The Sun.
London, England, 1846-08-14 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT:

HOUSE OF LORDS. August 13.
ROYAL ASSENT.
The Royal Assent was given tctolay, at a quarter past
'five o'clock, by commission, to the foliowing o:netein
Bills :
The Consolidated Fund Bill.
The Art-Unions Bill.
Airdrie and Bathgatt Junction Railway Bill.
Eastern Counties Railway and Thames Junction Branches
Bill.
Itegbv and Leamington Railway Bill.
L eat ondon ay Improvement and Extension Bill.
°P.den and South-Wastern (Basingstoke and SAis'oury
Extension)
Aennacuthshire Railway (No. 2) Bill.
`Glasgovv, Dumfries, and Carlisle Railway Bill.
,ildeirt.r Canal Navigation Bill.
tratnore Etutiankui,nt Bill.
Bo:]Bishop
Guarantee Association Bill.
'ne Bishop of Norwich's (North Lynn Rectory) Estate
Bill.
BTorthwick's Estate Bill.
owestoq Charity Est,ite Bill.
e7l'lwricn's (or Gervis's) Estate Bill.
"0. es Divorce Bill.
"ttb vssoils Divorce Bill.
doe Bishop of Jerusalem's Naturalisation Bill.
The Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, Earl
l'ortescue, and the Eirl. of bhaftesbury.
The LORD CHANCELLOR retired, and in a few minutes
afterwards took his seat on the Woolsack.
DEODANDS ABOLITION BILL.
Lord CAMPBELL moved the second reading of
'ais Bill, which was agreed to.
"Lord DENMAN presented istitions against the
.t. Bill.

LAW OF ARREST.
Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from a Mr.
ledpg of a false arrest. He thought the
pv that to abuses of this nature should be altered
It was a great pity that judges were not
*greed, and some would not allow a man to
~Swear to whatever sum he had until they
;',„ad inquired into the circumstances of the debt.
4ovv, what would be the case, for instance, if the Noble
Lord who was going to Paris in an official capacity,
51101 d be arrested for any alleged debt.
Lord CAMPBELL said that, without doubting the
the of the petitioner, he, nevertheless, thought
7 i
Ter. was in a very satisfactory state at present. It
f.r,i:sdba be
Inc
iPrctbs ti ea
nt
eoeme.ake a law which would be fr•ei
BROUGHAM said what he complained of was,
the Judge should:have endorsed for the whole sum,
aand their Lordships should remember that, it was not
oretaoaotract which was alleged in the affidavit, but a sum,
asth:eY was swornt ) by the person making the affidavit
Worte,anieunt which he considered that his services were
, The „
be mad""it.D CHANCELLOR said that no law could
11% ne I"ka would be just and equitable which would
to eel; "Pea to the same abuses. The judge had nothing
Aft 4 Irer)11 but the affidavit of the e.mainant.
tinse'eogers from the Commons brought! up several
s Which were read a first time.
POOR-LAW COMMISSIONERS.
tOrd BROUGHAM moved for a return of certain
ebernnaunicatioes made to the Poor-law Commissioners.
t.l stated that one of the Commissioners had
n•
take
Upon himself to desire the secretary
1,," the Commission not to make the return
f'"Ed for in that House. The Commissioners ought to
e lthey that were bound to comply with the orders of
th •
heir
Lordships.
;eir Lordships. They had neglected their duty in sets
berequired themselves against the House by refusing to make
be
required return. It had been suggested to him that
r_was very wrong to move for the third time. The
if: time he moved, the motion was not complii d with.
thenthen moved that the return be made forthwith. He
a moved, about a fortnight since, that the return be
4 e forthvvith. This was the fourth motion ; and he
4hOnl
fiv., d l'aove to-morrow, if the return was not made by
cf the clock, that the Poor-law Commissioners be
4ued before their Lordships.
WEST INDIA COLONIES.
Lord
of s ABINGER presented a petition from the island
in t• Vincent, in favour of the admission of free labour
Att/b, the West India colonies. On the motion of the
°'e Lord, the petition (which was a 'very long oue)
tread by the Clerk at the Table.
