The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-16 00:00:00

bitning

LONDON, THURSDAY. APRIL 16, 1846.

One of those advocates of what is falsely called " pro-
tection to agriculture," and who, after the manner of
CROKER, is not very rice about facts, provided only he
oan make a temporary impression, put forth a paper
some weeks since announcing, as an important disco-
very, that the real cause of the decline and fall of Rome
was the free importation of grain. To this wicked com-
mercial system he attributed almost every evil with
which Italy was afflicted previous to the irruption of
the barbarians. It depopulated the rich and extensive
pains, drove the hardy and independent freemen out of
the country, caused the horrible malaria that still infests
the Eternal City, and finally so enfeebled and dispirited
the cla3s from which the bcst legions were raised, that
the mighty empire fell an easy prey to undisciplined
hordes of Goths and Vandals. If the premises were
correct there might be some foundation for such an ar-
gument, but the reasoning is all grounded on mere
assertion, and the real state of the case requires only
to be shown to disprove the momentous conclusions of
the writer. In the number of the Edinburgh Review just
published there is an article on the subject, which places
the question in a true light, and shows that free trade
had no more to do with the pestilential vapours of the
Campagna, the depopulation of Italy, and the fall of
the Roman power, than with the earthquake of Lisbon,
or any other great national calamity. Perhaps the facts
furnished by the writer might, if fully developed, have
carried him much further, and demonstrated that' the
destruction of the empire was, in fact, caused by the total
absence of that very system which has been attributed

as the cause of its ruin. But, though the writer does not
make full use of his materials, he deserves great credit
fur his research and intimate acquaintance with those
ancient authors who have adverted to this wonderful and
hitherto inexplicable catastrophe. At Rome the cry
was not, as in England, for cheap bread, but bread for
nothing. When the evils commenced, there was, in
fact, no trade in corn. " With respect to the food of the
people," says a writer well acquainted with the subject,
" it was the constant maxim of the Roman administration
to provide for their wants by taxes or forced sales; to do
everything by itself, and never to rely upon the assistance
imported
from trade." This was the way in which corn was i
from Sicily and Africa. The operation was entirely n the
hands of the despotic and debased Emperors, who
plundered the conquered provinces to stop the mouths of
the idle, dissolute, and beggarly population of the capital,
who gave them corn for nothing to prevent insurrections
and ruined the parent state and the provinces at the
same time. The corn was not obtained by purchase, but
was levied from certain provinces as tribute, and by the
agency of public functionaries conveyed to Rome. The
Government, in short, was at no expense whatever. The
corn-growers of Sicily, and Lybia, and Egypt, were
compelled to furnish a certain number of measures annu •
ally; the shipowners were equally compelled to transport
it to Ostia without any remuneration except some trifling
privileges and exemptions—it was in every respect a
system, not of free trade, but robbery committed upon
the industrious to keep down the idle and lawless multi-
tude. At first, or rather for several generations, this
destructive practice could have scarcely any perceptible
effect upon the agriculture of Italy, for these largesses
were confined entirely to the hungry poor, or as SICERO
calls them, the "misera ac jejuna plebecula:;"
and these in the time of AUGUSTUS did not exceed
200,000 persons, the annual gratuitous supply
being only 35,156 quarters, which could scarcely
have any perceptible influence on the rest of Italy. The
numbers afterwards increased as the power and autho-
rity of the state diminished. The evil, like most evils
when not timely! checked, became greater every day :
slaves were manumitted, that their masters might be
saved the expense of maintaining them, and latterly, to
keep down discontent, the Government were forced to
act the part of a commissariat for the majority of the
inhabitants, and become responsible to a certain degree
for the supply of corn to those who were not inscribed
Roman paupers, as well as to the rest of Italy. Every
newly conquered province was accordingly burdened
with this ruinous tax, and the agriculture, the indus-
trious population, and products of Italy diminished in
proportion as Rome extended her conquests. "More-
over," says the writer, " the storms of the civil wars
had driven great numbers of the small free proprietors,
who cultivated the soil by their own labour, from their
lands ; and large tracts of country had fallen into the
possession of enormously wealthy owners. Upon these
estates all the labour was performed by slaves,
working by day in chains, and at night
shut up in prisons named ergastula. The re-
sult of this change was, that southern and central
Italy, instead of being tilled by a hardy race of
active farmers, themselves freemen, and working on their
own land, was divided into plantations, cultivated by
slave labour. This was the true nature of the change
which PLINY considered the ruin of Italy." It will thus
be seen that no two systems could be more different
than that which prevailed during the latter days of the
empire and that which is now proposed by the great
measure before Parliament. The article altogether is
full of deep interest, as showing the unstable foundation
on which the Roman empire rested when luxury and
sloth, enormous wealth and extensively spread poverty,
prevailed throughout the whole of Italy, when trade was
annihilated, and the very wealth and feebleness of the
mistress of the world invited the most distant barbarians
to rush to her plunder.

