The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-16 00:00:00

AMERICXN AFFAIRS.

NEW YORK, JUNE 30.—Since the date of my last
letter, the aspect of foreign affairs has undergone a most
important and happy change ; but especially as it relates
to the recent difficulties netween the Governments of
Great Britain and the United States. You will readily
imagine the sincere pleasure the Oregon arrangement has
afforded me. For many years, at home and abroad, I
have been the untiring and zealous advocate of peace
with all the world, but in particular with Great Britain,
because a war with that country, ft om her great power
and immense resources, would prove of a most terrific
and destructive character to the United States, and be-
cause the two nations speak the same language : their
people, in many instances, are connected by the ties of
blood, and almost universally by commercial transac-
tions. Awful, indeed, would be that war which would
produce such results as those to which I refer.
It is true there are two sides to this question. The
Americans, in the event of a war, could and would in-
flict deep and lasting wounds upon their enemy—wounds
that never, no, never, could be healed--wounds upon
their commerce, upon their manufactures, upon their
provinces. But why pursue this subject? It would be,
after all, in the ltnguaee of Mr. Jefferson, " only trying
which could do the other the most harm."
I am mortified to say, and yet truth requires that i
should be said, that to the manly and frank policy o
the British Ministry are we indebted for an honourable
adjustment of pending difficulties. It would be worse
than ridiculous to attempt evasion on the present occa-
sion. Let it then be distinctly understood, that Presi-
dent Polk and his advisers, the " Fifty-four forty"
men, were for war. They were for the " whole, or none
of Oregon," reckless of consequences.
The question naturally arises, what was their object ?
I answer, self-aggrandisement ; to perpetuate their
political ascendancy. A war, Mr. Polk hoped, would
re-elect him. By means of the millions to be expended
in carrying on that war the corrupt tools of power
would be increased in number and subserviency. The
welfare and the honour of the country never entered
into the calculation. The only questions that were
mooted in dark divan were—will the proposed measures
promote the party ? —and can we succeed ?
For a time these half deluded men imagined that they
held the game in their own hands. They were insolent
and overbearing. At length, however, their attempt at
dictation aroused some of the members of that elevated
and truly noble body, the Senate of the United States.
These Senators spoke (and their voices were heard from
the sallies to the hill-tops) with the calm dignity and
firmness of American statesmen. The " Fifty-four
forty" men, for a moment, were astounded and para-
lysed ; and now commenced their contortions and twist-
ings, which were continued until their extinction.
While these movements were progressing in the
Senate, the people read with great avidil and increased
marks of approbation the debates in that honourable
body. It was soon discovered that a very large majority
of the intelligent and respectable portion o the com-
munity were decidedly opposed to a war with Great
Britain, and to all and every measure calculated to
produce such a state of things. They no longer doubted
that the British had an equitable claim to a portion of
Oregon, and therefore they were for an adjustment by
honourable compromise.
It was now that Mr. Polk discovered, perhaps sooner
than his advisers, that the brawling and turbulent
" Fifty-four forty" men were rapidly sinking into insig•
nificance, and would soon find themselves deserted even
by those who had professed to be their followers. Mr.
Polk then found himself and his colleagues in error,
bound hand and foot by the Senate. Ho well knew that
no declaration of' war could pass that body; that no lite
authorising the President to take possession of Oregon
or to establish a government over that territory could be
adopted. In short, that nothing remained fur him but
to negotiate.
Thus circumstanced, what was he to do ? He was
pledged, in the most solemn manner, to the Baltimore
Convention, for all or none of Oregon." The " Fifty-
four forty" men had demanded of him fealty, and he had
sworn it. His western advocates were becoming
clamorous for a redemptiou of his pledges. In short,
whichever way he cast his eyes, he saw nothing but in-
creased and increasing difficulties before him.
What next ? He determined, in the hope of escap•
ing uninjured, to abandon, on the question, the Balti-
more Convention, the " Fifty-four forty" men, and his
western champions—all, all, at one fell swoop. But
how was this to be effected with the least personal
political injury ? By diplomacy he ascertained what the
British were willing to do, and resolved on acceding to
their terms. This would have been well enough, if there
had been in it no treachery to friends. But the farce
does not end here.
Lest I should prove tedious, I pass over many amus-
ing, and some interesting incidents that occurred in the
progress of this negotiation. No sooner, however, had
Mr. Polk discovered what would satisfy the British Go-
vernment, than he determined to accede to their views.
But, in the meantime, he kept many of his friends, and
those who imagined they possessed his confidence, in a
state of ignorance as to his ulterior views. In casual,
loose conversations, he uttered, or caused to be uttered,
the declaration, that he should make no further proposi- ,
tions to the British ; and if they proposed any thing short
of " Fifty-four forty" he should decline acting, and sub-
mit the question to the Senate. At length the proposi-
tion from Great Britain came. It was submitted to the
Senate, and they advised the negotiation of a treaty
upon the basis proposed, which treaty was promptly ra-
tified.
And now let us inquire, what object had the Presi-
dent in view when he asked the advice of the Senate ?
Was it to obtain their opinion as to the proposed treaty?
Certainly not; for Mr. Polk knew, and everybody
knew, that more than two-thirds of the whole Senate
were in favour of such a treaty as that proposed. What
then was the object ? It was to cast from his own
shoulders all responsibility, and to leave it with the
Senate. It was to seek a shelter under the wine of that
honourable body from the slow moving finger of scorn.
Butenough ; the work is done, and well done.
One word more as to the President. It is his duty to
negotiate treaties. From the performance of that duty
he has shrunk. In so doing he has violated the consti-
tution. He has surrendered the tights and the duty of
the Executive to a co-ordinate branch of the Govern-
ment—the Senate. The surrender, although made to a
noble and glorious band of statesmen and patriots, yet
the act itself humbles in the dust the Executive that
made the sacrifice.
Will you allow me to make a short extract from my
letter of the 11th of December, 1845, written a few
days after Mr. Polk's war message to Congress, at the
opening of the session ? My object is to show you that
at that early day I understood the President and his
adherents, and that in my speculative opinions on the
subject of peace or war I have neither led you nor your
readers into error.
In that letter, speaking of the President's message
and public opinion thereon, I say—
" The great difference between the Administration
party and the Whig party is, that the former, with-
out regard to the morality of the question, are for
a war, unless the whole of the Oregon is surren-
dered to the United States, believing that the terri-
tory is within their grasp. The Whigs, on the
other hand, admit that there is some right in the
British Government to claim a portion of the ter-
ritory ; and that portion, be it more or less, they
wish amicably settled between the parties on the prin-
ciples of morality and justice. . • . They (the
Whigs) will do all that a patriotic and honest
class of
citizens can, and ought to do, to avert the threatened
calamity; but it must bo recollected that the control of
this question is not in their hands. The British Govern-
ment ought not, therefore, to permit a false pride to
lead them astray from the path to which both wisdom
and policy point as the path to peace and prosperity.
And now, influenced by a most sincere desire for the
peace of the two countries, and their mutual welfare and
prosperity, I do respectfully recommend that Great
Britain, offer the proposition made by Mr. Galleatin ; or,
" That the Ministry offer to the United States the
49th parallel to the sea, Great Britain to retain the de•
tached territory, Vancouver's Island, &c., together with
a free navigation of the Columbia River for merchant
vessels.

