The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-02 00:00:00

mit him to read a letter frqm the Hon. Member without an y
comment:—

" House of Commons Prison,
"May 1, 1846.
"My dear Roche,—l shall feel much obliged if you will
explain to the House, this evening, that you were under a
misconception when you stated yesterday that I complained
that no opportunity had been afforded to me of speaking in my
own defence.
" On the contrary, I 'cheerfully acknowledge that such an
opportunity was offered, and that I declined to avail myself
of it.

" I was very anxious to have spoken yesterday, because I do
st
not think my case was fairly stated to the House by the Chair-
:rens
toof
tthhee Ccoormiitttteeee, of
as Selection.
atiog
the I
groundsreferred otpooomywhliecth-
I had refused to serve upon Committees on Scotch and English
railway Bills. If those letters had been read in extenso I
should have been contented to abide the opinion of the House
upon them, but the Chairman of the Committee of Selection
read only such portions of them as tended to produce an im-
pression on the House unfavourable to my conduct.
" I wish it also to be known, that until the closing sentence
of Mr. Estcourt's speech reached me, I did not knew what
was the nature of the motion which he intended to submit ;
so that I was unprepared to form an opinion as to the course
which it would be most advisable for me to adopt. I did not
know whether I was to be imprisoned or reprimanded, or
whether a Committee might not be appointed to take the case
into consideration before any final motion should be proposed
to the House. As mine is a new ease arising out of resolu-
tions adopted without notice, without discussion, riot
founded on long-established practice, not supported
by any authority derived from statute or from prescr;p-
tion, it seemed to me that the appointment
of a Committee to deliberate upon the subject, was not only
the wisest and most natural mode of dealing with the case,
but also that which would have been most conformable
to former precedents. I need not say that my de-
cision with respect to the propriety of addressing the House
on my owe behalf; or of remaining silent, might have
been affected by a knowledge of the motion which was to be
proposed to the House. Undoubtedly, if I had foreseen that
my views would have been so much misrepresented in debate as
they have been, I should not have declined to state them fully
to the House.

" In all proceedings in Parliament it is customary to give
due notice to the parties affected by such proceedings--such
notice, therefore, may be considered as a 'right' rather than
as a courtesy.' With reference to the preliminary motion
made on Monday night, I was left in such entire ignorance
of the terms of that motion, that I absolutely mistook the
question when put from the chair, and imagined that it was an
order to attend the House on Tuesday, whereas I afterwards
learned that it was an order to attend the Committee.
"On last Friday I stated to *Mr. Estcourt, in private, that I
should feel much obliged to him if he would intimate to me the
terms of the motion which he intended to make in reference to
my case, as soon as his own determination was formed. I sub-
sequently received no communication from him.
" I do not wish yeu to reveal to the House what an Irish-
man thinks of such a mode of proceeding. Suffering from the
injustice of the British House of Commons, I expect nothing
from its generosity.
" I shall make no further appeal to the House. Yesterday
I was extremely anxious to have been allowed to speak on my
own behalf before my committal to prison as a culprit. I shall
not again condescend to solicit even this trifling favour.
"In concluding, I beg most anxiously and earnestly to re-
quest you to inform the House that 1 am no party to any
motion for my disdiarge.

" I remain, my dear Roche, very sincerely yours,
" WILLIAM S. O'BRIEN,

" E. B. Roche, Esq., M.P."
SOUTH NOTTINGHAMSHIRE ELECTION.
Mr. GISBORNE wished to ask the Hon. Member for
South Nottinghamshire, whether a correspondence, which had
appeared in the local and London newspapers between T. B.
Hildyard, Esq., Al. P., and T. Herbert, Esq., mayor of Not-
tingham, relating to the late election in South Nottingham-
shire, was authentic ? and, in case the answer should
be in the affirmative, whether the Honourable Mem-
ber was now prepared to prove that the free
trade committee at Nottingham, for promoting Lord Lincoln's
election, offered 23/. to two voters, who had promised their
votes to the Honourable Member, in ease they would vote for
Lord Lincoln.
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN rose to a point of order, He
wished to know whether it was incumbent upon his Honour-
able F: it rid to answer such questions ?—( Hear.)
The SPEAKER replied that the Hon. Member ter Not-
tinghamshire must exercise his own discretion, but according
to the practice of the House it was customary for Hon. Mem-
bers to answer questions that were continually put to them,
whether those questions related to the business of the House
or not.
Mr. GISBORNE made some observations which were
scarcely audible in the gallery. He was understood, how-
ever, to say that it was a fit subject for that House to in-
quire into, and as the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Hildyard) had
made the statement in question, he thought that the House
should give him an opportunity of affirming or denying it. It
the Hnn. Member would affirm it, he would move for a Select
Committee to give him an opportunity of proving the state-
ment. He thought that the Hon. Member had no reason to
complain about his being asked such a question, as he had given
two days' notice of his intention to ask it.
The subject then dropped.
MR. SMITH O'BRIEN.
Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that he would postpone hi:
motion relative to the discharge of Mr. Smith O'Brien from
the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms till Honda? next.
CONSUMPTION OF SMOKE.
Sir. J. GRAHAM, in reply to a question from Mr. Peter
Borthwick, said that it was not the intention of the Government
to introduce any measure this session with regard to the con-
runiption of smoke. He had entertained great apprehensions
last session as to the working of the plans which had been
adopted for that purpose, and far from these apprehensions
being now removed, they were more and more confirmed.
ADJOURNED DEBATE.
On the motion that the order of the day, the Protection to
Life (Ireland) Bill, be read,
Mr. P. SOMERS rose and proceeded to address the House,
but in consequence of the law tone in which he spoke,
and the confusion that prevailed at the bar of the
House, he was for some time utterly inaudible.
It must be evident to the Right Honourable Baronet
that it was not by such a Bill as the present the
state of Ireland was to be altered. Let the Government,
instead of persisting in this odious measure, introduce some
measure for the purpose of giving greater security to the
tenant, the improvement of waste lands, and such other remedial
measures, and they would produce more peace in Ireland than a
constabulary force ten times greater than the present could de.
The distress in Ireland had been denied. The existence of the
potato failure had been eorsidered an exaggeration. Gentle-
men could, with an easy self-indulgence, pursue their specu-
lations, and theorise ; but nothing real or substantial was the
result. Ireland was still left to drag nut a miserable existence,
through misrule. Neither he nor the Irish Members could
approve of the spirit of the measure.
Mr. M. O'CONNELL did not intend to follow the example
which had just been set of introducing matter which was quite
irrelevant to the purpose. He thought sufficient had al-
ready been said on that topic, and he believed that suffi-
cient matter already remained for another debate of
equal length with that which had already transpired. He had
certainly been much struck at the moment by the stateraent
of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government,
respecting the state of Ireland now arid what it had been in
former years. The Right Hon. Baronet compared the state
of Ireland in 1843 with its present condition, and had asked
whether there were any measures taken at all for the repression
of crime during that period. Now, any one would suppore
from such an inquiry as that, that during the last two yea's
the Government had done absolutely nothing. But %hat
had been the case with regard to Ireland since 1843? F.er
his part, he might ask whether the Government had been by
any means idle during that period ? Why, they had dismissed
as many as twenty-two magistrates, and on application from
the country, the replies from Dublin had confirmed
the replies of the authorities. This was their first step.
What had been the course of the Government during the last
few years? Their first step was to pass that most ridiculous el
all measures—the Arms Act, while there still existed an effect ive
Bill of the same kind. Their next step was to issue a prod t-
mation against the Clontarf meeting, then to prosecute the
leaders of the Repeal Association; next to imprison therm
most unjustly, and now they were going to pass this
most obnoxious and unnecessary measure.—(Hear, hear.)
They had carried all these measures intd effect, as far as they
were able to carry them, and what was the result ? By their
dismissal of the magistrates they had added numbers to the
ranks of repeal, and had taken away from the bench those pet-
Mil in whom the people had confidence, and to whom they
would have come, and were in the habit of coming with infor-
mation, and left those persons who seemed to be opposed to the
interests of the people. By the Arms Act—as he had said—.
they established the fact that there were in the hands of tLe
peasantry of Ireland, on the very first registry, 90,000 stand oe
arms. These arms were in part taken away, and if the number
of robberies of arms in Ireland were increased, they might
thank themselves for the increase. Having passed all these
measures, were they to be surprised that the people against
whom those measures were levelled should have some contempt
for a Government who had brought forward measures of such
i inutility? Could they for a moment imagine that repeated
wmaefrassadlu:l
ell
asking stillth they
more
powersahad
importantprogeo 1
end reiterated failure in all these measures' had not inspired
tt.1.1,e e!eo.plethwriothugthhe? belrirehfeythaht:eteGatoevnertnhmemenset
lmveusstocnonetivneurye
ymeodnde,asures? Had it not been the
andthe theyl _4onfowittncrat,sseheaforro-
same all
:re -to e people of
IrelandW h a What d
towardsid they
thethink r i s
hw oriulledmh be e
L., theif f
theye el ieni
thew t h
causereg a rhdantelfhlyt
eon
hat
pchlpherdraeec
Courts
sba n:tryiuondruont?Rfs
hncortfa Itt
liehnawnoweai
irtscehasni
ennioidnnt,
trust with such powers a Government which hadetroeeentteireeiry
merely bungled i
ni n
theireve r
y efforts measure
in
that they had failed, but it was in every effort which they had
brCheealnarnitdma,halaketinßtgheeganyteesrrtyescßomniolclmi,l
tieanntiotrenwg.
uhleanit e'
equity had declared that the Catholics were free to exercise
their power in that respect, just as they pleased. When all the
old sytem of restriction was gone, they brought forward this
seteasure, restricting and confining them again. The promises
which were given in 1835, for the purpose of inducing them to
give up the repeal agitation, had never been fulfilled. F m
the meemen; the present Government had come into office,till
the prey ent time, nothing had been done
a single h-rieeanze under which the Irish
to remove
people la-
boured ; ana as fir as could be judged by their
intentions, nothing ss'entiel be done. What W 39 the presentstatof
Ireland since the prezen'!:
by,
Government Came into office, and
since the Marquis of NonnaCh
who was justly considered one
of the best Englishmen that O're'"
governed in Ireland, had
ceased to rule in that country? 61,tr:ages had been on the in
crease, and the social condition of thsi country was becoming
more disorganised. What was the re..study propsed for this
- state of things novo ? They proposed the
.7•0
erciun Rill, which
had been tried over and over again, but select, ;'_,ad never yet
, in any one instance succeeded in suppressing tinhee outrages
against which it was directed. That was the Duly
panacea which was proposed for the evils welt..
were partly created by themselves.—(Hear, hear. )
The county of Clare was more disturbed than any county in
Ireland. 11e remembered the county of Clare when every
gentleman's house was a garrison. Whenever you went up to
a door you were challenged, the same as a military station.
They had shells and balls prepared, and stones piled upon the
window-sills, to repel an assailant. And this was the case in
that county for three or four years. The cause of the insur-
rection was the same as that of the insurrection now—namely,
the want of the potato crop. Several attempts had been made
to put down this disturbance, but without effect, until it was
proposed that they should give up their arms. He mentioned
this, because it included the case of Bryan Seery. Many gen.