The Bishop
of LONDON presented a petition to the
Nuns effect.
fro he Bishop of LONDON also presented a petition
theu„ the inhabitants of the town of Winstanley against
the rreNrsed Government measure for an alteration of
suga duties.
TREATY WITH DENMARK.
oflte Marquis of LANSDOVi NE laid upon the table
tweet" flouee a copy of the treaty lately concluded be-
enbill her Majesty and the King of Denmark upon the
et of the transmission of letters by post.
A POOR REMOVAL BILL.
the UULE LORD presented a petition from a place
Aber '4" of which we could not catch, against the fur-
The of the Poor-law Removal Bill.
Ilear Removal Bill then went through Committee.
On th THE SUGAR DUTIES.
Duties 13711M0tion for the second reading of the Sugar
The
their xi Bishop of OXFORD said that he could assure
difve ordships that it was with feelings of the greatest
few uenatincaeertnaectnthetasrt, he addressed himself, even for a
to that which, in his eye, was
Zita peculiarly sacred.—(Hear, hear) He
Particular pain in opposing her GovernmentMajesty'sL on any question, but particularly on this,
and the name of the Noble Marquis (Lansdowne)
of the Noble Earl next to him, the second who had
.tborne that title, first became known to him in 1807 as
‘o very advocates of that measure which had given
freedom to the slave, and the advantages of which they
Were now ready to abrogate. Had this been merely a
matter of finance, he would have been one of the last
to moot it, but looking upon it, as he did, as one deeply
affecting the moral character of the country, he felt
compelled to waive all private considerations, and act
as he trusted he should have credit for acting,
Simply from the dictates of duty; and he considered
that no man would allow but this was a sufficient in-
ducement for any one to overcome the repugnance of
Private feelings to oppose those whom he chiefly de-
sired to support. If he understood right, the matter as
it now stood was thus put—first, that there was a ne-
ssity for increasing the supply of an article which,
I not actually necessary, was of great consequence to
sttleatptehlele, at least in the way of comfort; secondly,
tortr o! passing of this measure would facilitate the ex-
our manufactures. Sir James Hogg had said in
hlliej'uw‘r House that there was not enough of sugar in
nu sugar producing countries to fill the market as it
ght to be filled. In order to obtain the increased
letioPtPlY,„. from Cuba and other places, they did
obtabf'ePaie to introduce machinery. They must
must "It by downright manual labour they
the s),"tain it by an increased amount of labour of
much--",,ves• The lash had already done its work; as
duo 'egar was at present produced as could be pro-
the death already trod hard upon the heels of
FUnfortunate negro employed iu producing sugar.
or every additional en° , additional ninetmen hogsheads of sugar they
imported into this country an additional negro must be
titereeved from Africa to labour; and this was not all, for
Os the long train of cruelty and evil which arose
„;ieel the iniquitous practice of transferring men by
olence from their own shores to work as slaves in the
eeuntries of strangers. An argument had lately been
Used in that House against his proposition. It had been
aced by the Noble Earl, that with all the increased
odection of sugar, the importation of negroes from
e coast of Africa had not increased. A calculation
h
;_l•td been made of the number of hog-heads increased
'l' the exports, showing that the imports of
.__ and
eves had diminished. There was no means of
knowing what quantity of sugar was produced
d exported, nor the number of slaves which had
been introduced. Under the present law, it was
known that the sugar could not be produced without
labour, and that labour could not be produced without
Slaves. The proposed increase of the productionateratis in
af
Sugar could not be eff,cted without
great on
the growing lands and alterations in the houses
manufactories for the preparation of sugar.
