The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-28 00:00:00

1

I I

Mr. CHRISTIE wished to ask a question from the Hon.
Member for Halifax, the chairman of the Committee appointed
to inquire into this election. In the petition on which this
Committee was appointed, it was stated that the grossest
practices had prevailed—treating, bribery, and corruption—by
which the election had been gained. And it was further stated
that such was the extent of this bribery and corruption, that
not less than ninety-six individuals had been objected to
on the ground of the bribery and corruption alleged.
When the Committee met, after some skirmishing,
it was determined to bring the matter to a scrutiny, and the
result of that scrutiny was a transfer of one vote to the
opposing candidate. This was, in fact, effected by an arrange-
ment between counsel. An Act was passed in the year 1842,
at the instance of the Hon. Member for the City of London,
for the purpose of providing against any compromise by which
a case of bribery should be prevented from being brought under
the cognizance of an election Committee. The impression of
the Committee in this case was, that there was a compromise
to prevent such an exposure. The first clause of that Act
provided that in every Committee for the trial of an election,
and in which the petition shall have been withdrawn, or in
which the eharge of bribery shall have been withdrawn, the
Committee shall have the power of examining into the case,
and calling such persons as would be likely to give any infor-
mation. The question he wished to ask was, whether the
Committee had instituted any inquiry into the circumstances
under which the charge of bribery was not prosecuted, or
whether they had considered it necessary to prevent any further
inquiry into this case ? The borough of Bridport was the sub-
ject of one compromise prior to the passing of this Act, and it
was right that the pure and independent electors should have
the power of justifying themselves against the present imputa-
tion on their borough.
Mr. CHARLES WOOD said that he had to acknowledge
the courtesy of his Hon. Friend in giving him notice of this
question. His Hon. Friends who were present with him in the
Committee were not present, but he had no doubt that he
could say on their parts, that they had no objection to make the
fullest explanation. He was aware that an Act recently passed
prevented any voluntary compromise, but he thought that it
was the first duty of the Committee to do impartial
justice between the parties, as in a legal tribunal.
It was proved before them that a person who voted for Mr.
Romilly was entered for Mr. Cochrane. The number of voters
objected to amounted to ninety-six, some for bribery, some for
improper registration. He would now come to the question
as to whether they ought to have examined into the question
of bribery. He bad never sat upon an Election Committee
in which there was not an allegation of bribery; so, therefore,
there was no particular value in the allegation of bribery in
this petition ; and there being no evidence whatsoever of the
existence of bribery, he did not think they were called upon to
inquire further into the subject.
Mr. BANKES did not rise to complain of the discretion ex-
oarcised by the Committee as to inquiring or not inquiring itno
the allegations of bribery. He should hope, however, for the
honour of the county with which he was concected, that the
borough of Bridport was just as immaculate as any other
borough on the question of bribery.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. )
He found no allegation of bribery in the petition. A vote was
tendered for one party and entered for another, and the Com-
mittee did not inquire into the question of bribery. That was
the reason why he wished the evidence should be printed. He
did not desire to offer any remarks on behalf of the Member
who had been unseated, nor had he any instructions to do so
What he wished in making those= remarks was to exculpate
the borough from the charges ma* against it. For thatn p unr
pose, he begged now to move as an amendment that the evi-
dence and the decision of that Committee be printed.—(lt was
here intimated to the Hon. Member that it was not competent
for him to do so.) Then he would give notice that he would
make a motion to that effect to-morrow.
Sir GEORGE GREY said he would suggest that it would
be well if the house did not interfere in this matter at all._
(Hear, hear.) If decisions of Committees were to be mooted
in that way in the House, and discussed here after they bad
been arrived at, the result-would be that Election Committees
who decided upon their oath would nave no effect on public esti.
motion.
Lord JOHN MANNERS said, that two charges had been
made, one, that bribery had taken place, and the other, an
attempt to compromise the charge. Now, the fact was, that
the allegation of bribery had been aenied altogether, as well as
any attempt at compromise. It was true that four or five
thousand pounds had been expended in the progress of the
election, but that was merely to carry it on.
Mr. CHRISTIE said he had not made any charges, he
merely alluded to the decision of the Committee.
Mr. BRIGHT said that in respect to the election at Wigan,
a case somewhat similar arose. In that case the charge was
extensive treating ; in that of Bridport, the charge was ex-
tensive bribery, and he believed there was some reason for be-
lieving the charge was correct.—(Cries of " Oh, oh " and
laughter.) He hoped there was not ; but if there was, nothing
was proposed to be done in the shape of a remedy ; and so
long as this state of things continued, the returns to this House
would be little better than a mere farce, for a long purse was
the test of admissibility to this House. He did trust before
long the Government would look into this matter, and bring
forward some measure which would reflect credit on the House
and the country.--( Hear, hear.)
Several Hon. Members having risen simultaneously to ad-
ress the House,
The SPEAKER cried " Order," and said—l hope the
House will see the inconvenience of discussing three or four
questions at once.—(Laughter.) The order of the day is the
first reading of the Bill for the better protection of life in Ire-
land, and I have called on the Hon. Member (Captain Co-
folly) to address the House, and he is, therefore, in the
possession of the H (Hear, hear. )
Captain CO N ii,ur
servations with respect Limerick
s tt
ha tee
the make s
Member
for the city of
(Mr. W. S. O'Brien). That Hon.
Gentleman had stated in the course of this debate that seven
families or persons hadver been ejected from the estates of Sir
Francis Hopkins
Conolly) held in
thaesed taruth of
his yhanrrently. Now he (Captain
man totally denying a letter from that gentle-
sear.ch to be made if any
Sir Francis Hopkins had es that statement.
hist minority, and he declared
ejectments had been made during
cases of ejectment, in
that, during that time, there were
Captain Conolly)
which five individuals were removed.own,Ceen(
fehromwaetvieera,
thought the Hon. Member (Mr.'J.
llthehaidn,
brought it forward under the impression thatne
he had received warranted him in doin
Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he had no sro.
the Gallant Captain. He (Mr. J. ea to complain of
notice of his intention to bring the O'Connell)subject had given full
Gallant Captain had a perfect right to defend the
and the
the gentleman
circumstances
referred to. He (Mr. J. O'Connell) said the
referred to had appeared for a long time; and t
he read a list of ejectments, but he did not other night
any-
thing in reference to Sir Francis Hopkins. A.oemhmart on
the returns before Easter, in order to bring the subrvetd for
the
but he had put it off till after the holidays, in order to
get f
get information from parties who promised it. Most parties
eos
had not yet furnished it, but whenever they did so, and he
brought forward his motion, the Gallant Captain would have
the fullest opportunity of meeting anything that might be
brought forward.
OUTRAGES IN SHEFFIELD.
Mr. CALEB POWELL said that he assured his Hon.
Friend the IMember for Sheffield, that in the question which
he should presently put to the lion. Gentleman at the head
of the Horne Department, he had no intention to urge
the Government to take any proceedings contrary to the prin.
Fiples of the constitution, but he merely wished to display to
the House and the country the great disparity between the
treatment of the people in England and Ireland. The other
evening, when he took the liberty of addressing a question to
the Right
Hon. Gentleman, calling his attention to a state- ,
Meat which fppeared in a local journal, and which accidentally

the expiration of sometime, when he returned, he was actu-
ally besieged by the yeomanry tenants to give them the same
,amount ofmoney that they might pull down their cabins also. He
the tenements were Banded back To the criginal
,tenants, not. one single one of them being_ turned out. The
.agent's own statement of the matter was, that on afterwards
visiting the place the feeling there was quite otherwise
than hostile. He had about ninety men draining, and three
. hundred men in Tullamore employed at the same work.
He thought, therefore, that the Noble Lord should have some
protection from those anonymous assailers who were ignorant
• of his character.
Lord INaESTRE rose to corroborate what fell from the
Hon. Member who had just sat down, and he could do so with
. the more accuracy, as he had himself resided near the Noble
Lord's property in question, and had been an eye-witness of the
circumstances referred to. The Noble Lord then read a letter
from the agent of the Noble Lord (the Marquis of Water-
ford), in which facts similar to those read by Major
Bet esford were detailed, as also that every exertion was made
to give employment by enclosing slobs, &e. hi addition to
this, it stated that several applications had been received
from cottiers, whose houses were still remaining, that
they would gladly pull them down on the same
terms as the others whose houses were pulled down. A similar
statement to that now made was made some time ago by
the Honourable Baronet the Member for Waterford,
which he k Lord Ingestre) contradicted at that
time. He could give the statement now made a
similar contradiction. Lord Waterford was employing 300
men on the river Suir, and had as many employed at Danger-
van, and wherever he had property the same desire prevailed to
afford employment to the working people. He was glad of the
opportunity which this circumstance afforded, to bear his testi-
mony to the conduct of the Noble Lord in giving employment.
Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said he thanked the Gallant
Officer for the manner in which he:had dealt with this subject in
reference to himself, and the manner in which he had brought
forward this charge. But with regard to the charge itself,
the Gallant Officer expressed his surprise at his (M r. J.
The
O'Con-
nell's) having adopted it, as he had done, without inquiry. u
Gallant Officer had, however, done him (Mr. J. O'Connell)
the justice to say that the charge had been before the
public for two or three days, and had not been contradicted.
With regard to other similar charges they had met with prompt
contradictions, but the one now in question had not. He
was glad, however, that the Gallant Officer had taken
up the matter in this way, and had afforded the explanation
the House had just heard in reference to the conduct of the
Marquis of Waterford. He was glad also to hear such testi-
mony borne to the Noble Marquis as a resident landlord, and he
(Mr. J. O'Connell) could only wish that other Irish landlords
were like him.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to the circum-
stance of the burning of his Lordship's stables and the poi-
soning of his hounds, he (Mr. J. O'Connell) had
heard that that was the act of a refractory servant, and
that the people of the district had expressed the strongest
feelings of annoyance at the circumstance.—(Hear, hear. )
After the explanation of the Gallant Officer, there was but
one course open to hirn (Mr. J. Connell), and that was to
express his sorrow for what he bad said, and he had now great
pleasure in adding that he was glad to find he had been tins.
taken.--( Hear, hear.)
Mr. O'CONNELL said he could bear his testimony to the
conduct of the Marquis of Waterford as an excellent landlord ;
and he had no power of language in which to express how
grateful the people felt for the kindness of the excellent lady of
the Noble Marquis.—( Hear, hear.) There could be no doubt
of it that the Noble Marquis was one of the best landlords in
Ireland, and it was in proportion as he was good that this
charge was the more felt. He was not only an excellent land.
lord, but his tenants were the happiest of their class. But
with regard to the charge appearing in the newspaper, that was
the only source the poor had ; and when a charge appeared in
that way, it could be the more promptly contradicted if un-
true, and in this case the contradiction would now go all over
the empire.
After a few words from Major BERESFORD in expla-
nation,
Mr. P. SCROPE said the House ought to draw a moral
from these cases of ejectment, and devise some means of de-
fence fur the population. He should like to ask why the
House should have brought under its notice at all the ejections
of tenants by their landlords, or why the newspapers should
take up the matter, unless it was that the public sympathised
the parties so ejected ? There was no other reason.
The tenants, when turned out, had no means of subsistence,
and they were left to starve, hence it was that the public took
an interest in them. He was quite convinced that the Marquis
of Waterford was an excellent landlord, still that was no reason
he should, under the circumstances, have acted as he had done.
It did appear a harsh measure that so many should have been
ejected, though it was said they went out willingly. He did
not think it was so, for though they received two or three
rounds, that was not the reason that induced them to leave,
but the knowledge that they would be served with an eject-
ment if they did not do so. As he before said, he should draw
a. moral from cases of this kind, and give I. defence to the
tenants and the population of Ireland such as the people ()-
England had enjoyed for centuries.
THE BRIDPORT ELECTION.

