The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-17 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LOR DS, June 16.
THE GAUGE QUESTION.
•
Lord L Y T TEL TON presented several petitions from various
' persons complaining of the report of the Gauge Commis-
' sioners, and praying the House to take the report into further
consideration.
OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE RAILWAY.
Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from a person of
the name of Brown ;against the Oxford and Cambridge Rail-
way, and designated the promoters of that scheme as a parcel
of speculators.
The Earl of HARDWICKE denied that such was
the case. He himself held a number of shares
in the line, and he was no speculator. His
' reason for connecting himself with it was because
it passed contiguous to his property. Other parties, also, who
had shares in it were locally interested, and were no speculators.
They wished to have some control ever its management.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM presented several petitions
against the Oxford and Cambridge Railway, from the city of
Oxford, from Bedford, and other places.
Lord DACRE concurred in the observations of the Noble
Earl ( Hardwieke). He was aware that many parties con-
nected with that railway were locally interested, and ought
not to be designated speculators.
Lord BROUGHAM said he had not the slightest doubt as
to the truth of his Noble Friend's statement. He (Lord
Brougham) did not charge the promoters as being mere
land-jobbers and share-brokers, but he said that was gene-
rally the case in such undertakings. It appeared that the
shares in this railway were in the hands of gentlemen locally
interested, but he prayed their Lordships' attention to this,
that the Noble and Gallant Lord who spoke first told their
Lordships that he was obliged in self-defence to take shares in
railways that proposed to pass over his property, so as to
preserve it from the destruction with which it was
threatened. That was not the case with his Noble
Friend behind him ; he was not a speculator, but a large
landed proprietor in the district through which this railway pro-
posed to pass. He (Lord Brougham) admitted that all that
were engaged in that railway wore respectable people. But his
Noble I•riend had said that he (Lord Brougham) had made a
coloured statement. Now what was that coloured statement ?
It was this, that a respectable gentleman, whose name he had
given, and who was High Sheriff of that counts, last year, com-
plained that the railway would destroy his house and park.
Why that was not a ♦ery coloured statement, unless it was
true, as his Noble Friend behind him would have their
Lordships believe, that it was very doubtful whether the gentle-
man said so or not. The Noble Lord had said he did not know
his property. Why that was the very reason that these
statements should be taken for true, because it came from
the person that did know this property,. namely, the proprietor
himself.—(Laughter.) Surely, Mr. Brown did not dream
that he had a building which cost a considerable sum of money—
his was no cattle in the air or in Spain, and he (Lord
Brougham) therefore hoped that the petition of this respect-
able gentleman, who complained of great annoyance on the part
of the proprietors of this railway, would receive the mostatten-
tive and favourable consideration of their Lordships.
EAST AND WEST YORKSHIRE JUNCTION
RAILWAY.
Earl FITZ WILLIAM presented a petition from a Mr.
Berkley against the East and West Yorkshire Junction Railway.
LORDS HARDINGE AND GOUGH.
The Earl of RIPON moved the postponement of the fur-
ther consideration of those Bills till some day in the ensuing
week.
The Duke of RICHMOND wished to know the intention of
the Government with respect to their Lordships' amendment.
Earl GREY hoped he should have an opportunity of re-
cording his vote against the amendment.
ADJOURNRIENT OF THE HOUSE.
Lord STANLEY wished to know whether their Lordships
would adjourn over Thursday, the 18th of June, being the an-
niversary of the battle of Waterloo?
The Earl of RIPON stated that it was not the intention
of the Government to press any important business upon
that day.
Lord BROUGHAM—You cannot adjourn the judicial busi-
ness.

CORN IMPORTATION BILL.
On the order of the day that the House should go into
Committe on this Bill being read,
The Earl of WICKLOW proposed as an amendment to the
first clause, " That upon all wheat not the production of our
colonies, there should be a fixed duty of ss. instead of Is."
And should that amendment be affirmed, he should follow it
up by proposing a fixed duty on other descriptions of grain in
the same ratio. He had already, in the course of the even-
ing, intimated to a Noble Friend of his that he had given no
notice of his intention to move that amendment, but his reasoa
for doing so was his expectation that some Noble Lord on the
other side of the House would have proposed that amendment.
As that, however, was not likely to be the case, he felt him.
self bound to undertake the duty himself. The question ~R 5
so much and so discursoriiy discussed, that he would confine
himself strictly to the object of his amendment. Before alluding
to it, however, he must express his surprise that no
answer was given to the question put a short time since to
the Noble Earl ( Ripon). He would take the question as to
price on the arguments of others. Some maintain that the
effect of the present Bill would be to equalise the price of corn,
and to prevent fluctuation. He did not agree with that
opinion, believing, as he did, that the sliding-scale would effect
that object much better, though he thought a fixed duty
would effect that object better still. What he wished, however,
to impress upon their Lordships was, that if the great object of
the Bill be to prevent great fluctuation in price the. in-
troduction of the amendment he proposed would be mist likely
to secure that object. He saw no conceivable reason, also,
why the Government did rot introduce a fixed duty on ac-
count of the large revenue it would produce. Even supposing
this small fixed duty would have the effect of raisin; the price
of corn, it would have the effect of preventing the fluctuation,
of price, as well as giving a greater increase to the revenue ;
and he, therefore, was of opinion that, on account of these
results, it ought to have been proposed. It appeared very
strange to him how the Right Rev. Prelate, who had very
lately been raised to honours and dignity, should be so ready
to strip the landed interest of this country of protec-
tion.—( Hear, hear.) He felt convinced that any measure
which would tend to injure the landed aristocracy would be
attended with much danger. The first argument which struck
him was, would they tax the necessaries of life? Why should
they tax every other necessary of life but corn. Now, with
regard to sugar, he considered that almost as much a necessary
of life as any other article, and still the tax was kept on. The
Noble and Learned Lord (Brougham) had stated that there
was a great difference between duty and revenue, and that for
that reason it was necessary to keep up duties on all other
articles. He saw no reason why the duty should not be kept
upon corn, if only for the purposes of the revenue. While
duties were paid on other articles of consumption, he could not
vote for taking eff the corn duty. He believed that if it had not
been for an unfortunate letter written in January last—a letter
which was published for a very different purpose to that which
it had been supposed—if it had not been for that letter he be-
lieved the present measure would never have been heard of.
