The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It is said that the Factory Commissioners are
quite inconsolable fbr the fate of their report,
which they consider, since the vote of the other
night, to be on the eve of a rejection. What a
pity that such a mass of advice as was, perhaps,
never collected together before should be thrown!,
away upon the House of Commons! What a
pity that such a mountain of evidence should he
shaken to its foundation, and lead to nothine-
but disappointment, or, what is worse than,
disappointment, to the contradiction of its con-
clusions, and the rejection of its arguments and
suggestions ! But though it is natural enough
for the Commissioners to feel annoyed at th(i
prospect with which their labours are threatened;
the public are very differently circumstanced;;
they look with apprehension on the bulk of thi4
unwieldy document lest its very size should ob-
tain for it an undue importance in the
mind of the Legislature. The way to di,
vest it of ail importance would be to read it
through. That, however, is a forlorn hope,
and consequently there is still some dan-
ger that it may not be so justly appreciated
and so fairly dealt with as its enemies could
wish. There is something, however, so ridicu-
lous in the flourish of benevolence with which
it sets out, that we can scarcely think it possi-
ble it can escape being laughed at. The sug-
gestion of eight hours as the limit for the work-
ing of children, can scarcely produce any other
effect than that of ridicule in the minds of those
.asho are seriously disposed to mitigate the pro-
sent system. The advocates of the Ten Hours
Bill were charged with indulging, or affecting,
a spurious humanity. But mark the humanity
of the Commissioners ! Why they have out-
done us all. Talk of ten hours a day for work-
ing children Such cruel men as Mr. Sadler,
Mr. Oastler, and Lord Ashley, may sanction
such an enormity, but the Commissioners, the
hired dry nurses of the factory infants, ate
horrified at the proposal : they will tolerate no
more titan eight. hours' labour in the case of
children under 14 years of age ; but over 14-;--
aye, there is the rub—those over 14 are out
of leading-strings ; they are adults ; they have
arrived at puberty ; it is right that they
should have their way, and to give them their
way is, according to the recommendation of their
new advocates, to work them while they have
is leg to stand upon. The Commissioners, for
all their humanity—is it a spurious humanity ?
—wool(' grind independence out of the very
hones and marrow of the manufacturieg poor,
Another feature of the report, which can scarcely
fail to make an impression, is the attack upbn
the character of the witnesses, who, we are told,
were turbulent persons, the leaders in strikes,
Stc. " Good Lord," as Falstaff has it, ,‘ h6w
this world is given to lying !" The principal
wiinesses after all were the medical men and the
cripples ! But the evidence of the medical
men is excluded from the report. They had
not room for it in their small abridgment.
What will they do with that of the cripples?
1-low will they get over the evidence 'of
their withered limbs ? The Commissioners
may call the language of those poor people ex-
aggerated, but what will they say to their de-
formities? Is that an exaggerated limb upOn
which the victim of premature and excessive
labour halts, or an exaggerated back by which
he is bowed down to the earth in early decre-
pitude ? If an evening Contemporary, who lias
alluded to the Press, can produce such instances
of deformity as the evidence on the factory
question has disclosed to the world, we !aOll
admit the parallel he has drawn, and the a!gu-
merit he has deduced from it ; but while the
factory system stands alone in the exhibition of
such shocking examples, it will be in vain to
force the analogy for which our Contemporary
contenns. The fact, however, is, that the po-
litical economists are in a state of alarm at the
prospect of seeing so much paper, type, and
labour thrown away upon a report which, arter
all, is not likely to be attended to.—Morning
Herald.

