such extraordinary events have occurred since Fe-
bruary, that we are apt to forget when we remember
the fall of thrones, the uprooting of dynasties, the
deposing of great Ministers whose reputation had
become almost part of the history of more than
half a century—who had selected and guided the
Governments of almost the whole of civilized
Europe—when these mighty occurrences are fresh in one's
memory, one is too apt to forget, so long has been the
duration of this painful session, the circumstances under
which the Parliament met. Gentlemen should recollect
that we had in this country, when the House met in the
first session of the new Parliament, that we were then
suffering from events, which though not, frem reputa-
tion, so large as to partake of an European character,
were yet as comprehensive, as far as we were con-
cerned these were, however, not less strange,
and far more sad.—(Hear, hear.) The inscrutable
Omnipotent decree had gone out that a famine was
visiting the land, and in consequence of that terrible
visitation our merchants were compelled to make good
the deficiency, and no doubt that and many other
causes led Ito a commercial crisis, perhaps
of unprecedented severity. There were uprooting
of commercial ;dynasties in England not less striking
than the fall of those political Houses: of which of
late we have heard so much. Hon. Gentlemen whom we
had known and lived with in this House of Commons,
whom we had all highly respected, who had an Euro-
pean reputation in their career, were rudely torn
almost from these benches, if not with disgrace and ohs •
honour, under circumstances of pitiable severity and
vicissitude seldom met with. We had had a com-
mercial pressure of unprecedented severity, and when
earliament met private credit was certainly para-
lyzed. Trade was not only dull, but almost
dead.—(Hear, hear.) There was scarcely any private
party, from the rich noble to the most enterprising man
of the middle class, who was not smarting under the
severity of the circumstances to which I have alluded.
Why, Sir, that commercial distress was so general and
so severe, that it was one of the main causes
that led to the' calling of Parliament together in the
month of November.—(Hear, hear.) Her Majesty, in
her Speech from the Throne, stated that this was one of
the causes which had induced her to call Parlia-
ment together at so early a period ; but let me
ask the House whether, on this subject of com-
mercial distress, . there has been too much
discussion?—(Hear, hear.) Can the Members of the
House of Commons be charged with having such a pro-
pensity to make speeches upon that subject? Let me
recap to the recollection of the House that the
only impression upon the mind of the coun-
try after we had met was, that we had been called
together by the Sovereign on a great emer-
gency of universal interest, and yet upon that sub-
ject the House of Commons has absolutely said no-
thing.—(Cheers.) There was a feeling of discontent
; amongst all classes, and men of all parties in
the country and in town, that when Parlia-
ment met they did not immediately go to the
cause of that commercial distress by which the
country had been stricken so severely, with the view ot
arriving at some conclusion that should be able to guide
the public intelligence on the subject. There was cer•
tainly, when the House met, oneldesultory discussion
of two nights upon the Address, when the com-
mercial crisis formed one important element in
the discussion, but Parliament had never met yet with-
out a desultory discussion taking place on the Address.
In the present instance the desultory debate
was very insignificant, because there was a general
understanding in the House that the question of the
commercial crisis was too vast, too encumbered with
other important matters, to be dealt with in an
accidental debate on the first business of the House
of Commons. It was naturally supposed that an
opportunity would be afferded for a complete
etifhethqemsauttbojneciAt
•; becausealluded
lteot
byme t
bree recap to
Sovereign
v er e
ttgh
ne
lj
idni°6'tcahu'eesssetlih)wnatords to the effect that the embarrassments in
trade were so great at one period that a general feeling
o proceedings
ier
infringement
eet rietn7igl
nteoct olfhinteohfluedse wce
of distrust and alarm had arisen throughout the country,
u
and her Majesty for the purpose
had, by an order in Council, authorised the Bank of
tE:anngl
emer-
gencyaa any
England to
thatt
oo
nmpe
might
tuuehb
have
course
fluteredsr et
otohtai.
Commons did not feel that an opportunity would be'aef-1
forded them for fully discussing the subject,
discussion yet was there any great propensity j for
discussion on that question ? No doubt I shall
be told that besides the desultory debate to which
I have just alluded on the moving of the Addrese
motion was made with respect to the conduct'i a
Ministers, when the subject of commercial di°st
tress, and especially as to the conduct of Gover
went with regard to its advice to the Bank
b
y Englund, was brought formally before the House
by the Right Honourable Gentleman the Member for,
Stamford. Very true, but, Sir, in the first place, I can-
not at all agree that there is any abuse of the privilege
of Parliament when such a man or such a subject bp.
pealed to the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) /
should say that, considering the experience of my Right
lion. Friend, and the turn of his mind, was sufficient
guarantee that it would have been satisfactory to the
achoounnity,
drhayeendoritgo men
inated
anof all p
inyesattrgte,
a-tiotnhaitnthoe
tohfisall men
matter
relating to the management of the Bank, the
constitution of the Bank, and the conduct of
the Ministers during the commercial crisis.—(Hear.)
the ledir House
to
me a
Well, Sir, I do not suppose that the motion of lily
wasteßig htime; of
Right Hon.
