The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The long-disputed question of the American
tariff has now assumed so serious an aspect a,
between the general Government of the United
States and the local Government of the State of
South Carolina, that it seems hardly possible to
avert that crisis, when the arguments of reason
and the conflicts of opinion are laid aside for
the calamitous decision of the sword. Impend-
ing as that crisis seems to be, we still sincerely
hope that it is not altogether inevitable. Of evil
consequence, indeed, would it be—not to the
interests of the American Union alone, but to
the civilization of the New World—if the soil
of that great and hitherto flourishing Common.
wealth, which has so long pursued, with an in-
tense ardour, the peaceful glories of political and
social improvement, of practical science, and of
commercial enterprise, should be polluted with
the unnatural conflict a its children. Such a
conflict, on which ever side victory might in.
dine, would bring nothing but anguish, weak-
ness, and dishonour to their common coun-
try, and, if it did not end in the subver-
sion of the political fabric which the glori-
ous energies of their ancestors created—which
their heroic sacrifices ought to consecrate in
the eyes of their descendants, it would long
arrest that career of improvement which wa,
rapidly raising the republic of America to one
of the highest stations among the civilized com-
munities of the globe. The two Acts or Or-
dinances passed on the 24th of last November
by the Convention of South Carolina, the one
called the " Nullifying Ordinance," in relation
to the tariff laws of the United States of 1828
and 1832, and the other, entitled an ordinance
" To provide for the security and protection of
the people of the State of South Carolina," are
undoubtedly overt acts of revolt from the Go-
vernment of the United States. The first of
those ordinances declares the tariff laws null and
void, and sets up the jurisdiction and process of
the Courts of South Carolina against the enforce-
ment of those laws by the authority of the ge-
neral Government. The other ordinance goes
farther. It contemplates the eventual adoption
of force by the Government of the United States,
and sanctions and provides the means of resist-
ing force by force. Thus, then, the gauntlet
of defiance is thrown down by the provincial
Convention to the power of the Supreme Con-
gress. The proclamation of President Jackson
shows that it has been taken up. This document,
however, unlike the imperial decrees of ancient
Monarchies, or the ukases of despotic Powers,
unites firmness of determination with a reasoning
and conciliatory tone. While it shows the dis-
affected " free-traders" of South Carolina that
the authority of the Supreme Power of the Stet(
will be vindicated against the violence that pro-
vokes it, it makes a last effort to convince the
malcontents by calm, dispassionate argument,
that their course is as erroneous in point of con-
stitutional doctrine as it is perilous in its obvious
consequences. The reasoning upon this sub-
ject is necessarily long. The errors to be com-
batted were not few : several fallacious notion:
combined to persuade the provincial Legislature
that it could constitutionally exempt itself from
the authority of an unpopular law of the gene-
ral Congress. Those fallacies are admirably
exposed in the President's proclamation, in
drawing up which it appears be had the able
assistance of Messrs. Taner and Livingstone.
An exposition of the principle of the Federa-
tive Union is given—of elements on which it is
founded, and the obligations which it imposes on
each of the family of States, which proves that,
notwithstanding the caricature representations
which flippant and shallow tourists have given
of the American people, there is a political in-
telligence, and a power of political reasoning in
that republic, whose foundations were, about
sixty years ago, laid in the wilderness, which is
:tot often equalled in the French Chamber of
Deputies, and which we do not often see sur-
passed at the present day even in the Parlia-
ment of England. We would fain hope that
this appeal of the President to the good sense
and reflection of the too ardent politicians of
the disaffected province may have the desired
effect. If the zone be once loosed which binds
the several States of the Union together in a
condition of regulated freedom and unconquer-
able strength, it will furnish an argument to the
advocates of absolute power in support of their
favourite theories, and, what is worse, will pos-
sibly realise in North America the petty systems
of arbitrary misrule or military despotism which,
under the prostituted name of freedom, spread
their baneful influence over the magnificent but
desolated regions of the south. An Evening Con-
servative Paper (the standard), speaking of
the " right" of South Carolina to sever from
the Union, says she does so by the same title that
the States composing that Union justify their
revolt from Great Britain—namely, " that,
being the weaker part of a compound State, it
suffers hardships and injustice from the stronger
sections. There can be no question that in ma-
terial suffering the people of South Carolina,
and their neighbours, endure a great deal more
from the laws forced upon them by the prepon-
deratiog majority of the Northern States than
the colonists of the 18th century suffered
from a Stamp Act or a Tea Tax." Our con-
temporary altogether omits the point which con-
stitutes the essential difference of the two cases.
The resistance of the Americans of the 18th
century to the Stamp Act or the Tea Tax was
not grounded on the hardship of either of those
taxes, but was justified on the important principle
that they were instances of taxation without re-
presentation. The Americans insisted that, before
they were taxed by the British Parliament, they
should be allowed to send representatives to that
Assembly. But the State of South Carolina is
represented in the general Congress, which
passed the laws that it assumes the right to resist.
Whenever its right of representation is annulled,
its right of resistance will begin. The hard-
ships which it now suffers are incidental to some
portion of the community under every represen-
tative Government. There would be no such
thing as moving the wheels of such a Govern-
ment if the acts of the majority did not bind
the minority. If the latter did not think them-
selves or their constituents would be aggrieved
by the laws which they oppose (that is, sup-
posing they act honestly) we presume they
would not oppose them. Nevertheless, itis but
a mere truism to say that they and their consti-
tuents are as much bound by those laws, when
passed, as if they had given them their most
cordial assent. If the people of South Caro-
lina have a right to separate from the Union,
because they sustain some hardship from
laws passed in a Legislative.,',Assembly, there
they appear by their own representatives „and
which is presided over by a Supreme Magistrate,
in whose election they have a voice, then has
Ireland or Yorkshire a right to separate from

