The Sun.
London, England, 1848-10-09 00:00:00

'ir betning .51,11".

LONDON, MONDAY, OCTOBER 9, 1848.

and most powerful illustration was afforded at Clon-
mel the very same day, almost the very hour we were
penning those remarks, of the great injury inflicted
upon the accused by the withholding of the list of
witnesses. Up to the very moment of the produc-
tion of the spy DOBBIN on the table there
was not the slightest conception as to the
identity of the party alluded to by the Attorney-
General in his opening speech as having been present
at the meeting for the election of the war directory,
as it was called, who was to be produced to give evi-
dence before the jury. Conjecture was busy as to
the probable party. Many names were suggested,
and it is more than probable that materials for the
cross-examination of the suspected parties, and wit-
nesses to contradict any erroneous statement that
might be made, had been prepared and placed in the
hands of the professional advisers of the accused.
At length the moment actually arrived when
the secret was to be revealed—and to the general
astonishment a man wholly unknown, unre-
cognised by the prisoner or by any of the accused
parties, who stated that he belonged to a club, of
whose existence there was no concurring proof, was
produced. His evidence bore hardly upon the pri-
soner. If credited it would negative the view sug-
gested by Mr. WHITESIDE, that the whole of the
proceedings at Mullinahone, Killenaule, and Ballin-
garry, had the object only of protecting the prisoner
himself from arrest, and did not support the intent of
a general levying of war against the SOVEREIGN.
This, then, was the most important witness of all, whose
testimony would perhaps have been wholly set aside
if his previous history could have been known, and
damnatory facts brought forward against him. All
were at fault, however, and nothing could be ascer-
tained respecting the confessed spy save the ac-
count which he volunteered to give of himself, viz.,
that he had been an engineer, and was subsequently
an attorney's clerk. All that the talented Counsel
for the defence could allege respecting him was, that
he came forward in a most degrading character, and
that the testimony of all witnesses of that class

required ample
.corroboration, and could not
otherwise be credited. Who can judge of
the effects that might have been produced
upon the jury by the withering and indig-
nant denunciation that would have been hurled
against the delinquent if the materials existed ? Most
probably his evidence would have been wholly set
aside, and the jury would have considered the other
testimony uninfluenced by any statements that fell
from his polluted lips. The matter was, however,
otherwise until the very last moment, when the
Lord Chief Justice had almost concluded his charge.
A proceeding then occurred of a very ex-
traordinary character. Mr. WHITESIDE appealed to
his Lordship to suspend his charge until a communi-
cation was made to the Attorney-General, the result
of which was, that a new witness was produced at
that stage of the proceedings, who detailed circum-
stances which, if commented upon by Mr. WHITESIDE,
might have worked a material change in the opinion
of the jury. The witness, a man named DALTON,
who had just arrived by special train from
Dublin, proved that in June last DOBBIN
had applied to him "to join the clubs, to
urge them to go further than they might other-
wise be inclined to go, to enlist recruits," &c., and
subsequently to betray those very persons whom they
had themselves seduced into crime. The spy, when
confronted with the witness, wholly denied that he
had ever seen him before, a declaration that was re-
ceived with derisive laughter from the Court. Here
then was a practical inconvenience that might have
altered the result of the trial if the prisoner
had the privilege to which he would have been en-
titled in England, and this is another ground why
mercy should be extended. We shall return to this
subject to•morow, adducing other reasons to prove
that the extreme penalty should be remitted in this
case.

