The Sun.
London, England, 1841-10-15 00:00:00

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occurred since last year, and on the beach may now be
seen portions of the surface of the field with the gratten
ridges of tho previous harvest distinctly risible. The
house at Hampton Hill, formerly occupied by Mr. Tas-
sel!, has been taken down, the sea having approached to
its site. —Kentish Gazette.

LONDON, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 1.5, 1841.

•
THE GRENOBLE CONSPIRACY.
Letter to the Editor of the Gazett du Dauphine,
containing some documents unpublished and little known,
by F. Gros, Avocat of the Cour Royale of Paris :
" Paris, Sept. 1.5, 1841.
" Sir—ln the two-fold quality of actor in and witness
to the events connected with the affair at Grenoble in
1816, and to render homage to truth, I address the fol-
lowing statement to you, authorising 3ou to make what
use you think proper of it
" The conspiracy of Didier has been almost always re-
pres?nted as an affair complete and isolated, without
precedent, and without consequebees. It is this error
which 1 principally propose to combat ;
the simple nar-
ration of the attempts will suffice for this purpose.
I am about to communicate all I know relative to
this idea of Didier, which survivea him, and which was
not put in action until August, 1830. Proper names
will come under my pen ; some personages who have
since then occupied, and still occupy, elevated positions
in society, will be named according to the necessities of
the events which I am about to relate.
" I was studying law at Grenoble when the conspi-
racy of Didier broke out. Being acquainted with stweral
of the parties concerned, I was for some days previous
to the execution of the plot, strenuously urged to join it.
Joannini, an old officer of the gendarmerie, and who was
killed at the attack of the Porte de Bonne, more parti-
cularly urged me to take an active part therein.
" Before engaging in it, however, I was desirous to
know the chief of the undertaking, and the object of the
enterprise. I interrogated Joannini on the subject, in
order that I might he removed from. the state of vague
uncertainty in which 1 was involved. He then avowed
to me that the object of the conspiracy was to place the
Duke of Orleans on the throne and taking the cold- •
ness I evinc,;:l towards the affair for incredulity, he
showed me a letter, in which Mf. Prince certainly was
not direct), named, but was alluded to in a manner too
plain to be mistaken. Joannini attributed this letter to
Didier, and I think I cou!d still recognise the writing
if it were shown me.

" Being then only 22 yearg of age, devoted to the
Emperor, to whom I owed my education and my rank
as otilevr ; at liberty as far as regards the Bourbons,
of whom in 1814 1 was ignorant of their existence ; at-
tributing their presence in Fiance to the disasters of
our armies, and confoun&ng them all without excep-
tion in my sentiments of hatred for the foreigners who
had brought them, I flatly refused to take a part in
a plot in which one of the members of that family might
14a intere“el

" After the 6th of May I was with several others
who had been intimate with the conspirators, compelled
to elude the researches cf the police, who at Grenoble
and at Lyons, at my father's, made every attempt to
take me into custody. Being informed of their inten.
tions in time I went to Marseilles and remained there
until the death of Didier.

