The Sun.
London, England, 1848-09-25 00:00:00

TIIE SUN', LON'DO

most unnoticed among the silent Members of that au-
gust assemblage suddenly spring by a single bound
among those who were in the most prominent position
in the Legislature. It is a marvel which, with cer-
tain reservations of comparison, may be numbered
with such facts as the precocity of PITT, or the
venerable predominance of WALPOLE. True it was
that Lord GEORGE BENTINCK had been in some
small measure tutored into the knowledge of political
science by becoming the secretary of CANNING, when
little better than a stripling—true, also, that he he
the opportunity of studying the art of Parliamentary
oratory at his leisure during the twenty years of
his obscure sojourn among the back benches of the
Commons. But, apart from these slight inductions to
an active career in the Philosophy of Administra-
tion, he was wholly without the usual helps towards
the acquirement of celebrity. Without the appren-
ticeship of subordinate office, without practice as an
oratorical gladiator, without either the inspiration of
genius, or the incitement of a boyish ambition, Lord
G. BENTINCK stood forth in the torments of a great
crisis, he advanced in the agonies of an emergency,
when his companions were panic-stricken and scat-
tered abroad in confusion; he raised the trumpet of
old Conservatism to his lips, and blew a call which
rallied round him the fragments of that almost anni-
hilated party ; he lifted again the old Tory banner
which a moment before had been thrown down mid
trampled into the mud ; he was no longer a cipher
among the subordinate representatives—he Was the
recognised leader of the Opposition. In all this there
is something to our mind more than merely remark-
able. Opposed as we are, diametrically opposed as
we are to- the cause of Monopoly, we do nevertheless
say that in the mere daring of Lord GEORGE BEN..
TiNcK there was much to provoke us into admiration.
If, moreover, we can (as we do) still find subject for
the most severe reprehension in the monstrous
accusations levelled against Sir ROBERT PEEL,
in the calumnies against Lord GREY, and
in those other personalities and arithmetical
perversions which have cast disgrace upon
the recollection of his three years of political emi-
nence—we must also remember with respect and re-
cord with eulogium the manly course adopted by
Lord GEORGE BENTINCK in regard to the
civil disabilities of the Jews, and the political
contraction of the rights of the Catholics; we
must honour him for the universal liberality
of his religious sentiments, for the noble
indignation with which he repulsed the advances of
the Irish demagogues, for the courage of his bearing,
the industry of his labours, the frank, bold, and robust
valour of his masculine and impulsive character.
These merits will be remembered when bis errors
have faded into oblivion ; and the memory of his
generous deeds and of his extrordinary career will
only tend to cast an additional melancholy over the
spectacle of his departure, over the incident of his
premature and awful death, over the fact of the heart
of the strong man ceasing to beat in the bloom of his
years and in the freshness of his renown, and when
walking alone among those pastoral scenes which
had once been hallowed by the footsteps of his child-
hood.