He proposed the present amendment, not for the purpose of
keeping up protection—he wanted not protection, but he
wanted to place the question upon a sure and certain basis. He
was prepared to say that if the present Ministry were to go
out of office—as out of office they would go very shortly—and
that Noble Lords on the other side of the House, who
would succeed them, were to introduce a Bill with such a
clause as the one he now proposed, they would give very ge-
neral satisfaction.—(Hear. ) This was not the moment to
bring forward such a measure—a moment when two Republics
were at war with each other—a moment, too, when America
was successful. But whether she was successful or not, she
would be at no loss to find a ground of quarrel with this
country, even supposing the Oregon question to be settled.
He would conclude by proposing the amendment now
before the House.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that he would not
have risen at this moment but for the allusion made by the
Noble Earl who bad just sat down to the Noble Lords on his
side of the House, with respect to the amendment he had
proposed. He trusted that in opposing that clause he would
not be found inconsistent with the principles and opinions
which he had always entertained on this subject. Looking to
the great weight and importance of the landed interest, and
at the feelings of those under them, he considered these
parties should receive the greatest attention from the Govern-
ment of the day. At all times they were entitled to the consi-
deration of the House. It could not be denied that all protec-
tion kept up the rate of priees—( Hear, hear)—
and he supported the Bill because it would tend
to the reduction of those prices. Still he did not think the
reduction would be very great. He believed the prices on the
continent would rise, and the prices here would fall a little,
but the effect would be an equalisation of prices that would
operate to the advantage of the public. Those who talked of
the danger to agriculture, gird spoke of the peculiar burdens
on land, should recollece-ktr*lhe agriculturists had great ad-
vantages given them in good roads and conveniences in ex-
change for these burdens. Tne equivalents in the shape of
these improvements were more than equal to any of the burdens
that were represented to press peculiarly on land. They had
appliances such as no other country had, and they ought to be
able successfully to compete with any foreign countries. When
they talked of the expenses in this country, they ought to
consider the cons eniences they had compared with foreign
countries. If they had increased the prosperity of the country,
they increased the value of the land in the same ratio ; and if
the repeal of the protective laws led to an increase of prosperity,
as he believed it would, then would the landed interest
participate in that improvement. They had only
to lock at the enormous increase in the value of land
during the last hundred years to be persuaded of the advan-
tages that had resulted from an increase of commerce.—
( Hear, hear.) But they were told they ought to support a tax
on corn as a means of revenue. He agreed in that. He
thought this article should be equally subject to taxation as
any other article of consumption. He was net led away by the
clap-trap of cheap bread to oppose any tax on grain ; and he
thought to retain a five shilling duty would operate but little
as a measure of protection, and was not to be defended un that
ground. Neither did he think it would operate to any great
extent in the amount of price on wheat. There was one
point which he was surprised had never been referred to,
namely, the great disproportion between the price of grain and
the price of bread.—( Hear, hear.) The difference in the
price of grain between this country and foreign countries was
but little as compared with the difference in the price of bread.
He thought it would be wise to retain a small fixed duty for the
purpose of revenue, but he could not consent to endanger the
present Bill because it did not exactly propose what he should
like to see carried out. He must say that he had come to the
determination of supporting this Bill, precisely from the prin-
ciples which he had previously maintained on the subject of
the corn-laws. He was not very strongly in favour of the
Bill or the manner in which it had been brought fors, and. He
agreed with the Noble Duke on the cross-benches as to what he
said a few nights ago, that the sliding-scale seemed to have
been introduced for the purpose of embarrassing the agricultu-
rists. He could not conceive a bill more absurd than that
which lay on their Lordships' table. A Noble Lord had made
a most powerful speech, a few nights ago, in which he
showed that the sliding-scale was the most absurd sys-
tem that could by any possibility be devised.—( Hear. )
That speech was supported by a great number of tabular proofs,
showing that the sliding-scale was a complete fiction anti an
entire delusion ; it never had as yet secured a fixity in prices.
—(Hear, hear.) But this Bill continued the sliding-scale for
the next three years; that most absurd system was retained in
the Bill. He thought that the Prime Minister in advocating
this question rested his arguments in favour of it on the ground
that during the next two years this Bill would leave time for
naore improvements in agriculture, and more draining. Why
what sort of an argument was that ? In the first place
it was clear that it might be assumed by such an argu-
ment, to be admitted even by the advocates and supporters
of this Bill, that the removal of protection from agricul-
ture would injure the agricultural interest. Now he did not
admit the truth of such an argument. The Prime Minister had
laid himself open to such an observation, and that they must go
on draining their land in order to meet the difficulties in which
they would be placed by the Bill. He never heard amore absurd
argument than that in his life.—( Hear, hear.) He happened
to be acquainted with several large agriculturists, and having
talked to them on this subject, they admitted unanimously
that the sliding-scale had operated most injuriously to their
interests. He did not hear one single person ray that the
sliding-scale would be to their interest. The proposal to
maintain the sliding-scale for the next three years would have
the effect of disturbing the different relatrino-nlasw o: theThcoisunßtrilly
with respect to the question of the
would do great injustice to the great
r d
principle
The first Minister of the Crownoth o
isßillf
principally
free
on what was called the famine in rested
Ireland. He (the Marquis
of Clanricarde), for one, did not attempt
degree.todeprecite
lthiee
extent of that calamity in Ireland in thesmallest
absurd
hear,)asrured tt'olo'
wh
say
knew that it was, for the most part, confined to particular lo-
calities—hed(ldnfrehoaemr,
were, it did not amount to a famine.--(Hear,
doubt, small
where distress did prevail ; bet it won
that this measure, which they were now discussing in the
of June, would have the effect of
month
meeting
the present distress in Ireland. The calamity had,-
But the Government took
no doubt, been increasing.
the most admirable measures on that subject.—(Hear
Inv') I" byre his sctc'4Wilang tititimony t 9 their activity

The LORD CHANCELLOR—The House could not ad.
'own ; there was a commission appointed for that day ; accord-
ing to usual custom the House would not assemble for the dis-
cussion of any important measure.
