The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-30 00:00:00

•
of his, who claimed as mortgagee under Wyman, and he
offered to show Thompson the deeds. Thompson, however,
never called upon Sharman, but ten days after obtained
Pell's 821. 10s. on the security of the property in ques-
tion, without saying one word to Pell about the claim by
Wyman. Thompson, after much fencing with my ques-
tions, was obliged to admit, not only that he was present
and had heard what passed, but that he had insisted on
Loke, an old man almost in his dotage, taking the proceed-
ings he had before the magistrates for his (Thompson's)
benefit, so that his afterwards obtaining Mr. Pell's money
was a plain cheat. It was suggested by his solicitor (Mr.
Lawrence) that he had been deceived by Loke. My own
belief is that he had never bought the property of Loke at
all; he could produce no evidence of any payment to Loke,
and his story and Loke's were utterly inconsistent with each
other. I believe that the deed of the 21st of August was
fabricated originally to deceive a client of Mr. Pelt's ; but
be that as it may, even if Thompson was originally de-
ceived, his obtaining the money of Pell on the 17th of
October, without disclosing that his title was disputed, was
a gross fraud. Under these circumstances, lam compelled
to refuse Thompson his certificate altogether. The office of
attorney is an office unavoidably of great trust and confi-
dence ; and if a solicitor is a dishonest man he can effect
incalculable mischief, and the public have, as I conceive,
a right to require that no man once proved in a court of
justice to have been guilty of an act of plain dishonesty
should be enabled by public authority again to exercise such
an office.
IN RE EVILL AND DOUGLAS.
The bankrupts in this case carried on business as wholesale
woollen merchants in Vigo-street, Regent-street, and this
day was appointed for the choice of assignees.
The debts and liabilities during four years' trading amount
to between 70,000/, and 80,0004 and the assets were stated
to amount to about 30,0001. . _

•
The debts proved in the course of the day an:muted to
about 40,000/,

The assignees chosen were Messrs. Leukin, Griffiths, and
Overvuary, all iu the woollen trade, and they accepted the
trust.

A proof was tendered, upon the part of the North-West
Bank, to the amount of 7,000/. on bills of exchange, which
was objected to by Mr. Dickens, as solicitor to the assignee!,
upon the ground that cloth had Lan deposited with the
drawers of the bills.

Mr. Commissioner FANE, after reference to several cases,
admitted the proof, allowing the assignees to take such steps
as they might consider expedient to realise the securities and
apply them in discharge of the bills.
Mr. Lawrence, of Bucklsrsbury, appeared as solicitor to
the bankrupts, and Mr. Wryghte as accountant.

COURT OF EXCISE, Jan. 29.
(Before H. F. STEPHZNSON, Esq., CHARLES Ross, Esq., and
C. J. HARRIES, Esq.)
Maria Shepherd, of the King and Queen, High-street,
Newington, was charged with the adulteration of beer by
the use of a liquid material and preparation, as a substitute
for malt and hops. The information contained six counts,
each of which involved a penalty of 2001. After hearing
the evidence, Mr. Commissioner Stephenson said it was the
opinion of the Court that there was nothing injurious in the
articles that had been put into the beer, but as it was con-
trary to law they had no alternative but to give judgment
against her. In consequence of the excellent character
given to the defendant by the officers, the Court would miti-
gate the tine to 51.
CAUTION TO EATING-HOUSE KEEPERS.—Job Ford, of 87,
Lower Thames-street, eating-house keeper, was charged
with retailing beer and spiritous liquors without license.
There was a second information, to which the defendant
pleaded guilty.
The COURT gave judgment, and said that as the defendant
had been carrying on this illegal trade for nine years, they
should tine the defendantin the penalty of 251. on the two cases.
James Best Coleman, of the Bean and Wheat sheaf, Lower
Thames-street, was fuied in the full penalty of 1504 for not
renewing his licenses. . .
S. B. Simmons, of the Rising Sun,Castle-street, Long-acre,
was also fined for a similar offence in the penalty of 1001.
Henry Gander -(place of residence not stated), fined 100/
for a like offence.
A considerable number of licensed victuallers were fined in
small penalties for .similar offences.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.
- GUILDHALL.

