The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-30 00:00:00

3'

ears ago there was slave-grown sugar, and that it is
within the last year that it has made its appearance, and
that the alteration of the law has affected Cuba much
more than Brazil; for there was not for the previous 18
months a single slave brought into that island. He did
not at all agree with the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J.
Graham) when he stated that there was an apprehension
of reaction by this opposition to the Government, for he
thought that it was the Government who, by their al-
teration of free-trade principles, were the party who
would create a reaction, if any such thing should arise.
and he did not therefore think that the Hon. Gentlemen
who brought on this opposition were to blame, but the
Government who introduced the alteration. He con-
sidered that there was a great difference of opinion
between the Right Hon. Gentlemeu of the Government
(Mr. Hawes and Mr. Labouchere). The first considers
that the wages of labourers is not sufficiently high in
those colonies, while the other is of a diametrically
opposite opinion, because he (Mr. Labouchere)
says that we should rely on an increase of
consumption. He considered that the cause of
ruin to the colonies was the taking off the
restrictions, and allowing for the use of breweries an
influx into the market of slave-grown sugar. He was
astonished that, when the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Labouchere) referred to the proceedings of the Com-
mittee, he did not say something of himself and of
another Hon. Gentleman on that Committee; and also,
wby he did not explain the reason that Government de-
parted from the resolution laid down by that Committee,
in which they stated that the West Indies were in a
most pitiful state of distress, and recommended imme-
diate relief. He should add, that the resolutions of the
Right lion. Gentleman (Mr. Labouchere) went even be-
yond those of the Committee. lie (Mr. Labouchere)
said that it was essentially necessary for Parliament to
afford the colonies relief, which perfectly agreed with
the resolution of the House.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said that he moved that reso-
lution as the basis of the report.
Mr. GOULBURN said that the object of that resolu-
tion was, that immediate relief be given, particularly to
those colonies which were in such direful distress.
Another Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Hawes) said, that
nothing was more unjust than to give this relief indis-
criminately to all the colonies; but that those colonies
which were in distress should be attended to. The ob-
ject of the resolution was to afford relief for such a
length of time, not for two, three, or four years, but
until our colonies might be able to compete with foreign
colonies.—(Hear.) Between the conflicting opinions of
the Government, one being for the improvement of the
colonies, while another relied on the wicked doctrines
of political economy, that never looks properly to casual
and unforeseen circumstances, the condition of the
colonies was totally lost sight of, and thus was ruin
brought on them. Ho should again refer to a very
great cause of the injury sustained by the West Indies
as being occasioned by that Act of 1846. It allowed the
importation of slave-grown sugar, and consequently
when our colonists came to the market with their ar-
ticles they found it fallen in consequence of such an un-
fair competition. Now when such distress prevailed,
its
relief would ask what was the plan of Government for
relief ?,,They promise a loan of 500,0001. on the security
of the colonies. He thought that there was something
ludicrous in such a proposition, when the landed pro-
perty of the colonies was so low, and when there was
scarcely any demand for the articles of produce, and
also when the colonies were not able to pay their ex-
penses. He considered that such an offer amounted to
nothing, however the country may think about it. He
thought that it was the duty of Government to compen-
sate those colonies for the losses and ruin they had sus-
tained by the Act of 1846, and did not believe that the
additional shilling of differential duty, on which he could
not rely till carried, would be anything commensurate
with all the sufferings that the proprietors of these colo
vies have hitherto undergone.

Sir ROBERT PEEL then rose and said—Mr.
Speaker, I should most imperfectly express my real
feelings if, in the course of the observations which I am
about to make, were I to come to a conclusion, or even
utter a word which might appear to others that I was
indifferent to the welfare or importance of our trans-
marine possessions. With the depressed state of the
colonies, with the difficulties and embarrassments of the
landed proprietors, I fully and deeply sympathise.—

