The Sun.
London, England, 1833-04-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The usual tables containitig an account of
the state of the revenue for the year and the
quarter ending to-day (the sth of April), will
be found-in another part of our paper. On the
• whole year, it will be seen that there has been
an increase of 230,3891., or more than a quarter
of a million, though on the quarter there has
been a decrease of 92,4201. The chief source
of increase on the year has been the customs,
which have yielded nearly half a million more
than in the previous twelvemonths. The chief
falling off, both in the year and in the quarter,
has taken place in the•stamp duties. The excise,
usually reckoned the best test of the comforts of
the people which the productiveness of taxation
can afford, has remained nearly stationary. The
consumption of the articles on which it falls has
therefore, it is evident, not been essentially di-
minished. Thus, though we cannot boast of
any ostensible prosperity, as indicated by the
state of the revenue, we can see no ground for
alarm or despondency. We have previously ad-
mitted the existence of considerable distress in
the country, and we have no desire to see the
practical anomaly of a flourishing revenue and a
suffering people.— Times.
- - -

. .
The Westminster electors yesterday exhibited
their good sense and sound principle by again
choosing Sir John Hobhouse for their represen-
tative. He is a straightforward manly fellow,
and deserves support. But, much as we admire
the conduct of the electors, we must do justice
to the elected, and state, that be does not owe
his re-election to any assistance from the Go-
vernment, but to his own -vigour and integrity,
and to the correct appreciation of his character
by his constituents. The Government have been
beaten in London, Sunderland, Cumberland,—
in fact, in almost every place where a contest
has arisen since the Reform Bill ; during which
period Sir John Hobhouse has twice fought
their battle in Westminster, and twice triumphed.
Ministers owe a great deal more to this gentle-
man than he owes to them. But our principal
reason for noticing this subject is to warn the
Ministers. The people of England are not un-
grateful, and are anxious to support them against
the vile Tory faction. The Reformed House
of Commons supports them from the same mo•
tives. Yet, such is their want of tact and want of
energy, that with more means of successful mainte-
nance of their position than any Ministry on re-
cord, they are almost always on the brink of
ruin. We say this from no unfriendly feeling,
for we should consider a Tory Government the
greatest curse that could be inflicted on the
country, as its only and speedy result would be
a revolution. Not entirely unconnected with
this subject is the case lately decided by the
Hertford Committee. Mr. Duncombe, who has
contrived to make himself popular and respected
wherever he is known, by his agreeable and
upright qualities, but whose fortune is unequal
to any great expenditure, has fought at no little
cost the battle of Ministers and Reformers,—
first, at the election,—and, secondly, on the
petition, against the almost overwhelming power
and wealth of Lord Salisbury. What assistance
has he received ? A few personal friends have
advanced about 5001. ; but there is not a mem-
ber of the Cabinet who ought not to feel him-
self under personal obligation to take care that
this intrepid champion of their principles against
the most violent of their opponents shall not
incur the slightest loss. The Ministers should
stand by'their friends, by whom they are so
nobly supported.—Times.
_ _