The Duke of RICHMOND said he thought that it was
necessary to explain, after what had fallen from his Noble
Friend the Earl of Ripon. He had the other night gone over
to his Noble Friend, and asked what course the Government
intended to pursue. The First Lord of the Admiralty had
overheard all that passed, and he certainly thought be was en-
titled to all the information he had requested, If the decision
of those of their Lordships who had been attending Committees
since twelve o'clock, and then came into the House until it rose,
were to be overturned by those of their Lordships who went
comfortably home to dinner, and who had heard nothing of the
argument in the first stage, certainly he was not surprised at
eiter of the observations of his Noble Friend, or at any combi-
nation which might be entered into.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
The Earl of RIPON was sorry that he should have to explain
that he had misunderstood his Noble Friend the Duke of Rich-
mond, or that his Noble Friend had misunderstood him ; hut
he at any rate felt himself justified in reserving himself for the
opportunity to which he had alluded.
Lord STANLEY said, that he did not mean to say
anything which would be in the least disrespectful to the
Noble Earl. What he did complain of was, that there was no
notice of the amendment which had been moved. According to
the forms of the House, such was a requisite proceeding.
He was exceedingly surprised at the course which had been
pursued. The amendment to the Bill would have been fatal to
it, as the House of Commons, without waving a privilege
which he hoped they never would surrender, would not sancliou
a Bill of the kind having suffered such a material alteration.
The Duke of CLEVELAND said, he was gi.eatly surprised
that the amendment had been introduced without the ordinary
notice having been given.
Lord MONTEAULE was glad that his Noble Friend had
brought the motion forward; he supported him on that occasion
and he would support him again when it was brought forward.
Nobody could impute to the Noble Duke any intention of
taking the House by surprise, for the truth was that it
originated with himself.
After a few words from the Earl of St. Germans, the Duke
of Richmond, and the Earl of Ellenborough, the subject
dropped. _ _

CORN-LAWS.
Earl STANHOPE presented a petition from the working
men of Birmingham against the repeal of the corn-laws. The
petitioners most solemnly objected to the passing of any mea-
sure affecting the general interests of the labourer, without first
consulting the opinions of the people upon the justice of
such a step. They stated that those measures would not be
attended with reciprocity on the part of any foreign Govern-
ment, but would inflict a most !emus injury on the interests of
British enterprise. The prayer of the petitioners was that they
would oppose the passing of the Bill for a repeal of the corn-
laws, and also the tariff, unless accompanied with a Bill for a
repeal of the present poor-laws, a Bill to limit the hours of
labour to ten hours for the purpose of protecting the working
classes and their interests, and also a Bill for the total repeal of
the duties on coffee, sugar, soap, and tea, and on all articles
of necessary consumption. He would observe that the prayer
of this petition was echoed throughout the length and breadth
of the country.

THE MINISTERIAL MEASURES.
The same Nonce EARL said, that before going into Com-
mittee on the Bill before them, he wished, in pursuance of the
notice which he had given, to ask a question of the Noble Earl
the President of the Board of Trade. He wished to ask that
Noble Earl what, in his opinion, or in the opinion of her
Majesty's Ministers, would be the effect of the Bill now upoc
their Lordship's table,—whether it would have the effect
of raising or depressing the price of corn ? It had been said
by his Noble and Learned Friend opposite that it was impos-
sible to say what would be the exact prices of corn after the
passing of this measure. He (Earl Stanhope) should be
quite satisfied if the Noble Earl could say what would be even
the general range in prices of corn under this law.
The Earl of RIPON said that the question which the Noble
Earl had put to him bad already been answered 11 her
Majesty's Ministers in the course of this discussion. Z o the
answer which they had given he certainly adhered, and that
answer was to this effect • —That he believed it would not be
possible for the human mind to devise any mode of answering
such a question so as to give satisfaction to the Noble Lords of
those who held the same opinions, because the prices of corn
were subject to such variations from the seasons. On looking
back to the range of prices in corn in previous years, there had
been nothing but fluctuations. Every answer that had been
previously given as to the future prices of corn had been corn-
pletely falsified. He, therefore, could not prophecy what
would be the exact prices of corn after the passing of this Bill.
Earl STANHOPE said he did not reqnire the Noble Earl to
say what would be the exact prices the next year after this
came into operation. He wished to know what would be the
average prices for a number of years ; whether they would be
higher or lower than at present ; but it was perfectly apparent
to their Lordships, and it ought to be known to the country
thist.a cmhe et
haE: measure
thatrr
Ide
—( Hear, hear)—that her Majesty's Ministers had proposed
owrfev,i with
\ho‘ut, o
.cld fuoptiitfowir:a_tsno
Et(lpcAea ignorancerrtioelmwearuellsd):_hseaa
nby
quencesedtsht
awith:nthe thatereas
tss
feg
answer
the
eountry.—(Cheers.)
the Noble Earl (the Earl of Ripon) was most unsatisfactory.n
The question was, what would be the general effect of this
hi
think
isnafkiodrwoti,lwl3eidynotdyyeoaru
measure upon the prices of corn? The Ministry were acting in
years,l
goo
friend, a
havewd ehocistae
nkcenowouwrsew of treatment had
the same manner as a medical man, who might have attended
I
I
always agreed with his constitution. He then came forward
recipean for you, which
have upon your constitution, but I think it whilaltdoeffyeocut good.
He
He would say to such a gentleman, " Oh, thank you, my
good friend, lam pretty well, thank you ; I don't think that I
stand in need of any of your new treatment ; I should like to know
what effect it would have upon my frame." He might answer
my good
i o‘oOdhfr,ielndarn,
Ishuarevela cannot say what effect it will have ;
there is a certain quack doctor there who has recommended it,
and if you will take it, and it agrees with you, it will place me
(eaCht
at once at the head of the
profession." " Much obliged to you,
9rs)...htobjection tocil ro
allow youtotr y
413 y ULperilgltUt upon ruef raise

1 you to the head of the profession if successful, or damn you at
TUESDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE. ,
BANKRUPTS. once if they ,tic,nl! tt ove. feat to in:, hea:th "—( Lau -,tri )
James Bickerton, hat manwacturer, Castle-street, Southwark, to The Duke of RICHMOND would answer the question
surrender Juno 26, at halt-past one, and July 28, at eleven, at the himself. Mr. Gladstone had stated in his dispatch to Canada
Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basing/tall-street; that prices would be 539. and 51s. per quarter. It was strange
Fox, Finsbury-circus.
that that dispatch had been published in Parliament long before
Henry Elphick, licensed victualler, IVardour-street, St. James's, .