Messrs. Charles Stuart and Co., milliners, in Herbert-
street, were summoned before Sir C. Marshall, for using a
cart within the City of London on which the christian name
Oi!ti. surname, and place of abode of thg owner, were not con-
Ispdieusl .painted. on the off side, on the 16th of January inst.
'MO West, a City toll-collector, said the defendants were
afitnr out of about trent,- persons who were evading the
City toll, by neglecting to paint their names on the off side
of their nondescript vehicles, and thus preventing the col-
lectors from ascertaining. whether they were persons engaged
in trade, and whether their names were to be found on the
book of freemen of London.
Mr. Stuart said be had no view of the sort. He consi-
dered he was not driving a vehicle within the description of
the Act, but that his ch?lse was as much exempt from the
obligation to have his name and address painted on it as any
gentleman's gig or carriage. He paid duty for it as a chaise,
and produced his receipt. -
Sir C. MARSHALL asked; if he used it only for pleasure?
Mr. Stuart replied, he no doubt used it for pleasure some-
times, and for business at others. It was a neat chaise-cart
or chaise, with an extended box behind the seat for holding
goods, such as were used by commercial travellers.
West said, if a person would offer Government duty for
a carriage, calling a waggon a carriage, 'the money would,
no doubt be taken, but that would not 'make the waggon
a carriage. The Act said, that for preventing the misbe-
haviour of drivers, and for the better discovery of offenders,
the owner of every waggon, wain,:cart, car, or dray, or other
" such carriage," that is, carriage used to convey goods,
shall, if used within five miles of the Post-office, have painted
thereon, &c.

Sir C. MARSHALL asked if he meant to say a gentleman
dare not carry goods in his gig or carriage? West said
he certainly did not mean to say that. He only meant
that the distinction between carriages and carts was whe-
ther they were used by tradesmen for purposes of business
and the carriage of goods, or by other persons for purposes of
pleasure.
Sir C. MARSHALL said the defendant must feel obliged to
the toll-man for the information that be was
.paying duty
for a vehicle not liable to it. He agreed with the complainant,
that if it wese used to carry goods about. the town, and its
form indicated that it was used for that pwrpose, it was a
chaise-cart.

- ..
The complainant said he did not press for a penalty. He
only wished the law to be obeyed for the future.
The defendant said his chaise was at the door. He would
drive it before the window that the alderman might see it.
The defendant did so. It appeared to be a traveller's chaise-
cart on two wheels, having a box for the millinery goods be-
hind the seat, four feet long and equally wide, and above two
feet in height:
The defendant, promising to have his name painted on it
forthwith, was discharged on paving the costs.
MAILLBuIp)tIIM-STREET.

Mr. Charles Cahill, described as a gentleman, appeared to
answer a charge made agait:st him by ➢lrs. Wllonall, for
rubbing his ready-furnished lodgings of a sheet, a blanket,
and some other articles, valued at 255.

Front Mrs. M-Donall's original statement, it appeared that
at the latter end of the year 1844, Mr. Rutl►ven, M.P., a
friend of the accused, took the lodgings for the family of the
accused at a stipulated rent. The accused remained with
her about ten weeks, during which period so much unpin-
santnety arose between them, that she was obliged to give
him notice to quit. The accused left without her cognizance,
and on gaining entrance into the apartments, she discovered
that, independently of considerable damage to the carpets
and furniture, a blanket, sheet, two tumblers, and a German-
silver knife and fork were not to be found. She made in-
quiry after the accused, but was unable to meet with him
until Tuesday last, when, seeing him in the street, she gave
hitn into custody.
Mr. Cahill attempted to show that the charge originated
in a refusal on his part to pay 71.105. for alleged damage to
Mrs. M'llonall's carpet and hearth rug. He said he was re-
spectably connected, and when in Ireland held the rank of
magistrate, and therefore it was very unlikely be would be
guilty of the petty offence laid to his charge.
A man named Bingley, who had been left by the accused
in the apartments to deliver them up to Mrs. M'Donall,
said he did deliver the rooms up, and when Mrs. M'Donall
looked over them she made no complaint then of lost pro-
perty.
Mrs. M'Donall said the statement of the accused was an,
invention. If time were allowed, she would produce the re-
quisite evidence in support of the charge.
Yesterday was the day appointed for further inquiry. Mrs.
M'Donall, however, did not make her appearance; and Mr.
Cahill, through his soiicitor. applied for a remand for a few
days, in order to enable him to get certain papers from Ire-
land, which woald completely exculpate him, and show the
true character of the charge.
Mr. HAnnwicK, however, said, as there was no onejn
court to press the charge, the accused must be liberated.
LAMBETH.