met his eye, he noticed the amount of feeling which he dis-
played whenever a paper was read containing any account of
Irish outrage', while an outrage of a deeper dye in Sheffield
merely ex, ited a smile. The Hon. Member here read a stete-
moot which detailed the 14'0'1.1,410n effern'd by en infernal
machine formed of an iron tube, filled with powder, and placed
under the warehouses of Messrs. J. and W. Marshall, in Shef-
field. Was not this more atrocious than shooting at a man
from behind a hedge? and yet the attention of the House had
not beets directed to it. Was it the intention of the Govern-
ment to adopt any measures to prevent such outrages ? _
Sir J. GRAHAM said, that when the question was formerly
asked by the Honourable Member, he was not aware as to the
real state of facts. He was sorry to say, that these infamoustat
crimes had been perpetrated, but he was proud to state
committed.Shffied was W
Sheffield the only
regardolyto to the latterwoinEnglan wherepart
drt
l
of thet i s adbeen
Honourable
Gentleman's question he would state that it was not proposed
to include Sheffield in the Coercion Bill, but if he was informedt
hoantl
dt he laws there
have
no
o we
hesitation,
e r
in
sufficienti atl o
oraepparoeistsy etuot rae e,
propose
he
wmeaeures to meet the difficulty.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. PARKER could assure the House that the greatest
field by these occurrences. and an impress
regret, distrust, consternation, and alarm, weiorne ewxcaietevrlovivn
aSehneef...
were
lul follow, b,
raonudg thaiteto
tradejustice o
the mostdisastrous rally
d offenders
the town would be injured. Every one was most anxious that
they should he discovered.
Mr. WARD begged to add his testimony to what had fallen
from the Hon. Member who just sat down, as also to the exere
tunic made by the Right Hon. Baronet to discover the offenders
in these disgraceful occurrences. There coercion, however,
would not do. The best mode of meeting the case was by ap-
peals to the good sense of the working-classes, and by pointing
out the disastrous consequences which must result to the trade
of the town by such disgraceful proceedings. The leading
men among the working-classes saw that a continuance of such
a course would prove ruinous to the interest of the town.
HEALTH OF TOWNS BILL.
Lord DUNCAN wished to know if it was the intention of
her Majesty's Government to introduce the Health of Towns
Bill this session ?
Sir J. GRAHAM said, it appeared to him that this House
had quite as much business on its hands as it could dispose of
in the present session.—( Hear, hear.) The Government was
certainly prepared to carry on the measure in question, but
various amendments were proposed in it, and if he saw any
prospect of its being carried he would introduce it, but at
present he should decline doing so.
CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL.
Sir G. GREY said that this Bill had been brought into the
other House of Parliament, but there it lay and nothing was
done with it. He wished to know if the Government would
proceed with that measure in the House of Lords this session ?
Sir J. GRAHAM said, it so happened that he had been
speaking to the Lord Chancellor to-day, and lie told him that
it was the intention to proceed with the Bill this session.
ADJOURNED DEBATE.—PROTECTION TO LIFE
(IRELAND) BILL.
Mr. M'CARTHY said that at this stage of the debate,
after the subject had been so fully discussed on both sides of
the House, he should not occupy their attention to any length,
or trouble the House with any statistical documents He wished
simply to confine himself to those observations which should
arise spontaneously on the subject. The first consideration
which would naturally suggest itself to the mind would be, what
was the origin of the evil ? New it appeared to be admitted
on all sides that the origin of these distresses was to be found
in an agrarian cause. This had been admitted by all Hon.
Members who had addressed the House on that subject. It
would be impossible to take even the most cursory view of the
history of Ireland without arriving, a priori, at the conclusion,
that the system which had existed for so long a period was in-
evitably allied to the worst principles, which had tended to
bring about those miseries from which Ireland, as a country,
was at the present period suffering. The class of the larger
proprietors had estranged themselves from the affections of
the people ' • those sympathies which bound the people
together, from the rich living with the poor and
alleviating their sufferings, had been entirely destroyed. The
class of larger proprietors found themselves in a state of hos-
tility with the people, and being aware that their incomes
would enable them to live abroad, they abandoned the land,
and left the people to live as they liked, and as they could.
Another class of proprietors arose ; these were the small
landed proprietors. These men, from their narrow circum-
stances, could not imitate the conduct of the great proprie-
tors who had abandoned their country. They continued to live
among the people, but their means were inadequate to supply
their wants. He would ask, did this propose to adjust
those perilous relations between landlord and tenant which
were so productive of evil ? Had it suggested any remedy for
the prevention of those crimes which have of late been se fre-
quent in various districts of Ireland ? How did it. endeavour
to prevent crime ? It was said that the peculiar characteristics
of these assassinations in Ireland were, that they
were committed in the open day, and to prevent
these crimes it was intended to shut up the people after dusk.
But would that cause assassinations by day to be less, or would
that prevent those ruffians who stalked abroad at night from
meeting upon a lonely glen or mountain heath ? No, it would
have no such effect, but he did believe that if this Bill were
passed the effect would be to shake the foundation of property
in Ireland to its very base. The more he reflected upon the
provisions of this Bill the more clearly he saw their inadequacy
to meet the exigencies of the case. It wanted that fitness for
its end, it lacked that adaptation of the means to the end. It
was the misfortune of the present Administration, and also of
those who had preceded it, that the Government or Ireland
was committed only to a body of law officers. May be some
Noble Lord, who was excellent as the head of his estate in the
country, was selected to fill the office of Lord- Lieutenant, or
perhaps the office might be filled by some Gallant Officer
whose only qualification to fill the office consisted in his having
fought the battles of his country. But one and all of those
who went over to Ireland knew nothing of the
country, were unacquainted with the people, their character.
their wants, their passions and their prejudices. And they were
wanting in all these elements which must enter into the mind
of any man who knew how to govern the people. This was
the description of every Lord-Lieutenant who was sent to
govern Ireland. He was assisted by a chief Secretary. They
must seek advice. Then the law officers presented themselves—
the Attorney-General—the Solicitor-General; then the Coun-
sel for the Crown appeared. Those were gentlemen who were
deeply read in law, and in the knowledge of the practice of the
law courts. They were men deeply read in the law history of
the country. They were perfectly conversant in white-boy
trials, coercion acts, and state trials ; but beyond that their
knowledge how to govern was very limited. Depend upon it,
if Ireland was to be governed for the benefit of that country,
and the advantage of this nation, it must be governed through
the affections of the great majority of the people. What, he
would ask, had been done to gain the affections of the Irish
people? The Emancipation Bill had not been granted until
the pressure from without had become too strong to be resisted.
It was compelled by necessity, instead of being the voluntary
offer of justice. The people of Ireland were still refused the
boon of being placed upon the same footing as the people of
England. They had an establishment thrust upon them,
ad-pted to the wants only of onwleventh portion of the popu-
lation, and it was refused to apply the surplus revenue of that
establishment for the benefit of the majority of that people.
That was an anomaly which was pointed at by the whole civi-
lized word. They had seen the man, whom they had been
accustomed to look upon as the instrument of obtaining what-
ever of good they possessed, subjected to persecution and
imprisonment, and the sentence which had been pro-
nounced upon him had been afterwards pronounced, by the
highest tribunal in the land, to be illegal and unjust.
See also what they had done in refererce to the magistracy.
Because several of that body had sympathized with the people,
they hail been struck off the list, and the people were forced to
go before tribunals made up of parties who had ever been
opposed to them in religion and politics. Could that secure the
affections of the Irish people ? They applied with one hand a
salve to the wound of Irish distress, but with the other applied
an irritant to the constitution ; and when the people were
excited to madness the disease was said to be inherent in the
patient.—(Hear, hear.) He was not to be led away from the
consideration of the evils of Ireland, by the engaging smiles of
the Right Hon. Gentleman, the secretary for the Home De-
partment, for not only the general feeling that pervaded the
Government, but the tone that prevailed in another place
forbade him to hope for anything like an adequate redress.
".He had seen sentiments in the newspapers attributed to a
Noble Duke, and to a Noble and Learned Lord that usually
acted as Mentor to the Government, which, if they were to be
taken as the guides of the Government, put an end to all hope
of the people of Ireland receiving any redress from that
quarter.—( Hear, hear,) The Noble and Learned Lord had
referred to the system of clearing estates, and he
called it a great evil, but then " they must not
interfere with the rights of property, as that was the distin-
guishing feature between the civilised and savage man. They
were not to interfere with such sacred rights. But he (Mr.
Macarthy) would say to that, that property and rights were
prevented_
tohuagreementeldim f.
ear
idowi
7mibtiehdt
enostgfthrne.o.fy
tpirhnii iggebhltsithest
eaotwsfen.epnarvlon—Tpe
eh(
fromreHt
ny etathrhwa,
eth he enaere)
but the creatures of society, and were to be committed in
—theandflotwoebde.
wHiethw were inconsistent
same Noble and,
Learned Lord said the Church Establishment s
an anomaly
the greatest one in all ecclesiastical history, and the greatest
evil under which Ireland laboured. But because the anomaly
was so great, the evil so enormous, they must not remove it.
If the people of Ireland asked for redress, they were told that
the evils were too great to be removed, and their remon-
strances neglected. But he would tell them they might manage
to exert a power and a force over the land, but
they would never prevail over the inhabitants of Ireland.—
( Hear, hear.) They might act on the principles of Elizabeth,
and carry out the policy of Stafford, but over the people they
would never succeed.—( Hear, hear.) They knew not how to
deal with the people of Ireland ; they did not understand their
true character. He would call their attention to the opinion
of an illustrious foreigner, one high in wisdom, as to the cha-
racter of the country. M. Thierny said that in Ireland blood
was still shed for the old ground of contest. A quarrel, in
which the spirit of the people had been sustained through ages
against their conquerors, and a recollection of their lost liber-
ties preserved, presenting one of the grandest examples of a
the world.—( Hear, hear.) Let not
people's character he lost sight of, They
this estimate of that
people in the history of
had sought to govern the people of Ireland as an inferior race,
and they had failed. If they meant to govern Ireland, they
must do her justice. They must not make her the battle-
field of party and faction,
depended that of the whole.—
( Hear, hear.) They had tried all the means of force and
but treat her as a portion of a great
empire, on whose well-being
penal
could do 9
measures •
Ire-
land; but had they tried what conciliatory
of either of the great
enactments they could devise, in order to govern
He had entered that House independent.
belonging
par
and he wished to see justice done
to the party of the nation,
He hadwitnessed with
parties of the state, neither a Whig nor Tory, but as..dove
Right Hon. Baronet, in
the conduct of the
great satisfaction
to the country which he represented.
reference to great commercial interests of the country, in
which he had disregarded all party considerations, for the pur-
pose of obtaining a great national good.—(Cheers ) In pro•
posing that measure for obtaining a great national good, lie
'ration •
had shown wisdom and ability worthy of admiration and he
u a
(Mr. Macarthy) now called him to exhibit the same in deal-
ing with the wrongs of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Let him
not follow the dictates of party, nor those who sought toit
govern Ireland on the old principle of force, but apply to
the same comprehensive views which he had displayed on the
commercial interests of the country. Having supplied the
wants of commerce, let him also supply the social and poli-
tical wants of Ireland, and thus emulate himself.—( Cheers. )
Mr. BAILLIE wished to make a few observations, in doing
which he would not emulate other Hon. Gentlemen in going
into details on the question. What they had to consider was,
whether the Bill was necessary in the present state of Ireland?
Unless the Government was prepared with a case to that effect,
vshcp
said
:wdleece,
bdortysubi
nl
sodeuvglnenhroat
his
HI
England
osoufnept.paph
isAoenrimti tehn
nnettrhbhet
aehe
trdes a gds
or
greatpai
npn Governmentoti
Isnir
tge Ireland.
snoaadfi
dh such
etm. awoedflaxetsterornhainoomat extraordinary
going
bon;
eia.hr
teer,
to enter into a discussion as to the amount of crime that ') re-
veiled, but he would just call their attention to the differ
which existed between the two countries. In Ireland it "ice
was
almost impossible to bring a criminal to justice. They never
heard in England of murder taking place during the day with-
out a hand being stretched out to arrest the murderer; of
secret associations to deter witnesses from giving evidence in
such cases, or of organised assassination societies. Under such
circumstances, he could not see how, in justice, they could re-
fuse giving increased powers to the Government, so as to pro-
tect life and property. Some Hon. Members on the other side
said the Bill was required, but that it should be accompanied
by remedial measures. He would ask, what measures?

Some Honourable Members named as a remedy an
extensive system of out-door relief ; but if the
Hon. and Learned Member for Cork, and those who supported
1- en were asked to as.,i•it in postrig such a measure, they would
say, no. They were even opposed to the present modified sys-
tem of poor-laws in that country. The fixity of tenure, and a
tax on absentee landlords was another panacea, while other
Hon. Members wanted a measure for remedying the defects of
the law for regulating landlords and tenants. Where such a
diversity of opinion existed, even among Irish Members, it was
difficult for the Government to bring forward any measure
of relief that was likely to be supported. For himself he would
say, if any improvement in the poor-law was proposed, he
hoped the absentee landlords would be taxed.—( Hear, hear. )
But the Hon. Members who represented Ireland talked of re-
medial measures—why did they not state what those measures
were which they conceived calculated to do justice to the people
of that country? But as long as the representatives from Ire-
land confined their observations to repeating, and reiterating
the complaints calculated to excite the passions of the Irish
people, they must not be surprised if their motives were mis-
represented by the people of England, and if they were con-
sidered to be wholly indifferent to the calamities of their
countrymen.
Colonel VERNER said that though it was very easy to
blame the landlords of Ireland for the disorganised state of
society existing in Ireland, yet he could prove that they
they were perfectly innocent of this crime, for he could prove,
on undoubted authority, that there was an extensive organisa-
tion on foot, which had existed for forty years, to extermi-
nate the Protestants, and to effect a separation between Eng-
land and Ireland.—( Cries of " No, no ") He could prove it.
He could refer to sentences delivered by Hon. Members re-
presenting counties in Ireland in that House, which would
amply justify the people out of the House in keeping alive
feelings of resentment. The Hon. Member for Cork had ad-
mitted that no doubt murder had increased, and that all the
measures of Government seemed to give an increased impetus
to crime. Now, what would he have done if he wished to
put down this state of things in Ireland? He would put
down agitation and agitators. He would put down all secret
societies, because they were in a primary degree the cause of
every evil. He would put an end to all concession—( Hear,
hear, and Oh, oh)—and conciliation.—( Renewed cries of
" Oh, oh.") (The Hon. and Gallant Member read quotations
from the National, to show that the concessions made to Ire-
land were not productive of any improvement in the social
state of Ireland.) He would refer to a petition from the Re-
peal Wardens of Wexford, which had been printed with the
votes, and in that petition he thought the House would find
abundant evidence to support the view he took on this ques-
tion. He did not think it would be necessary for him to say
one word more upon the subject.
Mr. HAWES said that he could not agree with many of
the opinions advanced by the Hon. Member (Mr. H. Baillie),
who had spoken that evening, and still less could he concur in
the opinions of the Hon. and Gallant Member who had last
spoken, that the best way to put down agitation in Ireland was
by the passing of strong measures. He should have thought
that the party to which the Hon. and Gallant Member be-
longed had had enough of strong measures.—( Hear, hear. )
He distincly maintained that Government had not made out the
case for this Bill, and upon this declaration he would take his
stand. Had crime increased in Ireland of late? Most as-
suredly not; and if the House would bear with him for a
while, he would convince them of this. Now, the Right Hon.
Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department had laid a
paper upon the table of the House, showing the number of
criminal offenders committed for trial in 1845, and this paper
showed a considerable decrease as compared with former years ;
indeed, it exhibited a decrease of 43 per cent., and this decrease
extended itself to all classes of crime, and as regarded the
crime of murder, there had been a decrease of 28 per cent.
Now, there was nothing in this to show a necessity for a
Coercion Bill. But he might be told that it was true crime
had decreased in Ireland generally ; but that in particular
counties it had increased.—(Hear, hear.) And this Bill was
only intended to give power to proclaim particular counties, and
in this way it might be said that a case was made out for the
Bill. But how stood the fact? He would take the counties
mentioned by the Right Hon. Baronet, and see whether the
returns exhibited this increase. If the House would take the
trouble to look at the returns, they would find that the follow-
ing were the results, so far as detailed murders were concerned :
Years. Tipperary. Roscommon. Letrim. Clare. Total.
1841 22 4 1 4 31
1842 10 8 2 52 72
1843 18 0 11 0 29
1844 21 10 2 3 36
1845 30 0 1 4 35
So that, as regarded the particular crime of murder in these
alleged disturbed counties, they could find no justification for
a measure of this description. Since this return, however, was
made, another had been produced, which was called for by the
Hon. Member for Liskeard, and which contained a return made
by the police of offences committed in Ireland during the years
1842, 1843, 1844, and 1845 ; but he believed nothing would he
found in this return to justify the passing of a Coercion Bill.
( Hear' hear.) The return gave the number of outrages com-
mitted which had come to the knowledge of the police, under
the three great heads, namely, offences against the person,
against property, and against the public peace ; and from this
return he gathered the following results :
Years. Person. Property. Peace.
1842 1411 2190 2187
1843 1442 2201 2315
1844 1700 2321 2282
1845 1608 2216 4161
There was a branch of offences, in respect of which he ad-
mitted the return exhibited an increase. The crime of send-
ing. threatening notices had increased in Ireland of late
and in the following ratio :—ln IM2 the number was 1,216 ;
in 1843, 1,212; in 1844, 13,332; and in 1845, 2,645 ; but
Ministers could not for a momer.t contend that this was a justi-
fication for the passing of their Bill.--( Hear, hear.) It
might be said that undetected crime in Ireland had increased,
but he found, on looking to the returns, that the committals
of 1845 bore an equal proportion to the committals of 1844.
He wanted to know, then, upon what grounds this Bill was to
be justified? Since the Union, seventeen blots of this cha-
racter had dropped upon the statute-book ; but in no instance
had they accomplished the end for which they were intended.
They had, however, the example of a Government who tried
the experiment of governing Ireland with a Coercion Bill ; and
the result, he was happy to say—and the House and the
country must be happy--to find that the result was most suc-
cessful. It was only necessary to refer to the Administration
of Lord Normanby to find evidence sufficiently conclusive of
this, and in the report of the Lords' Committee on the state of
Ireland, they had the testimony of individuals of known experi-
ence and ability in Ireland, who declared that during that Admi-
nistration crime diminished, and the country flourished to an
amazingextent. And all this was attributed to,the improvements
introduced into the administration of justice. Now, he thought
he had sufficiently shown that the returns of crime in Ireland
did not justify the passing of this coercive measure; while, on
the other hand, he had directed the attention of the House to a
period when Ireland was governed without a Coercion Bill,
and yet peace and tranquillity prevailed, and crime diminished.
They ought, then, to be guided by this experience, and not to
resort to strong and vigorous measures unless they were justi-
fied by circumstances of the most aggravating description.
Those circumstances did not exist at the present moment, and
he could see no reason for the passing of this Bill, unless it
were to increase the discontent which already existed in the
sister country. In July, 1814, the Right Hon. Baronet at the
head of her Majesty's Government introduced a Bill of a
similar description, but it failed then ; and he thought the
experience which they had had in the interval was sufficient to
convince them that coercive measuresseldom or never met with
success. There was nothing to justify this Bill, either in
the outward appearance of the country, or in the documentary
evidence which came from Ireland. The measure, or rather a
similar measure, was opposed in 1814 by Mr. Warner, and that
great and good man, Sir Samuel Romilly, who declared that
measures of this description never allayed excitement, or pro-
duced respect for the laws ; and it was in emulation of those
bygone philanthropists that he now, to the utmost of his humble
ability, opposed this unjust and unnecessary measure. He was
determined to join the Irish Members in their determined op-
position to this Bill—( Hear, hear)—and he conceived that he
should be perfectly justified in so doing. This measure was
brought down from the Lords with a full knowledge of its ten-
dency, and though the Right Hon. Gentleman had withdrawn
the declaration which he had made when he introduced it, he
(Mr. Hawes) still could not help thinking that had this Bill
met with an unanimous reception, it would have produced a
great moral effect upon the people of Ireland—(Hear, hear)—
and that, on the contrary, the measure had lost all its virtues,
if it had any in the eyes of the people, in consequence of the jus-
tifiably determined opposition with which it had been met—
( Hear, hear.) He firmly believed that it was a useless and
unnecessary Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Its moral effect had gone.
All the popular representatives of Ireland had denied the accu-
racy of the statements made by the members of the Govern-
ment in support of this measure, and they had also unani-
mously told the House that it would be perfectly useless.—
( Hear.) And from the number of threatening notices which
had been sent since its introduction, he firmly believed that
that assurance of the Irish representatives was grounded on
facts. ft would, therefore, be useless for the House to perse-
sere with it. —( Hear, hear.) He could hope that the Mem-
bers of the Government would not think it inconsistent with
their duty, under the present circumstances, to withdraw their
ill-timed measure.—( Hear, hear. ) Its object had decidedly
failed ; and he therefore ventured to hope that the Government
would not deem it inconsistent with the suggestions contained
in the eloquent and able speech that had been delivered in the
course of that evening by an Hon. Member (Mr. M'Carthy)
as to the withdrawal of this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr.
Hawes) would call upon the Right Hat. Gentleman at the
head of the Government to look at the difficulties of Ireland,
and he need not add to the difficulties of England also, in con-
sequence of the delay of the Corn Bill ; and he thought that he
would see the adviseableness of not pressing the Coercion Bill
upon the Members of the Legislature. He would ask him se-
riously to consider whether it would be inconsistent with his
public duty to cease pressing this measure upon the attention of
the House of Commons, for it would most assuredly be opposed
stage by stage—(Cheers)—clause by clause—(Cheers)—and
line by line.--( Continued cheering.) If he knew anything of
the Members who sat upon either side of the House, they
would not shrink from steadily persisting in their determined
opposition to this measure.—(Cheers.) He would say then
that it would be a prudent step on the part of the Government
to withdraw it.---(Hear, hear.) The state of crime in Ireland
did not justify it, and he did most sincerely hope and trust
all as
alluded to t o
that the House would oppose it in every stage. '1 he Hon. and
gallant Member (Captain Osborne) had said that he had reme-
dies
awteos ) h
proposead
already a s soon
thern in
measure
was
thepa s rode ,r
sae° odf he
his (sir.
H
re-
marks. It appeared that one great remedy proposed by the
Hon. and Gallant Member was the suppression of all political
or party associations in Ireland. But there were great ques- ,
tions which would have to be duly weighed before a measure of
that sort received the sanction of the Legislature. He maintained
that the question of the waste lands of Ireland was of more im-
portance to her peace and prosperity than the carrying
of such proposed
a measure as had been by
the Hon. and
Gallant Member.—(Cheers.) There
were many minor
measures, including no less than eight,
ten,
or twelve,
which, he laid
down before Lord Devon's Commission, and
be-
lieved, would be eminently practical as we.l as acceptable to
the Irish people.— ( Hear, hear.) They were calculated to
confer great benefits upon Ireland, and he had no doubt that
of the
if they were carried out the peace and happiness people
of that country would be the result. He believed, moreover,
that the people of England would not much longer sanction
the present injustice to Ireland.—(Cheers.) The English
peop •le were not ignorant of the present heavy
taxation to which
they were subjected for maintaining the present police and mili-
tary Member concluded by re-
peating n
force in Ireland. The Hon.•
his hope that her Majesty's Government would with-
draw the present harsh and unnecessary measure, and proceed
at once to the proposal of some remedial measures, which would
have for their tendency the real interests and prosperity of the
Irish people.—( Cheers. )
Sir R. PEEL—Sir, whether or no her Majesty's Govern-
ment would obtain more popularity by persevering in this
measure, or by abandoning it, is hardly a consideration. which
'
ought to lead a Government responsible for maintaining the
peace of the country.—( Ministerial cheers.) It may be true
that more popularity might be gained by a willing acquiescence
in the proposal of the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. B. Hawes), but
that popularity would be gained at a costly sacrifice, for it
would be a sacrifice of those who are responsible for main-
taining the public peace.—( Ministerial cheers.) It would
also be at the sacrifice of increased injury to life and property
in Ireland.—(Cheers.) I should think I was wanting in due
respect to the people of that country to which this measure
refers, and to the importance of the subject, if I permitted
the remarks of the Hon. Gentleman who has just sat down
to pass without some observations on my part. And as
would hope, after what has been said during the full

