The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-09 00:00:00

THE

They now had at the head of affairs the same Minister,
and nearly the same Administration, which they had
placed in power four years ago, solely upon the prin-
ciple of protection to native industy.—(Hear, hear) A
few days would show what they intended to do, and
although he would not prejudge them, yet he certainly
did think that the ought to look at the present Govern-
ment with some degree of distrust and suspicion. What-
ever measures might be proposed, however, his course
was clear. He should support such only as be consi-
dered calculated for the benefit of the country at large;
and with regard to the all important question of pro-
tection to agriculture, without pledging himself to sup-
port through thick and thin this or that system of corn-
laws, he would never consent to any proposition
that did not secure to the agricultural interest the pro-
tection they at present enjoyed (Cheers) and he
would consent to no change, unless he considered it gave
them a protection tantamount to that they at present
possessed. A cry of famine, which had been principally
raised by the Anti-Corn-law League, and for which he
believed there was very little foundation, had hem set
on foot ; but, in point of fact, he believed the country
was never more flourishing than at the present mo-
ment. Manufactures were flourishing, their shipping
was occupied, trade and commerce was also flourishing;
agriculture was recovering, and the labouring population
had not, he was of opinion, been better off at any period
since the war ; this being the case, he must say that it
would take a great deal to convince him that any change
was necessary, and he did not believe, that under the
present law, the agricultural interest had any greater
amount of protection than they were entitled to. There
was another, and, in his opinion, an almost equallygrave
question to be answered, which was, whether the country
was to be governed ander the old constitution of Sovereign,
Lords, and Commons, or whether it was to be at the
mercy of our irresponsible and self-elected parliament,
holding its meetings in Covent-garden Theatre?—
(Interruption.) He had no hesitation in saying, that if
the proceedings of the Anti-Corn-law League were not
immediately stopped—(A laugh)—it would not only be
dangerous to their interests as agriculturists,
but also to their individual liberties, and their independ-
ence as a nation.—(Cheers.) If their vital interests
were to be thus attacked, and they were to be compelled
to submit to the worst of all tyranny—the despotism of
money—England would be no longer a free country. If
the League gained their present object, did they sup-
pose they would be satisfied ? Would they not, on
the contrary, stimulated by their successful sedition,
persevere in their course, and that they would next at-
tack the Church and the Throne ? But which would be
the first to be attacked was, of course, only known to
that Providence upon which he placed his confidence
for relief from this great oppression. He therefore called
upon them, by their love of their country and of inde-
pendence, to exert themselves to put an end to this in-
famous oppression ; and, if they did so, he had no doubt
they would succeed. The Hon. Member concluded by
again returning his thanks for the high honour they had
done him in electing him as their representative.
The Hon. W. F. COWPER, M.P., begged, as one of the
electors of the county, to be allowed to address a few
observations to his brother freeholders, in reference to
the very extraordinary language that had been made use
of that day by some of the gentlemen who had addressed
them, particularly in reference to the League and the
Minister, which appeared to have so entirely taken pos-
session of their minds.—(A laugh.) He must confess
that he was somewhat surprised to find his friend Mr.
Radcliffe, after ransacking his mind for similes to the
League, adopt those from the infernal regions.—(Roars
of laughter.) The oratory must have had quite a sul-
phureous taste ; and when he talked of the British lion,
he really almost expected to hear him roar.—( Renewed
laughter.) When he said this, he wished it to be un-
derstood that he had no connexion with the League, and
he candidly admitted that he disapproved of many of the
acts of that body.—(Hear, hear.) He disapproved of
their levying money for the avowed purpose of in.
fluencing elections, and he likewise disapproved of the
presumptuous and foolish manner in which Mr. Cobden
and some other members of the League spoke of the
landed aristocracy of the country. While he entered
his protest against those proceedings on the part of the
