The Sun.
London, England, 1848-04-24 00:00:00

. f `.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
No communication can be attended to unless authenti-
cated by the name and address of the writer.
Rejected communications cannot be returned.

TIIE WEATHEIL—SuN OFFICE, APRIL 23.
THERMOMETER. Lowest, 44 ; Highest, 49; Noon, 56.
BAROMETER, 29.70.—W1ND N.E.; fine.
APRIL 24.

FHERMO3IETER, Lowest, 43; Highest. 55 ; Noon, 47.
BAROMETER, 29.68.—W1ND E., rainy.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY.
Morning .. 16 min. after 5 I Evening 35 min. after 5

ebtrrina alanl
LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 23 1848.

Problematic as the Schleswig-Holstein question
may have hitherto appeared, it cannot but be c.-)m-
prehensible to every rational intellect, after the ap-
pearance of a publication * such as that jointly com-
posed by Chevalier BUNSEN, M. DE GRUNER, and
OTTO VON WENCESTERN, and the utterance of an
oration such as the one delivered on Wednesday the
19th instant, in the House of Commons by the lion.
Gentleman the representative of Buckinghamshire.
The doubts formerly experienced as to the line of
demarcation dividing the Danish and Germanic na-
tionalities are thoroughly resolved by the collision
of argument resulting from the simultaneous appear-
ance cf those effusions. Viewed together, the speech
of Mr. DISRAELI, and the pamphlet of Chevalier BUN.
SEN, constitute as positive an antithesis as the triumphal
Arc d' _Etoile in the estimation of EMILE GIRARDIN.

By their common revelations they render the whole
of this territorial ana constitutional enigma trans-
parent. After the special-pleading of the Prussian

Ambassador the supporters of the Duke of AUGUS -
TENBURG have nothing whatever to add, even as a
supplemental argument. Every thread in the wccf
of their specious theory is particularised, is followed
throughout its involutions, is magnified, is analysed,
is triturated, as it were, by the spurious and irritable

logic of the diplomatist. Not one of the sophisms upon
which the rebels of Schleswig-Holstein repose their

claim to independence is overlooked. All are spe-
cified, successively and collectively, and that, too,
with the emphasis dictated by a consciousness of
their inherent falsity. With the oratoric statements
of Mr. DISRAELI, however, it was altogether different.
There the rise and progress of the internecine strug-
gle in Jutland were recounted with the simplicity o.•f
candour and the energy of indignation. Prussian
ambition was in that brilliant oration pilloried before
the assembled Parliament of Great Britain. The
trickeries of the Provisional Government cf Scandi-
navia—the insolence of the mock Diet at Frankfort
—the selfish project which incited the Cabinet of
Berlin to its late unparalleled and unjustifiable en-

croachments—the ingratitude of the insurgent pro-
vinces—the treachery of the Duke of AUGUSTEN-
BURG—and the extravagant insufficiency of the pleas
adduced in favour of the incorporation of Schleswig-
Holstein with Germany—were one after another ex-
posed by the keen and uncompromising enunciations
of the orator.