" My studies kept me for more than two years
longer at Grenoble, and I frequently heard it remarked
that the conspiracy of Didier was got up in the interest
ol the Duke of Orleans, that in case of success that
Prince would haae been proclaimed King at Lyons,
with the adherence of a number of Peers and Deputies,
and arron.st the latter were mentioned Messrs La-
fayette, Dupontr (de l'Eure), and D'Argenson.
" The conspiracy of Did►er bad, however, awakened
the Government ; it was on its guard, and when any
other attempt was afterwards got up at Grenoble, the
conspirators were att ackei and put to the rout.
" These two successive checks caused reflection as to
the causes which had led to them. At Grenoble and at
Lyons the active co-operation of the interior of those
towns had principally failed to the insurgents of the
exterior. There was a bond nquired to unite all those
malcontents, who, being ignorant rf the numerical
strength of weir patty, hesitated to come forward at the
decisive moment. A secret association was decided on
to organise the Liberal forces. M. Rey, of Grenoble,
now a counsellor at the Cour Roya'e of that town, first
fixed on the bases of that Association,• and united to it
several of his friends, both at Grenoble and at Lyons.
" This society took the name of The Union." At
first they proce:ded with the greatest circumspection,
and tried men, and men possessed of independent for-
tunes, only were admitted. Bonapartism above all was
a ground of cxclasion, and it cues owing to this I was
not ore of the first among the initiated. I was not
admitted into it until the end of 1818, and I knew that
at flat time Tie Union reckoned a great number of
adherents in all parts of France, and particularly in
Paris. Messrs. Lafayette, Dupont (de More), D'Ar-
gensen, Meriihon, Cousin, Beranger (de la Drome),
Baude, Courrier, De Coreelles, Lahez de Pompietes,
Limeth, Conte, Dunoyer, &c., had already formed part
of it. •
" On returning to Lyons after the termination of
my studies, I found the Association there very flourish-
ing, by the adherence of several notable persons be-
longing to Commerce, the Army, the Magistracy., and
the Administration. Amongst the members of the bar
who had juiced it I would mention M. Duplan, then
an avocat, but become by the revolution of July Ist
Procureur•General at Lyons, and now Counsellor at
the Cour de Cessation ; M. Bandicr, an avocat, since
dead, when President of the Tribunal Civil ; M. Ber-
nard, avocat, now Procurcur-General ; M. Va'ward,
Councillor at the Court of Lyons since dead ; M. More
nand, avoue, now Receiver of the Finances at Dinau, &e.
" On my arrive!, the meetings of the Association
were held, first at the house of one member of the
order, and then at another's ; but it was soon decided
that the meetings should take place at my house, from
the greater facilities of accommodation of the members
assembling, who had become very numerous.
" It was by the exertions of our Society that all the
pampliHs against the restoration were published end
distributed in the interior of France and to the secret
associations abroad, rrith whom we were is constant
correspondence. that the subscriptions were raised for
the relief of political prisoners and authors under pro-
secution, &e.

The Uniun of Lyons, who already lilt its strength
both numerically and in the influence which it could
exercise in a decisive moment, and callin to mind the
promises which it had received from Toe Union of
Paris of striking a decisive blow, complained of re-
ceiv:ng, neither news nor instructions from the capital,
and I was chargel to repair to the Committee of Paris
to apprise it of the state of things at Lyons, and of the
facility with which advantage might be drawn from it
for the interest of the liberal cause.

" On my arrival in Paris I want immediately to the
house of M. Beranger (de la Drome), with whom I had
a previous acquaintance when he was at Lyons ; he in-
troduced me on the same evening to the Unionists of
Paris, who assembled, as usual, in great numbers at the
house of General Lafayette. I stated to them the ob-
ject of my mission, and pointed out to them the advan-
tages which might be derived by an attempt on Lyons,
where there was great discontent prevailing amongq the
military composing the garrison.
" Several members of this meeting were of opinion
that circumstances were most favou7able for a movette7t.

" The meeting, however, broke up, without coming to
any decision.
" A week passed over in inaction, and the emcule in
Paris was put down by some charges of cavalry. It
was then that M. Beranger informed me that an import-
ant attempt was about to be made at Grenoble, and
that it might be eventually assisted by the causes of
irritation which existed at Lyons.
" According to M. Beranger General Ledru des
Essarts had been for some time a member of our
Association. It was he who had joined it a short time
before the command of the military division, of which
the head-quarters were at Grenoble, had been confided
to him. This General had promised M. Beranger that
he would deliver t:p the departments which be com-
manded to three members of the Chamber of Deputies,
who would be very popular. Let Messrs. Lafayette,
Dupont (de l'Eure), and D Argenson come to Gre-
noble,' said the General, ' and the revolution will be
consummated.' .

vv
" The means of execution having been once decided
on, they were easily carried into effect. The General
was to place under arrest those officers of the garrison
whom he knew devoted to the cause of the Bourbons.
The national guard of Grenoble were to be assembled
under a pretext which is always readily to be found on
a frontier town, and ammunition distributed to them.
General Ledru des Essarts, Messrr. Lafayette, Dupont
(de l'Eure), and D'Argenson were then to present them-
selves with the tri-colour flag. The national guard
were to be harangued amidst the acclamations of the
population, whose feelings were known. When the re.'
volution was thus fairly noised at Grenoble, the party
would advance rapidly on Lyons, leading all the inhabi-
tants of the country with them.
Everything in this plan appeared easy of execution,
and it was, I believe, the greatest danger which threat-
ened the restoration until 1830. There was, neverthe-
less, a great difficulty to overcome. The Session had not
closed. How could personages of such note as those
alluded to quit the Chamber and Paris without attract-
ing the notice of the police, who watched their motions
very closely? And it was to have some underst Anding
on these different difficulties that M. Beranger con.
ducted me to General Lafayette.
" We were received by the General and his son,
Georges Lafayette. I learnt that this grand design
had only been deliberated on by those who were to per-
tthen
e n t o
explainedany membertn me of per-
form the principal parts in it—not a word had been said
of it
this plan of concealment. M. D'Argenson would leave
Paris for his forges in Alsace, would cross S4itzerland,
wohuyr
ISo was cie
made an exception to
Society, and the reason was
and arrive at Grenoble by Chambery. M. Dupont
(de l'Eure) would go on a botanical excursion to some of

