The Sun.
London, England, 1833-09-21 00:00:00

GERMAN PAPERS.

NAPLES, SEPT. 3.—Things have greatly changed here..
It is known that the King takes great pains to dispel the
reports that have been spread respecting him, and that he
has suddenly become very desirous not to be considered
as the promoter of the new ideas. His sole endeavour is
to introduce amelioration into the several branches of the
administration, and especially to improve the spirits of the
army, which is sunk so very low. He will thereby entitle
himself to the gratitude of all well disposed persons. His
eyes seem to have been opened chiefly by a correspondence
between a distinguished deputy at Paris and a Frenchman
living in the Roman States. It is said to appear plainly from
this correspondence what the object was. The old doc-
trines of 1793 seem to be revived in this correspondence.
It rn ust be c
observeda ntbe m thatu much edified thed mostvi
bysuch decided
opinions,a
adherents
andt s o
Liberalism
will certainly rather look quietly on the course of events
than promote their ideas at such a price. How much more
must they have worked on the mind of the King, who in
the ardour of youth thought he was only promoting what
was good. It is important for the tranquillity of Italy the
several Governments should act on the same principles and
concert together respecting the state of affairs. Otherwise
tl e adversaries would have an easy game to play.
Unless there should occur some change of sentiments,
which unhappily often happens, the present state of things
here would so far at least have a favourable effect in the
Roman states, as it would serve to relieve them from the
burden of foreign troops. Hitherto it would have been
dangerous to keep the legation without foreign troops.
But if there is more unanimity among the Italian Govern-
ments, if their mutual distrust is removed, they have
means enough to support each other, and to maintain
peace in their common country. Italy in this respect
greatly resembles Germany, so long as the German
Governments had not come to a misunderstanding, and
the Diet of the Confederation wanted the force, which
pains have latterly been taken to give it, disturbances were
everywhere to be found. If the Italians had an institution
like the German Diet, the Governments would soon dis-
play greater energy than they can now do.—Allgemeine
Zeitunq, Sept. 15.

VIENNA, SEPT. 10.—Five per Cent. Metalliquee, 93;
Four per Cent., 83i ; Bank Shares, 1,195.

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of devising
i s as
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hall
means of aiding
labours for the reformation of the abuses of Municipal
Corporations. John Dillon, Esq., of the firm of Morri-
son and Co., in the chair. Several gentlemen, among
whom were Mr. C. Pearson, Mr. Franks, Mr. Saul, 11.1 r.
Williams (of Watling-street), &c., addressed the meeting,
and urged the propriety of forminga committee to assist
the labours of the Commissioners, who, it was stated,
were not expected to sit in London until after Michaelmas
Term. They pointed out the an uses which had lung
prevailed in the existing corporate bodies, and lauded the
appointment of the Commission, whose proceedings were
to he open to the public, as a measure likely to be ~.-oduce-
e
e u. tip..
rointed, the meeting broke up.
tive of great benefit. The Committee having b

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

We have lately inserted the Royal Commis-
sion for inquiring into the constitution and ma-
nagement of the Municipal Corporations of the
United Kingdom ; we have likewise recently
published the commission for instituting inqui-
ries into the state of the criminal law, with a
view to the modification of such parts of our
penal statutes or mode of judicial procedure as
require improvement, and to a better arrange.
ment of the whole. We had formerly occasion
to announce and to describe the appointment
and labours of the commissioners nominated to
inquire into the poor laws of England, and more
recently to mention the appointment of a com-
mission to ascertain the practicability and policy
of introducing a system of poor laws into the
sister kingdom. All these commissions are
urged to activity by the call of the Government,
and must present reports on which the Legisla-
ture will probably be invited to act next session :
if so, it will be of extreme importance that the
facts which they shall collect, and the opinions
which they shall think it their duty to submit to
his Majesty's Government, should he printed
and laid as early as possible before Parliament
on its re-assembling. We press this matter
with peculiar earnestness, from a painful
recollection of the very hurried and imperfect
manner in which the most important measures
were discussed and disposed of towards the
close of last session, and the consequent imper-
fect manner in which their details, and the rea-
sons for their adoption, are even now known to
the public. We might produce nearly all the
great and permanent measures of the session as
an illustration of the evil against which we are
now warning the Government, but we shall at
present more particularly allude to the Factory
Bill, as we formerly adverted to the East India
Act. Everybody remembers how much, and
how justly, the national feeling was excited
against what was properly called at the time the
" white slavery of our fact ories,"—the sacrifice
of the health, the happiness, and the moral
nature of children, who cannot be free agents,
to the cupidity of their parents or the rapacity of
their masters. Everybody read, and read with
horror, the details of cruelty, oppression, and
barbarity contained in the report of the com-
mittee of which Mr. Sadler was chairman, and
therefore hailed the Ten Hours' Labour Bill of
Lord Ashley as the one thing needful—as the
only protection to infants against the infliction
of such hardships. By the resistance which the
noble Lord's Bill met with from the manufac-
turing interest, its progress was interrupted
through the House, and Government having
appointed a commission of inquiry into
the management of factories, and having
themselves introduced a bill founded on
the Report of that commission, the No-
ble Lord's measure was finally abandoned.
Now, it might have been anticipated, from the
fierce conflict of the antagonist parties at the
earlier part of the session,—from the resistance
made to the appointment of the Royal Commis-
sion,—from the jealousy with which the pro-
ceedings of the Commissioners were watched in
the manufacturing districts (a jealousy of which
we ourselves largely partook), and from the pre-
vious favour testified to the Ten Hours' Labour
Bill of Lord Ashley, that, at least, the substi-
tuted Government measure would be rigidly
canvassed in all its stages, and would be gene-
rally known and appreciated after its enactment.
This, we say, was the very least of the results
which might have been expected from the pre-
vious collision ; but we are sorry to add, that
from the lateness of the period at which the new
Bill was introduced, and the multiplicity of other
brisiness before Parliament at the time, its pro-
visions were very inadequately explained or dis-
cussed in the Legislature ; and never, perhaps,
was there Effected so important a change in the
commercial or manufacturing policy of a great
nation—never was there passed so powerful a
measure for regulating the industry and promot-
ing the education of the manufacturing popula-
tion of any state, with so striking an indifference
on the part of the public, and so imperfect a
knowledge of its details after it had been placed
on the statute-book. On this account, we may
be excused, as in the case of the East India
Bill, for giving an outline of its chief provi-
sions, and describing its probable results. 1. In
the first place, the Factory Act provides that,
for the protection of the health and interests of
the rising generation, no persons under eighteen
years of age shall be allowed to work in a mill
or factory in the night at all, and the night is
defined to be the time that intervenes between