lemen had interested themselves in this case, and an endea-
vour was made to induce the people to give up their arms.
The Lord-Lieutenant—the Marquis of Anglesey—had been
applied to, to give permission for the reception of the arms,
but he declined. The
.insurrectionists then stated that they
would deliver their arms if the party who had not been ex-
pressly engaged in the offence were allowed to go free. This
was agreed to, and what was the consequence? Why, not
less than 500 stand of arms was delivered up in one night to
the Hon. Member for Cork, who went down to receive them.
And how many people did they think these arms were taken
from ? Not more than forty-five individuals, after whom, during
those three years, not less than between 5,000 and 6,000 military,
and between 2,000 and 3,000 police had been in constant pursuit.
Some of these men stated, that if the gentry had resisted
them, the disturbances would never be at an end, and he be-
lieved in the present instance that had the gentry of the dis-
turbed districts shown front against those who were organ-
ising the disturbances, instead of calling for Coercion Bills,
their counties would have been resorted to peace. Thanking
the House for the indulgence they had shown him, he concluded
by declaring his intention of continuing his most decided op-
position to this measure.
Mr. COLQUHOUN wished to state in a few words the
grounds for his vote on the present occasion. He thought the
description given by the Hon. Member for Meath, of the state of
Ireland was, if there were no other, a sufficient justification fur
their passing this measure. The Hen. Member described the
state of the country in a remarkably emphatic word. He de-
scribed certain counties as being in a state of insurrection.
Mr. MORRIS O'CONNELL—Agrarian insurrection.
Mr. COLQUHOUN—WeII, in a state of agrarian insurrec-
tion ; and how had the Hon. Member described a particular
county while on a former occasion it was in this condition ?
Why, he told them that houses had to be barricaded, and pass-
words given before a gentleman's house could be approached,
and then he went on to tell them, that in certain districts there
existed this agrarian insurrection. Now, could the Govern-
ment urge a stronger reason than this for the House passing
the Bill ?—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.) Hon. Gentlemen
might say that threatening letters were nothing; but when
those letters were followed by actual deeds, some notice should
be taken of them. Let them look to a recent case, in which,
immediately on the arrival of Lord Orkney at his estate, his
steward, a man of estimable character, was shot at in open day.
This case was not solitary. A landlord could not attempt to
remove a tenant, even from one farm to another, without fear of
attack. The case of Lord Orkney's steward was a most flagrant
one. The murderous act was committed in front of the steward's
house in the broad daylight. They took out the unfortunate
man and placed him upon his knees in the presence of twenty
persons, and they tell him he must say his prayers as his days
were numbered ; and when the non-resident landlord, 'after
visiting his Irish estates, returned from his morning excursions
among his tenantry, whom he wished to serve, he found the
front of the house stained with the blood of the murdered man.
He found not a single individual would give evidence of the
ferocious crime, and yet Hon. Members had told him (Mr.
Colquhoun) that that was the state of the country which the
people of England and the Legislature ought to tolerate.—
(Cries of " Oh, oh.") Well, then, he was glad to here that
admission, that that state of the country was intolerable, and
which they ought to redress.—( Opposition cheers.) Yes, the
first step which they ought to take was to introduce powerful
measures, but he did not mean to say that they should be coer-
cive as these.—( Opposition cheers.) At all events Hon.
Members opposite admitted that the ordinary law was power-
less.—( Cries of " No, no.") At all events it was a con-
dition of things intolerable, and which they ought not to
overlook, and he earnestly asked for their support to some
effective measures which would put down this state of things.
Well, new, had there been any exaggeration with regard to
the statements made in support of the Bill. They had the
cases of Westmeath and Clare. He had read the papers,
and the statement to which he would refer had been credited
by the name of a most respectable individual ; and the gentle-
man to whom it related, he believed it would be admitted
was a most worthy individual; indeed his worth was proved by
the address he had recently received from his tenants, thank-
ing him for the exertion he had made on their behalf ; and yet
this resident landlord, in the county of Westmeath, had been de-
nounced, whilst in the discharge of his duty to his tenants,
and his life was threatened, and it was in answer to that de-
nunciation that his tenantry had addressed him. He had
stated one case in Westmeath, the cave of Sir Francis Hop-
king. But wculd the House allow him to dispense with these
individual illustrations, becaus it alight be said that they were
calculated to mislead the House. He would take the case of
the county of Westmeath, as a friend of his had sent a return
of the police inspectors of that county, for the last six weeks.
These returns made a full statement of the various outrages for
that period; their total number amounted to 197 cases. It was
stated that many of these uutrages were owing to the severity
of the landlord upon the tenant, but he had consulted
these returns, and found that only 13 of these outrages were
on gentlemen ; 38 of them were connected with the righta of
property ; 88 were connected with laud, but were directed
against farmers, and the gentlemen and stewards who usually
exercised the more severe rights of property did not interfere
at all ; and 38 of those outrages were on labourers without
any reference at all to land. He would not enter into all these
eases, but he would only state, that an attack was wade en
one man, because he was generally disliked, on another be-
cause the aggressor wished to drive him from the country ; a
third wss because the man told stories to his employer ; and
the remainder were various prosecutions for debt, theft, &c.
A considerable cause of these grave acts was the wi.h of the
farmers to tyranni,e in their own districts, and to have their
will executed implicitly—the law of wrong being
placed in defiance of the law of right. —( Hear.) What
they wished to do was to punish others who contravene aod
oppose their law. If the law of the land was riot sufficient to
put down those crimes, the law of the land must Le
strengthened so as to overpower and prevent those crimes.
What could prevent the coneocters of these crimes from meeting
during the day, and committing those crimes they had con-
cocted during the day ? In this Bill increased rewards were
offered for evidence, but these rewards were a perfect delusion.
—(Hear, hear.) Why, the police stations were covered with
rewards, from 101. to 1001., for any person who would come
forward and give evidence. The only provision that could be
made to ensure the attendance of witnesses was to provide for
their safety. The remedy proposed by the Bill would, to some
extent, do good; but he doubted whether it would be attended
with those results which were anticipated. Here was a con-
flict, delaying their discussions and retarding the progress of
the Cern Bill.—( Hear.) Now that conflict might be well
worthy of being carried on if the remedy were equal
to the evil. The measure had been limited to three years;
now was there a man of sane mind in that House who would
tell him that hi three years the peace of Ireland would be re-
stored. He thought the measure detective, because it was not
sufficiently stringent. It did not interfere with those men
who in a district were known by the police and others as dis-
turbers of the districts. Nothing was so bad as giving a blow
which provoked those desperate charaeters, and yet making
that blow so feebly it only gave an advantage to the criminal.
It would be proved in this ease, as in the Arms Bill, that the
remedy was not equal to the evil.
Mr. HAWES explained that all his statistical statements
were exclusively derived from the documents which had been
laid on the table.
Mr. J. O'BRIEN objected to the measure, because he was
convinced that it would tail in the object for which it was in-
tended. He felt sure the result of the measure would
cause life to be much more precarious than it
was at present. ( Hear, hear.) He asked what
impunity could be expected when whole families were turned
out of their holdings on to the high road, and were left to seek
shelter in the bogs or churchyards, and to die in ditches. Can
peace or tranquillity be expected hile that state of things was
allowed to exist. Coercion Bills were of no use, and would
only tend to increase crime in the country. He would tell the
House an anecdote that would tend to illustrate the effects of a
measure similar to the present. He recollected the time which
was when the country was under what was called Algerine
law. A farmer held a large quantity of land, and was careful
to avoid the least opportunity of giving offence to the law. A
neighbouring clergyman, however, had a great antipathy to the
man, because he was a Roman Catholic, and sought every
means to ruin him. What did he do P Why, he brought a
sergeant's guard down to his house, under the pretence of
searching it for arms, and while there, he concealed some
powder and balls. The sergeant was then ordered to take the
farmer into custody for the supposed Whiteboy act. On the
trial, the sergeant, who was a Scotchman, in reply to the
question whether he found any ammunition in the house, re-
plied that he did not know, but his Honour who was on the
Bench knew all about it, as he saw him put the powder there.
The magistrate, when asked, admitted the charge, and said
that the man was a desperate character, and he knew no other
means of causin g him to be removed from the neighbourhood.
That man was a reverend, an honourable, and a magistrate ;
he was a priest of the Established Church, and a Lord's
brother. He would not, however, mention his name, as two
years after the occurrence he (Mr. J. O'Brien) men-
tioned had occurred, he was compelled t o leave the
country, and he believed that he was now dead.
Such was the set I, the people of Ireland had bee treated If
this system of c:learance went on the whole country would be
in a blaze. He was also certain that if this Coercion Bill
was passed, before twelvemonths, instead of having five coun-
ties in a state of disturbance, they would have fifteen.—( Hear,
hear.) It was a . dangerous and most impolitic measure. For
these reasons ho would vote against the first reading of the Bill.
Mr. BELLE W said he was as anxious about the progress of
the Coercion Bill as any Hon. Member. But it must be kept
in view that the .Irish Members had not been to blame in de-
'eying that measure, having been acting on the defensive in
regard to it. N o doubt the Corn Bill was an Irish as well as
English measurt !. He was satisfied that after this night the
Hon. Member for Stockport would have no reason to complain
of the progress o n that question. Still, he must claim for the
Irish Members i he right under the circumstances of inter-
fering with its pr ogress to the extent they had done. He, con-
sidering the char aster of the Coercion Bill, opposed the Bill
on two grounds- First, because it would not be effective in
putting down agrarian outrage ; and, second, because it was
not accompanied with remedial measures. In opposing the
Bill, he attached little importance to the comparison of the
amount of trig ne in Ireland and England, as the great point
Was not the account of crime, but the sympathy with which it
was regarded, and the efficiency of the present Bill to repress
that sympathy and put an end to that crime.—( Hear, hear. )
That the Bill 'would not effect this object, he must refer them
to the fact the t the other day a gentleman in the town of Kil-
lived on
rush had beers shot at in the middle of the day, and no one in-
terfered with 'the assassin. No curfew law could affect such
crimes as the se.—(Hear, hear.) Neither would the Bill be
effective in pt •otecting witnesses and securing proper evidence
in courts of jus Lice, of which so much had been said. In fact,
Itohpeu lsaot
0.. ion
In
nf
England
n g Ireland.land t h
nTs
eh They
but one
no measure of this kind could be effective in the present state
f the
unlike E '
°Zane I, seven eights of the inhabitants of Ireland
half. soli
also, the proprietors were much smaller, and
the tenants ()co spied much lessportions of land. One-half of
yn
tmheusl.tandeown'erideebr
all the farms Isere under five acres each, and it had been
shown that th e great body of these tenants were without skill
erercapital, an d lived in miserable cabins. (The Hon. Mem-
tbhalciere read an extract from the evidence of a Roman Ca-
tholic
clergyee an, showing the miserable state of the great
tinily,: the ag wicultural population in Ireland.) Such (con •
with the Ho,', . Member) was the state of the inhabitants
regard to t heir condition. Now, with respect to the
evictions that h
-ad taken place. Not less than 150,000 notices
of eviction, hail been served during the last five years. The
Hon. Member lit re read an extract from the report of Lord
Devon's
Corn ssion on this head, showing the extensive
system of evictlx a that had been carried out. This was the
condition of Irels nd—a disgrace to England for allowing it to
continue as it was . The power and influence of England was
known throughoa t the world, and co-existent with it was the
knowledge of ill e degradation of Ireland. It might be
said there were fat eat difficulties in meeting the case, but he
would tell the
.Right Hon. Baronet, no great achievement was
teyer yet acetify shed without encountering difficulty. Let
c*im.s‘et manfull sod energetically to work, and success would
e rtain.—(h t•ar, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet was
Viando s
d to -
on em: +thing to meet the state of Ireland. In theappoint-
g Devon C Iz-omission, and in what had been done in the
'eindlord and Tet. `ant Commission, he had given a pledge that
some 1,,.:ns would ; ?e taken to relieve the distress of Ireland.
In this .sest.'eet the resent Government differed with their pre-
decessors, lei they. /lasi said they could do nothing.—( Hear,
hear.) 'l:hn Hon. Baronet, then, was the last man who
should get up ti.j, that the landlords of Ireland ought to
meet the case thtac helves. He (Ms. Buller) admitted the
landlords of Ireland i 'sd not done their duty ; still, after the
issuing of the Lasidlor ausi Tenants Cotniniaiints, the Right
Hon. Baronet was bour dto bring forward some of the measures
which the members o I that Commission had recommended.
He maintained that it was perfectly consistent to oppose this
measure, because no ben, fcial measure wet connected with it,

