The Sun.
London, England, 1846-08-11 00:00:00

one halfpenny per pound, and to increase the revenue. God
forbid that it should be done at the expense of the injured
and the helpless Africans who were not represented in their
Lordskips' House. The Noble Lord then proceeded to read
some extracts from the resolutions of the British Anti-Slave;
Society, and commented upon that porti,n of those resolutions
referring to the failure of the means which had been adopted
on the coast of Africa for tt:e suppression of the slave
trade. He did r.ot think there had been any failure ; great
good had resulted from the cruisers on the coast. The Go-
vernment were now calling upon the country for pokier to
make an innovation upon one of the greatest schemes that had
ever been set on foot for the removal of the foulest stigma from
the face of the earth. The proposed measure would not only
produce misery among the captured, but it would give an impulse
to crime in those buccaneering characters who were enraged
in this worst and foulest kind of piracy. He did not thick the
Government could be justified in commencing this great ex-
periment of comp-tition between free and slave labour, for it
was his opinion that, for some years at least, free labour would
be entirely driven from the market. If they multiplied slave-
grow❑ sugar, they mul,iplied slavery. He could not help
thinking, before this Bill was introduced, that they should
have given the scheme of emigration, as regarded India, the
Mauritius, and other places, a fair trial. He wished to know
whether it was intended to apply the principles of free trade
to what he believed would be a traffic in bloodshed and crime.
There was no analogy between corn and sugar, for one was
the produce of free and the other of slave labour. He did not
hesitate to express his surprise at the time and manner in which
this measure was introduced.

The Marquis of LANSDt iWNE said, that in the first place
it was said that this measure at the present period was intro.
duced, not for discussion, but decision—( Hear, hear)—but
he would say that her Majesty's Government would not he
doing their duty if they allowed that session to pass without
securing her Majesty's subjects an increased allowance of sugar
from this source.—( Hear, hear.) They were justified, by the
frequent discussions that had taken place on the subject, and by
the speeches that were delivered, containing arguments not
brought forward for the first time now, but such as had been
urged again and again. The preceding measures were inade-
quate for their object, for he contended that, notwithstanding,
the unparalleled expenditure that had taken place, there 'a as left
no benefit for any individual. In fact, there only remained
a fanciful distinction, leaving the consumer of this country
liable to the payment of a larger sum than by the ordinary
rate of trade he should be called upon to pay for
the consumption of sugar. But the Noble Lord who spoke
second in deb .te had said, " You should put this on the prin.
ciple of free trade, which it is not, because it will leave the
consumer liable to pay a duty of 145." But did the advocates
of free trade assert that this country ought to be left without
any revenue ? All that was sought was to withdraw the stimu-
lus to monopoly. They supplied Rio Janeir., with a great por-
tion of the sugar they consumed. His Noble Friend ought to
have remembered, when he talked of bloodshed and crime,
that English ships supplied the trade to Brazil. In the course
of the last year there were 23,859,000 tons brought from Rio
Janeiro alone. Sugar was brought from Rio Janeiro
to Russia as well as to Austria. He did contend
that they (the Government) in introducing the present
measure would diminish slave-grown and increase free-grown
sugar. There was, as the Noble Lord opposite, from his
colonial knowledge, was aware, a disposition in Cuba against
slave-grown sugar, and in Brazil in favour of free trae in
sugar. His Noble Friend had said that there had been a great
deficiency in the West Indies in the production of sugar. All
that was wanted in that country was the introduction of efficient
machinery. Now, he could understand from unquestionable
authority that there was a company forming since the introduc-
tion of this measure fur the purpose of supplying the West In-
dies with machinery. Now this was done by men of good
sense, who were embarking their capital from a conviction that
they would be able to realise a large profit on that capital. He
did hope thot they would be enabled, with the concurrence of
other countries' to put a final stop to the accursed system of the
slave trade. There was such a disposition on the part of the Bra-
zils to do so, and give a fair chance to free labour— that
labour which was becoming more fruitful year by year.
