The Sun.
London, England, 1848-03-07 00:00:00

TilE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EArENING, MARCH 7; 8848.

recent period in a neighbouring country.—(Hear, lies r.)
I regard them as amply justifying this country in not
consenting to incur any risk of a large debt in th is
period of three years. I should feel it to be utterly iet-
consistent with sound policy, with my sense of duty, t,•l
make any detailed reference to events which must have,
filled all here present with utter astonishment.—(Hear.))
Of this, let me say, I am perfectly confident, that the•
true policy of this country will consist in the most.
complete, the most absolute abstinence from all interfere•
ence whatever in the internal affairs of the country in.
which such a wonderful revolution has taken place.
I hope we shall continue to be enabled to exercise the
rites of hospitality.—(Hear, hear.) I think it is of the
utmost importance that this country should always be s
enabled to offer a refuge to the victims of political con-
valsions.—(Hear, hear.) England has been such in other
times, and I trust it will long continue to be so. Where
the hospitality of this country has been taken advantage,
of to disturb the peace of other monarchies, I have ale
ways protested against such an abuse being permitted to,
exist; and I am equally ready to take the sane course
with respect to a Republic.—(Hear, hear.) I earnestly I
trust that this place of refuge, and that the hospitality-
accorded to fugitives in this country, will not be abused;
and that ell parties will set their faces against any in-
trieeies that may bo set on foot; for I hold that the same
rule which applied to a monarchy is equally good with I
respect to a Republic. I confess that 1 heard with the
greatest satisfaction the declaration from her Ma-
jesty's Government that they were resolved to
abstain from all interference in the internal
affairs of France.—(Hear, hear.) If this determination
be carefully and strictly observed, it will discou-
rage all other nations from any attempts at inter-
ference. I cannot but bear it in my mind whilst regard-
ing the present state of things, that France is at this
moment enduring the throes of a great experiment; and
I therefore am nut disposed to attach any importance to
the heats which manifest themselves in the journals of
that country. I look with considerable interest at the
position of the Provisional Government that is estab-
lished, and I cannot refrain from expressing my most
earnest hopes that those who may be called upon to ,
govern the destinies of the French people will content
themselves with directing their efforts to their own social
condition. I sincerely hope that they may succeed in
constituting a Government which shall be strong and
permanent in itself; and that whilst they endeavour to
reconcile the perfect independence of their country with
the rights secured by existing treaties, they will not set
an example of aggression, or of that desire for territorial
aggrandisement which will, if manifested, peril the
peace of Europe, and inflict an irreparable injury on the
whole of the civilised world.—(Cheers.)
Lord G. BENTINCK reminded the House that when
the Rigtit Hon. Baronet who had just sat down passed so
high an eulogy upon his sagacity and foresight in respect
to his commercial policy, he had totally omitted to state
that in May, 1841, he had supported two resolutions, on
the first of which Lord Melbourne's Government was
defeated in the proposition for admitting foreign slave
sugar at a fixed duty of 12s. The Right lion. Baronet
then said that not only the interests but the honour of
England demanded the continued exclusion of slave-
grown sugars, whereas in 1846 the House and the nation
learned from the Right Hon. Baronet's lips that neither
the House nor the interest of England required any
sueh exclusion to be kept up.—(Cheers.) But then
came another resolution affecting the duty on foreign
corn, which the Government of Lord Melbourne pro-
posed to fix permanently at Bs., and the Right Hon.
Baronet opposed that proposition successfully, whilst
he now asserted that his never should repent of having
finally abolished all duty on foreign corn. He (Lord
G. Bentinek) might truly say that the Honourable
Members around him would never cease to repent
their misplaced confidence in the Rignt Hon. Baronet.
—(Cheers from the benches near the Noble Lord.) The
Right Hon. Baronet had endeavoured to prevail on the
House to believe that he had introduced the income-tax,
in 1842, with a view to the commercial reforms in the
tariff to which he had referred. But when the Right
Hon. Baronet brought in the tax, he stated most dis-
tinctly, that whilst he did certainly contemplate fixing
the duration of the tax for five years, yet, as ho did not
intend it to produce more thee was absolutely necessary
to coyer the deficiencies in the revenue, ho should only
ask the House to confirm the tax for three years. Then
again, in 1845, the Right Hon. Baronet told the House
that he had 5,000,0001. of taxes at his disposal, and it
was for them to say whether they would maintain the
national defences, and the troops and seamen required,
as shown by the estimates. It was then in the com-
petence of the House to reject the income-tax altogether,
but the Right Hon. Baronet never gave any intimation
of his intention to let foreign corn in free of duty.—
(Loud cries of " Divide.") The Right Hon. Baronet gave
no intimation in 1845 of his intention to revoke that
protection which he came into power to maintain, and
the protection party supported the re-imposition of the
income-tax in that year, because they were befooled and
beguiled be the Hon. Member for Tamworth. The
Noble Lord here entered into a general review of the
sugar-duty question and its results, comparing the
latter with the prophecies of commercial prosperity
uttered by the Right Hon. Baronet at Tamworth, in
1847.—(Loud cries of " Question.") He had supported
the property-tax in 1845, because by its aid largo excise
imposts were done away with, and with them a great
number of excise officers ; but the duty on cotton was a
tax which would cost nothing in the collecting, because
the tide-waiters who were put on board the ships to
prevent the smuggling of tobacco could collect the
cotton duties. His argument was that the taxes we
had remitted were taxes on the industry of the
foreigner, and that their remission had produced no
corresponding relief to the home consumer. Such
had been th case with tallow ; and on brandy,
which previous to the reduction was to be had for
is. 9d. the gallon in bond, had in 1847 risen to ss. 11d.
