The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON,

WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE" '2ll 1818.

pamphlet from which he had been quoting, and it was the
last with which he would trouble the House:—" Of the bo-
ronghs with the number of electors represented by each
Member below the average--are Honiton, which is 822
below it ; Totnes, 875 ; Lymington, 893 ; Harwich, 858 ;
Richmond (Yorkshire), 904, and Thetford, 933. The differ-
ence between the two extremes, Westminster and Thetford,
the former having one Member for every 7,286 electors, and
the latter one for every 107, is 7,179. The two boroughs
are equal in Parliament, although the electoral body of
the one is 1.48 per cent., or one sixty-seventh that of
the former. Again, the aggregate electoral body of
London and the metropolitan boroughs is 83,062,
returning amongst them sixteen Members. The
aggregate electoral body of the boroughs of Bridgnorth,
Honiton, Harwich, Thetford, Stafford, Richmond (York-
shire), Totnes, and Lymington is' 3,766, also returning
amongst them sixteen Members. In the former, the average
number of electors returning one Member is 5,191, in the
latter it is 235; from which it appears that one voter in the
latter is equivalent in the electoral scale to twenty-two in the
former." Thus the whole influence to London was neutra-
lised by the Members of these eight boroughs, who got into
the House, as they all knew, with very little trouble, though
at some expense.—(Laughter.) That, he would say, was
not a fair state of things.—(Hear, hear.) But before stat-
ing the course which he would recommend them to pursue,
he might observe that the suffrage was at the present
time on no fixed principle. Honourable Members might
I not be aware that though they bad a 10/. suffrage as the
standard for boroughs, and a 40s. franchise, if they pleased
to call it so, in the counties, yet many would be surprised to
hear that there were altogether no less than eighty-five tiff-
ferent suffrages at present in existence. It was impossible to
tell the confusion and delay and expense which this variety
and uncertainty of the franchise gave rise to. What they
ought to do was to render the suffrage as simple, as general,
as easily obtained, and as easily defended as possible. It
was at present narrow, complicated, difficult to be preserved,
and attended with great expense, not only of money but of
time. He would counsel the House to adopt some uniform
system of suffrage for the counties, and one for the
boroughs, but first he would state what were the
various suffrages that now existed. (The Honourable
Member read a list of several denominations of the
franchise, but said that the entire number would
occupy too much time in going through.) They were
taken down by a barrister who had made the subject
his study. This much he would say, that many per-
sons who had a right to the franchise under some of these
heads, did not choose to avail themselves of it because they
did not wish to go to the trouble and expense of registra-
tion.—(Hear, hear.) Now what was the result of this state
of inequality? Why, that the people of this country did
not believe that that House represented the public.--(Hear,
hear.) They found votes and proceedings agreed to that
were altogether at variance with the interests of the people.
They found that class interests and the interests connected
with the aristocracy were always in favour, to the exclusion
of the interests of the people. They found that the agri-
cultural interests were in a great measure freed from taxa-
tion, and it was no wonder that it should be so, seeing that
until a few years ago no English Member could sit in that
House without having 3001. a year in land. In Ireland it
was, he believed, the same thing; but in Scotland they had,
and still have, a better order of things. A. working
man could be elected as a Member of Parliament for
Scotland as well as the wealthiest landholder in the
country, and why should it not be so, if his fellow-electors
had confidence in him ? It appeared to him, there-
fore, that in every point of view the absurdity of the present
state of the representation, and the confusion to which it
twhoearl
de ms eadhym wit
gave rise, were all
tohweyi n
hgatdo
itthieni rthoswi
rap
oneglect
eimnp
loy. applying
n o
htihcaht the time had come when they ought to
effect the changes that were desirable. He would not speak
now of the great increase of taxation which had been allowed
to spring up under the present system, and which the coun-
try believed to be imposed for the benefit of certain classes.
Increased taxes were imposed on account of the army, the
navy, the colonies, but he would only say on this subject at
present, that his own opinion was that one-third of the whole
amount expended for these purposes might be very easily
saved.—(Hear, hear.) After the Reform Bill, and while
Hon. Gentlemen were on their good conduct before the coun-
try, the national expenditure had been brought down by seven
or eight millions; but whcn the public became careless, the
taxes were again gradually increased to the present enor-
mous amount. He would wish that Hon. Members
would look over a return that had been moved for
by the Hon. Member for Liverpool (Mr. Cardwell). They
would see how the taxation had gradually risen to
the enormous amount of nearly sixty millions annually
in a time of peace. Was it possible that under such a
state of things the people of England—writhing under the
injustice of being refused their civil rights, and of being at
the same time taxed to that vast extent—could be con-
tented? They were not content, and they ought not to be
content; and only that those who had the suffrage were re-
gardless of their duty, they would have taken care what
class of men they sent as their representatives to that House.
