The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-27 00:00:00

THE SVIN, LONDON, TUESDAY RIPENING, rANUA'RT"27, 1846.

place of settlement, but birth. At present, immekliaiely I
upon the death of a labouring man in the mattufecturieg I
districts the widow of that man is removed. Now, we
Allah propose that no widow residing with her husband
at the thee of his death shall be removable for
twelve months from the parish in which r
husband resided. At present when a man's
health is wasted by extreme labour he has no course
to adopt but to leave work. Now, we propose that in
sickness an asylum shall be found for him, and there
shall be no power of removal from the manufacturing to
the rural districts.—(Hear, hear.) This, I think,
will be considered an alteration of the law by
which great social advantages will be obtained,
and at the same time relief to the agricultural districts.
—(Hear, hear.) I now approach ithother matter in
respect to which I am prepared to advise that which,
without loss to any other portion of the community,
will be a great advantage, not only to the
agricultural, but all the beet interests of the
Country. There is a dread of competition if the duty
is removed, but that competition may be met by skill
and industry and in order that the English farmer may
compete with the foreigner. we propose that the State shall
encourage agricultural improvements. Now on that subject
the evidence with respect to the entailed estates is
most important, because it shows that, by means of im-
provement there is a means of greatly improving the
produce of the land. It shows, also, that teere
are immense districts in . this country that might
be very greatly improved by means of draining.
The difficulty attending on aey scheme of meeting the
defective system of draining, is shown in the re-
port I have alluded to. There have been various schemes
proposed, and some of them by an Honourable Friend
of mine, to facilitate agricultural improvements, but
they have been met with great difficulties in conse-
quence of the interference of the farmers.
The great elifficuby has been the raising of money
are entailed estates so as to afford satisfactory security
to those who might advance it.—(Hear, hear.) Ts ob-
viate this, 1 intend that the public credit shall be em-
ployed in order to effect agricultural improvements, by
advancing sums of money on certain terms. Those
sums of money I intend shall be advanced when
application is made that improvements are to be
effected, accompanied with a statement and a proper
estimate of how it is to be expended.— (Hear, hear.)
Hitherto, if we made advances of Exchequer Bills, it
was on a high rate of interest ; but in the present case,
in advising an application of the public credit to effect
agricultural improvements, I propose that the Exchequer
Bill Commissioners shall be empowered to make advances
to the proprietors of estates at a moderate annual charge.
These grants, I propose, shall be made through
the advice of a Board that is now in existence. I mean
the Board of Enclosures. The Enlosure Commissioners
I propose shall make all inquiries respecting what parts
of the country should undergo improvement ;
they shall receive all applications for money, calcu-
laiing the value of the land, the improvements
proposed, and the amount of the expense they
will cost; which done they shall report the result
in a circular to the Exchequer-bill Commissioners who
in that case shall on their advice make the advances re-
commended. It being arranged that the money so ad-
vanced shall have paid on it an annual rate
of interest, and also that the principal shall be re-
paid in regular yearly instalments.—(Hear.) But in
this course I propose that in all cases where there are
heavy burdens on land—where there are prior claims to
meet by advances on mortgage or otherwise —that no
advances shall be made by the Exchequer-bill Commis-
sioners without the consent of the party having the lien.
In all such cases, however, I apprehend par-
ties will perceive it to be their interest
to consent to such advances, as they will
lead to great improvements in the land, and do much to
enhance their interests in the property. I believe
an arrangcrrent of this kind will be found a great
benefit ; that the objections to it on the
ground of entailed estates may be obviated, and the
expenses so applied, I am certain, as to advance the
interests of all proprietors, and lead to great agri-
cultural improvements in the country.—(Hear, hear.)
I do not limit the amount of improvements to these
merely local advantages. I believe that the spirit of
improvement generated by this plan will go on pro-
gressively. I believe that every proprietor of land will
follow the example set him by scientific men, and
strive to improve hive state, and that this innova-
tion on the part of the Government will lead to an ex-
tended spirit of agricultural improvement over the country.
