The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-25 00:00:00

s• a head under the tariff of 1842. The ludicrous dispro-
portion between the anticipation and the reality he need not
Point out. On every other article the same pre-
dietions were made. tie had been surprised to find
at the great fair of Ballinasloe the great increase of sample:, and
the increase of price which had taken place within the last
three years. Three years ago the numhcr of sheep sold was
beingiB4•l t2h,e .
9,283, and unsold 19,600, the average price being 3. 10s. In
7nsrber sold was 61,000 and unsold 8,000, the price
while last year the number sold was 06,861, and
Vosold only 2,900, the
price having risen to 2/. 13s. lie
remembered a speech made in that House by Sir J. Emerson
Tenants of three-quarters of an hour in length, crammed with
statistical facts, and proving to demonstration that the millers
ef Ireland would be ruined if foreign flour were admitted into
the country on the same terms with that of England. Well
the Government did admit in 1842 foreign flour, and were the
Millers ruined? On the contrary, there had been an increase of
ter,a per cent. in the importation of corn which entirely proved
futile were the arguments which were then
tired. Nor could they complain of the ceurse
ajlVted by the Right Honourable Baronet. They
t, remembered 189, when he set them a precedent
be would never sacrifice the natianal interests to party
innsteo")••—( Hear, hear. ) That precedent was set, and
aeuat did they do? Wily, when the occasion was passed, they
Pieced hint at their head again. Shout 1 they not have remeni.
nered that under like circumstances he would have pursued a
'limiter course. Yet they set him at their head—from the
pest of all possible motives —he was the only man of their party
tho was able to conduct it.— (Hear, hear.) With regard to
the away they had given to the Maynooth question, they
that tliey had supported it because it was introduced by
theroui
. "es, and that they would not have given it their support
if it been introduced by the Noble Lord on this side of the
4,91"- After that avowal, had they a right to attack the
light Ron. Baronet for his con.luct on this occasion? He be.
witted that when this measure was carried, as it undoubtedly
iluld be, they would be again the humble servants of the
sight Hon. Baronet.—(" No, no," from the Ministerial side. )
e:theY had cried out in 1,399. They had then said, " Nos-
h; tuts tuta fides," but they now sat on the same benches as the
Hon. Baronet ; besides, what could they do without
re"; • Guild they find. any man amongst their ranks who
.I.‘'lnd Play his place ? He would read an extract from a
Btr,iethrkahle -posthumous pamphlet of the letters of
.Sir Sidney
tan In which he said that he believed that neither of his
Peet, uncles world survive for a single instant without S:r R.
Pi, and asked whether there was a Chartist in the British
"attire who would not, on the first intimation of such an
:ten"'
„ as the abolition of the Corn Laws, order a new suit of
etals and go round to his butcher and baker for an enlarged
eio'il• Was there a "Bear" on the Stock Exchange who
not realise a large fortune when such a Ministry was
re;"enced? It concluded by observing, that if he were a
et nielimlist, he would like to see such a measure carried into
it ect, a,
the effect would be mot certainly a revolution, unless
If t°°L a Particular course, when it might indeed end in a laugh.
oft did not take that course, it would be productive of mis-
traleeettias effects from the Land's End to John O'Groat's, and
aa -4 one end of Ireland to another. He (Lord Ingestre)
tattillorted the measure, as he believed that it would give pro-
of against hieh prices, and a securityaburidance
His!ood, and secure the honest trader against distress.
eild Impression was that it would tend to confirm the commer•
j ea,el"ses in the ossession of the advantages they already cn-
-44"; and give to industry its full reward. It had been al-
e,. "r- that after the question was settled, something would
itarise to unsettle the public mind, and that there would be
it °tat a call for the renewal of protection as there was now for
Iseeee"oreation If there were such a call, it would fifty years
et;,,,7 be looked upon much in the same light as that call was
e "Aced upon wich bad been made in the middle of the last
ece-e'llerYs by the good people who regretted the alteration of the
th;!'ar, for the Ministry to give them back the eleven days
the) gad lost; and historians wouldl ook upon it in very much
lass Centerse light as they looked upon a similar one. in the
Pete-Ys A free import of commodities it was in
.their
td,le. to give—free exports of those commodities other nations
th.4l!" get. He would not recur to the assertions which had
oth: Made respecting Hulland, Belgium, and Germany, and
be • r of the continental estates. He believed the measure to
kitast and righteous in itself, and for those reasons he gave the
clositrY his warm and cordial support.—( Cheers. )
Fitlonel CONNOLLY perfectly agreed with his Hon.
