The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-16 00:00:00

POOR-LAW.

Mr. P. SCROPE gave nfitive of his intention 41-, a fu ure
day to move for leave to bring in a Bill to extend to Irrl,nd
the prk,sent pa of.E2gland.

POO9 LAW DIPROVENIENT BILL.

Captain PkCHELL wished to know it the Right Hon.
Baronet the F_lecretary for the Home Department had dropped
his design of saarrving on the Poor-law Improvement. Bill?
Sir JAMES GRAHAM had no such in'ention, bat the
busine-s of the House had rendered it necessary, for the sake
of public cusiwnience, to postp ,ne its consideration for the
present. It was understood that after the Corn-law Bill had
been read a third time the Factory Bill should be brought
under discussion. He believed this was stated in the House
last night, anal that it was in accordance with the general
feeling of the -Members then present ; he hoped, zherefore, that
the Hon. and Gallant Officer would not press for the reading
of the Bill of which he had spoken, but would accede to the
arrangement which had been entered into on this business.
After a few words from Mr. VER:iON SMITH the sub-
ject dropped.
RAILWAYS DISSOLUTION BILL.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said there was another Bill which
had been read a second time, and on which it had been ar-
ranged that the discussion on the motion for going into com-
mittee should take place—he meant the Railways Dissolution
Bill. He treated no time would be lost in allowing the House
the opportnnity of expressing its opinion on the measure.
Sir R. PEEL said it was important that the sense of the
House should be taken on the Bill at the earliest day, so that
the measure might be proceeded with. He should do all he
could to faci!itate that object.
EAST INDIA COMPANY.—ANNUITIES TO LORD
HA RDINGE AND LORD GOUGH.

Mr. HOGG rose to ask leave to introduce two Bills to au-
thorise the East India Company to grant annuities of 5,000/.
and 2,000/. per annum respectively to Lord Hardinge and
Lord Gough, for their recent brilliant services in the
East Indies. He hoped no obstable would be placed in the
way of forwarding those measures.

Sir ROBERT PEEL said that, so far from offering any ob-
stacle in the way of their progress, he would do everything in
his power to hasten them forward.
Mr. HUME wished to know when an opportunity would be
given ot discussing the merits of the Pills for granting Pensions
to Lords Hardinge and Gough, because it might happen
that those Bills might pass at a late period of the
night, without an opportunity being afforded of discussing
them at all. He wished to have an opportunity ot
making some remarks respecting them, because he had an ob-
jection to grant pensions to pars ns whose de cendants were
unable to maintain the dignity of the profession, and bu cause
the time had come when they ought to require her Majesty not
to grant peerages which must be kept up at the expense of the
country. With all due deference to the House, he
must say that he thought this plan of grant ng
peerages for two or three liver, and then leaving
those upon whom the honour had descended destitute,
was a repreb' nsible practice, and ought at once to be abrogated.
In the case of Lord Hardinge, for instance, the honour con-
ferred upon him would not last longer than the ordinary Jura.
tion of two lives, because be was a lvanced in yews. He urged
the same arguments several years ago, in the case of Lord
Keane, but he was opposed to the House, and was there-
fore unsuccessful. He repeated that he considered tee
time had arrived when the Government ought to
consider whether it was politic to grant titles abet
there was no property to maintain it. for wherever this wa•
done they had the Peer and his family quartered upon the
public —( Great laughter)—and there was no getting a
head of him or his progeny for generarions.—( Roars ot
laughter.) He did not wish to particularise individuals,
but, if they created an aristocracy, it ought not to be main-
tained by the public purse —( Hear, hear.) It was true ti e
customs of the country precluded them from following an •
avocation by villieh they could maintain themselves, but it did
not preclude them from having, families.- .(Chntinue,i
laughter.) He era- willing :o diqiussiiiw question during
;he present debate, but as tl e Bull had passed. it would be
necessary for him to do se ; but he thou ht it was really a
qop„s,iin fir the House to take up—whether, when e
peerages were conferred on individuals ho had not the poster of
supporting them, and which would consequently have to be
supported at the expense of the country, it would be politic to
craw them. It was th, ay-tern he wimplained ot, and roa
the individuals. He hoped, however, that ibe House would
have an opportunity of discussing the Bills in the daylight.
Sir ROBERT PEEL spoke a few words in reply to what
had fallen from the Hon. Member for Montrose, but in so low
a tone of voice as to be quite inaudible in the gallery. The
Right Hon. Baronet, however, was understood to say that it
was rather bard for the Hon. Member to predict
that the life of Lord Gough was not worth a months'
purchase. It was not the fault of Government that Bills of
this nature had not been brought on tiul a late hour of the
night.—( Hear, hear.)

Leave was then given to bring in the Bill.
ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.
Mr. CA RD WELL moved that the House, at its rising, do
adjourn till Monday next.—Agreed to.
Mr. T. S. DUNCOMBE, seeing the Honourable Gentle-
man the Secretary for the Treasury, he wished to ask him a
question with reference to the Post. office abuses he had lately
brought under the consideration of the House. He had been
given to understand that the speech he made on a recent
occasion had leen placed in tile hands of Mr. Pea-
cock, the Solicitor to the Post-office, to inquire
into the charges which it contained, notwithstanding it had
been stated that they were groundless. He wished to know,
then, whether his infotmation was correct or not. He under-
stood, also, that some of the letter-carriers were taken before
Mr. Peacock to be examined touching those charges,
but, upon asking for a pledge to be held harmless if
they proved them, it was refused.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
The inquiry was one which ought to be conducted in sueh a
manner as to give satisfaction to the public. He wished,
therefore, to know whether the Honourable Gentleman would
have any objectiion to produce the evidence which was taken,
and to inform the House of the result of that inquiry.
Mr. CARDWELL would confine himself to an explanation
of the course which had been pursued under the circumstances
referred to by the Hon. Gentleman. The Postmaster-General,being desirous to have a full investigation into the whole ques-
ion connected with the sub-sorters, considered it judicious
that the inquiry should be conducted by gentlex.en who were
not connected with the Post-office department, and therefore
he appointed the solicitor of the Post-office to con-
duct the investigation. At first the President of the Inland
departmea, and the inspector of the letter-carriers were ap-
pointed conjointly with him, but in consequence of one of the
witnesses obj_Tting to be examined in the prese-ce of these
two gentlemen, the solicitor afterwards conducted the exami-
nation alone; it must be obvious, therefore, to the lion Gen-
tleman that he (Mr Cardwell) could give no further infor-
matien upon the subject until the report of the inquiry was
made.
air. T. DUNCONIBE said that he would move that a copy
of that report should be laid upon the table.
Mr. CARDWELL would have no objecti

VALUATION OF IRELAND
Sir DENHAM NORRIS asked the Noble Lord the Secre-
tary for Irel •nd, if the Gov,rninent proposed to bring in a 8.11
this session relative to ,he valuation of land in Ireland ?
Lord LINCOLN said that it was }imposed •o bring in a Bill
on tnat subj.ct, winch would be this same in substance as that
intro uced last year ; but in the present state of public b,si •
nest he could not pledge himself at what pi•riod he would be
enabled to introduce it.

Sir D. NORREYS wi,bed to know whether the Noble
Lord was aware that all valuations which at present took place
Leland were iilegal

Lord LINCOLNf' said that he was aware of the fact, and a
Bill would be iwroduced this session to remedy the evil.
It was their a.;reed that the House at its rising do et.,ijourn
Alonday

CORN BILL—ADJOURNED DEBATE.
The aejourned ii, bate upon the Coro Bill was re-timed by
Mr. COLQUHOUN. who addressed ihe 1-lou,e amok, nr,eh
con!usion. lie said that argument up, n this subj.-et
hart been exhauved. He was however fearful that the Bit!
w.,uld pass tett viiiiistindirta. ihe al,ile Lord the Member
fur Ly ma had asked the Right Him. 13,,,r0n,,t a question well
respect to certain retures from the Customs. That ques-
tion had been answered by the Right Honourable Baronet.
He thought that he might remind the Right H Baron-'t
that he had decla..eri, in his opinion, the price of wheat would
not exceed Tis. per quarter.
Sir ROBERT PEEL dissented from this declarat ion.
Mr. C' /LHUHOUN did not wish to misinterpret the
Right Hon. Baronet, but he certainly must remind him,
that he had stated as one of his reasons for advocating
the ch..nge in ti.e corn duties that the price of wheat, when ad.
m tted at the lower duties, would not be reduced below 355. a
quarter. He would refer also to the admission made to the
Hon. Member for Leeds, by whom this declaration had been
doubted. The declaration was made in reference to the year
1835, when wheat was not more than from 395. to 40s. a
quarter.
Sir R. PEEL—I was asked by the Noble Lord the Mem-
ber for London what I believed would be the price of wheat
if foreign corn were admitted duty free, and I stated that, with
an unrestricted trade in corn, I did not think, judging from
the experience of 1835, that the price of wheat would fall be-
low 355. a quarter.—( Hear, hear. )
Mr. COLQUHOUN—This did then in effect tally with
what he had stated—that the price of wheat under a system of
nnrestricteo import, would not fall below 355., and it would
now appear that the Right Honourable Baronet hoped
that the price would net be less than 305. a quarter.
He was persuaded that if this statement of the prices that
would ensue from the repeal of the norn.laws was correct, that
a great shock would be given to all the manufac-
turing, commercial, and agricultural interests of the
eountry.—( Hear, hear.) It had been by such repre-
sentations about the prices of corn under th s law that
the present state of the country had been created, but they
were founded in hopes which, if realised, would lead to a
general panic. They ought to be taught by what took
place in 1835, what had been referred to by the Rig ht Hon.
Baronet, and the history of which had been given by Mr;
Wilson, the Chairman of the Anti-Corn-law League.
Mr. COBDEN was understood to say, that the Mr. Wil-
son referred to was not the Chairman of the Lea gu
Mr. COLQUHOUN—Then he was one who
had
con-
nexion
with that body, and who was to give an opinion on the sub-
ject.
Mr. Wilson said that the effect of the proceedings of 1835
was to give a fake direction to capital, and to increase
manufacturing products in such a ratio as to glut the
market, and to produce the disastrous state of things that
follow(d. The proceedings t.f 1835, and the years that imme
diately preceded and followed, were years of speculation and fic-
titious trailing, inevitably producing the general stagnati ,n that
took place in 1841. The Right Hon. Baronet and the Right Hon.
Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade had stated
that prices will not fall if this measure is carried, and the
Right H:mourabh, Baronet the Secretary for the Home
Department said there woliin br no great! I.; to...is. 'lle
further said he eapected that there would be great

