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No. 16,655. LONDON, THURSDAY E'VENING S

EAST DEREHAM AND NORWICH
RAILWAY.
The Committee of Management beg to ansounce to the Share-
holders that a large proportion of the Scrip has been sent in for re-
gistry, and they request that persons who hold the remaininz por-
tion will send it forthwith to the Secretary in Norwich, in order tha
their arrangethents may be completed in ample time for the require-
t
ments of Parliament.
By order of the Committee,
EDWARD WILLETT, Chairman.
Norwich, Dec. 27, 1845

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Capital Aboo,ooo.
Empowered by Act of Parliament.
This institution offers important and substantial advan-
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the Directors, at the last annual investigation, to declare a third
Bonus, varying from 31. to 75 per cent. on the premiums paid on
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EXAMPLES.

PUBLICATIONS

PROTECTION TO AGRICULTURE.
MEETING AT CHICHESTER.
Yesterday the second of a series of agricultural meet-
ing e in favour of " protection," to be held in the county
of Sussex, took place in the Corn Exchange, at which
nearly 2,000 persons were present, but the great majority
of them were agricultural labourers, who were influenced
to attend.
The Hon. and Rev. L. V. HeetconetT presided, and, in
opening the proceedings, condemned the Anti-Coru-law
League and the course pursued by its members, as uncon-
stitutional, anti-national, and most injurious to the best
interests of the working people of this country, whether
agricultural or manufacturing labourers, the object being
to reduce wages for the profit of masters. It was there-
fore necessary that all who wished their industry to he
protected should unite, particularly those who were em-
ployed and interested in agriculture. If they did unite
he was convinced that neither the present nor any other
Ministry would long hold the reins of power unless they
did full justice to the agricultural body.—(Cheers.)
The secretary read letters of apoloey for absence,
among which was one from the Earl of March, M.P. ; it
might, indeed, be called an essay, in which his Lordship
argued at considerable length against the repeal of the
corn-laws.
Mr. PRIME (a magistrate) proposed the first resolu-
tion. He said that there never was a time that agricul-
turists should bestir themselves more than at present.
seeing that the head of the Whig party had declared
himself in favour of free trade, and that the head of
the party in power seemed disposed to follow that ex-
ample. He believed, that unless the agriculturists were
firm, they would be sacrificed in the next session of
Parliament to the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Cheers and
hisses.) The history of this country, from the time of
Edward IV. downward, showed that it had ever been
the policy of its Government to protect its home agri-
cultural industry by levying duties upon the importa-
tion of foreign corn ; and those persons who were for
the unrestricted importation of foreign corn were advo-
cates of an untried system, which our ancestors, in their
wisdom, never would adopt, but whose policy in this
matter had raised this country to a height of wealth and
prosperity never surpassed, if equalled, by any nation
of the world.—(Hear, hear.) The state of Germany
and France showed what was the effect of a low price of
bread—low wages. There. no tithe nor poor-rate was
paid ; consequently, were the corn-laws repealed, wages
here must gradually come down to the same level, not
only for agricultural, but for manufacturing employment.
That eminent statesman who had represented that
borough (Mr. Huskisson) once expressed great doubt
whether it would be politic to make this nation depend-
ent on foreigners for the first necessary of life. In
times of scarcity unfriendly nations might stop the
supplies, and reduce us to a state of famine, or very little
short of it ; and the evil would be greatly aggravated in
time of war. No more time, then, was to be lost ; they
should be up and doing. But, whatever demonstration
might be made in that or other counties, the main bat-
tle must be fought on the floor of the House of Com-
mons, and he advised them to take care that their repre-
sentatives went prepared to do their duty.—(Cheers and
laughter.) He was hostile in general to exacting
pledges, but under existing circumstances to demand a
pledge upon this subject was not only excusable, but
absolutely requisite. They must ask their representa-
tives, " Will you maintain protection in its present posi-
tion, or will you yield step after step, until all is
given up, though you would recoil at the idea of giving
it up in a lump ?" There was still a powerful phalanx
left in the House of Commons ; and if the agriculturists
would stand firm and advise their representatives to do
the same, no doubt they would come out of the struggle
prosperous and victorious.—(Cries of " No, no," and
cheers.) He concluded by moving—
" That the unprecedented position in which the owners and
occupiers of land, and also labourers and others interested in
the welfare of the country, are placed at the present moment,
imperatively demands the most serious consideration, and,
threatened as we are with the repeal of the corn-laws, it be-
hoves us to coma forward and prevent so awful a calamity."