and able discussion which this measure has undergone in this
preliminary state of its progress—as I would fain hope that we
are now drawing towards the close of this preliminary debate,
pt.stpone to a more dtsrant period the itprform
an'ee of that duty which I feel to be incumbent upon me. Sir,
I wish in the first place to explain to the House what were
the motives of her Majesty's Government in proposing that
the first stage of this Bill should be interposed to the progress
of another Bill of the deepest importance, in my opinion, to
the welfare of this country.—(Cheers.) Sir, I assure the
House that it was not from any countenance of an adherence
to a mere usage that we felt it to be our duty to propose the
first reading of this Bill. What were the circumstances under
which this Bill or this subject generally was brought under
the consideration of both Houses of Parliament? On the first
day of the session in a speech from the throne, the first practical
was the measure for the purpose of giving,
measure which her Mijesty recommended tiof
pooussribcreon,siirdicerr,a,atsioedn
security to life and property In Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Her
Majesty recommended to the consideration of Parliament three
or four measures of great importance, the first of which was
the calling of the attention of Parliament to the state of Ire-
land, and particularly with respect to the frequency of the
crime of murder, and the necessity of taking some precautions
to prevent the frequent recurrence of that crime. What was
the answer returned by this House to that speech ? There
was an assurance on the part of the House not that it would
adopt any measure proposed by the Government, but there
was an assurance that this House was deeply impressed with
the importance of the object, and that this House would take
into its consideration any measures which had for their object
the prevention of these evils. The Bill was brought into the
other House of Parliament, and it met with very little opposi-
tion in that House. The Irish Peers, connected by
political sentiment with many of the Honourable Gentlemen,
felt convinced of the necessity of this or of some
such measure, and gave their support to it. I believe that
there was no opposition to the principle of the Bill—no oppo-
sition, at least, bearing the usual characteristics of an opposition.
The Bill was sent down to this House. It has been, indeed,
uniformly I believe the invariable practice in respect to a mea-
sure undertaken by the Government—in a measure of this im-
portance—in a measure recommended to the consideration of
Parliament on the first day of the session from the Throne—it
has been an invariable usage that any measure brought to this
House from the House of Lords—a measure introduced by the
Government into this House—to give that measure a first
reading. The House of Lords—each Member of that branch
of the Legislature—has a right to lay a Bill on the table of the
House, and, as a matter of course, to that Bill a first reading
is given. No such usage prevails here ; but it is in respect
to measures of this description, brought in by Government,
recommended from the Throne, and passed by the other
branch of the Legislature, it has been the invariable practice
to treat the measure in such a manner, and to show such
unwillingness to oppose its introduction that the preliminary
stage—the first reading—is allowed. Now lam not denying
Hon. Gentlemen opposite the perfect right to oppose that first
reading. lam not implying that they have unduly exercised
any privilege which they possess by calling the attention of the
House to the general state of Ireland. I am only considering the
question whether or no her Majesty's Governs ent would have been
justified in the present instance in departing from the course
heretofore adopted by Parliament, to ask the House to permit
this Bill to lie upon the table of the House without the slightest
opposition. Sir, Ido not admit the House of Lords would
have any right to ask us to give any measures of theirs a first
reading.—( Hear, hear.) It was in deference to the House of
Lords that we took this course, but of this we felt deeply con-
vinced, that if we do permit this Bill as recommended
by the Throne, as passed by the House of Lords, to lie upon
the table without notice, that the representatives of Ireland
would have accused us, and justly accused us, of offering an
insult to that House.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill has been pro-
posed, certainly, to suspend the ordinary operation of the law.
--(Opposition cheers.) Let us look at the character of it,
and the more you insist upon the unconstitutional character of
the Bill, the more you establish the necessity that a Bill of
this kind should be introduced by her Majesty's Government.
It gives a power to the Lord-Lieutenant to deprive the subject
of the liberty which. under all ordinary circumstances, he is
entitled to enjoy. And in the consideration of the especial
application of this Bill to one part of her Majesty's
dominion, would it have been right of the Ministers
in a matter of such immense importance to have
shown such a total disregard to the principles of
that liberty that is proposed to be taken away by this Bill ?
I admit that this measure does aim at depriving the subjects of
her Majesty in Ireland of some portion of their liberty, but had
we propossd a measure of this sort in a different manner to
that which we have, we should have been doing a great injus-
tice towards Ireland, and we should show an indifference to
that liberty which we so much value. Sir, I think I need
hardly refer to that dangerous surmise which I heard thrown
out, that her Majesty's Government had become indifferent to
the progress of the Corn Bill, and that they had interposed this
discussion, or rather this first reading of the Coercion Bill,
with the view of defeating that measure.—(Hear.) Bus_
Mr. B. HAWES—I did not say so.
Sir R. PEEL—No, I know the Hon. Gentleman did not
say so, but I know that some Hon. Gentleman in the course of
this discussion said, not that they themselves thought of, but
that
Sir, —(Hear,inheeearrit.y)
te.—t(hirie e
discussion u hear.)ssion o n It
thisis
litthwiaoskaiteeisneoroatl
oiemepersseassryiontooruet-aorfodwoothrse.
perfect
cien of
fmyfconvictions
to
sub-
ject and from the lapse of time which has now intervened, I
r me
nowo state
am the more strongly convinced of the necessity of that mea-
sure—(Cheers)—and that it is our wish and object to proceed
on
thisa te h m eaat, s e
fromr
with that measure.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I will not deny that
even during this debate my opinions upon that subject have
undergone a change ; but it is this change—that the restriction
which I first believed to be impolitic, I now believe to be un-
just—(Cheers)—and that I am only the more determined to
pursue the course I then adopted; and in answer to those injurious
suspicions I think it is enough to say I shall be perfectly pre-
pared—l am prepared to maintain the justice and perfect sin-
cerity of my course.—(Cheers.) In pursuance of an antique
usage, the first reading of this Bill was, on. the grounds that I
have stated, proposed by her Majesty's Government, conceiving
that the measure ought not to be delayed for a single day. Sir,
I proceed to the consideration of those reasons which have
induced her Majesty's Government, with great pain and with
sincere confidence, to propose this measure with respect to
Ireland.— (Cheers.) Sir, the Honourable Gentleman the
Member for the city of Cork, who spoke in the course of this
evening, and who made a speech as remarkable for its
ability as it was distinguished, for the brevity with which he
made the observations—( Cheers)—the Hon. Gentleman
did me the favour to express his belief that I have no other
dispositions than kindness towards Ireland, but he thought I
was overruled by some Member of the Cabinet against my
convictions. I assure the Hon. Gentleman that he does me
but justice in expressing his belief that I have the sincerest in-
terest for the welfare and peace of that part of her Majesty's
dominions. He does me injustice in stating that he believes
that lam overruled by some Member of the Cabinet. If I did
not believe that the imperative necessity that required
the proposal of some such measure as this for the pur-
pose of giving protection to life, for the purpose of preventing
social disorganization, and the frequency of crime in Ireland, I
should not have been a party to theproposition of this measure.
Sir, I was struck by an observation of one Hon. Gentleman, a
representative of Ireland, and the Member for Drogheda (Sir
Wm. Somerville), with respect to the grounds on which this
Bill was proposed, that, in proposing this measure,
we were bound to establish facts. He maintains that we have
failed to show the necessity of this measure. He said that we
were bound to show that all the ordinary resources of the law
had been exercised—that we bad done all we could with the
instruments which the institutions of the country placed in our
hands—that we were bound to show that the law was not suf-
ficient for the purpose of preventing these crimes, and that the
particular measure which we proposed was riot likely to be effec-
tual for its object. Ido think that we are bound to esta-
blish our arguments as far as our proof is available—our argu-
ment, as far as reason is concerned; we are bound to
bring these three or four facts to the Honourable Gentleman.
We are bound to prove that there is at the present
moment a ft equency of crime, I speak particularly of the crime
of assassination, or crimes affecting the public peace. I think
we are bound to prove that Ireland is in an unusual position at
this moment. We are bound to prove that we have exercised
all the means which the ordinary law places at our disposal.—
( Hear, hear.) We are bound to establish an argument on the
probability that the measure proposed will conduce to the end
in view.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Opposition.)
Now, Sir, the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last has contested
the facts—( Hear, hear)—which were introduced by my Right
Hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the purpose of showing
that there was at the present period an increase of crime in
Ireland, such an increase as justify us in proposing this mea-
sure.—( Hear, hear.) I don't think that it is necessary merely
to show the increase of crime to justify this measure. Our
consideration must be directed to the character of the crime.
Your consideration must include the possibility of removing
that crime by punishment. You must regard, in the first
instance the impunity which exists. You must regard the
nature of these crimes and the increase which arises from sits
impunity—(Cheers)—before you come to the conclusion that
a law of this nature is unjustifiable. Well, now, let us first
take the statements of the Hon. Gentleman who preceded me,
ieaaert:taoseking houses,
with respect to the frequency of crime. I do not know
whether crime has increased in the manner stated, but I will
refer the House to the frequency of crime of late.
I speak of all crime, whether it be that in which life or the
public tranquillity is injured. I speak of the pressure of crime,
and I will now compare the year 1843 with the year 1845. We
were most unwilling to apply to the House for any extraordi-
nary powers. Let us take a comparision and show the diffe-
is that ?
Sir R. PEEL—The document before us. I think the Hon.
Gentleman referred to the years 1842 and 1843, and I will
read from the document, which I believe has been pub-
lished and provided by the police of Ireland. and has
:andomnsiniciide, conspiracygfi.d to murder,., been very recently lard on the tlarbzwlnegi of House.ovvnelityibinteag:otuhs
those
ss
e.
as-
saults upon the police and magistrates, aggravated assaults,
.de-
mandll
'stem unlawful oaths, sending
Iwill
threatening et
ar
take
robberyetnotices,he cor
rob-
bery, stealing cattle and other things, which may not be con-
f the character of
the country—l leave
Those crimes which may exist in any country, such as
sidered as indications o
crimes, the frequency of which is characteristic of a disturbed
state of society. I will then read to you a statement of these
crimes, they are taken from areport of the constabulary force
in Ireland. Ido not know whother it is the same as that to
which the Hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has referred.
them out of the question altogether.
I think it must be the same.
Mr. HAWES—It is the same.
Sir It. PEEL —Well, then, we will take the two years, 1843
and 1845. There were in the year 1843
1845
Homicides
Conspiracies to murder ..................... 3
Assaults upon police and magistrates s.
48 • -s 28
Aggravated assaults ...... 440 54
Demanding and robbery of fire-arms
▪ 119
Administering unlawful oaths ........... . 51 55
-
Sending threatening notices ▪ 940 .•
223
1944
The Hon. Member who spoke last seemed di
I will not say lightly, but at any rate he se disposed to treat,
the offence of issuing threatening notices :orals) to consider
should hardly enter the account.—(" Hear, heaer one which
Hawes.) There is, however, an increase of
from
940," from Mr.
An HON. MEmBER—A great number to 1,944.
of them may be
fabrications.
Sir ROBERT PEEL—With all deference tothe
of the Hon. Member, I think that the increase from opinions
940 to
1,944 is a very serious matter.. A threatening notice fficient h inflicts
no bodily harm. It is su 'however, to
those who may receive them. disturb the
peace of I apprehend that few
know the amount of misery inflicted by these notices. Parties
who receive these notices are aware of this fact, that the
execution of the sentence of vengeance too frequently follows,
It may be possible, and I believe it is true, that there h
instances where these notices have been fabricated. mlaryisak
every deduction on that account; still the increase in thate
offence, coupled with the increase in other offences to which
I have referred, is to me a strong proof of a diseased
state of society.—(Hear, hear.) Now,
let us take the
other crime that of attacking houses. In 1843 there
were 215 ;in 1845, 483. W.e will now take th•
tics of the
' .ho e statis-
crime of firing dwellin g uses. There were 87
of this class in the year and i
cases 1843, n the year 1845 there
of
were 130. Now take the nature. these offences, and the
rapid increase in crimes committed under the head of these
offences. and surely I have given tt
an answer to the Honourable
Members who attempted to show that crime was less frequent
in 1845 than any previous 'Tar. c
much then for the
frequency of crime. There is no language I can use more
emphatic upon the subject of these crimes, than the language
used by the opponents of this paean!' Te. he HOU. Member,