Whatever may be said to the contrary, there is not
an end of confidence in any constitution which may
be established in France." The elaborate and so-
phistical argument which makes this very deliberate as-
sertion will fail in carrying the conviction of its truth
home to the mind of the multitude—its refutation is
visible in the unanimity and devotion of thirty-five
millions of French citizens. Yes I the confidence of
France in the Republican Constitution is verified by
the burning wcrds of her orators, and by the heart-
born acclamations of her people, by the inspired
voice of the tribune and by the impassioned re-
sponse of the market-place. France has repu-
diated the worn-out stigma of her volatility;
her old characteristic of fickleness is thrown away
like a threadbare garment; she stands at last before
the world in the conscious vigour and permanence of
Republicanism—abhorring the mobility of monarchi-
cal rights, and trampling into the dust the muta-
bility of every institution save the sublime and ever-
lasting institution of a moderated democracy.
Nobly, grandly, gloriously has this devotion to
Republicanism been expressed by the fervid lips of
LAMARTINE. The oration delivered on Friday last
by that great man is one of those master-
pieces of eloquence which carry the imagine •
tions of an auditory away in a whirlwind
of enthusiasm. He soared immeasurably above
all hi 6 former oratorical achievements. The
tribune was no longer a tribune—it seemed to be
transfigured into a tripod ; and the Assembly hung
with an indescribable pleasure upon the accents of
his Pythonic declamation. M. DE LAMARTINE
spoke
opfrees
liedc etniuponelection
n ttfoh t eht
her:o Frenchpm reensitdo
Presidency—whether,
sbwtliihocn a e
tshhseorut,olidnt he mannerbshe ort,
chosenthe
oblfny
this
hh ies discussingNationalg great
a t
problem,t h e Ad si
ffis e
cmut bhl
tleiyeos or ra
at
nob universal
orator
gradually
reve suffrage.revealed
lresponsibilitiesed
its solution with a felicity of logic, a splendour of il-
lustration, a profundity ofargurnent, and a grandeur of
utterance, such as defied even a whisper of opposition,
Theand
debate
eahnded
has been
u enn
abbreviated
outcry
tedb ythoisf
magnificent
discourse, and the decision of the national represen-
tatives arrived at without further hesitation. After
perusing the speech which has accomplished so
much in a single sitting (a translation of which
speech will be found elsewhere in this even-
ing's impression), it becomes to us no mat-
ter of astonishment to hear that the orator,
on descending from the tribune, was surrounded
by a great number of representatives offering
him their felicitations, or to find the Parisian
reporters appending this remark to the discussion,
that " no one dreamt of addressing the Assembly
after the address of M. DE LAMARTINE." As in the
instance of SHERIDAN'S philippic upon the Princesses
or Begums of Oude, the House was immediately ad-
journed to allow the first rapture of admiration in
some measure to subside. Yet the next morning the
acclamations may be said to have been renewed with
redoubled earnestness—the plaudits of the Assembly
being re-echoed by the panegyrics of the various
journals. In this instance the applause has been equiva-
lent to an ovation; and—what must be of infinitely
greater importance to the orator—almost every
tongue, with scarcely one exception, acknowledged
at once the; correctness of his deductions those
deductions tended directly to the election of the
President for five years by universal suffrage.
How majestically the orator vindicated the supe-
riority of the popular or national right over the right
of birth, over the right of primogeniture, over the
right of conquest, over the right divine, over the
right of hereditary succession, may be discerned
from the following eloquent apostrophes :—" The
right of birth ! What is it ? All the world is suf-
ficiently enlightened now-a-days to penetrate the
mystery. The right of birth—it is the right of
hazard I The right of primogeniture ! What is it ?
The right of the first arrived, the right of the one
who first emerges from the womb of the mother ! The
right of conquest ? It is the right which secures the
degradation of the races who submit to its pre-
dominance—it is the right of violence and of brutal
anthority ! The right Divine ? It is nothing more
than the sanction or benediction of the priesthood
bestowed upon the royal dynasties ! It is now a
long time since this sign became nothing more than a