_ .
(Cheers.) Sir, I should be justly sorry to incur the
reproach which has been directed by my Right Hon.
Friend the Member for the University of Oxford
against some, that they were disposed to prefer mere
pecuniary material interests to the higher considerations
of public policy which arc interwoven with this great
question.—(Cheers.) Sir, it would be utterly incon-
sistent with the spirit with :which a great empire has
been founded—(Hear, hear)—it would be utterly incon-
sistent with the spirit by which a great empire has been
maintained—were we now, in a time of the depression and
distress of the colonies, to enter into cold calculations,
whether it was for the pecuniary interest of this country
to maintain our connexion with them. Sir, I repudiate
entirely such views and such considerations. Nor could
I entertain them when I remember that these colonies
have stood by us in times of national danger and dis-
aster—(Hear, hear)—when I remember that they stood
by us during the great conflict which involved Europe
for the last century ; when I recollect that they stood
by us during the struggle which ended in the year 1708
by the declaration and concession of independence to
many of the provinces of this empire. In that time of
difficulty these colonies stood faithful.—(Hear, hear.)
Nor can I forget that during the greater conflict which
ended in the downfall of Napoleon, and the establish-
ment of the peace of 1814, these colonies bore the brunt
upon many occasions of the struggle, and were the
means of averting the tempest of war from the shores of
this nation. Sir, I cannot forget that they shared in
our failures and our defeats—in our hopes and our
despondings—no, I will not do them the injustice to say
that they desponded—they were animated with the
true feeling of an Englishman, and only saw
in failure and defeat but new motives for re-
newed exertion.—(Loud cheers.) When a recollect
all this, I feel that those higher considerations
ought to prevail over mere pecuniary and material
interests.—(Hear, hear.) I think, independent of all
this, there are great social considerations which would
require us to extend a fostering hand to our West Indian
possessions. And here I must be permitted to say that
I utterly reject the doctrine that because 95 per cent. of
the population are prosperous, that we therefore can dis-
regard the welfare of the other five.—(Cheers.) Why,
sir, in my opinion the smaller the white population is,
the more incumbent is it upon us to cherish them.—
(Loud cheers.) I cannot conceive a greater misfortune
than the loss of the white population. No matter what
may be the prosperity of the negro population, I can-
not conceive a greater misfortune than their disappear-
ance, whether you regard it as having reference to the
progress of religion, humanity, or civilization. I believe
the white population to be a barrier to the spread of bar-
barism.—(Cheers.) If they should, from any reason,
disappear from the colonies, the cause of civilization,
humanity, and religion will materially suffer.—(Hear,
hear.) It is with these feelings, then, that I approach
the discussion of this great question. Sir, their distress
is admitted upon all hands, and upon all sides has a sin-

cere desire been evinced to provido for it. I shall not op-

pose to that remedy any of the ordinary objections which
upon other occasions, I might have been disposed to

offer, I have always felt that the case of these colonies
was peculiar—(Hear, hear)—and that they were ex-
empted from the regulation of the ordinary principles
which should direct your legislation, if it really could be
proved that their evils arose from your legislation.—.
(Hear, hear.) Not a word shall I say about the con-
sumer of this country, or the produce of that, because I
believe that the interests of the consumer are identified

with the interests of the colonists•, that is, if you intend

to cherish and maintain them, which I trust you will do.
—(Cheers.) In this condition of admitted distress, pro-
posals are made by her Majesty's Government for the
application of remedies to that distress. Those proposals
are met by a proceeding justifiable under certain circum-
stances, but which at the least are of a novel character.—
(Hear, hear.) It is proposed by the Honourable Ba-
ronet the Member for Droitwich (Sir J. Pakington),
that we should assent to a proposition to refuse a
consideration to the plan of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, to send it back as utterly inefficient—(Hear)—in
fact, to say to them, "Take back your plan, it
is so worthless that it does not deserve considera-
tion. We beg you either to come back with a
better one, or assent to that which we shall propose."
Well, that is a very important statement.—(Hear, hear.)
You are not satisfied with remaining as you are. You
are not content to be passive.—(Hear, hear.) You all
admit that some decisive step must be taken, and that
the present law must be altered, but you refuse to enter
into any consideration of a plan proposed by the Go-
vernment.—(Hear, hear.) Recollect the state of the
West Indian colonies, recollect that they are in a state
of great distress, that they are impatient for a remedy,
and that they are anxiously looking to you. The reso
lotions of my lion. Friend admit that this distress can
be remedied by legislation, if they did not, they would
have been of no effect whatsoever. But they do not
say that these calamities are beyond the reach of
legislation, and that those who suffer must patiently
submit.—(Hear, hear.) The amendment of the Hon.
Baronet says, the plan proposed is utterly unworthy
and inefficient.—(Bear, hear.) Vote for this amend-
ment and there may be great triumph. The result
will be wafted on wings swifter than those
of the wind.—(Hear, hear.) But the next returning
gale will bear back the question—Why have you re-
fused this plan? What are the other measures which
you are prepared to replace itiwith? To that question
y©u must be prepared to give an answer. Now the
Noble Lord (turning to Lord G. Bentinck) can give an
answer, Sir. I have read the report of that Committee

over which he so ably presided, although I was occupied
by attendance on several other Committees, but I read
that report on apcount of the vast importance of the sub•
ject ; and I must state that a new light has been thrown
upon the state of the West Indian colonies which would
not have been thrown were it not for the assiduity, zeal,

