The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-14 00:00:00

IBRA HIM PACHA.

Yesterday a deputation from the London, East India, and
China Association, and other merchants, comprising Sir
George Lament, Bart.; Mr. Samuel Gregson, Mr. A. Hastie,
M.P. ; Mr. B. D. Colvin, Mr. Peter Bell, Mr. W. Lyall, Mr.
Weber, and Mr. Stikeman, the secretary, waited on the
Pacha at half-past eleven o'clock by appointment, to present
an address congratulating his Highness on his visit to this
country; and " expressing their conviction that upon the
cultivation of mutual good feelings between great and power-
ful states the welfare and prosperity of nations depend; and
trusting that the good understanding that now exists be-
tween this country and that administered by his Highness
Mehemet Ali will long continue undisturbed, to the advan-
tage of both, and the general benefit of mankind."
The Pacha received the deputation in the most flattering
manner. His Highness subsequently gave audience to Mr.
H. W. Masterson.

His Highness was engaged at his hotel up to two O'clock,
when his carriages were ordered for the purpose of making
visits to some of the leading aristocracy, preparatory to his
Highness leaving this country.
The Pacha was accompanied by Colonel Bonfort and M.
Nubar, and attended by Major C. Dickson. He went on
quitting his hotel to visit the Earl and Countess of Jersey,
and there partook of luncheon. After an agreeable visit,
during which the Pacha, through M. Nubar, expressed his
regret that his engagements would not admit of his pre-
sence at the Countess's grand fête, he thence went to the
Countess Paulett's, and personally took farewell of her Lady-
ship. He afterwards called on -the Marquis and Marchioness
of Londonderry, at Holdernesse House, and in the absence
from home of the Noble and Gallant Marquie, merely left
his P.P.C.- 'cards, to apprise his Lordship of his contemp-
lated departure from England. His Highness next pro-
ceeded to visit the Lord Chancellor, with whom lie had a
long audience. From the residence of the Noble and Learned
Lord he repaired to Lord J. Russell's house, in Chesham-
place, but did not alight from, his carriage, as his Lordship
was at his official residence. The next visit his Highness
made was to the Duke of Wellington, at Apsley House. The
Noble and Gallant Duke being on the point of taking his
afternoon equestrian exercise did not receive his Highness
His Highness then proceeded to the French and Austrian Em-
bassies, and subsequently closed his round of visits by wait-
ing on the Earl-of Aberdeen, at Argyll House, where he had
an interview of some duration with the Noble Earl, who
displayed every courtesy to the illustrious Pacha by accom-
panying him to the carriage in waiting. If is Highness then
returned to Mivart's Hotel.
His Highness received a select circle to dinner last evening
at his hotel, in addition to the members of his suite.

The Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis of Breadalbane, Sir
George Grey, the Earl of Minto, Sir John Cam Hobhouse,
the Right Hon.' Sidney Herbert, the Marquis of Clanri7
carde, the Right lion, E. J. Stanley. the lion. Ralph
Abercromby, Viscount Mandeville, Dr. Bowring, M.P., the
Right Hon. H. Labouchere, Baron de Linden, Mr. G. W.
Galloway, Mr. J. H. Walker, Mr. W. Platt, Mr. W. Turner,
the Marquis of Westminster, the Right lion. R. Vernon
Smith, Major Shadwell Clerke, Colonel Campbell, R.A., and
along list of distinguished personages, called on his High-
ness at his hotel.

Captain 'Woodford J. Williams, R.N., waited on his
Highness by the command of the Admiralty, to receive his
instructions as to his departure. We understand that his
Highness will leave Mivart's . to-morrow, and proceed by
railway to Portsmouth, and on Thursday he will embark
with his retinue on board her Majesty's steamer Avenger,
that vessel having been placed at his disposal by the com-
mand of
.her Majesty. On. sailing from Portsmouth he will
ptoceed direct to Alexandria by steam. Such were the ar-
rangements last night, and there is every reason to believe
they will be fully carried out.
:This evening the Pacha will honour Viscount Palmerston
with his company at a grand banquet.

FRENCH PLAYS.
ST. JAMES'S THEATRE.