The people of Scotland have now, for the
first time, their own representatives in a British
Parliament, and it is not surprising, therefore,
that demands of a novel nature should be made
• by some of their representatives. The present
demands for judicial reform may serve to illus-
trate this. Hitherto all judicial reforms for
Scotland have been effected through the instru-
mentality of professional men. It would seem,
however, that the people of several parts of that
country, but more especially the inhabitants of
the great commercial and manufacturing towns
of Glasgow, Paisley, Greenock, and the west
of Scotland generally, are anxious for a larger
measure of judicial reform, than would appear
to be palatable to the bar of Edinburgh. The
newspapers of Scotland are at this time keenly
discussing the • subject, and loudly encouraging
Mr. Wallace, of Kelly, to persevere in the
measures which he has announced. We are not
ourselves acquainted with the precise nature of
Mr. Wallace's measures, but we see that the
Scots Times observes, with reference to antici-
pated attacks from Scotch lawyers in the House,
that " he is in part, at least, armed against such
attacks by the best of all armour—the previous
revision of his intended Bills by some of the best
lawyers of the country. We know that he has
freely and largely availed himself of professional
experience and professional knowledge of the
best description ; and we counsel him, there-
fore, to abide by the improvements which the
Bills will undoubtedly contain, and neither to be
laughed nor to be threatened into a departure,
or even a modification, of these improvements.
These will be found to be based on sound judg-
ment; and, if we are accurately informed, his
plans %%ill contain nothing that is either rash or
impracticable." Another journal, the Glasgow
Evening -.Post, says, that " Mr. Wallace,
in
his numerous lucid explanations of his views as
to the improvements that should be made on our
present mode of administering justice. has long
since satisfied the great majority of the public
of the soundness of his opinions on law reform ;
and we have little doubt that, when his Bills
make their appearance, they will maintain all
that he has previously expressed, and convince
others of the advantages that would result from
their being in force." Mr. Wallace was to have
brought the subject forward last night; but on
account of the absence of the Lord Advo'-
cate from indisposition, he was obliged
to postpone it. We shall, on hearing his
views, and the views of his opponents (for
we understand' that he will be opposed), state
frankly our opinion ou the subject. We are
quite aware that in many respects the judicial
system of Scotland possesses great advantages
over that of England ; but we are at the same
time aware that the Scotch system is susceptible
of very great improvement. We are also aware
that there are but too many individuals in Scot-
land, as well as in England, who have an interest
opposed to any material improvement in law
proceedings, and who will strive to render that
reform, which cannot be prevented, as little
effectual as possible. We believe there are few
Scutchmen satisfied with the constitution of the
Court of Session. That Court, though now
divided, is yet far too numerously constituted.
The Courts of this country, which are most
analagous to the Court of Session—the Chan-
cery, Vice-Chancery, and the Rolls—have each
one Judge only. These are the best Courts in
England. Where responsibility is divided it is
weakened. But we are aware that a numerous

Bar, fur obvious reasons, wish a numerous
Bench,. on _which-invalidßd.-members may re-
pose. Mr. Wallace possesses the requisite of
unwearied zeal, and whether he succeed in
having his own measures carried or not,; his
exertions can hardly fail to benefit the people of
Scotland.—Morning Chronicle.

