The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-25 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNES IiAY EVEN i FEBRUA 25 iti-16

Members who thought it a question of principle. Others have
written to their constituencies, or, taking advantage of differ-
ent local circumstances, have also resigned their seats. We
have had also a sort of manifesto from a Noble Lord, a Mem-
ber of the Government. lie would say, upon that. leter, that he
(.ould not ceuntenance the principl(•s contained in that document.
He thought the House and the country had a right to call on
the Right Hen. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and the Noble Lord, the Member for Monmou,h, to explain to
the country why they had re-joined the Cabinet, and why they
were now supporting measures which they thought so detrimen-
tal to the interests of the country. Did the Right lion.
Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, recollect an
address of the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the
Government, when in a somewhat similar position to the
present He alluded to the address issued by Sir Robert Peel
to his constituents at Oxford in 1825, when he proposed to
abolish Cathelic Fmancipation. The Right Hon. Gentleman
then said, " You did not send me to Parliament to relinquish
Romish restrictions, but to maintain them, and to keep my
seat in violation is( that honourable understanding would be
disgraceful. I therefore resign my seat into your hands."—
(Cheers. ) He (Lord Ingestre) thought the Chancellor of
the Exchequer was in a similar situation, and therefore
ought to adopt the same course.—(Cheers.) He ( Lord
Ingestre) thought the present measure had been intro-
duced at a most infectious time. The Honourable
Gentleman then quoted a passage from the Liverpool
Market note, which stated that the other day there had bean a
large arrival of wheat from Ireland, and that the price of oat-
meal was on the decline. The Mark Lane Express made a
similar statement, and he would ask the House, how could they
imagine that a famine was approaching with such facts before
their eyes? 'The Right Hon. Baronet, in the course of two or
three powerful speeches which he had made on this subject, ad-
vocated it on the principle of its being a " final adjustment," but
he considered that the Right Hon. Baronet had a kind of at-
tachment to " final adjustments," as some ladies had to
" match making ;" but for his part, he considered that this
final adjustment would only be the commencement of a series
of adjustments, and he warned the Right Hon. Gentleman,;if he
gave way to his alarm respecting the approach of famine, on
a future day he would be obliged to state that the day on which
the corn• laws were repealed, instead of being his happiest,
was the most miserable of his existence. He asked what was
free-trade, and they would say it wets buying in the cheapest
and selling in the dearest market. Different countries had
different produce ; and he thought. that the true policy of free-
trade would be to allow every country to produce the particular
articles for which she was best calculated, and to interchange
our produce for it, giving them such articles as they themselves
could not produce. If a fair start were effected between the
different nations, he believed that the indomitable energies of
this country would surmount every obstacle and surpass all the
others. He had taken a period of six years, which he had
divided into two periods of three years each, and the result of
his observations would give remarkable evidence on this ques-
tion. The first three years he alluded to were from the years
1832 to 1835 inclusive, asd during that period the price of
corn was very low and the duty was very high, so much so that
they might he called years in which foreign corn was pro-
hibited. He would not enter into the details of figures, but
he would state the fact that in these three years the imports and
exports increased very considerably, and in the three following
years, when the state of things was directly opposite
when the price was very high and the duty was very
low—the imports and exports materially decreased.
Now, he (Lord Ingestre) had heard it said that because they
asked protection, they were monopolists.—( Hear, hear. ) He
did nut understand the meaning of the word.—( Laughter.)
What was it ? He did not argue as an agriculturist ; he argued
on general grounds ; he argued as much for the artisan toiling
in manufactnres, as he slid for the agricultural labourer. Ceulel'
they call that monopoly which employed four-fifths of the
whole population ?—(‘' Hear, hear," from the protectionists.)
He was not sure of the exact figures, but the number employed
in agriculture was about three hundred millions, and in manu-
factures about eighteen hundred millions.—(Laughter.)
[We presume the Noble Lord has slightly mistaken his figures,
and means 3,000,000 in the former instance, and 1,1(10,000 in
the latter.] Now, if the corn which was grown in this
country was displaced by the corn brought from abroad, they
must send either money or manufactures to pay for it, and so
much capital would be displaced, which would otherwise belong
to the corn-growers of this country. Four times the quantity
might indeed come from those countries, but they would not
probably in return consume more than one-tenth of the manu-
factures which might be required to pay for this corn. Thus
they would destroy that market—the home market—which
Adam Smith said was worth more than all other markets to-
gether. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated, on the other
night, that high wages and low prices often went together,
and that low prices and high wages were very often the case.
That might be very true, he believed it was true, but that had
arisen from extraordinary circumstances. Now, as he had
before stated, he thought that the present law had given great
prosperity to the country. He fecund two or three authorities
upon this point ; he found that the Right Hon. Baronet and
the Secretary at War admitted it ; but the Right Hon.
Baronet indeed afterwards said that te present alteration was
introduced in consequence of the success of his tariff of 1842.
He stated that he had been mistaken all his life, but that his
measure of 1842 had been so successful that he was encouraged
to go on in what might be called the same direction. The
Secretary at War, who had represented himself as a free trader
in disguise formany years, stated that the cern-law of 1842 was
a signal failure. He would ask the Right Hon. Baronet and
the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War
which of them was right 7—( Hear, hear.) Under tn•
system of protection, he (Lord Ingestre) contended that there
had been greater steadiness of prices in England than had been
the case elsewhere. The fluctuation in this country had been
less than in other countries, and he saw no reason why the
principle should be at once abandoned, though as science ad-
vanced it might be gradually reduced. He supported the tariff
of 1842, because he considered the previous system required
amending, but the present measure he thought uncalled for.
Respecting what had been said by the Hon. Member for Sunder-
land, the other night, about the low price at which wheat could
be imported, he gave some information. It was remarked, in
answer to what that Hon. Gentleman stated, that the wheat
which was imported at so low a price was inferior, but the best
test o f that was the weight ; the best wheat usually weighing
about 61 lbs. to the bushel. In corroboration of that Hon.
Gentleman's staternent,:he held in his hand the average price of
foreign corn in bond in the port of London, between the years
of 1835 and 1845. In the month of January 1835, wheat was
imported at 225. per qr.; in 1836, at 225. ; in 1837 at 40s. ;
this was the average price of corn imported from all countries.
In 1838 the average price per qr. was 255. ; in 1839, at 355. ;
He had no quotations for 1840, 1841, and 1842. In 1843
the average price was 295. ; in 1844, 425. ; and 1845, 265.
These prices were correct, and was an answer to those Hon.
Gentlemen who stated that the landed proprietors could com-
pete with those low rates and keep their land in cultivation.
It was absurd to suppose chat the present breadth of land would
remain under cultivation, and that to effect this there would
exist any security that present prices would be maintained.
He did not want to advocate the interests of one class and to
exclude the consideration of another, hut he wanted to advocate
to sonic extent the cause of the landowners, who would suffer
more than any other portion of the community by the adoption
of the measures promulgated by the Government. It had
been said repeatedly with great truth, both in print, at public
meetings, and to some extent in that House, that this was en-
entirely a laudlords' question. There could be no doubt of it,
and he would prove that this was so. He would allow an ave-
rage of 22 bushels of wheat per acre, and it was well
known that five loads yielded 24 bushels of flour. Each
acre gave 19 loads of wheat, which yielded 340 loaves.
If these loaves were charged at 6.1. each, these nineteen
bushels would realise 170 s. He put the average rent at 235.
per acre. Now, if they were to abolish the whole of the rents
paid by the occupiers of land, the consumer of the bread which
they produced would not be saved more than one-sixth of the
present price of the quartern leaf. But if they were to abolish
those rents, what would become of the landowner?—how would
he be able to improve his land, and how would he be able to
purchase the goods of the manufacturer ? He objected to the
measure on the grounds he had stated—that it would be highly
injurious to Ireland ; in fact, they could not conceive an act
which would be more suicidal to the country, because to de-
stroy its best markets, which had been so much encouraged by
the trade of this country ; and he for one was at a loss to know
how they could benefit the pent le of Ireland by destroying the
best and most regular market they had. Then he considered
that the partial failure of the potato crop in Ireland was an in-
sufficient reason for destroying the principles on which
the commerce of this country had been conducted.