—(Hear, hear.) Well, that is another mode in
which we propose to enable the agricultural interest to
meet the competition with which they may be threatened
on the withdrawal of the duty. Now, with respect to the
direct local burdens, I have given the most serious
consideration to this subject, and I cannot advise any
material alteration of the system on which the
assessments take place. There is no doubt that
a sum is levied under the name of poor
rate, which is employed partly for the
purpose of relieving the poor, and partly for other ob-
jects. It is said, and said with some apparent justice,
that this is a charge upon land, and that, therefore, there
ought to be a very great alteration in the principle on
which levies of that kink were made. Now, in point of
fact, this charge is not a charge upon land.—(Hear,
hear.) As far as this charge is concerned, the oppo-
sition is not one between the country and
the towns—the opposition is not one between
land and other interest, the opposition is one that arises
between real and personal property. But it must be
remembered that real property includes mines, houses,
and manueactures, and it is such real property as this
that is subject to this assessment. It might possibly be
considered just, and it might perhaps be advantageous
to make personal property subject to a charge for
the maintenance of the poor, but you must
recollect that the charge is a local charge,
and not a general tax. The land could, however, gain
nothing by making personal property liable from this
rate. It will be no advantage to the land if the same
principle were carried out in Manchester, Stockport,
and other manufacturing towns. It would be only a dif-
ferent distribution of the burden within that locality.
You may say, subject personal property to the change,
but if you do you must also subject personal
property in the rural districts.—(Hear, hear.) But
now how will you levy small charges on houses? It is
possible to levy a charge for the general purposes of the
country, but if you come to levy an amount small as
this on personal 'property, you may depend on it
that this sort of inquisition will not be tolerated.
So far from it being a benefit to the land—considering
that the charge is always a local one—so far from it being
a benefit to the land to raise the amount by means of an
inquisition instituted by mere parochial authorities, it
would be a burden to the land. Now, I am quite willing
to admit that there might be parishes in which there may
be a large rural and a large manufacturing population.
Well, in parishes so situated, then, I do admit
that I think the assessment an unjust one.
I am not prepared to suggest any mode
of removing that evil, but I cannot think
that there would be any advantage whatever
to the land, considering that the charge is a local one
in the establishment of an institution, for the purpose
of making inquires as to the amount to be raised.
If you do so, you must inquire into the profits
of trade and the profits of the former might also be
made the subject of inquiry. You certainly have
been charged upon personal property. But even there
exceptions were taken—(The rest of the sentence was
lost, in consequence of the Right Hon. Baronet at the
moment turning his back to the gallery.) lam aware
that the State might take upon itself the maintenance of
the poor ; but I am sure that there would be the greatest
objection to that ; and while the charge continues to be
e nmeyfi
tfirm y
tiebeal
ti enf srs teh. atl tha
me l annodt e
prienpt
ae rr
ee
(sit,
wouldi noto n et:
ptwhraei
snr ec
aif
po rlee.,
fair t
Bac
us sti unalg gtbe.
onsrtv
de ai
rnneyi
cwt
namendmentcertainly
from
s too h
some
e elt
ti
that
presentaati fu n
thered
Some of these burdens would probably fall upon land,
and frome those land should be relieved. I cannot
mention any . compensation, but I believe that we
lay a foundation for a great essential improvement by
taking upon the Government some of those charges
which now bear upon land. Some of those charges
were brought under the notice of the House by the lion.
Member for Somersetshire last ssear. I was teen obliged'
to admit that the relief that west small,ho
should devise ebvuistel ford;
say,tlie
agricultural interest would be but
protection, that I think the circumstances now, when you are about to deprive land uairteimehataendgyeedit,
ay.n,
i)thataveigu.r,we a ttheixs tnelit
til;
u
we
ee
outs) they relieve
it y otfhaes c adi ntiou ga
be effected, and I would only take the cases of felony, the
xpenses of which are always thrown upon the land,
and perhaps a still greater illustration, the expenses
which arise from the offences which are classed as tnis-
demeanours. By these means the charges that have
hitherto been buane by the land ought to be re-
moved, and that those expenser should be by the State,
so as to render them equally imposed on all classes.
of the community. I think, therefore, that the funds
necessary for this purpose ought to be provided by the
country, and that some provision should be made for
the removal of these difficulties; and I sincerely trust
that no unnecessary discussion will ensue on these provi-
sions. Now, with respect to these circumstances it ought
not to be forgotten that there is a material difference
between England and Ireland. In Ireland there
are the peculiar land terms. In England the
matter is different. We have here our accustomed

,erms; but in Ireland they have no such advautge.