England, if hardship be inflicted on either by
laws of the Imperial Parliament.—Morn. /Jerald.
Mr. Cobbett, in his Register of this day, at-
tributes the recent change of tone of those who
affect to speak the sentiments of men in power,
as indicative of a junction between the Tories
and the Whigs. Alluding to the discussion
regarding the Speaker, he says :
" Trifling," lie says, "as the thing is in itself, it be.
comes of vast importance when it becomes the criterion of
the manner in which it is supposed that the King's ser-
vants mean to treat the new House of Commons; and
especially, if we look upon it as a first step towards that
junc•ion of the two factions, who have, for so many years,
been tearing the country to pieces by their wrangling for
the profits attached to the carrying on of the system. For
some time the re choosing or reappointment of Manners
Sutton, as Speaker of the House of Commons, was a mere
rumour. Very gentle feelers were put out ; but nothing
in anything like a positive tone. By degrees the parties
became bolder."
He observes farther :
" Most men, who have meddled with public matters,
have ranged themselves with one or the other of the
parties who have so long been scrambling for the powers
of the State. Whet., therefore, a Whig, who, at last,
sees his party in power, finds his long and patient attach-
ment rewarded by an open and flagrant preference being
given to the bitterest foes of his own party, I do not say
that he is to blame for his discontent, and I do not think
it just to impute it to any unworthy motive. And there
are a very considerable number of very worthy men in
this state of disappointment and discontent."
• a a • * a
" I repeat, that it appears to me, that these disappointed
Mays have only begun to taste of their disappointment.
There is scarcely a Lord Lieutenant who has not furnished
better grounds for being displaced than those which were
(urnislied by the Duke of Norfolk and Lord Fitzwilliam.
Rut what was wanted more than the opposition of these
Noblemen to the Reform of the Parliament? The people
were for the Reform ; to keep these Lord Lieutenants and
these Magistrates in their posts, was to insure a
constant hostility between the governing and the governed
in every county in the kingdom, and to lay the foundation
of civil strife from one end of the kingdom to the other.
Of all the things in this world, that which a wise ruler
will endeavour to secure, is that which was formerly the
treat characteristic in England, namely, an implicit, a
prompt, and, above all things, a willing obedience to the
law. Whenever the obedience to the law is reluctant,
vhenever he who disobeys the law becomes an object of
praise, or even of silent approbation with his neighbours
in general, the state of things is bad ! a species of slavery
exists; for what is slavery, but that state of things in
which the mass of the people are compelled to submit to
the few by force ? Thus, then, the very first duty of the
ruler, or ru'ers of a country is, to secure a willing obe-
hence to the laws; and, to have this willing obedience is
perfectly impossible, if the Magistrates, who are the guar.
diens of the peace and the executors of the law, be
no-
toriously inimical to that which the people deem abso-
lutely necessary to their prosperity and happiness.
"All this is so clear; it is so indubitably true ; it is so
glaring even to the most superficial of thinkers, that it is
impossible to believe that it has not occurred to my Lord
Grey ; and, that being the case, he must have had some
very powerful motive for retaining in their offices the I
present Lord Lieutenants and Justices of the Peace, every
man of whom, who was even suspected of being hostile
.0 Parliamentary Reform, ought to have been instantly
dismissed. And, what wrong would have been done to
,ny of these Lords and gentlemen? None at all ; for, in
the first place, they everlastingly remind us that they
.erve for nothing; that they take trouble upon them for
the public good. And, there could have been no dis-
srace, unless it were disgraceful to them to be opposed to
Reform ! And, if it were disgraceful to be opposed to
Reform, then they would have had themselves to thank
for the disgrace of dismissal. All this belongs so entirely
o the A, B, C, of morals and politics, that it need not
rravel to Scotland, nor even go beyond the skull of a
Cockney, to make it evident that Lord Grey must have
rad some very powerful motive, not to use a power so
legitimate, and so necessary to be used upon this occasion,
n order to secure a willing obedience to the laws.
" Now, not to waste time by mincing the matter, my
opinion is, that this powerful motive was neither more nor
less than that of a desire to have the assistance of these
-nemies of Reform, in preventing the people from obtain-
ing those great changes which he saw the people had in
contemplation ! Every thing that we have recently wit-
nessed tends to strengthen and confirm this opinion ; the
nanifesto of Stanley, Spring Rice (ah, Spring ! Spring !),
Sir James Graham, Lord Althorp, and even the tallow-
man privy-counsellor, when lie was got snug in at a
/inner ; this manifesto, especially as put forth by Sir
James Graham, almost openly tells us, that the two parties
ire resolved to unite against what is the well-known wish
and anxious desire of the people; and, now, when we are
,old, in this demi-official manner, that Ltrd Grey has
himself proposed to cause the well-known Tory Speaker to
e re.chosen, there can hardly remain a doubt in the mind
of any rational man of the correctness of my opinion,
which opinion, we shall soon see verified, I imagine, by
events."
We have never been able to comprehend why
Ministers should have been anxious to retain all
their opponents in power ; but still we were
nclined to put a more charitable conclusion on
their conduct than Mr. Cobbett does. The
first thing that startled us was an article in the
Edinburgh Review for October, attributed to
one of the highest authorities in the kingdom,
evidently written under a much stronger feeling
against Reformers than against Tories, and in
which a leaf was borrowed out of the book of
the Tories—namely, the trick was resorted to
of calling ugly names. When the Whigs were
in opposition, a Tory used to think he could not
annoy them more than by calling them Jacobins
and Radicals. The distinguished author of
the article in the Edinburgh Review, with the
cunning for which the Tories used to be dis-
,inguished, attributes Republicanism to those
who differ with him, though we believe there is
really no disposition to Republicanism at present
in this country. The Globe takes the hint, and
endeavours to attach odium to the advocates for
the ballot, by observing, that it would be less
indisposed to it if it did not find it in great favour
with all the Republicans. There are many men
in this country anxious to see a much more eco-
nomical expenditure of the public money than has
hitherto taken place; and they are convinced that
economy and retrenchment, by depriving the aris-
cracy of the means they now possess of providing
'or their children at the public expense, will gradu-
ally effect a better distribution, of property ; but
these men are not Republicans. They believe
that a fair representation of the people will ma-
terially alter the character of Parliament. They
believe, that if the House of Commons have
the control of the expenditure, and the House of
Commons fairly represent the wishes of the people,
the House of Lords and the House of Commons
will speedily come into collision ; because the
great majority of the Members of the House of
Lords are poor, and have interests at variance
with the interests of the people, and they will,
consequently, hold out against all searching
measures of economy. So long as the House
of Commons was merely nominees of the House
of Lords, this collision could not take place,
but now it seems almost inevitable ; and the
only means of placing a really Reformed House
of Commons and the House of Lords in bar-
tnony with each other would be, to place the
House of Lords in harmony, as far as interests
are concerned, with those who return the
Members of the House of Commons. But
these are merely speculative views, which
may or may not be confirmed by events.
The holders of these views are not, how-
ever, Republicans. They take the Consti-
tution as it is, and believe that under it all the
objects which they have in view can be attained.
They wish only good government, and they
believe that the people have now in their power
the means of securing good government, let who
will be in power. In the Chronicle of the 21st
November, we observed that " we had again and
again alluded to the difficulties with which the