intelligence, and knowledge of the Noble
(Cheers.) (Lord G. Bentinck acknowledged the com-
pliment in a marked manner.) The Noble Lord is
ready to propose an amendment. I read the resole.-
tions and the draft report which he proposed, and
I can fully understand the expectations which he
raised by them in the minds of the colonies. But
Unless you are prepared to do something of this
kind, the result of all your proceedings will be only to
aggravate their discontent.—(Hear, hear.) I must, there-
fore, be premitted shortly to review the present position
of the West Indian colonies. What is it you can offer
to the West Indians by way of relief? Can you go back
to the measure of 1845? Can you establish the distinc-
tion between sugar the produce of slave and sugar the
Produce of free labour? Sir, I regret that a further ex-
periment of the Bill of 1845 was not permitted.—(Hear,
hear.) I am not satisfied with the arguments which
have been adduced, that the opening of the markets of
Great Britain and Ireland was of no advantage to the

producer of slave sugar. I am not satisfied that the
free-labour sugar which I took from the Continent
by the Bill of 1845, to supply these countries, that
that vacuum was supplied by slave-grown sugar.—
(Hear, hear.) I find evidence to the fact, whatever
may be the theoretical opinions of some, that
the measure of 1846, which opened these markets,
has given encouragement to slave producers in Cuba
and Brazil—(Hear, hear)—and that they did consider
it a practioal boon, which was of greater advantage than
the indirect bounty which they received from the fillina.
of the vacuum which arose in the continental supply. If
I had to direct the counsels of her Majesty, I would
have advised a longer continuance of the measure of
1845.—(Hear, hear.) I assented to the measure of the
Noble Lord, proposed in 1846, on the ground of public
policy, because public faith was pledged to the mainte-
nance of the exclusion of the produce of Cuba; I must
therefore take upon myself whatever blame may attach,
for I do not shrink from the vote which I then gave,
and I thought that the removal of duties from other
articles would have made the consumer more willing to
exclude slave-labour sugar. Besides, her Majesty's
Government might have changed, and you could not
consistently have passed any other than an annual
sugar Bill. The colonists would have dreaded the
result of such a proceeding. The Noble Lord offered a
permanent sugar Bill, and I believed that it would be
better to avoid au annual conflict, which would have been
detrimental to the interests of the colonists. Although
you might have defeated the Bill of 1846, it would have
prevented the application of capital to your colonies.
These considerations, added to my unwillingness to dis-
turb the Government, induced me to support the Bill of
the Noble Lord. But can you now revoke that settle-
ment ? The Hon. Member for Oxford thinks you can.
But he is one of a very few who think so.—(Hear.)
The Crown has admitted the sugar of Cuba, Venezuela,
and the United States. I have endeavoured to give an
impartial consideration to every measure which has been
proposed. I will take one of them—the reduction of
colonial expenditure.' After having read the evidence
upon this subject, it has left an impression upon my
mind that colonial expenditure can admit of very great
reduction.—(Hear and cheers.) Those establishments,
founded on considerations of imperial policy, which are
part of our imperial institutions—connected as they are
with our system, it is impossible that there should not be
in our dependencies some servile imitations of them ;
and when I see the enormous expenditure of the Man,
ritius, of Jamaica, and other colonies, I am prepared to
hold out to the colonies the prospect of relief, and that
there shall be a most determined attempt to reduce
the expenditure within the narrowest limits.—
(Loud cheers.) Now there is no necessity in
a time of their distress, to keep up this unnecessary ex-
penditure.—(Cheers.) I wish to see the colonies main-
tained. I wish to recognise them as subjects of the
Queen, entitled to every consideration to which the in-
habitants of Lancaster are entitled.—(Loud cheers.) I
also admit that it is of the greatest importance, for the
purposes of defence and national policy, that you should
place in the administration of colonial affairs thb very
best men. I think that it would be a miserable economy,
for;the sake of some 2,0001. a year, to deprive this empire
of the abilities of such men as Lord Dalhousie, Lord
Harris, and Lord Elgin. I think if you deprived the co-
lonies of the presence of men of such ability by a shabby
economy, it would be very injurious. But I greatly
doubt with respect to the salary of the governor whether
it would not be prudent that this country should take the
payment upon itself.—(Hear, hear.) I think that the
governor should be independent of the colonies. I think
that he should be enabled to favour the colonies, and
that he should be able to offend them, did the
discharge of his duty require it, without
having his worldly means impaired. But with
respect to other salaries, such as a secretary's at 4,0001.
—(Hear, hear)—l would make very great reductions
in such.—(Hear, hear.) I do not blame the Govern-
ment for not having done something of this kind ; I am
ready to share the blame in not having given the ques-
tion an earlier attention. But Ido say that if you had