Why, if they were to send an abundance of corn
from foreign countries into Ireland, the people would have no
money to buy it. He also objected to the measure because it
would be a substantial injustice on the colonies, especially on
Canada. In 1843, when the Noble Lord the Secretary for the
Colonies (Lord Stanley), introduced the Canada Corn Bill, he
said that it was necessary, but they now proposed to admit corn
into this country under a system which would inflict great in-
jury on our colonial possessions. He gave the Right Hon.
Baronet credit for all sincerity in proposing this measure, but
lie might rely upon it that neither he nor any other Minister
could ever succeed in governing this country without party—not
a party of that House, but of the country. He was much dis-
tressed to hear the Right Hon. Baronet recant at the red box
all the opinions which he had often heard him express upon
protection, but he wished to ask some of those Hon. Members
who had undergone so sudden and miraculous a conversion,
whether they would not have been equally vain
in their support of the Right Hon. Baronet had he
proposed a reasonable protection to agriculture.—( Hear, hear. )
Noble Lord
and if
opposite
heln etebeisldcivniennttruyrethtee agriivsetoacnraze(yiveienej
(Lord Morpeth) he would take the liberty of reminding
otyoedthenoNi
him, that the noble blood of Howard was flowing through his
veins, and also of reminding those who were acting with him,
that institutions, such as those they were now attaching them-
selves to, ought to be a warning to the members of the aristo-
cracy.—( Hear, hear.) Before he sat down he was anxious to
prove that the fever which was felt respecting the diseased
potatoes was unnecessary, as he held in his hand new potatoes
what were produced from the eyes of diseassd potatoes. ( Here
the Hon. Gentteman, amidst great laughter, took from his
pocket a small packet of new potatoes.) These potatoes had
been grown by Mr. Chapman, a market gardener, and he
(Lord Ingestre) took this opportunity of mentioning that
fact; he hoped in future, the potatoes would be turned to
better use, and that it would be
,no longer said that all
potatoes were diseased. With these observations he would
conclude by thanking the House for the attention with which
he was heard.

Mr. TRELAWNY would ask the Noble Lord what cer-
tainty there was that the potatoes which he had produced were
grown from diseased seed? The proper course for Honourable
Members to have adopted was to have proposed an amendment
that the ports be opened. They seemed, however, to fancy
that their views were better advanced by the criminatory lan-
guage which they had all along adopted. He would ask, had
they not at first used the cry of "Protection to agriculture,"
and then, finding that they had no hold On the affections of the
country, had the not changed their cry to " Protection to
native industry ?" He could understand in some measure the
line of conduct pursued by Hon. Members, if they were pre-
pared to say that they would put a duty on their exports as
well. It appeared to him, however, that Honourable Mem-
bers entirely lost sight of the great point on the present
question. They had spent a great deal of time acd a great
deal of eloquence in vituperating the Right Hon. Baronet, but
in his opinion they lost sight of the great question which they
ought to have kept in view. That point was whether the
repeal of the corn-laws would be really injurious to the
agricultural interest. He thought that the protectionists were
acting unfairly towards the Right Hon. Baronet, and he
thought they were acting somewhat illogically too in charging
him with the criminality of having changed his opinions. They
complained of him as if this was an act of treachery. after having
entertained other opinions for a great number of years. What
would be said of a philosopher who, after believing in certain
dogmas for a long period, found reason to differ from his
previous sentiments, if he refrained from acting on the altera-
tion in his conviction.? He read the speeches, he thought all
the speeches, which had been made on this subject, and he had
been unable to meet with anything that could convince him of
the utility of retaining protection. He thought it was a pity
that the aristocracy of this c,untry, an ancient aristocracy as
they were, should rest all their usefulness to the country on a
mere question of rent. The Right Hon. Baronet, and the
Noble Lord the Member for London (Lord John Rwsell),
should throw their previous conceptions overboard, and pro-
vide those measures only which were likely to be for the
general benefit. In the case of a great war with America, he
should be very sorry to trust the safety of the country to the
talents of all the Dukes. A f,.w years might make this mea-
sure not only convenient but necessary. It appeared to him
that the course of observation indulged in by the Honourable
Member opposite was not a constitutional course. He could

not conceive how it could be constitutional for that party of
which the Hon. Member was a supporter, to send up here
certain Members as delegates from the protectionists.—(No,
no.) ) Had it not been stated that they were pledged to suppor,`
the agricultural interest, as it had been called ; but then had
not the Right Hon. Baronet opposite been bound by a higher
pledge—a pledge to legislate for the benefit of the whole
country ?—( Hear, hear.) And, if so, then, no minor pledge
could be regarded as such. He had heard a great deal about
the League ; now, he had never been a member of that body,
but he was aware that it had done a great dead of good ; and
if the Government had not introduced seine such measure as
ts.at before the House, he should have joined it.
Mr. PACKE said that though he had for many years the
honour of a seat in that House, yet he did not feel at all times
anxious to take a part in its debates. But the present question
was one of such importance, and, in his opinion, so ruinous
to the country, that Le could not consent to give the measure a
silent vote. He was not going to follow in the course of obser-
vations of the Hon. Gentleman who sat down, but he would
confine himself to the subject-matter of the debate. It was
with very great pain he found himself obliged to differ
from an Administration, which, since he had the ho-
nour to enter the House, he cordially and invariably
had supported.—(Hear, hear.) He did not for a moment
impute to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's
Government a single impure motive. He believed the Right
Hon. Gentleman was actuated by the sincerest conviction of
the necessity of the course of policy he was pursuing, but, as
he (the Hon. Member conceived that course to be ruinous to
the country, he felt him Self compelled to make a few passing
observations. One of the most startling assertions which the
Right Hon. Baronet bad made, and one that struck hint par-
ticularly, was, that the course of policy then about to be pur-
sued by the Ministry was a Conservative policy.— ( Hear, hear,
from the protectionists. ) The Right Hon. Baronet then stated
that he could not charge himself with having actedincon-
sistently with true Conservative principles, and suppliantly
inquired if to put down agitation was an act inconsistent with
true Conservative principles ? He (Mr. Packe) could not
conceive how the flight Hon. Baronet could thus address the
House, when he must have been aware at the time
that the agitation with which the Anti-Corn-law League had
menaced the country during the seven preceding years, hadin-
creased to a greater extent during the present year. If he
( Mr. Packe) rightly understood the meaning of the term " true
Conservative policy," he should say that it meant an adherence
to fixed principles. And if he understood the meaning of the
principles upon which the Hon. Member on the opposite aide
acted, he should say it was an ever-varying princii le.—(Pro-
tectionist cheers.) The Noble Lord the Member for the city
of London has, by the sacrifice of his rrinciplea, been enabled to
keep his party together, while the Right Hon. Baronet has
changed his principles and sacrificed his party. He had heard
men say that we should not rake up old speeches, but it was
by these, he maintained, that " true Conservative principles"
could be proved. However unpalatable it would be to some
Hon. Members, he must. trespass on their attention for a short
time, while he read a few extracts from some former speeches.
When the Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume) brought
forward a motion, he said to Hon. Members on this side of the
House, " If you will leave us alone to settle this matter, 1
shall be much obliged to you." He (Mr. Packe)
should like Honourable Gentlemen on the opposite side
of the House to leave him and those with whom he acted to
settle the present question with the Right Honourable Baronet,
and he had no doubt they would be able to arrange the matter
satisfactorily. The Hon. Member went on to say that all
Parliaments had been in favour of protection, and that the
Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers) had always
been the consistent advocate of the repeal of the corn-law.
In 1838 the Hon. Member (Mr. Villiers) moved for a com-
mittee to inquire into the laws relating to the importation
of foreign corn. Upon that, as well as on a subsequent occasion
in 1839, that motion was opposed by the Right Hon. Baronet
at the head of the Government, the Noble Lord, the Mem-
ber for the city of London, and the lion. Member for Man-
chester (Mr. Gibson). At the assembling of the Parliament in
the commencement of her Majesty's reign, the Hon. Member
fur Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller) stated that the House was at
present ignorant of the principles upon which the Right Hon.