June 23, at half-past one, and July 28, at eleven, at the Court of It could reach the hands of the party for whom it was intended,
Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee, Buchanan, Basinghall-street. and whatever might be the effect of a change in prices it was
William Filbey, coach-maker. Wryadisbury, Buckinghamshire, the dispatch of a Cabinet Minister who was not in Parliament.
June 23, and July 20, at Half-past ten, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Perhaps that was no matter as things went now. If there were
Liermell, official assignee ; Lloyd, Milk-street, Cheapside. to be no change in prices, why
chapel, June 23, at twelve, and July had the Government raised such
Edward Gardner, manufacturing chemist, Fieldgate -street, White-an agitation throughout the country? And all he could say
21, at one, at the Court of
Bankruptcy. Green, official assignee, Aldertnanbury ; Spillan, Ca-
with regard to the dispatch was, that if he were Governor-
momile-street. General of Canada he should have felt it as a gross insult to
John Collins Staines, tailor, Oandle, Northamptonshire, June 30, read his instructions first in the newspapers.
at one, and July 25, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, Earl STANHOPE wished to ask whether it was the inters-
official assignee, Abchurch-lane ; Wood and Fraser, Dean-street,
Soho. tion of Ministers to raise prices, to lower them, or to leave them
as they were? He did not expect the Noble Earl to state what
Thomas Pilbeam, coachsmith, Parker-street. Drury-lane, June 26,
decision he had himself come to, but perhaps the great autocrat
at two, and July 21, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bank-
ruptcy. Edwards, official assignee, Frederick's-place, Old Jewry; of the Cabinet had expressed his own determination—not that
Goren, South Molton-street, Oxford-street. that was his usual custom, but from necessity—and he should
John Boulton, carrier, Ashton-under-Lyne, June 26, and July 17, now be glad to have an answer.
at eleven, at the Manchester District Court. Hobson, official as-lg-
The Earl of RIPON—The question has already been asked.
nee, Manchester ; Reed and Langford, Friday-street, Cheapside,
Earl STAN HOPE—So, because a question has been London; Sale, Worthington, and Shipman, Manchester.;
al-
William Kirby, hotel keeper, Liverpool, June 23, at twelve, and ready asked before, and not answered, it was a sufficient reason
July 21, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Turner, official why it should not be answered at all.
The Earl of RIPON thought that he had given a sufficient
assignee, Liverpool ; H line and Co., New Inn, London ; Yates, jun.,
Liverpool.
reason for not replying, in statirg that he should shortly give a
Joseph Greaves Smith, grocer, Liverpool, June 22 and July 21, at full
explanation of the course which the Government intended
twelve, at the Liverpool District Court. Bird, official assignee, Liver-
pool; Keightley, Cunliffe, and Beaumont, Chancery-lane, London; to pursue; and he would not be compelled to divulge whit it
Hetherington, Woods, and Woodburn, Liverpool. was at present proper to conceal, nor would he permit himself
Patrick Hare, tallow chandler, Liverpool, June 29 and July 21, at to be charged by any man with what was termed a susicious
twelve, at the Liverpool District Court. Bird, official assignee, silence. p
Liverpool; Norris and Co., Bartlett's- buildings, London ; Avison and
Pritt, Liverpool.
The Earl of STANHOPE had no intention to impute im-
Maller Bates, at proper motives to the Noble Earl, but he thought the course
twel've,atthe
Manchester
District Manchester, June 29 and July 22, ee ,
pursued, in his declining to answer the question pat to him, Court.Fra
se
r, official
ass
Ig,,
Manchester; Cooper, Manchester ; Gregory, Faulkner, Gregory, and was a suspicious one.
Skirrow, Bedford-row, London. Earl GREY said, that the object of the Bill was not to
secure prices at 80s. 60s. or 555.. but to bring price to its na-
George Barton and John Barton, copper roller manufacturers,
Manchester, June 30 and July 20, at eleven, at the Manchester Dls-
tural level. That was the object Of the proposed measure, and
trict Court. Fraser, official assignee, Manchester ; Slater and Heel's,
Manchester ; Milne, Parry, Milne, and Morris, Temple, London. he did not think the advooates of the Bill should be called
Sidney Smith, grocer, Bristol, July 2, at one, and August 3, at upon to say what the price of corn would be when it came into
eleven, at the Bristol District Court. Miller, official assignee, Bristol ; operation. They might be as well called upon to say what the
Perkins, Bristol.
price of tea, cotton, or any other commodity would be in the
William Henry Smith, printer, Swansea, Glamorganshire, July 2 event of modifications of the duty on those articles. The result
and August 3, at one, at the Bristol District Court. Hutton, official
of all predictions as to price he found to be erroneous ; and he
assignee, Bristol; Strick, Doughty-street, London.
therefore considered that it was unfair that they should be
called upon to state what would be the price of corn consequent
on these changes.
The Duke of WELLINGTON rose to order. This de-
sultory discussion was entirely contrary to rule. It was not
competent for them to go into the general question then, but
when the Bill went into Committee they might do so.
After a few words from the Earl of STRADBROXE and the
Earl FITZWILLIAM,
The Earl of RIPON moved the order of the day for going
into Committee on the Corn Importation Bill.
The Duke of RICHMOND said that before going into
Committee, he wished to give notice, that when the second
reading of the Superintendent Convicts Bill came on, he
would move an amendment against it.
It was here intimated to the Noble Duke that the Bill was
read a second time.
The Duke of RICHMOND—Then I think some one con-
nected with the Government ought to have made a statement
in reference to it. It was a Bill which required some ex-
planation.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said that his Noble Friend
the Under-Secretary for the Colonies had not made a long
speech, but he had made a few observations in support of the
Bill.

and judgment in ereleevosteing to supply the people with foal
A -u!Ant iiaci b, en applied to the resource. of the country
in providing labour for the poor. Rut then what had that to
do with the measure of free trade ? They had heard in the
course of this discussion of the great wisdom, and zeal, and
honesty, and he knew not what, in fact, of the virtues of the
Prime Minister. It had been said that Sir Robert Peel was
the greatest Minister to be found in the history of this coun-
try. Good God ! were they to say all this of a Minister that
had acted the part of Sir Robert Peel—a man who confessed
that for the greatest part of his life his judgment was erro-
neous, and that his political conduct was not in unison with
sound principies?—( Hear, bear.) Was a men, because he
confessed that he had been in errer during the greater part of
his life, to be lauded beyond measure? He ( the NLiquis of
Clanricarde) could not listen to such a proposition. And
more than that, when they were called upon to
scrutinise the whole of such a Minister's conduct,
they would find that there was nothing extraordinary
as regarded his honesty to a great party. The Minister had
sacrificed a great party. But he (the Marquis of Clanricarde)
had not the slightest conception in his mind, nor could he, by
any exertion of his intellect, bring himself to see, how Sir
Robert Peel, in changing his opinions, and avowing
I that change, had entitled himself to laudation ?tape ad
nauseam.—( Hear, hear.) It had been said that Sir Robert
Peel intended, when this Bilk was passed, to relinquish office
and power. Now he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) believed in
saes such rumour.—( Hear, hear.) Let their Lordships look to
his speeches, and they would find no admission of that sort.