half past eight o'clock in the evening and half
past five in the morning. Lord Ashley's Bill
extended the same protection to young persons
till they reached their twenty-first year, and
described the night to be the time intervening
between seven o'clock in the evening and six in
the morning. We need hardly repeat here what
we have said on so many former occasions, that
we prefer Lord Ashley's limitation, and that
we wish it had been adhered to in the Act. 2.

In the second place, the Act provides that no
child under nine years of age shall be admitted
to work in a factory at all at any time of the
day, or under any conditions. This is almost

a transcript of a similar clause in Lord Ash-
ley's Bill. In looking at the report of the
Commissioners, how different do we find the

present practice ! " It appears in evidence,"
say these gentlemen, " that in some rare
instances children begin to work in facto.
ries at five years of age ; it is not uncom-
mon to find them there at six ; many are
under seven, still more under eight ; but the
greater number are nine." 3. In the third
place, we find it provided that children between
nine and thirteen years of age are only to be al-
lowed to work eight hours a day, or 48 hours a
week. This, we think, is an improvement on
Lord Ashley's Bill, which made no distinction
between children of nine years of age and young
persons of eighteen, fixing the hours of working
at ten for all. We shall afterwards see how
much more nobly and profitably these two hours,
thus rescued from the toils of the mill, are to be
employed in the exercises of the school---in that
mental culture for which the Noble Lord's Bill
made no provision. 4. In the fourth place, the
Act limits the hours of working for young per-
sons between thirteen and eighteen years of age
to twelve hours a day, or sixty-nine hours a
week, exclusive of an hour and a half for meals
in the course of the day. In this respect, and
in this respect alone, the statute contains a ma-
terial deviation from the protective range of
Lord Ashley's Bill, which fixed the labour of
all children between nine and eighteen years of
age, at ten hours a day. 5. In the fifth place,
the Act allows two whole holydays and eight
half holydays in the year ; the period of the
latter to be determined by the master or em-
ployer. 6. In ascertaining the age of the chil-
dren whose admission into factories is allowed,

or whose scale of hours is graduated from nine
to eighteen, the simple assurance of those in-
tereqed is not to be taken. The paternal care of
the law requires the certificates of a surgeon
that the child is of " the usual strength and ap-
pearance of children of the age" to be admitted
or protected. We do not remember to have
seen either of the two last mentioned provisions
in Lord Ashley's Bill. But the important dis-
tinction between the defeated Bill and the suc-
cessful Act which now supplies itsintended
place on the statute-book, lies in two circum-
stances which would be great measuresin them-
selves, and contain the seeds of mighty changes
in our domestic policy, independently of the re-
gulation of the hours of labour in our factories,
which was alone originally contemplated by Mr.
Sadler and Lord Ashley. Their measure was
nearly destitute of executory machinery (if we
may be allowed the expression), and would soon
have been forgotten or abandoned like the pre-
vious Bill for regulating cotton factories. It,
moreover, contained no provision for educating
the children whose hours of labour it regulated,
and withdrew its care of their health and morals
after they had issued from the factory door.
The Ministerial Act, on the contrary, pro-
vides an important class of new officers, called
inspectors, who shall have the authority of
magistrates for enforcing its execution,—who
shall be responsible for its observation,—and
who shall be empowered to frame rules, having
the authority of laws, for carrying its spirit and
intention into effect. They will have nearly
the same powers, and answer the same ends,
as the protectors of slaves in our colonies
before the Emancipation Act. Though li-
mited to four, they can have the assistance
of subordinate superintendents on the nomi-
mination of one of the Secretaries of State. Their
business is to see not only that the hours of
labour in the mill are observed, but to provide
that every child between nine and thirteen years
of age, employed in a factory, shall attend some
school, to be chosen by the parents or guardians
of the child, for the space of two hours every
day at least, and shall bring a schoolmaster's
voucher every Monday to the factory for such
attendance. The inspectors shall have the power
of erecting additional schools, if necessary, the
payment of the schoolmaster being a deduction
of one penny per shilling in the earnings of the
child. The situation and duties of these inspec-
tors will thus be of the greatest consequence in
the domestic economy of our manufacturing ci-
ties, towns, and districts, while the state of the
children employed in the factories must soon be
sensibly changed, not only from the exclusion
of perfect infants below nine years of age, who
can be better employed at school—not only from
the regulation of the labour of those who are
admitted after that age—not only from the pro-
tection which all must enjoy against cruel treat-
ment, by having a powerful guardian within
reach—a guardian acquainted with their condi-
tion, disposed to hear their complaints, and
empowered, at all times, to enter the premises
where they are working—but from the moral and
religious education which those from nine to
thirteen will be compelled to receive. We are
no enthusiasts in such matters, but we cannot
contemplate, without a strong feeling of sa-
tisfaction, the advantages which we foresee
as likely to result from this beneficial
measure, if carried into effect by a liberal
Government, and superintended it its ope-
ration by inspectors or visitors of strong capacity,
of enlightened humanity, and moral courage.
The principle ofinterferen ce between the employers
and employed, by a Government inspector,
is, no doubt, new to our internal administration,
but it is justified by the new and extraordinary
situation of our country with regard to manufac-
turing capital and industry. The congregation
of workmen into great masses under the same
roof, and the employment of children of tender
age, who cannot be their own masters, in great
numbers, under the same superintendent, who
may overwork their frames, or torture their fee