He did not see the Right Honourable Baronet the Member
for Tamworth in his place; but he held in his hand
a statement made by that Right Honourable Gentle-
men at the lime that Parliament disfranchised the 40s.
freeholders of Ireland. The Right Honourable Baronet
stated on that occasion, in speaking of the franchise, " No
doubt it is a vested right; but it is a right which differs in
its character from the rights of property and other private
rights. It is a pubic trust, given for public purposes, to be
touched, no doubt, with great caution and reluctance;
but still which we are competent; to touch if the public
interest manifestly demands the sacrifice." That wa's the
language held when 340,000 freeholders were struck off the
roll in Ireland. Now he was anxious to see no man's money
taken out of his pocket without his consent. It was contrary
to the constitution and contrary to justice to do so, and what
was contrary to the constitution and to justice could not, and
ought not long to continue. The people were now, he was
glad to see, alive to the importance of this subject. But let
them bear in mind that every voice in that House was a
voice sent against them to keep up the present extravagant
system, and it was their own fault if they did not come for-
ward and perform their duty. Under the Reform Bill of
1832 they had the undoubted benefit, that whereas the bo-
roughmongers filled the House before the Reform Bill, di-
viding it into Whigs and Tories, who always formed two
factions, influenced only by their individual inter-
ests, the electors had now the power of making
what selection they pleased. He had often heard
it said, by way of regret, that the Reform Bill was likely
to destroy the influence of the Crown. Why, the very
contrary was the tact. The King of England could not do
anything as he pleased before the Reform Bill. He could
not choose even his own Ministers, except as the two fac-
tions of the aristocracy decided.—(Hear, hear.) But now,
if the 10/. householders were but honest, if they fulfilled
what the Right Honourable Baronet called the trust given
to them honestly and fearlessly, they might at the next
election take care to place in that House men who would
act up to the demands of the interests and necessities of the
people, and this could be done in the constitutional mode, in
which only it ought to be accomplished. At the same time he
hoped that the electors would not do anything to impede the
great extension of the suffrage which he believed necessary
for the welfare of the country. They had heard complaints
against the Radical Reformers or Chartists. They had
heard complaints of their disturbances; sad he was sorry to
say that for the last ten years they had interfered with the
progress of almost every public meeting, and had thus, in
fact, destroyed one of the most important elements in
the Constitution—freedom of opinion. He had always
objected to them on this ground, because he thought that
whatever might be their owa views they ought not to inter-
fere with the expression of opinion by others. But at the
same time, when he looked back to the causes of discontent
which prevailed, and to the manner in which their petitions
had been treated in that House, he could not feel astonish-
ment if they were dissatisfied and unsettled. When he remem-
bered the reception of the petitions that had been presented
by his friend Mr. Duncombe again and again, he could not
wonder that they should have adopted the mode of family
petitions that had been recently acted upon. Mr. Livesey,
of Preston, was, he believed, the first man who suggested the
plan of having the name, address, and occupation of the peti-
tioner inserted. Under the Act of Charles the Second it was
said to be illegal to send a petition signed by more than 20
persons. He had himself presented lately a number of
petitions, each signed by less than that number, and he
thought that in the present state of things persons were
wise in sending petitions bearing only a small number of
signatures. But to return : he thought it was unnecessary
for him to say more in order to satisfy the House of the
inequality of the present system, of the great proportion of
the population that it excluded, and of the necessary dissatis-
faction which prevailed throughout the country.--(Hear.