it his, e alleged as
re havingmind
that lie had no alternative. Ministers had announced
through the highest medium, that they had coun-
selled the directors of the Bank of England to
violate the law. True it is, that in the same
speech they intimated that that infringement of the
law, notwithstanding the permission, did not take place,
but in the opinion of my Right Hon. Friend, and of
Gentlemen on this side of the liouse,:we could not agree
that a crime or an offence was only constituted
in the perpetration of the accusation. We consider
the intention is just as guilty as the perpetration; for
if a man contemplate the committal of a murder, he is
just as guilty as the man who has committed the mur-
der; and, therefore, if Ministers counsel a public body to
infringe the law, although the infringement may not
take place, it was still competent for Parliament to come
ett
eyo twh
of
were,
torvt
eel
a, ereatyets eegtruhr,
forward to discuss or dissent from such counsel.
nee is
tys for
sapoeerwriytp:
I think myself that the whole conduct of the Govern-
ment,nae akxt
except3rn,adl whimsi-
cal
y sup-
posingmight
have
t been,
ewatethi
ntah,i
that they
respect
difficultsseapyes at
tthey
.—(Hear,
hear.) And having done all this, which amounted
to nothing, and written this paragraph, and made the
speeches which greatly pleased me, I can compare it to
nothing but to the annual procession which takes place
in a city with which all gentlemen are very familiar—
an annual ceremony which takes place on one day in the
year, and which puts the whole population in a state of
the greatest excitement and alarm; and after a short
time the whole procession becomes panic-struck
about the consecrated blood, and the most curious
thing is that in both cases it is the same—
a case of congealed circulation.—(Laughter.) Just at
that moment when there is unutterable gloom, and when
the time
popu-
lation, the Archbishop of announces the liquifi-
L
St. Janarius—( aughter)—
despair and consternation prevails over the whole
cation of the blood of
that a wholesome state of currency has returned

both cases the remedy is equally efficient and equally
apposite.—(Laughter.) I think I have shown some
ft'llsoll3 for the House to agree with me, that as far as
this great question of commercial distress—tehich the
Hon. Member for Warwickshire has not yet terminated
—as far as that ie Concerned, the House of
tecommoes ha`s not wasted much time.—(Hear.)
rie is one of the most important subjects that can pos-
sibly interest a great commercial nation, and I believe
not ten men in the House expressed their opinions upon
the subject. I confess as far es our disenSsiehe Upon :Jane-
ing was cenefeentid—having long relinquished any hope
aunt the result would be as satisfactory as I
desired—a combat has al ways taken place be-
tween opposite opinions, with which men who generally
originated the question have had little to do—(Hear,
hear)—the clebnte was always interesting, frequently
entertaining, but as far as the sound principles of bank-
ing were concerned, they had certainly not been ad-
vanced by such discussions, and I confess I look for-
ward to the attainment of that end which we desire by
only one means, and that of a very sorrowful na •
tuee—another depression and another panic.—(Hear,
hear.) The Hon. Gentleman continued—He would now
take a subject of the utmost possible importarce—tee
financial question, and he welled ask the House it they
would permit bins calmly to consider, on the 30th of
August. after sitting there ten months, whether, in the
financial statement and in those measures which resulted
from it, the conduct of the Government had been of that
thoughtless, unbusiness like, and unsatisfactory charac-
ter which had been alleged? Ho would ask the
House to inquire how much time had been occu-
pied this session by those financial communications
and arrangements by an English House of Commons.
Ho would ask the House to it-quire whether any time had
been wasted by the House of Commons, and whether the
speeches of Members, or the forms of the House, had
caused that expenditure of the public time? On the
18th February the financial statement was made—it
was exceedingly satisfactory—but the moment
Parliament met after Christmas, not an hour
was lost in announcing that another financial
statement would be made. The general opinion was
satisfactory in the House and in the country.—(Laughter.)
The Ministers were rather favourites out of doors ; some
that they were not men of busi-
ness,ght they had to encounter hard
times.—(Laughter.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer
people
but said,
thenh however, e
was ver,
thou
was a most active man
; he got wrong with his deficiency
bills, but on the whole they were satisfactory.—
(Laughter.) But now they were sailing in still
water—they were perfectly business men—not a moment
was to be lost—the First Minister of the Crown comes
down, and we have a budget early in February.—(A
laugh.) Notwithstanding
all the great events that had
occurred in Europe, they Atilt recollected that budget.—
(Laughter.) It was not entrusted to the Chancellor of
the Exchequer. The Prime Minister—the first Minister
of Finance—comes forward, and Tamworth itself could
not have produced a more magnificent and solemn
budget. In a politioal sense it was not less
important than in a financial sense. It was clearly a
budget which demanded expansive views, and the
highest efforts of a statesman, because the country was
to be defended as well as taxes to be paid. Those were
great considerations for the House to enter into; and
when they were informed of their danger, they were
induced to express their determination to protect
their country, their Sovereign, and their hearths.
