The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDOIq, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRTJA RY Im4B.

ateßilbt
vro"tehe. 'tea f?w the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet— To the manufacturers of the latter he still affords protection
ciao ashamed of himself • and had his o anions on a number of articles, but from the grower of corn he takes
ende which they had riot, he would' at once have saidl ( away all protection removing the duty on the importation of
to
.resigned his seat.—" Loud protection cheers.) Had e foreign corn. hey were erevented from cultivating tobacco, in
te eau, ne would sPeeehes.have Lone so, ,and so have disposed of or der-to aff,,rdfar benefit to the colonies, buthe Christopher).
'°4 sta
aughter and cheers.was his inten- was convinced that in the county he had the honour to repre-
test ,o, rgt by the speeches he had made, and therefore he sent there was soil which might be roiliabl employed in the
to think
tehaapinst the Government. The Noble Lord seemed growth of tobacco. Differential dutiesr arey also allowed in
Yerkshir - his not being opposed for the West Riding of favour of the colonies. in sugar and other articles.—( Hear. )
trotentisneisset:s
but he
a cange in the opinions of the In France also the cultivation of beetroot for the manufacture
owe , he (Mr. Denison) hope his Noble Friend of sugar was carried on to a large extent, whereas soil of an
tie, pat deceive himself on. that point. There 'were infinitely more fertile character in the county for which he
tienlsts‘reasons which induced them (the protec- was member (Lincoln), and equally adapted for the growth of
ba t to abstain
that ws_s n one
from opposing the Noble Lord, beetroot, was thrown out of the cultivation of that article to
;ioa, not eof them. If it had been a general elee- afford advantage to the colonies.—( Hear, hear.) The Right
Loreif the people knew what they know now, the N.oble Hon. Baronet had proposed to grant thuserta benefits which
tesr
discussed,ejaeyetdwelawand upon it that he would be opposed. \l' e.en he pleased to cal compensations for depriving us of the
N eligence told in 154 i, a gentlemsn of considerable protection to which they were entitled. He regretted the
se° le LarA ,„him that he would have then voted for the Right Hon. Member made use of such propositions. They
ttrrtehet, i:ekea.i_oury.eth ), but now he said the case was very were offsred compensation, but let them consider what the
h: would not do so. This conversation took place compensation was. In the first place it was proposed. that
Ir. Denison) thought it only fair to tell • gentlemen with settled estates should have an opporturtity of
ela °bit Lord thee
N__ t he must not depend toe much on certain going to commissioners and borrowing money at a low rate
went, hepurowliliwould say, when he was returned to Parlia- of interest. Now he (Mr. Christopher) was sure that
to
Lsroteehan
asnedd his constituency that he would stand true any gentleman of credit in the country would, if they
. .
s t eesin conclusion, he had only to say that he were in a position to do so, prefer going to a
rertetLe "Rea his mind, and he would notgiveonly
them an op- neighbouring friend,than to Mr. Darby, where they should al-
aild het °I saying that. be had forfeited rfeited, his word of honour, low their t eeds to be examined before a public board, to
fe.et
.r• Pod them._( (Lou cheery from tee Protectionists.) be then invested ; and
.they may not, perhaps, be good in law,
for l'oreshirs'o9,RTON rase and said that the Hon. Member and then psople, whss, like himself, had the experience of a
ie anrcril. lir. Denison) seemed to think it was deroga- chancery suit, would rather submit to anything than place
!teem_ a changing his mind, but he (Mr. Brotherton) their title-deeds under the restriction of clerks in a public
s weie au reaein •
l, not, no, gin a book, remarkable for its wisdcm, that office. His Right Hon. Friend next proposed to alter the laws
ilaeora did 'WI changed his mind, and a feel, or foolish man, of settlement, and to prevent, after acertain time, persons from
1,44. s j wereot
sheneel-lazi Member had said that if the corn- being remoued to their parishes. That he (Mr. C.) considered
to the working classes they were on- a very proper measure, although he would not pledge himself to
11:,.thet tt that his only motive for supporting those laws support it, because, Ike his Noble Friends the Members for Lei-
th.gid lett en 7 were beneficial to the working classes, and that cestershire, Worcestershire, and Lincolnshire, he doubted very
th;leteioectsPPoil them on the ground of being beneficial to much whether they would confer a benefit on the agricultural
114 be c had also shown certain figures, to prove classes who had found work inthe manufacturing counties. At
timee were fewerueneficial to the community at large, because the same time, he freely admitted that he was willing to view
e noel
we persona selling foreign corn at the present the measure, so far as the law of settlement was concerned, in
tot: with the"„u the eorn-lawn were enacted. He was at a favourable light. No one could say these changes would be a
ysogereteen nml. Member on that point, and if he referred benefit to the agricultural classes, for the effect of the mea-
f4leie,
o!.!ride to that House, he would find that, in the sure would be to inflict suffering on them for many years, and
on cernlic onlyia thirty of the population were fed on that he thought, after taking the most favour-
er, la t p„, That on an average of one in ten years, able view of the proposition of her Majesty's Government.
147,1 e w`Yetwo were fed on foreign corn ; and on an He was himself a magistrate, and felt the defective state of in-
tlie' fed hen! years, up to 1841, that one in 1614 ternal communication,but he considered that the proposed mea-
lot NG ofwkreign corn; and if the Noble Member would take cures with respect to the highways of this country would in-
estveieet
le eat and flour imported into this country for the jure instead of benefit the poor. It was notorious that those
the tedot, Pit he would And that one in ten of the population highways maintained a great number of poor sickly persons
Perm Pit
corn. But the corn-laws had not answered who were unable, from their infirmity, to earn a subsistence in
led for which
tit, ruse.they were enacted. They were enacted the fields, and who were set to this labour by parochial autho-
steZgat tiod honest persons voted for them because they rities, in order that they might support themselves; bat the mo-
ts-
esr,seould benefit those engaged in agricultural pur- ment they appointed district surveyors they would be guided
eameills nob ear
"tee c'biect to make " corn scarce and dear," but the os- by that political economy on which these measures were
steerage ees,
_of their establishment was, as he had said, to founded ; and whilst the differences which could not fail to
e„fut? toter cUlture, and on the assumption that the produce come between them and the local authorities were being ad-
teiagelle.) kwassufficient for all the wants of the population. justect, those who were earning their living in the way he had
the erect the nw the question was whether or not they had mentioned would be driven into the workhouse, thus inereas-
tieJ hie end for which they were passed. He held that ing the poor-rates and inflicting great injury on those who
tte tios.
%we He had shown that during the last were compelled to pay it. It was said that the shipping in-
ese tie f the people of this country had been fed terest would be greatly benefited by the importation of corn
eeted,....o7:ign corn than before the corn-laws were into this country, but he was at a less to understand
tiesegerthe ndr.) Then let Hon. Members consider the argument which had been advanced, that the agricul-
reee-ir`'l'vernment had no reason for the change that had turists would be benefited to a similar extent.—(Hear, hear.)
tee'a sehsisittheir opinions. Four millions of the people of He would not refer to documents, or occupy the House with a
thiesteled in tZt Principally on potatoes. The Prime ttinieter long quotation of figures, but this he would assert, that the real
lbetlissr weelerit House that the potato crop of that country merits of the case were concerned ; that it was bringing the
the "e use Mach below the average, and they all knew labour and large produce of the continental markets in a direct
llsereeee;' °, provisions had increased 50 per cent. during competition with the labour and produce of this country, on
tile It °g Year—that trade was in a state of stagnation. the produce of which so much larger and so much greater
owl/4411.Y received several letters, which bore him out in capital and labour were every year expended. Some fifteen or
elesen'Yeshieh lie had witnessed the effects of the distress and sixteen years ego there might have been a greater equality--
fOf poii_ existed in 1839, and he considered it was the a reason for a change in the corn-laws, but now the case was
to etlsot Was went to provide food for the people during such evidently different, and he believed that it was simply owing
tlw;"etteetee and suffering. He was, therefore, astonished to the proceedings in Parliament, andrthe protection given to
ip t 2 gentlemen standing up in that House and en- agriculture, that the people of this country were in the enjoy-
er its prevent the Government from opening the ports ment of a better supply of food and other necessaries than the
o:l4they iniltetve food to a suffering people.—(Hear, hear.) people of any other country on Europe. It was well known
eeteehneeeigut smile, but what he had stated was true. The that good wheat could be purchased in the agricultural
'thee that thew" aware of the dangers of famine; they had districts—he did not say London or any of the