ings, afford facilities for the performance of the
duties which it imposes. We cannot extend the
same protection to children in scattered employ-
' ments ; nor do such temptations exist, in such
cases, to neglect their education or to gain money
by their fatigues. If we are to be the workshop
of Europe,--if we are to manufacture cottons,
and woollens, and linens, for whole continents,—
if we are to employ two or three millions of our
population in mills or factories, let us at least
do all in our power to mitigate their toil, to
promote their education, and to prevent, by their
moral improvement, the effects of their discontent
or turbulence, when the accidents of foreign
politics, or the caprices of foreign customers,
may expose them to a temporary fall of wages, or
stagnation of employment.—Times.
The Corporation Commission for the investi-
gation of the municipal jurisdictions and public
revenues of the corporate boroughs of England
and Wales excites, as we anticipated, the most
grateful interest throughout the country, as is
abundantly proved by the columns of the pro-
vincial journals. It was high time that these
corrupt self-elected bodies and garrisons of
Toryism were visited by the besom of Reform;
and if the amendment of the Representative
system had produced no other political result,
we should have said that this remedial measure

was alone a vast popular gain. The municipal
incorporated boroughs Are the sink-holes of
local corruption and political abuse. Self-
election, secrecy, sinister interest, there abound
undisturbed and revelling in impunity. In the
great majority of instances as in the Scotch
Burghs, all the subservient and willing tools of
Toryism are the chief Corporators, to the exclu-

sion of every enlightened and opulent inhabitant.
Lord Lyndhurst, and, be it remembered, Sir R.
Peel also, impudently defended the misrule as
the government of independent, spotless, and
irresponsible managers of private property. Thus
have their municipal jurisdictions and public
funds been perverted from the original objects
of the institution and endowment. But the

" fulness of their time" is come. They are

now to be subjected to a searching investigation,
and to alterative measures of a Reformed House

of Commons. Whilst a component part of the
Borough System, they were protected by the
menials whom they sent up to Parliament as the
mock representatives of the people. Corpora-
tions, perverted from their original ends and
purpose, have been, in most instances, a curse
instead of good to the community. The Muni-
cipal Magistracy has lacked even a decent sem-
blance of local respect—not a shadow of effective
or popular police has existed in any single town
—the receipts and expenditure of the public
funds have been an impenetrable secret exclu-
sively known to the select few—the civil and
criminal jurisdictions have continued not only
unimproved, but generally in a state of shameful
and defective management—in short, the Cor-
porators have " done that which they ought not
to have done, and have left undone that which

they ought ta have done." The nation, there-
fore, naturally and justly hails with delight the
movement against these time-eaten and offensive
bodies. The country papers, in all the counties,
appear to welcome the advent of the Commis-
sioners; an interest not diminished by the general
personal character of the gentlemen selected by
Government to accomplish this desired reforma-
tion. The Leeds Mercury, in noticing the
district arrangements for the north of England,
observes—
" We trust the scrutiny instituted by the Commissioners
will he searching, for they will turn up many nests of cor-
ruption and jobbing, especially in those boroughs which
have considerable funds, and where the Corporations have
bad the power of creating freemen to answer political pur-
poses. Their investigations must, however, be conducted
with vigour and dispatch, as it is doubtless intended to pass
the measure of Corporation Reform during the next ses-
sion. The character of Mr. Blackburne, the Chief Com-
missioner, and of Mr. J oseph Parkes, the Secretary, is a
sufficient guarantee that the inquiries of the Commission
will be boldly and honestly conducted."
The Provincial Papers generally detail the
progress of the Commissioners with the same
satisfaction. We hope that in their anxiety
to report for future improvement, the Commis-
sioners will not lightly treat the past offences of
some of the more notorious Corporators. A
perfect remedial measure can only be at-
tained
by a full insight into past iniquities, by
which cure and prevention will go hand in hand.
kVe are also particularly glad to observe by the
Country Papers, that the Commissioners sit in
public, and are accessible to communications
from any inhabitant. A close inquiry would
have savoured too much of the spirit of the
present Corporations, and have been extremely
objectionable. We must not forget that the
municipal constitution of the City of London is
not perfect, and is equally susceptible of the be-
nefits of investigation. The subject was a topic
of discussion at a meeting of the Common
Council yesterday, as will be seen in our report
of the proceedings of that civic body ; and we
are gratified to observe the willing obedience pro-
fessed towards the Commission. It was there
stated that the London Corporation was " far
advanced in self-reformation ;" but we do not
doubt that its members will be greatly assisted
by the Commissioners. The City Companies
will afford a fruitful supply of subjects of inquiry,
and constitute a numerous offspring of the great
parent Corporation. The Globe makes the fol-
lowing abservations on these latter municipal
bodies :

