The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-03 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SIR-If I mistake not, your columns have advocated
the exclusion o+ the Bishops from the House of Lords.
Perhaps not so frequently as if there had appeared any
chance of that change being effected ; for, it is clways
discouraging when there is no prospect of any attention
being paid to that which one upholds and recommends.
I am somewhat surprised, Sir, that none of our
lawyers have ever pointed out a simple, and a pelfeclly
legal course, whereby, as the Bishops die off, their
successors might be przvented ent :ring the House
of Lords ; and so, by degrees, would the number of
parliamentary Bishops decrease, until no snore would
be le't. . .

Tile Bishops sit. in Parliament, not in virtue of their
bishcprics, but of their baronies. Those baronies in-
vest the Bishops with their temporalities ; and it is
quite optional with the Crown either to grant the
temporalities or to withhold them. Let the experiment
be tried on the appointment of the now vacant see of
Worcester, and the question would be brought to an
issue at once. When tl-,e new Bishop shall make the
accustomed application for the tzmporalities held by his
predecessor, and for the accumulation since his de-
cease, let the tem Bishop be told that the temporali-
ties, &c., have been handed over to the Consolidated
Fund, for the augmentation of the public revenue, and
that the like is intended to be done hereafter as the
other bishoprics fall vacant. The election of a Bishop
is wholly a matter of grace and favour on the part of
the Crown, for there is no obligation upon the'part of
the Suv....reign to issue a conge d'elire to the Chapter
The adored Protestant Queen Bess used to Increase-
her revenue by keeping bishoprics vacant several years,
and what Dizabeth did could not be condcweci by any
true Church of Englandists of the present day.
It is scarcely possible to conceive any act which
would be half so popular as that which I have recom.
mended. It would immortalize the name of the So.
vereign who should first try it, as well as strengthen,
lause ich
beyond the power of calculation, the Administration
who should recommend and uphold it. That our young
and excellent Queen nay be the Sovhereign*sil who shalt
reap the full quantum of app l be inse-
parable from the course above recommended, is the
ardent wish of one of her most loyal subjects, who has
the honour to subscribe
yo himelf,
ur v sery obedient servant,
Mr. Editor,
ril 30, 1841. BRIT AN N ICUS.

London, A

was extinct.,
ebxeetinnet._ _SUI,CIDE OF GENERAL SIR
FbOURR %sEAYNODEv
v. GicELINERATLh.OF THE ORD.
cer and talented gentleman, who for some time
NRAIINNFcAIENE.ELA NA'S: PNCII°EIN:I:
°fliin a desponding
state, and was under the care of
a medicalgentleman and two keepers, contrived, in their
temporary absence, to hang himself to the bed-posts of his
5, Portland-street, Southampton; his
unfortunate and desperate act was not discovered until life
An it quest was to be held this afternoon.--
Hampshire r gallanttit A , a t No.
Tflegraph cf Saturday. [The gallant General
who was eighty years of age, was Colonel of the 11.112
Foot, t ) which he was appoictcd in 1837. He was at the.
taking of INlartiniqur, Guadaloupe, and St. Lucie;,
wound at Ostend, accompanied the expedition to C 0 ..
Penh 'gen in 1607, and received a modal for Talavera.
He sat for the borough of Berwick from 1832 to 1837,
when he was defeated by his Tory opponent by a majority
of 26 votes. In It'39, he was returned for Sandwich.]
A SINGULAR CASE.—The Pittsburgh Ame-
rican states that a man in Lewiston was supposed to have died
:rom over rating and drinking, and from some awkwardness in
putting him in the coffin, which had been procured, he wait
suffered to fall on the floor, The shock had the effect to
I knock life into him, for he immediately rose to inquire what
they were about. I-Ie has refusnd to pay the funeral expenses,
and the coffin maker and others have brought suits against
him for their bill!._ _ _.

a. • ••
SENDING NEWSPAPERS BY POST.--The ppst:
master of Lerwick, in Shetland, says, "I had occasion to re-
' turn from 30 to 40 newspapers at a time to the dead letter-
office,' without covers whatever; I would recommend that ad-
dresses of all paters be written on the papers themselves."
(TVs is a very wise suggestion; but if the newspapers were
" without any covers," we should like to know how they hap-
• pened to getito Shetland ?)

