The Sun.
London, England, 1848-05-06 00:00:00

SPAIN

Lord STANLEY rose to move for the production of
the correspondence which had been published in
the newspapers as a correspondence alleged to bare
taken place between her liijesty's Government and the
Government of Spain, a correspondence of which, he
feared, the Government could not deny the authenticity.
He should be glad to hear what the Government could
urge in extenuation of their conduct. The Noble
Viscount, to whose management the foreign affairs of
this country were entrusted, appeared to be actuated by
two motives; first, an exaggerated jealousy of the in...
fluence of France, and, ,secondly, a morbid desire ref
interfering and intermeddling in the affairs of other
countries. He (Lord Stanley) did not consider it ad-
vantageous for the interests of this country, that it
should be said that the dismissal of one Minister, or the
appointment of another, in foreign countries should be
brought about by the direct or by the indirect inter-
ference of this country.—(Hear, hear.) British influ-
ence was best upheld by abstaining from interfering
with the internal affairs of any country, and more espe-
cially was that true with regard to Spain, the proudest
country in the world. He knew of no Interest that
this country had, except that other countries should
be prosperous. Last session he had objected to
the interference which had taken place in Portugal,
and subsequent events had convinced him of
the correctness of the opinions he had then expressed.
He believed that France had had no intention of inter-
fering, and he thought that England might have pre-
vented the interference of Spain. In this session they
had done nothing but interfere. In Italy they had had
Lord Minto the presiding genius, who was
" To ride the whirlwind and direct the storm."