hear.) The remedy which he would now propose was
quite a constitutional one. He was about submitting to the
House the following,propositions :—" That this House, as
at present constituted, does not fairly represent the popula-
tion, the property, or the industry of the country, whence
has arisen great and increasing discontent in the minds of
a large portion of the people; and it is therefore expedient,
with a view to amend the national representation, that the
elective franchise shall be so extended as to include house-
holders; that votes shall be taken by ballot; that the dura-
tion of Parliaments shall not exceed three years; and that the
apportionment of Members to population shall be made more
equal." Great anxiety existed in the country on the sub-
ject of this motion. He had many applications made to
him to know what he meant by household suffrage, and
here he begged to remark that a word had been acci-
dently omitted in the resolution, as his intention was to in-
clude all householders. Not wishing to create any alarm he
drew a distinction between the vagrant and the man who
ought to have a vote, and adopting the opinion given by
Whitelock and others, and very lately by Lord Brougham,
his definition was as follows. He might remark, in the first
instance, that the Committee who had met and had asked
him to bring forward this motion, had all given different in-
terpretations to the the term household voter. The defini-
tion which he would suggest, if the House allowed him to
bring in a Bill on the subject was this—" that every male
who a
havelo u s e
beenor par
rated t houseto
othe
poor as as elector,
person of full age, and not subject to any mental or legal in-
capacity, at cwi teTv,
twelve
who
months,
shall be entitled to be registered, and
shall be entitled to vote for twelve months from
and every lodger shall have a right to be rated
to the poor, and after such rating and such residence for
that period;
shit!l in like manner be entitled to be
There would be no difficulty
object. The apparatus all existed. In
carrying out this n
registered twelve
as
a elector.
every parish there we
ths shall
havean and occupied
shall
were ratings to the poor, and persons who
ratings. All that was wanted was to
separate and distinguish
have so much o
kept accounts off those
t who was entitled to a vote, from the
the steady inhabitant,
entitled to one. He knew that this
vagrant, who was not
herdence as should
ould inolude a great many, and be a
excludes certain portion of the population,
to a great many more, who would remain
be
root paotsitthi oensawmo would
time
it w
strong inducement
He was not aware of anydifficulty that existed.
registered.
By the present law every house was rated to the poor, and
would provide that
the Act conferring this suffrage every manfixed in their residence for 12 months for the sake of being
who so desired might, upon entering upon the occupation of
f the poor-rate assessed upon that house.
what-
ever it might be, o
and residence, both of which were impor-
tant,Thus registration
be drawn between
part of a house, have a right to be rated fora portion,
would be secured, and a line would
on account from the suffrage merely
of
the
now excluded
tion It might be argued that this proposal
nature of his occnpa •
Con between personal rights and
the mere vagrant and the worthy and educated man who was
did not keep up the distinction
too
the law as it stood too
tight, but he must say that by
and too much
mortar, and too little
attention had been paid to bricks
laugh)—and the time had now
to brains—(Hear, hear, and a . v
property. He did not wish to draw that distinction
be, t
the House that the proper course to pursue would abos
lish all qualifications now existing
.in. boroughs, substi-
tute this simple and intelligible principle,
beby which a large
that it Noble Lord and some others might say would. admit
but that was not his opinion.
toe many—(Hear, hear)—
portion of the people now excluded would admitted. The
and a fair expression of opinion, and of doing
away with bribery and other influences which had
The more were admitted the better the chance of a free
been brought to bear. He would tell Hon. Members who
Wight not have bad the experience of the working men
which he had had. that he had held his positionin that
House, and been protected for some 12 or 14 years during
i
the worst of times, by the virtue and honesty of the working
men of Monttuee, and the five burghs bad kept him in that

House in spite of every effort made by the whole Tory aris-
tocracy, who would have given his weight in gold only to
get rid of him.—(Cheering and laughter.) The working
men now thought and acted for themselves; -and lion.
Gentlemen should remember that the schoolmaster had been
abroad, and that there was a great difference between the
days of 1831 and those of 1848. Public affairs were now far
better understood, although he could wish education had
been still more widely extended.—(Hear, hear.) He thought
that a large suffrage—such as he hoped to see realised be-
fore long—was so consistent with the interests of all classes,
high and low, that he believed no Minister would be able
long to refuse it. It was as clear to him as any proposition
he had ever' examined, that, if those were admitted within
the pale of the constitution who were now ranging discon-
tented over the country, a grand cause of such' discontent
would be removed, and thereby the number of advocates
of order and peace would be increased.—( Hear, hear.) This,
therefore,; was the principal object ; all the others were
merely subsidiary. The extension of the suffrage was the
one great object—(Hear, hear)—all the others were
matters of detail. Having obtained an extension of the
suffrage, the result would be—for he would not trouble the
House with figures—according to his estimate, that 2,000,000
of votes would be added to the constituency..—(Hear, hear.)