Toilsome as is the career of an English artisan, it
must] afford a peculiar satisfaction to every human heart
when that otherwise irksome drudgery can be assuaged
by the intervention of some harmless emolient. As
night is the sequence of day, as sleep alternates with
waking, so, in the natural course of society, should labour
be lightened by intervals of recreation. The
man who would negative this assertion, and
who would maintain the necessity for en-
hancing the burden of that great mandate
under which his fellow-creature is ordained to eat his
bread in the sweat of his brow, would be scarcely in the
pale of humanity. We cannot indeed persuade ourselves
that such heartlessness can ever be evinced in a land
pervaded by the influences of Christianity and civilisation.
We are fain to imagine this, if only from a dread of the
debasement of eur species. To any one with true blood
flowing through his veins, and a healthy condition of mind,
the increased comfort of the poorer and more contemned
amongst his countrymen, must be a source of unspeak-
able pleasure. What matters it whether that increase is
produced through the interference of this political party
or that political party; what matters it if the path which
conducted to it was devious, or the means eccentric ;
what matters it, whether the sentiments, instrumental in
the realisation of that increase, were old-fashioned or
new-fangled, so long as the extension of com-
fort be real, and its tendency innocent ? Why,
common sense would say that the mere externals of the
scheme for the improvement of the condition of the mul-
titude might be as fantastic as the livliest imagination
could desire, if their effects were unprejudicial upon
society. Even the sticklers against innovations of any
kind must allow this—they must acknowledge that the
garb in which sentiments are clothed, so long as those
sentiments are generous, is of very secondary
consideration, if of any consideration at all.
In this manner we would have the annual festival of the
Birmingham Athenic Institute, held on Tuesday evening,
and presided over by Lord J. MANNERS, regarded. We
would not interfere with the proper appreciation of that
body, by cavilling about the abstract principles of the
so-called Young England party, either pro or contra.
We would restrict ourselves for the present to the mere
consideration of the meeting in question, and
the probable consequences of the general establishment
of similar institutions. We would simply regard the
workman in his capacity for improvement, and draw
inferences as to the effects which such improvement
would have upon the whole framework of the social
system.

