The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-23 00:00:00

TI nits.

Lord CAMPBELL inquired if the Lord Chancellor
intended to introduce any Bill with respect to the levy-
ing tithes this session, as there was considerable differ-
ence of opinion on the subject?
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the case came
under the consideration of the Court of Queen's Bench,
and they were equally divided upon it. The same case
came also before the Court of Common Pleas, who were
also divided upon it. Under such circumstances, he con-
sidered it to be a very proper subject for legislation, and
he proposed very soon to lay on the table of the House
a Bill baying special reference to it.
LONDON AND YORK RAILWAY.
Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the
Archbishop of York, against the London and York
Railway. The line pr,posed to pass within a quarter of
a mile of the windows of the Archiepiscopal Palace, at
Bishopsthorpe, and would cut off all communication
with his farm-house. Another line of railway ran
within a mile of the palace, and he prayed the protection
of the House against such interference. It was not for
himself so much as for his successors that he made the
present stand.

- FEVER HOSPITALS (IRELAND) BILL.
Earl ST. GERMANS moved the second reading of this
Bill, and in doing so he hoped their Lordships would
pass the Bill with as little delay as possible, as it had
been ascertained from returns that had been laid upon
the table, that fever was rapidly on the increase in that
country. _

'The-Bill was then read a second and a third time, and
passed.

STATE OF IRELAND.
Earl GREY, in rising to move that an humble ad-
dress be presented to her Majesty, relative to the state of
Ireland, felt bound to apologise to their Lordships for
thus bringing forward a subject of such extreme
difficulty, and to which he felt unable to do justice. His
only excuse was this, that he had not found any other
Noble Lord to do so, and he felt compelled by a sense of
duty to introduce the matter. The measurs which had
been introduced, with reference to Ireland, were, in his
judgment, of such a character as to render it imperative
on the House to take the earliest opportunity, after
having seen these Bills, of declaring by their assembled
votes that those measures were in themselves quite in-
adequate to cure the social evils by which Ireland had
been so long afflicted, and that they were only justified
on the supposition that they were intended to give time
for the application of other and more effectual remedies.
—(Hear.) It was the object of the motion that he now
submitted to the House to call upon their Lordships to
express that opinion, and he only earnestly wished that the
task had rallen into other and worthier hands. But
as this was not the case he had only to intreat their
Lordships' indulgence to their very imperfect manner,
in which he might fulfil the duty he bad imposed upon
himself. In bringing this subject before them, unfor-
tunately, there was but Ittle need to dwell upon the un-
happy condition of Ireland. They had heard enough of
that from those placed higher in authority than he was.
The Noble Lord opposite, on behalf of her Majesty's
Government, in introducing the different measures,
had described the state of society as most
awful to contemplate—as a state of society
in which there was no security to life or pro-
perty, as a state of society in which the extreme
wretchedness was most appalling, in consequence of the
partial failure of the potato crop, a failure which was
likely to lead to famine and pestilence, unless counter-
acted by the measures introduced by her Majesty's
Government. This was the state of things described by
her Majesty's Ministers, and unfortunately this
was not an accidental nor an extraordinary, nor
an unlooked - for calamity. It was but an
aggravation, and not a great aggravation, but a chronic
and habitual state of Ireland. The evils of that unhappy
country were not accidental, they were habitual. The
ordinary condition of that country was one of wretched-
ness and lawlessnes. It was so described by every com-
petent authority, and nointelligent foreigner who pushed
his inquiries as far as Ireland but gave it this description.
It was a digrace and a reproach to any country, a
standing disgrace to England, that Ireland should re-
maind in the position in which it was. It was regarded
throughout the Continent, he assured them, nod they
pleased, but there was no foreigner—French, Ger-
man, American, or Italian, or any nation of any foreign
country, however different in form of government,
who visited Ireland who did not turn and congratulate
himself on the state of his own country. It was a
greater disgrace because this state of things had been
created by our own policy. The mere fact saved all
forms of argument and was a conclusive irrefragable
proof that it was the fault of our Government. Now
could they lay to their souls the flattering unction that
it was misgovernment alone that caused this state
of things. They cannot say that whatever state
of things existed it was not their own fault. The
Government of Ireland before the Union was the most
ingeniously bad that was ever contrived—it was the
Government of a corrupt minority sustained by the su-
perior power of the Parliament of this country, and it
triumphed over the good legislation of those opposed to
it, Sand left behind it fatal and irreparable evils. No
man could have a stronger opinion than himself of the
venality of the Government which existed in Ireland be-
foe the Union. The Union, however, was a matter of
history. Half a century or more than
fifty years had
elapsed since that measbre was carried, and for nearly
fifty years Ireland had been under the control of the
Imperial Parliament of England. Another generation
had since grown up, and was now passing away
and
giving place to another ; and he asked what impression
had been made on the evils of Ireland since that time.