Baronet meant to carry on his Government, if he succeeded to
office. He (Sir R. Peel) then made the following
declaration—" I would not shrink from the expresssion
of my opinions. If I saw reasons for changing my
course I would do so. I have not changed my opinions, not-
withstanding
,the combination which has been formed against
the present corn-laws, either for the purpose of procuring their
total repeal or the substitution of a fixed duty in place of the
present sliding scale. Notwithstanding the present agitation
which is going forward, I do not hesitate to avow my adhesion
to the opinions exp e sed by me last year. On thesth of June
following this announcement, when 628 Members were pre-
sent, a division was taken, and a vote of want of confidence in
the Ministers was carried, by 4 majority of one, owing to this
declaration of the Right Hon. Baronet. At the accession of
the present Government they found themselves in a majority of
91 Members, who were pledged to support the corn-law in-
tact. The Right Hon. Baronet had said, when the lion.
Member for Wolverhamton had brought forward his measure in
1843, " I think that any alteration in laws of this kind are to
be deprecated. I think also that the existing laws afford us a
fair adjastment of the question. He would go on to state what
the Right 1-lon. Baronet hail stated during the following year :
—" I have a strong feeling, speaking generally, that agriculture
is entitled to protection. It is entitled to protection from a
sense of justice, for the land sustains peculiar burdens. Look
at the population of Ireland, which depends entirely on its agri-
cultural produce. lam not prepared to alter the amount
of protection." He was certain there was not a
man, either in that House or otit of the House. who
prior to the eOcl of January, could have been prepared for the
strange and sweeping change which the Right Hon. Baronet
had proposed in the corn-laws. He would now advert to the
reasons which had been brought forward in support of the
proposed measure. Firstly, the principal reason was the
failure in the potato crop. He must say that that subject was
almost worn threadbare, so that it was hardly necessary to
show why a new project should overthrow a fixed principle of
200 year's standing.—( Hear.) The second reason was, that
the prosperity of the last three years was a sufficient induce-
ment for a further relaxation of duties. In his opinion, the
prosperity that now abounded under a moderate protection
was a great reason why it should be continued, and not de-
stroyed. Then, again, they had been told, that the wages of
labour were not. dependent on the price of corn. As far as
he could remember, he was perfectly persuaded, that the wages
of agricultural labour depended very nearly on the price of
corn. In his own neighbourhood such was the case ; and
whenever there was a sensible rise in the price of corn, the
amount of wages were always affected by it. In the next
place, they had been told that the object of the measure was
to reconcile the differences and animosities between the dif-
ferent classes of her Majesty's subjects. Now, whether that
was an allu ion to the Anti-Corn-law League he could not,
say;
e
they were, however, only like soldiers in a theatre, that kept
marching round and round the stage, in order to give an ap-
parent multitude to their numbers. The Hon. Member then
measure briefly alludedprepared
House
rue
w publicst:eaen sepoermaicompensationnrent:si.
chwtagriculturists,
that
which
hrtconcerned
the Noble.
n,whichtc,ed
r nlathernisd
Lord said h
h .5.
proposed
had
onld
seenwou allude
pia
new Secretary for Ireland, had satisfied the Noble Lord, the
Member for London, of the liberal policy which the Govern-
ment were about to adopt towards Ireland ; consequently, he
would say, if the Noble lord, the Secretary for Ireland, had
satisfied the Noble Lord, the Member for London, of the'mea-
sures which were to be brought forward for Ireland, the Irish
Members ought to be on the look out with respect to the
tended policy towards that country. The Hon. Gentleman
then concluded, by thanking the House for their kind attention
to the observations which he had thought proper to address
to them.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he
feared he must commence with the opening sentence which had
characterised the speeches of most of the Hon. Gentlemen
who had addressed the House—namely, at that protracted pe-
riod of the debate he could not he expected to offer any new
observations which could claim a right to occupy their atten-
tion. He could assure the House, that under these circum-
stances he would confine his observations to the narrowest
limits which it was possible for him to do, in the discharge of
the duty he had undertsken to perform. As to the question
itself, it would be unnecessary to enter into any argument,
alter it had been so ably discussed by so many Hon. Gi ntle-
men, and especially after the great ability which had been dis •
played in treating of it by the Right Honourable Baronet
at the head of the Government, and by the Pre•
shiest of the Board of Trade; who had left no
arguments untouched, and who had completely refuted argu-
ments which had been brought forward on the other side.
—(Cries of " No, no. ") Yes, they had established
beyond the power of contradiction, the fact, that the removal
of restrictions and the progressive development of the relaxa-
tion of protective duties, had, in every instance, been attended
with resnits permanently beneficial and advantageous to the
country.—(Cheers.) Before he entered upon the general
question, he considered it to be his duty to respond to the calls
which had been made upon him by many Hon. Gentlemen in
the course of the debate, to state the grounds on which he was
disposed to support the measure that had been brought forward
by his Right Hon. Ft iend. Some Hon. Gentlemen had sups
posed that he di fib red from his
oa colleaguesftnerpthe nrio nes
ti
art
thl
eeesm.me
ne uewriehwibiti.ehef‘o,her,eei the House, and that he was going to support the measure
tahgaati ntshtis the
pinion on voinc titohnesi
ro fp
ahrits w
.
should make to the House, would be entirely disabused ( Hear)—and would prove as fallacious as the arguments which
they adduced against the measure itself.—(Cheers ) He
would simply state to the House the course which 'he had
adopted. It was known that during the middle of October a
general opinion prevailed as to the failure of the potato crop in
Ireland and in this country, and that disease had very greatly
extended itself; and on the Isr of November the Government
deliberated as to the measures necessary to be adopted order
the circumstance of the case. He (the Chancellor
of the Exchequer) had been informed by his
Right Honourable Friend that he had intended, either.
rrn.Counocinl, obrottho
oretlatxhethsee (glut:ems!
that in such a case the direct interposition of the Government.
totionooncpsoerhnnetbhhyaedapoL differedretgs ils?a'
tlinrvoemO enactment.rhd ies Right Hon. Friend. He thought
by an act of the kind would be an interference
.with the
established law of a dangerous nature, and an act which could
only be justified by an immediate and urgent necessity. He
could not avoid perceiving that the state of Ireland was not
one that required that stringent course of action. He thought
that the matter might be dealt with by legislative enactment
at a future period, and that it was not expedient to open the
ports at that time. It was impossible for him not to consider.
that the Government were not called upon for a suspension of
the corn-laws for so long a period as that suspension was con-
sidered necessary. His advice to the Government was, to look
forward to the ulterior consequences of the step which they
were about to take. It was his opinion that to open the ports
at that period would have been to suspend the due operation of
the law. It had further been stated that on previous occasions
the suspension of the law had not entailed any evil consequences
whatever. He knew that in antecedent periods of our history
the ports had been opened by an Order in Council,
but the effects of that measure had always been represented
to have been injurious to trade and commerce, and were
only to be justified by the emergency of the ease. He had
always understood that the benefit of the sliding scale, which
was introduced in 1828, was intended to produce a sufficient
supply of corn, without having recourse to those continental
interferences on the part of the Government, which had been
found on all former occasions to he hurtful and inconvenient ;
and also he could not put out of his consideration, that, en all
occasions on which recourse had been made to an Order in
Council, the benefit of the sliding scale was opposed to the fixed
duty. The great argument that had been brought forward
against a fixed duty was that when the time of trial and famine
should arrive, it would be necessary to depart from the principle
of the law, and allow of this interposition of the Government in
Council, in order to admit corn into the country.—(Hear. )
Finding, then, that the consequences of these interpositions
must necessarily terminate in the abrogation of the law, an
additional argument of the strongest nature was furnished why
that abrogation should not be effected by an Order in Council.
Considering also the existing feelings on the part of a great
body of the community, it was necessary to leave the
power of the Government unshackled, at the meet-
ing of Parliament, to pursue any ultimate measure
which it might be considered necessary to adopt.