The Irish Member endeavoured to benefit Ireland in many
ways, but they had been prevented in many ways. He would
support their Bill as cordially as any Member in that House, if
he thought it would effect the object it had in view, or was
accompanied by any other measure, but as it was, he felt it to
be his painful duty to oppose it.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, that although the
present subject must be nearly worn out, yet, in the position in
which he stood, he was expected to make a few observations on
it. He had to regret the very unusual course which had been
adopted in opposing the first reading of the Bill ; but, as the
Members who opposed it, were interested for their country,
he did not blame them for their opposition, but hoped that the
future stages of the Bill, if the House should by a majority declare
itself in its favour, would be less marked by opposition. He
deeply regretted the language that had been adopted by one
Hon. Member, and hoped that the feeling which that lan-
guage conveyed was not general among his countrymen in
that House. The Hen. Member for Limerick had stated that
he felt it to be the duty of the Members for Ireland to oppose
the first reading of the Bill with all their power, and by all
means which Parliamentary usages afforded. He trusted that
such an expression was inadvertent, and if it were not, he hoped
that the Hon. Members to whom it was addressed would not
listen to or act on it, and give any unusual opposition to the
Present measure at the commencement of the debate on this
question, which seemed so remote, that he could hardly believe
that it belonged to the present discussion. The Hon. Member
for the city of London had found fault with his
(the Attorney-General's) Right Hon. Friend Sir J. Graham,
for having, in the very temperate speech in which he opened
this case to the House, omitted one very important point in
the measure. He complained that in a former measure, which
had been passed, it was accompanied by remedial measures,
but in the present measure no such remedial measures were
adopted, and that formed a grand point of objection to the
present measure. Was not the House aware that in Ireland,
where a sympathy existed in favour of the criminals, that they
were emboldened and encouraged by that sympathy, and was it
not for the Government at once to adopt such measures as
would remove such a state of things? His Hon. Friend,
the Member for Newcastle-under-Line, gave the House
a long list of outrages committed in the open day,
and stated that not one single person would come
forward to give evidence against them. Under those circum-
stances he (the Attorney-General) would like to know how
his Hon. Friend would carry into execution his plan of seizing
these men and imprisoning them, when he admitted the
existence of an evil which would prevent such a course. The
Hon. Member had also asked whether the present measure
would drive people from combination by night and combi-
nation by day—he hoped that by an extended police, and an
increased amount of vigilance, this evil would be prevented.
He was rather surprised to hear the Noble Lord the Member
for the city of London, complain of the indiscriminate nature
of this law, and still more surprised to hear him recommend
the Act called the Black Act, which was framed to punish a
series of outrages committed in Waltham Forest by persons in
disguise. The Noble Lord did not remember that the Black
Act was a measure of punishment and not of prevention, and
that in the majority of these outrages in Ire-
land, the disguise which was necessary for a con-
viction under that Act was totally wanting. In
Ireland at the present moment there were families
who were living in every sense of security, and were not con-
scious of having offended any one, exposed to the sentence of
death, which was only conveyed to them by a written message.
It was natural that endeavour, should be made to prevent this
state of things, and that a restraint upon liberty should be the
consequence of measures taken for that purpose. In the dis-
tricts in which these outrages prevailed there was hardly any
thing like liberty, for all security and all freedom of action
were gone. Although the measure might have the effect of
producing some inconvenience in the proclaimed district, yet
he could not believe that the orderly, peaceable, and well dis-
posed could' have any real objection to it.—(Hear, hear.) He
could, without unnecessarily carrying back the House to dis-
tant periods, show the House that the principle of this Bill was
by no means novel, but was acknowledged by the early
statute law of the country. In the reign of
Edward the Third, the inhabitants of particular parts cf the
country were made liable for lawless acts and robberies com-
mitted in their districts; and in the subsequent reign of Eliza-
beth the same principle was carried out in the Hue and Cry
Act. This was, he thought, sufficient to refute the statement
of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork, that they were ap-
plying a new law to Ireland which had never been tried in this
country. It was objected by some Hon. Members that the
Bill was intendeu as a stigma upon certain classes in Ireland,
but he need only refer them, in answer to this objection, to
the statement of his Right Hon. Friend, that it was in no way
directed against any class or party, but. really and truly intended
to suppress that dreadful thirst for murder and bloodshed which
unfortunately prevailed to so alarming an extent in the sister
kingdom. This being the object, then, of the measure, those
who urged this objection against it ought rather to join with
the Government in attempting to put down this terrible spirit.
—( Hear, hear.) It would have heen impossible for them
to sit quietly looking on with their arms folded
without taking some steps to put down this thirst
for murder, but nevertheless this measure was not introduced
till after it had undergone the most careful and attentive con-
sideration.---( Hear, hear.) With every good and kindly feel-
ing for Ireland, then, he did hope most sincerely that it would
have the effect of restoring tranquillity and pace, wi:hout
which it was impossible the country could prosper, and at the
same time prepare the people and soil for those seeds of im-
provement which Government were prepared to scatter
amongst them with a free and bountiful hand.— (Cheers.)
Mr. H. GRATTAN admitted that all outrages of a law-
less and murderous character ought to be put down, not only
in Ireland but wherever they happened to be perpetrated, but
he questioned whether the Government were taking the proper
steps for effecting this prupose. The Honourable and Learned
Gentleman who had just sat down was wrong when he said
Government could not sit looking quietly on with their arms
folded during six months, while these outrages were
being perpetrated. They did not stir a step
to suppress them. And what he complained of was,
not so much of their endeavouring to restore peace
and tranquillity in Ireland, as of the delay they had allowed
to take place before making the effort to effect that object.—
( Hear, hear.) Many of the evils complained of he could
trace to the landlords themselves, and the landlord and tenant
system, which had so long disgraced, and convulsed Ireland ;
and Government might depend upon it, an improvement di-
rected that way would produce more peace and tranquillity
than a thousand Coercion Bills,— ( Hear, hear.) He denied
that the Irish party had formed a compact with the protec-
tionists ; and trusted, after this denial, they would not lose a
single vote of any Hon. Member on their own side of the
House, in resisting what they considered an unjust and tyran-
nical measure.—( Hear, hear.) Would the House believe it
that in one of the parts of the country, that was, in not more
than three baronies, there were, he believed, 174 magistrates,
32 deputy-lieutenants, and 4 of the heads of the Government,
making an army of upwards of 220 men, and, with the assist-
ance of the police, that army was increased to 600 men. A
Noble Lord, whom Le did not then see in his place, had gone
back to the history of Ireland, to show the state of that country
in the year 1737. Now he would not go so far back as
that, he would refer to the year 1807, in which year two
coercive Acts were passed against that country. Those Acts he
remembered well. He believed that Lord Monteagle had said
in his speech in the House of Lords that those Acts were
more stringent than the present measure, but he did not
agree with his Lordship. Cases occurred in the county of Tip-
perary in the year 1808, when those Acts were passed, which
were very similar to those that were now enacted in 1846.
Shepherds were abruptly discharged from their employ, and
the labouring classes combined together for the purpose of pre-
venting the intrusion of labourers from distant places ; and to
destroy the effect of that and similar combinations those coer-
cive
had H
he; wouldengiven
vaesnk ,
by had
the
witnesses
th e Ministers
a at
followed
Lord Devon's Commission for the removal of the evils with
measures
the
advice passed.
which Ireland was at present afflicted ?—( Hear, hear.) Their
werethatsystem only tended to produce police'spies and informers, and
the lowest characters. Instead of attending to the wants of
the people, they had created an army of 10,090 police.
The Noble Lord Donoughmore was not afraid of doing his
duty to his Irish tenants, and he had not asked for any such
Bill as the present, because he knew it would not effect its aim.
That Noble Lord was a popular character, and lie believed that
t
uss)e.dl
alldefiohinmee
completely
wlerea,atread but
letie
byaturhta. hises)at
strongest.
portiontaurLnon ednd gaoetthts
he had not a shutter to his house. Himself and his family
went about the country without the slightest fear, and they
itoi.eefmirtg.hl
at
neadll guineasddas r
pursue
rresrauici
crime
that were never molested by the tenantry. And why was that so ?
e
Because he gave something more to the poor fellow that toiled
Heßuwtouhledwaosukldthdeo
similar conduct. He flung back in the teeth of the utterers
dy(oßeeni Because
cierhdasai
decided
hdleeehs
wets ahahhtreooe.
the libel that Ireland was nothing but a land of assassination.
that had been committed in this country within the last few
no such thing. He would grapple with the Bill and with
the Right Honourable Baronet opposite until the House
Right Hon. Baronet this—how many countries were at present
in the deplorable state described by him
y in introducing this
Bill? It would appear thatthere wove only five out of thirty-
two. And did the Right Hon. Baronet hof baronies in those five counties that mweenrteun.nn ta ed
ins
tuumr
bbee
state ? Why, there were twelve baronies in Limerick, and yet
it would appear from the reports that only three out of those
were in a state of disturbance. In the county of Clare, there
were sine baronies and only two disturbed; in the
county of
Westmeath there were but three of the baronies in
that condition ; in the county of Cavan one; and
in Meath three, which made a total of fifteen.
And would they feel themselves justified in depriving the
people of Ireland of their liberties because fifteen baronies
out of five counties happened to be in a disturbed state? If
they did, what inducement would they give to the honest and
industrious to observe the laws of their country? Let them
adopt just measures, and hang those that talked of fear that
the peasantry would not obey the laws. He would ask the
Right Hon. Baronet how many of the gentlemen who had
been referred to in Ireland for ther opinion as to this measure,
had recommended its adoption ? A few of those gentlemen
—namely, Gen. Johnson, Gen. Egerton, Col. Burke, Major
Warburton, Major Wilcox, and others, he was well acquainted
with. These gentlemen, including Mr. Blackburn, Serg. How-
ley, the Clerks of the Peace and others had unanimously stated
that they were not in favour of this Bill. On the contrary they
had expressed themselves as decidedly opposed to it. And first
of all he would quote the opinion of Mr. Sergeant Howley,
an individual who was beyond all cavil.--( Hear, hear.) Ser-
geant Howley said, whilst he was in the very county of Tip-
perary, " I do believe that a large amount of the present
violence and outrage is traceable to the low physical condition
of the people."—(Hear, hear.) That was the opinion of
Sergeant Howley, when he was trying a number of unfortu-
nate individuals for the commission of offences brought
about by the harsh conduct of their landlords.—
( Hear, hear.) He also said that they were deprived
of the necessary amount of employment—that they lived
on a food that was the lowest in the scale of human con

