The Sun.
London, England, 1870-11-18 00:00:00

OUR COTEM

--This iViorßing

THE EASTERN (41JESTION.
The Times, in considering the Russian diplomatic
circular, says present fatal war, of which we all
deprecate the continuances, has not very greatly affected.
the general position. Russia cannot be stronger than
all Europe. If the drift of Prince Gortscha-
koff's note is to go back to the pretensions
which seemed to be abandoned after the fall of Sebastopol
—if Russia's aim is the destruction of the Ottoman
ranpire and the absorption on her part of tile
Danubian Principalities and the Straits, there is no doubt
that all Europe must, in self-defence, combine against
Russia. Dynastic sympathies and mutual obligations
would be of no avail. Whoever may happen to be on Rus-
sia's side at the outset-could scarcely fail to to turn against
her in the end. Russia in possession of the Straits invalves'a
question vital to us all. The Cabinet of St. Petersburg must.
well consider the consequences of its own act. Russiahaa
not as yet actually increased her naval forces in the Blaak.
Sea ; she has only attempted to vindicate her right to do
so ; and at the very moment that she announces a settled.
and, to all appearance, irrevocable resolution she is
anxious to disclaim any intention of again raising the
Eastern question, and professes the utmost zeal for the
preservation and consolidation of peace. But her very
eagerness to deprecate any sinister construction that may
be put upon her act proves a consciousness on her part
that the right she claims to violate the neutrality
of the Black Sea, and to keep an unlimited
naval armament in its waters, does, indeed,
amount to an actual revival of the Eastern
Question, and constitutes a positive breach of the in-
ternational peace. It would be impossible to convey the
mind of the English people on the subject, in more
firm • and distinct and, at the same time, more
I sober and conciliatory terms than those used by
Lord Granville. It is not the matter, but the
manner of the Russian Circular which, has given
difenoe ; but it is difficult to say to what extent the
manner is intended to aggravate the matter—to what
extent an apparently inoffensive proposal is made in a
tone purposely studied to give offence. There is every
appearance of Russia seeking a quarrel.
The anti-Russian feeling in England, dying away
under the influent* of new ideas of policy, the Daily
News remarks, was fast becoming an obsolete prejudice,
when the action of the Iniperial Government has
suddenly revived it in more than its wonted
strength. The circular of Prince Gortschakoff
forces upon those who hoped and wished for
better things the doubt whether, after all, the
great semi-Asiatic Power which occupies Eastern
Europe really belongs to our international system, as ac-
knowledging the common obligations of Christian and
civilized nations. Turkey was comparatively the other day
brought within the public law of Europe. Russia seems
disposed to banish herself from it. A Power which dis-