Mr. STAPELEY seconded the resolution, which the
Chairman put and declared to be carried unanimously.
There was nevertheless a strong adverse party present,
but they did not seem to think it worth while formally
to oppose the resolutions.
Capt. PILKINGTON proposed the second resolution
That this meeting will strenuously endeavour by every
constitutional means in its power to secure at the next ge-
neral election, and when any vacancy for a representative in
Parliament may occur, the return of Members of Parliament
who are well known to be friendly to agriculture and the
landed interests of the country, and who will offer an inde-
pendent and unflinching opposition to any measures calcu-
lated to diminish the present amount of protection for do-
mestic industry."
He was happy to say that the popular clamour for free-
trade did not prevail in the county of Sussex, as it
did in some of the manufacturing districts. The cul-
tivators of the soil—the British farmers—had been de-
nounced as wicked and un Christian-like and grasping
monopolists.—(A voice—" So they arc." Confusion.)
They had been Vld that the landlords and farmers had
been withholding from the people the food which Pro-
vidence intended for them.—(Cries of " True, true,"
followed by cheers.) They were not monopolists. (A
cry, " They are," and uproar.) The manufacturers who
had amassed wealth, and the money-lenders, were the
monopolists. The men who speculated in corn, and
bought it up to sell at their own price, were monopolists;
not the farmer, nor the landowner. They wt re obliged
to pay rent, poor-rates, and tithes. (A voice, " Take off
the tithes, then;" hisses, and cheers.) And they were
often compelled to sell at any price they could get; they
were no monopolists. Could they show him a farmer
who had made his fortune? No. (Cries of "Thousands,
thousands!") No; he was an animal unknown.—(Laugh
ter and cheers.) Were there such an one, Dr. Buckland
would soon be down and geologize him; see what
stratum he was made of, and send him up to the British
Museum in a glass case.—(Roars of laughter.) The
farmer, too, paid more than the manufacturer. Who paid
for their religion, and provided for the sick and poor?
The farmer and the landowner.—(A voice, " Who keeps 1
the farmer?") The farmer was subject to every vicissi-
tude of weather, and when he spent his capital and labour
could not foretel what return he was to have, whereas the
manufacturer and the artisan could. Therefore the farmer
should be protected. Would they like to see the
farmer and his men put to eat rye-bread and boiled
beans, and live upon only 4d. a day?—(Cries of " Curry
powder!" and muco laughter.) The farmer's prosperity
must be identical with their own. Rally round him,
then, my dear fellows (said the gallant Captain), as you
ever have done in the hour of need. Do not listen to
his calumniators, who are seeking to deprive him of the
means of paying your wages. Remember, you are part
and parcel of the fatherland which gave you birth.
Mr. UPTON seconded the resolution, which was put by
the Chairman, who pronounced it " carried unani-
mously," although a very few hands were held up, the
great mass of the meeting not voting.
Mr. J. BARTON moved the third resolution, which de-
clared chat the existing protection to agriculture ought
te. be maintained, because it would prevent the ruin of
s of tradesmen, labourers, artisans, and others,
mainly dependent for support on the agricultural interest
of the country.
Mr. E. WYATT seconded the motion, which was dis-
posed of like the preceding.
On the mot.on of Mr. W. NEWLAND, seconded by Mr.
H. DUKE, petitions to her Majesty, and the House of
Lords, to be presented by the Duke of Richmond, and
one to the House of Commons, to be presented by the
Earl of March, were adopted.
The Duke of RICHMOND, who was received with
mingled cheers and hisses, and cries of " Salmon !
salmon!" said—Gentlemen, a bad cold will prevent me
from trespassing long upon your attention; but I may,
I hope, be permitted to say, that it will give me the
greatest gratification to present at the foot of the throne
the petition signed by so large and influential a body of
the clergy, the owners and the occupiers of land, and
the labourers of my native county.—(Cries of " Bravo!"
and cheers.) A handbill has been put into my hand—
(Hear, and a laugh)—some few moments since, signed
by " One of the Million," and it calls upon the labourers
here present to sign a petition for free trade, and not
mind what the Duke tells them.—(Great laughter.)
