The Sun.
London, England, 1848-03-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY_ EVENFIN6, MARCH 15, 1848.

to the unfortunate when once their wildered footsteps
have touched the shores of England, has become:the
proverb of our kindliness among the nations of
Christendom. If we consider for an instant the dif-
ferent personages who are at this moment sojourners
in the metropolis or its ♦icinity, we shall the
more readily comprehend the nobility of
our national disposition. In one direction is
the dwelling of the Conde DE MONTE..
MOLIN,—in another that of Dom Micruni. DE BRA-
GANZA,—in another that of Prince Louis NAPOLEON.
Very recently a villa in the Regent's Park was the
tenement of the expatriated Duke of VICTORY. A
moment's consideration would enable us to add very
considerably to this remarkable catalogue. From all
countries the children of woe flock to our coasts as
to their last and most secure retreat—as to the im-
pregnable fortress of their sorrows. The victim of an
infamous intrigue—the disarmed despot whose crimes
are without palliation—those miserable personages who
have encountered ruin either through an unanticipated
accident, or through an organized conspiracy—men of
all ranks, of all classes, of all races, find a home within
the ocean boundaries of Great Britain. This capa-
bility of affording solace to the evil-doomed is one of
the holiest of our national prerogatives. It cannot—
it shall not be violated very speedily. And no con-
tinental state can be more fully enabled to
appreciate our humane jealousy upon this
particular than the Republican State which is at this
moment being organized in Paris ; for of the many
eminent men who constitute the Provisional Govern-
ment at the Hotel de Ville, there is one who has per-
sonally experienced the advantage of our magnani-
mity—we mean Citizen ARILAND MARRAST, the
editor of the National, recently one of the secretaries
to the Republican Administration, and now one of the
chief champions of the Revolution in his new capacity
as the democratic Mayor of Paris. Citizen MLaa►ST
himself once found a haven in England as well as the
ex• Ru G of the FRANCA, commonly called the Count
DE NEUILLY.

There is one distinction, however, which it were
well for Englishmen to draw immediately, and which
it were still better for them to act upon henceforth
and for ever. The distinction is that which exists
between generosity and prodigality—between an
exalting courtesy and a degrading flattery—lsetween
the reception of a criminal, as criminal, or as a hero.
For instance, it appeared to us, from the moment
when the match was lighted by ODILON PARROT
in the Champs Elysies, and when the popu-
lar explosion burst forth, hurling royalty to the
winds, and scattering the Orleans dynasty in all
directions, it appeared to us, we say, from that mo-
ment probable, that the fugitives from the Tuileries
would, like so many of their predecessors in distress,
very speedily appear upon the horizon of London. In
anticipation of this occurrence we suggested the pro-
priety of receiving those fugitives as became our pro-
verbial amenity as a people, though we, at the same
time, maintained that their welcome should be of a
silence so profound as to indicate our abhorrence of
the cause in defending which they had met with their
destruction. Some individuals were fired with such
supreme indignation at the execrable career of Louis
PIIILIPtIi since his first retrogressive steps
in 1834, as to demand some public mani-
festation of contempt immediately upon his
appearance. Of this cruel system of retaliation
WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR was the most impor-
tant advocate, and while we permitted our columns to
be the medium through which his suggestion was first
promulgated, we accompanied that suggestion with
our most resolute protest—a protest which was morally
enforced by the historic claims of Great Britain to the
characteristics of humanity, dignity, and magnanimity.
We may acknowledge at once that the letter addressed
to us by Mr. LANDOR was published by ourselves
for two reasons—first, out of a feeling of respect for
his eminence in literature, and secondly, because his
communication afforded us an opportunity of giving
expression to our own sentiments. Since those re-
marks were written many disgraceful circumstances
have transpired in reference to the ex-Royal Family of
France, or to those Ministerial sycophants who have
shared in their downfal. Louis PIIILLIPPE himself
PunArrE, the systematic violator of his
royal oath, of that oath which he swore solemnly
before GOD and man: to the Charter of
1830—Louis PHILLIPPS, who huckstered the
virginity of ISABELLA, who pandered to the despotic
views of METTERNICH, who lavished bribes upon his
" creatures" in France, and arms upon the marauders
of Switzerland--Lours PHILIPPB, this traitor to the
cause of liberty, was welcomed at Newhaven, at
Croydon, at Claremont—with acclamations ! Sight-
seers have stood agape before the carriage—have
wrestled with each other for the privilege of shaking
hands with him, have been fain to kiss the ground
upon which he has trodden ; and the stern hospitality
which should have been shown to a fallen tyrant
has been changed into a senseless and criminal ovation.
Of all these disgusting and reprehensible acts, how-
ever, the worst that has yet come within our know-
ledge has been the lip-service paid to that monster of
Ministerial turpitude, M. GUIZOT, by an ill-witted
and perverse committee of the Athenaum. The oc-
currence to which' we are here alluding is described
in the following protest, which is now, we believe, in
active course of signature :
"It is understood," says the protest, " that six
members of the committee of the Athenaum, as-
suming a power supposed by some to belong only to
the whole body, have declared M. GVIZOT an hono-
rary member of this club, and as many members
think that the power, if legitimate, has been most
injudiciously exercised in the peculiar position of M.
GUIZOT, we whose names are undersigned present
this exposition of our views to the committee, as a
formal protest against the appearance of M. GuizoT,
in the hope that it will obviate the necessity of
appealing to a general meeting, which may produce
the public rejection of that gentleman, or such an
admission as cannot be agreeable to him."