epattld the Member for Dublin University, in the reports re-
tee the potato crops in Ireland, from his own t
observations;
no
Oitaoe.y that, but from the observations of others in his
epees country—in the county which he represented—lie had
oee t° the conviction that such was the case. He was not
• wllho would rejoice in the miseries of his fellow-creatures,
loss t wasknowPod what connexion this measure had to do wi h the
diseto disease in Ireland.— (Hear.) At the very most this
Neel" could not hold out longer than four months, while
ieserrasure, even if it should pass, could not possibly come
0421,1 operation before the expiration of three years.—
IIeCV Therefore, ke could not understand what the ques-
-1,4 bad to do with the potato disease; and the
eon, People would be very badly off indeed if they should be
t;Peued to wait for relief until this measure should come
koitoPeration. Ile did think that this measure would have a
Iret„injurious effect upon this country as well as upon
eita‘„eus and, therefo-e, it should have his most stre-
• °Pposition.—( Hear.) He had had a long experience
iatira. People of Ireland as a country gentleman, and had an
tayiettiiiaatsetiknowledge of their wants, and yet he would say he
tteaM,', H
see how this measure would benefit them. e had
Y opposed former measures of this sort, from the con-
es er, that it would only increase the miseries of the people
era.'lland, fur he had no doubt that cheap bread and low
slat Were synonymous terms. In fact, it was at one time
1.1e4 that this measure was introduced with a view to ell-
e the
Manufacturers of this country to compete with fo-
er., by creating low wages.—( Hear, hear.) 'this was,
tee", the wolf in sheep's clothing which they hail had : be-
itir,etheln sixteen years ago.—( Hear, hear.) In 1842 a simi-
-4,-"easure was introduced, which he felt convinced would
theeitajl injurious effect upon agriculture, and yet. he suppor.ted
lwa, lett Hon. Baronet, very much against his inclinatien,
saotilse he was told it would be a beneficial measure. He
hetedd say that he thought the agricultural body had exhi-
the al, talYi generous, and disinterested course in accepting
for trlaLnimuto of protection, which they considered necessary
hey_ e welfare of their order. In his opinion, they had re-
eehey_ti themselves from the imputation of class interest, and the
froa:- sordid epithets which were generally expended on them
reetetiie opposite side of the House, in default of sounder ar-
iresae2e---( A laugh.) At the time the Noble Lord, the Co. v eeretary, proposed his measure, in reference to supply-
tie, the colonies, he (Col. Connolly) on hearing his explana-
he e!oet! him his warm and most cordial support.—( Hear.)
Noin, mdered that the extension of the markets of the ma.
tame,,
was the object sought by the present measure.
markets, he thought, already outstripped the bounds of
folly Pat consumption, and, he must say, that he thought it
'""(1)r° give an impulse to that which has already gone too far.
atiaettectionist cheers.) Domestic agriculture was to be made'
seit
timeir in the hope of entrapping other nations into the pur-
(*tot,' a policy similar to that proposed to be adopted by this
leace Ye-s'a system of free trade. The discontent and turbu•
lead which would necessarily arise out of this measure in Ire-
%err° very dangerous, and were overlooked by her Majesty's
spar erne:neat. The produce of Ireland had been quadrupled in
ID eauersi and yet they were asked what had protection done ?
