The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-29 00:00:00

ascertained by experience. That experience he believed he had
Pt''ine'l. aril the truth which resulted was. that the land had
been fought with the lerfect understanding that it was
bought with the incumbranres upon it. ( Hear.) But
the argument was as to what was the amount of the
charges upon the land, but he must at the same time state what
his feeling wasrespecting these various declarations. For him-
self, he allowed that he was dazzled with the declaration of Mr.
Maculloch. He would adduce the evidence of Mr. Maculloch,
than whom no higher authority could be adduced. The Noble
Lord then read a statement from Maculloch, to show that the
facts were as he had stated.
The Earl of CLARENDON—What is the date?
Lord ASHBURTON—The date is 1814.—(Laughter.) A
mistake had evidently been made, but as Lord John Russell
stated, that mistake was fatal. ( Cheers.) Lord John
Russell had proposed a fixed duty of ss. a quarter. Whether
that was right or wrong, it was perfectly evident that the agri-
culture ought to be protected, and that the demand ought to be
rendered independent of the supply from foreign competition.
But it was thought that by a little stimulation the parties would
be made to provide the supply. Now the question was, whether
the farmer could be stimulated to p..-ovide the supely, without
foreign interference, and the rule used was, that as thee- knew
what- could be got out of a bad horse by a pair
of spurs, they should use the stimulus of the spur in
order to ascertain what they could obtain from that source.
From what he could understand, he would venture to assert
that the returns would give the valid price of the produce, tut
it appeared that the prise depended on the value of the produce,
and that when the returns were below certain amounts the
number inclined to obtain farms was such that there was no
reduction of rent when the farms were let. He thought that the
minister was a bold man who would venture to assert that corn
could not be produced on the continent at a cheaper rate,
when of equal quality, than it could be produced in this country.
From a return of the several markets, it appeared that where
there were equal charges on the land, there were also equal
prices. And when the Noble Lord cited this principle, he
might well adduce the supply of food from Norfolk. But there
was another from Prussia. But what was the statement?
Why, that Prussia and England were on equal terms, although
an attempt had been made to place England and Ireland on
the same level. The Noble Lord had said that what was a pro-
tection to England was a protection to Ireland also. In the
latter country it appeared that the charges were laid upon
the land, amounting to 2d. per acre. This included the land-
tax, the poerelaw, and every possible charge. Yet he was
bound to acknowledge that there was only a problematical
statement to this effect, and it should be recollected that it was
a general understanding that the manure produced on a farm
should be consumed upon it, and that by this means the whole
of the advantages obtained from the farm would be expended
on the soil of which it was composed. It should be recollected
that this land could not be improved, or the land preserved,
without the value of the stock it had upon it being taken
into account. This was the great deficiency,
and no law could
possibly provide a remedy, as he would contend. The next
popular error to which he would allude was that which would
make the price of labour to be apparently independent of the
price of food, and that as bread was cheap the price of labour
would be low. To this he would only adduce the information
of the Parliamentary reports, and to these he might add the
advantage of his own knowledge. It appeared from the reports
of the Parliamentary inquiries that the labourers in the north
of Europe were in the habit of enjoying meat once a we. k.
He had heard that there was a report that in Ireland eggs
were sold at sixpence a dozen, but the grand difficulty was to
ascertain where the sixpence was to come from. The consequence
was that eggs were scarce.—(Cheers.) Now, it appeared by
this simple allusion that the price 'of food did depend upon
the price of labour, and that the elements of food, population,
and laldeur are the mass elements of income, and that on in-
come the price of feied depended. If they were to take a
purely agricultural district, as for instance the east of Lin-
colnshire, they would have a clear reason for the grounds of
their conclusion. He was aware that some objection might be
oC.rnl to this, but thus much he would assert, that where
the lands were culivated by manual labour there the
price of labour might be readily ascertained.—( Hear,
hear.) If a gradual means were used he believed that
there could be no difficulty, but where the price of labour was
dependent upon the produce of the soil, the price of wheat
was a main element of the consideration before their
Lordships, and that the remuneration of labour would
be ruled for some years to come by the reward which
industry was able to obtain for its exertions. What
would he the immediate consequences of this measure?
Why, that the landlords of the country would suffer, and that
immediately through them the farmers, and ultimately the
labourers would be injured. That was the kind of language
that those who were opposed to this measure held out ; and
supposing, as he apprehended, that would be the result, he was
of opinion that the language was completely justifiahle. The
tenant first of all began to suffer a little, and then began to
apply the screw, and the labourer, not understanding this sort
of political economy, and being sanctioned by the Parliament,
would naturally resist any reduction of his wages, and resist
any attempts to deprive him of any portion of his necessaries.