gumption, even of which they haa not sufficient—that they
were ill-clad—they lived in houses that scarcely deserved
nasne.—( Hear, hear.) Such being the condition of the large
amount of the population of Ireland, he ask how could it be
expected that that people could be either orderly or tranquil ?
Sergeant Howley had further delivered himself of words, the
seditious character of which had never yet been equalled by
the greatest agitators that had yet appeared on behalf of Ire-
land, not excepting even the lion. and Learned Member for
Cork, and the Hon. Member for Limerick, whose " pale and
ineffectual fire" had been far outshone by the language of that
learned individual. And it was yet the language that had been
uttered by one of her Majesty's judges, who had said that the
lowest animals would not endure to be starved, and much less
could it be expected that man could suffer to be starved to
death. Major Wilcox, in his reply to the Right Hon. Baro-
net's inquiries, had said that " he was of opinion that the pea-
santry of Ireland 'could never be peaceable whilst they were in
a state of starvation and oppression." He had stated too that
" the present measure would sever all connexion between land.
lord and tenant." - Mr. Blackwell had said that recently, in
his own neighbourhood, one landlord had ejected 40
families, another 50, another 20, another 20, another
3, another 60, another 19, another 55, and another
31, In Tipperary also 86, 96, 95, 76, 28, and 97
several families had been severally ejected. No less than 230
families, including 1,200 individuals, had been turned out, and
those poor creatures were wandering about the country; and
to put the climax to all this, he was sorry to see that two indi-
duals who lived in his own county, Mr. and Mrs. Gerard, had
recently ejected 27t individuals from the lands, to fatten bul-
locks upon it. Would such a state of things be tolerated in
any other country than Ireland ? When the Right Hon. Baro-
net brought forward this Bill, which had been called for by
moderate men, nobody could doubt that the Noble Lord had
committed a grievous mistake, because, when the Noble