ehiswas the origin of the great capital that had accumulated
Proeae a cOuntry but protection? The night Hon. Gentleman
Zed th_a toshow that an abatement of crime had taken place,
Npit'' art improvement was evident in the morals of the
Mid a'. Consequent upon . the increased comfort which
ietrod reisen of late in tho habits of the people. He
what wti ed this subject in order to make them abandon
Sot the sneering called their class interests.—( Hear, hear. )
preteell; e measure before them involved the principle that no
kid ta`z7, should be granted to the tradesman or artizan who
neantr
sett,
Wtiamsenin..thainerdabdieev._(
devoted his energies to the service of the
it Y. This was a monstrous principle, it was unchristian,
Hear, hear.) This might be called
4angua t' it might be overwhelatend with every abuse that
Stoetio r could inveat, but while he had a soul in his body he
al/44dd
::::;euri
act,: :us
se n t to inflict such an injury—one so inhuman
iseal guet—oPon the country.—( Hear, hear.) All their
had been made on the basis of protection,
at °nee
~,Quatssl7Y ask the tradesman to pay his taxes, when they
by five "d ',(l that protection, and abated his ability to pay
of older and -"t ate' per cent.? These were the opinions
were the opinZesrohi eads than ,he could ever hope to be—they
led
ge on er Lord Ashburton, whose immense know-
s_ e ha dy enough
_licoatuppidybcou y thatntrrer,y euia,• b
tl lonial and otherwise no on
• which
it was dis la o co ‘, _
one
Which
deny. He would say for. his
pouilegence and pogvereted'erY large proportlon of taro crime wit
to Ins sincere
,i,-egret, arose from the
at.„. h" a certaij
eolle toefnlen Eye otpol -
Creat apply. to Ireland that which he had said w;th regard to
ritan, that the charges consequent on the levying and
tvithc,ting the rates, together with the rates themselves, coaeled
streat'!ie great charges on lend, rendered their measure a de-
?NI oue. Ireland was capable of quadrupling her present
it' tauee within four years, if a good market could be found for
Neh Great Britain. They were about to abate the means of
itetornatry at the time when the poor-rates were rapidly
Of and they would very shortly he under the necessity
those rates by force,. if they allowed this measure to
wi t et At Present the rateshe was happy to say, were paid
tlroterse utmost punctuality. Did they think that the
Ghat the of Ireland were likely to be improved by
griertatle Honourable Member for Northampton called " the
eeeti_Wl hand of political economy ?" Why could they not
reekstheir present system of relief by the means of public
tall ever en loans? He had always votedf r such measures, as
fardhin ere-
Y ernelo
.g, ich had been lent to I.roeland hadbeen tise-
iitered eft'e ens and had been repaid with thanks. He de •
eeerael
whsellntention of the Government to curtail the only
well fo could be beneficial to the Irish farmer. It was
oa. r the Hon. Baronet to deride the different fears of
hti,oh undierabers, that they could not sustain their present posi-
er
Poeisien e. present measure. He for one could maintain
pee althout taxing the labourer unjustly, and he
hey,! be never should live to see the timo when that
k which
erneera now went for the encourag ment and
°aid ent of the agriculture of the British empire,
`ll, ,Pent o
Ile an fr n the produce
.of a foreign
hear.)
%1 wne benefit of the foreigner.—(Hear, ear.
ea, Lees aff Ln the Gallant Member opposite that the per-
% 'otriat 'lots of this measure would be to throw off their
connexion. It might be said that this was arguing
tii,k it wonurtileraptilsle economywould contend for it,
at4ate cenZ be better upon a principle of economy to c.on-
legreater a and Ireland. If he were to pursue this subject
eestieo e ngth, it would induce him to open up the whole
eits °I the timber and shipping interests of the country
ko re ,as
whore etetti.. a Gallant Member below him, who would deal
, `el, with that branch of the subject ; but on the
al !Ida! 0,:7.0u1d say that he looked upon this measwe as
t
easeottie'are best and dearest interests of the country, and
tar IN,e of her political power as a greatnation.—(hear.)
rteventori,`: EST RE thought an apology was due from him,
titarirtiroca ibts trespass on the House on a question of such
(aeo„ort sho e present. But the very importance of the
The "emee, u-L Plead h;s apology, as also the fact of Hon.
he Part et with. whom he once was proud to act, having acted
then. Gatltie political apostates.—(Hear, hear. ) The Right
deo!urneun'an, the Secretary for the Home Departmeet, at
bee:hi/erect ernent of that mot extraardinary speech, which
lieoei;zsibuissair.lfeeeiseitnyights since, adduced a few tests, by which
He ( Lord Ingcstre) gave him every credit
thou coontriV, as he also did in the case of every other
coons} he had an. But, perhaps, he would be allowed—
test forte for...ll:Ann° abandonment of piilitical principles to ac-
teat the since ..ped he would be permitted to adduce one
teh_. a 1,4.1,111 y of his own opinions. It was well known
M 1,7,, he shoe,
.as wiitten by a Noble relative of his, of
teet,Vonato ; ,tceiver speak in terms the most respectful and
to Weight
attachedgreat to them, as his Noble relative was known
1,44_7.) 11 attention to the seichee of agriculture.—
eq.'. ally 0,1 Noble Friend had said that Englishmen were
them aspee'sitiaesPethrseevering character.. H. e said, that come
et°l is Ent . re may, their energies would surmount
la s •ertainin these
a the 'lllll iese opinions, he would no doubt
e.traelt LearlY partgive his support to the proposed measure.