That would be the operation of this Bill, always .it2posing that
the House sanctioned the proposed alteration of t upon
corn. He wished to address a few observation: t., tire Right
Reverend Bench, that the clergy would be affecie,i, and their
incomes would be reduced—at least those of not a fixed tenure.
What had been stated by a Noble Lord on a former occesion was
quite tree. That nothing could be more critical than the poli-
tical conduct of the parochial clergy of this country on the pre-
sent measure. If this measure was not intended to diminish
the price of corn, what then was the meaning of the Bill ?
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Very little foreign corn was ad-
mitted except in times of scarcity. Every clergyman of the
Church of England would be reduced in his income, in the
porportion of two-sixths, so that the man with 300'. assyear
would have his income reduced to 2001.—( Hear, hear.) And
even supposing the position of those who advocated this measure
to be true, and that no diminution in tithes would ensue, why
the clergymen would be no better of.—(ldear, hear.) Their
Lordships must be perfectly well aware, that if they let the
staff go out of their own hands, they virtually exposed them-
selves to the attacks of those without and left themselves com-
paratively defenceless. It was a mischievous thing to set up the
cry of cheap bread, and that mockery of the poor man's com-
fort, when it was basket and supported by the advocacy of a
11ember of the Crown.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") If
the Ministry make experiments at all, let them trifle with the
protection of things of comparatively inferior import-
ance, and if they found the removal of protec-
tion on minor articles were attended with advantage, then
their Lordships' House would be more justified in
coming to a resolution which would sanction the
operation of the present measure. It was his belief that
distress in the country would always be found, mainly attri-
butable to some difficulty in the means of circulation. When
the currency got into any difficulty it would cause nine-tenths
of the distress that might abound. He could show, in fact,
that the distress which has existed in the manufacturing dis-
tricts could be distinctly traced to circumstances which had
directly to do with the direction of the monetary system. He
would call the attention of the House to the probable effects
which this measure would have on the colonies. The people
of the Canadas were ready at a moment's notice to throw off
the English yoke. Their Lordships knew what the French
`eelings were, and all that feeling of nationality the people of
Canada possessed. They were all to France by ties
of blood, and by a long formed connexion, and if the measure
were carried, it would, by rendering England dependent
en them for a supply of corn, render them
independent of us, and give them an excuse for
annexing themselves and their interests to the power of
France. That was the opinion of two French gentlemen,
H. le Capitaine and M. Paphen, who were high authorities.
In the Lower Canadas the French influence was predominant
over the inhabitants, and the British Government had no more
right to that country titan the French or any other continental
nation possessed. It might, perhaps, be well to argue that this
measure would be a benefit for all the world; but were they
to become the advocates of the human race, and to be con-
cerned with the affairs of all mankind? He thought the more
prudent course would be to be concerned with only our own
affairs.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl who proposed this
subject told the House that all Europe was going to fol-
low the example set them by the free-traders of England.
The measure met with great praise and admiration,
but every one said that it did not exactly suit them. It was
not in the nature of things that every country was to assimi-
late and hold the same opinions with regard to these points.
And even let all the world be of one opinion with respect to
their free trade operations, he questioned very much whether
all the world would be any better for those opinions.—( Cries
of " Hear, hear.") The eatire of the civilised world was
divided into states, provinces, and kingdoms, placed under dif •
ferent governments, and it was very desirable that, as far at
possible, they should have mutual opinions on different points,
and a general amalgamation of interests, as it were, to pre.
vent war, and conserve the good of mankind. What would
be the result if the principles of free trade could be universally
established? This country might become a large manufac-
turing shop, bnt its agricultural interests would lie neglected,
and foreign' countries would laugh in their sleeves—this coun-
try, being dependent on them for the supply of f.kid—at the
threatened destruction of boasted British independence and the
dissolution of its interests. That which was desirable for all
countries was, that they should have every description of in-
dustry and of international commerce, so that each in its own
resources would not be left wholly dependent upon another.
The aristocracy of that House, and the great gentry in the
country, would be interested in preserving the protection in
which they bad so long and so eminently flourished. IL
however their Lordships should be of opinion, notwithstanding
the great prosperity which had attended the system of protec-
tion, that the interests of the country require the concession of
their cherished opinions they would yield it, although, perhaps,
with regret, yet with the hope that it would be fur the
benefit of the country. But do not let their Lordships think
that any such anticipated benefit would be derived from this
measure or that its consequence would tend in any way to the
general interests. It was a great mistake to suppose that any
measure which had for its object the distraction of those prin-
ciples which had raised the country to its present paramount
position would result otherwise than in universal dissatisfaction
and contempt for the authors of the measure. (The Noble
Lord, who throughout was almost inaudible in the gallery, sat
down amidst loud cheering from all parts of the House.)