Lord had stated that crime had increased, he must
have been ignorant of the contents of the Blue Book,
that had been placed upon the table of the House immediately
afterwards; that within the last ten years there had been a de-
crease of no less than 10,000 in the amount of crimes. In
the year 1835 there were 36,300, and in the last year there had
been but 16,000. Now, when the Right Hon. Baronet oppo-
site attempted, on the introduction of this measure, to paint
an Irish picture, unfortunately, all the colours that he
used were dark ; and he thought that the Right Hon.
Baronet might hereafter be called the Salvator Rosa of the
Treasury bench ; nay, he even made use of all the dark
horrors of that artist, without introducing any of his
light colours.—( Hear, and laughter.) He would now draw
attention to another important point. He saw by the return
made to Government, that in one year no less than 3,538 Bills
had been ignored by the grand juries of Ireland, and 2,089
prosecutions had been withdrawn. Would such a state of
things be permitted in England ? Would they permit 5,638 to
be unjustly charged, arrested, and imprisoned, and then let out
without trial ? And yet-Hon. Gentlemen stood up, and boast--
fully said that crime in Ireland had increased to such an alarm-
ing extent, as to call for the suspension of the constitution.
Government were misinformed by the police—they maligned
the people of the country, and the result was that such Bills
as these were passed by that House for Ireland. Government
ought•not to leave the people of Ireland in the hands of such
persons as these. The Hon. Member proceeded to refer to a
number of cases of misconduct of the police-officers and spies
of Ireland. In one instance the police had concealed some
arms in a poor woman's house; they then went to the in-
former, brought him to the spot, and they took
away the arms, and concealed them a second time,
and then had the audacity to claim the rewards
of the Government for the discovery of arms they had twice
concealed documents of the Ribbon Society had been put in
the pockets of persons, and they were then prosecuted by these
spies and perambulatory police, for the purpose of obtaining the
reward of their diabolical treachery. He hoped Government
did not allow the money, wrung so hardly from the people of
this country, to be expended in this manner. If the laws were
not properly administered let them live in a state of primeval
originalty. Leave them to themselves, and they would soon
send those assassins to the right about.—( Hear, hear.) Never
was a more unjust charge made against any people than had
been made in the course of the debate, that the Irish people
shielded the assassin from justice. The Hon. Member for
Pomfret, who had belonged to the New England school, had
called this measure a mere police regulation. He did not
agree with his Hion. Friend's New England doctrines—he
preferred the Old England constitution, and he hoped that
the Honourable Member would soon have to leave
Pomfret, in dire disgrace, with his New England theories.
Mr. W. COLLETT considered that the infusion of capital
in Ireland would not remove the disposition to commit outrage,
and prevent crime. He would state a few facts to the House,
and in doing so he would not be accused of egot ism. In 1838,
after having visited the four quarters of the globe, he pro-
ceeded to Ireland, which he found in a very bad state. He
thought that capital being introduced there might effect some
good, and he therefore chose that part of Ireland as the very
best adapted to prove the experiment—the wilds of Tipperary.
He employed eight hundred men in some mines there, and in-
vested 50,0001. In carrying out his projects, he had no consi-
deration for religion or politics, he employed all equally, and he
chose six gentlemen to superintend the works, three Catholics
and three Protestants ; two of whom had been murdered, and
not on any pretence of harsh usage or difference as connected
with land. The first of them was murdered in a very barbarous
manner, by having a stone thrown on his back, of which he
lingered for some time before he died. There was another, a
Roman Catholic steward, a very bold man, who said that
if they chose to attack him, let them do it in the day,
This steward was shot at and missed. He was shot at again
and struck in the side. The assassin was afterwards appre-
hended, tried, and punished for the offence, but the un-
fortunate steward has since been obliged to be under the pro-
tection of the police. These outrages proved the necessity
for such a Bill at the present. If they could only exterminate
these armed assassins—and the number of them was not very
great—peace and tranquillity would be restored. He believed
that he himself would be shut at for so small a consideration as
a bottle of whiskey.—( Cries of "Ohl oh 1") While this sys-
tem of outrage was going on he thought it high time that life
should be protected, and they were not asking too much power
in trying to pass the Bill. If this Bill were
passed he would guarantee that the system of outrage
would receive a check, and the country would be
restored to a state of tranquillity. The police in Ireland
were a fine, efficient body of men, well organised, and well
adapted, from their local knowledge, for the state of things
which existed there. For his own part, he could say that, as
far as he was concerned, he would have the satisfaction of
having done his duty to his tenants, though he might fail in
producing the results which he desired. He wished the Bill
to be brought into operation at once, and if it was, a new state
of things would shortly arise, and Tipperary would become
—what it was not at present—a habitable country. The con-
duct of the Government throughout the State trials was such
as to excite his warmest respect, and he sincerely hoped that
the same efficiency would characterise their present and future
measures for the peace and amelioration of that unhappy
country, and that they might be able to say of it, as of the
Thames—
" Though deep yet clear; though gentle, yet not dull;
Strong without rage—without o erflowing, full."
Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD said, that in speaking on
the question before the House, he would confine himself, as
nearly as possible, to the amendments proposed by the Hon.
and Learned Member for Cork. He agreed with the Hon.
Member, that instead of outrage being put down by the Go-
vernment measure, it would but promote crime. He felt that
instead of Ireland receiving anything like justice from this
country, there was not a measure brought forward but such as
operated to the interest of the wealthier classes and to the injury
of the poor. They gave a poor-law to Ireland, hut what was
the relief afforded ? It was matter of complaint that
the relief given by the Irish poor-law was not as
liberal as in this country.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.)
He would now conclude by again repeating his assertion that
he had always opposed those Coercion Bills, even when pro-
posed by the Whigs while in office; and, therefore, he could
not be supposed to be influenced by any interested or party
motives in opposing this Bill. If the House should go into
Committee upon it, he would there also oppose it, and he
trusted he would never see it the law of the land.
Mr. FITZ NI AURICE said that, as an Irish Member, he
should say that, in his opinion, many of the crimes committed
in Ireland were owing to the wholesale system of eviction of
tenants, which he should say was a system that was a disgrace
to any civilised country. The Hon. Gentleman then entered
into a detail of various outrages that had occurred within his
own knowledge in Ireland. His own brother had been sub-
jected to them. His brother never visited his estate without
receiving threatening letters of the most violent character. On
one occasion he went down to his property; and on arriving
there he found that one of his tenants was over head and ears
in debt, and had paid no rent. He forgave the man his rent,
and offered him 30/. to go into another and a smaller farm,
when the man declared he was very ill used, and that on the
first time he met his landlord he would settle ac-
counts with him, and every body knew what that meant.
If Ireland wished to be glorious let her be glorious in her in-
dustry, and not notorious in her crime. He very much re-
gretted the statement of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, that
English Members were eareless about the state of 'eland.
He did not think it fair or generous for the Irish Members to
taunt the English people with indifference. He felt bound to
say that one man with a thousand a sear living in Ireland did
more good than another possessing ten thousand a year who re-
sided out of the country. The Hon. Gentleman concluded
by thanking the House for their kind attention to his
statements.
Mr. ROCHE had no doubt whatever that what the Hon.
Gentleman opposite had stated was quite true. He had no
doubt that he was well inclined towards Ireland. In the course
of the present discussion they had not to confine themselves to
the paltry and miserable Coercion Bill—the whole state of the
Irish question was to be canvassed. The condition of the Irish
people was an undoubted stain upon the British pride and
honour.—(Hear.) It laid upon that House to do something
for the Irish nation—that was a result which had been arrived
at after a discussion of six weeks. He believed that no man
now thought that the present condition of Ireland ought to
continue. Every one admitted that Ireland required some
remedy. He must say that he had never listened with so great
a feeling of despondency as he bad done to the speech of the
Right Hon. Baronet opposite on a previous occasion. He did
not think that the Right Hon. Baronet had made
out a case for the Bill. He thought, however,
that he had made out a strong case for the
national party in Ireland. The year of all others in which
agrarian crime was least, and the people more peaceful and
quiet, was in 1843. That was the year in which the Govern-
ment had military possession of the country, and they (the
repealers) had the hearts of the people. It was the repeal
year, and the effects of their government was manifest in the
increased content which was spread among the people. '1 he
Right Hon. Baronet, in dealing with the question, had not
been candid with the House. He went into the statistics of
crime in 1843, 1844, and 1845, but he had not gone into
1846, and had failed in showing that there had been any ma-
terial progressive increase of crime in those years. The Right
Hon. Baronet had referred to the case of Hogan, who was
shot notwithstanding' the vigilance of the police ; but he
had not shown how this crime would have been
avoided had the Coercion Bill been in existence.
He had referred to other cases that were equally inopportune
to support the case. In fact he had been endeavouring to delude
the people of England, in regard to this measure. A great deal
had been said about combination and ribandism, but these he
(Mr. Roche) maintained had been introduced from England,
and could easily be met by the existing law. He said, there-
fore, there had been no case made out for coercion, or for this
illegal and unconstitutional measure. He would tell them the
Bill, as it at present stood, never should pass that House. If
they took it into Committee, on them would be the responsi-
bility of bringing over the Irish Members to oppose its pro-
gress ; and he was sure it never would be carried unless it
was preceded by remedial measures. The sense of the people
of England, out of doors, was against it, and all Ireland, as
well as its representatives, had declared against it. They
talked of the work of the agitators of Ireland, but in
answer to that he would ask, who made the griev.
antes ? England had made these grievances, and these had
made the agitators.---( Hear, hear.) They
had made him an
agitator, and while those grievances existed he would continue
an agitator.—( Hear, hear.) He would ask, who were to
govern Ireland, and how were they to govern it? The Right
Hon. Baronet says, by coercion. The leader of the voting
party says the same thing ; and this was also echoed by the
Noble Lord on the other side (Lord George Bentinck). But
the division list would show who supported coercion, and who
did not; and he would take care that the people of Ireland
should see it. It was said that a kind of coalition existed be-
tween the Noble Lord opposite (Lord George Bentinck) and
his Hon. Friend who was in confinement—( A laugh)—but he
would tell them there could be no coalition with any one that
would vote for the coercion of 141 and. He (Mr. Roche)
complimented that Noble Lord for sentiments that were anything
but coercive on the evening the alleged coalition was suggested.
Having settled that matter, he would again revert to the ques-
tion of coercion. Now, he asked the Right Horn Baronet
why he did not introduce with this Bill some measure for re-
lieving the sufferings of Ireland? Did he listen to the heart.
rending disclosures of the Hon. Member for Cashel ? He
thought he did, for he observed that the statements of the Hon.
Member for Cashel made a great impression upon the Right
lion. Baronet, and he wished to know if the Right Hon Baronet had nothing else but paltry advice to Irish laudlords.
to remove this dismal, this sad and lamentable state of things "?
But, he was asked, what could be done for removing the mire-
ries and for producing peace and tranqedlity for Ireland ?
Well, he would tell them. They must make Itelar d happy
the same way that other countries were made happy,
by llepttyinign
P
them be governed by their own )enle tid their
own countrymen. That was the only
means which couldte'
restore peace and happiness to his unfortunate and misgoverned
country ; and until these means were resorted to, there wouldeni
be moral victories achieved in Ireland.—( Cheer,.) Let them,
however, do justice to that unfortunate country, and their vie:
tory would be more brilliant than any that had been achieved
on the banks of the Sullej.
Capt. LAYARD said, representing an Irish town, he could
not give a silent vote on the present occasion. He could pre-
diet
most confidently that this Bill, to which he intended to
give his decided opposition, would prove a failue. This was
the eighteenth time a coercive Bill had been resorted to for
Ireland. It had always failed, and this instance, the House
might rely upon it, would prove no exception to the rule. If
Government wished to remove agitation and the cry for repeal
in Ireland, let them do justice to the people and the coun-
try. They had now an excellent opportunity of doing
this, and improving the condition of the people, b 7