The Quarterly Review for April, published
yesterday, contains an article on the last and
present Parliaments, in which we have a second
edition of the charges advanced in Parliament
during the discussion of the Reform Bill against
the Whigs, for gross partiality in destroying
Tory nomination boroughs and retaining their
own. It is not very edifying to travel over this
ground once more, so that we shall leave the re-
viewer to his thrice-told tale. But the writer
sets out with a declaration that the Reform Bill
has disappointed its admirers, and that we may
lay our account with a complete democratical
revolution ere long. " The new Parliament (he
says) is composed and is working exactly as all
the leaders of the Conservative party, and as we
—humble followers in that honourable train--
predicted ; and the avowed partisans of the Bill,
who so loudly complain that they have been 'dis-
appointed, make the slight mistake of confounding
their promises with their purposes. It has certainly
flagrantly contradicted all their prognosticst—it
has not produced a Parliament enjoying the
respect, or ministering to the wants of the
people; but we are satisfied that no thinking
man amongst them ever thought that it would.
The Whigs or Ministerialists, with purblind
selfishness, believed that it would enable them to
plunder the Tories of political power, and to
continue themselves in office for a session or
two—and they have not been disappointed; the
longer sighted Radicals saw that by playing the
temporary game of the Whigs, they were laying
the foundation of their own not distant supre-
macy ; and that the first step towards a complete
democratical revolution, was to have a House
of Commons which should bring itself into
contempt, and all old and constituted authorities
into odium and peril, and have they been dis-
appointed ? We think it highly important
to establish this distinction between the disap-
pointment of predictions and the disappointment
of expectations, because we foresee that the
general murmurs that are already heard as to the
failure of the Bill will soon become a storm of
indignation ; and in the awful crisis which that
storm must produce, it may be essential to the
very existence of civilized society in this land,
to discriminate between the principle of the Bill,
which will have been the real cause of our ruin,
and those clumsy, inconsistent, and absurd de-
tails, on which the radical mob will be inclined
to lay the whole blame, and in the amendment
—that is the democratic extension—of which
they will affect to be the only remedy. The
Bill has disappointed nobody—it has
worked, as the Ministers calculated, a Whig
predominance; and is now working as the
1 ones feared, and as the Radicals hoped, an
ultimate but certain revolution." The reviewer
has here greatly exaggerated the disappointment
caused by the proceedings of the Reform Par-
liament. All reflecting men make allowance for
the difficulty of the position both of Ministers
and the Parliament. It is true that Parliament
has not hitherto been successful in devising a
system for getting on with the business before it ;
but in this respect it is not worse than its pre-
decessors. Tile late Ministry left every thing
m confusion, and a number of important ques-
tions—as the Bank Charter, the India Charter
—claimed at once the attention of the new
Parliament. Ireland, with its centuries of mis-
government, claimed the instant attention of
Ministers. The corporations were a mass of
corruption, and a Committee of Parliament is
occupied with them. The part of the conduct
of Parliament which has given most dissatisfac-
non is the coercive measure for Ireland. But
if the people see that Ministers are about to
apply themselves in good earnest to the remedy-
ing of the grievances of Ireland, allowance will
be made for the difficulties in which they were
placed. It is easy to criticise the proceedings
of Parliament. But with what justice can a
partisan of the last Parliament reproach the pre-
sent ? All the difficulties of the present Par-
liament, are the result of the disorganized state
in which the country was left by the last Par-
liament. Abuses, under the poor laws, had
driven the agricultural poor to a sort of servile
war. The organized resistance to the laws in
Ireland had attained its maturity under the last
Parliament, and measures of justice were withheld
by till they were extorted by the people.
This is. not a state of things of which either the
last Parliament or the last Ministry have much
cause to boast. That there are people disap-
pointed with the present Parliament, because
they do not find it has put abundance of money
at once into every man's pocket, may be true.
But people of this description are not to be
reasoned with, and are of no account in the
country. We see no prominent signs of dissa-
tisfaction. Reasonable people, on the contrary,
do not expect that - all evils and abuses can be
removed at once. We see no signs of an ap-
proaching democratic revolution.—Morning
Chronicle.

We are delighted beyond measure with the pros-
pect of a speedy termination to flogging in the army.
When the subject was first noticed in Parliament,
the character of the army was much lower than at
present. The keeping the subject continually be-
tore the public led to a more humane treatment of
the soldiers, and this again led to an improvement in
the character of the army. When flogging is utterly
abolished, a better description of men, as far as
honourable conduct is concerned, will be induced to
enter the army. An excellent pamphlet on army
reform, by a ci devant cavalry officer, has been pub-
lished, from which we shall borrow a little on some
future day. The information that it contains, with
regard to the sinecures and pluralities held by ge-
neral officers, is to unprofessional men of great value.
At present we shall merely allude to what this
officer says on the subject of flogging,
" I could," he says " (and will, gray veracity is questioned;,
fill pages with cruelties I have known practised. An Honour-
able Colonel's barbarities in a dragoon regiment would scarcely
be credited. Soldiers have frequently been flogged for mere
trifles under the sweeping clause of neglect qf duty. Men have
mutilated thernselyes to get rid of the service. It would be
imagined from the number of sore backs which were dressed
in the hospitals of Dublin, that the commanding officers of the 7th
Dragoon Guards, the Royal, and the 23d Light Dragoons, con-
sidered such barbarities as a test of discipline (vide the ordeTlY
bool(s) The privates of the 4th Dragoons used to be flogged
by the black trumpeters, which information will delight the
negro emancipators. In the 29th Foot, black drummers per-
formed the same disgusting duties. To increase the torture
in the cavalry, the farriers generally flogged, whose profession
gave them more muscular strength of arm than any other
class of men. lam confident 150 lashes from the farriers were
equal to 400 from the drummers, and 500 was the general sen-
tence.—As I can name some few regiments where not one
man in twenty was flogged, by comparison, it only proves that
the martinet officers had too much power.

