The Sun.
London, England, 1848-03-04 00:00:00

THE SUN LONDON,

Mr. HUDSON presented a petition from WhiJpy
against any alteration in the navigation-laws, and
also against the continuation of the income-tax.
Mr. lIINDLEY presented a petition from New-
tastie-under-Lyme against the continuation of the
income-tax; also a petition from Spalding against
any increase of the army and navy.
Mr. J. B. SMITH presented a petition from Stir-
ling against the income-tax.
BEWDLEY ELECTION.
The Members appointed to try the merits of the
Bewdley election were sworn at the table and ordered
to sit to-morrow at 11 o'clock.
Lord DUDLEY STUART presented a petition
from St. Pancras against the income-tax.
Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from Man-
chester praying fora modification of the income tax,
and that a distinction might be made between income
and real property.
Sir R. INGLIS presented petitions against the
Jewish Disabilities Bill and the Diplomatic Relations
with Rome Bill.
POST-OFFICE.
Mr. BANKES gave notice of his intention, on
Tuesday next, to move for returns of tha receipts and
expenditure of the Post-office.
ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL.
In answer to a question from the Earl of
ARUNDEL and SURREY,
Mr. C. ANSTEY stated that he intended to pro-
ceed with the Roman Catholic Relief Bill on Wed-
nesday next.
Mr. C. PEARSON presented a petition from the
parish of Lambeth against any increase in the mili-
tary establishments of the country, and against the
continuance of the income-tax.
HARBOURS OF REFUGE.

In answer to a question from an HoN. MEMBER,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
stated that the Miscellaneous Estimates would con-
tain an item for the grant to improve harbours of
refuge.
COPPER ORE.

Mr. SCHOLEFIELD said he understood it was the
intentio❑ of her Majesty's Government to reduce the
duty on copper ore, and he should be glad to know if
the reduction would be extended to smelting copper.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
said her Majesty's Government proposed to reduce
the duty to a low figure, both on copper ore and
smelting copper.
IRISH LOAN.
Mr. WILSON said he understood the Chancellor
of the Exchequer stated, the other evening, that the
hAlance in the Exchequer amounted to about eight
millions. He wished to know if any portion of the
Irish loan formed part of that balance ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
the balance remaining in the Exchequer of the Irish
loan, amounted to about a million.
GOVERNMENT OF VAN DIEMEN'S LAND.

Lord MAHON said the last intelligence brought
from Van Diemen's Land contained an account of the
suspension of the Legislature of the colony, and he
should be glad to know whether that intelligence was
correct ?

Mr. LABOUCHERE, in answering the question,
said it would be necessary for him to make a short
statement to the House. In consequence of some
disputes under Sir Eardley Wilmot's administration,
six members of the Legislative Council resigned their
seats, but upon the question in dispute, being referred
to the Home Government, a decision was given in
favour of the six members of the Council who had
resigned, but in the meantime six other members
had been appointed to supply the vacancies.
When Sir William Denison was sent out he was
instructed to try the effect of an amalgamation be-
tween the new and the old councillors, but none
of the gentlemen who had been newly elected
could be induced to resign. Sir William Deni-
son, therefore, dismissed the new Council, and
re-elected the six other gentlemen who had re-
signed ; but upon its being referred to the
Colonial-office, it was discovered that the election was
irregular, and in September last a dispatch was sent
out to that effect. Immediately, upon the advice of
his law officer, Sir William Denison suspended the
Legislative Council till he could communicate with
the Home Government ; and it was trusted the sus
pension would give rise to no other inconvenience than
that which had already been experienced.—(Hear.)
BOARDS OF GUARDIANS (IRELAND).
In answer to a question put by Mr. STAFFORD,
Sir. W. SOMERVILLE said, that three boards
of guardians had been recently dissolved in Ireland,
in addition to the 24 enumerated in the returns
recently laid upon the table of the House of Lords.

