The Sun.
London, England, 1848-07-22 00:00:00

T E SUN,

but evidently intending that none of the existnig
of property shall tw acknowledged, hut that the whole
produce of the Irish soil, by one swcepintr confiscation,
shall be held by the muster of vvhar, the French called a
Red Republic, men who have no regard fur any rule in
social states, men who wished that no society
should be kept together but idich as woull
satisfy the mind of ti.ose who wanted, that the whole
produce of regular industry, property, &c., acquit el by
those who wished to see right enforced should by one
desolating measure he distributed according to the di,-
cree of those who would attempt to be the rulers of Ire-
land.—(Hear, hear.) I will allude to one passage more
with regard to the objects of these confederates, because
they were stated in a resolution passed evidently
for the purpose of quieting alarm. It has
been felt in in Ireland, and by none more than the Ro-
man Catholic clergy, that if such a confederation as has
been formed should succeed, there would be an end of
all respect for liberty and of all regard of what men had
hitherto held sacred, and a code of brute force would be
established. In order to repel these alarms, there
was a meeting of what was called the Dublin
Clubs, and on that occasion a resolution was

moved by Mr. Smith O'Brien, and seconded.
(The Noble Lord then read the resolution and proceeded)
—Now the House will see that in that resolution they did
not disguise their object, which was not a repeal of the
union, but the overthrowing the sway of the Govern-
ment they are bound to obey; that nothing less than the
dismemberment of the empire would satisy their wishes.
So much then from their ova confessions may be taken
to be the fact.—(Hear, hear.) You may believe
with me, that in the accomplishment of that object they
would necessarily overthrow the sway of religion and
property in Ireland, but then you must believe also that
it is the traitorous conspiracy that is intended to over-
throw the Government of the United Kingdom, and to
put in its place a government to rule over Ireland.—
(Hear, hear.) That is the last end to which you
can believe them to wish to come.—(Hear, hear.)
I come now, Sir, to that which I have stated would be
the second proposition that I should have to state to the
House, namely, that there are formidable measures pre-
paring intended to produce rebellion, and only too likely
to end in it.—(Hear, hear.) Because, Sir, although
there may be practices the most injurious, yet if
those practices are intended by few persons,
or some insignificant associations, such are
the free institutions of this country, which
permitting every kind, of opinion, that we should be
sacrificing the greater to the less if we were to interfere
by any extraordinary law to crush an eviler small amount.
But, Sir, although I hoped such might have been the
case, I am sorry to say all the accounts we have re-
ceived have tended to the contusion that the organiza-
tion proposed by these persons is rapidly continuing,
and in many parts of the country the clubs are ready
and ripe for insurrection. After the law that was
pased by this House in the month of April, and which
gave the power of bringing before a court of justice for
felony persons who were conspiring in opposition to the
Sovereign, or who were levying war against the Sove-
reign, a great check was placed against the conspirators
in Ireland. A confederation was formed by the organi-
zation of the clubs, and it was determined to send mis-
sions into the country, with the view of persuad-
ing persons in great towns, and even in small
towns and villages, to adopt a similar system of
organization. From this time their efforts did not suc-
ceed. The accounts received from the Lord-Lieutenant
tended to induce the belief that the organization would
not become immediately formidable ; but soon after this
the Lord-Lieutenant and the Lord Chancellor, on infor-
mation that they had received, announced the fact that
confederate clubs were increasing in number, and were be-
coming more.formiciabletn their organization. Within the
last month they assumed the character which I am now
about to detail to the House. (The Noble Lord then
read an extract from a letter which had been received, to
the effect that the state of Ireland was such that the Go-
vernment would have either to determine whether they
would ask fresh powers of the House. or make an
immediate organization for civil war. The Noble Lord
then read the accounts which had been received from
Tipperary and from Carrick-on-Suir. At the latter
place no less than five confederate clubs had been estab-
lished, and no one but members were admitted to the
meetings, which were kept strictly private, their object
apparently being to ascertain the strength of the organiza-
tion. 'The Noble Lord then read accounts from Tuam,
Dundalk, and Wexford, at which places large meetings
had been held. At the meeting at Tuam one of the
speakers said he hoped to see the constabulary soon take
the first rank in the Irish national guard. The Noble
Lord continued)—l should say the method
.pursued
by these confederates was in general to call a meeting
for some political object, and then to harangue the
meeting in violent speeches, and immediately afterwards
to form an association or club, which it was arranged
should meet secretly. In the first place, in one instance,
a public meeting was called, speeches were made of a
violent character, and private meetings followed week
after week, at which no person was admitted
except those belonging to the confederation,
and every person—every loyal subject—who was
desirous of giving information of the proceedings which
took places was carefully excluded. At Cork fifteen
confederate clubs had been formed, and about two
thousand names have been enrolled as members. At
Wexford one of tho constabulary was refused admit
tance to a meeting by a sentry at the door, who said he
would rather allow him to walk over his dead body at