Ministerial and Reform candidates have to con-
tend, from the Ministry, with a weakness and
pusillanimity without example, leaving almost the
whole power of Government in the hands of
their adversaries. The. most bitter complaints
continually reach us on this subject. The
Lieutenancy and Magistracy are almost ex-
clusively Tory. The Magistracy, so far
from improving under the Whigs are be-
coming worse and worse every day." And
then we alluded to the Gazette, containing ten
Tory Magistrates for Berwickshire on the eve of
an election, lnd the appointment of Mr. Hope,
the Tory Candidate for Manchester, Lieutenant-
Colonel of the Fife Militia, by the .Tory Lord-
Lieutenant of that county. We concluded with
the observation, that " it is certainly very ge-
nerous in Ministers thus to supply their political
opponents with funds for defraying their ex-
penses. They must have a high idea of the
virtue and disinterestedness of their own sup.
porters, as they in this unequivocal manner al-
low the public to see that the best way to ob-
tain money and honour is to support the Tories."
Our contemporary (the Globe) the very next
day adopted the above, observing, that he fully
subscribed to our view::, and he followed them
up by an extract from the Dublin Morning
Register, censuring Mr. Stanley for employing
Conservative instead of Reform barristers to
conduct Government prosecutions ; and another
extract from the Norwich East Anglian, on
the appointment by the Lord Lieutenant of
Norfolk of Tory Magistrates to the injury of the
Whig Candidates. In fact, our contemporary
went farther in condemning the policy of Mi-
nisters than we did. But a new light would
seem to have broken on him :
" It is singular enough," said our contemporary on
Wednesday last (and the remark is not altogether uncon-
nected with this subject), "that at this particular moment,
some of those who are most solicitous on the subject of the
ballot, and who would establish the principle that, in the
most important political actions of his life, every man
should be enabled to conceal his political opinions, should
yet rage so furiously against the Ministers because they do
not disturb the ordinary course of the most insignificant
appointments, in order to talc,. vengeance on men whose
only offence is that of conscientiously differing, or having
conscientiously differed, from them in opinion. Thus we
hear the most ridiculous complaints because this or that
gentleman, who is a Tory, has been made a Justice of the
Peace ; and it was actually made a charge against the
Government that some Doctor of Physic, who received
two guineas a week as Inspector of Anatomy, iu spite of
this important office, gave a plumper with impunity—
perhaps even with his two guineas in his pocket—for an
Anti-Ministerial candidate, who, nevertheless, in spite of
the undivided good will of the ungrateful Doctor, was ,
very far from gaining his election. Monstrous as it seems
to the friends of freedom, the Doctor still walks about '
unpunished.