Heartily do we coincide in the indignation felt by the
vast majority of the members of the Athenaturn at
this unjustifiable exaggeration of the rights of a
committee. That M. GUIISOT is eminently entitled
to a mark of honour of this description by reason of
his brilliant genius as a historian, and, generally
speaking, as a man of letters, cannot by any sane
mind be denied, but that he also richly deserves every
token of contumely and abhorrence is equally certain,
if we only bear in recollection his atrocious policy as
a statesman.

" 13 it more advisable to erect a sign-post at the
beginning of a man's life, or a gibbet at the end ?"
Such was the very significant and most apposite
question asked, some time back, at a public meeting
by an advocate of education. Brief as it is, that one
sentence is worth all the arguments that were ever
brought forward on the subject. It is an emphatic
exposition of what education really is, and what are
the all-important benefits which it alone can bestow.
This sentence is particularly recalled to us just now,
by the appearance of a pamphlet, bearing a title
similarly significant and suggestive—" The Prison
and the School." The very name of this little work
expresses almost as much as its contents. By placing
in close juxta-position two words so widely diffe-
rent in signification it necessitates a com-
parison between their apposite tendencies, and
compels us to decide between the sign-post and the
gibbet. The author of this pamphlet, the Rev. JOHN
Durrox, is already well known as a philanthropist by
his writings on
" National Education." He could not
possibly have displayed his philanthropy to better
purpose than by attempting, as he has most success.
fully in this little brochure, " to elucidate the rela-
tions between crime and education," and to demon-
strate, as ho has done most clearly and emphatically,
" that the attainment of knowledge prevents the com-
mission of .rime." As an evidence of the truth of
this assertion is the fact, that of 25,107 criminals
convicted in the year 1846, only 1,936 could read and
write well, and only 8.5 had received a superior
education. Hence it is very apparent that the
school is the best preservative against the
prison—the sign-post is the best warning from the
gibbet. By a general diffusion of education we are
enabled, as is very justly observed in the pamphlet,
" to cut off, at the very fountain head, the streams of
demoralization by which the torrent of crime is ali-
mented and supplied." If, however, the preservative
properties of the school be neglected, the only alter-
native is to make the prison itself become a place of
teaching ; second only to the conservation of innocence
is the reformation of crime. And this is a oonsidera-

tion which is too much neglected. " Economically
viewed," says Mr. DUFTON, "it is our interest to
reform the criminal—socially considered, it is
our advantage; and if we regard the ques-
tion in a religious point of view, it is our duty."
The two latter propositions require no exemplifica-
tion—they are self-evident ; he has consequently
endeavoured more especially to enforce the truthfulness
of the first assertion, namely, the economy of the
system which he advocates. We cannot now parti-
cularise his arguments—one illustration is sufficient.
It appears that the cost incurred by Government in
courts of justice, police and criminal prosecu-
tions, and correction, amounted in one year alone
to 1,557,7561. More than a million and a half
for one year's punishment of crime ! How
much less mid hl hove served for its prevention ?
Or how much less, according to Mr. DUFTON, would
suffice for the reformation of the criminals ! Not
that we are so deceived by our wishes as to expect
an entire, or even general reformation, but something
at least might he done, especially among juvenile
offenders. We are aware that among these much
has already been effected, in pursuance of recent
prison reforms, but we desire more, infinitely more.
Speaking on this subject, and on the duty incumbent
upon society itself to assist in the regeneration of its
fallen members, Mr. DUFTON makes the following
very appropriate observations :

"Aids in this difficult task of reformation we may
have from a well-organized police, and an enlightened
administration of justice; but, at best, these salutary
influences can only act upon the criminal parents; the
care of the neglected, or rather the perverted, children
must devolve upon society itself—upon the nation as a
collective body. Wait not until they who have never
keard of the value of instruction shall intuitively dis-
cover its worth, and offer themselves as voluntary stu-
dents, but go out into the highways and hedges, and
compel them to come in.' If every opportunity of
training them in virtuous habits be neglected—if every
chance of instructing them in useful occupations be
thrown away, their inevitable ruin is as assuredly pre-
determined and predestined as if, according to the
Mahommedan belief, it had been graven from eternity
on the awful Table of Destiny.' They are lost, and
society is the loser. Society has lost all that they have
wasted by guilt, and all that they would have gained by
industry; and we have purchased this double loss at an
infinitely higher price than would have ensured us the
double gain. The detention of children in gaols is one of
the most expensive modes of punishment that could be de-
vised, as I shall have occasion to show in another part of
this letter; the custody of ohildren in industrial training
schools might easily be so managed, as to defray the
greater part of its own expenses."
Of all great public questions, there is, perhaps, not one
of more importance than that of education. It pos-
sesses universal interest; it affects every individual,
whether the ignorant or the enlightened. It hardly
requires the eloquence of Mr. MAcetTLAT to assure us
that national education concerns every member of the
community quite as much as the national defences.
It is also a question of always immediate interest.
Other topics have their times and seasons, they are
occasionally and periodically important :—as, for ex-
ample, taxation agitates us annually, and elections,
whenever a new writ is issued. But education is
always, and must be always (until it is established in
the most perfect manner) a subject of general anxiety
and interest. Nevertheless, it is more than ever
brought before us now, not only by th,.! little pam-
phlet to which we have just referred, but also,
although indirectly, by the motion of Mr. EWART,
in the House of Commons last night. The question
with him is not so much to substitute the sign-post for
the gibbet as to abolish the use of the gibbet
altogether. It is a matter of very grave
and awful importance, and very much may be
deduced in support of the proposition. And yet we
are inclined to consider education as even, if possible,
of still greater import. The one, it is true, decides
on the life and death of those concerned, but the
other decides on more—on their guilt or innocence.
Consequently we are disposed to regard Mr. Dur-
TON'S aspirations as not inferior even to Mr. EWART'S
for, however much we might rejoice in the abolition
of the gibbet, we should rejoice infinitely more in the
abolition of all necessity for its exercise.