Affairs are becoming altogether too serious in the
northern territories of the Continent, in consequence
of the aggressions of the Germanic Confederation, to
admit of any partial or indecisive settlement. Sup-
posing there were any attempt to slur over the dis-
pute at present embroiling so many of the princi-
palities of Europe, the struggle would only be
perpetuated and justice would remain unappeased.
Some definitive conclusion must be arrived at among
the diplomatists at present involved in the negotiation of
a compromise. Otherwise torrents of blood will
pollute the soil of Scandinavia, and an interminable
contest will be commenced of a sanguinary and
miserably internecine character. Already there are
collected in the vicinity of Rendsburg (the head-
quarters of the invading army) many of the most
prominent representatives of the Federative So-
vereignties. The Duke of BRUNSWICK had been
received with acclamation, the Prince of PRUSSIA
was expected, Prince RADSIwIL had assumed the
command of one brigade, the. Duke of AUGUSTENBURG
had been appointed to another, and the whole of the
federal forces were martialled under the banners of
General HALKETT, the Hanoverian Commander-in-
Chief. Such at least were the principal arrangements
mentioned in the last intelligence received from Ham-
burgh. Beyond this preparations of a defensive kind
were making in the islands of Sylt and Fehmarn, and
notwithstanding the disinclination of the Danish
SOVEREIGN to advance beyond Schleswig, and the
equally powerful objection of the federal army to
proceed beyord the northern suburbs of Rendsburg,
there is every probability of a furious strife between
the present and prospective belligerents.
That the intended junction of Schleswig and Hol-
stein with the Germanic Confederation is contrary to
the precedents of European history is undeniable
—it is as undeniable as the cowardice of the applica-
tion of the principal plea of the aggressors to the
southern appanages of Denmark. According to the
Duke of AUGUSTENBURG and his supporters, the war
has been undertaken in vindication of German na-
tionality. Of that ideal nationality at least, which is
founded upon the " dreamy visions of German pro-
fessors"—a nationality based, in fact, upon the poetic
aphorism that wherever the German tongue is spoken
there the German flag should wave ! Nobly did Mr.
DISRAELI fling this grandiloquent plea back in the
teeth of the insurgents and their co-operators. Scorn-
fully did he brand them on the forehead with the
double brand of cupidity and cowardice, by saying
—" If so, if wherever the German language is
spoken the German flag should wave, why
do not the Germans invade Alsace, and thus
meet at once the high-spirited people of
France ? Why do they not attempt to
occupy Podolia, and thus measure themselves against
the colossal power of Russia ?" Why they restrict
their claims of incorporation to Schleswig'
y and de-
mand the extension of their nationality in
Jutland, is obvious. It is because Denmark is not in
their estimation so formidable an
antagonistist as to
render the perils of the conflict superior to the pros-
pects of success. The acquisition of so many ports
and fiordes upon the Baltic as weeild result
from the occupation of Schleswig-Holstein
would
enable the Germanic Confederation to elevatewod
itself among the maritime powers of Christendom.
And therefore the chances of an international war-
fare must be preferred to an apathetic maintenance of
territorial and dynastic rights. No matter if, even
according to the express acknowledgment of the pam-
phlet of Chevalier BUNSEN (p. 9) the Scandinavian
duchy of Schleswig and the German duchy of Holstein
" have ever been and are dependencies of the Olden-
burg dynasty" —no matter what may be the decision
of the representatives of that dynasty, the reigning
Monarch of Denmark, the cause of German nation-
ality must be advanced by an act
once of
thei argumentsgno of
ignominious but
safe spoliation. Such are at .
thea re
abtrargrge
eaernt
y t h g
hee paorltruomo
en ,n
taan
employthe bre]
dgabnyd ,thaen Chis uc f hs
1 of the Germanic Confederation.

The resignation
by
appointment as Vice-rre'sri *de 'l-4itlioLfNtEhe Bft GoiaßrsdoNt: of hie,l'rad
e
rweigi lr
ebte. r erre ehiev eedffi cby e
ntth ea
npduvbal i
ue a
b nl e
general
services wriet nh d de
er
ee di)
byful
ltyh
aa tp p cr
eocnisaitsetedntto aptei dr nit hei
ss honest
ipot
h ldirt icawi aanl ,
fromwere
to be regarded with indifference. So long as he
shared in the duties and responsibilities of the Mi-
nistry, an additional guarantee was afforded that the
glorious doctrines of free trade would be maintained,
and that no retrogression would take place
with regard thereto. In him every liberal
measure found a zealous and able supporter.
and he was the uncompromising opponent of every
species of monopoly, of everything in any degree
calculated to infringe upon, or un luly interfere with
the popular liberties. lle i 3 gifted with consider-
able eloquence, which enables him to give full ex -
pression to the clear and comprehensive views he en-

Duchies of belil,swig auti irieseoLe,, to V IS-
count Palmerston by Chevalier Bunsen." rp. 165.
Longman. 1848. London.