speaking of the nature and quality of crime committed in
Ireland, says thatlhe viewed them with horror as indications that
the national character of Ireland was undergoing a change.
fie stared that heretofore there had been, on the part of
the Irish, a respect to age, and respect for sex,
and that helplessness of age, and the character of
the sex had always been sufficient to protect the wrong
and guide the weak.--( Hear, hear.) What said the Hon.
Gentleman upon the question of these atrocities? I fear he
said that there is a great change coming over the character of
wweheltmn
the Irish people. I see that there is no security in age or sex
against the most shameful attacks. These crimes were a black
stain upon a character which has stood so high in that chival•
edbewipthas dsiiv segus
at and shame rous spirit which has distinguished the Irish nation for so long
a time. I will take the words of the Hen. Member for Kil-
kenny. I took them down at the time: he said, "I am over-
whelmed with disgust and shame at the hideous crimes which
have
ridadotno a nmdeaisnudreesscr itboabclehasnogrreowthaet
been committed in some parts of Ireland. lam over-
these crimes," and yet these crimes remain unpunished. Are
atrocities which fill the Honourable Member of that
I country with disgust and shame ? These words which
have
quoted, are not those used by the advocate, of the Bill,
but the words used by the opponents, as to the effect of crime
upon the national character. I admit that it is un •
fair to judge
the character of any nation by its crime. They are how-
ever,•from their nature to be disregarded, iniunotd , f
o the
character of the country. The Hon. Member
th ging
en proceeded
g
to read some particulars respecting the murder of d three bro-
thers; two of whom had for a
considerable perio , after the
death of the elder one, two policemen stationed at their house
to protect them. The third one was at length shot when
within a few yards of his own house, and the only re
signed for this murder was, that he had taken possessions onnf as
an
acre of land adjoining his farm. If, said the Right Hon.
Baronet, you exact allegiance from such persons as these. I
do not think that we should be fulfilling the duties of a Go-
vernment, if we did not afford them protection to pro-
perty.—( Hear, hear.) The Right HOneurable Baronet
then referred to the case of the murders of
Mr. Lynch, and Mr. Hegin. He also referred to the case of
a mining company, who, on the 26th of November last, re-
ceived a great number of threatening notices, in centeguence
of which the Directors issued a notice, stating that the works
should be suspended, as they did not wish to expose to danger
the lives of the workmen employed by them, who had also
received threatening notices. The Right Hon. Baronet next
proceeded to read the names and occupations of the first
twenty which appeared in the report of persons murdered,
amounting. to 147, between the Ist of February, 1843, and the
Ist of February, 1845. From that statement it appeared
that a great number of persons murdered were farmers and
farmer's wives. Is it not, then, said the Right Hon. Baronet,
our duty to afford additional protection to these parties ? The
gentleman, or the large farmer can protect themselves in their
own houses, but these poorer persons require some additional
protection. The Hon. Member for Drogheda said that the
onus was upon us to establish the necessity of this measure. I
have attempted to show the frequency of the crime, the cha-
racter, nature, and qualities of these crimes, the injurious
effects upon the character of the country, frequent instances of
complete impunity with which these crimes were committed,
and the fear of giving evidence to magistrates or Courts of
Justice, the danger there is that crime will become conta-
gious, and spread throughout other districts, I do think I have
made out a strong case in the character and frequency of the
crimes, to do at least no more than this—to consider whether
any effectual remedy can be adopted to prevent this state of
things.—( Hear, hear.) With reference to the second ques-
tion, have we exhausted the existing law ? There is an increase
in the police force in Ireland amounting to not less than 10,000.
I have riot heard it stated by any Hon. Member in the course of
the debate, that the police force have been improperly dia-
-1 tribnted. Ido not think that any addition to the police force
would be of any advantage, nor do I think that
that force has been applied in any manner as
to require any explanation from the Government
But you say that we have not issued a sufficient number of
special commissions for the trial of each offence. Why a
special commission is a very inefficacious instrument for the
prevention of crime ; there is no use in it unless you are pre-
pared to convict by evidence unimpeachable. But the exist-
ence of crime is no proof that a special commission should
issue. It is not wise to risk a trial upon imperfect evidence,
It is not wise to exhibit the inefficacy of the law. It is not
wise to demonstrate the frequency of crime without demon-
strating also that it shall meet with sure and certain punish-
ment ; and unless you can prove the double effect, the fre-
quency of crime, and the probability of conviction, you do not
demonstrate the use of a special commission. It is no
consideration of expense which has deterred the Govern-
ment from resorting to frequent special commissions, and
therefore I do not see in one single instance the Government
can be made fairly chargeable with not having used every in-
strument which the occasion and the law placed at their dis-
posal, for the purpose of bringing a termination to the fright-
ful catalogue of crimes which exist in I, eland. And that was
the second point on which explanation was demanded, and now
we come to the third.—( Hear, hear.) What is the probabi-
lity that this particular measure will be efficacious in its pur-
pose ? It is a bad thing to show indifference towards constitu-
tional right when it can be avoided, and the question is—can
you show that this as ill not be a superfluous enactment, for, it
it is, it is of ne avail to put it on the statute book ?—( Hear,
hear.) Well, I think I can show that there are urgent reasons
for its adoption. Why, what do I find? I find that, in the
year 1835, you have adopted the very principle of this Bill,
and what course shall a Government, responsible for the peace
and security of the country, pursue, when it finds, in 1835,
the representatives of a country, who are best acquainted with
its wants, consented, without remonstrance, to a measure, the
principle of which was the same as this ? There are differences,
I admit.—( Hear, hear.)
An Hort. MemeEk—There were differences.
Sir R. PEEL—Oh, yes ; I admit them.—( Hear, hear.)
Well, then, come let us discuss them. I find an increase of
crime, and we do propose that the Lord-Lieutenant shall be
empowered to apply this law, and to compel the inhabitants in
those districts where crime has been frequent, to keep their
homes from sunset to sunrise. But you consented to a law
which was the same in 1835, the law which you passed being
an amendmeut on a former enactment ; and that law did en-
able the Lord.'Lieutenant to say, on a requisition of the grand
jury to the inhabitants of a district, that they should keep
their homes from sunset to sunrise, making it a misdemeanour
to disobey ; the onus of proving innocence being thrown upon
the accused. Surely your conduct then is not a ground for
rejecting the present measure. Well, 1 will give you credit
for being uninfluenced by any change in the persons of the
Government. When we find the representatives in Ireland
in 1835 consenting to a law, the principle of which is
identical with the one we now propose, what are
we to do, what are we to suppose? Why, the Hon. Gentleman
the Member for Lambeth, in boasting of the effect of a former
Government, and the diminishment of crime, forgot that during
the whole of that period you had enforced this very enactment.
In that case the grand jury had the power of making a pre-
sentment before the district was proclaimed; but we thought
that if we again proposed the same provision, it would be one
of the grounds of your objection, and that you would say that
it would be a new instrument in the hands of the landlords to
carry on the clearance system. Why, is it not better, then, if
that is your opinion of Irish landlords, to throw en the Exe-
cutive Government the entire responsibility of calling this
measure into action? Which course is more likely to maintain
an amicable relation between the gentry of Ireland and
their poorer tenants—which course is more likely
to give weight to the decision of the magistrates ?
We thought to place the power and the responsibility in the
hands of the Government was a great improvement. But
you will have an opportunity of proposing additional securi-
ties. I myself have the strongest impressions that it is in-
finitely better that the calling this Act into operation shall
rest exclusively with the Executive. Well, this measure
which you framed in 1835, you continued on the statute-
book for a period of five years—
Mr. HAWES—It was not enforced.
Sir R. PEEL—And do we say that it shall come into ope-
ration ?—( Hear, hear.) We seek the same power, not ne-
cessarily that it should be exercised. But you argue now
that the existence of this power will exasperate the people of
Ireland. Why did it not do so in 1835, when, if I recollect
rightly, the.e was not even a division on the question of its
adoption ?
Sir. W, S. O'BRIEN—Yes, I divided the House.
Sir 11. PEEL—The Hon. Gentleman divided the House on
the question that the Bill, instead of having a duration of five
years, should be limited to two.—( Hear, hear.) What was
the result? Four divided with the Hon. Member. You per-
mitted it to pass in 1835, and permitted it to endure for five
years without a motion for its erasure from the statute-book.
Mr. S. O'BRIEN—I made one for its removal.
Sir R. PEEL—And how many divided with you? Two.—
(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member endeavoured to remove this
disgraceful statute, this blot on your legislative enactments, and
only two Members were found to support him. Now, were not
the Government justified in the course which they pursued?
Nor do I see how we can be charged with wishing to inflict injury
or insult upon Ireland, when, in 1846, we have taken
a course which they have approved in 1835. Let us hope, in
assenting to this measure for a period of three years, this law
will not be called into operation, but that by its dormant
energy, it will repress all outrage and violence. Let us en-
tertain sanguine hopes that the knowledge that this law exists
will be efficacious in future, and I should rejoice if we should
be able to dispense with it in a less period. If it be true that
there are frequent murders committed in any district, if it be
provided that the family of the murdered man shall have pro-
vision made for them by a tax being levied on the vicinage,
will it net have a great effect in checking these evils? I think
that we have beard that strangers committed these murders, ,
but lam afraid in some cases that strangers are harboured.
Well, if you tax the district you will give a great security to
the inhabitants, as strangers will not be encouraged when they
know that they will be made to pay if outrages are committed.
I admit the evil of scarcity to be so intolerable—so impossible
to meet by any appeal to benevolence—as to impose the neces-
sity of considering whether or not something could be done for
the purpose of alleviating it. Let us not consider the matter
too hastily, and at once come to a conclusion that the principle
of the English law, namely, the right to relief Is applicable to
the state of Ireland. A comprehensive review of the whole
case must be taken, the position of those who would have to
bear that burden must be taken into account, and how little
superior they are in society to those who would receive the
benefit of that relief. While, therefore, I admit the pressing
nature of the cane, I would be unwilling, after the discussion
that has taken place on the modified poor-law in Ireland, after
the difference of opinion that has been expressed by the gentle-
men who took part in that debate, I would pause before I com-
mitted myself to the opinion that the English poor-law should
be established in that country. I uphold as strongly as any
man, that in no country is it more necessary to maintain the
great principles of property than in Ireland ; but, though such
is my firm opinion, it is impossible for any one to consider
without a feeling of emotion the evictions that have taken
place there. I find it impossible, however, to apply a remedy
to control the power of the landlords. Even if the Bill
brought in by the Hon. Member for Rochdale were passed
into a law, and if it were enacted that the tenant should re-
ceive full compensation for the improvements which he had
made, that power would curb the landlord in such a manner
as would disable him from proceeding against a pauper-
tenantry who were making no improvements. You must ex-
cuse me, then, if I think that you rely too much for the
amelioration of your social condition upon the Executive Go•
vernment.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) You rely too much
upon the Government passing laws to effect what yourselves
should accomplish.—(Cheers.) My firm belief is that you
yourselves have it in your power to apply a remedy. I speak
to absentees as well as the resident landlords. By pursuing a
course adapted to meet the requirements of the
disorganised state of society which prevails, you
would be able to effect more than could ever be done by legisla-
tion. This would do all that any Government could accom-
plish..._( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Is it true that a gentleman
in 1838 has purctased from 18,000 to 20,000 acres of land, in
one of the wildest parts of Ireland, and said to himself on taking
this property, I will act towards my tenants as a landlord should
act. I will do my duty to them, and will persevere in my
attempts to improve their condition—is it true that he has suc-
ceeded ?—("Hear, hear," from Col. Conolly.) Is it true that in
dealing with this misery, by his perseverance, by his deference
at first to the ignorance and prejudices of the people, by the
kindly feeling with which he treated them,
a revolution has
been effected which has astonished all who have considered it ?
--(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Has not his property been im-
proved ?—( Hear, hear.)
Has
not his rental improved?—
Friend (Colonel Conolly)
(Hear, hear.) My Hoe.
says it is all true.—( Hear, hear, and c h !ers.) This shows
done by legislation, the foundation
that though much may be
landlords resident and
must be laid by a combination of the
absentee— byfellowing the example of Lord George Hill, in

