The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-24 00:00:00

word afterwards. The second letter is from the same gentle- '
man, and he says, " I have now to inform you that the
mother of Gallagher, a strong healthy woman, aged fifty
years, was so shocked at the murder of her son, that she
scarcely spoke one word afterwards." I think it is impassible to
conceive a series of horrors greater than is contained iu those
statements. I could quote many more cases of a similar nature
but, my Lords, I think these are sufficient to induce you to
give your support to this measure. 1 did not wish to harrow
your feelings by statements of this kind ; but I slid
think it my duty to state ti em. ( item, hear.)
My Lords, I beg your Lordships' indulgence Whilst I quote to
you a very recent instance of a similar kind. This happened
in January, 1846. There is another case, but the name of the
parties I do not wish to transpire, in which a midnight outrage
was committed. Th e guilty authors of the outrage were re-
cognised at the time by the wife and the eldest son of the ag •
grieved party ; but they were prevented denouncing the authors
of it from terror. They state that such is the state of feeling
that they dare not give the criminals up, and remain in
the country. They intend giving them up, but before they
do se, they must sell their farm, stock, and produce; else, were
they to make a public denouncement of the guilty parties, no
one would become purchasers.—(Hear.) I could name forty
or fifty other cases of a similar character, showing the impossi-
bility of justice overtaking these midnightdepradators. Among
others, there is one to which I would particularly call your
attention. It is a recent outrage, arising from the search after
arms in the county of Tipperary. Five armed men entered
the house of a person who farms about 70 or 80 acres of land.
This was on Friday evening, and the superintendent of police
hearing of it, he came over to the place on the follow-
ing Monday to make inquiries. Mr. Morgan, the super-
intendent, with a police force, went in pursuit of the
men, led by the information derived from the family of Mr.
Murray, the party whose house had been broken into. Four
of the men were arrested at Roserea, and lodged in pri-
son. Biddy Murray was taken under an escort to Ros-
crea to give evidence against them, but on the way she
was followed by her uncle, who shouted out to her
never to become an informer. The result was, that
the girl refused to give evidence against the men, and denied
she knew them, though she had told Mr. Morgan she knew
them well enough. This document was signed by Messrs.
Prittie, Birch, and Jackson, three gentlemen of unimpeach-
able respectability. It is dated the sth of December, 1845,
and fully illustrates the state of things at that time. The
next case occurred at the works of the Shannon, which
is very similar to the one I have already quoted
respecting the colonies. It occurred no later than the 18th of
February ; and it would appear that between eleven and twelve
o'clock of the night of that day the patrol was fired at by a man
whom they succeeded in arresting, but they were after-
wards attacked by his confederates, who were all
armed, and who amounted in number to fifteen.
On the party coming to his aid they immediately fired at the
sub-constables, and one was struck with a bullet or slug on the
temple, while a ball passed through the coat of another. The
attacking i arty consisted of several men ; but, owing to the dark-
ness of the night, the officer in command thought his life and
those of his men endangered, and went into a house close by,
where they remained for the night. Mr. Burke and Mr. Rus-
sell, two magistrates, immediately attended on being sent for,
and with the police scoured the neighbourhoood, but did not
capture any of the party. The police fired several rounds,
of ammunition and a pistol was found in the place where the
attack occurred, and three men were next day arrested who
were looked upon as the leaders of this party. One man
named Cusheen had thirty bullets on his person, and a woman
in a house adjoining the place of attack became so alarmed that
her life was in danger. "No circumstance occurred for a long
time which, in my opinion, tends more to improve the peace
of the country than this occurrence," writes the chief consta-
ble, " as it evinces such determination'on the part of the police
to put down outrages, for the people will have a confidence
in their vigilance and success in putting down every description
ef outrages." He also adds that the conduct and bravery of
the police were beyond all praise. I mention these facts
to show your Lordships the extent to which crime and daring
are now carried on in Ireland. My Lords, I think your Lord-
ships will have remarked that a very great proportion of these
crimes are committed by bands of armed men, bound together
by secret associations for the purpose of intimidating the
peaceable portion of her Majesty's subjects. In the list of
137 homicides, your Lordships will be, I am sure, surprised.to
learn that only five were committed on the persons of gentlemen.
The greater number of these outrages were committed on
small farmers. The house of a gentleman might be truly said
to be his castle. He was well armed himself, and the servants
in his employ were also well armed, so that it seldom
happened that his house was attacked. Your Lordships may
therefore observe what the position of a small farmer
must he under these circumstances. The fact of his being in
the employment of a farmer, who was obnoxious to these mid-
night legislators, was sufficient to provoke their indignation,
and whenever they chose to carry their diabolical intentions
into effect, —mark the consequences. His door, which
was but very insufficiently secured, was forced open,
a band of those midnight assassins dragged him from
his bed, and either murdered, or maimed, or mu-
tilated him in the presence of his wife. There was
not the least exaggeration in this statement. The details
which he had read bore ample and melancholy testimony to its
truth. If the unfortunate victim also of these outrages was
rendered incapable of labour and his life almost jeopardised,
he dared not come forward to give evidence so as to convict
the assassins of the outrage. 1 say, then, my Lords,
that this is emphatically a measure for the better pro-
tection of life and limbs in Ireland. The laws
which at present exist for that purpose are not
sufficient to afford that protection, and I will show that every
exertion has been made to.render them as efficient as possible.