EVENING EDITION

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS PAY.
CHRONICLE.—The sensation produced by the Govern-
ment notice of Friday night ou the Corn-laws is rapidly ex-
tending through the country. Everywhere it is the signal of
excitement and determination. By the monopolists it will
never be forgiven ; and by the people it will never be forgot-
ten. Ministers have fairly thrown themselves on the nation
for support in the assertion of a great national right and inte-
rest. The response will soon be heard in thunder. The un-
taxing of the people's bread is a prospect full in view ; and the
people will spring towards it like lions on their prey. The com-
plaint of the Times as to its Tory leaders is their want of sympa-
hy with the poor.. We leave them alone with their lamentation.
lt is their exclusive possession. Their title to it is confirmed by
the hideous yells which greeted Lord John Russell's announce-
ment of his motion for a Committee of the whole House on
the Corn-laws. The description by the Times of its own
'tarty is amply confirmed. The purpose of untaxing the poor
man's bread excites their infuriate hostility. All pretence,
affectation, or decent show of sympathy was, in that moment,
thrown to the winds. It was an exhibition of human nature
horrible and humbling ; and happily one which is rarely to be
witnessed. But it marks what the people should feel. Its
intensity is the measure of their gratitude. Were there
no other evidence, it would suffice to show that great in-
deed must be the good which could call forth that fierce an-
tagonism. In proportion to that first ebullition of rage will
be the cunning, trickery and determination with which the
great measure that occasioned it will be opposed. Only by an
overwhelming display of its will can the nation ensure the
blessing which Ministers have placed within its grasp. They
have magnanimously committed themselves to a deadly con-
iiict with the hitherto paramount interest of the Legislature.
They are no longer partakers in the crime of a monopolist
class which has never yet allowed any Minister to be indepen-
dent of it. The die is cast. They go with the people for cheap
bread. They side with the manufacturer and the operative, the
tenant and the labourer. They are for the many against the
few ; and their judgment is with God and their country. And
the voice of the country will be upraised ; it must ; in tones
which will strike terror into the foes of justice thus
claimed and asserted. The Corn-law question may be settled
now, It will be settled if the people bestir themselves. Two
years ago, Sir Robert Peel declared the uncertainty to be an
intolerable evil. Very recently, indeed, the Times reiterated
the assertion, and estimated the uncertainty so highly as to
put it amongst the benefits of a Tory administration that it
would bring the question to a settlement, although in a mode
.diametrically opposed to its own avowed opinions through a
quarter of a century. Better it should be settled on the
wrong side (was substantially the declaration of the Times)
than not settled at all. Better, that is, the confirmation
of the oppression than the continuation of the struggle.
We are rescued from this most forlorn alternative. Set-
tlement and justice, settlement and untaxed food, settlement
and invigorated trade and commerce, are offered to us. Mi-
nisters cannot carry their proposition, snarls out the hard-
< riven objector. Can they not? Then never let that ob-
jector say one syllable on behalf of the people of Britain ; for
svith them it rests. If they will, the bread-tax is already vir-
tually abolished. As we urged on Saturday, this is no time
dallyine. There is but " one little month" for the people
to utter their voices. Let petitions be signed in every parish
and hamlet. Every person whose name is not appended is in
the same position as if he stole a slice from his neighbour's
leaf. " He who allows oppression, shares the crime."
`The decision rests with the country. No Member of
Parliament should be indulged even with the affectation of ig-
norance of the wishes of his constituents. On former occa-
sions the House has refused—contemptuously refused, to en-
tertain the subject. It will refuse again, even though the pro-
position emanates from the Government. unless there be a
strong and general admonitory demonstration by the people.
Petition, then; petition everywhere, the millions of bread-
eaters, for. bread untaxed by the monopolists. The walls of
the metropolis are placarded with notices of the religious
gathering; held during the present month. The "May meet-
ings " are at hand, nuceess to their devout and thlanthropic
undertakings. But what is that religion of which no
Fart consists in the solemn supp'ieation " Give us this
day our daily bread ?" Now is the time for all who
nepeat the Saviour's wads without hypocrisy to evince their