endeavouring to improve the condition of the country. These
complaints of the relationship existing between landlords and
tenants are not now made for the first time. Dr. Madden, a
writer on the state of Ireland, 1737, and who was on intimate
terms with the then Lord Chesterfield, gives the followingladvice
to the proprietors and landlords of Ireland. (The Right Hon.
Baronet here quoted several passages from Dr. Madden's work,
where he describes the tenants' houses as huts, and made like
bird's nests, and as it were a temporary residence, and ad-
vises the landlords to build better houses, and by this means
cultivate a more kindly feeling with their tenants).—(Hear,
hear.) This was the description given of Ireland a
hundred years ago, and I fear is one which is still
applicable to that country. lam not undervaluing the good
which may be anticipated from legislation, but I think if the
landlords of Ireland would consider what measures were best
calculated to meet the evils under which that country labours,
if they would act towards their tenantry as is done in this
country, if they would enter into a noble combination for the
purpose of diffusing the greatest amount of good among the
people, if they would endeavour to procure accurate informa-
tion as to the means best adapted to effect that glorious result—
if they would follow the example of Lord George Hill, and
endeavour to cultivate a more kindly feeling and relation-
ship with their tenantry the consequence would
be that outrage would be put an end to, that peace
would pervane the most disturbed districts, that
industry would be stimulated and more confidence
in the law established, than will ever be the result of any mea-
sures of legislative enactment. By recognising the principles
of moral feeling and benevolent sentiments in their dealings
with their tenantry, more good will be effected than will ever
result from the operation of laws. I hope I have said
nothing in the remarks I have made, to embitter the feel.
ing with which this debate has been conducted.—( Hear, hear. )
All that I have to find fault with is, that being anxious for dis-
cussion on this measure, they have not proceeded with that
discussion without introducing matter foreign to it. They
ought, I think, to have proceeded with the debate; they
ought not to have delayed it for two days, by introducing,
I think they have done, many Irish questions, which which have had
no other effect than to cause delay to many other measures of
great importance to this country. Ido hope, that having
• g
oc-
cupied so much time upon this question,having and ha dne
their duty to their country, they will now allow this uetoion
to be read a first time. Ido not question the steps thfienav
taken, but I do think that they may now without injyurytoe
their principles, having discharged what they felt to be their
duty, permit the sense of the House to be taken on the Bill at
this preliminary stage.—(Cheers. )
Mr. WYSE would assure the House that he felt with the
Right Hon. Baronet, that much time had been occupied with
this debate. The question of the corn-laws had been delayed
by the introduction of that measure before the House. He
could not agree with the Right Hon. Baronet that the Go-
vernment was entirely free from the blame which attached to
the delay complained of in the debate on this question. The
Right Hon. Gentleman had attempted to throw the blame of
that delay on his (Mr. Wyse's) side of the House. It was
for him to have seen what course should have been pursued
with regard to the measures occupying the attention of the
country. It was for the Government to choose what measure
was the most important—the one before the House, or the
corn-law measure—for immediate consideration. Having made
a selection, they had no right to complain of the opposition met
with.—( Hear.) He could not see what discourtesy would be
shown to the other House by delaying this Bill, and giving pre-
cedence to one of greater importance to the country at large.
There was a precedent for delay on a measure emanating in
the other House. He would beg to call the attention of the
House to the year 1833, when a Bill for the same object as
the present was sent down to that House. It was treated in the
very same manner. It was matter of surprise, that while the
world was looking at the great measure of the Government
with regard to our commercial interests, that the interests of
the sister country should be so neglected. He agreed with the
Right Hon. Baronet that there might arise times when a sus-
pension of part of the constitutional laws would be necessary.
He was not so ignorant as not to know that the first thing to
be done, to render society what it ought to be, was to render
life and property safe. But the Right Hon. Baronet had
not read any report which proved the necessity of such a
measure as that before the House.—(Hear, hear.)
( The Hon.'Member then proceeded to read extracts from a re-
turn he held in his hand, by which it appeared, that its the
year 1842 the number of homicides committed in Ireland was
106, while in the year 1845 it amounted to 139.) Now, con-
sidering the great amount of distress that existed in the coun-
try at both these periods, he would say that that state of
things did not exhibit such an enormous excess of crime as
would justify such a suspension of the law as this Bill
amounted to. He found, by the same returns, that crime of
less magnitude—such as aggravated assault—amounted, in
1842, to 249, while in 1845 they were only 237. He should
certainly admit that there was one class of difference—namely,
the robbery of arms, which did appear to have been on the in-
crease, for in 1842 the number of that crime amounted to 160,
while in 1845 it amounted to 551 ; but he should here remark,
that lie did think that such a state of things had been prophe-
sied upon the introduction of the Arms Bill, when gentlemen
made a parade of the amount of arms they possessed. But in re-
gard to crimes of a less aggravated character, it would be found
that there had been a great diminution, such as resistance to
the police, and the operation of legal processes, for he found
that in the year 1845 they had considerably decreased, as com-
pared with the year 1842, as had also such crimes as were
called offences against property, cattle stealing, &c.,
greatly diminished. He was, no doubt, compelled to admit
that there had been an increase in the number of another class
of offences—that which came under the head of threatening
letters ; but many of them might have been forged, and under
no circumstances were such documents indicative of a wide-
spread conspiracy against life. But all these crimes were in-
dicative of the peculiarly unhappy stare of the people of Ireland.
i Now let him compare the state of crime in that country with
the state of crime in this. He joined in the re-
probation of these crimes as cordially as did any other
Member of the House, and he was ready to admit that they
indicated a departure from the general chivalric character of
the Irish people ; but the way to prevent this state of things
was by adopting such a course of policy as would make the
people sympathize with the law and be ready to act with the
police of the country.—( Hear, hear.) Such was the case in
this country and in all other well ordered countries,and why should
it not be so in Ireland ? Now he saw no disposition on the part
of the Government to attempt to deal "with this question as it
ought to be dealt with. He would beg of the House to re-
member that on former occasions, when Coercion Bills were in-
troduced, Committee after Committee were appointed to in-
quire into the cause of crime in Ireland, but what was the
result ? The Coercion Bills were passed but the re-
ports of the Committees were allowed to remain inoperative.
He would beg the House to remember the many
crimes which were committed in Ireland, which were the
result of the tithe system. In other times Coercion Bills
were passed, but it was not until the tithes had been done away
with that the Bill had become operative. The Right Hon.
Gentleman opposite had stated that this was no new state of
things. No doubt in former times crime also existed in Ire-
land. Crime caused by the change of religion, and the inva.
sion of Cromwell, but more than all, to the operation of the
penal code. Ireland contained 8,000,000 of inhabitants,
7,000,000 of whom depended upon agriculture for subsistance,
while the vast amount of manufactures in England and Scot-
land bore no proportion whatever to those in Ireland, for in
fact in the latter country there were none. He should also say
that there was no justification in his mind for the conduct of
some landlords, who exercised a power over their property con-
trary to divine intention; but then the Legislature gave him
that power, and, therefore the Legislature should regulate it.
He had not seen as yet in any of these measures, that any-
thing beneficial was to be done for Ireland, and would they
allow all Europe to see that under the present state of things
nothing was to be done for that country ? The Right
Hon. Baronet had admitted that with respect to its internal
state that Ireland was now in the same position as she was in
1736. She had been kept in a state of poverty and depression,
and was labouring under evils which had arisen during the
ascendancy of England, and now when she was unequal to
stand on her own resources, he thought that some measures
of atonement and reparation were due to her. When the
union between the countries was spoken of, ought it
not to convey an idea of sympathy and good feeling,
and should they not give them aid and assistance? There
was a great difference between the amounts of wages given in
the two countries, and in Ireland alone the amount of wages
varied very much. The Irish labourer could not gain more
than 2s. 6d. per week, while the English labourer could gain
10s. per week. There was, as he had said, a similar difference
in the amount of wages in various parts of Ireland, for in one
part the amount given did not exceed Bd. or 4d. , while in
other parts it was Is. per day. That arose from the
want of a proper communication between this coun-
try and the various parts of Ireland, and it would be a
beneficial measure if Government could establish that com-
munication, for they could lose nothing by it. If they did
lose by it there would be a just ground for declining to in-
terfere. The Irish Members only asked for such assistance as
would remedy the evils under which the country laboured, and
the effect of it would be felt by the increased excise, the in-
creased customs, and, above all, in the increased prosperity of
the country. No such measures have accompanied this
coercion measure—no remedy had been provided for the
grievances of the people. If any coercion law was
necessary, still he would object to this law, forit would not
meet the crimes enumerated by the Right Hon. Barone.
It would not prevent daylight assassination or sending threat-
eningt
notices by post. Such an end could not be attained by
shutting up the peasant during the night, nor was that course
likely to establish a more kindly feeling between the upper and
the middle classes ; and least of all, would it be likely to give
the people a confidence of the law by placing them on a more
secure relation with reference to their landlords. The Right
Hon. Baronet would see that Ireland had come to such a posi-
tion that she could no longer receive such measures as this,
and he hoped that the Right Honourable Baronet would be
convinced that any momentary interruption which this
Bill had given to the proceedings of the House,
did not proceed from any wish for unnecessary delay, but from
the anxiety of each Irish Member to declare before the
House and the country his feeling on the Bill. He did not
apprehend the outbreak of any violent eruption in Ireland, but
there was ample room for conciliatory measures, to anticipate
such an evil from the disorganised and diseased state of toe
people in that country. There could not be a nobler effort of
a minister than to relieve a country from the state in which
Ireland was at present placed, The Minister who did that
would acquire a fame which would never die. '
Colonel CONOLLY said that he had been directed by the
grand jury of the county of Donegal, to support the measure.
They looked with horror on the state of things at present ex-
isting in Ireland. The magistrates of Donegal had done their
duty, and had called on the county Members to support this
measure as necessary to the security and well-being of the
country. They hoped by this measure to suppress some of the
most atrocious and degrading crimes that ever disgraced any
nation in the world. Hon. Gentlemen opposite deplored those
crimes, and yet they resisted every effort to stop them. This
measure was called for by all the peaceably disposed inhabitants
of Ireland. The lower orders in that country had long suffered
from a system of menace. This Bill was called an interfe-
rence with the liberties of the subject, but there was very little
liberty in Ireland at present. The people could not carry on
their trade ; and, therefore, it was absolutely necessary that the
Government should come forward with some strong measure.
The system of interference with landlords and tenants was ex-
tensively carried out. The threatening letters referred to were
as nothing compared to the acts of vengeance wreaked on
houses, cattle and persons. This was a state of things not to
be endured. In supporting the Bill, he did so in obedience to
his constituents, as they considered it absolutely necessary. In
the amendment which had been proposed, it was
stated that the measure did not go to the root of
the evil. He agreed in that sentiment, and he believed they
would never go to the root of the evil while they tolerated the
factious and seditious assembly that meets in Dublin_
deal of the discord that existed in Ireland was attrinisfuat A
attributable
in
greate to
the machinations of this seditious body. H
which an elector had his ears cut off because he hkenerwoted against
ng this a Coercion
a repeal candidate. Such was the spirit that prevailed
ani in many
parts of Ireland. He did not agree calling
Bill, but it was, as its title stated, a Bill for the protection of
life and property; and had the Government failed in bringing
it forward, they would have been highly criminal. It was a
measure to protect the innocent, punish the guilty, and to secure
the well-being of society generally.
Mr. RICH deprecated the supporters of the Bill, charging
Hon. Members on that side of the House with being indiffe-
rent to the existence of crime in Ireland, because they opposed
the Bill. He was convinced that Hon. Members on that side
entertained the strongest feelings of horror against the crimes
referred to, and only differed from those who supported the
Bill as to the mode of putting them down. He considered the
Right Hon. Baronet, and those who acted •

ng this measure, had failed in showing that it would put a
j end to the crimes alleged, or that the present laws were ineffi-
cient for that purpose.—( Hear, hear.) The tranquillity which
prevailed during the Whig administration arose from a steady
perseverance in well-doing, and administering the law in a
kindly and tolerant spirit. Let the Right Hon. Baronet follow
this example—let him feed the hungry, and remove some of
the glaring causes which produced so much distress and suffer-
ing in Ireland, and he might depend upon it he would have no
necessity to ask the Legislature to assist him with a Coercion Bill.
From the oppression to which the poor of Ireland were sub-
jected sprung the secret conclaves, the murders, the disease
and death, which afflicted that unhappy country. Then fol-
lowed the trials, the false evidence, and the revenge on those
witnesses ; and these were followed by Castle proclamations
and Government assassinations. He scarcely knew whether to
pity or to b'ame the acts of the peasantry of Ireland; he very
much feared that their misfortunes were in a great measure
attributable to the foolish conduct of a blind Government.
Why did they not introduce into Ireland those measures which,
for centuries,_ had proved to be of service to the people of this
country ? He felt convinced that it was utterly hopeless to ex-
pect that the outbreak:, in Ireland could be put down by violence.
_These evils were not to be put down by violence, The Gl.-
vernment must go to the root of the evil, if they wished to
give peace and prosperity to Ireland. If they wished to put
down violence by coercion, they should coerce the coercers—
( Hear, hear)—and prevent those grievous evictions which had
taken place. The present Bill was harsh, and tardily intro-
duced. If there was any necessity for the measure, why was
it not introduced before Hear, hear.)
Mr. SOMERS moved the adjournment of the debate.
Sir ROBERT PEEL then proposed that the debate be ad-
journed till Thursday next.

The other orders of the day were then proceed with.
POLLING PLACES (IRELAND) BILL.
Mr. GREGORY moved that the report of this Bill should
be received that day six months. He considered the Bill
would give a direct encouragement to fraud, perjury, and
personation.

After a few words from Mr. Caleb Powell, Mr. Smith
O'Brien, Sir R. Peel, and Mr. R. Grattan, the debate was
adjourned.

Several orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at One o'clock.

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.)
MONDAY, APRIL 27.
The following Petitions for Railways were reported, and the 11111 s
ordered to be brought in by the undernamed Hon. Members :
North Gravesend—Mr. Ward and Mr. Hudson.
Derbyshire. Staffordshire, and Worcestershire—ViScOtMt IngeStre,
Mr. E. Staffordshire, and Mr. Iteresford.

