The Sun.
London, England, 1870-07-19 00:00:00

THE WAR.

The Times observes that the Emperor stakes his dynasty
on success. No one knows better than he that in such an
enterprise, begun in spite of European opinion and
against the remonstrances of his nearest ally, the only
safety lies in a series of brilliant victories, followed by
a triumphant peace. To extort such a peace from
any first-class state is a work which may test the highest
qualities of general and army ; but when it can only be won
by trampling on the neck of a nation of forty millions, the
enterprise is hazardous enough. The Germans, on their
side, well know that to yield would be political ruin.
What they lose they can never recover; the-position
they accept at the close of such a war they
can never escape from. The war is for the Rhine, which
has for centuries been the avowed object of French am-
bition. If the French succeed in conquering it, and
holding it under a treaty of peace, there is not the
smallest hope that it could ever be won again by Germany.
The left bank would become as indissolubly incorporated
with France as Alsace, and the territory of the defeated
and once more divided Fatherland would be perma-
nently curtailed. Can it be supposed that a nation which
sees in the future the possibility of a loss so overwhelm-
ing. will not strain every nerve in defence of its safety,
we might almost say its existence? Every German
has passed his life in pondering on this very
struggle, which has come at last. What is passing
is only what might have been expected. The South Ger-
man States stand by the national flag which is held aloft
by Prussia, and the feeling at Vienna and in the German
provinces of Francis Joseph is already such that a Court
with French sympathies will have to conceal them care-
fully, if not abandon them altogether.

The Daily News says the rulers of South Germany have
comprehended that in such a war as this they could
occupy no neutral position : either they must frankly
and unreservedly cast in their lot with the
defenders of the common country, or accept the
miserable part assigned by the First Napoleon to
his German dependents, and take sides with France
against these brethren. Advices from Frankfort state
that the French Government heve sent a threatening
message to the South German Governments demanding
that they shall declare within twenty-four hours whether
they intend to remain neutral. When such is the kind of
respect paid to their independence, before a shot has been
fired, they may guess what language would be held if
they were to cut themselves off from the cause of their
country and cast themselves upon the tender mercies of
its enemy.

The Telegraph believes that many potent arguments
may be adduced to show that the rumoured rrusso-
Russian alliance—of which, at a late hour yesterday,
the Russian Ambassador in London had heard nothing
—is most likely an invention of interested specu-
lators. Not only does the report itself rest upon
no ascertained authority, but in many respects
it is intrinsically improbable. So long as Russia
remains neutral she can use her influence, if so minded,
to exact terms from either belligerent by the threat or
hope of active intervention, But, if she once makes, up
her mind to draw the sword on behalf of either France
or Prussia, it must be becauee she is assured, or be-
lieves herself assured, of some corresponding reward,.
At present the interest of the diplomatic aspect of the war
centres in the South German States. If a telegram from
Frankfort is to be credited, the French Government has
followed the example set by Prussia towards Hanover
in 1866, and has insisted on those States giving in their
adhesion in four and twenty hours. Should such a
demand have been made, its rejection may be
confidently assumed beforehand. It is clear that, let the
personal wishes of the minor German Courts be what they
may, the national feeling in Germany, South as well as
North of the Rhine, is so powerful that the Governments
of the Southern States must throw in their lot with
Prussia.

The Standard is of opinion that in the present difficulty
the less the English Government says beyond vindicating
its impartiality and proving its exertions in the cause of
peace the better. Its duty, as Lord Granville said, is to
maintain that dignified and calm reserve which will enable
it to act with influence and utility whenever an opportunity
of restoring peace may appear to offer. The Standard trusts
thai when the matter does come on for discussion in
both Houses of Parliament, as it must do so as soon as the
correspondence is published, all the speakers who may
take part in the debate will keep within these bounds, and
that they will discuss the question only in reference to the
part of the English Government in the affair, and not
constitute themselves partisans of France or Prussia, as
the case may be ; a discussion which should degenerate
into a dispute as to the degree of blame attaching for the
war to either of the Powers engaged in it could do no
good, and might do much mischief. It will be the duty of
Parliament, if satisfied that the Government has sought
the end and taken the means for which Lord Granville
claims credit, to give it a hearty and generous support.
According to the Post, whatever may be the unanimity
with which French and Prussians respectively have de-
clared their readiness to plunge into a war, the conse-
quences of which neither can foresee, it assuredly finds a
counterpart in the unanimity with which all classes in
this country protest against England intervening in a
quarrel which in no way concerns her, which tookits origin
in circumstances over which we had no control, and
which, had the opportunity been permitted, we should
have done our utmost to guide towards peace. Whether
her Majesty's Government have done their duty will
be for Parliament and the country to judge when the
correspondence which has passed through the Foreign-
office during the past fortnight is published. As regards
the future the proclamation of neutrality, which will
forthwith be signed by the Queen in Council, will in spirit
as well as in fact express the sentiments of. the English
people.
The Advertiser says that in mere numbers it is doubtful
if France will have any advantage over Prussia. Nor has
she probably any advantage in discipline and arms. The
zundnadel-gewehr has been much improved since
the seven weeks' war of 1866. As regards the
bullet-pump, or mitrailleuse, said to be in use in
the French army, the invention is really no novelty.
The Prussians are therefore as likely to be found provided
with bullet-pumps as the French. Both armies are
drilled up to the highest point, and both armies have
of late years distinguished themselves as the vic-
tors in some of the most tremendous battles ever
fought. As a rule the Germans are heavier men than
the French, and this in a bayonet charge would of course,
other things being supposed equal, give them the advan-
tage. In respect of artillery, the Prussians are at least
as well armed as the French. Upon the whole Prussia
would appear to have nothing to fear as regards numbers,
arms, discipline, or any one material circumstance
whatever.

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