He was to be the person to control and moderate
the violent spirits of Italy, to prevent the effusion of
blood, to watch over the constitutional rights and the
growing liberties of Italy, and to take care that those
rights and liberties did not overpass the limits which
they (her Majesty's Government) in their wisdom had
assigned. What, however, was the result? Did they
believe their influence in Italy had been increased?
Could they point to any one part of Italy and say—even
if that interference were proper, and it were competent
for them to form a judgment of the limits to which
Italian liberties ought to be carried—whether they had
given to the people and Princes of Italy proofs of their
power to calm or direct the storm which had been
raised? He believed, and they had been told, that it
was not the desire of her Majesty's Govern-
ment that the kingdom of the Two Sicilies
should be separated, at least by civil war. He did
not know whether it was material to British in-
terests that there should be one or two Parliaments
in Sicily, or no Parliament at all, yet they had thought
fit to interfere, and in the presence of their
mediation, and of their Ambassador specially
accredited to all the sovereigns of Italy, what had been
the result they had obtained
threeeitconstitution extorted
from the King of Naples, a
one ofand liberal constitution
forsooth, of which
leading articles, edopted
on the mediation and with the
Minister, was, that within the sanction
of a British
.
under this new and liberal Constitution,Pe
no religion, the Roman Catholic religion, should be tolerated......g
(Hear, hear.) Nor was that all ; for, in the presence of
their Ambassador, the Sicilian people had revolted, and
engaged in an apparently successful civil war, the last
act of which was the deposition of their king. This
was not done, ho presumed, by their advice, but it
showed the extent of their influence. At Rome—to
roam farther—the Noble Lerd was not accredited, con-
stitutional eifficulties standing in the way, for the re-
moval of which, however, they were told two months
ago the immediate passing of an Act was necessary—
even a week's delay in the removal of those obstacles
could not be granted. But some change seemed to
have come over the spirit of their dream, for, from
that time, he had heard no more about the Bill which
was then so absolutely necessary. But if the Noble
Lord had not been accredited to the See of Rome, still
it was said their advice and influence were exerted there.
But how stood the case? They had thought that there
should be no war between Austria and their faithful ally
the King of Sardinia, and they had made a declaration
to the former power, that any invasion on its part would
not. be tolerated. He believed, for her Majesty's Go-
- ...airio. LSO so stated, that a similar declaration had
been made to Sardinia. Yet it did happen that they
had it special Ambassador in Italy, armed with all the
influence of the British Government—that at that mo-
ment, and in the presence of their Ambassador, the King
of Sardinia, the Pope, and the Grand Duku of? Tuscany
were actually engaged in an unprovoked invasion of a
friendly power. There was the success of their inter-
vention in purely domestic and internal concerns. And
did they believe, that while their advice was slighted in
Italy, and their influence had failed in carrying
their views into effect, they had established a
feeling in the minds of the people of Italy,
that would prove of advantage in their future
political transactions with that country ? He
believed that the greatest danger with which the peace,
of Europe could be threatened was, that Austria should
temporarily succeed in re-establishing her power o
her Milanese dominions, for should she so succeed, it
would not be to them, the mediators of the storm, and
the rulers and comptrollers of tho liberties of Europe; it
would not be them to whom the Italian people would
have recourse in their strait; but to that Republican
France which had not hesitated to declare her sympathy
with oppressed nationalities; to her, and not to them,
would the Italians turn for aid; and whatever popu-
larity they might have acquired from the Evvivas! and
overtures of their Ambassador, that popularity would be
found as evanescent as the words by which it was ob-
tained, and would be eclipsed by that of a power which
had not hesitated to do what they !had shrunk from do-
ing.—(Hear.) I see in the correspondence to which I
am about to call your Lordships attention, a continuance
of the same system of interference in matters with which
they had no concern; and recollecting the pride of the
people with whom they had interfered, be thought tb ey
were actually counterworking their own intervention
and damaging their legitimate influence, and driving the
people into the arms of the very power against w'riom
they were interfering. Such interference was pecutiarty
obnoxious to a country like Spain. If there was one
man possessing mere of the pride and sensitive feelings
of a Spaniard on the subject of foreign intervention and
dictation, it was the very Minister to whom the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs had thought fit to address that very
short and pithy epistle to which he was about to call
their attention. The Noble Viscount had not thought it
necessary to use any circumlocution of language in that
epistle, nor to preface the uemand which his Minister
was instructed to make by any phrases which might
have a tendency to make the subject of the letter appear
less discourteous. On the 16th of March, in a letter
from the Foreign-office (if that letter were genuine), the
Noble Viscount used the following languaget—" I have
to recommend you to advise the Spanish Government
to adopt a legal and constitutional system. The recent
downfall of the King of the French and of his family
and the expulsion of his Ministers, ought to indicate, to
the Spanish Court and Government the danger to vvh ich
they expose themselves in endeavouring to govern a
country in a manner opposed to the sentiments aid opi-
nions of the nation; and the catastrophe which has. just
ottetto.-.ri in Franc? in sufficient to show that even a. nu-
merous and well-disciplied army offers only an insufli meat
defence to the Crown, when the system followed by it is
not in harmony with the general system of the country.
The Queen of Spain would act wisely, in the pre faent
critical state of affairs, if she were to strengthen her
Executive Government by widening the bases on which
'
the Administration reposes, and in calling to her councils
somecodenfiorteethe men in whom the Liberal party places
~,
He knew not what the country might think
of that extraordinary production, but the more he read
he considered it, the more at lime was
it and the more
in his mind—what imaginable mo tive he
he to conceive or imagine what possible view the Noble
Viscount had
hadi actually in writi it—or what effect, except that w hich it
npgroduced, he could have anticipated i !OM it.
lie
knew not which most to admire, the subject 64, peen_
liarly domestic in which he had interfered, the. urge.
me.nts by which he supported his interference, or the
tone in which the epistle was couched, unveiled ewes by
the usual diplomatic paraphrases in which communica-
tions from the Foreign-office so generally abounded. If
they considered the letter with reference to the position
in which Spain and England at that moment stood, and
the position in which the Ministry of Spain said our
Secretary for Foreign Affairs stood to one sasother,
there were circumstances which rendered such interfer-
ence—he was about to say indecent, but at Led events
unfitting and improper.—(Hear, hear.) He must be
permitted to carry them back to the period when nego-
tia,rions, at that time considered of peculiar
imi urtance to the interests of Europe, were
being carried on with reference to the mar-
riage of the Queen of Spain. At that period and be-

Lore the Noble Viheuent succeeded to the adualgistra-

!ion of the foreign aftitirs, there were in Spain two
partie:,,, the one wore or less in the interest of Engianci,

the other in the interest of Erance. At the monielt his

Noble Friend (the Earl of ALerdeeii) quitted tho

Foreign Office the most perfect harmony existed between
the Goveinments of France and Englund on the subject

he had named. He believed it his" Noble Friend .bad

continued in office those negotiations would have termi-
nated to the perfect satisfaction of both countries; but
unfortunately the Noble Viscount suc4eeded him, and
from that moment (whether it was his fault or his mis-
fortune), instead of a mutual good understanding be-
tween the two countries, jealousy and misapprehension
took its place. 'The French Government, whether
rightly or wrongly he would not then discuss, were led
to believe the Noble Viscount had ulterior objects is
;41w,--stud was about to depart from the basis of tho ar-
rangement previously greed upon, and the Yazd