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said he rose in that stage
of the debate, which was now the third, and he hoped the last
night of the debate—( Cries of " No, no," and " Yes, yes")—
to express his sentiments on the measure now under considera-
tion. He should promise them that he would not detain them
tor a long time in the observations he was about to make, and
he should be extremely sorry that any Noble Lord should be
prevented giving his opinion before their final decision was
taken. The Noble Lord who had just sat down need not be
very much alarmed that he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) was
going to enter into any exposition of the " awful subject" of
political economy, which he asserted had been so described by
Lord John Russell twenty years ago, when a young man,_ and
before he held office under the Crown. That Noble Lord
was reps esented as describing political economy as an awful
subject then, and the Noble Lord who just sat down
represented it to be an awful subject now. He ( Lord
Ashburton) assured the Noble Lord that he need not be alarmed
now that he was about to enter into any consideration
of that subject, except in as far as it was connected with the
present question. In rising, however, hi, would not profess,
precept rather
in answering the h
aNbnohilse
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eL oirnd Ashburton),
abstainingt on ),
from mofollowenteric his
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justice to
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he (the Marquis of Lansdowne)
ti
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would
dd subjectel,s,leave
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that subject—that
opinions he
he had never more strongly
eview it in any other ques-
tionsensieitilitaNnobalseaFden
always held—opinions which
tinhuosutgbhehaewcaorueldotn.
their Lordships House.—(Hear
,
this question before
P s the subject, 11,
hear.) But, important as wa
asserted than when advising proceedinp
im-
plored them to draw their attention from it now, and
Hconll,ected(
He withar
fix it on that question before the House, which his Noblev
Friend had so correctly described as one of the greatest, not
the greatest subject that ever commanded their consideration.
But the question which was now before them had been the
subject of debate and discussion for many years past in and
out of Parliament, and aunsd by assemblies in every district, town
and village in the country. The question, therefore, did as-
sume somewhat of a new aspect, as presented to their Lord-
mlloeustsye:s
GTl:evegrunemsteinotn aatndthelikper,eysiesent
..taimnceticoanmede bbefore, Lord-
ships'
a Bill
majority of the other thatf hadpari received Parliament.—(
ent,_ the sanction
es
itarn,cht ieoaynr her
se
The Noble Lord (Stanley), who I as been 'absent from the
House this evening until now, told 'them that that decision on
the Corn Bill should not operate on their Lordships' minds,
and he set the decision of the same House in 18-2 against
their decision now, The_Houso of Commons of 1842 against

the House of Commons of 1844. But unless they were to
suppose that the House of Commons had become servile and
infirm is four or five years, ne lot n it know cviy tfmd,ci ion
now come to, which had resulted from matare deliberation
and inquiry on the subject, should be set aside. lie knew,
a'so, that another Noble Lord, who had spoken on the previous
evening, and whose sentiments were entitled to be heard with
every attention and respect, had told them that, though the
decision of the House of Commons had been arrived at by a
clear majority, it was not a clean rnajority.—(Hear, hear,
from the cross benches.) He would ask them, were former
majorities more clean than this ? Nay, he would add, had
there ever been a decision coma to that was more free from
the exercise of authority and extraneous influence than the
decision on the Corn Bill in the other House ? All who
had been in the practice of leading
and guiding the delibera-
tions of the other House—and it was not for them to question
their motives when by a large majority they had sent up this
Bill, with the object of settling a difficult and most importan
question. He knew some Noble Lords on the cross bcnche
had stated that some of the public declaratlons of the leading
parties who supported this measure was different from that
which they entertained in private; but he did not profess to
drag these parties to the confessional, or to drag their sup-
porters there.—( Hear, hear. ) It was sufficient for him that
they had altered their minds, and, having so altered, sup-
ported
the present measure.—(Hear, hear.) He took the de-
cisinn of the House of Commons as he found it on this mea-
sure, as the declaration of the representatives of the people.
Before entering with his Noble Friend (Lord Ashburton) into
the commercial phase of the question. he would say a few
words on two points, which required to be considered as ne-
cessary and preliminary to the consideration of the general
question. The first point was the political aspect of the ques-
tion, which was referred to by the Noble Lord the Secretary for
the Colonies, and also the Noble Lord who last addressed
the House. The importance of being independent of foreign
nations for the supply of food, and the political dangers of that
dependence. He (Lord Lansdowne) would not revert to what
was so forcibly stated by the .Noble and Learned Lord who
followed the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonise, and
which also had been referred to by the Noble Earl behind him.