He could not deny that many good measures had been
passed, and he was the &Ist to acknowledge and approve
of them. He believed that several measures had
been adopted, many of which he hoped bad contributed
in some respects to improve the condition of Ireland, but
in the worst and leading symptoms no improvement had
been made. On that point he could quote high authori-
ties. He found that the Commission presided over by
a Noble Earl, not then in his place, had said, the year
before last, that a slight improvement had begun in
agriculture in Ireland ; but there was evidently no advance
or improvement in the condition of the labouring classes
In the report of that Commission they were informed
that the aericultural labourers still suffered great priva-
tions and hardships ; that they depended upon casual
and precarious employment for their subsistence ; that
they were badly housed, badly fed, badly clothed, and
badly paid for their labour. And the Com-
missioners concluded this part of their statement
by saying—" We cannot forbear expressing our strong
sense of the patient endurance which the labouring
classes generally- exhibited under sufferings greater, we
believe, than the people of any other country have ever
endured." This was an authentic statement, and came
from a Commission appointed only the other day to
inquire into the state of the people of Ireland. It was
a report describing the state of things in that
country before the failure of the potatoe crops, and they
told them that the sufferings of the great mass of the
people of that country were s reater than those endured
by any other country in Europe.—(Bear, hear.) This
was indeed a field for statements, and coming
from such a quarter could not be without founda-
tion upon equally authentic informasion. Ile
(Lord Grey) could state that the condition of Ireland
was much worse now than formerly ; he meant that the
whole mass of the nation were dissatisfied with the in-
stitutions under which they lived.—(Cheers.) A
strong, a deep feeling of hostility to that form of
Government under which they were placed, seemed
to him to be rather gaining than losing strength.—
(Hear, hear.) He was led to that opinion by what
he heard fall from the Right Honourable Baronet
the Secretary of State for the Home Department two
years ago. lie heard that Right Hon. Baronet say—
and the statement made a deep impression on his mind—
he said in answer to a speech of a Noble Friend of his,
that he distinctly admitted that we held military occu-
pation of Ireland, and that that country could not be
governed by any other means—that it was occupied
by troops, but not governed like England. This was a
statement made by the Secr tart' of State for the Home
Department. He (Lord Grey) asked if that state of
things ought longer to continue? It lead -him to infer
that there must have been something wrong
in the policy they had pursued, and that some
measures different in character were required
to meet the exigencies of the country.
That was the inference which arose out of these pre-
mises. He could not understand how a man who was
in his reason could arrive at a different conclusion. He
repeated that a change was absolutely necessary. But
her Majesty's Government proposed to continue the mea-
sures which had hitherto been pursued—measures which
had increased instead of decrease the evils under which
Ireland laboured —they proposed doggedly to persue.
He asked how they could expect but that their mea •
sures would condemn the old termination.
Money and coercion had beeen the whole
policy of her Majesty's Government. There had
been no lack of money, hut it had failed to re-
medy the evil. The statement he had made
showed that some remedies, other than those
adopted, were required to meet the condition of Ireland.
It was impossible for this state of things to continue with
credit to this country.—(Hear, hear.) Should it be told
him that the condition of Ireland was in such a state
that it was impossible for them to alter it. He would
sas that that was a libel upon common sense, unless,
indeed, it was not in the wish of the Legislature to
alter it. Ireland was gifted by nature with great
resources. She had great coasts and harbours—
she had great water-courses—and, indeed, her great
natural resources were not to be denied. When the
people of Ireland were removed from this condition,
they would become better affected towards this country.
Their dispositions were not averse to a friendly
relation with us, but the misgovernment which they had
experienced alienated them from this country. We see
them in the colonies—we see them in America—we see
