The Sun.
London, England, 1848-09-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON,

tion that they supplied the wants of another party
the preceding day. So long as anything is left it
must be given up, and those who perhaps connived at
the movement in order to defraud their creditors, may
too late discover, when deprived of their all, with
heavy liabilities still hanging over their beads, that
" honesty would have been the best policy."

Meanwhile the authorities are not idle. The
police maintain the high character they so meri-
toriously earned for themselves, and have proved
themselves equal to any force or body of men in any
country of the world. It is more than probable
that their numbers will be augmented in the dis-
turbed districts. Lord CLARENDON is fully
empowered to do so, to any extent which
he may deem requisite, and the expense
thereof will be levied on the parties who have con-
nived at or sanctioned the costs that rendered the
expenditure necessary or desirable. The constabulary
are infinitely better suited for the guerilla warfare
that must now be carried on in the mountains than
regular troops; they will be better able to obtain
accurate information of the haunts of the bandits, to
follow up the scent, and trace the outlaws to their
dens, than their military associates. No time should be
lost in putting down and punishing with the utmost
stringency those who have transgressed the law, and
set the constituted authorities at defiance. There can
be no great difficulty in dispersing the predatory
hordes who, undisciplined and unofficered, are follow-
ing their own wild fancies and rude counsels. The
more speedily and effectually this is effected the
better. Decision and energy in the first instance,
and prompt and summary punishment, will save much
trouble and expense in the long run ; and present
severity will not only be a mercy to the well-dis-
posed and orderly inhabitants of the country, but
even to the misguided men themselves, who are now
running riot, and following the dictates of their own
unbridled passions.

The Revue Retrospective has recently furnished us
with various documents of singular interest and im
portance. The private letters of Royal personages
therein contained have enabled the uninitiated to get
a glimpse behind the curtain, and discover the wheels
within wheels which are the moving powers in all
political machinery. But yet more interesting, infi-
nitely more interesting than any of these back-stairs
revelations, is a paper lately published in the Revue
Retrospective which has been very appropriately en-
titled " Vicissitudes of a Life." This document con-
sists of a chronological table of the chief events of
Louis PHILIPPE'S life, drawn up by himself. The
vicissitudes of that momentous life are al-
ready for the most part matters of history,
they are already familiar to us all. Still, grouped
together as they are in these notes annales, their effect
is startling in the extreme. The brevity of the entries
greatly increases their impressive and almost appalling
interest, as will be seen by a short epitome of the
table :—" 1773, 6th October, born at Paris-1782,
education entrusted to Madame DE GENLIS-1785, the
Prince receives his commission as Colonel-1792,
April, his first battle; battles at Bossu and Quarignon
—Sept., is made Lieutenant-General ; battle of
Valmy—Oct., jeurney to Paris; the Prince joins
Dussuueirz's army ; battle of Jemmappes—End of the
year, the Duke of CHARTRES proceeds to Paris, and
conducts his sister to Tourney. He endeavours in
vain to persuade his father to retire to America-
-1793. The Duke rejoins the army; is obliged to seek
refuge at the head-quarters of the Prince of COBURG,
at Mons ; having re fused to enter the Austrian service,
starts for Switzerland. Leaves Bremgarten on a tour,
on foot, alone, almost without money. The monks of
St. Gothard refuse to admit him. M. DE MONTESQUIRU
procures a situation for the Prince, under a false
name, as professor in a college at Reichenau. He is
then Mr. CORBY.—Nov. 6. The Duke of ORLEANS
dies on the scaffold. The Duke of CHARTRES was at
Reichenau. It is there that he inherits the title of
Duke of OBLEANS.-1794. The Duke of ORLEANS
and his sister leave Switzerland; Mademoiselle
D'ORLEANS joins her aunt in Hungary, and the Prince
intends crossing to America.-1795. Arrives at
Hamburgh. Not being able to carry out his plan of
embarking. for America, makes a tour in the north,
visi's Copenhagen, Sweden, Norway, and Lapland.
—1796. Leaves Hamburgh for America.-1797.
The three brothers meet in the United States, and
visit together the provinces of the Interior.-1793.
Arrive at the Havannah, and are compelled to remain
there more than a year.-1799. They are not allowed
to take their departure for Spain.-1800. The brothers
arrive in London. Interview of the Duke of OR-
LEANS with the Comte D'ARTOIS (CHARLES X.) The
brothers take a house at Twickenham, from whence
they make excursions into the interior of England
and Scotland.-1808. The Duke of ORLEANS pro-
ceeds to Messina. Ilis marriage with the Princess
MARIE AMELIB is spoken of. Is desirous of visiting
Spain. Lands at Gibraltar. Is repulsed by English
policy, and conveyed to England.-1809. The Duke
presents himself at Palermo, at the Sicilian Court.
