The Sun.
London, England, 1870-07-16 00:00:00

THE IRISH LAND BILL.

Their lordships then proceeded to consider the Com-
mons' reasons for disagreeing to certain amendments
made by their lordships to the bill.—Earl Granville moved
that the first amendment be not insisted on.—The Duke
of Richmond said the effect of the motion of the noble
earl was practically to restore the scale of compensation
to that at which it stood when first introduced into their
lordships' House. As he did not think the amendment of
sufficient importance to insist on, he did not propose to
ask their lordships to adhere to it, although he believed
that the scale as altered by their lordships the best
arrangement. The alteration of the duration of the lease
from 21 to 31 years he disapproved of, as he was strongly
in favour of the shorter term, but he did not propose to
ask their lordships to insist on the amendment. With re-
spect to conacre, the amendment that had been made by
their lordships' proposal in the House of Commons en-
tirely altered it from its meaning ; but he should not ask
their lordships to reject even that amendment. With re-
spect to permissible registration for improvements he
must ask their lordships to insert another amendment,
and also that affecting the conditions of ejectment.
After a short discussion, the whole of the amendments,
with the exception of those mentioned by the noble duke,
were given up, and a committee appointed to draw up the
reasons for insisting on the alterations mentioned.
In reply to a question from the Duke of Manchester,
Earl GRANVILLE defended the transfer of the settlement
of the Gambia to France, and said it would be difficult to
show that this country would gain any advantage by re-
taining it.

The other bills on the order were forwarded a stage, and
their lordships adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRIDAY.
The Speaker took the chair at ten minutes past two
o'clock.

FRANCE AND PRUSSIA.

Mr. DISRAELI asked the Prime Minister whether he
could inform Parliament what in his opinion was the
Cause of the present disturbed state of Europe. It seemed
to him that the time had arrived when
that question was strictly legitimate. There '
had been two causes mentioned by public rumour
for this unhappy state of affairs. One alleged cause was
that a German Prince had been a candidate for the throne
of Spain. He could not induce himself to believe that in
the nineteenth century, with its extended sympathy, its
elevating tendencies, anything so degraded and so bar-
barous could occur, as a war of succession. (Great
applause.) But they had very recently had an ,
authoritative statement from a Minister of France
Which at once disposed of the pretence that any preten-
Men by a German prince to the crown of Spain could be
the cause for the present state of affairs. But there was
another cause alleged, and it was this, that between the
two allies of her Majesty, between whom these unhappy
'Misconceptions seemed suddenly to have arisen, there had
been for a long time many causes of misconception and
Misunderstanding, much jealousy and distrust, and many
questions as to their relations with other countries
of Europe, which had been left open and unsettled
that there had been a resolution in some quarter to bring
about a precipitate settlement of this question. He ven-
tured to observe that if there were truth in these state-
ments, any foundation for the circumstances to which he
had alluded, the cause of controversy between these two
allies of her Majesty was purely a diplomatic question.
What he wanted to bring under the consideration
of the Government and the House of Commons
was that both these powerful States, between whom the
misunderstanding had arisen, had within only a few years
solicited the advice of, and prayed for the influence of her
Majesty to be exercised on their behalf. They had done
more than that. They had entreated her Majesty to
enter into engagements—perilous engagements—with the
view of furthering their interests, securing the peace
of Europe, and of giving them an opportunity
of a happy termination of all questions of
difference between them. Under these circumstances
he must express his opinion that whatever might be the
political competence of France and Prussia at this moment,
to declare and ca.ry on war, and no one could question
that, neither France nor Prussia had a right to enter into
any War without consulting Great Britain. He wanted
to know from her Majesty's Government whether, in the
representations which they had made—and he had no
doubt they had made them with great zeal, energy, and
anxiety—to the Courts of the Tuileries and Berlin,
that view of the case had been put forth. He made no
doubt of the zeal of the representation which had been
made as to England being heard, but they had arrived at
a moment when it was not sufficient to dilate upon the
horrors of war, and the blessings of peace. It was not
sufficient to dilate upon the abstract principles. He be-
lieved a public announcement on this subject would have
a beneficial effect upon Europe, and it was the duty
of the Government to bring under the consideration
of both France and Prussia the peculiar claims which
Great Britain had upon their confidence, upon their trust,
and upon a reasonable deference to her councils. He
repeated that he wanted to know whether this view of the
case had been set before the two States, and whether they
had been reminded of the great sacrifice and the great
exertions which at their request and instigation only a
short time ago the Queen of England made in
order to advance their interests, to secure the peace of
Europe, and to give them an honourable opportunity of
terminating their dispute. Before sitting down, he ven-
tured to express his individual opinion that the ruler of
any country who disturbed the peace of Europe incurred
the greatest political and moral responsibility—(great
applause)—which could fall to the lot of man. They
heard superficial remarks about military surprises, cap-
tured capitals, and the celerity with which
results might be brought about at this moment,
which were not expected or contemplated. These the
right lion. gentleman said, were relics of a by gone age.
In the last century such melodramatic catastrophes were
frequent, and they were effective, 'but they lived in an
age animated by a more temperate spirit and thought. A
great country like France, or a great country like Prussia,
could not be ultimately affected by such results, and the
Sovereign who trusted to them would find at the moment
of action that he had to encounter, wherever he might be
Placed a greater and more powerful force than any military
array, and that was the outraged opinion of an enlightened
world. (Great applause).

Mr. GLADSTODiE : Sir, it is not for me to follow the
right hon. gentleman over the whole of his remarks, for
he I am sure will agree with me when I say that at this
peculiar moment he enjoys a freedom—he in common with
every other member of this House enjoys a freedom—
which does not belong to the advisers of the Crown.
(Applause.) At the same time, sir, adverting to the
impressive words with which, the right hon. gentleman
closed his speech, I may say that it is the opinion of her
Majesty's Government, and, as it appears to me, it is his
opinion too, that there is nothing in the circumstances,
nothing in the differences- -which have lately appeared,