Edward Watkins, Frederick, his son, Ann, his wife, and John
Hancock, whose previous examinations on a charge of being
concerned in the manufacture and sale of a number of bill and
receipt stamps have already appeared, were brought before
Mr. Norton for final examination.
Mr. Huddleston, the barrister, and Mr. Tilsley, the assistant
solicitor to the Board of Stamps, appeared for the prosecu-
tion, and Mr. Ballantine, the barrister, and Mr_ Games for
the defence.
When the case was called on, Mr.' Ballantine applied to
the magistrate to request that the appearance of Mr. Edward
Watkins at the bar, during the investigation of the case,
might be dispensed with, as the excitement attenitant upon
his being so placed might, in his present state of mental as
well as bodily affliction, be attended with serious danger
to his life. The Learned Gentleman here directed the atten-
tion of the magistrate to the following certificate from Pr.
Sutherland and another medical gentleman:—
" We the undersigned hereby certify that we have visited
and personally examined Mr. Edward Watkins, of 122,
Vauxhall-walk, and that he is a person of unsound mind.
We also certify that imprisonment will have a prejudicial
effect upon him In his present state.
" A, J, SUTHERLAND, M.D.
" MICHAEL L. MASON, M.R.C.S.
" January 28."
Mr. Ballantine also called Mr. Mason, who was present,
and that gentleman being sworn, expressed it as his
opinion that the slightest excitement might produce the
most serious effects upon the elder Watkins in his present
state; and. the learned counsel, under these circumstances,
hoped Mr. Norton would not require the personal appear-
ance of the accused.

Mr. Huddleston observed, that on the part of the prose-
cution he had no wish to press for the appearance of the ac-
cused • nor did he object to his being liberated on such bail
as his Worship: should deem necessary, to appear at the Old
Bailey. With respect to the prisoner, Frederick Watkins, it
was not his wish to offer any evidence against him ; and as
regarded Hancock, he was not prepared with any further
evidence against that prisoner at present, and should be sa-
tisfied with his giving bail to appear at the Old Bailey, and
answer any charge the Solicitor of Stamps might think
proper to prefer against him ; and finally, be should call for
the commitment of Mrs. Watkins and her husband to take
their trial at the ensuing Old Bailey sessions, on the evidence
already adduced.
The evidence of the different witnesses was taken la its
regular form by the chief clerk against Watkins and his
wife, and the latter was fully committed to Newgate. Wat-
kins was subsequently led into the Court to have his recog-
njzances in 2,0001., and two sureties in 1,000!, each taken,
anti hj2 appearance was such that it is very doubtful whe-
ther he will suryiye his trial. Application was made by Mr.
Games, and any amount offered to bail out Mrs. Watkins,
bat Air, Norton declined to aeeept it,

A . STEAM EN•takiP BY POST.—Mr. G. Cartwright
ceived an order, on Friday week, for a In iniaturray
steam-
engine, on the high-pressure principle, for which hee sent,
Chadburn Brothers, Sheffield ; and, strange tont sat,t
—,cult tho engine bad to be built, he received it enclosed
•-• n,-st 00 Mesday morning! The engine wasconelll-
-
' .1 ~cconip- Ang.Thd by boiler and afire-grate
a letter, 0, i
plete in every deta,,
of several
"WO of Tuesday.=
efal pf the Astonished
.
containing fuel. A the requi:7ttiou
the
beholders, it was kept it; , . .
Preston guardian.