No one, with a single spark of rationality, will
undertake the assertion that toil requires no cessation.
All must acquiesce in the opinion that the less fortunate
members of the community are more entitled, if pos-
sible, to moments of relaxation than those who are
blessed with a brighter destiny, if merely on the system
of compensation. Even the task-master must yield to
the conviction that athletic amusements by invigorat-
ing the body, and literary recreations by expanding the
intellect, would ultimately tend to the benefit of his own
pocket, by rendering his labourers more willing, saga•
cious, and muscular. On these healthy and really noble
principles was theßirmingh am Athenic Institute founded,
now two years since, and it consequently challenges
our most earnest sympathy and our most cordial ap-
proval. Through its mediation the young artisans of
Birmingham obtain access to an excellent library, and
with the assistance of other intellectual accessories in-
sinuate an enlarged spirit into their own minds. By an
arrangement equally admirable, their nerves and
muscles are strung to a condition of exceeding
by field sports and other exercises : their motto i
s
an appropriate indication of their object: it is couched
in the language of JUVENAL—Mens sane in corporesasn.
In every particular we regard this association as likely
to forward beyond even the anticipation of its warme:t.
advocates the most pure and laudable principles of re-
generation; and hence we watched its onward movement,
its growing in its growth, and its strengthening
in its strength, with a sincere and hopeful anxiety. In-
asmuch as the young and noble chairman has suffused
over the institute in its most unpatronised moments the
authority of his talents and dignity, we ourselves regard
him with a thankful earnestness. There is something
eminently benignant in the style of his address
on Tuesday last to the working men of
Birmingham ; it was coloured with a ge-
nuine brotherly love, and characterised by a
most unaffected simplicity. Lord JOHN MANNERS,
through such assemblies as the one in question—through
such words as he uttered upon that occasion—and
through the still further extension of his well wishes for
his fellow-man—cannot fail to ingratiate himself with
the people, and to acquire one of the noblcst species of
popularity which can be attached to a statesman.
One paragraph in his oration we cannot refrain from
transcribing ; it is so indicative of the motives by which
he himself is actuated, and of those, moreover, upon
which the Athenic Institute has been constructed. He
first inquires whether the population of this country is
to remain inert under their privations, and not struggle
for a reasonable release from the coal-pit and the fac-
tory ? " What ought we to do ?" he exclaims.
"To sit still under that senseless clamour, and allow the
dull machinery of acquisition, without a wholesome pause or
joyous check, to go grinding on year after year, palsy in g. the
limbs, cramping the energies, deadening the affections,
darkening the souls of our toiling millions ? No. What
have we done ? Why we have shown without parade, with-
out unnecessarily shocking those prejudices I have alluded to
—seizing whatever opportunities were afforded us—that the
people of England, who work so hard and so readily, can ,
stand the trial of a few days' holidays in the course of the
year; that a cricket match does not necessarily imply the
bowling down of the pillar* of the State ; sad that a village 1

dance need not end in taking off the crown from her Ma-
jesty's head."
Such are his wishes, his intentions, his principles
1 of action in reference to associations like the Athenic
Institute ; such are the wishes, intentions, and prin-
ciples upon which that institute is built up. On this
account it is we regard it as worthy not only of applause
but also of imitation.

A letter from Vienna, which is published in the
Swabian Mercury of the 12th, states that Prince CON-
STANTINE CZARTORYSKI, brother of Prince CZARTORV SKI
of Paris, has protested againstihe sequestration of the
property of the latter, who, it is added, however, had
previously, and as a measure of precaution, transferred
his property to the Princess, his wife.
The French National, which seems to he the organ of
the Polish revolutionists, says, " Our correspondence
from Gallicia informs us that the Russian troops are re-
duced to complete inaction, the soldiers confining them-
selves to protest the security of tho roads, and the insur-
gents being now masters of the country, A person
from Vienna, connected with the Government, writos
that there are at least 20,000 armed individuals who
refuse obedience to the orders of the civil and military
authorities of the province. Their organization, plans,
and mode of rcanceuvring had caused the greatest sur-
prise to the commander of the troops, and they had in-
ferred from these circumstances . that the insurgents had
able chiefs at their head. To those particulars our cor-
respondent adds—' I have been assurad that the rural
population of Ukraine, having been apprised of the
events in Gallicia, had become agitated, not to murder
its landlords, but to demand the abolition of forced
labour, and quit and crown rents, and thp poaspssion of
a portion of the soil. Austria, not knowing the Gauze
of the present agitation, imagined that it was rancorously
excited by a great power ; but experience will prove to
her that it has deeply-rooted natural causes, the irre-
sistible action of which exercises its influence over up•
wards of 20,000,000 serfs."

