The Sun.
London, England, 1870-06-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JUNE 13; 1870.

THE PURIFICATION OF THE BALLOT
BOX.

GENERAL O'NEILL INTERVIEWED.

The New York papers just received are full of details
of the closing scenes of the Fenian raid. They are unani-
mous in ridiculing it as a complete fiasco, and although
they are inclined to be a little satirical at the expense of
the Canadians, " whose bodies fright has no doubt made
as blue as their noses," they waste very little sympathy
on the discomfited Hiberuians. An anecdote is told of
an Arneriean unacquinted with the broguewho stood read-
ing a Fenian placard headed imposingly " Erin-go-
bragh." " Good Heavens !" he exclaimed, mistaking the
word "they have precious little to brag about." The morti-
fication of a group of Irish bystanders was very great
The New York herald of thel3oth ult, says :

The bill to enforce the fifteenth amendment has finally
lamed the house, and will in all likelihood be ap-
moved by the President. Thus it becomes a, law after a

long and thorough ventilation in both branches of Con -
grtss, and by the general press of the country. It pro-
vides substantially a thorough protection of the ballot
box from frauds. It imposes heavy penalties not only on
fraudulent voters, but on all alders and abettors in fraud
at elections ; on the judges and inspectors who knowingly
refuse to receive honest votes or knowingly receive dis-
honest ones ; on any person who attempts by bribery,
intimidation, or threats to prevent any one from voting or
from doing any of the acts necessary to qualify him to
vote, and on any person who shall oppress or injure
another on account of his vote. It gives to
United States marshals the power to arrest
persons for such offences, and United States
courts the power to try them; and it gives the President
authority to enforce the execution of judicial processes
under the Act by the employment of the naval and mili-
tary forces. It provides that any person, a candidate,
who has been deprived of his election by reason of the
denial to any citizens of the right to vote, may bring suit
to recover his office in Federal or State courts, as he may
choose. It provides also penalties against persons who
accept offices knowing themselves to be ineligible, and
abolishes special State taxes on Chinese immigrants. The
bill, it will be seen, is broad as the I inion in its provi-
sions. It protects the darky down South, the Chinamen
on the Pacific coast, and the honest vote in New York
city. While it is purely a party measure and has been
passed in both Houses by a purely party vote, it
is broad enough and long enough to cover both
parties,. and will in its provisions operate impar-
tially and faithfully for a pure ballot box, without re-
gard to political complexion. The penalties imposed
by it are severe, but they are aimed at crimes which
need severe punishment. We have so long been under
the rule of the party roughs of this city that we shall have
reason. to rejoice if the bill becoming a law is rigidly
enforced, and none but the party roughs or the political
organisations dependent on fraudulent elections for success
are apt to regret it. Especially will the bill serve to secure
the purification of the ballot box if the uniform Naturali-
sation Bill now pending in the Senate is also passed. The
latter gives the power of naturalisation into the hands of
the United States courts and specifies that a foreigner
cannot vote within less than six months of the date of his
naturalisation. The two bills, it is therefore obvious, are
admirably calculated, besides the service they may render
the newly made voters of another race and complexion,
to rid New York of the infamous frauds so long imposed
on honest voters by the hurried naturalisation of all the
newly arrived foreign element a few days before election,
and the repeating and intimidation practised by ruffianly
voters and ruffianly inspectors at the polls.—New York
Herald.

The great chieftain O'Neill is still in the Burlington
jail, and the chalices for his obtaining the requisite
$20,000 bail are exceedingly small. If, however he should
be given his liberty he would fare hard if he fell into the
hands of the men whom he so stupidly betrayed. Some
of them when leaving St. Albans last night, after cheering
the citizens here, indulging in a song of the John Brown
refrain, with the words os " We will hang General O'Neil
to a sour apple tree, as we go marching home."

