The Sun.
London, England, 1846-08-27 00:00:00

TRUE atTN,

IRELAND.
THE IRISH GOVERNMENT.— THE REPEAL
MAGISTRATES.
DUBLIN, AUGU,T 24.—Nicholas Maher, Esq., M.P
for the county of Tipperary, has received a communica-
tion from the Lord Chancellor's Secretary announcing
his restoration to the reagisitacy.
REPEAL ASSOCIATION.
The weekly meeting of the Association was held this
day. On the motion of Mr. O'Connell, the chair was
taken by John Reilly, Esq., J.C.
The CHAIRMAN congratulated Ireland and the Asso-
ciation on the steady and solid advance which the re-
peal question was making at the present moment. Ile
(the Chairman) found that notwithstanding the doubts
of a few, the question of repeal was steadily advanc-
ing. and that the repaalersesteod in a much higher
position now than they ever did when they astonished
the world by the peace, order, and determination
which they exhibited at the mon .ter meetings of
1843.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He also observed that
the people were never on the point of achieving any
great or important good, but there were men found
ready to thwart the Liberator in his exertions to obtain
measures of a beneficial nature; but he was happy to
say that these men had been invariably overcome, and
their machinations neutralised. The same system was at
work now, but he trusted that the good sense of
Vet) people of Ireland would enable them to see
through the absurdity of these persons, who
appeared so anxious to run counter to Mr. O'Connell,
whose advice, if adopted, would ultimately lead to the
consummation of their hopes, the restoration of their
domestic legislature.—(Cheers.) He (the Chairman)
remembered the period when the Roman Catholics were
afraid to build their places of worship in any but the
most obscure corners. What was the case now? In
the most prominent positions of the city were erected
Roman Catholic churches of the most imposing magni-
ficence. In that change he recognised the
handy work of O'Connell.—(Loud cheers.) Ile also re-
membered the time when the great bulk of the citizens
were excluded from all share of civic honours, notwith-
standing the amount of taxation to which they were liable.
Again, in corporaee reform, he perceived the handiwork
of O'Connell.—(Cheers.) Ile saw the power of the
mighty and of the rich reduced, and the principles
of democracy in the ascendant. Bringing about
that alteration he regarded as a glorious achieve-
ment of O'Connell.—(Cheers.) He was, therefore,
justified in saying that whatever line of policy the
Liberator might consider proper to adopt, that would he
(the Chairman) follow, and, saying so, he did not believe
that he was rendering himself liable to the imputation
of blind servility ; he would, therefore, at once declare
himself an humble follower of O'Connell, and that in
sentiment and political feeling he was thoroughly O'Con- '
nellite.—(Cheers.) After some further observations
condemnatory of the policy adopted by " Young Ire-
land," he concluded by expressing his conviction that
those who differed from the regenerator of his country
were either actuated by folly or roguery.
Several addresses from various parts of the country,
expressive of unabated confidence in Mr. O'Connell,
were then read.
After which Mr. OTIEe, barrister, read a letter from
the Rev. Dr. Spain, of Birr.
Mr. O'CONNELL having moved the insertion of the
Rev. Mr. Spain's letter in the mintees. proceeded to
address the Association. He did so with the greatest
alacrity, the greatest pleasure, because he believed that
the repeal had never made a more majestic pro
gress than it was making under the banner of
moral force. There was one magic in politics, and
that was to be right—the magic of putting your
enemies always in the wrong, and he was happy to say
that their enemies were in the wrong.—(Cheers.) They
were right, because they asserted those propositions which
were the basis of the Association. He did not delay one
hour in rising to state that no act should be done, that no
lauguege should be indulged in, which was inconsistent
with peace and order—that was at variance with patriot-
ism and love of Ireland. That was the basis of the
Association ; and one of the frauds committed by the
late Attorney-General and the other prosecutors, was
keeping back from the court and the jury the original
rules on which they were associated together. Fair
and honest prosecutors would have disclosed the entire
case. They would, when they indictea`the Association
for conspiracy, have shown the rules and regulations
under which it was formed. In honesty they were
bound to do so, and he asserted that they violated their
duty as legal men, and as officers of the Crown, when
they had the meanness and audacity to institute a pro.
secution, and at the same time kept back from the
Court and jury the basis, and rules, and regulations of
the society for being members of which they were pro-
secuted.—(Hear, hear.) If any junior barrister had con-
ducted a case in that way, he would be scouted by his
profession, and would lo,e all chance of succeeding in
the honourable profession of a barrister. But the At-
torney-General was formed of a different stuff; Brewster
was of a different order, and if they had prosecuted us
otherwise than they did, they could not have succeeded
even with the aid of the Nation newspaper.—(Hear,
hear.) What had they done to confirm the principles
upon which the Association was formed ? Ho (Mr.
O'Connell) found there was vapouring about physical
force and vindication by the sword. Faugh ! Vindi-
cation by the sword talked of by men who would be
afraid to look at a poker.—(Laughter and cheers.)