"' This combination of complaints against the Ministry
for some degree of tolerance and liberality towards its
open opponents, with a clamour for the means of secrecy
to avoid political persecution—does indeed harmonize. If
the Government set the example in the highest station of
prescribing those who differ from it—of excluding all op-
ponents or non-supporters from non-political or even
honorary appointments, and of condescending for this
purpose to jobbing and extravagance—good buinour and

toleration, which, in spite of a few exceptions (which
have been punished by public opinion), are the prevailing
feeling and practice in England towards political adver.
saries, would be eradicated ; and then, indeed, the gloomy
pictures which we see on paper of ar stocratical tyranny
over dependents who gnash their teeth might be realized
—men, as a matter of common prudence, would habitually
conceal their opinions, and the balloting box would be a
relief. If we are to have the ballot, we do not desire to
see the Government precipitate its introduction by setting
the example of petty partiality."
It is now ridiculous to complain, because this
or that gentleman who is a Tory has been made
a Justice of the Peace ; but it was not, we sup-
pose, ridiculous a few weeks ago—except we
were to suppose our contemporary ambitious of
appearing ridiculous. How, then, are we to
account for the change? The Doctor of Physic
was instanced by the Scotsman, because the
candidate for the office he obtained was not
merely a Whig, but had the recommendation of
the College of Physicians anti all who were
authorities on the subject of his claim. The
appointment was given not to the fittest lout the
most favoured ; and the only thing wonderful
in the thing was, how the most favoured should
be a Tory. It would be absurd, no doubt, to
dwell on one instance ; it was the uniformity of
the practice that we complained of, and that our
contemporary complained of before he obtained

his new. light. We do not complain against
Ministers, for some degree of tolerance and
liberality towards their open opponents ; but
we complained of the injustice of exercising
patronage in such a way as to array all
the power of Government against the Re-
formers. We did not complain that a physi-
cian plumped for the Tory candidate in Edin-
burgh ; but we complained of a Tory physician
having been preferred to an office to which a
Whig was more competent. When the present
President of the United States entered on office,
there was a complete sweep in all the offices.
The President imagined that they who approved
of the policy of the Government were the most
likely to serve it faithfully. But our Govern-
ment is carried on by men who, if Ministers are
to be believed, differed from them, toto ccelo,
in political opinion. The Lieutenancy and the
Magistracy throughout the country are almost
exclusively Tories ; and they will continue to be
almost exclusively Tories ; for it seems the Lord
Lieutenant does not recommend any gentle-
man to the commission, who has not previously
been approved of by the corps of Magistrates of
his county or division. The Magistrates being
once Tory, must, therefore, continue Tory. In the
same manner, the main expense of collecting the
revenue must continue to be fingered by Tories.
By a regulation, only one-third of the patronage
belongs to the Treasury, the rest belongs to the
boards and offices, and these being all Tories,
continue, of course, to name Tories. Even the
Treasury part of the patronage must go ci pr i -
pally to Tories; for the Treasury is confined to
appointments of men already in the offices.
Thus the Tories have contrived so to manage
matters, as to insure the carrying on the Go-
vernment by Tories in all time to come. The
remark of the Globe as to the inconsistency of
those who claim to vote in secret, and yet would
prescribe toleration to political opponents, is
purely absurd. There is no analogy in the cases.
It is unjust to punish a man. for conscientious
voting, and we know that open voting infallibly
subjects many voters to punishment. But it is
not unjust to exclude from office men who dis-

approve of the principles on which a Government
is carried on.—Morning Chronicle.
The fate of the Duchess of Berry seems now
to have been left to the decision of the Minis-

ters, and, from their speeches, it would appear
they intend to keep the infatuated lady where
she is. Whether the French nation will long
be contented with this strange course of proceed-
ing, remains to be seen; but it must be con-
fessed that, to talk of consigning any person to
indefinite imprisonment without a trial, sounds