This increase of the constituency was itself a good. The
more votes that were added the better. He hoped that all
would be included in the franchise who deserved it; for it
was a heartbreaking circumstance to see men of ability and
talent, though M a low condition or life, excluded by law
from the exercise of their rights in a representative
constitution. If this was not to be a representative con-
stitution, it must be a military constitution ; it must
be one or the other, and, he hoped, when he looked
round at the state of the continent, that this
truth would be remembered ; it ought to ring in the ears of
those who obstructed the extension of the principle of re-
presentation, and he hoped it would continue to ring in their
ears until the object was obtained. If he found the country
prepared for the change, he was bound to explain why the
resolution,:"put forth as the resolution of a committee, was
put in this shape. It was thought better to throw out the
principle, and to let the country say how far they would go.
Buying answered what he considered as the calumny of the
Noble Lord, and having stated the definition which he was
anxious to embody in an Act, in order that his plan
should have effect and operation, he would mention
one circumstance, which he had referred to on a ,
former occasion—namely, why he had put all into one reso-
lution. The extension of the suffrage without protection
would, in his opinion, be an evil, since in many cases voters
would be subject to a coercion and an influence which was
not very delicately exercised by masters; he therefore
thought it perfectly right, and he took it upon himself to
express the opinion on the part of the community at large,
that voters should be protected. It was not the humbler
classes alone who needed this protection ; the petitions had
not been confined to those classes: All had joined—Conser-
vatives and Whigs, the man of wealth and the tradesman,
mayors and justices of the peace, had joined in the prayer
that the suffrage should be extended; and the next and
most important question was, in what manner it should be
exercised. Hitherto there had been the grossest inequality.
What was to be done? It was not his intention to adopt the
plan proposed by some, of cutting the country into squares.
He was one of those who thought that every change was an
evil.—(Hear.) Every change ought, in his opinion, to be
well considered beforehand ; and he never would advocate
any change merely for the sake of change, or unless he was
sure it would effect great good. He did not, therefore, pro-
pose to divide the country anew, and he did not propose to
alter the proportion of Members for England, Scotland, and
Ireland. He would leave the proportions the same as they
now were. He was aware that there were counties with a
population treble the amount of other counties, and it might
be desirable to alter the limits of some counties, as well as
of some boroughs. He had the number of the population in
each county and in each borough, and he could state what
should be the average of each. The next proposition was
the vote by ballot. He knew that this subject had been
very fully discussed in this House upon former occasions,
and he was not now disposed to renew the discussion ; but
he would notice one objection to the ballot, namely, that
it was un-English. If the ballot was un-English, was it
meant that bribery and coercion, against which it was
meant to guard, were English ?—(Hear, hear.) If the
franchise was a trust, those in possession of it should vote
according to their honest opinion. If a man came into the
possession of an estate giving him the command over a cer-
tain number of votes, why should the men who had them
be called upon to vote at all, when they could not do so
honestly? But was it those men alone who required pro-
tection? Why, men with hundreds and thousands a year
had not courage to vote as they ought, and required a pro-
tection as well as the poor man. But it was the poor man
he wished chiefly to protect against the rich, in order that he
might give his vote freely, without suffering the conse-
quences which in many cases a working man endured if he
gave an honest direction to his vote. What was surprising
was, that the higher classes did not object to the Ballot
among themselves. They should do to others as they would
be done by. When they got to their clubs they voted by
ballot, and why not permit the poor man to exercise his
franchise by ballot? He wished any man, when he came to
vote, to be able to go in an erect and independent manner
and exercise his right; he wished him to be as independent
in that act as the Honourable Member for Sunderland oppo-
site, and them efore he thought the ballot was necessary to
the due exercise of the elective franchise. Having dis-
posed of this point, the next was the duration of the Par-
liament. Some proposed that Parliaments should be elected
for five years, some for three years, and some for two years.
He admitted that there was no rule by which a person could
form an opinion upon this question, which depended upon
practical expelience. His own opinion, after all his expe-
rience in that House, led him to say that if the Parliament
were elected for a not longer time than three years, that
term would afford a sufficient opportunity of control over
the representatives. If the elections were annual, it would
occasion trouble delay, and expense, though if his plan
were adopted candidates would be put to little expense. He
thought, however, taking it altogether, • that Parliaments
ought not to be elected for more than iree years. These
were, therefore, his propositions—household suffrage, under
the conditions he had mentioned; the more equal apportion-
ment of Members to population; triennial Parliaments; and
vote by ballot. There was likewise a fifth proposition
which he wished to adopt. He wished to act upon the prin-
ciple he had before referred to, of doing to others as others
d.d to him. He sat in that House without qualification.
