The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-30 00:00:00

LITERATURE.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPO
LEON AT ST. HELENA. By General Could

Month()lon, 2 Vols.

Few men had better opportunities than Count Mont-
holon for i.;:tving correct and interesting details of the
i.ce and adventures of the most remarkable man who
figures in hintory. He was a soldier of the republ.L„,
to the rank of Brigadier General at the attly
twenty-one, was a Minister Plenipotentiaty Conti,
in Germany in 1812 and 1813, he Yvras an attendant on
Napoleon at both his abdications, among the first to
wait upon him at the Palace of Ely; Bourbon, on the
2lat of June, 1815, three days after the battle of Walerlors
went with hint to Malmaison, accompanied hint in his
route to Rochefort, sailed with him in the Bellerophon
to the shores of England, and, to use his owa words,
" shared the captivity of the greatest man of modern
times, and relieved the agony of his martyrdom, by atten-
tions which Napoleon denominated filial." In 1816,
Montholon was erased from the arroyilist, banished from
the House of Peers, like Soult and others of the same
class, and lived in retirement and obscurity, till in an
evil hour he became an accomplice in the foolish and
mad attempt of Louis Napoleon to raise a commotion in
France, and became a second time a prisoner, though '
ag'llnst his will, in the Castle of Ham. Much has been
written about the captivity of Bonaparte, and by parties
too who had full access to documents and all the most
interesting details of his remarkable career have been
laid before the world, but the present work shows that
the mine is by no means exhausted, and that facts
will yet come out, which will remove many
of the mysteris which veiled parts of his character.
Montholon, with occasional exceptions, relates events
' with judicious impartiality; he does full justice to Cap-
tain Maitland, and the, other officers and crew of the
Bellerophon; and if he expresses indignation, at the con •
duct of Sir Hudson Lowe, he only follows the example of
most of his countrymen, and of a very large proportion
too of the people of the United Kingdom. The intro-
ductory part is full of melancholy interest, and we re-
gret to say, exhibits Carnet, Caulincourt, and Davoust—
for we put Fouchis out of the question—by no means in
a favourable light. We find no fault with them for
joining the provisional Government, and endeavouring
to make the hest terms they could with Wellington and
Blucher, but their counts.) men and posterity will justly
condemn them for their rude treatment of a man who
had raised them to the highest ranks, and whom, but a
few days before they worshipped as the idol of their de•
votion. In the documents they signed as the provisional
Government, they at first styled their late master the
"Emperor," and " his Majesty," but they soon changed
their tone, and simply designated him Napoleon. And
what an outfit for the voyage of " Napoleon the Great" did
these men order some days previous to his departure
from Malmaison ! The Duke of Otranto (Fouch6) sent
a verbal notice to General Bertrand that the " heads
of the Household Department were authorised, by virtue
of a decision of the tiovernmeut--that is of Caulineourt,
Savary, Carnot, &c., to deliver to him the following arti-
cles. Here follows the list of articles, among which are a
service of plate, consisting of twelve covers, six dozen
table napkins, twelve pairs of sheets, six dozen towels,
three saddles and bridles, some maps, and 100,000 f.
(4,0001.) fur the general expense of baggage. "Such,"
says Montholon, " was the outfit for his exile, which
was allotted to the Emperor Napoleon by a man whom
he had created a Duke; and to whom he had given an
income of 200,000 f. (8,0001.) a year." But these former
devoted servants of the Emperor were not singular—the
same spirit was displayed by multitudes of generals
and high dignitaries of the empire, who, when in the
anti-chamber of the hall occupied by the provisional
committee, they heard from General Beker that Bona-
parte had not left Malmaison, exclaimed in one general
cry, " Let him be off ! let bins go ! we can undertake
nothing either for his Personal advantage or for the
good of Paris." Never, in fact, was a man so con-
demned and desee;.ed, and even robbed. If he had re-
mained muet-
as longer at Malmaison he would have been
left per:,-„yi„s, for even men of the first rank scrupled
t' :,c to plunder him. 'We give the 'following extract in
proof :
" A case, containing some valuable snuff-boxes, adorned
with portraits set with diamonds, which had just been sent
by the High-Chamberlain, was placed by General Bertrand
on the chimney-piece of his chamber. During a few mo-
ments, in which he approached the window with the mes-
senger of M. de Montesquiou, only a single person en-
tered the room—but when General Bertrand recollected
the case, and went to look for it, it had disappeared.
ThiS, however, is nothing in comparison with what
happened to the Emperor himself. One of his Ministers
had brought him some millions of negotiable paper,
canal shares, and other securities ; the Emperor having
counted them, placed them, in their cover, under one of the
cushions of his sofa. The Minister was followed by a man
whom the Emperor had been accustomed to receive in his
cabinet ever since the campaign in Italy; his rank, and the
high functions which he discharged, placed him beyond the
reach of accusation. No other person entered the cabinet
between that and the time in which the Emperor proceeded
to take up his papers, in order to place them in safety in his
bureau. He immediately perceived that they had been
touched, and were incomplete. Fifteen hundred thousand
francs had been abstracted. Who had taken them ? The
mystery was as great as in the case of the diamonds."
The condition of Napoleon at Malmaison must have been
in the highest degree melancholy and :wretched. With
a few exceptions, he knew not whom to trust ; he was
harassed with constant messages urging his departure,
and when he wished still to linger in that spot they tried
to frighten him away by causing an alarm of the ap-
proach of the Russians, and by burning and completely
destroying the bridge of Chatou, close to Malmaison.
Ile was at last with great reluctance, compelled to leave,
and proceed with all possible dispatch to Rochefort. The
account given by Montholon of the journey is full of in-
terest, as well as the whole proceedings at Rochefort
and the Isle of Aix, and at his embarkation on board the
Bellerophon, Montholon admits that Captain Maitland
made no promises, and gave no pledges of any kind as to
the disposal of his person, and states that when the Em-
peror, on reaching the deck, announced that he threw
himself on the protection of the laws of England, Captain
Maitland only answered by a low bow, and a few minutes
afterwards presented his officers to the Emperor. It is
to be regretted that details so full of interest are occa
sionally disfigured by anecdotes and assertions utterly
improbable. We give two instances. While the Belle-
rophon was at anchor off Torbay, the greatest anxiety
was manifested by the captives to learn the decision of
the Privy Council as to the disposal of the Emperor.
At last the Duke of Rovigo received an account from
London which dissipated any illusion under which the
Emperor had hitherto laboured. Count Montholon then
adds:—

" The Privy Council had just held a deliberation on the
question, whether the terms of the proceedings of the Con-
gress of Vienna prevented England from delivering up the
Emperor to the vengeance of Louis XVIII.; and the dis-
patches of the Duke of Wellington urged them to adopt
bloody and terrible determinations. The energetic opposi-
tion of the Duke of Sussex alone, saved England from the
infamoy of cmmitting an execrable crime."
The second instance is evidently as little entitled to
credit, and we believe is written only for effect in France.
In England the description of the scene, especially the
last part of it, will only excite r;dicule :
The instructions of Lord Bathurst, Minister of the Colo-

lonies, gave directions to subject the baggage to the most
minute examination, and required the surrender to the Ad-
miral of all money or articles of value in gold or diamones ;
our arms were to be demanded as from prisoners of war.
" This last point gave rise to one of those silent but su-
blime sceneF, to which my pen is wholly unable to do jus-
tice, but the impressiveness of which every one will under-
stand by reading the simple but faithful narrative of what
" The Admirals had been received by the Emperor in the
state-cabin. Bertrand and myself stood behind, with our
backs to the stern windows.
adieus,
ee
udsappeared, for annfy
" General Gourgaud remained by the starboard guns, pre-
aLenevt to expect
detK.xe
repiThe
cathitiEi
amlteapnshegeratothiri,var
had only
7gfaneßnwlicyriegtfwoe
ittrihneicsnte,h,
receive
reto;vtniii
the
oli
earf
executionh
Em-
peror, and said in a voice approachedsubdued by eet
ientheEng-
land of his long and brilliant military
" The Emperor by a convulsive movementan placed his
land demands your sword.'
hand
g-
elsylienhoaf an
hEenegyleiswh Te Ipiiesneotnralytinreplyrrver
eontetrlrlibtlesweoxrpdr,
upon
dared to demand—
had it been more powerful or more
Admiral was astounded, his tall figure shrunk,g. his oldd,
white with years, fell upon his breast like that of a ceminat
sinking beneath the sentence of his judge.
" The Emperor retained his sword.
" The two Admirals saluted the Emperor with a respect,
accompanied by deep emotion, and withdrew, without utter-
ing a word to disturb the solemn impression which the scene
had made upon all beholders, English as well as French."
These, however, are but rare exceptions, for the author,
in general, relates facts with much impartiality, and
gives a deep interest even to those which have long been
before the public. The last adieu to France is admi-
rable, and far surpasses that of Mary Queen of Scots, so
etriking,, in history :
" On the 9th of August, the Admiral gave orders for get-
ting under sail, and a few moments afterwards the whole
squadron was under weigh, tacking in order to get out of the
British Channel,
" Several times did the shores of France appear before our
eyes as a vague and formless shadow appears in a dream,
when the mind and thoughts are touched by a feverish im-
.