The fifth article of the new French Constitution
is a perpetuation of one of the earliest and one of the
most glorious acts of the Republic—the abolition of
the punishment of death for political offences. No
one can have forgotten the electric effect which that
declaration of the young Republic produced through-
out all Christendom. More effectually than any
elaborate proclamation of principles, the one brief
sentence which recorded that sublime resolution de-
monstrated the character of the revolution, and
elicited for it the warmest sympathies of mankind.
Well, indeed, might M. LAMARTINE say that such
an act was the fruit of Divine inspiration I The
memory of the first French revolution will be for
ever terrible from the blood by which it was incar-
nadined, but the revolution of February will be
sanctified to all posterity by the remembrance of that
act of grace. The fifth article of the new Constitu-
tion at once commemorates and perpetuates that act—
" Art. 5. The punishment of death is abolished in
political matters." When this article came under
the consideration of the National Assembly it was
regarded by many Members of the Assembly as
affording a fitting opportunity for its extension.
Several amendments were proposed, the most ex-
treme of which, that of M. COQUEREL, occasioned a
very interesting debate. M. COQUEREL proposed to
leave out the words "political matters," and the
article would, therefore, be " the punishment
of death is abolished." This amendment ex-
cited some very determined opposition, and
necessarily so, for the advisibility of capital
punishment is, without doubt, one of the
most difficult and most perplexing questions which
ever grieved the soul of the philanthropist or baffled
the ingenuity of the politician. The very same ar-
guments may be adduced on either side. The same
" economy of human blood," the same sentiment of
mercy which would save the criminal would also pre-
serve the victim. The moralist, who regards with
horror the cutting off the murderer in the blossom of
his sins, is combated by other moralists, equally con-
scientious as himself, who regard it as a duty to pre-
vent the commission of future crimes by the execu-
tion of actual criminals. These contending opinions
found advocates in the National Assembly.
M. COQUEREL declared, in favour of his amendment,
that capital punishment could not correct by exam-
ple, because it cut a man off from repentance ; but
this is not a correct statement of the case on the part
of M. COQUEREL ; for the benefit of the example is not
supposed to be for the criminal himself, but for
others tempted to commit similar crimes. In opposi-
tion to this, it was remarked by another Member of
the Assembly, that " those men whose professional
duties brought them in contact with the greatest cri-
minals would :_say that, amongst the most desperate,
it was only the penalty of death which made
them hesitate, and that the dread of any other
punishment had no effect on them." This fact,
if it be a fact, is most assuredly a powerful argument
in favour of the retention of so efficient a preventive of
crime. Viewed only in this light, the most philan-
thropic would, hardly hesitate to approve of capital
punishments. They could not but consider it in-
finitely better for a few actual murderers to be put
out of the world in order to prevent many from
becoming murderers. Viewed in this light, and only
in this light, scarcely a voice would be raised in
favour of such propositions as that of Mr. EWART in
the House of Commons, and M. COQUEREL in the
National Assembly ; but it is impossible to view the
matter in this light only. It is impossible to believe
in the wonderful effects of the example of criminal
execution, when we know, unhappily, with too much
certitude, that crime is not repressed by such
examples. We know, although the fact is hardly
credible, that under the very gallows the pickpocket
plies his trade with redoubled rather than with abated
zeal. We know that the quondam companions of' the
criminal witness his dying struggles, especially if he
" die game," with sentiments of admiration and exul-
tation, very far removed from those feelings of com-
punction and horror likely to lead to beneficial
effects. Every detailed account of an execution
scene is a most emphatic and unanswerable argument
against the continuation of punishment fraught
with such pernicious effects. In considering this
subject, we must confess that we are alternately
swayed towards contending opinions ; and, at least,
we concur with the sentiments of M. FRESLON, who,
in the course of Friday's debate, expressed his opinion,
that eventually, accordingly as civilization extends
and advances, this punishment will disappear altoge-
ther. " But," he added, " I deny that the present
moment is favourable for this purpose." With the
spread of civilization capital punishments will inevit-
ably cease ; but, much as we desire the advent of the
appropriate day, we are inclined to think that the day
is not quite arrived. We are disposed to think M.
COQUEREL'S amendment somewhat premature. Let
the retentive check—as possibly, after all, it is a
retentive check—be kept on a little longer, until the
minds of men become better imbued with the sublime
doctrines now happily making such a rapid spread
over the face of Christendom. 'When civilization
becomes
yet more developed, as it rapidly will become,
rnos t glorious proof of that development will
be the entire abrogation of the punishment of death.
then
the
Nevertheless,if that day be not yet come, the very
debate upon this subject, which t, took place in jthe
Assembly, may be regarded as an evidence of the
spread of civilization. Here, in the hour of revolu.

tion, we find an interdict laid upon the effusion of
human blood. And one of the first objects of a newly
constituted Republican Assembly is to confirm that
decree ; and one of the chief subjects of its solicitude
is to extend yet fuether its merciful provisions.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of Saturday and
yesterday.