' steadiness in it. He (Mr. Colquhoun ) was satis-
fied, however, that if he could not convince
the Right Hon. Gentlemen of the fallacy of this expectation,
he would be able to satisfy the House that there was no hope
whatever of the rate of prices being such as they expected,
Just let them look at the a sumption of those who held the
argument that the repeal of the corn-laws would lead to a
regular supply of wheat, and to unvarying prices. They stated
that after the repeal of the corn-laws, trade, in all its branches,
would be regulated ; that there would be an average supply of
corn, and an average demand for it. Let them assume that
their in ports of grain amounted to any quantity they pleased.
The average amount was rather more than one million of quar-
ters. Let them assume that they would have only three or
four millions of quarters, for at whatever quantity they put it
it would not affect the argument. Assume that they brought in
four millions of quarters; that he thought the moat sanguine
advocate of free-trade would not question. Now the average
production of wheat in this city was sixteen millions of quar-
ters, to which they had to add four millions of quarters, mak-
ing together a regular supply of twenty millions of quarters.
A most eminent stat•st, Mr. Tooke, stated that the harvest
of 1834 was in excess over the ordinary harvests of this country
to the extent of one-fourth ; and he also stated that 'hat was
the cause of the low prices of 1835. The same thing was
stated with respact to 1838. that they had an harvest
similarly in success. They thus had an increase in these
)ears of five millions. making the supply twenty-five,
instead of twenty millions. Then during these years,
er corn, growing countries had a similar exce.s.
Thus they weuld have more to send to this country at periods
when: owing to the Faces,;, it was not nqtured. Now he would
ask mercantile men and those engaged in trade, whether the
• Tee of that. w'iuld Not be to depress prices most enormously?—
! Hear, hear, ) If the same excess oceurred in 1854, prices would
be reduced to the lowest degree here and all along the Baltic.
And what would happen? The same as happened in 1844
, aericul urlists %voted restrict the. supply in consequence of
low pri es. and, as in 1838, the taices would run up enigma
eusi, ; so that there would be no stability of prices or sue ply
it the corn-laws were repealed.—( Hear, bear.) They would
hie ye enormous oscillations—high prices at one time, and low
prices at another--the (me ruinous to the farmer, and the other
to the labourer; ruinous, too, in one instance to the
manufacturers, for as the price of corn rose in
this country the home market of the manufacturer
gradually decreased Hi perfectly agreed with the Right
Hon. Baronet the Filet Lord of the Treasury, that they ought
to endeavour to secure the wages of the labourer from varia-
tions in amount—but he contended, that after they repealed
the corn-laws the wages of the labourer would remain still
unsettled. They would be subject to the same fluctuation in
prices, and liable to the srme vicissitudes of fortune. The
Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Membr r for Bath, had re-
marked,with his usual aeuteness, that it would be useless to repeal
the corn-laws for the benefit of the labouring part of the com-
munity, without they paid the same attention to the improve-
ment of their habits. Unless the y did so, the condition of the
people would still remain the same. The agriculture ef this
• country had improved more than that of any other country in
the world, with the exception of Belgium. The fact was, they
fed a larger number of people on the square mile than that of
any other country, with the exception he had men-
tioned. In France they had 150 persons to the square
mile, but in England there mete 230. In France fourteen
bushels to the acre was the minimum of the produce ; in Eng-
. land it was 28 The prices of meat and grain had steadily
fallen, considering the improvements that had been made, and
the extent of the increase in population. If it was con-
sidered necessary to make a change, that change surely could
be made without the Right Hon. Baronet, the First Minister
of the Crown, attempting to malign that interest with which
he had been so long connected. It was said that, under the
operation of the principles of free trade, agriculture would
make a spring, and receive a great stimulus. Would the
House permit him to detain it for a few minutes while be
called their attention to facts, and he had no doubt they would
be able to form a more sober estimate of the consequences.
Since 1815, the time of the war, population had greatly in-
creased. There were 8000,000 of an increase, and there was
not less than 64,000.000 of an increase in the produce. The
colonial trade had doubled in amount since the war, and what
would be the effect of this measure on the colonial trade? Did
'he manufacturer, expect to keep the colonial trade in its pre-
sent position ? They had at present from seven to fifteen per
cent. protecting duty in the West Indies and in the North
American c, lonics. Did the Hon. Member fur Stockport
expect to obtain that protection after the Bill passed? Already
the manufacturers were suffering from competition in the Brazils,
and what wieed betheir, tate when they Inst the manufactures?
The Hon. and Learned Member for Bath had ridiculed his
Noble Friend for stati-g that the exports to the colonies were
3.0 0.000 per annum, from which this country obtained no
benefit. Whv, he would remind that Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman, that the house of Brucanon, in New York, was esta-
blished for the express purpose of receiving Britiso manufac-
tures, fer obtaining the drawback, and then passing them
eerier' the b rders. ‘l. hen the Canaries became an integral
part of the Uni,ed States, as from the intercourse catyted
by the effects of the measure, they were very likely to becomes
rh t Hon. and Learned Gentleman would find that his antici-
pations of the results were not at all likely to be realised. But
i was very pssilile that the matter might be exaggerated bf
both 'ides of the House, by the fears of one side an.l the hopes
the ether. Yet, boweve- this m ght be, the political effects. f
the measure would not so speedily subside. It had the effect Of
ireaking up the cernhinatten which had so lung exived be-
ween the party with whom he acted and their
leaders. Ile did nut wish to make any p rsonal attack
on th- Right Honourable Gentteman, but he felt
it right to state Pint he believed that. combination
would never attain he renewed. Neither did he think it de-
strable, fur the sake either of public men or the character and
rise ieter.-sts of the primary at large that it should be renewed.
—( Hear, hexer. ) He had in his own ham le cspacity followed
'he Right lion Gentleman with a deep admiration of his
talents, and now, when that combination was about ro be
hreken, he viewed him, as be believed the country did,
with
sensations of the deet-cst reg et.—( Hear, hear.) Ne must
he permitted to say that the Right Hon. Baronet, with all his
talents and with all the honesty of his motives, had two
blemishes in his pubic character and opinions which he hoped
he would pardon him (Mr. Colquhoun) referring to, as very
injurious to a pubic man. His defects were, having no faith
in his own principles, and exhibiting great fear of his own
opinions. He appeared like a mariner at sea with a bad cargo
that he had borne a long distance. but the safety of which he
lost all confidence in on the first indication of a storm. At the
fret approach of an autumn worm he threw overboard
at once the whole cargo of his life.—(Hear, hear.)
How long the opinions which the Right Hen. Baronet had
lately taken up in his mind, it was impossible to say; but he
defied any man who had watched vigilantly, as the conduct of
political men ought to be watched, the conduct of the Right
Hon. Baronet, to say that there was one principle he now main•
tained which he would not abandon during a period of popular
excitement,— (Cheers.) He did not mean to say that he bad
political confidence in the Noble Lord opposite ; he had a grei!t.
admiration for character and talents, but be must pardon him if
he said that his (Mr. Colquhoun's) Hon. Friends and himself,
would not form a portion of any party he might lead.—( Hear.)
He was very courageous and gallant, because he had cheered
that Noble Lord in stormy times, when his party was in dangers
Sliest vociferously, when the faintest hearts would have
despaired —( Cheers.) And if he served under the Noble Lan,
whose chinks be admired, he should feel exactly as he remem-
bered he once felt at Calais. storm bound, and when he wished
to return from the continent, being impatient to reach his own
soil. He remembered pressing a weather-beateii captain to go
to sea. who said, .. You are a landsman, and like all landsmen,
ignorant ; this is a storm in which it would not be safe to leave
the land." Now the Noble Lord went out of harbour at a Pe'
riod when he might have been of service to the constitution.
Now the duty of himself and his Hon Friends would be better
done should they take their stand with the Noble Lord, for it
would place them in a better position. it would be, perhaps,
a matter of difficulty to bring them-elves to such a course, but
he would rather.enconnter that difficultly end danger than to
continue in a camp—they had heard something of camps lately--
where, when they were about to meet the enemy, their guns,
by the orders of their leaders, were spiked. He felt, for one,
that the saoner they left such a camp the better.—( Hear,
hear. ) Better leave it than have their principles lost by acting
with those whom they had been willing to follow, but with
whom they could not now agree. The Hon. Member for
Stockport had turned his guns against that &de of the House;
he turned the skeleton of the League against them. -
An HONOURABLE MEMBER —The ghost
Mr. COLQUHOUN —Well then, the ghost; it had bad
more effect, arid it was much stronger than the skeleton. The
Hon. Member ha I fought his bathe with great ability, and
with so mush judgment, as to call forth the
compliment of the Noble Lord. ( Hear, hear.
The opnerturiity would soon be given to them to meet the
principles of Hon. Members opposite. He was sure they
would be met with courage, and he hoped with suceess• II
they were worsted, and he thought it liksa they
weuld bet
they would still have to guard some of the great institutions of
the country against the attacks of Hon. Iletehers opposite.
and his Hon. Friends would thus have to fight another gallant'
and he trusted in the end, successful war. He quite ad-
mitted that the present exs-i'ement was in favour of Govern. :
ment, hut he thought it would soon pass away, when t'e
hones of Hon. Gentlemen of p site. would be found not to be
realised, and t, .e promisee which they had made to the nier.
„
chant,. the manufacturer, and the :abourPr, not tuffill,°.
Merchants would not have had that increase of trade which
Hon. ,11embers told them they might expect Manufacturers
would not have 1 ad that dev,-Inpment for their manufactures
which they had been taught to expect : while the labourers
fr w,;uld not have experi,eed that rise in their wages which
,
they had ti-on I,d to expect. When all the hopes, %villen
Here Members ha I held out to the penile, and by which tnis
measure hail been carried, ,hould have been proved to be C)'
sion.try, ant the delusion bit): u awav, then they the prot9:
tiorest party would appeal to tie people of England, with tete
elms to question--oh' in tie boor of ttricri4 and difficulty were
their . übtle and tatthles; counsellors, and who their bumble
anti constant friends—(Cheers )
of
Mr. WOOD had expressed, on various
occasions,w constitoents, his opinion that. any system which in his
to
im-
posed taxes on the food for the people was both inexpedien
and unjust. He would call the atention of the House to the
fact that during the last few years there had been a most ee-
traordinary importation of foreign corn at iow duties co-ordi-
nate with a most extraordinary importation of bullion. The
Hon. Gentleman then entered into a comparative statement of
the amount of wheat and bullion introduced into the country.
It corn at low, duties with",
loofw tariff was productive °
with-
out
correspondinga evident. that
atdhven ignstatamerst ai tni
an
laadwrsaiwnooufl
dbuealliisoen.theHaemdoiudnntootfsawyagthat
tothtehaneretriacebi.apol:otrefer_t:heabncutoti:!
would most certainly have the effect of creating a greater
more liberal supply of food.•
repeal of the corn-laws would hliaveedtihdenelft
free tradecetwwohulledh
pated, of hindering the progressive increase and imer_otvtended
with beneficial effects on the
of agriculture. On the contrary,
slhfnwuladgehsavheabdebeeneni4sat of rleu
entire sys em ng a week.
The average of wages in the year 1835 was about Bs. they
weeks proportionate to the price of corn,
did the
price of corn t'k hat influence then
whatever,
exert on the amount of wages ? None t
and therefore any apprehension of a diminution in the am°,e-hue
bwe a h_
ea:t t
etr hoe. e:
of wages was ill-grounded, and had no substantial basis. „-
Honourable Gentleman then entered into an elaborate
disquisition on the influence which the price of.
on the reward of labour, and the proportion whin°
r wages'
the price of corn bore to the amount of
-
He would assume that the amount of wages which a labourer
corn --
and his family received during the year 183.5 was 1/. per afire fi
or 52/. per year. They would consume on the avers.% 0
quarters of wheat during the year, which would Cost in
that there would remain a balance of 421. to be expen"..efee,
house rent, clothes, and other necessaries. In 1639, herf file
the amount of wages fell to 391. a-year, and the pric,e"_rney,
quarters of wheat was 17/. 10s., so that the labourers
.73't
sad
instead of having a balance of 42/. to spend in houseid7
.enthneyns'
to
other necessaries, had a balance of 12/. 10s. to proevn
selves with everything. The corn-laws had the t issue
Re about this state of things, and eventually svuue'Lrigu.
it, reducing tie labourer to starvation and a state of
thine!
He entreated the nindlords in that Heuse to considePrauwlsC,
that distress and suffering, whose existence they s° much
and
la-
mented, was not occasioned by their previous leg
d make
by those laws which had hitherto so largely tended isto augment
their rent-rolls? He, as a lanthord, was prepare
e
every sacrifice i favour of a measure which,
in his 'tr for
was calculated to do so much good for the people ; nc
of
be,
this
one, therefore intended to support the third reading
Bill.—( Hear, hear.) d
Mr. P. RENNET considered that if the House
eoursne.sePsarien..
this law, they would be committing an ac th
t of T.,0 bed
t,s e air; te- teal 'etre-est. ( Hear, bear. )
qnuostio,
.1`
canvassed a goal many agricalturiita upon this