But it was mischievous, and it became there-
fore necessary that there should be nothing equi-
vocal about the principles upon which the Associa-
tion was based. He found in the newspapers arguments
to show that the rules and regulations were not so
specific but they admitted the alternative of a resort to
physical force. He was determined to bring that point
before the Association, and to have the principle of moral
force declared so unequivocally that no man could mistake
it, and that no man could, without being laughed at, dis-
pute it. He was framing resolutions for that purpose
when there appeared in the Nation newspaper a, positive
declaration that in 1843 they were 'Working. for' high
treason—that they were working for physical force—
that they were working to bring about a contest be-
tween the Irish people and the Government. And could
there be anything more horrible than such an attempt.
There were at that period 30,000 troops, and a police
force amounting to 7,000 or 8,000 men in Ireland, all
well disciplined and well armed—the bravest soldiers in
the world. And yet there was a newspaper inciting to
a contest with that force the Irish people, unarmed and
undisciplined, and without even a cudgel ; and what
use would a cudgel be in such a ease ? Be-
sides, England could in ono fortnight throw in
militia to the amount of 40,000 ; and was it not,
therefore, absurd, ridiculous, and highly criminal for
"Young Ireland" to recommend the adoption of physical
force in '43? He (Mr. O'Connell) at once perceived
what was his duty, and he did not hesitate to act. It
was true they had lost some assistance, but to tell the
truth there was but one secession that he regretted—
that of Mr. Smith O'Brien.—(Hear, hear.) It was
true that some of the Young Ireland gentlemen pos-
sessed talent, and some possessed activity, but
they preferred talking and railing to actual work.
Again he would repeat, that the only one amongst
them whose absence he regretted was Mr. O'Brien.
But even to regain him they could not yield—
they could not deviate from one iota of their principles.
Physicial force had been avowed, but the steps taken by
the Association in connexion with it should prevent
them from being involved in an; criminality. Men
might say they were members of the Association, but
he (Mr. O'Connell) would assert, that no man was a
member of the Association at all who did not repudiate a
recourse to physical force, under any circumstance, or in
any contingency.—(Hear.) " Young Ireland" may be
very excellent companions at small tea parties—they may
dance the polka exquisitely—they may write pleasing
ballads, or what is called" transcendent prose ;" they may,
in fact, do what they please out of the Association, but
they certainly cannot continue members of it. The Hon.
Gentleman proceeded to show, that if the Association had
at its formation in 1841, been based on the principles advo-
cated by the Nation, its.members would be liable to pro-
secution for high treason. They would therefore be a
traitorous assembly if they acknowledged those men
whose principles found an advocate in the Nation. He
(Mr. O'Connell) would do anything that was not incon-
sistent with his duty to conciliate Mr. Smith O'Brien,
but he was bound to take care of the Association,
and that ho would do, though at the loss
of one hundred O'Briens.—(Hear, hear.) lie would
keep the Association within the limits of the law ;
and he would again declare that no man could remain a
member of the association who did not agree in the moral
principle, and eschew that of physical force. Acting on
that principle, they would struggle on in the great work
of Ireland's regeneration He repeated these things for
the last time. In adopting their present course, they
were merely protecting themselves, and there should
be no mitigation, no swerving. There were emi-
nent lawyers connected with the Association, who
would not permit the people to join the phy-
sical force men, even if ho (Mr. O'Connell)
were inclined to allow them. Away, then, with phytical
force, and let them endeavour to regenerate their
country through the instrumentality of moral means.
He would assert that they were more likely to succeed
by that course, That was his opinion ; if the Associa-
tion differed with him he was ready to yield the lea-
dership into other hands. The Roman Catholic
clergy were with them; the corporations were with
them; the Honourable Cecil Lawless had joined
them, because they had repudiated physical force.