" Great interest is excited throughout the country as
to the result of the inquiry into the Municipal Corpora.
tions. We do not conceive it to be a matter of great
difficulty, if principles be agreed on and kept in sight, to
know what should be done in establishing new Corpora•
tions, in which the safe course is to do nothing for which
some convincing reason cannot be given ; for, as a Cor-
poration is an exception to the general system of the king-
dom, the burthen of the proof, as to every inch of power
conceded to it or to its members, lies on those who propose
to erect it. But to deal with many of the old Corporations,
and especially with their property, is a matter of great
delicacy. The limits are in many cases indistinct, and
almost indistinguishable, which separate Corporation from
private property. If there be a dozen or fifty persons
having a corporate name as burgesses, or merchant
tailors,' or fishmongers,' having the power of transmitting
their property, under certain rules, to successors of their
own appointment or of their own kindred, it is not very
easy, in all cases, to know why tie State should interfere
with the savings or acquisitions which form their common
stock, rather than with the property which a dozen or fifty
other persons hold in severalty, and transmit, in a similar
manner, to their legatees or their heirs. The duties of
the Commission are confined to Municipal Corporations;
but some which may be comprehended under this not very
de&nite name, are bodies forming, in fact, large families
connected by the bonds of the law, and, in many instances,
by ties of blood, and having for the object of their cor-
porate existence rather the preservation and enjoyment of
a common property, than the exercise of other powers or
privileges. How far these Corporations ought to be in-
terfered with, will of course, be a matter of curious
discus4oo.
" The City Companies are placed on perhaps the most
debateable ground—they are, no doubt, municipal, inas-
much as the members or freemen of them enjoy exclu-
sively the right of filling the City Magistracy. But
.they
are also possessors of large masses of property with which
their municipal duties have very little connexion—pro-
party almost entirely acquired by gifts from the former
members of those artificial families. It is calculated, we
see, that the whole annual value of the property of these
Companies is not less than 350,0001. In this mass of
property some 15,000 or 20,000 members of the Corporate
in
fluence
the are in various degrees interested. What
the property exercises, and how its usefulness may be in-
creased without any violation of justice—whether the
Corporations which bold it, and have in part created it,
form on the whole a benefit or a nuisance—are questions
which it is not easy without minute inquiry to answer.
They obviously partake, however, of some of the benefits,
and perhaps even of some of the evils, which have been
ascribed by friends and enemies to the Co-operative Socie-
ties which Mr. Owen and his followers have sought to
establish. They preserve common properties agin!t
individual improvidence—they lessen in many cases indi-
vidual misery, and, perhaps, at the same time, dull the
edge of individual activity."
Our contemporary is rather refined and over
delicate in some of these remarks. The com-

panies are essentially municipal corporations,
branches of the common tree. Their revenues
are literally and substantially " public," although
a few individuals may monopolise the manage-
ment ; and all additions to the original funds by
private donations have been contributions to the
public stock for the promotion of the original
objects of incorporation. It may be doubted
how far all these municipal corporations or com-
panies do " preserve common properties against
individual improvidence;" at any rate the exhi-
bition of a gentle aperient, and the light of pub-
licity, would make their respective utility and
defects apparent to the country. Some of the
City companies possess enormous revenues, the
appropriation and useful expenditure of which

are hitherto unknown ; and they have been lately
subject to animadversion and popular reflection.
We do not doubt, therefore, that they will re-
joice in the opportunity of proving their merits
to the public at large, which is amply afforded
them by this most important and timely com-
mission of inquiry.—Morning Chronicle.

Advocating, as we do, the practice of economy
in all branches of the State, we yet do not hold
the opinion that all saving is econom.y. Eco-
nomy, to be sound and wise, must also be just.
We cannot say that a considerable portion of
the savings which have been made of late years
in various departments of the State, either by
the Duke of Wellington's Government or Lord
Grey's, have been made in a spirit of equal
justice, and we will give our reasons. Both the
Tory and the Whig Administrations have
gone upon the principle of cutting down the
salaries and emoluments of the inferior and
more effective officers and clerks in die service
of the country, while they have either very ten-
derly pared with the economical pruning-knife
the vastly overpaid performances of the loftier
occupants of office, or have left them altogether
untouched. When the Duke of 'Wellington
used the pruning instrument in trenchant style
in some of the public offices, upon the compa-
ratively humble pittances of the minor officials,
we observed that his economy began at the wrong
end. He ought to have first divested of some
of their rank and wasteful luxuriance the higher
branches of the spreading tree of patronage,
before he stooped to cut away the minor shoots.
In a State which, after running a long career