5,0001. a year from rent, but the difference between
them wes this—the landed proprietor enjoyed.his in-
come for life, and it descended unimpaired
to his relations, while the physician en-
joyed his only during health, and a thou-
sand accidents might remove it altogether. His
income has, in fact, no existence but through his
daily exertions; and he believed it would be
admitted that there was not a more dan-
gerous profession to be thought of than that of
the medical man, and yet he was to be taxed to
the same amount as the man who derived
his income from no exertions of his own, and who
could bequeath it to his heirs without diminution.
He would take another case—that of a young
man who had neither capital or income that '
he could call his own. He would take the
case of a young man in a profession who
was struggling for a livelihood, and many such
cases there were ; where that man came under the
infliction of the three per cent. tax, what was
it that was taxed. It could not be said
that it was his income, for he had none ;
he had not established himself sufficiently to
say that he had oat.. It could not said that the
tax was on his capital, for he had none.
No ; the fact was that the tax fell upon
his industry.—(Hear, hear.) It fell upon that
which the Government ought to encourage, and du all
in their power to assist.—(Hear, hear). He thought
if there was any class of men on which the
tax ought to fall lightly, it was upon those
educated men who were poor, and whore incomes
of all incomes were the most precarious.—(l fear,
hear.) He believed that there was no country in the
world in which genius linked with poverty under went
such endurances as itdid in England ; sometimes those
endurances were brought to light, as in the case of the
unfortunate Mr. Haydon; but he believed there were
hundreds of cases that were never known to the
world. In the case of Mr. Haydon, the public, when
too late, did make a generous effort to repair to his
unfortunate family the error they had committed
and the late Minister of the Crown had the gratifica-
tion to recommend the family of the unhappy
man to the consideration of the Crown,
and the still greater gratification of alleviating
in some degree, by his own beneficent act,
the last days of Mr. Haydon, but he believed there
were hundreds of cases in which no such steps had
been taken en account of their never coming to light.
It might be urged by Ministers that those who pro-
posed to amend the law as it at present stood might
to be prepared to show them how the exiting diffi,
cult ies could be overcome. In other words, before any
Honourable Member came forward to make a speech
upon the subject, he ought at least to be
satisfied in his own mind that some scheme
or other might be substituted for the one already in
existence. He admitted the force of such reasons,
and he was encouraged in coming forward on this
occasion, because he was convinced that the difficul
ties in which Ministers found themselves were nut
inseperable. He was convinced that a far more equal,
a far more just, and far more efficient measure
might be found than the one the country was now
suffering under.—(Hear, hear.) The present ine-
quality of the tax had never been justified, even by its
proposer, except on one ground, and that was, its tempo-
rary character. lie had stared that, if it was intended
to be a permanent measure, the country ought never to
be asked to submit to it in its present shape ; but that,
being merely a temporary measure, he preferred facing
its difficulties for a short period to attempting the task of
equalising taxation. That being the case, he thought it
right to assume, that if it had fallen to the Right Hon.
Gentleman's lot to make it permanent, he would have
proposed some aineedments in the details.
Sir R. PEEL made an observation which did not reach
the gallery.
Mr. HORSMAN said he could p int to various occa-
sions on which the Right lion. Baronet had said that the
measure being merely temporary he preferrtel al-
lowing the inequalities to remain to facing the difficulty
of equalising them. He came now to the question of
whether the difficulty of equaliemg was insuperable in the
case of the present Government. In their case he was
fortified with arguments which he thought they would
find it very difficu!t to answer—arguments furnished by
themselves, and also precedents which were perhaps ut
more importance. In 1845, when the renewal was pro-
posed, the Hon. Member for Liskeard proposed the fol-
lowing resolution:—
" That the circumstances under which the renewal of
the income-tax is at present proposed are such as to
render it exceedingly improbable that Parliament will
have the power of dispensing with its continuance at the
. end of three years, and that it is therefore the duty of
this House to taAe care that the tax be imposed in a
form in which its operation shall be less unequal and
inquisitorial than it Low is."
On that occasion the proposal was ne,.re'y for three
years, and almost every gentleman occupying a promi-
nent position in the House took part iu the discussion.
On that occasion, the Noble Lord the present Prime
Minister expressed himielt with peculiar clearaess. The
following were his words:—
" I have always been of opinion that inequality, vexa
tion, and fraud were inherent in such a tax. It is im-
possible to deny its inequality, fur nu man can say that
tt is equal for a person who has an income derived &eta
a landed estate, or from the fut.ds, which he could leave
to his children entire, is in the same position as a penult
in a profession, a surgeon, or an artist, whose bread de-
pends upon his health and the vigour of his constitution,
and who, by the loss of a limb, or a defect of eyesight,
may at any moment be deprived of the means of earning
any income at all. No man can say that these two Far-
sons were similarly situated. Neither can any person
fairly deny that great vexation is inseparable from this
tax. No one can deny that u person who is ngsgtd in
trade, and who must ether submit to the p went de-
manded of him, or show all his accounts and txpose all
the matters in which he is engaged to the persons ap-
pointed by the Government—none cto deny that such a
person is not subject to very great vexation. And then,
with regard to fraud and evasion—l believe no man who
has been concerned in the collection of this tax will deny
that his experience has ehowu;that great frauds are prac-
tised under this tax—that the man of the most inte-
grity and the most honour, and who gave his returns
fairly, was subjected to the greatest imposition of the
tax; while those who wished to evade the tax, either
found the means of doing so, or entangled themselves
and the Government in the most expensive proceedings.
Such being the faults of the tax, and having heard from te
Right lion. Gentleman on Friday night that they were
faults inseparable from it, I might have well conceived that
by different modifications, and by alterations with re: pact
to uncertain incomes, and by changing particular pro-
visions which bore hard upon particular classes, the tax
might be made more equal and less vexatious."
Thus had the Noble Lord in 1845 objected to the in-
equality of the tax, but the Noble Lord took an objec-
tion of still greater importance, which looking upon the
exigency of the present time, might be taken as a pro
phecy. What security, asked the Noble Lord, that in
two years a strong and general outcry might not be
raised for its repeal, and then how was the revenue to
be provided for? The Noble Lord had contended that
under these circumstances the tax should be rendered
as little vexatious as possible. His (Mr. llorsman'.)
fear was, that the inequality of the tax
tsisaseihr4eat Ilan.
Gentleman itt e it
reaction against direct taxation.
Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had
in the same debate expressed similar views.
The Right lion. Gentleman then said, "'That with re-
gard to the arguments against the income tax, no at-
tempt had been made to answer them. It was arbitrary
and unjust in its nature, and unequal in its pressure."
So far for the injustice aad inequality; but on the ques-
tion of placing it on a more equitable footing, the Right
lion. Gentleman had said, " Although the income tax
might be passed by persons ignorant of its nature, yet it
• could not be so mainteined; and would it not be dau•
• gerous to peril the credit of a country by placing it on a
basis which could not ho maintained?" Ha thought
' that those opinions showed great sagacity, and he
trusted that ho would not find them altered on the pre
sent occasion. lie now came to the means by which, in
his opinion, the difficulties attending the permanent
establishment of the inconte•tax might be surmounted.
lie found that in 1845 the returns from the income-tax
were as follows:--The last year of the ssriea in the re-
turn No. 100, was 1845, and from it 184 G did not mste-
rially ditler. The returns were as Poll ,we. schedule A,
2,528,7211.; B, 324,3391; C, 744,0191.; 1), 1,678,5951;
E, 327,7691. Total, 5,603,4431. This being 3 per cent.
on the income, represents the whole income as follows;A, 86,698,1001; B, 11,120,200/.; C, 25,509,2001.; 1),
57,511.7001; E, 11,247,800/.; so that the whole profits
under these five schedules amounted to 192,077,000/, in
round numbers. Now that being the whele profits of
the country—
Mr. COdDEN—lncome.

