The Sun.
London, England, 1848-07-22 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 2, 1848.

SUN,

attended the different clubs, at which he made speeches.
and had been appointed to go on a mission to America.
On the 13th of July a meeting was held in the county
of Cork, at which a deputation attended from the confe-
deration, and advised the people to arm and demand
their rights. I now wish to state the occurrences
which have taken place at Cork since the beginning
of the present month. A meeting took place there
which was attended by all the clubs, and the people
walked in regular marching order, and underwent what
was called by Mr. Smith O'Brien, a review. Three
cheers were given for the King of Munster, meaning
Mr. Smith O'Brien, and he replied—" No, not yet, not
yet; no shouting." Now, Sir, it is to be remarked that
there were meetings afterwards held at Drogheda and
Dublin, and at both of these meetings Mr. O'Brien
adverted in his speeches to what he said was his review
at Cork, and stated that the numbers were very
considerable, and that they were ready to act with
determination whenever they were called to do so.
The other event to which I wish to allude is very im-
portant. Mr. Meagher is well known for the exciting
language he has frequently addressed to the people of
Ireland. He was arrested in Waterford on a charge of
sedition, and immediately afterwards a thousand people
collected to procure his rescue, but Mr. Meagher told
them that if they attempted a rescue it would produce
no good. The Roman Catholic clergy used all their
efforts to dissuade them from their object, and Mr.
Meagher was conveyed away from the town
without resistance. After his release, an assem-
blage of fifteen thousand met to give Mr. Meagher
a welcome back to Waterford, and I have a letter
from a gentleman residing in the neighbourhood
that gives a description of the scene which took place,
and which states that the writer has no hesitation in
stating that unless Government takes immediate steps
to put down the movement they might in the end get the
better of these people, but that could not be attained
before much life and property had been sac-
rificed.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Sir, I can
answer for the character of the gentleman who
writes this letter, but the state of Waterford has been
described to me by other persons, and I have seen
many letters from persons who were in the neigh-
bourhood at the time the occurrence took place, who
are all connected with the neighbourhood either by fa-
mily or property, who are well acquainted with the
language and political feelings of the people, and who all
concur in stating that although persons of property and
station, both Protestants and Roman Catholics, are de-
cidedly against any outbreak, yet that no influence of
theirs or of the clergy has any effect in deterring
many thousands of the young men of every class,
more especially the farmer and the peasant, to rise in
insurrection.—(Hear, hear.) That is the evidence I
have received, supported, as I think, by all the public
prints, and entirely believed by the Lord Lieutenant.—
(Hear, hear.) In the town of Carrick-on-Suir their oc-
curred acts which, although they were not very alarming
they still afford us a melancholy warning of coming
events.—(Hear, hear.) Three persons were arrested
for a bailable offence. They were arrested not under
the late Act, but for using seditious language, but their
arrest lead to an immense collection of people who as-
sembled from all parts of the country. Va-
rious reports were spread amongst them ;
some that a priest had been arrested ; some
that these men were confined because the insurrection
had begun. Many of them were armed with muskets
and rude pikes, and they marched into the town in a
most menacing manner. They went up to the authori-
ties, and on their declaring that the prisoners must be
liberated, it was thought, that the offence tieing
a bailable one, it would be much better to
liberate the prisoners on bail. They were accordingly
let out of prison, and the crowd quietly dispersed,
but if there had been cause to retain these prisoners, if
their offence had been such that they could not be
bailed, or if for any other reason it was not desirable
that they should bet held to bail, the beginning of an
insurrection must have followed.—(Hear, hear.) There
was not wanting the desire, there was not wanting the
will, there was.not wanting the intention of rebellion.
All that was wanting was the particular occasion, those
who meant to rise being satisfied that such a step would
render the object complete. No rising, however, took
place, but no man can doubt that had these persons not
been liberated, an insurrection was then and there to be
begun.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the accounts from these
various places are not only now, but have been for some
time past most alarming. The confederate clubs have
been making great progress in forming; they are in
fact secret, and no person is admitted who is not a
member of these clubs. The general object which has
been held out to them is that they are to overturn the
Government—that they are to procure arms for that
purpose—that nothing is wanting but the day and the
hour to be fixed by their leaders in order to carry into
effect that fatal and dreadful revolution.—(Hear, hear.)
In the beginning of a letter which I have received from
theLord-Lieutenant to-day, he says,"he has nothing satis -
factory to say; the accounts from the country are as
bad as they can be, short of open rebellion; everybody
concurs in saying that an immense change has
taken place within the last few weeks in the
opinions of the Irish people upon the subject
of repeal." What was not formidable two months ago
has now become formidable, and I agreo with the gentle-
man whose letter I have read, that we may put down
these people in the end, but before that could be effected
much life and property would be sacrificed, and we
shill have cause to reproach ourselves if we take nut
some measures in order, if possible, to prevent an outbreak
from taking place, and preventing the leaders from taking
means for the purpose of opposing the authorities. Sir,
I come now to the measure which I think it my duty to
propose in order to meet this state of things. 'I he Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland, in concert with the Lord Chan-
cellor, has pointed out the dangerous character of the
clubs, and we may think it necessary to introduce a measure
for the purpose of meeting the organization of these
clubs, but it is to be remembered that the organization is
directed, and the whole proceedings carried on by per-
sons who al e well acquainted with the law, and if a new
law were passed, they would not be found unsuccessful
in their endeavours to evade its provisions. At
all events, they have shown themselves to be skilful
hands in evading the provisions of the present law,
and again, I repeat, it may be necessary to introduce
another measure besides this one.—(Loud cries of
"Hear, hear.") I have received to-day a further letter
from the Lord Chancellor of Ireland with respect to the
mode in which the law has been hitherto evaded, but
with respect to the clubs there is no doubt, he
says, that they are in themselves unlawful. Clubs
established for the purpose of procuring arms,
and raising resistance against the Crown and
against the law, are clearly illegal.—(gear, hear.) But
when the law officers of the Crown came to advise the
G overnmentas to the means of putting down these clubs,
it
was found that although their general object, as the pub-
lic well knew, although it is well known to every Member
of this House, and to all people who read the news-
papers in this realm, yet the means of procuring evi-
dence as to what passed in their clubs, in con-
sequence of the secret nature of their deliberations,
are not such as to enable the Government with
any facility to put down those clubs. I say with
any facility, because, though a measure might be adapted
towards that end, yet we should soon find that by some
means the law would be evaded—some new form of