If they read his speeches, they would find that, in answer to the
addresses of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, in support
of a repeal of the corn-laws, he stated a few years ago, that he
was convinced that the continuance of a sliding-scale was
necessary for the maintenance of British prosperity.
Now he did not think that so sudden a change
as had taken place in the mind of the Prime Minister redounded
to his credit in the slightest degree. And then they heard him
talking of the difficulties of reconciling the interests of an
ancient Monarchy, a proud aristocracy, and a reformed House
of Commons. He (the Marquis of Clanricarde) took leave to
say, that more injury than by such practices could not be in-
flicted on this country by a man occupying a high station.—
( Hear.) More injury was thus done to the aristocracy, more
injury was done to the Monarchy than any other course could
do.—( Hear, hear.) He admitted that he could have wished
that this question should have been submitted to another Par-
liament; he saw no reason why an appeal should not have
been made to the country.—(Hear, hear.) Sir Robert Peel
had every opportunity of doing so. Parliament was dissolved
in 1841 upon this question, but under totally different circum-
stances. Parliament was then dissolved because the
Government of the country had not a majority to
carry their measures. They did that which it became the
Ministers of the Crown to do. When they thought they had
reasonable grounds to expect the support of the country they
appealed to the country. There was no prospect of Sir Robert
Peel's getting that support. Did the Cabinet propose any
temporary settlement for a temporary distress ? No, the pro-
position was to open the ports. He referred to these matters
because of the monstrous and extravagant laudation of Sir
Robert Peel in regard to this Bill. He did not mean to sus-
-1 pect his motives ; he admired Sir Robert Peel as much as
any other man—(Hear, hear, and laughter)--he considered
him to be a man of great talents, but he did not consider him
a man of great force. His invariable principle was to
surrender to the pressure from without, and he would not
call a man who did that a great Minister. —( Hear, hear.)
His changes had ever been with the current of the moment,
and it was a little too much for them to be told that they were
to carry by acclamation the Bill before them, in admiration of
the Minister who proposed it. —( Hear, hear.) He (the Mar-
quis of Clanricarde) was perfectly unbiassed in this matter.
He could assure their Lordships that he now entertained,
honestly and conscientiously, every one of those principles and
opinions which he entertained on the subject of the corn-laws
in 1841. It was impossible for him not to look at the conse-
quences which would follow his vote on this question, and, en-
tertaining the principles which he did, he felt himself obliged
to say " not content" to the amendment.
The Earl of CARNAR VON said the subject had been so
much investigated that he should be unwilling to trespass
upon their attention. He really believed that the result of
this Bill would be to throw the land of this ceuntry
out of cultivation. Emplojment would be decreased,
and what the poor man would gain on one hand he
would more than lose on the other.—( Hear, hear.)
It was the great increase of the circulation of capital which
produced the beneficial effects alluded'to ; and that might
slacken, and at a time when there was a great abundance of
corn in the market ; and there might come that deep distress
upon the tenant-farmer whims his heart bled to think of. He
considered that their Lordships should legislate as much for
little men—( Hear, hear)—as for great proprietors. If they
passed the present measure they would have to sacrifice that
principle of evenhanded justice which had ever distinguished
their Lordships, for they would have to sacrifice she tenant-
farmer to the interest of the manufacturer.—( Hear, hear.)
The House was so very wearied with these discussions, that he
would not detain them longer, but he could not think it was
right in them however to throw away the revenue which pro-
tection had afforded the Crown. If that revenue did not pro-
ceed from indirect sources, they should raise it by direct
taxation. He would conjure them to weigh well the vote they
were about to give upon the present question, for if they mis-
conceived its bearings it would not be any single
man, but it would be the whole country,, which
would have to pay the penalty. (Hear, hear)—
and he did not conceive that they should legislate upon this
subject without having reference to the real opinion of the
great constitutional bodies in the country. A Minister was not
to overbear the country or the expression of opinion ; if such
were to be the case, they would not be living under a mixed
Government, but under a despotism under the name of the
Kings, Lords, and Commons—a despotism which would be of
the worst description, as it would be under the semblance of
liberty and the constitution. He could not understand way it
was that their Lordships refused to sanction an amendment.
Why were they not to interfere in the details of the Bill and modify
it in such particulars as they might consider necessary ? If they
were not to do so, their Loidships' House would become a nul
lity—they would be virtually dead, and thenceforward they
might amuse themselves with railway legislation.—(Hear,
hear.) The argument against appeals to the people upon the
present question was, that they would raise a tumult at the
elections, but let them not be deceived; when an election came
there would still be a strong feeling in favour of such a po-
pular subject as protection.—( Hear.) He would sit down by
saying, if they did not wish to array class against class—manu-
facturer against farmer—let them accept the amendment, and
at once put an end to the agitation.
Lord DE MA ULEY said that he had always been opposed
to the corn-laws, and therefore had no difficulty in giving his
vote upon the present occasion in favour of the Bill. He
should vote, however, for the amendment proposed, believing,
as he did, that if it were adopted, the Right Hon. Gentleman
who brought forward the measure would soon bring forward
another in favour of the present amendment. He would sup-
port the amendment.
Lord CLONCURRY said that it had been stated that the
corn-laws were of great advantage to Ireland, but he denied
that such was the case, for distress existed at intervals in that
country which did not prevail in any other part of the world.
He would support the Government in passing the measure, as
he believed it would be productive of the greatest good to
the country.