He was an elector, and as an elector he had a title to be
elected. In Scotland there was no qualification required
—no property qualification —but the fact of being an
elector. He was anxious to put the people of England
and Ireland on the same footing in this respect as thon of
Scotland, where there was no property qualification, and
where even working men of talent who had no property
qualification were not therefore excluded from the House.
Upon this ground, he thought that all the rest of the United
Kingdom should be put upon the same footing as Scotland
was, which would open the door for the removal of property
qualification. This was the plan of Reform which he thought
ought to be adopted ; he thought if the House stopped
short of this the plan would be defective ; he thought they
ought to carry it out entire, and they should beware of
making such another mistake as they had done in 1832, In
justification of his views he had no occasion to refer, but he
must refer, to the sentiments expressed by the Noble Lord
when he introduced the Reform Bill in 1831, which he sup-
ported in this strong manner, and he (Mr. Hume) saw no
reason why the Noble Lord should have since changed his
opinions. The Noble Lord, on the Ist of March, 1831, said—
" But what is the case at this moment, The whole people
call loudly for Reform. That confidence, whatever it was,
which formerly existed in the constitution of this House,
exists no longer—it is completely at an end. Whatever may
he thought of particular acts of this House, I repeat that the
confidence of the country in the construction and constitu-
tion of the House of Commons is gone, and gone for ever.
I will say more. I will say that it would be easier to
transfer the flourishing manufactures of Leeds and Manches-
ter to Gatton and Old Sarum, than to re-establish confidence
and sympathy between this House and those whom it calls
its constituents. I end this argument, therefore, by saying,
that if the question be one of right, right is in favour of
Reform—if it be a question of reason, reason is in favour
of Reform—if it. be a question of policy and expediency,
policy and expediency are in favour of Reform." He (Mr.
Hume) could not use stronger language to support his ar-
guments than this, and it was only necessary to read it to
show what the sentiments of the Noble Lord then were.
There was another passage of the same speech of the Noble
Lord which it was very important that the House should
bear in mind. The Noble Lord showed the necessity of a
change in the state of the representation at that time, and he
(Mr. Hume) wanted to show what the Noble Lord's opinions
then were :—" It will not be necessary on this occasion
that I should go over the ground which has frequently
before been gone over, for arguments in favour
of a change in the state of the representation ;
but it is due to the House that I should
state shortly the points on which the reformers rest their
case. In the first place, then, the ancient constitution of our
for
rthe
his
countryo f the s t
atdeclares
who
hasthat
notno
consentedman shall
byhimself,
be ta ed
or repre-
sentative, to the imposition of these taxes; the well known
supt
rstatute De Tallagio non concedendo repeats the same lan-
guage; and although some historical doubts have been
thrown upon it, its legal meaning has never been disputed.
It includes all the freemen of the land,' and provides that
each county should send to the Commons of the realm two
knights, each city two citizens, and each borough two bur-
gesses." He read the next passage to introduce the two
branches of his plan, namely, the ballot and the duration of
Parliaments:—" I ought to notice certain points which are
looked to with great interest by the most zealous advocates
for reform, but which are not included in the proposed
measure. In the first place, then, I have to state that
there is no provision in this Bill for shortening the dura-
tion of Parliament. That is a subject which has been
much considered, but, upon the whole, without stating the
opinion of his Majesty's Ministers on it, I may ob.erve that
it was thought better to leave that matter to be brought for-
ward as a separate question than to bring it at the end of
a Bill affecting franchises and matters of local reference,
separate and essentially different from any question concern..
ing the duration of Parliament. Without saying to what
opinion his Majesty's Ministers incline on this point, I may
say that they consider it of the utmost importance not to
burden this measure :with any other, but to reserve it by
itself, leaving it to any other Member, at any time that may
be considered fitting, to introduce the question, and to make
it the subject of future consideration." " There is another
question, likewise, which has excited a vast deal of interest
in the country, and of which no mention ia made in this
Bill, I mean the vote by ballot. I have no doubt the ballot
has much to recommend it as a mode of election. More in-
genious arguments never fell under my eye on any subject
than I have seen in favour of the ballot." He (Mr. Hume)
believed that the Noble Lord and his colleagues were at that
time in favour of the ballot. " But, at the same time, I am
bound to say that I hope this House will pause before it
sanctions the motion which the Hon. Member for Bridport
is to make, and adopts the mode of voting by ballot."