He had heard that a number of white persons had emigrated
from one of the West India Islands to the Madeiras, and there
was clearly a manifest improvement in the agriculture of the
island ; and he considered that if greater facilities were given
to emigration there would not be such a demand for slave la-
bour, and consequently the present measure would not propa-
gate the slave trade. He considered that the Noble Lord
would treat the House of Commons in a more respectful man-
ner if he varied his motion, and moved that the second reading
be taken this day six months.

Lord ASHBURTON said he came down to the House quite
prepared to give his vote for the rejection of the measure, if it
were the intention of his Friends to divide the House upon it.
The great argument by which the measure was advocated was
that of free trade, which had dropped from the clouds upon
them, and which had shown itself for the first time in the
present year—( Hear, hear)—and he feared they would find
the fallacy of that measure when it would be too late to re-
medy it. It had been said by his Noble Friend that the present
measure altered the whole colonial system. He agreed in
in that statement, for he considered it involved the principle
of the use of their having colonies at all. What was the ob-
ject of colonies? They might have points of refuge for naval
power, such points as llalta and Gibraltar ; but the real use of
the colonies was to have an exclusive privilege of trading with
them ; and the moment that they departed from that system
colonies ceased to be of any advantage—( Hear hear.) If the
different:al duties were aholisLed in Canada, the gentlemen
from Manchester would find that the market for cottons, of
which they believed themselves to possess a monoply, would
be taken from them. If these principles prevailed, the whole
system would be altered, and they would weaknn every de-
fence of the country. He warned their Lordships, that those
who were pressing on these measures upon the country and
Parliament, were running the risk of seriously undermining
the prosperity of the country.—( Hear hear.) They were told
that these reformers, as they were called, would give a new
impetus to the English farmer and the West India pl ester—
that was, they expected to give an impetus by taking away the
reward which should accompany his increased exertion.
The question was, whether they would pass a Bill which would
open new sources of supply for sugar from two countries, Cuba
and Brazil, where slavery and the slave trade existed. That
was the point at issue, and that was the question that their
Lordships had to decide. He could not conceive that this
country would wish to see the continuance of the horrible
system of slavery for the purpose of saving a few vile pence in
the price of sugar. He believed that the feelings and disposi-
tions of this country had been totally misunderstood, and that
if they could be made to compreher.d the principle of the
measure now proposed, they would treat it as they treated the
proposal made in the year 1841, when the same proposition
about cheap sugar, with other delusions of a similar
character, were offered to, and repudiated by them.
He should, therefore, withhold his support from this measure.
He telt bound to protest against the system which this measure
would establish. He also protested against the conduct of
those Noble Lords, who intended to vote in favour of this mea-
sure, merely because they did not wish to disturb the present
Government by opposing the measure.—( Hear, hear. )
Lord MONTEAGLE said, in conjunction with the Noble
Lord, he regretted that the discussion on this measure should
have taken place at so late a period of the session. It had been
said, why not postpone this measure till the next session, but he
conceived that it would have been a great dereliction of duty
had they delayed for one hour the settlement of this great
qaestion.—(7lear, hear.) After the settlement of the other
great question of free trade, they were hound, with-
out the slightest delicacy, to propose this measure,
which was but a part of the question of free trade.
The parties engaged in the cultivation of sugar had already
suffered greatly from the delay which had taken place in the
settlement of this question. It bad been said that the Legis-
liture had pledged itself not to disturb the interests of those
concerned in the growth of sugar, but what had they been
doing during the whole of the last twenty years? They had
been continually passing changes, which were but the heralds
of future changes —( Hear, hear.) Then he contended that
the Government were not only justified in, but actually bound
not,to allow this session to terminate without laying before the
Legislature such a proposition as this.—.(Hear, hear.) Noble
Lords who were opposed to this measure did nevertheless sup-
port a measure in 1825 which was but the herald of
this. Even the Noble Lord himself who had just sat
down had frequently stood up in his place in Par..
liament in support of a reduction in the price of sugar. He
asked whether any one really believed that the grounds of
Noble Lords' opposition to this measure was the present state
of political parties in this country ?—( Hear, hear.) The Noble
Lord who had just down had raised one of the largest systems
which could be raised, and which could not be discussed in a
mere parenthesis. That question referred to our colonies.