[n Ireland a material benefit would be obtained by the

ministration to trade and to advantages which are likely
to be enjoyed by the agricultural interests. The bene•

its to- f.• enjoyed- by that interest are no,
to be taken from the advantages enjoyed by the
country. But in Ireland there is a consideration
of public convenience as well as profit, and it should be
observed, in order to come to a correct conclusion, that
the whole of the community .are affected by the decision
st which you will arrive to-night. Now, the burdens on
land materially affect that decision, and I think that the
expenses imposed in consequence of this source of
national inquiry, ought to be borne by the state rather
than by the lauded interest, and that if even
it should be imposed generally, it ought
not to bear heavily on this part of the
United Kingdom. Now, if we take a fair view of the
burdens, and of the advantages which land has to suffer
or enjoy, I believe that the benefits wwillill be
enjoy f?undth to
preponderate, and that the labourer e
profits which is likely to accrue to the State..!!t large,
and particularly to this portion of the United Ivlngdom.
I believe this will be the means of placing the police
I force directly under the entire control of the.a Govern-
went, and prevent the possibility of all interference
the by
local interest.—(Hear, hear.) It will ri?ke
system of police as perfect as you can possibl y make
it, and exclude all power pr l,ocal knowle
t,he Edge, or local
cutivel
interference. I propose, therefore, 1,14
Gooe:eeransmepontsstiabklee.
i :-,e()iic,ee f 4
of
f
Ireland, and in order to make that controel as m •
I the force shall be paid .04t a phe public Exchequer.
I In fact, ag iim) return NT 0, withdrawal

of protection, Government ore disposed to
cernmend that the whole charge of the rural po i
in Ireland shall be borne by the public. There is another
charge borne by the Lnded interest of this coun-
try to which I wish to allude, and which we
propose to share with them. I allude to medical relief.
—Hear, hear.) If the performance of any one pert
of the functions of the Poor-law Commissioners has
given more satisfaction to the country than another,
it is the way in which they have administered medical
relief.—(Hear, hear.) And yet, I am sorry to say,
this description of relief has often been ex-
tremely defective, and many distressing cases have
often been brought be fore our eyes in consequence of
this defect.—(Hear, hear). We propose, therefore, to
improve the medical relief afforded to the
poor and destitute of the country.—(Cries
of
"Hear, hear.") And for the purpos. of giving.
the Executive greater control over the distribution of
medical relief in England and Scotland. I pro-
pose to take one half of the charge of the whole
medical relief of the country. Thus we shall be
enabled to do away with the objections which have been
urged by the guardians, to the interference of the Poor-
lee Commissioners, in the matter of medical relief by the
fact that we contribute one-half of the expenes, which
the relief occasions. I estimate that the amount of
charge will be not less than 100,0001. in Eng-
land, and 15,000/. in Scotland, In Ireland there
will be a separate law which passed this House sonic
time ago, and which will occupy the attention of the
other House of Parliament in the course of the present
session. With respect to Scotland there is a separate
charge to which I wish to refer, and from which I think
Scotland ought not to be released. The expenses of
maintaining a prison in Scotland I think ought
to be borne by the public rather than by the
landed interest ; and for the satisfaction of
the Perthshire landlords I may state that
the expense of maintaining that establishment is to be
moved from the landed interest, and thrown on the
public. There is another subject, having reference
to the union workhouses, to which I wish to direct
the attention of the House. I mean the defective
system of education which exists in some of these
establishments. I am anxious to avoid the rais-
ing of any religious question, but I think
we may safely interfere in this matter without
doing so. We propose in no way to interfere with the
appointments of the officers, and to avoid as I have
stated, the raising of any religiousquestion, the appoint-
ment of the schoolmaster shall still remain with the
guardians, but still we shall be ready if the guardians
cannot procure them to undertake the expense and
duty of providing competent schoolmasters and school-
mistresses. If, however, the guardians claim the right
of providing these officers themselves, we require that the
officers shall possess ample qualification for
the performance of the duties which shall devolve
upon them. We shall claim the right of
inspection because if the schoolmaster and
schoolmasters shall be found incompetent, we shall be
ready at the public charge to find competent
and respectable persor s to supply their places.