The second is occupied with the petty squabbles be.
tween Napoleon and Sir Hudson Lowe, so derogatory
to the character of both, and with historical remi
niscences of the more remarkable events O. f P,cneral
BonapartQ's early political a' • _ .vhich
setttfar4 ththeeri
the reader cluno,
Mono __ 'nit to tole a deep iblercst.
-
unlike M. ThierA, riiiiet; no pl'ejticiiceS
his tb• we i:ceoknisc in him at once the
iAea,rint andifeelings of a gentleman. While he praises his
country and the hero whom he attendfA to the hour of
his death, he does justice to his opponewir, tttid gives
praise to whom praise is cbms,

DASHES AT LIFE WITH A FREE PENCIL,
By N. P. Willis, author of Pencilhngs by the Way," .S"c.
Gray, the poet, whose dream of literary delight was
"to lie upon a sofa all day, and read eternal new novels,"
would have been a happy man, from the moment he took
up these three volumes, until, with a sigh, he came to
those fatal words " the end." It is the fashion to cry
down Willis—to accuse him of literary foppery—to in-
sinuate that he has " merely a knack of writing;" but,
whatever his faults, who can deny that he gains his end
—that, however critics may decry him, he is a very
popular writer. The contents of these volumes are very
varied. We have stories of European life, clever and
not at all probable ; stories of American life, full of in-
cident and character; notes from a joitrual in New York,
and other parts of the Union ; and a few "Scripture
Sketches" (too few, indeed), which show that Mr.Will:s has
a heart, as well as a head to invent and a hand to write.
Ilis prose is brilliant—dashing—always clever. We
doubt whether he could write a regular " three-liner"
work of fiction. In the - short and rapid story, he has
few superiors. No writer has a greater disdain for mere
detail, in a novelette. He rushes forward, letting a sen-
tence tell what another man would expand into a
chapter. He is sarcastic, but there is no venom in the
sting. He attacks classes, but not individuals. It is to
his credit—all of this volume having previously appeared,
piecemeal, in American magazines—that he has never
shrunk from severe animadversion upon the manners
and customs of his countrymen. It is creditable to them,
that they have taken his censure as kindly meant, and
that he is one of the most popular writers in America.
We have praised the few specimens of poetry.

BUILDING OF THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.—
The Select Committee that was appointed by the House of
Lords, on Tuesday evening, on the motion of the Marquis of
Clanricarde, " to inquire into the progress of the Houses of
Parliament, and to report to the House," consists of the fol-
lowing Peers :—The Lord President, the Lord Privy Seal, the
Duke of Wellington, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Marquis
of Normanby, the Lord Chamber:ain, the Earl of Devon, the
Earl of Shaftesbury, Earl Ellenborough, Lord Aberdeen,
Bishop of Salisbury, Lord Willoughby de Eresby, Lord Pon-
sonby, Lord Redesdale, Lord Somerhill (Marquis of Clanii
carde), Lord Brougham, Lord Ashburton, Lord Sudeley,
Lord Monteagle, and Lord Campbell.
ROYAL :MILITARY ACADEMY.—The large hall in
which the examinations of the gentlemen cadets take place
hes during the present vacation undergone a complete reno-
vation, and great improvements have been effected in appear-
ance by the introduction of appropriate devices on the walls,
formed of ancient and modern implements of warfare. The
academy opens on Monday next, and the gentlemen cadets
will resume their studies on that day.
Prince Castelcicala, the Neapolitan Minister, was pre-
sent in the House of Commons on Tuesday last.
Mr. Leader, M.P. fox Westminster, has arrived in town
from his chateau in the south of France.

THE EARL OF li ADDlNGTON.—Wednesday evening the
Earl of Haddington, late First Lord of the Admiralty, was
entertained at dinner by the members of the Royal Naval
Club, Bond-street. Covers were laid for seventy officers, in-
cluding many of the Noble Lord's political opponents, who,
on this occasion, assembled for the purpose of testifying their
approbation of his conduct while holding the distinguished
office of First Lord of the Admiralty. Captain the Earl of
Hardwicke presided, and was supported by Sir Charles
Napier, and the Hon. Sir F. P. Pellew, as vice-chairmen.

_
AWFULLY SUDDEN DEATH IN THE STREET.-011
Tuesday evening, between seven and eight o'clock, as Dr.
Pearce, a gentleman fifty years of age, residing in Mensham-
street, Westminster, was returning to his residence from
visiting a patient, when in Peter-street, Westminster, he
suddenly staggered and fell on the pavement. Every pos-
sible medical assistance was rendered, but all endeavours to
restore animation proved ineffectual. The deceased has left
a widow and family to deplore the melancholy event.
ILLICIT DISTILLATION.—On Tuesday evening, about
half-past eight o'clock, Mr. Beckwith, a supervisor of Excise
of the Somers-town division, accompanied by an active
officer of the name of Kaye, of the Kentish-town district,
having previously learned that two illicit stills were being
worked upon some old and deserted premises situate in a nook
abutting upon the King's-road, Camden-town, visited the
spot. On the officers effecting an entry into the house, they
discovered a still which had been very recently worked, and
a large quantity of wash ready for distillation, besides a stock
of fresh spirits. The obscure and secluded situation of the
premises in question was admirably adapted for the carrying
on such a secret kind of business; and it must have required
much ingenuity on the part of the officers to have discovered
the progress of the operations of its agents. The house,
which is on a large scale, with suitable outhouse accommoda-
tions, has been to let for a considerable length of time
past ; and this occurrence may have, most probably, been
occasioned by an idle rumour having prevailed in the neigh-
bourhood that the house was haunted. On the officers
making their entry, they found that the occupants of the
premises had absconded. There was no symptom of furni-
ture in any of the chambers save an old table and a bed and
blanket, which lay huddled upon the floor. In the apart-
ments below, and in the stables and outhouses adjoining,
was a quantity of tubs which had contained molasses, be-
sides small vats and a middling-sized copper, not set up ; and
the implicated parties, by way of facilitating the carrying
out of their illicit measures, had cawed an unusually long
leaden pipe to be fixed in the wash-house, which, when in-
ducted into the stable, was capable, when the water was laid
on, of charging the whole complement of the distillery uten-
sils prepared to receive it. The officers are still' engaged in
working off the wash, and will, as soon as they have com-
pleted their task, report to the Board of Excise, in Broad-
street, the exact damage that establishment has sustained by
the illicit transaction. No clue to; the parties concerned in
the scheme above-named has as yet been arrived at.
FREE GOODS.—The revenue authorities having had
under their consideration the reports of their principal officers
of the law and water-side departments, upon an application
for the removal, under the regulation of the Warehousing
Act, from this port to the port of Southampton, of a quantity
of indigo, the produce of Asia, which had been imported from
Amsterdam, and warehoused here for exportation, in obe-
dience to the law, which directs that no goods, the produce
of Asia, Africa, or America, shall be imported from Europe
except for the purpose of exportation, submitting it as their
opinion that a bond should be taken in a penalty equivalent
to the value of the goods, for their due delivery into the
custody of the revenue officers at the port of destination,
and that in all future cases in which goods, free from,
or of, duty, which may have been imported under similar
circumstances, are removed from one port to another
for exportation, a similar bond should be taken and re-
quired, orders have been given and promulgated for the
proposition to be generally adopted, and for the proper offi-
cers of the revenue at this and every other port in the king-
dom to cause the same to be observed from the present time
accordingly. This is of considerable importance, and it will
be observed that it relates particularly and solely to those
articles of merchandise which, although the duties have been
repealed thereon, on importation into this country direct
from the place of growth, by the Act of the last session of
Parliament—being imported contrary to the navigation or
other laws affecting the importation of goods from the other
three quarters of the globe—caunot be admitted into this
country at all, except for the purpose of exportation. Such
goods, it would appear, when required to be removed from
the port of importation to another port for the purpose of
shipment, to suit the convenience or interest of the owner, are
to be treated exactly the same as if they were liable to duty,
in order to prevent their being taken into consumption, or
made available for purposes other than is permitted by the
law previously existing in their regard, and which was re-
enacted last session in full force and effect. _