f

i

eA,

both landlords, farmers, tenants, and labourers, and they all • pay to their labourers.--(Laughter.) He would not, at that
agreed with him in believing the price of food in this country late hour, enter into any statistical details on this question,
regulated wages. Well, then, if they admitted wheat into and the only reason why he voted on it was because of very
this country, which, comparatively speaking, cost little or general reasons, which after all were the best on- s. He
nethine in its production, would it not reduce the income of could net believe that a eountrt like this, so fruitful in itself,
the farmer. and the wages of the lahonrer ?-( Hear, hear. ) would net be unproved in its agricutture, when farmers were
Most assuredly it. would, or how would the British agricuitu- thrown upon their own resources, and when science was
gist he able to compete with the foreigner, who had so many brought to bear upon' end to assist in this desired object It
arivattraees in his favour. In some parts of the country, Cam- was to be remembered that agriculture, and the science which
bridge for instance, the labour was paid according to the was so intimately connected with it, was )et in its infancy.
price of wheat, and whenever that commodity r •se or fell in It might be urged againt this measure, that small farmers might
price, the wages of the labourer rose ar.d fell in correspnnding areue, that they had been encouraged in the cultivation of land,
ratio-(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had aereued which would'odterwwe be uncultivated, by the system of pro-
that the reverse was the case. hot he could assure the Right tection which had beet, afforded, and that they would suffer
Hon. Barnet that he was mistaken. ruin if such protection were withdrawn. He doubted whether.
Sir R. PEEL explained, that when he said waves ti d not under such circumstances, It would not have been preferable to
-vary in the same ratio as the price of wheat, his statement ap- impose a small duty ut-on core, and he was surprised that the
plied to pertirmiar coo tie., of which he gave exarntse, He Right Hen. Baronet, whose lame rested principally upon his
certainly did argue, he admitted that the wages of the mane- financial abilities, --bowel have risked the revenue which he had
facto ing labourer varied in an inverse ratio with the price of raised apparently for no otectfic object. He temsidered that
wheat,-(Hear, hear.)
thie Bill eught to have been tried in a time of enceperity, such
Mr. H ITO w 0 N- After listening most attentively to thy as the 3
Gentlemantell gad
tstunlem. that his views tmt given the friends eho sat behind him the advantage of the
upon it had undermine no charge.-( Hear, hear. t lie Arguments, and if he was succeeding now, his success would
agreed with the Right Hen. Baronet. that cramaa del not vary appear to be owing to means which he ought not to have used :
in the -amt ratio es the price of wheat Latour. like every a t-d if he failed, as he sincerely trusted he would not, his failure
ember article of eommere,e, was liable to comeetitinn, and would he attributed to dtssensi.ms ill this House ari•ieg fam
•tshenever there were large importations of col-ea• from ahread his 0.11 policy. and to the opposition of another portion of tie
it caused great deeirettice, amongst the mtrietthural interest, ' Legislature.
and a eontecment oterfiew of labour in the market. -( gear. Air. MS'. AEU said that the Secretary of S ate, in the
hear ) When the egtieultural dimmest fleurished, the mane- speech wide), he bad made on the first night of the disclusion,
facture thrived, and the question for them to eenairter was. had reminded Hon. Getilemen sitting on those benches, arid
w.iulii tt'is initirove or injure the condition of the a tete& - orotetsieg opinions favouretOe to native industry, that they had
twist. In his opinion it certainty would for i•ow. In the sound it necessary to depart from man; of the top.nions is hie},
previ,,risly prolea. eel, and to give up mane
name of all that vas reasonable ceuid ,he Britiah farmer cam the; had
Pete with the foreigtier who paid less for his land. •egmat which they tied fermerly maintained. He acknow-
-IMS for his labor. and Or-seated considerably more limed that he believed it to he a necessary result of all diacus-
mats, teat either party took refuge in the pride which pro-
thennatural advantages. -- ( Hear. hear. t In hit ' ,minion
the (wily tendency of tliit measure would be to throw land fessed that it never wt - convinced - ( Hear, hear)---t hat it never
out of cultivation, and gredualit, depreciate its value, aed he changed its opinion on a single topic in the debate. He did
for one could not -anction it with his vote. They were asked not claim fur himself, and he believed that he need not
by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State, what were claim for ary of the Gentlemen around him, such power of
the opinions of Earl Fitswillism, the Earl of Derby. and 'eve- argument, such force of reasoning, as to convince their oppo-
ral other noblemen of distinction, upon this question. But the Dents ; and, while he listened with great respect to
Right Hon Barenet forgot that these noblemen were petseated everything urged on the ether side, he never ad-
of immense incomes. and could afford to submit to the charge. vanced or maintained any opinion when he found that
Let him ask though what would become of the small land- that such was no longer tenable. But he thought he could
holder, and the tenant farmer, who had no incomes but what -how the Secretary of State that this faculty of maintaining
they derived from their labour and their land ? What were an opinion was not peculiar to their party. He rather
the} to de. who had invested their small capital in the cultiva• imagined that many of the opinions advocated by Hon. Gen-
tion of land, on the faith of the exist ng law being. continued? tlemen opposite were now abandoned, as no longer tenable. He
___( Hear, hear.) It was very well for men who held large and could not avoid remembering many of these opinions which
boundless tracts of land, to acquiesce in the naming of this Bill, were no longer put forward. He might begin with cheap
but there were hundreds of others not qui'e au well off, who bread.-( Cheers.) They had had the Ministers of the Crown
deserved the consideration and protection of the House. (wen in this very year, even in this important session, they hail
They were now about to enter into a great speculation, with- the Ministers of the Crown describing the cry of cheap bread
out any of those wrounds which always guided men of business as the clamour of a dying faction.-( Hear, hear, and cheers. )
in their speculations. It was one of the wildest schemes that There was another opinion now given up. He did not
could possibly be conceived.-( Hear, hear. ) He had not believe that it was longer maintained that the present
much time, in consequence of the press of other business, to corn-laws were productive of any extraordinary fluctua-
read the details of these measures; but he would use the rea• tion in prices, yet that cry occasioned great agitation
son which God had givers him upon the subject, in the best It was asserted that this same corn-law was the bane of agri-
manner that he could. The country was in the most flourish.. culture, and yet it had never been shown that it had occasioned
ing state, and there never was a time when this country was so serious fluctuations in the price of wheat. Then with respect
well !implied with all the necessaries of life as it was at the pre- to tithes. They had the evidence of the very best valuers of
sent time.--( Hear, hear.) They were told of the paucity o tithes in the Tithe Commission-Whey had the evidence of
corn abroad, but he believed that before this measure land agents in all parts of the country, that every acre generally
received the royal as-sent, if it ever did,.-(Loud cheers)-that in England produced 28 bushels of wheat upon an average ;
there would he at least two millions and a half of quarters of and they had report; to show that each acre in Russia produced
corn imported into this country. They had been blamed for 16 bushels, anti France produced only 15. But he had also the
delaying this measure; he did not, however, think that that report of a gentleman cell acquainted with agriculture, who
delay had been productive of any evil to the country-at least had travelled over the United States, and from the returns fur-
not to the farmer-for if one million of cuarters had been let niched of 69 counties, he f rind that only 14 bushels were cal-
into the country, the prices to the farmer would have been culated to each acre. It cid appear therefore to him, that
considerably reduced. The revenue would he greatly hene- protection was not injurious to agriculture. since
fited by this delay-it would. probably, receive 600.0001. in England th-•y found that the average quantim
more than if the measure had been passed in a hurried anti a reaped from each acre exceeded in a comiderable
hasty manner through Parliament. If they were to take degree the other countrie sof Europe. It had also been an-
away all protection from the farmers they ought to be set upon nounced that the population of the country increased in a
a footing with the manufacturers and millowners-( Hear, greater ratio than its products; that every day added 1000
hear)--and he enabled to compete with foreign souls to the population, or 365,000 in each year. But the)
countries. The announcement of the present measure had caused should have told them also that. the price of wheat decreased in
considerable 'two* ton in the monetary concerns of this th • same prnporticin. But there watt another opinion which
country -( Hear, hear.) It was not to be surprised that it .truck him as being repeatedly advanced in that House, he
ahnuld have done so, for the banker would not advance money meant the opi ion that a protective duty provoked the enacting
upon feria property when required to de ai, because he did not of hostile tariff-. But they were independent of these hostile
know the effect which the Government measure would have in influences, at least the new philosophy was altogether inde-
depreciating the value of such property.-( Hear, hear) penitent of these considerations. -( Cheers.) Another argu-
Some demur had been made to a statement which he made went now abandoned was this, that freight itself would be a
some time since of the price of wheat. Considerable communi- tuffictent protection to the home grim•er. The Honourable
cation had taken place upon 'he subject between himself and Gentleman the Member for Stockport, whose speeches he (Mr.
the farmer:, and the general opinion of that body was that the Diraeli)always read wit!' great pleasure, and it was but fair that
Home, net beings aware of the accuracy 01 his statements, %wee he should refer to these out-door speechee when they created
leei lacing in the dark upon the subject of the eorn-laws, oich a change in doors.-( /fear, hear. ) What did the Hen.
( The Hee, Member thee read a letter from a farmer in the Member for Stockport say the pro•eming freight would be?
East Riling of Yo kshire with reference to the prices and qua- 10s. 6,1. He believed that if that statement had been made a
lities of wheat anti mamma- in the market, and which went on veer ago, it would have b. en universally believed-it would
to say that instead of there being a famine in May. they would here met with the hearty cheers of Hsn Member,. Was it
need other markets to take off their produce.) The writer 0, ,eiiered now ? He ( eh-. Disraeli ) doubted if there was atm this letter stated that he .vas surprised that his statement that freight of 10s. -he doubted if the freight from o.ies•a was
the price of wheat had been as low as 255. should have bee 2 re- 10,2. They knew well that it was as expensive to freight grain
cetved with so much surprise, for he hail himself purchased f, ono one port of Britain to another as from a foreign port.-
great quantities at from lam to 20s. The Hoe. Member the,. (Ceeers. ) But it was necessary that he should remelt upon an
went on to say that he thought some means should he devised other topic, one now exploded, namely, that the present corn-
by which e maw who neimpied a farm of 3ilo/. a-year ehould be .awa produced a fluctuation in the rue at grain. They were.
relieved from paving 7n/. a-ye.or io •he shape re pi -r aid hiv,h- hs thus noticinoi.., those matters, clearing ,h . enlace,, and he
Way rates fie theueht it would be some satisfaetion to those .oulii, without hesit•ition, affirm that there was less fluctuation
who acted with him. that they were not provisional commetem in the prim. of grain in Endland than in any count 'y in the
Me, on this Biil-( Cheers and lau ohter )-and they would not, world.-i Cheers ) Mr. Secretary Gladstone had moved for a
thFrefOre, be subj ct to the liabilities which attached to provi- mturn mot important in character, and more important from
sionsl committee-men -I (sheers.) he persons introducing it to the House. That was a retu n ex
The Marquis of kVi IfICE eTER in opening his speech teak terming Item 1631 to 1840 inclusive. of the weekly proms
oc -anion to allude to the exaggeva,ed accounts of the &sires; of wheat in al'. the hrincipal twin-ills of the rni•ed Sates
in Ireland lie held letter• in his hand, which awed that Now he would take one of these capitals, which would lie
three or four e‘rgoes of Patatees had been this week shipnerl worst fur the (-ate espoused by that. party against a netjerity
from that enontrY. He also refmred to the ',injury memo med ef that House. He wool ; take. Philadelphia, the eapi al of
farmer by the introduction of tire trick two the country
to the ; Pennsylvania. I was a greet mercantile market, and had the
710 beasts and 590 sheep hart been imported int., this country great aelvaritftee of rejoicing in the economy of free trade -
last week. The Noble Lent read letter which a
s the received •
( Hsar hem ) Nov he found that, as regarded fluctuation,
from several tenant-formers on the subject of the proposed 'he total difference between the highest and the lowest
alteratiens. They were unanimous in coodenming these ; and prices was as forty-seven per cent, in the United State,.
one writer went on to say that if the tw - flight. Hon. Baronet., truth 33 per cent. in England.-(Cheers.) And the total dif.
who were the anchors of the measure, had been present at' f rt.ance ir. the septenn'al period was 270 per cent. in America,
Ciren tester the last market day, they wou d have ;hue it was only 227 in England. An objection might be
heard their names uttered with curses.-( Laughter. ) urged against this return of Mr. Gladstone's, that it gave the
The tenant-farmera were completely opposed to the measure, weekly retures, and that local circumstances might and many Members of that House would, he was sure, agree con-
siderably affect them. But he held also in his hand a return
with him that such was the fact.-( Hear, hear.) He thanked from the years 1830 to 1838, and he found that the
the House for the kindness with which they had heard him. difference in this period, from the highest to
and he would conclude by expressing his determination to give the lowest price, was as 150 to 69 per cent.--( Cheers.)
the Bill his most decided opposition in every stage.
He had taken Philadelphia as the nearest point for themselves,
Mr. MONTAGUE GORE would, with the
permission of and the other capitals
he t
of America were, therefore, more favour-
the House, occupy its attention for a short time, while he ee to the re timwas advancing.'
The Hon. Member
made a few observations on this important question. He then referred to rye as sold at Warsaw and Dantzic, showing
differed very much from the Gentleman who had spoken as to that in the former city, where the free-trade system prevailed,
the effects which might be anticipated from the importation of the difference between the highest and lowest price was in five
foreign corn on the agriculture of this country. He would years 149 per cent., while in the latter city, where a p.otection
take the liberty of reading some documents which would place duty was maintained, the fluctuation in price in the
this matter beyond question. The Hon. Member then read a same period was only sixty-nine per cent. He thought
letter from a tenant- tarmer of Norfolk, who visited Russiaashort they might consider the argument of fluctuation, as used
time since with strong prepoasessions in favour of protection, against a protective system, no Linger tenable in that Howse.
T
but who had been there only a short time when his opinions They ought to have a " limbo " for the reception of disused
Underwent a complete alteration. This change was the cense- political arguments, and he should propose that those he had
quence of what he saw, and the conviction that the agricult tm enumerated he placed there among the first. He would rimy
rists of this country had nothing to fear from the absence of their opponents to show that they on the protection benches
all protection to agriculture. A letter which he had received had changed their opinions so frequently as Honourable
from a gentleman in the City, and which he weuld Members on the Opposition side .of the House, who
read, proved that act apprehension might he entertained supported this measure of the Government.-( Hear, hear. )
from the importations from Am •rica. The Hon. Gentleman A very celebrated authority, who was once a Member of' that
then read a statement of the number of barrels of fl ,ur im- House, had declared that rtising corn to an artificial price im-
ported, for a period of years, from America, and also a mina- posed a tax upon the people of this country amounting to
bar of returns, stating the quantity of corn which might be 20,000,000 i. Another and ano less celebrated, though a
expected from Dare zic and other places, and the price which
it would cost. He then went on to say that, considering all more successful, authority, and who, he belt{ veil, was con •
sidered the authority of the Anti-Corn-law League, had fallen
these circumstances, no prejudicial results would take place, if foul of this calculation, because the calcel etion had omitted
protection were abolished. No doubt this was a measure the number of quarters of wheat consumed by the agricultural
which, would effectisome very great changes, arid, like all ;,treat
measures, some individual cams of evil would result. frem i; betty, all of which it was contended ought not to have been
employed in ascertaining the amount of the corn-law tax.
but as a great general mevure it would be productive of much This latter authority estimated the tax at from 9,003,0001. to
Public good ; and, he had no doubt, it- would most ma-
t:hriialelly 10,000,000/., and urged the principle that it WAS better
~ benefit, the. agr.iculi urists. -( Flear, heat. ) But fear England not to raise a quarter of grain than incur the
re supported this measure h.• should exprest a ii iblitty of paying th .s tax. He admitted that this was the
h°Pe that other measures would also be in-roduced which
would
extreme mate, but in ad pi !lig it he was only testing
all.
,_
ts ,I.e.a benefit the agriculturists of the country; and, above
great be
the principle of the free-trade party. Now, suppose England,
" ' hoped that this meaeure aa one which would cooler by importing ti 0.030,010 of qua- ters of grain from abroad saved
operation
t,
the majority
Itelarid, w'ould receive the cordial co- from 10,000,0001. to 20,000.i.001., it could not be denied that
few rn,as the mmority of the House. He did believe that
eure aff-tu're, England by doing so lost considerably more than they saved in
could be introduces whi th, coupled with a mew- the shape of wages. She would also lute the profits of the can
thingti)v't the tenant right in Indeed, could be more ben .- pital invested in the production of that amount of corn, as well
c -untry. He should conclude by -flying that this a, the rent which had accrued from the land upon which the
discussion had, in his opinion. been conducted in a highly eorn had been grown. But it might be said that he was urging
ter,e,eli:eaeble manner to this Mon., and to the country, and if it the cos .in an extreme point of view ; but it was impossible for
.tioenu,o, n introduced by the Noble Lord she Nletnbet for L ,n- him to test •he princi le without adopting an extreme point of
irh.e would have suoported it just as cordially as he did now. view, The Honourable .tlember for Sttickport, however,
:‘ LAW oON said, he had listened to the artrumenrs of toeing a practical man, wound probably deny the necessity
th • Hon. Member fur ath, and Ito eof a great matey other for nonsideriog the ease in this extreme point of view,
Hon. Members who hail spoken for and against the measure. b. 4 s the Hon. Member and his party did not suppose
He had heard some Honourable Members say than it was a land •Mtd be thrown out of cultivation There. would be thata
measure an illusory and nitgatery the• it sacs of no importance
Oreittut7itfi.',,n of prices, but the lend could nit be entirely thrown
'whether it was patm.l or tier. If he (multi believe the; argii-
,ii:er, alistallobe a Well,iii,.n utihmeno, take ,it upon this ground.
41"nt. he would certainly vote against it ; hot he con d re,
credit such a pro ewitien after all he had heard free% the Hon,would1 i f of bur nd a reduction of
wages. l'he Hon. 5 ember or Stockport hot been extremely
he"'ember for 11arro .It•ible • and he did not thick, that from what
Ir. ilk in giving the Horse his estimate of whet the price of
corn would be after the passing of this Act, and he thought if
knew of the district' in which he res-ded, teat the meeture
4 hich he was tie could showbe that this price, p.irfict.,e, high as it was as comparedwith
woinuld eel-tally benefit the manufacturer and the agrteulturist.
to the British producer, he would he
would not ield.a profit
Ili' found in that part of the count, Y vat ' h what wiinl,l
as well as the ruinous tendency of tehTs°n'Ti
mast familiar a perfect unanimity wiill respect to the meature
introduced by her Majesty's Ministers. Daisy ail cgreieiiiin toe rating ther eiti uwtti,uttkyi
princip.e iho pr,,trrfrin ~n2ht to be affsr teed ii'n'tive .
.r.'rY• meet the argumi fits of Hee. Gentlemen opposite with farts,
He had, himself, the hodour of presenting wetition- from he w•een hunt he Froteated a •
d and this stalest being anawered with assertions. He
60 to 60 tog. nthilie in the timojth„,mheee he represent e . would not weary the House• by meetiening those large pro-
was th" 0 ly excuse he put f. ww. rd fur rising at chi- late_ dimmer reentries, with which Ron. .‘temb,4 must bier been
period of the debits., and ob ruching himseit upon the nem,' of male ioo familiar in the course of the present session, but he
the ilou-e. He dud not think it would be ar 'et of justice to wotal call the attention of the !louse to markets that never were
these he represented if he were contented with giving a silent mentioned, which would have a great infl in regutatiag
vote on this im v ', p-i int que-tion. Ooe of th objt,,,i"'S th prices of this mtuntry. There wag,uence in the firat place,
which he had i 0 the pasting o this measure Hung try, which he need nut remind the House, consisted of
at the present ttme was, that the flnn. Member 36,3.003 square miles-it contained the richest soil in the
whet introduced it had not stated what the price of wheat cites world, in fact its soil was that of a garden-they might go
expected to he. He hoped, therefore, to hear that night from from mile to mile with..ut meeting a single stone. Weil, here
the Hon Baronet his expected price, because, until they had then they had in this country at least 240,000 square miles of
such, they were legislating in the dal k. Now, as to the de- the most fertile soil in the world, under the influence of achmate
pendenee of this country on foreign nations, it had been almott most admirably adapted for the growth of corn. Now he had
ridiculed in this House that they should adopt the doctrine that lately received returns from a party well informed on the sub-
by this measure they should be dependent on foreign nations ject of the corn trade, which gave him the prices of corn in
for the supplies of food. He owned that in this error, if error Hungary. The averawe price of Hungarian cern, which he
it was, he cordially joined, and he thought that this depen- must remind the House was the finest in the world, was 188.
hence wculd be meet sensibly felt if a war should occur. The per bushel. They might send it overland to the port of Trieste
next point to which he would direct the attention of the House for 41 per English bushel, and thence to this country for
was with reg rd to those who were now in office, and he thought
ils,r. 8210.,s.soptehrat
bHaushnegla.rian
Twhheeat
gentlemancouldbe who gave himsold in this country
that any change of opinion in public men, from that line of
policy which they had adopted thrcughout their whole lives, was
in itself very detrimental this information was a practical man trading at Trieste,
had a predilection the of
at the public interests, and even if he who told him that if he could only secure a regular
avyur of this measure, yet, knowing the trade with England, and send in the first year 500,000 quar-
inconsistency of thaocs:ewdehdotnow brought it forward, he should hesitate before he ters, while another house would undertake to bring into any
principle whieh was to contrary En to all those they had form:rj glish port 2
Galicia quarters at 28s. the bushel
were dissolved, dissolved, as he hoped yit avowed. If this Parliament other house in were ready, if this measure passed, to
it
was
so would be before this measure deliver 1,000,000 quarters free on board at 18s. He would
were passed-if dissolved, and th
determined that the Bill be passed, the • the constitnency had not mention the markets of Spain, of Egypt, and of Sicily,
as a minority, to accede to that men it would be their duty, which would have a great effect upon the prices in this count
allow that this measure would produceasouhroe* He would not try. But it was argued that the demand for corn would in-
mitted, indeed, that at first it would produceaap bread. He ad- crease its price in the producing countries. He would apply
ruinously cheap food, but that would not continue permanentl this principle to other articles of large consumption in this
had been made of famine in Ireland, and the scarcity grfeat ery country, and see whether it was sound or not. On a former
toes had been urged as a reason why the oa. occalien he alluded to the question of
tawta, but said then his
Pass the Corn Bill. He could
House
+t
I' should_ statements had been emntradmted, and ould be therefore
he Heuse
that potatoes were selling in York at two shillin necessary for him to justify them. In 1831, the price of a
per bushel, while in London he himself paid fifteen shillings' pound of congou tea was 2a. 2d., while in 1846. it was only 9d.
per sack, Potatoes were sent up to Londen at fifty shillings in 1832, it was 2s• 11,4 d. ;in 1833, it was Is. 11d.1834, it
Per ton, yet no one would buy them, and they were obliged to was Is. 9.1. ; ir, 1835 ii was Is. 4d. ; in 1836, it was Is. 2d. ;
be taken back again. One would naturally imagine
that nn in
.1837, the China war having commenced, the price
Monopoly would exist in a city like London, but it appeared again row to 2s. 54. ; it continued during 18.31 to rise
to 2.. 6d, • i
that there was an universal agreement to keep up the prices, n 1839 and 1840 the price went down
to Is. 4cl'
in order to compel the passing of this measure.-(Laughter, Price was only B9d4d lot 3d. ; and now, in 1846, the
and cries of " Oh, oh." from Ste Opposition.) Hon. Gentle_, and yet the supply end the demand had
increased railion
men might cry " Oh, oh," but he considered that if the Y take was that osf uP"
millions.
The next instance he should
granted this Bill they would be giving way to the League, and 1,437
it
wa.
sii. ;
icnottion.s
it was
1836 the price was Ittel. ; in
encouraging greater demand,. He was exceedingly sorry to in 1840 and 1,441 it watt 6d.. secs Bd. ; in 1831 it was 64. i. ;
4, ift-r from the Right Hom Baronet, but he was not convinced and at 1844 and 1845 it was ;44in 1842 and 1843 it was sd. ;
in his own mind-f Laughter )-that this measure would be for mini the House that durieg the and
41d. Now, let him re-
the good of The country, and therefore, he ~could not give his this progressive decline in prices'Yeathrse i':l which he had traced
suPPort to the Nliniste•ial Bill. itito England had risen
f importation of cotton
rom 333 000 000 lb
slr, VERNON SMITH was happy to see that the acri- 597,000,00011a5. ; while the manufactur 'f ' 9.
t°
rah 'l,loy which usually distinguished either side of the House, had increased their consumption from e2sB2of) the country
t-ka" sank into a sort of apathy on this question, but although 439.000,0001b5. Now this sufficiently illustratede 00.0001bs. to
the princi-
-"ey had ceased to off nd against each other it was only to turn was
of prices when there was no artificial
protection There
their vituperation upon the Right Hun. Baronet and her Ma•
was no denying it ; the prices of all d • • pro ucts, in the ab-
jdestY's Ministers. The Hon. Go tleman, vote had just sat Bence of protection, had a downward tendency. He would
edw, demanded that her Majesty's Ministers should bring now take the case of sugar, which perhaps was not so applicable
MOW..
of the measu 1 to the principle he was combatting as the articles he had
te price of itseat, after the passing
Qat they should t th t ro hu holt to titre- ' elreadv entimerated R. !who. of Rental „mm from IRn
to , s a e exac u
v A %Usti, ansi the caa,„ti, A ,;,i Ley nugiia pm guy lsima(C paiwa ,;u 10.10 had tadon trona 475. to 37as par hag, while ill the fins