The States of Brunswick, having refused to approve
of the Government expenditure for the construction of
railways, were dissolved on the Sth. The Duke, in dis-
solving them, expressed regret that differences should
have arisen between the States and the Ministry, but
stated his disapproval of their conduct in refusing the
means of promoting the prosperity of the country.

Madrid papers to the Bth inst. have been received. M.
ISTURITZ had not, at that date, succeeded in forming
his Ministry, owing to the insuperable objection of bis
political friends to take office in a Cabinet of which M.
EGANA is a member. M. MoN, who had been again
sent for by the QUEEN, had again refused the Ministry
of Finance, stating, as his reason, his determination not
to enter any Cabinet of which M. EGANA was a mem-
ber. EGANA is supported by Queen CHRISTINA, who
is intriguing fur an Absolutist Ministry; and should
ISTURITZ fail in his endeavours to complete a
Cabinet, it was supposed that M. DE Vmuma.
and Baron DE MEER would be entrusted
with the task of forming a Cabinet, in which
case the affairs of Spain will be brought to a
crisis. "If these gentlemen," says the Madrid corres-
pondent of La Presse, " should overthrow M. IsTunuz,
and form a Cabinet of their own, you may expect to
see Spain again plunged into a sanguinary revolution."
On the evening of the Bth there was a rumour current
in Madrid, that M. GAVERIA, the banker, had accepted
the portfolio of finance. According to the Castellano,
however, M. ORLANDO had, at the urgent request of
the QUEEN; consented to accept the office.

Accounts from Gallicia state that the movement at
Lugo, which, until the fall of NARVAEZ became
known, was spreading in all directions, has been put
down. A portion of the revolters had surrendered, and
the remainder, under the command of an officer named
Sous, had retired by way of Santiago to the frontiers of
Portugal, in which country it was supposed they in-
tended to take refuge.
Madrid was tranquil, but rumours were prevalent of
disturbances having taken place in Catalonia. No credit,
however, was attached to them, and the alarm in the
capital was lessening. NARVAEZ, on his arrival at
Bayonne, requested and obtained an interview with Don
HENRY. The interview was very short.
MADRID BOLSA.—The Three per Cents. closed at
301 cash. The Five per Cents. were not quoted.

Since writing the above we have received accounts
from Madrid to the 12th, on which day ISTURITZ had
succeeded in forming his Ministry. MoN is Finance
Minister; PIDAL, Minister of the Interior ; and AR-
MERO, Minister of Marine.

We have received the Paris papers of Tuesday. On
Monday General NARVAEZ arrived in Paris, and took

up his abode at the Hotel des Ambassadeurs.
The papers of Tuesday all comment at considerable
length on the discussion which commenced the previous
day, in the Chamber of Deputies, on the naval budget.
The budget demands'a credit of 93,000,000 f. for supply-
ing the deficiencies of the present naval force of France.
It may be remembered that, last year, the Chamber in-
serted in the Budget an article, which rendered it obli-
gatory on the Minister of Marine to present, at the com-
mencement of the present session, a special and detailed
account of the state of the navy in all its branches. Ad-
miral DE MACKAII faithfully complied with the desire so
expressed, and distributed to the Deputies a very com-
plete statement of the condition of the navy, and of all
the matters which are intimately connected with it. But
the Minister, not considering that he had thus fully per-
formed his duty, judged it necessary, in addition, to pre-
sent a Bill demanding the large credit mentioned above,
to supply the deficiencies that existed in the navy; or,
in other words, to increase the naval force of the
kingdom. The Committee, to which the Bill was
sent for examination, looked on the additions to
be made in the navy with a different eye from
that of the Minister. Taking as its text-book the
famous note of the Prince DE JOINVILLE, it came to
the conclusion that, considering the progress that steam
navigation was at present daily making, it would not be
advisable to assign to sailing vessels all the pre eminence
that was demanded for them by the Bill. It therefore
recommended to reduce from 290 to 229 the number of
sailing vessels applied for. This reduction it proposed
to divide in this way :-36 ships of the line, of which
24 were to be afloat, and 12 laid up, in place of 44 ; 55
frigates, of which 40 afloat and 45 laid up, in place of 66;
and 136 corvettes, brigs, and transports, in place of 180.
As to the steamers demanded, the Committee consented