" I am certain that if the men are treated like brutes they
will behave as such. In some regiments, a soldier coming in
a few minutes late for parade or roll-call, was to a certainty
flogged; knowing that, he was so terrified that he deserted;
then, when taken, he bad eight hundred lashes given him.
What else does a deserter deserve ?' was the language ; with-
out considering that undue severity drove him to desperation
**** In the 3d Guards, about the year 1811, a private was
brought out to be flogged ; whilst stripping, he took out a
razor and cut his throat. The regiment was horrified, and the
Duke of Gloucester did not allow of *tooling afterwards? and

that regiment had not the tithe of punishment to what other
regiments inflicted. If I could refer to the orderly books of
some regiments, I want no Other proofi to substantiate th.e cru-
elties inflicted, greater than negroes ever suffered, their maxi-
mum being thirty-nine lashes, the masters having some feeling
for their own property in their slaves. I have reason to believe
a Lieutenant. Colonel was killed by his own men at- extern
desunt.

" No flogging takes place in the Life-Guards. An officer
told me he remembered only three instances (at Paris) ; these
men, however, never held up their heads afterwards—not from
the severity, but the disgrace." _

Here is the cardinal point. Infuse a high feeling
of honour into the soldiers, and you may dispense
with brutal punishments. But to create an honour-
able feeling, the soldier must look upwards. But
this is a wide field ; and we now wish to confine
ourselves to flogging. It is clear that the man who
has constantly the triangle in view can know little
of honour. When we consider what has been ef-
fected since public opinion first tied the hands of
the officers and compelled them to trust in general
to other means than flogging for obedience, we do
not despair of further improvements in the character
of the British army.—Morning Chronicle.

