The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-09 00:00:00

make these observations in consequence of the challenge which
had been given him to show the necessity which existed for the
present measure. It was easy to charge the Government with
tyranny and oppression, and to make long and
eloquent speeches on the subject. He felt that
if the Government had proposed this measure as a
panacea for the evils of Ire!and, that then they would have
been justified in pursuing the course they had adopted ; but
the Government had brought in this Bill avowedly as a
corrective for a disorganized state of society—as a corrective
without which any measure, however good in itself, could
have no satisfactory operation. The Government owned that
they did not look on the Bill as likely to change permanently
the social system of Ireland, but simply as a preparatory mea-
sure ; and it was on that view and on that principle that it had
been introduced. He, for one, was perfectly
his opinion as to the impossibility of any longer permitting
Ireland to alternate between lawless despotism and ultra con-
stitutional enactments.—( Hear, hear.) ready to admit
And when he
made that admission it was not at variance with the
_
principle of the Bill, and he knewitlwouaksed not at
tvtahe
riamnce
aswuirteh
the spirit with which the Government.
He was prepared to give his principal support to it on this view,
calculated believing that it was a measure to restore peace and
harmony to the country. And looking ,
to prove
measure in this
spirit he ventured to call upon that House prove by its votes
to-night that they will consent, however reluctantly, to suspend
the law whenever lawless violence is rife, rather than all law
should be set at variance, and the lives and property of the sub-
jects of the realm jeopardised and endangered, and the peace-
ful security of the neighbourhood set at nought and destroyed,
Mr. MORGAN JOHN O'CONNELL—There was one ad-
o tntage which the Noble Lord who just addressed the House
ris
e follow him,hi3 sp speech,
t, ha autdwhaes bywo theuld
heLdcoileiaetroarnyytsopneeawkehriewhhee mighth
d
himself endeavour to follow the example he had so eloquently
set. If he believed that this Bill was what its title pretended it
to be, no party
consideration, or no consideration of any other
kind would prevent hire from giving it his support.—( Hear,
hear.) But the arguments of the Noble Lord had failed com-
pletely to convince him, and he had heard with very great sur-
prise the statement of the Noble Lord, that crime was rather on
the increase in Ireland than on the diminution. He had,
however, some constitutional mistrust of the reports coming
from the constabulary, when those reports were calculated to
bear out the views of Government, and he advised the Noble
Lord now, :Ind he advised any man about to be Secretary for
Ireland, (and it would be very hard to say who might be
Secretary for Ireland next year) to adopt for their first rule to
distrust the constabulary ; and the next rule he would give
them would be to distrust thu law-adviser for the Crown.—
( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord used a phrase which gave
him great surprise ; he had told them that this Rill was a
temporary remedy for a temporary emergency. But did they
know that this temporary remedy was brought in as permanent
in its nature in another place? The Noble Lord had quoted
largely from the constabulary returns, but a great proportion
of these outrages were not agrarian. He did not know on
what principle these returns were made, but he was afraid
they were made in very nearly a similar manner to those which
were made when the Arms Bill was brought forward. The
first use nude of that Act was to deprive of arms all who were
repealers ; in a county. too, which was not a disturbed county.
That was the first use made of it by an Irish magistracy in
one of the counties of Ireland. He, therefore, warned the
House that instead of using the new powers which were con-
ferred by this Bill for the object intended, the magistracy
of Ireland would use it, not for its purpose of suppressing out-
rage, but for destroying the liberties of the people, and sup-
pressing the freedom of discussion. Many clauses of the Bill
were fraught with the most serious mischief to the people,
and would entail the greatest injury if carried into effect.
He believed that a law which would alter the agrarian system
of Ireland would have more effect in doing away with crime in
that country than if they were to introduce such a measure as
the present for years to come. This was what was wanted for
Ireland. Alter the landed system of the country, and they
would find the goad results of that alteration in the continued
prosperity, and the total cessation of crime.—(Hear, hear. )
He believed that whatever was good for the tenantry of Ire-
land would he equally good fur the landlord—that which was
good for the one would he good for the other, and the whole
country would feel the beneficial results of that all-importan'
change.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped the Irish representatives
on both sides of the House, who during the whole period of
the session had displayed a spirit of generosity towards their
country, would not now be found wanting in substituting for
the measure before the House that which would be a laeting
good, instead of adapting that which would only entail more
misery, and revive that crime which did not now exist.—( Hear.)