Letters froM Rome of the 6th inst. state, that on
the receipt of the account of the revolution in Paris
the whole population of Rome repaired to the Aca-
demy of France to proclaim the French Republic.
The people afterwardi prceeedcd to the Quirinal to
demand from the POPE the long- prcm ised Constitution.
Order was not disturbed at Rome, but the agita-
tion was at its height. The following reply of the
Porn to the address had somewhat allayed the effer-
vescence:—

"The
.events, I will not say which succeeded each
other, but which have hurried ou to a conclusion, justify
the demand addressed to me by the senators in
the name of the magistrate and the council. Every-
body knows that I have been incessantly engaged in
giving the Government the form claimed by those
gentlemen and required by the people. But every-
body must understand the difficulty encountered by him
who unites two supreme dignities. What can be
effected in one night in a secular state cannot be accom-
plished without mature examination in Rome, in con-
sequence of the necessity to fix a line of separation
between the two powers. Nevertheless, I hope that, in
a few days, the constitution shall be ready, and that I
will be able to proclaim a new form of government,
calculated to satisfy the people, and more particularly
the Senate and the Council, who know better the state
of affairs and the situation of the country. May the
Almighty bless my desires and labours! If religion
derives any advantage therefrom I will throw myself at
the feet of the crucified Jesus, to thank him for the
events accomplished by his will. and I will be more satis-
fied as chief of the Universal Church than as a temporal
prince if they turn to the greatest glory of God."

A letter from Naples of the 6th says :

" The old Ministry still continues in office; Prince
Cariati, who had been called upon to compose a new ono,
having declined the undertaking. How this will end no
one can foresee."

should he refuse to grant the required reforms. The
steam-boat companies of Maine and the Rhine have
placed their boats at the disp.;sal of the insurgents.
The Germanic'Diet has passed a solemn resolution
that " black, red, and gold are the colours and em-
blems of the Germanic Confederacy."
A letter from Hamburgh, of the 11 th of March,
says :—" Our Senate, frightened by the great de-
monstration intended to have taken place on Monday
next, has submitted to the will of the people. Ham-
burgh is now as free as Great Britain."
It was reported at llamburgh that the Bth corps of
the army of Prussia had refused to march to the
Rhine.

On the Bth instant the citizens of Bremen went en
masse, and demanded from the Senate the following
concessions :

1. Publicity of the discussions in Senate.
2. Free representation of all eitiaens.
3. Free public discussions.
4. Publicity in all courts of justice.
5. Separation of the justice from the administration.
6. Trial by jury in all political, criminal, and press
cases ; and demanded the concurrence of thel Senate
within six hours, or they would proceed to other mea-
sures.

The Senate granted the whole of the propositions
immediately.
A letter from Berlin, of the 7th of March, an-
nounces that the Polish Deputies, to the number cf
fifty, purpose giving in their resignations, not wishing
to form a part of the German States General, as likely
to affect Polish nationality. This resolution is, it is
said, based on the treaty of 1815, which guarantees
the national institutions to all the Polish provinces.

A letter from Gotha of the Bth states that as soon
as the Duke arrived there from England, on the
evening of the 7th, he caused a proclamation to be
issued, granting equal political rights to all his sub-
jects, a representative assembly, and freedom of the
press ; and this step of the Duke made an address
needless, which his subjects had prepared to present
him with. A deputation proceeded to his palace, to
demand a national guard and trial by jury, which was
graciously conceded.
Count FREDERICK Thum, the Kossuth of Bohe-
mia, and twenty of the most distinguished members
of the Opposition, have proposed the immediate con-
vocation of the Bohemian Diet. They give two rea-
sons for taking thin step—First, " To express their
loyal and true sentiments to the Throne, and to make
any sacrifice that may be necessary, compatible with
the interests of the State ; and, secondly, "To lend
their joyful co-operation to a development of the re-
presentation of the country." An address to this effect
has been forwarded to Vienna.

The permanent Military Committee, appointed by
the German Diet on the 2d instant, had proposed the
adoption of various measures for the security of the
confederation, in consequence of the events now pass-
ing in France. They recommended, amongst others,
that the fortresses of Ulm and Rastadt be imme-
diately armed and provisioned—that the garrison
of Ulm be formed of 14,000 Austrian, Bavarian,
and Wirtemburg troops, and the garrison of Rastadt
of 8,000 Austrians and Bavarians—that the garrison
of Mayence be raised to 18,000 infantry and 300
cavalry, to be supplied by Austria and Prussia—:that
Prussia, the Grand Duchy of Hesse, NVirtemburg, and
Baden, be charged with the protection of the western
frontier, and directed to adopt such measures of pre-
caution as they may deem expedient, and
to give immediate notice to the Diet of any
symptoms of danger they may observe; that Prussia
should lose no time in arming the fortress of Lux-
emburg, and Bavaria that of Landau, and that those
two Governments should furnish the military com-
mittee with a full account on the condition of the
other fortresses situate in their Rhenish provinces,
The Diet had concurred in the above resolutions, and
voted a million of florins to defray extraordinary ex-
penses. On the Bth the Diet moreover prohibited the
exportation of German horses from all the states of
the Confederation.