As we anticipated on Saturday, the trial of Mr.
SMITH O'BniEN was brought to a conclusion on that
day. At a little after five o'clock the jury returned
a verdict of guilty, accompanied with an unanimous
recommendation to the merciful consideration of the
Crown, and expressing their anxious desire that his
life should be spared. The gentlemen of the county
of Tipperary have thus honestly and conscientiously
discharged the important and deeply painful duty im-
posed upon them. They have, in accordance with
the solemn obligations by which they were bound,
recorded a decision branding as a traitor a high-
minded and enthusiastic gentleman of rank and
station in society, of an amiable and chivalrous dis-
position, who for many years had sat in the Imperial
Parliament as the representative of a large and
influential constituency, and thereby, unless the
highest prerogative of the Crown should be exercised
in his favour, consigned him to an ignominious death
upon the scaffold, and deprived his innocent children
of the inheritance derived by ancient descent
through a long line of illustrious progenitors.
Deeply painful and heartrending as might be the
result of their verdict, brilliant and persuasive as was
the eloquence by which their feelings were appealed
to on behalf of the unfortunate gentleman, and in-
genious and acute as was the argument by which the
only possible solution of the various circumstances
that had occurred, short of the grave offences charged
in the indictment, was suggested, there was no hesita-
tion on their part. They decided in accordance with
the law laid down by the Learned Chief Justice, but,
as they were constitutionally entitled to
do, they expressed their decided opinion that
the prisoner had not merited the extreme penalties
prescribed by the law—that there were many
mitigating circumstances that should be attended to
—that the justice of the case would be fully met, and
the majesty of the law sufficiently vindicated, by a
minor punishment, not involving the life of the
prisoner whom they had just convicted. In the
propriety of this recommendation we most fully and
cordially concur, and we believe that there are few
indeed on either side of St. Georges Channel
who would not rejoice to find justice tem-
pered with mercy, and the British Govern-
ment following the brilliant example exhibited
by Republican France, and declining to
sanction the sacrifice of human life for any
merely political offence, for the attempt to obtain
what the party conscientiously believed to be essen-
tial to the rights and liberties of his country by even
illegal and unjustifiable means.
Apart, however, from the general question, as to
the propriety of capital punishment for political
offences, there are peculiar circumstances in the
present case that render an extension of
mercy not only politic and expedient, but
merely an act of justice to the prisoner. Without
in any degree anticipating what may be the decision
of the highest tribunal on the points submitted by
the Learned Counsel for the defence, and Voich may
probably form the subject of a writ of error, it
is certain that the prisoner was deprived of advan-
tages which in this country he would have been en-
titled to, and for the partial loss of which, the sen-
tences of FROST, JONES and WILLIAms, were com-
muted, although the objection was not taken in
proper time.
On Saturday we pointed out the reasons why this
difference of the law in force in the sister kingdom
would, whatever might be the result of the trial,
afford an ample and sufficient ground for claiming an
extension 6f mercy to the prisoner An oid4ional

sign, and this symbol nothing more than a symbol !
The right of hereditary succession ? But this

right is sometimes only the right of idiotcy !" Again,
in exposing the dangers which must inevitably accrue
from the choice of a President by the National