He hoped that he might be pardoned for alluding to one
question, more especially as it might be remembered that he
did not trouble the House much that session on Irish affairs.
—(Hear, hear.) He was about to allude to the Established
Church of Ireland, and in alluding to it he did not wish to
cause anything like a division amongst the Irish representa-
tires who differed with him on that question. He thought,
however, that he might with great propriety impress upon them
the necessity of taking that question into consideration,
while they had the opportunity of settling it amicably, instead
of waiting till that period when they would be forced to
concede much more than the country were now willing to
accept.—( Hear, hear.) The people of Ireland would now be
satisfied with a moderate reform in the Church establishment
of that country, comparatively with that which these would
demand at a future period, when the subject would be forced
upon the consideration of Parliament, and when nothing
less than a radical change in the whole system would
satisfy them.—( Hear, bear.) With respect to the measure
before the House, her Majesty's Ministers would do well to
consider that the spirit of the age was not in favour efeoereion.
—(Hear, hear.) The spirit of the age was spoken out by her
Majesty's Government, when, a short time since, they told the
House that they had abandoned those principles which they
had been in the habit of supporting, to meet the reformed spirit
of the country.—( Hear, hear.) He called upon the House
and upon her Majesty's Ministers not to make this Bill an ex-
ception to that new spirit of reform which had forced itself
upon the Legislature ; and feeling, as be did, that it was a
measure calculated to do irreparable injury, and work more
mischief than it could possibly put down, he should vote against
it.— (Cheers. )
Lord G. BENTINCK said it would be in the recollection
of the House that he gave his advice to her Majesty's
Government, that if this measure was necessary for the
suppression of crime in Ireland, it ought to take
precedence of many questions then about to be entertained.
It would also be remembered that at that time it was a measure
of more emergency than many others, and it would be remem-
beked that when the measure was brought down to that House,
her Majesty's Ministers most solemnly impressed upon
them the necessity of immediately passing it into a law. Not-
withstanding that necessity six weeks had elapsed before it was
again brought forward. When this Bill stood for a first read-
ing there was no House, and when it was remembered that
there were two Government nights when it could have been
brought forward, and on one of those nights the House ad-
journed at nine o'clock, could it be said by her Majesty's Minis-
ters that there was any wish to press the measure?—( Hear,
hear.) On the contrary he was of opinion that there was no
desire whatever to press it, and those opportunities of bringing
it forward were allowed to pass away. The caries federi,
had now arrived when it behoved the party with which he
(Lord George Bentinck) acted, to stand forward and
prove to the Right Honourable Baronet that they were
determined to act for themselves.—( Great cheering.)
He could not help remarking that it appeared to him that
crime in Ireland had diminished as the days had grown longer.
and therefore, if this measure was to have been passed at all,
it should have been passed when the days were short; but, in-
stead of that it had been postponed till the mouth of June.—
( Hear, hear.) Now, it so happened, that he found that.
during the month of June crime had considerably diminished,
for it appeared by the returns that in the month of June, las.
year, the various crimes amounted to 896, while in the same
month of this year, they did not exceed 89.0, and in the month
of May they were only 708. Contrestine these returns with
the amount of crime committed in the months of November
and De-ember, they were respectively 6(12 and 607, so that the
Noble Chief Secretary of State for Ireland did appear b
be very well informed as to the state of crime in
Ireland—(Hear, hear)—and when the Noble Lord carat
here for the purpose of rescuing the Government from defeat,
he (Lord G. Bentinck) did not this k he was very successful.—
(Hear, bear.) Indeed, the Noble Lord did not appear to have
given- much attention to Irish affairs, when he appears to hay.