La. t night tr, crowd of fashionables—albeit it may seem
a contradiction in terms—an enthusiastic crowd of
fashionables (for genius can endow even the blase
habitues of fashionable life with enthusiasm) assembled
at the St. James's Theatre to do homage to the greatest
tragedian in the world, Mademoiselle Rachel. She ap-
peared as Camille in Corneille's tragedy of Les Boraces
—a character in which we have frequently seen her
before, and in which, each time that we have seen her,
we have gone to the theatre predetermined to watch
her critically, and not to suffer ourselves to be carried
away by our feelings, but in every instance the genius
of the actress has so carried us away that criticism has
become impossible. As easily might we attempt to
criticise the sublime scenery of the Alps, or the exqui-
sitely beautiful scenery of our own Cumberland lakes.
Nature defies criticism—she is above it ; and Rachel
is nature. Beautiful—exquisite—perfec ; Voltaire
proposed to write those words at the foot of
each page of Rapine, as the only just and true
criticism ; and such is the only criticism applic-
able to the acting of Rachel. Not only
is she naturally a most intense and impassioned actress,
but Nature has been improved to the highest pitch of
perfection by study. She is in the highest sense of the
word an artiste, and she works up a character to a com-
plete climax. In Camille, for instance, no sooner does
she enter upon the scene than without a word being
spoken the spectator feels that she is a doomed victim.
How exquisitely beautiful is her love for her family—
how intense her love for her affianced husband—how
deeply pathetic her melancholy at the thought that
Alba and Rome must join in battle, and those she loves
must meet as enemies. Then what can excel the
ecstasy of per joy when she learns , that those
she loves tiny yet be saved, because the cham-
pions on each side are to be, chosen to do battle
for their respective countries ? Can anything exceed
it ? Yes, the depth of her despair, when she knows
that her brother and her lover are among the cham-
pions. The, catastrophe approaches—two of her bro-
thers are killed; the third has fled, but her lover is
safe. Bowed down by grief, she leans on her father.
Sorrowful is she for the loss of her brothers, but not alto-
gether despairing. Her lover is safe, and his safety is to
her more than brothers or country. Then comes the cli-
max. Her brother's flight is but a stratagem—he has re- ,
turned and killed her lover.- The tale is told by a, messenger
to her father. She turns towards him, intently listens,
and when she hears the dreadful truth, she shrieks not,
moans not, speaks not ; but, as a bird fascinated by the'
glaring eyes of a serpent, a tremulous -Shudder passes
through her frame, and she sinks dead T Ay dead,'
for although the body revives after a time,
and utters horrible imprecations on Rome,
it is not animated by the soul of Camille.
That gentle gout haqssseti away to 10 rest, emancipated

from its fleshly tabernacle by the announcement of the
death of Curiatius. But the body remains ; there are
convulsive movements, horribly convulsive movements,
of that body, which is re animated by a demon. It is
no longer Camille, but Nemesis, that speaks ; and, de-
nouncing vengeance on the lioratii and on Rome, ag-
gravates Horatius to the commission of the murder
of his seeming sister, and thus condemns him to
an eternity of remorse. Such is the idea which
the acting of Mademoiselle Rachel gives us of the con-
cluding scene, and such doubtless was the intention of
Corneille. In reading the play, the conclusion has
hitherto struck us as an anti-climax. We have always
considered that the tragedy should end with the death—
for we will call it the death—and not the swoon, of Ca-
mille, on hearing that Curiatius has fallen ; but Mdlle.
Rachel has vindicated the genius of Corneille, and made
the climax perfect. Her Camille is the most sublime
histrionic effort the world has ever seen.