Assembly, the orator exclaimed that the factions

might tnus address themselves to the different repre-

abandoning the National Assembly it also abandons
the executive power, into what abyss will fall, I will
not say the Government alone, but also the country
itself ?—(Hear, hear.) Yes, gentlemen, this is the
whole problem. Be assured that if the President of
the Republic is elected by the National Assembly, it
will be said that he is the privileged man of an As-
sembly, he is the favourite of the Parliament.—(Loud
marks of adhesion.)
A Voice from the Right—That is it—that is it.—
(Murmurs from the Left.)
M. Lamartine—l asked myself, in face of such a
state of things, what must arrive, for everything
possible happens in face of an assembly which has lost
all its popularity, that force which supports it, what
would become of the power which had emanated from
its own choice ? You see, gentlemen, the executive
and the legislative powerjwould disappear at the same
time.—(Hear, hear.) We should, in fact, say :
In every natural constitution, all proper power should
have its prerogative in the confidence with which you
have been invested by your fellow-citizens. But this
executive, this responsible power, it will not also derive
its prerogative from the entire country. Gentlemen,
if, instead of being the elected of the country of
France, the President is only the elected of your-
selves, allow me to say he will be no longer the go-
vernment. This executive power will be no longer
the beacon of the nation, he will be no more than the
needle to mark the hour of your wills and of your
caprices.—(Applause.) Since these motives do not find
amongst us any instinctive opposition, there is then
another reason.—(Sensation.) Why that invincible
hesitation should work not only in public opinion,
but on yourselves, whose mission it is to direct
it. This reason may be thus set forth :—" You
are going to review the parties which devour
France ; you are going to take the great census,
to recruit from all the anti-republican parties; you
are going to unite Legitamists, the Orleanists, &c. ;
you are going to make this census, and yet you do
not tremble.' I will reply to that objection, that
France and I have :more impassibility, if not more
courage, than they who bring them forward ; I reply
that it is ridiculous to feel any concern about some
few votes which are thrown away on names of men
who have lost their quality as citizens. I say, I de-
clare that these men will not present themselves.
What, gentlemen, do you not believe that those men
who reside in a foreign land would consider it as an
abdication of their divine right if they were to come,
- and put forward a candidateship of a few years, a
-os precarious candidateship ?—(Hear, hear, and loud
We have received the Paris papers of Saturday and interruption.) What ! that Government, which had
yesterday. all the means of power, and which rather fell of itself
On Friday the discussion on the article of the than was overthrown, would endeavour to return at
t
Constitution regulating the election of President was the end of six months, concealed in a balloting urn !
continued, and the following brilliant speech in favour No, the thing is impossible.—(Applause.)
voice from the Left—And Bonaparte?
of the election by universal suffrage was delivered M. de Lamartine—But if that is impossible with
by M. DE LAMARTINE : regard to the two dynasties which I have just alluded
If every speaker is to experience embarrassment in to, is it not equally so for another ?—(Hear, hear.)
coming to discuss from this tribune a question so For since you declare that supposition ridiculous and
complicated, and one on which opinions are so much impossible for those two dynasties, you must there-
divided, it is at least pleasant to appreciate and ad- fore imagine that there is some other left. I will
mire the men whom he comes to oppose. raise the secret veil which falls over the minds of the
Numerous voices—Speak louder. We cannot hear. Assembly and of the country. I will do it with all
M. de Lamartine—l say that independently of the the reserve due to Honourable Gentlemen whossit in
embarrassment which a political man feels when this Assembly, and with the frankness which I owe
giving his opinion on one of the questions the to the greatest of public interests. At another period,
most wavering, and the most undecided in the when we considered there was something incom-
opinion of the country, and in our own, there is patible between the foundation of the Republic and
something painful in opposing those he appreciates its possible establishment, and certain names whose
' and admires. I shall, however, endeavour to put only crime, be it remembered, is our glory.—(Pro-
aside these preoccupations. The Hon. Representa- longed agitation, and cries of " Hear, hear.") I beg
tires who yesterday and to-day spoke on this question the Assembly to abstain from those interruptions,
have, to my great regret, confounded in the discussion which not only break the thread of the discourse of a
the five articles which, in the draft of the Constitution, speaker, but derange his ideas and expose him to say
tend to constitute the Executive Power; lam com- things less worthy the attention of the Assembly he
pelled to follow them for a moment in the generality is addressing. I repeat, when we thought that cer-
and in the specialities of their arguments. The taro persons, whose only peril, whose only crime is a
question has been for the last two days not only to reflection of glory, were a danger for the Republic, I
decide whether the President of the Republic shall be proposed myself from this tribune not an act of severity,
elected by the people, or by the National Assembly, for I could never be guilty of such a thing, but a
but also whether there be a President; what shall be postponement of some months before restoring to
the form of his government; whether it shall be in those individuals the complete enjoyment of their
one or more hands; if it shall be arbitrarily subject to rights. You decided otherwise, and I bowed before
the opinion of the majority ; if it shall be triennial or your will. But what occupies all minds is the fear
quinquennial. All those points have been called in that the fanaticism of certain men may mistake a