nueaHrElySTinEßt
tini\ulelN
s lieTslaTEmSeDsltaYt'ejaAs
tainty attending the proposed Ministerial measures, neither
JAN. .—Our
Imn atrhkee
ut
let
eoenr --
buyers nor sellers appear anxious to extend their opera.
tions. On the whole, however, there is a tendency
to improvement, both in goods and yarns, and prices
are :decidedly firm.—ROCIIDALE, MONDAY, JAN. 26.
Rather inure business has been doing in flannels to-day,
there being a better attendance of buyers, but no im-
provement has taken place in prices. In the wool market
there has not been much change. Dealers are asking higher
prices, which .the manufacturers so far have refused to give.
—Manchester Guardian.
ACCIDENT ON THE RIVER.—On Tuesday night a
young man, named James Bride, in the service of the St,
another r
George Steam-packet Company, was standing on the gun-
wale of a barge alongside one f the Irish steamers, when
coming
by thengdon
collision. Two
run foul of
in it,th the barge
wasnot hforced
a r
leapt over and caught Bride immediately, and they were in
the act of raising him out of the water, when the outer barge
swung round and jammed him between the two. The men
were compelled to let go their hold of Bride, and his head was
crushed between the barges. When they separated again
his body fell into the river, and has not since been recovered.
SCHOOL FOR THE OPULENT BLIND.—A new school for

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

OUSE, OF LORDS Thatsclay, Jan. 29.
Tht)lr Lordships assembled at Five o'cloclp
TOLL-BARS (SCOTLAND.) 81, t:
• on 1-be bf the Duke of RIC.I-11VIOND, this
bill was read a second time. . _

HIGH CONSTABLES BILL , •
This Bill, on thas motiob_ of the Duke of 'ilea-
MOND, .4/as read a second time and ordered to be
committed.

CORN-LAWS.
Lord ASHBURTON presented several petitions from
places in Surrey against any alteration in the present
corn-laws, without appealing to the constituencies of the
country. The Noble Lord also moved for certain re.
turns respecting corn and cotton wool, as we understood,
for the Noble Lord was almost inaudible in the gallery.
The Duke of RICHMOND rose to present a number
of petitions from different parts of the country, very nu.
merously signed by large numbers o: tenant-farmers
and labourers. The petitioners prayed their Lordships
not to make any alteration in the corn• laws, and many
of them also complained of the unconstitutional acts of
the League. He (the Duke of Richmond) had had
many opportunities of seeing a large number of tenants
and landed gentlemen since the opening of the compre-
hensive scheme (as it was called) in another place—(A
laugh)—and he could only say that that scheme was re-
pudiated by every individual that he had spoken
to, and they represented the opinions of the
different parts of England. They viewed the measure
with the strongest indignation, and they were all pre-
pared not only to maintain protection to themselves but
also to the domestic industry of the country. They ex-
pressed their disapprobation of the conduct of certain gen.
amen in the House of Commons, who were returned to
Parliament pledged to protection principles, but who now
seemed wavering and doubting. The petitioners thought
that these men were bound to re,ign their seats, and see
whether they would be re-elected. He (the Duke of
Richmond) entirely agreed with the petitioners. He
thought that the abandonment of protection would be
fatal to every interest; and he thought, if nothing
else existed, that the manner this question
had been agitated by the League should
be sufficient to throw free trade overboard.
That agitation had the effect of inducing the people to
place no confidence in their public men, and he trusted
that their Lordships would not by any act of theirs
encouraged this feeling, The arguments that were
brought forward would not bear the light of day, and
he was quite satisfied many of the statements were
fallacious. He would not go into details at present, but
he hoped when the question was brought forward it would
be advocated upon the principle of protection or no
protection, and then he should be prepared to go
into details. He, however, denied the truth of many of
the Right Hon. Baronet's assertions, but he did not in-
tend to deny that some dozen soldiers of the Guards had
asked for and obtained furloughs of late years ; but he
would submit that the railroads might have had some
little effect in inducing men to go chwn to see
their friends. The compromise proposed was perfectly
ridiculous. They were to be allowed half the apothe-
caries' bill.—(Laughter.) Could they tell him what
would be the price of corn under the new law? If they
could not, how on earth could they say whether or no
they were giving too much or too little compensation?
They must make up their minds about this matter of
price, or how could they tell whether it would be
remunerative to the farmer or not? and he for one ob-
jected to being dependent on a foreign nation. He was
for protection to native industry, and he was prepared
to resist the change with a large body of the people of
this country—men who were not easily roused, but who
were roused now, because they felt that they had been
deceived and ill-treated by those who ought to have
stood by them—men who were most respectable,
quiet, and unobtrusive, and men who had not been se-
duced by means of the bribes of the Anti-Corn -law
League. He hoped and trusted their Lordships would
give to the country an opportunity to judge whether
this system was right or wrong, and thereby force the
Ministry to dissolve the Parliament, and have the ques-
tion discussed at the hustings.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord KINNARD said the Noble Duke had made a
serious charge against the Anti-Corn-law League, of
which he was a member, and he could not refrain from
rising to deny that they had done anything illegal or
unconstitutional. Does the Noble Duke hold himself
responsible for the language used at the meetings of the
protection societies ?
The Duke of RICHMOND stated that he was per-
fectly willing to become responsible for all the language
used at these societies.

The Earl of KINNAIRD—WeII, then, I own I was
going to say that the language used at these meetings has
been such that no man or Christian would have used.
If calling Noble Lords, Members of this House, by the
name of Satan was language such as the Noble Duke
would render himself responsible for, he wished him joy
of his charge. For his part, he considered that the
League were acting in a perfectly legal and consti-
tutional manner, their object being merely to give
facilities for the creation of votes according
to the Act of the Legislature. Protection
societies had approved of this measure, for they had
adopted the same course as the League were now pur-
suing. In Scotland, it was well known that they cre-
ated all fictitious votes, and even at the present time, for
the sum of 2001., it was customary to make all their ser-
vants voters. He said there were few Noble Members

of this House, upon this or upon the other
side of the House, who did not subscribe
either to the Carlton or Reform Clubs, and these Nob!e
Lords well knew that parties came to the committees of
these clubs and stated the price of their boroughs. He
thought that " those who lived in glass-houses should
not throw stones." He would take the liberty of stating
to the Noble Duke, though he did not know whether he
should be quite in order, that with reference to the
scheme proposed by the Honourable Member
at the head of her Majesty's Government, although
he might have wished that he had gone a
little farther in his measure, still he would support it.
He thought it a strange doctrine that the Noble Duke
propounded, and one which savoured of Chartist doc-
trines, namely, that the Government should appeal to the
country. It would almost amount to Annual Parliaments
if the Government were to be compelled to appeal to the
country upon the introduction of every fresh measure.
Did the Noble Members of that House think that the
country would submit to the postponement of the corn-
law question? It was perfectly impossible for them to
do so, whatever that House might think. If
the question were postponed, Noble Lords who
were so anxious to maintain protection, and the
Government, might expect that the consequence
would be a sweeping Parliamentary reform, for the
people would not submit to be thwarted. The country
would not now submit to the postponement of the ques-
tion, when their object—the total abolition of protection
—was so nearly within their grasp ; he meant to say that
they would not submit to the present constitution
of the House of Commons. The people would int
tolerate the existence of so many nomination boroughs
which were u the hands of the protectionists ; th
would seek to increase the numbers of those who could
vote in the election of Parliamentary representatives,
however much he and other Noble Lords might regret
the success of such an attempt on the part of the
people.
After a few words from the Duke of BUCKING-
HAM, which were whclly inaudible in the gallery,
THE OREGON TERRITORY.