been totally unconscious of the resistance of such a town a,
Csetlebar.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now he (Lord George
Bentinck) should say he could see no cause for passing in the
month of June a measure that was needed' in the month of
February. In comparing the year 1845 to that of 1846, he
could not find that crime had increased beyond 514 per cent.,
and he would say that such an increase would not justify the
Government in passirg such a measure as this, after having
hraredished it before the people of Ireland so long with
being in earnest in their desire to carry it.—( Cheers. ) In
comparine' the amount of crime committed in each of the tws
years he had mentioned, he feline that the crimes of incen-
diarist's, robbery of arms, firing at with intent to kill, threaten
ins; notioes, and such like, amounted in the aggregate, in the
first five months of the year 18 ni, to 786; while within the
last three months they amounted to only 554. In the first five
months of last year those crimes amounted to 815; while it
the same period of this year crimes of a more mitigated cha-
racter in the first five months of last year amounted to 1,701 ;
while in this year they did not exceed 1,500,—( Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord had told the House that this was a permanen'
measure to meet a temporary emergency—that was to say, that
it was a measure which was intended to have met an emers
gency that had taken place five months ago.—(Loud cheers. )
Now, these were some of the reasons which induced him to
oppose this measure upon this occasion; but he had still much
more grave and important reasons for doing so. One of thew
was, that he could assure the House that the gentlemen who
sat around him would refuse to trust her Majesty's
Government.—(Renewed cheers.) And it they had no other
reasons, he conceived they had quite enough in the double
dealing which the Government had displayed.—(Cheers.) The
House had been deceived by the statements that had been- made
by.. her Majesty's Ministers four months ago. They were tole
war- months ago that there was a famine in Ireland, and that
sense could trust her Majesty's
four millions of the people were starving there—( Hear, hear)
—but after that had occurred he could not see how any man of
hear.) ITe would not: but he would' ar'siewif sc./)
Ireland 'lid any man believe theLt were
He would saythat
they never meant
whether any one Who understood the forcustesr4 It.
present Ministers.—( Hear.
to discuss the merits of this
the Howie of Cons
believe that the session would be I
would be dragged through mignoecveearSabritifos r the peace of
ixt,usH.i_e would ask
Government would carry it ?
He
did not
this measure
Pane,le the Go.
law.—(Hear, h e
There. might he some Hon. Members opposite who were etserVr
v.ietninttoit erethe impression that such a measure mighti have been necessary,
vernment ever mean
a waste of time, a mockryeare. '
Therefore he would say it walasnd,
but they could not beltietvoe tnhaartr,ye
to brandish this measurea ind
an insult to the people of Ire
t to be carried into a law, and
their face, which was never mean
therefore he would do his best to prevent that mockery being
done.—(Loud cheers.) The Government said that they were
measure as they were about
as much in earnest in carrying this .
dealt _,., ~......
the corn-law ; but hcw differently had tbeOdla
s'twewr'elua
e—
( Hear, hear.) In the cue of the
"rn-jaws
all
y forcediik
on
Goverment days and all others and it was
with all the ant of new converts.--(Loud cheers.)
They had short holidays and short notices of holidays, They
were worked up till the eve of Good Friday, and then they
only nijcurnrd till the Friday following. But no sooner was
the Corn Bill through, and the Coercion Bill introduced, than
there was an altervieu. If the Ministers really believed the
n.:l was necessary ter the protection of life and property in
Indand, why had they thus procrastinated it? Why had so
mach valuable time been lost in pushing it forward ?—( Hear,
hear, and cheers.) No sooner was the Coercion Bill intro-
duced thsn they had long holidays—( Cheers)—and on Tuesday
and Thursday they adjourned at half past seven o'clock. Was
there any man in that House and the country foolish enough to
believe that her Hijcsey's Ministers were in earnest in the
introduction of this Bill ?—( Hear, hear.) Believing that
they were not in earnest, the sooner the House got rid of the
Rill and her Majesty's Ministers the better.—( Tremendous
cheering from the protectionists.) With this view of the
question he considered he should delay no longer to state on
the part of the friends around him the course they were pre-
pared to take. They would have preferred to support a mo-
tion of no confidence, still he would accept the question as it
was before the House, and if the Government believed they
were not in a position to carry on the affairs of the country it
was time for them to retire. They had been told by Sir R.
Poet, on a former occasion, that he would not consent to be
a Minister on sufferance. Was he not such a Minis-
ter now ? Sometimes depending on gentlemen on
en one side of the House, and sometimes on those around him
(Lord George Bentinck), and supported throu

but his paid Janizaries. —( Loud cheers from the protectionists.)