Government, therefore, thought themselves at liberty to
depart likewise from those bases, and the Noble Vis-
count found himself outwitted, a circums•ance at which
be .expressed feelings of no slight resentment and
mortification. He was not about to pronounce any
opinion on that transaction, by which the happices of
the Queen of Spain was sacrificed to the interests of a
dynasty. He thought it useless and ungenerous to ad-
vert Ito it now, when that dynasty, by a species of retri-
butive justice, was driven from a throne in which he in
common with tall Europe, thought it firmly fixed. Ile
would, however, take the opportunity of adverting to a
rumour which he hoped was unfounded, that when the
Infanta of Spain, the Duchess de Montpensier, arrived
here from the country of her adoption, for the purpose
of returning; to her natural home—her native country,
that opportunity was se aid by her Majesty's Govern-
ment of showieg their resentment to that marriage, and
objection was made to the direct passage of the Infanta,
in her peculiar situation, from this country to Spain
(Hear, hear.) He hoped there was no truth in that
rumour. Whatever objections might originally have
been. entertained to that marriage, circumstances
had removed these objections, and on grounds of po-
licy and prudence he should never cease to think that
if indeed any objection did exist, it was an opportunity
lost of pursuing a course at once generous and just.
Flowerer, from the moment of that marriage, although
Narvaez was not at that moment Minister of Spain, and
even antecedent to that period, there exited the greatest
jealousy between the Governments of England and
Spin. Truly or falsely, Narvaez and the Spanish GI,
'comment were supposed to be under the influence and
control of France, and the proceedings of the Moderado
party were all connected with French influence in the
mind of the Foreign-office here, while on the other hand,
truly or falsely, it was believed by the existing Govern-
ment of Spain, that the Government here and the repre-
Tentative in Madrid were mixed up and politically con-
nected with the opponents of the Government, the Pro-
greesista party, and that they were desirous of over-
throwing the Spanish Ministry. Be that belief well
founded or not, it no doubt existed, and therefore
of all persons to give advice with reference to
the internal policy of Spain, the Noble Viscount
was obviously the last man who should have
offered such advice, or could have offered it with
the possibility of its being followed. But even had
he been fitted to tender his advice, the Noble Viscount
could scarcely have been more unfortunate in his choice
of a medium through which to offer it than he was in
selecting Mr. Bulwer.—(Hear, hear.) Even if the go-
vernments of the two countries had been upon the most
, friendly terms, such a letter could not fail to offend the
susceptibilities of the Government and people of Spain.
What right had we to dictate as to the forms of govern-
ment which should be established in Spain. If friendly,
advice was tendered it should be on the ground of advan-
tage to the country, and not on the ground of any per-
sonal danger that might attend the adoption of a contrary
.
course. But the moment chosen for giving this advice
was most inopportune. There was no necessity fo!
Spain
offer-
ing such advice. At that moment the Queeilot
and her government were acting in strict accordance with
the constitution. That letter was dated the 16th April,
and on the 24th of March, stimulated, no doubt, by the
successful example of Paris, there was an attempt
ttetTl danger
t at in-
r
aurrection in Madrid, but it was put down,
broken
out and be
alluded to by the Noble Viscount had
subdued. But notwithstanding the altered_ circum-
stances of the case, and after the danger which was ad•
wised to be guarded against had passed away, theßritish
Minister took upon himself to express his opinion as to
the time when the Cortes should be assembled, and the
course to be adopted by the Spanish Government. What
would be the indignation of this country if any foreign
government were to take upon itself to interfere with
our internal concerns or choose that manner? Had not
every country the right to its own form of government?
Was not that the principle known and recognised in this
country?—(Hear hear.) Supposing similar ads ice
hart
been tendered to the King of the French, that he should
have dismissed M. Guizet sod called another minister to
his councils? I!' such advice had been offered it was
plain where we should have found ourselves shortly
after. The pride and dignity of Spain were offended.
The motives urged by Mr. Bulwer in the commeeication
be forward, d were most objectionable, namely, that the
Queen of Spain was indebted ro the assistance of Englano
for the throne of Spain. It Nat impolitic, ungenerous, and
ill advised to urge such arguments even it' they were true
The assistance rendered to Queen Lab. IL was in
aid of a suffering people. HP h- ped that that effeesiv,
communication, ma le more off -reeve still by the circum-
stances under which it was offered, was capable ot
satisfactory explanation.—(Hear, hear.) It had been
addressed to, perhaps, the proudest and the haughtiest
Minister that Spain ever saw. The step was most in
judicious, and likely to prove anything but beneficial to
the. interests of this country. That dispatch bad pro-
duced the severest rebuff ever received by any British
Minister conducting the foreign affairs of this country,
The dispatch was returned unopened, as unworthy of
the sender. He knew not what it was the Government
intended. He did not believe that the dispatch was ever
communicated to any other member of the Government
of this country. He did the Government that justice.
They had no personal responsibility in this matter. The
coincidence attending this communication was also most
unfortunate. ller Majesty the Queen of Spain had just
conferred a high civil honour on Mr. Bul ver. He be-
lieved that the interference was unwarrantable. He
concluded by moving for the production of copies ot
correspondence between her Majesty's Secretary ot
State for Foreign Affairs and the Government of Spain.
dated March 16, 1848, and April 10, 1848; and alt
subsequent correspondence,
The LORD CHANCELLOR having put the quesaufi,