of extravagance, finds it necessary to prac-
tise the virtue of economy as a means of
averting total ruin, the example of judicious
and careful expenditure ought to be begun in
those places where the opposite example has been
most pernicious—that is, in the highest stations.
The inferior officials, if they do not submit to
similar discipline cheerfully, will at least have
no just reason to complain. The Members of
the present Government joined in the attacks
upon the Wellington Administration for this
vicious and unsatisfactory mode of reforming a
system—a mode which impaired the efficiency of
the departments in which it was brought to bear,
while it left all the great burdens of prodical ex-
penditure to press as heavily as ever on the
country. The Whigs stood pledged to a more
equal economy—to an economy which would
not be content with throwing the net over the
small fry of patronage, and letting the leviathans
disport themselves in licentious freedom. They
did, accordingly, submit their own salaries to the
retrenching-blade ; but it must be admitted that
it was very delicately applied. In some instances
only the odd shillings were cut off, by which the
thousands of yearly salary were reduced from
guineas to pounds. But as economy went
downwards, it became more severe ; while num-
bers have been'thrown out of employment who
were necessary to the efficiency of some of
the departments, there has been nothing
like proportionate reductions, where the
drain upon the country is greatest. The
poorer sort of employes in the offices,
when thrown out of employment, must be sup-
ported by the country—and those who are in-
adequately paid for real services will be forced
to make up the deficiency by whatever opportu-
nities for peculation or extortion their situations
may supply. As to sinecure places, or places
with salaries in which there is no duty to perform,
some have been lopped, but a great many more
remain. Such things are not only bad on
account of their exhausting effect upon the
country, but for their bad moral example. They
serve to bring up a lazy, pampered, conceited
race, in a profusion which they have not earned,
and at the expense of that industrious popula-
tion whom they despise. They take the bread
from him who has earned it by the sweat of
his brow or the labour of his brain, and give
it to the thankless children of a corrupt system,
whose lives, in all but innocence, are like " the
lillies of the valley, for they toil not, neither do
they spin, and yet Solomon in all his glory was
not arrayed like one of these." A new instance
of that unjust retrenchment 4ich is not a wise
economy has manifested itself in the order
recently issued from the Horse Guards, requir-
ing half-pay officers to state whether they are
prepared to serve upon full pay, and informing
them that, in the event of their not being
so prepared, they will be required to com-
mute their half-pay for such sum as Government
may think expedient to allow. Now we say, if
the army is to be economized, why not begin
with the top, and upon that exalted station set
the example of economy to all the inferior ranks ?
Supposing the half-pay officers in general should
declare themselves willing to serve on full pay,
is Government prepared to employ them ? We
should think not. It is impossible that it could
be done, unless Government is about to augment
the army to the war establishment, at a time
when they declare that their negotiations have
consolidated the peace of Europe. What then
can be the meaning of asking the half-pay officers
whether they are prepared to serve on full pay ?
Why it must be known that a great many of
those officers have been pretty well worn out in
the service, and have looked forward to passing
the remainder of their days in quiet, upon the
pittance which the country has awarded them
for honourable services. Many have married,
and have young families, whom they wish to
bring up as well as their means can afford, and to
leave them no alternative but to go again cam-
paigning, or to part with their half-pay, probably
the whole or the greatest part of their income,
for such paltry pittance as Government may
choose to award ; for it is certain, that if it
were not intended that the half-pay officers
should suffer in a pecuniary point of view the
offer would not be made. The country, how-
ever, does not demand that sort of economy
which is practiced at the expense of justice.
Instead of the paltry and one-sided economy,
why does not the Officer Commanding in
Chief begin the plan of necessary and whole-
some curtailment with himself ? Why does not
Lord Hill give up his allowances as Colonel of
the Blues, and his pay as a General Officer,
while in the receipt of the large salary which he
possesses as head of the army ? Why does he
not call upon Lord Fitzroy Somerset to give up
the emoluments of his regiment, and his pay as
Major General, while he is in the receipt of
2,0001. a year as Secretary to the Commander-
in-Chief? Why does he not call on the
Adjutant-General Macdonald to give up his pay
as Colonel of a regiment, while he receives the
large salary of his present situation ? Did not
the Marquis Anglesey continue to receive pay as
Colonel of the 7th Dragoons while drawing
20,0001. per annum as Lord Lieutenant of Ire-
land ? We do not know what emoluments the
Duke of Wellington has as Governor of the
Cinque Ports, besides having Weimer Castle for a
residence, but we believe he is at the same time
in the receipt of pay as Colonel of the grenadier
guards, and also of the rifle corps. Lord Wil-
liam Bentinck, too, remains Colonel of a regi-
ment while enjoying his enormous income as
Governor of India. The same with Sir Hussey
Vivian, while receiving the emoluments of com-
mander of the forces in Ireland. As to the
duties which should properly attach to the
appointment of Colonel of a regiment, they are
performed by the Lieutenant-Colonel, and, of
course the Colonelcy is a sinecure. Indeed a
Colonel of a regiment is a person, most usually,
appointed more for ornament than use, and the
country pays too dear for the ornament. At a

. .
time when a disposition is not only evinced but
acted upon, to deprive inferior officers who have
earned the moderate pittance which the country
allows them, of that moderate pittance, it is time
for the public to look to the more decorative
part of the Government of the army—the mere
trappings which are kept up at prodigious cost,
aa
nn and
unsparingto ns insist that
hand
u n t
h economyem shall begin by laying
._Morning Herald.