We begin to see light through this murky
crisis, which now no longer threatens the same
immediate confusion that seemed to impend over
us even 48 hours ago. The position of things
is briefly this. If the Church Bill were to be
thrown out by the Tory Lords, or the Ministers
to he beaten in any one division upon it, the
latter would, nay must, not teeder their resigna-
tions, but resign, without the delay of a moment.
'1 he Tories must either come in, with whatever
repugnance, or refuse to do so. If they be.
came Ministers, they could not go on for half
a week with the existing House of Commons,
nor could they dare to dissolve the present one,
and send the country to a new election, fer
fear of a still more hostile return. The Con-
servatives of all our ancient institutions, there-
fore, must rule without a Parliament, or with a
Parliament consisting only of a House of Lords.
But if the Tory chiefs, having so much pre-
science, bolted into them by the force of an
emergency to which no day-labourer from north
to south of England can be insensible—if,
trembling for their necks, they shrink from the
post of absolute Ministers tinder a constitutional
Monarch, and confess that their opposition to the
Church Reform Bill was purely factious, and
malignant, and vindictive, to punish the nation
filr its reform spiri, and to embarrass and tor-
ment the Ministers, without even the ordinary
excuse of an ambition to succeed them,—what,
in that case, follows ? The Sovereign is once
more thrown back upon his reform Cabinet,
and its members, on the instant of resuming
office, announce to Ins Majesty that which he
must already have been well apprised of—
namely, that with a House of Lords consti-
tuted as it now is, they cannot foresee any moral
possibility of being able to carry on the govern-
ment. The result, then, of all is an extensive
creation of Peers! We are by no means among
the number of those who look to such a result
of the actual troubles with indifference. Peers
ought not, if the thing be avoidable, to rush by
squadrons into that assembly. That House,
like the other, is by far too numerous for calm
and statesmanlike deliberation ; but since, nn-
happily, between an admission of new members
and an expulsion of old ones (that is, apart from
all reference to my Lords B:shop), the latter
remedy would be considered the more violent of
the two, there remains, we fear, no practicable
inethod of putting the House of Lords in liar,
molly with the two other branches of the Leeisla-
tore, and with the nation, but by banding over
the majority—that is, the legislative power,
from Conservative to Liberal Peers. Assuredly,
if a question arises whether it be easier, through
any means recognised by the constitution, to
make the Commons Tory, or the Lords Liberal,
there can be no perplexity about solving it. An
election by the people would never put their
representatives in concord with a Consere'ative
Ministry, while a creation by the Crown would
work miracles in liberalizing the ma• Jori, •,f the

Upper House. This, then, is obviously the
only course to be adopted—not good per se,
but by comparison excellent, and, if one were
diSposed to prophecy, it appears to us that a
speedy and extensive creation of Peers will be
the euthanasia of our present parliamentary
difficulties. But are the Tories themselves blind
to these distinct characteristics of the passing
hour ? We understand that within these two or
three days their instinct of self-preservation has
begun to act upon them, in lieu of larger and
nobler motives. We hear that they are quaking
in their skins—that whatever charms there may
be for them in giving the freest vent to spite,
they are beset by a more than equivalent appre-
hension, and will suffer the Bill to pass undis-
turbed (at least unchanged) through its succes-
sive stages. That Lord Althorp acted under such
an impression last night, in recommending, and
then voting, that Sir J. Wrottesley should with-
draw his motion for a call of the House on
Thursday next, would be clear enough if his Lord-
ship's words and votes had always been traceable
to definite or consistent considerations. The
call of the House was designed by its mover
for a sure means of swelling the majority on
Thursday next, in support of the Church Bill,
that is, of Lord Grey's Government. But the
necessity or propriety of such a measure would
depend on the occurrence of an adverse vote by
the Lords on the previous (that is Wednesday)
evening. If, then, Lord Althorp and Mr.
Stanley conceived themselves justified in dis-
pensing with the call of the House, it must
either be that they had reason to be satisfied
of the non-existence of any such necessity, or
that, as on some other occasions, they acted on
the monstrous folly of attempting to conciliate
their implacable Tory enemies, or, in other
words, that they were traitors to themselves, and
to those who trusted in them. It is, however,
but commonly prudent to mark the progress of
circumstances. There is not even the shadow
of a doubt that the Tory project, even within
these three days, was to throw out the Bill, taking
for granted, we say not from what past expe-
rience, that Ministers would be willing to
flounder on, under the chastisement of a daily
kicking from their unmerciful but subtle mas-
ters. Nor is there any reason to question;
that if they have abandoned their hopeless
plot, it is fear—aad fear only—without one
fraction of principle or generosity, that induces
them. We have been told that if the Duke of
Wellington (Coronation Oath Wellington) votes
against the Bill, his friends, even his personal
friends, will not. We know of some sagacious
and discerning clergymen, who declare that, as
friends of the church, they would support this
• reform ; and report says that the Primate of Ire-
land himself (no bigot certainly, but a man of
the world) may lie added to their number. In
truth there seems to break forth now and then
some reason for suspecting that the scheme has
been chiefly concocted by the hungry and des-
perate subalterns of the factions—men who have
good salaries to recover by a change, and no
reputation (but such as they could spare) to
forfeit. These vampires are the curse of all
parties, which they never join but for plunder,
nor desert but when that ceases to be attain-
able. Within the writhe of such unhappy rep-
tiles this great country can never fall again.
But still if the friends of freedom and good
government be not true to themselves and
united in their energy, the trodden viper may
contrive for some time to wound and injure us.
The worst folly (and a most egregious folly it
is) that the Whig. Government has ever ex-
hibited has been its apparent eagerness to
court and appease a faction which has no prin-
ciple, no opinion, no conviction, to discuss the
grounds of—a fiction which acknowledges no
suggesting, impelling, directing, or controlling
power, but that of a craving stomach, and which
sees in the fairest and noblest region under
Heaven nothing better than a field of unfor-
bidden spoil. We fear, that the Speaker cannot
yet shake off the intoxication of those giddy
hopes wherewith he was recently inspired by
men whom he ought to have spurned with con-
tempt from his presence. We should grieve to
see Mr. Manners Sutton self-placed in a ridi-
culous or odious light before his countrymen.
In the meanwhile the barometer of public credit
has risen sensibly, as that of Tory confidence
has gone down. Look at the city corre-
spondence. But if all be not safe, what do
they deserve from the country who forced Sir J.
Wrottesley to withdraw his motion ? Of course
the House of Commons will vote no more money
until they see this measure through the House
of Lords uninutilated.—limes.