Hs friends in the Jura, and would, by degrees, enter on
the same route as M. D'Argenson.
" As to General Lafat ette, whose person was so well
known throughout Franc and whose description it was
so easy to give, he was to go to one of his estates in
Auvergne, and thee proceed from point to paint until
be reached the pace of destination. The task;ol
arranging the latter part of his route was confided to
me, and the proposons I suggested for its accom-
plishment were agreed upon, and all the details
arranged.
" Having fulfilled the different missions entrusted to
me, I returned to Lyonr, where I soon after saw Cap-
tain Labaune, tvho had received a letter front Be-
ranger, which announced that on his arrival at Gre-
noble, and before he had had time to wait on General
Lain' des Essart!, he (M. Beranger) had read the
journals, which announced officially that General Pain-
phile Lacroix had been appointed to the 7th m;litary
d:viEion, in the room of General Ledru, who had been
appointed to another post.
" Such an unexpected event•did not, however, pre-
vent M. Berangcr from calling on the General, whorr he
found with the illonitcur, which announced the change,
in his band. The General wept like a child at seeing
such a favourable opportunity of again raising the na-
tional colours snatched from us.

" It was thus that, through some indiscretion, some
deaunciation, or, perhaps, Only by some providential act
of chance, that the restoration was preserved from this
formidable conspiracy.
"Oa my return to Pars, I continued to attend. re-
gul irly at the meetings held at the residence of Gen.
Lafayette, where the questions which formed the sub-
ject of discussion had for their object the overthrow of
the Government. 'mere was sometimes a conversa-
t-on as to the Government which should succeed it,
and several voices were in favour of submiiting that
point to the decision of the entire country. The name
of the Duke of Orleans was then also brought forward,
but it was easy to perceive that the most influential
members of the Committee were desirous that this
point should not be the object of any discussion.
At one of the meetings, I believe-in 18'25, a young
man, a delegate from the Unionists of the south, pro-
posed to the assembly in the most serious manner to
blow up the church of Notre Dame during the cele-
braf on of mass on a certein day. He was, he said,
possessed of information which would render the ope-
ration easy to him, and he only required six weeks to
collect a suflietcut quantity of gunpowder to accom-
plish the deed. The barbarity of such a scheme was
pointed out to him, a scheme in which so many innocent
lives would he sacrificed, including, perhaps, many who
were friendly to our cause, and his proposal was scouted.
" Such are the principal facts which came under my
knowledge, and in which I took part as member of the
Associaton which was formed in the year which fol-
lowed the conspiracy of Didier. What I have related
is of a nature to establish the fact that the idea which
directed the movements of Didier did not die with him,
and continued until 1830 the chain of conspiracies of
which I have only given a faint outline.
" Tire saute leading parties—viz., Messrs. Lafayette,
Dupont (de l'Eui &c., were always concerned, and the
same theatres of action, Lyons and Grenoble, fixed-upon.

Why would men, such as I have mentioned, contem-
plate the ruin of one Government without knowing what
they would put in its place ?
" Can it bn supposed that they had fixed on the
Duke of Orleans as the future ht ad of the State, with-
out consult ng him ? Did they act under his instiga-
tion ? Did they act with his consent ? Besides,
what plans could have Messrs. Lafayette, Dupont (de
l'Eure), Beranger, Merilhon, &c.? It is easy to solve
these questions.
" Three alternatives presented themselves after the
revolution. The first was to proclaim Napoleon 11.
Will any of the above personages say that such was
his intention ? The most considerable among them,
General Lafayette, had for a long time constituted
himself, in some degree, the personal enemy of the
Emperor and all his family. As for the rent, not one
of them thought, in 1830, of raising his voice in feveur
of the son of the Emperor.
" The second alternative was to establish a republic.
It is not well understood what Lafayette meant by the
best of republics,' and as for the other before-named
persons, they would look upon it as a calumny if they
were accused of wishing to establish one of another kind.
" The third was to place the Duke of Orleans upon
the throne, and that was in fact the aim of every conspi-
racy for 15 years. What has passed since July, 1830,
furnishes more than sufficient proof of this conclusion.
" Therefore, the persons named in this pamphlet and
their adherents, who organised the revolution, after
haring prepared it, accomplished it. After being suc-
cessful, they immediately came into power. What use
have they male of that power? What advantages
have they not gained to themselves from it ? Indeed,
when their work was done they rested.
" Thus reasons and facts concur in deciding upon
this point of contemporaneous history.
(Signed) 6' GROS."