A letter from Leipsic of the 9th relates that deputa-
tions of six towns having presented petitionsto the King
of SAXONY, demanding the liberty of the press and
other reforms, the Burgomaster of Werdau made an
harangue on the occasion. His MeJEsTr re-
ferred him to his proclamation, and declared
that he would submit to the next Diet such
demands as appeared to him just and oppor-
tune. The Burgomaster SCA.WEDLIIIC, of Meerane,
then said, " Sire, permit me—." The KING replied
"No ! no ! I cannot discuss with you any
insensate demands ; I have only to say to you,
Adieu." The Burgomaster said, " Sire, do not
allow us to depart without some concession.'
The lima replied, "I have nothing more to say
to you, adieu!" The King's Ministers have pub-
lished a notice announcing that they had given in
their resignation, but that the KING refused to accept
it, resolving to convoke an extraordinary Diet for
the 20th, in order that it might be known whether
the whole country wished to have the Ministers dis-
missed. A law on the liberty of the press was to be
presented to that assembly,

Madrid journals of the Bth have arrived. Their
contents are unimportant.
MADRID BoLs.t, AIARcn B.—The Three per Cents.
were done at 23i for cash ; the Five per Cents. at 14
for paper; the Debt, without interest, at 6i; and
the Coupons at 10.

THE FRENCH REPUI3LIC.

PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The panic in the money-market still continues,
and, according to the Constitutionnel, five of the first
banking-houses in Paris have determined to wind up
their affairs. Among them, it is said, are the firms of
HOTTINGVER and Co., DILESSIIRT and Co., and the
house of MALLET.

M. EMILE DE GIRARDIN has, in the columns of the
Pregse, suggested the following plan for lessening the
pressure of the financial crisis :
" The perpetual debt is a precious force which, when
prudently employed and ably turned to account, ins)*
resolve, if not all the difficulties of the situation, at
least the most urgent and perhaps the most important
ones. No fear ought to be felt at having re-
course to such means, not only for the voluntary
conversion into rents of the bone du tresor that are
issued, and the caution-money deposited, but also for
the redemption by the State of railways and canals, the
working of which it ought never to have alienated,
and of the great enterprises to obtain coals and
to fabricate salt. The perpetual debt is the besom
which may sweep the money-market clean—the fund to
pay off the liabilities, to save and even to augment the
social assets. Of all means of credit a perpetual debt is
assuredly the most simple, and it is because it is so,
that it is the most powerful. Let, then, the sinking
fund, which, under the various titles of dotation, re-
serve, &c., takes from the rate-payers 125 millions a
year, be at once suppressed. Let the Three per Cents.
be given at 40f. to all holders of Buns de Tresor and to
all persons having deposited caution money; let a similar
conversion be effected for all the shares of railways and
canals demanding to be dissolved ; let the same means
be employed to reconstitute for the profit of the State
precious monopolies, such as those of salt and sugar, at a
cheap rate; let this bo done, and the French Republic,
we hesitate not to say, will soon have rendered to
public credit a greater power than that the loss of
which is at this moment so keenly felt. The
State thus seizing in an equitable manner on important
monopolies ; not by violence, but by credit, completing
rapidly all the useful works now in course of execution.
The State, by this pacific attitude, will re-animate con-
fidence, acquire new strength, give itself the means of
reducing its military forces, without itereasing the
charge of pensions inscribed on the books of the Trea-
sury, and without plunging into misery a multitude of
brave officers and non-commissioned officers ; the State,
in fine, will multiply the consumers, and occupy usefully
the working classes, putting a stop to the sad spectacle
of men turning up the earth in the Champ-de-Mars, for
the sole purpose of turning it up—a sort of tread-mill
in the open air! Does work fail in France? Are all our
railways, from Paris te the frontier, from the Atlantie
to the Mediterranean, finished ? Have all our canals
reduced to the lowest limit of priceithe transport of
encumbering matters, of all the objects of which the
consumption would increase in immense proportions if
they could be placed within the reach of the poor man?
Assuredly not."
At Marseilles the demand for money is so great,
that 50f. are given as a premium for changing a
bank-note of I,ooof. into sf. pieces.
M. TESTE has been set at liberty, on condition that
he shall again surrender himself into the hands of
justice when called upon to do so. The reason
assigned for his liberation is, that he was not safe in
the Conciergerie.
The Ministers of Baden and of :Hesse have signified
to the Provisional Government the desire of their
respective Sovereigns to maintain amicable relations
with the French Republic.
On Saturday evening an entertainment was given
at the Jardin d'lliver, for the bentofit of the •workmen
out of employ. The sentinel of he Nation Guard

who was stationed at the door was the eldest son of
the late Prince POLIGNAC, the last Minister of
CIIARLES X.

The ilfoniteur publishes the instructions respect-
ing the election of the Members of the National
Assembly for the colony of Algeria. All are to be
electors who are born Frenchmen or are naturalized
Frenchmen.