But, then, they were informed that there was not only
to be an increase of the miscellaneous, but of the mili-
tary estimates; and they were told that the income-tax
was to be redoubled. Now, it was clear thatthe financial
scheme of the Government must have been completely
matured—it was not a scheme taken up in an
hour, or drawn with a pen upon the back of a
letter, but there must have been Cabinets, frequent
and long discussions, upon a budget whichlin a moment
of deficiency called upon the country to increase the
expenditure, and which attempted to accomplish two
great ends, viz., to defend the country, and to fill the
Exchequer.—(Laughter and cheers.) And he thought
he should use no terms of exaggeration if he expressed
the feeling of the House as one of considerable dissatis-
faction—(Hear, hear)—because at the time he alluded to
Members in every quareer of the House, even to almost
behind the Treasury benches, gave utterance to their in-
dignant protest against tbe Government propositions. But
that was but a murmur to what took place out of doors—
a menagerie before feeding time would alone give an idea
of the unearthly yell—(A laugh)---with which the middle
classes, especially the inhabitan ts of towns, the followers of
liberal opinions, and the disciples of free-trade opinions
—(Laughter)—received the announcement of the Go-
vernment. Great towns, such as Manchester, Liver •
pool, Leeds, and Bradford, sent up their protests day
after day, and, in fact, persons were so alarmed that they
had not time to inquire into their condition.
On the 21st of February, the Monday follow-
ing the Friday, the Chancellor of the Ex
chequer came forward just as one might see
a great general, after he had taken the position of his
infantry, and finding out that it had not gone quite as
well as he expected, brings in a body of cavalry to put
every thing right—(Laughter)—the Chancellor of the
Exchequer made a most extraordinary speech. It was
a sort of lament over the misconceptions which un-
accountably occurred as to the statement of his chief.
—(Hear, hear.) He should have thought that
if any statement ought to be clear, it would be that of a
financial exposition, but unfOrtunately the charmed and
classic eloquence of the Noble Lord had enveloped it in
a feeble mist, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer was
the only man to put it right.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.)
He mem forward and said there had been the greatest
possible misconception as to the statement; it was true
that there was a mistake in the navy estimates, but there
had been a very great increase in consequence of an
expedition to the North Pule.—(Laughter.) That, he
supposed, was to show that they had no intention of
going to war—(Hear)—that they were merely going to
the North Pole; but he thought it was an expedition rather
adapted to times when they had a surplus in the Ex-
chequer.—(Laughter and cheers.) As to the misce.la
;moue estimates, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said
they were considerably inereased, but told the house not
to forget the expense of building the new Houses of
Parliament, the expenses of keeping up the British
Museum, and, lastly, the increase to an immense
extent in the amount of the printer's bill.—(Great
laughter.) The statement made by the Chancellor of
the Exchequer. he contended, was the most extraordi-
nary proposition that bad ever been made by a Minister,
viz., that the Government had determined to propose
that the estimates for the army and navy should im-
mediately be referred to the Committee up stairs, and
on the next day the miscellaneous estimates should be
submitted to the same ordeal. That was on the 21st
February, on the Monday after the Friday. But the
storm had grown loud. A most curious thing occurred
on the 28th February, there having been a notice of a
motion given by the Hon. Member for Montrose
for a reduction of expenditure and a diminution
of taxation, and a great many other notices of very in-
convenient motions. On that day, ten days after the
financial exposition of the Noble Lord, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer came down and in the handsomest
manner presented the House with two budgets
(Laughter.) On that occasion the Chancellor
of the Exchequer said, ia consequence of the
misconceptions which had gone abroad, and two
more inconvenient motions baying been already placed
on the books of the House, it became necessary, in fact,
for the Government to review their position, and he had
no doubt himself that the estimates might be consider-
ably curtailed, and by borrowing some money-which
was intended for another purpose, they might save
some money for the purpose intended—(Laughter)—
that was to say, that by pinching on the one hand and
screwing on the ,other, there would not be the
slightest necessity for additional imposts, because
they might manage very well to make the expenditure
and income balance—(Laughter)—that they might
do very well without doubling the Income-tax, by which
it was estimated by the Noble Lord that three millions
and a half would be brought into the Exchequer.—(A
laugh.) Now, he would ask, was the House of Commons
guilty of the charge of having wasted those ten days,
from the lath to the 28th of February?—(Hear, hear,
and loud cheers.) Was there too much discussion, or
were the antiquated forms of the House tripping
up the Noble Lord at the head of the Cabinet?
—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But ten days had been
wasted ; they were now on the 28th, and still they had
an empty Exchequer, and the only chance they bad of
getting anything like tenpecce in the pound was by
scraping some
6001., 7001., or 8001. from the estimates.
(Hear, hear.) He fouad an announcement in the
Queen's Speech, stating that her Majesty had given di-
rections that the estimates for the next year should be
Prepared for the purpose of being laid before
the House, and that they would be formed with
a careful regard to the exigencies of the public service.