reason. When he examined the career of that Minister, which
seiiice the days of
had extended over so long a period, and filled st great a space
unpiegnithHisocna.eeceerni:remaapnertiohdee Crown had
in the political history of his country—when Se poked back
Mr. Horner, down to the Hon. Member c,2r Stockport, the
offir3s aolri n4i°s tyeeraro'f
traded upon the ideas and the intelligence of others.--
( Tremendous cheering.) His life had been . great appro-
priation clause.—( Tremendous cheers.) He as a burglar of
other men's intelleots.—(Continued cheering.) From the
days of William the Conqueror, down to the preent period, no
statesman hied committed political petty larceny to o great an
extent.—(Continued cheering.) He (Mr Dieaeli) believed
however, that when he undertook the advocacy ef either cause
to which he attached himself, he was sincere ,n his support of
it, for having none of the sympathy which atttehes men to the
advocacy of great principles, his support of them crumbled
away when opposing circumstances appeared u his conventional
mind to make a departure from them expedient. The Right
Hon Gentleman imbibed his present opinions as he did every
docti ine that presented a life-Iske. popular, aid progressive ep-
pearence, as he did those from Horner, and rem every other
I":litteel leader—every doctrine, except that d Reform, which
the Whigs had allowed to attain to too great t maturity to fall
in:o the mouth of the Right Hoe. Barot.et.—( Tremendous
cheers.) Every one, however, was net effected in the same
way by striking alterations in the opinions which they formerly
entertained. Feeling of this kind depended wry much on tem-
perament or idiosyncracy of the mind, and os the nature of the
animal who had made the change.—(Grent laughter. ) The
Right Hon. Gentleman might not feel humiliated in following
the course he now proposed to adopt, but h's country ought to
feel humiliated. Was it so pleasing to the self- complacency of
se great a nation as this—was it so pleasing to a eoun:ry like
England, that it should be said of one of its statesmen, as
Dean Swift said of another gentleman, " tha he was one who
had the perpetual misfortune of being ra;stalsen?"—( Great
laught, r and cheers. ) Now, in the last scene of the drama,
was he going to pass as his own what it am a matter of noto-
riety was not of his own invention. The project had been
offered to another Government before he took office, and by that
Government was r•jseted.—( Cheers.) A gentleman of con-
siderable weight in that House had asked him (Mr Disraeli),
when these chances were firs talked about, what his opinion
was of the contemplated alterations?—in reply to whom he
said, " Oh. I suppose it is some great and comprehensive plan
of the Right Hon. Baronet;"--( Great laughter)—to which
he replied " Oh, it is net his plan at all; it is Hopkin's plan."
—(Cheers and laughter.) And was England, he would ask.
to be governed and c snvulsed by Hopkin's plan ?—( Great
laughter.) Would the Righ; Hon. Baronet go to the country?
—( Cheers) Would he appeal to the people? Would Fng-
land—that was governed by a Bolinbrnke and a Walpole, a
Chatham and a Canning._ submit to such a measure ? He did not
believe it. Those political pedlars who bought them up in the
cheapest market, and sold them in the dearest.—(LoA cheers.)
Notwithstanding the unfavourable opinion which be had formed
of the damaging effects on the English character, from beings
familiarised lately with political tergiversation—notwithstanding
that the people had become vitiated by the political gambling
of the present day—though he knew that all confidence in pub-
lic men was lost—still he had faith in the primitive and en-
during qualities of the English character—(Loud cheers)—and
he believed they would regard the project with very different
feelings from those which the promoter of it anticipated.—
(Loud cheers.) It may be idle now to tell them its tho spring
time of economic policy, that it would have the effect of in-
volving them in trouble, difficulties, and disaster ; but the time
would yet arrive, when chastened by misfortune, and sobered
into reason, they would remember not with unkindness the
predictions of those who were now endeavouring to avert their
calamities, and who did their utmost to prevent those measures
which were the pregnant cause of their evils from being carried
into effect.—(The Hon. Member sat down amidst loud
cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said, that in rising to address the
House, after the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, he
should certainly feel considerable hesitation, If he thought the
Hon Gentleman had hem equally successful in his agricultural
views. as he was in his invective against the Minister; but lie
could nut. fad to see that the Hon. Gentleman's talent consisted
in always dressing up and using invective against the Minister
instead of addressing himself to the Bill before the House. It
was their business that night to debate whether nr not the
measure should be read a third time instead of hearing an
abuse of the Right Hon. Baronet. The Hon. Member was
there more as a spectator than a party conversant with the
subject. The Hon. Gentleman began by questioning the
abandoned arguments, as he called them, of the Right Hon.
Baronet. Now he did not think that the Right Hon. Gentle-
man's former arguments had failed, or that he had been lost in
alarm during them. Indeed a Noble Lord had read a letter to
the house, which had been written by one of his ancestors in
the year 1610 in support of protection to agriculture.
This was a question which was before both Houses of Par-
liament in 1840. It was introduced into the House of Lc rds
by Earl Fitzwilliam, and, upon two occasions, eleven Members
voted for the consideration of the question ; and in the House
of Commons they voted for a Committee for the same pur-
pose; and he (Lo-el J. Russell) thought at that time, that if
that object. should be effected, and the New Poor-law carried,
a great difference might be made in the state of the country;
and that that change could then with safety be made ;
anal several members of the Cabinet were of the same
opinion ; hut Lord Melbourne and several other
members of the Cabinet voted against any change. (The Noble
Lord then read an extract from the opinion expressed upon the
subject by Lord Melbourne, and which was to the effect that
his (Lord Melbourne's) opinion was that it was not expe-
dient to make any change, and that he would maintain exist
ing duties.) Well, then, with such a state of things it was
nit to be wondered at, that in 1841 the whole Cabinet should
propose a cha.sge in the corn-laws. Now, he (Lord J. Rus-
sell) felt justified in entering into those details, because of
what had bsen said of the part he had taken in them, by
others in this House, during this debate.—( Hear, hear.) He
thought then, and he did still think, that a moderate fixed
duty would then have been the best change that could be
made in the laws of 1828. He was of that opinion when
protection was ingrafted in their law-books as wall as in
the habits and opinions of the people. arid that therefore a
charge should be made gradually; and he also thought tha
the Anti-Corn-law League would have been glad to accept a
fixed duty of Bs.—(Cries of c Hear, hear," and "No, no.")
lie had good authority for saying so, and he would state it.—
( Hear, hear.) Up to the commencement of last year, he
:sae still of the same opinion, and, after a fixed duty had been
agreed to and in force for a number of years, it could be
changed into free trade by a gradation which would be almost
imperceptible. But when the changes which had been pro-
posed had been resisted for a number of years, and
when the Anti-Corn-law League had debated the question of
free trade, and had made an impression upon the public mind
as to its necessity, and when the proposition, as to a moderate
fixed duty had been so frequently rejected, then he did
think it would not be wise to adhere to a wish to porgovoro
that project ; and there was no precedent for doing so under
such circumstances, in the conduct of any Minister down to
the time when Huskisson acted the part he did in reference to
the Catholic question. Therefore up to last year, he (Lord J.
Russell) asked himself if there was any course to he adopted,
but that of a total repeal, which was likely to give satisfaction
to the country.—( Hear, hear.) Had he been able to carry
the measure for a fixed duty, with the consent of the
Cabinet, and the acquiescence of the people, he would
have been proud of it ; but he was not anxious to
occupy the position of a Minister, who would afterwards be
compelled to have the prudence and wisdom of the measure
continually debated in this House.—( Hear, hear.) The
question now was, however, between the keeping up of
the present system of protection, or the total abolition of all
protection in the few years proposed by the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman. He (Lord J. Russell) had not said that this was the
way in which he world wish to effect the change, because he
was for doing away with protection by means that
would not hay- any suddenness of character about it ;
but now believing that the repeal of the corn-laws was
a right measure, he saw no other course left than to re-
peal them, or keep up the present system of protection.
The Hon. Gentleman hail made an assertion. He had made
the assertion that the corn-laws did not enhance the price of
corn, and he also and at the same time asserted that the power
of the community to purchase was increased. That which
the Hon. Gentleman had admitted was capable of proof, and
this admission strengthened the proof. He had, however,
given no proof of the pr position that the power of the people
to purchase was increased by the existence of the law. The
Hon. Gentleman had stated, indeed, that the prices of corn
would be ruinous to the small farmers.—(Hear, hear.)
And in giving these details of the apprehension which he felt
on a former occasion, he spoke of foreign markets from which
were to be derived immense supplies of corn. Let him (Lord
J. Russell) observe that in the first instance the Hon. Gentle-
man's argument entirely destroyed that to which he and many
others had all along limited themselves, and had relied their
main strength on it, viz., that protection upon corn ought to
be continued in order to make us independent of the produce
of foreign nations. He could understand that agreement
very well if all the cern came from one or two coon
tries, for it would quite warrant the apprehension that. in
time of war we might run the danger of scarcity from the sup-
plies being impeded. He had gone over in his mind this guess.
Lion with regard to Russia and America, and other important
corn-trading countries, and had found that in the course of the
last century there were a very few years indeed—exce2t, perhaps,
with regard to America, in 1783—when we were at war with
any one of them. He was comforted by this discovery, and
would, therefore, depend in foreign countries without any ap-
ereherision. 'I he Hon. Gentleman, however, went farther ;
he said that there were other countries from which we received
our supplies—Hungary, Spain, and Egypt—and yet he asked
the nation if it could calculate on supplies from them all?
What became of our independence of foreigners according to
that statement? There was no fear of this nation becoming
involved while it continued its maritime supremacy—if the
country maintained its maritime supremacy is would always
have a supply. The Hon. Gentleman told them that there
would be very low prices, and that corn would be furnished at
IBs. per quarter, or perhaps 20s. per quarter. Tne average
prices had been from 40e. to 505., and be very much questioned
whether the prospect of cheap bread
He was a prospect to
o alarm
the people of this country.
_had heard the
Honourable Member for Somersetsbire state his appre-
hension that their butchers' stalls would fade to
Hon. Illemler for Shrewsbury was in
nothing, and now the
the baker bill, and showed that's
some alarm in respect of . 1
f they admitted large
indeed
bread would be very cheap
quantities of corn they would have the people consuming more,
much better food He did
would
have
and they
therefore, any of the apprehension which the Hon . Gentleman
entertained, for he thought that some years hence great quan-
tities of corn would be brought into this country in expecta-
tion of ' the prices which could be realised, but there would not
be any depression to affect the agriculture of this country.
The Hon. Gentleman had spoken of slight fluctuations in this
market. He (Lord J. Russell) would not compare the
fluctuations which had occurred in the European and Ameri-
can markets. With regard to the fluctuations in this market
they had been very great and the prices very high, an
January, 1838, the price of wheat was 545. 4d. per quarter,
and in December in the same year it was 78s. In 1839 it
was 81s. 6d., in January, and in October it was 655. In this
fluctuation of two years was there not sufficient reason for the
Government to consider that the admission of foreign corn
would benefit the people ? Let them look at the prices which
existed during the last century after the admission of
foreign corn. In 1763, when this country ceased
to be an exporting country, and began to import, he found that
Mr. Burke, in a pamphlet. said that the people had no great
reason to complain of the price of bread, because for some
years past corn had varied from 325. to 40s. per quarter. If
they took the 34 years from 1750 to 1784, the price of wheat
averaged 455. per quarter ; that was not complained of, and in
1791 it was propoed to raise the prices. His belief was that
the high prices of the war, and the depreciation which had
taken place in the currency had altered their notions, and
made them support the high price for grain—a higher pt ice
to the consumer than he was able to afford. Look
also to the question as it regarded manufactures and corn.
Why the price of manufactured fabrics had fallen two-thirds
in price; corn h:d risen 20 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) This
was a reason why they should not exclude foreign corn ; a
reason. why they should iso longer keep up a law, to keep up
by a restrictive law the price of this important necessary of
life.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentlemen, the Member fir
Shrewsbury, had spoken of an important Principle. Except-
ing that the principle was the maintaining of the corn-laws, he
(Lord John Russell) knew not what it meant. Then he went
to the colonies. He considered that the colonies would not
suffer from this measure, while they had already enjoyed
great advantage from the arrangement of the differential
duties.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the colonies would
not be sorry to see this restrictive system abrogated._
( Cries of " Hear, bear.") And so for Canada, the &mute

