The Sun.
London, England, 1846-08-01 00:00:00

eATentiv

LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 1, 1846.

Nothing can now interfere with the realisation of
he Ministerial project as to the abolition of the dif-

ferential sugar duties. The pavan of commercial pro-
tection has been sung ; efforts the most strenuous
have been made to preserve the ghostly residue of that
very ricketty system ; but garbled statistics, exag-
gerated oratory, pathetic appeals, and vituperative-hoi-
tility have proved equally inefficacious. The mandate
has been issued, and Monopoly beholds the moment
of its immolation. Like " great Junius "at the base
of POMPEY'S pillar in the Roman capital, Protection
sees the futility of keeping its enemies
any further at bay, and, " muffling up
its garment round its face," prepares to
die, if possible, with dignity, not to say decency.
The honourable and melodramitic Member for the
University of Oxford is the spokesman upon the oc-
casion—Mr. SPOONER is the false friend plunging his
weapon into the bosom of the doomed system, in the
name of patriotism— and with despairing accents and
agonised features Sir ROBERT 11. INGLIS ejaculates
a kind of Et to Brute! reproach; and resigns him-
self and his party to the decrees of an unpropitious
destiny. " When I see a majority so large," says
he, referring to the division which has just given one
hundred and thirty in favour of Lord J. RUSSELL'S
proposed scheme, " when I see a majority so large,
I cannot but be conscious that further opposition is
hopeless, and can only lead to irritation and to an
useless interference with the discharge of public busi-
ness." At last, therefore, these redoubtable gentle-
men are becoming conscious of their real position—
they are proving themselves to be literally political
JOHN WILLETTS. It takes such an amazing time
for any single idea to soak regularly into their peri-
craniums, and at length slowly and deliberately to
break in upon their comprehension. Nay, so striking
is the analogy between their character and
that of the famous Mr. WILLETT, that we
should hardly have been surprised if, supposing
Mr. SPOONER to have made some correction, like that
of SOLOMON DAISY, " your senses, Johnny, not your
sense !"—we should scarcely have been astonished
had Sir ROBERT INGLIS turned upon the Hon. Mem-
ber for Birmingham, and after surveying him in the
dull and immobile fashion of JOHN WILLETT, at last
silenced him in the words of his prototype—" You're
a cornin' it pretty strong, sir, you are !" But seri-
ously, we are rejoiced to perceive these protectionist

representatives showing some consciousness of the
fact that their position in the House of Commons is
no longer tenable—that they can no longer continue
a kind of heavy drag upon the wheels of the Legisla-
ture. The light of this idea is at last breaking in through
the crusts of their prejudice, and illuminating the
darkness of their comprehension. -
Happily the Ministerial project in relation to sugar
is winning its way slowly, but surely and peacefully,
through the lower ordeal of Parliament. The House

has formed itself into a Committee for a consideration

of the various resolutions; and, despite a variety of
specious or blundering amendments, those resolutions
have been successively agreed to, and the report
ordered to be received on Monday next. These are,
in short, indications of the ultimate acceptation of
free trade by all parties without distinction—landlord

as well tenant—the men with enormous relit-rolls
and the men with a capital of sixpence-halfpenny,
agriculturists as well as manufacturers. This' we
more than anticipate. The old hull of Monopoly
is reduced to a wreck, and is floating off
upon the surges of oblivion, the drowning
protectionists are rescued from danger by a con-
siderate reform ; they must gradually become incor-
porated (not among the compulsory passengers, but)
among the working crew of free-traders. That is the
posture of present affairs; the protectionists are now
in a state of transition. That they will ultimately
emerge from this transition, and assume a healthy
and tenable attitude, we are confident. That they
may do so quickly is our cordial aspiration.