proceeding would be adopted, which, though it would
violate the law, would not legally lay the violators open
to punishment, and these clubs would continue in greater
force and in as powerful a state of organization as ever.
With respect to marching and drilling clubs, I think
they who have read the accounts of what recently hap-
pened at Cork and elsewhere, must be of opinion that
the law was evaded, and that it could not be made ap-
plicable, owing to the policy the parties adopted, to the
punishment of such marching and drilling. But with
respect to that, again, there is this difficulty :
everything like a military word of command,
and all that is mentioned by the law as constituting an
offence, is carefully avoided. In order to obtain their ob
ject these conspirators have acted in a way which would
not render them amenable to the law ; but Sir, I think,
after what I have stated, and after that information which
the House has heard—the open notoriety of the fact—
there can be no doubt that there is an association in Ire-
land which intends to subvert the authority of the law,
and of the Crown of this country, and which
means to effect its object by force of arms.—
(Loud cheers.) If such is the e,
then
its I knect, so
ow no
remedy so straightforward, so direct obj
clear in its purpose, as that of securing the persons of
those who are at the bead of this movement, without in
any manner endangering the persons or of even putting
the innocent to inconvenience, by what is commonly
known as the suspension of the Act of Habeas Corpus.
—(Prolonged cheering.) Whatever other measures we
may pray tor—and measures may be necessary to meet
particular events in the special shape which they may
assume from time to time—l say the remedy which is
above all necessary at this time is a Bill to enable the
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to secure the persons of
those who are suspected of high treason.—(Loud
cheers.) I come forward, then, to ask this House of
Parliament to grant the Executive Government thi
fees
Bill.—(Loud cheers.) I ask it now. I l
that I might have been justified in asking
for it at an earlier period.—(Loud cheers.) But, Sir,
in weighing that question as I have anxiously weighed
it
during the last few months that have passed—(Cheers)
---it has seemed to me that any extraordinary law, sus-
rence passed amidso
pending the libertie • f f
who would doubtless
Kingdom, passed merely by a majority of the Members
of this House,
and without a very general concur
rence passed amid co rpt o thite
—pdeweo
bpoaluetledosf the United
loco
nnmiatoet dlrye
than half its value andi) eimportance, and would be
in a
majoritymerely
of the lovers of ea ndheoprodresroaoili
3 couldPcenoat
felt in Ireland as an expression of feeling
of men of undoubted integrity,
emanating
edsecie
large minorit •thatty ,anwyhislsotcha
necessity existed. I say,
Sir, that a law so passed
would, to my mind, lose a
r”t part of its efficacy, and
would not tend, as I should
wish, to the complete paciii •
.cheers.)
cation of the country .—(Loud (Loud I have,
therefore, within mymind, and the same exists in
the minds of my colleagues—for tho evidence
so clear, so notorious—a sense of the was
eces nasity
of such a measure, and so satisfied
of obtaining the universal conviction of the tworewe
Houses
of Parliament to the necessity that the powers we ask
are absolutely necessary, and that they will be acceded
to—(Chars)—but, Sir, likewise I wish to say that if
it is the coevietion of this House that such a
measure
should be passed, I trust that the House will lose no
time in passing it.—(Prolonged cheering.) The arming
e
of the Lord-Lieutenant with these powers which I now
ask for him, and which we declare it is necessary that
he should possess if he is to possess any means of stop
ing insurrection—(Cheers)—a hen I ask for these powers
I ask for that which I think it is to the interest not
merely of those who would uphold the constitution of
this country—of those who would defend and maintain
the integrity of the nation ; but I ask it on behalf of
those persons who would be sure to be the sufferers by
insurrection.—(Cheers.) I have no doubt myself that
' any retracted debates will take place %lima this subject,