question. Just now it has been recommended to us duty, and attaching themselves to the heirs, Ido not
to constitute a temporary and transitory power, de-
say of other persons' glory, for glory is a matter to
ficient, from that very cause, of all those conditions which relationship gives no right, but to that fame
of fixity necessary to terminate the re volu- which carries away so easily a nation like. ours, may
tion, which is now becoming unravelled, and create what you and what I myself look on as a dan-
ger. Is such a danger real ? I cannot say; it is not
she-
they the Republic shall or shall not have a g
which we now constitute. To the question whe-
iven to me more than to you to lift up the veil of the
President, I shall only reply to this by a very few future, but permit me to say that lam convinced that
words. I refer to history, and I see that all French the heirs of whom I speak do not think of any attempt
Assemblies, all those who have seriously wished to at usurpation ; they have declared it themselve in this
constitute a government, have admitted, and sought tribune, and I believe their word as honest men. No,
to carry into practice, that distinction of functions. I they have no thought of that kind ; but around them
set aside the word powers, which is not a proper there are groups of men, such as are always ready to
expression, for the power must be unitary ; but you flutter about supposed ambitions, and who would be
have it here. The question is of functions, and they disposed to turn to the profit of bad passions the greatest
must be distinct.—(Marks of adhesion.) I see on the of our glories. But I say that these men would find
t
other hand the long Parliament, and the Convention themselves mistaken. To effect an 18th Brumaire two
taking in hand not only, as was just now recommended, things are necessary—long years of terror behind,
the Legislative and the Executive Power, but also the and in prospect the victories of Marengo and of the
power indispensable to complete tyranny, the judicial Pyramids.—(Loud applause.) But at present there
power, and thus giving an idea of what has been is neither one nor the other.—(Hear, hear.) The
been called a unitary power. I invoke that example, real danger of the Republic of February is its pas-
and I will tell you. If you think that the necessities sage through the perilous reflux which follows all re-
of the country demand that terrible intensity, that volutions. I will not affirm that France is not re-
power which is to be met with not as an appeal, but publican—l am perfectly convinced and I will
as a scarecrow in our history; I will tell you—go to analyse the matter before you one day,,if you permit
the end, assume also the last, the judicial power, and it, that if France is not yet republican by her habits,
then call yourselves by your true name—call your- if she is still monarchical by her vices, she is repub-
selves the Reign of Terror.—(Agitation.) You will .ican by her ideas.—(Movement.) Think of the
not do so—the country does not wish it, and it is monarchy falling to pieces before a tribune not far
right.—(" Hear, hear," and renewed agitation.) distant from that in which I now speak; think of the
I will now say something of another form of govern- enthusiasm of the people saluting the magnificence of
went, that of committees. The danger of that form the inauguration of the Republic, which cost neither
is its irresponsibility ; an irresponsibility terrible, a regret nor a drop of blood, and which brought with
because it is anonymous, and which is led away not it so many hopes to be realized, not all at once,
only in our time, but in history, to such a point that but with the slowness and maturity which effect
we who have read, and who have written, the history great things in life. That inauguration ca
of the great epochs of the Revolution, we are obliged tivated all hearts, and if I brought to this tribune
to admit that it is impossible to attribute to whom it
themselvesamt hoe
,nctaohrnca confidential
idac b
etanl
that declarationsatpiaaolrvteigreat
s a ,
all
yopersonal
pu b
eperiod
wouldio
d a
theoft
wehheiacdhs
convinced o f
men the g
asrestl
elevate
is due the remuneration of gratitude, or of honour,
which any particular act may deserve, and which we m
cannot say if it proceeded from Collot d'Herbois,
considerations, there
from Barrere, from Robespierre, or from Denton.— was in all minds but a single sentiment—a sincere,
(Agitation.) The government of committees has loyal and complete acceptance of the Republic.—
(Prolonged movement.) But for some months back,
another inconvenience, which appears incompatible
with that which I have just mentioned, and which is all that feeling has changed—the universal confidence
not the less real; governments with several heads are at first felt has been changed into distrust, into a kind
always weak. From a natural consequence of the of disaffection. Whence arose that change ? The
clashing of convictions and wills, the Government days of May and of June, the embarrassment of our
directed by several heads, is composed of reciprocal financial crisis, the general distress, the difficulties of
concessions, of delays, of compromises, and is not that the situation, all served to bring it about. Every
which suits great epochs, or the period of crises in one contributed to it—some wished to exaggerate
which we live.—(Hear.) I now come to the question their republican zeal, to carry it too far—others
which has more particularly excited my atte- • said to the people—" Behold the republic is the sub-
thention—
form of nomination of the President byyou, or version of family ties and property—it is calumny
by the country. I yesterday listened with sinere and violence pursuing the best citizens by their de-
and conscientious anxiety to the remarks which were nunciations." From department to department, from
made by an Hon. Representative (M. Parieu), but one country district to another, these declarations were
the considerations developed by that Hon. Gentleman made ; and thus it was by calumnious assertions
are not new to me. I have also read and studied the that all enthusiasm was cooled, all affection for the
constitutions of other nations in which monarchy has Republic lessened. And is it in such a state of things
recoiled before the forms of liberty. lam acquainted that we are recommended to declare to this country, in