tion had been removed, and the result would be a serious
iijury to all parties. All those Noble Lords whom he
was slow addressing were as deeply interested in this
matter as he was ; though, no doubt, this plan had been
proposed with a view to securing their support, yet he
trusted that if they took the same vtew of the
subject that he did, they would use their iefittence
to prevent a measure from passing which would be so
injurious to themselves. There was another point to
which he would wish to allude. He had heard the
speech of one of the Noble Lords on the cross bench,
who had spoken in stroug terms, in rather severe terms,
on the subject of protection to the landed interest,
but not in terms less severe than that branch of
the subject which he dealt with deserved.—(Hear, henr.)
To talk of giving such a compensation as this was, to
say the least of it, putting a gross delusion on their Lord-
ships, as he believed that the only real compensation
which could be made to those engaged in agri-
cultural pursuits was of the nature of which
promises had been held out, but which
he was sorry to learn from the papers that
had been printed, was not intended to be fulfilled—
he meant the real spirit of competition, which was the
carrying out of the principle of free trade, with respect
to other articles, as well as to corn.—(Hear.) It seemed
just that if they were to sell their corn at a cheaper
price on account of the competition which would be engen-
dered, that they should have an opportunity of producing
the commodities which they required at corresponding
prices. He saw no reason why the colonies should have
an advantage which they did not possess. If the English
farmer was able to hear free trade, he wanted to know
on what grounds the colonies were not able to undergo
the same competition ? They had to support
armies and other establishments for protecting the
colonial dependencies, and it was neither consonant with
common sense or equity to withdraw these burdens from
them, to the serious injury of this country. He was at
a loss to know why the principle of free trade was to be
applied to this country, and withheld so far as the co-
lonies were concerned—(Hear, hear)—and he hoped
when the proper time arrived for the discussion of the
measures brought forward by the Government, that
their Lordships would give the subject tie it most seri-
ous consideration, and ti usted that they would insist on
the principle of free trade being carried out with respect
to other articles. The application of the principle to
one article to the exclusion of others was cal-
culated to throw discredit on the principle on which
the Government propositions were stated to be founded.
He hoped that when the measure came forward, it would ,
be disencumbered of all those absurdities which reminded
them of by-gone controversies. He hoped that they
would strike out upon fresh ground—that the
true, sound, and right principles of free-trade, now
so boldly announced, would be carried into effect for the
benefit of the whole nation. That which
had fallen from the Noble Duke (the Duke of
Richmond) had induced him (Earl • Grey) to
trouble their Lordships with these observations.
Perhaps he had gone further than he ought
on that occasion, but considering how generally
those matters were decided—practically and vir-
tually decided— before their Lordships had an
opportunity of pronouncing upon them, he
thought there was some justification for them if they
ventured thus early strongly to express their opinion.
He would only say, in his own justification, that the
principles of free trade, since his first entrance into Par-
liament, were those which he had always sympathised in.
On his first entrance into the House of Commons he had
voted in those very small majorities by which the prin-
ciple of the sliding scale had always been opposed.
From that time to the present the language
he had held, both in office and out of office, had been that
the whole system of protection was, from first to last a
mistake, injurious to the protected interest as well as
to those against whom protection was granted; and the
sooner they adopted the principles of common sense—
those principles which every great political writer amd
philosopher had supported—the sooner those principles
were practically adopted in legislation the better.
Lord ASHBURTON, who was scarcely audible in the
gallery, ventured to apologise for the warmth of the language
contained in the petitions which might be presented to their
Lordships upon this subject, considering that the petitioners
believed that their v hole fortunes, and almost existence de-
pended upon this measure being rejected. Government would
never be able to carry out the principles so ably advocated by
the Noble Earl. If, indeed, that free trade could be esta-
blished, then he said, as the Noble Earl had said, that it was
the principle of common sense. But how could they, in a
country where such complicated interests existed—a country in
which such artificial systems were fighting against the regula-
tions sought to be enforced by the Noble Lord—how could
they, he said, expect to carry free-trade principles into effect,
despite of this artificial system of Society. It must be recol-
lected that they had, in addition, a debt of 800,000,0001.
on their shoulders ; and again he said, how was it
possible then to carry out the principles of free trade ?
He (Lord Ashburton) should like to have the opinion of a
Committee of Ways and Means on this subject. They might
perhaps find it a difficult matter, with diminished resources
arising from the abolition of protection, to maintain the credit
of the country. 'the Noble Earl had stated that the British
farmer could beat the foreign grower, but they could not fight
the foreign farmer with their hands tied.—( Hear, hear. )
While the men on the shores of the Baltic were paying for
labour 6cl. a day, the British farmer was paying 2s. It re-
quired no great skill in political economy to foresee, that so
circumstanced, these two classes could not cope with each
other. The burdens peculiarly pressing upon the British farmer
should be rescinded, for he maintained, whatever might be said
to the contrary, that tithes were unusually oppressive on the
landed interest. Then the poor-rate came more immediately
upon the country, for towns were comparatively exempted.
Much as he admired the general principle of free trade, he con-
ceived that it would be impossible to establish it in England in
its present peculiar position. They had had no wise man who
had ever said any other thing. if they took
Huskisson. they 'found him saying, " When it is
not necessary to want to raise slzti millions of ts..-s then you
will have cheap bread, but not before. So Mr. Ricardo also
admits that on every principle of justice the British farmer was
entitled to compensation. In the present state of the country
it was perfectly Utopian to endeavour to bring about a system
of free trade. He did not complain of the League subscribing