to the whole number applied for by the Bill, and even
added, in a certain measure, to the amount of moving
power. The saving to be effected by these changes
would be about 20,000,000 f. Such is the Bill on which
the discussion commenced on Monday, and which is to
decide on the supremacy, for the present at least, of
sailing vessels or steamers for use _ in naval warfare.'
The discussion on Monday was not very interesting.
On Tuesday the debate was resumed by M. LE3IERCIER,
who spoke in favour of the large grant. The Chamber
was subsequently addressed by M. HER:soux, the
reporter of the Committee, M. JUDELPI, the King's
Commissioner, and M. BILLAULT, who warmly advo-
cated the necessity of keeping up a strong naval force,
M. BILLAULT was addressing the Chamber at the hour
of post. The papers of all parties are almost all in fa-
vour cf the enlarged grant.

The Ministerial Journal des Debati thus speaks on
the sub:ect

"We are not of those persona who would wish to urge the
country into a war. The policy of peace is that whiclr we
shall not cease to recommend to our country, but war may
arise in spite of us it is an eventuality that ought to be
provided against, and for which it is prudent to be prepared.
The honour of France will perhaps commend her to draw one
day her valiant and glorious sword from the scabbard. Sup-
pose, therefore, that a naval war should burst forth ; France
mast abdicate, must descend humbly to the rank of secondary
nations, or she must have a fleet to place in line on the
Atlantic. That is imperatively commanded by the neces•
sities of defence. If an armed enemy should threaten our
coasts, or menace an attack and a descent on one of our forts,
we could not save the honour and the intregity of our terri-
tory unless we had a fleet to interpose. Fortifications would
prove no obstacle ; but the enemy would not dare risk such
an attempt if it was aware that a fleet was ready to fall on
it and place it between two fires. Napoleon would not have
lost Egypt, if the English fleet had not been certain that
nothing could prevent the landing of the army which it had
oa board. When the hypothesis of a naval war is enter-
tained, it is natural to suppose France the ally of the second-
' ary naval power,. Well then, suppose war declared, and the
Danish fleet is blocked up in the Sound, and that of Russia
in the Baltic. Interest and honour command us to deliver
them, and to unite them to ourselves. How can we do so,
if we do not possess a fleet to make battle against the enemy,
which will endeavour to bar our passage and prevent this
junction? It is proper to insist on this point, because for
some time the idea has prevailed that France ought to re-
nounce completely great naval battles, to adopt a quite
different system. The report of the Committee appears to he
animated by this much to be regretted notion."

The Opposition Constitutionne/ and the Republican
National follow on the same side, while the Commerce
thus joins in chorus :
" The Chamber would be inconsistent with her former acts,
would renounce the sentiments which it manifested on nu-
merous occasions, if it agreed to a reduction in the proper
naval force that ought to be kept up. Is it in the present
state of things, when all the great questions of foreign policy
tend to a decision by sea, when the different nations redouble
their efforts to increase their raval power, that we could cut
down a force that had been considered indispensable even
under the restoration. Such a vote, beside the harm that
it would do to our fleet, would have a disastrous moral effect.
The world would think that France gives up the idea of being
a maritime power, or at least of taking part in the great
questions which are in agitation at present."
The Courrier Francais is the only paper which seem;
to recollect the important fact that ships alone do not