It d
did appear to him, as far as the objection
went, and on which very great weight was laid
by the Noble Lord—as far as that objection went, the
original position stood unshaken. Another argument
Was adduced—the greatest argument of all—and that
was that it was not possible for them to object to the
measure, because they allowed a large introduction of
other articles from the same lands, They received
Carolina cotton, and c: uld they raise any objection to
the introduction of Cuba sugar? The Noble Marquis
Would do hiol the justice not to include him in the
number which he classed as disguised rotectionists,
rLhe was ready to proclaim himself of ree trader as
h-eu as the Noble Marquis himself. With regard to
item oral view of the case, of using these articles, was
aeLt, wrong to use such an argument before a great
iV ""'IY of men as had been introduced on that point?
, „
ne. „,-v because be coull not undo one evil that
be n,:aB to consent to do another ? Was it
Was he could not legalise house breaking that he
his M tolerate murder ? Because he could not prevent
cottPneePle from trading with America in slave grown
eth-n, that he was to encourage the slave production of
ot, er articles in other countries ? Was he to be.accused
dipnocrisy because, knowing that one evil existed, he
to
eonsent to inflict another ? It was also stated
a
at there was a large importation of copper from .
this onuntr3 and that the consumption of that article
ias allowed. :11e for one was ready to join her Ala-
4ces4's Government in forbidding the introduction of
tieiPPer into this country from Cuba, and he was sure
ti 4t hate Noble Lord brought forward such a. prdo
en, he would meet with the most unqualifie sup-
cost
from those around him.—(Hear.) Besidensdt
the
ecountry
was itself a copper exporting country, a
ltt d
tar fser said to be brought from Cuba was
oust. s edtiglish manufacturers and again sent out. _
thee ;eeffee question, he thought that the encouragement of
th aliportation of coffee into England did not encourage
foil slave trade. The planter in the Brazils did not employ
angro we slaves in the plantations for they were strong
t` he wanted them. It was the labour of women and chil-
h2, and the encouragement of that labour would cause
to-, Planter to have a home-bred raceur negroes, and not
t_ Lear them away from the coast of Africa. With regard
Jill the third argument which had been adduced, namely,
'elnt this Country required an increased supply of sugar.
ehh;Y sought to effect that object in the most objection-
way- The English people had no right to have
4114 want supplied by injustice, cruelty, and rapine.
Y should facilitate their obtaining from every part of
earth that which they need, if it could be done
ne 'le- tee le ea et: . e enie ,rce, be r. evf=n
of their wants ought to be supplied at the expense
the blood and lives of their fellow-beings.—(Hear,
-‘vg..)
Therefore, said, that tte argument that the

measure was required to procure the people a sufficiency
of one of the common necessaries of life was a fallacy.
But there was another argument used in favour of
the measure to which he must allude. It was said
that, in the long run, the free-trade principles
of the country would evantually lead to the abolition of
slavery and the slave trade, because slave labour was
confessedly dearer than free labour. He, however, de •
'lied this. It was not true that free labour was cheaper
than slave labour ; but leaving that argument out of the
question, it was said these free-trade principles were
already producing great effects in the country where
slavery existed. Now the wealthy planter might be dis-
posed to rest upon what he had got already, but the ad-
venturous planter, who was needy in his circumstances,
and had his fortune to make, would have recourse to
that labour which he could procure with the least ex-
pense, and over which he could exercise the greatest
amount of control, and this would stimulate the slave
trade which was carried on between Africa and the slave
states. It would be increased in the same degree that
this measure would increase the supply of sugar for this
country. Again it was areued that their present plans
for putting down the slave trade had proved failures,
and therefore an alteration was necessary. It was said
that the slave trade at present was four times as great as
it was in 1807, when they passed the Abolition Bill.
Now ho flatly denied that proposition.—(Hear, hear.)