Many of those who after voting expressed their shame at what
they had been obliged to do. It such was the state of the Go-
.nagainstto
theouteak and
measure.declare
H e their
askedse the
sense
of
t
Right Hon. Baronet if he had not lost the confidence of every
honest man in that House—(Loud cheers)—and not only in
ives conductmen t'
itby was
voting
that House, but of every honest man in the country ?—( Con-
tinued cheering.) In the course he had pursued, he
had been inconstant to all with whom he had any con-
nexion. He ( Lord George Bentinck) recollected how
aam
same
question,
measure
e asor
e io
he had hunted down a member of the Ministrl,
in 1827, for a departure from the strict line of consis-
tency onanother
thoughlB2t9h.e
Io RightlB 22 Hon.h e
tßaronetold the
supporte d the
House, in supporting the measure, that he changed his opinion
in 1825, when he was connected with the Earl of Liverpool's
Government.—( Hear, hear.) That, however, did not pre-
vent him, in 1827, separating from Mr. Canning's Govern-
ment. If it was base, and dishonest, and inconsistent with the
duty of a Minister to the Sovereign then, to maintain opinions
after he had ctunged them, did not the Right Hon. Baronet
stand convicted on the verdict of base and d.shonest conduct,

and of beint inconsistent in his duty to the Sovereign in the
course he had pursued ? (Loud protectionist cheers.) Lit
them recqllect his conduct in 1527, and compare it with what
it was in 1525 and 1829, and bear in mind that the coun-
try would not twice submit to the same conduct.—( Hear. )
It was time the country ahould know—it was time Europe
should kmw—it was time the world should know—that
treachery had been committed by the Ministers in power.
They certainly did not represent the feelings of the people, for
the corn-laws might be lost to the agricultural interest—do-
mestic industry might suffer—they might be betrayed. Europe
must not think—America must not think—the world must not

think that England was committed, or that England had par-
ticipated in the guilt of those who sat on the Treasury
benches.—( Cheers. ) The time had come, when those Gen-
tlemen who had been glad to avail themselves of the
treason of the Right Hon. Baronet, and Honourable Gentle-
men who considered the Right Hon. Baronet to be
traitor to his principlee, to combine in denouncing, the canduct
of her Majesty's Ministers, and in telling the Ministry that they
should no longer presume to insult the country.—(Cheers.)
The time had come when, by placing the Government in a
minority, they could drive them from power, and thus wipe
away that dishonour which had been forced upon Parliament
by a renegade Ministry, and vindicate the eharacter of the
British senate in the eyes of America. in the eyes of Europe,
and in the eyes of the world.—(Loud and continued cheering.)
Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said he had upon a previous oc-
casion ventured to trespass upon the time of the House for
some length, upon the subject of the Bill which had that night
for the second time been discussed, upon which had arisen so
much of acrimonious debate, and during which so many
charges had been urged against the Government—(lronical
cheers)—charges which were seldom urged—charges which
were couched in language little heard in that House--( Renewed
cheers)— charges and language which he confessed for the sake
of preserving the character of the House ought seldom, if ever,
to be used—( Renewed cheering)—charges which he would not
repeat, urged in terms which he would not retaliate so long as
he had any self-respect for his own character—so long as he
had any respect fer the character, the temper, and reputation of
that House.—(Continued cheering.) Is 4 or would he impute
to others motives which he scorned to be influenced by himself ;
nor would he, under any temptation whatever, import into that
House terms, language, and insinuations which were better
suited to some other arena than that in which gentlemen of
station, influence, and character were assembled to discuss
calmly, deliberately, and dispassionately measures vitally affect-
ing the great interest of this country.—( Cheer) ) The Noble
Lord had stated that her Majesty's Ministers could not be in
earnest in pressing this Bill. The Noble Lord founded that
supposition on the feet that now, in June, when he had
discovered that the days were long they were
erasing on the measure, but the Noble Lord forgot
now upon another measure he and his party wasted night after
night with long speeches, devoid of argument, put forward to
meet facts which could not be contradicted.—( Cries of" Oh,

oh.") But granting that the sp-eches contained argument—
granting that the facts were capable of being shaken by the
trifling, experience, or the seeming eloquence of the Noble
Lord, he put it to the Howe whether it was possible for the
Government to have brought the second reading of this Bill
forward earlier than they had done.—(Hear, hear.) The
Noble Lord had said that the Government should have brought
this Bill forward before the Corn Bill —( Hear, hear.) That
might be the opinion of the Noble Lord, but it was not the
opinion of the country. The Noble Lord, whose powers of in-
credulity were so great—( Cries of " Oh I oh l")—now told the
House that there was no necessity for interfering with the
liberties of the people of Ireland. He now told them, after
three weeks' experience, that the course which:he had taken a
few days ago was utterly unsound.—(fo Oh loh I") He (Mr.