year there were only 24,000 tons imported into England,
whereas in the latter there were 62,000 tons. Coffee exhibited
the same results. The price of Ceylon coffee in 1t540 was
from 90s. to 915., while in 1846 it was only 475. per
lose,. The quantity imported in the first year was
55,000 bags, and in the last year 100,000 bags.
During the last year, 43,533 lbs. had been imported. Well,
then, there were other articles to which he should like to direct
the attention of the House. but he had no desire to trespass
much further upon the attention of the House. Let them look
• at the case of indigo, of salt, of iron, and of coals, in all of
whichshed to e w
wouldo
observe
gverao n
e,urisiveeursranl
wdaesvel
to be development.
Lade Naonwh
ex-
ception to the general rule 2-( Hear, hear.) He wanted an
answer to that. He thought that it was as fair a question to ask
w thn o n
as could be conceived.--( Hear. hear.) Why was eorn made an
exie peon to the rule ? Was it because corn was produced in
every country, and in every Cirnate -f Hear, hear. ) Now,
for example, he wanted to know where they c uld not produce
sure. They had recently received large quantities of that
article even from Persia ; there was no part in Persia its which
corn ceuld not be produced at ss. per quarter. I, was a mere
question of the cost of transportine, and he begged the country
to bear in mind that the progress of steam power in this count) v
was reducing the price of all articles, that were capable of teir'
removed to the common leval. Now, before he ventured to
estimate the consequences of this change, he might
state that he web knew that the case of foreign
cattle had been urged There w.is as slight a cons
neeien between corn and cattle as could possibly be con
ceived. -(Hear ar. ) Way, in the first place, the continent
of Europe had been a corn growing country long before
England was a corn growing country. Irhad never been a
cattle growieg country, aid the very fact of th Roman
Catholic rehgi in, which had prevented the consumption of
meat, w haat prevails-a in F'rotestant countries, led, in a great
inca•ure, tot ea. result. No one could contend that there were
in any par, of the continent of Europe, such pastures as w re
to be seen in England? Then, again, let them leak to the
daeger and cost which attended the transmission of such an un-
m arkable article as a live beast. He was, therefore, obliged
to come to the conclusion that, to promote the manufactures
of this country, they were prepared to destroy all the agricul-
tural labour which had before existed in it. Now what would
be the carwequences of such a step? The Right Hon. Baronet
rose in his place and said, " That England was not an ag. icule
rural country- .( Hear hear. )-and that it was a manufac-
turing country."-( Hear, hear.) That was a perfectly novel
argument. He believed on investigating the subject, that
England was not, as regarded her commerce as great
a commercial country at this moment as she had been
at previous periods of her history.-(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
Of course he did not mean to say that England, at this mo-
ment, had not increased commercial transactions to what she
had several years bask ; but what he meant to eontend was,
that when we took into account her increased population, there
had not been a corresponding increase in the amount and ex-
tent of her manufactures.-(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " Oh,
oh." The Hon. Member might groan, but that was not the
way to answer his assertions.-(Hear, hear. ) He believed
that, if they looked at the present manufactures of England.
they would find that she was lower in point of her commercial
importance than she has! ever been. He said this unhesi-
tatingly. Looking at the number of people employed in the
manufactures of this country, England wag lower in a com-
mercial point than she was an hundred years ago. --( Hear,
hear.) For instance, he would ask where were the manufac-
tures of the West of England. that flourished so much centu-
ries ago? The woollen manufacture of England was iar more
flourishing many years ago than it was at the present
moment ; and yet it was for this fluctuating and drooping com-
merce, that the agriculturists of Englaed were to be deprived
ef their rights, merely for the purpose of satisfying the desires
of the manufacturers of a single county. He contended that
agriculture had done far more to improve the mind of man and
the state of the country than ever manufaiwure had done. In-
deed that had been admitted by most eminent manufacturers.
the poverty of the soil was such that it could only be made
productive by the use of artificial soil and manure. What
would have been the state of the fens of Lincoln if protection
ha i not existed ? They would have been mere waste fens and
plashy marshes.-(Loud cheers.) There were two or three
points which he did riot intend to treat of at that hour of the
night, but which he would call to the memory of the House
before they came to vote upon the subject now before it. He
would merely glance at them, he would not presume to touch
upon them, having taken ue so much of the time of the House
already. It was very we:' to talk of the Canadas in the
manner its which it had been treated by some Hon. Members-.
to talk of it as a matter of indifference to this
country whether it was annexed to Canada or not. He never
bad been one of those who thought that Canada would never
be annexed to the United States. Canada had too much of the
elements of a great country within itself for that.--( Cheers.)
He thought it was not the destiny of Canada to be annexed to
the United States.-( Hear, hear.) An Hon. Member, in
noticing the speech of his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn,
nad stated that the commerce of Canada was nothing hut a
mere smuggling trade, by way of Canada, to the United
States. That was his argument for keeping Canada. What
would be the condition of England in a commercial point of
view, if the whole of the transatlantic continent belonaed to
one power ?-( Cheers. ) He would net then dwell upon or
touch the case of Ireland. It was too terrible a subject, when a
Noble Lord, whose conversion was a subject of congratulation
to her alajesty's Gevernmente had sta ed that this measure
would betted to the interests of the small farmers.-( Cheers. )
I, was too .tr ible a thing, he expected, for him to contemplate,
when he knew that that nation was peculiarly a nation of small
'armers -(Cheers.) But there was one observation with
reference to Ireland which he could not refrain from making
The Honourable Mi mher for Stockport ( Mr. Cobden )
hard stated .n that House. and in other places, and
very recently, t- o, in that. House, with censiderable effect.
‘• that Iseland was an argument in lawny of the corn-laws."
Of all the countries in the world he should never have ex-
pected that Ireland would be broueht forward as an argument
in hw favou , Did the Hon. Member mean to ,ay that the
state of Ireland was an argument against protection ? There
was api pelation .`rivet; to the law source of human sub-
sistence. But how did they get these sources of sebsistence -
how did they get their potatoes? By cultivating the earth, and
by producing oats and wheat, which they sent to England.-
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Glad would he be if the whea and
oats remained in Ireland for the consumption of the people.
And if the state of Ireland be so as he described it,
such mu,t be the t ffects upon the markets of England.
If he was wrong to his calculattons, they
might have a thousand answers and a thousand assump-
tions, founded on the vagaries of political economy. If he was
right in its effects upon the labour of the United Kingdom, he
wanted to know what would be the state of Ireland if they
ruined these manufacturers of the soil. It might be said that
these agricultural labourers would turn manufacturers. But
how long a time was to elapse before this would take place?
How long would it be before these manufactures would be
established in Ireland? Before these manufactures were es-
tablished they might perhaps see the drooping energies of the
Dorchester labourers paid with the same high wages as those
paid by the Honourable Member for Durham.-
(Cheers.) He did net believe that this measure could
change the character of that country as an agricultural one.
Believing as he did that these measures had a tendency to stop
the elements and springs of manufacturing industry and manu-
facturing prosperity-believing that it would have injurious ef-
fects on the distribution of the metals, on which he would not
now touch, and believing that it was calculated to bring about
a domestic and social convulsion-he was obliged to ask him-
self whether the measure would not be perilous to the in-
terests of the country to pass this Bill.-(Cheers.) He needed
not to ask what so many gentlemen had already asked in the
House, and which so many persons had inquired out of it, what
was there in the state and the circumstances of this country to
authorise this change.-( Cheers.) If they really were only a
commercial and manufacturing country, did not their corn-
meree flourish, and were not their manufactures prosperous ?
And what, he wished to ask, did it signify that agri-
culture was doomed to pine and suffer in a country
which was no longer an agricultural one ?-( Hear, hear. )
A number of men had arisen, distinguished by their elo-
quence and their energy but more distinguished far their
eloquence and their energy than for their knowledge of
human nature or political science.-(Hear, hear.) He was
not one of those who either here or elsewhere, in public or in
private, had spoken with disrespect of that great commercial
confederation that sought ei rule the country, although he dis-
approved of their doctrines, though he believed that they
would he as pernicions in the end to the manufacturing interest
as to all others, still he admired men of abilities convinced of
a great truth, proud of their strength, and in their energy
binding themselves together to obtain its triumph. The
country could only exist by free discus-ion. If once it was
suppressed, if once it was put down, why then liberty had
vanished -( Cheers.) If they thought the opinions of the
Anti-Corn-I iw League deleterious, if they considered that
their system was founded on error, it was open in free countries
like England to oppose them with the same earnestness
to resist them with the same energy, and by all active
organisation also to devote themselves to the course
which they thought right. But a body of Gentlemen, able to
direct the affairs of the country, came forward to oppose these
doctrines, they place themselves at the head of a party, and
t hey climb and clamber into power- ( Hear, hear)-by braving
generally accepted distrust. It followed that the body who
ught to have been represented were asleep at their posts.
It was not for them to have come forward, it was not in human
nature to have done so. No, they had trusted to others.-
( Tremendous cheering ) They trusted to others, who, by
accepting the trust, or rather by challenging the doctrines,
had obtained the greatest paces in the country.-( Hear. hear. )
The Right Hon. Gentleman, the first Minister of the Crown,
had told his friends that he had given them very significant
hints of his change; ne said that even last year Lord Grey
had found tam out-(Tremendous cheering)-and he was sur-
prised they could have been so long mistaken. Of course no
observation of the Right Hon Gentleman applied to him ( Mr.
Disraeli ), but he remembered when some years back he said pro-
tection apeeared to him to be about in the same state as Pro-
testantism in 1828.-(Cheers.) And he remembered his
friends being very indignant with him fur the expression ; how-
ever, they had since been so good as to say that instead of a ca-
lumny it was a prophecy-( Loud and continued cheering)-but
the Hon. Gentleman might congratulate himself on his com-
plete success in having deceived his party. And even the Noble
Lord, the Member for Lynn, himself, in a moment of frank
conversatir n, the other night, told him that, to thelast moment,
he had not the slightest doubt of his fidelity.-( Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord thought that the Right Hon. Baronet was
making-what was then a favourite word-the best bargain for
his party.-(Cheers.) When the Government of the Whigs
was rejected,the Right Hon. Baronet proposed some changes
which some thought suspicious, but all suspicion was hushed
because he could make the best bargain for his party. Well, who
had, he would like to know, the best part of the bargain now ?
And when the confidence of gentlemen was complete - at
least no announcement had been made to them-gentlemen
had riot been called together as was usual on such occasions-
the fact was announced to the country through the columns of
a journal which was always careful never to insert important
information except on the highest authority.-(Tremendous
cheers.) Let them conceive the effect of the announcement on
fereign princes and foreign courts. He was then absent from
England, and he could bear witness to it. He knew of a great
prince sending two ambassadors, and demanding an explana-
tion,e of the ambassadors answering that
and he was aware
(Great and continued cheering.) All that time-he had mem-
bers who were going
there was not the slightest truth in the announcement.-
of the Government then in his view
about to the journals then devoted to her Majesty's Govern-
ment, and encouraging them to declare that the announcement
was an infamous fabrication.-(Loud cheers.) How ingenuous
was the conduct of her Majesty's Minister-of the
dMlianuisther
who formed a glorious minority in the Cabinet.-
they had deserted
his party. and acted as if him and not he
t
them. Who could forget thosones-who could forget those
ter.) The Right Hon. Gentleman then met the House andg
continued - Which
hav-
ing quoted a Latin pas.sage,nister, aced
" I am a protection nd mean to govern
England by the means of an
mean,
leoks and that indignant mien? The Hon. Gentleman,
Anti-Corn-law league."
That was a scene which could not be paralleled. unless by the
conversion of the Saxons by Charlemagne-(Loud cheers)--
who followed him as a Csesar when he went over to them, as
they were assembled on Cie banks of the Rhine, and were con-
verted by battalions, and baptised by platoons.-( Great
laughter.) When he saw the 112 fall into rank and file-
(Cheers
and laughter)-he was irresistibly reminded of the
memorable incident on the banks of the Rhine. And now he
must say, in justice to the Right Hon. Gentleman-
(Laughter)-that he believed great misconcepti&in prevailed
with regard to hirn.-(Continued laughter.) He had been
accused of altering his opinions, and of long meditating the de-
ceptions which he had now avowed. He ( Mr. Disraeli) en-
tirely acquitted him of that intention, and he did it for this