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE rose and said—My
Lords, I do not mean to follow the Noble Lord through
the great variety of topics which he has connected with
his motion—l shall confine myself to the subject of the
motion exclusively, and shall not enter into any of the
details connected with those topics into which I do not
consider it necessary to enter at the present moment.
inasmuch as I am prepared to lay upon your Lordships'
table that very correspondence which has just formed
the subject of the Noble Lord's speech.—(Hear, hear.)
I shall, therefore—without meaning any disrespect to
the Noble Lord or to your Lordships' House—abstain
altogether from any observations upon the speech of the
Noble Lord, contenting myself by referring your Lord-
ships at once to those papers which I am about to lay
upon the table, and which will be immediately placed in
your Lordships' hands, because I think that these papers
will speak fur themselves, and will give the most perfect
elucidation of all the Acts to which the Noble
Lord had alluded. I feel, however, my Lords, that I
ought not to allow even this evening to pass by without
making some observations in respect to what has just
fallen from the Noble Lord, and some endeavour to put
your Lordships in possession of a correct statement of
facts.—(Hear, hear.) First, then, as regards the state
of facts as they exist, and as the papers I shall now lay
before you wilt prove to exist. My Lords, it is quite
true that a communication was made to our representa-
tive in Spain at the particular period, the date of which
the Noble Lord has correctly stated, from my Noble
Friend at the head of the Department for Foreign
Affairs in this country. It is true this communication
was made to Mr. Bulwer, the British Minister at S, air,,
having reference to what appeared to be the internal
state of that country. But here, in this very House,
the Noble Lord. in seeking to give effect to his
statement, has with great emphasis stated that this
was a communication which my Nob e Friend had
ordered to be in ide directly io the Snatish Government,
~Sy Lard this statement is a son's',
denial. emiti)s.) le: e (t)ona at.ion was not ordered
to be ma le at occe thrn:lSnputa.hteosth,
aGiovernment. It
was a cum nunicsaion made by of the depart-
ment for Foreign Aff drs to thheimrepiset,t,itative of Great
Britain in Spain, iostruteing
i the
nternal
affairsguge
which he was to hold with the
of hat country in his own e
Spini,h Government. But how dot-s my
Nobles w
i Friend
the
direct him to hold these communications.? The Noble
l
Lord may be in ignorance, and very naturally, no doubt,
is in ignorance. en this subject, because he h 55 most ti',
pro-
bably been led to mike this statement upon reading the
version he has seen given of this affair in the public
newspapers. These instructions have undouhtssty been
published ; but I know now how, nor from whence, nor
by what authority, they had appeared in a French news-
paper.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, had, however,
no other means of obtaining the inforesatien
upon which he has made his statement. Nuw
the French newspaper has cerraiols giren these
instructions very nearly verbatim, with the exception
of a very few words. But it happens that these few
words make, after all, the whole difference in the nature
of the charge which the Noble Lord has so unjustly
made.—(Hear, hear.) It is very easy, as the Noble
Lord knows, by the omission or the addition of certain
words, however tew they might be, in a public dispatch,
to alter the whole colouring, the essence and character
of that dispatch. It is obvious, whoev(r the person was
that had made such alteration—for I am far from be-
lieving that it was made by the Duke of Sotamayor, for
I believe this Nobleman to be wholly incapable of such
an act—but whoever was the correspondent of the
French newspaper at this time, it is obvious that either
he or his colleagues had intended that a certain im-
pression should be created contrary to what the ori-
ginali correspondence would have justified. This com-
ncation, it was said, had been made direct to the
Spanish Government. Now, I tell your Lordships
that when you come to see it you will find that it
sets out in the v
recting Mr. very first sentence with words di-
his sentiments to Bulwerthe Spanish
use his elf trts and to convey
eSpanish Government whenever
an opportunity occurred
negativing the very „ for doing it; thereby entirely
csition that it was intended to
be commenicated directlyuPsuppos dto the Spanish
as the Noble Lord Government,
Hear, hear.) My Noble
Friend beside me just sugegesyns,(lttiodme the fact that it was
in great measure wholly confidential; but whether it
was so or not, the expressions
that the o wh'eh I have just
t
alluded obviously imply communication
intended to be made directly
o the ruunication was not
meat. It is clear that if it were so i intended Govern_
language
of a totally different character would be
d.With
proud
every Government whether it be great or smuaslle.
humble, it is the duty of the Government of this ,
while they maintained relations of amity with et
oaddress them in terms of respect, in a manner thhunt ryr,
a °
m'
that
consistent with the maintenance of those relations,
a and
according as the law of nations and
Policy prescrities from
one st,t,. towards another.—(Hear. hear.) But I ray,
my Lords, that these instructions were intended, asYli
w appear oti looking at, those papers--were manifestly
intended; for Nil% Bulwer 's own guidance. That of itself
at once explains- what the Noble Lord seems to think
requires explanation..--(llear, hear.) Si) tar from this
communication being intewded by my Noble friend to be
made directly to the Spanisiv.Guyernment, they ,ere
instructions sent solely for the guidance of Mr. Bulwer
• and evidently received as such by that gentleman; for,
halt= his celiatistuiiceting at once aiitbstte Eta
...t e de