them in all parts of the world distinguishing themselves,
and taking most important positions where their energies
and talents were brought to bear. We see them here
at the hardest work, and their industry and good conduct
was most exemplary. He had himself seen them'in that
part of the country with which he was connected, and
he had found them grateful for the labour which they
had got. They were thankful, they were well-con-
ducted, and they were buoyant in spirits ; they were not
given to quarrel ; to be sure we saw them sometimes
rather thoughtless with regad to themselves, but we al-
ways found them open and warm-hearted, and an excel
of gratitude not indeed for favours, but for
the employment given them by the people
of this country. Why, then, should such a people suffer
such unparalleled misery as they were now suffering in
Ireland ? Was not this the fault of the Legislature
which kept them in such a state ?—(Hear, hear.)
He said then that it was possible for Parliament to in
terfere with effect to remedy these grievances. He was
not of opinion that evils of so long standing
could be remedied all at once, but he was
persuaded that if the consideration of them wa
undertaken with proper earnestness and simpleness
of purpose, and without regard to preconceived
opinion that they could, in a short time, give evidence
of what could be done for the good of Ireland, in pro-
ducing a better state of things than what at proseni
existed, as well as a better ordered community. H,
repeated, that if Parliament discharged the duty
hich was incumbent upon it, no despair should be
entertained of success, fer they might depend that the
blessing of Providence would attend their endeavours.
The fault he had to find with Government was not for
what they had done, but for what they had omitted to
do. He complained of the measures as being inade-
quate. Not that they were in the wrong direction. He
thought that the means by which they proposed to carry
out their intentions were ill adapted for the purpose. Ii
he rightly comprehended her Majesty's Government.
their object was this: It was to increase the protection tip
life and property in Ireland, and to secure protection to
honest industry, and better rewards for labour. They con-
sidered these two subject so closely connected as to be inse-
parable, and to make it impossible to say which was
cuase and which was effect. If the resources et
Ireland were looked at it would be at once seen that
the great desideratum was security, and if its poverty
and wretchedness were considered, it would be difficult
to deny that want of employment and the absence of re-
ward for honest labour had much to do in producing them.
Such a state of the iAW could only tend to increase and
aggravate the existing evils ; no remedy that the
Government could apply would be effective, unless a
remedy was applied to both at the same time. Employ-
ment should be given to the people of Ireland by pri-
vate enterprise and industry, and by no other means
could the Government hope to achieve their present ob-
ject. These were the views he understood the Government
now to have; and he also understood that the motives
of the present Government, in bringing about an im-
proved state of things in that country were right and good,
and indeed it would be difficult for the Government
to do more. Those measures of the Government were
judicious and well-timed, and he had no fault to find
with them. But he could not forget that the perma-
nent employment of the Irish people depended
upon private enterprise and capital being ex-
tensively employed in that country.—(Hear, hear.) No
country could be in a wholesome state that depended
upon the Government fur mere artificial means of em-
ployment. When they looked at the present
state of that country, and the amount of em-
ployment given to the people by the Govern-
ment, they should see that it would be literally and en-
tirely inadequate to the purposes for which it was in
tended. Such measures would accomplish no real im-
provement, unless, at the same time the state of the coun-
try was such as would encourage the investmentofprivate
capital and enterprise. But this could not be expected
until persons and property were made secure, and that
security established on some better and more solid
foundation than at present existed.—(Cries of "Hear,
hear.") Until that was made certain, it would be
utterly impossible to expect that private enterprise to
any great extent would take root in Ireland, for such
security in any country was no less necessary to its pros
perity than the existence of life itself.