The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-08 00:00:00

be could not overlook the fact that some of those who were
most clamorous for its abolition in the colonies tolerated it
at home.—(Hear, hear.) He then moved—
, That it is the opinion of this Committee that further infor-
mation is required relative to the efficiency of free labour and
other points, upon which the future beneficial cultivation of the
colonies materially depends And for this object, without which
neither the welfare of the negroes nor the interests of the plan-
ters can be secured, it is desirable that the inquiry commenced
by Committees of both Houses of Parliament in the last session
should be immediately renewed, with the view of examining
certain eminent persons recently arrived from various colo-
nies, as well as others practically acquainted with colonial
affairs, and especially deputed for the purpose of afford-
ing information touching the various points on which so
many discordant opinions have been stated in this Committee."
Admiral FLEMING would not have occupied the at-
tention of the House if the Hon. Member for Middlesex
had not opened a fire upon him. What he hail stated was
from his own observations, whilst the Hon. Member for
Middlesex had only quoted hearsay evidence ; and he was
then ready to prove that what he had said of South Ame-
rica was perfectly correct. It so happened that the Presi-
dent of Venezuela was then under the gallery—(Order)—
and would corroborate what he had said. With regard to
those gentlemen of the Jamaica Assembly of whom he had
spoken, he would now only say that he had his informa-
tion respecting one case from the gentleman himself, who
declared to him that he was bankrupt, and that, if he
were dying, he could not leave a shilling to his family.
Mr. BUCKINGHAM said, that in his opinion the
arguments of his Hen. Friend the Member for Middlesex
were displaced, because the House had already agreed to
the emancipation of the negroes. Much had been said
that when the negroes should be freed they would not
work ; but again be would assert that his own experience
taught him the contrary. With regard to the growth
and cultivation of sugar, this empire need not depend upon
the West Indies; it was a gross mistake to think this
country was so dependent; and he had the authority of
Mr. Morris and Mr. Edwards to prove that sugar could
be grown in the East Indies, in Java, and the islands of
the Eastern Archipelago, cheaper by 125 per cent. than
in the West Indies. On the several grounds of religion,
policy, and humanity, and without any factious views
whatever, he would feel it his duty to move as an amend-
ment, " That all slaves in the West Indies should be
emancipated in twelve months."
Dr. LUSHINGTON said that his professed and de-
termined object, in any thing he should have to say, was
to conciliate all parties as far as he could. If he now
departed from that line of conduct, it was entirely attri-
butable to the extraordinary misstatements of the
Honourable Member for Middlesex (Mr. Hume). In
fact, there was not an Assembly in the West Indies
which would not be ashamed of putting forward
arguments such as the Honourable Member had used.
The Hon. Member said, " Break down the chains of the
slaves." He was, no doubt, in theory an abolitionist;
but how turned out the fact? That he was almost
literally opposed to the emancipation of the slaves. How
this change in the sentiments of the Hon. Member had
been produced he could not say, but it was no less strange
than true. The Hon. Member owed much of his success
in Middlesex to his public professions; indeed upon this
' question he had gained the support of the Society of
Friends ; and yet on this occasion he felt it convenient to
alter his opinions. This might be politic, but lie could
not do the Hon. Member the justice of saying that it was
over wise. The Hon. Member (Mr. Hume) had made a
speech, certainly with his usual want of lucid order in
its arrangement ; he bad even gone the length of gain.
saying the personal experience of his Gallant Friend
(Admiral Fleming), and went the further length of
stating that slaves, if emancipated, would never earn their
subsistence like free men. The Hon. Member for Mid-
dlesex had referred the House to the conduct of several of
the Colonial Assemblies, and that for an object which,
perhaps, it would not be befitting to characterise. Did
the Hon. Member for Middlesex never hear that the
Colonial Assemblies suppressed all evidence connected
with their proceedings in it ? Did he never bear that
they altered, obliterated, and, in point of fact, pre-
vented the possibility of the evidence adduced be-
fore them going forth to the public?—( Hear.) It was
in evidence that the slaves employed on sugar planta-
tions worked as much as eighteen hours a day, and it had
been said that such an amount of labour could not be
obtained from freemen. This was perfectly true. How
could it be expected that it could ? But was it not unjust
to force such a quantity of labour from the negro ? If,
however, the number of free labourers were to be in-
creased in proportion to the amount of work that ought
in reason to be expected from any man, he was satisfied
that the business of the planters would be carried on as
advantageously as it now was by slave lahour. The evi-
dence of Admiral Fleming on this point was most con-
clusive ; and Mr. Adams, one of the witnesses examined
before the Committee of last year, on whose testimony
the Hon. Member for Middlesex relied, had stated that
the evidence of Admiral Fleming was entitled to as much,
or even more credit, than that which he himself had
given. But it was clear that the Hun. Member for Mid-
gtmc ir,ruugti tke whole of the evidence;
he bad merely dipped into it here and there; but that was
not the way to arrive at just conclusions. From all the
information that had been obtained, it was manifest that
the free Africans of the Caraccas and Trinidad had con-
ducted themselves with diligence and industry. They main-
tained themselves by their own exertions, and had not put
the country to a shilling cost for their emancipation; which
demonstratively proved that when freedom was given to
the negroes upon great and liberal principles, they knew
bow to appreciate the blessing, and use it for their own
good. Sierra Leone was another instance of this fact,
which might be adduced if any confirmation of the truth
were wanting. In 1797, during the insurrection in Ja-
maica, upwards of twenty thousand Maroons were deport-
ed to Sierra Leone. No rebellion bad taken place from
that hour to the present in that colony; and although, with
two exceptions, no great fortunes had been amassed, they
all contrived to live independently. If they had the sti-
tnulus of that promise which belonged to freemen, namely,
the enjoyment of their own earnings, the negroes would
be industrious; but, after revelling for upwards of 200
years in their blood, was it probable that this country
could hope to escape from the penalty which a long career
of injustice and oppression was sure, sooner or later, to
enforce ? After a loeg continuance in the exercise of in-
justice, it was, he admitted, difficult to retrace one's steps
to the proud eminence of independence; but then came
the question, were they still to pursue the path of iniquity
in which they had so long been, or were they to endea-
vour by all the means in their power to remove the evils
which they themselves had created ? It had been said that
the abolition of slavery would be accompanied by danger ;
but, in his judgment, persisting in the present system
would be much more pregnant with danger now that the
hopes of the negroes had been so strongly excited. I
would be the foulest cruelty to disappoint those hopes
and his only surprise was that the-Hon. Member for Mid
Illesex. one of the great pillars of liberty—(A laugh)—