The measure passing ,as it is sure to pass, and with the
means of which the Government of an empire like this
has at its disposal, will effectually put down the attempt
which these wicked men are conceiving—(Hear,
hear)—but, Sir, if we were to exercise that
power, we should put it down at a loss of life—at the
hazard of the permanent peace of the country—at the
hazard of depriving many of her Majesty's subjects of
the means of obtaining a livelihood.—(Cheers.) We
should put it down after an outbreak and a convulsion,
and would not be able to prevent that outbreak from
taking place. I say, then, it is the interest of all that
such a measure should be passed. If there are Gentle-
men, and there may be many, who, although they think
this measure necessary, are yet of opinion that the
whole duty of the Government has not been performed
—(Same ironical cheering)—that we have not in this
session produced and carried into effect those measures,
whatever they may be, which are useful, and perhaps,
as they state, necessary for the well-being of Ireland,
I put forward only this. An Hon. Gentleman has given
notice of his intention to bring forward the whole ques-
tion of the state of Ireland. I shall be most ready after
this Bill shall have passed this Howe to give every
facility for such a debate—to meet any such charge, and
to submit, if the House thinks tit, to any censure which
they think the conduct of the Government has deserved
—(Hear, hear)—but I do beg those who are of that
opinion to preserve till that time the expression of those
views—(Hear)—and not let a debate which should be con-
fined to this one subject—whether this measure is neces-
sary or no—extend into various matters of opinion that
cannot but lead to a conflicting and prolonged debate, and
thereby prevent and delay that which it is essential to
do. Sir, I ask, therefore, that the House will permit me
to introduce this Bill; and I ask it likewise that, if they
do sanction it, they will have that sanction speedily giver.
—(Hear.) No man can say what may be the conse-
quence of the want of those powers for a short time.—
(Hear.) And I ask those who are of opinion that this
measure should be passed—who are of opinion that those
powers are necessary—nut to render themselves respon-
sible for any delay, and thereby save life in Ireland.—
Hear, and cheers.) I believe, in my conscience,
that this measure is calculated to prevent insurrection—
to preserve peace in Ireland—to preserve the dignity of
this empire, and to secure the throne and the established
institutions of this country. If there are other ques-
tions, let them be brought forward and considered upon
another occasion, and in a different mode. For myself
I stand here responsible for proposing this measure.
I stand here responsible for not proposing it earlier.
—(llear, hear.) I stand here responsible for not de-
laying it now.—(Hear hear.) I and my col-
leagues are responsible. We have accepted the
responsibility, and however painful, however odious, the
powers may be which we, ask, having accepted the re-
sponsibility, I confidently ask the House to accept
theirs, to be mindful of the blessings which they now
enjoyed, and to be mindful of the risk which by any
other course they may incur. The Noble Lord sat
down amid the most deafening cheers, which lasted for
some minutes.

Mr. F. O'CONNOR then rose to ask the indulgence of
the House while he stated his opinions on this measure.
The Noble Lord had requested that the House would let
this measure go to Ireland as an unanimous measure of
the House. That had been invariably the argument
and the request of a Whig Government when they
were asking for coercion for Ireland, and the moment
they got it, and it produced tranquillity in Ireland, they
refused to have anything to do with remedial measures.
The Noble Lord had goaded the people of Ireland to re-
sistance, and he now came down to the House to
taunt and punish them for their resistance. The Noble
Lord had shown that he was determined to govern
Ireland by patronage, and that alone. The Noble Lord
had shown that the law a►s it at present existed, without
superior powers, was strong enough, and why, therefore,
should he come down and propose the present measure?
The object of this measure was to defeat Mr. Smith
O'Brien and Mr. Meagher, and put them into custody.
His feelings, hopes, and aspirations, were that Ireland
would one day rid herself of the yoke and dominion of
England. He trusted the House would not allow the
measure to pass without debate. For his own part
he was determined to give every opposition in his power
to it, and he trusted every Irish Member would do the
same. He had no doubt the Right Hon. Baronet, the
Member for Tamworth, would vote for this measure, but
be (Mr. Feargus O'Connor) believed if the Right Ho-
nourable Baronet was at the head of the Government,
there would be no necessity
.for the measure. —(Hear.)
But when they treated the Irish people like barbarians
and savages, he asked how they could expect to attach
them to the Crown? Why, if the tithes were taken
away from the bishops they would soon lose their
loyalty, and if the landlords were deprived of their rent
they would all become Chartists.—(Laughter.) He
would conclude by this observation, that to be
forewarned was to be forearmed. Ho under ,