with the United States with Venice and Genoa I so great a proportion set against the Republic, that we
, , ;
am aware in our own history of the system of '93 ; I deprive it of the exercise of its sovereignty, that we
have seen that combined mechanism according to which banish it from its own Republic, as for thirty•four
twenty-five candidates were pointed out from amongst years nine-tenths of the electors were banished under
whom was to be chosen the President of the Re- the monarchy ? If I wanted to discredit the Re-
public. I have endeavoured to render to myself an public, I could not invent anything that could prove
account of all these systems, and I declare that I more fatal to it ; but if I wanted to draw back to it
have there found no information, no certain evidence the heart of every citizen, I would say to him,
no application of a great and general principle which " Reflect, judge, and choose yourself, amongst your
fellow-citizens, him who inspires you with most
could enlighten our minds. M. Parieu yesterday.
adduced the example of the United States, of Switzer-
confidence;
he will not be your master, but he will
land, and of Holland, where the nomination of the be your highest personification, your head, your
Presidents was made by two degrees—even by three moderator, the regulator of your republican institu-
tions, the guardian of your honour, and your degrees in one of those republics ; but, he must
tunes." It has been said that we want to place the
for-
allow me to observe, that that example applies as
functions of the President too high, and that his
badly to the queston of the nomination of the Presi- functions of the President too high, and that his
dent as to that of the single Chamber. Those re- influence will exceed that of the Assembly. I for my
dent as to that of the single Chamber. Those re-
part maintain that the President nominated by the
.Assemblyb would not be anything else than a part of the
publics which have been cited to us are Federal
States, what was to be personified in their Presidents
tssem Assembly, andh not a distinct function; and that the ex-
es of such
the
apower would still more tend to weaken
was not the expression of individual value, but of a !k
Federation. That is the secret of the constitutions
of those countries. But France has nothing analo- It
sh
the er
ee
people for the chief power; universal
suffrage respect
can. give it strength. When gous to these federations, which are held up to us as
versalsuffra e nominates a President, what else is it
uni-
examples, without understanding the nature and
than that eachg citizen strips himself individually of
necessities of our country. Gentlemen, lam tempted
his sovereigntyGo to invest with it not a man, but a
to leave these historical considerations, and which are
strong Government.
M.vernment. Now look at the other system,
merely accessories to the question which is submitted
thatFlocon. Were that adopted, the to us, and to enter into those which now engage the
dent, ofin place of issuing into open day from the urn
Presi-
attention of the country. Yes, gentlemen, lam
°f the seople, would come forth in the midst of the
tempted, when I think of the religious attention which
sby a
.majority of 60 or 30, or even 3 or 4
is given in this Assembly to the most elevated ques- Assemblyvotes votes.—(Sensation.) I say that probably he would
tions, when I think to what understanding, I address
be elected petty majority;. his name would
myself, I am tempted, I say, to speak with open
be inserted by
eemAneerext day in the Moniteur, and all
would be said. youawarewhatkwould happen ?
heart before you and before the country,. If the question
WAS only to determine on such or such a mechanical
Envy would come forward,,,and see out the reason
combination, it would be soon done- We should say
of each of your votes.
to ourselves, this people, which effected the revolu- You," it would say to one,
you voted for the President because you are his
tion of February, is unitary par excellence; it is
relative and because you want to aggrandize your-
self by' his means."—" You," it would say to an-
therefore from its bosom that should proceed, not the
other, "gave him pour vote because you are his par-
tions of power, for it is repugnant to my feelings
ticular friend, and you imagine that his high portion
to use that expression, but that distinction of func-
eclat on yourself."—" You," it would say
tions which the Constitution requires. The people, will cast
to a third, " voted for him because you wanted an
be it remembered, were jealous—such was at all
embassy !"—(Loud murmurs, interruption.)
times their nature—and susceptible, for they had been
The Hon. Gentleman here' suspended his remarks
so often betrayed. Well, then, let it not be attempted
for two or three minutes whilst the lustres were
in this question of the Presidentship to give the
being let down from the ceiling.
people reason to suppose that we want to deprive
them of their right of election—let that right be ac- M. de Lamest'l was remarking that
corded to them largely, fully, and sincerely, without the vote of Assemblyine went
on.
. would. excite. suspicion. I
believe firmly in the incorruptibility of the mass of
any reservation, without any desire to keep anything
the citizens; and on the other hand, I have no doubt
back from them.—(Loud cheers.) In a Republic
what constitutes the force of the Government ? The
that
.unworthy.motives would be attributed to the
power in Republics is entirely in popularity or not members of the Assembly. Would not that consi-
at all • not that fugitive and restless popularity
deration, were it the only one, be a powerful extenua-
motive,which' departs without reason as it comes without
Co of
but that other popularity of reflection which theill the arguments of the partizans in favour of
nomination by the Assembly ? It has been ob-
Assemblyaccumulates on all the names of the National •
sected that a president emanating from the popular
the sign of strength and the love of the
country.—(Hear, hear.) That popularity, gentle-
suffrage might become the founder of a tyn
exe-
ranny.
men is the entire power, but it is possible that it may What ! you speak of the excess of strength in an
eu ,ive power which SliC
t' oeeda to as overturned throne I
sometimes exhaust itself or be led astray, if in

