The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-18 00:00:00

MR. O'CONNELL'S REPLY TO
LORD MILLTOWN.
Merion-square, Dublin, July 14.
My Lord,—Ths? manner of your letter is a source to me of
much pride and great pleasure; its matter involves higher
and noble interests.
Before I proceed to canvass' that matter, permit me to
assure you that 3,0 u are one of the very few to whose
authority I should feel disposed to surrender my own opi-
nion; but the subject is of too much importance to be frit-
tered away in compliments, or surrendered to any of the
courtesies of life.
You ask me to postpone my exertions in favour of repeal
for a season, and the purpose for which you suggest such
postponement is, " to give time to form an Irish party to
assist the Ministry, if willing, to urge them on if lagging, in
procuring justice.'
Permit me most respectfully to ask your Lordship what
can be the utility of any such postponement, in order to form
such a party, or even to form the nucleus of such a party ?
Where are the materials for forming so much as the nucleus
of such a party? An Irish party—such as you may con-
template—should, in order to be of any efficacy, or at least
to inspire any confidence, be able to compete in public esti-
mation with the Repeal Association. For this purpose it
should consist of several of the nobility and leading gentry
of Ireland.
The Repeal Association comprises very many of the first
landed gentry, and some of the nobility, together with a
large multitude of the wealthiest of the commercial com-
munity, and also the great and overwhelming masses of the
middle classes; and lastly, but chief in rank, and most vene-
rated in estimation, steed the great majority of the Irish
Catholic Bishops, and the Catholic clergy of the second order
almost to a man, backed by upwards of seven paillions.of
the Irish people.
On the other hand, what shall be, I repeat, not the great
body, but even the nucleus of the Irish party which yott
suggest? There is Cloncurry, the patriot of mere than half
a century, the man who endured all the horrors of incarcera-
tion in the Tower, and is as fresh and fervent to-day in his
love of Ireland, as he was on the day when he was first
punished by incarceration for the crime of loving his father-
land.
There you, too, are, my Lord, to constitute another mem-
ber, possessing, as you certainly do, the confidence and esteem
of the Irish people; and, thirdly, there probably shall be
reckoned the second son of Lord Cloncurry.
You are but three, my Lord; who else shall we say?
The Geraldine?. alas 1 show no signs of Irish vitality with
the single exception of Lord William. The name of Cherie-
mont is no longer heard—that name which once used to
rouse, with electric rapidity; the enthusiasm of all the_people
of Ireland.
But why should I dwell upon melancholy recollections--
why should the memory of other day s bring to my miOd
nothing but mournful recollections, rendered doubly sorrowfuf
by the hopelessness'of rousing the apathetic and stimulating
the indolentl
You have, my Lord, no nucleus for your Irish party.; or,
if there be, why does it not start into existence—why is there
no meeting called—why is there no demonstration made—
why is no sign given ? Alas! my Lord, Ireland, as far as
such a party as you allude to is concerned, has fewtir no
friends. The fetal lethargy of the union has sunk in deadly
torpor many of her first names and highest families—there is
no material for your Irish party.
Reflect a little upon the history of Irish parties since the
Emancipation Act was achieved by the popular voice, re-
sounding, as it did, from the Catholic Association.
What in particular is the history of those amongst whom
the Irish party"—l use your Lordship's denomination—
ought to commence? Recollect that as soon after the repeal
agitation had seriously commenced, we were met by the ce-
lebrated Leinster Declaration, which was first published on
the 30th of December, 1830, sixteen years ago. That decla-
ration was signed by forty of the Irish nobility, including
some of the Protestant Bishops, and comprising within that
number many who constitute the plague and pestilence of Ire-
land—the absentee proprietors..