TA.- IV ORDERS' COMMITTEE.
The following resolutiono
1. That, in the case of the
etrien;•eported from this Committee
thhls:koetwi,stu.Ocahs
aßinilitatti,nreonasdminenitt; ent
third reading, the amendments Ze
he Morayshire Railway petition, the
adopted by thei tlifioeusceasifethoefyt
standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be
permitted to proceed with their Bill.
o Canalrd e rs
3. That, in the case of the Manchester, B lton,asntdanßdiryg Navigation and Railway Extension petition, the
ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to pro-
coed with their Bill, with the exception of that part which enables
them to make the Clifton Branch ; and that the Committee on the
Bill do examine, in the first place, how "far such order has been
complied with, and do report the same to the House on the report of
the Bill.
4. That, in the case of the Derbyshire, Staffordshire, and Wor-
cestershire Junction Railway petition, the standing orders ought to
be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with
their Bill.
5. That, in the case of the Great Eastern and Western Railway
petition, the standing orders ought not to be dispensed with.
6. That, in the case of the Somersetj Small Debts petition, the
standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be,
permitted to proceed with their Bill.
7. That, in the case of the .Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Edinburgh, and
Direct Glasgow Junction Railway petition, the standing orders ought
to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with
their Bill.
8. That, in the case of the Banffshire Roads petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to
proceed with their Bill.
9. That, in the case of the Oxford, Coventry, and Burton-upon-
Trent Railway petition, the st nding orders ought to be dispensed
with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill.
10. That, in the case of the Lanarkshire and Lothian Railway
petition, the standing orders ought not to be dispensed with.
11. That, in the case of the London and Birmingham Railway
(Coventry to Nuneaton) petition, the standing orders ought to be
dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with.
th Jr Bill.
12. That, in the case of the Northern and Southern Connectinz
Railway petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :
That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill.
13. That, iu the case of the Edinburgh and Perth Railway petition,
the standing orders ought not to be dispensed with.
14. That, in the case of the Edinburgh and Leith Water petition,
the standing orders ought to be dispensed with:—That the parties
be permitted to proceed with their BM.
15. That, in the case of the Hull and Barnsley Junction Railway
petition, the standing orders ought net to be dispensed with.
16. That, in the case of the Liverpool Improvement petition for
additional provision, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with:
—That the parties be permitted to introduce such additional prey!+
sions accordingly.
17. That, in the case of the Ipswich, Norwich, and Yarmouth Rail-
way petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—.That
the parties be permiaed to proceed with their Bill.
18. That, in the case of the Shrewsbury' and Hereford Railway
(No. 2) petition for leave to present a petition for a Bill, the sessional
order ought not to be dispensed with.
19. That, in the case of the London and Birmingham Railway (St.
Alban's and Luton Branch) petition, the standing orders ought to be
dispensed with : - That the parties be permitted to introduce such
additional provision accordingly.
Second, third, fourth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, eleventh,
twelfth, fourteenth, sixteenth, and nineteenth resolutions agreed to.
—Report to lie on the table

REPORT FROM THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON GROUP (No.
12) OF RAILWAYS.
GLASGOW, PAISLEY, AND GREENOCK RAILWAY (BRIDGE
OF WEIR BRANCH) BILL.
Mr. Vernon Smith reported from the Select ommittee en Group
12) of Railway Bills, to whom several petitions against the Bills
comprised in the said group were referred, that in the case of the
Glasgow, Paisley, and Greenock Railway (Bridge of Weir Branch)
Bill they had heard counsel in support of several of the said peti-
tions, and had also heard counsel in favour of the Bill, and that they
had examined the allegations contained in the preamble oth but that the same had not been proved to their satisfaction.fe Bill,

COURT CIRCULAR.
The Queen and Prince Albert honoured the. rehearsal of
the Concert of Ancient Music, at the Hanover-square rooms,
with their presence yesterday. The royal Futite consisted of
Lady Portman, Lord Byron, Hon. Colo,:.el Grey, and Lieut.-
Colonel Seymour.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her
Majesty yesterday, at Buckingham Palace.
Her Majesty, attended by Lady Portman, took an airing
in an open carriage and four yesterday. The Equerry in
Waiting, the Hon. Colonel Grey, was in attendance on
horseback. His Royal Highness Prince Albert rode on
horseback, attended by Lieutenant-Colonel Seymour.
Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince
Alfred, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice, took
airings yesterday in the royal gardens.
The Royal dinner party yesterday at Buckingham Palace
included her Royal Highness the Ditchess of Kent, the Duke
and Duchess of Buccleuch, Lady Augusta Bruce, Baroness
de Speth, the Earl of Liverpool, the Earl and Countess of
' Delawarr, and Lady Mary Sackville West, Lord Portman,
and Captain the Hon. James P. Murray.
The band of the Scots Fusilier Guards attended during
dinner, and performed the following pieces :
Overture—" Ruler of the Spirits"—Weber.
Polka—" Dobranoz"—Fahrbach.
Selection—" Robert le Diable"—Meyerbeer.
Quadrille—" Maritana"—Coote.
Waltz—" Natal i en"—Labitzki.
Polka—" Marien"—Streck.
in a
Her Majeety the Queen Dowager took an airing yesterday
earriage.
His Serene Highness the Hereditary Prince of Saxe Mein-
ingen, attended by Captain Taylor, Mr. Bedford, and the
Baron de Reitzenstein, left town yesterday morning for
Portsmouth.
A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon at the
Foreign-office. The Ministers present were Sir Robert Peel,
the Duke of Wellington, the Lord Chancellor, the Duke o f
Buccleuch, the Earl of Haddington, the Earl of Aberdeen,
Sir James Graham, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Earl
of Ellenhorough, the Earl of Ripon, Lord Granville Somerset,
the Earl of Dalhousie, the Earl St. German, and the Right
Hon. Sidney Herbert. The Council sat an lour and a half.
Mr. Forges and Mr. Lockhart, with Mr. Dalglish, on the
part of the Glasgow General Terminus, had an interview
with Sir George Clerk yesterday at the office of the Board
of Trade.

Lord Kinnaird had an interview with the Earl of Dalhousie
yesterday at the office of the Board of Trade. Mr. Wilson
Patten had also an interview with his Lordship.
Dispatches from the Governors of New South Wales, West
Australia, and New Zealand were received yesterday at the
Colonial-office.

Mr. Hawes, M.P., Mr. Ricardo, Mr. Pearce, and 3 lr.
George
Wilson had an interview with Sir Clerk yesterday.
The Earl of Aberdeen returned to town yesterday from
the Priory.
The Right lion. Sidney Herbert arrivel in town yester-
day, from Wilton House, Salisbury.
The Marchioness of Hastings and Captain Hastings
Henry left Farrance's Hotel, yesterday, for Efford House,
Hampshire.

WILSON'S SCOTTISH ENTER-
STREET.
TAINMENTS --MUSICAL HALL, STORE-
Mr. Wilson gave his first Entertainment for the season
last evening, at the Musical Hall, Store-street. Judging
from the state of the room, it would appear that MAW, Ilk •
jealousy,

" rows the meat it on,
for never hasG the Store-fromstreet Musicalfeeds Hall" been more
crowded than it was last evening. In fact, Wilson's powers
of attraction seem to go on in geometrical progression. This
is his sixth year, and if he gees on as he has gone on hitherto,
he must next year have the large Exeter Hall to
contain his audience ; for, truth to say, although the late
comers last night were compelled to stand, the early corners
were inconveniently crowded. The entertainment was a
melange, consisting of various old songs, which, like old wine,
were all the better for being old ; and one or two new ones,
which before the end of the season will be old favourites.
Among the modern antiques which are more particularly de-
serving of notice, is the revived version of " Ower the waterto
Charlie," which, as a musical composition, is much superior
to the more popular song, and which, as the original
of the old Jacobite song, will drive Young England
(called young, we presume, ut locus a non lucendo), mad.
Then we had two exquisite songs by Robert Nicoll, the
modern Burns, whom we hail as a brother of the Press, seeingss.
that he was ditor of the Leeds Times. " Bonnie p l!
Lee," and " The Married Man's Lament," Robertsa.staTopiidof' a
Nicoll as a true poet, and as a true
joke, as the latter song testifies.
" Devil's
who is not ? Byron wrote "
iplP;Vohe"etwr earhoneitdsewtt‘leDe
Cowper wrote "John Gilpin ;” 02, otnruJeupanoe.'t'
Walk Pes o
fi
b theroc h For' g sll o naankdMice." i
"and
Then Homerwe wbraodte
the TbgeSi
glorious "Pibroch
which song,
was"T "The
new
te Flowersas
m Ballantine,. en-
titled,ll), I uh,e"
Forest,"
rsa.
,Cdoct kh
ebnu rc; be ea. ustei fnugl,
and all about " auld
Wattle, and auld auntie attie, one of
uncle
An au.,lidhefarrAaanitd sang," by
t- hmost exquisite specimens of true pastoral poetry that
ever was penned, and was given by Mr. Wilson with the
most exquisite taste and feeling. Blessing on ye
Auld uncle Wattie
An' auld auntie Mattie."
Willingly we travel afoot all the way for London, to your
Ain house at hame," to shake ye by the hand. Ye
are patterns to the human race, and much obliged
are we to Mr. Wilson for having introduced us to you. But
Mr. Wilson did not confine his illustrations of married life to
the sweets. lie gave us. with infinite humour, the lament
of a married man, who, in pitiful tones, announces—
" My auld mither died in the year aughty-nine,
An' I ne'r ha'e had peace in the world sinsyir.
And also the far-famed "Get up and bar theednrg.. ' "HWeilwsoans
was never in better voice than he was
enthusiastically cheered throughout, ainl,disittanednvuor
should give an entertainment every night 'inn; It et sheaats ohne,
which announcement was hailed with loud applause.

It is said that the arrangements consequent on the
death of Sir William Boothby, Receiver. General of Customs, have
not yet been completed. The salary of the late Reeeiver•Genera

one, and contains in itself the immutable principles
of everlasting justice, and it is a proud moment when
such an admission falls from a man so distinguished, so
eminent, and one whose interests aie so wrapped up
with those of our opponents, in respect of the posses-
\
sions of wide demesnes and ample estates, as Sir R.
PEEL. However much we may regret the delay, inju-
rious as it is to the great commercial interests of the
country, we shall not blame the Premier, therefore, but
rest contented in the conviction that all that ability,
zeal, and hmoneasesutyreotfepuasrpeoasrelycaanuddo
swaitlilsfbaeeteezryerateedento
\ .
! elusion as the state of circumstances will admit.

_
SEE THE DAILY NEWS of JUNE 1.
Daily News Office, Whitefriars.

THE WEATHER.--SuN OFFICE, APRIL 28.
THERMOMETER, Lowest, 42; Highest, 55; Noon, 53.
BAROMETER, 29.92.—W1ND N.N.W.; fine.

13, Great Marlborough-street.
THE SECOND VOLUME OF LORD
BROUGHAM'S
" LIVES OF MEN OF LETTERS AND SCIENCE."
WILL BE READY FOR DELIVERY TO-MORROW,

HiGil WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE THIS DAY.
Yarning 24 minutes after 3.1 Evening .. 43 minutes after 3.

April the 29th.
Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great 3farlborough•street.
To be had of all Booksellers.

13, Great Marlborough-street.
THE AUTHOR OF SALATHIEL'S NEW
WORK, entitled " MARSTON ; OR TIIE SOLDIER AND
STATESMAN," in 3 vols. post Bvo., will be ready at all the Libraries
to-morrow, April the £9th.
Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

MR. MAXWELL'S NEW WORK,
Immediately, in 3 vols., post Svo.,
CAPTAIN O'SULLIVAN;
Or,
_ADVENTURES, CIVIL, MILITARY, AND MATRIXONIAL, OF
A GENTLEMAN ON HALF-PAY.
By W. H. MAXWELL, Esq.,
Author of " Stories of Waterloo," &e.
Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

A general belief begins to prevail that the hostility to
the repeal of the corn laws is decreasing, and that many
of the Peers, following the noble example of the Earl of
ESSEX, have begun to revise their opinions, in order
really to ascertain whether the object for which they
have long contended is worth the price, or rather
whether the sacrifice that must be made for a doubtful

Just published, price 1..
RAILWAY LITIGATION, AND HOW TO
CHECK IT ;
With remarks on the proposed Railway Relief Bill, and suggestions
for regulating the future conduct of Railway enterprise. BY
THOMAS TURNER A'BECKETT, Attorney-at•law.
Effingham Wilson, Royal Exchange ; and 011ivier, Pall-mall.

purpose, would justify them in maintaining their
resistance. The present corn-law, or anything like it,
or we might say any corn-law whatever, cannot
be retained on the statute-book without a violent
struggle between two parties, very unequally matched.
On the one side is only a portion of the landed interest,
and by no means the most influential or the wealthiest
portion, for it is a singular fact that nearly all the
Peers possessing vast estates are in favour of the
Bill. The Dukes of BUCCLEUCH. and DEVONSHIRE,
and SUTHERLAND, and NORFOLK, and HAMILTON,
and BEDFORD, the Marquises of LANSDOWNE, BREADAL-
BANE, ANGLESEY, and AILSA, Earl FITZWILLIAM,
the Earls of CARLISLE, CLA RENDON, FORTESCUE,
ESSEX, FITZHARDINGE (we believe), and several others
that might be pointed out, are all against the continuance
of the present law, and will vote for the measure of Sir
ROBERT PEEL. It would be impossible to make such a
selection of wealth and respectability from the opposing
Peers. These are all proprietors of large estates, the
largest estates in the kingdom, if we except the Northum-
berland property, and as far as public rumour can be
trusted, the Duke is more favourable than adverse to the
measure, and would be the last Peer in the realm to risk
the tranquillity or the commercial prosperity of the
country for a selfish purpose. In fact, the more
conspicuous of the Peers hostile to the mea-
sure are only comparatively small landed pro-
prietors, or possess estates burdened with mortgages,
or marriage settlements, or other drawbacks of this
description, which probably make them timorous for the
very means of existence. But these are not the men
that ought or that can sway the destines of this great
trading community. England, in fact, exists by her
trade, commerce, and colonies, and without these are
liberally encouraged would soon be reduced to a fifth-
rate power. She is not, like France, a purely agricultu-
ral country ; a very small proportion of the taxes here
is levied from the land, and a slight glance at the main
sources of our revenue is sufficient to convince any man
that, if her customs' duty were materially lowered by
restrictions on trade, and the deficiency to be supplied
by the land, every landed proprietor is the kingdom,
would be ruined, or the Government must cut down the
army and navy, neglect the colonies, and leave India, as
the Romans, in their decline, left their distant provinces,
to shift for itself. No more absurd proposition can be
laid down—(yet it is constantly in the mouth of
the protectionists)—than that the greatness of this
country rests solely on the landed interest.
Comparing the revenues derived from that source
with those produced by commerce, by our
vast manufacturing power, by the carrying trade, and by
intercourse with countries where we can buy in the
cheapest market and sell in the dearest, we might as
well say that Holland, when enriched by her wise and
liberal commercial policy, owed all her greatness to the
few rich plains which she had rescued from the ocean.
The customs alone produce about 20,000,0001. a year, or
only a few millions short of one-half of the whole
revenue. If we look, then, to the classes ranged
against the protectionist Peers—those in favour of free
trade, and, above all, free trade in corn—we see nearly
the whole community. The cotton lords and all their
dependents—no small number—are to a man with the
Government ; so are the enterprising and skilful mer-
chants and manufacturers engaged in the hardware trade,
in the woollen trade, and, in short, every other
trade without exception, by which the greatness,
wealth, and influenae of the country are maintained.
The large towns that send two Members to Parliament
each, the metropolis itself, with its enormous wealth, and
even theprevail,towns, a
wherere i
the`;
anxiouse:influen foceora speedy of apreoetdey settle-
ment Peer .
ment of this question, and amidst the present unforseen de-
lays wait patiently, solely because they know their game is
secure. Never were there such strong odds against a
party ; the vast proportion in favour of the Reform Bill
was nothing like it, yet then the voice of the people pre-
vailed, and the Peers were compelled to yield with a bad
grace what they might have eonceded with honour to
themselves, and without compelling the Crown:tothreaten
apeasure dangerous to the balance of power in the State,
and which never should be resorted to but to avert some
I greater calamity.
,e-

WITH TWO ILLUSTRATIONS BY LEECH, AND ALPO___RATRL.A.BIYT
OF LISTON, THE COMEDIAN, FROM TUB ORO 124
JACKSON.
The May Number, price lialf-a
MIsCELA. NY,
BENTLEY'S .crown, ofd
will contain :---_
......,milyrinsG.
BRIAR O'LINN ; 0% LIT"' 1 xv
v W II• DIAXWELL, Esq.,
Author of " Wild Sports of the West," &e.
TION BY LEECH.
AN ILLU ST 1i..1
StoriesßOf Waterloo,' "
WITH s with old acquaintances—Brian
CHAPTER X.—London—Meetinttress,
and falls in love with a lady
leaves town on a -visit to
across the street. . .
t Richmond in cmpany with the Colonel's
CHAPTER Xl. . Isl the " Stara and Garter" and during the
what happened at
widow—What
's journey to Holmesdale, and the reception he
drive home—Br an
met with there.
City of Lahore, by Louis A. Stuart Costello.
The Patting and Meeting, by C. H. Hilebings.
The Yard of Clay, by G. Lennmus Banks.
Hans Brenzel, the Smuggler, by W. H. G. Kingston.
Tea-Table Talk, by Mrs. Mathews, with an Illustration by Leech.
THE APPRENTICESHIP OF RAPHAEL SANTI OF URBINO.
From the German. By Lady DUFF GORDON.
The Cavalier's Hat, by Alfred Crowquill.l
Venum Romanurn, by Charles de la Pryme.
New South Wales.
Biographical Sketch of Liston, the 1.
r.W. C. .
Comedian, with a 1" rtral
The Philosophy of David Hume, by Dr. o
Payment in kind, by Paul Prendergast.
The Country Medical Man—Popular Zoology, by Albert Smith.
TIPPERARY HALL.
"Hail to the Barrister back from the Circuits."—The Irish Whis-
key-drinker's Bulletin ofthe Battle of Sobraon—May-day and the Gall
up on the Downs—Greek Lyrics to Jessie, with an Irish Translation
—The Cambridge and Oxford Boat Race—The Baron Von Reichen
backs new Imponderable, and the Light of the Magnetic Ladles, Stir.
Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street.