sincerity. The question is whether dale, bread, given by
heaven, shall he allowed by man to reach those who earn it.
Neither Church extension on the one hand, nor Church-rate
rholition on the other, strikes so deeply into religious principle
s this does. Sect and denomination difference; are compare-
e ively on the surface. Let congregations, church -and dissent-
ing, aid with their petitions, as they did for the ahchioa of
slavery. Slavery was a monstrous evil, but starvation is a
worse. Those who in their multitudes demanded mei cv for the
negro, should yet more sternly insist on justice for the poor.
During this brief interval, it will be incumbent on all the Anti-
Corn-law Associations, from the great 'Manchester League to
every parish club, to redouble their exertions. Instead rf the Ping
ampeign before th-m, there is art impending crisis. It is " now
or never." Should the recent notice be receive lin any way
to hich can he construed into apathy or indifference, the
golden occasion is irretrievably lost. The associations
must put forth their -strength to the uttermost ; and let
the people join them so as to show their force. Let them
enrol their names as they did in May, 1832. "He that
is not for us, is against us." There can be no neu-
erolity on such a question es whether manufactures are
o be annihilated, and the nation pee mama!), sub-
jected to an impost on is food for the profit of a class
interest. And let it be remembered that all Anti-Bread-
'fax Associations and Commit tees are also pr p ory arranee-
aneets for the election c ertests that may speedily ensue. Their
eeork ends not with petitioning. They are a Grand Jury find-
ing true fiios for the tribunals by which Parliau.entare
responsibility must be made mare than nominal. If petitions
will not avail, votes must. A spirit :vigil Le roused on which the
Carlton Club may expert I its million without ru 'king an ins-
inession. We have argue I this Corn-law question long enough.
The pressure on those who find work for the multitudes is be-
coming too strong and threatening for prolonged rea-
sonings. The season of action is arrived, and it
cannot come more favourably for the national inte-
rest. The; announced purpose of file Queen's Mi-
nisters is as the setting in of the tide. Let it rush en, and.
:sweep away before it all the defences of this inhuman mono-
iio:y. If Ministers be but adequately supported ; if that na-
tional enthusiasm which their determination must produce be
lint evinced in time by a people awake to their own most vital
interests, we cannot but augur the happiest results. In their
present position, they can sustain no Parliamentary defeat that
would not be equivalent to a victory. And we slicu'd like to
see the list of those who would dare to take (-rice on the ex-
press grounds of disfranchisement for Ireland, and perpetuity
to the bread-tax.
TIMES.—If humane and reflecting Englishmen could only
Le familiarised with one half of the practical barbarities which,
even in the best conducted factories, arc inseparable from the
present system of infant labour, we feel persuaded that not
another month would elapse ere this monstrous national dis-
grace were sentenced to complete extinction. We are none of
your fancy philanthropists ; we have no taste for overcharged
eictures of any sort ; nor do we forget that there is hardly a
;better way of perpetuating an abuse than by giving its advo-
nates the advantage of being able to show that its evils have
ineen greatly exaggerated. Opposed, as we are, however,
to the false tensibitity, as well as to the stupid
impolicy, which would unduly magnify any grievance that
en ally deserves redress, we are prepared to show—
erom an infinite variety of authentic evidence—that the
labours imposed upon children in the manufacturing dis-
tricts (sanctioned, we blush to say, by a British Legislature)
are generally attended with a systematic sacrifice of human
life, compared with which the carnage of cannibals, or the ime
Isolations of Juggernaut, are almost tantamount to mercy.
Apart altogether from the testimony of the better class of fac-
tory owners, and factory inspectors, and factory victims, which,
though varying in its inculpatory character according to the
Interests or intelligence of the witnesses, uniformly represents
he cotton-mill as a dismal instrument of infant torture, we
would ask any parent in civilized Europe to say whether
children from nine to twelve years old can be subjected
to the confinement and labour of factories for twelve or
even ten hours a day, without involving a course of
privation and suffering at which humanity must absolutely
ehudder ? Talk of spending twenty millions for the eman-
cipation of the West Indian slaves—talk of farming
juvenile reformation schemes at the Cape of Good Hope—
talk of philanthropic devices for the protection cf the abo-
i in British colonies—talk of organizing fine civiliza-
tion societies for Africa, and jobbing expeditions to the