By that declaration they condemned emphatically .the re-
peal agitation, but they added that which was considered as
the condition of their adherence to the anti-repeal cause, it
was in the following words:—
"At the same time that we express these our sentiments,
we deem it a duty to declare our conviction that it is essen-
tially necessary to the well-being and tranquillity of Ireland
that the attention of the Imperial Parliament should be im-
mediately called to her condition, and its desire for her wel-
fare be practically manifested by the adoption of measures
calculated to ensure her general and permanent improve-
ment."
It is impossible to read that paragraph without consider-
ing that it implied a pledge that the subscribers would call
the attention of Parliament to, and insist upon, the adoption
of measures calculated to ensure the permanent and general im-
provement of Ireland.
Such measures the declaration solemnly declared to be
essentially necessary to the well. being and tranquillity of
Ireland.
Is it not perfectly plain that it was intended that this de-
clare:ion should be considered as plighting the faith of tile
declarationists to make the necessary exertions to promo'.
from Parliament measures of improvement for Ireland, and
did it not imply that in the event of failure in such exertions?
the parties would re consider the question of repeal in a fa-
vourable point of view.
Yet, my Lord, though this avowal was proclaimed, !'that.
ry saluta measures- were• essentially necessary fox the
Well-
being and tranquillity of Ireland,"—yet, strange to say, not
the least exertion has been made by those declarationists
from that day to this, to attain the well-being, or to secure
the tranquillity of Ireland.
What materials can be found among such men as these for
the formation of au Irish party? Would to Heaven that I
were mistaken. But my belief is, that Ireland has nothing
to expect from those declarationists, save an acquiescence in
good, should it arrive ; as they have acquiesced in evils:',,thcl
existence of which they themselves recognised and published
to the world.
From the Leinster Declaration I pass to a declaration of
higher order,—that of the King, Lords, and Commons, pro-
mulgated at the close of the repeal debate in April, 1834.
By this declaration, the King, the Lords, and the Com-
mons, solemnly pledged themselves to the Irish peoplepeople• s-
" the removal of all just claims of complaint, and to the pro'
motion of all wet.- considered measures of improvement."
There sever was a more solemn Parliamentary pled
there never was a solemn pledge more_ shamefully o •
garded or more discreditably violated. No just e.s.,of colir
plaint has been removed—no well considered measure of Sol.*
provement has been adopted.
The pledge has been unequivocally neglected and vio-
lated.
Yet that pledge was of so high and authentic a nature, tsar
I thought it my bounden duty, as one of the leaders of the
Irish people, to give it public credit, and to act precisely as a
I had given it full belief and entire reliance.
Accordingly, I moved the dissolution of the then existing
Repeal Association. Rely ing on that pledge, the Repeal Ar
sociation dissolved itself.
It was then proposed—as some instrument to express the
public opinion of Ireland was necessary—to form, what you
call, an Irish party.
The consequence was that we formed the " National Asso-
ciation of Ireland." It was formed to the explusion of ani
repeal agitation, to form a party exactly for the purpose°
you mention—" to assist the Ministry if willing, or to urge
them on if lagging, to obtain justice for Ireland.
Alas! it was a total failure.
It is true that many repeaters became members of the
National Association, arid were ready to co-operate in car'
rying out its purposes; but the Whigs and Liberals (a°
they called themselves) refused to give any assistance-nay"
their refusal to act with us was founded on a fastidious dis-
like to assemble at the Corn-Exchange Rooms. Thus this
attempt to form an Irish party totally failed on the most idle
pretence.
It was, indeed, said that the name " National Association"
necessarily implied the repeal.
I also met this objection, and made another attempt to
form an Irish party, under the denomination of the General
Registry Association. It was formed in two branched,
meet the scruples of those who would not attend at the Corn:
Exchange Rooms. One of those branches had a` place 01
meeting in Westmoreland-street, the other at the old spots
at the Corn Exchange. I constantly attended both, as they
met on alternate days.
Having made every sacrifice to procure co-operation
of
action in something that would deserve the name of an Irisa
party, I found to my grief and confusion that the last experi-
ment more singularly failed than the former. There were
but few who joined it—of the few who did, almost all dropped
off by degress, and the " Registry Association" died of pure
inanition.