the "Y art Ilse,:debate, he (Lord Ingestre) was
e tpaeaettetary at .‘t/on made by the Right Hon. Gentleman
aeoh _ tea of r, to the effect that the present was not
trat4tersensatioPtirltille, and that it was ridiculous to
.cause
','lore a elal llghout the country upon a. question of
"eta ha eteaewo •ea, tie
.considered that no question could be
wotti,N ee., oi principle than that by which Hon. Mem-
telly tisve leturned to that House.—( Hear, hear.) He
Whictop}h Mader it a hicts 0.1, is question of principle if he had made
smiare a,: had aele_eeConstituents to support a measure, and
"qa Creme' _ rels abandoned. , hear. ) We
J Mlle • •
re4lgnatlons uponthis potion by lion,

Members who thought it a question of principle. Others have
written to their constituencies, or, taking advantage of differ-
ea local circumstances, have also resigned their seats. We
have had also a sort of manifesto from a Noble Lord, a Mem-
ber of the Government. He would say, ❑i:en that, letter, that he
could not countenance the principlus contained in that document.
fie thought tie House and the country had a right to call on
the. Right Haan. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and the Noble Lord, the Member for Monmouth, to explain to
the country why they had re-joined the Cabinet, and why they
were now supporting measures which they thought so detrimen-
tal to the interests of the country. Did the Right Hon.
Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, recollect an

. -
address of the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the
Government, when in a somewhat similar position to the
present. lie alluded to the address issued by Sir Robert Peel
to his constituents at Oxford in 16,25, when he proposed to
abolish Cathedic Emancipation. The Right lion. Gentleman
then said, " You did not sent me to Parliament to relinquish
Romish restrictions, but to maintain them, and to keep my
seat in violation en that li,nourahle understanding would be

disgraceful. I therefore resign my scat into your hands."—
(Cheers. ) He (Lord Ingestre) thought the Chancellor of
the Exchequer was in a similar situation, and therefore
ought to adopt the same course.—(Cheers.) He ( Lord
ingestre) thought the pFesent measure had been intro-
duced at a most infectious time. The Honourable
Gentleman then quoted a passage from the Liverpool
Market note, which stated that the other day (bete had been a
large arrival of wheat from Ireland, and that the price of oat-
meal was on the decline. The Mark Lane Express made a
similar statement, and he would ask the House, how could they
imagine that a famine was approaching with such facts before
their eyes? The Right Hon. Baronet, in the course of two or
three powerful speeches which he had made on this subject, ad-
vocated it on the principle of its being a " final adjustment," but
hr considered that the Right Hon. Baronet had a kind of at-
tachment to " final adjustments," as some laaies had to
" match making ;" but fur his part, he considered that this
final adjustment would only he the commencement of a series
of adjustments, and he warned the Right Hon. Gentleman, if he
gave way to his alarm respecting are approach of famine, on
a future day he would be obliged to state that the day on which
the corn, laws were repealed, instead of being his happiest,
was the most miserable of his existence. He aked what was
free-trade, and they would say it w.,5 buying in the cheapest
and selling in the dearest market. Ditferent countries had
difforent produce; and he thought that the true policy of free-
trade would be to allow every country to produce the particular
articles for which she was best calculated, and to interchange
our produce for it, giving them such articles as they themselves
could not produce. If a fair start were effected between the
dfferent nations, he believed that the indr.mitable energies of
this country would surmount every obstacle and surpass all the
others. He had taken a period of six years, which he had
divided into two periods of three years tact), and the result of
his observations would give remarkable evidence on this ques-
tion. The first three years he alluded to were from the years

1832 to 1835 inclusive, avid during that period the price of
corn was very low and the duty was very high, so much so that
they might. be called years ira which foreign corn was pro-
hibited. He would not enter into the details of figures, but
he would state the fact that in these three years the imports and
exports increased very considerably, and in the three following
years, when the state of things was directly opposite
when the price was very high and the duty was very
low—the imports and exports materially decreased.
Now, he ( Lord Ingestre) had heard it said that because they
asked protection, they were monopolists.--( Hear, hear. ) He
did not understand the meaning of the word.—( Laughter.)
What was it ? He did not argue as an egrieulturist ;he argued
on general grounds ; he argued as much for the artisan toiling
in manufactures, as he did for the agricultural labourer. Could
they call that monopoly which employed four-fifths of the
whole population ?—(" Hear, hear," from the protectionists.)