:Niger on a grand enterprise of beneficence—we say it is
an utter disgrace to the display gentry who have cla-
moured for these humbug humanities, that, while mustering
in thousands to perform the sentimental on behalf of
eloubtful and visionary projects, the wretched condition
of the factory children, pining and perishing at their
own door, and hurried in a frightful ratio to an early tomb,
.has never wrung a tear from their pharisaical eyes, nor
cenekened one dormant sympathy in their benignant
,Inhasts As far as regards the shameful indifference of
leissenting Ministers to this object, we cannot say that we are
much surprised at it. Considering their exclusive predilection
for such foreign or domestic labours as bear more directly upon
their own sectarian aggrandizement, we did not expect that
any interests apart from those which are strictly denomina-
tional would for a moment receive the slightest place in their
regenerated hearts. But with respect to the Buxton party,
who are composed of a sort of Church and Quaker coalition,
we certainly did anticipate, notwithstanding the heavy mill-
investments of the Darlington and Durham Friends, that
something like a decent consistency would have impelled
teem not to confine their philanthropy to mere pla t-
eem parades in favour of savage tribes, but to take
a prominent lead in extirpating that wholesale sys-
tem of intent slaughter which demands their
inter-
ference at home. In this, however, we have been painfully
ensappointed. The sympathies of the Buxton party are too
sublime and generous to be occupied with anything so tamely
eemmeenplace as the sufferings of factory children. What
xelusively concerns them are the hardships of negro cherubs,
mud the misdemeanours of foreign slavers. Only give them a
tale of Guinea abduction ; and, for all that they care, the in-
fant population of the manufacturing districts may be handed
ever to the tender mercies of demons. We hold up these
leg-perfuming coxcombs to the contempt of the en-
tice kingdom ; and, by God's blessing, the great work
of Factory Reform shall speedily triumph in spite of
I hem. On this subject, as on every other, the conduct of the
Whigs, too, has been infamous. During their ten years' te-
nure of office, and long before they got it, they have inces-
santly prated about tie necessity of emancipating negroes,
Papists, Dissenters,
parochial rate-payers, hulk convicts, and
what not;
but with reference to the crying abominations of
mill-infanticide, as demonstrated by the evidence of their own
factory inspectorst,hpeartiMessrs. Stuart and Horner,
corroborated by cularly by
tie thing have they Redoports of Parliamentary Committees, not
the cotton-shambles,
except
towards arresting the butcheries of
evasions, which, till this hour
indulging in re„ gretspromises, and
hcola, have been utterly
unproductive
of a single substantial irate-,
POST.—We observe thaveementn
Mr. Christopher, in the
:Budget, Mr. Handley, one of tit: the
ep.l,!•ao allusion to some remarks of
hire, and hitherto a thick-and of Friday night upon
Members for South Lincoln-
aid " he could asmre the Hon. Min
be the Representative of all Lincoln': supporter of Ministers,
b.er, who had assumed to
question} came neglect his duty to his constituents aria
that he should not
hat question (the Corn-law the country when
..i.ouse." That question, we now came before the
Handley, and other gentlemen t°
inform Mr.
retFllroel tutat
iyon
s, next,in
loonoe he is will
come substantially before the House
when Ministers are to propose their Friday
Chancel-
pursuance of the financial scheme
lor of the Exchequer. It is not to be supposed :at the
_House of Commons will for the mere convenience of
stultify itself so completely as to deal with a new schenisterl
finance by instalments, voting upon one fraction of anintegralscheme
:1.-Stern this week and reserve another fraction of the siree
system for consideration five weeks hence. No, no, Mr.
:landlay ; much as it may cost you to cut with your oha
eriends the present Ministers of the Crown, cut with them you
nest, and on Friday next, too, at the very latest, or cut for
ever with the electors of Lincolnshire, for be assured
that your constituents, and every other agricultural
constituency in Great Britain, will regard that man
an their foe who does not resolutely, and from first to 1 st,
.•ppose the whole scheme with which the ruin of British ag
ri-
culture has been inseparably interwoven by its authors. If
the agricultural interest in the House of Commurs
permits
Ministers to pass a single resolution in conformity with the
eudeet speech—be it a resolution which directly strikes at
the welfare of our Canadian fellow-subjects, and aims a blow
ee the same time at the shipping interest of Great Britain ;
or be it a resolution which assails the struggling and shattered
interest of our West India colonies for
promotion of the