cards its most solemn pledges ae soon as an opportunity
offers, peg far to place itself beyond the range of
diplomatic intercourse. A nation which does not
acknowledge the force of Treaties can only be dealt with
by force of arms, if it is to be dealt with at all. The cool
announcement which Prince Gortschakoff makes, that
the Emperor of Russia withdraws from that part of the
Treaty of 1856 so far as it restricts the rights of his
eovereignty in the Black sea—that is to say,
that he declares to fulfil the conditions by which he
purchased peace fourteen years ago—stands almost alone
in reeent times in its flagrant violation of personal and
political good faith. A celebrated monarch once declared
that if honour fled !men all the world she should find a
refuge in the bosom of khigs, We would advise her,
if Prince Gortschakoff's despatch really represents
the deliberate purpose of his august master, not
to seek for a lodging in the breast of the Emperor of
Russia, which is occupied, it would seem, by a tenant of
a very different sort, with whom honour cannot take up
her abode. For fourteen years Russia has observed
the Treaty. Did she do so because it was a
Treaty to which she had set her seal, or because
she was not ,strong enough to break it? If she answers
the former question in the affirmative, she pronounces
her own condemnation no If she replies " Yes " to•
the second, she confesses to a course of perfidy meditated
while the promise was on her lips.
At present, declares the Standard, the chief source of
danger undoubtedly is lest, by our mild and pleasant
manner of speaking, we may lead the continental rowers
to believe that England means never more to ,take up
arms in any cause. Nothing can be more fatal to our
national interests—more injurious to the cause
of peace that such an opinion ; and yet
we perceive that it is an opinion which is
universal throughout Europe. The foreign press
whether Russian, Austrian, or Prussian, are fully per-
suaded that England will not go to war upon any provo-
cation. We shall be fortunate if Lard Granville's
note succeeds in removing this universally preva-
lent impression from the European mind, or
otherwise there is no chance of our escaping war.
Already the affair has advanced so far that the pros-
pects of wiser counsels prevailing in Russia seem to
be almost hopeless. To recede from her present
position is for Russia to inour all the damage and disgrace
of an open defeat. To hold to the terms of her challenge
means war immediate and direct. We scarcely need to
be told that the Sultan is resolved upon an energetic
resistance to the Russian demands. It is impossible
that he can consent to throw open the Eastern gate of
Constantinople to his hereditary enemy. It is
equally impossible that England can refuse to help
him to maintain that which is the sole useful result of the
bloody and costly war of 1854-55. The affair may yet be
susceptible of arrangement on terms satisfactory to
the great Powers, and not damaging to the prestige
of Russia. But we confess we see but small grounds
of belief in a pacific solution. Russia can hardly with-
draw from a position which she would not have taken
up without due deliberation, and upon a full calcula-
tion of all the risks she had to encounter and all the
help she had to expect. We do not yet know what is the
nature of the help expected, and it may be that the Czar
has interpreted certain promises too literally, or that
he has prematurely reckoned on them. It is
possible that Prussia herself is disgusted with this
untimely or too broad exploitation of the plot, and
it is probable that she will have quite enough on her
hands without taking part in an Eastern war. That
Russia should venture single-handed to encounter the
joint forces of Turkey, England, Austria, and Italy,
with, probably, the addition of the Scandinavian Powers,
would appear to be madness ; but there may be more
method in it than we suspect.
The Telegraph, considering the terms of Gortschakoff's
circular, the advisability of a Congress, and the possible
gain to Bismarck if he could but divert the gaze of
Europe from Paris to the East, says it is not possible that
Count Bismarck might even prefer the certainty of solid
securities to the doubtful gain of two implacable pro-
vinces? The cry, however, for Alsace and Lorraine has
become so loud and vehement in Germany that even the
Chancellor himself might now be unable to insist on
silence. Suppose, however, the Great Powers, who have
hitherto remained neutral, to arm in hostile array, Count
Bismarck would easily persuade his countrymen of the
danger that must ensue to the Fatherland from extending
the area of warlike operations. Germany would hardly
relish the appearance of a fresh enemy in the field ;
and before so great a danger Alsace and Lor-
raine would probably have less bewitching charms in
the eyes of their lovers across the Rhine. From a new
point of view Count Bismarck might step out among the
nations in the character of peacemaker, and as the advo-
cate of a European Congress. Turkey has
already broached the idea, and there is little
doubt that England, wiser than she was when
Lord Russell too summarily rejected Napoleon's
proposal seven years ago, would at this moment receive it
with a different tone from that of contemptuous disdain.
An armistice between Prussia and France, with a general
Congress for its basis, would be pretty sure to prepare for
a peace built on a firmer foundation than any that the
Germans can extort at the point of the sword. It
is possible, then, though we do not put forward
the view either as official or authoritative, that the
Russian circular has been written more in view of a
Congress than in prospect of war. In the absence of a
written engagement, Count Bismarck would find it easy
to advise the withdrawal of Prince Gortchakoff's des-
patch as a preliminary to the consideration of Russia's
complaints. Such a step would probably not be very
palatable to the Imperial Chancellor ; but he might
take comfort in the reflection, as he looks on the records
of the past, that he was not the first diplomatist whom a
brother statesman had outwitted. Meantime, the duty of
England is perfectly clear. Active and immediate pre-
paration is our business. The. Executive is bound to aid
T.lour military and naval departments with unwavering
resolve and generous confidence.
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