The Noble Lord had said that if we adopted this system we
were about to depart from our present colonial system ;• but
that system involved mutual robbery—and were their Lordships
desirous of continuing such a system ?—( Hear, hear.) He
contented that every colony in our possession ought to feel
grateful to the Government for this measure.—(Hear. hear.)
His Noble Friend had endeavoured to lay down a principle
that it was not right to commence a wrong, although it might
be right to continue a wrong. He (Lord Monteagle) did not
agree with his Noble Friend in that principle. He did not
think, that in a case of right and wrong, such a principle was
tenable. It had been sneered at that all these alterations were
to be made for the sake of a reduction of one halfpenny per
pound in the price of sugar ; but a sacrifice of 800,0001. per
annum had been made in the article of cotton for the sake of
five-eighths of a halfpenny on a former occasion. The extra.
vagance of the popes in the middle ages, in their divi-
sion of the earth into eastern and western portions, was not
to be compared with the egregious folly of that nation which
attempted to define, by geographical limits, the morality of the
consumption of slave-grown sugar. There was only one other
part upon which he wished to call the attention of their Lord-
ships, and that was the financial state of this country. That
might appear consolanry to the superficial thinker on the sub.
jeet, but to tho-e who took a deeper view of the subject, it
presented a most alarming appearance ; for at present there
was a most serious deficiency, notwiths-arrling the Income
Tax; and it was therefore imperative that measures of this
nature should be passed to avoid the serious consequences that
might ensue from this state of things. He thought the present
the best mode of meeting that state of things.
Lord BROUGHAM said that a fortnight since he had called
the attention of the House to this subject, and he had waited
through all this debate to hear the answers to those statements
which he had then brought forward, but he had waited in van.
The fact of his being unanswered, might seem to relieve him
from the necessity of making a second statement, or troubling
their Lordships again upon this subject. His Noble Friend
had gone through all the points of his Noble Friend (Lord
Stanley's) speech, evidently actuated by the gardener's motto:
" Please net to touch." To take the debate on the second
reading was the usual course, but the present course
adopted for public convenience. But he (Lord Broeg:a
troduced the question by anticipation.ofb Noble
the ar"
Lord opposite had not answered
danyintrodnc.ed. He
ments he (Lord Brougham) should uld
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did adhere to his former opinions thatschtilialeisnmi
been brought in at a proper PetriLl'a new Ge measure
nt Government must
discussed. It was contended the
ingthat it was necessary for a new
do something. He admitted
h to go to the country with, and
Government to have something
to enjoy the residue os;tneir days. Now, he could
butnitdefir)rstaarniyd
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why the Bill shouledeubied
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speedily in the other House. Through an
their property, and the Noble
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gone through so rob them of
love of justice
Lord who openeit e debate said to the unfortunate planters,
you are a set of itca les, and therefore they must intro-
duce machinery amongst them. There were few arguments,
for it resulted horn the position of parties, Sir R. Peel had
passed the Corn Bill, certainly ; but it was quite on different
grounds, and on the immutableprinciples of humarniity.
was prepared for changes, but he as to. dealHe
with them. He had been for a lone timeoinprceornifli;tt with the planters of the West Indies, and the he had little syme
pathy with them. He, however, loved justice, and therefore
he could not but express his surprise when it was stated that
this measure was introduced for their benefit. Now, he had
received a letter from a valued friend, from which it appeared
that he had used machinery. Now there had been a great
deal of stress laid upon the fact of a company for the manu-
facture of mach.nery in the:centre of Jamaica, which was to
work wonders ; for such a change as had taken place, in the
opinion of the gentleman, was cited as an authority on this
subject. That gentleman no longer thought this measure op-
posed to religion, to the Bible, and to the existence of colonies.
There was another fact which belonged to this subject, one
which arose out of it—which was, that the West India mer-
chants have refused to send out their supplies to the planters
because they believed this measure would so injure the planters,
that they could not depend upon them for their supplies. Sir