stood his country better than the Noble Lord
did, and he now told the Noble Lord that the
effect of the Bill would be to create an immediate re-
volution in Ireland. The Noble Lord might hope to
suppress it by the ability, energy, and courage of my
Lord Clarendon, but he would tell him that he was mis-
taken. Instead of arming Lord Clarendon with these
excessive powers, he would have done more real good
to Ireland by carrying out the suggestions made by Lis
Lordship, for recovering waste lands, but he supposed
such a course was too mean and too vulgar for a Whig
Government. He would tell the Noble Lord not to lay
the flattering unction to his soul, strong as he
might fancy himself, having united all classes in that
House in favour of a measure for the suspension of the
constitution, and at the close of the session in which so
much was promised, but in which nothing had been
done—he would tell the Noble Lord not to lay the flat-
tering unction to his soul that any vote of that House,
or of the other House, could mach longer keep the starv-
ing people of Ireland in a state of quiescence. He would
prophecy, that so far from the measure putting down
disturbances in Ireland, the effect of it would be to
hasten that rebellion with which it was proposed to deal.
Sir ROBERT PEEL then rose and said—l am, Sir,
gratified by the anticipation of the Hon. Gentleman,
when ho said that I should give the measure proposed by
her Majesty's Government my decided and cordial sup.
port.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, my support is not
qualified by reminiscences of past contentions—my
support is not qualified by party recrimination ;
but, looking at the state cf Ireland—but looking
at the combinations which exist but looking
to the parties who head those combinations; and I give
them credit for their veracity; and, gibing
them credit
for their veracity, I believe theta exists in Ireland at
this moment a wicked conspiracy to deprive the Queen
of her rightful dominions in that country —(Great
cheers)—and that being my impression, and trusting to
the avowal of the parties, I amwilling at once to take
my part with the Crown of this United Kingdom against
the conspirators, who are endeavouring to wrest that
power by unlawful means.—(Hear, and loud cheers.)
I won't qualify the value of my suffrage by a long speech,
neither will I blame her Majesty's Government for delay
in not having brought forward this measure before. My
impression is, that Government ought to be most for-
bearing and slow to propose measures calculated to
impose great restrictions upon the liberty of the subject.
I dare say that at an earlier period a case might have
been made out for placing the liberty of individuals
at the discretion of the Crown; but I agree with the
Noble Lord opposite that when a proposal of this nature
is made there ought to be a strong impression in the
mind of the House, and a strong impression in the mind
of the public, that there is no opportunity of
further delay, that a necessity has arisen to justify
extreme measures, and that the measure must
insure for itself the general support of all well-
disposed persons.—(Hear, hear.) And here, Sir, I must
say that in my mind the question at issue is really
not whether there should be a repeal of the union or not.
—(Hear, hear). I believe if you do nothing, during the
recess you will have a desolating warfare in Ireland.
I believe that the authority of the Crown will be ulti-
mately successful after great devastation of property and
loss of life to many innocent persons, and also after great
loss of life to many who might have joined in the rebellion
from a doubt as to the policy and sincerity of your
measures of relief for Ireland.—(hear, hear.) But this
I believe, that if the Crown should fail in ultimately re-
establishing its authority, you will have substituted for
the Government under which you now live by far the
most cruel, by far the basest, and by far the most san-
guinary despotism that ever disgraced the annals of a
country.—(Hear, hear.)• But what is to be the nature
of the new power to be established? There is no con-
cealment as to the instruments by which it is to be esta-
blished. Have we not seen reference made to the value
of the standing crops, and a distinct encouragement
given to the masses of the people, to the
physical strength of the country, to combine
with men superior in intelligence and education, not
Crown, or to
furtively to undermine the authority of the
repeal the legislative union, but at once to resort to pil-
be divided
—ass-
lage and to plunder, in order that the spoil may
among the successful insurgents. fir
ear, hear.) Such
is the mode by which the power of these men is to be
wielded.—(Hear, hear.) I will not enter into other
questions of general government. I believe that the danger
is imminent, and if there has been too much delay in the
passing of the measure, that circumstance constitutes a
reason far immediate action, and I for one am perfectly
prepared to insist that no ordinary forms of the House
shall prevent its immediately Passing into law.—(Hoar,
hear.) I think the Government is justified in asking for
the measure, and I believe that the power sought—consi-
dering that the spirit is not an agrarian one—not a
conspiracy of assassins, but the avowed determination
of open traitors—considering this, I 4 say, that in my
opinion the measure of the Government is justified.—
(Hear, hear.) It is possible that other measures may
be necessary, and I hope there will be no delay on the
part of the Government in, asking for further powers,
whether to be directed against the clubs or against
those persons who have openly avowed their inten-
tion to commit assassination, and
who scruple not
to recommend the heart
of the Lord-Lieutentant as
the butt to which their bullets
are to be directed.—
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") If further measures
are required for the
suppression of crime, I hope that
additional powers will be sought_ at the hands of this
House, and I hope there will be no delay in:stating to what
be. It would be unbecoming extent they are to tug to urge upon
the Government the adoption
.of sidditiolial:tneasures, as
the responsibility rests with them. I will not therefore
urge them upon the Gove.rnm::nt. But I say that the
question being one that nothing.butTinecessity can justify,
the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, that immediate
action is desirable, and I hope that they will consent
to the suspension of any iorms of the House in
order to obtain the Act.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.)
With respect to the speech of the Hon. Gentleman the
Member for Nottingham, I tell him without hesitation
that I am prepared to protect the Crown of England
against those mock Kingslof Munster, who, when royal
authority is offered to them, say—" Not yet, not yet."—
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I tell the Hon. Gentleman
that. I am not prepared to shout out fur the King of
Manster yet—l am not prepared to exchange
the au "pronacy of Queen Victorie for that of this

