The Sun.
London, England, 1848-11-11 00:00:00

PRUSSIA.

Accounts have been received from Berlin to the
7th instant.

Count BRANDENEURGH had not succeeded in form-
ing a Ministry up to that date. The city continues
perfectly tranquil.

FRANKFORT.

In the sitting of the Germany Parliament on the
7th, the questions of the relations between Prussia
and Posen, and between Prussia and the Central
Power, were discussed on the following motion pro-
posed by Jon Dear :
"The National Assembly resolves that every resolution
passed by a local Assembly which militates against the
resolutions of the National Assembly, shall be regarded
as null and void, and, if necessary, be energetically re-
pudiated as a piece of unlawful insubordination."
This gave rise to a number of motions, either for pas-
sing to the order of the day on Jordan's motion, or at
least to the order of the day motive.
Vincke thought the motion did not bear directly on
the matter of Posen, but merely set forth a general prin-
ciple : it ought to be referred to a committee. Yester-
day they bad determined to deliberate on the affair of
Prussia and Posen, and not on any merely general
principle.
After some further preliminary debate, the discussion
of Jordan's motion was allowed by an unimportant ma-
jority, Jordan having reminded the 'louse that he
had moved as above in direct connexion with an in-
terpellation respecting the late invidious resolution
passed by the Prussian Assembly with regard
to Posen. The debate commencing, he (Jor-
dan) then said he had a twofold aim in view in
bringing forward his motion-Ist. He wished to allay
the disquietude of the Germans in Posen; and 2(1. To
confront the opposition that was gradually being made
by local assemblies to the resolutions of the National
Assembly in Frankfort. He abstained from any attack
on parties in that House. They well knew what fraction
of the Berlin Assembly bad, some time ago, made an
attempt---(Clamour)—he must speak freely—what party
had attempted to elicit from the Prussian Government a
formal declaration of submission to the Central Power.
The Ministry then in office had resigned; a new one had
quickly supplied its place, and the Prussian Government
had acceded beyond all expectation to the wishes of its
memorialists. Nay, every suceeedine day had proved
that Prussia was more and more willing to unite with
Germany. But the Government having testified this
readiness to comply with the wishes of the Liberals, the
latter had become still more exorbitant and refractory.
Concessions hitherto made had not been sufficiently in
their own way. They had therefore turned to a higher
court of appeal—one of their own creation—the tribunal
of the Democrats and the populace. Minister Eichmaun
had said to the members of the Prussian Assembly,
"Gentlemen, you cannot think for a moment of opposing
the resolutions of Frankfort ;" but the Prussian Assembly,
by its late resolution with regard to Posen, had testified
the very reverse of this. This resolution had caused
the greatest excitement and indignation among the
German inhabitants of Posen. (The speaker then read
an address of remonstrance; indited by; the Posen
Germans.) This thoughtless resolution of the Prussian
Assembly—so thoughtless that he could scarcely per-
ceive that it had emanated from Germans—had placed
the material as well as the political interests of Posen
at stake. Landed property there was fast becoming
valueless, and a national bankruptcy was imminent. The
National Assembly was the legitimate offspring of the
resolution—the great organ of its own creation was the
central power: but those who had been the foremost
advocates of the late movement and of a central power
had lately shown themselves the bitterest enemies of
the latter.—(Clamour.) The necessity, therefore, of
opposing a determined front to such opposition was
evident. They had not in this case to wrestle with
powers above theas or below them, but with encash s of
an intermediate grade, with a portion of the represen-
tatives of the people in Berlin.—(Cheers from Right
and Centre, murmurs from Left.) After more open
and violent attempts to overthrow the Imperial As-
sembly, its enemies were now bent on weakening it,
by slighting its resolutions. What party had stood
forth most conspicuously as the champions of the peo-
ple's sovereignty, and of the National Assembly, and
Central Power that proceeded from that sovereignty?
What party bad fulminated most loudly against particu-
larism ?—(Clamour.) What party had threatened to
crush and trample upon those who were slow in comply-
ing with their demands for a general German represen-
tation? Truly that party was to be thanked for its zeal
in creating the assembly in St. Paul's, but since that
creation the aspect of things had changed indeed. If
they had not had ample opportunity already of satisfying
