The Sun.
London, England, 1848-02-19 00:00:00

ill as lightly as possible ton the great bulk of the
'eeple.
Mr. M. MILNES could not permit the present dis-
ussion to close or the evening to pass without expressing
is profound regret that the speech of the Noble Lord at
:ne head of her Majesty's Government, and so much of
he subsequent debate, should have been taken up rather
pon a subject introduced by accidental circumstances,
s a matter of discussion with the public, than upon one
ecessarily connected with the actual condition of the
onntry. He profoundly regretted that the possibility
f an invasion of this country by France should have ever
ome before the House of Commons as a subject of dis-
ussion—(Cheers)—or that any such monstrous position
~honld have occurred to the mind of any sensible man.
e-(Hear, herr.) He was certain, whatever might be the
feelings of the Members of that House on the subject,
that that, and that alone, was the sentiment of all the
intelligent people of England.—(Hear, hear.)e From all
he knew, and all he had heard, of the feelings of the
people of France, he believed that so far from any hos-
tile sentiment having entered the mind of a single states-
man of that country towards England, even under the
Influence of any accidental acerbity that might have
been excited, all the eminent men of France were in-
clined to look upon the agitation of the subject in this
country rather as a speculation, or, they knew not
what, among certain individuals, than as a matter
gravely contemplated by the Ministers of the Queen, or
seriously entertained by the people. He thought there
prevailed a great misapprehension as to the nature and
tendency of, the speech of the Noble Lord at the head
of the Treasury. He (Mr. Milnes) heard it whispered
by Honourable Members about him, that the' .speech of
the Noble Lord was a war speech—that it was a speech
IA menace to France. Upon him the speech did not
make that impression—(Hear)—nor did he think it
would have made that impression on others had not
their minds been by previous disquisitions rendered
more than usually susceptible to any allusions upon that
topic. He could quite understand why the Noble Lord
should think it necessary to make allusions to the forces
of other countries when summing up our own, but he be-
lieved the Noble Lord did so rather as comparing what
io ther nations thought necessary for their defence with
"tS 'let he considered proper for ours, than as intending to
dr, tw a comparison for any antagonistic purpose. Ile
'ma these ti•-• -a allusions the more becaus3 there was no
vet •ssaity for the Noble Lord to have said anything upon
Abe ibject. The additional sum required was so very
Email. that a less honest Minister might have put it into
the 35timates, and have slurred it over altogether. There
was no hason whatever for believing that there was any
like liho.od of the peace between this country and France
ig disturbed; although he saw no great objection to
Ithe pc ,ople of England being made somewhat more ac-
teustee .ned to military training than they were at present,
.The :system prevailed with good effect in Prussia, and he
IS aw iao reason why it should be at all injurious to the
scloroPstic habits of the people of this country. Some
men. appeared to think that from the very fact of our
ing long been at peace we must necessarily come
to war. But this long peace had taught the world
the value and pewer of peace, and that it was by
peaces alone that the liberties of the world could be
permanently secured, however necessary it might be
under certain circumstances for a nation to be prepared
for war.
Mr. BRIGHT had expected to hear a financial state-
ment connected with the trade and commerce and fiscal
concerns of the country, such as they had been accus-
tomed to hear for years past; but instead of that he
found that the substance of the Noble Lord's speech was
in reference to military topics—a speech that would have
been. much more appropriately delivered by the Noble
Mord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The
Bon. Baronet the Member for the University of Oxford
bad taken a very unexpected course on this occasion.
Hitherto that Hon. Baronet had relied more upon the
protection of Providence in preserving this country from
its enemies than on the arm of flesh; but now it seemed,
;since steam had been invented, Providence was no longer
able to protect us from the assaults of France. Steam
had given, according to the Honourable Baronet, a
power to France to cross the Channel and invade this
country which made it no longer safe for us to rely
alone upon that higher power; and yet we found that
steam had not hitherto succeeded in enabling the
ships of France to cross the Atlantic.—(Hear, hear.)
Be was certain that in France any man who read and
deliberated upon the speech would come to the conchs-
Mon that in this country there was great suspicion and
jealousy of France; and they all knew that
the most bloody wars had their origin in
jealousies and suspicions. The Noble Lord said he was
prepared to maintain the independence of the country;
but would any man affirm that there was the slightest
risk of this country losing its independence through
foreign aggression? There was, however, a source of
motional independence which the policy of the Govern-
ment, as explained that night, was calculated to destroy.
if the people were ground down with taxation, and led
to think that that House was careless of economy, and
only regarded the people in the light of a class from
whom they could raise taxes—if a feeling of this kind
was awakened, the confidence which the nation was ac-
customed to repose in Government would be lost; and if
there was to be an invasion, it would only be when
schism had sprung up among ourselves, and when we
:had not a united people to face any enemy that might
appear.—(Hear, hear.) He felt bound, in reference to
this increased taxation, to tell the Noble Lord what
were the circumstances of Lancashire. Within that
county, the most populous in the kingdom, the maim-
lecturers were pressed down under a series of losses
unexampled in the history of the cotton trade. This
was not the time, therefore, when for the sake of in-
creasing our military expenditure to meet an imaginary
enemy the country should be saddled with an increase of
taxation.—(Hear, hear.) In nearly every cotton mill
in Lancashire during the last twelve months the whole
amount of wages paid to the work people had been
taken from the capital of the employers ; and there was
aiot one employer engaged in the staple trade of that
county who had not paid his income-tax upon
a loss more than the assumed profit upon
which the income-tax was charged.—(Hear, hear.)