THE CLIMAX.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SIR JOHN RAE REII)'S " PASSING CLOUD,"
AND THE " OLD DUKE'S PARADISE ;" THE
CORN- LAWS ; THE CHARTISTS ; AND_THE
COMING STORM.
" . Be just and fear not,
Let all the cells thou aimest at, be thy country's,
Thy God's, and Truth's ; then, if thou tallest,
Thou fullest a blossed martyr.

SIR—We have, as every man with his eyes open,
must sae, a great and eventful crisis before us ; not a
Tory crisis, or a Whir,b crisis, or a Chartist crisis, but a
crisis which is the produce of empty workshop', empty
cupboards, empty pockets, and empty stomachs—a crisis
which is the produce of scarce money and dear food,
or by low prices for labour, and high prices for food—a
crisis which is the produce of villainously enacted
laws, which prohibit or prevent the importation
of food, from the agricultural soil of foreign lands, in
exchthge for the manufacturing produce of British
workshops— a crisis which is brought about by crippled
industry on the one hand, and a starved, and pauperized,
and degraded people, on the other—a crisis which is
produced by the tyranny, and oppression, and pride, and
avarice of the great lsnded and monied interests of the
country, on the one hand ; and by the supineness, and
lethargy, and divisions, and discords of the people—
the victimized and oppressed people of Great Britain—
on the other.

A measure, based on the principle of Universal Suf-
frage, has been put forth, as a means whereby the aut=
ferings of the nation may be impeded and alleviated.

We all know that one God created us ; we all know
that ono ultimate fate awaits us ; and that we have all
yet to be borne to one earthly grave.
We all know, or ought to know, that unnecessary
or useless distinctions amongst men, were never medi-
tated or intended ; and that those distinctions ought
not to be countenanced by those who would follow His
righteous precepts.
With these considerations, I am of opinion that
every honest man, who is possessed of sense, and who
is above the age of twenty-one years, ought to have a
voice in making the laws which are to govern him.
But are those men sincere who would labour to con-
fer this, their right, on the people, at. the present mo-
ment t If they arc sincere, where is proof of their
sincerity ? Does it lie in their oft-repeated determina-
tion to resist to the utmost any union of the people?
Does it lie in their continual exhortations to the people
to wield violence, the force of arms, and the destruc-
tion of property ? Does it lie in their savage and
brutal desire to assassinate, and vilify, and destroy the
lives and reputations of the best friends of the people ?
Dees it lie in their advising the people to arm them-
selves with " bludgeons and pikes, and torches and dag-
gers," and " pop-guns with long bores," and " bits of
cold lead," and " cold steel," and " lucifer matches at
the finger-ends?"
Does their sincerity lie in the continual vituperating,
and vilifying, and slandering the old and long-tried
friends of the people? Does it lie in a thousand other
faults which I could impute to them, if it were neces-
sary ? No, no !
Sincerity is unknown amongst them. All the sincere,
and rational, and thinking portion of their followers,
have abandoned, or are abandoning the ranks of the
unprincipled and designing faction, in disgust and alarm.
Even granting that these men were sincere in their
advice to the people, what follows? Will a great—
even the greatest—Extension of the Suffrage, give relief
tieithe people's hunger, without the adoption of other
measures at the lame time?
'['he millions, at the present time, are pining for want
of common sustenance.
The mother's bosom is dried with very grief; and
the offspring withers, unpitied and unnourished, into
an untimely and premature grave.
The workman, the manufacturer, and the merchant,
arc alike destitute of trade, or replar emplryrnent.
Renauc crating profits and wages are entirely unknown ;
levies, and rents, and taxes increase in number as
quickly as they increase in amount.
Working men, instead of being attired in a good
coat, and other necessary articles of clothing, are clad
and literally hung in rags and wretchedness, with their
shoes worn, from traversing so often the streets and
lanes in search of employ meat.
They arc famishing for want of food in the midst of
plenty ; and when a statement of their wretched condi-
tion is laid before the humans,the enlightened, and
merciful aristocracy of England, what reply is made to
their sorrowful appeal?
Why, th© starving and distracted millions are told to
their teeth that "there is he diatreel i" that "they are