S. Herbert) conceived that his conduct in that House had not
disentitled himself to its attention—( Hear, hear)—and he
thought he might be permitted to make a few ob.erva-
tions with regard to what had fallen from the Noble Lord,
and he thought that even the Noble L Id would admit that he
was not disentitled himself to its attention.—( Hear, hear.)
As he had before said, the Noble Lord now, .fter three weeks'
experience, told the House that there was no necessity for any
interference with the privileges of the Irish people ; but a
short time ago he was so keen fer this Bill, that he could not
allow the discussion to go on in the regular course, and in sup-
port of the Bill he cited cases in which women had been at-
tacked, fire-arms discharged into pear men's cottages, old ladies
attacked as they were returning from church in the broad day.
There was no language sufficiently strong to express his indig-
nation at the conduct of the Irish people.—( Hear, hear.) The
Noble Lord said that on the heads of those who opposed the
passing of this Bill would rest the blood of the mureered men
of Ireland._( Hear, hear.) Upon whose head did the blood
of the murdered men now rest ?—( Hear, hear.) Suddenly,
upon no change of circumstances in that country—at three
weeks notice—the Noble Lord turned round short, and said,
" That what we told you before was a lie before God and man."
Did the Noble Lord now take this course because he conceived
it would be necessary for the benefit of the country ? No ; but
because there were 'other reasons which pvompted
him to do so. The Noble Lord had made use of sin-
gular logic on this question, and he (Mr. Herbert)
conld not have any affinity with the political
opinions of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord had said the
other night, 'that because a gentleman, who in his opinion had
qualities which entitled him to reign in the hearts of the people
of Ireland—(Hear, hear)—so great was his respect for those

qualities which would so attach him to the whole of that people
that he ( Lord G. Bentinck) was ready to sacrifice his opinions
whatever they might be—(No, no)—in order to (tarry out his
views on this subject.—(No, no.) If it were deemed neces-
sary, he could quote the exact words of the Noble Lord. The
Noble Lord had said, because the Hon. Member in question
(Mr. W. S. O'Brien) had reigned in the hearts of the Irish
people, he was prepared to make a proposal to him on the sub-
ject of his Bill on the corn-law. The Noble Lord said, " It
you will propose to this House that the corn-law shall be sus-
pended, though I believe there is no necessity for it, and
though I believe it will do harm—(" Hear, hear," from the
protectionists)—yet such was the logical inference to which
the Noble Lord came, that although he believed there was no
necessity for the ineasure, and that it was totally wrong, he
would vote for it, because, as he said to the Hon. Member,
" you are the man who reigns in the hearts of the people of
Ireland."—(Cries of "No, no.") He, therefore, saw
some consistency in the course which the Noble
Lord was now taking. The Honourable Member for
Limerick, who reigned in the hearts of the people
f Ireland was bitterly opposed to this measure, and yet the
Noble Lord, who was ready to vote, was prepared to vote for
he measure because it was supported by that Hon. Gentleman,
And because it was wrong. The Noble Lord was now ready to
appose this measure, became it was likely to be opposed by that
Hon. Gentleman, whose popularity was great amongst that por-
:ioc of the people of Ireland who were disposed to dismember
he United Kingdom. Now he ( Mr. Herbert) would not go
!tack into every case which the Noble Lord had adduced. They
had had enough of discussion already en the subject of the
Corn Bill, and he did not think that the House would
to over the same ground. The Noble Lord might
make his accusations of treachery, and he might
%ay that in consequence of their conduct, they had forfeited
tiis confidence—( Hear)--but he (Mr. Herbert) must say that
.f the present Government was to cease holding office—(Pro-
-ectionist cheers)—after the exhibitions he had seen—after
the willingness he had seen—on the part of the Noble Lord to
sacrifice his opinions at three weeks' notice, and to ally him-
self to a political party with whom he could not have any faith,
is to the loss that they were threatened with, the least that he
should care for would be the loss of the confidence of the
Noble Lord.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Noble Lord
had said that thy Government were not in earneet in pressing.