ELECTION MOVEMENTS.
MANCHESTER—THE NO 31 I NATI ON.
MONDAY, FOUR O'CLOCK.—The nomination of a candidate
fur this borough took place at ten o'clock this morning, on
the hustings erected for the occasion in St. Ann's-square.
There was a large number of persons present.
The Mayor, accompanied by the Right Hon. Candidate,
Mr. Mark Philips, M.P., Mr. Alderman Callender, the Town-
clerk, Mr. A. Prentice, Mr. ).Worthington, Mr. Alderman
Burd, Messrs. James Kershaw, John Potter, W. Curtis,
Alderman Neild, J. P. Willert, John Burd, Abel Heywood,
James Bake, Thomas Hopkins, Daniel Maude, &c. The usual
preliminaries having been gone through,
Mr. Alderman Cnaarees J. S. WALKER came forward to
propose Mr. Gibson. lie said he had great pleasure in so
doing. He had known Mr. Gibson as the representative of
Manchester for five years, and fully approved of his whole
conduct during that time. He had watched his votes and
read his speeches, and he believed he was but doing him
justice when he stated that lie had ever found him supporting
those liberal measures that were for the benefit of the people.
He found him in the ranks of Sir Robert Peel when the
Right Hon. Baronet was carrying through the House of
Commons measures of free trade, of which the people had
only received an instalment. The fact of his having ac-
cepted the office of Vice-President of the Board of Trade
would enable hint to render his constituents better services
than if he were a mere Member of Parliament. He con-
cluded by proposing the Right Hon. T. M. Gibson as repre-
sentative of Manchester.
Mr. Alderman JAMES .KERSITAW seconded the nomination.
lie said he did not-entirely agree with every vote which had
been given by the Right lion. Gentleman since he repre-
sented Manchester; but, taking him as a whole, he was sa-
tisfied with his conduct as the representative of the borough.
Mr: Gibson had, as they all knave, been the constant sup-
porter of free trade, oral on matters of general policy lie was
ever to be found on the side of the people. lie concluded by
seconding the nomination.
The Baron then took a show of !lands, and there being no
other candidate, declared Mr. Gibson duly elected.
The Right Hon. T. M. Ginsos then came forward, and was
received with loud cheers by his friends. He said, upon au
ordinary occasion, when marks of approbation are passed upon
an individual by his fellow countrymen, in accordance with
the courtesies of society, that individual makes use of lan-
guage stronger than might be adequate or necessary to ex.-
press the gratitude he feels; .but upon en occasion like this,
I do-not think I Can
.be charged ;%itii insincerity, or with
using expressions too highly coloueed, in giving to you, in
the stroage.:t language I can ceniniand,, nay hearty, any cor-
dial thanks far the great and honour you have
conferred upon me in electing me to represent_sara in Parlia-
ment. —(lleer, hear.) There cats be, I rimagine, no position
more gratifying. to a man's feelings,:no situation in life more
calcula'e t-to raise his sentiments of self-respect, titan when
he finds liiniself-clroseu to represent so-aarge and so
intelli-
gent a body of his felloiv:.countrymenns are comprised within
the great co:nun:lay of Manchester. I feelaleeplyaensibier
electors of Manchester, of the honour you have done me,
and the more so" in returning me to Parliament under the
present circumstances, because by so doing you-express your
approval of the course 1 haVe taken in accepting the office
under the Crown I had offered to. me. It was a distinguished
honour, unquestionably, on the part of those who advised
her Majesty to select me for so distinguished a position-as the
Vice-Presidency of the Board of Trade ; but it is a higher
and more distinguished honour, I say, as a candidate for the
popular voice this day, to find that their advice and the
Queen's adoption of it are ratified by your verdict. The
electors of Manchester are not left out of this affair. It would
want a great deal that constitutes not an unimportant con-
stitutional proceeding if your voice and your consent had
been passed over in such an appointment as the one I have
received. Had I not represented Manchester, undoubtedly it
would not have fallen to my lot to recive so distinguished
an office. If I am not competent to fulfil the duties of the
office, Manchester is responsible for having returned an in-
efficient representative; for it was in order that your views