4The Minister of Justice and Public Worship has
addressed a circular to the archbishops and bishops
directing them to advise the clergy in their
dioceses to take part in the elections, and to im-
press on their congregations the great truths of re-
publicanism.
The commission for the arrangement of the libera-
tion of all the slaves in the French colonies, have
issued a notice stating that "that great act of repara-
tion cannot be accomplished before the completion of
the next harvest."
The election of the officers of the National Guard
of Paris is fixed for the 18th instant. The old
officers, who were all elected under the Monarchy,
will be everywhere opposed by Republican candi-
dates.

The following decree on this subject appears in the
Ahniteur :

"FRENCH REPUBLIC.
"LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY.
"Citizens,—The elections of the National Guard are
fixed for the ath inst. All citizens from 20 to 58 years
are part of the National Guard; all the National Guards
are electors, and ought to take part in the elections.
Since the day was fixed a great number of citizens have
inscribed themselves. Tho greater number of the legions
have doubled or trebled the numbers of which they con-
sisted previous to the 24th of February. But it is
necessary that all citizens should understand that their
right to elect is also a duty on their part. Let all, then,
hasten to inscribe themselves. The wish of the Provi-
sional Government is that all possible facility should be
given, in order that the whole of the people should take
part in this Republican manifestation. As the lists
must be closed on the 13th at midnight, every citizen
not inscribed has the right to claim his inscription at the
Mairie during the 14th, 15th, and 16th. On the 16th
the supplementary list will be closed definitively.
" The bureaux of each Mairie will be open from seven
o'clock till midnight."
(Signed by the Members of the Provisional
Government.)
" THIS MAYOR OF PARIS TO THE MAYORS ADJOINT OF

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, March 14.
PASSENGERS' BILL.

Earl GREY moved the second reading of tl.e Passen-
gers' Bill, and explained the leading provisions of the
measure, which have been already debated in the other
House.

Lord STANLEY expressed approval of the Bill being
advanced the proposed stage, concurring as he did in its
general character, but he reserved to himself the right of
opposing some of the clauses of minor importance when
the Bill went into Committee.

Lord MONTEAGLE highly approved of the Bill.
He would be the last to support any such measure if he
thought it would operate as a diicouragement to emigra-
tion, but in his opinion it would have a quite contrary
effect. He rejoiced also that the Bill was only to be
passed for a limited period, because the provisions abso-
lutely required in the existing state of things might not
be required under ordinary circumstances. Nothing, he
conceived, could be more necessary and useful than for
Government to find out the places from whence emi-
grants were to proceed, and carry them safely to their
ports of destination; but, on the other hand, they ought
to take care that such emigration should not become
over-burdensome to the colonists. lie was sure the Bill
would operate for the protection of emigrants, and he
believed that the charge on emigration imposed by it
was much inferior to that imposed by the United States.
Earl GREY remarked that the charge on emigration
would be exceedingly moderate, and would be imposed
with a duo regard to the interests of the colonists.
The Bill was then read a second time, and the House
adjourned.