League, he did not think they deserved what was said
of them by Mr. Radcliffe. He called them monied mo-
nopolists, but he could not see why monopoly should
appear so odious in the manufacturing interest, and yet
be so delightful in the eyes of the proprietors of land.
—(lnterruption, and a cry of "Protection to agricul-
ture is not monopoly.") What did protection mean, if
it meant anything at all, but monopoly ?--("No, no.") It
was said that the League had an intention of attacking the
Church and Throne, but he must say he had never heard
anything fall from any member of it showing such ten-
dency, and he merely considered them as a political club,
formed for a particular object. Entertaining the opinions
which they knew he did, they might expect that he
should give them some information as to the reasons
which induced the party with whom he acted not to con-
test the present election.—(" You could not help it," said
some one in the crowd.) Well, that might be one reason,
but the real fact was, they felt satisfied that Sir Robert
Peel would carry the question of free trade, and that as the
battle could only be properly fought in the House of
Commons, they considered it useless to have a contest
upon the point in that county. He, and those with whom
he acted, were quite satisfied as to the pernicious effect
of what was called "protection," not only upon all classes
of the community, but upon the agriculturists themselves;
but so long as it was abolished, they did not care whether
this was effected by Sir Robert Peel or Lord John Rus-
sell. They complained a great deal of Sir Robert Peel,
and charged him with deception, but for his part he saw
much more to blame in his past that in his present con-
duct. He remembered when the leader c,f the Whig
Government proposed to give them a fixed duty of Bs. a
quarter, the poor farmers were in very great alarm,
and rejected the proposal, and now they would see what
Sir Robert Peel and their Tory leaders would give them.
He believed that many of those who rejected the Bs.
duty would now be very glad to get it.
Mr. RADCLIFFE begged to say a few words in ex-
planation. He yielded to no man in a feeling of respect
for the Hon. Gentlemen who were the supporters of the
Whig party in that county ; but with regard to the
League, he certainly felt himself justified in using the
expressions he did. He was very glad to bear Mr. Cow-
per repudiate any connexion with the League—parti-
cularly as a placard, in which his brother, Mr. Spencer
Cowper, was requested to stand for the county, was sup-
posed to have emanated from that body.
Mr. COWPER said that neither he nor his brother was
aware of this requisition, or anything about it, until
after it had been published.
Mr. WOODLEY, an elector, next addressed the meeting
at some length in favour of the present corn-laws.
Mr. FALVEY, one of the Anti-Corn-law Leime, claimed
a right to reply to the observations of the last speaker,
as he had been appealed to by him.
The Hlou SHERIFF said that as he was not an elector
he could not legally be heard.
Mr. BONTERUS, the agent of the Anti-Corn-law
League at Hertford, begged to be permitted to address
a few observations to the meeting, and as it appeared
that he was qualified as an elector, he was allowed to
proceed. After some preliminary observations, he said
he regretted to find that Mr. Cowper repudiated the
League, for he said he could assure him that withou

their assistance his party would never be able to carry
the county. Ile declared that the objects of the League
were both misunderstood and misrepresented ; and as
to their having any seditious or illegal objects, it was
clear it was not so, for if they had, they would
long ago have been prosecuted ; for those who
raked up the infernal regions for metaphors,
would do the same in the courts of law for an Act of

Parliament for their purpose, if any such existed. As
to the interference of the League with the representation
of the country, let them look at the state of that county.
They had a population of 157,000, and, out of that number,
only 4,500 possessed the right of voting, and he would
ask whether that could be a proper state of things. All
.the League desired was to infuse new blood into all the
constituencies, and he could tell them that they would
never be satisfied until they returned three free traders
for the county of Hertfordshire. •
Sir MINTO FARQUHAR then proposed a vote of thanks
to the High Sheriff.
C. T. DUNSDELL seconded the motion.

The HIGH SHERIFF returned thanks.
Sir MINTo FARQUHAR then proposed three cheers for
their new Member; and Mr. WOODLEY, three groans for
the " accursed " Corn-law League, all of which were
duly given; after which the electors separated.