For this reason therefore, he opposed the proposition to admit
foreign corn into the country through the medium of an Order
in Council. But his Right Hon. friend at the head of the
Government proposed an alternative ; he suggested the imme-
diate assembly of Parliament for the purpose of effecting the
opening of the ports by means of a legislative enaetreent. To
ll
that proposal he equally offered an objection, although his ob-
objection rested upon different grounds. The proposition

was submttted to the Cabinet on the Ist of November. At
that time the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and a number of
other parties had received accounts of the fearful
extent of the potato failure in Ireland. Those ac-
counts rested upon considerable authority, and the s'ateinents
were made so as to create considerable alarm. At. that peried
of time the Irish crop of potatoes had not been dug, and there
were no means of actually ascertaining the extent of the eala
mity. He felt, then, that with those differences as to the ex-
tent of the calamity which was coming upon the country,it,
was probable that there might be prevalent a doubt upon the
minds of others as to the expediency of at once opening the
ports. It was his duty to o ithhold giving his assent to any
legislative measure which might affect the corn-laws until time
were allowed for a further investigation of the subject. That
the extent of the misfortune then coming upon Ireland was
nothing like that which they now knew to be the real fact,
it was impossible to doubt. 11 s thought that when the
question was before the public there would be no doubt of a
more general concurrence in the support of some measure
for the euspensien and subsequent alteration of the corn-
laws at that time, than if they proceeded at once to the dis-
cussion of a subject which had now created so much alarm.
For those reasons, therefore, he entered his protest against
the immediate assembling of Parliament for the purpose of
suspending the corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) He might have
been wrong, or he might have formed an erro-
neous judgment upon the question which was then
submitted to his consideration. He saw, or at least he thought
he saw, that the danger with which we had to deal was a
question which would not be encountered until at least an
early period in the spring. He felt the greatest anxiety that
this question, which so largely affected the interests of the
people of this country, should be supported under its difficnl-
ties by the greatest possible number of Host. Gentlemen in
that House, as well as by the general opinion of the people of
this country--( Hear, hear)—and therefore it was that he pre-
ferred delaying the commencement of operations, in order that,
when they were commenced, they might be carried with a
weight and an authority which would put an end to all cavilling
and opposition.—( Cheers.) Ile had been told, that in refusing
to accede to the proposition for the Order in Council, he be-
trayed a want of that coldness which a Minister ought to
feel in dealing with great commercial questions. His might be
told, perhaps, that he was in want of that siaeac'ty which ought
to have enabled him to see so long before-hand the extent of
the calamity with which Ireland was likely to be afflicted. Ile
might be told also that he had manifested yet more want of that
knowledge of his Hon. Friends near him, and that he ought
to have known that they would have willingly assented to the
suspension of the corn-law Act of 1842, if the proposition had
been submitted to them. He might on all those points have
been in error, but this he would say, after the lapse of the
periods which had since intervened, and after reflecting upon
the coarse which he then thought. it his duty to take and ad-
vise, and which he thought in his conscience was the best
that he could give ; he did not feel, after a reviewal of
the transaction, that if it were now presented to
him in the shape in which it then stood, he should give a dif-
ferent opinion from that which they gave.—( Hear, he ar. )
After this difference in the Government upou this particular
point, it was agreeel that the question should be postponed for
rs limited period, in order that further information with re-
spect to it might be accessible to every one. That further
period brought with it undoubtedly the strongest possible argu-
ments for a change in the corn-laws. They had very shortly
afterwards laid before them a report of the Commissioners who
had been sent into Ireland to inquire into the nature and ex-
tent of the calamity. The Commissioners in that report de-
tailed their views of what was the extent of the crop of potatoes,
and what was the limited amount upon which the people would
be compelled to subsist. The accounts of those Commissioners
were confirmed by actual experience when the potato crop
came to be dug in different parts of the country, from
which it appeared that in some places one half,
in others one-third, and in others three-fourths had been abso-
lutely destroyed. Nay, there was a general and universal feel-
ing, and one which he believed was founded in justice—that the
preservation of the inhabitants of some parts of that country
depended entirely upon the fineness or wetness of the weather.
—(Hear, hear.) The case then resolved itself into the reliev-
ing of Ireland from the difficulties with which it was then in
his mind encompassed ; and although he felt deeply that the
adoption of the course which his Right Hon. Friend (Sir R.
Peel) had now submitted to the House, would be attended with a
dissolution of party connexion—( Opposition cheers )—and would
probably cause his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), separa-
tion from many of those with whom he had for many years
been connected, and whom he hoped he might still be permitted
to call his Honorable Friends—( Hear, hear)—although he felt
that that might be the necessary consequence of the measure,
yet he also felt that there were duties imposed upon one holdirgs
the responsible situation—( Loud Opposition cheers)—which
went beyond the feelings of party and of class, and that
being convinced in his own mind that an alteration in the corn-
laws had become a question of inevitable necessity, he was pre-
pared to give his opinion that under the circumstances which
he had mentioned, the corn-laws ought to undergo some
change. At the same time, he felt that that change had been
better effected by other persons than his Right Hon. Friend a•
the head of the Government—( Hear, hear)—and he entirely
concurred in the resignation of that charge into the hands of
others, who, from their long maintenance of the opinions by
which they were actuated, were better fitted to discharge the
duties, and perhaps better calculated to carry this measure.—
(Hear, hear. ) He would only say, that when he tendered to
her Majesty the resignation of his office, he had no more idea
that he should have had to deal with this question in any other
capacity than that of a private individual than he had of any
other probability of which he had not the slightest anticipation
or idea. —(Hear, hear.) If Hon. Members doubted the ve-
racity of his statement, he could, by most complete evidence,
prove to them that he did not at that time contemplate
anything of the kind.--( Hear, hear.) He did, indeed,
at first entertain some doubts as to the time when
the measure for the alteration of the corn-laws should be brought
forward, but as to the necessity of some alteration in the corn-
laws, he entertained net the slightest doubt.—( Cheers.) He
thought that such a course would be best calculated to promote
the interests of the country.—( Hear, hear.) He was, there-
fore, at that time prepared to vote upon this question in his pri-
vate capacity, in the same manner as he was now about to do in
the capacity of a Member. On these grounds, therefore, he
thought that there was no inconsistency in his conduct when he
resumed office.—(Cheers.) That was, in a few words, a short
his'ory of the transaction as far as he was concerned. Hy
trusted it would satisfy his Hon. Friends; and although diffe
rences might exist between them and himself with regard to
this question, he yet hoped that they would be ready to believe
him when he said that, in pursuing the course which
he had, he was doing what was best calculated to promote
the interests of the country.—( Hear, hear.) A Noble Lord,
a Member of that House. had told him, that in his opinion, he
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had acted inconsistently
with his duty to his constituents, which he had the honour to
represent when he accepted office after he had tendered his re-
signation.—( Hear, hear.) And he called upon him to make
some explanations to his constitutents at Cambridge.—
( Hear, hear.) Now, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer
thought that the duties of a representative differed entirely
from those which had been mentioned by the Noble Lord. He
did not pretend to say that if Honourable Gentlemen at par.
ticular elect ons had pledged themselves, wader all circum-
stances, and upon all occasions, to maintain particular laws, they
might feel themselves bound to adhere to those pledges and
opinions. But he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) stated
to his constituents generally his views upon particular subjects,
if these subjects came under discussion ; he, however, re-
served to himself the fullest right to take upon all other
questions that must come under consideration in Parliament that
coarse which lie thought most conducive to the general interest.
And however it might be sanctioned by some great examples,
however it might be conformable to the views which some
Gentlemen who had pledged themselves might take, he for on,
did not admit that it was in any respect the duty of a repre-
sentative, acting in opposition to his constituents upon particular
laws that might be submitted to the consideration of the
House, to make that opp .sition the ground of his resigning, to
n his resignation, if required to do so by his con-
stituents. (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had; given
n
h respect to the corn-laws at any period
to his constituents. He had never expressed any sentiment
tendering
that might be construed into an expression in favour of a per-
manent adherence to the existing laws, which Hon. Gentlemet
seemed to have given to their constituents when they
veerse i et
nt
. pledges
H
elected. And on those grounds, therefore, he thought it would
be abandoning the character of a representative in Parliament.