slave trade between Africa and the Brazils—if a single part of
this nefarious scheme of finance be permitted to
escape annihilation at the first moment it is distinctly offered
to the House of Commons, all that the landed interest can ex-
pect, and in the case supposed all that it will deserve, is the
advantage of being sacrificed later than the rest by as much as
four or five weeks. The Canadian interest, the West India
interest, the shipping interest, will all help the Representa-
tives of British agriculture to destroy the scheme as a whole,
and to these may be added the anti-slavery philanthropists, if
the latter were ever really actuated as they professed to be by
the feelings of humanity, or the obligations of religion. But
to obtain or to merit this aid the Representatives of agriculture
must do their duty from the beginning.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS;

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
CHRONICLE.—The subject in every man's mouth is the
abolition of the corn monopoly, and the reduction of the price
of timber and sugar, announced in the budget. The reduc-
tion of the duty on Baltic timber is, of course, complained of
by those merchants and shipowners who enjoy the monopoly of
the Canadian timber trade, and the admission of foreign sugar
is denounced by the West India interest ; but the great na-
tional measure of cheap food has really fewer enemies here
than we expected. Amongst the wealthy merchants and
bankers there are many Tories, and the " horror" which
some of the moneyed capitalists have expressed to-day at
the proposal to repeal or modify the landlords'
tax, shows that the measure has struck home. We
fear, therefore, it will be opposed as a party mea-
sure, for they have staggered like drunken men
beneath the blow, and if followed up with vigour and energy
they must yield. They were totally unprepared for the an-
nouncement, and the complete secrecy preserved of the
Cabinet intentions has rendered their fury desperate. These
are promising symptoms nevertheless for those who wish to
see the resources of this great country developed, and her
trade and manufactures prosperous by the adoption of a liberal
commercial policy. The boon offered to the people is, we
are confident, fully appreciated, and they will respond to the
appeal as becomes them. They know that the productive
industry of the country by means of its mechanical power
is capable of supplying the whole world with nsanu-
factured goods, and that if we throw open our ports
to the produce of other countries, that if we will
receive their corn, timber, and sugar on liberal terms,
they will take our staple articles of produce in ex-
change ; we shall no longer see the bullion in the
Bank drained off in the course of a few months, by
8,000,0001. or 9,000,0001., to pay for the people's food ; the
price will than be paid for by the export of British goods ; but
the chief satisfaction experienced is in the glorious feeling
that Great Britain has taken the lead, that she has at length
assumed the position which becomes her, and shown an ex-
ample of an enlightened commercial legislation to the world at
large. It is felt that this brilliant example will tell in the
United States, in Brazil, in the Germanic Prussian League,
in France, Spain, and Portugal ; and that it will be the memo
of consolidating the general peace, by combining the people of
all nations in one common bond of commercial intercourse
and prosperity. That large and influential portion of the
community forming the liberal commercial body in the
C.ty duly appreciate the enlightened course adopted by
the Government, and hail with gratitude and satis-
faction the proposal of a more liberal tariff, the sub-
. stitution of a " moderate fixed duty" on corn in place of the
present sliding scale, and the extinction of the system
of regulating, the duties payable on Foreign corn by aver-
ages, which is injurious alike to the landlord, the home grower,
and the consumer, and profitable only to speculators. If any
one will take the trouble to observe the working of the bread
tax, it will at once be seen that it is cunningly devised for the
benefit of the rich at the expense of the poor. It operates in
an inverse ratio, pressing with increased severity on those
least able to ray it. It will be found on inquiry that a
working man with his wife and three children, consume
about. eight quartern loaves each week. Now supposing,
for the sake of illnstratien, that the opening of our ports for
foreign grain, on payment of a moderate fixed duty,
will reduce the price of the quartern loaf threepence
a loaf, that diminution of price in the article of food would be
a saving to the working man of two shillings a week on an in-
come of ten shillings a week, or 20 per cent. ; it would be a
saving of 10 p-r cent. on an income of 20s. a week, of 5 Ter
cent. on 4(.19. a week, and so on : and if we take it on an
its-
come of 2,0001. a year, it will be found that the difference
would be only aboutss. a week, or*per cent. Here then, we see
that the less a man is able to bear the bread tax, the more
that tax demands from him. I, scarcely touches the squire.
archy, the parson, and those who fare sumptuously every day,
clothed in purple and fine linen, but it sucks the heart-blood
from the industrious poor. The rich man took care to rid him-
self of the property tax, which touched his comforts and lux-
uries, long ago. It is now time that the property tax, which
destroys the poor man's little means of subsistence should also
be done away.
Viewing the Budget strictly in a financial point of view, it is
approved by every competent judge whose opinions are free
from the pre ju,lice of party f.eling, and there are many mer-
chants of the 'Cory party in the Lity who perceive that it will
be a most embarrassing policy for their Parliamentary leaders
to oppose it. They se: that the Chancellor of the Exchequer
is no nibbler at principles. They are c onscious of his straight-
f irward business-a., course of conduct, and that, sweeping off
all mystification of arithmetical obscurity, he has paced his
measures practically and plainly before the country in such a
ina,,ner as evi-ry man can read and understand them. They
are aware, therefore, that it will be a dangerous if not a fatal
a'tem; tto oppose the Right Hon. Gentleman in his plan
of providing for 600,0001. of the deficiency of 1,700 000/,
by redwing the duty on Baltic timber. They know
that the differential duty of thirty shillings sti I maintained in
favour of the Canadian growth is an ample one, particularly
when it is a sacrifice by the people of this country to favour
colonial interests, to their own cost, and to the prejudice of
a superior article. They see that they cannot propose that
the people shoul I be taxed to supply the deficiency instead of
having the taxes reduced on this necessary material in their
dwelling-houses. So, as regards the admission of foreign
sugar, they know that the differential duty of 50 per cent.,
which the mother country would still yield in favour of co-
lonial sugar, is most ample, and that they cannot say it
would be wiser to keep up the present exorbitant pi ice,
to lay on additional burdens on the consumer, and to lose
the trade of Brazil, which takes off 5,000,0001. annu-
ally of British manufactures, instead of gaining 900,0001.
to the revenue by the change proposed in the budget.
These views are quite understood in mercantile cir-
cles, and we only express the opinions of some of
the /best informed when we say that the measures of
relief will work well, and that they will do more than
answer the expectations of the Right Honourable Gentleman.
We have only to add, that the best friends of the measure hope
that when once announced its authors will adhere to it with
boldness ; that they will avoid all vacillation, or vain attempts
at conciliation. We have heard the observation made to- day
in many quarters, " This is right now, if they will only stick
to it ; and when they propose their fixed duty, let it really be
a moderate one.' If they act in this way, the people will do
the rest."
As there was no loan, or increased taaatioa, asked by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, Consols opened firm, and were
done at 90i for the Account, but is being thought by many that
the Tory faction would make a desperate resistance to the re-
moval of the bread tax, which might compel Ministers to ap-
peal to the country, prices receded to 90 to A. There was,
however, but little business done, this being a holiday at the
Bank, which it would have been also at the Stock Exchange,
had it not been for the Budget being fixed as for last night.