They proved themselves sincere, and rational men
had accordingly placed their confidence in them. The
Government were well disposed towards the Irish
people, and they should have the support of the people
of Ireland as long as they continued to deserve it.—
(Hear, hear.) He then alluded to an error which he
had committed on the 3d August, in stating that he had
been restored to the commission of the peace on that
day ; the fact being that he was not reinstated till the
15th, as could be perceived by the Lord Chancellor's
letter. He alluded to the matter in consequence of
some paragraphs which appeared in certain news-
papers iu reference to it. .The manner in which the
Lord Chancellor was acting with regard to the restore -
don of the dismissed magistrates was hie.lo-
- That high functionary w cma--4dg g
commend-
dually.He did not issue the "B2
till he first understood Como-, of the peace
was directed would ...er the person to whom it
cellor had, •-
. accept of it. The Lord Chan-
be - cowed the principle that no man should
eanished for seeking, legally and constitutionally,
the repeal of an Act of Parliament. That avowal was
valuable. All parties in England heti united in declar-
ing that the fillkSt and nlea comprehensive measures
of iu`'• o should be Conferred on Ireland. The
Devon commission bad declared that forty-five
years after the union the most miserable people
on the face of the civilised globe were the
people of Ireland. But that deplorable picture was to be
reversed. Sir Robert Peel, on his retirement from office,
had declared that Ireland should be raised to an equality
with England, both social and political. That was
cheering. Oa this very night two lit were to pass the
l'egislaturep whiA he believed, would prove of

the utmost value to the poople of this country. •
The first related to the law of ejectment, and
would prove of immense benefit to the tenantry
of Ireland. He explaiut d the nature of the proceedings
under the old, tied dwelt on the advantages of the
new system, which he observed was the first instalment
of
,justice from the Wljge The second improvement
was, that under the new law it was requisite to give
notice in writing in every particular case of distress,
and bailiffs were prevented from dietrainmg
without a warrant in writing. The great injury
of the old system was that bailiffs were in the habit
of going about and threatening :o listrain if they did not
get a gratuity of 2s. 6d. teem each tenant. In future
it would be necessary for them to disttain only under
a stamped warrant, so that the bailiff,' trade was gone.—
(Laughter.) Some men accused him of supporting the
Whigs. When had the Tories given him such a law as
that ? Nthen had the Tore-, framed a law against the
rich and in favour of the poor ? (Cheers.) He was
suppertirg the Whigs, and would support them as long
as they continued to do good towards Ireland. They were
nut, however, rapid enough in their movements. See
how Lord John Russell was acting. Ho had brought
in a 13th granting 50,0001. for the promotion of public
works in Ireland. It was a very small sum, but the
Act that accompanied it was a very useful one. It
authorised the Government to advance the full
amount. It was imperative on the petty sessions to
set the people to work immediately. True the sum
was but its a loan, but still it served the purpose. The
people of Ireland did not want charity, but wages—
(Cheers)—a full day's wages for a full day's work.
And how was this sum to he repaid? Not by the poor,
but by the rich.—(Cheers) The landlords should pay
their full share in proportion to their property. That
was the largest step tow ards a universal poor law he had
ever known to have been taken. It was quartering the
poor upon the rich.—(Cheers.) He would now call on
the gentry of Ireland to join him. They knew
him now—they knew he was not for force—he
was not for violence. He would be their ally
and their friend, lie would form a perpetual alliance
between the gentry and the people of Ireland.—(Cheers.)
The people did but want their landlords to act fairly and
honestly by them, and never was there a gentry so well
beloved as the gentry of Ireland would be, if they did
that. He would be the bail and security of the people.
In 1830 he had published letters informing the gentry,
that if they did not assist the people, they would be bur-
dened with a poor-law. They had laughed at him, but
they now gave more serious attention. Well, he was
open to receive them. He would ally himself to any but
a physical force man.—(Cheers and laughter.) Oh, then
let him but have the repeal and their Parliament on
College-green—Oh, then would there be the triumph of
moral force—then would there be no more of feud and
fanaticism. They of the ancient faith would ally them-
selves with other persuasions to promote peace and good
will amongst men.
The following are the heads of inquiry for the repeal
discussion committee's purposes. (The committee is
formed for the purpose of preparing a digest of facts, to
be laid before the English members previous to Mr.
O'Connell's motion relative to the union of which he has
given notice in Parliament):—
"1. Absenteeism. The existence of this grievance
previous to 1782, the effect upon it of the advantages
gained by Ireland at that period, and the effect upon it of
the legislative union.
" 2. Penal legislation for Ireland since the union.
" 3. Effccts upon Ireland of• the commercial legisla-
tion since the union, embracing the operation and in-
tepretation of the Act of Union itself in matters of
commerce.
" 4. Fiscal legislation in its effects upon Ireland since
the union, including the operation of the financialclauses
of the Act of Union itself.
" 5. Lgislation respecting the landlord and tenant
question since the union.
" 6. Legislation on Irish franchises, municipal and
'political, since the union.
" 7. Recommendations of Government commissions
and Parliamentary Committees, relative to the waste
lands of Ireland.
" 8. Operation of the Act of Union and subsequent
legislation upon the economic condition of the idustrial
classes in Ireland.
" 9. Union, promises and predictions—how borne out
by the facts.
" 10. Conduct of the Irish Parliament, showing the
effects of home legislation under the most unfavourable
circumstances.
" 11. General system of the internal administration of
Irish affairs since the union.
" 12.. Reconsideration and digest of various repeal
tracts and documents, edited by persons not members of
the Repeal 'Association."
Some other members having addressed the association,
it stood adjourned for a week, on the motion of Mr.
O'Connell, the rent having been announced at 1381. 16s.
The most remarkable feature in the proceedings was
the unusually large attendance of Roman Catholic
clergymen from all parts of the country. There were
upwards of 130 present ; thus affording an implied
sanction to the mode of proceeding adopted by Mr.
O'Connell with reference to " Young Ireland."