He must observe, however, that that striking fact which had
been so strongly put forward had not been met. The gigantic
influence of Napoleon extended all over Europe. He employed
every commercial means to ruin this country, and prevent a
supply of food, but human interest was stronger than the power
of Bonaparte, and his
policy was defeated.—( Cheers.) Look at
the price of corn then, and contrast it with what it might have
been had that policy been successful? But corn was coming
in all the time. l'he power of Napoleon, great and
paramoust
as it then was, did not succeed ; had it done so, corn, instead
of selling at 105 s. a quarter would have been 1505.—( Hear,
hear.) If no corn had come iu, ruin would have overtaken,
not only those engaged in manufactures, but the farmers also.
That importation of foreign corn was necessary to save the
labouring classes from starvation and the farmers frem ruin.
But what said the Noble Lord, and the Noble Lord opposite,
following him in the same line of argument, in talking
of the danger of depending on foreign countries for a
supply of food ? They rested their case in respect of
this point on the present sliding-scale. Now, in his
opinion if there was one law so contrived more than another to
create this clang( r it was the sliding-scale—( Hear, hear.)—
because, under the operation of a fixed duty, or free trade,
they could regulate the quantity of corn from foreign countries
that might be required, end what corn-growers in those
countries might readily expect in regard to the supply. But
with a sliding-scale, they proclaimed their danger, as far as
scarcity was concerned, to all foreign countries, and if those
countries, as had been represented, were disposed to conspire
against this country, they could easily do it, for at thu very
moment when the sliding-scale proclaimed the scarcity of corn
in this country, they et easily cut off the supplies, and reduce
the country to starvation.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He was
persuaded there was infinitely more danger in the sliding-
scale than in any other system of law that could be adopted.
Yet this system had been proclaimed by Noble Lords on the
other side. The Noble Lord (Lord Ashburton) had in illustra-
tion of this subject, referred to the cotton trade as showing the
danger which would arise in any rupture with America on ac-
count of our being dependent on that country at present for sup-
plies. Some Noble Lords were alarmed at the thought of giving
the f >reigner a control over the supply of corn, but in his opinion
quite as much mischief, misery, and starvation would follow a
sudden refusal on the part of America to suply tido country
with cotton as with corn. ( Hear, hear.) And yet the very
last act of the Government, on which the Noble I ord also had
last addressed the House, waa:to reduce the duty on the importa-
tion of cotton from Arneriea. Upon the subject, therefore, of
rendering themselves dependent upon foreign countries, they
ought not to trouble themselves for a single moment.—( Rear.
hear.) Now there was another point connected with this Bill in
a preliminary point of view, to which he must direct their Lord-
ship's attention. A strong opinion prevailed amongst some Noble
Lents that the passing of this Bill would be attended with con-
siderable alteration in the social state of the country. He knew it
had been very much the fashion, not merely amongst Noble
Lords on the cross benches, but amongst eminent persons both
in this and other countries, to say that this measure would pro-
duce a great alteration in the social condition of this country ;
and he had heard very conspicuous persons in neighbouring
counties pronounce a sort of panygeric upon the Right Hon.
Baronet at the head of the Government for having under-
taken to work out a revolution in the social system of England.
Now nothing he thought was further from the Right Hon.
Baronet's mind in bringing on this Bill than working out a
great revolution in the social condition of England. Nor did
he think there was any reason for troubling themselves with
such an apprehension, for landed property would always
have attached to it a large degree of importance, while
the possession would always exercise some control over
the decisions of the Legislature. Even in countries of a purely
commercial character, such as Holland, which was described
as a country which could extract nothing it wanted out of i

own soil, the possessors of landed property exercised a certain,
indeed a high degree of influence on their particular legislators
—( Hear, hear.) He did net at all apprehend, then,
that this Bill would diminish the power or influence of the
aristocracy, or of the country gentry, who were described by
the Noble Lord, the late Secretary of State for the Colonies,
as being an essential part of the aristocracy of the coutdry.—
( Hear, hear.) Having disposed of these two preliminar.