—(Hear, and laughter.) The greatest exigency which
they were then labouring under was a deficiency in the
revenue, and he now complained that those estimates
had. not been prepared with, a careful regard to the
exigencies of the public service. He would not enter into
a detailed account of what was done in those eventful
ten days, but would pursue the financial point to the end
that the House and the country might clearly understand
what time had been wasted, how it had been wasted, and
who had been guilty of wasting that time.—(Hear.) He
would go on to the 30th of June, on which day, in the
midst of a colonial debate, the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer suddenly rose, as was supposed, to answer a
speech which had been made by an Hun. Member of con-
siderable ability and intelligence, but in a most im-
promptu manner brought forward a third budget,
which he laid on the table of the House.—(Loud
laughter.) And what occurred on that occasion ?
The Right Hon. Member for Manchester, and the Hon.
Member for the West Riding, moved the adjournment
of the debate, on the plea that instead of discussing a
great question which was then before the House, a
question involving a great principle, of which those two
Hon. Members were the champions, viz, that there
should be no alteration of the law of 1846 with respect
to the sugar duties—instead of doing that, he (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer) sought to introduce a
new budget, an- athat entirely diverted the attention
of the House from the subject before it. The discus-
sion on the financial state of the country lasted two
days, and that great sugar debate was spent
Mm in deliver-
ingiatry.—(Hear, speeches on the budget of the
hear.) Now they had three budgets within
the permd
from the 18th of February down to the 30th of June—
andad not in the
h
during that period the Government
held
slightest degree redeemed the promise which they
out to the House and to the public. All that time the
estimates were up stairs submitted to a select Com-
mittee, and the Conamitee of Supply of the House was
virtually done away with. When that Select Committee
was appointed, he took occasion to state the objections
which he entertained to the
proposition, that the esti-
mates should be referred to the Committee up stairs.
He showed that it was an unconstitutional course, and
that there were no precedents whatever for submitting
the estimates, which ought to be proposed by the
Ministers, on their own responsibility, to a Select
Committee, and of shifting the responsibility

from a Committee of the whole House.— (Hear.)
He had showed to the House that this was a Select Com-
mittee of Ways end Means, and that if they were al-
lotted to hare such a Committee, they might have a
Select Coffitnittee on nhythinge and that Committee
would have the power of inflicting taxation. He had
stated also to the House another objection to the refe-
rence to Committees; he had stated that it was uncon-
stitutional as regarded Members, because it de-
prived them of their constitutional privileges of
investigating the justice of the estimates in a
Committee of Supply.—(lfear, hear.) Now, what did
the Noble Lord at the head of the Government say to
that ? Why, that his (Mr. Disraeli's) observations were
futile, and that it was absurd to say that Members were
deprived of their constitutional privileges, for they had
the power to consider all that had been done by the
Committee when in Supply ; but what he would ask
was the result ? Why, the Estimates did not come
down from the Committee till a few weeks ago,
and they had been discussed at a time when
half the Members were away from the House. He
asserted, then, that the House of Commons had not been
guilty of delay on the question of finance, but the
Ministry had; nothing had been done before the end of
July, and the Prime Minister, with a sublime coolness,
stated, in the latter end of the month, that his
Bight Honourable Friend the Chaticellor of the
Exchequer would, before the end of the session,
make his financial statement. They had then e
fourth budget ; they had had a Ministry con-
taining all the talents, and they had now a Ministry
containing all the budgets.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
The fourth budget came late, and at a momeut when
they waited glad tidings, but it had no sunny aspect—
(Laughter)—it was brought forward in a thin House,
and when that House was full of gloom. The position
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on that oc-
casion put him in mind of the hero of Cervantes
and his faithful servant, Sancho Panza, on their
return from the fourth expedition of the redoubtable
knight. His friends were aware of his weakness, and
they treated him eith respect, but the wife of Sancho
Panza told him to never mind his kicks and cuffs so that
he had brought home some money.—(Laughter.) Such
was the state of the present Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer on bringing forward his fourth budget. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer, it might be truly said,
had concluded his second year of office with
a second loan instead of a tax. He would ask the House
whether it was the discussion of Members, or the forms
of the House, that had caused the delay in bringing for-
ward the fourth budget? So much for that part of the
subject. He would now refer to another. Her Ma-
jesty, at the commencement of the session, had recom-
mended to Parliament to adopt two important measures,
but he regretted that they had not complied with her Ma-
jesty's command. The adoption of such a course was
an apparent stain doubtless upon her Majesty's faithful
Commons.—(Hear, hear.) But the question with him
was, whether the House of Commons had discbeyed her
Majesty's commands, and he thought he should be able
to show that they had not. The first measure to which
her Majesty had called their attention was for improving
the health of the metropolis, and the second related to the
laws regulating the navigation of the United Kingdom.
Now, with regard to the sanitary law, it was introduced
on the 10th of February, and ordered to be printed, as
amended, by the Lords, on the 27th of July. Now, it
might be thought the House of Commons had been
guilty of wasting five months with respect to the mea-
sure, but what was the fact. Why, a cursory glance over
statistics of the session would show, that the measure
had been so frequently altered, and such batches
of clauses had been added to and taken from it; that it
was quite clear that such was its inefficiency when first
introduced, that discussion with respect to it was not
only profitable but a public benefit.—(Hear, hear.)
