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PRICE 5d

PRESENTATION OF ADDRESSES
TO LORD MELBOURNE.
(Abridged from the Derby Reporter.)
Monday last being the day fixed for the presentation
of the Addresses to Lord Melbourne, a numerous party
of gentlemen and tradesmen left Derby at eleven o'clock
in the morning, in carriages and on horseback for Mel-
bourne Hall. The weather, on the whole, was tolerably
favourable, though too severe to allow of some, who were
desirous of Joining the cavalcade, to attend the presenta-
tion ; as it was, however, there was a very numerous and
highly respectable and influential deputation, and, we
believe, far exceeded, in respect of numbers, his Lord-
ship s expectations.
The deputation from Derby halted on the hill near the
Sir Francis Burdett public-house on this side of Mel-
bourne, to await the procession from that place. which
shortly afterwards arrived, headed by Samuel Robinson,
Esq., and other gentlemen and inhabitants on horseback
and on foot, and proceeded by bands of music and ban-
ners. The Derby party fell into the ranks, and the whole
then proceeded to Melbourne. As the procession ap-
proached Lord Melbourne, accompanied by the Hon.
W. Cowper, drove to the place selected for the presenta-
tion in his carriage, and as the different parties took
their stations, acknowledged their greeting very cheer-
fully.
Dr. FORESTER then presented the address from the
borough of Derby, and Mr. 'Limns that from Mel-
bourne, to which his Lordship made the following reply :
Gentlemen—Both to you who have done me the great
honour to come hither from the enlightened and opulent
town of Derby, and to you who are my immediate neigh-
bours and friends in this place and in its vicinity, I am
anxious to express the deep sense of satisfaction with
which I receive this testimony of your confidence and
approbation. It is very natural that you should revert
to, and I have great gratification in remembering, the
autumn of the year 1834, when I had the honour of re-
ceiving you, in this very place, upon a similar occasion.
Some of those who now stand before me were then pre-
sent; and they will probably recollect that I took the
liberty of pressing upon them the necessity of union and
concord, and of warning them that, considering the na-
tural strength, and the compact array of the adversary,
there was no hope of success except in combined and
unanimous exertion.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")—
Those sentiments were, as I flattered myself, received
at that time with concurrence and approbation. They
were more than approved. They were adopted and
acted upon, and the usual consequence of success ensued.
—(Cheers.) Since that time, in other parts of the
country, discords and differences of opinion have arisen,
which have also been followed by their natural and ne-
cessary consequences, defeat and failure.—(Hear, hear.)
It gives me, therefore, great satisfaction to find that in
your address you repeat and confirm that opinion, by
stating that "in a free and enlightened nation the firm
and united voice of the people, when constitutionally
directed to just and legitimate objects, cannot long be re-
sisted." You are right, Gentlemen. Union alone is ir-
resistible, and union can only be ensured by the choice
of defined objects, not doubtful, speculative, and hazard-
ous, but dictated by reason, approved by experience,
and of a practicable character.—(Hear, and cheers.)
I have the more pleasure in referring to that former pe-
riod, because I have to render you the justice of declaring
that you have acted entirely up to the principles which
you then professed. Whether we have done our duty or
not, you have done yours. In the exercises of your rights
and franchises you have given to the Government which