The truth is, that the heart of the people was not in these
exserimenta. And the Whigs and Liberals for whose benefit
these experiments were made, had not sufficient warmth or
energy of patriotism to exert themselves to procure a measure
which they admitted to be essential to the well-being and
tranquillity of Ireland.
After a pause I again formed a new association--an-assn'
ciation which was to be open to the Whigs and Liberals, but
to join in which they were not specially invited. It was the
Precursor Association. Its avowed object was—to procure a
perfect equality of all constitutional rights and privileges for
the people of Ireland with those of England and Scotland; in
other words to make the union, not a name and a mockery
as it is, but a reality, by conferring on the people of Ireland
the justice of perfect equality with Great Britain.
The Precursor Association avowed and proclaimed as
alternative principle. It was this—that should justice tas
Ireland be refused, or unnecessarily postponed, the reOs'
agitation should re• commence—never to cease until the _lrish
Parliament should be seated, once again, in College-green.
We accordingly brought before Parliament the first of se
series of the measures necessary to equalise our rights with
those,of the people of England. I moved for leave ealuleg
in a Bill to restore the forty-shilling franchise in Ireland.
too
the state in which it has continued in England. My mot
was opposed by Whigs and Tories. I had a few votes from
scattered Radicals; but I was defeated by an immense ma-
jority.
s oVf Oa st
dh
einagrtiterpt
That moment the Precursor
andAssociationAssociationcocontinues,
tin ues
lee
Dan;
fromtheL
that
tlmoment National
became,R ep e
and
dd
only hope of the millions of the people of Ireland. -
I consumed more than three years in these experiments to
constitute an " Irish party," unconnected with the eel'
d e—an
I totally failed—l miserably fail Irish reP
party uncon-
nected with the repeal is an impossibility.
Irish meet, in any numbers, the repeal necessarily predomis
Dates. It is the heart-spring of the Irish nation—nothing
can console them for the loss of a domestic legislature.
I cannot, my respected Lord, therefore, comply with your
request ; I cannot consent to postpone the repeal agitatiog
even for one hour.
I have made my last experiment—and even the tempts'
tion of your promise—that if, within twelve months, Sir IL
Peel's words were not carried into effect you would join the
repeal agitation—cannot induce me to postpone the almost
universal call of the Irish people for repeal.
I regret exceedingly not being able, as yet, to reckon you
among our ranks.
But allow me to appeal to your good sense and sound
judgment upon this point. You say that the new Irish party
ought tobe formed "to assist the Ministry, if willing, to urge
them on if lagging, in procuringjustice to Ireland."
Why, my esteemed Lord, that is exactly what we, re'
peelers, are doing, and will continue to do—without post.
poning the repeal. We will give the Ministry every assistance
to do justice to Ireland—we will not spare our entreaties, our
reproaches, and our indignant taunts should the Ministry
shrink from attempting to do speedy and effectual justice ti
Ireland. They must make the attempt. They are not, an
a
must not be thought to be responsible for the result, if the)?
make the attempt with good faith and energy.
Should they fail, under such circumstances, as I think fail
they will and must, they will deserve our gratitude for mak"
ing the attempt, and preserve our esteem. But Lord Stanley
has already taken his hostile position. His innate hatred of
Ireland has driven him to take the field, even before the
campaign is begun. He has thrown out his threats of re',
sistance, and he is not a man to falsify his own prophecy 0'
mischief.
However, the Ministry appear to be in a position of great
strength on the subject of Ireland.
They have been offered the assistance of Lord George
Bentinck and the protectionists—they have been actually
taunted into active exertions by Sir Robert Peel, and tb°s:
who agree with him—they are at the head of the Whig 310-
Liberal party.
There never was so favourable an opportunity of 11 o.'
cedinjustico to kolowl—there Imo; were fo4 wwy facilAUE •