He thought it would be depriving himself of the capacity of
acting in aceordance with the views of the constituency of the
whole country (which they undoubtedly really represented) i,
he were to be bound on all occasions to vote in accordance with
the views of his immediate constituents.—(Cheers.) Now, s
far he was sure he detained the Howse too long upon matter
which related to himself personally—(Cheers)—there was
nothing, he was sure, more painful or less agreeable upon whit!
to speak, and he would now, therefore, proceed to address him-
self shortly to the subject which was immediately be-
fore the House. The question which they had before them
was one, as it appeared to him, which might be found to b,
comprised in a very narrow compass. It was simply whether
they would make progress in the course which they had lot
some years proceeded in, with respect to the relaxation of pro.
tective duties • or whether they would be content, not merely
to remain where they were, but to retrograde in the cours,
which they had hitherto taken. He knew that in the course of
this debate many Hon. Gentlemen had supported the Go-
vernment up to this period in the course which they h
pursued, and yet they declared that they were bound to with-
draw their support upon this question. Those lion. Gentle.
men argued that if this measure were passed, the interests of this
country would be injured. They argued that what the Go
vernment had hitherto done was exactly what was judiciou
and just, and, therefore, that for all time things should remain
as they now were. But when he considered the arguments o,
some of his Hon. Friends near him—when he heard
that some of his Honourable Friends had stated
that the corn-law which was passed two years ago ought
to be suspended—when he heard that sentiment cheered as if
were generally assented to by several Hon. Gentlemen of that
House—when he heard other Hon. Members state their opi-
nions that the corn-law might be modified in certain parti-
culars so as to meet the inconvenience which resulted to th,
country from its present shape—when he heard other Hots.
Gentlemen who went some steps further and some who del not
go quite as far upon these particular questions, he thought that
they would find it very difficult to account for the reason why
they resisted the motion which was then before the House.—
( Cheers.) Hon. Members had said that this measure would
materially injure the shipping interest.—( Hear, hear.) But
he could show to the House that since the protective duties had
been removed with regard to the shippiug trade that trade had
—( Cheers.) The Hon. Member
become far more prosperous.
the lions. Members who had joined
for Donegal was one of
Hon. Members in
this statement, and instanced particularly the
he .ear IS4-9
the tonnage of trading
Irish trade ; but in t )
vessels belonging
to that country was 2,600,000 in 1849.
and in 1845, 3,669,000,
being an increase of 1,000,000.
It had been stated by Hon. Members opposite that the in
crease of British shipping employeh in the Baltic trade had borne
no proportion to the
interest, and they argued
from this circumstance that the re-
moval of the duty upon Baltic timber had thrown the shipping
trade into the hands of foreigners, and that they had in con-
sequence been benefitted
more
re thanthis fact the
eshipping of this
couutry.—(llear.) He considered
reason why the present measure should be carried into effect.
hic he could give that, encourage-
He knew of no mode in w
merit mere effectually than by passing those measures. Hon.
Members would see, if they looked at the proportion of British
shipping engaged in carrying corn as compared with other ar-
ticles. When the demand is immediate it must be sent by
ships that are in port—they cannot wait for 13ritsih ships ars '
riving freighted with merchandise, and which could return laden
with corn. And if Hon. Members looked at the proportion
between the number of British and foreign ships employed in
this: trade, they would see that there was a vast prepon-
derance in favour of foreign shipping. He thought nothing
could afford a better chance to the shipowners whose
interests had been advocated than by passing the present
-measure. The number of ships laden with corn which passed
through the Sound was 1,118 foreign, and 501 British ships,
—('Hear, hear.) If, then, he wished to restore the employ-
men t of British shipping, let them give an increased freedom
of trade to commerce, and by this means cause those artielss
which are casually sent to become regular freight. Another
objection which is raised to this measure is that the diminution of
the duty upon Baltic timber would injure the Canada trade, and
our other colonies, which should be the objet t of our tenderest
car e. The Hon. Member who brought forward this argu-
mi snt had fallen into an error, which had been largely shared
in the course of this debate. They imagined. that advantages
gi vent to one were necessarily ciisadvantageousto others, whereas
a e onverse would be the case. What had been the effects of the
ara 11- tion in the late tariff as regarded the North American

colonies. In the year 1842, 1,550 vessels cleared the ports
with 540,000 tonnage ; in 1844, the tonnage was 789,000, and
the number of vessels cleared was
.2,284. This did not rest
upon his own statement. A Committee had been
appointed for the last year in which a question of a similar
nature as the present was raised. One of the witnesses,
a person much connected with the shipping trade, had stated
that the benefit to the shipping interest by the operation of the
tariff made a difference in favour of the British shipping, in
thelr competition with the foreigner, equal to 30 per cent. He
was asked, with reference to the price, of freight, if 38s. or 40s.
was sufficient remuneration, his reply was, that if they would
inure him 385., he would contract to supply the country with
anra
ed
con(uns
con-
struction noet.
auir,:inc,,f
et
tt,ofoihfaeti tonnage.ctrtih:sle:would
i,eus
r.ld) shipownersrexsmhkpireuli onn_tshehi
ruveaierit:
foundimt bhgaj
ietet,:nc, objection which
difficult
ttime
lioreilonnsuhiatntahi
enda,etyacb,
cost
more than it would do at present, in consequence of the re-
duction of duty on timber. It had been stated that Baltic
timber was necessary for the construction of a twelve years'
ship ; hut he seemed to forget, that haying once obtained this
material, the value of the ship was thereby' greatly enhanced.
If he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) could compare
great things with small, he could compare this class of
shipowners with those innkeepers on the Great North
Road, whose business had fallen away in consequence of the
diversion of the traffic by the railroads. It had also been urged
that by adopting the present measures we should injure Canada
—that country which we had flattered so before; for said Hon.
members, are you not going to admit foreign corn into this
country, arid will not that be a breach of your compact made
with them ? He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) stood up
for the importance of supporting the colonies of this country,
and of doing everything likely to conduce to their ultima•e
benefit.—( Hear, hear.) They had no right however to com-
plain, if for a general benefit we introduced competition with
those upon the same terms as with the mother country.
Canada complained, their answer would be that she stood upon
the same tooting as the mother country, and therefore she had
no right to complain. Another favourite argument which had
been used in the discussion of this question—a favourite mode
when argument cannot be readily produced, is to draw some
very extravagant picture of its effect. If free trade, said they,
is to be adopted, we must have free trade in all things—the
duty must be taken off tea, coffee, and all other commodities.
He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not, however,
adopt extreme opinions on this question, either on one side or
the other ; he considered that it was impossible in any financial
position to avoid in some measure a system of protective duties.
When he advocated free trade, he did it under the considera-
tion that it was necessary for the purposes of revenue—for the
preservation of the public morals and the public safety—that
some restrictive duties should be retained. He did not conceive
that in so doing he was at all deprecating a system of free
rade. He viewed this question in the sama light as he would
the question of civil liberty. In that case it was necessary for
the preservation of the public safety and morals that there
,hsuld be some restrictive and prohibitory laws. Other argu-
ments have been adduced to prove that the repeal of the corn-
laws would materially affect the conditon of the agricultural
labourer. They have supposed that by the introduction of
eompetition with the agriculture of other countries we were
likely to be overwhelmed by foreign agriculture produce. This
question had been ably argued in the course of the debate.
tie would not trouble the House with the recapitu-
lation
of those arguments, but he would merely
tall the earnest attention of the House to two cases
which these experiments had been tried, and he would give
I:ae result of those experiments, and lie would shew the ad-
vantages which it afforded to the country. In the reign of
Charles 11. the agricultural interests of this country seemed to
lave entertained opinions similar to these professed by indi-
viduals in connexion with the agricultural interest at the
present day, and they were also deeply affected by the imports
if articles which came into competition with them. In the
preamble to an Act passed in that reign it was stated, that
whereas certain lands of an inferior quality in this country
eannot be so well employed as in fattening cattle, therefore be
t enacted, that no cattle shall be imported, and those per-
sons who shall at any time import or cause to be imported any
cattle from that country into England shall be subject to cer-
-ain penalties which it was not necessary for him to read.