Now, gentlemen, I will go at once to that question, and
I ask you whether you are more likely to believe in an
anonymous signature of " One of the Million" than the
individual who now stands before you, who has long
known you, who has resided amongst you, and who has
always felt the deepest anxiety for your welfare?—
(Cheers.) I am happy to see amongst the honest
labourers here assembled so many of those friends winhocEnni
as the chairman of a society for the encouragement
of labourers, I have had the pleasure c.trf meeting ganadt
dinner, and of giving prizes to for
titehmeren,h
it been
meritorious conduct.—(Cheers.) Getnhe
pirlesenht momentarwhat
said by some that we ought not at . we
liitotnt:^tipon that is, if
Like shut-
tingto mcve, because first we oug3,hitytoowia?
g(eilt erai rd, hear.)pro
the plan of Sir R. Peel is.
we wait until then it will be too late;l
!II
to.
—t wuci
Herr
wanndot,chbueetrNsv.e)
the door after the steed isinstteonednt.--0
We know that Sir R. Peel does
tection ; whether ggrowilnut_l3c:ior
know that he is
And why do we know it. must call your attention to
the facts of this case. Some fortnight or three weeks
ago, after Lord J. Russell, the leader of the Whig party,
proclaimed his anxiety to join the League, what does
Sir R. Peel do? Because etc or two members of his
Cabinet will not violate every pledge made upon the
hesting,s, and every opinion expressed by them during
their whole lives, he resigns his office, and that office is
to be filled up by the Queen, who sends for Lord
J. Russell, who would have been able to form a Cabinet
had it not been for disagreement among some of his
friends. Well, then, what did Sir R. Peel do? He gave
up the reins of government to the party who he knew
would carry the immediate repeal of the corn-laws.—
(Cheers, and cries of No, no.") Well, then, I would
say, I wish rather that he had done it himself.—
(" Ay, so he will.") Well, then, if a man can be
guilty of such treachery, for Heaven's sake let him
come forward and avow it. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
What was it that he wanted at that moment? The repeal
of the corn-laws. But he could not carry it, and therefore
he threw up the Government, that it might come into the
hands of Lord J. Russell.—(Cheers.) That is conduct,
in my opinion, unworthy of a statesman.—(Cries of " No,
no," and cheers.) In this handbill —(" Read, read,")--
it is said, " Sign for free trade, you will have more
work, better pay, and better living." Now, if you look at
the countries where corn is cheap, they will show you

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No. 152, to be published on SATURDAY NEXT, will contain a fine,
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//

what will come to you. In those countries, as you have
been told already, the labourers are worse off than la-
bourers in any other part of the world; they are worse
fed, clothed, and housed. Some time since an Irish la-
bourer came to London, and with his only sixpence went
to purchase some eggs. The shopkeeper gave him
four. " Why," exclaimed he, " I could have a dozen for
that money in the county of Mayo." " Then," asked
the shopman, " why did you not stay there ?" " Why,"
said the Irishman, " because I could not get the Gd. to
purchAte the eggs with."—(Loud laughter, and cries of
" That's new, where did he get the Gd. then?") Now,
you will observe, that is exactly what, in my humble
opinion, will be the case of the labourers of England,
and more particularly of the agricultural labourers.
Gentlemen, you know well, for many of you were em-
ployed upon our poorer soils in this neighbourhood,
that it is impossible for us to keep that land in
cultivation, if we get only 91. a load for our
wheat. But that land would be thrown out of
cultivation ; and I would ask auy labourer here
hether the most distressing situation in which he could
be placed could be worse than this—that when you are
ready to maintain by the sweat of your brow your wives
and children, you would bo answered thus, " My man,
I am sorry for you, but no work can I give you, be-
causet I cannot afford to employ you." Would you not
WRinlat bi a
the
be i n the
use
of breadsame
situationat6d. a
as
loafthif
the Irish
youhave laboureraen
?t
whoto bhuayv e i
et v ‘evri tehx ?p—ve
a( LI
de a
vr
ie
wh
se aor the ld
eaeipne
aotn
ceo
mo_f
tt
hh
eo
s Ge
.
inisseration for the labourers of this country ; and there-
fore, I ask you, gentlemen, to come forward and support
those whom you know to be your firmest and fastest
friends.—(" Cheers" at command.) I ask you not to
compromise this great question, because if we once seek
to compromise it we get rid of the principle altogether.