ROUSE OF COMMONS, Match 14.
PUNISHMENT OF DEATH.
Mr. EWART (in continuation from our Third
Edition) proceeded to say-In Russia it had been vir-
tually abolished almost for a century. In Delhi, Tuscany,
the Grand Duchy of Baden, and several other places,
the abolition of capital punishment had been successfully
carried out; and in France the Provisional Government
had abolished capital punishment in all cases of poli-
tical offences; and he had no doubt that the Legislature
of that country, when it met, would put an end to it in
all cases. Why, therefore, he would ask, was it con-
tinued in moral England?-(Hear, hear.) He believed
that putting an end to capital punishment would tend to
moralise the lower orders of the people of England, and
would be productive of the best results. No man who
had ever witnessed the scene that took place at an
execution in this country could be led to believe that
such exhibitions deterred offenders from the com-
mission of the most awful crimes. Looking at
the subject in a theological point of view, lie
would ask his Honourable Friend the Member for
Oxford if it was necessary to take life for life, whether
the same holy Word did not enforce the exercise of the
prerogative of mercy. Could any one doubt that the
issues of life and death should be left to that almighty
and all-wise Power that gave it?-(Hear, hear.) Under
these impressions, and being convinced that the abolition
of capital punishment would be attended with the best
effects upon society, he trusted the House would give him
leave to bring in his Bill.
Sir G. GREY said he he felt it to be his duty to take
the same course which he took last year on a similar mo-
tion of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, and oppose
the introduction of the Bill. If the lion. and Learned
Gentleman had proposed a Bill to improve the law in a
number of offences to which the punishment of death
still remained, he (Sir George Grey) could have con-
sented to its introduction, but the Bill now proposed by
the Hon. and Learned Gentleman invited the House to
sanction the principle of the total abolition of the
punishment of death for all of ences whatever ;
and he (Sir G. Grey) felt that no advantage would be
gained by allowing the Bill to be introduced, because it
was as competent for the House to pass an opinion on its
merits at once as on the second reading. He felt bound
to object to the principle advocated by the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman, because lie believed that the punish-
ment of death for crimes of the gravest kind-and he
meant by those crimes of wilful and deliberate and pre-
meditated murder-was indispensably required for the
protection of society, and the preservation of human
life.-(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man had spoken of the sacredness of human life, and
said it was out of consideration for that that he en-
treated the House to abolish capital punishment ; but
could the Hon. and Learned Gentleman guarantee at
the same time the sacredness of human life by the
abolition of the crime of murder itself-(Hear, hear)-
or that it would not become much snore frequent of
perpetration-(Hear, hear)-and that the sacredness of
human life would not be violated to a far greater degree
than it was now? There was a great sympathy in the
present day for criminals who were condemned to capi-
tal punishment-not that he complained of it, for it was
one of the gratifying features of the age that the atten-
tion of the public had been directed to the subject of
punishment in criminal cases, which was one of those
that required the gravest consideration of statesmen
and legislators. But it might be carried to a morbid
extent. It might be a sympathy for criminals utterly
inconsistent with a due regard to the preservation of
the lives of those who were pursuing their daily
occupations peaceably, honestly, and industriously-
(Hear, hear)-and who required protection from the
hands of robbers and assassins. He believed that during
the last ten years not a single person had been executed
except for murder or offences which, as far as the
persons committing them were concerned, were equiva-
lent to murder; and therefore the argument of the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman fell entirely to the ground when
he spoke of the indisposition of juries and prosecutors to
convict or prosecute, and of witnesses to give evidence,
in consequence of the punishment of death bellsg the
penalty attached to conviction. It was also well known
that many persons were put on their trials for certain
offences for which the punishment of death was applicable,
but that it was the ordinary practice that that punish.
ment should only be recorded against them, and not
carried into effect. He did not say that an improvement
of the law, so as to make the practice more consistent
with the law, might not be a subject well worthy of the
consideration of the House ; and indeed that question
had engaged his attention, and ho had a Bill prepared
upon it, but he had doubted whether it was wise to
bring it before the public at the present time.
In former times there were many cases in which justice
was defeated by the unwillingness of juries to convict,
the moral feelings of the country being shocked by the
punishment of death being inflicted for offences of com-
paratively a trivial character; but by the alteration in
the criminal law introduced by the father of his Hon.
and Learned Friend behind him (Mr. Hominy) whom
he rejoiced to see occupying a place in that House-
(Hear)-that law had been remedied, and his (Sir G.
Grey's) experience led him to the conclusion that in cases
of wilful and deliberate murder juries did not hesitate to
convict, and that acquittals did not take place contrary
to the evidence. It was true that there had been cases
in which juries had acquitted on very slight evidence of
insanity; but he was glad to say that he had seen opin-
ions recently given by some most eminent medical gen-
tlemen that the day was gone by for that defence, and
that they were unwilling to give evidence that would
lead juries to acquit on the ground of insanity. That,
too, it must be observed, was not confined to capital
cases, but had occurred in others as well. The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman had said that witnessing the exe-
cution of capital punishment had nut the deterring
effect upon the spectators which was urged in its
favour ; but the persons who went to gratify a taste
which he (Sir George Grey) would not designate of
witnessing the dying struggles of a malefactor, were not
likely to be deterred by such a scene from the com-
mission of crime, and were in all probability most fa-
miliar with crime. But surely the knowledge that the
punishment of death would follow with tolerable cer
tainty in the case of conviction for certain offences insist
have some effect, quite irrespective of anything that could
be produced by witnessing an execution on the great
mass of the people, who knew that they were rendering
themselves liable to by the commission of crime. Now.
with respect to the statistics referred to by the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman, he found that in England and
Wales the total number of persons committed for trial in
the following years was,-in 1840,
.27,187; in 1841,
27,760; in 1842, 31,309; in 1843. 29,591; in 1844,
26,542; in 1845, 24,303; in 1846; 25,107. The
number of commitments for murder in the five years
ending 1831 was L 317; in the years ending 1836, 355;
in the five years ending 1841, 284; in the five years
ending 1846, 360; or, for the 10 years ending
18:36, 672 ; for the ten years ending 1846, 644. In cases
of attempts to murder, capital punishment having been
abolished in 1831 in all cases except where bodily in-
juries dangerous to life were inflicted, the number for the
live years ending 1831 was 453; for the five years ending
1836, 661; for the five years ending 1841, 937; for the
five years ending 1846, 1,099. Of rapes, as to which
capital punishment was abolished in 1841, the number in
the five years ending 1831 was 252; in the five years
ending 1836, 278; in the five years ending 1841, 319; in
the five years ending 1846, 597. Of arson, as to which
capital punishment was abolished in 1837, except of
dwelling-houses or ships when life was endangered, the
number in the five years ending 1831 was 212; in the
I five years ending 181'6, 336; in the five years ending
1841, 183; in the five years ending 1846, 581. Of
forgery, the capital punishment in all cases remaining
capital having been abolished in 1837, the number for
the five years ending 1831 was 312; for the five years
ending 1838, 350 ; for the five years ending 1841,
564; for the fire years ending 1846, 731. And of
burglary, the capital punishment having been abolished
in 1837, except in cases where persons in the dwelling
were wounded or assaulted, in the five years ending 1831
the number was, 1,299; in the five years ending 1836,
1,060; in the five yea's ending 1841, 2,154; and in the
five years ending 1846 it was 2,701. He did not quote
these figures with any other view than to caution the
House against the supposition that if they abolished
capital punishment in all cases of murder there would lie
no increase of the crime. The Hon. Gentleman had a le
verted to the report of the Committee of the House of
Lords last session, moved for by Lord Brougham, and
stated that that report and tho evidence contained strong
arguments in favour of the abolition of capital punish-
ment; but it happened that he (Sir G. Grey) had
prepared himself to cite the opinion of that Committee,
but as an authority in the precisely opposite direc-
tion. The Honourable Gentleman had selected cer-
tain passages which helped his argument, but had
not referred to the opinion of the Committee
itself, which he (Sir G. Grey) would presently quote.
With respect to public executions, no doubt many-evils
might arise from them, but that point did not affect the
question of abolishing capital punishment. Then the
Hon. Gentleman had drawn the attention of the House
to various modes of putting the sentence of the law into
execution, but he did not think that the English people
would adopt the French model, and, upon the ;whole
perhaps there was no mode less repugnant to their
feelings than that which was now in force. The Hon. I
Gentleman had quoted the qualified opinions of two or
three of the judges, but had omitted to state that the
great majority of the English judges, the whole or the 1
ik*b, sud eight or tom 01 the
rlrish Judges, had in;