should, in the exuberance of his anxiety for their welfare,
lie one of the first to dash from before them the prospect
of freedom which his Majesty's Government now, in the
month of June, held out to them, by sending them back

to Committees of the Houses of Lords and Commons.
The imputations which the Hon. Member for Middlesex
had cast on the Government were most unfounde,i; for,

instead of objecting to the re-appointment of such Com-
mittees as be proposed, they had expressly intimated their
willingness to renew these Committees, if such a course
was thought desirable.
Mr. HUME—Yes ; but on the condition that the Bill
was to proceed in the meantime.

Dr. LUSHINGION—They had the authority of the
Demerara Gazette that religion and a state of slavery
were incompatible—that they c,:uld not co-exist. But
the Hon. Member for Middlesex had attempted to justify
.

the flogging of slaves by a reference to flogging in the
army. A more inapplicable conclusion had never issued
from the lips of man ; but even it it were true, as he had
stated, that every soldier received two hundred lashes, that
the cruel and b itbarous lash was still inflicted upon our
fellow subjects in the military service, yet that would be
no justification whatever of its use with respect to the
slaves. —(Hear, hear.) He (Dr. Lushington) had 26
years ago advocated in that House the abolition of the
slave trade. Delay and further inquiry was then, as now,
called for ; but the House, being sati-fied with the infor.

oration it had obtained between 1788 and 1807, refused

to grant any more time. The pretexts then resorted to
were now put in requisition, but there was now as little
haindation as there then exis'ed for delay. He hoped no
delay would be allowed ; and he trusted the noble example
which they would set by this measure would have its effect
upon foreign nations, and that but a few years only would
pass over their heads before they would have to congratu
late themselves—first, upon the succ,ss of this great expe-
riment; secondly, upon the increased benefits which it

would yield to our commerce and manufactures ; and
thirdly, upon its inducing foreign sta,es to adopt a simil,ir

course, and leave the bright sun of liberty to shine equally
over the universal globe.—( Hear.)
Mr. BARING considered the question of the emanci•
patiou of the negroes as settled by the course already pur-
sued in that Rouse, and he believed that it was beyond
the power of any set of men, planters, merchants, or
ethers, effectually to oppose that question. Tneir endea-
vours would only be productive of the greatest possible
ousfortune, and could be productive of no practical he-
In fit, but would render impossible any favourable result
Thiel' might be anticipated from the proposed measure.—
e meant the transition from slavo labour to free labour--