the blind is to be opened in Dover place, New Kent-road, for
the education of pupils of a superior rank in life. We know
not if age will constitute an exclusion from the benefits of
this institution ; bat if not, a short course of study within its
walls may be recommended for the Dukes of Norfolk and
Richmond, and not a few other great landowners, who are
sadly afflicted with blindness, and who, everybody will admit,
ought as soon as possible to go to school again.—Punch.
Count Alphonso de N--, a young and ruined
dandy, bad been for some time in great straits, when one
morning he was awakened by the arrival of an important
letter • he opened it to recognise the handwriting of Mlle.
Adila G--, who had been his best love, and cost him his
last possession of Berry ;—reading it hastily, he hurried to a
friend rather worse off than himself, and exclaimed, "Behold
our good fortune ! at least 2,000 francs have dropped down
from heaven for us!" "What do you mean?" "Why,
Adila, my poor Adila, she has some good in her, that girl ;
she sends me back two suberb animals, which cost me 4,500
francs; but read for yourself." And the Count held out the
note, which his friend perused eagerly. "You have forgotteP
here to decipher Alida's handwriting—you have mistaken
e for a (cheveux for eheraux)—lookr •‘ Oh, heaver, it is
my hair she returns!" " But keeps your horses.''
MELANCHOLY CATASTROPHE NEAR HARROGATE.—

pression ; but just as our hope of recognising or of seeing
distinctly some points of the coast was about to be realised,
the cursed signal to tack was to us as the awaking which de-
stroys the illusion of a pleasant dream.
Once, however, while the Emperor was taking his accus-
tomed walk on the deck, the coast of Brittany threw off the
clouds which concealed it, and presented itself to our eyes, as
if to receive our last adieux. France ! France! was the
spontaneous cry which resounded from one end of the deck
to the other.

" The Emperor stood still, looked at the coast, and, taking
off his hat, said, with emotion—

" Fare Well! Land of the brave, I salute thee! Farewell!
France—Farewell!"

Lord BROUGIIAM wished to be informed by the
Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Aberdeen) whether the
Oregon territory bad been given up to the Americans, as
he had been credibly informed that it had?
The Earl of ABERDEEN—Certainly not.
Lord BROUGHAM said that he was informed that
an American globe-maker was now actually selling
globes to his fellow-countrymen, showing the American
territory to have been conceded by the British, but from
the reply of the Noble Earl it would appear that the
globe•maker had only done so for the purpose of pleasing
his customers.—(Hear, and laughter.)
THE RIVER PLATE.

" The emotion was electric; even the English involuntarily
uncovered themselves with religious respect."
The passing the Line too is graphic
On the 23d of September, 1815, we crossed the line, by
one of those singular hazards which sometimes occur, at lati-
tude 0 min., longitude 0 min., declination 0 min. ; that is to
say, the vessel, conducted by a west wind, which had blown
for several days, came under the line exactly at mid-day, at
the first meridian, and on the day of the equinox.
" The passage of the line occasions a great merry-making,
and a kind of saturnalia among the sailors; all is confusion'
—overturning of the natural order of things on board.
" The boatswain represents Neptune ; he is sovereign for a
few hours, and no one is exempted by his rank from receiv-
ing baptism—a kind of grotesque homage to be rendered to
the monarch of the seas by any one who has not before
past ed the line."
" Neptune exhibited towards us a very gracious respect;
he exempted us from the ceremonies of shaving and baptism ;
and when each of us, conducted by our godfathers for the
time being, was presented to him, he told us that we had too
often received the fire of baptism and of glory, to require
another baptism before becoming his friends; and when the
ceremony was concluded, he asked to be allowed the honour
of making acquaintance with the demi-god, called General
Bonaparte; the Emperor graciously consented to the presen-
tation, and gave, through the Grand Marshal, 500 napoleons
to Neptune, in order that he and all his court might drink to
his health ; this was a signal for deafening hurras and cries
of Long live the Emperor Napoleon!"'
These details are chiefly containod in the dot volume.

The Earl of ABERDEEN, in reply to a Noble Lord,
said he was prepared to lay on the table all the late do-
cuments, in the possession of the Government, relative to
the River Plate; but, at the present, he was not prepared
to enter into any details with respect to the negotiations
which were now in progress.
CORN -L AWS.
Earl GREYsaid he should be sorry if that conversation
should cease without saying a word or two in reference
to the observations made by the Noble Duke. The ques-
tion was one which should be discussed solemnly and
without prejudice. If the Noble Lord stated, and he
believed that he did state it truly, that it was one of
protection or no protection, he should propose a resolu-
tion on the subject, and call upon their Lordships to
affirm it. He regarded with pleasure the measure which
the Government proposed to bring forward, which did
amount substantially to an aboltion of protection The
only fault he had to find with it was that it did not come
into operation at once. He regarded the modifying
scale, which was to continue for three years longer, as a
clear mockery.—(Cheers.) It was regarded so by Noble
Lords, who were in favour of protection, and being so
regarded he thought the abolition should have taken place
without delay. It was the only part of the measure
which he,
as a landowner, was afraid of. He did not
fear for the operation of the measure on the agricul
turists, for he believed them quite as able as the manu-
facturers to meet competition. But when a policy of
au extensive description was announced, it was most un-
wise to prolong that state of things by which a
transition was always attended. So long as
that state of things existed it was impossible
for any arrangement of a satisfactory or permanet
nature to be come to between landlords and tenants.
He believed that these circumstances would have the
effect of throwing great obstacles in the way of improve-
ment in agriculture, and that the same indisposition
evinced some years Tice, by reason of the operation of the
corn laws would again develope itself
indisposi-
tionnamely an
on the part of agriculturists to invest their capital in
land, and an indisposition to take land for any length-
ened period of time. The great impediment in the way
of agriculturists desirous of improving the land
was the indisposition on the part of landlords to
grant leases, and therefore any stimulant administered
calculated to promote that agitated state of feeling
amongst the land -ownersmust be injurious to agricul-
ture. It was, likewise, his opinion, that by continuing
this modified system of duty or protection, for two or
three years longer, great difficulty Would be thrown
in the way of the transmission of foreign corn
to this country. At the present moment
the stock of corn held in store by foreign countries was
upon that corn were very great. Now, if the duty ien
re-
moved at once it would not injure the country, be-
cause no sudden influx would take place ; but by this
modified system of duty continuing for three years, the
certain consequence would be, to induce the foreign
trader to hohl hi his stoc.,
~ zind thus dam up
the sources of supply. for those three years, and
when that time had
influx of foreign corn into
apired the result would be a vast
this country when all restrie-

Information was received in York on Tuesday of an unfortu-
nate occurrence which took place on Saturday night last, in
the vicinty of Harrogate, in Yorkshire, and resulted in
the death of a man named Brotherton. It appears
that the deceased, who was a labouring man, was
paying his addresses to a female servant in the employ
of a respectable farmer named Atkinson, and, as is
frequently the case in that part of the country, had
been in the habit of visiting her after the family bad re-
tired to rest. On Saturday night the deceased, who was
somewhat affected with liquor, went to the house on an
amatory visit, and in seeking to attract the attention of the
maid. servant, disturbed the adult members of the family,
one of whom opened the window, looked out, and saw a
man who he supposed was attempting to break into the
house, for the purpose of committing a felony. Thereupon
he seized a loaded gun, and fired at him. After the gun was
fired the deceased left the premises, and nothing more was
heard of the matter until next morning, when he was found
in a lifeless state in a field near the house. On examination
it was discovered that the whole charge of the gun had en-
tered his breast, and he had evidently died within a few
minutes of receiving the wound. It turned out that the
deceased, who was well known in the neighbourhood as an
honest character, had merely visited the premises for the
purposPs alr,ady stated, and not for thogo of plunder. The
feelings of the family, on learning the facts of the case, may
be better imagined than described.
Liverpool contains forty-eight fire-proof warehouses.