you approved a steady, firm, unvarying support, and I
cannot refrain from observing that if the same consistent
line of conduct had been pursued by other constituencies,
the result of the late political contest would have been
different from that which has taken place.—(Loud cheers.)
Both the addresses contain expressions of kindly feel-
ings towards myself personally, by which I am sensibly
touched. More than seven years have now elapsed
since that month of November, 1834, to which I have
already so often recurred, and the progress of time has
brought upon me, what it must bring upon all, im-
paired strength, less buoyant spirits, and diminished
powers of exertion. The consciousness of this decline
naturally renders me less ambitious of undertaking a
post of so much labour, such heavy responsibility, and
such unceasing anxiety as that which I have lately held;
but the deep debt of gratitude which I owe to my Sove-
reign and my country will not permit me to withdraw
myself from their service, nor to refuse any task which
may appear likely to conduce to their interest and wel-
fare.—(Loud cheers.) The great questions relating
to the commerce and revenue ef the country, which
were in appearance the causes of the dissolution of
of the late Ministry remain yet to be determined.
The financial difficulties of the State have not been the
work of this or of that Administration; they have been
foreseen, or rather they have existed, ever since, and
indeed long before, the termination of the great war with
France in 1815, and they are the consequence of a long
series of events, of which it is vain now to inquire, ex-
cept as a lesson for the future, whether they could have
been avoided or prevented. The state of trade, foreign
and domestic, and the severe distress which prevails in
many of the manufacturing districts, although I should
lenient that they should be exaggerated for political
purposes, and employed as grounds ,and reasons for
political change, yet imperiously demand the most se-
rious and immediate attention of the Government and
the Legislature.--(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") It
was our opinion that the measures which we proposed,
and which you have enumerated, were calculated at once
to supply the pecuniary deficiency and to relieve the
commercial embarrassment. We proposed them in good
faith—(Cheers)—and for my own part with the expec-
tation that the greater portion of them would have re-
ceived the sanction of Parliament. They were opposed
entirely. A distinct declaration of want of confidence
in the Administration was carried in the House of
Commons. We advised an appeal to the people,
which was made, and has been decided against us.
It will now be for her Majesty's present advisers to bring
forward upon their part such plans as they may think
better suited to the circumstances of the times. And it
will be for your representatives to consider those plans
with reference to, andiin comparison with, the measures
which we submitted to the last Parliament. I can only
say that for myself they shall receive a full and fair con-
sideration, and that, as far as in me lies, I will do to
others that justice which I hold to have been denied to
me and my colleagues, and in being denied to us, to
have also been denied to the country.—(Loud cheers.)
Three cheers for the Queen,' and three cheers for
" Lord Melbourne and Reform," having been given, his
Lordship accompanied by the deputation proceeded to
the hall, where upwards of 200 gentlemen partook of a
sumptuous dejeune a la fourchette ; after which they
took leave of his Lordship, who, during the whole pro-
ceedings, behaved with the greatest affability towards all.
We calculate the number present during the presenta-
tion at between one and two thousand.