• , ... vs. • • •.• 10
very oddly to an English ear ; and we should
have thought that even the infant liberty of
France would have been _ shocked at the bare

enunciation of such a project. If, however,-the

Ministers of Louis Philip be resolved upon this
course, and the nation allow them to execute their
purpose, it will be quite clear that our French
neighbours, who talk so fluently about Liberty
and Rights, have not the slightest notion of what
is due to either in practice. They have shown
that they possess physical courage enough to rise
against public tyranny, and strength enough to
expel it from their soil ; but if they allow the pro-
jected course with regard to the Duchess of Berry
to he pursued, they will demonstrate to the whole
world that they have not yet acquired those moral
and higher attributes of liberty' which teach men to
respect personal freedom and to preserve invio-
late, in practice, those maxims of justice and of
right which, in theory, no people have contended
for so loudly as they have. It would be worse
than idle to say that there can be any sound
notions of freedom in a nation which suffers
any one within its territory to be kept in inde-
finite imprisonment, unheard, untried, uncon-
victed, uncondemned. As to the conduct of
the French Ministers in this affair, it is, to us,
wholly inexplicable, when coupled with their
speeches in the recent discussion in the Chamber
of Deputies. They have told the nation that
there would be danger in bringing the Duchess
to trial ; but the very confession of that fact, if
fact it be, has created an actual existing danger
—a danger which there seems now no chance of
counteracting but by facing the hypothetical
peril which their fears have urged them to avoid,
and putting the Duchess on her trial. If the
nation would not endure to see her tried, how
will it bear to behold her suffering at the hands
of a confessedly weak and timid Government,
a punishment as great, at least, as any which
would have been passed upon her had she been
formally convicted before a competent tribunal ?
—Times.

The proclamation of General Jackson, de-
nouncing as an act of positive rebellion the
disobedience of South Carolina to the tariff law
of the United States, is one of the ablest and
most interesting documents which we have ever
read, as it has been called forth by one of the
most curious and striking events of modern
history. It is admitted on all hands that the
policy or impolicy of the tariff, as a fiscal or com-
mercial question, has nothing to do with the
point at issue between the general Government
and the refractory state. Congress willed the
tariff to be wise and just. The Convention
of South Carolina has, by a large majority,
willed it to be in;quitous and oppressive. There
exists no earthly tribunal whose decision upon
the merits of the law will be listened to by either
party, nor, we fear, will the right of resistance or
coercion be otherwise adjusted than by the pre-
ponderance of actual power. The first sentence
of the President's manifesto, wherein he attempts
to characterize the measures of the South Caro-
lina convention, describes them as " a course
of conduct in direct violation of the duty of
citizens of the United States." This, then, is
the understanding of the federal constitution put
forth by the Government of the Union. The
jurists of South Carolina, on the contrary, con-
tend that the imposts resisted by that state were
in direct and arbitrary " violation" of the federal
compact itself, and are therefore not entitled to
observance. It is obvious, therefore, if neither
party recede from pretensions which admit no
compromise, that the difference can be no other-
wise decided than by the ultima ratio, the me-
lancholy recourse to arms. If ever one appeal
to a reasonable community was, by its eloquence,
more calculated than another to give effect to
friendly persuasion, and to recall the minds of
fellow-citizens from extreme excitement to a just
value for mutual forbearance and general har-
mony, it is the manifesto now before us. After
asserting the principle of the supremacy pos-
sessed by Congress in relation to the enforce-
ment of the tariff law over the people of South
Carolina, and stating that "strict duty" would
require nothing more from the President than to
exercise his prerogative for preserving the peace
and executing the laws of the republic, General
Jackson proceeds to say, that " the imposing as-
pect which opposition has assumed in this case, by
clothing itself with State authority, and the deep
interest which the people of the United States
must all feel in preventing a resort to stronger
measures, while there is a hope that anything will
be yielded to reasoning and remonstrance, per-
haps demand, and will certainly justify, a full
exposition to South Carolina and the nation, of
the views I entertain of this important question,
as well as a distinct enunciation of the course
which my sense of duty will require me to pur-
sue."
The President then enters upon a line of
argument, which he directs with convincing
force and success against the assumption of the
right of resistance on the part of any individual
state or portion of the Union to laws which have
been passed by authority of the collective Legis-
lature. Indeed, without calling in aid the powers
of reasoning, of which General Jackson in this
document has shown himself so respectable a
master, nothing can be more plain than the absur-
dity of imputing to the founders of the American
Constitution that they had vested in Congress
the right of making laws, and in particular
members of the Union the right of disobeying
them with impunity. The original act which
made the United States a single nation im-
posed upon each corporate member of the
Union, as well as upon each individual citi-
zen, the positive and indefeasible duty of im-
plicit obedience to that formal expression of
the general will which is maintained in every
law of Congress. Two of our Evening Con-
temporaries have anticipated us in deducing
from this sound doctrine of General Jackson
some significant, and, we trust, not useless
hints for the guidance of the Government of
Great Britain in that crisis which may by possi-
bility arise out of the new-fangled and frantic
outcry for a " repeal of the Union." The
cry is, indeed, frantic ; but bold and diaboli-
cal hypocrites are those who first raised and
have encouraged it. The clamour for that dis-
location of the British empire is, like the threat
of Carolina to withdraw from the American
Union, an appeal to all the traitors in the com-
munity to commit overt high treason and wage
0 rebel war against the state. The " United
Kingdom" is, far less than the " United
States," a name written on dry parchment, to be
effaced at the pleasure of either party to the com-
pact. If Ireland may withdraw at the bidding
of a domestic faction, why might not Scotland
hold her Parliament at Edinburgh, or Wales too
fling off the Saxon yoke, adjure the shades of
tier Celtic ancestors, and summon up once more
her theocracy of Druids? We would recom-
mend to British statesmen and to Irish waverers