money for the purpose of watching the registration of voters,
but he did complain of the League opening, in every county
and town throughout the country, what he might term shops
for the sale of what he must certainly consider fictitious tstes.
—( Hear, hear.) The advertisements of the League state that,
for the sum of 401., any person may qualify himself for
a voter in the county elections. As a proof of their
success in this business, they stated that they had
created as many as three thousand votes in one county.
He considered that if the Government did not bring forward
some measure to prevent this wholesale creation of votes, they
would be acting in a very injudicious and improper manner.
Lord MONTEAGLE wished to know upon what doctrine his
Noble Friend founded his statement ? Upon a doctrine which
lie had heard elsewhere no doubt, and he (Lord Monteagle)
had heard it frequently advanced by persons who were most
eager advocates for the repeal of the corn-laws, and who car-
ried in their doctrines with respect to the protective duties,
and with respect to the doctrines of the freedom of trade, just
such arguments as had been used by his Noble Friend, who
had put forward the revenue duties as being obstacles to the
freedom of t rade.—( Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend put for-
ward, with his accurate knowledge upon this subject, arguments
which recognised no distinction between a maintenance of
the revenue and a freedom of trade. But protection of the re-
venue he would hold was perfectly consistent with entire free-
dom of trade.—( Hear, hear.) Until we were producers of
tea in this country, and until we were producers of tobacco
likewise, the tea and the tobacco duties had no more relation
to the advance of trade than the state of our foreign relations at
the present moment with India or elsewhere. He would not
refer to the old doctrines upon this subject, for he thought
that such a course would not be either just or agreeable in
arguing such points as these, because he would venture to say
that the opinions of the wisest men in the kingdom had under-
gone great changes on the question of corn. But then he
must say, that with a very strong exception, all the variations
of opinion had been in one direction.—( Hear, hear. ) Per-
sons who had pi eviously advocated the doctrines of protection
and the restriction of commerce, had abandoned those doc-
trines by degrees. Noble Lords themselves—the Legislature
of the country—had ut.dergone great changes upon this sub-
ject. From the year 1815, up to the present time, there had
been a gradual progression towards the doctrine of free trade
in the Government of the country,—( Hear, hear,) Let
Noble Lords compare the year 1815 with that year in which
the ninth Act of George the Fourth passed ; and again the
Act of 1842, and they would at once see a manifest and con-
siderable change in favour of free trade. They would find
that they had been steadily advancing towards the doctrine of
free trade since the year 1815. But without referring to by-
gone opinions, he was surely entitled to refer to the opinion of
that great body—the merchants of London—on this all-impor-
tant question. A petition from that body was presented in
the other House of Parliament, which laid down the princi-
ples of free trade, and prayed for the removal of all burdens
t tfromo n was the
supported com mer c of the
time
eioy and h
f,
its presentation,
prtesaetntaptieotoi:
by a host of his friends in the other House of Parliament.
He utterly denied that these laws were imposed for revenue,
but suppose he granted that they were more heavily taxed in
this country than elsewhere, that was an argument why corn.
merest should be left unshackled, end the enterprise of the
merchant, the production of the farmer, and the industry of
the manufacturer freed from any restrictions which fettered
them. It was, perhaps, wrong to discuss the measure by an-
ticipation, as the details were not as yet before them. With
i regard, however, to the three years' limitation, he believed it
would be prejudicial, rather than advantageous, to the interest
which it pretended to protect. He took the measure, how-
ever, as a whole, and while he said that it gave him great
pleasure to see such an approximation to free-trecle principles,
he confessed that he would have preferred the measure if it
had come into operation at once. He thought the protectionists
themselves would see that a limitation of three years would
be more prejudicial than otherwise; and if they objected to it,
he considered it quite possible even yet to amend it se es to
obviate this ohjectren. He denied that thp land had any right
to peculiar prciteetion. His Noble Friend had referred to the
doctrines of Mr. Ricardo on tithe, but that ceased to be re-
garded as formerly, since it was made a permanent charge on
the land. As there was no question before the House, he
would now preseat a petition from Stranraer in reference to—
(lnto:l.46hp, sefidgt Wph the tieblp Lpfd hended the peti-
tion to one of the clerks.)
Lord ASHBURTON rose to explain. The Noble Lord
went on to say a few words in reference to the growth of
tarelPot bich, he said, was one of the luxuries of the poor,
eaonawn had got whiph;ohr
into
a
n trykmo eonw
loofd tghee
ofN Noble
growthie whoLerd
of
just
justat
the
time when it was prevented by an Act of the Legislature.
The Duke of RICHMOND said he thought it We§ Tether a
strange proceeding to enact a law by which the farmers were
compelled to employ men when they did not require their ser-
vices. Why siould that be done? If the farmer was to be
compelled to sell his corn cheap, why should he not be at
liberty to buy his labour cheap? If he employed a man for the
best was
age
thatthae
same
n so
amount why h e should
he paid him while in the vigour of life, of
when his labour was
l le dto part
old reason o
o be
remuneration
ractoim-
oo
com-
pelled
value to him? He (the Noble Duke) had heard a great
deal said Am the reduction of the duty on brandy as a means
of preventing smuggling; but he eenceiyed this very measure
to be a meant of encouraging smuggling, for those Who srg Ig-
gled were no more free-traders than those who caused free,
trade by legal eneetmeots,—( Laughter.) If they reduced the
malt tax, a sure quite equal to that now realised would be
obtained from the increased
alnsumption which could not fail
to take place. But the members of the League were strongly
opposed to the removal, and cried out, "If yo,r,s takeit
off this tax yeu will give a boon to the f:
recommendetion in her Majesty's
danger of lemur,
of protective duties, in order to ward off the
was the opinion of Sir Robert P speeeh respec trumgeth; removal
when he wa►s *lnv
df4VOlFing to obtain plane and poser.
which he had for
Peel in
i 839
However. he had stated
that he would not lie amenable for the opinions w
mer
permitted to take it ur, and
who were consistent might be
lv gave utterance, but if he abandoned his language, those-