The Lords may perceive, from the feeling
displayed in the division on the call of the
House, in the House of Commons last night,
what would have been the conduct of the Mem-
bers of the Reformed Parliament, if the timely
concessions, which it was well understood yes-
terday were to take place, had not been deter-
mined upon. The entreaties of Ministers,
backed by Sir R. Peel, and a large attendance
of Tories, could only produce a majority of 35
in a house consisting of nearly 300 Members,
on a motion directly levelled against the House
of Peers. ft might have been as well if Mr.
O'Connell had not persisted in requiring Sir
John Wrottesley to divide ; but we cannot
regret, as a division did take place, that so
strong a demonstration was exhibited of what
would have been the unanimous feeling of every
liberal Member in the House, were the Duke
of Wellington even able to carry into
effect his threat of throwing out the Irish Church
Temporalities Bill. Mr. Stanley repeated, very
seasonably, the admonition which had been given
by the Member for Cheshire to Mr. Tennyson,
in the morning, on the extraordinary inconsisten-
cies which distinguished the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman's lucubrations on the present critical state
of affairs throughout the day. We wish, how-
ever, the Right Hon. Secretary would Await)
now and then 00111 his bitterness of tone in
answer to Mr. O'Connell, to which he probably
owes the division he appeared to deprecate. We
hoped he might have left this feeling on the
other side of the Channel, and more especially
that he would have abstained from indulging it
on an occasion when the Hon. Gentleman's
observations were rather in a friendly than in a
hostile spirit to the Government. We do not
complain of the rebuke to Mr. Tennyson. We
cannot comprehend the caprice which dictated
the violent attack on all the measures of Govern-
ment in the morning, when a Tory Administration
was reported as preferable to the present one, and
the praise he was so much disposed to lavish on
Lord Al thorp in the evening, and which was so
promptly and indignantly rejected by Mr. S anley.
We live m strange times. The Government have
no little difficulty in satisfying any party, and we
wish they were safely through the session, and
out of the hands both of Tory Lords and incon-
sistent Radicals. At all events, the country is
deeply indebted to Sir John Wrottesley, and the
friends who supported him ; anti although it