new King of Munster.—(Cheers and laughter.) The
Hon. Gentleman says he fir one is a friend "of s4-pars
lion. Well, the Ruble Lord showed him the oath by
which he swore to bear true allegiance to her Majesty
Queen Victoria, upon which the Hon. Gentleman said,
‘• Am I not Fulfilling the oath of allegiance when lam
trying to insure for her Majesty the loyalty of her
faithful subjects in Ireland?" That Mr. O'Connell might
have said who was the enemy of separation, and who
wished to maintain the golden link of the Crown. But
I believe the Hon. Gentleman declared for a separation
between Ireland and England, and in that re-
spect he differed from Mr. O'Connor. Now, if the
Hononourable Gentleman means that by a separation
Ireland is still to remain connected with the United
Kingdom, and is to form an integral part of it,
whyllwas he scared by the oath of allegiance when it was
produced by the Noble Lord? The Hon. Gentleman's
declaration in favour of a separation was unanswerable.
But then, on seeing the oath, he declared that he was
faithfully discharging his obligations by preserving for
her Majesty her rightful dominions.
Mr. O'CONNOR—Her English dominions.
Sir ROBERT FEEL—Oh' Her English dominions.
Let me remind the Honourable Gentleman that
the oath was taken without equivocation or
mental reservation. That allegiance which was pro-
mised was an allegiance on the part of Ireland as fully
and completely as on the part of England, and if the
Hon. Gentleman took the oath with a secret reservation
to be a faithful and; loyal subject of this part of the
United Kingdom, but reserved to himselt a latitude
with regard to Ireland, and a perfect right to
sever Ireland from her Majesty's dominions then
I say that ho possesses a latitude of consideration so
large, that there can be no value in his oath of allegiance.
Ile asks whether it is possible to maintain a restrictive
monarchy after the example which has been shown in
France, Italy, Germany, and other European states.
Sir, I will say not a word with respect to the internal
administration of foreign states. I have done all I could
during the period of these revolutionary move-
ments on the continent humbly to discourage any
any reflections upon them; but when the Honourable
Gentleman holds up what has taken place in other coun-
tries as an-example, and as a reason why I should dis-
trust the advantage of maintaining a monarchy in this
country, I then think I may claim a right to speak on
the subject. And looking at what has taken place on
the chief arena of these revolutionary movements (Paris
and France for instance)—looking at the Government
which existed before February, the securities for the
public liberty, the state of tise revenue, the condition of
the manufacturing classes, the principles which were
acted upon with respect to the reward of labour—look-
ing at what passed in February—looking at what passed
in the interval of three or four months until June, when the
new Government, which was founded upon the barricades
of February, was exposed to the most violent attack by
those whose hopes were disappointed—looking at all those
circumstances, avoiding any reflection upon them, and
only drawing an example for the guidance of the people
of this country—l say so tar from what has
passed inducing me to distrust the advantages of a
ilmited monarchy—to believe its foundations are less
secure—to believe that there was less affection for the
person of the Sovereign, or less rational conviction in
favour of the advantages of a limited monarchy—l
look to the experience of the last six months
and retain an increased conviction that the monarchy of
this country is secure, and is endeared by numerous consi-
derations and associations to the affectionate support and
devotion of the people of this country. (The Right Hon.
Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers from all parts of
the House.)
Mr. B. OSBORNE deprecated the speech of the Hon.
Member for Nottingham, but it was consistent with the
acts of his latter life. He had heard with regret the
notice given by the Noble Lord of his intention to move
for leave to bring in this Bill to-day, and he at first
thought of stopping away, and giving no vote
on this subject. But, upon consideration, he felt
it to be his duty manfully to come down to the
House and state the reason why he should not oppose the
introduction of this Bill. He could not believe that the
object of the men against whom this Bill was directed
was repeal, he believed their object to be murder and
pillage—(Hear, hear)—and he thought it a measure of
mercy to lock up those men who wished to occasion
it, is order to prevent the deluging of Ireland
with blood.—(Hear, hear.) Of one of these men he
would say, if it would not be considered profane and
irreverent, that he had taken the lower orders of the
people of Ireland to the mountain top, and showing them
the broad land of Ireland had said, all these things will I
give you, if you will only fall down and worship me.
Although, however, he would not oppose the introduc-
tion of the Bill, he could not give his vote in favour of
its being continued to the Ist of March, 1849, because
he thought, in the event of this measure being passed,
it would be better that the House should not
be prorogued, but sit from month to month,
and that hand in hand with this measure should go forth
some remedial measures for Ireland. (Hear, hear.)
He thought there ought to be some modification of the
Act of Union; but, being of that opinion, he would
sooner lose his life in support of order than have
anything to do with men whose object was pillage
in order to enrich themselves. lie would not taunt
the Government now with their omissions or mis-
deeds, as it was not the time when the House
was on fire to prevent the engines from going to
endeavour to put it out.—(hear, hear.) Ho believed
the state of things in Ireland to be most alarming;
and he had received a letter that morning, stating
the houses in Tipperary and Clonmet had been
stripped of their lead in order to make bullets.
Under these circumstances he should not oppose the in.
troduction of the Bill.

