The Sun.
London, England, 1841-03-08 00:00:00

time, imposing such duties as arc thought proper and expedient
by Congress.
Your Committee deem it dangerous for Executive to
exercise any power over a thitter net conferred by Treaty or
by law ; and to exercise it in any case in conflict with State
jurisdiction, would be worse than dangerous ; it would be um-
pat ion. . _

But your Committee forbear to press these points further at
present, and they -*oilid hot have said a 9 ttnich on such clear
questions of international liw, but that in this ca.e, the de-
mand for liberation has been made by the accredited agent of a
great Power, and under circumstances Lf peculiar aggravatiop
and excitement.

We hate ether points of difference with Great Britain,
which add interest to every question that arises between us at
present. Neither our northeastern or northwestern boon-
dariet art yet settled With lift, and the subject is not entirely
free froth difficulty. She has recently seized our vessels, and
exercise I a power involving the right of search; under the pre-
text of suppressing the foreign slave trade, which, if perv-
vered in, will sweep our commerce from the coast of Africa,
and which is incompatible with our rights as a maritime power.
She has recently, in. her intercourse with us, refused indem •
nity and denied our ridits to property, on a subject-matter
vital to near one half the States of this Confederacy, and
which, considering her military position at Bermuda, and her
growing power in the West Indies, is of the last importance
to our national independence.
All these subjects make every question between us, at this
particular juncture, of the deepest interest.
Besides this, we are both permanently destined to have, per-
haps, the mo't extensive commerce of modern nations. Our
flags float side by side, over every sea, and bay, and inlet, of the
known globe. •
She moves steadily upon her objects with an ambition that
knows no bounds. And wherever she has had a conflict of in-
terest she has rarely yielded to any power.
At •his moment she presents to the civilized world the spec-
tacle of the greatest military and commercial power in combi-
nation ever known.
From her vast possessions in every quarter of the globe, and
her peculiar commercial system, she has been made the reser-
voir of the wealth of nations.
Her internal resources, skill, labour, and machinery, with
her capital, are beyond calculation. Her natural position,
being about midway the coast of Europe, gives her great con-
trol over the outlets and currents of commerce.
Her military occupation of Gibraltar, Malta, the lonian
Islands, and recently of St. Jean d'Acre, give her ascendancy
on the Mediterranean and the Levant, whle St. Helena and
the Cape of Good Hope, give her possession over the currents
of trade along those extensive coasts. Then Bombay, Cal-
cutta, and her immense priistiSitin its the East Indies, together
with her r. cent movements in the China seas and islands, en-
able her to extend her power over those vast regions that 1 ave
slumbered for ages in solitary and enervated magnificence. She
possesses Falkland Island but to control the commerce that
pastes toitnd the Horn while Trinidad gives her all she de-
sires in the Caribbean sea, Halifax at one point, and Ber-
muda at another, stand out in great force over our own coast
from one extremity to the other
tier positions all Mier the world ate at this moment, in a mili-
tary point of view, equal to a million of men tinder arms. Her
continual conflicts in the mighty regions of the East, only
enable her officers to become skilful and to improve in the arts
of war, while her great armies and extensive fleets draw their
support from the immense countries seized and occupied. In
the present juncture of affairs, no statesman can overlook these
things. Steam power has recently brought us so near to-
gether, that in the event of any future conflict, war with its
effects will be precipitated upon us with much more rapidity
than formerly.
Avarice and ambition are the ruling passions of modern times,
and it is vain to shut our eyes to the state of things around us.
It remains to be seen what effect steam power is to have upon
changing and modifying the whole art of defence and war. It
may be a great engine for again levelling mankind, and re-
ducing every thing to a contest of mere physical force. In
that event it might be difficult to conjecture what system of
national defence will stand the test of time and experience.
We have a deep stake ;n peace, and fondly hope the repose
of the world will not be disturbed. We have certainly not the
least desire for any rupture. Firmness and a wise preparation
will long preserve us from such a catastrophe. But while no
temptation should ever prompt us to do injustice on the one
hand, so no consideration, on the other hand, should ever in-
duce us to submit to permanent wrong from any power on
earth, no matter what the consequences may be.
Your Committee would conclude by expressing a firm belief
that all the points of difficulty may be honourably and ami-
cably adjusted, and that harmony may long be preserved by
both Covet nments pursuing a liberal policy, congenial to the
interests and feelings of both people, and compatible with the
spirit and genius of an enlightened age.