may not have suited the Government, from the
altered tone of their opponents, to adopt a pro-
ceeding which might, in the position of affairs,
have been construed into a menace to the House
of Lords, we mistake much if they are not
equally, indebted to the Worthy Baronet. We
suspect his notice had a large share in the
grounds which induced the Tories to retreat from
their insane pursuits, and had more influence
than any other circumstance on the councils of
the Carlton Club and Apsley-house, when
discretion was at last discovered to be the better
part of valour.—Morning Chronicle.
It is impossible, at this moment, to judge,
with any degree of certainty, what will be the
exact result of the measures which ihe House
of Commons will no doubt determine upon
adopting in the event of the Irish Church Tem-
poralities Bill being thrown out by a majority of
the Peers ; for althnough there can be no doubt
of there being a decided majority in support of
his Majesty's Ministers, and of the cause of re-
form, yet there appears to be such an extraor-
dinary disruption of all party combinations, or
rather perhaps, to speak more properly, such an
extraordinary fusion of parties, that there are
no clear and definite data on which to found a
correct judgment. Both the morning and
evening sittings of the House yesterday, fur-
nished very ample proofs of this fact. In the
former the radical Members strove to outvie
one another in the attempt to disparage the
merits of the present Administration ; and in the
latter both Tories and Whigs seemed to unite
in order to prevent a motion for a call of the
House from being carried, the express object of
which was to support the Government. In the
one, Colonel Evans, Mr. Tennyson, and several
Irish Members, not only expressed their high
disapprobation of the conduct of his Majesty's
Ministers, but declared it to be impossible that
the country could have a worse Government.
In the other, Lord Althorp and Sir U. Peel—
Lord John Russell, and others, his very anti-
podes in polities,—were seen to unite in frus-
trating a motion, from the carrying of which,
we beg to say, in opposition to the opinion ex-
pressed by Lord Althorp, some good, but as-
suredly no harm, could have resulted. Assent
to the motion might or might not have worn the
appearance of a threat ; but what did it signify
if it did? Have not threats come from other quar-
ters already, and denunciations been uttered such
as had never previously been heard in a legisla-
tive assembly ? Or what did it signify, whether
the threat went forth before, or after, the deed
had been done ? Did the House of Commons
never threaten the House of Lords betirre, and
was the insult the less, because the threat fol-
lowed, instead of preceding its cause ? But,
most of all, is the cause of Reform, and more
especially of Church Reform, to be not only
compromised, but to run a narrow chance of
being lost, by any punctillio about measures and
threats ? Not give offence to the Lords, for-
sooth ! Why, one of the very ends and objects
of the passing of the Reform Bill was, that the
encroachments of the Lords upon the privileges
of the Commons should be done away with—
that their dangerous power should be curbed—
and that the spirit and influence of the Com-
mons of England, reinforced by the aid of the
people, should be so enlarged and strengthened
as to render it almost impolitic at any time—nay,
almost impossible—for the Lords to gainsay their
voice ; and yet we are now to be told that the
House is not to express its opinions upon a
great question in a firm and dignified manner,
lest the expression of it should be construed into
a menace, and give offence to their Lordships!
Prohpudor ! If this be not truckling, what is
it ? However, to return to the point from
which we set out—there is no knowing how the
matter may terminate. The indecision of
Ministers—the vacillation of the House—and
the total breaking up of any thing like party—
render it utterly impossible to form a correct
judgment ; while, on the other hand, it is still
possible that the Peers tnay repent of their
original designs, and sanction, instead of throw-
ing out, the Bill which is now before them. In
two days hence the result will be known to
every one ; and in the meantime let the people
and their leaders be prepared for the worst, and
to act accordingly.---Morning Advertiser.

_A portion of the boundary wall of the Home-
park, opposite the Castle, and abutting the Thames, is
being removed, and iron railings substituted, in order that
the Castle windows may command a view of the beauteous
silver stream beneath.— Windsor Express.

LARCH IN HOP GROUNDS.—Of the many
purpuses to which the larch has been applied, to none more
than to the growers of hops is it likely to be of service; it
having been proved that upwards of forty thousand larch
plants may be grown in the course of five years, on one
acre of hop, or other equally good land, of a sufficient
height for the tallest hop plants, at an expense of one-half
of any other poles heretofore made use of, and equally
durable, care being taken to preserve the bark entire on
them. —Dorset Chronicle.

We some time ago published the result of
the revenue for the year, and the quarter ending the sth
inst. This included, of course, only the revenue of Great
Britain, for the end of June or the beginning of July ; the
balance-sheet of the empire could not be made up. The
following is that balance-sheet :
The income is £4,895,007
The expenditure

Leaving a surplus of X1,501,9:33

Pie income for the year ending July 5, 1832, was... £46,301,871
The expenditure

Leaving a deficiency of .£1,263,.190

In adding, therefore, the deficiency of the year ending
the sth of July, 1832, to the surp!us of the year ending
July, 1833, we have an improvement in the means of the
country, as compared with its expenditure, between the
two periods, of 2,765,1231., composed of an increase of
593 1361., and a diminution of expenditure of 2,171,937/.
This positive improvement on the produce of the same
taxes, and this more than proportionate reductio❑ of ex-
penditure, are nao,t gratifying fea.ures in the financia
tate of the rientry

The Calcutta Papers, last received, contain
some further particulars respecting the travels of Lieute-
nant BurtNEs and Dr. GERARD, and the arrival of the
latter at the Court of Persia. After travelling through
Caboal, crossing the sources of the Hindoo-Kosh, navi-
going the Oxus, and pissing about two months in
Bukhara, they journeyed eastward into the territories o'
Khiva, and passed down to the Caspian. Prom thence
Lieutenant Burorys made his w3y, by comparatively
well known routes, to Teheran. Dr. GERARD preferred
returning to India by the road of Herat and Candahar,
and for this purpose struck off from the route of Lieute
nant BuRNPS, when they were within about 100 miles
from the holy city of 3leshitl, while the Lieutenant
pursued his journey through Persia, purposing to return
to Bombay by Bushire and the Persian Gulf, instead of
making a further circuit by Constantinople, Syria, Egypt,
and the Red Sea, as at one period he had meditated.
Lieutenant BURNES met with a vary favourable reception
at Teheran, and in one of his audiences with the Schah,
seems to have shown a very courtier like tact arid shrewd-
ness, peculiarly adapted to his sitnafion. He was closely
qmstioned by that monarch respecting the countries
through which he had passed, and after satisfying himself
he put suddenly
'
„gli,hman replied, " what sight is there
,tiv(n)oantl,iilleetrhtravellerparticular ,
a,
s ,t
et: ir he
iutvliisils j
questionl!d to
whichk no
was the greatest
he
w
ourney. " Centre of the
F'wonderful than your Majesty's radiant
nUn i
earthv e r s e , "
moretlie
countenance ?" The courtiers were vehement in their
applause at: this sally. Lieutenant BurtwEs returned to
Bombay on the 18th ofJanuary. We do not collect, from
this account, what were the objects of his mission.—
TiMes.