It is our intention as well to undertake the duty of
educating the children of the destitute poor,
and it shall be our care to provide proper
and competent masters and mistresses for
that purpose. Then, again, with respect to auditors,
the amount of remuneration to be given to them shall be
the same as that of the Commissioners. Now, ob-
serve, in almost every case in which I have proposed
any remission of the burdens on land, and at the same
time to propose the attainment of some great object
connected with the public good.—(Hear.) If this general
scheme will meet with the approval of the great body
of men, at a very early periol all restrictions upon
food will be removed, and instantly other duties which
apply to the importation of food. With respect to
clothing there will he liberty to purchase in the cheapest
market. With respect to medical matters there will
also be a great improvement.—(Hear.) I do hope both
parties will reflect, that instantly, with respect to
many articles of food there will be a free importation.
With respect to all a free importatiOn at an early date.
Whether the measures I have proposed will be sufficient
to satisfy both parties I earliest say, but I sincerely
hope the entire scheme will be fairly and delibe-
rately considered by both sides, and that you will
reflect upon the consequences likely to result from the
immediate rejection of these measures.—(Hear, hear.)
I do not ask fur an immediate expression of opinion
at this moment, but, after the interval of a
short time, I hope you will pay attention
to my proposal. Permit me now, Sir, to conclude with
two observations—one upon foreign policy and our com-
mercial interests, and one having reference to our own
domestic concerns. Sir, I fairly avow that in making
these great reductions on the produce of foreign
countries, I have no guarantee that other
countries will immediately fellow our example.
Wearied by our long enduring efforts—(Hear, hear)—
we have resolved to consult our own immediate interests.
—(Loud cheers from all parts of the House.) We wish
not to oppress other countries, or ourselves, by con-
tinuing excessive duties and the encouragement of
unlawful taxation.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) We
have no communication, therefore, whatever with
any other Government in making the proposals which
we have submitted. I cannot promise you that
France will make any considerable alteration in her
tariff in consequence of our proposed alterations. I
cannot promise you that Russia will prove her
gratitude to us for our reduction upon tallow.
You may tax your articles, therefore, in opposition to
our present plan, to meet the it ingratitude, but yet you
will exact nothing thereby. I may, perhaps, be told
that in many foreign countries, since the relaxation
of cur duties, the people hare been benefited, and
yet they have not followed our example not
only have not followed our example, but have actually
highered the duties on the admission of our manufac-
tured goods into their countries.—(Bear.) I quite ad-
mit that fact. I give the whole benefit of that argu-
ment. I rely upon that fact as a positive proof of the
present policy of foreign countries. It is a fact that
other countries have not followed our example, nay, that
they have, in fact, in some cases highered the duties upon
the admission of our goods. But what has been the
result of that polily upon the amount of your exports?
—(Hear, bear.) You have defied the regulations of
other countries.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Your
export has greatly increased.—(Hear.) The trade of
the smuggler has been in operation in consequence of
the policy of other countries with respect to the admis-
sion and exportation of articles of manufacture despite
the strict regulations of continental countries.
Your exports, whatever be the tariffs of other countries,
or the apparent ingratitude with which they have treated
you—your export trade, I say—has greatly increased.
By the remission of duties upon raw material, you
have been able to exceed the amount of the past
revenues of the country. And, notwithstanding the
existence of hostile tariffs, the declared value
of British exports has exceeded, by 10,000,000, the
amount of the last three years. I say, then, that hostile
tariffs, so far from being an argument against the remo-
val of restrictive duties, furnishes a strong argument in its
favour ; and depend upon it, that although other
nations may not at first join with you in
the removal of these duties, depend upon it, I say,
that your example will ultimately prevail.—
(Hear, hear.) When your example could be
quoted in favour of restrictions it was largely taken.