The National has the following on General
CAVAIGNAC'S explanation to the Assembly on
Friday
" The General's honest, firm, and brief speech left no
handle to equivc que, no pretext to affected doubts or
malevolent insinuations. He said—' As to what the
Government is disposed to do with respect to new
attempts at disorder, I declare that I have no need to
answer. We have employed all, done all in face of
disorder. There may remain something to be done, but
asstiredly there remains nothing to risk. As to what is
said of the flag of conciliation, that flag is oars. Yes. I
believed it right to display the flag of conciliation, but
remaining under the shade of the Republican fling. We
placed ourselves on this ground, which is ours, and we said
to all that we did not demand, that we had not the right
to demand, the date of their devotedness, that we would
accept it without distinction of origin, provided that this
devotedness contributed seriously, honestly, usefully, to
the foundation of the Republic.' The immense majority of
the Assembly received this declaration with the liveliest
signs of assent. These words have, in fact, all the im-
portance of an evenement, and the policy of the Govern-
ment is therein clearly set forth. The character and
sentiments of the Chief of the Executive Government
are well known ; his uprightness and sincerity are out of
the reach of doubt, as much as the firmness of? his Re-
publican convictions. What he said we may be sure he
will do. Acts will respond to the speech; otherwise the
speech would have been unworthy of a man in whom at
this moment the honour of the Republic is personified.
Let our readers, however, not deceive themselves, nor
affect to deceive themselves; there is neither abandon-
ment of principles nor imprudent concession. To lower
the flag of the Republic before hostile parties would be
treason; to quit the flag even for an instant to extend the
hand toequivocal devotedness, would be a shameful weak-
ness; to facilitate the access to it to whoever desires to
approach it with good faith, is an act of great wisdom
and wise policy. Certainly, before the 24th of February,
the majority of the nation was not republican; we have
never had any illusion in this respect, and it is on that
account that we would notgive the hand to a fusion which
would have had grave dangers if it had been premature.
But we had faith in the power of the principle which we
proclaimed. We knew that democratic government is
the sincere expression of the interests, wants, and sen-
timents of all, and we were sure that, sooner or later,
all France would seek refuge in it, as in a port after many
storms. This moral revolution, which the force of
things must necessarily bring about, is no doubt not yet
completed; but the movemeat has commenced, and, far
from opposing any obstacle, the duty of true patriots is
to aid it by all means."
With respect to the vote of :confidence the Debats
says—

"Assuredly, the Chamber does not deeire to over-
throw the present Government. It proved that by una-
nimously voting, with the exception of some votes of the
Montagne, the order of the day motive which was pre-
sented. But the Government must not deceive itself—
it expects a firmer and moro decided policy from it."
The Constitutionnel warns the Government against
the adoption of a juste ?allot policy, and declares that
a policy which is at once " clear, decided, and bold,
can alone rally the public mind, direct opinion, and
strengthen the Government."
On Friday there was a public dinner held at the
Chalet to celebrate the anniversary of the proclama-
tion of the first French Republic. M. AUDRY DE
PUYRAVEAU presided, and in the course of his speech
expressed the delight which he, an old Republican of
1790, felt at presiding on such an occasion. The
meeting was addressed by M. LEDRU ROLLIN in a
remarkably violent speech. After declaring that he
admits the right of labour in its fullest extent, and
contending that there is enough of capital in France
to carry out the principle, M. LEDRU ROLLIN thus
proceeds—
" Citizens, what answer is given to all this? The
state is poor—the Republic cannot make such founda-
tions, for it wants money. I confess that I have never
been able to understand this objection in a country so
fertile and so powerful as France. I say that sources of
wealth are innumerable, and it is only necessary to know
how to trace out channels to conduct it towards the
treasury, and to make it again flow from it to benefit the
poor. The country was not, I will ask, ruined by the
follies of Louis XIV. and the dilapidations of the Court
of Louis XV. and XVI.? And yet the first revolution,
to accomplish its great work, did not stop before ques-
tions of money.
" After the enormous sacrifices of our revolutionary
wars, we had the empire which by its forced demands,
and by its extraordinary imposts for the defence of the
territory, had in some measure exhausted the resources
of the country; and yet, after all this, the restoration
came, and in order to pay the foreign ransom Frauce
found 1,500 millions—(' That is true')—and in a short
time after, in order to reconstitute an aristocracy, the
monarchy wrested from France another milliard.
" And when that France, from its rich and fruitful
bosom was able to pay for her defeat, it is said that she
cannot find enough to supply work to her unemployed
people!
"No, it is not possible; money is withdrawn from cir •
culation and is concealed; it is not wanting. Reflect!
we have had a peace of 31 years, and in spite of the loss
of labour since the 24th of February, money must be
somewhere—(Cries of ' Yes, yes ')—there must be then
financial means found to discover and draw it from its
hiding place.
" What, citizens! France has not the resources which
were found by England to combat the continental
blockade and support her commerce! England was able to
subsidise against us six coalitions; she was able to overcome
the genius of Napoleon in 1815; and yet France, more rich
in real property, is not able to find money for her labour-
ing classes! No, it is not possible, and those who make
use of such language are the calumniators of the coun-
try.—(Loud applause.)
" Believe me, citizens, the true danger is misery, the
want of labour, the supineness of commerce; it is the
absence of something novel and bold; it is the following
the old routine in matters of finance; the question lies
there, and nowhere else. No doubt, things may become
worse, if France, sincerely Republican, does not find the
means of getting out of the fatal gulf by some great
measure. The secret must be found of making the
people happy and the nation great; that she may not
only have enough to remove embarrassments at
home, but have resources to defend abroad the principles
of fraternity and emancipation, otherwise the danger
may increase and place the Republic in peril. It is in
vain, however, that the argument is used, that money is
wanting; be assured that it is rather an enterprising, re-
d
soluteis the
Ouroetsmhni
signify,
onNefrwriailefe
vavoayf
eof
affairs,
dtutaptah,
allrihrrreeaoesrdtursorwdi,
edscniavbaet is
Cambon
resuhowdbttacieooretvounhfei
diedehsot, livedhoen exwbgi
voiresmliettnlava;
Republic.nonbnt boldness
hdyyusnesst
hdeiao:oevl
revolution.
ttabdsuehytei
grAeeafihntawtpnetl
financiers
,00n;e
pwpne
n.
aagbheeoettura.
not,
man that is wanted to find the means of procuring
it.thati
y
g
does
CambontthoePsrtoavtiedaeor
therefore, find another Cambon?
"I have just said, citizens, that it was necessary that
France should possess resources to support in her allies
her principles of fraternity, liberty, and emancipation
abroad. What heart can fail tl bleed in
contemplating
Italy, delivered, under the hand of her oppressors,
to
her own powerlessness ? How slow is the march of hu-
manity, and how much could we hasten its progress
More than three canturies have already passed over since
Machiavel, groaning over the miseries of his beloved
country, demanded from Heaven to raise up an avenging
arm, which should remove the humiliating and odious
foreign yoke. That powerful arm was France ; Italy
had a right to reckon on her, and yet France has re•
mained motionless ! Yes, I repeat Italy has a right to
reckon on France, for when Milan was taken our troops
were to have crossed the Alps. Milan has long been
taken, and yet their muskets remained piled, and the
French vessels remain passive in the Gulf of Messina.
Citizens, is that Republican policy P And are we not
deceived in our dates ?