points, he now came to the consideration of the ~.orntnercisl
principle involved in this measure, but here he must stop to
remark that he did approve of the Bill, because he altogether
approved of its provisions.—(Protcctionsst cheers.) In sup-
porting the Bill they were acting as practical men, relying
upon the experience they had had of protection, while those
who opposed it were not sui,porting practical, hut purely theo-
retical views, for most of the restrictions which had been
placed upon trade were intended to be experiments, and the
corn-laws as an experiment had failed. Now, hitherto all re-
strictions which had failed hail been abandoned, and what
strongly indicated the expediency of their abandonment was the
fact that these parties who were sunposmi to be most interested
in them had never made an attempt to induce the Legislature to
restore them. It was not as if they were now called upon to
resist a charge in a system which had for ages proved successful,
but they were a'ked to do away with res.rictions which were
passed as an experiment, and which experience and obwrvation
had fully shown bad failed.— ( Hear hear.) While, on
the other hand, the experience of the 'last thirty or forty years
had su!3ciently served to convince them that changing the re-
strictive system invariably resulted in bend ing the country
and improving these trades which it was thought it pro'ected.
Look, for instance, at the experience they had derived from
the change which lad been made on silk, hops, and kelp. His
Noble Friend who last addressed their Lordships had told them
that Mr. Huskisson had once given an opinion ia favour of
the protective system. Now, in his opinion, one of the greatest
benefits M., Huskisson conferred on this country was doing
away with the duty on siik.—( Hear, hear.) Mr.
Huskisson was terribly reviled for that act, but
Mr. Huskisson said he would persevere, notwith
standing he might be called hard-hearted, and
the result proved most triumphant, for at the time the charge
was made there were only 200,000ibs of silk manufactured in
this country, while now there were 600,6001b5.—( {fear, hear. )
His Noble Friend the late Secretary for the Colonies had
boldly declared that the abolition of protecti-n had proved
highly injurious to the shipping trade, -but they had never
heard of an attempt on the part of interested parties to re-
store
the whole system. His Noble Friend, however, must
have looked at a wrong paper, or he would not have made the
statement he did. His Noble Friend had stated that there
hat been a positive diminution of Englisk tonnage in the year
1845, but he found from a very carefully prepared and tole-
rably accurate paper, which had been lately laid upon their
Lordships' table, that in the year 1832 there was an increase
of 2,618,030 tons, as compared with the period
when the duty had been reduced. But th re was
a subsequent reduction of duties, and yet with that
reduction the number stood thus—in 1832, the tonnage of Eng-
land was 1,936,000 tons, while in the year 1845, it was
3,660,000 tons.—( Hear, hear.) Hs could hardly believe then
that the shipping trade was suffering under the relaxation of
protection, and nothing, he thought, could be more conclusive
in favour of this Bill than the figures he had given.—( Hear,
hear.) But it was said the shipping trade of foreign countries
had increased since the abolition of protection. Well, he ad
mitted it, and gloried in the result. He was rejoiced to hear
that these measures had been conducive to advance the in-
terest of other countries as well as their own, and God forbid
that it should ever be objected to any measure tl.at it
was calculated to lead to such a result.— (Cheers.)
In the year 'B5, Mr. Pitt, in his statement of Political Eco-
nomy, did not consider it as strange to his principle ; when he
endeavoured to avail himself he did not see any great success
liable to result from its application. He entertained a com-
mercial proposition for a free trade with Ireland ; that was
founded on a principle of improvements in commerce. There

were not wanting persons of high authority, like him ; and
people out of doors, who then, as now, saw in the adoption of
this proposition the ruin and destruction of England. A near
relative of my Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies
(Colonel Stanley), whom he had the honour to know,
came forward on that occasion, and presented a pe-
tition enforcing it, in which he stated what the peti-
tioners stated—that they desired to be heard by counsel,
for that was about to be done which would put the finishing
stroke to the cotton manufacture of England. It was the ad-
mission of Irish fustians and cottons which caused this alarm,
and they stated that the working people, manufacturers, and
their children, would be sacrificed. The petition was not
adopted, and what was the event ? These cottons were ad-
mitted, and he certainly regretted to say, that Ireland did
not now produce enough for her own
consumption ' • for
since that time the cotton manufacture of England was
greatly increased. They next came to another extension
of this system ; for, anxious to get at the root of the
protective system, a commercial treaty with France was
proposed. It was debated in that House, and he would
say with the concurrence and approbation of the Noble
Lord, who was sitting on the cross bench. The measures
came before the House in the form of resolutions, instead of
being placed in the form of a Bill. They were placed in that
form in order to give that House an opportunity of making
any alteration in that Bill. The treaty was debated in that
House, and a person of scarcely inferior authority to Mr. Pitt,
though in a different walk of life —a friend of the late Secre-
tary of the Colonies—he meant the Bishop of Llandaff or Dr.