Forward this Bill, and he quoted cases with that unfortunate
eve of arithmetic which disposed of human life as it did of
tallow and hides. He said that there had been 552 homicides;
only in such a tone as to intimate, that in his opinion, those
rases were not worth the notice of the Government. He had
:Is° said there were so many threatening notices ; and his
whole tons had been to the effect, that the Government had
.tot the slightest reason to interfere in the manner proposed._
He (Mr. Herbert) thought the people of this country would

fudge between the Noble Lord.—(Cheers, and counter cheers._
the people know full well and will know how to value the
wofessions—(lronical cheers) -of the Noble Lord, who but a
.hurt time since hurled his threatenings with so much force
against his own party with whom he is now allied.
—( Great uproar.) We have introduced the mea-
sure, because we think it necessary to do so—
Loud cheers, and cries of dissent.) How was it the Noble
Lord, who votel for the first reading of the Bill only a few
nights ago, now turned round suddenly, without any fresh
statement ?—(Uproar. ) He would tell the Noble Lord for
his satisfaction, that the Government would persevere in the
measure in spite of all his sarcasms and factious combinations.
—(lmmense uproar.) He made no charge against Hon.
Members opposite. Those gentlemen who had opposed the
measure before were bound still to do so.-.-(Loud cheers. )
lie spoke only of those who had changed their course so slid-
lenly. If he might be allowed to refer to the rumours which
had been about the town for the last two city's, that a
proposal had been made to a Noble Lord to b log to his
assistance a certain number of Gentleman, who were most
anxious, to divide with him, aed that Noble Lord received the
eroposition with a aUence which might amount to what might
almost be called conteropte.—(Cries of " Name, name."( Gen-
-lemen who wished for the names might look after the divsion
on the list, and they would see the names.—(Name, name.)
He had made no charge against any individual.—(oh, oh.)
He was speaking of a party by their acts--(Great uproar)—
and he did cot know why he should be called upon to name
a particular individual.—(Uproar.) He could only add that
the Government would press the measure forward to its
second reading.—( Hear.) He knew not what might be the fate
'f the measure.—(Cheers and uproar.) The Noble Lord who
charged the Government with insincerity in bringing forward
themnemeasure knew little cf the motives which actuated public
in the discharge of their duties—(" Oh, oh.")—and he
trusted that House would never sanction a departure from that
honourable spHireit
fionrwohni.ch thel offices of Government should be
conducted.
d.always regret being placed in
the hands of a man who seemswou incapable of understanding that
public men have a higher than
anything in
maintain, and
who should be ready to sacrifice order to support
chat they considered for the happiness, peace, and prosperity
of the country.
Marquis of GRANBY considered that language had been
used upon the present occasion which upon a more mature con-
e.lera' ion might not have been used. He thought it unfair
t';at they ss ho had been so little used to speaking in that House
-Should be charged with usingip such language. They had de-
;ap.(l it for six weeks, anal he c lci ask the House whether they
could suppose that there was any necessity for passing this Bill,
which he did believe,
when he voted for its first reading,
existed. They felt sure that the Government were in
was incumbent on them to pass the
earnest, that it
measure, that
the blood of the murdered
and
victims in Ireland would be on their heads if they relived to
pees it. But when the corn-.ax was allowed to pass through
the House instead of that more important measure, he became
convinced that there was no truth in its alleged necessity.
And they were now prepared to vote against
Ginstoivtebrencmauesn. Theyetthey had
no longer confidence in her Illajeaty
had but little when they first support b
supported it ; butthatlit tlewas
rendered still less by the course which they had pursued with
reference to the Bill, and the course which they had pursued
with reference to the Pour-law Settlement Bill had dmeniehed
that confidence in a greater degree.—( Hear,.hear. ) They had
been told the t night thae they bad entered two some compact.
with the Noble Lord who conducted the opposition, DLit he
believed that the only compact which existed between them
was that they had no confidence in her Majesty's Govern-
ment.—( Cheers.)
io' Mr. ROSS moved the kainnrnmonf of tha dohafP. Pe