He denied that at this moment there was a greater num-
ber of slaves exported from Africa than there were
in 1807. It was said that the trade had increased to
the extent of from 15,000 to 20,000 slaves annually ; but
what had occasioned that increase but an extension of
the sugar market ? In spite of all the difficulties they
had raised against the slave trade, the extension of the
sugar market had added to the number of slaves an-
nually exported from Aft ica—(Hear, hear)—and
yet, even with this statement, which came
from the other side before them, they were asked to pass
a Bill which would extend the market still further. A
Noble and Learned Lord opposite had told them, and
truly, too, that the Brazils were approaching that period
when they would join this country in putting down the
slave trade. They had been almost reduced to do so,
the Noble Lord said, because they were excluded from
the British market; and yet they were about to put an
end to the exclusion, on the ground that it had proved a
failure.—(Hear, hoar.) Just let the House remark the
injustice of this. Had the exclusion continued, they
would shortly have been in a position, with the aid of
France, and other nations, so to blockade the African
coast, that it would have been utterly impossible for a
single slaver to elude the vigilance of the guard, while,
on the other hand, a wholesome system of
commerce would be opened up between the
chiefs of that country and different parts of the world.
—(Hear, hear.) Let them pass that measure, and they
would be re-opening the slave trade just at the very
moment when there was a most reasonable expectation
of their getting repaid for all the life, energy, and prin-
ciple they had sacrificed in the cause of justice and
humanity. But what were they doing ? Why they
were doing that which would render it impossible for
them to ask other nations to assist them in suppressing
a detestable traffic, and publishing to the whole of
Europe the fact, that they were sacrificing a great prin-
ciple for the sake of expediency. Their passed plans
he would contend, then, had been no failure, and he pro.
tested against that measure because it was averse to
the feelings of the great body of the people of this
country. When slavery was abolished in their own
West India Islands, they were told that it would
be useless to do so, because the Dutch
would take advantage of their Act, but it
was urged then, and he urged it now, that this
was no reason why this country should either directly
or indirectly be a party to a great political crime. It
was not fair that, because they wanted cheaper sugar,
they should do an act which had a direct tendency to
encourage slavery and the slave trade ; and, believing
this would be the effect of the present measure, he would
conclude with moving, as an amendment, that the Bill
be read a second time that day three months.—(Hear.)
The Bishop of LONDON said he was not aware that
the discussion upon this Bill would have been taken
upon the first reading, but he was glad it was so, be-
cause it bad given him an opportunity of carefully con-
sidering the opinions of those who supported the mea-
sure. The conclusion he had come to, after carefully
reading the debate of Thursday night was, that if he
sanctioned this measure, he should be encouraging the
slave-trade, the abolition of which was, in his opinion,
the highest feature in the history of the country, and
one which he considered might well be brought against
the offences which this country had some time ago, for
a long period of years, committed against the cause of
hurnanity.—(Hear, hear.) If they must have a large
supply of sugar they must clearly encourage an increase
in the traffic. Into Brazil and Cuba there were no less
than 150,000 slaves imported annually, and if they
wished to have an increased supply of sugar of 30,000
or 40,000 tons, they must also have an increase of 30,000
or 40,000 slaves imported to enable this quantity to be
produced. If, then, it was true, and it could not be
doubted, that for every one slave brought across the
Atlantic two perished, let them look to the immense loss
of li!e which the measure before the House would
necessarily cause. He did not look at the question in
the light of protection, but as a question of mortality,
and believing that it would have the effect of inflicting
such incalculable evils on those unfortunate creatures,
he would, however unwillingly, enter his protest against
the me asure. That great statesman, Mr. Pitt, called it
the greatest practical evil that was ever inflicted on man-
kind, and fully concurring in that opinion, and feeling
that any thing said more would weaken the effect made
upon their Lordships by the speech of his Right
Rev. Friend, he would conclude by supporting his
amendment.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE considered that one
of the Right Rev. Prelates who had just addressed
them, had peculiar claims on their attention with
regard to this question, inasmuch as he bore
the name of one whose name was imperish-
able with regard to the accursed slave-traffic
(Hear, hear.) Great, however, as had been his eloquence,
he thought that if they did not adopt the question before
the House they would be guilty of a piece of incon-
sistency which no language could adequately describe.