Such were the difficulties that beset the Bill, that he
believed, that had it not been for the fine disposition
and the kindly feeling of the Noble Lord who had
had the management of it, he doubted much
whether it would ever have reached its goal. What had
taken placed on that Bill could not be blamed on the
House of Commons. Then, with respect to the Naviga-
tion-laws, they had been Introduced on the 15th of May.
There were then two nights' discussion on that propo-
sition. On the 9th of June there were four nights' dis-
cussion, and, except the formal introduction of the Bill,
that was all the time that was expended in the discussion
of the most important alterations that any Minister could
propose in that House or the country iu any measure.
He would ask were six nights' discussion too much with
respect to such a vast and comprehensive measure ?
He asked the House what its Members would have been
thought of by their constituents and the country if they
had not devoted themselves with a proper spirit to the
discussion of so important a subject. He asserted
that the discussions on the measure were called for, and
could not be considered frivolous or vexatious.—(Hear.)
He, therefore, made it as a charge against the Govern-
ment as far as the conducting of the business of the House
was concerned that they had not carried the Navigation
Laws. Then with respect to the repeal of the Jewish
Disabilities Bill, he had supported that measure at no
ordinary sacrifice, but he could not approve of
the conduct of the Noble Lord as the mana-
ger of the business of the House of Commons, and as
a Minister bringing forward a project of change,
unless he was sure that he could carry
it, believing that a Minister failing in carry-
ing such a measure was attended with results
the consequences of which no one could foresee. It
was an imprudent and improper course with
respect to those whose interests the Government
advocated. It was quite clear to his mind that
the urging on of the Jewish Disabilities Bill was
one of the causes that had led to the Noble
Lord's withdrawing the Navigation Bill. At the
time of the progress of the Bill the House would recol-
lect that one of the most remarkable eircumstances
took place that had occurred during the present session.
He (Mr. Disraeli) had said that the progress of the
Bill had been arrested by a most remarkable circum-
stance—an event that gave a totally different colour
to our legislation, and which changed altogether
our policy with respect to the colonies—an event which
altered the whole tune of our debates—which influenced,
in fact, the financial statement of the Ministry; and
which in one shape or another has engrossed a large
portion of the attention of the whole cuuntry.—(Hear,
hear.) When Parliament met our sugar growing
colonies were beginning to experience the effects of the
measure of 1846—(Hear, hear)—the first and most fell-
citous effort of her Majesty's Ministers.—(Hear,
hear.) But what were the hopes held out to
the colonists ? They were recommended to
exercise a little more competition, a little more
energy, and a little more enterprise—(Hear)—only to
exert themselves a little more, and they would do in
time.—(Laughter.) Nevertheless, packet after packet
arrived with the intelligence that the planters were be-
coming more end more distressed—the gloom black-
ened, and at last our colonies assumed the aspect
of despair.—(llear, hear.) One Honourable Member,
whose intrepidity could not be conquered, and whose
perseverance could not be got over—the Noble Lord the
Member for King's Lynn—(Cheers)—told the Govern-
ment and the House, that if they intended to keep
and preserve our colonial empire, that the time had
arrived when they must seriously consider what
ought to be done for them. Be said, "if you will
not give them up, at least inquire into their
condition, as they have alleged that their lamentable
condition has been mainly aggravated by our recent
legislation." On the 6th of February that Noble
Lord brought before the House the state of
our West Indian colonies in moving the appoint-
ment of a Committee. At first the Go-
vernment would not comply with his request,
and my Noble Friend knew that if he pressed his mo-
tion to a division, that it would be defeated by the ready,
legions of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) But ac-
counts arrived which made even Downing-street listen
to the plaints of these islands, and they were then
told that the Government had no objection to grant such
an inquiry.
Lord J. RUSSELL intimated that the Committee was
nominated in February, but that he had agreed to it as
far back as December.—(Hear.)
Mr. DISRAELI said, yet, on the 6th of February, the
Noble Lord declared " that he would not alter his
policy."—(Protectionist cheers.) That Committee re-
ported on the 20th of May. Its labours were little
heeded at first, except by persons immediately interested
in the colonies to which its investigations had
reference. With the exception of these persons,
none knew what was taking place. The Com-
mittee was impartially chosen, looking at the opinions
entertained by the Noble Lord the Member for King's
Lynn, yet the favourites of the new commercial sys-
tem preponderated.—(Hear, hear.) Rumours in a few
months began to creep about in the House, and despair-
ing West Indians were seen in the lobbies.—(Laughter.)
