The Sun.
London, England, 1848-04-25 00:00:00

Obeientag :xtit

LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 25, 1848.

Precarious as the destinies of Schleswig still con-
tinue to he, the right of Den mark to the allegiance
ofas itsthe imaginative population ro longer remains undecided. Talk
professors of Germany may about
the
t
he about consolidation of the nationality of their
fatherland, and, above all, about the infringement of
what they are pleased to call. the constitutional rights
of the Holsteiners —Euro
hood-
winked by a few sophisticalp
eeP eai lapat.la not going to be
ttudes, or bamboozled
by the figments of a
speaks—Time speaks—Usage se
peaks—the
History
. races and
generations of the continentallalitipeak as to the poli-
tical dependence of Schleswig us
rn
tthh e
Oldenburg insular and
peninsular power exercised
which
ofh
dynasty. From those unaniymouse
Oracles
Truth may be obtained the knowledge g
abtye
reveals the criminality of the raisedpretensionshi
re
Holstein, and through Holstein by the aggregate
government of the Germanic Confederation. The
distinguished character of Chevalier BUNSEN cannot
alter the position of the question at issue; neither
can the reported violence of the language of ORLA
LEHMANN; or the ingenious erudition of GRUNER ;
or the most specious arguments of the most scholarly
politicians of Berlin. There the facts are—visible—
undeniable—indestructable. Let who will gainiay
those facts—there they will remain, carved upon the
map of Europe by the reiterated strokes of an-
tiquity. So long as the Eider rolls from the
direction of the Baltic to the billows
of the German Ocean, so long will the as-
sociation of the Schleswigers and the Danes
in one common nationality remain indisputable.
When the boundaries of the empire of CESAR, and
the limits of the one, obedient to the sceptre of the
Carlovingian race are forgotten, then the iniquitous
claims of Holstein may be recognised, and the
maritime dreams of Germany be realised. _Never
till then,
nct
esna.sifie
sanctified
by
Never at least without the violation of a
of which right wascenturies, and the maintenance
e f successively guaranteed by Eng-
land in the treaty Gotha, and by France in the
peace of Prederickstadt.
Before the question can be very accurately
comprehended, it is essential that the precise extent
and character of the Danish kingdom should be com- I

prehended. That kingdom, it will be remembered,
comprises a considerable group of islands, situated at
the entrance of the Baltic, upon the larger of which
stands the capital city of Copenhagen ; of the ancient
possession of Jutland, the lower extremity of which
is the Scandinavian Duchy of Schleswig; and of
Holstein—a German Duchy contra-distinguished
from Denmark Proper, owing obedience to the last
descendant of the Oldenburg dynasty, simply in his
Ducal character, and totally irrespective of bis regal
eminence, and entitling the Sovereign of Denmark as
Duke of Holstein to a proportionate influence in
the government of the Germanic Confederation.
Those were the constituent parts of Denmark as de-
finitively determined by the treaty signed in 1815 at
Vienna. Any interference with that arrangement
would be a solemn and unjustifiable attack upon one
of the most ancient constitutional edifices in Christ-
endom. It would be not only an infringement of the
decisions of Vienna, but of the older resolutions of
Gotha and of Frederickstadt. If, moreover, such an
interference as the one adventured upon by the Duke
of AUGUSTENBURG would be odious under any cir-
cumstances, it must be regarded as of a character in-
describably infamous at a juncture in Danish history
such as the one which witnessed its commencement.
What was that juncture? It was this. To-
wards the beginning of the present year,
FREDERICK, the King, succeeded to the diadem of
Denmark. As Crown Prince he had long cherished
a determination to ameliorate the social and political
institutions of his country so soon as the supreme
power should have become concentrated in his grasp.
With a population of 1,500,000 in Denmark Proper,
and scarcely 800,000 in the Two Duchies, the Scan-
dinavian Duchy of Schleswig, and the German duchy
of Holstein, the newly-crowned SOVEREIGN an-
nounced to the nation the establishment of a Free
Constitution. In the Representative Chamber of
this liberal Legislature FREDERICK decided that an
equal number of deputies should be returned by Den-
mark Proper, and by the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein
notwithstanding the extraordinary disparity of the
number of their inhabitants. Immediately, however,
after the proclamation of this projected Constitution,
the Holsteiners intimated their distaste for any such
incorporation with the integral portions of Denmark.
Thereupon the Monarch yielded to the sentiments
expressed by his German subjects in Holstein, and
restricted the operation of his previous ordinances to
the Scandinavian duchy of Schleswig and the
other portions of the Danish kingdom. Out
of that magnanimous concession has arisen all
the distraction of the present movement. Instead
of gratitude, King FREDERICK has encountered
h
only insurrection, and e
alreadybeyond the
recognizes
immediatethe
destruction
troublesofeficnliveamsieonaerment. Against those perils.n
however, he is able to raise a barrier of insurmount-
ableechnda r
tahceteobstacles—the
renthusiasm
h eissi
esm loyalty,
dominionsat
hl tey; ,
ph theiasn Danes
immeasurable
valour,; the the
impregnable d evotio
devotion,
superi-
ority over his opponents as a maritime power; the
eternal sanctity of his cause; the daring of France;
and the conscience of England.