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY

tertains, and a sound and discriminating judgment,
by which he can almost intuitively seize upon the
strong points of an argument, and reject the fallacies
which might deceive a less acute and vigorous under-
standing, and divert it from the true grounds on which
a decision should be arrived at. It would be a task
of no ordinary diffic,ulty to find a fitting successor for
such a man ; a person in whose intelligence, experience,
and ability, full and unbounded confidence might be
reposed, and whose public acts have identified him
with the liberal Reformers of the country, with the
party of which Mr. GIBSON is a leading member,
but that happily there is a gentleman whose past
services have been sueh as to prove him eminently
qualified for the vacant office, services too rendered
during a long series of years under various minis-
tries, in the most responsible and trying situations, in
the very department in which the vacancy has occurred.
It is almost unnecessary to say that we allude to Mr.
J. MACGREGOR, the Member for Glasgow, who so long
and so efficiently filled the high office of Secretary
to the Board of Trade, which office he resigned last
year on becoming a candidate for a seat in the Im-
perial Parliament.
The appointment of Mr. Maccrtecon would, in-
deed, testify that the Government were resolved to
enter into an immediate investigation of the all-
important topic of taxation, with a view to a reforma-
tion of the abuses that on every side are ac-
knowledged to exist; that the whole question of
the income and expenditure of the country would be
taken into consideration in a calm and impartial
spirit; that those imposts which unduly weighed upon
the industry of the people, that retarded improve-
ments, and were in every respect objectionable,
would be relaxed and modified, and that the necessary
provision for the national burdens and the national
expenditure, would be provided in the manner which
would least affect the great body of the people. Mr.
MACGREGOR'S appointment would also be viewed by
the Liberal party as an indication that the Govern-
ment still followed in the paths of progressive reform,
and that the secession of Mr. MILKER GinsoN from
office was not owing to the adoption of any policy of
a retrograde character, or such as could not receive
the cordial and disinterested support of the advocates
of popular rights and popular privileges. In addition
to these important considerations, which should not be
lost sight of during times like the present, the Liberal
party would be conciliated and gratified by the
selection, while the vast stores of information, the
clear and vigorous intellect, but, above all, the
thorough acquaintance with all the details of the de-
partment, acquired through an apprenticeship of
many years, afford advantages to the Hon. Member
for Glasgow with which no other person, however
great his ability, could compete, if comparatively ig-
norant or unacquainted practically with these details.
In his great work, " The Progress of America,"
Mr. MACGREGOR has put forward the most
profound views of commercial legislation ;
he has proved himself to be thoroughly acquainted
with the causes that lead to national prosperity, and
by which the natural and acquired advantages may
be turned to the best purpose, so as to develop all the
resources of the country, and to render the people
contented and happy; he shows that he is the advocate
of perfect freedom for and the abolition qf every legis-
lative restriction upon labour, industry, agriculture,
manufacture, navigation, and trade. Such a man it is
that is required at the present time, and most sincerely
do we hope that the Government may strengthen
their ranks by the accession of so efficient and
talented a coadjutor, and may thus give the country
so able a Minister.