and your feelings, and the opinions entertained in these
districts, might be represented in the Government of the
country, that I was selected to fill the office of Vice-Presi-
dent of the Board of Trade.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, the
recent proceedings in Parliament can hardly be passed by
without one or two observations on my part. It would ap-
pear that we who acted against the Coercion Bill have acted
ungenerously towards Sir Robert Peel, after ho had proved
himself so great a benefactor, in having been instrumental
in removing hint front office ; but if we look at the cir •
cumstances of the case we shall find that his retirement
front office was unavoidable. In bringing forward the corn
question he lost the confidence and support of a great
portion—of a large proportion of his old followers—so large
a proportion as to render him unable to carry on the govern-
ment of the country, or to feel any confidence that those mea-
sures that might be deemed advisable could be passed into prac-
tical legislation. He acted therefore the part of a friend to his
country, when he found that he could not give effect with any
certainty to the measures lie might deem necessary, to resign
the powers that he held ; and in giving the vote we gave
against the Irish Coercion Bill, we recorded our opinion
against that measure on its own merits, and we did not by
that vote mean to pass any censure upon her Majesty's
Government. On the contrary, at the same time that vote
was passed, Mr. Cobden expressed our opinion, when he said
that we opposed the Coercion Bill because we thought it a
measure of great severity—a measure of an arbitrary and
tyrannical character towards the people of Ireland, and one
which the necessities of that country did not require.—
(Cheers.) We gave our vote conscientiously against the
measure, and not with the view of expressing any displeasure
at the policy which the Right Hon. Baronet, late at the head
of her Majesty's Government-, had pursued. The state of the
House of Commons was now very extraordinary. In point
of fact, things are come to this: there are now three parties
in the House. There is the party who generally support Sir
Robert Peet—the Conservative party. There is the Liberal
party, and there is what is called the Protectionist party.—
(Cheers, and .cries of " hear him out.") Now Sir Robert
Peel has retired from office, and, therefore, the Government
must be either placed in the hands of the Liberal
party, or of my Lord George Bentinck and the Duke of
Richmond, the leaders of the Protectionist party. I appeal
to you,the electors of Manchester, whether you would tole-
rate a Government, the policy of which would be that avowed
by Lord George Bentinck in the House of Commons, and the
Duke of Richmond in the house of Lords?--(No, no, and
Hear, hear.) Are you prepared to tolerate a Government
which would carry out the policy of monopoly and of pro-
tection as avowed by those noblemen?—(No, no). Are you
then prepared to support the Government whose policy will
be to secure to industry its full reward (Cries of "The Ten
Flours' Bill ") to give freedom to commerce, and to secure
the possession of civil and religious rights to all classes of her
Majesty's subjects.—(Partial cheers.) Those are the prin-
ciples upon which the present Government propose to act,
and it is only upon the conscientious feelings which I enter-
tain that the Government will act upon those principles that
I felt justified in accepting office under them. I believe they
will carry out the principles of commercial freedom. There
is a measure shortly to be brought forward—the measure of
flue sugar duties—which will put their sincerity to the test.
aVe ask for free trade in sugar, just as we have carried the
question of the corn-laws. I say, as the agriculturist with
his corn is exposed to the competition of the world, there-
fore the grower of sugar ought also to face the world in fair
competition. At the present tune you exclude by your
sugar duties one-half of all the sugar produced in the world;
you exclude one-half the- produce of the world front free
competition in your own markets in the sugar trade.
We ask that our market shall be thrown open to
the sugar of the world, and in so doing we are
not actuated by any feelings of animosity towards
the sugar planters and colonial proprietors. No, on
the contrary, we believe we ardently desire that those colonies