Mr. SADLEIR apologised for interfering at this
early stage of the debate; but as one closely connected
with Ireland he could not withhold his support from
the course the Noble Lord now proposed to pursue. It
was quite true that sedition in Ireland had outstepped
the legislation of that House ; but when he re-
membered that the victory of the revolutionary
party in Ireland would be the greatest calamity
that could befall Ireland, he thought it was high
time the movements of the revolutionists were inter-
rupted. There no longer existed in Ireland but two
parties—the party who stood by the then existing Con-
stitution, and the party opposed to it. Something must
be done to remove this state of things, and upon the un-
derstanding that remedial measures were to follow this
Bill, he for one should give it his decided support.
He had ventured to tell the Noble Lord, in the words of
Lord Bacon, that unless he adopted a better course to
expel the " matters of sedition," Ireland would soon
come to the state she was now in. Also, that the people
of Ireland were deceived by the large promises of
the Government, and disgusted at the small per-
formances. He quoted the case of Tipperary to
show that the people were not by any means
represented. He would refrain from. discussing those
measures by which he considered they might secure the
safety of life and property.—(Cheers.) He should
cordially support the Bill of the Noble Lord, because he
believed it was the only step open to him to adopt in the
present emergency; but at the same time ho might be
permitted to say, no such disaffection could exist in any
country in the world except by the conduct of its rulers.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD never addressed the House
under more painful feelings. He was a lo) al subject,
and wished to see the continuance of the union, and
life and property respected. But they should inquire
what was the cause of the condition of Ireland. No
one could disavow more strongly than he could the
conduct of the agitators who had brought Ireland to her
present excited state. No change could make Ireland
worse, and the people in consequence of prolonged suf-
fering and undue taxation were:almost reckless as to the
exact nature of any change. The force at the disposal
of the Executive was quite sufficient to put down any
insurrection. Unless remedial measures were adopted, no
coercive measures would be effectual.lf the Felony Act were
properly carried out, ho considered that the machina-
tions of the persons for the capture of whom this mea-
sure was proposed would be put an end to. He begged
to propose as an amendment, " That the present dis-
tracted state of Ireland arose from misgovernment and
the want of remedial measures, without which no coer-
cive measure can have effect."
Mr. FAGAN seconded the amendment. He said that
if this measure passed the political position of Ireland
would be thrown back half a century; but, at the same
time he considered, that separation would be destructive
of the interests of both countries, yet was be in favour of
repeal of the union in this sense—namely, giving
Ireland a domestic legislature. Ample opportunities
bad presented themselves this session of passing reme-
dial measures, which the Government had not availed
themselves of. Believing that the suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act would not mitigate the evils of Ire-
land, he should support the amendment. The manner
in which Mr. Mitchel's conviction was brought
about had only tended to increase the march of
insurrection in Ireland, and it appeared to him that
there were parties now in Ireland struggling to place
themselves in Mr. Mitchel's shoes. He doubted whether
the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act would improve
affairs. It might remove the leaders of the movement in
Ireland, but it would not cure the disease. Coercion
had always failed in Ireland, and as he did not
think the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern-
ment had made out a case for this Bill, he could not con-
sent to continuo this system of coercion. Why did not
Government rather attempt to mitigate the evils which
pressed upon Ireland. They were of a social character, and
if they could be removed; the House would hear no more
of those insurrectionary movements. The Government
could not longer keep Ireland by the force of arms, and
in order to put an end to the expense of maintaining an
extensive armed force, he called . upon Government to
delay no longer the settlement of the two great questions
of the union and the church.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. DISRAELI wished to take that opportunity of
stating the reasons which would induce him to support the
propositions of her Majesty's Government. If he thought
the origin of this impending revolution arose from these
social and political grievances, of which they had hears
SO much from the sister isle—if he thought this measure
of Ministers would prove an obstacle to those remedial
measures which were necessary to remove those
social and political evils—he should for one
view it with jealousy and distrust. Its character
was flagrant; it was invested with no hypocritical gar-
ment;t it was avowedly an assault upon the conetlu;
tional liberties of the subject, and the only justification
the
case. He thought the necessities of the case fur such a proposition must be the necessities of
did not indeed
Minister had referred.—(Hear, hear.e)
it
Llotrd to impress
those circumstances to which the Noble Lord the First
require the exposition isotled
or the country,
which Minis-
for the Noble Lord was not in the position e
that conviction upon ofthtehe HNoiuibsel
Noble Lord did not come there with a s filled
and numerous
ters in similar circumstances had found
communications,thereseenlvbeasog.
with anonymous or with
which would not solely be
The Noble Lord, without
Senate or the country.
and .
statements made to the Minister unrdeerreaclierdcumstotantchets
iffeettitiohe with a frankness simplicity