The opposition of his ;Majesty's Ministers to
the motion of Mr. Hume, for the abolition of
-the disgusting and degrading practice of flog-
ging in the army, is one of those political incon-
sistencies to which the public has, unfortunately,
been too much accustomed, but which assuredly
we did not expect to be under the necessity of
laying to the charge of the Whigs. For years
past it has been a standing motion with them,
upon the introduction of the Mutiny Bill, and
a standing subject of attack upon their Tory
opponents. Sir Francis Burdett, and Hobhouse,
and Hume, headed the liberal and humane pha-
lanx, who deemed it to be an act of unnecessary
cruelty to subject human beings to a species of
torture, which, if inflicted on brute animals,
would have brought the offender within the
verge of the law ; and they were ably seconded
by nearly the whole of the Whigs, and, with the
exception of Lord Palmerston, by all of
his Majesty's Ministers who were then in
Parliament ! The abolition of military flog-
ging was, in fact, quite as much a Whig
question as Parliamentary Reform ; and
it was confidently, and not unjustly, expected,
that so soon as they came into office this would
be one of the first measures, by the proposing
and carrying of which they would establish their
claims to the confidence of the public. But mark
the result ! A motion is made, not for the total,
but the partial abolition of flogging, and it is
backed by no fewer than 140 ayes to 151 nces !
but instead of being agreed to, it is resisted, and
the necessity of continuing a practice which had
been formerly declared to be infamous, stoutly
asserted ! Such conduct, on the part of the
Government, is eminently calculated to destroy
all confidence in it—to degrade it in the estima-
tion both of its friends and of its enemies—
to cause professions of political faith to be looked
upon merely as so many modes of playing the
game of office, and the pretended political pa-
triotism of men out of office, as a by-word fur
roguery and treachery. We write thus in anger
as well as in sorrow—in anger, that men of
high character, and in whom the public has re-
posed so much trust, should so far betray their
pledges to their constituents as to do the very
contrary of that which they had justly expected
them to do—and in sorrow that the only Mi-
nistry from which the people had ever any just
right to expect. a course of salutary measures
should destroy its power of doing good by weak-
ening itself in the opinion, of the public. It has
not only dealt to itself a blow from which it
will not speedily recover; but if we did not
know that it has neither wish or occasion to
resign, we should say that it had, by its vote,
prepared a certain way for the return of Tory
popularity and Tory supremacy. The infliction
of flogging is not to be defended on any prin-
ciple of reason, or on any ground of expediency.
It is disgusting to even the most phlegmatic
spectator—it is inexpressibly horrible in the
eye of humanity—its direct tendency is not to
reform, but to harden, to brutalize, anti ut-
terly to deaden to all moral sensation both those
on whom it is inflicted, and those who are the
instruments of its infliction. Only think for a
moment of one who has grown up to the years
of manhood being tied to the stake and baited
on his bare back by hundreds of stripes, in the
presence of a whole regiment, till the flesh flew
from it in morsels—the ground was watered with
his blood, and nature, unable any longer to en-
dure the strife, sank exhausted under the tor-
ture !—Think, we say, of the shame, the disgrace,
and the torture endured by that miserable victim
of a pretended military discipline, and imagine
what his sensations must be—what he will be in
future ! The man is morally dead ; all feeling of
pride is extinguished in him—all sense of duty
utterly lost—his bosom is only alive to revenge,
and hundreds of instances are not wanting in
which its fearful intents have been but too amply
realized. It is said, however, that the Bri-
tish soldier cannot be governed without the
lash ; but why, no one has yet condescended
to inform us. In no country in Europe is
it found necessary to have recourse to such a de-
grading punishment ; and in vi hat, but in superior
courage and greater physical power, does the
English soldier differ from the French or the
German ? Is he not possessed of the same
pride—of the same • sense of honour—of the
same moral feelings—of the same sensibility to
insult ? If he is reproached, does he not
regret it—if he has failed in his duty, is he not
ashamed of it—if he is snuck, does he not
strike again—if lie is degraded, is he not sensible
of the disgrace ? It is said, however, that "it
is impossible to deny that there are some ad-
vantages in this punishment, over any other that
can be applicable under the peculiar circum-
stances of an army on active service ;" but what
they are we have never been able to discover.
We know that the punishment has in all cases
produced the moral death of the individual on
whom it was inflicted, as well as suicides and
assassinations without number; but that it ever
had the happy effect of reclaiming the individual
on whom it was inflicted, or of deterring
others from pursuing a similar course, has never
been attempted to be proved. On these two
grounds only, however, can the justification of
any punishment rest; and that of flogging
having signally failed in both, have we not a
right to say that it is at once impolitic and in-
expedient—most cruel and most barbarous
Morning Advertiser.

We stated on Tuesday that if Mr. W. Patten's
motion for a commission to collect additional
evidence on the factory system should be carried,
the result would be the postponement of legis-
lative protection to infant slaves of that system
to an indefinite period. That motion has been
carried—carried in a reformed Parliament—car-
ried by the aid of our Whig Ministers, who,
upon this, as well as some other memorable
occasions of late, have acquired the unenviable
distinction of signalizing their possession of
power by a melancholy triumph over their former
principles. It is now nearly forty years since
the attention of Parliament and the public was
first called to the horrors of infant slavery in our