I ask you also to remember that in the event of war with
a foreign country, if we grow not nearly as much wheat
as necessary for the consumption of our own people,
whether France, Germany, Russia, or Poland, will not
he able to defeat us, not on the plains of Blenheim and
Waterloo, nor in the actions of Trafalgar and the Nile,
but in the task of providing food for our people Gentle-
men, I can only tell you that in presentingyour petition I
shall be happy to express to her Majesty the deep value
I entertain for the yeomanry and labourers of England,
and to assure her of my deep sense that the public opinion
is very different from the bought and popular clamour
which has been excited in some of the manufacturing
districts.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, you as well as I have
interests to protect and support. I ask you all to make
a pull, a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether.
(Cheers, and some ironical cries.) And, then I ask,
have the respectable inhabitants of this county made that
pull in vain ?—(Hear.) Gentlemen, I thank you for
your attention. I wish I had strength to say more,
but I can assure you, for one, that I am determined
to pursue that straightforward and honest path which,
whenever strayed from, must end in ruin and desola-
tion.—(Cheers.) . _

Lord W. LENNOX said that he could vouch for one
thing—that their representative, the Earl of March,
would have great pleasure in presenting their petition to
the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) He wished
some of the Leaguers were present —(A Voice—" Oh,
you would be frightened," and laughter.) He wished
the Leaguers had been present to hear the sentiments
that day uttered in that room.—(" Oh, you would run
away.") The Leaguers talked of free trade, which
meant only low wages to the labourer, and the taking of
money out of the pockets of the agriculturists to put into
the pockets of the manufacturers. The sentiments
uttered by the Leaguers were calculated only to
bring anarchy and confusion, to set the labourer
against the farmer, and the farmer against the occu-
pier of land, and the occupier against the owner
and landlord ; so that in the general scramble
the Leaguers might come in for a share of the profits.
—(Cheers and hisses.) Those Leaguers, too, were
very abusive. What said Cobden ?—(Cries of " Ay,
that's the man.") Yes, that was the man.—(Cheers
and laughter.) Cobden said, "If you landlords will as-
sent to the repeal of the corn-laws, and to have all your
lands thrown out of cultivation, then we will not ask
you to disgorge all your ill-gotten gains." Why, where
was the farmer who had any such gains ? There was
no such person in the world.—(Laughter and cheers.)
The manufacturers pretended to sympathise with the
agricultural labourers in respect to what they were
pleased to term their distressed condition ; but did
they think that by throwing those labourers cut of
employment they would improve their condition ?
had those who heard him ever read the accounts
given before Parliamentary Committees of the cruel
manner in which young children were treated in facto-
ries ? He himself once saw the late Mr. Sadler produce,
in the House of Commons, a sort of knout or stick, to
which a thong of leather was fastened, with which the
poor little creatures were beaten when they fell asleep
from over-fatigue ; and yet those manufacturers were
the persons upon whose tender mseoioa they svoronnve
called on to rely. He considered Sir R. Peel had for-
feited his word, and violated the pledge he gave when
he went into power under the banners on which was in-
scribed, " Protection to Agriculture." In the words of
the poet :
" An open foe may prove a curse,
But a pretended friend is worse."
(Cheers and laughter.) They had that in Sir H. Peel,
and the sooner they got rid of him and those that sup-
ported him the better.—(Cheers.) lie was at a loss to
know where Sir Robert Peel would take his seat in the
House next session. The Radicals would have nothing
to do with him. Cobden had said at the Covent-garden
Parliament lately that no man of respectability and
honour ought to speak to such a man. The Premier's
own friends were disgusted with him. He (Lord W.
Lennox) was in London during the Ministerial inter-
regnum, and he could assure the meeting that a Conser-
vative would be immediately recognised by the long face
he pulled.—(A laugh.) " The greatest political scoun-
drel that ever existed," was a mild term to some that
he heard applied to Sir R. Peel.—(Laughter, and cries
of "Oh, oh !") He thought they must have him on
the floor of the House ; and he recommended the agri-
culturists to send up an empty sack marked " English
Agriculture," and tell Sir Robert to bolster himself up
with full sacks from foreign ports. In conclusion, be
would read to the meeting some lines written by a late
pt esident of an agricultural society, Sir John Sinclair :
" Let this be held the farmer's creed,—
For stock seek out the choicest breed,
In peace and plenty let them feed.