The enlarged accounts received of the extraordi- I
nary scene that occurred in Conciliation Hall, on
Monday, ',strengthen the view we took on Thursday
that an irremediable division has taken place among
the repealers, . and that every right thinking man
will temperately rejoice at the separation effected
between the advocates of " physical force," on the il
one side, and " moral resistance," on the other. If we
thought that this exhibition of discord, and of inter-
nal
weakness in the body ofthe Association would be, in
any wise, meanly taken advantage of by the Executive,
and lead to any relaxation of their expressed inten-
tions to introduce "comprehensive measures" for the
political regeneration of Ireland, we should not be of
those who will feel gratified at the secession of Mr.
SMITH O'BRIEN and his intemperate disciples from
Conciliation Hail. But our satisfaction is based upon
the conviction that a high-minded and generously
disposed Government will recognise the present
posture of affairs among the repealers as the most
favourable for their pursuing with increased energy
any schemes which they may have in contempla-
tion for promoting the future welfare of Ireland. The
healthy functions of a Government are disordered, and
its moral influence, which, to be effective, it ought al-
ways to maintain with the great body of the empire,
becomes impaired whenever any ?reat changes amore
wrought, by reason of their-principles, repudiated, in
the first instance, by the Executive, having been
thereby subsequently embodied in a powerful associ-
ation, acting independently of, and in declared oppo-
sition to, the regular authorities of the land. Con-
cessions thus accomplished are deprived of all grace
—they are ever attributed to fear—even, though
late, moral conviction should ultimately lead the Go-
vernment to sanction them. Therefore, had the
Repeal Association preserved its unity of strength,
and, in the meanwhile, the Cabinet had se-
cured the approval of Parliament to the most
salutary measures of different kinds of reform, there
would not have been wanting many of the self-styled
patriots of Ireland, who would have attributed their
enactineet exclusively to the agitation they had up-
held, and not, in any degree, to the intrinsically pure
motives of a British Legislature. And such has
really been the pernicious view enforced upon the
minds of the Irish during the last seventeen years.
It was so stated, acknowledged, and commented
upon by the Duke of WELLINGTON, in the earlier
part of the present session. But now the Government
have an opportunity for reversing this untoward
feeling, such as has not presented itself to any one of
the numerous Administrations that have of late years
ruled over our national concerns. Theirs will be the
pleasing and opportune task, whilst dissension has
1
broken the ranks of the repealers, to evince that stro
righteous perception of what is essential to the tran-
"ulllsation and political happiness of the neighbour-
ing isle, and not a craven sense of civilcommotio
n,
alone
alone animates their every act, legislatorial
administrative, having reference
as well as
to Ireland. By
acting with promptitude and zeal in this ' sptrit, they
will turn the present conjuncture to the greatest
possible account. They will cause the warm
and ardent feelings of the Irish to flow in legitimate
channels, and they will do much to take the sting out
of the reproach which has been thrown over the past,
that, not from good-will, but from unworthy appre-
hensions, has any boon been received by Ireland.
Anger, jealousy, and discontent would be no longer
suffered to gangrene a nation's mind, whilst gratitude
and affection would gain a rapid ascendancy. Consi-
derations such as these will riot, we are convinced, be
lost sight of by Lord J. RIMIsELL and his coadjutors, and
hence our rejoicing at the rupture to which we have
1
‘yesterday and to-day called the attention of our readers.
repeal itself we have always treated as the diseased
production of suoveplo a • ;he
at4d imsination •
, _ .. _ CMS*
.. :.

tence of large political bodies, every well judging man '
must, in the abstract, be opposed to. Under special
circumstances, however—as when, for instance, the
official rulers of the State obstinately fail to antici-
pate the just wants of the subject—the establishment of
such bodies oftentimes, and particularly in periods of
advanced civilisation, indirectly become wholesome
instruments of reformation. We have never felt
alarmed at the word " repeal" having been prefixed
as the title of the associates of Conciliation Hall. We
bear in mind the circumstances and events antecedent
to their enrolment. We know that the same men
belonged to different associations, rapidly formed and
rapidly dissolved, with very harmless titles, and that
that of repeal was only finally adopted when they
despaired of obtaining justice from the Imperial
Parliament. Let but justice be done now, and repeal
will ere long be considered as nothing better than an
enthusiastic delusion. Diplomatists, when negotiat-
ing treaties, always set out by asking for a great deal
more than they expect to have conceded to them; and
Mr. O'CONNELL, by force of circumstances, has, in
the exercise of his political mission, as the appointed
expositor of his country's wrongs, been driven to
the same tactics. He has lauded repeal to the skies,
but we all know well enough that political equality
for Ireland with England and Scotland is all that he
expects and all that he hopes for. From Sir ROBERT
PEEL on resigning office, and from Lord JOHN
RUSSELL on his acceptance of it, the two great poli-
tical leaders of the day, it has been enunciated that
Ireland shall be no longer subjected to invidious dis-
tinctions. Since then, Mr. O'CONNELL has told them,
in Conciliation Hall, that, provided they be accom-
pliahed, he thinks they ought to pause. With this
good sense and moderation on Mr. O'CoNNELL's part,
and with his merited influence over millions of his
countrymen, Mr. O'BRIEN and his " chosen few"
may be safely left to sink back into their original
insignificance.