1
which had been just received did not furnish any symptom of
dissatisfaction. They did not appear to show that any insu-
perable objection existed to the alteration.—( Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Gentleman ended his speech by giving an account of the
mode in which the Right Honourable Baronet came into
power, and the manner in which lie had acted towards
his party. On this subject he (Lord John Russell)
thought all the blame did not belong exclusively to the Right
Hon. Baronet and his colleagues in office, but that some part
of it should be shared by those who were for many years his
followers. He thought the Right Hon. Baronet came into
power declaring that the system of protection was unjust
having determined the same but four years ago. Wheu he
(Lord J. Russell) considered what that party was in 1841, not
one had reason to lament the disruption which had taken place.
—( Hear.) He frankly confessed that he thought that there
was one defect in the great Conservative party of 1841. They
were in possession of great advantages—their machinery for
elections was well arranged—they had candidates ready for every
election—they had every means successfully to contest the con-
stituencies of the country. and in order to forward their interests
they- had resort to fables to advance their views.—( Hear, hear. )
There was the fable of the Lichfield House comfort, and
others of a similar character. Their fancy was strained to
invent these fables, and they were very successful on the
hustings in diminishing the majority of the Whig party; at
the same time they pointed to their great leaders in both
Houses of Parliament—to the glory of the Duke of Welling ton
as well as to the high charact r of the Right
lion. Baronet—
to these as well to the use'ul labours of the great runner of
their party. The one defect to which he had alluded, notwith-
standing all these advantages, was the want of some definite
object for which to contend.—( Hear, hear.) Party means
union of men for some great object of public welfare, such a
union did net exist. —( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman
who had spoken, said that the opinions of the party were very
openly, honestly, and decidedly expressed that protection to
native industry was bound up with the beat interest
of the country. They expressed great fear of
the Roman Catholics—( Cries of " Oh! oh !")—and that
Protestant ascendancy or Protestant supremacy, as Lord
Starley expressed it, should be maintained above all other in-
terests.—( Hear, hear.) But among the leaders, while such
opinions prevailed, it was known that the Right Hon. Baronet
had sat under Mr. Iluskisson, and was known to be in favour
of the as stem of free trade, and against the system of protec-
ti in Those opinions with regard to free trade and protection
han led the Right Hon Gentleman to the measure of 1842,
which hail led him in time to the measure of 1846. But then,
what was this great Conservative party ? What was it but a
union of men to turn out a party whom they disliked? He
did not wonder, therefore, that they had been disappointed in
what had taken place. He thought, too, that the Right Hon.
Gentleman was to blame. He thought he ought not to have
cautiously reserved his opinion, but that he ought to have
stated fully those principles on which he acted—principles
with which he (Lord John Russell) had little fault to find. It
was a fatal defect in the Conservative party to go on from
week to week, and from year to year, in a course of opposition
for the purpose of overthrowing a Government—risking
there by the peace of Ireland and the tranquillity of the empire.
He could admire the cavaliers of 1645, who defended the
throne against Cromwell ; and be could admire theJacobines of
1745, who came forth in behalf of the Stuarts, against that
which he thought was the right cause, the house of Hanover.
He c. old admire the chivalrous spirit and determined loyalty—
Ll.c adherence to settled opinions in those men who were engaged
in those two unfortunate cassses. But when he came to that
cause which existed in 1845, he found such an absence of all
chivalrous feeling that he could not be surprised at the party
supporting that cause having been misled. Those Hon. Gen-
tlemen who opposed this Bill believed that it would be injurious
to the country, and they bad supported their views with much
talent. He, however, considered that it would be otherwise—
that it would tend to foster peace with other nations. Looking

a sad alternative was that. Let me —lll you
that although for a time you might rely on
those faggot votes, the interval would not be long before the
weapon would break short in your hands, and you would find
that these additional votes, formed for the purpose of combat-
ing the League—though brought up at the first election—it
would be the institution of a permanent evil for a temporary
benefit. It was the consideration of all these circumstances
which strongly induced me to believe that it was for the bene-
fit of all classes, and the benefit of the agricultural classes, to
make a permanent and equitable system.._( Cheers.) I know
the penalty to which I must be subjected, but even after the
continuance of these debates, I am more impressed with the
necessity which there exists for this measure. The Hon.
Gentleman the Member for Sunderland said there was no ex-
citement about the Corn Bill, and he undertook to give it his
opinion that the Bill was received by all classes with less of
excitement than any public measure generally excited, and
with a greater disposition to confide in the wisdom of Par-
liament.—( Loud cries of "No, no.")
(Mr. Hudson rose, but, being below the bar, he was
called to order, and the Rm. Gentleman made his way to the
middle of the House amidst the greatest laughter. )
11r. HUDSON—No, no; what I stated was, that there
was no excitement in favour of the Bill, but there was a deep
feeling on the part of the agriculturalcommunity against the Bill.
Sir R. PEEL—I consider that the explana'ion fully justifies
my observations.—(Cries of "No, no.") If there is no ex-
citement in favour of the Bill, it only proves hew favourable
the opportunity is for discussing it, rather than wait until
unfavourable harvests and depressed manufactures might bring
about a state of things which would render it to yt:u not very
easy to exercese due deliberation in your opinions. Ido not
rest it upon that ground alone. The scarcity, however, has
made it imperative on you to consider what is the course of
pthpnatsiditeriastifoonr,thillagtensenrmale inptperrmesatn,enatpaarrtrafnrogmemaennyt
poliey you must pursue in reference to this question. I repeat
made
ffr rmt hyep
ur ewmboov aalreo of heo soeprpe:nt re incttsi voe laws.
ftemporary should
measure;
t;aklewthilel
the
take the speech of the Hon. Member
for Oxfordshire. We
will have no disputes about the facts, will take those from
' you • but it is with the inferences I
drawne from tl em with
which we sha 1 have to do. That Hon
looking at the last 30 years, our trade had beenleman said. that
bon the increase,
and our commodities had become cheapened,
ment had taken place in the social uln:improve-
people. What was it that wascondition of the
calculated to ele-
vate them from the degradation into which they
were sunk ? What was calculated to raise the condtio
and elevate the moral character of the millions that subsist by
labour ?—( Cheers.) If the Hon. Gentleman's statements he
correct, they suggest matter for grave consideration. He said
that trade had increased, and that commodities had been cheap-
ened, but that there had been no corresponding iucrease in the
social condition of those who were the basis of society. Let
us go back to the last thirty years since—to 1615, and let us
examine the matter attentively. It was then that the system
of protection to agriculture first began.—( Cheers.) What
was the preceding period, excluding of course the time of war,
with which you compare the then condition of the people ? Let
us compare the state of the people from any periodfrom 1700
to 1791 with the period referred to by the Hon. Gentleman.
For the first 66 years of the last century this was an importing
country. Why, let me ask, were not Croatia and Hungary
sending us corn then'? The law in 1773 admitted it at 6d. a
qr, and for 6 years after this was an importing country. There
were sixteen hundred and sixty inclesure bills passed in that
year, and the state of the people was better in point of em-
ployment, in point of prosperity, and in point of happiness
than since I'ls. Well, in that year, a law was passed, which
aid that corn should not come in unless it was above
80s. in the home market. In 1828, they made
the price 705., at which corn should be admitted, anti at that
price a duty of 16s. Bd., and it was only by the alteration made
in 1840 that the beneficial change was made. It was in 1815
that we made this prohibition of foreign articles of consump-
tion. We increased the duty on butter to 2s. '6d., and on
cheese from is. 6d. to 2s. 6d., and therefore we did that which
almost amounted to a restriction. Such, then, was the result
of thirteen years. I now come to the facts of the Hon. Gen-
tleman the Member for the North Riding of Yorkshire, and I
regret that indisposition prevented that Hon. Member ad-
dressing the House in his usual audible manner.—(Hear,
hear.) I followed the Hon. Gentleman very closely,
and I took down his account of the state of agricul-
ture. He said that in 1815 we had great distress, and in that
year you will remember we had the protection duty. "We
had great distress in the agricultural districts," said the Hon.
Member. This was the historical fact of the Hon. Gentle-
man. Well, in 1819, we had a speech from the throne on the
great distress which prevailed, and it was so great and alarm-
ing in our agricultural and manufacturing districts, that we
passed the " Six Acts," and a Commmittee was appointed, and
actually employed in devising a remedy. There was in 1822,
the greatest difficulty in getting employment, and the labouring
classes felt that distress most severely, but still we had protec-
tion. We advanced to 1832 and 1833, and it was found neces-
sary in that year to appoint 4Committee to supply a remedy.
In that year, in the north of England, there were 300,000
persons almost unemployed. The Preston weavers presented
a petition to that House, praying that something might be done
to relieve them from their wretched condition, In 1835, it
was also as bad. In 1836 and 1837, we had a change; these
were years of comparative prosperity, but, in 1839 and down
to 1840, there was a great depression. Well, that
was the state of trade under protection.—(Hear, hear.)
Well then did that lowering of prices arise from competition
in foreign corn ? Ne, the lowering of prices was caused by
the suspension of the national dealings in corn, occasioned by
productive harvests, their being no outlets for this abundance ;
and this it was which occasioned the prostration in the corn
trade. But the Hon. Gentleman having detailed this suffering
on the part of the agriculturist, I was surprised to hear the
Hon. Gentleman conclude wilh a quotation, the effect of which
was to preserve the tree which had shaded them so long.—
(Hear, hear.) Had he not better have said—
" Ille et nefasto to posuit die,"