The Earl cf WINCHILSEA would vote for the amend-
ment, in the hope that a better measure would be brought for-
ward through an appeal to the country. It was a most uncon-
stitutional course for Parliament to take to pledge the repre-
sentatives of the country three years hence to a particular
course of policy. Suppose at the expiration of that time the
representatives of the people affirmed the present system of
protection, where would their Lordships be ?—( Hear, hear. )
NVhatever affected the parochial clergy he could tell them
Would affect the moral and religious condition of the people of
this country; and believing, as he did, that this Bill would cur-
tail their means of subsistence, he would reject it. It was a
wrong principle that public men should change their opinions
on great questions without forfeiting public confidence, even
after they had attained the position they held in consequence of
their support and advocacy of a policy directly the re-
verse. He could tell them that if the present Bill were
card, d the matter would not rest there, for he would agitate
ail the counties, where he had the slightest influence, to reverse
that decision. He would support the amendment brought for-
ward by the Noble Earl, small though the protection was which
it gave.
Lord POLWARTH said that he bad presented many peti-
tions on this question from Roxburgh, and other places, and he
would therefore lay what information he had acquired upon the
subject before their Lordships. It had been stated by those
Noble Lords who were in support of this Bill, that land was let,
and that very recently, at an increased rental. This was to be
accounted for by the fact that the land was taken without any
expectation of the present measure being brought in to take off
that protection which made land secure as an investment. In
1842, when many of those farms were let, they were let on the
faith of the laws then passed with regard to corn. The present
measure was one which would greatly injure agriculture, and
for that reason he would oppose it.
Earl FITZ WILLIAM said that the Noble Lord who had
last addressed the House charged the supporters of the present
measure with exciting expectations which could not be realised.
Now no such expectations had been held out. Another Noble
Lord had ehargtd the Ministry with a want of political honesty
in not appealing to the voice of the country. There was
nothing more dangerous than in appealing to the country upon
the question of cheap food.—( Hear, hear.) He did not defend
her Majesty's Ministers or their conduct with respect to the
present measure. He complained of their not having allowed
that House a voice in the introduction of this measure. Why
did they not appeal to that House and ask its assistance in the
emergency ? By doing so they would have acted in strict con-
formity with the usual practice on great occasions.—(Hear. )
He contended that that House was also a portion of the demo,
cracy cf the country, and as such it was as right to appeal to
their Lordships as to any other part of the community. He
had no hesitation in saying that her Majesty's Ministers had
forfeited all confidence with their Lordships, by the course they
had pursued in introducing the present measure.
( Cheering.) In 1t333 be brought forward his motion for free
trade in corn, and he was almost isolated in that proposition.
He was not supported by Hon. Members on his side of the
House—yet, if free trade was to be considered good now, it
was equally good then.—( Hear, hear.) In 1839 and 1840 he
proposed similar propositions, and he received little support
from those who were so anxious in favour of free trade now ;
yet he should be very glad to hear the reasons why that which
was good in 1845 should be considered as bad in 1e40.—( Hear,
hear.) But mark what had happened in 1840. Two of the
leaders of the parties of the House of Commons had agreed to
the carrying of the present measure, and that House had
agreed to it by a majority of 100. In the present House
the main question had been affirmed by a majority of 47, and
the amendment of the Noble Duke last night had also been
wasde-
de-
feated by a majority of 33.--( Hear, hear ) That motionhe
practically the same as the one before the House, which
measure
hoped would be also rejected. He could not risk
by agreeing to that amendment, neither couledhhee
breialkietvhee Bill
by a dissolution of Parliament, and the san hear. )
was
the sentiment of her Maesty's Government.—(Hear,
wouldand that it would
be a great
When he saw the measure witdhinal
be law within seven days, an
must support it. His con-
benefit to the country generally, he
in the districts where was least ad_
agriculture, especially ,hoisthgartasiT
viction was that the result of the measure would be to advance
acturng
d be the means of generally benefiting all classes of
labour, an
vanced—that it would increase the demand for manufi
thecommunity. Under these circumstances he must vote
against the amendment before the House.
Lord BROUGHAM said they had listened to two or three
able speeches that night, but not the nearest approach had been
made to the question of a fixed duty which
awbais now before the
Isieecaordndthroeased4
speeches
—Bill, but not bearing
e speeches—ad-
dHreesusseeci aglaiiensthatdhe
on the question of a fixed dut which before them. Thesespeec,
es) was the real question
h had been made by a professed
supporter of the measure, and b plaudits as if they had b een t ey drew forth as exciting
protection speeches directed
against the second rearing of the Bill. They displayed the
same music—they were attuned
to the same gamut—they were
precisely in
r harmony with the concert, which, however highly
gratifying to the proprietors to whom the chorus was directed,
was to him at that advanced period, and in that heated atmos-
phere and crowded House, anything but acceptable.
(Laughter,
and cheers.) Yet he had been forced to
endure these choral symphonies for four long nights,
to an extent that increased, in a most intolerable regree all
the effects of heat, bad air, and a crowded and inconvenient
house—aggravating ail the miseries that were usually felt at
public dinners, where the music with which they were regaled
cheered those around the table, though it tfinded to per-
petuate the reYelo in a head and impure atmosphgre,—,-

___/

(Hear, and laughter) Now, to say one, wen! as to the des
bece. A Noble Lord near him said he was in favour of the
amendment because he was Against the Bid ; and Y
order to get rid of the Bill, he proposed to vote for the an
ment.—( Hear, and a laugh.) Tie t was a very strange
thud of meeting the question. A Noble Marquis, who had
spoken, supported the amendment, because he was against
the Bill, and he (bird Brougham) had never been so much
struck at the effect of a speech as he had been with that.
The Noble Earl who had last spoken said something of the
same kind, and in the course of it he (Lord Brougham))
had come
in for a share of his censuring vituperation. Some
Pint' .(f
his speech escaped him, as he
appeared to be in confidential
communication with some Noble Lords on the other side .0,
;
the House, which he ( Lord Brougham) could not hear. The
circumstance reminded him of what happened to Sereear?,
',
Davy on the western circuit, who in addressing a jury efts told
by the judge to raise his voice. Sergeant Davy replied `thin
he would raise his voice whenever he came to anythhineX
material."—( Loud laughter.) So in the present case t
were led to suppose that when they wanted the Noble Earle:
raise his voice they were told he would have done so, but
il
es
that there was nothing material.--(Laughter.) He (Lord
Brougham) did not know what the Noble Earl
be
said in that confidential manner, and therefore P.';
would not have to increase his pain and to detain
their Lordships in going through it. The ,e4n,h,
Earl said that nothing could have been more insulting t°
House than the course her Majesty's Government had taken 20
bringing forward a Bill and not submitting resolutions on the
subject ; for had they given their opinion
bv resolution they
would not have been driven into a corner as they
now were. They were told that this was cootritrY
to precedent, but to that he would observe that the questi°ll
now before the House was not more important than the Before!