The threatened demonstration of yesterday has
passed over as quietly as its more pretentious prede-
cessor. Another petition has been drawn up, an-
other procession organized, another Monday has
passed by, and London is still at peace, and the
Crown and Government secure and this not
through the agency of the Security Bill. Let us
hope we have had an end of such proceedings, which,
so far from aiding the popular cause, only tend to
throw discredit upon the practice of petitioning, and
are most derogatory to the dignity of the people.
There is much, in all sorrow and seriousness, we
must admit there is much, very much that requires
reform and remedy in the social condition of the
English nation, or rather of those " two nations"
into which the people of this country are divided.
There is much to remedy, but this remedy must be
sought by other means than fictitious petitions,
placarded vans, and perambulating mobs. Such
puerile proceedings only throw ridicule upon a holy
cause, and in consequence disgrace all who take part
in them. But let them pass. We have no satisfac-
tion in dwelling upon them ; rather would we con-
sider some more appropriate and more feasible means
of ameliorating the condition of the lower classes of
this country. They need amelioration Heaven knows.
As an evidence of their necessity, in one individual
particular, we may cite a document recently pub-
lished by Government, in which is set forth the
number of persons taken into custody by the metro •
politan police in the year 1847, with a comparative
statement from 1831 to 1847. This document adds
another proof to the thousands already ad-
duced to prove in how remarkable a man-
ner ignorance is the companion and cause
of crime. From these tables it appears, that of
forty-one thousand men who had infringed the laws,
thirteen thousand were totally ignorant, while only
one hundred and fifty could read and write well ;
while of twenty thousand five hundred female
offenders nine thousand could neither read nor write,
and only fourteen could read and write well. This,
as we have said, merely refers to one-particular neces-
sity of the English poor, but that a most vital necessity
—education. What an awful and unnatural state of
things—perhaps one of the necessary accompaniments
of civilized society, though certainly no mark of
civilization—is that in which prisons abound and
schools are wanting, and where the guardianship of
tht,young is consigned, not to the pastor and teacher,
-Sit to the police and the gaoler ! Such, however, to
rest extent, at least, is the lamentable condition
hp this country—a condition which has certainly
Vien somewhat ameliorated of late years, but which
141 Vis still considerable need of further improvement.
Perhaps the recent movement, or projected movement,
on the part of the populace may be in some degree
beneficial, by directing attention to the real condition
and real necessities of the people. Theoretically that
condition has been long:since known, those necessities
have, been canvassed, and their fitting remedies dis-
cussed. But what we now want is some practical benefit.
It is not an abstract essay upon the " rights of man,"
and neither, perhaps, a projected extension of the
suffrage, that would actually improve the condition
of the public. Political reforms are, without doubt,
required, and would be advisable, but social reforms
are imperatively needed. One of the recently con-
stituted special constables has indited a letter to his
brother officers and fellow-countrymen in general
upon the recent occasion of these constables " being
called out to keep the peace." This special constable
happens to be the author of a deservedly popular little
work, entitled " The Claims of Labour," and conse-
quently his remarks on such an occasion are worthy
of attention. And they are worthy of attention,
moreover, as being of that practical character to
which we have just alluded. It is true there are
many of his reflections (of a somewhat Conservative
cast) to which we cannot entirely agree ;
yet the pamphlet, on the whole, contains some
salutary advice. Speaking of that attractive but
delusive word "equality," the writer of this letter
asks, " As to equality what does it mean? Civil
equality ! we have got it." This is one of the asser-
tions from which we beg leave to differ, but the re-
marks which follow contain much truth. He pro-
ceeds—" Social equality 1" Which of us ever met his
equal? Indeed to the same man in the same day I
am lord and servant ; now instructor, now pupil.
Life is an interchange of dependencies." One of the
practical means suggested by the author of the
Claims of Labour" for ameliorating the condition of
the poor, is abetter fulfilment of the duties of employers
towards the employed. " That," says he, "which all
the wise books and articles in newspapers cannot dog
kind words, considerate dealing, and friendly inter-
course will do. This," he adds, " does not seem a
grand remedy—l believe a true one seldom does."
The following remarks are worthy of attention, for
their truth is unquestionable :—" No one who has
studied the life of the poorer classes will pretend to say
that their present means would not allow of
their being raised many degrees in thought, refine-
ment, and enjoyment. If they were so raised, we
might say to revolutions—revolve if you like ; in
as I at
have for
the present d
your course you will bring nothing uppermost which
i
we should m.ufficchafletayr
allto see.such It will
things will
besaid that
suggested are too late. Quackery always promises
great things to be effected in short times, and pre-
dicts sudden changes.
You are to be at the point of
death to-day, and quite well to-morrow. Ages will
pass, and the world will continue to believe that all