giving them employment. They had some admirab
railway schemes before them, and if three- and-a-half per cent.
were guaranteed to the proprietors they would certainly be
carried out, and afford ample employment for the people.
Now, it was quite clear these railways would ultimately become
immense
good remunerative undertakings, and, seeing the
good they would do to the country, he thought Golernment
could not do better than guarantee three-anel.a-half per cent.
There was an opportunity now of granting a poor-law to Ire-
land, and he trusted that it would not be allowed to pass by.
Now was the time for the Government vigorously to act. A
poor-law was one of the modes of pacifying Ireland. Let the
Government not let slip the present opportunity of doing
good for Ireland. Look at the protectionists now. Five years
ago they were offered an eight shilling duty on corn, and they
refused it. Would they not now be glad to get that eight
shilling duty. Let the Government take advantage of that
example. It was absolutely necessary that some steps should
be taken with respect to the tenant rights in Ireland. Let
the Government turn its attention to the cultivation of the
waste lands in Ireland. There were millions of acres in that
country that were not in a state of cultivation.
How could they talk of over population in Ireland
while so much land was out of cultivation ? The
Hon. and Gallant Officer had given a very strong argu-
ment for supporting the Bill, for he said that as the people of
Ireland had even at present very little liberty, this Bill, which
would deprive them of that liberty, should have his support
He hoped that the Government would, instead of pressing this
measure, bring in some conciliatory measures for the miserabl
people of Ireland, and withdraw this measure at once.
Major BERESFORD felt it his duty to support the Bill
connected as he was with Ireland and her people, although he
considered it as an inefficient and useless Bill.—( Grea
laughter and cheers from the Opposition benches.) He asked
if the Bill met the present evils of Ireland. The great and
crying crimes of Ireland were not committed in the darkness
of night, but in the open day, in the presence of numerous
people, who laughed at the assassination of Irish landlords,
whom they felt to be obnoxious.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
The murderer who walked at noon-day, and having committed
the bloody deed, would not be detected by this Bill.—( Hee?,
hoar.) The Bill was one which would bring great irritation
to the minds of the Irish people, because it was not accom-
panied with a remedial measure. He hoped, however, that
after it had passed, the Government would immediately set
about the passing of the necessary remedial measures to which
the peasants of Ireland were fairly entitled.--( Hear, hear.)
He had no hesitation in saying that this Bill confounded the
innocent with the guilty. The Honourable Member for
Cashel had said that a clergyman of the Church of England
had privately put some gunpowder in a peasant's cottage in
Ireland, anti afterwards sent a policeman to search that House.
Now, he happened to be particularly acquainted with the case,
and he could say that the statement was not based on truth.--
( Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member concluded by hoping
that those Honourable Gentlemen who sat on the same side of
the House with him (the Ministerial side), would join with
him in voting for the first reading of the Bill.—(Cries of
" Hear, hear," and " Divide.")
Colonel R A WDON opposed the Bill, and proceeded to de-
fend the course of conduct pursued by the Irish Members, in
opposing the first reading of the Bill, and hoped that they
would succeed upon a second reading. ( The Hon. Member
proceeded in his remarks, and was interrupted by the cries
of " Divide, divide," from all parts of the House. )
Now much of the Irish character has been misrepresented.
The people were kind and warm. Yotf cannot judge of their
misery. How can you judge of it when you are not able to es-
timate it ? He thought that this Bill was at variance with
the present temper of Ireland. There has been a certain sti-
mulent administered to the people by a newspaper against the
spirit of the Bill. That newspaper had found its way to the
fireside of every cottager in Ireland. He had said that the
framer of the Bill was ignorant of the temper of Ireland—its
provisions proved it, and it would not be acceptable to any class.
Would the law irradicate the excited feelings of the Irish—.
would it even soothe them ? He was confident then that it
would not. There was but one opinion of it in Ireland, and
that was not in its favour. He implored them then to record
their votes in favour of the amendment of the Member for
Cork. If they travelled through Ireland—if they went into,
the huts and cottages of the peasantry—and if they were aware
of the misery which existed there—many of their dens of
misery, if he might be allowed to use the expression, most of
them only ten feet square—the abode of animals—they would
hesitate to shut them up from sun-set to sun-rise.—( Hear. )
Colonel SIBTHORPE said, he would not oppose the hill,
but at the same time he could not support it. The present
Government had shown itself so weak, so vaccinated with po-
litical cowardice, that he could not repose any trust in them, for
he did believe that they were men who would truckle to any-
thing, provided they by so doing were able to maintain their
own seats —( Loud laughter.)
Lord INGESTRE rose, amid cries of "Divide, divide."
He denied there was ever anything like coalition between Lord
Bentinck and Mr. S. O'Brien.—(Loud cries of "
divide." A state of crime and destitution unparalleled in any'
country prevailed in Ireland. The murderer walked abroad
in noon day, and no one attempted to arrest bins. He escaped
in fact with impunity. It was incumbent, therefore, that the
Government should interfere to put an end to such a disgraceful
state of things. He would conclude by again denying that
there was any thing like coalition referred to between the Hon.
Member for Limerick and the lion. Member for Lynn.—
(Loud cries of " Divide, divide.")
Lord GEORGE BENTINCK moved for the adjournment
of the debate to enable him to have an opportunity of denying
the statement made by—
The SPEAKER interrupted the Noble Lord, and said that
it was not competent for any Member of the House, after he
had spoken on any question, either to propose the adjournment
of the debate afterwards, or to make any observations a second
time.—(Loud cries of " Divide, divide.")
Mr. P. BORTH WICK, amid loud cries of divide, thee
proposed the adjournment of the debate.
Lord G. BENTINCK seconded the motion, and embraced
the opportunity which his doing so afforded him to deny the
charge which had been made, and he hoped the House would,
though at that late period of the evening, permit him to
occupy its attention for a few minutes while he did se. To.
enable him the more effectually to meet the case, he had sent
home for the letters which had passed relative to that staCe-
ment—(Laughter)—and he hoped they would arrive to edible
him to refute the charge the more effectually,—(Cries of
" Divide, divide. ") If that correspondence were road
to the House, it would at once be shown that the statement was
unfounded in fact—that there were not the slightest grounds for
it whatever. It had been stated by a Cabinet Minister, the
Secretary for Ireland, that the coalition was a fact. He
(Lord G. Bentinck) had not had time to consult his Hon.
Friends upon the matter, for Hon. Members would bear husk
out that it wanted but twenty minutes to five o'clock
when his attention was drawn to the subject. Where them
was the coalition which was tried to be made such a handle
of—which was made a point of at a public hustings, ty
Cabinet Minister of the Crown ?—(Cries of " Divide.")
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. The
divided, when there appeared— .1 ouse then
For the first reading .................. 274
Against it ..................................... 125
Majority in favour of first reading
—149
On our return to the gallery, we found
Sir R. PEEL stating that he would take the second reading
of this Bill on Monday, thee-25th of May.
Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that, on that occasion, he
should move for a Select Committee to inquire into agrarian
offences in Ireland, with a view to provide some means for
their prevention—(as we understood the Hon. and Learvel
Member, but he spoke in so 1 ow a tone of voice, as to be
scarcely audible in the gallery.)
• POLLING PLACES (IRELAND) BILL.
The adjourned debate upon the first reading of this Bill was
resumed by
'shCsi Alr
hilt
ti.
nT
the Ye
hands
ha
no.dwhoisdoentfohofnterthtoepßen
Hedl
;elzdhuaetstnhehd.: t
matteri t s pr o
fvu
ri s it ohne sr w
bute r e
veryleaAvleriehMeee
presentde clar declared
ltihnagt
sny os t
eins
er .n
iGe
nite Oe
wasGA N
experienced opposed
in Ireland. It worked well, and he for one could see no reason
why it should be altered. It was true, in Ireland, there
was only one polling booth, but it must be
remembered that the
poll was not like it was in this country. It was kept open for
five days. This measure was a partial partisan Bill, and he
hoped the House would throw it out.
Sir W. SOMERVILLE said the opposition of the Hon.
Member to this Bill was most extraordinary. It was quite im-
possible under the present system that all bona fide voters
could record their votes for the want of sufficient accommdation,
and he for one cordially approved of this Bill.
Mr. ROSS said that he knew an instance which occurred in
Belfast, in which 305 of the best men of that town were ex-
cluded from the polling-booth at an election because they
happened to be a few minutes late. He would give his vote in
support of the Cheers. )
Mr. ROEBUCK replied to some observations which had
fallen from thel Hon. Member for Dublin (Mr. Grogan)*
He thought the Bill a necessary one, and he would therefore
upport it.

