The Sun.
London, England, 1848-04-18 00:00:00

interference with the cause of liberty, and who are

yet unwilling to deny to the Government those powers
which are necessary. My belief is that the
proposal which we have made, and which we
originally proposed should be permanent, will be an im-
provement in the law, and that when the House shall
be called upon hereafter to consider if, they will be dis-
posed to adopt it as a portion of our permanent legisla-
tion. But I did not think when I found that there were
several Hon. Members, not only among the fifty to
whom the Hon. Member for Manchester referred, but
several gentleman upon this side of the House,
and who have constantly voted with the Govern-
ment upon every Bill which they have introduced—
when I found, I say, that such Hon. Members were
ready to give every power necessary for a temporary
purpose, but doubting whether such power should be a
part of permanent legislation, I do not think that any
majority we might obtain—and I believe that we should
have hid as great had we adhered to our original plan,
annetd
thinkma made itthepteremey majority that we should soanent instead of temporary—l do
obtain would be a compensation for violently
overturning the opinions of these Hon. Gentlemen,
when all that was required for the present purpose
could be obtained with their concurrence. I therefore,
Sir, am not afraid of being accused ot' want of courage,
or want of consistency, in consenting to that alteration.
I only say that I did not consent to the alteration, itt the
opinion that it is not a wise permanent alteration of the
law; I have adopted the alteration in the same manner
in which many alterations have been adopted, viz., that
the urgency of the times demanded theimmediate passing
of the measure, and that it would be a question forfuture
consideration whether it should form a part of permanent
legislation.—(Hear, hear.) Such has been the course
which on former occasions has been adopted, and I see
no reason why the Government should now object to
c
the adoption of that course.—Hear.) I must confess,
ertainly, that the reasons for bringing forward this
alteration of the law at present were net merely that it
was desirable to reduce the punishment of treason to that
of felony, that it was desirable to make other altera-
tions in the law, but that it did appear to us tbat
the Government was not armed with sufficient
powers against the particular kind of machinations
which has been adopted against the Throne, and against
the Government of this nation. I believe, that in
adopting any alteration of this kind, you have to steer
between two great dangers. I believe,.that if you leave
treason and sedition to take their course unchecked, you
expose, not only the Constitution and Government of the
country to the greatest perils, but you also run the
danger that for weeks and months together the minds of
the working classes will be disturbed, that the peaceable
occupations of trade and industry will be interrupted,
and thus discontent will grow from the very absence of
that peace and order which is necessary to their progress.
But, on the other hand, if in adopting such alteration, in
taking such power, you exceed that which is necessary
for the occasion; if you at all interrupt the course of free
discussion by any public meetings or by the press, in
that way, you incur a danger equal, if not superior, in the
opposite direction; you aid in increasing that discontent
which you wish to meet, you send that discontent into
other channels, and you find, finally, that so far from se.
curing order you have greatly endangered it —(Cheers.)
We have endeavoured, in the manner which we have
brought forward, and we shall endeavour in any course
which the Government may pursue, to avoid these
dangers. I believe myself that this Bill will tend much
to the security of peace. in this country.---:(Cheers.) I
believe that the instance which the .1:1-on. Member for
Nottingham (Mr. F. O'Connor) gave to-day of one who
was very braVe and bold in his language with respect to
insurrection,. and spikes, daggers, and guns, and that
when he came to the point it was found that he had a
bad fit of rheumatism upon that day, and that he could
not venture to leeve his home. I believe, Sir, that such
instances will not be at all uncommon if this
Bill passes. into law—(Laughter)—and that great
numbers of persops will leave ott the dangerous pastime
of sedition, when they find that consequences serious to
themselves are likely to ensue from the adoption of that
course.—(Hear, hear.) I believe that the freedom of
discussion will not be in the smallest degree intertered
with if this Bill passes into law. Ido not, believe that
there is a man in this country or in Ireland, who wishes
by peaceable means to promote what he may think
an improvement in the state of the law, or
obtain the redress of any grievances, will be in the
slightest degree deprived from the liberty of stating
those grievances—stating them even in strong and warm
language, becadse this Bill is passed into law.—( Hear,
hear.) He may trust to the Government, to the
judges, and to the jury of his country, that he will not
incur any danger in the pursuit of his peaceable and
honest course.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, one cannot
shut one's eyes to that langcage which has been held,
and which, like the Right Honourable Baronet, the
Member for Tamworth (Sir Robert Heel), I will not
repeat, but opinions of which, in a mitigated shape, may
"be seen in the newspapers of this morning—language
used in Dublin, to excite the people to arm, with the
view of preventing the law being carried into effect, and
declarations that the Parliament should be opened in
Ireland, if not by a legislative enactment, by the bay
()net, by pikes, or other forcible means used by the
people, who were directed to be armed fur that purpose.