And when your example can be quoted in favour of re-
laxation, as being conducive to your interests, it will not
fail to have its proper weight. It may not be at first
received by Governments or foreign boards, but depend
upon it that the exercise of reason and a consi-
deration of the common interest will induce a
re laxation of these duties.—(Hear, hear) 'That is my
firm belief ; I see something of this already at work in
the last accounts from the United States, notwithstanding
there are some indications of a hostile spirit in that
country. I see something of that spirit at work. Look
for instance at the report lately made by the Secretary of
the United States.—(Hear, hear.) That shows that
the example is not altogether unavailing. In that re-
portcmoeu rnetery Mr.
agriculture,
As Walker,w.el
well
mstatesgahm
titdh at in the conflict of op-
posing tariffs the) sacrificed the interests of com-
merce,
they m
t navigationse of
monarchicalheir
and aristocratical institutions upon')o their G
ment. Let commerce, he says, be as free
them
t Fin)
de r nta
to
open independent as our Government, and advises
open their ports to all the world, and nation after
nation would then follow their example.—(Cries of
4 Hear, hear.") And if the question should be asked—
ho shall begin this work of removing these restric-
tions ? it is answered, he says, by the fact
that England had already abolished the duties
on most of their exports: they had reduced their duty
on the importation of cotton, on bread stuffs,
provisions, and other articles. The reduction
.of
iff,
n-
admission that you have set the example—that
cthreeasetdar amountlle ofa drdesvenuweo.uldHerele, lead an
Sir, is is the
you reduced the amount of duties upon your
articles of import and export, without any pre
liminary engagement with any other Government.
I can give you more examples—l can give a country,
opposed as a country can be to the United States, now
entertaining liberal views. I must say, in justice to the
Sovereign who now rules over that country, that
I have seen documents written by him, contain-
ing, with respect to freedom of commercial intercourse,
opinions as liberal as could come from any mann-
facturer. (Hear.) That Sovereign is constantly
urging a relaxation of all commercial duties,
and I do not despair that at a very
early period his wishes will be carried into effect. Aus-
tria is showing an inclination to follow the same ex-
ample, and also other countries.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I
do not despair that the example which we are going to
set will be followed by every other country on the con-
tinent, and that they shall quote you as an example
for pursuing a similar course.—(Hear, hear, amid cheers.)
Sir, I trust this freedom of commercial intercourse will
constitute a new bond of peace—(Cheers)—and that this
House will not oppose any measure which may have
such a tendency ; for the permanent continuance of
peace will prevent us from being exposed to
sudden fluctuations, and will gain for us
new coueumers. And I do think we
should neglect no opportunity to gain such
an advantage by having an abundance of
cheap food in this country.— (Loud cheering.)
It may be said that I haye proposed these measures in
order to foster a love of gain and an accumulation of
thisld.
butbi
public burdens.
neldsrnbaodounfetrci burdens
countryts
enh.o.nl:f3sw, Ibrt:odiynrevl
dsbohosun
Bertseeuahsantatl
like-
wise,
wealth. I d.evise these on no such principle. I believe the
accumulation of wealth, that is the increase of ca-
pital is one ct the means hy wp can main-
tainnt
h;sos t
alleviation
ahofeettoi haowmlenloratfi
irioCnau:
ver h theetyltd,e wmievtmecehro.l
d
so
thaveheceilarciatcumulati.on of wealth, but it is directly conducive
byto the
diminish-
ing the claims of paupers, but übpye evoit
it is conducive to the spread
diminishing the temptations to crime that arise from

poverty.—(Hear, hear.) I ask you, therefore, to
give your cons,nt, not on any narrow view
or principle cont. ected with the mere accumulation
of wealth (or increase of the revenue); but upon the far
higher principle of increasing morality. Depend upon
it, if you increase luxury you will increase voluntary
taxation. I ask you, therefore, for the sake of morality
to consent to this measure. I ask you to consent to it
upon the proof which I have brought you, that abund-
ance and cheapness diminish crime. I could give you
many instances of what are the social effects of cow paratlve
cheapness they may occur in numbers to the mind of this
House. It is said that there is no danger of scarcity.