eetwieeeeietiose dangers had not been over-rated ; and with large towns—but even there it was easily obtainable
Se else! !' on their minds, he considered that they had at 545. 3cl.—( Cheers.) It was a fact that his own tenants in
s4tt rely m Proposing a gradual repeal of the corn•laws, the east of Lincolnshire paid as much money in transporting
ee xation
tra taraea other articles of foreign produce. that produce to Lancashire, or any other portion of the ma-
eift elaes great deal of cant about having regard for the nufacturing districts, as the grower in the neighbourhood did
le speeen of foreien countries. He had listened to many on delivering his corn at any port in London. It was well
dtvs;rote.
nies whieh'had been delivered by Hon. Members known that the people of this country only consumed a certain
ht of a,,"nt.inuing protection. If those speeches were quantity of wheat, and it was not proved that the coutry did
zu
run their mystification and verbiage, the arguments not grow sufficient for the wants of the people. Hen did not
tletP med Up in these words :—The land is our own, wish to take an extreme view-of the question ;he would refer to
sal Ise° was right to do what we like with it ;we have a a very great authority on political economy, he meant Mr.
,4t7tatt are at we like with our territories ; you have food, Deacon Hume. He was asked this question, Have you formed
,tetr, flinch better off than the serfs of Poland': an estimate of the quantity of corn that would be imported tin-
'', the bear)—What have you to complain oe? der the proposed tariff, taking one year with another ? His an-
gbue/rasa aPet°PIP had net the food they required. swer was, taking all the quantities of corn and meal
%,.._er were errible thing it would be if the agricultural received into the country, I think that from eight to
eery b thrown out of employment. This might all ten millions will be imported evey year. Now
hetet:4ll ulna" ; but who em iloyed the labourer 7 Let Mr. o.lHume would likely be able to form this opinion from his
, th„ rook to the . I • ' ffi • ;
hisl2l there returns which have been made. He men- o cia returns. He was also asked what would be the effect of
ind were fewer labourers employed in le3l than this increased importation on the home produce of the country,
)os sem_ fewer in 1841 than in 1831. Now, that was and his answer was, that a considerable portion of the country
tidy let them disprove it if they could.. Since the would be devoted to grazing purposes: Now, any tyro in agri-
to °bs•`Avuefe had been an increase in the population of four cultural matters would be perfectly well able to inform them, if
toes 'aferthem?
,employed them ?—who paid for forcing corn they once broke up pasture land, it would require 50 years to
,ettir ete„ ne people had a right to ask for compensa- bring it to its former condition. At present such was the im-
,eastßititee aiaeyrivect of what he (Mr. Brotherton) considered proved system of agriculture pursued in this country, that many
'she. twat it A" lave is maintained to be just; but he main- poor lands, which formerly produced nothing, were now under
qrapolit. was unjust and inhuman, and he would prove it cultivation for corn. lie had endeavoured, as far as was
fond
..4tikette*,_ Let them talk of wages; if cheap food pro- possible, to enter this question without having recourse to any
fpr hatnen dear food must increase wages ;so that dear unnecessary arguments, and to treat it exclusively on its own
1%4 pun wages must come together. The Hon. Member merit's. He believed that if the measure intendedd into
lite,etiee-rlend had said that he was against the removal of effect in the sudden manner in which it was to be
kt,`. 1%1,4 corn, but he wished that the Govern- carried eat, every interest in this country, whether it con-
;1e0, aeu, reduce the duty on tea, sugar, and cerned. agriculture or ecanufac ure, would be greatly injured
redu_4.l the working classes would be benefited and disturbed. He believed that the first persons who would
Ifse ditty at-)tion. if they were to benefit from the reduction suffer would be the agricultural labourers ; the second persons
'loeaerai °n tea, sugar, and tobacco, would they not benefit who would suffer—according- to his Hors. Friend, the Member
tiws eeduction of the price of food ?He was con- for Northamptonshire—whose opinion had been rather sneered
justice,
law could not be maintained on any at by the gentlemen on the other side of the House—would be
sad'ltno.taerirejerns; humanity, and sound policy, as it kept the small farmers and occupiers. He believed that those who
ent of agriculture. The best encourage- would stiffer after the small farmers, would be the small landed
agriculturalthe interest was foreign competition; proprietors who were not, generally speaking, men possessed of
eftu.te7g get up a good foreign trade the agriculture of much capital, but were persons of small property and ancient
"'et "uld rosPer In 1815 a Piece of calico would family, and had succeeded in maintaining a respectable position
Of se•tae exe bushelstu,_ of
.corn ; but now a piece of cotton of in society. It was not those who were possessed of large pro-
lee °Mel; and quality would not purchase three-fourths perty and estates, and who enjoyed all the superfluities of life,
Ndr4`.'hile f "owing that manufactures had decreased in that would be affected. No, they would still continue to enjoy
inter et its . .
sir tereet Was at original price. So far from the those superfluities. He would oppose the measure, because it
Sep cern requiring compensation, the commercial interest would inflict an evil on the lower and middling classes of
aste est lllitation from the landowners. He would now society, and would prove injurious te the interests of the
w tee , orris with
e% sloe. regard
.to some. observations that fell country at large.
4,llfortnegt. Member for Finsbury in speaking of the law Mr. CARDWELL said, that though it might be his mis-
,Lieteerthe •eernew hen the Right Hon. Baronet introduced a fortune to differ from his Hon. Friend the Member for North-
eNtes:, e),nnuvel of Irish and Scotch paupers, he (Mr. amptonshire, and also from the Hon. Gentleman who had just
,ke,
the
that the measure was one of humanity sat down, it would be his duty, in the course of the few observa-
oeea the accordingly gave it his cordial support. With tions which he had to offer, to avail himself of many of the
'st „sre ,sfP'ke,erit measure proposed by Government, it was opinions on which they seemed to lay so ereat weight, and to
StPate th humanityHill,rise but rather support it. He was in the which they had thought it expedient to employ. He would
117hettailfertner time since, and the chairman of a have no difficulty in admitting that agriculture had gone on
iseltsitesrl to that the measure was
.generally improving in every part of
.the country, and. that although they
ee d e a very humane and politic one. had hail a constant relaxation in the protective system, all the
:tittlealeetetoescre there were four millions of people subsist- prices of agricultural produce were very much higher at pre-
tteN thi,' it might be argued that, after a five years' re- sent than they were during the commencement of the present
it strenetuuntry, being entitled to a settlement, many century. Notwithstanding all the drawbacks, agriculture was
are, islY induced to come from that country, and that in a prosperous and improving condition, and the general con-
e 'a
• et ase h gland would consequently be effected. Now dition of the people was satisfactory. On the other hand,
414 to e Pre' • • •
toe aeapereh sudices, because he believed it was a great however, he should not contend thate in proportion to the
Irish ?,d mischievous results. to this country from an supply of the harvest, the general prosperity of the country
ttt heel% wa.aoourers ;as well might it be said that the had "been affected. Neither would it be necessary for
p‘' 441104 alas affected by the importation of that grain when him to dispute with the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, that
1 etre lua th rmtted into England.—( Hear, hear.) He was the population had been greatly improved. As he (Mr.
t't teeletheentiat the measures proposed were worthy of the sup- Cardwell) had not enjoyed the opportunity on any previous
'0:444 the igatp,aud he should like the measures better if they occasion during the debate of expressing his opinion to the
tart olleet mediate repeal of the corn-laws, because then House on the subject of the corn-laws, perhaps he might ba
e.titt as it Would be accomplished.—( Hear, hear.) But allowed to state the grounds on which this measure, for the
kg he was convinced that the measure, so far final adjustment of the various conflicting interests in the
wounjuriousld cause increased employment, dimi- country, should meet with his cordial support. The opponents
Mr4,44,`'''ertY, sad be conducive to the general interest of the measure had held very strongly that protection was net
Ciib,,of the community.—( Hear, hear.) intended for the exclusive benefit of any particular class, but
ti "at; 'STop •
4141 °es eel, HLR was very desirous to offer a few was intended for the advantage of all classes in the country.
ti taere.,4ll tee ;eh the close of the debate, partly because he The Government was dealing with the general welfare of the
ater tat e" interest in the question when it had been in- community, which important object those gentlemen so cor-
ceera former occasion in a more modified form. He dially supported. The arguments that had been used in favour
salgetro7, that his views of epos whole question would be of protection were great arguments against it. It had been
re • h were he to offer opition to the measure pro- said that the existing measure of protection had secured do-