It was found that men who entered the Committee with
preconceived opinions began to waver.—(Hear.) They
heard, moreover, the other day, of a gentleman
being knighted and paid—(Cries of "Hear, hear")—
because he laboured 18 hours a day
.upon the matter,
but his Noble Friend (Lord G. Bentenck) laboured so
many hours, and not only on the West Indian questicru,
but upon many others.—(Protectionist cheers.) On the
211th of May a majority of the Committee containing as
way of those favourable to the new commercial principles
recommended that duties on a scale which would have
givon a differential duty of 10s. to the colonies—(hear)
—but on the same the Noble Lord at the head of the
Government stated his firm determination—the firm deter-
mination of the Government—to maintain thedaties at the
rates agreed upon iu 1846. Why, if the Government
bad been firm, if they had not indulged in useless dis-
cussio.u, they might have passed the repeal of the
Navigation Laws.—(Hear, hear.) Yet, notwithstanding
this determination on the part of the Government on
Ist of June, the period was not very remote—(Hear,
ar,
hear)—how many Cabinet Councils were there between
the 29th of May and the Ist of June?—(Laughter.)
Although he had made a diligentsearch for what was done
for this co ndemned epitome of their proceedings
during the
last ten at oaths he could not find any account of these
councils—eyet the same Prime Minister, who w unalterabl e and firm, came down to the House,us
and volunteered a statement to the effect that
some Umber of the Government would inform
the Horse what was to be donewith the
sugar colonies— (Protectionist cheers)—and accordingly
on the 16th of the same month the.natvre of the Govern-
ment measure was stated to the House. Of the details
of that measure he would not speak; it would be sufficient
for him to say of it generally, that it was an absolute
departure from the Act of 1846, to which they had
been since told the Government was unalterably devoted.
--(Protectionist cheers.) Why did it . not strike the
Government—he thought it could not fail to strike the
House and the country—if they had been more
firm and had not been instrumental in intro-
ducing long discussion tl I public business would have
been proceeded with mo it ralbeitntly than it had been.—
(Hear.) That measure a it e ) e:l some respects the dif-
ferential duties, and provide t : e til e loan of a large
sum of money for the purpose of promoting emi-
gration and the cultivation of tho colonies. The

resolutions introduced were fully discussed by the
Ilouse, as the discussion consumed ten de) s, but consi-
dering the importance of the question—considering
the principles which it was expedient to apply
to the whole of our colonial empire acre
to be discussed, he did not think that the time
was improperly eccupied.—(Hear.) Yet four days out
of the Dumber were consumed by two episodes which
had nothing to do with the Government question before
the House. Then the third budget of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, and the speeches of the Hon. Members
for Manchester and 'the West Riding. occupied
two days, and two were absorbed by that incident which
was known by the name of the " Missing Despatch "
(Roars of laughter, and Protectionist cheers)—and
which was styled in that House a " petty per-
sonality," but which was pretty well recog-
nised by the country as 2. great Ministerial
blunder.—(Laughter.) Ile could not but regret that
such a state of things prevailed in this country that they
could not depend upon the dispatch of.it Colonial Go•
vex nor being laid with certainty upon the table of the
House. —(Protectionist cheers.) He thought be
had shoe n that the House of Commons was not
responsible far all the discussions upon the sugar
question.—(llear, hear.) Had they, however, occu-
pied sixteen hours, the importance of the subject
would have justified such an expenditure of the
public time.—(Hear, hear.) At length they got
into Committee, and he held the Bill as amended in
that ordeal in his hand. Let us see how the Chancellor
of the Exchequer—already experienced in the expenci-
ture of time by the length of his budgets—(Laughter)—
got on. The fish dinner of the Government was put
off be cause they had wasted time.--(Loud lauthte r.)
During the week, when the Government fish dinner
should have taken place, and when the house should
have gene into Committee—the 16th of July—the Noble
Lord discovered that they were unfairly dealt with, and
the subject of refining in bond was intro-
duced by his Noble Friend—(Lord G. Bentirck)
He would say nothing about Englishman not enjo)ing
the same privileges as foreigners, but be wished to
state that the Chancellor of the Exchequer promised
to introduce a measure to remedy the inequalities that
existed. In reply to the Hon. Gentleman the Member
for the Tower Hamlets, the Right Honourable
Gentleman stated that he intendea to bring in a Bill
with respect to refining for home consumption. Subse-
quently the Noble Lurd reminded the Government of
their " broken promise"—(Hear, hear)—and on
the 21st of June he opened his "masked battery."
of twenty-three arithmetical blunders in the Bill.—
(Laughter.) But the measure with respect to refining
in bond was never carried, it was withdrawn.—(Hear,
hear.) When the Government came forward in
Committee to introduce a Bill more satisfactory to
the trade; and, on another occasion, came forward to
withdraw it, they must expect that such conduct must
elicit discussion and remark in a free assembly. What
were they there for but to attend to the interests ef
the colonists and others, many of whom were
their constituents? A second Bill was intro-
duced in which the twenty-three blunders were
dealt with, seven of them were corrected, and two new
blunders were added to the nuinber—(Laughter)—six-
teen of which were reprinted in the Bill.—(Laughter.)
It was, therefore, found necessary to withdraw the
second and to introduce a third, in which the
Government confessed to the former sixteen blunders—
(Laughter)—making altogether twenty-five acknow-
ledged blunders—(Continued laughter)—yet leaving
seven still unacknowledged.—(Renewed laughter.)