gnetudioebut7yril'isnaogcnidatilPwdiiisiorders take time to be
iis evils are curable by some sudden process, some
again. Nature meanwhile,
healsdßi
esseitveri so.
gently,
dissevering
have time to do it in.'
gradually and effectually remedied, but let that
remedy be entered upon at once. Here, Mr. Coca-
RANH, and here, Mr. FEARGITS O'CONNOR, is a wider
field for exertion, and one in which more true cele-
brity
nwisitttoinbgel
yatstealiencetde
d,
.t h an

Madrid journals of the 19th have been received.

The Herald() states that there is no truth in the
rumour that the ex-King and ex-Queen of the
FRENCH are about to take up their residence at
Valladolid.

NARVAEZ has, it is said, demanded of the British
Government the recal of Mr. BuLwER.

MADRID BOLSA, APRIL 19.—The Three per Cents.
closed at 21t cash, and were I buyers, 11-16 sellers
after the close. Five per Cents. l3:1 buyers, 14 sellers.
Vassive Debt 4i to 5. Coupons, 91 sellers. Exchange
on London 43. Bank of San Fernando Shares are
quoted 98 buyers, ex. div., and 104 sellers, but they
have been done at 94.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The elections were proceeding quietly. The poll
was not to be closed until midnight last night, there-
fore the results areas yet unknown.

The Provisional Government has published a
decree ordering the abolition of Colonial slavery
within two months.
The Provisional Government has determined the
compensation to be given to the owners of dispossessed
railways. The shares are valued at the average price
they were previous to the revolution. The compen-
sation is to be paid in five per cent. stock similarly

valued.
Some serious disturbances have taken place at
Nantes, in consequence of an attempt made by the
Government Commissioner, to prevent the electors
from voting for any but his own list of candidates. It
appears that the Commissioner got his own list
printed and circulated, and then gave orders that the
printing establishments should all be closed up, and
that no other lists should be printed. This extraor-
dinary measure he enforced by placing a guard over
each establishment. The consequence was a serious
riot. The National Guard was called out, but it fra-
ternized with the people, and the result was that the
Commissioner, to save his life, was obliged to leave
the town precipitately and return to Paris.
BOURSE—PARIS, MONDAY, APRIL 24.
THREE o'cLocs.—The distinguishing feature of the
day's business was a very decided advance in Railway
Shares. They were in demand from the beginning of the
market, and continued to advance to the end. Rouen
have risen not less than 65E, closing at 375 E; Havre 27f.
50c., fat 200 f.; Northern, 23f. 50c., at 360 f.; Marseilles,
15f., at 210 E; Versailles (Right Bank), 15E, at 120 f.;
Orleans, Strasburgh. and Nantes, 10f. each, at 510 E,
355 f., and 345 f. ; Vierz9n, 12f. 50c., at 242 f. 50c.;
Bordeaux and Lyons, 7f. 50c., at 400 E, and 318 f.
75c.; Bale, SE, at 85f. The cause of this very decided
improvement was said to be the intention of the Govern-
ment to take the prices of the various lines on some day
before the revolution, as the basis of the expropriation
by the State. The French Funds by no means partici•
pated in the advance of railway stock. The Five per
Cents, are 50c. lower, dosing at 60f. 75c., whilst the
Three per Cents. have risen 25c., closing at 40f. 75c.
Bank of France shares are 30f. better, closing at 1,200 E;
Belgian Fives (1840) are unchanged, at 61%t.1 Obliga
tions de la Ville are 10f. higher, at 120 E; French gold
is dearer to-day, the price being 35f. The charge for
obtaining I,OOOE is 7f. The changers at present re
fuse to take English sovereigns, declaring that they
have a tremendous quantity, and that there is no demand
for them.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, APRIL 24.

Boulogne and Amiens, 6114—Northern of France, 311 q
Paris and Lyons, 21/4—Paris and Strasburg, 2—Rouen and
Havre, 74—Sambre and Meuse, 414.