, hot er
,ewNe test of 1 sty s Government, because that they affected meatic agriculture against foreign produce, and that the laud-
latsti'at. B 'ne constituency whom he had the honour to lord, the farmer, and the labourer, had each in turn reaped its
iter,,, le, and it was because that he looked on the measure advantages ; that it had provided for the rent-charge, and had
epetese: eett believed. it to be, whether as regarded the agri- protected the rate of wages. He would ask them, when the)
;a:term' interests, injurious to the country, that talked of protection from foreign nations, what was the
, g
ve measure,his that
most he
cordialw preparedauppett totoresthet finoreeaingtnnfn,otfiotnhsealiaenzaLentshuetLerms
ofpl osyoedoo?o,oDoowthe,e;
tkhneofw that
'°gPosed by his Hon. Friend the Member for manufacturers? Were they aware, that for 50,000,040.?, worth
ofna the
e
ti:t• „elstreee•
etts... bear.) He should say, that though it had imperiabrevenue, we were indebted to the taxes upon foreign
,7,elila-,,ticaaest the agricultural gentlemen in that House imports? Ito they remember the history of our country in
-;ilt4)ats'fied Ole question, yet he should say that, in former times? Do they_ not know_ that it was te manufac-
fwtahre late
ee
mystificAtion Proceeded from the gentlemen turer_s that_
tbroughtet
remember,he them th rtohuagth
atth et
hcer contestueellose
ofthethaot
tetelali ee. at at the colintry, not as it existed at present, war? D
het with of protection, but as it would be when were in. coollisioyn with Amrica and with France, and by re-
) bter. by
tang
produce. —( Hear, hear.) Ile would cheetvi re cotton from the former country, and not from the latter,
deficiencies between the contending nations were mainly
I Jetepfeeheoegaeetetua imputations they his friends
o_n the Trete- t
00, teete.sake...ri though, when. were att. the heed.lo, atireljtuasted.)__ Why then, do they exclaim against foreign na-
t 14ersl:etrth'sitisieni.iethezerudsethdetlii/ierinbbeesr
feexrerLeionndsenanadn We all know what the distress of 1842 was, but what
his was that distress owing to ? Not to the deficient supply of
tede s 0 iePem:er, and they succeeded in doing so. Now, would food from foreign nations. The Honoureble. Gentleman then
4i eit? iheZtrenc.e to the year 1842, when the change was proceeded to review the condition of the foreign trade, to show
it, it b Ile ecting duties that then existed to so great an , that it had benefited the interests. of this country. Where was
X I eeleti the
also pass over to more qualified expres- that boasted unanimity in the agricultural interest? Had not
ett,',Proreeo'ne epeeehes of Hon. Members upon the sub- many followed in the steps of the late Lord Spencer and the
e' the stt`e"'s last session. On the 10th of June last, present Lord Grey ? What the British farmer wanted was
iii %tte, ftE'ct of the corn-laws was introduced again into security against further change.—( Hear.) He would ask the
'Nue iteng %rebore to interfere, because he thought it Honourable Gentlemen, if they succeeded in their present oppo-
rtd~ the ri.rutlent and inconvenient to do so, when he con- sitton, if they frustrated for a short time the proposition of
"' spae-ge amount of capital which was then invested by relaxing the operation of the present law, would they go down
et, slot 4lating in corn. But the reason he to their estates arid offer the farmers long leases on the security
h h this question of the present law ? The Honourable Member for Lincoln-
etklen -"god Ifs opinions upon
Zee-el:1'41;Z he hadl not heard a single solid shire says, Ne. Could there be a greater test of the insufficiency
It ,e Y the Riht lion. Baronet for the proposed of that law ? It had been urged as an argument against free
e'tse -"•14 of theutmost importance that Noble Lords trade that the country was in a prosperous condition. It was
71.04.1)., 4_ erabe__
,Ithi'eetit,..ci it I. ", who had an interest in the welfare of the the first symptom of reviving trade, under the new tariff, in
ae:teetet Prieni'rge Majority of whom had been. returned upon Manchester, that there was an increased demand for the su-
e y kve. !tumid have had more time to. consider perior joints of meat sold in that town. It was said that, during
Oats welt teat But, whatever this House might think of it, the last year, there had been a falling off of 15,000. sheep in
ith ;kid assured that the great bulk of the people out of the London market. He would ask how
.many foreign sheep
11°,4atre4Ord tuet Put the same construction upon their acts, had been imported into this country during the last year?
'?",eets,_ • tn. Mode of carrying on the affairs of the Why, not more than sufficient to supply one week's demand for
-'atr:° h -vtrita emanner, he considered it highly the people's consumption.—(Hear, hear.) This statement
It lee g ous
strong toovernment. His Right Hon. he could prove from authenticated tables,which any Hon. Mem-
o 'osTe that trht Lord
ee _ of the Trea:Sery., was so trusted by the ber might peruse, if he felt so inclined. The demonstration
taw Prosper was enabled to being the country to a was mathematically correct, and the proof was not irrefraga-
that, ble. Another argument against the measure had been drawn
et. at es state. But he must say
e 44 the the certainly would from the peculiar burdens which had been supposed to bear
tE „ present measure, he
tt.ttal;Z.."Zientthry_ s. at the merc of sacha Government upon agriculture. Whatever burdens had been laid upon land
k der tour inj_n_,ight Hon. Baronet, than see such laws when agriculture was protected, ought, when that protection
k wed it ef histttieuced. Considering the time at which ceased, to be equally adjusted. lie would not deny that the
tito;tiliost „night Hon. Friend was introduced, he con- land did' bear peculiar burdens, but it was intended to compen-
erl that hazardous experiment—( Hear, hear)—and sate amply for any loss which might accrue to the agricultural
t4,l,lletis,°llo•. Pry reason that he would vteie against it. His interests. But he did not think that the agriculturists had
I are., 'titer_ had laid it down that, with regard to the any right to. say that they were a burdened interest. If they
Posedneee6,7l.its of
g 'a(te„,,`,, and that country, p this no protective duties would were, it was a virtual argument for protection. Would the
•. me, r. lor th at, consequently, no duties should be agriculturists say to the Government—" In spite of you
will remain a burdened •interest, in order that we may
etteirt "et Proe e expenses of the revenue. The Right we
""elfin ros. '°'etl to continue the duty of 101. per cent. have an argument for the protective system ?" That must be
'-dh -en s. "Teeter e • the conclusion, and he must certainly say that it was one which
attioe pro e articles, and a duty of 10/. per cent.
the les. l'e,°sed to et duty of oe per cent. on metal articles, could not be snuieToerftedth. He
meabinelieavregdenitheanttahethhatad
had
dw gonebeen
Nee rtity twee., continue a duty of 101. per cent. on silk ever every o
failed him if there were
:CtteeaPse°ol, the a°ertiictihe other hand, he proposed to discontinua adduced by Honourable . Members in favour of the corn-
les ate three es of agricultural manufactures, and after laws.-- (Hear, hear..) Psis memory
see.' tile '4t, th l'ara to abet- h them altogether. If the any besides those with withetnht.e exHeeepthiaodn egfettsheatevwerhitchhewaragsucmalelendt
'IN 4 Oti lrefor,, _ 13
0000111
14,e, hoe° wished to carry out their own princi- the. " I
kkaael h n sexy princiles he would like to know why with reference toarseupmendence upon foreigners and
rseecinuurniteyrao-f
Dr°Pot's"sl beeuL Prgtecled equally with manufactures. It the home trade, as well as that of securing p
givinger an
A' i of tn. much better that they had adopted tier) to the farmer for his industry, arid also that of
dot; the i'iNoble Lord the Member for Tiverton, increased rite ofaes to the labourer. He had shown, a
e tre tlt. rayear 1840 or 1641, he Proposed the least he had endeavoured to show,. the. increased. amount of
~41\`e or, tilted that'h°ble Lord the Member for South Line wages paid in the great manufacturing districts over the wages
leti the 1,6 'anle to 5 Would
Place agriculturist and manufac- paid in agricultural districts. He had shown that the working
(..Alt "e one ~ „,,6'ing• The only- difference, ind his opinion, people, instead of receiving from Bs., 125., and 154. Per. week,
tl upssersa%;serils3tneperere)eedcrn and the other pro ueed cotton, were 'now the recipients of 30s. or even 40s. in the
chinletri'. hsed in i!tween them Considered that there was avery mate- manufacturing districts, He had shown them that the wealth
ao ,tete eeneenufs.... Wlth reard to eons, be ma- of the people had increased by the process which he had
ulaitruetinn ac ure was of an expensive nature, and described. He had asked them to draw this necessary ideals.
;tile tno, riled was , but the manufacture of cotton was not enc., that a man who was in the receipt of 30s. weekly wages
tih the °lactew rseauty managed by the aid of steam-engine.• would require a great deal more buteher's meat, and a great
4111vm-4 the of corn had greaterdial hies to contend deal more bread than the man wheseweekly earnings amountell
ihelit! the toluttanufacturers of cotton, H. was obliged to to no more than Ps., 125., or lbs. weekly.—(Cheers.) He had
the 11711 to the bait of Lis know. led4e meted not also asked the blouse to believe, that when a great portion of
at'r %meg, nor control the cireumatan,cei which affect the agricultural population was drafted off into the munufao-
I kg* °n• Baronet, however, does not deal equally taring districts, the districts which they had left would b'
nevJ own and cotton and other goods. thereby in a much better condition. Having thus briefly ad,
I