I Sotomayor on the day after he received the dispatch
• 1 from my Noble Friend, he-chose himself the moment for
addressing theiSpsnis tr Minister upon the subject. I can-
not, however, oso far as to say that Mr. Bu wer was
instructed to use the language and the expressions which
he had used on the occasion.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord
will, no doubt, ask why were the expressions communi-
cated in the precise form of words? Now, on that sub-
ject I am quite prepared, my Lords, to say—and I think
I am also speaking the feeling of this country generally
—I much lament that Mr. Bulwer had thought it right
in the exercise of his judgment to express himself
in the manner in which he had done to the Spanish
Minister; and I am far from thinking that he had
exercise a sound discretion in the language he
had made use of in his communication. lam not, how-
ever, disposed to judge with great rigour such au act
when called upon to weigh the conduct of a most able
and meritorious public st rvant, who was acquaioted with
the affairs of the country in which he discha.ged the high
and important duties of our representative for a period ot
Ciur years. I say, my Lords, that under such circum-
stances I have no wish arbitrarily to condemn any such
• step as that taken by Mr. Bulwer. The expressions
used by Mr. Bulwer, though perhaps manifesting a want
of judgment at the moment, should net be viewed.as the
result or any instructions which he had received from my.
Noble Friend. I, therefore, think that the observations
which have been made by the Noble Lord on this part
of the case fall to the ground. I now come to another
part of the Noble Lord's statement, wherein be charges
my Noble Friend with an improper interference with the
affairs of Sp case
and in respect to this part of the
beg to call your Lordships' attention to what the nature
of that interference was. This interference washnotwitF,
more than the expression of general symp .
a
the condition of Spain, arid an advice to theotbeen
for. Spanish
Government.—(Hear, hear.) That advice had t
e
given until it had been repeatedly askedWe were
in the habit of giving advice, and
.tthe
sSpaaineiswhaa, Govern-
wentthe
had frequently asked
fore, undoubtedly in a situatiofnortoireceivpeanyto adhevricweeirtii
a friendly spirit, which which. was tendered
the view to the paciticationoetffteheheteeacountry,
means
aas ofedtrhihlseeaarddvainitcage,
as we thought, to the most
bility and prosperity.—(Hear,
given in the spirit of hostility to the Spanish Govern.
meat ? No—it was obviously given for the purpose of
explaining the view entertained in respect to certain
transactions by the Government of this country, in order
that the Government of Spain might not be taken by
surprise hereafter. That advice and opinion so framed,
though it has been • said to have created great
difficulties in the way of a good understanding between
the two countries, Spain herself had again and again
stated to be indishpeeanrs.a)ble to her internal peace and pros-
MweyalLd Lords, Ihaddo'csoonmeeeivre, that
to complain if, after asking for our assistance—after tasroen.
43theerit4.—an(istilleGaro'vernment
questing information in respect to the quadruple treaty
as they had done—we refused or neglected to put them
in possession of the sentiments of this country. The
Noble Lord no doumbtierei wtna
for he was hi aempabretyrstweeill the terms of that
ttyr,dbSuTt lAwNasLEnYot—in Pasisrliaamen at partyt to the tripartite
treaty, the time the qua-
druple trtaty was effected.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—Our 'so-called in-
terference with the Spanish Government was merely
connected with our anxiety to uphold a constitutional
Government. When the Noble Lord makes a compari
son between the two countries, and says, .•` what would
be thought here if her Majesty was advised by the Spa-
nish Minister to change her Government, or to take
certain steps which were declared by him to be neces-
sary for the peace of the country?"—the Noble Lord•
should recollect that there was no such parallel in the
case; fur, as regards Spain, we were in the situation of
having not only been invited, but actually called upon to
eive our advice, and it was to that advice that Spain was
mainly indebted for-the establishment of a free govern-
ment —(Hear.) I again say that there is nothing in these