1
"My opinion is, that this Government would accept
the offer. lam sure their acceptance of it, as a proven-
live of war, would receive the approbation of the Ameri-
can people. I trust the suggestion from so humble a
source will be no objection to the consideration of it. I
will not enlarge, and will only add, it has not been made
without due reflection and advice." '
If these suggestions, made nearly seven months since,
are closely examined and compared with the treaty re-
cently ratified, it will be seen that in writing the letter
above quoted, I neither mistook nor represented the cha-
racter and policy of the dominant party in this country,
nor the feelings and wishes of its people.
Having extended this letter to a greater length than
usual, and the feeble state of my health pressing heavily
upon me, I am warned that I must bring it to a hasty
conolnsion.
Major-Generals Scott and Gaines are in trouble with
the President. They are both in Washington. The
difficulty of the fox mer arises out of his entertaining and
expressing suspicion that leading men in power were
intriguing against him. The charge against General
Gaines is, that he assumed, illegally, responsibilities
which he had no right to assume. The Administration
will probably carry on the war against these military
men with great asperity. Mr. Polk never forgives an
injury, real or imaginary.
The climate and the roads will probably prevent any
great movement by General Taylor until late in Sep-
tember or early in October. Besides, it is absoltitely
necessary, before moving, that he should have large
depots of provisions, to effect which eXtensive means of
transportation are required, which have not yet been
provided.
Ey the latest accounts from Mexico, it appears, that
the Mexican Government are not yet prepared to seek a
peace, but are arranging to defend their country.—
Times. A GENEVESE TRAVELLER.
....--
EXT-

.fRAOItbINARY PLIGHT OF BUTTERFLIES,--Ono of
the largest Bight of butterflies ever seen in this country
crossed the Channel from France to England, on Sunday
last. Such was the density and extent of the cloud forrned
by the living mass, that it completely obscured the sun from
the people on board our continental steamers, on their pas-
sage, for many hundreds of yards, while the insects strewed
the decks in all directions. The flight reached England
about 12 o'clock at noon, and dispersed themselves inland
and along shore, darkening the air as they went Daring
the sea passage ot the butterflies the weather was calm w.d
sunny, with scarce a puff of wind stirring; but an hour or
so after they reached terr,7 firma, it cams on to blow great
guns from the S.W., the direczion whence the insects came.
—Canterbury Journal.
week FAN
refused toATICISM—A. woman at the Ferry Side, last
give her son, who had fever, medicine, on
the plea, " If it pleased God he would recover; and if not, he
would die," The finale showei that he was to die. It is
hardly credible, but nevertheless too true, that in the present
dayrnal, persons are to 14 r)und so grossly ignorant.—Cannarthen
Jou