TIMES.—The general opinion of the Budget in the City,
with scarcely a dissentient voice, is an unfavourable one. This
is to be taken, however, apart from all contained in it which
has reference to the principles of free tade, which have always
had, and always will have, a great number of zealous advocates
in this quarter. The opinion quoted only regards figures—
the grounds upon which the Chancellor of the Exchequer is
led to expect the increase of revenue which he has declared
to be indispensable—and the fairness, taken collectively, of his
whole statement, as furnishing information, always to be de-
sired in these cases,
.of the real financial situation of
the country. It is, perhaps, in this latter particular
that the Budget is pronounced to be most defective. Any
person not in the habit of attending to these sub-
jects is led to conclude from the speech of Mr. Baring that a
deficiency of about 2,000,0001., being his estimate for 1841, is
the whole for which Parliament is required to make any pro-
vision, keeping the fact almost entirely out of view that there
is a large arrear of deficiency, the accumulation from four years
of improvident administration, amounting to above 5,000,0001.
more, which is left, fur aught that is set forth to the contrary,
to liquidate itself as it may. Then, in considering the means
whereby it is proposed to raise that 1,300,0001. out of the
2,000,0001., the estimated deficiency of 1841, for which
alone Mr. Baring deems it necessary to provide,
there are none who can see their way clearly to
any such result. The doctrine, of making good a
large deficiency by such a modification of duty as is proposed is
regarded as most unsound by practical men. The sugar trade,
in particular, are taken completely by surprise, and regard
with the utmost alarm the entire change in their operations
which the new measure would occasion. The impression with
the leading men in the trade is, that the sweeping reduction of
the duty on foreign sugars will be attended by such a rise in
their price, that the consumption will not increase sufficiently
to answer the purposes of the alteration, and that the supposi-
tion that it will increase to such an amount as in a great mea-
sure to make good the deficiency, has been much too hastily
formed.