their craving for the marvellous—(Laughter)—they now
might well fancy themselves translated to the fabled
land of wonder.—(Laughter, and cheers and uneasiness
on the Left.) He did not allude to them.—(Cheers from
the Right.) But whence this change? It resulted from
these instigators to mutiny finding that they could not
get the ship into their own haads.—(Clamour; cries of
"Insulting)" from the Left.)
The President remarked that Jordan had just before
disclaimed all intention of attacking parties in that
House. There was therefore no room for offence. At
the same time he requested the speaker to abstain from
everything that had the shadow of personality.
Jordan resumed—He did not speak of any party in
that House; but of the-party which stood behind the
barricades on the 18th of September—(Uheers and
laughter)—and he repeated it, these men finding their
incitement to mutiny a failure, now aught to strand the
vessel, in the hope of getting more or less in the scramble
after the shipwreck. Witee.s what one of the people's
friends had lately declared, viz., that the only hope of
Germans now lay in anarchy.—(Cheers.) This was a
fact.— (No contradiction.) Frankfort had wonderfully
sunk in these people's estimation since the riot of the
18th of September bad failed. Formerly all was to be
hoped from it ; now it was the place of soiourn of a
club of professors, and the world—for the democrats
thought themselves the world—(Laughter)—was in Ber-
lin. It really ;seemed that the Berlin Assembly was
more inclined and better in condition to embrace the
bloody mandate of democratic violence than it had been
bef ire.—(lmmense clamour.)
Venedey insisted on a call to order.
The President asked what expression?
Venedey repeated Jordan's words.
The President said it he had heard Jordan use such,
he should certainly have cared him to order.—(Cries
for the stenographic report.)
Jordan, at the President's request, repeated his expres-
sion, to the best of his memory, viz., " The Berlin Assera-
ely seemed more inclined and more in
,a, condition to
yield to the bloody mandate than before.'
The President refused the call to order.
Jordan resumed—He was of opinion that the tragedy
of Vienna was likely to be reacted in Berlin, and that
the Berlin Assembly was neither so willing nor so able
to oppose the democratic movement as it had be
(Cheers from Right and Centre.) Certain deputi es of
the Berlin Assembly had been grossly maltreated.—
(Clamour on the Left.) If he had to test the late reso-
lution of the Prussian Assembly, with regard to Posen,
he must plainly declare from what he believed that reso-
lution to have proceeded. Deputies had applied to the
Assembly for protection, and had been told to look to
the people. They had been forced almost to run the
gauntlet; they had had halters swung contemptuously in
their faces; and these insults had weighed with them;
for they bad become concerned for their personal safety.
—(Clamorous interruption.)
The President insisted upon Jordan being perfectly at
liberty to trace the cause of a gives resolution.
Jordan resumed—A part of the shameless mob had
had the audacity to nail up the doors of the Prussian
House of Assembly, that the members might find no
egress till they bad reframed an acceptable resolution.
The heroism of the Berlin Assembly might be lauded by
some, when it issued a seemingly independent decree ;
but this specious heroism proceeded from the fact of their
being, in the mass, very undecided in their opinion; and
an Assembly, meeting under such constraint as to vary
the phase of its resolutions three times a day, could not,
at any rate, say that its heroism was the result of free de-
liberation.—(Cheers.) Was it then the duty of Frank-
fort to look quietly to the monstrosities of Berlin? Was
it passively to watch the progress of a party, which, if
victorious, would hurl the firebrand of destruction over
time length and breadth of the land? The Prussian Go-
vernment was incapable of resisting this party as it
would. Anarchy was now not only at the door—it had
stalked across the threshold. With those convictions
he had brought forward his motion; being persuaded
that it was no longer their duty to regard with apathy
this new attack upon the rights of a German po-
pulation. Their brethren in Posen demanded a firm
basis for their prosperity. It was for the National As-
sembly to provide them with this ; for the National As-
sembly was now the bulwark of the order and liberty of
Germans, and their shield against the aggressions of
high and low. Let the Assembly declare itself boldly in
favour of Posen, and beware lest indifference in this
matter be the death-blow to its power and consideration.
—(Loud cheers from Right and Centre.)
Rosier insisted on Jordan being called to order. Bren-
tano had been called to order for his insidious expres-
sion in reference to a Prince Of Prussia, and now Jordan