Watts—took in his notions of protection the same views as
his Noble Friend. He told the House that they were throwing
over all the experience of their ancestors. In that opi-
nion he followed, or rather preceded, the example of
his Noble Friend, and read the preamble of an Act of
Charles H. The preamble of this Act set forth, that as it had
become universally known that the wealth of this country war
disappearing altogether in consequence of the money sent cut
of the country to purchase Fret ch wines—( Laughter). The
experience of the ancestors to which the Noble Lord had re-
ferred might be very good, and he revered the experience of
their ancestors, as they founded tke great principles and con-
stitution of the country. He believed they had laid the go-
vernment on the surest foundation, ant contributed much to
the prosperity and happiness of the country. But he would
say that his respect did not extend to any of those Hostrums
which theyapplied from time to time by Act of Parliament. They
applied all those nostrums, and invented various schemes founded
on the principle of protection, which uniformly failed in their
effect. If the Noble Duke who presided at the Board of
Trade had leisure (but he believed that he had not) to look
through all the papers and memorials which had from time to
time been sent to the board, from those papers they would
find that the commerce of the country had had mere dangerous
and hair-breadth escapes than were even encountered in the
adventures of Sinbad the Sai'or. The commerce of this
country had undergone various improvements and alterations,
all of which were to have seriously injured it ; but they had al-
ways ended by the commerce of the country finding itself,
after the lapse of a few years, in a higher petition than
it Iliad attained before. Therefore, he again said, that
he thought that experience was rather against than in

capital. The consequence of this was, that he bad brought
round a class of farmers who were the most prosperous
and happy, and who reflected credit upon the country.
would never let a farm to any one who had not at least 101. per
acre
If farms were to be taken on a different system to the present
one of letting out small portions of land, they would find men
of large capital who would embark in agriculture. It was
the opinion of the Noble Lords on the cross benches
that it was not for the benefit of agriculture
for men of capital, who were acquainted with agricultural pur-
suits, to bring their capital into such a speculation, but such
was not his opinion. He was not at one pericel in favour of
free trade principles, but he was now converted to such an
opinion. He could only say that his conversion was pure. He
had nothing to expect from her Majesty's Ministers—he sought
no reward ; on the contrary, he had made a great sacrifice ; for
it was a sacrifice to lose the good opinion of the
farmers of England. He had made that sacrifice,
.
because it was for the benefit of the country at large.
He could not sit down without expressing his regret that
thel_re hburedlieenvseduptchiattltiheelai‘niilin‘ivsittrhy ad Si 'dicta-1i
eo
those who had brought forward this measure had not considered
Tnt
h oreei r particularly'a 1 e v iao n .
expect that evils would result from these burdens, which
would make it necessary that they should take them
into their particular consideration. He thought that
now they had an admirable opportunity of con-
sidering this subject, and of
alleviating the burdens under
equivalent for the injuries inflicted by
which the agriculturist was labourinna for he did not consider
that the continuance "of protection for three years was an
these burdens. Believ-
ing es he did that a great chance had taken
place in reference
to this question—seeing that those who had foimerly advocated
a 40s. duty had now reduud their claims to exactly one-half
the amaunt—seeing, also, that those who had formerly advo-
cated a small fixed duty were now contented with no duty at
all—and believing, as he did, that the period had now arrived
when these laws must be rescinded, he thought it_
better that they should adopt the wiser
.ric;l.7:l
of at once yielding to the popular
.opinion,i I t
former
of endeavouriag to retain former opinions
in•ejudices. By the adoption of this policy, they
they would
harmony where bitterness at present prevaily..en•
friendly
d basis the
extend commerce, and eatablish on a more 1,"
he would state
relations of foreign countries. In conclusion,
Ministers,
and
that he had every confidence in her i
I%elseland accomplished
mare particularly in the sagacity of that a
councils.—( Hear.
Minister who presided over Ilea Majesty's_
He would ask their Lord-
hear, cheers, and counter-cheering. He
had been entirely con-
ships to paint out any one person
who
You were not.")
sistent on this subject.— (A iwciaunl(d restore
Noble
who had been so • and he
He saw few, or none,
total abolition of those
• • urged the propriety of a
the beginning
see that thosa who
laws. He did not, therefore,
to consistency who (lad fram
believed only those coualrdoluanydelrm,

had become converts to these opinions, could be greatly charged
with ineoasistency. Until they could prove that this country

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 29, 1846.

favour of protection. He knew that it would he said
by many that they • were prepared to aband.,n every-
thing if the principle of it were not for the farmers of England.