As a matter of course, O'Neill, having attained such
sudden celebrity, has been " interviewed " by a corre-
spondent of the adventurous New Y ork Herald. General
O'Neill, says his visitor, is apparently about 36 years of
age, is short and strongly built, has an unreadable, impas-
sable countenance, denoting determination, and a very
gentlemanly and quiet demeanour. He speaks with a
strongly Celtic accent and measured deliberation. About
the first words the General uttered were a severe con-
demnation of the reports of the engagements at Franklin,
where he was made a captive by United States Marshal
Foster, as the accounts were published in the New York
papers. He stated emphatically that these reports were
erroneous in many particulars.
Correspondent : General, you can give me a brief
sketch of the initiatory proceedings whence sprung the
invasion ?

General O'Neill: Yes, sir. This movement on the
Canadian frontier has long been contemplated, and I have
carefully considered the subject for two years. You re-
member the attack and battle at Fort Erie in 1866, in
which the Fenians were victors. I saw at that time that
Irish troops on Canadian soil would fight with desperatio a
and courage, and that carefully organised and properly
disciplined they would prove valiant soldiers. At that
time we failed because our men did not have arms and
ammunition. That was all they needed ; so since that
date I have been busy collecting twenty thousand stand
of arms and in perfecting the organisation of the Bro-
therhood to get the entire order throughout the country to
understand that we must have troops, means for trans-
portation, and quick, decisive movements up to the inva-
sion. All the territory was carefully mapped out and
every projected movement was so timed that the occupa-
tion of Canada was to be simultaneous and
general alonc, the line. I expected on Tuesday last
to have had' sixteen hundred men at Franklin, by
Wednesday noon over 1,000 more were to report
there. Every precaution had been taken to impose
secrecy, and though the country is flooded with a sea of
British spies, not one detail of the plans was divulged.
Thus both Governments were blinded. It was as much
our object to evade the United States authorities as it was
to battle with the Canadians. The assertion of General
Sherman that we intended to compromise this country
with England is therefore untrue. We had no such ob-
ject most of us having fought in the United States
armies. Our end was simply to liberate Ireland, through
Canada as a base of operations. I was to begin the
assault on Canadian territory with 1,600 troops. Even if
only 800 arrived I foresaw that they would be ample to
take a position with, and this was all we wanted at the
outset, as many of the promised troops were veterans. I
knew that they would make a good beginning. This, you
see, was all that we wanted. Once established
a permanent footing in _ British America and in-
trenched in a strong position, and 100,000 Fenians will
rush to the front. It was my duty to form the
nucleus, and the service was very critical, and the
slightest mismove would prove disastrous. This I
foresaw, and planned accordingly. To begin a military
enterprise of this kind one thing should be kept in mind
—the influence of the results upon public sentiment. A
brilliant beginning promised us much from the American
people, who have generally been very friendly to the
movement. I then decided to move on Franklin with
1,600 men, this point to be the main objective one.
Minor and supplementary movements were to be made
at Malone, and they were simple decoys. The Red River
detachment was included in the campaign under my direc-
tion. Well, on Tuesday last, the Fenian Brotherhood
began to send men forward, and the country was soon
aroused. Instead of the one thousand men I expected at
Franklin from Boston, one hundred and forty came, and
instead of the six hundred from Northern New York and
Vermont, only sixty-five reported for duty. In time the
local authorities offer various explanations and excuses for
-being dilatory. They say that they could not transport
the men. The troops did not come as they should. In-
stead of 3,000 on Wednesday I had 300. With these men
(emphatically) I had to move forward, for the United
States authorities were at my heels, and Marshal Foster
was in my camp, watching me closely. I planned an
immediate advance. The Marshal came into camp, but
he dare not undertake to thwart me. Surrounded
by my soldiers I would not have submitted to an
arrest. I regretted very much the necessity of
having to act with such an insignificant force, but
I could not help it. The men were not at hand, and
before me was a hostile country with hostile troops, and
behind me the United States authorities, each waiting to
overthrow us, and here you see the fault of the entire
expedition. The men and those who forwarded them did
not have a proper appreciation of the value of time. Every
moment is victory in such an emergency. Soldiers must
always be prepared at least twenty-four hours before an
important march. Of course, then, I did not expect or
desire a fight ; but I wanted to retrench on Canadian soil,