factories—and who first called the attention of
a Christian Legislature and a Christian land to a
system fraught with so many evils to morals
and the interests of humanity ? Were they ig-
norant or interested witnesses; or were they
demagogues, who wanted a theme for popularity ?
No ; they were men of intelligence and worth ;
men whose path to reputation had lain through
the quiet walks of medical science. Such men
were Drs. Aiken and Percival. They demon-
strated the pernicious effects which the labour of
the cotton factories produced on the health of
children. The'sacrifice of the health alone of thou-
sands of the children of the labouring poor, by
over work in an impure and over-heated atmo-
' sphere, ought to have been a sufficient reason why
the Legislature of England should have interfered,
and reduced that destructive labour within some-
thing like reasonable limits. The year 1833 has
arrived, and mercy still weeps over the defeated
claims of humanity in the British House of
Commons. It is true, the late Sir Robert Peel,
who made the splendid fortune which the pre-
sent Baronet enjoys from the labour of cotton-
spinners,laudably exerted himself to ameliorate the
system which devotes the children of the poor
to worse than Egyptian bondage. The Commis-
sion which he procured on the subject proved
the necessity of Legislative interference ; but his
Bill, as Lord Ashley stated in his able and con-
vincing speech on Wednesday night, which the
House of Commons had passed, was marred in
the House of Lords. Mammon, unfortunately,
at that time, found a stronger sympathy for the
supports of its cruel power among the hereditary
legislators of the land than did the cause of
oppressed and supplicating humanity. Sir
Robert Peel's Bill, which was intended to apply
to all the factories, the Upper House limited to
cotton factories, white they enlarged the
number of hours of labour ; and thus a mea-
sure which was designed to be one of legislative
relief, was converted into one of legislative op-
pression. The present Sir Robert Peel, whose
foolish Currency Bill brought more mischief to
this country than a century of wise and honest
statesmen—if England were to be blessed with
such—could repair, seems nearly as much op-
posed to his father's example on the factory
question, as he was to his precepts on that of
the currency : for when Mr. Wilson Patten's
motion was called on, he rose, and, with marked
stateliness of manner, walked out of the House.
Mr. Spring Rice, the " liberal" Member for
Cambridge, and the " liberal" Lord John Rus-
sell, distinguished themselves on this occasion,
by insisting on the necessity of having more evi-
dence to prove—what? To prove that children
under nine years of age ought not to be worked
in the factories, and that those above that age
ought not to be worked more than ten hours out
of the twenty-four! Why, it requires no other
evidence than what common sense and common
humanity furnish to establish those two positions.
We close the volumes of evidence of 1818,
1819, and 1832. We leave their contents—
medical, and clerical, and operative—out of the
question, and we say that, inasmuch as the
mill-owners do not deny that children under
nine years of age are worked in the factories,
and worked for more than ten hours a day, the
casefor legislative interference is made out. It
well becomes an Anglo-lrish member of the Go-
vernment, who most strenuously resists the pro-
posed relief of poor laws to the starving myriads of
his countrymen—it well becomes Mr. Spring Rice
to lead the van of the advocates of the child-
oppressing system, and to call for further in-
quiry, before he can believe that it produces '
moral and physical mischief enough to demand
the immediate interposition of Parliament. But
let us ask him, as one who talks a good deal
about the education of the Irish, what time has
a child for moral instruction—what .mental or
bodily energies can it bring to the task of the
schoolmaster, when more than ten hours a day,
at the tender age of seven, eight, or nine years,
are consumed in any continued labour whatever?
What a contrast does the manly, honest, straight-
forward conduct of Mr. Fielden present to that
of some of our pseudo-patriots and Members
of a " liberal" Administration. He, though a
great manufacturer, who has been all his life
conversant with the practical working of the
system, has a heart to feel for the evils which
it inflicts on the infant slaves, and testifies to the
necessity of such a measure of protection as
that offered by Lord Ashley's Bill. Let Mr.
Rice also recollect that Ireland was put out of
the pale of the Constitution without any previ-
ous collection of evidence to prove the necessity
of such a violent proceeding, by select com-
mittee or special commission, so much less
difficult is it for some statesmen to make up their
minds to perform an act of arbitrary power,
than one of saving mercy.—Morning Herald.
The intentions of his Majesty's Government
with respect to the renewal of the Bank charter
partially transpired yesterday, and had the im-
mediate effect of reducing the value of Bank
stock considerably, and that of the Government
securities in a smaller degree. The regular
periodical meeting of Bank Directors, which
was held yesterday, still continued to sit with
closed doors as usual, at the hour when this
depreciation of the Bank and Government se-
curities occurred, from which circumstance it is
generally inferred that the sellers must have de-
rived their information from a source foreign to
the Bank. Be this, however, as it may, it is
certain that the communication from the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer read to the Directors at
this meeting coincided in its leading features
with the impression by which the Money Market
was simultaneously agitated, and that the con-
tents of the communication were such as the
previous course of the correspondence between
their body and his Majesty's Ministers, upon
the subject of the renewal of the charter, had not
prepared them to expect. From the best sources
of information to which we have access we have
collected the following particulars, upon the ge-
neral accuracy of which we believe the public
may rely :—The communication sent by
the First Lord of the Treasury and the
Chancellor of the Exchequer to the Batik Di-
rectors, for the purpose of being submitted to
an early Court of Proprietors, is a voluminous,
elaborate, and complicated document, in which
an attempt is made to show that the terms pro-
posed by Government, as the conditions upon
which some of the exclusive privileges of the
Bank shall be continued for a definite period are
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remuneration whatever. understood,
o w
cur-
rency and banking there are no such differences