What was scarcity ? It was a relatiac question.
what was scarcity to some might not be so to others :
but remember that the lapse of three years of abund-
ance had produced a great change in the habits and the
feelings of the people.—(Hear, hear.) Three years
of comparative cheapness had indt ed produced
a change that, which was not scarcity ; in
the hard winter of 1842 would be scarcity now.
I was told the other day that in one of the battalions of
the Guards the increase in the ntimber of the private
soldiers who had applied for furloughs during
the last few years was very great, and had be: r
very rapidly in the increa e as compared with
preceding years. They had more than doubled
in 1845, and I was told that the reason of this
increase was that the friends of these soldiers had been
in much more comfortable circumstances during the last
few years. I confess I thought this a singular
and a striking moral instance of ti-e abundance
which existed in this country. I also think that this
occasional leave of absence was productive of much
good to the soldier, fur it permitted him to en-
joy the society of his friends, and made him return
with feelings better qualified for the performance of
of his duties. I was asked the other night why I was
dissF•sed to disturb the state of prosperity
to which I have alluded ? I was told that
in the face of the abundance of the last three

years no sufficient plea was given for disturbing the
present arrangements, for that prosperity co-existed
with the alterations which had been made

in the law in 1842. My answer to this
is that the prosperity referred to existed up to
October last year ; but in that year and during
the months that have since elapsed all in-
dications of the preceding prosperity have dis-
appeared then and since that there had been
a sympathy between the prosperity of the manu-
facturing classes and the prices of food. I con-
fess that from the month cf October, 1845, we had
reason to feel that a great change was necessary.
These, Mr. Green, are the proposals, whieh, on the part
of her Majesty, we have to lay before you.—(Hear, hear.)
I can have nothing to fear from any ungenerous
feeling of this House. There has been no ap-
peal to the popular feeling on this question. The
feeling, the general feeling of the country, is in favour
of the setth meat of this question. We can now
approach it in a proper spirit. There has been a
great anxiety, on my part, with respect to this
question. The example you set in taking upon
yourself the settlement of this all - important
question will be followed by the rest of the world.
There is in your justice, in :-our wisdom, the means
of doing justice on this question, because you are
not subject to any coercion.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
You must bear in mind that we may have worse
harvests and worse times than the present—
(Hear, hear)—and that the measure which I have
stated to the House have been brought forward into the
general desire of effecting an adjustment of those great
questions which at present so prominently occupied
the public attention, and that they may ultimately
tend to the advantage of her Majesty's subjects. They
have been brought forward from a sincere desire
that they will benefit all classes without
injuring the agricultural body. They have not been
brought forward a ithout the deepest consideration hav-
ing been given to the effect which they all have on the
commerce of the cauntry. I therefore recommend
them to your calm and dispassionate consideration, in
the sincere hope that they will conduce to the mainte-
nance of friendly relations betwen different classes of
the community—to giving securities for the permanence
of peace, and with the assurance of maintaining loyalty
amongst her Majesty's subjects ; that they will increase
their confidence, and better the condition of the whole
body of the public. The Right Hon. Baronet then
resumed his seat, amidst loud cheers principally from
the Opposition, having addressed the House nearly three
hour,: and a half.
Sir BOBER r PEEL rose again in a few minutes
after he had concluded his statement, and said he wished
to allow any time which tlle House might deem reason-
able for the consideration of his proposition before
the discussion of it should take place. lie did not ex-
pect that any unreasonrble time would be required, but
he would he entirely guided by the sense of the House.
Sir R. H. INGLIS rose, and was
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

cottons formerly were subject to a duty of 10 per
cent. He proposed it should be imported duty free,
without restriction. The duty on manufactured cottons,
which was now 20 per cent., he proposed to reduce to 10
per cent. He was the more anxious that the manufac-
turers should assent to this, because they had set the
example by asking for prott etion. Adam Smith stated that
it was not the agriculturists but the manufacturers that had
commenced the system of monopoly. " Country gentle.
men and farmers," said Adam Smith, were least actuated
by the wretched spirit of monopoly."—(A laugh.) Pro.
tection was first pressed on the Legislature by the trading
interests, and, therefore, they should first relinquish it.