Bill of 1831. And what did her Majesty's Government then.'
They did not propose resolutions or act contemporane"esll
with the Lower House. A Bill instead of this
into the House of Commons on the memorable let of March
1831,and they never heard of it its this House, except by the public
prints and the votes of the other House until the Bill came 01i
They were then driven into the corner as to the acceptaree,
this Bill, which was to the effect of almost completely chang•ln„s,
the whole course of legislation in the country. But a on-„;
was bronchi.,
tion, took place, not on the merits of the Bill, hut from a, ntu
cause; and a second time, instead of proceeding by reeo IMO;
they introduced the Bill into the Lower House, and -t wen
through in the regular manner. Not only on that question, °e
t
on others, which were more of companions to the measure
before the House, they had proceeded by Bill instead or „
resolution. None of the corn-laws had been introduced in ant
other way. It was so in 1804; it was so in the stringers
Bill of 1815 ; also in the Bills of 18',2 and 1827 ; and also
+Il
the Corn Bill of 1842. It was not then objected to. an
measure introduced by that Noble Earl's Friend, in IB4lf
f
on sugar and corn, but which were not successful, the pro-
cess was also by Bill. Had those measures gone forward,the
would have proceeded by Bill, and not by resolution. 11'"`'0
he heard his Noble Friend saying that he believed that deiai
would be most prejudicial to this measure, he could not teilb,
while he heard him drawing forth the cheers of the friend, 't
the amendment, and the enemies of the Bill, he could not A"
help saying, " Save me from my friends."—( Cheers
laughter.) The greatest enemies of the Bill could not hoes
made more admirable confessions in favour of protection-
What said his Noble Friend (aed he begged to observe that 116
differed from him foto cee/o)? He said you dare not appeal to thef
people.—(Protectionist cheers.) He knew the meaning
these hostile cheers ; they formed a very different chorus,:
those cheers which followed the dulcet strains of his Noble
Friend.—( Laughter.) He did not, however, wonder et the
_
discordant cheers. They came naturally and consistently fr°,
the enemies of the Bill and the friends of the amenerWese
But his Noble Friend placed his candour—he was going to.sri.
his courage—(Laughter)—prominent] y forward in this snatte,o,
Now, how his Noble Friend, or any other man, could Oe so ae4
laded as to think that there was any foundation that that aPP..eI
to the people would be fatal to this Bill he (Lord Brougiru'ra
was utterly unable to comprehend.—(Hear, hear.) His ( were
Brougham's) firm belief was, that if the countrYe.l7, --
( Cries of " No, no.") Then his Noble Friend said
appealed to their verdict would lie in favour of the 'els
tharouo.
reason for voting against the amendment was, because ,t wht
allow a twelvemonth's time for consideration, which oneg.leed
fatal to the Bill.—( protectionist cheers.) His Nob
did not say that he believed that the majority of the rentle`rag
ote
part of the country would, if the question were postponeUtt'eis
against the Bill. Now he ( Lord Brougham ) considere .„1,00
duty to protest agaiiast the arguments adduced IV re"
ted
Friend in support of the Bill. He should nava "Pe
.les
from the adversaries of the Bill such speeches as had OemoLaa
livered by his two Noble Friends. The Noble 13ar°3,,,iee
brought forward some case. of farms lettin at a row-",,rblas),
since the introduction of this measure. He( Lord Breueou,e
for one, placed little reliance on such circumstance:, teieos
each farm that had been let since this measure o'3 be' if
duced might be placed in particular circumstance' ; ,
such arguments were to be brought forward in fas".i.: on
tection, he saw no reason why they should not be tel'es
the opposite side.—( Hear, hear. ) Did it not strike toe-, 3eLius
ness of the No Baron, when using his figure', l pas
might be used against him ? Did it not strike thc oes
ron, and ad those who acted with him, that there 'u' ~
great diminution in the price of wheat ? He di 1 nos entl
to be able to answer the question put by the Noble t s=lslthe
site, when he asked the Government to say what.o Nor
price of food this time twelvemonth—(Earl Stan!. od2.s.
_Lone.
no ")—whether it was to be higher or lower—(Eael
" No, no")—or some such question as that.—( Ear!
again, " some such question.") Well, the etr;
what was to be the price.—(Earl Stanhope, "
eriee
price.") Well, it was difficult to tell what the 1(27-F;
would be during the next two years, or the neet t. r. years.Sie.
(Earl Stanhope," No, no.") The Noble Lord rnie'et sajOir'
no, but he faithfully represented what he said ;
Noble Earl said No, no, he (Lord Brougham)
;-`1 Nays
It was impossible for him to say what woo .:1 the prices,_st
during the nextten years. But the alarmist; tad said
there would be a loss of 10s. perquarter, ir 3'); ; acre. Tbsti
woulde
sae, yhe
ritaby!
they said would be the effect of this frightful A.. , but that
be a begging of the question. It was ar: as „ption the truth
of which he could not admit ; he was mere arguing on he.'
own figures. Now, let their Lordships lust observe ; a far'''.
that had been let at 8201. upon a thirty.eightyears' lease, prior
to the introduction of this Bill, recently ran out of lease, and it
was expected teere would be no offer for rt- nut notwithstand-
ing all that had been said by the alaressste, it had been let
since the introduction of this measure inta Parliament at
1,0501., being a rise of 2001. a year. What right, ti-en, had
the alarmists to assume that there woul t be a fall in prices
under 39e. per acre ? If there were to be sLeh a fall, there ought
to be a fall of nearly all the rent. The Noble Earl said so, an ;
so there would be. He gallantly as,,umed the fact. He did
not assume as bad reasoners did, for no assumed the fact, ands"-
:
once attempted an inference. Wheat was not the only grain, there
would be a diminution proportionably to the other groins_)
Now he wished to administer a little comfort to those
wli-
were so much alarmed. He had got statements as Wet. they
I
themselves ; he did not attach much value to them, bu
were as valuable on the one side as on the other, either for o:
against the Bill. Now he wished to administer this comfort tr.