verted to all the main arguments in favour of protection, he
would TIOW proceed to say a few words with respect to that
which was called the colonial argument. Now, with regard to
that argument, he would venture to say that the position in which
they had put the colonies hod been, as he always understood
it should be, in the tame relation to the British
Crown as sere the counties of Middlesex or York, or any
other English county. Vut it was reserved fur this debate
that they should a,lopt a most fallacious policy, and one which
was injurious to the imperial interests, merely for the purpose
of serving the interests of the colonies. But he believed that
the same reasoning applied to the colonies as to any other part
of her Majesty's dominions. The colonial argument was
greatly urged by his lion. and Gallant Friend the Member for
Liverpool, as well as by the Honourable Member for Rox-
burgh. They quoted in support of their arguments
the 'speeches of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Huskisson, as well as
that of the Hen. Member for Shrewsbury. But when he (Mr.
Cardwell) looked at the speeches of Mr: Pitt, he found him
saying, that what was good for the mother country was also
good for the colonies, unless the circumstances were ♦ery pe-
culiar and special. Having said thus much, he (Mr. Card-
well) would ask Hon. Members on his own side of the House,
whether they believed there was any strength in the argu-
ments which he that evening fceb'y endeavoured to lay before
the House? If their arguments were not so absolutely irre-

fallacy, and to detect the sophistry of his argument.
But where could they find sufficient talent equal
to the task? Where the penetration, the clearness,
of perception, the coolness, the intellect, and the comprehen-
siveness of mind equal to the task. He (Mr. Finch) would
undertake the task. The arguments which the Right Hon.
Baronet adopted were such as these There is a failure of
the potato crop, we must throw open the ports." That they
denied. " The ports being once opened, you cannot shut them
again." That they denied. He (Mr. Finch) would ask of
what use it could be to the Irish peasantry to open the ports ?
It was no remedy at all. The Irish peasant, who could not
give 15s. for oats at his own door, bow could he be able to give
50s. or 60s. a qr. for foreign corn?—( Hear, hear.) Besides, the
very arguments which the Right Hon. Baronet produced went
against him; for he had told them that the ports hadbeen opened,
but he had never told them that the ports were kept open. He
thought that the statesmen of this country were too much in-
fluenced by popular clamour and agitation. He thought that
that man was not fit for a statesman who was not clamour
proof. He had heard of a French canary bird who, by con-
stant training, became accustomed to fire off a cannon, and he
had no doubt that Ministers might soon be made unassailable
by clamour. If the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed the
system of free trade at a general election, he (Mr. Finch) was
sure that he would not have met with the support which he
had received. He believed that if the people of this
country were left to themselves, they would soon throw
the system of free trade into the British Channel.
The Right Hon. Baronet, in his statement respecting foreign
silks, said that since the reduction on the importation of that
article the manufacturers had carried all before them ;
but be (Mr. Finch) thought there was no doubt but that the
result would be the total destruction of the silk trade of this
country.—(Cheers.) He had also bowed of the advance of
ship-building in consequence of the reduction which had taken
place on the importation of timber, and of the number of peti-
tions which were presented in favour of the measure from
ship-owners, but he (Mr. Finch) thought that some petitioned
one way, and some another, and it appeared to him that
a great mass of evidence was, on the whole, against the
Right Honourable Baronet. With respect to feather-beds,
the Right Hon. Baronet seemed intimately acquainted,
although he (Mr. Finch) could hardly conceive how that
could be. He could hardly understand how he had so much
intercourse with feathers, because he thought, he and his
colleagues were reposing for a long time on beds of roses.—
( Great laughter.) With respect to the article of lax, the ar-
guments used seemed to make as much against as for the Right
Hon. Baronet. With respect to the linen trade, notwithstand-
ing the improvement which had taken place in the manufac-
ture of that article in Ireland, he never saw any Irish linen
that could at all be compared with the linen of Alsatia. The
Right Hon. Raronet it seemed to him made an unfortunate
allusion to Anacharsis Clooty. He was anxious, he said to amal-
gamate all classes, and to act with them on the principles of being
citizens of the world. When the Right Hon. Baronet could
gather round them Belgium, Holland, Germany, Prussia,
Denmark, and every other state to deal with him on such
principles, then he might fairly state that the country which
would produce the best articles should have his custom. The
Hon. Baronet would, he hoped, permit him to refer to the
splendid peroration of the Right Honourable Baronet in his
speech delivered at Tamworth in the year 1840.—( Hear, hear.)
The Hon. Gentleman then read that portion of Sir Robert
Peel's speech, in which he stated, in reference to the corn-
laws, " That he could not think of obstructing that magnifi-
cent plan, for he found that there were great interests which
could not be disturbed without creating many perils—(Great
cheering from the protectionists)—and he would not
consent to put his hand on those interests for the purpose of
trying new and dangerous principles.--( Renewed cheering
from the same quarter.) It seemed to him (Mr. Finch) that
that speech looked like wisdom, compared to that which they
had recently heard. He did net like to detain the House—
( Hear, hear)—but he was anxious, before he concluded, to
refer to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary
for the Home Department, who had a very happy knack of
expressing his opinions. (Loud laughter.) He gravely
informed them that while the price of food was low in Poland,
wages were high in America—(Laughter)—which might take
place in any case. In a country like Poland, where the
people possess no constitutional advantages, they could not, of
course, be in as good a position as the lower classes of other
countries. He thought they would admit that even in England
there were various rates, of wages ; in some places eight
shillings, in other places nine shillings, and ranging to
twelve shillings. In some parishes that were over-populated, it
was true that the farmers called the labourers together and
made this proposal: They said they could not employ them
all at full wages, and offered to employ them all at a lower rate
of wages, or a portion of them at the usual rate, and the
labourers generally accepted the farmers' proposals. The
farmers were obliged to adopt that course in consequence of
the home competition, and the soil being poor they were not
enabled to give the same rate of wages. In some counties the
price for labour was not always to be depended on as an index
of prosperity, as in Buckinghamshire formerly, where silk
was manufactured, and where the price of wages fell
on its being discontinued. It was always known, as
far as his experience went, that whenever the farmers
were prosperous, the labourers were benefited in a like ratio.
He found that that was the opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet,
for he at one time stated, "that when there was a low price
for corn, the manufacturing interest would be depreciated, and
that low wages would always be the consequence of low prices."
The lion. Baronet went on to prove that when bread was
cheap the ratio of crime diminished. He took a period of
six years to prove his position, commencing with the year
1840, and terminating with 1845, This he divided
into two portions, the one when the price
of bread was high, terminating in 1842, and
the ether when bread was cheap, ending in 1845, he then
showed what was the amount of crime in the two portions, and
he showed a falling off of eighteen.per cent. in the latterhalf.
He also pointed out to the House, that in the first period, the
price of corn averaged from 60 to 70 shillings, and in the.
second, from 50 to 60 shillings. Now, he (Mr. Finch) ad-
mitted the decrease of crime, but he attributed it to a far dif-
ferent cause ; it occurred in a period of great manufacturing '
prosperity, while the first period was the season of great
manufacturing distress. The increase and decrease of crime
were, therefore, dependent upon their manufactural prosperity,
and the price of bread had nothing to do with it. It was,
urged, however, by the Government that the sliding scale be-
came locked, and that it became necessary to make a change
in the system. Why, it was the Government themselves that
locked the scale. It locked fast enough until they commenced to
talk of opening the ports.—(Hear, hear.) The report
of their intentions having been whispered, it raised
the price of corn abroad, lowered it at home,
and raised the duty from fourteen to fifteen shillings a quarter.
lie again asserted that the Government had to blame them-
selves. It. was also urged that this was a final settlement of the
question. He could not agree to such an assertion—an appeal
must be made to the country either in that year or the next,
and the question, no matter how carried, would be just as open
as before. Supposing them easure were carried early in the
next year or the present, there would be petitions for the repeal
of the malt-tax—(Hear, hear)--and petition on petition would
be presented for the repeal of the land-tax and property-tax—
(Hear, hear) and probably for some organic change
in the Constitution ; there would then be such a
fear and panic among the fundholders, that the free
traders would be burnt in effigy, and the whole question be
settled by retiring to old British principles.—(Laughter.)
The Right Hon. Baronet said that the principles of free trade
were the principles of common sense.—( Hear.) That might
be true in the abstract, and perfectly true in some planet which
he v• as not aware had been as yet discovered, and which was never
disturbed by war. But upon the earth they dwelt the principles
of free trade would be discovered to be of uncommon nonse-
sense. Prussia could not be depended on, neither could France.
Every one knew that the latter country was in every way op-
posed to the commercial policy of this country. The great
passioc of the French people was glory, and the smallest possible
circumstance was sufficient to induce them to gratify this
passion by a sanguinary war of conquest or invasion. With
regard to America, it could not be denied that she was desir-
ous to embrace the first opportunity to extend her posses-
sions—have uncontrolled empire wherever she had a chance of
being successful. There was no country with which he depri-
cated wnr more than with America, as he firmly believed that
they would ont be two years at war with her before they should
be involved in a war with France, nor would they be two years
at war with France.before they were engaged in a war with
America. In such an event look then at the consequence; de-
pending as they were on America fur tobacco,
cotton, and a considerable portion of their employment
for the manufacturers.—( Hear, hear.) Now, he did maintain
that the system proposed to be adopted with regard to the
agriculture of the country was essentially unjust. During the
last fifty years more than 400,000,0001. or 500,000,000/. of
money had been invested in land under the impression that
protection would not be withdrawn from it. He could not,
therefore, bat think that it was essentially unjust that the
agriculturists of this country should be now brought into com-
petition with the labourers of other countries, who were only
paid at the rate of 6d. per day. Every country should, in his
opinion, have a system of poor-laws (and Heaven forbid that
this country should ever be without a system of pour-laws);
but with those heavy burdens which were pressing rpon the
English agriculturists, he considered it impossible for them
to be able to compete successfully with those countries
which were not so burdened. They might be called
upon to use machinery to a greater extent in
agricultural operations andisteam-pleughs, had been recom-
mended, but if this were the case, the first result would be the
setting on fire of their corn-stacks. He contended that it was
utterly impossible for them, under any circumstances, to com-
pete in corn with other countries, in consequence of the low
price of foreign labour. In a speech made by the Right Hon.
Baronet a few years ago, it was stated by him that the price
of corn in Denmark for the twenty-five years preceding was
only 2tss. 101, and that there was a surplus of 700,000 quar-
ters ready to be exported after the demands of that country
were fully supplied. Now, if so much might be expected
from Denmark, what, he asked, might not be expected from
Russia and other countries ? The Right Hon. Baronet stated
that, in the course of three or four years, there would be a
glut in the market, and in that case there would neither be rent
for the landlord, profit for the tenant, nor wages for the la-
bourer. He made those remarks when it had been proposed
that there should be a fixed duty of Bs., and he (Mr. Finch)
n the market then, what
might would ask, if the Right Honourable Baronet expected
al glut i
n
the duty was abolished altogether?
There was a period when theßight Hon. Baronet at the head
sghh t not a
be completeexedc expected
e d h
of her Majesty's Government
had it in his power to do away
with the malt tax, and relieve the agriculturists from it, but he
did not do so ; he contented himself with taking the duty off
glass. Neither had he reduced the land tax ; and he was
therefore guilty of another
o t h ot e result of
would then conclude by 0
erin
-g
Thhis pinions
aere could besittl e doubt that
the division.—( Hear, hear.)
the Right Hon. Baronet would have a nominal majority, but
w'
hch in fact, would be a bona fide minority. And when Hon.
• resented their constituencies had been
Members who had misrep
'oritv,
t ere could be no doubt that, in
deducted from that maj .
the estimation of the country,
" would be regarded as a
(Proteetionist cries of Hear , hear.") As far as
minority.—
as concerned, he would ever
he (the Hon. Member) w be found
nt side of the question ; and, he doubted
battling on the present
the
not that, on their first appeal to
make on the first occasion fearlessly and boldly, they would
'
have the majority of the population _ with them.—(" Hear,
hear,"
Oh, oh," and laughter.) The appeal would shortly
be made to the nation ,
• and he feared not they would have the
300
constituencies with them, when protectionists would lbe
returned —( Laughter. ) The cause of protection was not lost.
No, it Was still dear to the hearts of the nation, because it
was in consonance with their feelings and habits...--(llear,
hear.) They were strong in principle and consistency, and
fend
they! were prepared to de andand
support that principle as
long as they had voices to utter, arms to raise, or shots to dis-
charge.—( Cheers and laughter.)
Mr. SEYMOUR said that on rising for the first time to
address the House, he hoped to be able to enlist their sympa-
thies in his favour, and he was certain of being suc-
cessful, when he assured them that his speech would
not occupy more than a few minutes. (Hear, hear, hear.)
Ho was not going to discuss the principle of proteetion,
which had been canvassed mush at that (the Ministerial) side
of the House • and had not allusion been made to the opinions
of the tenant earmers, he would not have risen then. It struck
him, indeed, that some Hon. Gentlemen, who had been elected
six years ago, appeared at that moment to be quite forgetful of
their own opinions' as well as the feelings of their constituents.
—(Hear, hear.) But he doubted not, the time was not far off
when their memories would be thoroughly refreshed.—
(" Hear, hear," from the protectionists.) He (the
Honourable Gentleman) had the honour of being
elected on list Thursday far Dorsetshire, and he
should thee state the opinions of the farmers of that district,