should prosper. But what we say is this, that our first con-
sideration is to secure that our system of taxation should be
more equal and fair to all classes of her Majesty's subjects,
and that we will'extend to the colonial proprietors the same
principles of free trade which
.we are about to give the
people of this country. We are not actuated by any of those
feelings of hostility of which we have been accused. And
now, I think, that long as we have been called the enemies
of the British farmer, I may say we are the farmer's friend
when we advocate the cause of freedom of the sugar trade,
which will give him a- better market for his agricultural pro-
duce in the manufacturing districts, which will increase the
revenue of the country without adding to the taxes which
you all have to bear, and which will cheapen for the great
bady of the consumers of this country that most necessary
article of consumption and of comfort—namely, the article
of sugar.—(Cheers.) I am well aware that many gentle-
men who contend against the alteration of the sugar duties
'do so from a feeling that by letting in slavirgrown sugar
we shall encourage the slave trade. Our anSirei is, that the
slave trade is not to be put down by hostile tariffs—that
slavery is supported because public opinion in the Brazils
and in Cuba has not advanced so far as our opinions have
advanced on that sub,ject ; but that, acting towards those
countries in a friendly spirit, and extending our commer-
cial intercourse with those nations, we shall have a far bet-
ter chance of infusing our feelings into the population of
those countries than if we give rise to their resentment,
and cause the feeling of hostility, which will make them
adhere to slavery under a sort of feeling that the honour
of the nation is bound up in it, and that they will not
us,
abandon it or be dictated to by another country. I
then, act in a friendly manner towards them—let
rage friendly intercourse. Oppose slareryl,,re e us e'nsclaTe
ahrdldtobleaistliaovnes
trade will steadily advance over the wfora
in this country very lately in favour 0 _
slavery e
been abolished Mr ever in
trade. That feeling has happily
England, and I have no doubt that the freedom of man
which gave rise to that opinion will be gradually extended,
and that as that opinion spreads throughout the world, na-
tions will find it to their own interest to abolish that most
odious system--that system of keeping fellow-creatures in a
state of slavery. I do not give the credit entirely of perfect
sincerity to all those who have professed an unwillingness to
eat sugar because it is produced by slaves. They may be
sincere ; but somehow it is difficult to believe in their sin-
cerity when we see a man very placidly smoking a Havannah
cigar, or carrying in his pocket gold and silver, all of which
are the produce of slaves, and yet professing to be so
extremely qualmish about putting a lump of slave-grown
sugar into his tea. That is a species of philosophy which
I do not yet understand.—(Laughter.) I should -be sorry
to impute motives to any one ; but when I find that
- feeling is expressed in Jamaica itself—Jamaica long aban-
doned to the slave system, and persisting to the last in
slavery—when they are professing to have qualms of con-
science in eating a bit of elave-grown sugar, I must say
I do not give them credit for' perfect sincerity. I was
reading lately, in en account of the proceedings of the
House of Assembly in Jamaica, of a proposition to put a
higher duty upon slave•grown sugar, on coming into that
port, and one of the old members of that assembly,
long accustomed to the slavery system, and knowing the
real opinion of his fellow-senators, when he heard them
expressing such qualms of conscience at eating slave-grown
sugar, said, " Well,' -never expected to see the day when
Jamaica men would—turn up their nose at a -lump of Cuba
sugar."—(Laughter.) There are other questions of vast im-
portance which the present Government, I believe, are pre-
pared to grapPe There is the question of education
-of the people.-a(Cheers.) I know not what plans may be in
agitation, but Insincerely hope, that whatever plan may he
adopted of advancing the cause of' education amongst the
people, and for securing the moral training of the young,
that it will be consistent with the true principles of religious
liberty.—(Applause.) I believe that it is only on those
Principles that any vet= 9f education can be aiccenful,