AL that period it was curious to refer to the arguments which
which were used for the purpose of giving to this country au
•ntire and complete monopoly. The historian tells them that
;here were great and general murmurs at that time, complain-
mg of the great injury sustained by the agriculturists of that
:ountry in consequence of the importation of cattle, which
were bred in Ireland with scarcely any trouble and expense ;
cud if some enactment did nut take place, the breeding of
settle in England would be given over, and thereby the rents
could be decreased, whilst the rent in Ireland would rise to a
considerable extent, and this could only be avoided by an Act
if Parliament." Some members of the agriculturists of that
ime, Lord Clarendon tells them, complained that they had
:wt " land bad enough to breed cattle upon," and that ap-
peared to he the case in many counties. However, in the face
if those Hon. Members, the Bill was carried through the
!douse, limiting the importation of cattle. In the House of
Lords, the resolution was carried with all expedition, and it
,as curious the Duke of Buckingham was at the head of those
who favoured the Bill with most marvellous concern.—
( Loud laughter.) When that measure passed, about seven
,ears afterwards, - a most distinguished man in that
country, writing to the Lord Lieutenant, said " That
.he cattle which were brought over from the Irish
.oil would in future be brought from Rouen and Lisbon,"
the expectation of that Bill, that it would keep up the rent of
and in England, was proved by those who were most capable
if judging that it had not in the slightest degree that effect.
there was another case which proved the great value of admit-
ting a competition with them. It was perfectly well known
hat up to the period of the union Ireland was treated as a
foreign country ; and that since then, the importation of corn
.nd cattle were freely admitted ; and notwithstanding the value
of agricultural commodities considerably increased, up to the
period of 1841. After the union, a tree intercourse was es-
tablished between that country and Ireland, and the corn of
Ireland was freely admitted into the !market of England in
competition with their own corn. It must be borne in mind
that at that particular period the quantity of corn grown
in England was proportionate with the population—( Hear
near)—lreland then sent large quantities of corn to this coun-
try for home consumption to so great an extent that it am-
mounted to one million quarters per annum, for
the maintenance of the population of England.
Nat importation gradually increased until it amounted
to three millions and four millions quarters annually. If those
persons used the argument that the importation of corn
would ruin the agriculturi,ts of England, what would they ray
if that fact when the admission of corn from Ireland was
permitted into England. If they could sustain the introduction
if agricultural produce from Ireland at a period when their
population was not more than fifteen millions without injury,
what danger had they now to fear with the increased improve-
ment in agricultural knowledge, and with an increased popu-
ari n in the United Kingdom, amounting to twenty-seven
millions ? Why, from the date of the union, they may date
the great improvement which had taken place in agricultural
science in that country. They found that in the very year
'hat the free admission of Irish corn took place, there were a
ereater number of Bills passed through that House connected
with agricultural improveineets than on any former occasion.
—(Hear, hear.) They also found that the gentlemen of Eng-
land paid greater attention to the improvement of agri-
culture than they were ever known to do before.
They found too that the price of corn in England
was not reduced by the importation which had taken place ;
but, on the contrary, agricultural prosperity was growing from
that large
possible quan-
tities
effect, but when they found on the contrary, that competition
led to permanent improvements, how could they argue that a
mall introduction of corn from the Continent could produce
se art
of o year.irish cornlf' therefore,
were inio as
imported, lie said
swaiitdhobu before,
tforfiending
those disastrous effects which he had heard so often stated?
But there was another remarkable circumstance in connexion
with these two parts of the United Kingdom, Great Britain and
Ireland. Which of the two countries was agriculture most
advantageous to—Great Britain or Ireland ? No man present,
ee believed, would deny that the agriculture of Ireland, corn-
pared with the agriculture of England, was deficient in an ex-
treme
degree. How then would competition act with the two
countries? The corn producers in England brought to their
rid exertions, intelligence, and energy, but in Ireland agriculture
remained little better than it was many years ago, for competi-
r ion was not known there, and the want of agricultural enterprise
eroved an injury to them, which was not felt in England. It
was said by an Hon. Member that that measure would prove
injurious to the people of Ireland. Why, he (the Chancellor of
he Exchequer) was sure, that his Hon. Friend would feel that
the same results would take place in that country which
competition had created in England. The measure was far
from decreasing the value of property in that country. The
stimulus that would be given to trade there, by increased de-
mand, would produce in that country, as it had in England, the
sffect of giving employment in agriculture, and also from the
establishment of manufactures, which were so much required
n Ireland.—( Hear, hear. ) It had been stated, and it had
been truly stated, by his Noble Friend, that the markets of
this country were open to the world. If there was any prin-
eiple better understood, it was for the most part that a home
market was necessary for the agricultural produce of that
country. So far from causing injury, that measure would
create employment in the increased competition that would take
~lace in the extended commercial intercourse which such a
measure would create. He would confine himself to another

topic. He had heard, during a great portion of that debate,
different arguments used with respect to the inconsistency of
public men.—(Loud ironical cheers.) He was an advocate
for consistency.—( Similar cheers. ) But does that consistency
consist in adhering to principles which varied with the altered
state of society?--( Hear, hear, and cheers from the free
traders.) if in any one measure they adopted the principles of
free trade, there was no good reason why they might mit be
adopted in another, at a subsequent period; and he would like
to know what gentleman was there in that House who had not,
at some time or other changed the opinions which he held?
He knew none who had not, to some extent, changed their
principles with respect to those laws. Were the Hon. Gentle-
men opposed to the measure, themselves agreed as to what
course should be pursued?—( Hear, hear.) Were they pre-
pared to maintain the principles which were entertained at the
passing of those laws? and were they prepared to say that
those laws ought to be permanent in the country ?—( Cheers. )
When they were prepared to show him a time when the repeal
can be effected with greater advantage to the great body of the
community, then he would be prepared to join them ; or would
the Hon. Gentlemen show him a time when resistance to the
repeal of the corn. law would be attended with less danger or
chance of success ? They were threatened with a great calamity
in consequence of the failure of the potato crop, and they were
bound to look forward to the effects which that failure was likely
to produce in the produce of future years. And though his
Hon. Friend the Member for Staffordshire had produced
from his garden a fine potato, grown from one of the diseased
roots, yet there were other experiments made by scientific men
on a more extensive scale, which lead to very different results.
He had seen accounts from North America, where the disease
had now prevailed for thre consecutive years, and he found that
in the present year the failure in several parts of that country
was fully equal to that which prevailed in many districts in
Ireland. ( Hear. ) What happened in other countries might
also happen in their owr, and it was right that they should
not forego the opportunity of providing beforehand a supply
which would be able to protect them from the effects of such
calamity. They should also recollect that a failure in the
crops had very generally prevailed upon the Continent, and
they mast naturally inter that they would experience a diffi-
culty in obtaining a sufficient supply, rather than that they
should be inundated with corn, as some Members have imagined.
Did the House ever consider that the produce of 120,000 acres
of wheat, were year by year required to support the growing
population of the country,
.and did not that circumstance alone
prove the necessity of making provision in time for the want
which must press upon the cuuistry.—( Hear, hear. ) He,
therefore, theught in a time of general distress and disaffection,
by repealing the corn-laws, they would effectually
provide for the happiness and comfort of the people.
—( Hear, hear, cheers and counter cheers;) He was extremely
sorry that in the course of that debate so many of his Hun.
Friends shouH have expressed themselves in terms of strong
disapprobation of the course pursues! by her Majesty's Minis.
tors.—( Hear, hear.) He regretted that those for whom he
entertained the sincerest respect, should have expressed them-
selves hastily, not merely with respect to the measures of the
Government, but also with respect to the personal conduct of
his Right Hon. Friends.--( Hear, hear.) He did not intend to
retort those expressions, but his Right Hon. Friend,' be Member
for the University of Dublin ( Mr. Shaw) made a speech
which contained far more eloquent declamation than it did ar-
gument. He stated a principle, which he (the Chancellor
of the Exchequer) cordially concurred in, viz., that it was
the duty of an independent Member to maintain that course

which he believed to be right. Now he would only ask
that Honourable Gentleman to allow to those who were
the Ministers of the Crown the benefit of that
principle, and that he would not heap upon them those oppro-
brious epithets which he had made use of, for acting on the
fiery printiplethieh he had laid down for his own guidance.