Austrian domination is at an end in Italy, although
the sword of RADETZICT may continue to desolate
the plains of Lombardy, but without effect. The
sceptre of FERDINAND is shortened, it can no longer
be stretched over the waters of the Adriatic. Tem—
pont mutantur nos et mutamur in illis. This indis-
putable truth may receive new confirmation by com-
paring two definitions given at different periods to
one word—ltaly. "Italy," said Prince METTEaracu—
NIETTERNICH, the Prime Minister of the Austrian
EMPEROR, and the actual ruler of the vast Austrian
empire—" Italy is a geographical expression." And
what is " Italy" now -now when that same MET-
TERNICH is fallen from his high estate, and deprived
of his arbitrary power—an exile ?
What is Italy
_now ? We have our answer in
the magnificent manifesto addressed by the Central
Provisional Government of Lombardy to all the nations
of Europe. This most eloquent and impressive ad-
dress is full of interest. It is the voice of an hitherto
enslaved and unhappy people, making itself heard in
the triumphant chorus of free and emancipated
nations. As such its tones alternately breathe the
exquisite pathos and deep-felt sorrow, the vehement
eloquence of long-repressed indignation and the sub-
lime and exulting enthusiasm of conscious power and
newly-effected independence. In this manifesto Italy
declares the fact of her existence, and solicits the
friendly co-operation of European nations, to enable
her to re-assume her fitting place among them. After
declaring that Italian nationality never ceased to
exist, even during the long period of its servitude—
(for, say they, " treaties may determine questions
between different nations, but no treaty can dispose
of the rights of a people, destroy the language, and
establish, by a transitory act, laws opposed to those
indicated by the hand of PROVIDENCE. The life of
nations belongs to the highest order of things, into
which diplomacy, with its variations subject to tem-
porary incidents, cannot enter ")—the Italians, in
this manifesto, enumerate the grievances to which
Austria has long subjected them—such as the en-
slavement of the Italian press ; the refusal to
allow the admission of foreign books and jour-
nals; the making the police the arbiters of

liberty, life, and fortune; the suppression of
speech and thought ; the making no distinction
between political offences and moral crimes ;—and
numerous similar oppressions, and then the melan-
choly consequences are thus beautifully described :
"All this and worse we suffered fur many years,
keeping alive by all means in our power the spark of
national feeling. We accepted nothing from the Aus.
trian Government, but we were withheld by the dreadful
responsibility that might have re-acted upon ourselves
from throwing perhaps prematurely in the midst of
Europe the great question of our independence. The
movements of 1821 and 1830 moved and agitated us pro-
foundly, and the cry heard throughout the world of the
cruel tortures of Spielberg announced how many noble
and ardent minds were determined to sacrifice themselves

for the national cause. The whole country, nevertheless,
continued to forbear, but still persevering in its per-
petual, though tacit protest, against the Austrian Go-
vernment, showed its determination to wait only for the
day when the measure of its wrongs and our patience
overflowed. And that day came. At the voice of the
Great Pontiff, whom the Almighty raised up for the
salvation of Italy—for the salvation of all Christian
people—we were inspired with true citizenship, and
arose more Italian than before. His name became the
symbol of our hopes, of our creed ; and our minds, so
long repressed, at last began to expand, and our national
feeling burst forth in an unanimous tribute of admira-
tion, gratitude, and love to Pio Nino."

Nevertheless, though inspired by the dawning spirit
of independence, nevertheless, they proceed to say,
they had patience. By protests, remonstrances, and
demands they sought the restitution of their rights
in a peaceful manner. But in vain. " The Austrian
Government," say they, "only became cognizant of
our demonstrations for the purpose of eluding them
or turning them into ridicule. Therefore, we re-
solved to try a last experiment, and to prove the in•
tentions of Vienna before all Europe. Victims as
we had been for so many years of the schemes and
frauds of the police, we demanded that that body
should be dissolved, and. the preservation of public
order confided to a national guard. We were an-
swered by the fire of cannon and muskets. Then
eve felt that the moment of action had arrived, and
we rose. We seemed at least to be patient.
We deliberated, and determined to finish it for
ever. Gon was with us. With a few hundred
guns, with the few arms in our power, with
the pavements of the streets, with the tiles of the
roofs, with our barricades, with the sound of our
church bells, in a battle of five days' duration we
conquered and put to flight an army of sixteen
thousand old soldiers, who had been excited by their
chiefs with promises that our city should be deli-
vered to fire and to pillage. Gov was with us—
e, ith us, the weak against the strong; and,
though unable to open the gates of the city, wo
were surrounded by crowds of armed brethren,
calved together by these sounds of war, who hastened
t.. .! 7 - !* • • jars of
[victory. bcarceiy Lllree weeks Wye pasised, and all
Italy holds out a fraternal and succouring hand ; the

SPAIN.