GRAND JUNCTION, or LIVERPOOL aid

BIRMINGHAM RAILWAY.

(From the Liverpool Chronicle.)
The first general meeting of the proprietors of this great
national undertaking was held on Wednesday last at the
Cotton Sales-room, in the Exchange•buildings, Liverpool.
John Moss, Esq., in the Chair.
A brief, but interesting report of the proceedings of the
Committee was read by the Secretary, Mr. Chorley, an
which the proprietors were congratulated upon the suc-
cessful termination of their efforts •under so many circum •
stances of discouragement, delay, and opposition. The
Staffordshire ironmasters, who so vigorously opposed them,
had been prevailed upon to yield to the reasonable conces-
sions made by the Committee. In the act just obtained,
the arrangements for tonnage of goods were favourable to
the concern, nor was there any clause limiting the rate of
profit to be divided, or a reduction of tolls required, if the
profits should exceed a given amount.
A very important clause was introduced in this Bill,
which we hope will be likewise introduced into every
similar concern, that " after the completion of the rail-
way, those Directors who annually go out of office shall
not be re•eligible until the next general meeting after
their retirement." The present Directors are to remain
in office until 1835, when three of them will have to go
Out, but they or their successors, until the railway shall
be completed, may be re-elected.
A single board of management was considered essential
to the well being of the undertaking, and on the ground
of convenience and economy it was recommended that the
meetings of the Directors should be generally held in Liver-
pool, for which purpose it was desirable that. the greatest
proportion of them should be residents of this town. Three
gentlemen from Birmingham, who attended the meeting,
in a very liberal spirit acceded to the general arrangements
that were proposed, and were chosen as Director.. No
operations are to be commenced until the fullest plans
and specifications shall have been completed ; and until it
shall be clearly ascertained that in every part of the line,
however minute, the best possible direction has been chosen.
MI the work, without exception, is to be executed by open
contract. The capital necessary to complete the work is
fully subscribed.
The expenses incurred in surveys, applications to Par-
liament, law agents, travelling expenses, witnesses, print-
ine, salaries, &e., up to the present period, have been
15,5271 10.. 7d., the bal once in the Bank being
10,613/. 16s. 7d. The meeting was numerously attended,
and we were pleased to see a great portion of the most
public-spirited, intelligent, and wealthy part of our mer-
chants present. -
An attention to economy, so important in great public
works, was strongly enforced by the various speakers.
Amongst those who addressed the chair on the various
topics discussed, were—Mr. William Brown, Mr. Bourne,
Mr. C. Lawrence, Mr. Benson, Mr. L. Mosley, Captain
Moorsom, R.N., Mr. Thomas Bolton, Dr. Briggs, Mr.
W.W. Currie, Mr. Bickersteth, Mr. Rawson, and Messrs.
Turner, Ledsam, and Walker, from Birmingham. A sum
not exceeding 1,200 guineas per annum was voted to re-
munerate the Directors and Sub-committees, who devote
their time and talents to the superintendence and manage-
ment of the undertaking.
Mr. Swift, solicitor, was chosen as the Clerk of the
Company, and Mr. Cbcrley as Treasurer. After the bu-
siness of the meeting tertninated, the ballot commenced
tbr the choice of Directors, and we were much pleased to
see the result in the judicious choice of the following
gentlemen:—

John Moss, Esq.
Robert Gladstone, Eq.
Charles Lawrance, Esq.
James Bourne, Esq.
John Copper, jun., Esq.
Hardman Earle, Esq.
Richard Harrison, Esq,
James Heyworth, Esq.

Joseph Hornby, Esq.
William Rotheram, Esq.
Joseph Sandars, Esq.
Charles Tayleur, Esq.
J. Walker, Esq. from
D. Ledsam, Esq. Birming-
J. Turner, Esq. ham.