TB E SUN LON DON, FRI DAY MORNING, JAN UAlt V 30, 1816.

tion had been removed, and the result would be a serious would not be driven from the opinions they entertained by any
I injury to all parties. All those Noble Lords whom he I order, and who not only ought to maintain protection to agri-
evas now addressing were as deeply interested in this culture, but to the domestic manufactures of the country. It,
Matter as lie WAS ; though, no doubt, this plan had been perhaps, was riot right to take up the time of their Lordships
'ltiefioiod 'fifth vitiw to Securing their sup-port, it et he. te.lth this subject at that period, but he could not avoid addres-
, trueted that if they took the same tiei,e of the sing them whets resenting petitions,eSiwned by thousands of the
subject that he did, they would use their influence tenant farmers of this country ; g_as there_fore, that
their Lordships would rather promote than prevent discussion,
to preleent tl. tneastUre from passing; Which would he so and regretted that they had not an abler advocate than himself.
ittitteiotm to tlienlsel4s, Thqe war another• pointto For his own part, he would rather have had free trade at once.
which he would wish to allude. He had hefird the than measures which only partake of that principle. Their
speech cf one of the Noble Lords on the cross bench, Lorde'hipe should reiamember that the principle of protection had
who had spoken in strong terms, in rather severe terms, existed in this cohntry far a great number of years, and, as Sir
on the subject of protection to the landed interest. Robert Peel had said, had kept pace with the prfoagrdeisssadoframoatnaue-
but not in terms lest severe than that branch of factures, and had been of adQvkaendtar instetandato
they should notg
the subject which be dealt with deserved.—(picas; hear.) tdoestthreom . All
st the farmersw hich
hada' vvolerewda;ell, ti'nd hich ought,
To talk of giving such a compensation as this was, to therefoyrea; JoYbemeontinued.
say the least of it, putting a gross delusion on their Lord- RAILWAYS.
ships, as ho believed that the only real compensation The Earl of DALHOUSIE then rose and said—ln rising to
which could be made to those engaged in agri- move your Lordships to appoint a Committee to consider what
cultural pursuits was of the nature of which steps should be adopted with reference to ttie railway business of
promises had been held out, but which this session; I shall endeavour to bring as briefly as I can be-
he was sorry to learn from the pavers that fore your Lordships the f eta of the case with respect to the
had been printed, was not intended to be fulfilled— amount of that business, sod to state the grounds upon which
he meant the real spirit of competition, which was the it appears desirable that there should be some departure from the
carrying out of the principle of free trade, with respect ordinary mode of dealing with this cats of Bills. My Lords.f
to other articles, as well as to corn.—(Hear.) It seecrned in previous years the Bills brought under the conhsideratroonthoe
just that if they were to sell their corn at a cheaper the House have, untilh yeee• beensns faerwdinsencntmioneer. I
deposited
price on account or the competition which would be enoen is.stikotnh
eo
olaer4dsotf
Trade
mwbears
Youe Lordships will recol-
dered, that they should have an opportunity of produeino lect that at that time it. was a matter cf consternation to the
the commodities which they required at corresponding House, and it was then supposed that such an enormous man
pricee. Ho saw no reason why the colonies should have never could be presented again. During the present year, that
an advantage which they did not possess. If the English is, on or before the 30th of November, there were deposited
farmer was able to bear free trade, he wanted to know at the Board of Trade 815 plans and sections of projected rail
on what grounds the colonies wore not able to undergo ways, of which 606 were for the formation of railways in Eng-
the same competition ? They had to support land, 121 for railways in Scotland, end 8,1 for railways in Ire-
armies and other establishments for prot cuing the land. On the 31st of December there was a considerable re-
colonial dependencies, and it was neither consonant with duction in this number, as the number of plans and
sections deposited at the Private Bill Office on thatto
common sense ore quity to withdraw these burdens from
afrsoonti daysav was 687. Now, my Lords, I do not me-an
them, to the serious injury of this country.
that all these Bills arc likely to come
a loss to know why the principle of free trade was to be before the House. Some have already disappeared, others will
applied to this country. and withheld so far as the co- form a junction with each other; and. the extreme haste, and
lonics were concerned—(Hear, hear)—and be hoped extreme inaccuracy of a great number of the schemes that
when the proper time arrived for the discussion of the have been prepared for the consideration of Parliament, will
cause them to fail before the Standing Order, Committee.
measures brought forward by the Government, that
their Lordships would give the subject tlvir most seri-tasking Nevertheless,e%e mpaoasistigle" every
deduction for these contingencies,
allowance for
rfo„rro theseer e a his e s 0f3.1i failure, s
il
sus consideration, and te usted that they would insist on ,
tnere can be nyo doubt thata of
the principle of tree trade being carried out with respect come under the consideration of Parliaittent—aranumber far ex-
to other articles. The application of the principle to ceeding anything which has appeared in any previous session.
one article to the exclusion of others was col- And, when your Lordships coueider that, even with the corn-
culated to throw discredit on the principle on which paratively limited number which came before us in the last
the Government propositions were stated to be founded. year, the great difficulty we had in dealing with those, and the
He hoped that when the measure came forward, it would excessive difficulty which the other House of Parliament had
be disencumbered of all those absurdities which reminded
to encounter, and when it is remembered that all this business
them of by-gone controversies. He hop, d that they —this enormous mass of legislation, is in addition to the ordi-
would strike out upon fresh ground—that thethink
nary private bill biossiness,Csoomgnriedatteetshafotrittwh'eilslebue abso-
true, sound, and right principles of free-trade, now latelythe s t find
for some interference. But a still
so b.ildly announced, would be carried into effect for the
r sufficient'raeteirsdifficulty groundis involved in this 'natter in the shape of the
benefit of the whole nation. That which
had fallen from the Noble Duke (the Duke of gcalpital which will be required for these undertakings. I have
the amount of the capital of nearly all these Companies, ob-
Richmond) had induced him (Earl Grey) to tamed from their own official documents—and in those eases
trouble their Lordships with these observations. where I have not been able to obtain the information from the
Perhaps he had gone further than he ought Companies themselves, I have had it supplied from other
on that occasion, but considering how generally sources ; and it appears that for these 687 Bills the amount
those matters were decided—practically and vir- of capital required will not he less than 370,000,0001.
tually decided before their Lordships had an Ido not, however, wish your Lordships to suppose that this
opportunity of pronouncing upon them, he amount will actually be required, for, in addition to those lines
thought there was some justification for them if they which may not have complied with the standing orders, there
are a vast number of competing schemes, one only of which,
ventured thus early strongly to express their opinion. under any circumstances, can receive the sanction of your
He would only say, in his own justification, that the Lordships' House. Making every deduction, therefore, and
principles of free trade, since his first entrance into Par- taking the very lowest estimate furnished by those who are in-
liarn,ost, were those which be had always sympathised in. terested in making the sum required as small as possible, I con-
On his first entrance into the House of Commons he had ceive that 100,000,00 W. will be the amount required. To
voted in those very small majorities by which the prin- show your Lordships the amount of obligations imposed upon
ciple of the sliding scale had always been opposed. yourselves, I may inform you that in the past year not less than
From that time to the present the language 118 Bills received the sanction of the Legislature, involving an
he had held, boils in office and out of office, had been that expenditure of 600,000,000/. ; and the previous year forty
the whole system of protection was, from first to last a lifltlshwere sanctioned, requiring an expenditure of 14,000:000. 01.
of
70e laosotoyearwalonebuPtarlia,omuernt Lurtdhsohriisesd thweillexpreenedoiltleoret
mistake, injurious to the protected interest as well as In
those against whom protection was granted; and the that this sum is only) to be graduallyP expended;
sooner they adopted the principles of common sense— but inasmuch as it is necessary that many of those schemes
those principles which every great political writer and should be pressed forward, and as the construction of them does
philosopher had supported—the sooner those principles riot extend over a larger period than three
tears, this sum will
were pi tostically adopted in legislation the better. be fully demanded in these three years. Nour Lordships will,
Lord ASHBURTON, who was scarcely audible in the therefore, perceive that, in the years 1846, 1847, and 1848,
gallery, ventured to apologise for the warmth of the language the average expenditure will be te0,000,000/. The sum, there-
contained in the petitions which might be presented to their fore, taking the smallest estimate, which will be brought before
Lordships upon this subject, considering that the petitioners the consideration of your Lordship? House will be 100,000,000/.
believed that their whole fortunes, and almost existence de- I think, therefore, that it would be well for your Lordships to
pended upon this measure being rejected. Government would take into your consideration whether the diversion of this enor-
never be able to carry out the principles so ably advocated by mous amount of capital into the one channel of railways, may
the Noble Earl. If, indeed, that free trade could be este- not be at variance with the public good; whether it may not
blished, then he said, as the Noble Earl had said, that it was interfere with labour and industry, and whether some limita-
the principle of common sense. But how could they, in a tion ought not to be placed on this extraordinary expendi-
country where such complicated interests existed—a country in ture. It is perfectly notorious, I appeal to Noble Lords
which such artificial systems were fighting against the regula- from all parts of Great Britain, that already the price
tions sought to be enforced by the Noble Lord—how could of labour is enhanced to an inconvenient degree. Now,
they, he said, expect to carry free-trade principles into effect, my Lords, I will go further than that. I believe that it
despite of this artificial system of Society. It must be recol- is for the interest of railway enterprise itself that the un-
lected that they had, in addition, a debt of 800,000,000/. bounded sanction of Parliament should not be given to this im-
on their shoulders ; and again he said, how was it mense number of schemes. It is well known that the prices
possible then to carry out the principles of free trade ? of labour and materials have already, as 1 have just stated, risen
He (Lord Ashburton) should like to have the opinion of a to an enormous extent ; and of course this rise of prices will
Committee of Ways and Means on this subject. They might of necessity be considerably increased if we sanction this large
perhaps find it a difficult matter, with diminished resources number of projects. Well, then, what will these promoters do
arising from the abolition of protection, to maintain the credit in this state of things ? It must be remembered that the par-
of the country. 'the Noble Earl had stated that the British ties acting under these Bills of incorporation will have a great
farmer could beat the foreign grower, but they could not fight and large amount of capital in their hands, while, at the same
the foreign farmer with their hands tied.—( Hear, hear.) time, they will be armed with great and inconvenient power,
While the men on the shores of the Baltic were paying for which, for the cause I have stated, or perhaps from some other
labour 6d. a day, the British farmer was paying 2s. It re- cause, they may not think proper to exercise. And thus these
quired no great skill in political economy to foresee, that so great and inconvenient powers will be kept suspended over the
circumstanced, these two classes could not cope with each heads of all those whom the Bill may affect, and the public will
other. The burdens peculiarly pressing upon the British farmer be deprived of those advantages which the public might derive
should be rescinded, for he maintained, whatever might be said from the completion of the undertaking authorised by the Bill,
to the contrary, that tithes were unusually oppressive on the and which, in fact, was the consideration which in-
landed interest. Then the poor-rate came more immediately duced Parliament to give to the promoters the im-
upoil the country, for towns were comparatively exempted. mense powers which the 811 itself contained.—( Hear.)
Much as he admired the general principle of free trade, he con- On the other hand, suppose the promoters go on with their un-
ceived that it would be impossible to establish it in England in dertaking; and, notwithstanding the increased cost of materials
its present peculiar position. They had had no wise man who and labour, they carry on their wores as rapidly as it was pos-
had ever said any other thing. If they took Bible for them to do, is it not more than probable that they will
Huskiason, they found him saying, " When it is have expended all their money before they have by any means
not necessary to want to raise sixty millions of taxes then you concluded their undertaking?—( Hear, hear.) Consequently