sentatives—" Thou! Thou hast named the President
of the Republic because he was thy father, and
because in the aggrandizement of his position, thou
didst aspire to the advancement of thine own family !
Thou ! Thou Irist given to the President of the
Republic thy voice, because he was thy personal
friend, and, because in the extension of his fortunes
thou didst hope to enhance the magnitude of thy
possessions Thou! Thou hast named the Presi-
dent of the Republic, because he has promised thee an
ambassadorship—thou, because he has promised thee
a prefecture.—(The orator was here interrupted by
shouts of " Yes ! yes !" " Bravo !" and pro-
longed sensation.) Such are fragmentary portions
of the harangue which has so profoundly
moved the Assembly, and the reverberations of which
are still thrilling in the hearts of the French Republi-
cans. It has already gone far towards consolidating
the new institutions inaugurated in February—it is
even now affording a brilliant refutation to the fal-
lacy propounded by an English pamphleteer—it is,
if we may employ the beautiful expression,
of M. DE LAMARTINE himself, becoming to us a light,
enabling us to peruse the destinies of France
through the darkness of futurity. The President of
the French Republic will now be elected imme-
diately by the French people themselves—he will be
the visible emanation from the souls and the con-
sciences of many millions of citizens. As LAMAR-
TINE ejaculated, in the language of the great
Junius, "Alea facia est !" The die is cast! There
is now no further appeal. If the people abdicate their
sovereignty to a Pretender, the Assembly will meet
destruction with glory, and the past seven months will
be nothing more substantial than a beautiful vision.
" Yes! Whatever may happen, it will be a beautiful
fact in history, to have attempted to create the Re-
public which was proclaimed, conceived, and in-
augurated in four months, the Republic of enthu-
siasm, of moderation, of fraternity, of peace, of pro-
tection to society, to property, to religion, to tinnily,
the Republic not of WASHINGTON"—Of LAMARTINE !

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.