a perusal of General Jackson's argument on this
main point of a capricious invitation to savage
internal war. The argument is calm, keen,
and incontrovertible. The measures by which
he will meet the threatened emergency, it
compelled to use any such, resolve themselves
into one—he will crush the rebels and execute

the laws. Such is the wise policy of a free
Republic—such the spirit of its chief Magistrate,
chosen by the people. To the authors and abet-
tors of the conspiracy for Irish revolt we offer
no counsel and address no prayer. Let them
run their course and abide its consequences,—a
course which will be short, with consequences
fatal. General Jackson, however, amidst the
admirable temper and judgment with which he
treats this subject, does not hesitate for one
; moment in his determination to coerce the recu-
sant citizens of Carolina, should that extremity
be entailed upon him by their persevering violence.
Nor can any Government which deserves the
' name pursue a less manly system ; as he well
declares, the existence of " all free Governments
may depend" upon' the issue, as well as that
of the United States. That the hour of sepa-
ration between those States may arrive in the
fulness of years is unquestionable, but let it not
be forced on prematurely,—let it be peaceful
' when it does arrive, that its results may be
happy. In the mean time, and once more, we
commend the President's manifesto, and admire
it for its merits, as an exposition of cool and
sagacious policy,—for its animating and affecting
patriotism,—for its aptitude as a precious, and
we fear somewhat called for, lesson.—Times.
IMPORTANT NEWS FROM SPAIN.—It is
useless to do more than merely prefix the above
heading to the following letter from our Madrid
correspondent, the importance of which will be
duly appreciated by all who are either personally
interested in the affairs of Spain, or who enter-
tain good wishes for the progress of civilization
and human freedom. The good cause triumphs
in all q tarters—even in Spain the chains of the
Liberals are unlocked, in order to be fastened
with a firmer grasp upon the wrists of their ene-
mies. The Queen has fairly thrown herself and
the cause of her daughter into their arms, and
that she may triumph ought to be the daily and
nightly prayer of every friend of freedom—of
every well-wisher of Spain. We trust it is need-
less for us to add, after the repeated acknowledg-
ments of the importance of our Spanish corres-
pondence, that it deserves the most unbounded
confidence
" MADRID, DEC. 31.--I am very happy to be able to
communicate to you the most important and flattering
news, and which you are not unprepared for, as I asserted in
my last, that things were to ehange for the better. I was
sufficiently acquainted with the state of the proceeding,
and did not entertain the least doubt of the energetic
measures that were already in contemplation, and shortly
to he carried into execution. One of the most urgent was
to arrest the progress of the Carlist machinations, by an
exemplary punishment, which at last fell upon those who
have b-en already found concerned in the plot. Airs-
sieurs Zorrilla and Pedr•aa, two Alculdes de Corte,
Judges of the Superior Criminal Court of Justice of
MArid, the Senior of the Supreme Council of the
Indies, the President of the Provincial Superior Court
of Estremadura, and the police chief of Cazeres Snarer,
an enraged Apostolical, have been discharged—the
two first are also exiled from Madrid. Four colonels and
forty-three officers of the Royal Guard of Infantry have
received the same chastisement. M. Sacanel, Ayuda dC
Camara, c!,amber•groom to the Infante, Din Carlos, is

in prison, in consequence of some papers and correspond-
ence of a traitorous tendency found in his lodgings.
Many other p-reons, his accomplices, are likewise arrested,
or orders issued for the purpose, tor 4 amongst them is the
General of all the Dominican Friars of the Roma/1
Church, who is ex-officio grandee of Spain, and resides
actually in Valladolid.

" When these important steps, taken by the Queen, are
generally known, I am sure they will meet with universal
approbation, and the confidence of the liberals be again
alive. The Queen is not satisfied even with these things.
"General Monte., a well-known liberal, who held an
important command in the time of the Cortes, is appointed
Commandante Chief of the Royal Foot Guard. This
circumstance, and that of the appointment of General
Freire to be Commandante of the Royal Cavalry Guard,
give the best security for the triumph of the Queen and
her daughter in the event of the King's death. The offi
cers who succeed those already discharged, will be,
undoubtedly, of approved loyalty and adhesion to the new
political system, which, although not developed, has an
indirect tendency to produce a better order of things.
Tile policy is certainly, as I have said before, timid ; but
circutnitances lead imperceptibly to the necessity for a
more decisive course. The introduction of Count Ofalia
and General Cruz into the Cabinet has created such a
difficulty for the permanence of M. Zea in bis office, that
he must persist in his retirement, unless he renounce en••
tirely the principles which he has professed.—Morning
Advertiser.