His marriage is agreed on. Proceeds to Mahon, to
fetch his mother. After sixteen years of separation,
the mother, the son, and sister meet. The Duke
espouses the Princess MARIE ASXELIE of Sicily.-
1810. Visits Spain, at the solicitation, of the Cortes.
During his absence, Duke of CHARTRES born.—
. 1814. On the first news of the Restoration the Duke
of ORLEANS returns to France. Appears at the Tuile-
ries in the uniform or a French Lieutenant-General.-
1815. The Court sends the Duke to Lyons to concert
measures for opposing the advance of NAPOLEON.
Leaves France to join his family in England. Second
sojourn at Twickenham.-1830. The Duke of On-
LEANS, Lieut.-General of the Kingdom, chosen KING
of the FRENCH." Here terminates the record, but
any one familiar with the events of the last eighteen
years can supply an additional list of circumstances
almost as extraordinary and vicissitudes almost as
appalling. At first the chronicle would speak of the
pomp and power of royalty—unlimited confidence
and submission on the part of the people, and an
abundance of fair promises on the part of the
Sovereign. It would tell of a King reigning
under the happiest auspices, and a father
blest in more than an ordinary degree by the number,
and the talents, and the virtues of his children,
"the only united royal family that ever was 1" But
mingled with these happy reminiscences would be a
darker record. The occasional outbreaks of rebel-
lion, the perpetual manifestation of popular discern-
ment, the infernal machine, and the names of FIESCHI
and ALIBAUD, and their imitators would have to be
introduced in a continuation of the chrono-
' logical table of Louis PHILIPPE'S career.
Nor would the postscript be complete unless
it unfolded the gradual metamorphosis of the " Citizen
King"—the " King of the Barricades"—into the King
of the Fortifications, and so on, until the entry-
-1848, which it is not necessary to fill up. Having
added this postscript and reperused the entire list, is
it possible to refrain from experiencing a sentiment of
astonishment almost akin to awe that such vicissitudes
should have been crowded into the life of one man ?
The career of Louis PHILIPPE is indeed well calculated
to " point a moral and adorn a tale." We leave the
latter task to the skill of the Marquis de la Pail-
leterie ; the moral is too obvious to require expo-
sition. He who runs may read the lesson illustrated
by the career of Loos PnimirrE—of LOUIS PHI-
LIPPE, who after having in his own person experi-
enced in the first revolution the fatal effects of a people's
anger towards those who defrauded them of their
rights—and after having, in the second revolution,
enjoyed all the power and popularity voluntarily
conceded to those who are deemed the people's
friends, yet, deaf to the lessons of the first, and blind
to the fair prospect unfolded by the latter, required a
third revolution to enforce the teaching of its prede-
cessers, and to avenge the neglect with which that
teaching had been received. LOUIS PHILIPPE is, let
us hope, a wiser man by the lesson. It is a lesson
which may be generally studied with general ad-
vantage.

BULLION AND SPLCIE.—The vessel Free Trade,
arrived from Oporto, has brought one box of bullion,
addressed to order, and eleven boxes of bullion, con-
signed to several firms of eminence in the metropolis ;
the American line-of- packet ship Switzerland, one box
of specie, addressed to a firm in London, and one box of
specie, consigned to order ; the line-of-packet ship
American Eagle, from New York, three packages of
specie, addressed t o separate firms in the metropolis;
and the Oriental Queen, from the Mauritius, one case of
bullion, consigned to a firm in the metropolis.
Viscount and Viscountess Hardinge and the Hon.
Miss H irdinge have arrived at Wynyurd Park, Durham,
on a visit to the Marquis and Marchioness of London-
derry, from South Park, Penehurst, Kent.

TliE FRENCH REPUBLIC
•
We have received the Paris papers of Saturday and
yesterday.
In the National of Saturday morning appeared the
following announcement :
" The frightful conflict of June, the promulgation of
certain social doctrines, the state of trade and the public
misery, have produced, in certain departments, a blind
reaction against the republican principle itself. It ap-
pears that General Cavaignac has thought it right to re-
sort to a measure calculated to enlighten the departments
as to the real intentions of the National Assembly and
the Government, of a nature, in a word, to correct de-
luded opinions. A certain number of the representatives,
were, it is said, summoned to meet yesterday, at the
residence of the Chief of the Executive Government,
who requested them to accept a mission to the depart-
ments. The mission will, it is said, be entirely one of
conciliation, and will also have for its object to obtain for
the Government information as to the true state of
opinion, and of the administration of the local authori-
ties."