The press cannot accept this position. Writers who
take part in daily discussions owe to their country and
to themselves to resist, by every legal means, this new
system of intimidation. They will resist.
" Since the last elections every ➢Ministry, with the ex-
ception of the existing one, have engaged to reform the
laws of September. The public wish calls for a change
proportioned to the extent of the evil. We shall pursue it.
" The Ministry may continue the desperate struggle in
which it is at present engaged with all the forces of
power—the press will not recoil before the chances of
the combat. whatever these may be. Right and modera-
tion are and will remain upon our side—we will fulfil a
mission, the severity as well as the greatness of whick
we fully recognise—we will go to the uttermost limits,
for we have confidence in our cause as well as in tho
energy of public spirit. Whenever power has declared
deadly war against, it is not the press which has perished.
" In circumstances so solemn and so critical, it has ap-
peared to us necessary to make known to the public,
whose suffrage sustains us, and whose sentiments we be-
..

lieve we represent, that osr faith in the great principles
we defend is not shaken.
" We declare then—

" With the Charter, that 'the French have the right
to publish and to print their opinions, conforming them-
selves to the laws ;'

" With the Article 69 of the same Charter, that 'the
judging of offences of the press belongs exclusively to
the Jury ;'
" With the Constitution of 1791, that no man can bo
pursued by reason of the writings which he has published,
unless he has designedly provoked disobedience to the laws.
" With the Article 202 of the Penal Code, that pro-
vocation, to be made a crime or an offence, must be direct,'
and not the result of a connection, more or less arbitrary,
between a fact and the writings which have preceded or
accompanied this fact.
" With the Article 60 of the Penal Code, that there
cannot exist complicity where there is no knowledge
of a plot.
" With MM. Royer Collard, Odilon Barrot, Lamar-
tine, Berryer, Dufaure, and Dupin, that it is not wise
to give judicial attributes to a political body, and that, in
making the Chamber of Peers a Court for judging the
press, its sincer:ty has been compromised, as well as the
force of our opinions.
" With citizens of all opinions, that the degree of
liberty at which a people has arrived may be judged by
the degree of liberty which its press enjoys, and that in
this respect France, since 1830, has positively retrograded.
" In fine, that this is a point on which all can agree—
writers, electors, deputies, and citizens of every class.
It is a duty to refuse concurrence to the policy of any
Administration which will not repair the attempts made
against public rights by the laws of September, as well
as by the last decree of the Court of Peers.

"In presence of this situation, we appeal to the
Chamber of Deputies—we hope that it will rise to the
duty which circumstances impose upon it.
" And if, contrary to all•expectation, it fails to do its
duty, we shall appeal to the electoral body which is in-
vested with political rights, well convinced that it will
not forget the 66th article of the same Charter which
which has confided the rights of the press, as well as all
other rights consecrated by the Charter to the patriotism
and courage of the National Guards and of all French
citizens.

About a fortnight ago, a farmer of Montredgar,
in the Loire, whether out of a joke, or with an intent to
steal, cannot be known, took away the horse of a neigh-
bour, named Desremont3, from the door of a public
house, where its master was drinking. Being informed
of what had taken place, Desremonts sallied forth in
pursuit, and was soon perceived by him who had got
the horse. The latter left the beast, and ran off, but
was overtaken by his pursuer, with a knife in his hand,
and was struck down with a severe wound. Recovering
himself, he again ran off, followed by Desremonts, re-
peatedly :plunging the knife into his victim's loins, and
having once more got him down, buried the weapon in the
poor man's bowels, and left him dead. Taking his horse,
Desremonts returned to the public-house, and, showing his
bloody hands, boasted of what he Lad done, then paid his
score, rode home, went to bed, and slept soundly till morn-
ing. A little reflection, however, induced him to set his af-
fairs in order, and leave the house. Gendarmes have
been ten days in search of him, without finding him. The
Journal de Saint Etienne, from which we take the ac-
count, observes that all the acquaintances of the brutal
murderer still speak of him as a brave homme.

(Signed)
The Commerce, The Echo Francais,
The Courrier Francais, The Journal du PeuPle,
The France, The Revue Independente,
The National,
The Revue du progres,
The Patrie, The Mode,.The Quotidienne, The Chariyari,
The Siecle,
The Corsair.
The Temps,
Thiere paper,
" The delegates of the independent provincial press
have adhered to the present declaration.
Its
iremarkable"
DECLARATION OF THE
SOCIETY OF LlTE.the that
c on the
s titu foregoing i
M.s not signed by

RAIY MEN.
The Committee of the Society of Des Gens de Lettres,
considering that the fourth article of the 'social laws is
thus conceived :
" The object of the Society is to substitute the power
of association for the weakness of isolation, to defend
and support, by cmon pwer, the rights and interests,
whethW moral or m om
aterial,o of all its members ; '
in all that concerns moral interests,
men the rights and advantages which
• telligence, labour, &c., has decided that the
belong to
declarationi he rendered public :-
1 foll,oTwhineg
Committee of the Society of Men of Letters has
• ht to mix itself in a political question. It is
no rig
to ;:si?r°ense literary `Consequently,
therefore in the interest alone of the literary body it re-
presents that it thinks it right to mark the dangers of an
interpretation of the law which would assimilate to com-
plicity,' a thought expressed in a public writing pub-
lished beforh the act took place, especially when no re-
lation whatever existed between the writer and those
accused of the guilty act. Such interpretation would
take away all personal security from writers, and all
freedom 'rom the expression of thought. The author is
answerable for his work, as well for its expressed inten-
tion, as for its direct action ; but the moment it shall be
admitted that he is answerable before criminal jurisdic-
tions for the acts of others, by virtue of a pretended re-
lation between his work and a deed to which it was a
stranger, all security will have disappeared, the liberty,
and consequently the dignity, of letters will be compro-
mised, and one of the most sacred principles, as well as