He told them thdt the Ministers were the " most unstable of
men," " infirm of purposes" and were " Cabinet jugglers."
He bad also made use of an obserVd•iohi not very kind, to
those with whom he had se long acted, and slWtih did not
display that judicial coolness which became a high judicial
character.—( Hear, hear.) He called them " political
cowards." He (the Chancellor) might be a political coward,
for he had been afraid to maintain party consistency in oppo-
sition to the wishes and interests of the people ; and he heti
been afraid to risk the subsistence of the empire for the sake of
gratifying a party. If that were cowardice, it was that of
which he had been guilty.—( Hear, hear.) He had turned
his back upon his friends, but he had only done so in
order to protect them from their own want of
foresight. —(Hear, hear, and cheers, and counter cheers. )
Seeing the storm a-head, seeing the frightful effects whick
famine would produce in Ireland, he had not been ashamed to
oppose himself to the danger.—( Hear, hear.) He begged to
to 1 those Hon. Gentlemen that he painfully felt the loss of their
good opinion ; he should ever remember with satisfaetion the
period when they bad been formally united, and he trusted
that when their judgments had time to cool—( Ironical cheers)
when they shall see the dangers with which the country had
been threatened, notmerely in prospective bet in reality—when
they shall be aware of the necessity which existed to make pro-
vision for those dangers, he trusted be knew enough of them to
believe that—however inconsistent it might appear with their
present opinions—they would admit that they have been wrong,
and that the Government had adopted the best course for the
preservation of the general interests of the country.—(Chedr.)
Mr. IV. B. FERRAND believed that he was perfectly in order in
alluding to the petition that had been presented to the House a few
evenings ago by the Noble Lord the Member for the West Riding of
Yorkshire. The House wouli remember, that as far back as 1843,
he hid stated in that House, that the Anti-Corn-law League had
purchased signatures to the petitions which they had gotup at a
shilling a hundred.— (Laughter.) Now lie (Mr. Ferrand) was well
aware that when the Noble Lord presented those pettions he might
no doubt have believed that the signatures but he
(Mr. Ferrand) was prepared togenuine;
prove, if his statement were denial,
that the working men whose signatures were
Atlied to those peti-
tions
were obliged by the master manufacturers to attach their
names, and if they refused to do so, that the consequence of their e-
fusel would be the sacrifice of their daily bread.—(Hear, hear, and
cries of "Oh ! oh !") He was indebted to the Hon. Member for
Montrose for the able statement which he gave of the
modu operandi
which ope andi
which was resorte 1 to in the working of this tyrannical system.
'That
Hon. Member said it was a regulation of the master-manufacturers in
Scotland, that if a workmen left one manufactory in consequence of
a dispute with his employer the owner of another manufactory would
not employ him. The consequence of which was that the most
abject slavery and subservience was created. The lion. Member
stated that that was a glorious combination. Now he (Mr. Ferrand)
was prepared to say that that combination existed to as great an
extent in Lancashire and Yorkshire, and he had no hesitation in
saying that there was no man in the employment of any of the
members of the Anti-Corn-law League who dared to refuse his
signature to the petitions which emanated from that body.—(Cries of
"Oh ! oh !") He would ask the Hon. Gentlemen who advocated the
doctrines of free-trade, and the Noble Lord, the Member for London,
if they believed that those signatures were genuine ? If really
considered them to be the bona fide acts of the parties whom they
proposed to represent, they would have laid greater stress upon
them. Now he (Mr. Ferrand) was prepared to prove that
one man attached no less than 14,000 signatures.—(Loud
cheers.) Attached 14,000 signatures to one of those
petitions without ever having left his house, er employed
any one even to write his name.—(Loud cheers.) That was the way
that petitions were got up by the Anti-Corn-law League, and were
afterwards presented to that House with a flourish of trumpets.—
(Loud cheers.) So much for petitions: Now, if the Hon. Member
for Sheffield would allow him, he would allude to certain points
which he had referred to in a speech he made a few evenings ago,
when he interrupted the Hou. Member in rather a round manner.—
(Laughter.) As, however, he had stated his views in a very inaccu-
rate and dictatorial manner, he (Mr. Ferrand) deemed it his duty to
give the statements of the Hon. Member a peremptory denial. The
Hon. Member said &at some Hon. Gentlemen had engaged to sub-
scribe 2,0001. for the recent election in the West Riding. Now, all he
(Mr. Ferrand) would say on that subject was, that if the lion.
Gentleman would find the individuals who were to subscribe this
money, he would give him 201. per cent. for his trouble.—(Laughter.)
The lion. Gentleman also said that he (Mr. Ferrand) had published
an able letter on that occasion. He believed that that statement
was perfectly correct, for no member of the League had
ever yet been able to answer it.—(Laughter.) The Honour-
able Gentleman went on to say, that he (Mr. Ferrand)
had succeeded in his peculiar mission of creating a bad feeling between
manufacturers and those in their employment. If the Hon. Gentle-
man had read his (Mr. Ferrand's) speeches correctly, he would have
discovered that his object was not to create bad feeling, but to expose
and bring before the public gaze those cruelties and oppressions to
which the working men were subjected by the master manufacturers
—(Hear, hear.) The lion. Member stated also that his (Mr. Fer-
rani's) friends had repudiated his efforts. Now that he strong'.
denied. The Tory party, not the Conservative party (for, thank
God, that party had ceased to exist.)—(Laughter.) The Tory party
had told him that it was of no use to contest the West Riding of
Yorkshire, for that the Anti-Corn-law League had, by their corrupt
and unconstitutional proceedings, so swamped the constituency, that
it was utterly useless to attempt a struggle. He told them in reply
that they had truth and honesty on their side, and so far from retir-
ing from the contest, he advised them to persevere.—(Hear,
hear.) He had no hesitation in saying that if Mr. Ed-
word Lascelles had boldly confronted the enemy, that
a different termination would have followed ; or if Mr Lane
Fox had persevered in his efforts—if the battle had been fought out,
he !relieved that Lord Morpeth would never have sat in that House as
Member for the West Riding.—(Hear, hear, and ironical cheers.)
lion. Gentlemen opposite might say " Hear, hear," but he believed
that any man who would weigh the circumstances of the case, could
come to no other conclusion. The Hon. Gentleman(the Member for
Sheffield) had said that the working men had repudiated his (Mr.
Ferrand's) doctrines. Surely, if that were the case, the statement as
to his having created bad blood betwen masters and the employed
could not be correct. He would now tell the House what had ac-
tually oecurred on the day of election. A friend of the Noble
Lord's (Lord Morpeth) who sat on the hustings, cried out to the
8,000 people who were assembled on that occasion, to give three
groans for him (Mr. Ferrand). Now, bow was that met? Not one
individual in that assembly responded to the call. Now, if it were
true that the working men had repudiated his doctrines, they
would surely have made a response when they were called upon to
give three groans for him. Honourable Members were
aware that when he was in Yorkshire he had
challenged the members of the Anti-Corn-law League to meet him
to discuss the question of protection. He had given out that chal-
lenge in Leeds, Bradford, and Huddersfield, but no one ha.l ever yet
accepted that challenge. He would now repeat that challenge in
that House, and he dared any of them to accept it. If they doubted
his intention he would give it to them in writing. How then could
they say, under such circumstances, that the working men had risen
en masse fur free trade?—(hear, hear, and cheers.) He would refer
to the disgraceful position in which Hon. Members on that side of
the House appeared before the country. Ile remembered when the
present Government first entered upon office, that the Noble Lord
the Member for Loudon asked the Right lion. Baronet the First
Lord of the Treasury, who at that time came in by a majority of
ninety-one," how he intended to conduct the affairs of the country
The Right lion. Baronet replied—" I am asked by the Noble Lord
how I propose to carry on my Government"--and turtling round to
the men who placed him in office, he said " I will walk
in the direct path and in the light of the British Coe-
stitution." He (Mr. Ferrand) believed that it was in the
spirit of the Constitution that candidates, when aspiring to re-
present electors in Parliament, should explain to their constitu-
encies what were the political principles by which they proposed to
guide their conduct; and not only that, but that they should be sub-
jected to a searching examination, so that their electors might b,
able to decide clearly what political principles their representatives
adopted. When Parliament was last dissolved, the Sovereign ha I
sale that her intention in dissolving it was to ascertain the opinions
entertained by the public on those points which were then agitating
the country.—(Hear, hear.) There can be no doubt but such was
the intention. Shortly afterwards, when he stood before the poop e
of Leeds, he heard the Noble Lord (Morpeth), on the 23d of June,
1841, giving expression to the following sentiments. He said—
" The struggle which I am now about to commence is
one against monopoly, and it is not in the town-hall
of Leeds that I am going to despair of a triumph."