TEE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY :V `N.I NG, JANUARY 30, 1816.

would not be driven from the opinions they entertained by any
order, and who not only ought to maintain protection to agri-
culture, but to the domestic manufactures of the country. It,
perhap., was not right to take up the time of their Lordships
with this subject at that period, but he could not avoid addres-
sing the m when presenting petitions signed by thousands of the
tenant farmers of this country ; he was sure, therefore, that
their Lordships would rather promote than prevent discussion,
and regretted that they had not an abler advocate than himself.
For his own part, he would rather have had free trade at once,
than measures which only partake of that principle. Their
Lordships should remember that the principle of protection hail
existed in this country fora great number of years, and, as Sir
Robert Peel had said, had kept pace with the progress of manu-
factures, and had been of advantage instead of a disadvantage
to them. All the farmers asked for was, that they should not
destroy a system which had worked well, and which ought,
therefore, to be continued.
RAILWAYS.

The Earl of DALHOUSIE then rose and said—ln rising to
move your Lordships to appoint a Committee to consider what
steps should be adopted with reference to the railway busint as of
this session, I shall endeavour to bring as brielly as I can be-
fore your Lordships the f-ets of the case with respect to the
amount of that business, and to state the grounds upon which
it appears desirable that there should be some departure from the
ordinary mode of dealing with this class of Bills. My Lords,
in previous years the Bills brought under the consideration of
the House have, until very lately, been few in number. In the
session of 1845 the number of plans and sections deposited
with the Board of Trade was 248. Your Lordships will recol-
lect that at that time it was a matter of consternation to the
House, and it was then supposed that such an enormous mass
never could be presented again. Daring the present year, that
is, on or before the 30th of November, there were deposited
at the Board of Trade 815 plans and sections of projected rail
ways, of which 606 were for the formation of railways in Eng-
land, 121 for railways in Scotland, and 88 for railways in Ire-
land. On the 31st of December there was a considerable re-
duction in this number, as the number of plans and
sections deposited at the Private Bill Office on that
day was 687. Now, my Lords, I do not mean to
say that all these Bills are likely to come
before the House. Some have already disappeared, others will
form a junction with each other; and the extreme haste, and
extreme inaccuracy of a great number of the schemes that
have been prepared for the consideration of Parliament, will
cause them to fail before the Standing Orders Committee.
Nevertheless, making every deduction for these contingencies,
making every possible allowance for these causes of failure,
there can be no doubt that a great number of railway Bills will
come under the consideration of Parliament—a number far ex-
, ceeding anything which has appeared in any previous session.
And, when your Lordships cousider that, even with the corn-
' partitively limited number which ttime before us in the last
year, the great difficulty we had in dealing with those, and the
excessive difficulty which the other House of Parliament had
to encounter, and when it is remembered that all this business
—this enormous mass of legislation, is in addition to the ordi-
nary private bill business, so great that it will be almost abso-
lutely impossible to find Committees for these Bills—l think
there is sufficient ground for some interference. But a still
greater difficulty is involved in this matter in the shape of the
capital which will be required for these undertakings. I have
the amount of the capital of nearly all these Companies, ob-
tained from their own official documents—and in those cases
where I have not been able to obtain the information from the
Companies themselves, I have had it supplied from other
sources; and it appears that for these 687 Bills the amount
of capital required will not he less than 370,000,0001.
1 do not, however, wish your Lordships to suppose that this
amount will actually be required, for, in addition to those lines
which may not have complied with the standing orders, there
are a vast number of competing schemes, one only of which,
under any circumstances, can receive the sanction of your
Lordships House. Making every deduction, therefore, and
taking the very lowest estimate furnished by those who are in-
terested in making the sum required as small as possible, I con-
ceive that 100,000,0001. will be the amount required. To
show your Lordships the amount of obligations imposed upon
yourselves, I may inform you that in the past year not less than
118 Bills received the sanction of the Legislature, involving an
expenditure of nearly 60,000,000/. ; and the previous year forty