Now, he (Mr. Hume) said that these arguments of the
Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) were very good, and ought
to weigh with the House on the present occasion; but he
wanted to clear away, as the Noble Lord did, the objections
to a great measure of reform, and in the same speech the
Noble Lord referred to the doubts entertained by some as to
the expediency of bringing forward a great and effectual
measure of reform, when the Noble Lord said,—." I think, •
therefore, that they have a right to be believed when they
come forward with a measure of effectual reform, and say
that they do not so for any sinister purpose of their own. I
Interested as they are—all must be—in the future welfare
and prosperity of the country, they do think that this mea-
sure will tend to promote that future welfare, and secure
that future prosperity; and above all do they think that it
is the only way calculated to insure permanency to that con-
stitution which has so long been the admiration of foreign
nations on account of its popular spirit, but that admiration
cannot be made to exist much longer unless, by an infusion
of new popular spirit, you show that you are determined
not to be the representatives of small classes or parti-
cular interests, but that you will form a body which,
representing the people,—which, springing from the
people—which, sympathising with the people, can fairly
call upon the people to support any future burdens, and to
struggle with any future difficulties you may have to en-
counter, confident that those who ask them so to do are

united heart and hand ;viiii-them and look only, like them-
selves, to the glory and welfare Of England." Were not all
these observations applicable to the present time? Ho could

not show in stronger language the necessity of bringing
forward and adopting the plan he proposed than by citing
this passage of the Noble Lord's speech. Upon these
grounds he thought that the Government were bound to
give their support to his plan, which the G overnments as
tar as the Noble Lord was concerned, had approved; for no
stronger reasons, no stronger arguments coulu be adduced in
its favour than those he had read from the Noble Lord's
speech. He would repeat once more, that he thought the time
had arrived when an important onward step must be taken.
If they only did justice to the mass of the people, they might
rely upon this, that the mass of the people would give them
cordial and unqualified support.; but of this they might
equally rest assured, that, if they continued to exclude a
large portion of the people from the enjoyment of civil rights,
it would be impossible for the Government of this country
any longer to repress universal discontent. To his mind no-
thing could be clearer than this, that they must freely grant
civil rights to their fellow subjects, or else they must be pre-
pared to coerce them. They had already—most prematurely
in his opinion—begun the plan of coercion, and it certainly
had bee& productive of no good fruits. He meant, not merely
recent coercion, but that also of a more distant date. Let
him be allowed to refer to the year 1793. That was a period
when the first French Revolution raised in this country a
wide spread and eager demand for more popular institutions.
The cry of reform was then raised with great loudness and
strength; and he entreated them to look at the measures that
were then taken for the purpose of repressing that cry. Let
them look at the measures that were taken for the purpose of
putting down reform, and let them look at the penalty which
this country paid for the pleasure of carrying those measures
into practical operation. All possible means of coercion were
then resorted to, and what did we pay for it ? no less a sum
than 600,000,0001. England added 608,000,000/. to her debt
—it might be 800,000,0001.—the debt was 1,000,000,0t,0/.,
and certainly at the lowest computation 600,000,0001. of that
must be set down to the account of the war, which war
arose altogether out of attempts to coerce the people. Look-
ing back, then, as no one at present could help doing, to the
state of things in 1793, could any rational or dispassionate
man deny that all we had since then suffered in the way of
war and its consequences, in the weight of public taxation,
and in the misery and distress which followed in its train,
might all have been avoided if Parliamentary reform had
been conceded in good time? But the aristocracy were
against it,the Sovereign was against it, and that arch-traitor
to reform, Mr. Pitt, was against it. That Minister, who in
1785, took his great stand upon reform principles, kept this
country under the severest coerceive rule throughout the
many years that his administration lasted. Such had been the
consequence of formerly refusing to make any concessions to
the just demands of the people, and such again would be the
inevitable consequence of any resistance to the popular will;
that which the people of England had done before they
would do again. It was the duty of the Legislature to con-
cede that which they believed to be just and right, and to
trust the people; if they trusted the people they would be
perfectly safe, but if they deceived the people they might
expect severely to suffer for that crime. Trust the people,
and there need be no ground for alarm ; the people were as
much and more interested than the wealthier classes were in
the maintenance of law and order, for there were none in the
community more interested than the working men in the
public tranquillity, for they would be the first to suffer by
anything like disturbance. Persons of property„though they,
might to some extent suffer, could get through such diffi-
culties infinitely better than the poor working man; he was,
therefore, much more interested than those who belonged to
any other class in preserving the institutions of the country
from any species of harm. If the Legislature denied the
fair demands of the people, let them not suppose that the
working man could be insensible to so great a wrong—let
them grant the boon in time, and they would meet with
nothing but gratitude in return. On that ground, then,
and on the other grounds which he had stated, he
should say It was the duty of the Ministers of the
Crown to counsel her Majesty, and assure her that the pro-
posed change was for the benefit of the monarchy. They
should tell her that they did not make this demand for the
especial benefit or advantage of a class; that, on the con-
trary-, it was for the good of the whole body politic that
every one should participate in the privileges of the British
Constitution. The people whose cause he then pleaded re-
quired no more, and they would be content with no less.
