The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-03 00:00:00

7-' //Z

connt7y; but in the present day, with the means, now at
the service of the Government—so slight, so inferior—
to suppose that it could succeed in putting down the great
free institutions of France, was certainly going too far.
It was certainly quite out of character for the Opposition,
who boasted of perfectly understanding the great inte-
rests, the generous sentiments of the country, to accuse
the Government of using corruption by means of to•
bacco shops and supernumaries' places, and of obtaining
by such insignificant instruments the great results at
which it has arrived; that surely was not possible—it
was an insult to the country to suppose it.—(Sensation.)
He was well aware how the Opposition explained this
anomaly; they said the country slumbered—was indif-
ferent—allowed matters to take their course. The re-
storation was not very far from the present time ; the
Government then disposed of more numerous means of
influence than at present—the liberties of the country
were less extensive and less active. But the country
did not slumber, nor did it remain indifferent. And why?
Because it distrusted the Government, and was uneasy
respecting its principles--for that reason it became vigi-
lant and on the defensive. Why was the country not in
the same state of alarm now? Because it was quite
satisfied as to the principles of the Government which
held the reins of power ; and, being so, it tranqully
transacted its daily business. Let not then Hon. Gen-
tlemen attribute to administrative manoeuvres such great
results. Between the Government and the Opposition
the country had to choose, and it preferred the former,
and that was the sole cause of the former's force.
He should now come to another reproach raised by the
Hon. M. Thiers against the domestic policy of the Go-
vernment—that of falsifying the representative system.
The policy practised by the Government was every day
attacked ; it was stated to be retrograde and counter-
revolutionary at home, and weak and humiliating abroad;
and, after thus stigmatising the policy of the Govern-
ment,Opposition t wa ssai
wouldd that
have it
fawllaaswne odtt
hi tes
soawmne,
eaenadr
steh,ai tt
might
theg h
t
have been in its place. That was the language that
had been made use of : but it was evident that in that
case the responsibility was not misplaced. The Hon.
M. Tillers had certainly too much experience not to
tslh(tnaeetoeniwneettehracestxtgeroocofidsetihd netentions did not always prevent bad
consequences. He admitted the right which the Hon.
Gentleman had claimed to examine into the in-
fluence h
d
tt h
then,
bht yht a
ought
theurgi
gh
right
itffbaee
er enhneut
used
dad, powers of the
country, and under certain circum-
s
stance;s.hu
Icircumstances, in a manner
conformablya
nue
dtnodut
oes
terbetex:ifes tifnogr
prin-
ciple of a representative Government,
in-
terests of the country ? They were all labouring to
found a monarchical establishment. This was the fourth
attempt within 50 years. There was the monarchy of
1791 ; the imperial monarchy of 1804 ; that of the re-
storation ; and, lastly, that of 1830. They were,
therefore, engaged in their fourth attempt, and that
provtd two things ; that a monarchy was necessary,
since it was always returned to ; and, at the same time,
that it was very difficult to establish it on a firm and
durable basis. He believed that the last of the four
monarchies he had mentioned offered the best condi-
tions of success. If France had been told in 1830 that
at the end of 15 years she would find herself in the
situation in which she was now placed, she would have
congratulated herself more than she did at a moment
when she had extricated herself from a state of anarchy.
But, in founding a durable and solid monarchy, it was not
too much to find, in addition to the energetic assis-
tance of all the great powers of the state, that of the
Crown equally with the rest, and it was a great happiness
for the present monarchy at its very commencement to
meet with in the Crown so much wisdom, firmness, and
devotedness to the country.—(Applause, and murmurs on
the left.) What he had just uttered was repeated com-
a on'y, not only in France, but throughout the whole
world, and he could not see any just reason why he should
be prevented from proclaiming it in that assembly.—
(Renewed applause.) There was much difference of
.pinion as to the duties of advisers of the Crown. For
his part, he believed that the duties of Ministers in a
mona-chy were to maintain the accord between the
great powers of the state ; not to make one preponde-
rate over the other, but to maintain an equilibrium be-
tween them, to bring them to the same desire, the same
will. In order to effect this, it was necessary for them
to treat with all, with the Crown as with the Chambers, to
make them accept the conditions of common accord.
This wts the light in which he regarded representative
government.—(Hear, hear.) In order to perform the
ppoasrstewsshimchuehheihadadepheenrdeenpoeein. pointed
eouht,ad ivitlwaesd
Governments, many of whom he had served, and he
necessary
mryant to
was confident that no one had ever found him either
servile or complaisant.—.(Whispering.) He had, he
confessed, much respect for the powers which governed
the country, and if he happened to find himself opposed
to one of them, far from allowing them to see it, he was
anxious to conceal it. It was not proper to make the
country acquainted with those intestine struggles; the
weaknesses of the powers should be concealed. He
would never allow his vanity to be gratified by such
conduct, at the expense of his independence.—(Move-
ment.) There was another point which separated him
from M. Thiers : it was this, that in his opinion the
duty of the councillors of the Crown was, to attribute to
the Crown all that it did of good, but never to assign to
if anything of evil. The Crown was never responsible
for what was ill; it was it that effected every good.
The Marquis de LAROCHEJAQUELIN.—And 1830 !
(Laughter.)
- _