will have cheap bread, but not before. So Mr. Ricardo also in either cases the railway people will not be benefited, but
admits that on every principle of justice the British farmer was :host unquestionably in neither case will the public be bene-
entitled to compensation. In the present state of the country fited.—( Hear, hear.) Now, after all these considerations,
it was perfectly Utopian to endeavour to bring about a system and the many difficulties which are in the way of carrying out
of free trade. He did not complain of the League subscribing this immense number of projects, I ask your Lordships, whether
money for the purpose of watching the registration of voters, you can safely now pursue your former mode of proceeding, or
but he did complain of the League opening, in every county whether you ought not now to place some limit to the extent
and town throughout the country, what he might term shops you will go in legislating upon railways e—( Hear, hear.) It
for the sale of what he must certainly consider fictitious votes. has, however, been observed by a Noble Marquis, whom he did
—(Hear, hear.) The advertisements of the League state that, not see in his place now, that the Government ought to take
for the sum of 401., any person may qualify himself for upon their own shoulders the disagreeable functions of decid-
e voter in the county elections. As a proof of their ing what railways should comas before their Lordships, and
success in this business, they stated that they had which should not, but it must be recollected that it was not in
created as many as three thousand votes in one county. the power of Governmenttotake upon themselves this duty, be-
lle considered that if the Government did not bring forward cause they had not the means or the power of deciding the
some measure to prevent this wholesale creation of votes, they question so satisfactorily as a Committee will have.
would be acting in a very injudicious and improper manner. The Government have, however, at the earliest
Lord MONTEAGLE wished to know upon what doctrine his convenient opportunity directed the attention of Parliament to
Noble Friend founded his statement ? Upon a doctrine which the matter, in order that it may be settled to the satisfaction,
he had heard elsewhere no doubt, and he (Lord Monteagle) if possible, of all parties. The Government have made prepa-
had heard it frequently advanced by persons who were most rations for laying before these Committees such information
eager advocates for the repeal of the corn-laws, and who car- as they have been enabled to collect, and which they consider
ried in their doctrines with respect to the protective duties, will tend much to remove the amount of their labours. They
and with respect to the doctrines of the freedom of trade, just have caused maps to be prepared, showing the lines already
such arguments as had been used by his Noble Friend, who constructed, those in the course of formation, and those which
had put forward the revenue duties as being obstacles to the are involved in the projects before the House. These will be
freedom of trade.—( Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend put for- arranged in such a manner as to show the districts which are
ward, with his accurate knowledge upon this subject, arguments at present without railway convenience. This information
which recognised no distinction between a maintenance of will be laid upon the table of the House for the guidance
the revenue and a freedom of trade. But protection of the re- of the Committee, and ho considered that had the Govern-
venue he would hold was perfectly consistent with entire free- ment come down with any settled plan to be pursued as to
done of trade.—(hear, hear.) Until we were producers of railway legislation, it would have been productive of no good
tea in this country, and until we were producers of tobacco consequences. The best plan they could adopt was to propose
likewise, the tea and the tobacco duties had no more relation the formation of a Select Committee to take these matters
to the advance of trade than the state of our foreign relations at into consideration. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
the present moment with India or elsewhere. He would not her Majesty's Government has proposed that a Select Com-
refer to the old doctrines upon this subject, for he thought mittee be formed in the other House. When the report of
that such a course would not be either just or agreeable in that Committee shall be presented, the Government will then
arguing such points as these, because ho would venture to say he prepared to submit to the House their opinions as
that the opinions of the wisest men in the kingdom had under- to the course which they think wise to adopt.
gone great changes on the question of corn. But then he There are other matters which will then come under the con-
must say, that with a very strong exception, all the variations sideration of the Committee, which I think will materially
of opinion had been in one direction.—( Hear, hear. ) Per- conduce to the benefit of the parties more immediately in-
sous who had previously advocated the doctrines of protection terested.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances he
and the restriction of commerce, had abandoned those doe- begged leave to move that a Select Committee be appointed
trines by degrees. Noble Lords themselves—the Legislature for the purpose of taking into consideration the mode of re-
of the country—had undergone great changes upon this sub- gulating the railway business before the House.
ject. From the year 1815, up to the present time, there had Lord BROUGHAM quite agreed with the Noble Lord in
been a gradual progression towards the doctrine of free trade the feelings of alarm with which he considered the question of
in the Government of the country,—( Hear, hear.) Let the amount of capital. God forbid that he should entertain
Noble Lords compare the year 1815 with that year in which the opinion that Parliament should not interfere in the suls-
the ninth Act of George the Fourth passed ; and again the ject of this enormous outlay of cepital. But when Parlia-
Act of 1842, and they would at once see a manifest and con- ment was called upon to give some extraordinary, and he
siderable change in favour of free trade. They would find would call them extravagant, power in any case--( Hear)
that they had been steadily advancing towards the doctrine of —without which there could be no such investment of capital
free trade since the year 1815. But without referring to by- as was asked for—it would not be proper for Parliamenti
gone opinions, he was surely entitled to refer to the opinion of to grant those powers without a due regard to th_
e ds
hear.)
that great body—the merchants of London—on this all-impor- posal of the capital of the country.—(Ha
arlia-
taut question. A petition from that body was presented in ment had no right to interfere with
.t
theenratural employment
the other House of Parliament, which laid down the princi- of the capital of the country, but when was sought to dis-
thereof, the
ples of free trade, and prayed for the removal of all burdens pose of that capital by an unnatural employment
from the commerce of the country, and that peti- Legislature was then bound to step forward and oppose the
that there was any
tion was supported, at the time of its presentation, attempt.—( Hear, hear.)
the
did
grants
sot seethat had already been
by a host of his friends in the other House of Parliament. thing morally wrong in
He utterly denied that these laws were imposed for revenue, sanctioned for railway purposes,
of all providence and cir -
but suppose he granted that they were more heavily taxed in had been
.made with an abstinencegranror would he say that they
this country than elsewhere, that was an argument why corn- cumspection ; but when he was called upon to make more
merce should be left unshackled, and the enterprise of the grants to such an amount as would increase the expenditure
merchant, the production of the farmer, and the industry of from 20,000,0001 per annum to 53,000,000/. (for that was
the manufacturer freed from any restrictions which fettered the calculation) lie did think it the duty of Parliament to put,
them. It was, perhaps, wrong to discuss the measure by an- a stop to such an extraordinary diversion of the capital of the
ticipation, as the details were not as yet before them. With country into one particular channel.—(Hear, hear.) He
regard, however, to the three years' limitation, he believed it hoped that, before the House would proceed headlong into the
would be prejudicial, rather than advantageous, to the interest sanctioning of fifty-three millions of money being granted for
which it pretended to protect. He took the measure, how- the formation of railways for each of the succeeding thirty.
ever, as a whole, and while he said that it gave him great three years, they would give the subject the most serious con-
pleasure to see such an approximation to free-trade principles, sideration. He apprehended that out of that House his argu-
he confessed that he would have preferred the measure if it ment would be misapprehended, but he certainly did hope to
had come into operation at once. He thought the protectionists be heard before their Lordships on this subj ect w en it should
themselves would see that a limitation of three years would come in a proper sh _ before the House. He certainly did
he more prejudicial than otherwise; and if they objected to it, consider that the
y dealta withßislwayC gommuietstteieonsshaoubludndurnedde.rfogiod greatmore
he considered it quite possible even yet to amend it so as to thatalteration, and its powers should be abridged.—( Hear,
H obviate this objection. e denied that the land had any right hear.) That
b
to peculiar protection. His Noble Friend had referred to the importantthan all the questions which came before the Courts
doctrines of Mr. Ricardo on tithe, but that ceased to be re- of Westminster, or any other court of law in the kingdom,
garded as formerly, since it was made a permanent charge on although it of course possessed none of the skilful
the land. As there was no question before the House, he experience possessed by the judges of those ceurts,
would now present a petition from Stranraer in reference, to 7
__With all possible respect for both Houses of
(Interruption, amidst which the Noble Lord handed the peti- Parliament, he did not consider any Committee which they
tion to one of the clerks.) might appoint a proper tribunal for the disposal of business
Lord ASHBURTON rose to explain. The Noble Lord of such vast importance as that involved in the railway business
went on to say a few words in reference to the growth of which it was proposed to bring before them. God forbid
tobacco, which, he said, was one of the luxuries of the poor, that he should wish the privileges of either House to be inter-
and which the countrymen of the Noble Lord who had just sat fered with, or that he should sanction any attempt that might
down had got into a knowledge of the growth of just at the be made to transfer those privileges to any other quarter
time when it was prevented by an Act of the Legislature. —( Hear, hear)—but he was morally persuaded that the rail-
The Duke of RICHMOND said he thought it was rather a way Committees were the very worst tribunals that existed in
strange proceeding to enact a law by which the farmers were the country. He hoped, therefore, in conclusion, that their
compelled to employ men when they did not require their see- Lordships would afford him an opportunity, on a future occa-
vices. Why should that be done? If the farmer was to be sion, of speaking more at large on this important question.
compelled to sell his corn cheap, why should he not be at The Earl of KINNAIRD said that it was generally con-
liberty to buy his labour cheap? If he employed a man for the sidered by the public that Parliamentary Committees were not
best part of his life, was that a reason why he should be cone- the best judges of the railways which were submitted to their
pelled to give him in old age the same amount of remuneration decision. Oftentimes two lines in the same course were sane-
he paid him while in the vigour of life, when his labour was tioned which worked against each other, and in one case two
of value to him? He (the Noble Duke) had heard a great companies clashed so much with each other that the public
deal said about the reduction of the duty on brandy as a means were frequently misled in consequence of the confusion of
of preventing smuggling; but he conceived this very measure tickets. Some combined system should be adopted by which
to be a means of encouraging smuggling, for those who smug- , they and other evils, from a similar cause, would in future be
gled were no more free-traders than those who caused free- I prevented. He would give notice for a motion on Monday
trade by legal enactments.—( Laughter. ) If they reduced the next for a return of the fees on the different railways, and their
malt tax, a sum quite equal to that now realised would be appropriation. On one railway the entire expenses connected
obtained from the increased consumption which could not fail with Parliamentary extension amounted to 8,000/., and 3001. of
to take place. But the members of the League were strongly j this sum was for fees. This he considered wrong, and should
opposed to the removal, and cried out, "If you take meet with the attention of Parliament, with a view to its
off this tax you will give a boon to the farmers." The remedy.
recommendation in her Majesty's Speech respecting the removal Loral ASHBURTON, who, from the low tone of voice io
of protective duties, in order to ward off the danger of famine, which he spoke, was almost inaudible in the gallery, approved
was was the opinion of Sir Robert Peel in 1839, when he was en- of the appointment of the Committee. He agreed with the
be
r°
deavouring to obtain place and power. However, he had stated position of the Noble Lord, because he conceived it w
that he would notbe amenable for the opinions which he had for- necessary to put some limitation to the call for la.bour uwpeo❑.
merly gave utterance, but if he abandoned his language, those railways in this country. Many of those_ projects, it was 11
who were consistent might be permitted to take it up, and known, were got up by attorneys and engineers in country