It was surprising that such errors could have
occurred when the figures might have been as
easily calculated, as that three: vroats made a shilling.
(Hear.) After four days and six nights' discussion, and
7 divisions in Committee, solely, caused by the imper-
fect preparation of these measure s—these three grace-
ful emanations of Ministerial genius—the measure was at
length adopted. He asked the House if it was possible
for the people to have confidence in a House of Parlia-
ment, which legislated in this way. Saying that two
days had been taken up by episodes, and two by the
missing dispatch ; it reminded him of the time
that had been occupied in moving new writs—(Laughter)
—and dealing with delinquent boroughs.—(Laughter.)
Let us contrast the time wasted upon delinquent boroughs,
and let us see how ar the House was responsible.
The subject bad engaged much of the attention of the
Noble Lord.—(Laughter.) The Government got into a
mess at the beginning of the session with re-
spect to these delinquent boroughs. Nobody knew
what to do with then,. When Honourable Gentlemen
were turned out for treating and bribery, it was thought
that the constituencies should all be disfranchised.
Some thought not—and some were disfranchised and
some were not.—(Hear. bear.) It he found a man of
great historical attaiments like the Noble Lord, and
not deficient in courage, finding difficulty in the
matter, be confessed that their must be more diffi-
culty in the matter than appeared on the surface.
The House had neglected the issue of writs in several
instances, and discussion after discussion was carried on
upon these delays. But during these discussions there
was a vast deal of legislation going on. An Hon. Gen-
tleman who was not present brought in two Bills, which
were ultimately withdrawn, although the Hon. Baronet
the Member for the Flint Burghs was an extreme
powerist ; and then came the Corrupt Practices Bill,
which, after passing that House, was withdrawn
in the Lords. Now all this waste of time and discussion
arose from the neglect of the Government to establish a
principle for the guidance of themselves and the Legis-
lature. Now after this, could the Noble Lord at the
head of the Government get up in his place, and in the
face of the House attribute the length of the session to
the propensity for discussion ? He came new to the
Sugar Duties : that was forced upon their attention, but
he would pass over that and the Navigation Laws, and just
remind them that during the last few months there had
been sedition in England and rebellion in Ireland. He
should like to have seen the Whigs in opposition in
such a state of things.—(Hear, hear, and cheers) But
what had they done in office?—(llear, hear.) They
nad not been severely pressed upon. Their foreign po-
licy had been lightly passed over, while there had been
no discussions on the state of England question in the
house of Commons. There had, perhaps, been a good
that of discussion on Ireland, but with an insurrection
foere he , doubted whether the discussions on the
erms of the House had proved inconvenient to the
dispatch of public business. He now tested the ten
causes which had been alleged for the unsatisfactory
state of affairs, and he thought he had shown, that it
time had been wasted, it had not been in consequence oi
the discussions or the forms of the House. He would
now just admit what the country had lost in consequence
of the waste of time. He held in his baud a list of the
Bills of Mortality for the session of 1848, and it appeared
that the waste of time had inflicted the loss of 47 Bill,
upon the country. If then there bad been a waste of time,
it there had been vascillation, if there bad been defects,
it was attributable to the conduct of the House of Com.
mons. It was attributable rather to the policy of her
Majesty's Government. The cause of all these evils was
to be traced to the Treasury Bench. There he saw a
body of men who acceded to power, without a Parlia-
mentary majority, and though they might have
been justified in taking that course, they were
not justified 'in persevering in that course.
It was cobbled and altered until it had not one feature
left which it had when proposed. But they could not
expect from a Ministry in such a situation as matured,
finished, and complete a measure which under other
circumstances they had a right to expect. The course
taken by the Government was such that the House of
Commons, instead of being a legislative, was an adminis
trative body. The House of Commons was nothing
but a great Committee. He traced all these
evils to the disorganization of party, and when
they denounced party opposition, they were striking at
the root of that scheme of government which, ia his opi-
nion, had made the country, and which he hoped would
keep it in its present greatness. He pretested against,
and he denounced the system, even at the eleventh hour,
and he called upon the country to brand it with its in-
dignant reprobation. He has had the satisfaction of
calling the attention of the House to the existence of
this great national evil; and he had done more—he had
had the consolation in that great assembly, wherein it
was his highest boast to hold a seat, of justifying, in
the face of England, the character and conduct of the
House of Commons.—(Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL thaukeu the Hon. Member for the
diverting speech which he had made, but how it origi-
nated he was at a loss to know. The Hon. Gentleman
read an extract from a,Sunday paper about a fish dinner
—(Laughter)—but he (Lord J. Russell) believed that
the statement which it contained, that the fish dinner
had been postponed from the 19th until the 26th of
August was altogether fabulous. But that formed
the whole foundation of the Hon. Member's speech.