the threshold than permit him to pass. Mr. Meagher
attended the different clubs, at which he made speeches,
and had been appointed to go on a mission to America.
On the 13th of July a meeting was held in the county
of Cork, at which a deputation attended from the confe-
deration, and advised the people to arm and demand
their rights. I now wish to state the occurrences
which have taken place at Cork since the beginning
of the present month. A meeting took place there
which was attended by all the clubs, and the people
walked in regular marching order, and underwent what
was called by Mr. Smith O'Brien, a review. Three
cheers were given for the King of Munster, meaning
Mr. Smith O'Brien, and he replied—" No, not yet, not
yet; no shouting." Now, Sir, it is to be remarked that
there were meetings afterwards held at Drogheda and
Dublin, and at both of these meetings Mr. O'Brien
adverted in his speeches to what he said was his review
at Cork, and stated that the numbers were very
considerable, and that they were ready to act with
determination whenever they were called to do so.
The other event to which I wish to allude is very im-
portant. Mr. Meagher is well known for the exciting
language he has frequently addressed to the people of
Ireland. He was arrested in Waterford on a charge of
sedition, and immediately after wards a thousand people
collected to procure his rescue, but Mr. Meagher told
them that if they attempted a rescue it would produce
no good. The Roman Catholic clergy used all their
efforts to dissuade them from their object, and Mr.
Meagher was conveyed away from the town
without resistance. After his release, an assem-
blage of fifteen thousand mein to give Mr. Meagher
a welcome back to Waterford, and I have a letter
from a gentleman residing in the neighbourhood
that gives a description of the scene which took place,
and which states that the writer has no hesitation in
stating that unless Government takes immediate steps
to put down the movement they might in the end get the
better of these people, but that could not be attained
before much life and property had been sac-
rificed.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Sir, I can
answer for the character of the gentleman who
writes this letter, but the state of Waterford has been
described to me by other persons, and I have seen
many letters from persons who were in the neigh-
bourhood at the time the occurrence took place, who
are all connected with the neighbourhood either by fa-
mily or property, who are well acquainted with the
language and political feelings of the people, and who all
concur in stating that although persons of property and
station, both Protestants and Roman Catholics, are de-
cidedly against any outbreak, yet that no influence of
theirs or of the clergy has any effect in deterring
many thousands of the young men of every class,
more especially the farmer and the peasant, to rise in
insurrection.—(Hear, hear.) That is the evidence I
have received, supported, as I think, by all the public
prints, and entirely believed by the Lord Lieutenant.—
(Hear, hear.) In the town of Carrick-on-Suir their oc-
curred acts which, al though they were not very alarming
they still afford ais a melancholy warning of coming
events.—(Hear, heat ..) Teree persons were arrested
for a bailable offend They were arrested not under
the late Act, but for using seditious language, but their
arrest lead to an immense collection of people who as-
sembled from till parts of the country. Va-
rious reports 7 ere spread amongst them ;
some that a priest had been arrested ; some
that these men wets; confined because the insurrection
had begun. Many of them were armed with muskets
and rude pikes, and they marched into the town in a
most menacing man ner. They went up to the authori-
ties, and on their ae Oaring that the prisoners must be
liberated, it was thought, that the offence being
a bailable one, it would be much better to
liberate the prisoners on bail. They were accordingly
let out of prison, and the crowd quietly dispersed,
but if there had be en cause to retain these prisoners, if
their offence had been such that they could not be
bailed, or if for an y other reason it was not desirable
tnh
saut
rthey
asnh ou
mustl d bi eca
cave ee
followedt o hail,
the
abre, gin
hear.)
ui ot an
' There
i
was not wanting th es desire, there was not wanting the
will, there was not wanting the intention of rebellion.
All that was wanti at; was the particulnr occasion, those
who meant to rise i al !ing satisfiesthat such a step would
render the object co mpiete. No rising, however, took
place, but no man clan doubt that had these persons not
been liberated, an insurrection was then and there to be
begun.—(Hear, h ear.) Sir, the accounts from these
various places are not only now, but have been for some
time past, most al arming.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

.JMNO. =in ~-

A meeting of the friends of Mr. Richard Hicks,
the much-respected deputy of Castle Bay nard Ward,
was held on Wedne:i day, at the London Tavern, for the
purpose of present',lng to that gentleman a splendid ser-
vice of plate (mar,.ufactured by Hunt and Roskiil, of
Bond•street), subsc tined by the trade of butchers, sales-
men, and others, a s a testimonial of their esteem and
gratitude for the I )erseverance, ability, and public spirit
with which he he .s for many years advocated their in-
terests and those of the community at large, more par-
ticularly by obtain ing and personally superintending the
enlargement and improvement of Smithfield market.
The company sal d own to au excellent dejeaner provided
for the occasion.. . Mr. William Sharpe iu the chair.
YORK, Tut ran >Av.--Yesterday evening a soirée
was given to Hr. Henry Vincent, one of the late candi-
dates for the city of York. Upwards of 1,200 persons
were present. A. mongst the Company were E. Miall,
Esq., of London; Dr. Gordon, of Hull; J. Plint, Esq.,
of Leeds; J. Th ompson, Esq., of Manchester, and a
number of other g entlemen, connected with this city and
county.