He would also ask the Hon. Member for Liverpool
whether the increase in the consumption of brandy, en
which that Hon. Member had congratulated himself, had
not been met by a corresponding decrease in the con-
sumption of British spirits and malt liquor ? In the
article of timber a similar result might be traced ; the
price, which was 48s. the load before the reduction of
duty, had since then risen to 59e. 4d., and the foreigner
had pocketed 421,0001. by the change.—(Hear, hear.)
The consequence of the alteration in the sugar duties
had been, that while foreign slave-grown sugar went up
101. a ton British colonial went down 71. There was also
the corn duty, which in the last two years had produced
850,0001. a year, and if they had preserved them last
year they would have produced 1,747,0001. His propo-
sitions did not tend to the reduction of the revenue. No
one in that House was more ready in times like the
present to keep unimpaired the resources of the country.
At the same time he was no advocate of aggression
on France, for there was no gentleman in that House
who had looked with greater admiration on the
moderation recently displayed by the French
people.—(hear, hear.) Ile did not believe that history
recorded an instance of conduct so magnanimous and so
chivalrous as had been displayed by the entire people of
France.—(Loud cheers.) And so far as their internal
government was concerned, he would not have the
impertinence to pass an opinion as to whether recent
changes were for the better or otherwise. He would
only express his heartfelt wish that the republican insti•
tions might prove as advantageous to that country,
where property was so subdivided, as they had to our
transatlantic rivals.—(Hear, hear.) But while he ad-
mired the moderation and chivalrous courage of the
French, he could not forget that the latter virtue was
often accompanied by a thirst for military glory. He
could not but remember how efficiently the spirit-stirring
words, a En avant A la gloire," had been used by Napo-
leon; and it was impossible to anticipate what ambitious
leaders might arise out of the present struggle to assert
the right of France to the Rhenish boundary.—(Hear.)
That boundary England was bound to preserve by
treaties from which her honour would not permit her to
swerve.—(oh, oh.) To maintain the frontier of Prussia
we might be dragged into a war, and for that reason he,
for one, would not consent to leave the military and
naval defences of the country in a weak or inefficient
ostentation safe was to be brave, and to
a dignified attitude of
compde-
s back to the question of taxation, he
supporte
the motion of the Hon. Member
state.fv oe' preserveanr s PMontrose.eTpahr Butea withoutt
(3
to
l secret
f oti e.
° they ti
would only retain the duty which
came in force that day (the corn duty) it would produce
850 0
t the and adu duty
on Baltic timber, which would
only aforeigner, would be worth 700,000/. Cot-
ton, without injury to manufacturers, might produce
O 0 le.
; and, besides, a tax on American cotton would
production in India. In laying on this duty
f6:6seot,BoohrOoiOut
id only be following at a modest distance the
i
practce
of the United States, which had laid an ad valo-
rem' duty of 28 per cent. on our exports. He would
only follow them at a modest distance, for while these
l
duties were 28 per cent., he did not propose to exceed
ten or twelve per cent. on the value. Tallow was one
of the
enimpose a duty of 10
per
her. He would tax
nothing colonial—(Hear, hear)—and on all the other
great articles of import he would impose ct. articlesFo roenign which
wool h
was
va woulds an another.
pose the same rate
of duty.—(Hear, hear.) On the foreign manufactures
he would impose a duty of 30 per cent.; and there were
per cent.—(Hear,
bear.) What would be the result of an import duty of
30 per cent. on foreign silks
few of e
s our
imposed articles
so of
lowmanufacturedt: ty
as u
30 Pon which the United
might be judged of from
what had been the result of thl reductious of duty made
by the Right Hon. Baronet. n 1836 there wore 14,000
looms going in Spitalfields. In 1845, when the trade
hacl been ruined by the foreign competition the Right
Hon. Baronet had by his laws encouraged, there were
moment there wore
By those changes in the
g ;,000 families. The
law, not only had 169,000/. a year of revenue been lost
been robbed of
blou,to 3,5-00(00 11
of these
hearNrorkanind g. at this
in this
article,
01., or
same disastrous result had followed the reduction of du-
ties on shoes and other articles of manufacture; and yet,
t he but
means the
o of
employing
bcl
with these facts before him--with the knowldge that
thousands of the hard-working operatives of this country
had been reduced to a state of ruin and destitution by
his acts, he had the heart to tell them that ho did not
repent the policy which had entailed upon his country-
men so much distress and suffering. _(Hear, hoar.) He
remembered well when the Bight Hon. Baronet told the
Cornish miners, when they complained of his bringing
in foreign competion against them, that they must con-
sider the advantage he gave them in admitting goose
feathers duty free—(Bear, and a laugh.)—that they
would be enabled to sleep on down beds.—(Laughter.)
What were the down beds on which they were now re-
posing ?He need not go so far as Cornwall—he would
take Staffordshire; and there he found that out of 160
furnaces 60 were out of blast, and the miners who were
to have enjoyed such unheard-of luxury found that they
were either thrown out of work altogether or their
wages were reduced fifteen per cents—(Hear, hear.)
Except the usureri—the representatives of the money-
bags—he knew of no trade that had prospered under the
operation of the Right Hon. Baronet's free-trade policy.
—(Cries of " Divide.") The country was in the last
gasp before the Chancellor of the laeheguer would