The Sun.
London, England, 1848-04-08 00:00:00

0J- Awning PPillt

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 8, 1848.

Our insular position hitsonshithertoof
fthe enabled us
with a
serene composure. )
v
store-
gard the political
Theconvulsions
solidity of our constitutional
edifice has rendered that composurethe setialtlasmtroorpeheo
from con-
spicuous. We have regarded
events beyond the Channel the pinnacle of that
monarchical system which has become endeared to
the
Pqpulation of England by its consolidation of our
national liberties. Once before we have explained
the reason of this profound and mutual confidence
between the people and SOVEREIGN c f Great Britain.
e have once before explained the reason why the
love of our Constitution is rooted in the heart's core
of every Englishman. We repeat that definition,
because we believe in its truth, and because the enun-
ciation of this truth is now more essential. Our
Constitution is beloved by ever
because—IN ENGLAND THEy Englishman
GREAT PROBLEM OF
SOCIETY HAS BEEN SOLVED -- THE POLITICAL

CIRCLE HAS BEEN SQUARED-THERE lIAS BEEN A

PERFECT QUADRUPLE ALLIANCE BETWEEN TIIR TOUR
PREDOMINANT POWERS OF CIVILIZED LIPE-DEMO.

GRACT, ARISTOCRACY, AUTOCRACY, AND THEOCRAC
It is from the conviction with which every sane
mid
in the United Kingdom regards this glorious and :id mirably balanced Constitution, that the Government
of the land has imbibed its security. It is this which
in Great Britain has rendered loyalty and patriotisio
identical. It is the consciousness of all this, it is tht
sense that the genius from which our legislative me-
chanism has emanated is characterised by an eternal
and self-renewing vitality, that operates so power-
fully upon the devotion of our fellow-countrymen,
and renders them capable of the voluntary immolation
of themselves and their fortunes rather than of con-
nivance at the endangerment of our representative
institutions, and the possible destruction of
the national sovereignty. Potiar mori foam
farclari I were the words scrawled upon the

walls of his dungeon in characters of blood by the
heroic hand of VERGNIAUD—" Better to die than be
dishonoured !" It was a sublime declaration coming,
from the soul of Greatness on the eve of Martyr-
dom. It was an enunciation worthy of the Liberator
of his country, worthy of him whose Voice had
raised the cry of Freedom from the abyss of Anar-
chy, worthy of one who sacrificed his head rather
than his glory, and who escaped by the gory planks
of the scaffold from the ignominy of an unprincipled
dictatorship. The death-saying of VERGNIAUD,
under less tragic circumstances, finds a respondent

echo in the bosom of the humblest patriot—Putiar

mori quay fcedari! It is the amulet of every free
citizen—it is the first dogma of his nationality. No
occurrence is too ignoble for its.manifestation ; no cas-
ualty is too insignificant for its support.
Among ourselves—but yesterday, in short—this
reverence for the cause of order, of justice, and of
tranquillity was revealed. A vague rumour of some
possible disturbance in the metropolis only elicited
the enthusiasm of its inhabitants for the preservation
of peace and property. The fact will not glitter in
history as the spontaneous act of the people, but it
was so nevertheless. In Paris the roar of the pro-
cession bearing the bodies of those who died for
liberty, and singing the death- chaunt of the Giron-
dists round the tumbrils, has resounded to the limits
of the known world, and will for ever reverberate in
the imaginations of posterity as the ebullition of the
ambition and vengeance of a whole Nation. In
Heidelburg, the memorable address to King FRE-
DERICK WILHELM, in which he is apostrophised as
" Assassin of the People !" an allusion to the massacres
of Berlin, will testify in an audible manner how precious
the blood of democracy is deemed by the population
of Germany. In Modena the temporary incarcera-
tion of the unpopular Duke has declared with pecu-
liar emphasis the spread of liberal ideas beyond the
frontiers of Piedmont and Tuscany, even to the
palace walls of the scions of absolutism. In
Vienna the exposure of an effigy of CLEMENT
Prince DE METTERNICH WINNEBOIJEG before the
gates of his official residence revealed beyond all
contradiction the do wnfal of despotism in Austria.
In London, on the contrary, the movements of the
last few days have been as momentous in their
character (as evidencing the real tendencies of the

multitude), but they have been in no manner so por-
tentous. Quietly and unostentatiously there has been
evinced a profound devotion to the political constitution
of the realm, such as must afford a sufficient evidence

that the position of England is in no respect im-
perilled by the turmoils which have roared over the
Continent.