As for the answer of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to
the question of Mr. Herries respecting the 700,000/. still
unprovided for, it is considered most unsatisfactory. He said
that " he had omitted to state " that he would provide for that
deficiency by an issue of Exchequer-bills, the very form
of this answer being somewhat loose and un-business
like,
.and though he seemed to admit that the power of
using the Savings-bank Stock was unsafely trusted with
a Minister, his opinion that it was a power of which a
Minister would " naturally avail himself," could scarcely
lead to any supposition but that such "natural" means
would be resorted to, especially after Mr. Goulburn
had been plainly told, that a great part of the deficiency
of last year was to be made up by an application of the
Savings-bank money. The use of this fund is regarded more
and more with suspicion, as a means of increasing the public
debt with little or no cheek, while the obscurity of the opera-
tion gives it the appearance of a sort of juggle. The power
of thus using this money is, as the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer himself admitted, decidedly dangerous ; at all
events contrivances of this sort cannot conduce towards
the real reduction of a deficiency, and the monied interest
are beginning to look with apprehension at the notion of
an income-tax, which, though kept rather in the hack-ground,
is evidently hinted at as a plan to which resort may ulti-
mately be had, especially if the schemes now brought for-
ward should net succeed, which, as before shown, is consi-
dered likely to he the case. The inquisition to which any tax
of the sort would most necessarily lead is naturally regarded
with great jealousy ; and as for the alteration in the Corn-
laws, which is proposed not so much as an alternative, as a
means of supplying a part of the wants left unprovided for by
the reduction of the duties on timber and sugar, this is con-
sidered less a measure seriously designest to produce
this effect, than an attempt to gain a momentary po-
pularity in the event of a dissolution of Parliament.
Hence, this combination of the Corn-law question with that
of the Budget had an unfavourable eff• ct on the Stock-market
this morning, although there is no material decline in prices.
For at first, at perceiving the Chancellor of the Exchequer
had given no hint of the creation of stock. the apprehension
of which had weighed upon the market for some days, a sud-
den advance in the prices took place, but they gave way almost
immediately on the reflection of the unsettled state of things
that would follow a dissolutiou. According to the list of quo-
tations, the Budget has
experienced
produced personslittleorn in
oefftehcet,cibutyt,acictohrda-s
accord-
ing to the of
_awakened general feelings of mistrust and apprehension.

POST.—The publication of the financial exposition made
to Krliarnent last right by the Chancellor of the Exchequer
°efeurring the last day in the week hai had no immediate effect
w.,!",equctee on the value cf the national seem hies. There
a thin atten(lance of speculators, and but little doing.

ME

LANCIIOLY OccURIIENCE.—A boat was
swamped on its return from Westport to Clare Island on Sa-
turday last, when, melancholy to relate, all the persons in her,
including two policemen, perished. We have not heard the
number of lives 17. st.
ald sub • cull st able Hardi belonged the Clare
he policemen were constable Bloxham
man, who to
Island Station. '
" ' he constable has left a widow and a large
family.—Map Constitution.

THE SUN:

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM TITS EVENING PAPERS OF SATURDAY.
GLOBE.—We rejoice that Ministers have no!.
taken the only ground at once consistent with their
own principles, and commensurate with the demands
of the present crisis. We rejoice that they have
announced their resolution at length to grapple
with the Coin-laws; All fiscal reforms, without
this central one, must have been insufficient, and
some of them unjust—all attempts to extend our
fields of production and commerce, in proportion
to the wants of the people and the public ser-
vice, feeble and hopeless, without dealing boldly with
this monster monopoly. Poverty is a shrewd teacher:
it is well when she finds wise learners. It is
well that the actual exigencies of our revenue and
our commerce are now to be consulted for by states-
men whose principles predispose them to large views
of the situation, and the means of surmounting
it. Great measures call for willing as well as able
hands. The party round which naturally rally all
sticklers for privilege, all clingers to class interests,
children and champions of abuse and monopoly—the
party to whom Britain owes the authorship of the
Corn-laws—are not the proper party to effect their
repeal. The work calls for cleaner and more conge-
nial hands. How is it possible that it should have been
done with vigour and boldness by the heads of
the party who must look for support to classes,
and corporate bodies, whose party bond is resistance
to innovation as far as possible ? How could their
chiefs assume the initiative of a change so impor-
tant, and which their most powerful supporters imagine
so prejudicial to themselves as a class—how could they
do this with the honest comprehensiveness called for by
the occasion ? How could they set at nought the sel-
fish clamours of this, that, and t'other interest, which
cluster in the camp of Toryism, as their natural refuge
—how plagiarise the principles of free trade, and the
import Duties Committee—those principles being most
obnoxious to those supporters they could least spare ?
How could they have done this ? Yet they must have
attempted it. We have not the least doubt in the world
that Sir R. Peel is quite awake enough to have deter-
mined upon doing something in fiscal reforms if he came
into power. We rejoice, therefore, if ever that oc-
currence arrive, it will come too late for the plausible
boast that Peel was ready to do something, where the
Weigs did nothing. The country will now have the
opportunity of choosieg between measures such as the
chiefs of a party, the natural friends of such measures,
will propose—and measures such as necessity may wring
from their natural enemies. Can it be doubted which
are likely to be the more comerehensive and effectual ?
Can it be doubted which arc likely to be those which
the public should support ?
STANDARD.—One of the Romanist admirers of
the Administration has excellently described its policy
in a somewhat Irish phrase. It is " clumsy cun-
ning." The Ministers have no resource save in trick ;
hut, as the French say, all their schemes are " sewed
with white thread." Last night presented a: memorable
example of this use of fraud, at once the vilest and most
transparent. Three times signally defeated in the
House of Commons upon Ministerial measures, within
ten days—once within the same short period con-
spicuously disgrace! on the hustings at Nottingham
—they were last night thrown back upon their old
villainous stratagem, to distract the country by an
agitation, in the confusion of which they might hope
to evade the stern pressure which is forcing them
from office. As in 1831 they secured their places by
tho Reform riots ;as in 1833 they recovered the
ground from which they were tottering, and even
for a moment displaced, by a lying clamour against
their too indulgent and too confiding Sovereign ; as
again in 1837 they raised a false cry of treason against
the Queen—so now, when once more brought to ex-
tremity, they throw themselves into the arms of the
anti-Corn-law agita'crs. Last night, within less than
twenty-four hours from the latest of the defeats of the
Cabinet, the Ministerial leader in the Howe of Com-
mons gave notice that he would raise that questicn, to
rase which the head of the Cabinet lass declared, in words
still unretracted, to be nothing less than "downright
madness." Thus arc we governed. Every interest in
the country, the peace of the country itself, even the se-
curity of the Throne, are treated as subordinate to the
preservaeon of the offices of the Qusen's Ministers.
Lord John Russell's announcement of a Committee
err the Corn-laws was received amid such a tempest of
conflicting exclamations as was never before witnessed
in a house of Parliament—the unpremeditated expres-
sion of amazement, and, generaty, of disgust. All
were astonished; the enemies of their country, the
worshippers of gain, and they who look for anarchy
from the continuance of the present men in office, re-
joiced with their surprise ; hut even they loathed the
barefaced dishonesty by which they hoped to profit.
On the other side, all, except a few who believed that
the notice indicated an intended retirement from
office (weak dupes), and that Lord John was
merely proposing a measure to be prosecuted by
himself as an Opposition Member, were filled with irre-
pressible indignation. The wonder was universal, with
whatever difference of feelings it was accompaniel, and
therefore the disgust must have he en universal ; for all
must have seen that it was not any sense of the necessity
for a change in the Corn-laws, but the defeat of Lord
Morpeth's Bill, and of the compensation clause in the
Bill of the Attorney-General, with the lesson imparted
by the Nottingham election, which so suddenly in-
spired Lord John with his anti-agricultural project.
The feelings thus expressed in the House of Com-
mons will pervade the country. Every day renders it
more difficult to cheat the people, and hence the rapid
decline of Whig-Radical influence.
COURIER.—We hinted yesterday at certain mys-
terious manceuvres in progress respecting the Budget.
To-day we have to record the consummation of political
swindling on the presentation of that annual plague by
those political jugglers and swindlers,herMajesty's Minis-
ters. Our readers will of course anticipate our meaning,
as referring to the notice now given, for the first time,
in a Session one-half concluded, of an intention to pro-
pose the abolition of the Corn-laws. The dirty trick
comes too lite in the day, and the object is too obvious,
to serve the turn of the new anti. Corn-law impostors now.
It will not break their fall or delay their fate one day
beyond the appointed time. There will be no popular
anti-Corn-law shout to bear them back to Parliament
after a dissolution, or keep them in office without one.
The people care nothing for Corn-laws, but they
have decreed the doom of new Poor-laws. Now is
the time, then, for one mighty and simultaneous move-
ment frome one end of the land to the other to sweep
those diabolical laws from the statute book, and their
detested authors out of the Legislature. Nay, more ; if
there were any form of Constitutional law by which it
could be accomplished, we would have the authors and
administrators of the murderous New Poor-laws legally
proceeded against, judged, and sentenced to incarcera-
tion in their own bastile workhouses, from heartless
little Lord John himself down to the penny-a-lining
clerkly imp of the Somerset House Commission. Now,
we repeat, is the time for one general pull altogether
for the abolition of the new Poor-laws—and nothing
but the abolition. In the convulsive struggles of a
dishonest Ministry for existence and bread, the people
may make their own terms and obtain all they choose
to ask.