PRICE 5d

well off;" that " there is no country on earth half so
happy as England ;" and that " working men, if they
are only industrious and honest, may not only obtlin a
competency, but that they may likewise be enabled to
accumulate abundance of riches."

Here, then, I aga;n repeat, is a people starving for
watt of food_a people who are desirous of tmploy-.
ment, but cannot fiad any which would render to them
honest wages, "
wherewith they may be enabled to pur-
chase food for themselves and families.

How' is food to be obtained ? How is money to be
obtained to purchase the food ? How is employment to
be obtained by which we may get the fond and money ?
Are these blessings to be obtained from the adoption
of the principle of Universal Suffrage, without the
adoption of other measures at the same time? Is this
the immediate remedy for the miseries of the people ?
No, no. The people require direct and instantaneous
relief from their sufferings. If a Chartist Parliament
were to a3semble to-morrow, would the very choice of
such a Parliament tend to remove effectually the dis-
tresses of the peop!c ?
Would not other measures be required from that
Parliament to remedy such distresses? And if so, what
are the measures sought to be proposed?
The Chaitist " leaders" tell us that the repeal of the
Corn-law wi'l not benefit the people, and in this asser-
tion the ancient enemies of the people join them.
The " Chartist"prelends to cry for the Charter, and
the Tory is afraid that a repeal of the Corn-laws would
reduce workmen's wages ! Here is sympathy (Qu.),
here is patriotism (Qu.)!! here is Tory villainy and
slavish hypocrisy!!!
Why what ridiculous and contemptible ideas are
these. How long a period will the people have to bear
their present sufferings if they are doomed to await the
adoption of the principle of Universal Suffrage ? How
long are they to stiffer before a Parliament, elected
under that measure may be assembled to consider the
necessary measures of relief for the people ? Why, good
Heavens! the very, thought of adopting such a mad
course is enough to sicken the hearts of all honest, up
right, and straightforward Englishmen !
Why, if twenty Republican Senates were to assemble
to-morrow, what would be their worth if they did not
resolv3 on repealing the whole of the odious restric-
tions on the trade and commerce of the country?
Spies, and traitors, and madmen, may rage and foam
at the mouth—they may rant, and swear, an fight, and
vilify, and slander, and abuse ; but they will never
make poor men, who have not a crust to satisfy their
hunger, believe that their bellies will be filled by fight-
ing with daggers, and torches, and pikes, for a measure
which undoubtedly would be resisted on the other side,
by all the shell and chain-shot at Woolwich.
The repeal—immediate, entire, and unconditional—
of the Corn and Provision Laws, will render back into
the hands of the reople plenty of employment, honest
wager, and cheap food : and, to secure this, it only re-
quires that •the people should unite cordially and give
one powerful push, and the victory is theirs.
This measure once obtained by the united, and com-
bined, and powerful energies of the people, we shall,
even yet, again behold peace courting our shores ; and
plenty and happiness, with prosperity and contentment,
busily engaged in unfurling the dazzling and enchanted
banner of " Free Trade and interchange with all the
world."

Our hours will then be rendered happy and com-
fortable, our fire-sides will become cheerful, our chil-
dren—in place of being wretched and haggard, will
then become ruddy and playful, the drooping spirits of
our wives will revive, on beholding the little furniture,
which had been pledged to purchase food, restored to
its aflcient place.

Thus eve shall be prepared to demand our political
rights.

When the present object is'thus attained, every man
must enter a solemn vow with his neighbour not to rest
satisfied until the whole people are represented in the
Commons House of Parl►ament.

Let us endeavour to render to our countrymen pros-
perity and happiness whilst the means be in our bands ;
when that is done, let us secure that prosperity and
happiness, by laws which will place the political power
of the nation into honest bands.

J. A. LANDER,
Secretary to the Birmingham Anti-Corn-law Association.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NE WS