towns, who got up these schemes for their own private tir-
! poses ; at the same time he would say it would be better to hove
the millions squanderedaway- in these railways in England, than
in speculations in Russia.
The Duke of MONTROSE said it was very necessary that
a Committee should be appointed to consider the best means to
adopt with respect to the number of projects now before the
country, in order that they might consider whether it was in-
cumbent that the large amonnt of capital which might be re-
quired to construct them should be expended or not. He was,
' however, of opinion, that great inconvenience would arise unless
the course proposed by the Committee for the adoption of Pare
liment was known at an eariy day They must recollect that
the deposits would have to be paid to the Accountant-General
in a very short time, and that very soon after that period, those
projects, who had complied with this order, must he submitted
to the Standing Orders Committee, and unless the Committee
reported on the subject before the time of paving the deposits,
they would prevent a great number of schemes from paying
their deposits at all, so that great inconvenience would result
from the money being locked up. And then, again, if the
Committee were obliged to report in a hurried manner great
difficulty could not tail to Arise on acocunt of its being impes-
s.ble to decide on the immense mass of Bills which would be
submitted to them, notwithstanding the facilities which the
Government would give to them for the purpose of facilitating
their labours. Then he could not understand the principle on
which the Government could recommend that some schemes
should be entertained and others objected to—what railways
would be required in some parts of the country, and which
scheme out of the many projected in the same district
should be selected. It was true there could not be much doubt
in determining on a project traversing a district suffering from
the present inefficient means of communication ; but it was,
peesible, on account of the variety of interests to he consulted,
and the difficulty in deciding justly on them all, that a railway
got up by attorneys and persons of no property or in-
fluence. might be selected instead of one in which landed pro-
prietors and others.; whose interests would he materially affected,
and which had the advantage and recommendation of being
bone
.fide. He only mentioned these things to show the diffi-
culties with which the consideration of the subject was sur-
rounded, and the great necessity of taking measures to give all
the railways of a bone ficA character mature and serious consi-
deration.
Earl GREY entirely concurred in the propriety of appoint-
ing this Committee, but he hoped that they would not be con-
sidered as pledging themselves to the very novel principle of
limiting the amount of capital which Parliament chose to con-
sider the country could afford for the construction of railways.
The more he heard that principle explained and discussed the
more doubtful did it become. It appeared to him that what
Parliament ought to do was to see that the parties applying for
power to make a railway really had the capital which they pro-
fessed to have. Next. that the capital was suffieient for the
object in view, and that the object, if attained, would be bene-
ficial to the public.
Lord REDESDALE—That !hotel i be the first inquiry.
Earl GREY—That should be the first consideration. fhen
they should inquire whether the prepared works would inter-
fere unnecessarily or injuriousle with private property. If
those inquiries were answered sat isfeetorily, for his part, he did
not see that it was right for Parliament to interfere further.
Those parties who subscribed the capital were the best judges
as to whether that capital ought to be invested in railways or
not In his opinion, Parliament would be stepping beyond its
proper functions if it attempted to decide how much capital
the nation ought to devote to the construction of railways.
That which affected private interests must at. the same time
affect the interests of the public. It could not be shown that
the projectors were in a position, with a sufficient capital and
full means, to carry forward their work, then Parliament could
interfere and stop their proceeding further. ,It would
only remain for the Legislature to refuse Parlia-
mentary powers where such power ought to be refused.
It would lead to no useful conclusion, if they gave these mat-
ters only a hasty and artificial consideration. He had felt it
necessary to make these remarks, in order that it might not be
supeosed that, in giving his concurrence to the appointment of
this Cemmittee, he meant to recognise the justice of one of
the principles that that Committee intended to carry out. He
considered it desirable that the Committee should look closely
into the means by which they proposed to diminish the expense
of the proceedings, and the great labour which must be im-
posed upon these Committees. There had been a suggestion
thrown out last year, and he considered it a very good one, and
he was anxious* that their Lordships should take it into their
consideration. Itr the separate Committees during the last
year, it happened that, where there were competing lines, one
of them was sanctioned by the Committee of the other House,
and the rival line was sanctioned by the Committee of that
House. Thus both were lost to the parties, and great expense
was incurred. Now, he should like to know whether they
could not have a joint Committee, acting for both Houses.
This would certainly diminish the labour throws on each indi-
dual Member of that House, and he thought it possible that
every technical difficulty could be got rid of.
Lord ASHBURTON thought that considerable difficulty
would be found in ascertaining which schemes had a sufficient
capital, for all they had before them was a list of names, all
of whom, from A, B, and C downwards, got their scrip, and
went into the market for the purpose of selling it at a premium.
It would, in his opinion, be absolutely impossible to tell whe-
ther each scheme had a sufficiency of capital to carry it out.
Lord MONTEAGLE said that they could not effect the ob-
ject desired by the Noble Earl as long as the House of Com-
mons dealt with railways and e ith money bills. It was ut-
terly impossible that their Lordships could overtake the busi-
ness which would come before them. Their Lordships would
recollect the late period at which the majority of these Bills
came before them. In March, April, and May, 11 railway
Bills came up to their Lordships' House from the House of
Commons ; in June, 81 ; and in July, 25 ; so that they had
generally to deal with private business at a time when the pub-
lic business before their lordships was the most pressing. The
House of Commons had the exclusive right of dealing with the
taxation of the country, and God forbid that the House of
Lords should ever interfere with this branch of the legislature.
It was upon this principle that a railway measure could net
come before their Lerdshipe before it had been before the
House of Commons, because it was looked upon in the light of
a money Bill.—( Hear.) But, in his opinion, this rule applied
to railway Bills was meat preposterous: and, from personal
communications he had had with several Members of the
Haute of Commons, he knew that many men of the greatest
experience were disposed to take the same view of the matter.
Formerly a certain class of criminal measures were treated as
money Bills ; but the absurdity of the rule was afterwards
found out, and it was no sooner discovered than it was aban-
doned. Under these circumstances, then, he would suggest
that, in the existing stiee of the people of Ireland in relation
to food, the labours of Parliament should, as far as it was rea-
sonable and just, be directed to the encouragement of railway
measures.
Lord BROUGHAM—They should be cast into the balance.
Lord MONTEAGLE—Just so; and for that purpose, he
would suggest for the consideration of Govornment, and others
whose duty it would be to consider ti,e matter, the propriety, if
not the necessity, of dividing equally the railway business of the
session between the two Houses of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.)
Lord REDESDALE said, after all, the question to be con-
sidered was this—could the Legislature get through 650 Bills
in the course of one session. For his part, he thought it
was absolutely impossible, and therefore he thought the House
was adopting a very proper course in appointing a Committee
to consider the subject. If they had pursued the old system,
the good and bad schemes would be jostelling each other to get
into the Committee first, and at the end of the session it would
be disagreeably discovered that same of the Bills which were of
the utmost importance had failed in getting through Committee.
He wished to say a few words upon a remark which fell from
the Noble Lord, with reference to the opinion which he stated
the public had entertained of the Committees of that House
—that they were not a fair Committee. He did not think any-
thing that he had heard could induce him to be of that opinion.
—( Hear, hear.) Committees of that House are, its their
very nature, uncertain, as all other tribunals are. As far as
he knew, the Committees had acted according to what they
censidered the merits of the case, and in no instance had any
feeling of private interest, or any other motive, been allowed
to influence their decision.
The Earl of KINNAIRD said that he meant that they