With regard to linens and woollens, he proposed that
they also should relinquish protection, and he doubted
not but that the skill of the country NS ould beat foreigners.
Woollen goods were subj‘ et to a duty of 20 per cent. Ile
propostd to reduce it to 10 per cent on linens as well as
on cottons and woollens ; that the coarser sorts should
come in duty free, and that in regard to the
finer sorts the reduction of duty should be
reduced to one-half of its present amount.
With respect to silk, he thought that they should apply
not the same system but make a great reduction. They
had a duty which in respect to many articles was pro-
hibitory, and it was conside red a protection to domestic
industry. It was no such thing, 'or there were houses in
Paris which would guarantee the delivery of the goods
in London at one-half the duty. They would, by a re-
duction of that duty, encourage a lawful traffic instead
of an unlawful ore. There were many articles of silk
on which the duty was more than 30 per cant, as, for
instance, on crape and other articles of manufacture.
He proposed a new arrangement of those duties, and
that the general rule should be to levy a duty ad valo-
rem, in no case exceeding 15 per cent. Then with re-
gard to paper, the duty was Is. per square yard, without
distinction of quality. He proposed to reduce that duty
to 2d. per square yard. He now approached those ma-
nufactures connected with metals. All manufactures of
metals were charged with a duty of 15 per cent. He
proposed that no duty should exceed 10 per cent. : that
was to be the maximum. Then with regard to brocade
and earthenware, he proposed a similar reduction
Then with regard to foreign carriages, he proposed
to reduce the duty from 20 per cent. to 10 per
cent. He proposed to reduce the duty upon candles
to one-half of the present amount, and also a similar
reduction in foreign soap. Hard soap now subject to a
duty of 305., he promised to reduce it to 205., soft soap
to 10s., and Naples soap from 565. to 15s. There were
many articles in which he proposed to remit the duty
altogether. There were 500 articles standing in the
tariff in respect of which there was no duty. He pro-
posed to apply this principle to many other arti-
cles. In respect to all articles connected with the
manufacture of leather great remittances of duty had
taken place. He proposed to remote altogether the
duty on dressed hides, and then there would not be a
single raw material subject to duty, and then
he proposed to reduce the duty on foreign
boots and shoes ; from boots is. 3d. to Is. 9d. per dozen;
Boots from 11. Bs. per dozen to 145., and for shoes from
14s. to 7s. He proposed to reduce the duty upon straw
plait from ss. to 3s. 6d. per lb. He was disposed to act
freely and impartially. He had exhausted every article
of manufacture.

He proposed to reduce the duty upon brandy and foreign
spirits from 225. per gallon, and the consumption was
not now greater in this country than it was in the 17th
century. There was no article in which smuggling
more prevailed. He proposed to reduce the present
duty of 225. to 15s. per gallon. With regard to sugar,
he intended to propose the reduction of the duty on
foreign free labour sugar to 3s. 6d., reducing by that
amount the differential duty. He now came to those
articles connected with agriculture. There were many
articles subject to heavy duties which did not operate as
protection. There was, for instance, the article of to-
bacco ; and, in tr. ating of these articles, he hoped that
that House would bear in mind the necessity of support-
ing the public revenue, and not press for a simulta-
neous removal of duties which would be thought hich,
He would take first those articles not connected with
food, and he thought that, by reducing the duty on
grass seeds, he was conferring a benefit on agriculture
The duty on clover seed, for instance, was a heavy bur-
den or agriculture. He proposed to reduce the duty on
all seeds to ss. per cwt., as a maximum duiy. In order
to promote the fattening of cattle, which was so neces-
sary to the production of manure for the fertilising of
the soil, he proposed that Indian corn should be hence-
forth admitted duty free, or rather with a merely no-
minal duty. He considered that, in doing this, he
was not doing any injury to the agricultural interest
He proposed to subject buck wheat to the same rule, and
the flour of those articles. He proposed to admit the
meal of those articles on the same footing as the grain.