magnanimous King of SARDINIA has put himself at
the head of the first Italian army which, for more
than three centuries, has defended the Italian
cause, and one voice is on all lips, one sen-
timent in all hearts, Viva l'independenza Italianal"
God was with us—with us, the weak against the strong.
All this is eloquent with the true poetry of feeling.
All this is a manifestation of a spirit more inimical
to the authority of Austria than legions of armed
patriots. " The Austrian Government no longer exists
for us." Such is the emphatic declaration of the
emancipated Italians. "It is now an enemy mith
whom we have to fight—an enemy with whom we
can never come to terms. We are all Italians; and,
in the sacred joy with which this conviction in-
ebriates us, we feel a horror even at the idea of any
foreign domination whatsoever. We could not be-
lieve in the miracle GOD has accomplished for us, if we
did not feel called on to unite ourselves with all our
Italian brethren—if we did not declare before the
world that never more would we submit our necks
to the yoke of the Austrian Government, or even
enter into a compromise with it. If we
even wished, the thing could not be done.
Ours is a war of defence—of civilization against
barbarism, and we pursue it fearlessly, prepared
for all, even to the last extremity, with the minds of
men who, placed in a great crisis, can advance, but
not retreat. For these our declarations—for these
our preparations, we call for the sympathy of Europe
—to Europe we turn, asking efficient aid towards
a great work of justice and humanity. The Austrian
Government orders against us a crusade, and excites
its population by every argument of hatred and
hypocrisy. It is for Europe to set them right—to
make them comprehend their true interests—to
restrain them from engaging in an enterprise
in which misfortune and disgrace can alone be
reaped. Let all Europe raise its powerful voice, and
the result must be that the age shall be spared the
shame of renewed Vandalism. Our fate is in the
hands of GOD. Europe is the judge of our action:.
The age is big with events which may recompose on
a new basis all Christian society. Perhaps the day is
not far distant in which all people, putting aside pre-
judice and ancient rancour, may meet under the
banner of universal fraternity, and cultivate alone
pacific relations in which commerce and industry will
go hand in hand, be bound in one common union.
We offer up our prayer for the speedy arrival cf that
day." To that prayer every patriot solicitous for the
welfare of his country, every philanthropist zealous
for the amelioration of his fellow-men, will
utter one unanimous and unhesitating Amen. To the
desire of that prayer heartily and cordially do we
respond, for its fulfilment would effect for the regene-
ration of mankind what the labourt. of centuries have
not been able to accomplish, and the Utopian visions
of MORE would be realised. But whether or no
the final prayer of the Italians be accomplished,
whether or no the day of universal amity be at hand,
the more immediate object of their desires must not
be neglected. Europe must respond to their appeal.
" Sympathies are treaties," says LAMARTINE, and if
so, the sympathy of the English people has long
since signed a treaty of alliance between England
and emancipated Italy. That treaty it is now our
duty, as one of the European nations appealed to
in the manifesto, to ratify and proclaim in some
unmistakeable manner.

...._ __
Madrid Journals of the 17th have arrived.

Pursuant to a royal ordinance of the 16th, the
monetary unity of Spain is to be the real in effective
silver. The gold piece is to be the doubloon of
ISABELLA, of the value of 100 reals. The silver
pieces are to be the duro (piastre), of the value of
20 reals; the demi-piastre of 10 reals; the peseta of
4 reals; the demi-peseta, and the real.
The Duke and Duchess of MONTPENSIER have left
Madrid for Aranjuez en route for Seville.
The Expeetador states that it is rumoured at Val-
ladolid that the Ex-KING and Ex QUEEN of the
FRENCH were to take up their residence in that
city, the climate of England not suiting the latter's
health.