and get our material across the line, then to find out the
number and position of the Canadian troops, as we had
no considerable force. A general engagement was out of
the question. My plan was to execute a flank movement,
by falling on the enemy's left with 200 veterans, and then
attacking him desperately in front. Could we have done
that, as we would with a sufficient force, we would have
whipped or captured the Canadian troops. The troops I
had were mostly raw, not fit for a flank movement. When
within a short distance of the enemy, who was advanta-
geously posted on a hill in front of us, I sent out a skirmish
company to draw his fire and ascertain more correctly his
strength and position. In a few moments most of the
skirmishers returned under a brisk fire from the enemy.
I was then at Richardson's house, close by the skirmish
line, with some sixty men. About one half the command
was ordered up a steep hill to the left of the road facing
the enemy, and returned the fire, but without effect. I
then left the house. Leaving General J. J. Donnelly in
charge, I ascended the hill under the enemy's fire for the
purpose of keeping the men in order and directing their
fire. If they had been old soldiers I would have at-
tempted the flank movement with them, but they were
not, or at least they did not appear as if they were, and
after having them fall back a short distance I sent two
messengers to hurry up the me mn fro New York, whom I
knew were close by. Fearing that the delay would give
the enemy time to bring up his reinforcements I started
myself, in company with Boyle O'Reilly, to hurry our
men up, in order to give a speedy and decisive turn to the
conflict, which was nothing more than a tussle between
the skirmish lines. Just about half way between the
lines in front and the men coming up, and on the road I
was arrested by Marshal Foster and his deputy, who called
the citizens about the vicinity to assist hind. All other
accounts of my arrest are false. The Marshal told me
he had pre-arranged for my arrest, and that he had sought
for the assistance he had employed before the fatal event
took place. This unfortunate accident was decisive for
bad. Had it not occurred, I believe ten thousand men
would flood Canadian soil to-day. The events that fol-
lowed were even more disastrous. General Donnelly was
badly wounded and incapacitated for service. Then the
ranking officer should have commanded. But nothing of
the kind was attempted. There was lamentable want of
judgment and military decision with those remaining in
charge, and our success at St. Albans and vicinity was
killed.
Correspondent : How about the charges against you by
the Fenians and press?
General O'Neill : They are false. lam devoted to Ire-
Wild, and my record proves how much of a coward I am.
Every reporter on the field sent me this letter. [Here
General O'Neill drew out a letter signed by the reporters
present at the fight, in which they affirmed his military
capacity, order, good judgment, watchfulness, and exem-
plary conduct.] As for the men, they don't understand
matters. They know nothing of organisation and law,
and suppose it the simplest thing in the world to invade
a hostile country. Soldiers need patience as well as
courage. I simply ask the American people to suspend
their judgment of my actions, and await investigation,
which will be soon. I tell you " emphatically " the
facts are not known. They will transpire in their own
good time.
Correspondent : What was the ultimatum of this inva-
sion?
General O'Neill : The liberation of Ireland. Canada
was to be our fortress and Ireland our field. Had we
effected a permanent hold at Franklin, got our troops to-
gether in fine condition, 50,000 men would surely have
followed. We would have subsisted upon the farmers and
products of that country. Many promises from Irishmen
of wealth throughout the Union were made tendering
large sums of money in case of success. No campaign
ever had a more auspicious promise.
Correspondent : You say there was no intention
of complicating the -United States authorities, diplo-
matically?
General O'Neill : None. We wished to avoid precisely
that, for this was important in order to secure public
sympathy. Evasion of, and not resistance to, the United
States was our policy.
Correspondent : Is the Fenian cause killed?
General O'Neill : Not dead. It can never die as long
as Ireland is what it is. True, men will not gather weak-
ness and disgust from this invasion, but, profiting by
mistakes will await a renewed effort against British
tyranny. Time will bring wonders. This invasion will
teach a severe lesson to England. It shews she has
powerful and confident foes. Let her take care. I shall
soon publish an official report of the whole proceedings,
and address Americans as to the feasibility of conquering
Canada. This is the only authentic statement I
have made, except to a reporter from Chicago this
morning.
Your correspondent here submitted the interview in
manuscript, and General O'Neill pronounced it correct in
every particular. From what I could observe, I judge
General O'Neill to be a cool, clear-headed, executive
man, who is under-estimated in the public mind. In
person and manner he resembles General Grant.