Nothing could be more erroneous than to suppose that the
farmers, with all the advantages of the wealth and prosperity of
this country—with a growing population—derived their sub-
sistence from the sickly atmosphere of protection instead of
their own industry and labour. His Noble Friend had voted
Mr. Huskisson as the wisest of commercial statesmen, and said
that he had agreed to the maintenance of the prohibitory sys•
tern. He thought, when his Noble Friend told the House,
when he quoted the opinions of Mr. Huskisson, as given in
1815 mention, and also
of his last
his o- epeech of 1828, he entirely suppressed
ll •
had said that Mprimoillisusik9 1815. His Noble Friend
of our commercial stateissore was the wisest
mien, and said that
he refused his authority to confirm these opinions. He would
bee leave to read some remarkable passages in the last speech
of Mr. Huskisson. Me (Mr. Huskisson) had said that to
whatever extent they attributed to other evils the present
state of the country, the corn laws were themselves a burthen
and a restraint upon the manufactures and the commerce of
the country. How was it possible for his Nolols Friend, after
he had read that speech in 1830, deliberately to come down to
the House and quote the authority of Mr ell9skisson as enter-
taining views coinciding with his own in condemning
the corn-laws. He believed that
dm o theres elaseweer; not among the natives of the king
sons better inW•med and more long-sighted in any transactioni
of business which referred to themselves than Scotch far-
mers. He had a list in his hand of six or seven large farina in
Scotland, in an important part of the country, which had been
let lately, and one as lately as a fortnight since, when this Bill
had passed the House of Commons, and a great many of these
lettings bad taken place at an advance of from 10 to 25 to 30
and 40 per cent. Were these unfortunate Scotehmen to be
held up to public derision ? Were they to be handed down to
'posterity as Scotch dupes ?—(Laughter.) Memorials were
presented by the Board of Trade—deputations of Members of
Parliament attended to represent the infamy which would follow
repealing the duty on flax. He would trouble their Lordships
for a few moments, and these were the last figures he should
trouble their Lordships with, to the effect that would follow
the withdrawal of the protection from flax. The produce of
Irifh flax in the year 1641, the year before the withdrawal of
protection, was 25,000 tons. The year after protection was
withdrawn, the quantity of flax produced in Ireland was
36,000 tons—so that it was clear that when protection was re-
moved, in spite of all the dreaded anticipation, there was a
great increase in the produce of wool. Lord Devon reports in
his Commission, that sat in the north of In land,
that they had examined a Mr. Blake, who stated that
the cultivation of flax had greatly increased
since protection was removed. Mr. Maculloch stated, in
answer to a question put to him, as to whether he thought flax
was a remunerative crop, that of late years it had become very
remunerative. Their Lordships had therefore the evidence of
persons residing in the country, the best evidence which could
be accumulated, to show that the removal of protection from
flax was followed by a great increase in the cultivation of that
article. But it might be said that this was owing to the in-
crease of the linen manufactures, that it so happened that protec-
tion to linen was withdrawn at the same time. He was
of opinion with Mr. Huskisson, though not his earlier opinion,
hut in his latter opinion, that the corn laws were an impediment
to the progress of manufacture. He contended, therefore, that
all restrictions when removed had been followed by an im-
mense increase in the production of those articles. If those
persons who fancied that the removal of restrictions would
have reduced this country from its proud pre-eminence to the
lowest state of degradation, and if they were to rush
to those scenes were desolation and ruin were expected, and
thought they wonld see nothing but rein, desolation, misery,
end wretchedness, they would he surprised at seeing an im-
mense district in a most flourishing and happy condition. He
was told that they thought too little of the home market to the
agricultural interest. All fears with reference to the removal
of protection in the manufacturing districts and the county of
Lancashire, have, according to accounts which he had lately
received, been entirely removed. He would call their Lord-
ships' attention to the immense increase which had taken place
in the value of manufactured goods as compared with agricul-
tural. In the former case, the increase bed been 6,300
per cent., whereas agriculture had advanced only
3,500 per cent. He therefore considered it very short-sig,' ted
not to consider the manufacturing interests as part of the na-
tional prosperity of the country. He could never bring him-
self to consider the prosperity of manufactures as a sort of
morbid secretion which the State physician was to keep down
by a restrictive regimen. On the contrary, he considered that
the freest scope should be given to manufactures,
and that the workmen should be enabled to obtain their
food at the cheapest possible price..--(Hear, hear.)
He thought that a fixed duty was preferable to the alterations
now proposed, and he did so because of the advantage which
would accrue to the revenue of the customs ; and tecause he
wi.h d that in all great changes the prejudices and sentiments
of all should be consulted, and not suedenly interfered with.