He asked the ouse to agree to his motion more as a pledge
than anything else that they would carry out the principle
of reform. If the House agreed to his motion, such assent
would not have the effect of pledging them to any of the
details of any measure that he might seek to found upon a
motion so agreed to. Further, it they permitted him to
bring in a Bill, Hon. Members who supported his motion
might nevertheless propose any alterations that they thought
proper in the Bill when it came before the House. If he ex-
ceeded the just limit of reform, they might correct and cur-
tail what he proposed. If he fell short of what the neces-
sity of the case demanded, they might extend his plan ;
but he hoped that the House would at least come to such a
decision as would restore confidence and impart peace to the
agitated feelings of the country, for they much needed a con-
fidence and peace which every one felt they did not at pre-
sent enjoy. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by making his
motion as above stated, correcting an omission by inserting
the words " all householders."
Dr. BO WRING seconded the motion.
The SPEAKER having read the resolution,
Mr. H. DRUMMOND said he could not understand how
the alteration in the suffrage proposed by the Hun. Gentle-
man could have the effect of alleviating that distress which
at present, unfortunately, so much prevailed; neither could
he understand how the adoption of his proposition would
have had more effect in stopping the :proceedings of the
10th of April, than had the means adopted by the Govern-
ment for that purpose. He well knew that the enumerat-
ing of such principles as the Hon. Gentleman had given
utterance to, tended considerably to produce dissatisfaction,
and he was glad that to him was not entrusted the keeping
of the public peace on that occasion. That was fortu-
nately entrusted to her Majesty's Ministers, who were
in possession of information regarding the matters which
the Honourable Gentleman could not possibly be, and he
thought that the manner in which they preserved the
peace on the occasion alluded to, entitled them
to the gratitude of , the community. He confessed he
had felt a difficulty in following the Honourable
Gentleman through his details ; but he would mention, in
order to show that the subject was not new, that in 1829 an
extension of the suffrage and the shortening of Parliaments
was recommended. Several circumstances which had, how-
ever, of late taken place on the continent, had given it this
year an impetus it had never before received, and there was
not a doubt but that it was a subject which they would all
have to discuss on the hustings at the next election, when
they would find, as was said by Ewdipus Judaicus, "That he
who will not argue is a bigot, and he who cannot is a fool."
—(Cheers and laughter.) There was no doubt but great dis-
tress prevailed at the present time, and those parties who
were suffering distress the most were those who adhered most
closely to the opinions expressed by the Hon. Gentleman. The
distress which prevailed had been the means of causing scenes
of the most heartrending description, and men, stung almost
to madness by being subjected to such misery, could not be
brought to a calm consideration of the question. There
was another class of what might be termed intellectual
labourers, such as mechanics, persons connected with the
various trades, having charge of steam-engines, and so forth.
These people earned very high wages, but it was notorious
that they were for ever in poverty notwithstanding and a
gentleman with whom he was conversing the other day re-
garding them, told him that one man in his employment
had five guineas a week, but yet he was never possessed of a
farthing.—(Laughter.) All these joined the cry for the
franchise extension, while it was notorious that a reform in
their physical condition would be of much more benefit to
them.—(Hear.) There was a higher class above these,whom
he might call intellectual speculators. These were composed
of doctors without patients, and lawyers without briefs.—
(Laughter)—and a host of such like characters, who wanted
to turn the world into one great chaos, and see if they could
not fetch up a constitution out of it to suit themselves. The
system pursued by them was carried on in France at present
to great perfection, seed on a small scale it was carried on in
this country; all of these parties being strong advocates for
the Charter. He was aware that the word charter was of
but little repute, but he remembered the time when the fact
of a man being a reformer was sufficient to have him set
down as a black sheep. The word reformer soon, however,
turned into'Radical, and that had now shifted into Chartist.