The Government were not the persons who assailed the
House of Commons which the Hon. Member had un-
dertaken to patronize and vindicate. The Hon. Gen-
tleman had alluded to sedition in this country. to inci•
pient rebellion in Ireland, and to the revolutions in
Europe. But he would observe, that the Ministers of
the Crown were 'chiefly appointed to administer the
affairs of the country, and therefore this was the reply to
the accusation—that sedition in England had been dealt
with by the vigorous arm of the law, the rebellion in
Ireland had been suppressed by the energy of
the Lord-Lieutenant, and that the revolutions oa
the continent had not affected the character of our
institutions. Sedition had been quelled, rebellion in
Ireland had been suppressed, end the institutions of the
country maintained, and peace preserved by those as-
sailed by the Hon. Gentleman.—(Cheers.) He should
remind the Hon. Gentleman that, although it was not
the principle duty of the Government to introduce legis-
lative measures, and to carry them into effect, out of 125
Bills which had been introduced by them as many as 105
had been passed, or received so much sanction as to
enable them to receive the Royal assent this session.
The Ministers had been accused of taking an unprece-
dented step with regard to the Bank of England, but a
resolution bad been proposed in the House by ono of
the Hon. Gentleman's party (Mr. Herries) approving
of the course they had taken. The Honourable anti
Learned Gentleman then entertained the House with
an Act, of what ho called the Four Budgets ; that
might be all very well, it might be very witty, but
he believed that the Noble Lord opposite (Lord
George
every
George Bentitick) was the author of iv
financial statement that bad been made by his Right
Hon. Friend the title of budget.—(Hear, hear.)
It
was exceedingly witty and everybody laughed at it as
well as the Noble Lord.

Lord G. BENTLNCIi—I laughed at you.
Lord J. RUSSELL continued—The present Govern-
ment were not the only Government that had brought
forward measures that did not meet with the approba-
tion of the House and who afterwards withdrew them.
The Hon. Gentleman then found fault with the Govern-
ment fur.referring the estimates to a Committee, and he had
attempted to draw a distinction between the Committees
appointed by Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Wellington, and
the Committee appointed by the present Govern-
ment
; but the fact was, that there was no dif-
ference between them whatevex. 7.1 e only dif-

NEWRY AND ENNISKILLEN
RAILWAY.—(THIS DAY.)
A general meeting of the shareholders was held this
afternoon at the Guildhall Coffee•house, when Yr'
Chubbock took the chair.
The reported submitted stated that the 11. allowing
the company to
,make arrangements with other OW
panies for the more profiftable Construction' of the works
and carrying the traffic on the line had received th.
royal assent, and the directors were now therefotp
empowered to enter into arrangements with the Dublin
and Belfast Junction, the Ulster, the Newry, Warren'
point, and Rostrevor Railway Companies. r The dire'
tors had come to the resolution not to purchase the
land between Gorah and Armagh as authorised by 'tin
general meeting in 1847, intending, if possible to .o°l'
the construction of the line altogether, and bad accord'
ingly avoided the purchase.
The report having been adopted unanimously, it Wass
decided that 4,805 shares, on which the shares bad 11°'
been duly paid, should be forfeited.
Mr. Talbot Moore and Captain Hamilton having been
elected directors resolutions were adopted, suapendif.F
the works until proper arrangement bad been made.wi"^
other companies, and restraining the directors from
making any calls without the express sanction of the
shareholders.
Thanks having been passed to the chairman
directors the meeting sepersted.

and

S. • .ra
On the 21st inst., in Upper Se W
ymour-street, Somers-to'—'
the lady of W. Lawday, Esq., of a daughter.
On the 25th inst., at the Rectory, Fen Ditton, near Cam-
bridge, the wife of the Rev. W. B. James, fir of a son.
On the 25th inst., at the Vine, Hants, the lady of W.
Wiggett Chute, Esq , of a daughter.
On the 25th inst ,at Lansdowne-road, Notting-hill, the
lady of H. Tindal Atkinson, Esq., of a son.
On the 26th inst., at Lady Bateman's, Portman-s4 e'
the Hon. Mrs. Whyte Melville, of a daughter.
of Oandathoeghletrh. inst., at Lorn-road, Brixton, Mrs. Mombert
On the 27th inst., at Duncan-terrace, Islington, Mrs* J.
Tucker, of a daughter.
At Brighton,
Pre,ola
son.o
on the 27th inst., the lady of the Rev. W•:
M.

DIED.
On the 24th inst., Eliza, wife of H. Bright, Esq., of Ealing,
late of Dudley-villa, Paddington.
On the 26th inst., at the Rectory, Hemingford Abbots,
Huntingdonshire, aged 57,:Fanny, the wife of thej Rev. Eft
Selwyn.
On the 29th inst., at Wem, Shropshire, Thomas L. Dicluth
aged 2i, youngest son of 181 r. George Dickin, of Queen-street,
Cheapside.
At D.rttord, Kent, on the 27th inst., Mr. C. Huggett.
On the 27th inst., at Hyde-park-street, John Cox, EN- 6
On the 27th at Princes-street, Hanover-square, CaPi•
John Campbell, Esq., late of the Royal Marines, aged 63.

---- - - -
London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, at
No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, .Ne. 112!
Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy. in the cotter! of
lktiddloses, Wednesday, August 30, 1848.