Mr.
PIGOT said that in the year 1841 he had introduced A
measure similar to the present. The present law relating t°
policy in Ireland was in a most defective state. The Hon.
Member entered into some particulars for the purpose of show-
ing the deficiency in the existing law. The proposition now'
before the House would not, however, effect much more than
the present law. There were many scandalous practices at
elections in Ireland against which the measure would not pro-.
vide.—(Hear, hear.) If voters presented themselves at the
booths, who it was known would vote in favour of that candi-
date who was the favourite of the pall clerks, the oath ws°
administered to them very rapidly, and every facility was
given to thq, reception of their votes; if, on the contrary, the
voters were on the opposite side, the oath was administered
very lazily; and the effect, in one instance with which he was
acquainted, was that one hundred votes were left unpolled
consequence of the conduct of the poll clerks.--(Cries of
" Divide, divide.")
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL considered that the duty
of the Government was to afford facilities, and to allow per-
sons to exercise their elective franchise.
Mr. O'CONNELL thought that some alterations proposed
by the Solicitor-General would meet all objections to the Bill'
Lord MOE(PETH thought that the constituency of Dublin,
and other Irish towns should have the opportunity afforded
them of returning the representative of their choice.
After a few words from Mr. APCA TH Y,
Mr. GREGORY withdrew his amendment, and the debate
on the Bill was adjourned till Monday next.
After a few words from Messrs. SPOONER and HAWES, the
Friendly Societies Bill was read a third time.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and li'
House adjourned at a Quarter past Two o'clock.
'to
The G.

1e .-eneral Steam Navigation Corniany,a favnurit'
mail packet Caledonia, Captain 11. W. Gibbs, arrived at WIIli?
burgh on Monday morning last, after a beautiful passage a
47 hours.
LETTERS OF THE KINGS OF :ENGLAND.— Edited, prlth
Notes, by J. 0. lIALLiwELL. &c.—lt is a circtio
stance not a little remarkable, that while so many W°l;en
containing letters of eminent personages have been gi
to the world, no atteml,t has hitherto been made to lay of fore the public, in a collected form, those of the Kingeol.
Et,gland, reveal;.;ig as they do, the thoughts, feeling
habits, and recording the adventures and misadventure~
the trials and vicissitudes, related by themselves, °in the
~verei2sns who have reigned over this country, 0 °,hroirt
history of which these royal reliques also serve t ost
a very considerable light. Such precious documents.
be deemed records of extraordinary interest and curlosi h'
not only by the lover of historic lore, but by every got°
man, and the present work will doubtless find its way as it
the library of the gentleman, and the scholar, forming
does, an essential companion to every History of Enbf....l_„o

On the 30th tilt., at Hornsey, the lady of Henry Trore"
Or it $Oll.
On the Ist lost., at Westbourne-terrace, Hyde-park-13'0de°' the
wile of Charles Mare, Esq., of a sou,
On the Ist mist., in Charles-street, Berkeley-square, the 1.3
Dalineny, of a daughter.

MARIE. st
On the 30th ult., at St. Pancras C R
hnrcDh, Sir George Duckett, S rt''
to Mrs. Saxe, fn Gloucester Lodge, Regent's Park. , boil
On the 3MII it, at Trinity Clioirch, IN'i, 'month, Will.a— C th-
Metcalfe, Esq., Commander, R.N., to Ifele E. D,
late 'William Ross, Esq., of Sheldon, Berbice.
_____-..-------
Ross, relict 0

DIED.
On the 30th ult., at Esher, Surrey, 311 ms Frances Burdett, s
late-
r Of
the late Sir French Burdett, Bert.

No' 112
London: Printed and Published by MIIRDO TaUNG, of Pre6ll_,c
Strand, Printer, at The Sun (Vice, No. 112, Strand, in th
JD/
of the Savoy, In the county of Middlesex, ttl'atur'-'
; 1846.

STEAU to SigNV YOUR%
G BRITAIN, steam-ship, Lieut.SIORICENT,
R-N., Commanderwill start for New ork, from the Coburg Dock,
Liverpool, at 9 o'clock, A.m., on Si:runner, the 9th instant.
Faros, 25 said 30 Guineas, according to the position of the berth;
for a single-berthed room, 35 Guineas. Steward's Fee, 1 Guinea.
'For freight or passage, apply, at Bristol, to W. H. Bennett, Secre-
tary, 35, Princes-street ; at Liverpool, to Gibbs, Bright, and Co., et,
North John-street; at Glasgow, to H. B. Webb, Glassford-street ; or,
at London, to Mark Pinkerton, 65. Cornhill.

RAVESEND, STAR AND BLACKWALL
PACKETS.

On and after Sunday next, the 3d Inst., the Fares will be 2d Class
and Fore Cabin, 9d. , let Class and Saloon, Is., Boat and Railway
-minded. To or from Blackwell and 9ravesend, or, to or from any
of the intermediate Piers.

Fore cabin, 6d. • Saloon, 9d.
Tickets to or from Blackwall-;For Twelve months, 4/. 4s. ; Six
months, 21. 15s. • Three months, IL 15. To be had of the Collectors
on board the packets:; of Mr. Monk, Terrace Pier, Gravesend ; and
Mr. Saunders, at the Brunswick-wharf, Blackwell.
Star-office, May 1, 1846.

GRAVESEND STAR and BLaCirtALL
PE'DA.
FROM THE BRUNSWICK WHARF, BLACKWALL.
The Trains starting One Quarter of an Hour before each of
these times.
SUNDAYS.—At
WEEK DAYS.—At 9%, 1034, 11, 12, 134, 3%, b, 6, and 7.
9%, 1 11, 1%, ,6, 7. FROM "ME NEW og.
TERRACE SPIER,and ORAYESEND.
WEEK DAYS.--- i 71, 834, 9%, 113 1,3, 4,5, and 6.
SUNDAYS.—At 71, 834 1134 3,4, b, 6, and 7.

_. • •
ROt AL BOTANIC SOCIETY, REGENT'S
PARK.—The Fellows are informed that e firs PROME-
NADE this season, will take place ON WEDNESDAthY
next,t May 6th.
A Military Band will attend at Half-past Three o'clock, The Pro-
menades will be continued during May, June, and July, every Wed-
nesday, excepthw those Wednesdays appointed for the Exhibitions.

_ ..
PROVIDENT CLERKS' MUTUAL BE-
NEFIT ASSOCIATION AND BENEVOLENT FUND,
42, M
The SECOND ELECTIONT of ANNUITANTS will be CELE-
BRATED on WEDNESDAY NEXT, the 6th of MAY, by a PUBLIC
DINNER at the London Tavern, at Five for Six o'clock precisely,
in aid of the Benevolent Fund.
THE RIGHT HONOURABLESTEWARDS.
THE EARL OF DALLIOUSIB,
President of the Board of Trade, in the chair.
J. B. Heath, Esq., Governor of therCharles Kerr, Esq.
Bank of England John Labouchere, Esq.
W. R. Robinson, Esq., Deputy- John L. Lawford, Esq.
Governor of the Bank of England Sir George Larpent, Bart.
John Anderson, Esq. Samuel Jones Loyd, Esq.
Thomas Baring, Esq., M.P. Sir John Lubbock, Bart.
George Barnett, Esq. W. Lyall, Esq.
George Gray Barton, Esq. James Mackillop, Esq.
W. Boutcher, Esq. H. M. Marley, Esq.
Mark Boyd, Esq. James Pattison, Esq., M.P.
James Bruce, Esq. Brice Pearce, Esq.
James Cook, Esq. Sir Charles Price, Bart.
Raikes Currie, Esq., M.P. George Pollard, Eeq.
Henry Davidson, Esq. W. G. Prescott, Esq.
John Deacon, Esq. Sir John Rae Reid, Bart., M.P.
Thomas Dent, Esq. Wm. Ratray, Esq.
John Peter Fearon, Esq. John R. Reeves, Esq., F.R.S.
James Fletcher, Esq. Samuel Ridge, Esq.
John Gay, Esq., F.R.C.S. A. W. Robarts, Esq.
6 James W. Gilbert, Esq. John Abel Smith, Esq., N
Sir Richard Plumptre Glßart. Martin Tacker Smith, Esq.
Sir John Hall, fin.KCH James Sheppard, Esq.
John Alexander Hankey, Esq. Wm. Smee, Esq.
Thomas Alers Hankey, Esq. Alfred Smee, Esq., F.R.S.
Thomson Hankey, jun., Esq. • Alderman Wm. Thompson, M.P.
George Hibbert, Esq. • W. James Thompson, Esq.
George Hudson, Esq., M.P. Claude G. Thornton, Esq.
T. W. Jones, Esq., M.D. George Frederick Young, Esq.
Tickets, 21s. each, may be had of the Stewards ; also at the offices
of the Association, 42, Moorgate-street. ; or at the London Tavern
THOMAS MULLINDER, Secretary.

April 29, 1846.

THE PROVIDENT CLERKS' MUTUAL
BENEFIT ASSOCIATION AND BENEVOLENT FUND,
42, Moorgate-street.

Thomas Baring, Esq., M.P.
Thomas Hankey, jun., Esq.

TRUSTEES.
W. G. Prescott, Esq.
1 Baron L. de Rothschild.

TREASURER OF THE BENEVOLENT FUND.
John Abel Smith, Esq., M.P.

Forms of proposal for MUTUAL LIFE ASSURANCE, to meet
every contingency, Annuities, Endowments, Loans, &c., and the
FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT, with every information, may be had
at the Offices, where donations and subscriptions to the Benevolent
Fund are received.
April 29, 1846

THOS. MULLINDER, Secretary.