to one of the greatest nations of the globe, he was happy to find
it was already influenced by feelings of amity and good-will to-
wards this country; and when he read the speeches of Mr. Web-
ster and Mr. Calhoun. he forgot all those declarations which
had lately been wafted from the other side of the Atlantic. He

trusted that her Majesty's Government would be enabled to Sz
finally a limit to divide the dominions of her Majesty and those
of 'he United States, and he trusted that this measure would
make the two countries one vast domain of wealth, as it were—

each to vie with the other, if they would—each endeavouring to
make their productions more perfect, so that we might clothe
the inhabitants of the United States while they fed us, and
then there would be no cause to fear that British and American
bayonets should ever be crossed upon any battle field what-
ever. With these views, hoping that this Bill would go to the
House of Lords with a large majority from that House, he
should give the measure his hearty support.—( Loud cheers.)
Sir ROBERT PEEL said—Sir, I believe it is now nearly
three months since I first proposed, as the organ of her Ma-
jesty's Government, that measure which I trust is about to re-
ceive this night the final sanction of the House of Commons ;
and considering, Sir, the lapse of time, and considering the
frequent discussions, and considering the anxiety of the people
of this country that the debate should be brought to a close, I
feel I should be only offering an insult to this House—that I
should be offering an insult to this country, if I condescended
to bandy personalities on the present occasion.—(Cheers.) Sir,
I saw that the cause which I have taken, from a sense of public
duty, would expose me to serious sacrifices—sacrifices which
were inevitable, and almost impossible to avert. I foresaw that
I must farfeit personal friendships, which I had long cherished—
that I might break up political relations which long existed,
and which I highly valued and esteemed, but the smallest penalty
I anticipated was the continued venomous attack of the Hon.
Member for Shrewsbury.—( Renewed cheers.) I will only say,
that if the Hon. Gentleman, after reviewing the whole
of my conduct during a life of thirty years previous to my
accession to office, in 1841, then entertained the opinion
of me which he new professes—if he thought I was guilty of
those petty larcenies from Mr. Horner and some others, it is
surprising that, in 1841, after the long experience he bad had
of my public career, that he should be prepared to give me his
confidence—that he should be willing and ready to unite his
fortunes with me in office—( Loud cheers)—which is, I think,
the strongess proof a public man can have of the confidence
reposed in his honour and integrity.—( Hear, hear. I have,
at other times, explained, more than is usual, what were the
circumstances which rendered it necessary for me to propose
this measure—that 1 feat that there was apprehension of a
scarcity and a famine in Ireland.—( Cries of " No, no" from
the protectionist benches.) lam stating what were my ap-
prehensions at the time, and what were the motives which
created those apprehensions—which, if they are denied now, at
laast they were shared by Honourable Gentlemen who sit
upon both sides of the House.—Cries of " Hear, hear.")
he Hon. Member who has recently taken his seat in this
House, and who spoke with great ability the other night, the
Member for Dorsetshire (Mr. Seymer, )—(Hear, hear)—dis-
tinctly declared that he thought I should have abandoned my
duty, if I had not advised that, considering the circumstances
at Ireland. the restrictions upon the importation of foreign
corn into this country should be removed.—( Hear, hear.) I
may have been wrong, but my first impression was, that duty
towards a country threatened by famine required that that
which had been the ordinary remedy, under all similar circum-
stances, should be resorted to—namely, that there should be a
free access to the food of man, from whatever quarter it might
come.—( Hear, hear.) I gave that proof which public men
are generally required to give of the sincerity of their opinions,
by tendering my resignation of office.---( Hear, hear ; cries of
" Oh, oh," from the protectionists ; followed by cheers from
the Opposition.) It devolved upon me, as the first duty, to
propose this measure.—( Hear, hear.) And, Sir, I felt that
if these laws were once suspended, and that there was an un-
limited access to the food produced in other countries, I, and
those with whom I acted, felt the strongest conviction that it
was not for the public interest, and that it was not for the in-
terest of the agricultural party, that an attempt should be made
to re-assume the restrictions upon the importation of foreign
corn.—( Hear, hear.) I could not propose the re-establish-
ment of the existing law with any guarantee for its perma-
nence. As the Noble Lord says, I united with Mr. Huskisson in
the years 1824, 1825, and 1826, in revising these laws. In
1842, after my accession to office, I proposed a revision of the
corn-laws. Had nothing taken place from the election in 1841
which precludes/ that revision? Was there public assurance
to the people of this country at the election of 1841 that the
existing amount of protection to agriculture should remain ?
—( Cries of " Yes, yes," from an Hon. Member on the protec-
tionist benches.) There was, was there ? (Laughter.)
Then, if there was, you were as guilty as I was.—(Loud
cheers.) It was agreed that the amount of protection to
agriculture, that existed in 1840, and 1841, should
be stained, and a revision should have been made in
the existing laws. Why "was the removal of the prohibition
on the importation on foreign cattle consented to ?—( Hear,
hear.) Tnat removal must have been utterly at variance with
any assurance that the protection to agriculture that existed in
1840, and 1841, should be retained.—( Hear, hear.) After
the Bill of 1842, was I not repeatedly asked this question?
" Now that you have passed this Bill of 1842, establishing
a new corn-law, will you give a public assurance that
that law shall at all times remain unaltered ?"—( Hear, bear. )
And did not 1 uniformly decline to give such an assurance?—
(" No, no," and cheers.) Did I not say that I had no inten-
tion of proposing any alteration of that law—(Cheers)—and
when the question was put to me, I distinctly declare that I
would not fetter my discretion ?—(" Oh, oh," and cheers. )
Then it was impossible for me to propose, consistently with my
own convictions, after the opening of the ports, the re-esta-
blishment of the existing law. The question then naturally
arose, whether we should propose some diminished protection
to agriculture, or whether we should propose some ulti-
mate settlement of the question. After all the debate
which I have heard upon this question, I am
firmly convinced that it is better for the agricultural interest to
contemplate a final settlement of the question rather than to
propose a law giving a diminished protection. My belief is
that a diminished protection would not conciliate the agricul-
tural feelings.
.It would be of no avail unless the amount

were very greatly diminished, and such a proposition would
have met with as severe an opposition as a final settlement
and this I must ray, that nothing could be so disadvantageous
as to give an ineffectual protection, and yet incur all the odium
attaching to such a law.—( Cheers.) I have li tened, with
scarcely an exception, to every speech which has been made
upon this subject, and I confess, admitting the talent displayed,
they have in no respect altered the condition on the subject.
( Some interruption here arose on the part of the proctectionists. )
(The Right Hon. Baronet made some remark, which was

inaudible, but which we understood, complained of this inter-
ruption.) The Right Hon. Baronet then went on to say, I
will assign a reason why the arguments I have heard have not
shaken my opinions. I !ive been told that it was possible to
continue this duty after this temporary suspension, but I am
now assuming this temporary suspension had taken place, for
it would have been shown after three years. During the con.
tinuance of abundant, or at least average harvests, that then
it had failed to effect its object; and that would, in addition to
the state of public feeling with reference to the restriction
upon imports generally, it would have lately added to the final
settlement, if it could be shown, that with reference to the case
of Ireland, the working of the law, so far as Great Britain is
concerned, has not been satisfactory, he would have had to
contend, not merely with a difficulty arising from a suspension on
account of the case of Ireland. But it will be shown,
as it now would be shown, that the rate of duty is high on ac-
count of the apparent lowness in the prce of corn, that low-
ness of price arising from the deficient quality in the crop,-.--
( (Cheers) It will havebeen shown conclusively that there are
greater disparities in the leading articles of the principal markots
in the country, in point of price of corn of the highest qualities
and lowest qualities, than existed at any former period. It
would have been proved that there never was a greater than
there has been during the present year of wheat of the high
qualities, for the purpose of mixing with wheat of an inferior
quality. It would have been shown that had there been wheat
of a higher quality, the whole population of this country would
for the last four months have been consuming bread of a bet-
ter quality than that which they had had. When you
proposed an:arrangement of the existing law, you would have
had to contend with greater difficulties than you now
have, I think you might have had a majority in favour of the
continuance of these laws notwithstanding the enormous diffi-
culty, for some short time longer. I believe that 'the interval
of this maintenance would have been short. There would,
during that time, have sprung up a desperate conflict between
different classes of society. The arguments would be unheeded,
and you might have had no alternative but to repeal at an early
period, when the sycle of unfavourable harvests came round;
and who can give any assurance that that time would not have
come? You would then have had no alternative, I say, but to
concede the alteration of these laws under circumstances infi
nitely less favourable to yourselves The Hon. Member for
Dorsetshire said that they could have fought the League with
their own weapons—weapons which I for one do not defend,
but which I sincerely reprobate—namely, the making of
faggot votes, and the landed interest would have
_e greater facility
.
for the manufacture of these votes. w then, what

* * agro qui statuit meo
Te, tristo lignum, to caducum
In domiei caput immerentis."
think it would have been a more appropriate quotation'
—(Loud laughter.) Is there no exception to be made
from this period of three years? Is the latter
part of the thirty years exempt from the stigma which the
Hon. Gentleman cast upon the preceding years ? There had
been three years, 1843, 1844, and 1845 during which you had
from some cause or other, many benefits. The average price
of wheat had little exceeded 515., and let us see whether
during the last three years there has been no increase of com-
fort, -o improvement in the moral condition of the people, no
abatement of fictitious dealings in corn. I care not what may
have been the cause of the atom ance which has prevailed
during the last three years. You do not attribtee the cause to
the tariff, but to good harvests. It is enough to know that
there have bean g0.,c1 harvests. and the people have had to
apply less of their earnings to the purchase of food.__( Hear. )
Do you believe that if the price of wheat had been 705. in-
stead of 50s. there would have been the same amount of
capital expended. But granted that the tariff of 1842 had
nothing to do with the abatement of prices in 1844 and
1845. I concede that to you. It has been the favour of
Providence, it has been good harvests. There has been
abundance; and what has been the result of that abundance?
( Hear, hear.) I take the test of the Hon. Gentleman. He
says, " the facts and figures show there has been no increase
in the consumption." Well, I will show you that during the
last three years, that trade has flourished and that capital has
accumulated. But during, it is said, the last three years
there has been a greater deterioration in the social condition
of the people than during the preceding 27 years. —( Hear,
hear.) Well, now, first take the consumption of articles that
are used largely, which I take from the statement of the
undermentioned articles in the United Kingdom, and which
gives the average consumption of those articles in the
three years ending 1839, 1841, 1843, and 1846. Well, in
the first three years, when the prices of provisions are high,
and the average consumption of sugar for the three years
ending 1841 was 3,826,000; this average, for the last three
years ending the Ist January, 1846, rose from 38,826,000 to
43,460,000. —( Hear, hear.) The average consumption of tea
in the first three years was 34,360,0130, and the average con-
sumption of tea in the last three years was 42,000,000 instead
of 34,000,000.—(Hear, hear.) In coffee, the average con- 1
gumption, in three years of high pries, was 27,941,000, and
the average for the last three years was 81,833,000. In cocoa,
the average consumption the first three years was 1,859,000,
and the average during the last three years was 2,595,000.
( Hear, hear.) Taking other articles of smaller amount, but
which entered very largely into the consumption of the poor,
and added very much to their comfort—during the first three
years the cousumption was 175,000 cwt., and in the last two
years 185,000 cwt. So far I take, then, the test of the Right
Hon. Member for Oxfordshire of these great articles of con-
sumption, and I show him that comparative plenty
has produced this change, and enabled the working
classes to purchase those smaller luxuries of life.—(Hear,
hear.) Well, I came to a more important point —the statement
of crime, You have got an official record presented within the
last few days, which gives the statement of crime within the
last three years. In the third year I have mentioned there was
an increase ; but in the year 1843 there was a change in a
most important feature in the state of the country. In the six
years I have mentioned of plenty, there followed a proportionate
decrease of crime and commitments. In the three vears of
high prices the number of commitments were respectiv'ely
ac-
cording to the returns I hold in my band, 27,000, 2,7 j, 04 and
,00,
31,000 • while in the last three years they were
and 24,000. Now, I ask,of crime.
the existence of plenty followed the diminution
tbat during those
can we resist tb
the gentleman who drew up this return adds,
totsl absence of re-
f conviction that t from
same three years of plenty there was a
you have a stronger proof of the
se-
ditious riots; and I ask, can
fact than this, that the progressive diminution of commitments
for seditious riots has been owing to the cheap and plentiful
supply of food ?-- (Hear, hear.) I say then that in the three
years of the reduced prices of the provisions of life, as com-
pared with the twenty-seven years previous, the inference is
tthhee
pi nt
feereeiapsaeld
fcommandh
eo ypeororthhoasse
ba reteincl etcoofn
thisst
she whichea us e
tthuatet
diminution of crime. But then, you ask if all those
happy re-
sults followed from those corn-laws of '42, why now come
forward to disturb them .) I say,
in answer to that, if you can
show me that such has been the cause of it, then I
will say they ought not to be disturbed ; and, no doubt, if we
could calculated that this law of 1842 did confer such
benefits it would be desirable not to disturb them. But then,
aga n, it has been urged that this happy state of things has
been owing to a favourable harvest; if so, then I say that
there is no reason at all for not introducing this law.—( Hear,
hear.) But suppose you have a cycle of years of unfavourable
harvests, what guarantee have you that there will not also
be a depression in the manufacturing districts, and what then
will be the state of the country ?—( Hear, hear.) Let me
ask, how short a time has elapsed since the dis-
tressed state of the people of Paisley, and of Sheffield,
and of Stockport, was brought before us ?—(Hear.) If
that state of things should return, do you think it would be pos-
sible to maintain a law which imposes a duty of 16s. upon a
principle article of food?—(Hear, hear.) firm belief is,
and I say this without yielding to the dictation of any party.—
(Cries of " Oh, oh.") Yes, I say, I believe it to be perfectly
consistent with prudence and good policy, and the real interests
of the territorial aristocracy.—(oh, ob.) I say I do
entertain the firm conviction that it is consistent with
prudence and good policy to pass this measure. —(Hear, hear.)
I have attempted to defend the existence of the corn-laws. I
have attempted it up to the present period. I have refused to
acquiesce in their abolition, but when I am told that I am
acting inconsistently with the principles I laid down, by being
an advocate for the principle of free-trade, I give it little atten-
tion. During the last three years I have subjected myself to
many taunts. It has been said that Lord Grey found out
something of me. Did I not say that the true policy to which
you should conform, was not to disturb the country entrusted
to you by any rash legislation, on principles to which you do
not conform ? It was the principle of *ideal economy
which suggested my interference en a
_ thoughtsubjeet
of
such importance. Did I not say that 1
nothing in the world was so well calculated to be ex-
posed to this principle as agriculture, which was
me with
so often
plied iu other cases. I have heard you taunt
a change of opinion in respect to corn, but when you
say that when I adopt the principle of free trade I act in con-
travention of what I have avowed during all my preceding life,
the charge is destitute of foundation. I will not enter, at this
late hour, on any discussion of any other
the measures I question. I foresaw
the consequence which would result from
pro-
posed. I was charged with the. heavy responsibility of taking
security r. ) I did
a great calamity.—( ea
against not act
lightly—l did not form an opinion on merely local
information, or on local 'authority likely to be influenced. I
sad there who agreed with A 9 in my opinions came to the ece.