The MINISTER Of FOREIGN AFFAIRS was well aware
that in all times and countries there were Crown coun-
cillors, who endeavoured to elevate themselves by pur-
suing a different course ; such conduct neither snited his
taste nor his sense of duty. He believed, on the con-
trary, that it was his duty to stand aside before the
Crown.—(" Yes, yes.") By such conduct he considered
himself dignified—(Hear, hear)—he considered the
other course vulgar, and he would have none of it.
—(Movement.) He was convinced, that if he some day
deserved a place in the remembrance or gratitude of his
country, he should not be deprived of it by his deference
to the Crown. Such was his way of understanding the
consitutional monarch and the duties of councillors of
the Crown in such Government. These were the re-
marks which he had considered it necessary to make to
the observations of M. Thiers on the foreign and do-
mestic policy of the country. There were two or three
other points to which he should deem it necessary to ad-
vert, but, in order to do so, he must request permission
from the Chamber to take a few minutes' repose.—
(" Yes, yes.")
The sitting was then suspended, and on the Hon.
Minister descending from the tribune, he was immedi-
ately surrounded by his friends, apparently congratulat-
ing him on his speech. After the lapse of about a
quarter of an hour, he again ascended the tribune.
The MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS should briefly
conclude, as he was nearly at the limit of his strength,
and probably had worn out the patience of the Chamber.
—(" No.") The name of the President of the Council
had been incidentally mentioned the day before by M.
Thiers. That noble name shared in all the responsibility
of the Cabinet, which was but too proud to have the
illustrious warrior at its head. As long as the Noble
Marshal should be pleased to lend his name, as long as
he lived, the Cabinet would most anxiously endeavour
to keep him at their head, convinced that under no
greater name could a policy of peace be carried out.
—(Hear, hear.) He passed to another point mentioned
by the Honourable Gentleman, to what he called the
tendency of the Government and its weakness towards
the legitimist party and the clergy. No doubt the
Government had much esteem for the Hon. Members of
that great party—and these men were numerous—and
had great consideration for their social position, their
sentiments, and their ideas.—(Movement.) The Govern-
ment had shown that it knew how to come to an under-
standing with M. Tbiers to repeal the hostility of a party
But it was also the desire of the Gcvernment, as well as
its policy, to draw round it men of the legitimist party.
He dissembled nothing ; he called things by their names,
and used no disguise, It had been a great misfortune
for the French nobility that they did not know how to
toa ,siheh they were entitled,ssim,eithatpartinthepol T
political interests
had donetheirrestsof
connnothingtry
but live in the isolation of their estates, or the subser-
viency of courts.
The Marquis de LAROCIIEJAQUELIN—And on the field
of honour !

The MINISTER Of FOREIGN AFFAIRS—Yes, most nobly,
and most patriotically I But the intelligence of the
policy of the country had always been wanting to them.
It was the middle classes that had been obliged to
conquer, step by step, all the liberties of the country—
it was to theta that France owed everything I The
middle classes had given since 1814, noble proofs of
courage and intelligence ; they had in 1830, founded for
ever the free Representative Government, but they were
well aware that all the benefits, all the honours, all the
glories of that Government were not reserved for them
alone—that they belonged equally to the old French
nobility whenever they wished to join them, and to the
people, in proportion as it raised itself, and fulfilled the
conditions of its accession to political life. What he desired
and hoped most anxiously was to see such French subjects
who hitherto had taken no part in political life, either
through an unjust disdain, or through ignorance, form-
ing themselves by the proper apprenticeship, and taking
their places on the benches of political rights. That
was the idea of the Government respecting the Legiti-
mist party—an idea alike honourable to both parties.
As to the clergy, the Ministry had not the slightest
notion of, in any way delivering up to it either the go-
vernment or the education of youth. He had been the
first to declare that the two grand conquests of the
Revolution of July were, that the state was laid, and
that education was free, and to that principle the Ca-
binet would firmly adhere. M. Thiers bad also touched
on the home administration, the army, and the finances.
If any foreigner should chance to travel through France,
he (M. Guizot) believed that the country would not ap-
pear to him so badly administered as the Hon. Gentle-
man seemed to intimate. The army had been defini-
tively fixed as to numbers three yetus back, and M. Thiers
was as well aware as any one how usefully it had been
employed in the great work of domination in Africa.
He (NI. Guizot) looked on Algeria as destined to
increase immensely the grandeur of France in the
world, and he should be most unwilling to weaken in
any way the means by which the end was to be effected.
As to the finances and public works, the Ministers of
these departments would answer all objections when
their budgets were under discussion. It was that the
finances at present supported a heavy burden, but the
Government felt convinced that they would issue with
honour from their critical situa.ion. "I have now,"
said the Hon. Minister, in conclusion, " I believe, re•
plied to all the points alluded to by M. Thiers, and con-
jointly with the regret which I have felt at so general
and sharp an attack against the Government, I avow
that I feel a profound sentiment of satisfaction, and
for this reason—that at present, when all is calm and
tranquil around us, when prosperity prevails at home
and security abroad, we may, without the slightest
inconvenience, subject all the acts of the Go-
' vernment, to the um t rigid scrutiny. M. Thiers and
I
myself have not always met in our encounters under
) so serene, so calm, a heaven; we have often, in our