Bills were sanctioned, requiring an expenditure of 14,000 0001.
Up to the last year, Parliament authorised the expenditure
of 70,000,000/. But your Lordships will recollect
that this sum is only to be gradually expended ;
but inasmuch as it is necessary that many of those schemes
should be pressed forward, and as the construction of them does
not extend over a larger period than three years, this sum will
be fully demanded in these three years. Your Lordships will,
therefore, perceive that, in the years 1846, 1847, and 1848,
the average expenditure will be 2a,000,000/. The sum, there-
fore, taking the smallest estimate, which will be brought before
the consideration of your Lordships' House will be 100,000,0001.
I think, therefore, that it would be well for your Lordships to
take into your consideration whether the diversion of this enor-
mous amount of capital into the one channel of railways, may
not be at variance with the public good; whether it may not
interfere with labour and industry, and whether some limita-
tion ought not to be placed on this extraordinary expendi-
ture. It is perfectly notorious, I appeal to Noble Lords
from all parts of Great Britain, that already the price
of labour is enhanced to an inconvenient degree. Now,
my Lords, I will go further than that. I believe that it
is for the interest of railway enterprise itself that the un-
bounded sanction of Parliament should not be given to this im-
mense number of schemes. It is well known that the prices
of labour and materials have already, as I have just stated, risen
to an enormous extent ; and of course this rise of prices will
of necessity be considerably increased if we sanction thi, large
number of projects. W ell, then, what will these promoters do
in this state of things ? It must be remembered that the par-
ties acting under these Bills of incorporation will have a great
and large amount of capital in their hands, while, at the same
time, they will be armed with great and inconvenient power,
which, for the cause I have stated, or perhaps from some other
cause, they may not think proper to exercise. And thus these
great and inconvenient powers will be kept suspended over the
heads of all those whom the Bill may affect, and the public will
be deprived of those advantages which the public might derive
from the completion of the undertaking authorised by the Bill,
and which, in fast, was the consideration which in-
duced Parliament to give to the promoters the im-
mense powers which the 811 itself contained.—( Hear.)
On the other hand, suppose the promoters go on with their un-
dertaking; and, notwithstanding the increased cost of materials
and labour, they carry on their worsts as rapidly as it was pos-
sible for them to do, is it not more than probable that they will
have expended all their money before they have by any moans
concluded their undertaking'—( Hear, hear.) Consequently
in either eases the railway people will not be benefited, but
'host unquestionably in neither case will the public be bene-
fited. —( Hear, hear.) Now, after all these considerations,
and the many difficulties which are in the way of carrying out
this immense number of projects, I ask your Lordships, whether
you can safely now pursue your former mode of proceeding, or
whether you ought not now to place some limit to the extent
you will go in legislating upon railways ?—( Hear, hear.) It
has, however, been observed by a Noble Marquis, whom he did
not see in his place now, that the Government ought to take
upon their own shoulders the disagreeable functions of decid-
ing what railways should come before their Lordships, and
which should not, but it must be recollected that it was not in
the power of Governmenttotake upon themselves this duty, be-
cause they had not the means or the power of deciding the
question so satisfactorily as a Committee will have.
The Government have, however, at the earliest
convenient opportunity directed the attention of Parliament to
the matter, in order that it may be settled to the satisfaction,
if possible, of all parties. The Government have made prepa-
rations for laying before these Committees such information
as they have been enabled to collect, and which they consider
will tend much to remove the amount of their labours. They
have caused maps to be prepared, showing the lines already
constructed, those in the course of formation, and those which
are involved in the projects before the House. These will be
arranged in such a manner as to show the districts which are
at present without railway convenience. This information
will be laid upon the table of the House for the guidance
of the Committee, and he considered that had the govern-
ment come down with any settled plan to be pursued as to
railway legislation, it would have been productive of no good
consequences. The best plan they could adopt was to propose
the formation of a Select Committee to take these matters
into consideration. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
her Majesty's Government has proposed that a Select Com-