What was the declaration of his Hon. Friend the Member for York-
shire, who was going to speak against the measure, and to vote
against it also, and who had been deceived into seconding the ad.
dress?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Noble Lords and lion. Gentle-
men had once been charged with " thimble-rigging," but he thought
they might with justice on the present occasion turn round and
charge their accusers of apostacy, who threw out the bait of cheap
corn and cheap bread, and humbugged the people with notions of
free trade.---( Hear, hear, and laughter.) What, said the Hon. Gen-
tleman the Member for the borough of Leeds? He said, "Gentle-
men, stick fast by English agriculture in the first instance, and then
try foreign agriculture."—(Hear, hear.) Now his (Mr. Ferrand's)
advice to Hon. Members was, to stick by English agriculture.—
(Hear, hear.) lie had heard words used that evening not credit-
able, in his opinion, to the Hon. Gentleman who uttered them lie
alluded to the Hon. Member for Montrose, who called the landlords
"monopolists." New, in reference to a former speech of that Hon.
Member, he fbund that he had made use of the following
language :—" Stick to English agriculture, because it is
your interest to do so." Now if the Honourable
Member were present, he would not ask him how he intended to vote,
but he would say to him, if he was an Englishman, lie should stick
to English agriculture; if he was an honest man, he would redeem
the pledge Ise had made to his constituents; and if he was an honour •
able man he would resign the seat he then held in that House, for he
should not forget that he once stood beneath the banner, on which
was inscribed "Protection to native industry."—(lkar, hear.) Ile
should then tell him, that if he betrayed his trust and deceived the
people, it would add epithet to his appellation—namely, that of dis-
honesty.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He should next turn to the
benches immediately behind the Treasury benches ; and he had no
doubt but several lion. Gentlemen were beginning to tremble in that
quarter, and ask themselves, "Is it I that am alluded to ?"
(Laughter.) He alluded at the outset to the Hon. Member for Win-
chester—(Hear, and laughter)—and he begged to ask him how he
had obtained his seat ?—(Hear, hear, and renewed laughter.) Had
he forgotten the visit he paid to the Buckinghamshire farmers, the
wine-drinking amongst them, the putting them on their
backs, and the " Hip, hip, hurraying," he created amongst
them in favour of protection? (Hear, and shouts of laughter.).,
Did the Hon. Gentleman recollect all that, and how he subsequently
marched in for Manchester with the free-traders ?—(Hear, hear.)
Was that a fair way of deciding an election ?—(Cries of " No, no.")
He (Mr. Ferrand) loved honesty in public men; andhitfiohoe hadewboeuld
guilty of such conduct as that to which he called attention, h
I and cheers.)
scorn to tread the floor of that Houses-(H
The Hon. Member came before. them,
' reekingriea lit'rtiornes.—(Cheers ready to stand or fall by
hpartotoefititoitite t2o2da.gorcuFehruary,
I laughter.) Ile recollected t 1842, the
Hon. Gentleman made a splendid speech in that House. lie stood
there directly in front of the agricultural benches, and quoted Latin
.
passages by the page, in deferice of protection —(Great laughter.)
next day, published the speech,
corrected from the short-hand
writers' ters
' notes, at Mr. Liddeli's, Pali-mall, and presented him (Mr.
Ferrand) with a copy of it, which, wills the permission of the House,
he would then, for the first time, make use of.—(Hear, hear, and in-
creased laughter.) in that speech, the Hon. Member declared, that
if ever there was a scheme fraught with danger, -and concocted by
bad men for the destruction of their own interests or the interests of
their country, they could not have hit on a better expedient than the
cry of cheap food; and that the man would be mad, or something
worse, who sided with such a cause —(Great laughter.) Now lie
(Mr. Ferrand) was not going to say what the phrase, er something
worse, meant. —(lleer, hear, and increased laughter.) The Hon.
Member, hi another part of his speech, said, the question of the
corn-laws was one that did not alone affect the constitution
of that House, but also the constitution of the country.
Now, he could tell him that the present question was
r
one that affected his honour. and he was bound to 'give up his
seat and appeal to his constituents anew.—(Hear, hear.) There
, e
to
was one snore extract in the speech of the Rn.
Ge
which he begged to refer—it occurred hi the peroration.—(Laughter.)
It was this —" I ant resolved, for the good of the country and the
preservation of its liberties, to stand by the landed interest, which is.
only another name for English interest, and I will uphold it by the.
best means in my power, and by voting for the measure of her j 1 a jesty's Ministers."—(Hear.) Let them mark that vote in
favou'roi her Majesty's Ministers, but not
ocagealalsit. them, as he
wilt bound to do on the present
l(Hear, hear.)
That then, was the speech of the Hon. Member for —Winchester, who
now sat behind the First Lord of the Treasury as one of his sup-
porters.—(Laughter and cheers.) There was an old proverb, but a
very true one, and in very familiar use in his (Mr. Ferrand's) part of
the country, and which, perhaps applied in the present case. It
was this, " That birds of a feather flock together."—(Great laughter.)
tie did not know whether the Hon. Member for Cirencester was in
his place at present, but if he were he hoped he would tell the
House the place lie did really represent.—(Laughter.) That Hon.
Member was now what he would call the last Lord of the Treasury
that had been elected. Upon the 14th of August, 1845, that Hon.
Member went down to his constituents, and made a speech, from
which he (Mr. Ferrand) would here read an extract. The Hon.
Member then rend the extract, which was to the effect that the
speaker said he could not, without dishonour and loss of character,
vote for the abolition of the corn-laws.—(Fear.) He would next call
attent am to the speech of the Hon.' Member the Vice-President of the
Board of Trade. That speech was certainly one of great ability, and
very business-like, but he feared it failed in carrying the House with
it .—( Laughter.) But at the very time he delivered it, he (Mr.
Ferrand) knew that the Right Hon. Gentleman had at that very mo-
ment in his red box an address from his constituents, calling upon
him to resign his seat.—(Great laughter and cheering.) He (Mr. F.)
would not say why the Right Hon. Gentleman had been called upon
to do so, but he knew the reason why his constituents had made this
demand.—(Cheers.) The next Hon. Member to whom he would call
attention was the Member for Wiltshire, the Secretary for War, and
he would say to that Hon. Member that he thought his honour too
was at stake.—(Hear, hear.) About a 3 car ago that lion. Member
went down to his constituents, and in asking for a renewal of their
support, he reminded them that it was t xelve years since he first
appeared before them in the position of a candidate for their
suffrages—that it was true that all men were liable to make mist-
takes, but that in reference to the corn-laws he looted e
upon prohibition as giving great stability to the agriculture
of this country.—(Laughter and cheers.) Well he new
for thew
m ttit
State
to
deal with the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of
Home Department, who hard
also recently
been
his constituents, and he (Mr. Fel-rand) would
constituents,
to
and was not
asokbligthede iggohtb eHon.re
Baronet did he not stand pledged to his el:
his personal honour at stake ? He begged
pdledge tell thie
tHon.
Baronet that he was bound to redeem_
Hinged
his
opinions
upon this
constituents, and the moment he had
question, he was bound in honour to resign his seat, in order that his
constituents might be fairly and honestly represented.—(Cheers.)
Right Hon. Baronet's speech, and
He (Mr. Fereand) 'hz.d read t"
printed and circulated for the
he should say it °nett to pave been