pressed the unqualified opinion that it was not consistent
with the present state of society that the punish-
meat of death should be wholly abolished. And
here he would quote the unanimous opinion of
the Committee of the House of Lords to which
reference bad already been made. It wa-3 as fol-
lows : " Respecting the expediency of abolish-
ing capital punishments, they found scar'
any difference of opinion. Almost all witnesses and all
authorities agree in opinion that, for offences et the
gravest kind, the punishmentiof death ought to be
tained."—(hear, hear.) That was the opinion of
Committee of the House of Lords, which the lionouraiW
Member had cited in favour of his views. Upon the
theological part of the question he would not now cuter,
further than to remark that he felt convinced there was
nothing iu the Scriptures to fetter the judgment in this
matter and to cripple the means of maintaining -ths
security of society. The lion. Member had referred tothe punishments which were in vogue in Russia and
other countries, but the English people would net b:
likely to tolerate the introduction into their crirain,
code of those terrific punishments, the infliction of whie
the criminal seldom, if ever, survived.—(Hear,
lie was aware that one of the first acts of the Pro"'i
sional Government of 'France had been to abolish eaPi,°'
punishments with respect to political offences, but Pi!.
Hon. Gentleman had said they had done so in regeral.
all offences whatsoever.. If so. it was new to him (s'1
George Grey); but, on the contrary, he had observed
that the punishment of death had been put in force. sgl
justly too, upon a person who had been found guilty.?,
stealing a silver spoon. Upon the grounds he had OM"
he trusted the House would not consent to the introdue*
tion of the Bill.

Sir C. BURRELL, who was nearly inaudible, Wss
understood to express his hope that the day would mot
come that English jurisprudence would be so altered se,
not to afford security to life and property. lie should
cordially support his Right Hon. Friend in his oppoli.
tion to the introduction of the Bill.
Mr. B. OSBORNE said, that the speech of the Hon'
Member who had just sat down reminded him of the
anecdote of the man who was thrown ashore in a strange
country, and seeing a gallows there exclaimed, Thank
God, I'm in a civilised land." He was not prepared NO
to agree with all the views of the Hon. Member for
Dumfries; but that Hon. Member was, nevertheless, es'
titled to the greatest praise and honour for the course h•
had taken in regard to this subject, 'and there was s°
reason why his Bill should not be introduced, in the
hope that out of it some measure might be framed whirs
would render our criminal law more humane. gr
Osborne then stated his objections to public executions,
and referred to the disgraceful and disgusting see"
which had taken place recently at an execution in Ire'
land, when, guilty as the criminals were, the syrupsthf
of the spectators was with them. The mob which col:
leoted at these executions consisted for the most part or
women, children, and thieves, and it was well know*
that the best harvest for pickpockets was under the gsl'
lows. If these executions were necessary, he could net
understand why they did not take place within the pre'
cincts of the gaol, and he suggested that the Govermeo
should take the subject into consideration.
Mr. LENNARD said that the result of the abolition
of capital punishments had, so far as it had gone, bees
satistuctory, but the House was now called upon to
legislate upon different principles, and it was question'
able whether the same arguments that applied to offences
against property would apply to those against life. 'Piee
was too much reason to believe that innocent Neater
had suffered from incorrect, but honest verdicts, end, It
that occurred, be it ever so seldom, it was an argumeSt
in favour of a substitute for the punishment of death, 401
efficient one could be found. His lion. Friend had ese
argument which ought to carry with it great weight, ill
favour of his motion. In the case of a man unjuslif
convicted of murder, and afterwards executed, the/
placed it out of their power to remedy the wrong on his Ur
nocence being eventually proved; but if capital punish'
ment were done away with, they would retain in their
hands the opportunity of reversing the mistaken sentence
and of restoring him to his position in life. lie referred te
the dreadful assassinations which disgraced Ireland, 0
furnishing them with the most palpable evidence of the
inutility of capital punishment as deterring from the
commission of crime, and he thought that if by their
legislation they evidenced that reverence for hum**
life that they would not execute the most hardened of
offenders, they would be taking the most direct means
to educate the people up to the same standard of mo-
rality. It was well known that among juries called upon
to decide in murder cases there existed a nervous die
position to avoid the verdict of " guilty," by finding di*
prisoner " insane," and when this feeling was prevalent
among the class from which juries were taken, the
Legislature was called upon to interfere. He considered
that, at any rate, the experiment ought to be tried for It
time; it could not do much evil, and it might be pro-
ductive of much good by satisfying the whole eomnstt•
nity as to what would be the effect of a permanent
departure from the existing code. He had great plea-
sure in seconding the motion of his lion. Friend.
Mr. Alderman SIDNEY regretted that the Right
Honourable Baronet had met this motion with so direct
a negative. The time, it was quite evident, had arrived
when this question must be fairly tested. The consi-
deration, after-all, was one of expediency, and while all
the argument showed that the crime of murder would
not increase by abolishing the punishment by deaths
he, himself, had every reason to be convinced that the
effect of the spectacle of a public execution was to
trengthen the criminal tendency to a very great extent.
—(Cheers.) They saw, when the sentence of death
was passed in a court, the Judge and jury in tears, and
in the crowd at Nanette,* when the law was being
carried into effect, they witnessed all sorts of demoral-
izing and licentious riot. The criminal, himself, when
he appeared on the drop, Was cheered like a candidate
at a county election. If Parliament, then, was satisfied
that nothing less than the life of the offender could
expiate the crime of murder, at least let the endeavour
be made to administer the*. law with more regard to
public morality, and in a way more in unison with the
spirit of Christianity. lie did not see what objection
could be ma le to a trial for a *season, of the principle
advocated by his lion. Friend, and the Right Hoe.
Baronet might. rest assured that, even though he per-
sisted in his opposition this year, the time would coats,
when lie would see the, necessity of taking a different
course.