sistible aed their facts not so perfectly conclusive as they had ap-
peared to consider them, what was the position in which they

stood before the country ? Were there any strong argu-
ments against them ? Were they not seeking to leave upon
the food of the people a tax, a very small portion of which
found its way into the coffers of the Exchequer ?—( Loud Op.
position cheers.) Were they not claiming to raise an arbi-
tr:zry barrier in the way and proper course of trade ?—(Hear.)
Were they not seeking to deny to industry its obvious right
of disposing of its own productions according to its own dis-
cretion?—( Cheers. ) He had not troubled the House with a
single statistic, but he would venture to read an extract from
Adam Smith, which ke was happy to say was quite opposed to
the views held by those Hon. Members who were in favour of
protection to agriculture. The lion. Member having read the
extract, proceeded to say that an illus'ration had occurred to
his own mind, in connexion with a different subject, which, if
he might be permitted, he should like to mention to the
House.—( Hear. ) A young man who, during the late war,
had made himself conspicuous in the defence of his country,
had risen to be chairman of a commission for the consideration
of the state of the maritime defences.—(Hear, hear. )
In the course of a conversation with a Gentle-
man, he said he was afraid that the wooden walls
of old England were in danger of being thrown, in conse-
quence of the improved condition of the vessels of foreign
countries. The gentleman, however, with whom he was con-
versing, met the difficulty by saying, that England need not
fear if she only met foreign improvements in maritime tortes
by improvements in her own, and be prepared to face them
at all times.—( ers. ) The same should be the conduct of
the agriculturists of this country—let them prepare themselves

. .
for the competition of foreign countries.—( Hear, hear.) Such
steps would be the means of improving the condition of the
agricultural labourers of this country. He would
say to those Honourable Gentlemen who were afraid
of the march of improvement, don't be afraid of it.—
(Cheers.) In removing the protective duties from
agriculture the Legislature would be increasing the amount of
consumption ; and this country would, as the lion. Member
for Shrewsbury had eloquently expressed it, become a
country in which the demand for agricultural produce would ra-
pidly increase, and that they would find that by such a mea-
sure the interests both to commerce and agriculture would be
promoted.—(Hear hear.) lie would now beg to
bring another statietic before the House. From a
work published in 1833, by Mr. Porter, it ap-
peared that the population of Manchester had increased
189 per cent., and that of Salford, 194 per cent, during
the last few years. The quantity of butcher's meat and wheat
which that vast increase of people would require for consump-
tion must necessarily be immense, and the interests of rri-
culturists must also be promoted by that increase of population.
He found that the population of Liverpool and other manufac-
turing places had increased in a similar ratio, and the effects
were similar. A very remarkable speech was lately made at
Liverpool, in which it appeared, that in 1845 the increase
of vessels over the preceding year was nearly 4,000, and he (Mr.
Cardwell) begged his lion. Friend, the Member for Durham,
to pay attention that. The increase in the East India trade
had also been about 20 per cent. despite hostile tar,ffs. He
should think it presumption to come to the House of Commons
and express sanguine anticipations, which he might be pleased
to entertain, of the great increase of those commercial and
manufacturing districts, with which he had the honour to be
connected ; but the speeches which he had quoted, were the
speeches of men. Those men said that they really believed
that if the commerce of this country were left unshackled the
results to the country would be most beneficial.—(hear.)
He for his own part believed that that merchant of Liverpool
who said that the benefits which would accrue to the country
from free trade could not be calculated, bad said no more than
the truth. With respect to the timber trade, a few facts would
show that it had increased since the removal of its protective
duties. In 1841 the increase of vessels, engaged in the timber
trade, was nearly 200,000 tons. And with regard to those
concerned in the Baltic trade, the amount of tonnage in 1845,
was 33,(00, it being only 22,000 in 1842. Seeing the Hon.
Member for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson) in his place
he was anxious to disabuse his mind of a policy which he ap-
peared to labour under. We had received 2,000,000 quarters
of foreign grain, and that had consequently increased our ex-
pert trade. If the Hon. Member would permit so humble an
individual as himself (Mr. Cardwell), he would venture to
tell him what would be the result of that proceeding—it was
this, that as the industrious navigators had been benefited by
the importation of those 2,000,000 quarters of corn, they
would invest a great portion of their receipts in railways, which

would do a great deal towards promoting useful intercourse with
different parts of the country. Such, then, were the cenclu•
sions which he (Mr. Cardwell) had arrived at, and he believed
that those conclusions were based on reasoning of the most
mathematical kind. Those opinions he had always entertained
in the abstract.—( Hear, hear.) He had never disavowed
them, and he had never attempted to disguise them.—(Hear,
hear.) He certainly did vote against his lion. Friend the
Member for Wolverhampton two years ago on this question. for
he had always considered that great changes of this kind
should be regarded as questions of time. And he (Mr. Card-
well) could not deny that at the present time, above all other
times, it was necessary to look out for a supply of food. Ile
would not deny that this measure was brought forward to
meet a great emergency, and he believed it was calculated
to promote the good of the country.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.")
There were Hon. Members in this House who had never dis-
guised the opinions which he had expressed, and he would
acknowledge that there were a great commercial interest in
this country, who had lent their support on the present occa-
sion to the Government. He believed that the people of Eng-
land were slow to learn from abstract documents, but they
were quick at learning from experience—(Hear, hear)—they
had had the experience of the last three years, and that expe-
rience had not been lost upon that great and reflecting people
which they represented. He maintained that the support of the
great and important comm .rcial interest was essential to the true
Conservative int erests of this country. Ho would frankly acknow-
ledge that the members of this large and powerful influence had
ever shown a disposition to watch the ever-varying circumstances
of this country.—( Hear, hear.) He begged to apologise for
the great extent to which he had trespassed upon the kindness
and attention of the House. He believed that in the di-
minution of prices, in the general removal of sources of dis-
cord, and a generous and discriminating regard to all the
complicated interests of the country, that the present was a
Parliament competent to decide.—( Hear, hear.) And if that
House would decide in the affirmative, they would bestow upon
the country, by passing these measures, great, lasting, en-
during, and inestimable benefits.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. FINCH said he felt great reluctance to address the
House; he would say, however, that the speech delivered by
the last Hon. Member did great credit to his taste and temper.
lie did not think, however, that it was a speech cal-
culated to carry great weight with the country. His glowing de-
ails of the prosperity of the manufacturers would tell powerfully
in favour of that side of the Home to which he (Mr. Card-
well) was opposed, for if they were in this nourishing state
under a system of protection, why did they wish to change it ?
—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Finch) believed, however, that

•
the prosperity could have been greater if there had bsen none
of the alteration which had been made in the last tariff.—

( Hear, hear.) He had noticed the speeches of many Hon.
Members made on the opposite side of the House, but in none
of those had he been able to discover that they had succeeded
in tracing effects to causes, nor had they shown how the tariff
had wrought out the prosperity.—(" Hear, hear," from Colonel
Sibthorp. ) He considered that there were many reasons to
account for the prosperity previous •to the passing of
the tariff. America was in a state of complete prostration,
her credit and her finances were gone. and insolvency covered
the land, and as a natural consequence great distress was
felt in that country, both in America and amongst our manu-
facturers. Trade, however, revived, and with that revival
came an increased demand for goods in the manufacturing dis-
tricts of this country.—( Hear, hear.) In addition to this, it
had been stated that railway speculations had given a stimulus

to native industry, and thereby caused considerable improve_
ment, and even produced great prosperity to the agricultural
interests. Now, he thought it was going too far to say that
those improvements were attributable to the tariff. He be-
lieved that if they were to follow the tariff through all its
ramifications, it would be found that it hail operated as a bar
rather than a stimulant.—( Hear, hear.) When he had the
honour of a seat in that House, he occupied the opposite
bench-s. The Noble Lord, the Member for the city of
London, was then a strong protectionist, the question between
him and the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's
Government was not then one of protection or no protection,
but only a difference as to the mode of applying that protection.
;fabut
u now,f
ofiLevde
rd,utthye,r, aenvid,
atshae
sottrhi
ker.
that upon which we had seen the Right Hon. Baronet sliding
airndlioccohanateentgrear;stlyti dheTnegornedl slidingyuitny scale that there was w left was
out of office and the Noble Lord sliding in.—( Hear, hear.)
It seemed to him that there was a sort of moral murrain among
the leadersof the two great parties.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. )
Ele did net think, however, that the opinions of either
the Noble Lord or the Right Hon. Baronet could have much
weight. If tl.e conversion of the Noble Lord had been effected
at railroad speed, the conversion of the Right Hon. Baronet
had been effected with the speed of the electric telegraph. If
the Right Hon. Baronet had, like a Noble Lord in the Upper
House, comfortably ensconced himself in a chateau at Caens,
in the south of France, and surrounded himself with all the
ponderous volumes of Adam Smith, Malthus, M'Gregor,