" With regard to Germany, also, the conduct pursued
by the Government is equally inexplicable. Evidently
it does not regularly understand what is going on on the
other side of the Rhine, or it does not comprehend the
interests of France. The future position of Germany is
represented by a young, ardent, and courageous demo-
cracy, which sees liberty in the unity of the country.
Ask any one well acquainted with the subject if that
is not tho case. I am well aware that that demo-
cracy is accused of entertaining projects of invasion
against us; but that is a trick of the old aristocracies to
animate as against her; and England does not fail to play
her part in it, while at the same time she laughs in her
sleeve; things are going on in such a manner in Germany
that we shall do nothing there, any more than in Italy,
but under the influence of England. I shall enlarge on
this subject more in another place. I confess that my
mind is deeply moved with the wounds which are rank-
ling at home; but abroad, our glory is delivered :up to
England—to that old aristocracy which is hostile to our
future; an alliance with a Government which, for the
last eighteen years, has weighed on our interests in such
a fatal manner. This I declare is, in my opinion, too
much.

•• This is what must be remedied ; we are most of us
old champions of liberty; we have most of us given
proofs of it; let us then redouble our efforts; lot us only
see one thing—the glory and interest of the country ;
only have one sentiment, that there can ho no repose,
no tranquillity until the Republic has again turned into
its proper path.
" No—no more repose, for if we can justly say in in-
voking the memory of our forefathers, • Salutation to
you who have enthroned the Republic,' let us take care
if we do ❑ot follow their example; if like them we are not
ardent in our devotedness; redoubtable in our will, and
unless we fear that our successors will curse our memo-
ries, and not say in their tura, • Hail to the men of
February 24."'
-

"When the meeting separated," says the Bien
Puelique, "it was decided on that these banquets
should take place every month."
Among the guests present was M. DE CORMENIN
(Timon), whom jealousy of M. MARRAST has, it
would appear, converted into a Red Republican.