Mr. ROMILLY thought that the evident object with
all parties was to protect human life, and they had,
therefore, only to consider in what manner and by what
system. that protection• could best be secured. He
would impress upon the House the expediency of putting
an end to capital punishments for every.crime whatso-
ever, except the one crime of wilful and deliberate
murder. This crime of wilful and deliberate murder
stood on special grounds. It was the crime most difficult
to prevent. If they proclaimed it to the world that such
was their solemn regard for the lives of their fellow-
creatures they would' take life only on the absolute com-
mission of murder, they would establish thesame general
standard among the .people, 'and, for these reasons he
was not prepared to go the whole length
with the Honourable Membei for Dumfries. He
would suggest, . however, to that Hon. Gentleman
that, if he withdrew his present motion, and waited until
the Bill of the Right Hon. I3s.rdnet was introduced, be
might find an opportunity, by bringing forward some
amendment, partly to accomplish his views. One or two
observations upon a subject not strictly before the
House, namely, the very
.disgraceful scenes which
occurred at the public exhibition of the punishment of
death. He could not but think it would be wise no
execution took place in public.—(hear, hear.) He was
convinced that the knowledge of the fact that-the offence
of murder would be farmed by the punishment of
death would have a• muoh miter effect in deterring
from the commission of the crime than anything else.
He believed that public executions produced .very in-
jurious and very demoralising effects. If, as soon as
sentence was pronounced,. the convict were take* back
to prison, and it was known that that was the last
moment he would appear to the world, it would have
more striking effect than a public execution. He was s
little apprehensive that, as the feelings of many who
advocated the abolition of capital punishment for the
crime of murder had been acted upon by a horror arising
from the number of criminals who had been executed for
trifling offences, should the crime of murder increase
after the abolition of. that punishment, he feared that
there would be an opposite reaction, and that the punish-
ment of death might he again enacted not only for mur-
der, but for other crimes. •

Sir G. GREY wished to explain, in order to prevent
misapprehension, that.in the crime of wilful murder he
meant to include the crime of intended assassination, a•
in the case of Mr. Uniacke- Bailey.
Lord NUGENT said, agreeiug in much of what had
fallen from the Hon. and Learned Gentleman (Mr.
Roreilly), he could not agree with him, in recommend-
ing the Hon. Member for Dumfries to take the offer of
his Right Hon. Friend (Sir G. Grey), and to withdraw
his motion for the sake of taking the chance of prevailing
upon the Committee on the Right Hon. Baronet's Bill to
adopt the principle of the great measure he had brought
before the House that night. In the first place, he
doubted whether lie could make up his mind, or arrive
at a conviction, to vote the affirmative with his Right
lion. Friend, that it was desirable to read a Bill the
second time, the object of which was to retain the punish-
ment of death; and in the next place it would be an ad-
vantageous mode of recommending the great principle to
tho House, and it would be difficult to induce the
Committee to take into consideration the introduction
into such a Bill of a clause excluding the punishment of
death. The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Ewart) had brought
before the House the statistics of the effect which the
punishment of death had had in reducing crimes of vine
lence. From the laws of Rome to those of the present
day he had shown in an unanswerable manner that, ge-
nerally, crimes of violence had increased in proportion
to the violence of punishment and decreased in the ratio
of its moderation, lie knew it had been said that within.
the last five years some crimes, in respect to which the
punishment of death had been abolished, had increased.
Cases of violence against the other sex had been men-
tioned, but he held this fact to be a most valuable Ads
mission in their (the abolitionists') favour. What did it
show? That prosecutions and convictions, whilst the
punishment of death was affixed to the offence, were
rare, and as soon as capital punishment was repealed
prosecutions and convictions became more frequent, be•
cause all reluctance on the part of the injured party was
removed, and attorneys ceased to recommend, as they
generally did before, a prosecution for the lesser offence.
knowing the disinclination of juries to convict for the
capital offence. Then, as to the offence of shooting
with intent to kill, in which there had been an increase,
that was the only other crime practically open to the
punishment of death. lie put this offence in the same►
category as successful attempts to murder; and if theses
had been an increase in attempts to murder, notwith-
standing the punishment of death, it was another proof
that capital punishment did not deter from the crime of
murder. lie would not refer to authorities—Sir Samuel
Romilly, Sir W. Grant, Sir James Mackintosh—all of
whom said that the punishment of death was