He was not sure of the exact figures, but the number employed
in agriculture was about three hundred millions, and in manu-
factures about eighteen hundred millions.—(Laughter.)
[ We presume the Noble Lord has slightly mistaken his figures,
and means 3,000,000 in the former instance, and 1,100,000 in
the latter.' Now, if the corn which was grown in this
country was displaced by the corn brought from abroad, they
must send either money or manufactures to pay for it, and so
much capital would be displaced, which would otherwise belong
to the corn-growers of this country. Four times the quantity
might indeed come from those countries, but they would not
probably in return consume more than one-tenth of the manu-
factures which might be required to pay for this corn. Thus
they would destroy that market—the home market—which '
Adam Smith said was worth more than all other markets to-
gether. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated, on the other
night, that high wages and low prices often went together,
and that low prices and high wages were very often the case.
That might be very true, he believed it was true, but that had
arisen from extraordinary circumstances. Now, as he had
before stated, he thought that the present law had given great
prosperity to the country. He found two three authorities
upon this point ; he found that the Right Hon. Baronet and
the Secretary at War admitted it • but the Right Hon.
Baronet indeed afterwards said that the present alteration was
introduced in consequence of the success of his tariff of 1842.
He stated that he had been mistaken all his life, but that his
measure of 1842 had been so successful that he was encouraged
to go on in what might be called the same direction. The
Secretary at War, who had represented himself as a free trader •
in disguise for many years, stated that the corn- law of 1842 was
a signal failure. He would ask the Right Hun. Baronet and
the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War
which of them was right?—( Hear, hear.) Under the
system of protection, he (Lord Ingestre) contended that there
had been greater steadiness of prices in England than ha been
the case elsewhere. The fluctuation in this country had been
less than in other countries, and he saw no reason why the
principle should be at once abandoned, though as science ad-
vanced it might be gradually reduced. He supported the tariff
of 1842, because he considered the previous system required
amending, but the present measure he thought uncalled for.
Respecting what had been said by the Hon. Member for Sunder-
land, the other night, about the low price at which wheat could
be imported, he gave soave information. It was remarked, in
answer to what that Hon. Gentleman stated, that the wheat
which was imported at so low a price was inferior, but the best
teat o f that was the weight ; the best wheat usually weighing
about 61 lbs. to the bushel. In corroboration of that lion.
Gentleman's statement,lhe held in his hand the average price of
foreign corn in bond in the port of London, between the years
of 1835 and 1845. In the month of January 1835, wheat was
imported at 225. per qr.; in 1836, at 225. ; in 1837 at 40s. ;
this was the average price of corn imported from all countries.
In 1838 the average price per qr. was 255. ; in 1839, at 355. ;
He had no quotations for 1840, 1841, and 1542. In 1843
the average price was 29s ; in 1844, 425. ; and 1845, e6s.
These prices \were correct, and was an answer to those Hon.
Gentlemen who stated that the landed proprietors could com-
pete with those low rates and keep their land in cultivation.
It was absurd to suppose that the present breadth of land would
remain under cultivation, and that to effect this there would
exist any security that present prices would be maintained.
He did not want to advocate the interests of one class and to
exclude the consideration of another, hut he wanted to advocate
to some extent the cause of the landowners, who would suffer
more than any other portion of the community by the adoption
of the measures promulgated by the Government. It had
been said repeatedly with great truth, both in print, at public
meetings, and to some extent in that House, that this was en-
entirely a landlords' question. There could be no doubt of it,
and he would prove that this was so. He would allow an ave-
rage of 22 b ashels of wheat per acre, and it was well
known that five loads yielded 24 bushels of flour. Each
acre gave 19 loads of wheat, which yielded 340 loaves.
If these loaves were charged at 61. each, these nineteen
bushels would realise 170 s. He put the average rent at 255.
per acre. Now, if they were to abolish the whole of the rents
paid by the occupiers of land, the consumer of the bread which
they produced would not be saved more than one-sixth of the
present price of the quartern leaf. But if they were to abolish
those rents, what would become of the landowner?—how would
he be able to improve his land, and how would he be able to
purchase the goods of the manufacturer? He objected to the
measure on the grounds he had stated-4hat it would be highly
injurious to Ireland ; in fact, they could not conceive an act
which would be more suicidal to the country, because to de-
stroy its best markets, which had been so much encouraged by
the trade of this country ; arid he for one was at a loss to know
how they could benefit the peril le of Ireland by destroying the
best and most regular market they had. Then he considered
that the partial failure of the potato crop in Ireland was an in-
sufficient reason for destroying the principles on which
the commerce of this country had been conducted.