Macculloch, and all other political economists, he wouldlith
greater haste have come to the conclusion which he had. He
could then come back to England, like the " fair penitent,"
or he would rather say, the contrite statesman ; he might
then have stormed the Cabinet, triumphantly regained
possession of the seals of office, and his opinions
might then have been entitled to some weight. —( Cheers and
laughter.) The change in his opinions seemed to have been
brought about by a combination of circumstances. There was
the Anti Corn-law League mounted upon the boards of Covent
Garden theatre. There was heard in the distance the sounds
of battle, with the confusion of war and bloodshed in the Pa-
cific, the Atlantic, and the Western possessions, in fact a
tremendous bugbear of a North American war. Then came
the failure of the potato crop. Then in their affrighted ima-
gination they beheld O'Connell, at the head of his repeal
legions, marching into this House, brandishing his javelins,
defying its authority.—(Cheers from the protectionists.)
Under these circumstances, he did not consider the change of
opinion on the part of her Majesty's Government worthy
of much weight. And, with reference to the Noble Lord the
Member for the city of London, he had, no doubt, about
this time heard of the dissensions in the Cabinet. He had
heard, no doubt, that they were directing their course in favour
of free trade; he immediately passed his free trade into Scott's
Lake, and wrote his famous letter to the electors of London,
which caused so much sensation throughout the empire. He
considered, therefore, despite all the speeches which had been
made on the subject, they had just left the question where they
had found it. The Noble Lord, the Member for the West
Riding, had read a very solemn lecture is the aristocracy of
Britain. He reminded them of the immense forests of Ame-
rica, and its mines of inexhaustible wealth—he said nothing,
however, upon the subject of American opinion respecting free
trade. The Noble Lord must have known that the democratic
party in America were adverse to free trade, and that in Penn-
sylvania, out of
.26 members returned to Congress, 25 were
against any modification of the tariff of 1841. With reference
to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet made a few nights
ago, the particulars of which were terrific for a Minister to
toter—be would say that it possessed so little claim to a de-
lihers,tive Character, and se mush of the wildest
enthusiasm, that it was perfectly necessary that it
1 skould be answered, in order to show a complete

which he feared not to assert were the opinions of nine-tenths
of the farmers of England.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Mem-
ber for Finsbury, in the course of the debate, bad been pleased
to state that what the farmers required for the advancement of
agriculture was not protection, hut the shield of the ballot to
protect them. Now he should inform the Hon. Gentleman,
and other members who supported his views, that they could
not labour under a greater mistake in saying that the
farmers were not in favour of protection.—(Hear,
he tr, from the, Protectionists.) He looked on
the assertion as a R adical shot fired at random by a gentleman
who might be qualified to represent a metropolitan constituency,
but who knew nothing of agriculturists.—( Hear, hear.) There
were a few circumstances connected with the Dorsetshire elec-
tion which could not fail to prove that the farmers were in
favour of protection, and which he begged to trouble them
with.—( Hear, hear.) When the requisition calling on him
and his Honourable Colleague to come forward for the repre-
sentation of the shire was in progress of signature, some
of the tenants who held under free-trade proprietors—three
or four of whom held the largest properties in the locality—
naturally held back and refused to sign the requisition until
they knew what the wishes of the landlords were.—( Hear,
hear.) He believed it was notorious that English tenants
always wished to consult the opinions of their landlords; and
in that they were not, in his opinion, to blame. They con-
se. ted their landlords, who, he was happy to state,
did not interfere, the question being solely a farmer's
question, and the moment the will of the land-
lord was made known, they, without exception, came
forward and signed the requisition.—(Frotectionist cheers. )
That was a proof of his assertion that the farmers were in-
clined to protection.—( Hear, hear.) Another statement made
was, that Ihe small farmers alone were in favour of free trade ;
or in other words, that class of farmers who, from their indo-
lence and ignorance of political matters, did not deserve to be
farmers at all. Now, as far as his (the Hon. Gentleman's) ex-
perience went, he should say the vrry contrary was the fact.—
Cries of " Hear, hear.") In his opinion all classes of farmers
were protectionists, particularly the large farmers, the em-
ployers of labour and capital, and who, moreover, bad leisure
and inclination to master the details of political affairs.--( Hear. )
In the course of his canvas he had heard strong language used
with respect to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the
Government.—( Hear, hear.) Farmers were plain men, and
consequently used plain words, the introduction of which in
that House might not be deemed Parliamentary.—(A laugh.)
He had heard these observations made use of ; yet, though he
had been much amongst the farmers, he did not observe an
atom of turbulence, or a single jot abatement of their usual
loyalty and peaceable demeanour, which could not be said of
the gentlemen composing the Anti- Corn-law League.—(Hear.)
Indeed, it was his,firin belief, that if the farmers of England
had been more seditious in their bearing and expression they
would have had more weight with the Right Hon. Baronet—
( Loud cries of " Hear' from the protectionists.) If the
Anti-Corn-law League should at any future period be inclined
to attack the ancient institutions of this country, they would
find that the loyalty of the farmers would meet them in the
spirit of opposition dictated by the loyalty for which they were
proverbial, and with far more effect. than they had opposed
them on the present occasion. Having said thus much, he had
nothing more to say than to thank the House for the patient
hearing granted him, and to declare his intention of voting
I,gainst the measure before the House.—(Cheers from the Hon.
Member's party. )
Mr. VILLIERS had some difficulty in rising to address
the House after the speech of the Hon. Member who had just
sat down ; more especially after the manner in which they
had been used to the course of Gentlemen addressing them
on both sides of the question, for, if he was not mistaken, the
Hon. Member, who had last addressed the House, said he
was in favour of a repeal of the corn.laws..--(Loud cries of
" No, no," from the protectionists.) If the cries on the op-
posite side were correct, then the Hon. Member was greatly
misrepresented by the papers, for there was not a paper
which did not state that, if there was to be a repeal of those
laws, he was for an immediate repeal.---( Heti., hear. )
Mr. SEYMOUR wished to explain. What he had said on
the hustings was, that he was against the proposed change in the
Bern-laws; but hat if there was to be any change at all, he
was for an immediate repeal in preference to the measure of
the Right Hon. Baronet ; and such was still his opinion.
Mr. VILLIERS was most happy to find that the accuracy
of the gentlemen of the press was not called into question.—
(Cries of " Oh, oh," from the new Member's party.) He be-

on the subject. He (Mr. Villiers) listened during his speech, and all
that he heard was the reading of a speeech of the Attorney Ge-
aeral's—at least that was all he could collect. These persons would
go any length, at any rate they would go great lengths, in throwing
the Right Hon. Baronet from the head of the Government, though
they were unable to give the House a single motion of the way in
which it would benefit agriculture. Mr. Wawnaays that the farmers
must take es their text low prices, and trust to an improvement in
agriculture. That they must not look any longer to high rates, but
endeavour to produce a larger quantity■ so as to meet the reduction
in the price of grain,--(Hear.) He would ask the lion. Member
for Norfolk how it was that, in dimming* the merits of the protective
system, so little reference was made to the farmers and labourers,
However much they might be referred to out of doors, he did not
find the farmers and labourers brought forward prominently in that
House. There was hardly a word about the farmers there, though
there was no lack of reference to them out of the House. He thought
that a farmer who had prospered under the protective system during
the last thirty years, would be a strange animal—an extraordinary
bird, that from its rarity ought to be catched and stuffed, in order to
be placed in, British Museum.—(Laughter and cheers.) It was,
indeed, a rare occurrence for the farmer to thrive under this protec-
tive system. Again, had they heard any evidence respecting the
condition of the labourer. He was aware that it had been said of the
Goatacre meeting that it had been got up by the Anti-Corn-law
League—(Hear, hear, from Conservative benches)—but he knew
well that the Anti-Corn-law League had had nothing to
do with it.—(Hear, hear.) He knew it to be one of a
series of meetings that had been held for some time hi Wiltshire, at
wsich the labourers assembled to express the miserable and deplor-
able condition in which they were placed. If they would look at all
the reports on the agricultural districts that had appeared for many
years—from 1824 to 1843—110 n. Members would find the same re-
presentations of the extreme distress and degradation of the agricul-
tural labourers. It was evident from all these that the condition
of the labourers was as bad as bad could be—( Hear, hear)—par-
ticularly in the most agricultural counties. He would call the atten-
tion of the Hon. Member for Suffolk to this statement, as the county
he reprissented specially merited this charge. He (Mr. Villiers)
knew of no county that contained more gentry and clergymen, and
yet the people of it were sunk in the lowest state of degradaion,
I demoralisation, and misery.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The
Hon. Member for
,Shrewsbury (Mr. Disraeli) had stated that the
country had thriven wader a protective system, but he (Mr. Villiers)
would meet him with these facts, which could not be gainsayed. A
Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) had stated once in another place, on the
hustings, at his election, he (Mr. Villiers) believed, what the pro-
tective system was. That Noble Lord said tkat it was a system to
raise rents, and keep up the price of food, but it did not raise the
condition of the farmer. That was what they had been fighting for
for the last eleven days, in the present debate, and • on which they
were going to a division. That being the ease, was he not justified
in saying that a prosperous farmer was a rare bird, that ought to be
stuffed and placed in the British Museum, and that the labouring
population were sunk in the lowest state of degradation
anti distress? The Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary at the head
of the Home Department, had made a statement which they had no
reason to disbelieve. He had shown the effects of the system on the
people at large. And what he stated the other night, he also stated
last year. The case the Right Hon. Baronet had placed before
the House was such as fully justified the Government in the course
they had taken; and, instead of railing at them, Hon. Gentlemen On
the opposite side of the House ought to have supported them by
every means in their power. The Right Hon. Baronet stated the
effects that season of scarcity and abundance had upon. the people
—how that a sTason of scarcity, misery, immorality, and
disease extensively increased, while a period of abundance
brought a mitigation, of all these evils ; and that
therefore he could no longer, in face of this conclusion, support the
system that kept up an artificial scarcity, and therefore perpetuated
misery.—(Hear, hear.) To the present moment no answer- had
been made to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet. The Right
lion. Baronet, last year, In reply to the speech of the Noble Lord the
Member for London, in proposing his resolutions, stated the same
doctrine he did the present year, and yet no one on behalf of the
system of protection got up to answer him.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
When they said that high prices in provisions were good for the
poor, and when they heard the Right Hon. Baronet rise and say that
it was time this artificial system was abolished, because it militated
against the comfort of the working classes, why was it that no one
on that side of the House had arisen to deny it? He thought that
before the debate closed some of them should answer the Right Hon.
Baronet. They ought not only to look at the "Price Current," they
ought also to look to the mortality among the lower classes,
and to trace the effect of hight prices there. They would
not then, perhaps, have to charge the protectionists with
the misery that existed with the Spectacle of a people willing to work
yet wanting employment.—(Cries of " Oh ; oh ! " and cheers.) lie
maintained that the Right Hof. Baronet had stated last year, and