UNDER THE ESPECIAL PATRONAGE OF HER MOST
GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN.
V HE ROYAL NAVAL, MILITARY, EAST
JL INDIA, and GENERAL LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY,
13, WATERLOO-PLACE, LONDON.
DIRECTORS.
Camistsw—Lieut.-Colonel Sir FREDERICK SMITH, K.H.
DiPtrrv-CnAntmAw—Col. Sir WILLIAM GOSSETT, G. 8., K.C.H.
Admiral the Right Hon. Sir G. Cockburn, G.C.8., M.P., Lord of the
Admiralty
Major-General Sir J. Cockburn, Bart., G.C.H.
General Sir Thomas Bradford, G.C.8., G.C.H.
Major-General Sir P. Ross, G.C.M.G., K.C.H.
Lieutenant-General Sir John Gardiner, K.C.B.
Major-General Sir Hew D. Ross, K.C.8., B.A.
Captain Sir George Back, R.N.
Major-General Taylor, C. 8., E.I.C.S.
Major-General Edward Wynyard,
Major-General Arnold, K.H., R.E.
Major-General Cidland, E.I.C.S.
Lieutenant-Colonel H. Hanmer, K.H., late R.H.G.
Lieutenant-Colonel Purchas, E.I.C.S.
Major Chadwell Clerke, K.H., F.R.S.
Archibald Hair, Esq., M.D., late R.H.G.
Captain Melville Grindlay, E.I. Army Agent
Captain William Lancey,
William Chard, Esq., Navy Agent
ames Nugent Daniell, Esq.
Wilbraham Taylor, Esq.
AcTuAay—John Finlaison, Esq., the Government Calculator.
Assurances are granted upon the lives of persons in every station
of life, and for every part of the world, upon particularly favourable
terms.
Persons assured in this office may change from one country to ano-
ther without forfeiting their policies.
A Bonus, amounting to thirty per cent. on the actual value of the
policies, was apportioned to the assured at the First Septennial Meet-
ing, held in the year 1844.

JOSEPH C. BRETTELL, Secretary.

UNITED KINGDOM LIFE It 3SURANCE
COMANT,
8, WATERLOO-PLACE,P PALL-MALL, LONDON.
Established by Act of Parliament 1834.
DIVISION OF PROFITS AMONG THE ASSURED.
DIRECTORS.
JAMES STUART, Esq., Chairman
lIANANEL DE CASTRO, Esq., Deputy-Chairman.
Samuel Anderson, Esq. Charles Graham, Esq.
Elarnilton 13. Avarne, Esq. F. Charles Maitland, Esq.
Edward Boyd, Esq., Resident William Railton, Esq.
E. Lennox Boyd, Esq., Assistant- John Ritchie, Esq.
Resident E. IL Thomson, Esq.
Charles Downes, Esq._

Surgeon—F. Hale Thomson. Esq., 48, Berners-street.
This Company, established by Act of Parliament, affords the most
perfect security in a large paid-up Capital, and in the great success
which has attended it since Its commencement in 1834, its ANNUAL
INCOME being UPWARDS of 82,000/.

In 1841 the Company added a Bonus of 2t. per cent. per annum
en the Sum Insured to all Policies of the Participating Class from
the time they were effected.
The Bonus added to Policies from March, 1834, to December 31,
1840, is as follows :
Sum Time Sum added Sum Time Sum Added
Assured. Assured. to Policy. Assured. Assured, to Policy,
.E5OOO 6 yrs. 10 mths. £683 6 8 £5OOO 4 years £4OO
5000 6 years 600 10, 5000 2 years 200
• The Premiums, nevertheless, are on the most moderate scale, and
only one-halfneed be paid for the first Five Years, where tke Insu-
rance is for Life.
Every information will be afforded on application to the Resident
Directors, Edward Boyd, Esq., and E. Lennox Boyd, Esq., of No 8,
Waterloo-place, Pall-mall, London.

SOUTHAMPTON EMIGRATION and SHIP.
PING COMPANY.
Capital 60,0001., in Shares of 201. each.
Registered pursuant to 7th and ath Vic., cap. 110.
DIRECTORS.
Lieut.-Colonel HENDERSON, Southampton, Chairman
Colonel Barlow, Kensington
Charles Holte Bracebridge, Esch, Atherstone Hall
Thomas R. Davison, Esq., Birchin-lane, London
W. A. Gardner, Esq., Manchester
James Gadesden, Esq., Ewell Castle
Joseph Liggins, Esq., sfincing-lane. London
Charles Scovell, Esq., Southampton
Joseph R. Stebbing, Esq., Southampton.
TRUSTEES.
Colonel If
William James Le Feuvre Esq.
Thomas IL Davison, Esq.
Richard Jordan, Esq.
Joseph Liggins, Esq.
Robert Pearce, Esq.
AUDITORS.
JAMBS Arbouln, Esq. I Joseph Lankester, Esq.
BANKERS,
London—Messrs. Spooner, Attwoods, and Co.
So uth ampton—M es sr s Maddison and Pearce.
AGENT FOB CONDUCTING
Y. Joh EMIG N
R a
MATIO AND cGENERAL, MANAGER.
n rshall.
OFFICES OF TILE COMPANY.
London-26, Birchin-lane, Coruhill.
Southampton-79, High-street.
This Company has been formed for the purpose of conducting the
nationally-important business of emigration with undeviating pane_
twenty, and with the greatest possible security, regularity, and coin_
fort ; and is at the present time carrying out an extensive contract
with her Majesty's Government.
The position of the port of Southampton, connected, or in course
of connexion by railway with every part of Great Britain ; the
accommodation and convenience afforded by its docks, its safety, and
facility of egress to the Channel—ships quitting its shelter getting
clear of the Isla of Wight in thl ee hours—eminently adapt it for the
embarkation of large bodies of passengers, who, in arranging with
this Company, will be conveyed thither from London free by rail-
way, instead of having to encounter the sea-passage by the Downs,
and the most difficult part of the English Channel, in which navi-
gation, as is well-known, much del iy and annoyance, and the most
serious disasters have from time to time occurred.
It is intended that the Company's ships shall touch at Plymouth,
when necessary, to receive passengers from the south-western
counties, and from Ireland ; the latter can join at Plymouth by
steam-boats from Cork, Dublin, Belfast, &c., at a very small cost,
and an emigration depot, with bedding, cooking apparatus, &c., and
under proper management, is provided for their reception whilst at
Plymouth.
The object of the directors will be so to conduct the operations of
this Company as to obtain for it the confidence of her Majesty's
Government, and of the British public.
All particulars may be obtained on application to the General
Manager, at the offices of the Company in London or Southampton.

EYE-BROWS, MOUSTACHES, and WHIS-
KERS produced In a few weeks by using an essential Spirit
drawn frem choice Aromatic Herbs,
bestowed this orna-
ment
tpeculiarpropertt
which are known only to the Inventor, and iens o
-f n o althoug although perfectly
t
cent in itself, will pro
produce new Hair on bald places, caused by weak-
nest; of constitution, or where Nature
has not
of the human figure. It has been known to many of the Nobi-
lityof whom the Inven-
and Gentry upwards of eleven years, some
tocertainty r most sincerely thanks for their
attestation of its merits, in the
of restoring Hair and giving it additional lustre and
strength. Its virtues are manifold—it prevents the Hair from fall-
ing off or turning gray; a few drops on the crown of the head will
remove the most distressing pain in that part produced or at-
tended with faietness ; and is acknowledged by the Faculty as the
only *Peeing known to cure that disease of the head called Porigo
de ealvans (which causes the Hair to come off in patches) ; a few
applications remove daniriff. This wonderful discovery is fully ex-
plained in a pamphlet, containing testimonials to its regenerating
neW
Growth Hair
and upon bald places, entitled, " Three Minutes' Advice on the
Inventor of the Aromat Preservat
lion of the Human Hair," by W. Orintstoile,
Hair, and a certain prevent Reagtiveenerator for the Growth ef the Human
of he toilet perfume—bearing the Inventor headache and fainting ; also a
gate, 's signature, Herbary, High-
near London.
Sold only in triangular bottles, with name, &c. &c., cast thereon,
75., and I is. each, Government stamp included, wholesale and
appointment
at 45.,
retail, by all Chemists, Druggists, and Perfumers, and by special

THE FOLLOWING AGENTS Fel LONDON.
0-
street.
Messrs. J. and E. Atkinsonc,hpeenirtnistran,persc,zu4
1 tOsltdreliet°,llßd
Messrs. Fisher and Toiler,
J. Sanger, Patent Medicine Vendor, 150, Oxford-street.
Messrs. Hannay and Co., Chemists, &c, 63, Oxford-street.
Messrs. Barclay and Sou, Patent Medicine Warehouse, Farringdon-
street.
Thos Keating, Chemist, 79, St. Paurs-churchyaTd,
Z. Edwards, Patent Medicine Warehouse, 67, St. PauPs-church
T, Butler, Patent Medicine Warehouse, 4, Cheapside yard..
Slessrs. W. Sutton and Co., Patent Medicinechurchyard.
Warehouse, Bow-
R' Johnston, Patent Medicine Warehouse, 68, Cornhill.
Messrs, Langton, Brothers, and Scott, Wholesale Druggists, 225 and
226, Thames-street.
Messre.
s. Drew and Hayward, Wholesale Drviggiats, Great Trinity-
Messrs.
Butler and Muckley, herbalists, Covent-garden.
Prout, Medicine Vendor, 229, Strand.
It. Hendree, Perfumer, Tlehborne-street.

FOR MANCHESTER.
X. Leresche, Patent Medicine Vendor, Advertiser Office.

FOR EXETER.
Bosley, Medicine Warehouse, North-street, Devonshire Chronicle
Office.

W Potts FOR BANBURT.
Medicine Vendor, Guardian The.
FOB ENNISKILLEN, IZELAND.
Bev FOB
Chronicle

FOR KIWNEIR(I3.
Mfrs. J. and R. Raimea and Co. I)rl3uireists. &c.. Leith-walk.
icri. The 7s. filZ4 contains two of the 45., and the I Is. size con-
tains four fillies the quantity of the 4s. By forwarding a Post-eke
"(141r(Qr4:. Wei M. vr 12v., 'Misr AA will Dr rsturutd.