With regard to linseed cake and rape cake, the price
had been gradually rising for years. He had been re-
quested to enable many articles used in feeding cattle
in the United States—such as rice cake—to be admitted
duty free, and he therefore proposed to admit it. He
came now to consider those articles of agricul-
tural produce used for the food of man, and he
felt the difficulty of dealing with them.
His object was to come to some adjustment of this ques-
tion between the demands of those who upheld unre-
laxed protection and those who contended for the
repeal of all duties. He feared neither party would
approve of his plan, but he proposed it for the
public advantage, as the foundation of a settlement. He
did not propose an immediate repeal of all duty, although
ho proposed an immediate reduction in respect to all,
and immediate and total repeal in respect to many.
He proposed to make an immediate reduction upon
the whole of the articles. He proposed to reduce the
duties one-half on butter, cheese, and hops, and
on cured fish to ls. per cwt. He proposed to repeal
immediately the duty on bacon, fresh beef, salt beef,
fresh and salt pork, and vegetables of all kinds. Every-
thing of vegetable, everything of animal food,
should henceforth be imported duty free. He had,
by removing previous duties, enabled the agriculturist
to compete with the foreigner; and, therefore,
he called upon him to give up his protection. He
proposed that all cattle, and animals imported
from foreign countries, should come in duty free.
complaints bad been made as to the injurious and un-
equal operation of the tariff with regard to fat and lean
cattle. This alteration would redress that inequality.
He trusted that the agriculturists would bear in mind
that he had called on the manufacturers to set
the example of giving up protection. He would now
state his proposal with regard to the corn-laws
He did not propose their immediate repeal, but in order
to give time fur adjustment, although he proposed a tem-
porary reduction, he proposed that after the lapse of a
certain time foreign grain should be admitted duty free.
He proposed a considerable reduction in the existing
amount of duty, and that the continuance of that re-
duced amount of duty should continue only for three
years. He proposed that after the Ist February, 1849,
oats, barley, and wheat should be subject only to that
nominal duty which he proposed to apply to Indian corn
He could not admit that he had taken an erroneous view
of the pressure to which they would be subjected before
the next harvest, and it was necessary to take precau-
tions against the approaching calamity. He much wished
this calamity might induce among the people of Ireland
a taste for a higher order of food. They had to consider
what provision was to be made to meet the deficiency
in the potato crop. He was not now about to propose
what be had proposed in November, the immediate
suspension of those duties. He proposed that there
should be immediately a great reduction in duty,
to endure only for a limited period, after which
it should be merely nominal. Under the ex-
isting law, the rate of duty on all descriptions of grain
had been regulated by that of wheat. He proposed that
all colonial grain should be admitted at a nominal duty—
that all restrictions applying to the importation of meal
should be removed. He proposed that the enactment,
to endure for three years, should be as follows :—The
duty on wheat when the average price should be
under 485., a duty of 10s. ; above 495., 9s. ;
50s. and 51s, 75.; above 525. and under 535., ss. ;
and whenever the price of wheat shall exceed 545. there
shall be an invariable duty of 4s. With respect to other
descriptions of grain they followed the scale
which they had adopted with regard to wheat.
There would be, therefore, now levied on wheat, instead
of a duty of 165., a duty of 45., and other descriptions
of grain would be subject merely to a nominal duty.
He proposed to accompany this provision with others
calculated materially to advance the interests of that
portion of the community, which, after a lapse of three
years, would be called on to relinquish pro-
tection. He would review some of the bur-
dens pressing on agriculture capable of alleviation
not by the transfer to other parties, but by reforming the
manner of buying. With regard to the higway
rate, be thought it possible to introduce reforms
which should be a relief to the landed interest.
At present there were 16,000 local authorities for the
management of the highways. What could be
more absurd than that every continuous high-
way should bey subject to different higway sur-
veyors? There was a law existing enabling parishes
voluntarily to enter into a union for the
management of continuous highways. He proposed to
make this compulsory, which would reduce the
local authorities from 16,000 to 600. He would
compel the guardians to appoint a competent