.As to the mode of taxation, he would only
remark that he would not oppose direct taxation if
any necessity for an increase existed at all. They
had long reached the limit of indirect taxation ; they
'were nearly approaching the limit of direct taxation ;
sand [if this increase of armaments was to go on, the
people would soon not have much to choose between
being eaten up by the French and the military expendi-
ture of their own country.—(A laugh.) But if the
income-tax was to be made permanent—and the
Chancellor of the Exchequer had informed them that it
was to be permanent—how was it that Ministers had not
placed it on a footing more equitable to all classes of the
community ?—(Hear, hear.) Why was mere income
from trade to be chargeable in an equal degree with the
income drawn from real property ? He could tell the
Government of one tax to which the Government might
have had recourse with greater propriety than the
income-tax, and that was the probate and legacy duties.
e—(Hear, hear.) To collect 2,500,0001. annually by
these duties, and allow great landed estates that passed
from father to son without paying any tax whatever,
was a gross injustice, and one discreditable to the
Government to overlook.—(llear, hear.) lie knew a
property that within a period of seven or eight years
raid the probate and legacy duties three times over.—
(Hear, hear.) No less a sum than 70,000,0001. had been
drawn by these duties since they were first imposed
from personal property, while the landed property of the
country had been left untouched.—(Hear.) He knew
;It would be said they were subjected to an enormous
burden from stamps ; but the rest of the community
Isad to bear that burden also, as was exemplified in bills
of exchange, the transfer of railway property, and the
3ike. He could assure Government that the announce-
ment they had made would be received with much dis-
satisfaction throughout the country. He had formerly
said in that House that the Government was the Govern-
anent of the middle classes ; and he would now add, that
if it ceased to be the Government of the middle-classes,
it would soon be no Government at all. The present
Ministry came into power by no virtue or influence of
their own ; they were brought in by a lucky accident,
and because there were no others to take the charge of
the Government at the tinte.—(Hear, hear.) If the
Ministry fancied that they could do in 1848, with re-
spect to foreign affairs and warlike armaments, what was
done 35 or 40 years ago, they would commit a most
egregious blunder—(Hear, hear)—and he was satisfied
from what he had seen and heard, that by the course
they were now taking, they would place themselves in
+direct opposition to many of their best friends, who
would no longer consider it their duty to support
thiLta--(llear, hear.)
u
ta_ele,rn • NEWDEGATE thought the Ministry had really
reason to complain of the manner in which they
were treated by their own friends on this occasion; but
with regard to this •
'with many of increase of taxation, he must concur
come tax as themvicious
in opinion. He regarded the in-
capital employed'isnint principle, and as injurious to the
was not in'suerhadel and he believed that the
country
maeastate as that it could bear an
additional taxation.— rtt hear.) The Hon. Member
for Buckinghamshire had
saw
tt was
for the West Riding by anticipation.nsweed the Hon. Member
with deep
regret that he (Mr. Nevidege)
cf the free-trade policy in a decreased
rev
enue consummation
di
he
Necessity for increased taxation. The anticipations annt
of
prospeeity held out to the people as a conseuence of
tree trade had been most dreadfully
eieeppointed; and,
though the members of the ultra free trade school might
flatter themselves that they still retained a hold on popular
wouldprobably soon arrive when opinion, the time
would be undeceived.
Lord PALAIERSTON—I do not wish to enter into
subjects which have been repeatedly discussed. But I
should wish to say one word or two, especially on the
speeches made by my Hon. Friend on this s ldeo f
the
:House. It is very natural for young Members,. unused
to Parliamentary tactics, and who do not feel entirely
easy when they come to this House, to let fly
speeches which they may have prepared beforehand,
though the occasion they expected should not exactly
occur.—(Cheees.) But certainly I did not expect that
Bon. Gentlemen so accustomed to Parliamentary debate
MA the Hon. Members to whom I allude should have
fallen into that mistake.—(Cheers.) We are told that
my Noble Friend has been proposing vast armaments,
that he has been making speeches full of warlike sen-
timents, and that he has been holding language
calculated to excite jealousy, and even enmity on the
part of France. As to armaments there are none. If
any Noble Friend had said that he had intended to
of 10 000 20,000 men to the army, and
, men to the
navy, I could have understood
the language of those
come, down to protes who spoke as if they had
to the army there is nlanst such a proposition. But
disposition, a different dist;libretlse. There is a different
"Ihere is no addition distribution, of the existing army.
There is none to the navy.whate Thetroe' the regular army.
to the marines and to the artiller it a small increase
no augmentation such as the House y
mightut there has been
gilled, from the sort of denunciations have i
they have heard.