mittee be formed in the other House, When the report of
that Committee shall be presented, the Government wilt then
be prepared to submit to the House their opinions as
to the course which they think wise to adopt.
There are other matters which will then come under the con-
sideration of the Committee, which I think will materially
conduce to the benefit of the parties more immediately in-
terested.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances he
begged leave to move that a Select Committee be appointed
for the purpose of taking. into consideration the m'ide of re-
gulating the railway business before the Howe.
Lord BROUGHAM quite agreed with the Noble Lord in
the feelings of alarm with which he considered the question of
the amount of capital. God forbid that he should entertain
the opinion that Parliament should not interfere in the sub-
ject of this enormous outlay of capital. But when Parlia-
ment was called upon to give some extraordinary, and he
would call them extravagant, powers in any case—( Hear)
—without which there could be no such investment of capital
as was asked for-Tit would not be proper for Parliament
to grant those powers without a due regard to the dis-
posal of the capital of the country,—Gear, hear.) Parlia.
ment had no right to interfere with the natural employment
of the capital of the country, but when it was sought to dis-
pose of that capital by an unnatural eroploysent thereof, the
Legislature was then Issund to step, forward and oppose the
attempt.—( Hear, hear.) He did not see that there was any
thing morally wrong in the grants that had already been
sanctioned for railway purposes, nor would he say that they
had been made with an abstinence of all providence and cir-
cumspection ; but when he was called upon to make more
grants to such an amount as would increase the expenditure
from 20,000,0001 per annum to 53,000,000/. (for that was
the calculation) he did think it the duty of Parliament to put
a stop to such an extraordinary diversion of the capital of the
country into enp particular channel.—( Hear, hear.) He
hoped that, before the House would proceed headlong into the
sanctioning of fifty-three millions of money being granted for
the formation of railways for each of the succeeding thirty-
three years, they would give the subject the most serious con-
sideration. He apprehended that out of that House his argu-
ment would be misapprehended, but he certainly did hope tq
be heard before their Lordships on this subject when it should
come in a proper shape before the House. He certainly did
consider that the Railway committee should undergo great
alteration, and that its powers should be abridged.—( Hear,
hear.) That body dealt with questions a hundred-fold more
important than all the questions which came before the Courts
of Westminster, or any other court of law in the kingdom,
although it of course possessed none of the skilful
experience possessed by the judges of those courts,
With ell possible respect for both Houses of
Parliament, hp did not consider any Committee which they
might appoint a proper tribunal for the disposal of business
of such vast importance as that involved in the railway business
which it was proposed to bring before them. God fOrbid
that he should wish the privileges of either House to be inter-
fered with, or that he ahouid sanction any attempt that might
be made tq transfer those privileges to any other quarter
—( Hear, hear)—hut he was morally persuaded that the rail-
way Committees were the very worst tribunals that existed in
the country. He hoped, therefore, in conclusion, that their
Lordships would afford him an opportunity, on a future occa-
sion, of speaking more at large on this important question.
The Earl of liINNAIRD said that it was generally con-
sidered by the public that Parliamentary Committees were not
the best judges of the railways which were submitted to their
decision. Oftentimes two lines in the same course taese
sanc-
tioned which worked against each other, and ip one case two
companies clashed so much with each other that the P üblie
were frequently misled in consequence of the conlnsion
tickets. 'Some combined system should be ahby nied which
they and other evils, from a
similare cause, would in future be
prevented. Hp would give notice for a motion on Monday
neat for a return of the fees on the different railways, and their
appropriation. On one railway the entire expenses connected
with Parliamentary extension amounted to 8 000/ and 300/ of
this sum was fur fees. This he considered,wroe.g, and should
meet with the attention ef, Parliament, with view to
TOreedy.
Lord ASHBURTON,wt
inaudibleho in the gallery, approved
of the low tone of voice in which he spoke, was aiinos
of the appointment of the Committee. Heagreedwith the pro-
position of the Noble Lord, because he
conceived it woul, 1 be
°
necessary to put some limitation to the call for labour upeu
railways in this country. Many of
those projects, it wa% well
known, were got up 11 attgnaya end ekineera to country