Mr. 1101tSNYiN—IleCalled them profits merely as a
general term. Now if he could find any me ois of capi-
talizing these profits, it would at least help them so fir
in arriving at the relative proportion+ which stiould be
paid by the different schedules. Takiag Schedules A
and C at 25 years' purchase, and considering 13, I), and
E as life annuitants, the average value of all lives above
25, being at four per cent. with 12 years purchase, and
classing farmers with trades, &c., the result would be as
follows : Schedule A, at 25 years purchase,
2,167,452,500/4 schedule C, at 25 pars purohase,
637,730,0001. The other three sections lie should put
down as life annuities. Taking them as worth, on the
average, 12 years purchase, they would stand :—II,
133,442,400 L ; D, 637,730,0001.; E, 134,853,6001. So
that calculating the incomes on realised property at 25
years purchase, and those derived from precarious
sources as life annuities, we should arrive at the
conclusion, that the whole capital of the cone-
try falling under the income-tax was 3,733,618,900/
And if they tested it by other returns and calculations
which had been given of the capital of the couw.ry,
they would not, he believed, find this conclusion to any
material extent incorrect. his object in making these
calculations was to ascertain whether they could not a: -
rive at some sort of judgment as to the relative pro2or-
thm in which the tax should be imposed on precarious
and permanent incomes.—(Hear, hear.) The present
income-tax of 5,600,0001. being paid un capital in the
way he had just stated, was equal to a payment of rather
less than one and a half farthing in the pound of
capital. Now,
one and a half farthing per pound of
capital was 37i farthings, or rather more than !sci. of
income, or Si. 15s. per 100 L, calculating always four
per cent. for schedules A and C. According to this
precocious,
calculation, if they took the relative values of perma-
nent
b being propertywort h 25 and
years' ohraiosou,sthperootpte,
errtya—s
an
nie
annuity
of of 12 years' purchase, about 9d. in the pound became
the fair share of the permanent property to the tax.