instructions showing anything like a spirit of direct in-
terference, or indicating any hostile intentions. On the
contrary, it is obvious that the advice there tendered
proceeded from an intimate and sincere conviction that
the course suggested would be the best far Spain herself
,o pursue; an advice, however, as appears by the papers,
which Span was at perfect liberty to adopt nr reject.
Trier.- are some points in respect to which I think the
Noble Lord might have spared his observat ons, as they
were not directly connected with the subject immedi-
ately before us. There is, how, ver, one point for re-
terring to which I ought to feel indebted to the Noble
Lord, inasmuch as it affords me the opportunity of
giving to the statement connected with it a distinct denial
—I mean the supposition which the Noble Lord scarcely
permitted himself to indulge in, that Mr. Bulwer had,
previous to lift' communicating the note in question to
the Spanish Government, caused that note, or the sub-
Aatice of it, to be printed in a Spanish newspaper.
Now, the only fact that can be alleged in support of
this supposition is this:—There was a paragraph in the
paper in question, intimating to the Spanish Govern-
ment that the British Government had expressed cer-
tain opinions in respect to the state of that country.
At the time this paragraph appeared the note in ques-
tion had not been de.ermined on nor written ; and I
am distinctly authorised by a statement of Mr. Bulwer
himself to declare that at the time there was no inten-
tion of writing that note; and that the assertion of the
paper was merely one of those assumptions Which,
whether they be right or wrong, newspapers of all
countries occasionally indulge in.—(Hear, bear.) There
was no foundation at the time for this statement, which
by mere accident anticipated in some respect what
actually occurred. There is no doubt if Mr. Bulwer had
in rho grin- iWL UiaJ eu hius he iv vula liar. but is
guilty of the grossest of all improprieties, not so much as
regarded the person for whom the note was intended,
but in reference to the country which he represented.
In justice, then, to Mr. Bulwer, I can assure your Lord-
ships that he had made no such communication, and I be-
lieve by this time the Duke de Sotomayor himself is fully-
convinced of the falsehood of this statement, inas-
much as I understand Mr. Bulwer has recently re-
ceived a letter from him, acquitting him of any such •
misconduct. A rumour has, however, undoubetly ex-
isted, which has reached the ears of the Noble Lord, and
has been circulated by the press of this country, as well as •
elsewhere, giving currency to this charge. In the same
way was it a short time ago confidently asserted that
two members of an illustrious family, though entitled
to more consideration from their misfortunes, had been
obliged to leave this country suddenly on account of the
expressed wish of the Sovereign of this country, under
the a ivice of my Noble Friend the Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs. Now I desire to take this oppor-
tunity of saying, that no such disrespect was ever in- I
tended or expressed—no such disrespect was ever shown.
My Noble Friend had no opportunity, if he were
even inclined, to give her Majesty any such
advice. Her Majesty, in the exercise of her charac-
teristic generosity of feeling which belongs to her
at all times, of which so many persons illustrious
by their position and character have been induced to par-
take, had manifested to these two illustrious individuals I
nothing but sentiments of generous feeling and hospitali- y.
—(Hear, hear.) It did so happen that the Duke and I
Dwhess tie Montpensitr, who had previously been re-
siding with r Majesty, and had experienced her kind
attentions, did omit a compliance with the ettqut tte
usual on such occasions. and, without any previous no ice
to her Majesty of their intention, took their departure
from this country. Under the circumstances of their
approaching departure or stay it was natural that upon
such an occasion, and on such an interview, she should •
be accompanied or attended by his Roy al Highness
Prince Albert, or the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, or both, and to my knowledge the Secretary of
State was at his own house ready to repair immediately
to the palace.