and 1 am quite certain, that if we are to giv,
or shape, the public money, for the purposes
we are bound to give such a system. as 'al.
pate in.—(Cheering.) We are bound to giv\
of education :that. will not be placed under tO\
control of any religious society.—(llear, hear.)
we say we ropeet the -religious feelings of . all
whilst we do nothing to shock their sentiments of
yet, at the same time, the civil Government of the -country
must take care in dispensing the money that is collected
from :the pockets of all classes of the people, that „thaw
money is expended fairly and impartially upon principles of
justice, and that no one sect shall be deemed the favoured
sect which is to have an exclusive privilege.—(Loud cheerer)
All governments have been favourers of the power of educa-..:
tion being placed in their hands. I know that that is a tenet
held by many gentlemen in the English Church; but I am,,
happy to say that different opinions are beginning tev
pervade our Church. I believe there is a more liberal feeling,'
on this subject spreading itself amongst the members of the
Church of England. Unquestionably any system of educa-
tion that violateS the principles of religious liberty must in- .
variably fail, as it ought to fail. The Church of England
has endeavoured to draw a distinction between itself and the
Church of Rome, as not arrogating to itself that infallibility
which has long been stated as appertaining to the Church of
Rome. For my part,•l have generally observed that there is
a tendency amongst all men, whether as individuals or com-
d in sects, to take to themselves the pleasant conceit of
infallibility—it is a pleasant feeling to believe oneself always
right. Mr. Steel, an eminet Protestant writer, I recollect, says,
in one of his works, that there is only one difference in respect
of this matter, that he has observed between the Church of
Rome and the Church of England ; for the Church of Rome
appeared to be infallible, and the Church of England never
iu the wrong.—(Laughter.) Now the fact is there are good.
men and liberal men in all churches, and to be found in all
religious sects; and there are also in all churches, and in all
religious sects, men who stand upon the opinion of their;.
own infallibility, and who are more determined to maintain-.
that ground than many of their coadjutors. But it would
be a safe rule, Wit could be carried out by the civil Govern-
ment of this country, that it should not endeavour to con-
trol or interfere in the slightest degree with the religiOus
feelings of any portion of her Majesty's subjects ; and I
have to close my remarks on the subject of education in
these few words—that my feelings are in favour of a gene-
ral unsectarian system of education; that I would not give
my consent to anything of an exclusive privilege on -the part,
of any religious society in the education of the people-••
(Heat, hear)—but, at the snare time, I hope that all men
will be allowed, whilst they may obtain secular instruction
in any schools that may be established, fully and freely,
without any check or control, to train up their children in
those religious feelings which they themselves may deem
best for their present and eternal welfare.—(Loud ap-
plause.) These are days' for practical legislation ; the
days of mere party are gone by for ever, let us hope. It
would not do for me now to stand before the body of the
electors of Manchester to talk in a vague manner of the
blessings of our glorious Constitution, and the great advan,...
tagea of the wooden walls of Old England.—(Laughter.)
No; you want to hear the opinions of your representative
upon practical measures, and, I think the day is come when
the Ministers of the Crown will find themselves obliged, in -
deference to public opinion, to advance—that they-will find
it impossible to stand still—that, if they stand still, ,they.
will begin to retrograde, and the mation will place others in
theirsituation who will carry out good and practical mea-
sures.—(Cheers.) I was glad to see, from the announce-
ment in Lund John speech, that he intends: to deal
with the qiiestion of the sanatory condition of the
I think great benefits are to be conferred on our town
popalation by some arrangements which would secure better
drainage and better ventilation, so as to contribute not
only to the physical comforts of the people, but also pro-
mote their moral welfare. 1 know not the practical plans
it is intended to adopt ; no doubt they will be based:on •
those reports which. have been made by learned men and:•:
Commissioners who have inquired into the subject; but all, .-.
I. can say ie, I shall be glad to give my hearty support to Y
any measure which will have the tendency to improve the
.7
health and physical condition of her Majesty's subjects, also
.to raise their moral position and to increase their happiness.
—(Cheers.) I will not, electors of Manchester, detain you
longer; we shall soon have a general electio3l-•-•yoli will then':'
have it in your power, if you do not approve of my conduct
as a member of the Government, to signify yOirr'disapproba* •
tion by not returning me to another Parliament. My earnest
endeavour shall. be conscientiously to discharge the -im-
portant duties that are imposed upon me, and to promote
by every means in my-power those principles of freedom of
trade which I have advocated in Manchester; and it will be -
my earnest desire to merit by my conduct the confidence and
approbation that you have been pleased to bestow upon me.
Ihe Right Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst much cheer,
iug from the gentlemen on the hustings, and a part of the
crowd.

The Rev. J. SCIIOLFIELD said he had been requested by
the operative cotton-spinners of Manchester and the factory
hands generally, to ask Mr. Gibson whether he would sup-
port a Ten Hours' Bill, if brought into Parliament ?
Mr. GIBSON said he would give a candid answer, which
was, that he did not wish to interfere between master and_
man ; he would rather see such an arrangement brought
about between them and their employers.—(Cries of " We
cannot.") lie did not like to cut off at one blow one-sixth
of the labouring man's capital, and therefore he would not
vote for the Ten Hours' Bill.—(Groans, hisses, and cheers.)
The electors were subsequently addressed by Mr. R.
Pitturs; and after thanks having been voted to the Mayor,
the proceedings terminated about half-past eleven o'clock.
In the course of the afternoon, a deputation from the
factory workers waited on the Right Hon. Gentleman on the
subject of the Ten Hours' 'Bill.

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