which did him honour, referred only to those
circumstances which they were all familiar with, and
which were daily and hourly occurr►ng, as his justifica-
tion fur the policy which he recommended to be adupied,
and the responsibility of which he did not shrink from.
(Hear, hear.) It he thought that this impending revo-
lution was founded upon these social and political evils,
he should hive taken this proposition with great
jealousy and distrust; but he was bound, in
giving his unvarying support to this measure,
to state that it was his opinion that this im-
pending insurrection did not in any way partake of
that character. It was not an agrarian movement. It
was, in his opinion, no movement arising from any
sentiment of perverted nationality. It was neither
more nor less than an external continental mo►e-
ment. It was neither more nor less than a
Jacobin movement, and looking upon Jacubinisrn
to be nothing more nor less than a system of
universal plunder and unmitigated ♦iolence, he thought
it was their duty to grapple with the evils in which
they recognised such features with a power greater
than their violence, and with a determination to
maintain every social principle and every social right
with a courage equal to their audacity, which had.
been so much encouraged by events which had
untortunately occurred on the continent; but hap-
pily nut in England, nor yet in Ireland.—(hear,
hear.) It was for that reason that he thought they
ought not to hesitate to invest the Government with
these. great and extraordinary powers, and he for one
protested against the social and political evils of Ireland
being in any way mixed up with this the question which
was before them.—(hear, hear.) He protested against it
being assumed in argument that thoz,e who had origi-
nated this movement; had, in fact, any desire to remedy
these social and political grievances in any way which
the common sense and feeling of the country could re-
cognize or approve of. Nor did ho believe that this im-
pending insurrection was either now, or in its origin, an
insurrection for the repeal of the union, and the chief
reason which had induced him to take that opportunity
of making these few observations was to protest against
its going forth throughout Europe that the question
before them was a question between the Government of

England and the people of Ireland.—(Hear, bear.) He
(IA not believe that even numerically the traitors bad

,he advantage ; for he could not for a moment suppose—
ndeed, he had every reason to disbelieve that the

Roman Catholic priesthood looked with any face upon
a Jacobite movement.—(Hear, hear.) He believed

that the great body of the peasantry of the south of
Ireland at first looked with no favour at this movement,

although the neglect with which it had been treated,
and the pitch it had now attained—as must al-
ways be the case in a country like Ireland,
with a half•ted population—had naturally tended
to induce those to rally round who took a leading part in
the movement. It might, he repeated, have produced a
great effect upon their opinions, but he was still of opi-
nion that the great body of the peasantry were not heart
and soul in the movement, which was so menacing. It
was a movement, he repeated, organized by a party
that was stimulated by foreign example and inspired
by foreign successes—(Hear, hear)—who on pre-
vious occasions, in the history of Ireland, had
adopted the same cuurse, and met with the same results.
But he for one was anxious that their overthrow this
time should not be attended with the terrible
expenditure which had attended their previous
defeats—not an expenditure of the treasure of
this country only---not an expenditure merely of
the lives of Englishmen, but of the destruction of
all that. harmonizing and good feeling between
the two countries which had taken now ball a century
to cherish and foster; and if the Government could quell
this impending insurrection without that bloodshed—
without those scenes of spoliation, ravage, and disorder,
and without exciting the feelings and passions of one
people against the other, the Minister would, in his
mind, deserve well of his country, and be entitled to the
hearty and lull countenance and support of the House
of Commons.—(Cheers.)
Mr. D. CALLAGHAN was anxious to say a few
words upon this all-important subject. lie was not one
of those who blamed the Government for endeavouring
to stop the progress of insurrection in Ireland, but he
doubted whether this Bill would effect that object. He
entertained as much loyalty to the Crown and affection
for the people of England as any man in that House, but
he could not consent to sit quietly in his place and
allow
Ireland to be be made the dupe of every party in
or out of power. Let tho House apply remedial
measures to Ireland, and they would do more to sow
the seeds of contentment amongst her people than, all
the coercion Acts put together. If it was intended to
apply the Bill at once to Mr. Smith O'Brien and one or
two others, what would be the result? Why others
%ould arise to fill the places of the arrested leaders, and
the feeling in favour of repeal would be greater than
ever. He considered that the measure would perpetrate a
political suicide, and considering that so many remedial
measures were required, he could not consent to be a
party to the introduction of a measure which would
have, in his opinion, a contrary effect to that anticipated.
Sir DEN HAM NORREY S said the time had c, me
when a measure like this was absolutely necessary. This
was no time to inquire whether the Government had
kept its promises or not. His country was on the verge
of civil revolution. God forbid that he should occupy
the time of the House when a measure i like
this was so imminently required; for they
could not tell at whut moment the spark would
burst into flame. He did not need the statements and
arguments of the Noble Lord to induce him to accede to
1 the 13111, for ho had read his information on the market-
croiE.—(llear, hear.) Whatever consequences might
come frogs this measure, he was sure the house
would at once grant the Ministers a Bill of Indemnity.
He besought the House to pass thisr Bill at once to seize
the heads of the conspirators, and save the lives of his coun-
trymen, who, only tor this Bill, would perish.—(Cheers.)
Mr. DRUMMOND supported the Bill because he be-
lieved it would be, to a great extent, efficacious in sup-
pressing the rebellion about to burst upon them, and
because civil war was no child's play.—(Laughter.)
The Usher of the Black Rod here entered, and sum-
moned the Speaker and the House to the House of
Lords, to hear the Royal Assent given by Commission
to several Bills, which will be found in our report of
the House of Lords.