This statement was corroborated by the following
paragraph, which appeared in the Journal des Debats
of the same day :
" The Government, in order to obtain an exact ac-
count of the respective strength of each party in France,
has ordrred to be drawn up, in every department, a
genrral list of all the citizens who have been named
members of the municipal counc.li, indicating the
opinions of each. This demand, which is impost d with
great urgency upon the prefects, lays down the four fol-
lowing categories—viz., Legitimatists Conservatives,
ardent Republicans, and moderate Republicans."
The appearance of these paragraphs gave rise to an
extraordinary scene in the Assembly on Saturday.
During the earlier part of the sitting, while the
ordinary routine business was being transacted,
groups of Members were assembled around the bench
of the Ministers engaged in very animated conversa-
tions with General CAVAIGNAC. The routine busi-
ness of the day having been concluded, and several
unopposed Bills having been agreed to,
TheViee-President (M. Pagnerre) said, M. Baze wishes
to demand explanations from the Government.—(Marks
of attention.)
M. Laze—l wish to ask the Minister of the Interior
to give the Assembly some information relative to a fact
which has of late obtained some credit in private con-
versation, and still more from an article which has ap-
peared in a public journal of that morning. It stated
that the President of the Council had come to the reso-
lution of sending into the departments a certain number
of representatives for the double purpose of disseminat-
ing a true account cf the views and intentions of the
Administration, and to impart to the Government tht
precise condition of the public mind, and the real wants
of the country. I wish to learn if this rumour is well
founded.—(hear, hear.)
M. Senard, the Minister of the Interior—l accept the
interpel!ative, and reply at once. First, as to the fact
itself. and next as to the motives which actuated us. As
to the journal alluded to, he had to declare that it was
completely a stranger to the Government.—(Oh, oh 1)
A Voice—Why, it is the National!
The Minister of the Interior—Well, since the journal
was named, I have to repeat my phrase, and say, then,
" completely a stranger to the Government." I declare
that the Na tional is quite,independent of the Government,
and takes its inspirations where it thinks fit; but cer-
tainly receives nothing from the Government.—(Marks
of incredulity.) The Assembly must perceive that the
Government, under a new state of things, was in a
difficult position. We are in circumstances where time
is precious, and where it is of the highest importance we
should go quick, in order to arrive at that period a hen
the whole of the Adminiatration shall work well tege
ther, for the purpose we all have in view—to cause the
Republic to he beloved—to enable it to unite all opi-
nions under the Republican flag ! To attain that result
—before all—a good Administration, advancing well
together, is; re quired. The new Government of neces-
sity has a personnel hostile to it; in many respects the
officials had been appointed under the monarchy; with
time, no doubt, the Republican feeling would prevail
everywhere, but we have need to go rapidly. The new
appointments had all been made as carefully as possible.
—(Marks of dissent.) But we deem it necessary to have
the precise spirit and views of the Government made
known to the provinces, and to have at the same time an
account, clear and impartial, of the state of feeling in the
department:, and their wants.
M. de Falloux demanded permission to reply.
The Minister of the Interior—We want to ascertain
not only are our instructions followed, but whether they
are in accordance with the real requirements of the
country. The Government has great need of accurate
information on this subject.—(Agitation.)
M. Charamante—But the National Assembly is surely
something in all this.—(Loud approbation.)
A Voice—The Assembly is here! Why not have ap-
plied to it?—(Great agitation.)
The Minister of the Interior—The National Assembly
is not only something, but is, in feet, everything in my
opinion.—(Laughter.) We are nothing here except
delegates, because we have had our power delegated to
us by the Assembly, and what I am about to say will
prove it. Where, in fact, was it that we went to choose
our agents for the purpose alluded to? In order to ob-
tain a complete and sure inspection, where could we ad-
dress ourselves but to the Members of the Assembly ?-- -
(Lively agitation, loud murmurs ) The Hon. Minister
expressed his surprise at the uproar which his words
had cause.', and then went on to say that all the Mem-
bers of the National Assembly had been now for four
months and upwards horn their departments, and only
knew riliat was going on by letters, often necessarily
contradictory. The Government wished to see exactly
what was going on, and it had believed that it could with
perfect legality appoint Members of that Assembly, as
one of its de authorised Members to accept extra-
ordinary missions.—(Great uproar.) The Government
thought, in tact, that what it decided on was not only
perfectly unobjectionable as a matter of administration,
but the most respectful to the Assembly.—(Tremendous
interruption.)