MADRID BOLSI), APRIL 17.—Threes, 211; Fives.
14. Exchange on London, 44.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS.

taend,:aoTy fh ethe il
We have received the Paris papers of Saturday and
yesterday.
The Provisional Government has addressed the
nAi trymoyf, t hwei
iteho lse,t
hoi
ef
ditedhmeeaoNcorfaattitiochne:
Republic-
,
Gpouvuebarlrindc.'
m
is :
following Proclamation, dated the 21st, to the People,
the National Guard, and the Army :
‘ ape ec coems sp7s
heofd the
What took place yes.
displayed to the eye what was in the heart—
therer
e
This people, united and
armed to defend order in the Republic. Citizens,
do not feel astonished that a unanimous cry of joy
henceforthnt'
is and
only the
one people.
and gratitude of all tlse members of the Government
responds to those millions of cries by an innumerable
people who passed yesterday before us, presenting
arms to the Government with one hand, and with the
other declaring adhesion to the Republic. Never was
Royalty or the lalriptre present at a similar review—
for they were armies that passed before them, and on
this occasion it was the people ! And the people had
only one heart, and that heart was fraternity I The arch
of triumph, raised to the memory of a conqueror,
grew less before that multitude—the military
genius of the conqueror became effaced before the
genius of the people. It is the characteristic of the
great movement which we accomplish—individualities
disappear—the people become greater ! We desire
to preserve the faithful image of this great fraternal
clay to posterity—that floating forests of bayonets,
for the passage of which sixteen hours of rapid march
did not suffice—those flowers—those pavilions—those
branches at the end of the muskets, symbols of peace
in strength—those battalions, which' hastened from
the most distant towns and villages with a part of
their population—those regiments, consisting of our
sons and brethren re entering the capital, reconciled,
and mixed up with the armed and unarmed groups of
the people—those faces, which only expressed con-
cord, confidence, the serenity of order and of liberty
—those cries, of which not one was a cry of hatred
or alarm—that unanimity of adhesion to a few mo-
dest and laborious citizens, charged by circumstances
to watch over the safety of all—that rescueillement in
re-entering, by the light of torches, the streets of
Paris, which were spontaneously illuminated, as if
to prolong the day, much too short, for contemplat-
ing the pacific army of fraternization! Preserve at
least this image in your hearts! Europe and France
will know it to-morrow—Europe, to measure the
immense power of a nation, which, in a single city,
can arm three hundred thousand and men in a night !
France, to rejoice at the spirit which animates the
capital, and to dissipate the fears which the enemies
of the Republic may spread against the reason and
seen it, citizens, and France . see by your eyes
against the perpetuity of the
.Repub.lic. You have
after you! When Paris arises in arms everything
is lowered or disappears before its. attitude—order is
guaranteed—the security and independenc.e. of the
national representation are . secured—families and
properties are sacred—industries are free—credit in-
creases—specie, which was buried by distrust, re-
appears. Labour, the property of workmen, is
cieated by the Government, surrounded by institu-
tions protecting the rights of the poorest and the
weakest. Fraternity will not only be a ceremony—
it will be the law. The Republic imperishable in its
strength, and invariable in its progress, will continue
the revolution,be one, but will continue it for the advantage
of all—it will
as you have been one. Give it
time and strength—it will render you justice be-
tween all classes—equality between all interests—
union between all hearts—influence abroad, security
at home r
The great and engrossing object of public attention
in Paris is the approaching election for the National
Assembly. The various candidates for the deputation
appear night after night at the different clubs, to
make their professions of faith, and to answer the
questions of the electors. At a meeting of the club
of La Jeune France, held on Friday at the Batig-
nolles, M. P. DE LASTEIRIE (formerly one of the
Deputies for Paris), candidate for a seat in the Na-
tional Assembly, when called upon to state his views
on the subject of the property of the ex-Royal
Family, now under sequestration, declared his opinion
that it decidedly belonged to the State, but that every
outstanding debt against the family ought to be
settled. In the event of a proposition being made to
hand over any part of the residue, as an act of gene,
rosity on the part of the State, he would, he said, not
oppose it. The former part of his reply was warmly
received by the teeetine., hut the latter part passed off
- • r,a n d ito (et. MAR-
TELLLT) being asked as to his ideas on the foreign
policy to be pursued, replied, that although every

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