RAILWAY SHARES BY PUBLIC SALE.
MESSRS. LAMOND, SMALE, AND
LAMOND, Railway Share Auctioneers, beg to thank their
Friends and the Public for their continued support and patronage,
and to announce that their Public Sales of Railway Shares, &c.,
take place every TUESDAY and FRIDAY, at One o'clock, at the
Hall of Commeree, Threadneedle-street, London, to which place all
favours, containing instructions, are respectfully requested to be
addressed.
All Scrip and Share Certificates must be deposited for exa-
mination at least one day previously to their being offered ; and
advices of results will be forwarded by the first post after the sale,
and the proceeds immediately disposed of according to instructions.
Offices, Hall of Commerce. Threadneedle-street. London.

HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.
Madlle. LUCILE GRAHN respectfully informs the Nobility, Sub-
scribers, and the Public, that her BENEFIT will take place on
THURSDAY NEXT, APRIL 30,

When will be performed (for the first, time this season), Donizetti's

Opera, entitled
DON PASQUALE.

Norlna, Madame Grisi ; Dr. Malatesta, Signor Fornasari; Ernesto,
Signor Mario ; Don Pasquale, Signor Lablache.
. .

In the course of the Evenin; will be revived the Ballet Diver.
tisseme:.t, by M. Perrot, entitled, LE DELIRE D'UN PELNTRE
Stephano, M. Perrot ; Blanche d'Oviedo, Madlle. L. Orahn.
Together with a Selection from the admired Ballet, CATARINA ;
on, LA FILLE DU BANDIT.

During the Evening various Dances and Pas de Caracteres by
Madlle. L. Grahn, Madlle. Taglioni, and M. Perrot.
_ _

To be followed by the last Act of Verdi's celebrated Opera, entitled,
NINO,
NillIIS, Signor Fornasari ; Idaspe, Signor Corelli; Orotasphe, Signor
Botelli ; Fenena, Mdlle. Corbari ; Abigail, Mdlle. Sanchioli.
To conclude with Selections, Including the Dryade Scene from
the admired Ballet of EOLINE ; ou, LA DRYADE. Eoline,
Mdlle. Lucile Grahn.

Applications for boxes, stalls, and tickets to be made at the box
office, Opera Colonnade. Doors open at Seven, the Opera to .com-
mence at half-past Seven o'clock.

HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.
THIS EVENING,
Will be performed (for the first time this Season), Beiliin's Opera,
entitled,
NORM A.
Norma, Madame Grisi; Adalgisa, Mdlle. Corbari; rollione, Signor
Corelli ; Arevosa, Signor Lablache.

After which will be presented a PAS DE DEUX, by Mdlle. L
Tagnoel and M. Perrot.

•
To conclude with the admired Ballet of EOLTISE ; ou, LA
DRYADE. Arranged by M. Perrot, in Three Tableaux. Eoline,
Mdile. Lucile Grahn ; Rubezahl, M. Perrot; Count Edgard, Mdlle.
Petit Stephan ; Prince of Silesia, Di Mattis. In the course of the
Ballet. Pas de la Fiancee, Mad le. Lucille Grahn, supported by
3ladlle. Moncelet and Madlie. Cossan. Mazoarka d'Extase,
Lucile Grahn and M. Perrot. Grand Pas de Dryades, by Madlle.
Lucile Grahn and the corps de ballet.

THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE.
THIS EVENING
Will be performed an Opera, entitled THE CROWN JEWELS.
Count de Campo Mayor, Mr. Weiss ; Don Henrique, Mr. Harrison ;
Don Sebastian D'Aveyro, Mr. D. W. King ; Rebolledo, Mr. Borrani ;
La Catarina, Madame Anna Mallon ; Diana, Miss Poole.
After which will be produced a New and Original Ballet,
entitled IMELDA. The Duke, Mona. Adrian; Count Alberti, M.
Mathis ; Governor, Mr. T. Matthews ; Fabriclo, Mr. W. H. Payne ;
Imelda, Madlle. Sall.

We find in the Observateur Rhenan a letter from Vienna,
which announces that, according to the last protocol of
Berlin, the free city of Cracow is to be placed by the three
protecting Powers under a provisional administrative direc-
tory, to be composed of three senators, and which is to re-
ceive the orders of the Powers as long as the occupation
shall last. The directors are already named.

A revolution has broken out in Portugal. It commenced
on the 15th, by a rising of the inhabitants in several small
districts in the Minho, -,ho, armed with lances, muskets,
and scythes, proclaimed war against the authorities, and
proceeded to the administrative department of the district,
for the purpose of destroying the documents relating to the
new assessment. Several thousands of the country people
were in open rebellion, and many collisions had taken place
between them and the troops. Full particulars will be found
in another column.

Madrid papers to the 20th have arrived. The Gazette of
that day contains the following announcement
" Department of the Interior.
" With the exception of the localities occupied by the in-
surgents in the provinces of Lugo and Pontevedra, the in-
surrection has met with no sympathy. Entire tranquillity
continues to prevail in the other parts of the kingdom."
And in an extraordinary Gazette it is stated that a body of
insurgents from Vigo have been repulsed in an attack on
Orense. The insurgents, therefore, must be in considerable
strength to be able to undertake aggressive movements of
this nature. The insurrection appears to be gaining ad-
herents daily, and many of the QUEEN'S troops have joined
the insurgents.
MADRID BOLSA, APRIL 20.—The Three per Cents. are
quoted 314 cash ; but the the editor of the Bo!sa List states
that they were offered at 311/s and 31, with but few pur-
chasers, and the Five per Cents. at 2012.

We have received the Paris papers of oThursday. Their
contents are unimportant.
LECOMTE was examined on Saturday for two hours by the
Chancellor of France, in the presence of the Procureur
du Roi.
The discussion on the Bordeaux and Cette Railway Bill oc-
cupied the whole of the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies d
on Saturday, but was not very interesting The only
decisions of importance arrived at were the power
given to the Government to make a direct con-
cession of the line to a company, the arproval of the terms
offered by the Company represented by Messrs. ESPELETA,
RICARD, BARRY, DAOUILLARD, LUZACHE, ROYER, and SAR-
JET, and the exclusion of the clause of the Bill which binds
the Company to construct a branch line of railway to Castres.
The final vote on the Bill was postponed till Monday, in
consequence of the suppression of the clause relative to the
Castres branch, which renders it necessary to make some
alteration in the cahier des charges. The discussion was to be
renewed on Monday, and there was no doubt of the Bill
being passed.

Algiers papers, of the 20th state that the Grand Duke
CONSTATINE, of Russia, had arrived at Algiers on the 19th,
and that, on his landing, he was waited on by Marshal
BUGEAUD, who accompanied him in an excursion round the
environs of Algiers. The different Arab tribes were daily
sending in their submission.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, APRIL 27.
Bordeaux, Toulouse, and Cetto (Mackenzie), 2 —Dutch Rhenish,
6%—Great Northern of France Constituted, 15%—Great Western
Bengal, %—Lyons and Avignon, 2—Luxembourg, 2—Orleans and
Bordeaux, Il—Paris and Rouen, 40X—Paris and Strasbourg Con-
stituted, 5% —Rouen and Havre, 20%—Tours and Nantes Consti-
tuted, 6%.

THE SUN EXPRESS.
(PROM A CORRESPONDENT.)
CARLISLE, Aran. 25.—1 beg to inform you that The Express
Suns were received here at half-past two yesterday afternoon
containing all the debates in the House of Lords, and those
in the House of Commons up to a very late hour, on Thurs-
day night, thus forestalling all the other evening papers full
sixteen hours.

We have received, by the courtesy of Mr. Sotheran, book-
seller, Coney-street, a third edition of The Sun, of yester-
day, containing the Parliamentary debates of last evening.
up to the adjournment of the (louse.--The Yorkshireman of
Saturday.

-
THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.—On Monday a
portion of the New Houses of Parliament, consisting of the c
mince-rooms of the south facade (some dozen in Number) was thrown
to the public convenience of several railway committees.
These rooms enjoy a pleasant aspect upon the river, are lofty, and
although in a rough and unfinished state, are exceedingly commo-
dious.
ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.—The Commissioners of the
Customs have received a communication from the Foreign-office,
stating that the Earl of Aberdeen is of opinion that Texas Must
heacet9tYrsir4 be ceusidere 43 rennin port vr the American

THE SttN, LONDON, TUESDAY
_EVENING, APRIL 28, 1846.

RAILWAY COMMITTEES.

•
MONEY and COMMERCIAL NEWS.
CITY, QUARTER TO THREE.
In the Liverpool Cotton market yesterday there was much
steadiness. Sales about 6,000 bales, including 1,000 on
speculation, and 500 for export. American was sold at 3%d
to 51Ad. per lb. Shares were supported.
In the letters received from Canada, to-day, we find but few
items of ir.terest. At the same time, it may be stated
that political affairs in the colony do not look the most
promising. Extensive preparations were making for the
shipment at Montreal and Quebec of flour and grain.
There were some late accounts received yesterday from
Hobart Town. And referring to the relative inducements
for settlers to make Van Diemen's Land their home, or New
Zealand, we have received the following from a party who
has visited both places :-
In point of climate and soil, however, it is (Van Diemen's
Land) far inferior to New Zealand, the winter is as cold and
much wetter, and though the season is now advancing, the
red and calcined appearance of the earth, where trodden or
turned up, is painfully suggestive of the summer droughts.
Agricultural operations are conducted in the most slovenly
manner, the earth is merely scratched and har-
rowed over ; five or six successive crops are pro-
duced without fallowing ; as a consequence the
land near the town is completely exhausted, and
the people are obliged to move further back. Fifteen to
twenty bushels are considered a fair crop. From the ruinous
system pursued, wheat will, in a year or two, be a very
scarce commodity ; and it cannot, under any circumstances,
compete with New Zealand as a grain country. Your people
should, therefore, steadily lend their attention to agriculture.
Timber, staves, and sacking, which, I believe, you manu-
facture, would sell well here. The native woods are hard,
and extremely bad to work ; the builders are, consequently,
obliged to use Sydney cedar and deal from England, for
which they pay enormous prices. A tract of mineral land
, has been purchased of the Government for 20,0001. I doubt,
however, but the purchasers will burn their fingers; they
have no funds to work the mines, which must eventually fall
into the hands of the English capitalists, work them who
will; however, it cannot but be beneficial to the place: this
will farther tend to distract their attention from agriculture,
and should be an additional inducement to the settlers of New
Zealand to prosecute their wheat and flax growing.
The Consol Market has been scarcely as firm this morning
as it was yesterday. For Money, the price has receded to
95%, and for the Account, to 968. The premium
upon Exchequer Bills has been reduced to 235.
In fact most of the funds are heavy, and the reason is, that the
accounts of the revolutionary movements in Portugal and
the unfortunate condition of Spain, may render some
indirect-or it may be direct, as has been the case be-
fore-interference, to preserve the power and increase the
influence of the Governments of the two kingdoms just re-
ferred to. Bank Stock has fallen to 204%, and India Stock
from 261 to 259.
There were but few buyers to be found for Portuguese
Bonds this morning, in consequence of the bad news re-
ceived this day. A bargain was made in the Five per
Cents. at 79. Spanish Active Bonds have rallied just now
from 24% to 251/x. The Dutch Two-and Half per Cents.
have been called 58% and the Four per Cents. 913/ to 921 A.
The Railway Shares are in heavy request this morning,
with but little business doing.
BitITISII FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK
(From the Official List.)
Bank Stock .. •. .. 90514 2041/4
Three per Cent. Reduced Annuities • • 951/4 94%
Three per Cent. Consols Annuities • • .• 961/4 96 95%
New Three-and-a-Quarter per Cent. Anne. 96% 971/4 96%
New Five per Cent. Annuities • • • • • • 121
Long Annuities, Expire Jan. 6, 1860 .. 101/4 3-16
Ditto, 30 years, Jan. 5, 1860 .. 10%
India Stock .. .. 261 259
South Sea Stock .. 106
Ditto, Old Annuities • • • • • • 93Ya
Console for Account • • • • • •- 961 A
Exchequer Bills. 1% d. 11/4d.
10001. •25 2G 23 - pm.
5001. .. •• .... 24 23 26 - pm.
Ditto, Small .. - 2S 24 23 - pm.
PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Brazilian Bonds, 5 per Cent • • • • -
Ditto, New Bonds, 1829 and 1839 81
Peruvian Bonds, 6 per Cent .. .. 361/4
Portuguese Benda, 5 per Cent. .• 79
Spanish Bonds, 5 per Cant. 24% 251/4
Dividends on the above payable In London.
Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents. 591/4
Ditto, 4 per Cent. Certificates .. 91% 921
BUSINESS DONE IN RAILWAY SHARES AT ONE O'CLOCK
RAILWAYS. PAID. PEE SHARE.
Bristol and Exeter .. • • .. .. 75 - .... to -
Ditto, New .. .. 5 .• .. 914.... to -
Buckinghamshire .. • . .• 425. •• • • 14% dis to -
Caledonian .. .. 10 .• 614..,, to -
Ditto Half Shares • _ 21/4 •• • . I 1/4 • • to
to -
Great Chester and Holyhead .. .. 22Y, • 214 • ... to -
Direct Manchester (Remington's) • • 214 •• • . % .... to 1
Direct Manchester (liastrick'n) • • 54 •• • • 31/4 • to -
Direct Northern .. .. • • 234 •• • • 1 -• .. to -
Eastern Counties .. 141. 16s. Od. ••• • 24 23% .. to 21
....10805
Ditto, New .. 8/. I6s. Od. •• 814 p••to 7% p
Do„Perpetual,sperCt. No.l, 61 13s. 4d. • • p.. to -
Ditto, ditto • • .. N 0.2, 61. 13s. 4d. •• .. p- to -
-
Great
WNoerstthetoof England Ditto, York Extension .• 10e. .... 2 to -
Great Eastern and Western • • • • 2}4 •• • • 1Vs••• • to -
Ditto, Fifths .• • • .. 20 •• • • 35 ••• - to 3414
1..11214129
Hull and Selby .. ,50 ••• • - •.to -
Lancaster and Carlisle • • • • •• 40 ••.• 55 to -
Ditto, Quarter Shares _ 121/4 -• . 19% to -
Leicst., Tam.,Blr., 83Trent Val. June. 425. 44 die. . to -
.. • • • • ••4 • • 621/4 to -
London and Birmingham ..100 .. -2241/4 ••.. to -
Ditto. Thirds • • 2 2 .... 28% ••• • . •
. to 291/4
Ditto, Quarter Shares • • • • • •
Ditto, Fifths . • • • • • • 2 .• 254 •• .• to -
London and Blackwall . 161. 13s. 4d. ••..8•• .. to -
London and Brighton .
Ditto ditto Fifths .. . ••20•• • • 29 ...• to 301/4
50 64% 64 to 65
London and Croydon .. . 131. 155. 9d. •• • • 22)6% ••to -
London and South•Wtern 411. 6.1. 10d. ••.. 80 .• .. to YBl/4
Ditto, New Consolidated Eigliths• • 34 .• .. 511/4 .• .. to -
Ditto, New • • • • • . . 121/4 •• .. 23% .... to -
Manchester and Leeds; 82 to --
Ditto, New .. • • •. .. 10 18 .•.• to -
Londonderry and Coleraine ••
• .. 714. •• . x int to -
Ditto, Half Shares .. • 38 ••• . 57 .... to -
Ditto, Fifths . 3 121/4 .... to 12
Manchester and Birmingham .• • • 40 •• .• 80 .• • . to -
Ditto, Quarter Shares (13) • • • • 4 .... 15 ..., to -
Ditto, Quarter Shares (C) • • • • 1 •• • • 9 •••• to G 4
Do., Contin. and Welsh Junction.. 136.... % to -
Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock 425. . • 1/4 14 pto 1/4 p
Manchester and Southampton .. 2 .... to -
Midland ..100 ....149% to 151
Ditto, New 18 .• .. 33 .... to -
Newcastle and Darlington Junction 25 .•.. 46 .•.. to -
Ditto, New, Branclling •• 25 .... 45 •• .. to 46
Newcastle and Berwick • • .. .. 10 •• .. 201/4 .. to 21
North British • • • • • • .. 20 .• .. 261/4 •••. to -
Ditto, Half Shares . • _ „ to -
Ditto, Carlisle Extension .. 4 -to -
Northern and Eastern .. .. 50 72 •••• to -
North Staffordshire •• • • • • .. 423. •• .. 2%14 pto -
Norwich and Brandon .• 18 .... 26 .... to -
Oxford, Worcester, & Wolverhampton 121/4 .• .... to -
Portsmouth Direct .. • •
3
Preston and Wyre .. 25% 3
31/4 31..11 ttoo -33
Shrewsbury and Birmingham 214- 241/4.. to -
Shropshire Union • • • •• •• 42e..... 1 dis.• • to -
South Midland • .• 425. 1/4 p par to % p
331/4 ...• 38% to -
South Eastern and Dover ..
Ditto, New, No. 1 . 16 19 .... to -
Ditto, Now, No. 2 •• • • • • • • 10 ... 1214 .... to 12
Ditto, New, No. 4 .. • • 234 .. • . 21* to -
South Wales • • • • • • • 5 .... 1%.... to -
West Riding Union „ 425. •• .. 2 p.... to -
Wilts, Somerset, and Weymouth .. 5 .... 254 .... to 3
Yarmouth and Norwich _ 20 .... 271/4 .... to -
York and North Midland ..• 50 .• .. - .... to -
Ditto East and West Riding Extension 1 .... 10 .• .. to --
FOREIGN RAILWAYS.
. ....
Bord., Toulouse, & Cette (Mackenzie) 2 ... 2 to -
Dutch Rhenish • • • • •• 5 634 - to -
Great Northern of France Constituted 5 .... 15% .... to -
Great Western Canada • • • • 314.. . 4 .... to -
Luxembourg • • • • • • •• .. 4 .... 21/4 .... to -
Orleans and Bordeaux • 6 .... 1114 ••.• to -
Paris and Lyons Constituted •, „ 5 .... 8 .. to -
MINES