Why, if they were to send an abundance of corn
from foreign countries into Ireland, the people would have no
money to buy it. He also objected to the measure because it
would be a substantial injustice on the colonies, especially on
Canada. In 1843, when the Noble Lord the Secretary for the
Colonies (Lord Stanley), introduced the Canada Corn Bill, he
said that it was necessary, but they now proposed to admit corn
into this country under a system which wiuld inflict great in-
jury on our colonial possessions. lie gave the Right Hon.
13aronet credit for all sincerity in proposing this measure, but
he might rely upon it that neither he nor any other Minister
could ever succeed in governing this country without party—not
a party of that House, but of the country. He was much dis-
tressed to hear the Right Hon. Baronet recant at the red box
all the opinions which he had often heard him express upon
protection, but he wished to ask some of those Hon. Members
who hail undergone so sudden and miraculous a conversion,
%%heater they would not have been equally vain
in their support of the Right Hon. Baronet had he
prop
In trisedc,anireasonablethe
rtitsrtonteercatni oyn
et agriculture.—(Hear, unitnu
ahneadr.i
f)
Ire could venture to give an advice to the Noble Lord opposite
(Lord Morpeth) he would take the liberty of reminding
him, that the noble blood of Howard was flowing through his
veins, and also of reminding those who were acting with him,
that institutions, such as those they were now attaching them-
selves to, ought to be a warning to the members of the aristo-
cracy.—(Hear, hear.) Before he sat down he was anxious to
prove that the fever which was felt respecting the diseased
potatoes was unnecessary, as he held in his hand new potatoes
what were produced from the eyes of diseased potatoes. Here
the Hen. Gentteman, amidst great laughter, took from his
pocket a small packet of new potatoes.) These potatoes had
been grown by Mr. Chapman, a market gardener, and he
(Lord Ingestre) took this opportunity of mentioning that
fact; he hoped in future, the potatoes would be turned to
better use, and that it would be no longer said that all
potatoes were diseased. With these observations he would
conclude by thanking the House for the attention with which
he was heard.
Mr. TRELAWNY would ask the Noble Lord vebat cer-
tainty there was that the potatoes which he had produced were
grown from diseased seed? The proper course for Honourable
Members to have adopted was to have proposed an amendment
that the ports be opened. They seemed, however, to fancy
that their views were better advanced by the criminatory lan-
guage which they had all along adopted. lie would ask, had
they not at first used the cry of "Protection to agriculture,"
and then, finding that they had no hold on the affections of the
country, had the 3 not changed their cry to "Protection to
native industry ?" He could understand in some measure the
line of conduct pursued by Hon. Members, if they were pre-
pared to say that they would put a duty on their exports as
well. It appeared to him, however, that Honourable Mem-
bers entirely lost sight of the great point on the present
question. They had spent a great deal of time and a great
deal of eloquence in vituperating the Right Hon. Baronet, but
in his opinion they lost tight of the great question which they
ought to have kept in view. That point was whether the
repeal of the corn-laws would be really injurious to the
agricultural interest. He thought that the protectionists were
acting unfairly towards the Right lion. Baronet, and he
thnught they were acting somewhat illogically too in charging
him oith the criminality of having changed his opinions. They
complained of him as if this was an act of treachery, after having
entertained other opinions for a great number of years. What
would be said of a philosopher who, after believing in certain
dogmas for a long period, found reason to differ from his
previous sentiments, if he refrained from acting on the altera-
tion in his conviction ' He read the spe, cites, he thought all
the speeches, which had been made on this subject, and he had
been unable to meet with anything that could convince him of
the utility of retaining protection. He thought it was a pity
that the aristocracy of this c .untry, an ancient aristocracy as
they were, should rest all their usefulness to the country on a
mere question of rent. The Right lion. Baronet, and the
Noble Lord the Member for London (Lord Man Russell),
should throw their previous conceptions overboard, and pro-
vide those measures only which were likely to be for the
general benefit. In the case of a great war with America, he
should be very sorry to trust the safety of the country to the
talents of all the Dukes. A f.w years might make this mea-
sure not only convenient but necessary. It appeared to him
that the coarse of observation indulged in by the Honourable
Mel Oct opposite Wa3 not a conititutioupd mac. He could