DEBATE IN CONGRESS.
(Correspondence of the Courier and Enquirer.)
WASHINGTON, FEB. 13
As soon as the House of Repre.entatives assembled this
morning, it decided to spend one hour on the Bill appropriating
$75,000 for carrying on the survey of the North Eastern
Boundary ; after the House got into Committee of the Whole,
it was found the Bill had not been returned from the press. Mr.
Cushing offered to furnish a copy—and thereupon a debate
arose as to the propriety of acting upon copies, when the ori-
ginals were not forthcoming. The debate on this point con-
tinued until the hour expired, except a few minutes, when the
true Bill was brought into the House—it was read, and some-
thing was said about the,extravagance of the sum proposed—
the hour run out, and the subject was dropped.
And then came alittle storm of war. Mr. Pickens, Chair-
man of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, made a Report
from that Committee in relation to difficulties with Great Bri-
tain. The Report proposes to be made with special reference
to the affair of the Caroline, and the arrest and imprisonment
of Mr. I%.l‘Leod, arising out of that affair.
The Report was characterised by gentlemen who took part
in the debate which arose on it, as amounting to something
little short of_ a declaration of war. It is, indeed, a war
Report.
Mr. Granger, of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, de-
nounced the Report, and informed the House that it was
strictly a party paper, and so voted upon in Committee. He
spoke feelingly and eloquently as to th,3 effect which that Re-
port would have on the trial of M'Leod, and upon the conduct
and feelings of the people on the frontier. Mr. Pickens,
when he made the Report, moved that it lie on the table, and
be printed. The Report was laid on the table without further
debate. Mr. Grinnell moved that the motion to print be laid
on the table.. The House refused to lay the motion to print on
the table, and then, upon that motion, the debate upon the
whole subject was thrown open.
Mr. Pickens rose and fell foul of Mr. Granger, and spoke
about his musical voice, and his bag-pipe tones, 4-c. He de-
nied that the report was calculated to produce war, that its
tendency was emphatically calculated to preserve peace, and
he explained his meaning by saying that when Great Britain
found we were coming up to the mark, when she found that we
were prepared for war and willing to have it, that when its fact
we bristled up, and talked big, she would back out from her
pretensions, and all things would be amicably settled.
Mr. Granger made a few observations in answer to Mr.
Pickens, and gave him, as was but fair, a handsome hit, under
the fifth rib. In alluding to what Mr. P. said about his voice
and his bag-pipe tones, he said that if he could rot thunder
like him (Sir. P.) it was only because his bags were not so
well filled with wind as those of Mr. P. The laugh was very
generally turned upon him.
Mr. John Quincy Adams made a most admirable and peace-
preserving little speech. He likened this report, and this at-
tempt to embroil us with England, by the party just going out
of office, to an enemy driven out of a city or fortress, blowing
it up or firing it upon taking their departure. He said that
Lord Palmerston would look upon Mr. Pickens's declaration
as to the pacific character of his Report pretty much in the
same light as Pistol looked on the salutation of his associate in
the play--" Good morning, my dear friend, how do you find
yourself ? No matter ; the fact is, you are a d--d
mean, dirty, shabby, sort of a fellow." Mr. Adams held Mr.
Pickens rather uneasy in referring to opinions formerly ex-
pressed by him, in which he was fearful of doing things lest.
Great Britain might misconstrue and take umbrage of it. Mr.
Adams's speech was exceedingly cool and conciliatory, and
chat acterised by great good sense.
He wished the report recommitted to the Committee, in the
hope that it would he reconsidered, and one more consistent
with the dignity of the country. and the facts in the case made
in its place, if indeed a report upon the subject was proper at
all, and he did not believe any was called for.
Mr. Everett, another member of the Committee, made a
most sensible speech, in which he went through all the facts in
the case of the Caroline, and of M'Leod from beginning to end,
and he showed conclusively, that it was very improper at this
state of the negotiations between the Governments for this
House to interfere.
Mr. Fillemore followed, and said his part of the country and
his constituents were more interested in the matter than any
other. He did not believe' the report was of the character
given it by Mr. Pickens—he believed it was culculated to widen
the breach between the two countries, and to increase the
difficulties already existing ; it was calculated to inflame the
public mind, and would evidently have an improper effect on
the trial of M'Leod. He blushed and was ashamed at the
proceedings which were stated to have recently taken place in
relation to that unfortunate man. He rebuked Mr. Pickens
for attempting to frighten great Britain into doing what was
proper. tie also rebuked the administration for the defence-
less state of the country. He was for war when war was pro-
per, but he was not for war for party purposes; he was not for
going to war when wholly unprepared; he would go indus-
triously about putting the nation into a proper posture to
meet the storm of war, before he would do anything to ag-
gravate or bring it on. Mr. Filtamore's speech was
manly and noble. As soon as he concluded, Mr. Vanderpoel,
to arrest the debate, which he deemed mischievous, moved the
previous question,—and the House proceeded to vote on the
question to print. Mr. Everett's proposition to print an the
documents relating to the Caroline and to McLeodwas rejected,
by a vote of 73 to 100—every administration man voted
against it. This vote shows most clearly the danger the coun-
try is in, It shows that it has been decided that just as they
are going out of power, the party is determined so to aggravate
England, as to place the incoming administration in such a
position that it will be almost impossible to avoid a desperate
devastating and expensive war, with the most powerful nation
on the earth.
The report was then ordered to be printed, without the
countervailing documents, the Administration voting for it to a
man ; and most of the Whigs voting against it.
An adjournment then took place.