lieved the Hon. Member was in favour of this- Measure.—
(" Oh, oh.") He took the Hon. Gentleman's own explana-
tion. He had stated that the farmers were in the habit of
going to their landlords and asking their opinions, and it was
really wondrous how they had preserved their loyalty.—
( Cries of " Oh, oh.") The Hon. Gentleman had given proof
that the farmers were generally loyal and well affected, and
that was a proof that they were not under the influence of
their landlords.—( Great laughter and cries of " Oh, oh.") He
believed they were loyal and not disaffected because they were
not affected by the disloyal views of their landlords.—(" Oh,
oh," and cheers.) He believed that the farmers
were men who did not believe the stories of
the interested landlords. As far as he had
understood the Hon. Gentleman, the farmers were in
favour of an immediate repeal of the corn-laws.—( Groans
from a section of the House.) The point of the Hon.
Member's speech was to show that the farmers were not under
the influence of their landlords. The Hon. Member for
Rutlandshire had said the same thing. The Hon. Member
who had spoken last was like the gentlemen who spoke the
chorus in the Greek play, which stated all that had taken place,
and all that was to take, place in the drama.—(Laughter.)
He had told the farmers that they were to be ruined by the
present measure, and all gentlemen on the protectionist side
of the House had told them the same thing. He (Mr. Vil-
liers) felt great difficulty in rising to address the House after
the speeches which had been delivered on the question, for
there was nothing that he or any other Hon. Member could
say, which had not been already said by the Right
Honourable Baronet at the head of her Majesty's
Government. He could not help contrasting the attention
shown to the Hon. Members who bad addressed the House on
the present measure, to the scenes which, on a former occa-
sion, when he (Mr. Villiers) brought forward the same ques-
tion at a former period. The groans and cries of parties in the
House at that time still tingled in his ears.—(Cries of
" Hear, hear.") At that time, however, the country was in a
state of great suffering, and much disorder was the consequence.
The gentry were crying out for time, soldiers surrounded the
Howe, and the people were declaring that time had not been
afforded them to present their petitions against the measure;
and again, he would repeat that the measure passed the
House with greater rapidity than any measure had been
known to pass it before.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
Notwithstanding this, they were now to have this question
postponed in the present session for a longer period than any
measure that had been known before. For three weeks now
had they been discussing the merits, and during the whole of
that time they had heard nothing but the same arguments over
and over again.—( Hear, bear.) What then was the conclu-
sion the public were to come to, but that a distinction was
made in this House between the interest taken in the affairs of
the rich and that of the poor.—(Hear, hear.) However, as
the time was to be wasted—(Laughter)—in those discussions,
he would proceed to express his sentiments, and he would say
that he did not think he would be doing justice to his own feel-
ings, or the opinions of those whom he represented in that
House if he did not declare that he hailed with joy and sa-
tisfaction the present measure, which he looked upon as one
dictated by feelings of honour and justice.—( Hear, hear.) It
must, of course, be gratifying to every Hon. Member in that
House to have observed the number of Hon. Members whe
had become advocates of this cause, from a conviction of its
utility, and many of those Hon. Members occupied positions
which rendered their motives perfectly free from suspicion.—
( Hear, hear.) When the Noble Lord the Member for Lon-
don delivered his sentiments on this subject, in a letter to his
constituents, he (Mr. Villiers) sincerely believed that the
Noble Lord did so from an honest conviction that an imperative
sense of duty called upon him to declare those sentiments, and
that he was not in the slightest degree influenced by party
feeling.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Villiers) was also at a loss
to understand how it was that the Right Hon. Baronet oppo-
site deserved the reproaches by which his introduction of this
measure had been received, because the Right Hon. Baronet
had not introduced this measure under the influence of any
private or personal feeling, but solely because he believed it
necessary for the benefit of the country ; and he (Mr. Villiers)
did rot think that the Right Honourable Baronet had
any reason to be discontented by the manner in
which the measure had been received by the public,
because it was quite evident that he had thrown
over and utterly disregarded the importunities of an insolent
domination.—( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet had been
told that if he persevered in carrying this measure to a division,
that he would deeply regret it ; but the Right Hon. Baronet,
with a characteristic perseverance for which he was remarkable,
disregarded all those remonstrances, and he (Mr. Villiers)
really did believe that the public were delighted to see the
Right Hon. Baronet throw off with so much determination
those party trammels.—( Cheers.) An Hon. Member opposite
had asked him how it was possible he could show his face to
his constituents after giving the vote he intended upon
that occasion ? But he would ask the Hon. Member
in return, how be intended to act at the next election?
( Hear, hear.) He was aware that some Noble Lords, mem-
bers of the Opposition, had declared opinions upon this ques-
tion as contradictory as any that had been assailed in that
House.—(Cries of " Name, name.") He (Mr. Villiers)
could have no hesitation in naming the parties ; one of them
was the Earl of Essex, who had declared that the free im-
portation of Indian corn into this country would be of the
greatest possible benefit to it.—(Cheers and laughter.) Hon.
Members might shake their heads at that as-
sertion, but it was nevertheless true. (Hear, hear.)
He had heard, in the course of that debate, that it was for the
purpose of raising a question as to a great principle, viz., the
system of protection ; a system of policy long believed in this
country, and which was now about to be abolished. Its friends
were about to resist its abolttion, and the object of their
motion was to resist that abolition. This was the 11th day of
the discussion of the system of protection, and new he would
ask, what was the system ? Had anything fallen from
the Gentlemen en the other side of the House as