of opinion between the Bank Directors and his.
Majesty's Government as are likely to present
any cor.siderable obstruction to an amicable and
satisfactory conclusion of the negotiation, and
that the principal attention of Government is
directed to the saving of the whole, or so much
as is possible, of the annual payment of 200,0001.
for the management of the National Debt. Upon
the reasonableness of this proposal it is not for
us to give an opinion. It will be for the Bank
Proprietors to determine whether the privileges
which it is in the power of Government to give
or to take away are of so much value that they
can afford to purchase their continuance by
binding themselves to the performance, with-
out other remuneration, of a costly and burden-
some duty, for which they now, in addition to
those and even greater privileges, receive
200,0001. a year. If the Bank can afford to
comply with this proposal, it will show that
their past bargains with the public have been
inordinately profitable. We incline to think,
however, that the Bank cannot consent to such
a bargain with any regard to its own interests,
or even to its eventual safety ; and this opinion
is corroborated by what we have reason to be-
lieve as a simple matter of fact, namely, that the
most influential Proprietors of Bank Stock have
already determined not to accede to it.—Morn-
ing Post.

LENT ASSIZES.

OXFORD CIR CUM— GLoucEsTER, Arius 8.

DAWES V. CANNING AND ANOTIIER.

This was an action against the officer of the She-
riff of Gloucestershire, for arresting the plaintiff and
detaining him under a writ of latitat, after notice
that_the plaintiff in the action was dead.

Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD was for the plaintiff, and
it was clear that there had been a mistake by the
defendant; but Mr. C. PHILLIPS, in order to reduce
the damages, proved that Dawes had had two exe-
cutions in his house, which he had told one of his
friends, who had become his bail, were only for the
purpose of favouring him, and preserving his pro.
perty for him. After this he had left this country
for America, but previously sent a letter to his
mother, of which the following is a copy :

Liverpool, Oct. 1.
" Dear Mother and Brother,—l ham sorry twas not in
my power to see and take my lave of you before I left Eng-
land. You know I was in difficulties, and new not how
to remedy them. I called unto the Lord, and bee gave
me power to accomplish my purposes, and relieve me from
the bonds of the prisson, and again the Lord sayd, go in
a strange land, and provid for thy wife and family.' I
have now gun to a mereke to do what the Lord bath
bordered me. Dear mother and brother, I now hope it
will be in my power to return God thankes for his good-
nes,:. Do int greive after me, for the Lord knows best
what to do for us. Dear mother and brother, the time
whit son come, I hop, to n set in Heaven, when never part
no more. God bliss you. I shall rite to you as soon as
I land. So no more at present, from your dear son,

" WILLIAM DAWES."
This, said Mr. Phillips, is a system of the times,
when it was proposed in Parliament to prevent us
from eating and dr liking on Sundays. Here was
the plaintiff thanking his Lord for having enabled
him to cheat his creditors, and run off to America.
He hoped the jury would give him a farthing, which
he might wear about his neck, to show the Ameri-
cans what was the reward given by a British► jury
to a man who had thus cheated his creditors, and
attempted to oppress a poor man, like the sheriff's
officer, in this case.

Mr. Justice PARKE summed up the case, descri-
bing the plaintiff as " an infamous rogue and a cant-
ing hypocrite."
Verdict for plaintiff—Damages, one farthing.
Whereupon Mr. Justice PARKE said he should
certainly certify to deprive the plaintiff of his costs.