UNITED STATES BANK.
We understand that the Directors of the Bank of the United
States have prepared a memorial to the Legislature, and sent
it forward, setting forth the causes which have operated to
defeat their unparalleled exertions to maintain specie payment!,
according to the requisition of the Act of February, 1840.
They have referred to the unholy combination in New York to
brehk down the banking interests in Philadelphia, and have
pointed to the direct advantages which the Commonwealth has
derived from the funds of the United States Bank. The me-
morial is said to be written with remarkable vigour, and con-
tains facts which cannot fail to give full force to the argu-
ments of its author. The Bank asks for itself what is asked
for the other banks, and no more.— United States Gazette.

MEETING OF STOCKHOLDERS.
The Stockholders of the Bank of the United States in Penn-
sylvania, are requested to attend a meeting on Monday even-
ing, at seven o'clock, at the City Hotel, on business of much
importance to their interest.
It is understood that about eight millions of stock are repre-
sented on the books of the agency in New York.
Pursuant to the above notice, a meeting convened list night,
at the City Hotel. W. P. Furniss, Esq. was apLointedPre-
sident, 1). S. Kennedy, Paul Spofford, jun., W, Leavitt,
Leonard S. Suarez, and Elisha Riggs, Esqrs., Vice-Presi-
dents ; and J. A. Underwood and Edmund Laffan,
Secretaries.
The meeting being organized, was addressed by Hugh Max-
well, Esq., who observed, that alihough not a stockholder him-
self, he was the representative of those who held upwards of a
million of stock. He spoke in favour of a Committee being
appointed to investigate the affairs of the Rank, &c., and read
a few resolutions to that effect. When the resolutions were
about to Le put from the Chair, several individuals interfered,
who acknowledged they were not stockholders nor the repre-
sentatives of stockholders; it was in consequence resolved, that
a Committee of five be appointed to draft resolutions, and that
the meeting adjourn until to-morrow evening, to meet at the
same place, at seven o'clock ; and that it be notified that none-
but stockholders, or the representatives of stockholders, are in-
vited to take part hithe-proceedirtgs. The following Committee