Intelligence from Portugal rushes upon us
from various quarters. We received last night
expresses from Falmouth and Plymouth, the
former announcing the arrival at Falmouth of his
Majesty's packet Pantaloon, which sailed from
Lisbon on the 7th inst., and from Oporto on the
12th ; and the latter informing us that the Echo
Government steam vessel had arrived at Ply-
mouth, having sailed from Lisbon on the 12th
inst., and from Oporto on the 14th. The
communications by the Falmouth arrival are of
little value, except in so far as the statements
put forth by the persons on board evidently

derived from the party now in authority at
Lisbon, indicate the anxiety of the latter to
maintain to the last moment among their friends
in this country cheerful countenances and open
purses. Marshal Bourmont was repulsed on
the sth with great loss, but he threatened to
renew the attack ; thet hreatening aspect of the
Marshal being neutralized by the assurance that
desertions to a considerable extent had taken
place in the Miguelite army. The news by the
Echo steamer, which arrived at Plymouth on
the 19th, is valuable, as being the latest that has
yet reached this country. One letter states that
at this period Marshal Bourmont continued to
surround Lisbon with a force of 25,000 men,
and that the village and district of Belena re
mained in his possession. This does not say
much in corroboration of the story of the deser-
tions, while it shows that no decisive military
advantage had been obtained on either side.
The Pedroites possess the two cities of Lisbon

and Oporto, in both of which they are literally
hemmed in, while their antagonists possess all
the rest of the country, with an entire command
of the hearts, efforts, and resources of its
whole population. The news of yesterday is
calculated upon the whole to irritate rather than
to allay the anxiety of the people of this country
for further information. In addition to the in-
telligence received by these two arrivals we have
a mass of information, drawn from various
sources, every portion of which contributes in
some degree to elucidate the actual position, the
prospects, and the character of the belligerent
parties, and of their respective abettors. We
beg, in the first place, to direct attention to the
very curious correspondence which the position
of affairs at Lisbon has produced between Lord
William Russell and the British merchants resi-
dent in that city. Between the Noble Diploma-
tist and his fellow-countrymen there is manifestly
a very grave misunderstanding. The Noble
Lord perceives the strong probability that ere
long Don Miguel will once more be master at
Lisbon, and is accordingly solicitous now, for
the first time, that the British merchants should
preserve a strict neutrality. The British mer-
chants, on the other hand, having been encou-
raged by the whole past conduct and policy of
their Government to become partizans of the
Pedroite faction, have become very warm ones,
and evidently do not take in very good part the
homily by which the Ambassador now endea-
vours to restrain their zeal. They cannot un-
derstand why the British Government, after the
course it has pursued, should object to their
being staunch Pedroites during the conflict, and
protected British subjects after the conflict is
over, should its issue prove unfavourable. This
correspondence, and the Resolutions of the
merchants at their Meeting, speak volumes as to
the state of public opinion in Lisbon with respect
to the probable issue of the conflict. The
new-born earnestness of Lord William Russell
that his fellow-countrymen should remain
neutral—his dread of being compromised
by their zeal—their manifest and undisguised
apprehension for the safety of their pro-
perty—their solicitude for the landing of a
British force—their eagerness and his to procure
an assurance of protection from the Miguelite
military authorities, all proclaim, more plainly
even than a direct avowal, their unanimous opi-
nion that the reign of usurpation in Lisbon is
destined to be short. In the second place, we
entreat the attention of the public to the very
interesting letters from Oporto, which we exclu-
sively publish. These show that the conduct of
the British Government has been employed as a
snare, and not entirely without success, to the
Portuguese people. Of those who have united
themselves to the cause of Don Pedro, by far
the greater part have done so in the confidence
that, on the occupation of one or two promi-
nent points in the kingdom, the recognition
of the intrusive Government, as the Govern-
ment de facto, would instantly take place,
and that the acknowledgment would imme-
diately be followed by the arrival of a
powerful auxiliary force of British troops. This
delusion has already vanished, and the despond-
ing Pedroites indignantly feel that they have
been caught in what they very properly call " a
British trap." Thus the result of our sinister
and disingenuous policy with respect to Portu-
gal is to make the English Government, and
the very name of England, objects of odium and
contempt with both parties of the Portuguese
people. We need not point out to the execra-
tion of our countrymen the murderous exploits
of the cowardly cutthroats whom Don Pedro
has left behind him at his garrison in Oporto.
The result of the whole of the intelligence of
yesterday is, in short, that physically no im-
s
f
eptt
no
dishonourable
ioei
ltfl
gat
hedrevealpntat
arpa
ntgayder
parties,
ioahemsaw:bhbibgiuceutheontuEhsagnstgauiltnpahnei gained
do
support,
moral e i t
ne
fir
uo
hasan
and
lent a
alongt
with it the character of the British Government
and people in Portugal, are daily sinking lower
and lower.—Morning Post.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

Mr Oxley, and Mr. Taylor, jun., of the house of
Oxley and Taylor, appeared to answer the charge
of having received from their agent, one Jacobs,
who carried on business at Brandon, a large quan-
tity of flints, which had been stolen from the pre-
mises of Mr. Purgon, flint-manufacturer, at Brandon.