Sedition mongers should meditate well upon these

occurrences— obscure as they apparently are. Young
Ireland demagogues especially should perceive
in them a testimony that England is not to be alarmed
intu any concession by mere blu,terers. Whether

it not Lord JOHN RUSSELL would take the command

of the Channel Fleet et five minutes' notice, accord-
ing to the felicitous assertion of the late SIDNEY
SMITH, of this we are thoroughly confident, that his
Government may rely upon vaster forces than were
ever marshalled under the banners of a military or
naval captain—the strength, and the reliance, and the
unanimity of an entire Nation. Lord JOHN may
count upon the support of the people against the as-
saults of anarchists, however violent. If due regard
is had to the necessities of the age, and the inherent
rights of the multitude, the Government need never
dread the animosity of factions the most reckless and
tumultuous.

A correspondent has inquired of us, whether, "as a
loyal subject, and a lover of peace and good order,
and also a lover of justice," he can conscientiously take
the oath required by special constables, or whether
he may not, by so doing, " neutralise the principle he
holds that Englishmen have the right, whether as in-
dividuals or in numbers, to petition the ruling power
for a redress of real or supposed grievances ? " There
is little room for doubt upon this subject. The right
of the English people to petition the Legislature on
any and every subject is unquestioned. It is their
legal mode of making known their necessities and
seeking redress for their grievances. But this right,
this undoubted right, is not called in question in the
present instance. The Government while resolved to
repress any illegal demonstration openly recognise
the legality of petitioning.

When Mr. FEARGUS O'CoNNon, last night, asked
the Government for an early day on which to present
the great petition of the Chartists, Lord JOHN Rus-
SELL, so far from offering the least shadow of an
objection to its presentation, expressed his desire of
treating it with due consideration. " I should be
very unwilling," said the Noble Lord, " that any
petition, so numerously signed as the Hon. Gentle-
man says this will be, should not meet with every
consideration from the House." And he again reite-
rated this assurance in his concluding words:—"Con-
-idering the importance attached to the petition,
signed by such numbers as the Hon. Member refers
to, and that a petition so signed ought to receive the
,arly consideration of the House, I shall be ready to
consent to the Hon. Gentlemen bringing forward his
motion on Friday next." Thus our correspondent
may be satisfied, and the right of the people to
petition Parliament is not to be disputed for one
moment. The people may assemble, may draw up
and sign petitions, which their representatives in
their name may present to the House of Commons,
the House receiving them with consideration, and if
thu prayer of the petition be frequently reiterated
by vdrious sections of the great body of the people,
thereby demonstrating the feelings of the multitude,
such a petition cannot fail to exert an important
moral influence over the decision of the Legis-
lature.