The greatest portion of 'the above-named gentlemen
have been Directors of the Liverpool and Manchester
Railway, and their experience will be of the first import-
ance in the management of the present line. The public
will, no doubt, feel a lively interest in the progress of this
work, and the other equally important undertaking of the
London and Birrn'ngbam Railway, which will give em-
ployment to thousands of artisans and labourers, and, whe❑
completed, will be of such vital importance to the general
ntereits of the empire.

INFORMATION AGAINST BOOK-

SELLERS.

(From the Birmingham Journal.)
It will be seen in our police report, that another con-
viction has been obtained against one of the vendors, Mr.
Guest, of the report of the late Newhall-hill meeting. We
understood that some of the magistrates had declared that
they would not sign any more informations on behalf of
Martin, on the ground that he was in the habit of com-
promising with defendants. It is extraordinary that this
fact did not come to the knowledge of these magistrates
somewhat rather, seeing it was perfectly notorious, that
both Martin and the other miserable wretch, Mackie, have
been in the constant habit of so compromising with de-
fendants. Indeed, as regards Mackie, if we are rightly
informed, Mr. Henry Gem, one of the magistrate's
clerks, could have given their Worships some valuable in-
formation, inasmuch as we are told that he, not more than
two or three weeks ago, acted as the agent of this in-
former, and received from Mr. Cooper two pounds as a
douceur for Mackie not appearing against the de-
fendant, Mr. Cooper. Now the law has very properly
male the compromising with a defendant, on the part of
an informer, a penal offence—and for these very sufficient
reasons: if the defendant be really guilty of the offence
charged he ought to be convicted, and, in all probability,
would be convicted, providing the charge be gone into—
in which ease half of the penalty goes to the King ;—if he
be not guilty, the information must have been laid for the
purpose of obtaining money by fluid, or by the exciting of
fear, when: ver a compromise takes place. In the first
case, therefore, a case of guilt, the King is defrauded of his
share of the penalty,—and in the second, the defendant is
robbed by means of preferring against him a false charge.
Now, as we have said before, the two wretched individuals
in question are in the constant habit of compromising in-
formations, and we are glad to find that, under these cir •
emnstances, Messrs. Clarke and Lee, whose conduct on
the bench last Thursday was most fair and impartial, have
intitnated their intention not to entertain any charges
brought by informers who have compromised with defen-
dants. The law, however, with regard to imprints, ought
to be altered, for though we feel satisfied that no penalty can
be legally levied under the Act, yet still honest men may
be much annoyed and injured under it by those pests of
society, common informers. We ought, perhaps, to add,
that with respect to a Bill of Indemnity, the Secretary of
the Birmingham Printers and Booksellers, has received
letters from many Members of both Houses of Parliamen.,
promising their support to such Bill. He has, however,
received no answer to his application from any of the War-
wickshire Members, with the exception of Messrs. Dug-
dale, Attwood, and Scholefield, who have promised their
support. The following are copies of Mr. Dugdale's and
Mr. S. Rice's letters :

" Brook-street, June 26.

" Sir,—l will certainly pay attention to the subject you men-
tion in your letter of yesterday, and support the Bill of Indem-
nity which may be brought in.
" I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
"To W. G. Lewis, Esq." " W. S. DUGDALE.
" Treasury, July 2, 1843.

" Sir,—l beg to inform you that the subject to which you
allude is under the consideration of the Government, with a
view of deciding on the steps which it may be necessary to take.
" I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
" W. G. Lewis, Esq." " SPRING RICE.

On Thuradiy last Mr. Guest, newsvoider, &c., of
Steelbouse-lane, appeared at our public office to answer an
information laid azainst him by Mackie, the informer, for
selling, on the 23(1 of May !ast, a copy of the report of the
late Newhall-hill meeting without the legal imprint.
The Magistrates before whom the case was heard were
N. G. CLARKE and T. LEE, Esqrs.
When Mackie advanced to the table he was addressed as
follows by
Mr. CLARKF.—You have not been compromising with
any of the parties against whom you have laid informa-
tions, have you, Mr. Mackie ? Mackie—No, Sir.
Mr. CLARKS—Because the Magistrates do not choose
to be made the means of extorting
by proceedings of that sort.
Mr. Gem here read the information against Mr. Guest,
to which he pleaded not guilty. money from the public
Mackie then produced his witness, who gave his name
as James Harrison, that he resided in Princep-street, and
was by trade an informer. In his cross-examination by
Mr. Bray, who appeared on behalf of the defend int, wit-
ne,s stated that be had purchased a number of copies of
the sime pamphlet at various booksellers in the course of
the same day for the purpose of laying informations.
Mr. Bray submitted to the magistrates that the publi-
cation alleged to have been purchased by the witness did
not come under the denomination of " a printed paper,"
under which denomination it was set forth in the infer-
niation. It consisted of more than one sheet, and wa,
regularly
folioed and folded as a pamphlet or bo,k. Ac-
cording to Johnson a paper was 4'a single-sheet printed or
written ;" and he qtneed Locke and Shakspeare in sup-
port of that meaning. This might appear to the maps.
crates to be a trivial and unimportant distinction ; but
in a ease of this nature be (Mr. Pray felt assured that