We propose to offer some additional observa•

tions on the speech of Mr. P. Thomson, which
he gives us to understand embodies his opinions
and those of " his colleagues." He tells us
France has, by the advice of our Government,
abolished the prohibitory system of trade, and
decided on embracing the principle of free
trade. We should like to know to what article

this new system is bona fide applied. Do the
French consent to receive our iron manufactures
at other than prohibitory duties ? Do they take
our cotton goods ? Do they take our earthen-
wares ? Is there any one article they will con-
sent to take from us on terms that will admit of
commercial exchange ? If so, we beg Mr. P.
Thomson will give to the public the tariff on
which it is based. But he knows, and we know,
that he was practising sheer humbug on his
Manchester audience when he indulged in this
statement. The French Government profess a
great willingness to do many things which they
have no intention of doing ; for the people of
that country are opposed to the projects that are
recommended. They see how keen our rulers
are in the desire of reorganizing the commercial
system, and they profess to feel in unison with
them, but they commit themselves to no acts of

acquiescence. They think it sufficient to show
such agreement of sentiment as may answer their
end of binding the imbecile Government of Lord
Grey, in foreign policy, to their views. The
'French Government, nearly twelve months ago,
entered into an equivocal treaty to abolish the
slave trade, honestly, as respected France, and
this document served to make a flourish about
the liberality of France for one evening last
Session of Parliament ; but we beg to ask Lord
Palmerston if this treaty has been carried into
effect. The foreign slave trade is carried on as
extensively as ever. Our rulers are anxious to
keep this fact in the back ground, but they en-
deavour to drive out West India colonists into
equal competition in the sale of their produce
with foreigners who carry on the slave trade, and

who have by this means labour at nearly one half
the price of our colonists. The name of
" free trade" and " liberal systems" leads
men who do not undervand the questions
they are conducting into very absurd mea-
sures. To forward " free trade" and our in-

tercourse with France we last year equalized
the duties on French, Spanish, and Portuguese
wines. It was then said, "We shall all drink

delightful French wine at cheap prices." The
public now learn, by experience, what every
wine-merchant would have told them at the

outset, that we have for years imported nearly
all the good wine that France produces, and that
it is only drank by the higher classes. The
result of this " liberal measure," therefore, is not

to increase the consumption of French wine ; it
remains stationary, the revenue is diminished,
and the only point established is the ignorance
,‘
of the Government. Mr. P. Thomson, on hi,
own part and for his colleagues," calls the

Government the " People's Governmeel
the King's Government. We wish the
much joy of their intelligent rulers.—Mott

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JAN.

THE KING V. BENNETT.
Mr. DAMPIER stated that this was an iodic
for a nuisance, and the defendant was founds
as his attorney had not instructed Counseltj
d"fendant was the proprietor of a cart whi°
drawn up in the garden of a house in the Nett
and was converted into a shop for the sale of g
beer awl other articles, and the indictment WI
under the Metropolis Roads Act, which el
that no building should be erected within a .4
distance of the road side. The Jury, as thel
no defence, found the defendant guilty, and
Learned Counsel) now proposed that a specis
should be framed, that the question of the
place the cart there might be argued befol
Judges.

The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE said he mightl
rule either for a special case, or for a new Int
the payment of costs.
Mr. DANFIER said his client was a pooh
and could not well afford the expense, but as P.
no alternative, he must accept it—Rule grantr

DIXON V. BROWN.

This was an action brought to recover the 10
of a bill of exchange alleged to have been drag'
the plaintiff, and accepted by the defendant',
came before the Lord Chief Justice as an
fended cause, at the last sittings in London, "
verd.ct was given for the plaintiff.
Mr. WIGHTMAN now moved for a rule tol
cause why a new trial should not be had, 00
ground that the defendant's father had been
with the vtrit,in,tead of the son, and that, Om
he was not properly before the Court.
The Couirr thought it was rather late t°/
such a statement, but granted the Rule Nisi, °S
dition that the father would pay the costs inc"
CRIMINAL INFORMATION.—REX TEAZI
Mr. KELLY was instructed to apply for a,
NiSi, for a criminal information to be filed el,
Mr. Teazle (or Teesdale), for rioting and es
j
the populace to riotous acts during the proceri
at the election for the city of Norwich. The
dates were Lord Stormont, Sir J. Scarlet', Mr.
ney, and Mr. Bellenden Ker ; the two formal
candidates on the one, and the two latter were,
didates on the opposite interest. The pollint
ceeded on the first day very peaceably until to°
the close, when the declaration of the nunlbg
votes for the different candidates was about PI
male, and then there was some rioting and soroel
r. ges committed by a large crowd which had
bled. He (Mr. K.) should observe that it wastrel
to everybody in the town as the sun at noonl
that Lord Stormont and Sir J. Scarlett bade
jori'y of votes, not only from the announeetned,
the Monday evening, but also from the inforolv
given to the electors on the Tuesday, and Ebel
stables were desired, in consequence of that id!s
tioi., to keep themselves together, and guerul
booths and books. Everything appeared to-g 1
peaceably until a q :aver before 4 o'clock, at
WSIW
time he (Mr. Kelly) must again observe, it,
known in whose favour the election would rep
nate ; in fact, the polling had then virtually a'
when Mr. Teazle, at the head of 300 persoil
peared before one of the largest booths, .sou
tire!), occupied the space in front. Mr. Teal!,
mediately advanced to the booth, quickly pager,
the constables, knocked down the poll-clerks
disappe,ired amongst the mob with the book,
Mr. Justice LITTLEDALE-111 what condit'?"
life does Mr. Teazle move ? :p