If the Right Rev. Prelate had heard an opinion ex-
pressed that the great question of the abolition of the
slave-trade was a failure, it was not from
him, nor any of his Noble Friends, such an opinion
ever came. When his Right Rev. Friend made use
of the name of a Noble Friend of his, to the effect
that every energy would be taxed to put down the
slave-trade, he trusted that he would also give weight to
the opinion of that Noble Friend, who also stated that
to open a free trade with Brazil was one of the most
effectual means for the suppression of the slave-
trade. He, therefore, again indulged the hope
that by the adoption of this more generous and
liberal policy—by the medium of commerce—
this measure would lead to the propagation and esta-
blishment of greater moral and religious principles; and
knowing the moral and religious feelings, and the noble
principles of the people of this country, he could under-
take to state they considered this a measure which met
their approval, as the presentation of only six petitions
against it amply proved, for had it been otherwise, their
Lordships' table • would have been covered with denun-
ciations against it. Considering how much the subject
had been discussed already, he would not detain their
Lordships at greater length, but conclude by calling upon
them to stipnort the Bill.
The LQHD CHANCELLOR having put the amend-
ment, and no Noble Lord having risen to address the
House, strangers were ordered to withdraw, and their
Lordships divided, when the numbers were—
Gintent
Not content 2B
Majority in favour of the Bill — 18
The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to
be committed to-morrow.
COUR l' OF COMMON PLEAS BILL.
On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, this
Bill was read a second time.
TITHE AMENDMENT BILL.
This Bill was reported with the amendments, and or-
dered to be engrossed.
The Citation (Scotland) Bill was also reported with
amendments, and ordered to be read a third time to-
morrow.
The Stock in Trade Bill, the Highway Rates Bill, the
Turnpike Acts Continuance Bill, and the Copyhold
Commission Bill, went severally through Committee.
The Militia Pay Bill was read a second time.
The Prisons (Ireland) Bill was read a third time
and passed, as were also the Grand Jury Cess Bill, and
the Books and Engravings Bill.
Several other Bills were forwarded a stage, and the
House adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, August 13.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Twelve o'clock.
The following reports were brought up and agreed to :
—Booth's Charities (or Clowes') Estate Bill ; Duke of
Cleveland's (Bathwick and Wrington) Estate Bill ; Duke
of Cleveland's (Hardwick Hart, &c.) Estate Bill ; Horne's
(Ferguson's) Estate Bill ; Lord Kenyon's (Congreve's)
Estate Bill ; Scott's Estate Bill.
AL. SOULS' COLLEGE ESTATE.

This Bill was read a third time and passed.
FARQUARSON'S DIVORCE.
This Bill was read a second time.
CORK AND WATERFORD RAILWAY.
Mr. T. S. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from
Waterford against the Bill for this line, and stated that
the Member for Kerry had presented a petition from
the shareholders in favour of the Bill, which was to be
referred to the Committee which meets to-morrow. That
petition complained of the allegation that the cer-
tificate was invalid. Now he held in his hand a
scrip certificate numbered 48,600, while the whole of
the shares in the company, according to the company's
regulations, were only 41,000, so that on the very face
of it there was sufficient to justify the assertion, that the
certificate of the company was falsified. He thorefore
moved that the petition of subscribers and holders of
scrip in the Cork and Waterford Railway Company,
against the validity of the sessional meeting held on the
25th day of May, and the certificate of the chairman
grounded thereon, presented August 12, be referred to
the Committee on the Bill, together with said certificate,
with liberty for the petitioners to be heard, pursuant to
the prayer of the petition, and for the Committee to re-
port specially thereon.
CORRESPONDING SOCIETY.

Mr. WARBURTON presented a petition from a per-
son named Lemaitre, who had been a member of the
Corresponding Society, and complaining that be had
been the victim of conspiracy. The petition stated that
in 1794 he was, when in his eighteenth year, living with
his parents, his father being a watchmaker. That while
a member of the Corresponding Society he had sub-
scribed to the fund for the defence of John Horne Tooke,
Thelwall, and Hardy. These funds were partly
naid into the braids of a person named Upton,
vti no kept u ship in Bell yard, whom
it Was discovered had been • prosecuted by the
Phenix Assurance Office for setting fire to his
Own hcotee. Oa Eluding shis out, oD She inotioa of