And while the Chartists included all those evil persons he
had mentioned, still it did not fellow that they were all of
such an evil stamp. They all, however, seemed to have
strange notions as to the first principles of law ; and, to
prove this, the Hon. Gentleman read an extract from the
report of a meeting held at Leeds some time ago, at which,
he said, the Hon. Member for Birmingham (Mr. Muntz)
attended. The extract he read was from a speech of one of
the aldermen of that town, wherein it was stated that,
while they were all loyal subjects, and willingly submitted
to the Government of King, Lords, and Commons, the two
former of which were evils which they could afford to en-
dure, yet they conceived that they were entitled to those
rights they demanded. They were advocates of peace, law,
and order, but if their demands were refused by the Go-
vernment, and if the Ministry hesitated too long in grant-
ing them, let it not be said that they were the first to
trample on the institutions of the country, and to raise the
stanaard of anarchy. The Honourable Gentleman then
went on to state that, whatever they did with the present
motion, they ought to make up their minds to stand by the
institutions of the country—(Cheers)—and they must not
allow themselves to think that the King, Lords, and Com-
mons were mere evils which could be endured.—(Hear,
hear.) Having thus shown who the parties were who asked
for these changes, the next point was what did they ask
for? He would not say ask " us" for, because he was no
party to their Reform Bill. He hated it then, and he hated
it now.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) It gave away all their
old suffrages, and established one in the stead which had no
principle to rest upon. Nobody could give a reason why
10/. was more entitled to a vote than 91. 19s. 6d. When the
authors of that measure talked of its being a final one, they
certainly displayed very little foresight for it must have been
evident to all that it was only the first step to a great num-
ber of similar treasures.—(Bear.) At the same time he
would say, that though it was said everybody was now dis-
satisfied with the Reform Bill, there never was a time when
the people were so fairly represented as now.—(Hear, and
" Oh.") Why, there was a little book, Mr. Dodd's " Par-
liamentary Companion," in which that fact was duly chro-
nicled. But reverting to the point of the real nature of the
changes asked for, he objected to all of them which were new.
He contended that the vote should only be given to property,
those who had no property should be entirely excluded.—
(Oh, oh.) It was of no use talking of intelligence. They
could not define wisdom by an Act of Parliament.—(Hear,
hear.) The object of every civilized society was to make
men live in peace, and the first duty of Government was
to put down mob force. Property was the aim of all parties,
and it was, therefore, the right and the duty of property to
rule. There was no such thing in nature as equality—they
did not find it either in the animal, vegetable, or the mineral
kingdom. Inequality was the law of nature, and they might
agitate to all eternity, but they never could alter it. Then
he had no objection to triennial Parliaments, because it was
reverting to the old Constitution. He felt besides that it would
their
A
be of great advantage to the Members if they m
constituents more frequently, and not only to Members but
to their constituents also.—(Hear, hear.) How many of
them before they were acquainted with facts and details
made flaming professions and fine promises at the hustings
which they afterwards discovered were totally imprac-
ticable?—(Hear, hear.) If they met more frequently a
better practical political education would result. At present
that House was too much separated from the people.—
(Hear, hear.) To the demand for electoral divisions,
universal suffrage , no property qualifications, the ballot,
and similar claims, he was prepared to give a direct
negative. If asked for his reason, be replied they
were new. That was sufficient.—(A laugh.) He dis-
liked all these things because they were merely the
means of getting at certain other things, and he would
rather the House should take its stand where it now was,
than make concessions. It was to the interest of the great
mass of
twelve the people that there should be a division of property
y ( )
He knew it. Political eco-
nomists might explain how the poor man was as much
interested in the security of capital as its owners, but poli-
ticalm
economy had been very much falsified, and political
economists very much astonished by what had taken place
in France. If they attempted to put all men upon an equal
footing as to the right of electing representatives, and of
being representatives, they would begin a system which
would be totally subversive of the rights of property, and
therefore totally destructive of property itself.—(No,