Sir, it is impossible not to feel that, in the distressed
condition that the great proportion of the peo
pie of Ireland are now in, such excitements
may have a dire and dreadful effect.—(l.lear, hear.) It
is impossible not to feel that outrage and insurrection
may in some parts of the country be the consequence of
such exciting language Outrage and insurrection will
be put down because the Government has the means at
its disposal. Government has the means in the loyalty
and affection of the great body of the people—means
at its disposal in the use of the army, whose loyalty
ysuffteorers
has been most falsely impugned—(Loud cheers)
—by reports stated at public meetings and iii
various ways, and even rumoured in the House.
which upon enquiry have been found utterly void of
foundation. Government has such measures, therefore,
to put down outrage and insurrection ; loth as we feel,
b e maintainedebeen
told
te
di
any
, thates country.—(Cheers.)
reyp.e—e(
frequentC h e ers. )
, that that
that in this country, if peace were disturbed the working
classes would be the first to suffer. So also the people
of Ireland
that
tulidt bise
nthe t
merely
resrtel
order
Sir,occasions,a notrheae
co-
ercion that we should have recourse, but that •
should also have recourse to remedial measures.—
(Hear,we
reproach, as it
commenced the last session at least was somewhatsomewhat un-
seasonable and ill_placed, because, in the suflrin,un-
seasonable
of Ireland during the last year was so intense, and re-
quiredg such immediate measures, that the greater part
of last session was taken up by the consideration of those
immediate measures which were required to assist the
starving and :Mitering people.—(Hear.) I realty beg
this House, or that portion of it which makes
these reproaches, to consider for
a moment how justly
we should have been blamed if, when the people were
daily falling victims to the famine of .18.17,wehad come
down to the House and said we have here a Bill to
extend the franchise of the people of Ireland with
respect to the right of voting for Members of
Parliament ; we have here another Bill fur the
• purpose of making the corporations • •
of Ireland simi-
lar to those of England—they wantt _,the extension
of political privileges, and we will pone our consi•
iteration of the famine till those WanPtsos
(Bear.) Sir, I am not averse. to entertaining these
to,—
questions, and immediately after the Easter rtecieningl tshheaslel
proceed with those questions which relate to the political
state of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) There are other mea-
'tires to which I have alluded upon a former occasion,
which must come under the consideration of the House;
hut I must also beg to allude for a moment, as the de-
it
measures peace
op 'lapand
was interrupted, to the grievances which
are now stated as the grounds for asking
the people in Ireland to resort to arms.
What we are asked for every day is to consent to the
repeal of the union.—(Hear, hear.) Well, Sir, in
looking over the Acts and discussions of the Irish
Parliament—that Parliament which was referred to as
the Parliament which would give happiness to Ireland
—as that which contributed to the welfare of the
nation. I find that some of the most distinguished men
of Ireland have expressed a contrary opinion. I have
the authority of Gratton that name which can
never be mentioned without honour that the
whole Government of Ireland was carried on by
corruption; that almost the majority, if not quite
the majority of that Parliament, received pen-
sions during pleasure and • salaries from the Crown;
that peerages were sold, and that; in short, the whole
Government was a mass of the grossest corruption; for
the suffrages by which it was supported were bought. And
the constituencies were so gross that Grattan declared
as is a well•known fact, that Members of Parliament
were returned by constituencies of ten in one borough, and
twelve in another, and that consequently a reform of the
Parliament was absolutely necessary. I find likewise that
he stated, and enforced with great power and eloquence,
for he possessed great vigor in stating details, that the
mode of collecting the tithes deserved this term to be
they were collected by a
applied to them, namely, that
" subornation of vultures," and that the system
reatest grievance to
that prevailed was the g •
asant that country.
every farmer and to every Pe
He likewise urged that a great propeorr_
eion of the
t p le
professed the Roeme ane
of Ireland, namely, those r
barred from the privileges
Catholic religion, were de the King enjoyed.
which the Protestant subjects o
moment what these
Now, Sir, let us consider for a b
the most able
grievances were stated to bef
Iyreland, and what
arid eloquent of the patriots.
gdom has done. With
the Parliament of the United
rerd:to -peerage ps and
ga ensi°ll3l;o one in this House
wi a similar practioe
I feel persuaded, . state, t
all state that any
exists at the present moment—n°+.
the statement of such
similar grievance prevails, whether_
with respect to the
corruption is justly made or not
has been settled, and
question of tithes. That question
ievances so much
settled in such a manner, that the gr
no longer press upon
complained of in respect of them
to the reform of
Parliament— that question the tenant or farmer. ithhas ect
likewise been carried in
With respect Wit Catholic
to
the United Parliament.
Relief—the admission of all Roman Catholics to the
privileges of the Constitution--that likewise has been
Then we have at
carried by the United Parliament•
least a right to this presumption,
: that those things which
in the Parliament
were stated to be the greatest greevances
redressed by the
of Ireland, have been redressed. and
d Kingdom. But,
votes of the Parliament of the
Unite ances have been
Sir, if that is the case—if these griev dKi d
f the Unite ng om—
redressed by the Parliament o •
is, as I
if the Parliament of the United Kingdom„
great
believe, the Legislature for Ireland--and .of
advantage to the objects of the
Crown in that part of
ostile collision with
the kingdom—with less chance of
public discord among
this country—with less chance
.of. /say, the -
the various classes of the people ; th.en,t..
produc ive of a great
Par-
liament of Ireland would be
deal of injury instead of good.—(Hear, hear.)
these
and entertaining
This being the case,
opinions I should say apart from all imperial interests,