It was stated that the warehouse of Mr. Purgon
had been broken open some time ago, and robbed
of several casks of the best flints; that a man had
been traced to the house of Jacobs with a quantity
of those flints; that the back door of Jacobs's house
lay conveniently open at night for the reception of
such goods, and that the parties who deposited the
" swag" were paid next morning without undergo-
ing any particular examination as to the integrity of
the dealing. It was also stated that the defendants
received into their warehouses from Brandon, about
the period at which the robbery was committed, a
much larger number of flints than, considering the
number of men employed in flint-making, could
have been manufactured within the time; and wit-
nesses were called to prove that in the warehouse
of Messrs. Oxley and Taylor were some flints of
the same quality as those which had been stolen.
An officer had been sent with a search-warrant to
the premises of the defendants, accompanied by two
of the complainant's men, who declared that upon
knocking off the heads of some of the casks, that
they believed the flints to be Mr. Purgon's, but
never thought of bringing away a sample of them.
The LORD MAYOR having adjourned the case till
yesterday, Mr. Adolphus attended for the com-
plainant, and Mr. Bodkin for the defence.

rir. Bodkin, in the first place, requested that his
Lordship would send an officer to bring forward a
sample of the flints. This was done, but upon the
production of the sample which was asserted not to
be first rate as those which had been stolen were
said to be, one of Mr. Purgon's men said they were
not the same which bad been on the premises when
he went in with the search warrant.

Mr. Oxley and Mr. Taylor, jun., and other per-
sons, utterly and indignantly denied the truth of
the whole statement, arid designated it as a tissue
of calumnious falsehoods.

Mr. Bodkin addressed the Lord Mayor. He

said that it was absolutely ridiculous to suPPti:
that men of the high characters which his cliele
possessed, could have for a moment supposed that
they received any property from Jacobs which fat
not come at in the most honourable way. It r.ble
also absurd to imagine that they were responv
for the acts of Jacobs.
Counsel
' After a great many observations from un
and principals on both sides,
?Jr'
The LORD MAYOR said it was evident that
the
Pergen had been robbed, and that Jacobs waitivit
receiver, but his Lordship would say nothirtiti.
might cast any imputation upon the defelPi-or
He would not give any decision, but he certaliity
must say that there was no proof whatever de
knowledge.
The parties then left the Justice-room. typ
A decent-looking woman and a man, well Vete
to be an honest hard-working carpenter, 110,.
brought before the LORD MAYOR under the I°'
ing circumstances : det
The carpenter was seen reeling through the st'ber
on the previous evening, and apparently with °At
too much affection, pulling the woman along'
length down both tumbled in the kennel, and qty
it was found that the lady was far gone in b
odo
and water, and that her protector, though kqedji
perfectly well able to speak, could not help 114,P,5i
of the puddle. The officers, who saw them IS,
pickle, took them to the watch-house, whereli,
lady lay until morning, when, instead of her hushaeio
she found several of the guardians of the night
her bed-room. did
The LORD MAYOR (to the woman)—Ho"'
you get into this disgraceful state ? Lady—l wti
at a christening, and I took a couple of glasses,.,
ale, and when the boy's health was drank I tFiqui
little brandy and water, and that finished me•
hope my husband knew nothing of it.
The LORD MAYOR—I understand you are sarr 1
spectable woman, and I hope he does not. 1;
a
how did you happen to get into this man's cf-ef,
pany ? Lady—He was there, I remember, enu
is a friend of my husband's, but I don't think heil
say anything about the business. I am beau'
ashamed.
The Carpenter—l wanted to go away, my Lo
for I did'nt like to have a man's wife to answer 1d?
0,01
—(Laughter)—for I'd have to answer not only
her husband, but to my own wife; but tbel
would'nt let me out of the watch-house. os•
The LORD MAYOR—But why did you stick at
close to her in the street ? The Carpenter--U7,
else could I do, my Lord ? she was my frierl'iil
wife, and I was bound to protect her, so I t
both my arms round her, but that wouldn't do,
she began to get sick, and that sickened me, al%
down we fell together; but I was as sober $
judge at the time.
The LORD MAYOR—WeII, I'd have you keel
this a dead secret from your respective partee.''
and don't get drunk any more.
The carpenter said there were so many 0161011;
ings on the night of Thursday, and mllll rgb
honest man's wife must have got a little too 1011,1,1
heavy to let her find her way home straights
that probably all would be right.