the Noble Lord the Meriaber for London had reiterated the statement
in a letter addressed to his constitueuts, that the consequence of high
prices were co-existent with low wages. Ile wished to know how
they were to get out of that difficulty ? They wished to keep up high
prices, and the purpose of this law was to do so, otherwise there was
no meaning in it.—(Cheers.) It was all very well for a Noble Lord
on that side of the House to say—" God forbid that we should keep
the prices high at the expense of the people," but how did the
Noble Lord vote ? Corn had never been at a low price in the market,
but they had Members coming to that House to complain that the
agriculturists were being ruined. In the year 1822, the Hon. Member
for North Devon might remember that it was a grievance of county
Members that the prices were low. Some Hon. Member—he be-
lieved the Hon. Member for the West Riding—had said, in the course
of this debate, that this made no difference ; bat let them look to the
years 1822, 1825, and to the last year, when the prices were low, not
arising from importation, but from the blessing of God in sending
them good harvests, than they complained that they had been
deceived. Lord Castlereagh came down to that House and proposed
a scheme for raising the prices of food. He proposed a vote
of money to buy up what was called the surplus
food. In the years 1835 and 1836 there were no grounds
of complaint but what proceeded from a good harvest,
yet the Marquis of Chandos came down there and proposed a repeal
of the malt-tax and a Committee of the House to inquire into the
distress which pressed upon agriculture. What was the speech
made last year by the Hon. Member for Somerset ? He said that
the Right Hon. Baronet had broken his promises, because the prices
of corn were low, there being a too great abundance in the home
produce. The Right Hon, the Secretary for Foretgn Affairs had,
however, said, that he could not resist the conviction that low prices
were a blessing to the working classes. But they wanted also pro-
tection to domestic industry. What was the meaning of the word
" domestic Industry ? Did it mean something that the working
classes were interested iu ? Did the working classes agree
with them in their admiration of the corn-laws?
Had they the authority of any working man
to quote in favour of their schemes, or to acknowledge that they were
benefited by these laws? He would venture to say that they had
no such authority from any town in England. He held in his hand
a communication sent by a working man since this debate had com-
menced. A resolution was agreed to at a meeting at Sheffield, an
open air meeting, that this law had deranged their whole mercantile
system; it had made numbers of merchants and manufacturers
bankrupts ; it had checked the natural currents of trade ;
reduced thousands of families to misery and starvation ;
neither did the good to the great mass of the agricultural
population, those who tilled the ground under these laws
receiving but the slightest share of the blessings they
produced. There was another meeting at Liverpool—a meeting of
reapectble artisans whose characters were avouchod by the leading
merchants of Liverpool; and they stated that the manufactures were
in a state of great distress—that things were getting worse, and that
crime increased in proportion as food diminished. They stated that
the working classes were unable to purchase articles necessary for
their existence, because they found that as wages were low prices
were high, and they affirmed also that when wages
were high the price of food was low.—(Hear, hear.)
There was another argument used by an lion. Gentleman opposite,
who, from his position in the country, would be looked upon as an
authority, he meant the Hon. Member for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson).
That Hon. Member was very lunch alarmed at this measure. Ile
was afraid of the effect of a free importation of corn upon the ex-
changes. The Hon. Gentleman quoted several papers to terrify the
country gentlemen and the agriculturists, and he stated that he him-
self had imported grain fit for human food at 255. per quarter in the
year 1837. It was impossible to doubt the truth of anything the
Hon. Member for Sunderland said ; bat when he stated a fact of that
kind, he intended something, and he wished country gentlemen to
draw the general conclusion that wheat could be imported at 255.
He thought the Hon. Gentleman should have stated where he im-
ported his corn from, and what were tile charges attending the im-
portation.
Mr. HUDSON made some remark which we did not hear.
Mr. VILLIEIS4 continued—lle believed that the Honour-
able Gentlemen would admit that we could import corn in
considerable quantities from Poland and Russia. We could get a
million, or two millions, or four millions of quarters of wheat an-
nually. Now it so happened that he (Mr. Villiers) had an authority
as to the amount of corn imported, and the price in the year 1837.
Now, the price of grain at Dantzie in that year was not lower titan
29s..—(Cries of "At Odessa.") The freight was never less than
4s. 9d. per quarter, and yet the Hon. Gentleman said he had pur-
chased grain at 255. The price at Dantzic was 295., the freight to
Liverpool and London never less than 4s. 9d., and in one case 65.,
and other charges 35., and yet the lion. Gentleman said he purchased
grain at 255. Another peculiarity in that year was, that a very large
portion of corn went front the Baltic to America. The Hon. Gentle-
man the Member for Sunderland was one of that school who had an
objection to free trade, because they thought the imports
would have to be paid for in ' bullion. Now he (Mr.
Villiers) would tell the Honourable Member what was the
state of the money market during four years in which we imported
corn, namely, from 1839 to 1841. After 1839 we had 4,000,0001. in
the Bank of England, and we imported 2,700,000 quarters of wheat,
and during the year the amount of bullion in the Bank fell to
2,000,000/. In 1840 we imported 2,600,000 quarters, and by the end
of that year the amount of bullion had risen to 3,100,0001. In 1841
we imported 2,800,000 quarters, and at the end of that year the bul-
lion in the Bank amounted to 4,580,0001. In 1842 we imported
2,600,000 quarters, and at the end of that year the amount of bullion
had reached 10,000,0001.. What were the exports to corn growing
countries? In 1837 our exports of manufactures amounted
to 12,800,000/. ; and in 1842, after four years of im-
portation of corn, the exports were to 16,800,0001.—(Hear.)
The argument of country gentlemen was, that the home trade was
better than the foreign. That was their case, and they maintained
that nothing affected this market so much as the high price of cons,
Tile lion. Member for Sunderland appeared to be of this opinion,
that the home trade was better than the foreign. That Hon. Mem-
ber was well acquainted with the midland counties, and he would
just read to him the opinion of au cxtcnsivs manufacturer in Lei-
cestershire upon this question.. His correspondent stated that the
wages of the artizan were extremely low ; the distress and suffering
which prevailed in the town of Leicester had never been known to be
greater than it was at present. This distress and suffering was attri-
buted to the high price of provision, and his correspondent added
that when provisions were high the Leicester manufacturing market
was depressed; but when provisions were low, trade became brisk
and flourishing. No. The fact was, the agricultural labourer, as
well as most other labourers, were paid so low that when food
s was dear, he had nothing to spend on stockings and such like articles.
Hon. Members opposite appeared unwilling to listen to this matter;
' but they might depend upon it that the surplus population of the agri-
cultural districts could never find employment in manufactories.
unless the price of food was diminished, and tile home manufacturing
trade trade improved. The lion. Member for Northaggetronsyh
ail roc]aimed
the leader of the protection party,
their views to the world in that House, daencliared that the price of
food should not be cheapened, and stood up for a system which pro-
duced three-fourths instead of ffve-fourths. The Hon. Member and
his party objected to increasing the foreign trade, and called loudly
for a diminution in the business of the manufacturer. With the aid
of their Quarterly Reviews,
their Standards, and their Heralds, they pro-
Ostia: ed to the world that if some of the manufacturing towns were
razed to the ground, this country would be more moral, more con-
tented, anti more happy. With all increased population and diminished
employment, they wished to have fewer manufactories, and told the
House and the world, that if this measure was abandoned, theywould
provide for the surplus population, and diminish the prevailing dis-
tress in the manufacturing districts. Now he wanted to ask them a
simple and plain question—how did they propose to do all this ? Upon
what did they depend ? From what had fallen front some of them,
he was led to understand that they depended upon the present distri-
bution of the constituences and the House of Lords. Now that was
the position of this question at this moment, and that was the nature
of the intrigue that was going on with some Noble Lords upon this
subject. They hoped to throw out this measure, and to form a Go-
vernment, and they hoped by the influence they could exercise over
dependent voters to get a majority for the purpose of mahltaialug
the present corn-law system. Now he wanted to know
whether lion. Gentlemen had considered the 'position of this
question? These corn-laws must either be supported • by force
or by reason,—(Cries of " Oh, oh," from the protectionists,
followed by Opposition cheers.) They had tried torte when
this law was introduced and carried by force.—(Opposition
cheers.) Four 3 ears after it was carried it was maintained by force.
The people had been cut down for the purpose
law. The people were cut down in Manchester f for resisting tthhiiss
corn-law in 1819, and they were attempted to be put down by force
in 1830, but that was found too difficult a task. In 1839 they found
the people discontented with
the results of fernier years, and the Go-
vernment was not able to persuade them to give up their opposition
to the corn-law. It was that agitation that first gave rise to the
Anti-Corn-law League. Their protection societies were created for
the express purpose of deceiving the people, and those societies gave
rise to the Anti-Corn-law League, which
was induced to exhibit
itself in the extraordinary manner that it had done, to circulate, not
its own doctrines or views, as had been ascribed to it by
Honourable Gentlemen opposite, but the deliberate convictions
of the most enlightened men that ever wrote or ever existed
in this country ; and by their extraordinary exertions, the members
of that body brought about the opinion of the country in favour
Of the emancipation of trade, and the removal of the restrictions on
commerce, and the abolition of the corn-laws.--(Hear, hear.) And
lie maintained that that was the state of the question at this mo•
ment. They could not support the law by force ; they could not
support it by deluding the people, or by inducing them to quarrel
with a minister who had conscientiously come forward with the
present measure. He would ask them whether they had made any
security for a period of scarcity; or if the people were to call for
universal suffrage, or were to rise up In arms against the law, what
position would the protectionists be in? He would onty ask them
to imagine such a Government as they had described with a Noble
Duke at its head.—(Hear, hearr) The country would be in a state
of tumult, and Hon. Gentlemen opposite would be responsible fbr
the peace and order of the country.—(Hear, hear,) The state of
the country would really be in a miserable position. And what
would they do? They would do what they did in 1831.—(Hear,
hear.) They would come upon their knees, praying the Right
Honourable Gentleman at the head of the Government to take
office again.—(Opposition cheers.) Then the Hon. Gentleman tile
Member for Ratlandshire quarrelled with the Right Hon. Baronet
because he did not stick to his gotta.—(Bear, hear, and laughter.)
Would the Right Mon. Member himself stick to his guns if he saw a
starving people before him? Would he attempt to put
therefore,he 11i°
down by force ? They dare not. That was their position,
at the present moment. lie would ask them whether it was rea-
sonable to resist the demand of the people to remove this
was corn-law ?
The Right Hon. Baronet, in bringing forward his ffe
have
con-
sulting the interests e the agriculturists, fori it would
they sought. It seemed to
the ect
of giving them the protection for which
him (Mr. Villiers) that the Right 110 . Baronet had maintained their
interests.—(Hear, hear.) Would the Hon. Member for Dorset
Necker to get into the Government ?
Wis"
such
a man
as
•cairgot, in
The • French atinistsrs . —177-5, • repealed
9dti 7,411
" went into onlec. , hem'.)
lawS fal Poan
Minister maid " There are two things to be avoided in every eetnnall-
nity-, and if they are not averted in this country we should have na-
tional bankruptcy and revolution. That WM seld flftten yews be.

to what the principle was—whether it had any rule, or whe-
ther anything would result from it? Was there anything to
be dignified by the name of a system ? The House had not a
single idea on the subject. He had asked on his own side,
whether the system of protection could be universally applied?
The answer was, certainly not ; it would raise the prices of
food and diminish the price of labour. There was no definite
test by which protection could be tried. Was it opposed to the
principle of protection ? No ; for Lord Stanley had said that
protection was competition subject to regulation. (Laughter. )
They had no idea of what the system was. he protec-
tionists say that they did not want to oppose all the advantages
that free trade might give. At least, so said the Hon. Mem
ber for Shrewsbury. He (Mr. Villiers) bad asked,
twoh
ae
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of the sliding scale—and that they call protection. Had there been
the slightest information given about protection to agriculture?—had
they heard any way in which protection assisted agriculture by
capital or otherwise? They had only heard the calamities which free
trade would cause to agriculture. He would ask, had any agricul-
tural authority been quoted to show that the system of
protection was advantageous? No such quotation had been
given—there was not a single man who had given any
explanation at all. Many persons on the other side of the
House said that the principle of protection to agriculture de-
pended upon none of the causes he had stated, and that it did not
require to be assisted or explained by an Act of Parliament. For the
last two nights there had been in the gallery of the House a gentle-
man said to be ono of the largest occupiers of land in the kingdom—
a man who was spoken of as being a great authority on the subject
of agriculture. That gentleman was in the House in order that he
might give some answer to the silly statements which had been put
forth. That gentleman occupied 3,200 acres, extending into six
counties, and he received rent in eight counties. No wonder that
they were so adverse to any inquiry by way of a Committee
embodied by the House, for they knew that this person would
come forward and give evidence against their views.—(lie,ar,
hear, and cheers.) They never wished to refer the question to
a Committee for fear this person should come and demolish all the
arguments of their side.—(Criei of " Oh, oh !" from the Ministerial
benches ) They cried out " Oh, oh !" but why did not they go be-
fore a Committee ? They were on their trial before their country,
and they could not find any person in favour of their views. He
(Mr. Villiers) would venture to say then what he had said before,
that if they went before a Committee of inquiry they would find
farmers from every part of the country to give evidence against their
principle. They would find land agents whose opinions were
hostile to them. There was a society of land agents in this town,
and the majority of that society were of opinion that the total and
immediate repeal of the corn-laws would do no harm if it did no
good. What was the case with the Honourable Members for Essex
amid Suffolk—they both plumed themselves on their knowjedge of
the subject, and they both spoke. The Honourable Member for
lissex, after uttering some very questionable jokes, ended by quoting
a chapier of Mr. Arnold's work. The Honourable Member for
Suffolk, who Ras returned to the House as the fernier's friend, spoke