1 he number of police-constables was at present very limited,
and exceeded_ by very little the number that was employed in
1835. (The Noble Earl then read a comparative state-
ment of the number of constables which were em-
ployed in the disturbed counties in 1835, and at
present, which showed a small increase at the present time. )
There has been an increase in the number of stipendiary ma•
gistrates. All has, however been in vain, and we are now
com?elled to apply to Government for extraordinary powers to
protect life, and thus to give to life that security which alone
can make it valuahle. Your Lordships will fins! that the powers
which we seek in this Bill will not violate the principles of the
Constitution. Your Lordships will see by the first clause that
power is sought to make a proclamation in the district, or
such barony, or part, or parish in which the murder has
been commuted, and also to enable the Lord Lieutenant
to send into such district any force of the constabulary
as he may think fit—the whole expense of such
to be borne by the inhabitants of the said district. The next
clause is of great importance ; it is of such a na-
ture that it would not be justifiable, except in such ex-
treme cases as the present. The victims of these outrages in
Ireland are for the most part of the poorer and humbler
classes, and it has also been noticed that these outrages
are committed in the night ; armed men do not patrol
the country except at night. I have, also, every reason to be-
lieve that these murders and outrages are deliberated upon by
persons assembling in public-houses during the night. I
therefore propose, under these particular circumstances, that
the power should be vested in the Executive of Ireland, which
is sought by this second clause. There is a pro-
vision in the Bill, as your Lordships will see, to enable
the Lord Lieutenant to withdraw, or revoke, that portion of
the proclamation which relates to that particular provision
alluded to by the second clause. The next clause of any im-
portance to which I shall call your Lordships' attention is one
which enables the Lord Lieutenant to order certain sums of
money to be paid (as I can hardly call it compensation) to the
relations of the murdered party. This is not altogether a
principle unknown to the laws of this country. Independently
of the grief caused by the death of the head of the family,
his relations are reduced to the greatest amount of privation
and distress. 1 should, therefore, propose to take power in
this Bill to levy upon the district in which these murders
should be committed a certain sum of money, to be applied to
the maintenance and relief of those who are undergoing this
state of distress. I do not propose to discuss in detail
the clauses of this measure. Your Lordships will observe

that there is a clause in this Bill to the effect, that the assess•
menu are to be levied according to the poor-law valuation
and that no individual, however small the amount at which he
may be rated, shall be exempt from the payment of
this rate, and that he should not be allowed
to deduct from his rent any amount of rate so levied.
Another clause is one authorising the justices to examine into
public-houses where it may be supposed these associations are
in the habit of meeting. Your Lordships will observe that
this does not apply to pris ate houses. The concealing of fire-arms
in the disturbed districts is to be considered a misdemeanour,
and is to be tried at quarter-sessions or assizes. Your Lordships
will observe that there is no new tribunal constituted; trial by
jury is preserved, and the mode of csudiicting criminal pro-
ceedings is in no way altered. There is one thing, however, I
wish to call your Lordships' attention to particularly, I mean
the securing from intimidation those persons who have to give
evidence on those trials. Ido not, however, think it necessary
to say more on the subject of this Bill, because ample oppor-
tunity will be given to your Lordships to urge any, objections
against it, and I may assure you that her Majesty s Govern-
ment will give these objections their fullest and fairest consi-
deration. I know that, with regard to the cause and
origin of these disturbances, various opinions are
entertained. Some contend that they are all to be
attributed to political grievances. It appears to me, however,
that one simple fact that I have related in the course of the
observations I have made is sufficiently demonstrative of the futi-
lity of this opinion.; I have stated that in eighteen counties of
Ireland crime has actually diminished. Now, if political griev-
alma are the cause of crime, should not those grievances produce
the effect in ono part of the country that they do in another?
Be these grievances real or imaginary, surely we ought to find
them to the same extent and force in the county of Wexford as
in Limerick, in Kildare as in Roscommon, in Meath
as in Tipperary. But these outrages have no features
of an insurrectionary character ; they are perpetrated on
private grounds, and it cannot, therefore, be supposed that
they have their origin in any political grievance whatever. It
does not appear to me that continuing this dis-
cussion will lead to any satisfactory result. Her
Majesty's Government have given sufficient proof in the
Bills that they have passed, and those that are in
contemplation, of their desire to remove any cause of dissatisfac-
tion which may exist with regard to the political condition of
Ireland, I think that if I were adverting to the measures
which are contemplated by Government, I should be distract-
ing your Lordship a attention from the subject under considera-
tion. Further opportunities shall be given to discuss
the merits of the measure, and to limit the discus-
sion now cannot in any way abridge its consideration.
With your Lordships' permission I will now come to another
part of the subject. At the same time I may say, that I shall
always be prepared, and I am sure the Government will also be
prepared, in matters of this nature, when opportu-
nities present themselves, to state their view with
regard to those measures which should be brought forward for
the good of Ireland. This I will say, my Lords,
and I say it without fear of contradiction, that
no measure of Improvement, no measure whether
it be a political or a social measure, will be effectual
fur the improvement of Ireland or of its people until you have
put an end to this system of terror to the people.—
( Cheers.) My Lords, it is perfectly true that
many of these outrages partake of agrarian outrage.
These arise, it is true, out of the present mode of
tenure and occupation of land in Ireland. I think the copious
a4tsaets which 1 have read to your Lordships will be
sufficient to prove that. Formerly landlords were in
the habit of granting long leases, which prevented
land going so much into the hands of middle men, and there
was not so much subdivision of land. Subdivision of
)Red, as your Lordships may be aware, has become
very freqoenp in Ireland, and I am ready to admit
that system has hcen Pf late very much abused in that
country, and it has no 40;114 led to many of the
evils which now prevail in Ireland. I thinli,
ever, the great cause of the evils of Ireland is
oisteAcp of thole secret and illegal asseciations_with which