B 0 TV-STREET. Ito
A WHOLESALE IMPOSTOR.—A a few days h,
a man of gentlemanly appearance, who stated Pie
name to be John Underwood, but wose real TO,
is Wood, and who has long been under the
vcilance of the Mendicity Society as an ingeol°A;
concocter of begging letters, by which he has
n"fo!
frauded hundreds of charitable and humane Perto
of contributions for his own especial benefit,
apprehesided and brought to this office in coai.4
quence of several cases of evident imposition, wha;
had been traced to him notwithstanding the ea.
treme caution with which his projects were 61
ducted. It appears that among his victims, or r
tended victims, persons of the highest rank are
eluded, and among others, the Marquis of Staff°re'l
Earl Spencer, Sir Herbert Taylor, &c. The late,
expedient to which he has resorted, is that of
dre,sing letters to the objects of his deceit, writ°.
in the hand of a female, and signed with the nalligt
of " Charlotte Ritchie," " Emily Rowe,''
" Eliza Sullivan." These letters were colic''ed
in romantic and impassioned language, rePr-ii
senting the authors to have been the victiel
of seduction—to be sunk in the last stsi iev
of human misery—and, in fact, in momentary 'air,
prehension of being consigned to the walls of a 9e,
r
son; and lest such appeals should be read W'e,
doubt, they were accompanied by a certificate fohie
the " Rev. J. Grant," a clergyman of charitevf
inclinations but limited means, who bore testim°l:'‘i
to the truth of the " moving tale," and regrett'oi
that he had not the power to prevent an apP
which could only be made with the prospect of soo
cess to the affluent and benevolent; but lest P..,
evidence should not be sufficient, another precio."o
document was appended in the form of a letter fruof
the actual seducer himself, lamenting the fate
the hapless object of his affections, pleading PO!rty
as the only cause of his not fulfilling his Plexlol,
and promising, if she is relieved from her
ties, to make her his for ever, and thus satisfyt tie
own conscience and her just expectations. 13utieg
crown the whole, that nothing might be Wan
id
to complete the picture, 'the copy of the writ igs bt
against the poor Charlotte, Emily, Eliza, as it.tce
be, was enclosed. Such a combination of ev''still
was in most cases irresistible; but as caution Was set
necessary, necessary, the answers were requested to rh6os
directed to the postmasters at Margate, Brffroni
or elsewhere, to whom another letter was sen-diuta
the " Rev. J. Grant," who was to be the inejettee
of communication, requesting, should a"): ht be
reach their hands directed to him, that it mlg
re-directed, as he was prevented, by clericals udreir
from going to Margate or Brighton, to some le
in town, where it was sure to reach his hands' ose
this way had Mr. Underwood been operating I NO
indefinite extent, till he reached Sir Herbert 11°04
whom he addressed at St. James's Palace' 'OO
who, suspecting the whole to be an ive:o; fa
fraud, sent the documents to Sir F. Roe; vi,irs tb
consequence, took such measures as enabled Pip '
catch Mr. Underwood, with all his ciliases4cl;:,
own trap ; and on being apprehended, a C;pii
the Marquis of Stafford, the fruits of one '94lit 131
spatches, was found. He was again bra We,":
yesterday, and is to be publicly examined on
en t";
nesday, when it is hoped those who have be
dupes of his arts will come forward and
time
gb
evidence against him. He was in custody s°,brou
back on a similar charge, but then slipped
the fingers of his accusers.

in the

_NCREASE OF HARES.—The hares
,0011't
preserves of the Marquis of Hertford at SudburYl
t"' 153„r,.,
have multiplied so exceedingly within the two /Si; is ar,
that there will be a deficiency of food for them":l- it' i'l'i
prehended, if the preserves be not thinned ; 33,,,,re0 °
been deemed advisable that two thousand, if 111:4
them
them should be killed before the winter conanr::: ,
,esOt
IRTHS. ,
On the 19th inst., at Russß
ell.place, the lady of Ia• set, i
if,. Chlri
Adams, of a son.
On the 19th inst., at Nottingham.place, ..--s.
Cancellor, of a daughter.
MARRIED. rooll'tl
On the 18th inst., at Exeter, George Ogle, Esq., °flit: the I'l
Middlesex, to Frances Mackenzie, second daughter 0 ''"
. ft
Captain Joshua Rowley Watson, R.N. to, er
On the 19th inst., at Edmonton Church, Captain /9°. „,_ Ea
4'
Margaret, second daughter of the late Robert gust]. '
ocx
of the Royal Mint. ;nal(' !let
On the 19th inst., at Bolney, Sussex, Reg- ,f Oa-
~,1
Boddington, second son of Benjamin Boddington "... 0474
Hall, in the county of Salop, Esq., to Frances AnZey, e
daughter of the Rev. William Vincent, Vicar of 13v
WIS
granddaughter of the late Dean of Westminster. ~ , De of
On the 2d inst., at Richmond, Yorkshire, Rl': 94,
os
Hampton, Esq., "eldest son of John HamPt°n Levito'francber
Wenllys and Bodiar, in the county of Anglesey. goo
Elizabeth, only child of Thomas l'anson, Esq., et.
Richmond, Yorkshire.
~, of
DIED. uensco., of
steP. ty
On the 15th inst., at Farley Hill, Edward. the eon ~.,/,
Scaleby Castle and Holme Cultram Abbey, in
01 13,00,
Cumberland, and and of Farley Hill, in the r''u:tY_
ril
, `Oyoo4(3''
PAINTED AND PUBLISHED BY DI U R I)
SLIM Orates, 112, STRAND'

(4.11 E,
BET
Capital,

Under i

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1.,Q1) Betting
k,j!tir3, Ca le.
ph Fenwi.
17orge Hem
~`o,,ert Fred.
+►ersdale V
nhert Honk
nv. Whelei
tenjamin Sh,
William Unv
',son rge Wild
' A.SAU/
Office, N(

14.NLER8.

lOLIcITORS. I

t er
bt
41ion for a
nbycic
Surveys I
iutimrity of
joration
last any
, to mak4
The Dirt
Undertaking
t Prop
atetlbily °
the renaotel
t
11,t parti
IPid and iccl
Z:ltribute t
r„Vany,
,their resp
41 4, PPliCatil
titl,nd" C
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