(THIS DAY.)

GROUP VI.
This Committee met to-day at twelve o'clock. Sir J. C. 'Lob-
house, chairman.
Mr. A NDREWS, for the promoters, applied to the Committee for
their authority to bring forward Captain Codrington, one of the gen-
tlemen sent down by the Board of Trade to report as to the eligibility
of making the " Inch" a termini, and whose report was favourable.
The Committee objected to this course.
Mr. ANDREWS then opened the case for the promoters of the
Dundee and Perth line. This was an Act to alter and amend an Act
which received the sanction of both Houses of Parliament, and en-
titled the "Dundee and Perth Railway Act," whereby a
company was incorporated by that name, for the pur-
pose of making a railway from Dundee to Perth. The
Act of last year gave the promoters power to make
the Inch a common termini for that and other lines, subject to the
decision of the Board of Trade. That Board sent down engineers,
and they reported favourably for making this place a station. Would
it not be too bad if, after being bound by the Committees of
last session to act according to the Board of Trade,
they should now be refused the benefit of such conditions. The
line was almost constructed, and it was stopped last year at one side
of the river till the report of the Board of Trade was made known. The
report came, and it was highly favourable, it gave the promoters
power to go on to the "Inch." The promoters, therefore, had at
present the power to go on to the " Inch"—true, not with
so much benefit • as the powers of the present Bill, but
still they had the power to go to that place. Without going to it,
the Bill of last year wonld be wholly useless, and the only object of
coming before the Committee this year for that object was, to get to
the " Inch" in a more convenient manner, both to the Company and
the public. That they should be allowed to go there was wholly
independent of any evidence to be offered by the op-
ponents. The decision of the Edinburgh and Northern
Committee and the CoMmittee on the Scottish Central Railway was
that the " Inch" should be occupied, and that being the case, he
hoped the Committee before whom he then appeared would also give
their sanction.
Mr. Miller, civil engineer—ls engineer to the Dundee and Perth
line of railway. Under the power of the Act of last session they
were allowed to go up to the river Tay, which was to be crossed by a
bridge, to be approved of by the Admiralty. He had prepared plans
to meet the wish of the Board of Trade. The alteration proposed by
the Bill of this year would bring the goods' station nearer to the town
of Perth than if they were to go by the Craigle-park side of the Inch.

GROUP XI.
From what transpired yesterday in Mr. W. Smith O'Brien failing
to attend the Committee, though the business to be transacted was
postponed till Thursday in consequence of the Bills not being in a fit
state to proceed, the Chairman, Mr. Henley, accompanied by several
of the other members, attended in his place to-day at one o'clock, in
order to see if the refractory Member would upon second considera-
tion see the prudence of yielding to the regulations of the House and
give his services. The Honourable Chairman, with his col-
leagues, however, were doomed to disappointment, for up
to two o'clock, when they again adjourned, no Mr. Smith
O'Brien made his appearance. In order to kill time and
to execute the Intention of the rules of the House, viz., the remain-
ing for the absent Member one hour before making their report—the
Chairman, with his colleagues, stationed themselves at one of the
windows facing the river, and appeared to watch with great interest
the progress of the stonemasons engaged in the works below, and
the progress of the steam boats, barges, and other craft passing up
and down the river. When the hour had expired, the Hon. Mem-
bers adjourned, with the object, no doubt, of reporting the absentee
to the House this evening.

Real del Monte, Unreglatered ^•..7. OP •• 3N •• •• to

GROUP XIV.
SOUTH-EASTERN AND BRANCHES.

The Committee on this group of railways met to-day in Room No.
30. Present—Mr. l'rotheroe (chairman), Lord Emlyn, Mr. J.
O'Connell, and Mr. Grogan.
Mr. Fearon, the solicitor to the South-Eastern Railway, examined
by Mr. CoCKBURN—First became solicitor to the company in 1833.
The project had then been formed by some of the directors of the
Greenwich Railway. The company was at first called the London,
Dover, and Continental Railway. The first advertisement appeared
in the local papers in March, 1834, and the surveys were made be-
fore
that period, and continued afterwards. Very considerable diffi-
culty was experienced in bringing the project to anything like matu-
rity, in consequence of the nearly unanimous opp salon of the land-
holders on the course of the proposed line. The great difficulty was the
passage of the Medway, as the proposition of crossing it by Rochester
bridge is as not listened to, and any attempt to cross it above the
bridge would be attended with works of the most formidable nature.
Lord Darnley also was expected_to offer the most decided opposition,
and the engineers were consequently desired to turn their attention
more to the westward. Geological difficulties were then experienced,
and the course of the line was directed as far west as Auclisteci. It
was not until the line had been drawn as far west as Auchst,d that
any idea of a combination was entertained. It was in October,
1834, that the idea was first entertained of combining Brighton
with Dover by means of the line, and the company then changed its
name to the South-Eastern Company.

LLOYD'S SHIPPING-(THIS DAY.)
LoNDoN, APRIL 25.—Wind S.W., pleasant breeze, and fine mild
weather.
DEAL, APRIL 27.--Wind N., light.—Arrd. Cape Packet, Lamb,
Mauritius ; Thomas Metcalf, Gorton, Colombo. Ski. Merwede,
Dorestan, New York ; Esperance, Duff, Valparaiso ; Palestine,
Collier, Cape of Good Hope. Arrived from the River, and sailed for,
27th, Duchess of Northumberland, Withers, Calcutta ; Naiad, Rose,
Demerara ; Ocean Queen, Bluett, Jamaica.
PORTSMOCTII, APRIL 27.—Wind to W.—Sld. Mary, Kemp,
Bombay.
SOUTIIAXPTON, APRIL 27.—Arrd. Madrid steamer, Bingham,
Gibraltar, left 18th, Cadiz 19th, Lisbon 21st, Oporto, Vigo, and Cor-
runna 22d.
LIVERPOOL, APRIL 27—Wind light.—And. Viscount Sandon,
Lancaster, Calcutta. Sld. 26. Margaret Pollock, rye, Quebec. 27.
John Horton, Cunningham, Shanghae ; Wild Irish Girl, Graham,
Bombay; Kiln, M. Vicar, Barbadoes ; Envoy, M. Kittrick, Staten
Island ; Liberty, Gamble, New Carlisle ; Calliope, Scott, Quebec.
Off, Ann, Royal William,
WATERFORD, APRIL 26.—Wind E. to S.S.E. and N.—Sld. 25.
Ratchford, Flavin, St. John's, Newfoundland.
Coax, APRIL 25.—Sid. Garland, Baltimore.
SUNDERLAND, APRIL 27.—Wind N.E. 26. Sld..Ann Mills, Young,
Quebec.
BRIDLINGTON, APRIL 27.—The Helen, Leighton, from Sunderland
to Stettin, sunk in the bay this morning in five fathoms of water.
MARTPORT, APRIL 27.—The Royalist, which was on shore at
Leatham, has been got off, and is now off the port.
ST. Mawes, APRIL 24.—And. Commerce, Smith, Liverpool to
Spalding, with loss of bulwarks, stanchions, &c., having shipped
a heavy sea 15 miles W. of Small.
OFF PENZANCE, APRIL 25.—Hooghly, Williams, Sydney, New
South Wales; Henan Hasselaar, Schuel, Batavia for Rotterdam.
HARTLEPOOL, APRIL 27.—A topmast 35 feet long and eight inches
thick, mast head painted white, was picked up near this port 25th
instant.
A ship's boat 16M feet long and five feet broad, bottom painted
white, inside lead colour, and topsides black and without mark or
name, was washed on shore at Blackballs, 26t11 inst.

MARKET NEWS.-(THIS DAY.)
TEAT MAIii3LETS.
SIifITIIFIELD.—MeadONV Hay, 315$ to 41 lOs ; Clover ditto, 41 8s to
51 13s ; Oat straw, 11129 to 11
149 ; WhWeahteSattrsawtr,awl/.11415it60. lt/.161: ple7r,
load. Supply moderately good, and trade very dull.
CUMBERLAND.—Meadow Hay, 31 5s to 4/ 109 ; Clover ditto, 4/
to 5/ 14a ; Oat Straw, 11 139 to 11 15s ;
Per load. A fair average supply, and a sluggish demand.
m.—meadow Hay, 31 3s to 41 89 ; Clover ditto, 41 Bs
WurrEcuap
to 6/ ; Oat straw, 11 12s to 11 14s ; Wheat Straw, it 14s to 1116 s
Per load. Trade dull, at the above quotations.

THE ARCH
Got.
York, the
Bishop of
Porruols
meeting,
dilay( ..............-----______
to
oeeting of the Archeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland,
XOLOGICAL INSTITUTE.—The approaching
Webe held in this city in July next, promises to be most interesting.
_ r are authorised to state that the Earl of Carlisle, the Earl De
ROYAL
this club have the
asvice-presidents lluds on ,
th e
Bunse marquillsiopfli,orLthoradroPptruend,hohei;
EL,toordell3elooorypetthhe,
CthheevlaWliaenr
Archblif, which
I a'' on r k, Ambassador)
consented ; Mrt
o. Alderman
act
will take place under the patronage of his Grace the
hop, and
cordial the presidency of the Earl Fitzwilliam. The most
gentlemensupport
has beea promised to the institute by influential
VICTORIA
11 partsleT o._iu: the
YACHT
Acoo
Hu country. r yc. L
ITT hRe.
meetingT b e will
members commenceo f
on Tuesday,°f
Jul,' 21 I" ksliire Gazette.
or
th
e appointed the 11th, 12th, and 13th of August for the
o_regatta. Her Majesty and Prince Albert have signified their intention
programme:—rho
honouring the regatta with their presence. The following is the
guinea Royal Victoria Yacht Club Annual Prize of 100
be Bin money to the first vessel, and 20 guineas to the second, to
ofcontested for by cutters above 31 tons and under 51 tons ; a piece
torte value 501. for cutters above 50 tons, and not exceeding 75
; a piece of plate value 501. for yachts of not less than 15 and
under 31 Was ; a
o piece of plate worth 501. for schooners not under 120
ns and not exceeding 160 tone. A piece of plate value 50/.—a grand
t
handicap
race by yachts belonging to any royal yacht club.
INFANT ORPHAN AS/LUM.—Yesterday, a General
Court of the Corporation of this charity was held at the London
Tavern, to receive the report and elect officers for the ensuing year,
e' Benjamin Bond Cabbell, Esq., in the chair. The report read
by the secretary was of a most favourable description. It stated that
the number of recipients last year were 185, since which 65 have
been admitted. From removals and death 47, leaving by yesterday's
election (30 in nornber) 229 on the foundation. The annual sub•
scriptions amounted to 3,7891. 13s. 6d. ; life subscribers, 4,340/. 83. 4d.
The exPendlture, Including the balance due to the treasurer to the
same sum. During the past year the following munificent legacies
George
13angleY' Esq., 2001. The report was unanimously adopted, and
thanks being voted to the chairman, the meeting separated.
THE VACANT COLONELCIE9.—The vacancies in the
Bth and 15th Regiments, occasioned by the deaths of General Sir
ki.,:.7.rY Bailey and Sir Moore Disney are, we understand, to be filled
up by ti,,: appointments of Sir Edward Bowater, Equerry to his
Royal Highn •p • Albert, and Sir Alexander Cameron. The
es. rime
Precise arrangements, believe, are as follow: Gordon Drum-
mond go ngementh, 7,-, e
~.,
the Bth Foot, Sir Phineas Mall goes
from •es from the 49th l'oot ~.. . vacancies aforesaid will be
filled u the 74th to the 15th, and the tv,, . ~ is, .
Sir Edward
E by the officers above-mentioned ; Ina, ..,
Bowater takes der Catnern4, the 74th
Foot. the 49th Foot, and Sir Alexander
PEDESTRIANISM.—Robert Fuller, who was matched
against Butler to walk 8 bay miles, has forfeited the deposit of 50/.,
and the match is Off, I

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SECOND EDITION.
-..