REDUCTION OF WAGES.—EMPLOYERS AND
THE EMPLOYED.—One of the largest works in Ayrshire
has reduced the rate of wages to the workers within the
not
wonder week—others will imitate the example. We do
the
country at the reduction in wages in any part of h
country ; the wonder is that they are still so great.
When masters suffer, the workmen feel the immediate
and insuperable consequence. When profits are
We
the demand for labour is enhanced, and better good,
constant wages follow, as a necessary consequetTelt morev
are yet to learn that heap provisions would lower the
price of labour. What we do know is, that employer
and employed suffer alike ; when the one is in difficulties,
he has no alternative but to fall back on a cheaper sys-
tem. Our operatives have been long instructed to believe
that their masters have been their natural enemies ; but
times like these unravel moteries. Who are the mas-
ters, as they are called ? neprivileged workmen, who
have emerged, by their
breadown industry and talent, from
their own rank, givingi
tinuance of which
Who are the masters? Ask the Gazette.
s the argument.
to thousands, the discon-
tinuance of so much
THE LAST OF
Temple, called " the Tower of the
re-
sidue of the TemplarsTHE'the large tower of the
defended with desperate energy.
retired into
_aste,,,
r which they
TEMmIIITARGSI°.--sg°Tu'hAergus
The
Mamlooks were driven back in repeatedT assaults,
little fortress was everyw surrounded here bravest
and o f
the
the
with heaps of
the slain. The Sultan, at last, despairing of taking the
place by assault, ordered it to be undermined. As the
Workmen advanced, they propped the foundations with
beams of wood, and when the excavation was completed,
these wooden supports were consumed by fire ; the huge
tower then fell with a tremendous crash, and buried the
brave Templars in its ruins. The Sultan set fire to
and the last stronghold of the
the town in four places,
Christian power in Palestine was speedily reduced to a
smoking solitude. A few years back the ruins of the
Christian city
.of Acre were well worthy of the atten-
tion of the curious. You might still trace the remains
of several churches ; and the quarter occupied by the
Knights Templars continued to present many interest-
ing memorials of that proud and powerful order.—Addi-
son's History of the Knights Templars.

_
the most civilising. of our institutions, will be perilled.
" Paris, Dec. 23, 1841.
Anaco, de !Institute President.
CAudiloEs LE FAIRE,
Vice Presidents.
FELIX PYAT,
LOUIS VIARDOT,
CLAUDON, Rapporteurs.
ALTAROCHE,
J. D.tviv, Secretaries.
HENRI CELLIEZ. HENRI MART/N.
LOUIS DESOUYERS. PETRE CHEVALIER.
CHARLES DIDIER. LOUIS REYBAUD.
HIPPOLYTE LUCAS. GEORGE SAND.
A. LUCHET. F. THORE."
THE KING OF PRUSSIA. •
The Presse is very jealous of the visit of the King of
Prussia to England, assuring its readers
that a commer-
cial treaty with the German League, highly favourable to
England, will result from it.

LABOUR AND RECREATION.--It is said,
that in the town of Marblehead, United States, the girls
have made an improvement in ironing, which beats the
steam-engine on common roads all hollow ! They spread
out all the clothes on a smooth platform, and fasten hot
flat-irons to their feet, and skate over them. This is
combining the recreative with the useful and ornamental.

The Right Hon. Sir Thomas Fremantle has
left the Duke of Buckingham's for Fawsley Park, the
seat of Sir Charles Knightley, in Northamptonshire.
The Earl of Wiltshire has also left London fur Fawsley
Park.