them, because he entertained the greatest esteem for these
alarmed individuals.—(Laughter.)
sine
the had received a letter
.
last week from a gentleman on the subject of farm-lett,
the introduction of the Corn Bill. The writer lived in bawl,f
which was represented to be an exceedingly alarmed part
the country—(Elear, hear)—and perhaps there was 11.0aof Part
more alarmed.—(Cries of " Name, name.") HI 'II that
think that he ought to mention the name. It appear ea
a farm of two hundred acres, which was in a very I,w st:-Le
cultivation, had been sold since the second reading o. the Corn
Bill in that House at 36 years' purchase. It was reviat,
rented at 1201. per annum, and it now realised 6001. SI-) had
reeceived another letter from a gentleman who lived el the
neighbourhood of the Bentinck's property, whose ra at.v-c ;, the
writer said, had made themselves very conspicuous be sl.ot use
of strong language against this measure, and he itde 1 that
land rented there at the present moment from 501. t o fee:, per
acre.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he was decidedly oppose.; to a
fixed duty. He would prefer even the slidineesee...; it be
was offered the two alternatives, either the sli'dia .._tale
a fixed duty, he should certainly prefer tat
( Hear, hear.) Because to say that a fixed duty
supported because it was a measure of finiiwe waa pre-
posterous nonsense. ( Hear, hear.) 'there was not 4-
shadow of foundation for it. It might be a fee-sure
finance, for the:e was an impression that it was tee soul
of much money to the revenue. His Nob, s used said'
why do you object to this fixed duty, as if it w a rtallyoe:
a bad thing ? It was a very great measure
..r tereecei they
would would get a large sum of money by it; they woo
.1 Le (ntoleLi,
repeal part of the property-tax, and the duties ce coffee, ,::of.
&e. They would be enabled to obtain ter( vs mieisrora
money by the scheme which he propounded. 1-10jectes •Yie
always muraordinarily sanguine.
The NOBLE LORD—Not twelve millions.
Lord BROUGHAM—WeII, some very I - e sum.
The Nosta Lorin—One million from tee torn-laws Ife
Lord BROUGHAM—Then he rnisuederttood him.
(Lord Brougham) took his stand againe a . xed duty because
it was a tax on the food of the people.—( Hear, hear.) That
was the ground on which he objected t
it—it brought theme_
no revenue, no financial measure. 1. it brought taesno:
revenue, it was a tax upon the food of t„, -._o le. His ef
Friend attempted to show that it would
rot raise the price
grain in the home market. Why, gracieua heaven 'how T.
that? If the price of grain was :355. in tne home marlset--ne:
meant the price of grain imported from a foreign ooun,tr2'e
from Dantaic, for instance, or Od. sea—it that grain coule_o•
sold but for the fixed duty at 350., if tee y did not clap on o'
as a bread tax, and thus make it 405., it might have been
t
originally sold for 355. Before he sat down he really most
allude to one circumstance, and that was the very
nary condition in which this question was placed. There t,
been a most marvellous combination of circumstances atten.n.,
mg it. There had been a most unheard-of and unearallelre...
singularity and critical position with respect to all the pare
ties connected with it. The candid judges of its merits, the
open enemies of the measure, and the self-named friends °f
the friends Of
most extraoFdineaxrytrair. dna:
the measure, feel no very cordial attachment to th.
question.--( Hear.)
the measure. There hart been the
catenations of singular, inconsistent, and conflicting elements,
hoped, as triumphant
forming one general, grand, and, as he
anyusptuautedthat a change of Go.
ntain the Go'
naadeuedthat, therefore, the enemies to
rielsieunit
upas hadgut
ae vNerubtal
Noble
ezursdil
I ttahiiewtyas
it concerned, vernment was inevitable, a
ger any
nsutahouyte
alo33uil t
fur
oi t
tvbbootiotat et
hditiznabfsoioe'eesbrfficenewaiotrewuhestsho.aoeomoefn
1.71:
tot! as to what course he ought to pursue
support
much
iking
; andv"nm"t—hs
he gave a lee'
pegorsoonust, wwhhyo
devthsotetenthdeiiiishfe:N(ti:oi it''
when he would o a lecture, to be sure,
highly refreshing but he could not
could only say the Bill was lost becatoe
good
distnruy were to did not. But if it were
lure to his NorbelrFnrin
the protectionist Lords, and he had the greatest Friend more. But he did of not agree in this change
the Ministry by any means, and a short time would tell oh°
them,ttßhrthatruereueght Iwaloma us tg)hahe h e did not agree with them in all their
was the best prophet. There mopeiontban
were no more honest tor
nor did he agree with them on this question of the Corn 1°.%
t otfi
But there.on was some advice given by the Noble Marquisthe
toßtil!'
aupyathrtiyn,gasnud gfuivuelnasina tuhuealsittriuoungewsitthmtehnenepra—rtnyowt
b.%)
were opposed to the Minister. He would tell the Noble Lord
there was no danger of any such thing. Well, then, his jeobl°
Friends showed a kind of disinclination to any change taking
place. If they did not wish it Why did they not postpone t. e
slier prece=ding with this Bill, and offer it every oppose. emus
they could have done in its other stages ? If they wet') Peers
observers, vers, they would have noticed what was going on in othest:
places. Aleetings were held for the purpose of evincing a
cordial and candid feeling of gratitude for the great servief°
rendered by the Minister, and fer the purpose of aiding him in
his difficulties, and prevent any factious opposition being
offered to him. He (Lord Brougham) took it, that the
object of that meeting was for preventing any coalition betwe
the enemies of the measure and those persons whose only..
object was to turn out the Government. He therefore consird
dared that, as the Government would not go out, the' avnul
have the votes of those persons whom his Noble Friend had en'
deavoured to gain over to his side. He also, considered
e
it right to assure them, that if they adopted Pe
amendment, the Bill was lost, for it would be morally throWINS
out the measure, and defeating their own vmte, by which tihefoy
decided it was necessary to read the Bill a
second time, and
go into Committee upon it. He therefore called 0100 the
sololde Lords to reject the amendment.
Lord STANLEY considered that when his Noble Friend
commenced his observations, he said that for two hours be ad
bad
been listening to a discussion, of which "not the whole, nor the
ieed.
greater part, nor the major part, nor a large portion, nor ill ,e
point at 1%
any portion tqatavair, had ben diract..4 to the