The voice of public opinion has at length lbeen
heard in high places ; the feelings which have been so
much excited by the shocking death of the unfortu
nate young man, WHITE, at Hounslow, have had
their effect in directing the attention of the highest
military authority to the question of corporal
punishments in the army. Lord J. RUSSELL last night
announced that he had seen the Duke of WELLINGTON
and also the Secretary-at-War upon the subject, and
that the Duke, as Commander-in-Chief of the army,
had measures in contemplation, not, we regret to say,
with a view to the total abolition of corporal
punishment, but with a view to regulate its
exercise. Under these circumstances, and feel-
ing that it would be inconvenient to have a
discussion in the House on the subject
before the Duke had matured those measures, the
Noble Premier requested Dr. BOWRING to postpone
the motion of which he had given notice, and pro-
mised that he would shortly be able to inform
the House of the nature of the intended mea-
sures ; he also promised, in answer to a
question from Dr. BOWRING, whose exertions
are so creditable to him as a man of humanity and a
philanthropist, that if he (Dr. BOWRING) was not
satisfied with the orders of the Commander-in-Chief
when promulgated, an opportunity should be
afforded to him of again bringing the subject
forward before the end of the session. If
no other result followed the agitation on the
subject, much that is valuable would already
have been attained ; there is little doubt that
any new regulations on the subject must have the ef-
fect of greatly restrictir.g both the quantity of the
punishment, the number of lashes sanctioned in each
individual case, and also the number of per-
sons on whom they may be inflicted ; but
we sincerely trust that the friends of the soldier
and sailor will not be satisfied with anything less
than the total and immediate abolition of the hor-
rible cat. We conceive, that of all others, military
men are the last to whom a question of such magni-
tude should be submitted. Old prejudices influence
their minds ; the long-continued existence of the
atrocious system has, in too many instances, worn
away the horror with which they must,
in the earlier stages of their career, have
regarded each individual case of flogging. Habit
has been said to acquire the force of second nature,
and thus they come to look at that which at first
harrowed up their better feelings as a usual and
necessary evil. The question must be considered by
able and clear-headed men, whose minds are free
from any bias, and who are capable of
giving a sound, common-sense opinion on
the subject. Naval and military men may be
very good witnesses, but they are unques-
tionably the worst judges to whom the decision
of the subject could be referred. The only possible
ground on which the practice could for a moment be
supported is, that its existence is indispensably ne-
cessary for the maintenance and preservation of the
discipline in both branches of the service ; it is not
sufficient that it may be a strong auxiliary in the hands
of a commanding officer, but can the efficiency of
the army or navy, by any possibility, or by any
means, be secured without a recourse thereto ?
That it is possible to do without it, the condition of
the French army and navy, in which it was totally
and entirely done away with by NAPOLEON BONA-
PARTE, during the existence of a war of the greatest
magnitude, when, if ever, such an adjunct would be re-
quired, and in which it has not since been restored, will
sufficiently attest. What is there in the nature of
Englishmen that they cannot be acted upon by the
same motives and influenced by the same considera-
tions that are found to be of sufficient weight with
Frenchmen ? The assertion is a grievous
wrong to our countrymen. It is not tolerated
or sanctioned, at least to the same extent,
in the services of any civilised nation in the world.
Can it be believed that within five years, from 1839
to 1843 inclusive, no less than 14,759 British sol
diers and sailors have suffered the barbarous and
cruel infliction ? On an average during that period 245
of our brethren, our defenders, have been so tortured
and degraded in every month, and yet the Parliamen-
tary.ltet:urn session 1845), in which five regiments.
on foreign service, from which no returns were re-
ceived, are excluded, attests the fearful, the astound-
ing fact. How many of those 14,759 yielded up
their lives, and suffered a death of unparalleled seve-
rity, for some trivial offence—how many bro-
ken hearted men, with enfeebled and de-
cayed constitutios.s, lingered on a wretched
and spiritless existence, or gave themselves up to
dissipation and intoxication, ending in total depravity,
it is impossible for us to conjecture. We fear that
the victims were snore numerous, their histories more
heartrending, than the public can form any con-
ception of. The clear and lucid explanations given
by Mr. WILSON in his evidence, to which
we have already referred, and the admirable letter
on the physiology of flogging, from " CENsoa,"
which we published in The Sun of Tuesday, all show
how fatal an injury to the skin, whether the result
of a burn or a lash, may prove to the sufferer, that
it may induce lingering disease and death.
Our columns last night recorded the death c f
a brave young man, JAMES CATTERMOLE, who burnt
his hands severely on the 12th July last, in extin-
guishing a fire which had seized on the clothes of his
young mistress. Although he received the kindest at-
tention, the most able professional assistance, and al-
though the burns to his hands were healed in the course
of a few days, he gradually sunk, and on
Monday last died from the shock to the system
occasioned by the excitement and the injuries received
from the burning. This melancholy case affords a
strong corroboration to the opinions of Mr. WILsoN
and of " CENSOR." Why, then, should these things be ?
Why should the lives of our fellow-creatures be so
unnecessarily, so cruelly sacrificed ? The most zea-
lous advocates of the system, the most ardent and en-
thusiastic supporters of the necessity of flogging in the
army and navy, admit that the less flogging there is
the better ; that the ship or the regiment in which
there is the moat flogging is invariably the worst
managed. Witness Sir GEORGE. COCKBURN who, so
far as the navy is concerned, made this statement
last night. It this be true, can there be a stronger
argument for the withdrawal of the- power from
the persons who so abuse it ? Two recent in-
stances occurring in the 55th Regiment are
recorded in the columns of our Contemporary the
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