Your lands sown with the choicest seed ;
Let it not dung nor dressing need ;
Enclose and drain it with all speed,
And you will soon be rich indeed."
—(Great laughter.) To those lines he had added a few
others :
" Turn out Sir Robert with all speed.
- (Cheers and laughter.)
His Cabinet from free trade weed.
Don't trust to him—a broken reed,
Who's faithless both in word and deed.
Protection seek, and thus agreed,
The farmers may be rich indeed."
(Cheers and laughter, during which a voice added—
" The worst of verses I ever zeod."
and another—
" The worst of readers I ever heard read.")
As the Noble Duke quoted a part only of the hand-
bill which seemed to give him so much offence, it may
be as well to give the whole of it:—
" Labourers of Sussex,—A glorious power is this day put
into your hands by your masters, who think by the show
your numbers will make to keep up rents and high prices,
and consequently keep you poor. Don't sign their papers,
but, instead, petition for a free trade in everything, which
will give you—whatever the Duke may tell you to the con-
trary—more work, better pay, and better living. Yetlf,Yone_
you want this, and, having the example of strengwth.,_.h w"
you, try for it. Free trade, I say,
" ONE OF THE
A man who had been employedand no cvrsiv
by a person
this handbill amongst the crowd 7,as seized
the door of the Corn-Exchange,
named Pasco near to distribute copies of
IPA "
roughlyhandled, and kicked out; but itR said that the
ma matter will not end there, as the friends of the bill-dis-
tributor, who, it appears, made no noise, nor interfered
with the proceedings, are determined that proper pro-
ceedings shall bo taken to bring the perpetrator of the
assault to justice.
On the motion of the Duke of Richmond, a vote of
thanks was presented to the Chairman for his services.
sienihrgelleetrd. cheers
Peel
eno
er
unwelcome
Dukeoanidie
toaufleliotuyi
,cg Rich-
mond, nino, sd
.wians followed
which
wa;s byai
nnt
atherrteome
compliment
hseissandg groans ;and
followgerros.anssobyptlle asalanntdlaonrdsexahnidbitthioenir
smock-frocked ,
however, could not be allowed to close by those who got
it up without the addition with which many other almost
equally ridiculous affairs terminate—a display of fire-
works. Two of the lowest ruffians in Chichester—one of
them known at Petworth—had been employed by one of
the Duke's political dirty-work-men, the aforesaid Pasco,
to bring in and parade before the hustings, just as the
proceedings were about to end, a copy of the Times
newspaper, at which the Duke's toadies on the platform
looked with ill-disguised astonishment, and cried " Take
it away I Down with it !" The display of the broad
sheet would have been little understood by the majority
of the multitude had it not been for some strips of paper
pasted thereon, upon which strips was printed its title,
" 7he Times," in large capitals. Upon the name being
generally recognised so many complimentary cheers
were given that the chawbacons who surrounded the
framework to which it was fastened looked inquiringly
at their fuglemen and paymasters on the hustings for
the signal which should direct the next part of the
performance. This was soon telegraphed, and the paper
was instantaneously set on fire and consumed, the Noble
Duke and his friends feasting their eyes in silence on the
flame, which spared the frame-work, or gallows, as it
was termed, to which the paper had been affixed ; a
ghastly symbol of the fate which may attend those who
follow up this public and authoritative lesson in incen-
diarism. The landowners and occupiers, one would
think, had already experienced enough of the consequence
of their labourers learning the use of pocket lucifer-
matches without the further instruction and encourage-
ment afforded to them by this glaring act of folly. We have
good authority for stating that the majority of the citi-
zens of Chichester regard this as a most contempt4_le
proceeding, and the meeting itself as an insult. as the
Duke of Richmond and his friends well know that they
a ,but
do not agree with their opinions on the corn-I
w
particularly because a large number of agricultural
labourersan dba w
l atecroemhmiread to
ul attendsom the
Some
ofth zet
werei ng , and
allowed
to cheer
hr
theee

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