Mr KELLY—He is a Common Councilman
City of N .rwich.
LORD CHIEF JUSTICE—Then take the rule•

COURT OF EXCHEQUER, JAN.

THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY V. ROBEIt0;
This %. as an action against the surety, in ee
ministration bond given, under the statue of CP...
IL, to secure the due administration of the tesfil4
:i
effects. It was tried at Guildhall, in the sill
after last term, when it appeared that. one Skei
had taken out administration to a person or
Schwitzer, and had given the bond, in which.,"
defendant was surety. Skelton squandered chip
perty, and became a bankrupt. Proceedings.l4;
instituted in the Ecclesiastical Court to compe,
admiuistration, but Sir John Nicholl was of orl
that the certificate of bankruptcy was a bar t°,
further progres of the suit. The Court tnitie
order on the bankrupt to pay over the resido:
the effects. At the trial it was insisted that;
breach of the bond had been committed, as the I),
required to pay to the order of the Court, cr.l
such order had been obtained. A verdict was t;
for the plaintiff, with Is. damages, with lifortii
raove to raise the damages to 10,0001., the
sued for.

Mr. PoLLocx now moved accordingly.
The COURT should grant a rule to show CI
but recommended to make it a special case, for
purpose time was given to consult the other sid,

ARCHES' COURT, JAN. 11.

This being the first day of Hilary Tern"
JOHN NicnoLL attended by the civilians and P
tors who practise in the Ecclesiastical Courts,
prayers in the ante-room of the Court.

SWIFT V. SWIFT.
Io this case, which is a suit promoted to eats
a nullity of marriage alleged to have taken 1
between the parties at Rome, the King's Ado
applied for further time to complete the cans
hearing. Commissions had been sent out to ft
Florence, and other places, for the examined'
witnesses; but at Rome only has the Commi
been executed. He, therefore, trusted further
till the third Session would be granted.
Sir J. Nicnom granted the motion.
WESTMEA'FII V. WESTMEATH.

In this case the Court was informed that
Marquis of Westmeath would be ready in 1
days with his answers, in support of a reductio
alimony granted to the Marchioness of West
Further time was consequently given.

BIRTHS.
On the 9th inst. at Kenilworth, the lady of the Hon. 01
Thomas Clifford, of a daughter.
On the 9th inst. Mrs. Temple Frere, of Roydon, Norfolk
daughter.
On the 11th inst. in Gloucester-place, Portman.squal*
lady of John Kingston, Esq., of a daughter.
On the Bth inst. at Eton, the wife of the Rev. W. G. Cod
o f a son.
On the 10th inst. in Torrington-square, the lady of 0
Upham Barry, Esq., of a daughter.
On the 11th inst. in Bedford-place, the lady of Fra'
Rougemont, Esq.' of a son.
On the 10th inst at the Vicarage, Tottenham, MiddleS*
lady of the Rev. H. W. Gleed Armstrong, of a son.

Theodore, son
of the Hon. G. Godolprn Osborne.
On the Bth inst. in South-street, Charles Pannett, after
year's suffering, leaving a widow and six children.
Un the 11th inst. at Dartmouth-terrace, Blackheath,
Eleanor Ledger, aged 36.
On the 10th inst. Mr. William Mathews, of Crook
aged 64.
On the Bth inst. Sarah, the wife of Mr. John Whiting, of °.
Audley.street, and Heston, Middlesex.
On the 10th inst. at Hamstead, Dorothy, the wife Of
Charles Cooper, of Fleet-street, in the 68th year of her age;

PRINTED AND PUBLIstiED By MURDO YOU N 0, AT
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On the 10th inst. at St. Matthew's, Brixton, Charles 6,..,
Esq., late of Calcutta, to Annetta, only daughter of tri
Thomas Willis, Esq.!
1,. On the Bth inst. at St. George's, Hanover-square,
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Crichton Agnew, Esq., of Green-street, Grosvenor-sqw" i
Miss Maria Patros.
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On the 10th inst. at St. Dunstan's in the East, Mr. C
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Nairne, surgeon, Lambeth, to Sarah, youngest daughter
late Captain Bass. ,),
DIED.
On the 10th inst. at Plaistow Lodge, after a long and lin.4
illness, Harriet Anne, the wife of Walter Boyd, Lsq., in t"
year of her age.
On the 10th inst. in Eaton. place, aged 13 months, Gra",