During the absence of the Speaker, many of the
Members formed themselves into groups, and appeared
to discuss the principles of the measure with much
animation.
Mr. DRUMMOND resumed—He was prepared on a
future occasion to discuss with the Irish Members the
grievances of which they complained. They had now
before them a particular measure brought forward for a
particular purpose. He denied that the press of this country
was profligate, as the Hon. Member for Nottingham had
stated : it needed no defenders in that House. He had
yet to learn that the respectable portion of the press
of this country would publish a list of books, with the
titles of which he would not offend the ears of House, as fit
for the perusal of the people. A man must either publish
books of the kind because he agreed with their prin-
ciples, or because be wished to derive some paltry gain.
(The Hon. Gentleman then read passages from the
Northern Slur, stating that the time was coming
when the land would be divided among the people,
from whom it had been filched.) The use of an un-

bridled tongue had been the curse of the clever people
of Ireland, and believing that this Bill would tend to go
far to stop this, he should support it.
Mr. HUME said the paper from which the Hon. Gen-
tleman had quoted was no credit to any one .—(A laugh.)
Thank God, there were but few newspapers that pro-
mulgated the dangerous doctrines of the paper in
question—the division of property among those who
would not obtain it for themselves.--(Bear, hear.)
They would willingly believe him when he said that he
gave a reluctant consent to this Bill, because remedial
measures were much required, and he had always fairly
and openly advocated them. Catholics had been arrayed
against Protestants. The state of Ireland arose from
the people being deprived of their civil rights, and whilst
they were not treated like the people of either England
or Scotland, how could they expect them to act like
freemen? The people were discontented, and easily
excited by clever demagogues, who possessed a
great share of influence, and was it a wonder
that Ireland was in the state she was? This measure
may put down rebellion—nay, it might act kindly to
many—it might quiet for a time ; they might crowd
their prieons, but disturbances would continue. As
' the Government were now a second time about to be
allowed to suspend the constitution, ho implored them
to look the evils of Ireland strongly in the face. Ire-
land was now held as a garrison, and that expense fell
as a punishment upon England, by which they were
running the risk of bringing England to the state of
Ireland. Let them sit from to day day, and devise
measures for Ireland—improve the state of the Church,
and extend the franchise, which was far too limited.
He asked the Government to tura their attention to
the grand jury cess and the municipal corporations.
He for one would cordially support her Majesty's Mi-
nisters in bringing forward this measure. Judging from
the last speech of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member
for Tamworth before he went out of office, it was his
opinion that great social improvements were necessary,
and he (Mr. Hume) now only regretted that the mea-
sures which the Hon. Baronet had in view to ameliorateit
n
the condition of that country had not been carried (-)
effect.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Divide.")
Mr. NEWDEGATE gave her Majesty's Government
his his most unqualified support. lie would not
terrupted the progress of the debate, except
t that he felt
It necessary to say that the measure of th Government
t
was absolutely required for the Pce
preserrevaattiomneoa
Ireland. He looked upon it as a g mess ureea, and
one which was entirely unexceptionable.—(Loud cheers,
and cries of" Divide.")
Mr. GROGAN said, in
thanks the namelof the laborious
the city of Dublin, he begged
and industrious classes
in
to
the Government, for having at
to return histo
length deterwi„ed grapple with this monster agita •
Lion, which had kept the whole. country in a state of
uneasiness and apprehension, winch had paralysed trade,
put a stop to employment, and brought thousands to a
state of poverty and bankruptcy.—(Hear, hear.) Ile
regretted
that the Government had delayed so long be-
fore bringing in the measure, but be would say
better late than never." It was on the ground of
humanity to the humbler classes, those poor deluded
persons who had become members of clubs, and
of a revolutionary army who would unfortu-
nately- be punished for their misdoings, that he
regretted that the measure had not been intro-
duced earlier. He would conclude by making one
observation. There were a great number of
Lord-Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants of Irish
counties at present in this country, and he trusted that
the Government would call upon them to return to their
respective counties, in order to aid the Government in
their endeavours to suppress disturbances.
Mr. REYNOLDS said he representdeanother por-
tion of the inhabitants of Dublin, he
h beggedieh
hadto
enter his entire dissent to the ea:sure
been introduced to the House. Althoughw not dis-
posed to puma s venting course, ho was prpared