they would be inclined to give the defendant the benefit of
any valid objection which might be raised, particularly
when they recollected that he was brought here in a most
vexatious manner by a common informer, who acknow-
ledged that he got his bread by thus entrapping honest
men, and who did not scruple to compromise their infor-
mations, and thus cheat the King out of his moiety of the
penalties, supposing convictions to have taken place.
Mr. CLARKE-But is it true that this man (alluding
to Mackie) has done that? Mr. Bray—Yes, Sir; I can
prove that a few weeks ago be compromised a case of this
nature at this office, with Mr. Cooper, of Union-street,
for the sum of two pounds.
Mackie—Well, and suppose I did, what has that to do
with the present information?

Mr. CLARKE inquired if Mr. Bray was prepared to
prove that this compromise had been effected ? Mr.
Bray—l am, Sir, and I now ask Mr. Gem if be does not
know it to be true ? Mr. Gem—Oh ! you can't exa-
mine me. I know nothing about it.
Mr. Bray—l can assure you it will be the subject of a
legal prosecution ; but if the Magistrates will allow me I
will send for Mr. Cooper, and prove what I have stated
to be correct.

Mr. Gem—l do not see how that is to affect the pre-
sent case.

Mr. CLARKE—No ; but I will only say that if such a
case were proved against an informer, I as a Magistrate
would not entertain any more of his informations.

The conversation here ended, and the Magistrates, after
coal,•rring together, and consulting the Act of Parliament
on which the information was grounded, convicted the
defendant in the mitigated penalty of five pounds.
Mr. Bray said that he certainly could not advise his
client to pay the penalty, and he thought, after what had
been stated, the Magistrates would not think proper to
issue a distress warrAnt.

IMPORTANT CONFERENCE of the WEST

INDIA BODY with Mr. STANLEY.

The West India Proprietors, particularly those of Ja-
maica are much dissatisfied with the provisions of the Bill
for the abolition of slavery. On Friday last a Committee,
appointed at a meeting of the Proprietors, waited on Mr.
Stanley, the Secretary for the Colonial Department, and,
after a long and earnest discussion, the conference was ad-
journed to Saturday. Another long discussion took place,
but no satisfactory arrangement, as far as relates to the
West India proprietors, was arrived at. 'We understand
that the deputation strongly protested against that part of
the Bill whereby the Legislature of Jamaica is prevented
from taking measures themselves for carrying the abolition
of slavery and the intentions of the Government into effect.
The deputation said they were anxious to afford assistance
to the Government, and they had sought the conference in
consequence of their entertaining a strong opinion that the
Legislature of Jamaica would reject the Bill, if accompa-
nied by any compulsory provisions. - The Committee
urged the peculiar injustice which would be committed on
the West India proprietors resident in England, if the Go-
vernment persevered in their interference with the rights
of the Legislature of Jamaica. It was admitted that the
%Vest India proprietors were entitled to compensa-
tion, but that compensation was not to be given to
them, unless the Legislature of Jamaica passed the Act
for carrying the Abolition of Slavery into effect. Now, if
the Colonial Legislature chose not to pass the Act, then
the West India proprietors would be shut out from their
property without being recompensed for the loss of that
property. We understand that Mr. Stanley replied, that
the British public could not be called on to grant the com-
pensation unless effective measures were taken for carrying
into effect the object for which the grant was made, viz ,
the abolition of slavery. A long discussion took place
respecting the suspending clauses inserted in the Act, and
the deputation adduced several instances in which the Co-
lonial Legislature had resisted such clauses, and their right
t,) do so had been acknowledged in fornier.titnes. Their
resistance was similar to the opposition raised by Ireland
in the case of Poyning's Law. The deputation having
observed on the impolicy of imposing the abolition of
slavery, not on its own rights, and of forcing the Colonial
Legislatures to pass the Act, urged the rejection of the first
and second clauses, which virtually abolished all slavery.
Such a change would produce great excitement in the
island of Jamaica, and no preparation had been made to
meet it. There was no magisterial authority imposed in
case of a refusal to work. Mr. Stanley said that special
magistrates would proceed to the West Indies immediately
after the passing of the Bill. The deputation objected
to those clauses which made a difference in the dura-
tion of the apprenticeship of the two classes of slaves--
the prandial and the non-plasdial. Those clauses, they
said, would produce great dissatisfaction.
Mr. STANLEY replied, that the labour of the prtedial
slave was limited to forty-five hours; but the labour of
the non-prsedial slave was not limited, Therefore, the
non-praedial labourer ought to remain in apprenticeship
only half the time; besides, the non-prmlial class was
better fitted for liberty. As to the hardship on the pro-
prietors, it would be subject to redress by the Cointn:s-
sioners to be appointed for paying over the compensation.
The deputation then made objections to some of the minor
clauses—such as those provided for cases of intestacy, for
alienating the services of the apprentices, &c. The de-
putation also objected to several clauses, such as those
relating to religious toleration, the salaries of magistrates,
&c., on the ground that they interfered with the rights of
the Legislative Assembly of Jamaica. The deputation had
a long argument with the Right Hon. Secretary on paying
the compensation on the principle of per capita, but the
Hon. Secretary, although he took notes on this and the
other points, gave not the slightest intimation that the
Government would yield to the West India proprietors.
The deputation then strongly pressed the Hon. Secretary
to undertake the whole legislature of the colonies, as the
proprietors were convinced the colonial legislatures would
not pass the Bill as it at present stood.