were not competent judges—that they had not sufficient infor-
mation before them to enable them to come to a just decision.
He looked upon the Committees of that House with the great-
est respect. He had heard eminent leading counsel say, with
reference to matters brought before them, " That will do for
the Commons—it will not do for the Lords."
Earl DALHOUSIE then moved the appointment of the
Committee.
Lord BROUGHAM considered that every member of the
Committee should solemnly promise not to open his mouth
with reference to the decisions likely to be come to by the
Committee.

The Duke of WELLINGTON asked if the Noble Lord
would like it to be a Secret Committee ?

Earl ELLENBOROUGH thought that there was no neces-
sity for making it a Secret Committee. He was sure that no
Noble Lord would allow any information to come from him.
Earl DALHOUSIE stated that the Committee would pre-
sent their reports to the House as soon as they had come to a
decision.
Their Lordships then adjourned` onday next.

Thursday, .Tan. 29.
HOUSE OF COMMOIVS,
The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minutes before
four o'clock.
Petitions were presented for leave to bring in the fol-
lowing railway Bills, viz.:—The Colchester and Stour
Valley ; Manchester, Matlock, and Midland ; Man-
chester and Southampton ; North Junction ; several
extensions of the York and North Midland Railway ;
Cheltenham and Oxford ; Newport Pagnell ; London
and Birmingham (St. Albans, and other branches, in-
eluding the Rugby and Stamford Extension) ; the
London, Hounslow, and Great Western Junction ;
Great Western and Uxbridge ; and the Manchester,
Sheffield, and Rotherham.
A petition was presented from the trustees of the
Woodstock•road, praying to be heard by counsel against
the Bury St. Edmund's Railway Bill.
Mr. ALLIX presented a petition from the inhabitants
1 of the Isle of Ely against any alteration in the present
corn -Iwo.
Several petitions were presented in favour of Lord
Ashley's Ten Hours' Bill.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from the
inhabitants of the West Riding of Yorkshire, praying
the House to pass into a law the Ten Hours' Bill. The
Hon. Member also presented a petition from the inhabi-
tants of Reading against any increase in the Parliamen-
tary grant for the services of the army and navy, and
against the embodiment of the militia.
Sir R. H. INGLIS moved for a return of the duties
received in the last financial year on each of the several
articles enumerated in the resolution moved, on the 27th
of January, 1846, by the Right Hon. Baronet Sir R. Peel.
THE GAME-LAWS.
Mr. BRIGHT gave notice that, on Monday next, he
would move the re-appointment of the Cornmittee.on
the game-laws.
ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.—THE
MILITIA.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said that, as his Right Or.
Friend had given notice of his intention to move that the
v_ ud
_jl .
House at its rising do adjourn till Monday.,
.he
now move, therefore, that the House at its rising ao so
journ till Monday next.
ask a
On the question being put from the Chair, uestion .
Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBErete e
hto
militia.q The
respecting the emboiliment. of
country had been led to unkcieerpsltaacned
othnatananearelmy bdlyi-,
ment of the militia would.tasdann
in consequence pre,
manner v
would
i itadkwehpilechc,e.and time when, thi,
and great excitement and
vailed as to the Clubs were form'
raising of the force
ins to find Substitutes for those who might be drawn
and, in manyinstances, associations of persons were
forming to protect parties in offering passive resistant
the service.
What he wanted to know was, whet& to
an early embodiment of the militia was tc:o-- "fiCii :fn.
place, and whether it was to be made imailr'-ill74:a_---,.t.' AN
present law, or that a new one was to be int ocrtthakf -'''Z'e;"
If a Bill was to be introduced, he hoped it wool *OO3-41.,,- -,
13.4 a
on an early day, and not when the session was', . ' iNs`,'".v: 1 r't
so that the whole question might be fully cornfi etitti'';'ti.„l-‘ ' '
Sir J. GRAHAM said that it was the intenti lsi--7- 1 1
eta'' ''''
~ k c• -v
...
,p,, i