By adopting it, the chance would be gradual and moderate,
and prove satisfactory to the agricultural interest. Those were
tis opinions some time since ; and if he had the settlement of
the question now, those would be his opinions still.—( Hear,
hear.) The question which he had now to answer was, whether
he would adopt that principle when the Bill went into com -
mittee. He had no hesitation in answering that he would not,
because, though he might he nominally voting for such an
amendment. if it were possible, he would be really voting
against the Bill ' • and the consequence, he firmly believed, vrould
be, that instead of a fixed duty being eventually passed, their
Lordships would he called upon to pass a totally different
Bill.—( Hear, hear.) His hopes, as connected with the fall
or rise of provisions, in consequence of this measure, were
not up to the depression which was predicted on the one side,
nor to the exaggeration on the ether. The way he thought it
would operate would be by a gradual and certain increase of
commerce which would be placed on a more solid foundation.
—( Heac, hear.) He was confident that the effect would not
be injurious to the British farmer, and he would apply in re-
ference to its operation the lines of one of their most beau-
tiful poets.
" Trade's proud empire bastes to swift decay,
As ocean sweeps the laboured mole away."
He was willing to adopt the two fol'owing lines iii addition.--
" A self-dependent power can storms abide,
As rocks resist the billows and the tide,"
And with that confidence he would sit down and give his vote
for the second reading of the measure.
Lord Beaumont, the Earl of Eglinton, and the Earl of
Essex then rose together, and for several minutes the House
presented a scene of the most indescribable confusion, some
calling for one Noble Lord to be beard, and some for another.
Amidst the uproar,
The Duke of RICHMOND rose and moved that the Earl
of Fglinton be heard.
Earl GREY moved as an amendment that the Earl of Essex
be heard.
The LORD CHANCELLOR put the question to the vote,
and declared that the "not contents" had it.
The Duke of RICHMOND said that the " contents "
had it.
Earl GREY—I say the " not contents " have it.
The Earl of EGLINTON at length gave way, and
The Earl of ESSEX proceeded to address the House.—He
was sorry that he should have occasioned such trouble ; but he
was desirous to express the opinions he entertained with regard
to this great question, and as he was so little accustomed to ad-
dress the House, he hoped for its favourable consideration
while he made a few observations on the subject. He had come
to the conclusion he had entertained with anxious de-
liberations of great doubt, and he did not found
them on the opinions of the Brights and
Cobdens of Manchester, but upon thorough conviction.
He had had vouch doubt as to the repeal of these laws, and he
should still feel much doubt in his mind were it not that the
opinions of her Majesty's Ministers had brought forward such
arguments as they did in support of the repeal of the restriction
en the trade and commerce of the country. But whatever
doubts he had on his mind as to these laws they were removed,
and he now had none.—( Hear, bear.) But long before this
measure was brought forward, he was of opinion that the
cheapening of corn would he of great benefit to the farmers,
for it would allow there the means of fattening cattle at a much
mare remunerative rate than at present.—( Hear, bear.) He
was also of opinion that this measure would greatly
improve the sale of cattle, and he was sure that thet
should all live to see the benefit of the repeal
of the corn-laws to this country.—( Hear.) He was
not one of those who impressed upon the people that this was
a measure which would be of great benefit to the country. He
did not seek to be popular by using such arguments, but he
was not for making the people elieve that high prices were for
the benefit of the people. He was for making the farmers be-
lieve that the new system of farming was the better ; and he
was for impressing on them the necessity of doing away with
the old and antiquated system of farming. He would take
that opportunity of doing away with an unfavourable impres-
sion which had been made with respect to himself at some of
the farmers' meetings a short time ago, where it was stated
that he vi as careless of the interest of the small farmers. He
had never said anything which could lead any one to so repre-
sent him. What he had said was, that the repeal of these law,
would do more injury to the small farmers, would injure those
who farmed land in a small way, and .who had not
capital at all to enable them to make the necessary improve-
ments in agriculture. Re had so expressed himself, and he
was at a loss to know how it could be expected otherwise.
There was one thing to be very much regretted when consider-
ing this question, and that was, there was an impression
amongst those who were ambitious to rise and to
be of importance in their various parishes, that
it was thought by them to have large farms was to be the
most respectable. This false feeling made many take more
land than they had caoital to work to their advantage. This
taking of large farms they thought the most necessary to their
prosperity. Now what said the late Lord Leicester, the great
promoter of the agricultural interests, and the great authority
on all that affected the farmers' interests? He said that he