Lord S TAN LEY here interrupted the Noble Mar-
quis, for the purpose of ohs.-rvitig, that in no part of his
observations had he adverted in any way to the subject
to wiich the Noble L- rd was now referring. 1k had
alluded to a rumour that objections had been taken to
thou Duke and Duchess of li.aitpensier going directly
from this c.,untry to Spain, but he had in no way ad-
verted to the circumstance the Noble Lord was now re-
ferring to.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was glad to hear the
Noble Lord's statement; but the Noble Lord must be
aware that the report in question had been very induz-
triously circulated, and he (Lord L insdowne) had
thought it only rig ht and proper to take the earliest
Ipportunity that appeared to t tier of moat distinctly
and emphatically declaring that no disrespect had been
in ended, and that no disrespect had been shown.
With reesrd to the lust stieg4tion referred to by the
Noble Lord, that
mob,jgetions had been made to the Duke
puernsier
abnAdiebviu•etehetlof rumour rested restgedoiuognat a°"leikteo Spain,
authority'.
or 1 thye.
tunladttenrosw
in rodu,ceifor one moment only, to
Lord
policy
otherii e
w o
aidntossidthtehatNaobplreineLipoiredo'st
L. anrshdepo ewNrnvoa)bdleetdeltthteh
at
interferenceseech
i sof the Government. He
was an unjust charge,
but at the same time he must express his opinion that,
loaf, the world was
.icl not to shrink
where the preservation of the
concerned, it was the duty otpeEance
from the responsibilities of interference 4 ,hand of this he
was sure, that his Noble Friend at the
affairs had often been the means of delayingwesardsaonfdh.pfourtetiigung
an end to those disputes, differences, and
pervaded parts of Europe. He might refer towevieerhynoonwe
[ of those Italian sovereigns to whom the Noble Lord had
I referred, and who would bear willing testimony to the
value of the advice his Noble Friend had given on fre-
quent occasions, and to its importance in preventing out-
breaks and disturbances between nations having adverse
and conflicting interests. The mediation of England had
been frequently offered, and was frequently sought for,
and be trusted as lung as England maintained her posi-
tion among nations her influence would be exerted for
the promotion of those great principles which she had
laid down as her system of policy and action. Beyond
the limits of legitimate interference he hoped and be-
lieved she would never go.
Lord BROUGHAM rejoiced this motion had been
brought forward, because it had given her Majesty's
Government an opportunity of explaining what the facts
were. The omission of the works which opened the
dispatch gave a perfectly different aspect to the whole
affair, and entirely concluded the question, as far as her
Majesty's Government were concerned, and only left
them to regret that Mr. Bulwer had, with singular Indis-
e,f"ton, laid the dispatch bodily before the Duke de
,-, ,tomayor, instead of taking an opportunity of con-
,v,,,vrt.iin.f caludy with him on the sutject. Fur his
by"" W 55 %Li tbruiet
i_
nvp„rart, he saw no objection to giving friendly advice,
ately adrhini,,,erud to a Government situated as
tim
wtit,erdres., w:eirfeattitmoepspi ,arntudnisreyasotff'nesrs'f'"wr.earlel
nut to be taken t
paper,. wdt,,,,
and mean "if you have a sheet of white
Lot d ): a teaspoonful of i.,k."—(Laughter.)
Even i
France erston had, More the late untoward
ever
t% fio
,nd
riieugtested to the Marquis of Nor-
manby to advise
the
rtnch Government on their pro-
ceedings, he
applauded hire, ind grog
imotticigh.aTa)veshcooutildsidtaedve
himgr theeatly