A Voice—And the Assembly ? You cared nothing
about it. You acted for a coterie.
The Minister of the Interior said that the Government
had applied to one of its members, a representative, who
had helped to found the Republic, to aid them in so dif-
ficult a crisis. As to the word coterie, which had just
been used, he had to say that the term was quite out of
place, as not one of the appointments was yet known.
The Hon. Minister concluded by expressing a hope that
the Assembly would approve of what had been deter-
mined upon.
M. 133Z3 considered the course as highly objection-
able, first, as being unnecessary, and next, as disrespect-
fulsis t
et to
d tthhei
antAi
ts shusleeumemhbel
as
ss.
measure
tri
noeTuneijh,
noue(wut:oblthjdp
ierafccbtrdh)t:poecepdsttruithosc,emdtnets. mode of proceeding,
he said, would have been to to apply in the usual man-
ner to the Assembly. Tho Hon. Representative in-
sisted
Government
spe) rh highltoyproduce
e)dt
split-
tings dan-
gerous,hsae an dissen-
sion
introduced
ueotnarnihoe
dtudi nupncott
ethhthdeeet country.that
I,
several
eee
v ebemission
broken Assembly
s
o
kmenemubperins was
the worthy
midst
ethe Nationalimportant
Assembly, which represented
eplemntoehmfe
et
nh
moment whole
Awisiesci
moat favour-
! and
sending
course
ha adopted pt
representatives,.e d b -
Go-
vernment, e rem. discussions,oere ttl Barrageea rt
gionudft
ieuennrfge‘dvneatddrhedadstaetnnht:he•
favour-
vme rbnl ym
ehna tddNvmeunstpboewerto
andathbelMethat
Government,as the N
whatati o National at lh
eAGssoe
sup-
posed to emanate from the Assembly.—(Laughter.)
M. do Falloux expressed en opinion that the intended
. course would cause a profound perturbation in the
three fet ounded?
Ile country
thought
hrithahtaidwbaesetriso
atalreadylftoe bupnudelai c
the
n February 24, May 15, and June 23.—(gear,
rOanritsh,iswlhaattterdoideeatshey
occasion,
bring—division,
v isp iroonv,i nrceecarimmainrcahtieoedn7o)
desire to injure? No, but assistance—the moat precious
of their resources.—(Loud applause.) What! was a
representative to enter his (M. de Falloux's) department,
and after a fortnight or a month's sojourn there, pretend
to know the real spirit which animated the population
as well as he (M. de Falloux) who represented it?--
(Hear, hear.) Again, were representatives to go on a
roving commission through the country, with pay for
their trouble out of the secret service money?—(Agita-
tion.) The Minister of the Interior was then about to
send off c, mmissioners also, like one of his predeces-
sors. Let him beware—commissioners were not in good
odour. The Hon. Deputy proceeded for some time longer
and concluded by saying that the whole proceeding was
not a plain and open one, and sincerity and loyalty al-
ways went farther in France than talent.—(Loud ap-
probation.)
The Minister of the Interior observed that the Go-
vernment had a duty to fulfil, namely, to direct public
opinion. This was one of the chief objects of the present
project. It was, besides, a great administrative act, and
connected with high policy. He trusted the Assembly
would fully approve of what was intended—(Great agi-
tation).
M. Besnard proposed the order of the day pure and
simple —(Renewed agitation.)
M. Marie, the Minister of Justice, said the Govern-
ment intended to persist in its plan, and hoped that the
Assembly would pass to the ordsr f the day, but not
until after a vote duly and formally explained—(Loud
and long-continued agitation.)
M. Pagnerre then left the chair, and the whole of
the members collected in confused groups in the body of
the House and under the tribune.
The sitting remained suspended for upwards of
twenty minutes, the Ministers having retired in a
body from the Assembly the moment the sitting was
suspended. At length M. PAGNEERE, one of the
Vice-Presidents, baying taken the chair, the sitting
was resumed, and M. MARRAST proposed the follow-
ing order of the day motive—" The Assembly, after
the explanation heard, leaving to the responsi-
bility of the Executive Power the appreciation of the
projected measures, passes to the order of the day."
After some confusion this order of the day motive was
agreed to without a division, and with all but unani-
mity ; M. BAza having declared that he accepted
the proposition of M. MARRAST. Some few mem-
bers of the extreme Left, among them MM. LEDRu
ROLLIN and FLocoN, abstained from voting, but by
far the greater part of them supported the motion.
The Assembly then adjourned until Monday.
Towards the close of the sitting on Friday the
following interesting discussion was commenced on
the subject of the abolition of the punishment of