:~ a

clusian to adopt everything to prevent a local feeling from in.
fluencing our innn
particularly dis-
interested authorities through Ireland, so as to aid us to form a
just conclusion. Whether we were mistaken, or whether we
were not—and I believe still we were not mistaken—but even if
we were, a generous construction should be put upon the motive,
and the conduct of those charged with the responsibility of
protecting millions of the subjects of the Queen from the cona
sequences of the scarcity of provisions.—( Hear, heir.) What-
ever may be the result of this measure, I feel severely the los'
of the confidence of those from almost all of whom I have re-
ceived such support. Although I am inflexible on my own.
opinion, 1 perfectly recognise the sincerity with which they
adhere to their own opinions. I perfectly recognise the right
of those Hon. Gentlemen to admit the danger of my specu-
lation, and to withdraw from it. I honour their motives ; but
I claim, and always shall claim, while entrusted with such
powers, and subject to such responsibility as the Minister of
this great country is entrusted with and subject to, I always
will assert my right to give that advice which I conscientious 'y
believe to be conducive to the general welfare of this country.—
( Hear, hear.) I was not consii'ering, according to the language
of the Hon. ?Member for Shrewsbury, what. was the best
bargain to make for party. I was considering what were the
best measures to avert this great calamity, and also to relieve,
by that measure, as much as was possible the misery the was
then existing. I cannot charge myself, or my colleagues, with
having been unfaithful to the trust with which we were en-
dowed. I do not believe the great institutions of this
country have suffered during our aiministreion. A Noble
Gentleman had opened a discussion, in which he observed,
that circumstances had occurred which threatened the main-
tenance of amicable relations with the United States, and
hoped such would be brought to a fortunate issue. I think I
can appeal to the course which I have pursued to secure me
against any insinuation of not maintaining the honour of the
country. I can appeal to the past experience of the
country that it has been our earnest desire, by every
effort consistently with the national honour, to maintain the
friendly relations with which we stand with nearly every nation
on the face of 'he earth. This princiale, so long as I am en-
trusted with the management of public affairs, will continue to
influence us with respect to any differ, rice with foreign powers.
Look at the prerogative of the Crown—lsok at the position
of the Church, and the position of the aristocracy,
and you will see that I =Hot charge myself
with having taken any course inconsistent with my principles,
and calculated to endanger the high privileges of any branch of
the Legislature. My earnest wish, during my ten years of
of thluatstctees ° TPower, has been to impress the people of thisocountry with
the opinion that the Legislature was animated by a sincere
desire to form the Government on principles of equity
and
pshe oeiz of rntmhee
whichnl
et
aregei 0s
ilab;
treio Mvue franchise.
pg Ihlitt ei dn ttoh ae es oe cr it aali
nc orne
Idai
tt
no n
to it by the en
I wish to con-
vince theca that our Objecttothose
has been so to portion taxation,
that it shall relieve
industry and labour from any undue
burden, and transfer
as far as we could consistently
wish' our public duties,iebetter able to bear it.
I leek around me and find peace where'
formerlyseditithereon wasth dis-
sension—loyaltywhere there was formerly
tion and excitement which prevailed succeeded by a ecaalgir:
the public mind; seeing this, how could I resist the de,ermina-
tion, in such a disposition of the public mind, to risk that im-
proved state of feeling by the further continuance of this truly
unjust tax. When I tell you this—when I refer you to the
improved state of the country in all these respects—when rye
see a disposition to confide in you, as being friendly to and
not against them, in their great and fundamental interests—
it will be some justification of the course I have pursued.
You may dispossess me of power to-morrow, but you
cannot deprive me of the consciousness that 1 have exercised
the powers committed to me for no corrupt or selfish and in-
terested motive.—(Loud cheers.) Regarding the question of
our foreign relations, I believe we have maintained our power
abroad consistently with national honour and the
defence of our just rights ; awl I further believe
that while we have done so in bringing forward and submitting
the present great principles of justice, and in endeavouring to
disseminate the blessings of equal laws, trusting to conciliatory
instead of coercive measures, we have done that which was
best calculated for the interests of the empire, and to improve
the condition of the great body of the people.
Mr. DISRAELI rose to explain. In consequence of an in-
sinuation that had been thrown out by the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet, he wished to correct au impression it was calculated
to convey. The meaning that wenld be attached to it was, that
his opposition to the Right Honourable Baronet arose from
disappointment, arising out of an application for office. It
was the impression that in 1841 he (Mr. Disraeli) was denied
office by the Right Hon. Baronet. In reference to that,
there was no foundation whatever for the insinuation.—(Hear,
hear.) He recollected an interview with a party in connexion
with the Government, who called on him in reference to a cer-
tain matter, and a conversation ensued such as what might take
place with the most high .minded and honourable Member in
that House; but he could assure Honourable Members that
none of the opposition he now gave had anything to do with
that termination. Moreover, he would say, that that interview
was none of his seeking, whether the Right Hon. Baronet was
a party to it he could not say. He (Mr. Disraeli) had never
taken any decided step against the Right Hon. Baronet till
three years'after, and then at the strong request of his:constituents
to redeem his pledge respecting the protection. Even then he
gave but a silent vote on the question. This did not seem to
favour the supposition that he acted from any feeling of hostility
respecting what took place in 1841. He bad
ariskaewdnualdnyennfafveossurit oaft
once,thc Gtboavterinfmienntl.B4—(lHbeearb, never
had been
n)
offered office, in all probability he would have accepted it. He
was now, however, very glad that he had not had an office
offered to him. But he did most emphatically, upon his
honour, declare that he had never been influenced by feeling
of disappointment in opposition to the Right Hon. Baronet.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the Hon. Gentleman had
not at all correctly stated that which he (Sir R. Peel) had
said. He had said nothing about the Hon. Gentleman being
influenced in his opposition. What be had said was this that if
the Hon. Gentleman, upon reviewing his ( Sir R. Peel's)
political life previously to 1841, which was a period of thirty
years, really believed he was deservini of the character which
the Hon. Gentleman had given him that night, it was not
right that the Hon. Gentleman should accept him (Sir R.
Peel) as a leader, believing, as the Hon. Gentleman must have
done, that he ( Sir R. Peel) had committed, what the Hon.
Gentleman called, " petty larceny," upon other men's
ideas.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman did accept
him as a leader, and he (Sir R. Peel) did understand
that the Hon. Gentleman had intimated that be was not un-
willing to give a proof of his confidence of him ( Sir Robert
Peel) as a Minister, which was implied in the acceptance of
the Hon. Gentleman of office.—(Cheers.)
Lord GEORGE BENTINCK rose to address the House,
amidst much confusion and cries for a division. He attributed
the prosperity of the country during the last two years to the
extension of railways. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secre-
tary for the Home Department had that night said that this
country was not altogether an agricultural country ; and yet
it June last he declared that the country was essen-
tially an agricultural country. Had the charac-
ter of the country changed since June last ?
It was es much an agricultural country as it was when, after the
speech of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Wolverhamp-
ton, the Right Hon. Baronet declared that a third of the
people in this country were engaged in agriculture. He did
not mean to state that there was not a large number of per-
sons engaged in manufactures ; but, speaking comparatively,
he said the number engaged in agriculture were more than
those employed in manufactures. There were one million
of persons said to be engaged in the manufactures of thy coun-
try. Now, what were the numbers engaged in agriculture?
Why, exclusive of the number employed in agriculture in
Ireland, there were 800,000 of labourers in this country, whose
only means of subsistence was that of raising corn and tilling
the lead.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) They were told
that in advocating the existence of protection " they
were actuated by selfish motives, but let him tell Honour-
able Members who made this assertion, that, exclusive of the
labourers, there were three millions of persons interested in
agriculture, who must fall with the landed interest.—( Hear. )
America already sent here more produce than the amount
of manufactures which she took from this country. Where
was the hope, then, that if we removed all restrictions from the
importation of American corn she would take from us more of
our manufactured goods in return? It was a question of profit
to the manufacturer—( Hear, hear)—and the expectations that
those gentlemen who had been the great advocates of the
measure, as to the increase of our trade with foreign countries
in consequence of the removal of all restrictions on the importa-
tation of their corn, had no foundation. Well, now, what was
the state of the foreign trade? Why, the entire of the foreign
exports of cotton goods did not exceed one-third of the entire
consumption of our home manufactures. He apprehended it
would not be disputed, that the home consumption of cotton
goods was at least double the amount that was exported to
foreign countries, and of that amount more than
their one-halfs
least was exported to countries that did not grow corn. Well
then if their argument was good for anything,
and if it were
to
necessary, in order to enable foreign countries purchasetheir grain or
manufactures, that this country should purchasermo bold
good
their produce, did net the srakmetes
Divide, divide.")
with regard to the home
e alhome consumption of manu-
factures believed that
tcrh descriptions in this country did
factures of all 41.9001 V. perannum. He apprehended he
not fall short of .19.500
he said that the home consumption
did not exaggerate when
at beast 4-sths of all that was raised in the
way of
amounted to
manufactures in this country. Four-fifths of the woollen
manufactures of this country, and even in greater proportion
with respect to the other articles of manufacture were consumed
at home. It, therefore, seemed clear that, exclusive of our
colonies, our home should be preferred to the foreign markets.
—( Hear, and cries of " Divide, divide.") There was the
shipping interest too, and how did it stand? By the returns
that lay on the table of the House, it appeared that between
40,000 and 50,000 were annually engaged in
the shipping interest, and if they surrendered
the coasting trade to the foreigner, what, he wished to know,
must be the result? Why, the result must be, that the
shipping interest, instead of engrossing more than one-third
of the entire coasting trade, would be almost completely de-
stroyed, and the carrying trade along the coasts would be trans-
ferred to the hands of foreigners ; for it was to the coasts, and
not to the large towns of this country, that foreign corn would
be brought. But when he spoke of the shipping interest, he
must not forget, that there was a large number of ships engaged
nine out of the twelve months of the year, in bringing guano
to this country for the improvement of the land.
when a statement of the kind was made, it was for him to re-
fute it. Why, the country had been told that these free-trade
measures would be beneficial to the landed interest, and that
they would increase the price of land. Now he held state-
mentshis
in
hand which plainly proved that the
price of land had materially diminished since the
introduction of the principles of free trade. The
Right Hon. Baronet had reproached them for objecting
against his policy then, and he said that the year 1842 was the
time when they should have protested. But he did not see
that such should have been the case. The Hon. Gentleman
had not then disclosed his opinions, and they were
were in unison with those of the protectionists.—( Hear.)
Her Majesty's Ministers dared not appeal to the country now
In 1829, when differing from his constituents at Oxford,lie
en-
tertained a different opinion, and wrote to them from
influenced
anced
m ueprin-
ciple of honour. He did not appear,
howeveri
h to t
be carried,
by such feelings new. This measure g
but it was not carried yet.—(Cheers.) If it did pass, it
would reflect lasting disgrace uon this
House.—(Cheers.)
. •
ivid9, -
The Noble Lord sat down amidst loud cries of " D

divide."
a few seconds.
wouldHe ncootuldocenuopty
atteowHotuhsee
Noblemore
te merit of the position
Lord'swhich
party had always complained of the bounty of Providence.
L
cries of " Divide, divide.")—The lion. Member (Mr.
yhe assumed. The Noble
claiming to himself
(Lt hoalrund i
to close that debate b
all
Disraeli) had charged that side of the House with having
abandoned their position.---( Cries of " Divide, divide."
He would contend for it that they had not aban-
doned any of the principles they had always advocated for the
last nine years.—(Cries of " Divide, divide," and Oh, oh.")
He would advise Hon. Gentlemen to pause before they
offered such examples to the country and to those who were to
succeed them, or to leave their names on record as having at-
tempted to the last to keep from the country and the people
that which would be of great advantagi to them.
The gallerywasaridthere a
then cleared for a division, when the House
divided,
327
For the Bill
Against it
The other orders of the day were then disposed, of, and th.
Holulsee was thin for —95
read hae third
third
timeea dina g . n
d passed.

_.