Mr. Secretary STANLEY replied—How was it pos.ible
to legislate for the different colonies which had so many
different interests?

The DEPUTATION replied, that Jamaica contained half
of the slave population, and that it would be better to
pass one Act for Jamaica, and another for the smaller
colonies. The legislatures of the latter were not likely to
oppose the Bill, but the case was very different with
regard to Jamaica.

Air. STANLEY assured the deputation that all their
points should be taken into the most serious consideration,
and the deputation retired.

LOCAL COURTS BILL.—Lord BROUGHAM'S
patriotic attempt to establish Local Courts in England, and
thus open the door of justice to the mass of the English
people, was defeated on Tuesday night by a strong muster
ofids,n ,
fficoa proxiesicts,uic:
t re:
Tistiio,nswhichcollectedes.
House. Lord BROUGHAM distinctly intimated in the
peroration to his reply in the debate, that though
the measure should be unsuccessful for the present, it would
not deter him from persevering in his efforts to obtain
cheap and expeditious justice for the people. This
intimation showed, at least, that though defeated and
disappointed, his Lordship and his Colleagues Would
not suffer the issue to affect the stability of their Go-
vernment; hut if it be happily innocuous in this re-
spect, we can venture to assure the Tories that it will
not be so in relation to them and their character with
the nation. If they were odious and detestable as
politicians before, they must be utterly worthless and
contemptible now. What more signal proof than this
could they give to the country, of their ignorance of the
state of society, and their utter blindness to the signs of
the times ? In a spirit worthy of the darkest period
of feudalism, they treat a measure of pure justice and
expediency, as if it were a question solely of party ; and,
as if ambitious to crown folly with wickedness, they deny
cheap and expeditious law to the people at large, for
no other reason apparently than that they may affront
and annoy their political opponents. Most truly has it
been said, that
prognosticatet o all
whicht tu
tthe
themselvesc af nttfife
have
afv eh e
rni
eot d i ista as
other a
pr• l
eee
sea
urr
al
tag se _
t htah
ne
sun at noon day, that the Opposition Lords are hastening
their own destruction or degradation. Let them only go
dy
on thus for another twelve months, and it will not be
Memoirs of Mrs. Inchbald," just pub -
fished, form a book which, on many accounts, is one of the
most curious in existence. This character of the work is
to be found, not only in the singular events of her life, and
the interesting nature of her correspondence, of which the
greater portion was preserved by her, and has been mho
died in the volumes, but in the fact that her present bio-
graphy is constructed front " her own diary," wherein she
chronicled the occurrences of each day, and recorded her
private thoughts and emotions. This remarkable diary
was k-pt by the fair and celebrated writer as minutes for
her intended autobiography, for the copyright of which
she was offered, by a living City bookseller, no less a sum
than one thousand pounds !

LEAP EXTRAORDINARY.---Oh Thursday
morning a cow was being driven into the fair fur sale
and as it was proceeding down Clinrch-wall.gee at a
smart trot, a bull stood exposed for sale actors the street,
and directly in the cow's path. Instead of divergiu!
round the bull, the aspiring beast took a spring and cleared
it at a bound, as cleverly as a greyhound would overtop
three.feet hedge, and deliberately pursued its way.—
Maecks,field Fourier.