,

e"--€

CONVICTION OF DUPOTY.
DECLARATION OF THE FRENCH PRESS.
The following is the important Declaration of the
French Press against the conviction and sentence of AI
Dupoty.
The Journals have published a declaration against the
conviction and sentence of M. Dupoty of a most energetic
character, which will be found subjoined. This declara-
tion has excited a great sensation in Paris :
" The press never, at any period, has shown more re-
spect for legal order—never was it exposed to such bitter
persecution. Violent and immoral circulars have given
the signal to the law officers, forgetting that political
considerations should never inspire justice. Innumerable
processes have been tried against papers of every shade
of opinion. Eight Journals were in one day seized in
Paris, on pretence of public order ; that is to say, with-
out the least presumption of offence. Public writers
and gerants were arrested on presumption. Many were
dragged along the road chained by the neck, before
Judges who declared them not guilty. It required all
the firmness of a Jury to hold this re-action in check,
whose audacity was unbridled.
" The press had been already attacked in its security
and in its rights. It was sought to strike it more di-
rectly in the per; on of individuals, in order, without
doubt, to accomplish this expression of M. Guizot on the
discussion of the laws of September, 1835—` We desire
not to punish, not to ameliorate, but to suppress, nay, to
annihilate, the DAD press.'
" A political writer, and with him a journal, have beenn,
implicated in the process against the authors and accom-
plices of the attempt committed Sept. 13, 1841. Had M.
Dupoty conspired not one of the undersigned journals
would have raised a voice in his favour. Conspirators
against the laws deserve to be punished by the laws. M.
Dupoty has been accused by the Procurenr-General, not
of complicity direct and positive, but of a moral com-
plicity, and for a political tendency, rather than for a
crime or an offence. lie has been condemned by the
Court of Peers as guilty of a provocation followed by an
effect (provocation suivie d'effct), although the Court had
not recognised any personal relation between M. Dupoty
and the authors of the attempt, and although it is im:
possible to find any relation between the article published
the 12th of September, by the Journal du Peuple, and the
sinister event of the following day.
"We respect the principle of a thing judged. We
know that no right exists of protesting against the de-
crees of a tribunal, even when one is convinced of that
tribunal having fallen into error. But it will be per-
mitted us to point out a result which rises into the pro.
portions of a public grievance. In a State in which the
citizens make a part of the Government, a judicial fact
like that which now afflicts and excites even the Minis-
terial press, ought to alarm society.
" The decree of the Court of Peers is not confined to
the striking down of a political writer—it presses upon
the very liberty of discussion itself. The jurisprudence
that this Act tends to establish goes even far beyond the
laWs of September ; it is still more menacing, and one
more arbitrary has never been so formally stamped
with legality.
"In order that the laws of September may bti'made
applicable to any writer, book, or journal, it is essential
that the writer should have so directly excited to the
assassination of the person of the King, or to the over-
turning of the power of the laws, that such provocation,
even without having produced an effect, should consti-
tute in itself an actual offence. The writer thus knows
what he did, and to what risks he exposed his honour
and his life. But by the interpretation given by the
Court of Peers of the law of 1819, every hostile word
contemporaneous with a political disturbance, a conspi-
racy, or an overt act, will be sufficient to constitute com-
plicity in such acts, and to bring upon the writer penal.
ties such as detention, transportation, hard labour, and
even death. The feeling of the times in which we live
rises up in horror at the bare thought.
"The jurisprudence which flows f:om the decree of
the Court of Peers aggravates the alreaey flagrant in-
conveniences of this jurisdiction. It is, moreover, a mo-
tive for demanding that the competence of the peerage
may be defined and limited in criminal matters and in
political offences; but until this shall have been done, it
is another danger created for the press and the country.
Public writers are deprived of those guarantees which
are a natural right in every civilised community, and
which the Revolution of July had promised, and the
Charter, had consecrated. The entire press is placed
in a permanent state of restraint. The accusation of
moral complicity is suspended over the heads of all
writers. It is the law of suspicion that is established
against them.