This is that " pressure from with-
out"
which hasmeasures beenandinl
cial
founding
e
already
instigating most
of e or nt ffu
se ti
legal,
petition-
ing gives to the people so great an influence in the
government, and is at the same time perfectly
only because it is a moral power. Transform it into
A physical one, and its whole efficiency and its lega-
lity vanish at once. The earnest remonstrances of a
suffering people, their exposition of their grievances,
their solicitations for remedial measures, naturally
end justly exercise great influence over the acts of
their representatives and rulers. Such a mode of
Proceeding has reason and justice and the
conservation of individual rights and the tnaintainance
of public order on its side, whereas any
violent demonstration, in which might, not right,
would be the ruling principle, would be inimical,
both in practice and theory, to reason and justice, and
liberty and social order. And such a demonstration
it was supposed was to be held on Monday next.
The signing of the great petition and its presentation
by a Member of the House of Commons is legal
enough. Lord J. RUSSELL has admitted it to be so
and appointed a day for its presentation. But for
vast numbers of persons (armed, too, it has been said,)
to accompany the petition to the House, so that their
numbers might intimidate, if the prayer of their petition
failed to convince, is quite illegal. For what would
such a proceeding be but exchanging moral influence
for physical force ? Let the petition be presented ; if
it be in accordance with reason and justice, and the
will of the nation, such support will be sufficient to
insure its ultimate success, there will be no need of
an armed mob to obtain for it the attention of Parlia-
ment. But if, on the other hand, it be not in con-
sonance with reason and justice, and the will of the
people, GOD forbu • I that any physical force should
measure opposed to such great uphold a
constables and the other mea-
sures of
prin-
ciples and inimical to such vital interests. The
special
adopted by the Government are only intended
d
to repress that part of the em
onstration which is of
the most strenuous ad
most ardent lover of liberty,
A physical, and not a moral, character. Hence the
vocate of popular rights,
may conscientiously co-
operate in the repressive measures, because, so far
from militating against the liberty and rights of the
People, those measures are calculated to ensure that
liberty and promote those rights, by confining their
exercise to their appropriate sphere. The people, 01
England have no need to look enviously on the revo
ofthein
tiorhe:.lo other
effectual
et
cs
taunadl countries,svainsdhes constitutionalk n they
known,
w n,
a nadremt
exercisingheeamn ss themselves earns
fittingproudak ing
influence on the Government. Their worst enemies
are those who counsel them to resort to violence and
tumult, by laying aside the moral power which
long years of perseverance aad resolution have
, acme 'fed for them ; to become the heroes of a tem-

porary riot they would virtually throw aside the
substance in the vain hope of grasping the shadow.

Madrid journals•to the Ist have arrived.
No fresh outbreak had occurred, although the city
continued in a state of great excitement. Several
contests had taken place.
MADRID BOLSA, APRIL I.—The Three per Cents.
were done at 21 cash, and after the close are reported
21* buyers, sellers ; Five per Cents. 13f sellers,
without the Coupon, 13 buyers ; Passive Debt, 4f
cash ; Coupons, 9f sellers. Exchange on London, 43.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The army of the Alps is ordered to be constituted.
It is placed under the command of General BEDEAU,
and is to consist of three divisions of infantry, a divi-
sion of cavalry, a brigade of artillery, and one of en-
gineers.
BOURSE—PARIS, FRIDAY, APRIL 7.

THREE O'CLocK.—Although prices are, on the whole,
lower than the preceding day, still the market did not
present that decided tendency downwards that has been
seen of late. Everything was exceedingly calm, and
the amount of business transacted was not very great.
The Three per Cents. are If. 25c. lower, closing
at 35f. 25c.; the Five per Cents. are 25c. higher,
closing at 52f. 25c.; Bank of France Shares were of-
fered, the weekly returns being considered decidedly
unfavourable; they closed at 1,0251., being a fall
of 451.; Bons du Trisor were negotiated with 48
per cent. loss ; Roman has gone down If., closing
at 49f.; Belgian Fives have advanced lif., closing at
52f.; Obligations de la Ville have gone down 30E,
closing at 9001.; and Quatre Canaux 5t., at 650 f Rail-
way Shares have varied but little, with the exception of
Orleans, from which a dividend of 471. 50c. was de-
tached, and which closed at 4051., being 30f. higher; the
other lines are in general lower, Rouen, Marseilles and
Bale, showing a fall of SE, and closing respectively at
385 f., 1751., and 65f. ; Northern and Lyons are
2f. sc. lower, at 3061. 22c., and 330 f.; Havre, Vierzon,
and Bordeaux are unaltered at 140 E, 2001., and
3821. 50c.; Lyons have advanced 3f. 75c., closing at
308 f. 75c. The sovereign is not worth more to-day
than 25f. 50c., but the English bank note brings 25c.
more from being portable. French gold is from 70f. to
75f., and the charge for obtaining silver for the I,ooof.
note about 15f. A great crowd of workmen were col-
lected to-day before Bourse hours on the steps leading
up to the building, and some of them insisted strongly
on the necessity of at once sending every foreign
workmen out of Paris. This was not approved of by all
present, but eventually the majority went off to the Hotel
de Ville to try and carry this patriotic determination
into effect.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, APRIL 7.
Boulogne and Amiens, 5% —Dutch Rhenish, LA —Northern
of France, *a—Orleans and Bordeaux, OA—Paris and
Lyons, 13g.