these salaries reduced, it would be very likely to please
the colonist by placing these positions within his own
reach.—(Hear, hear.) Ido not mean that you should
exclude ad persons who have no local interest to influ-
ence them, but some of the salaries attached to the
offices appear to admit of reduction. I am only speak-
ing of the principles generally, and in doing so I must
say that every reduction which can be made consis-
tently with the defence and the special local interests of
the colonies themselves, ought to be made, and whatever
relief you can afford them from retrenchment, is relief to
which the colonies are entitled .—(Hear.) That principle,
Sir, I apprehend her Majesty's Government admit. I
do not understand that that source of relief was excluded
from their plan. Well, then, as to police laws for the
prevention of vagrancy and squatting, we are also
agreed. Whatever you can do consistently with justice
and the real freedom of the negro, that we are all agreed
ought to be done. Of course, the question of how it is
to be done is one, without local knowledge, of difficult
solution. But we shall, lam sure, concur cordially with
the colonies in administering what relief can, under that
head, be granted to them.—(Hear, hear.) I now, then,
come to the grievances alleged by the colonists and their
demands for relief. There was a petition presented
from the district of Hanover in Jamaica so recently as
December, 1847, and in that petition I find that the in-
habitants of Jamaica—merchants, planters, and others—
demand " the removal of the protection which our fel-
low-subjects in Great Britain enjoy," and then the peti-
tion goes on to explain the nature of that protection,
stating that the English distillers, in addition to other
advantages, " enjoyed a protection against our rum of
93. per gallon." Now I understand that amongst the
measures of her Majesty's Government is contemplated
the reduction of that differential duty from 9d. to 4d.
per gallon. I cannot hold out to the colonists any hope
of a greater reduction, and 1 apprehend that Govern-
ment will have serious difficulties in carrying what is cc
tually proposed.—(Hear.) Well, the next grievance com-
plained of is this. The memorialists state " that the
British shipowner is protected by the navigation-laws,
and compels your petitioners to pay a freight of nearly
double the amount which they would pay if they were
permitted to ship in other vessels. A large amount of
American shipping leaves Jamaica in ballast, and but for
the protection of the British shipowners your petitioners
would be able to obtain their staves, provisions, and
other American commodities at cheaper freights, as well
as to enjoy similar advantages in transmitting their sugar
to this country." Well, Sir, I think that that is a very
reasonable complaint, but tt is disheartening, when we
are compelled to admit the complaint to be just, and
when a remedy is proposed to be applied, to be told that
the removal of the navigation-laws would be of no be-
nefit to us—that the produce of Cuba and the
Brazils would derive greater advantage from the
change than we.—(Hear, hear.) That is a considera-
tion which discourages me from holding out to the West

Indies too sanguine prospects of relief—because when
I did, so lately as December, 1847, the inhabitants of
Jamaica distinctly declare that the remedy propased
will be of no avail; for though the statement may be
brief, the argument is cogent, and I, for one, am willing
to afford a remedy. I say, Sir, looking at all this, it is
discouraging to he told, that the remedy which amid
great opposition you propose to apply, will be of no
avail,—(Hear, hear.) Sir, it is difficult to take any ge •
neral view of the position of the West India colonies,
and the remedies to be applied to them, because one great
element in the consideration is wanting. It is difficult
to give an opinion as to what course ought to be adopted
with respect to the squadron on the coast of Africa. A
Committee is sitting upon that subject—important evi-
dence is being taken, and I could wish that we knew the
result of that evidence, the opinion of the Committee,
and the intentions of the Government. A large expense
is borne by this country for that squadron. Now sup-
posing it to be found ineffectual, you still would be:com-
pelled to maintain a certain force, in consequence of ar-
rangements with America and France. But, at the same
time, if you can convince America and France that you
sought relief from that burthen, because the united squa-
dron was of little avail, I cannot doubt but that they
in turn would be influenced by similar motives and
would consider some more effectual means of gaining
the end in view. I myself give no opinion on'the'matter;
I am, indeed, inclined to doubt whether -the sudden
withdrawal of the squadron would not increase the evils
of the slave trade.—(Hear, hear.) But if any material
saving could be effected by such a withdrawal, I greatly
doubt whether this country would not willingly consent
to forego the direct pecuniary advantage, and apply the
money saved, or a great deal of it, to the furtherance of
other means for suppressing the slave trade.—(Hear,
hear.) Any view of the matter, however, must as yet
be imperfect and premature. Now, Sir, there are only
two other suggestions of very considerable importance.
The one is, that there shall be a great increase of immi-
gration, so as to increase the supply of labour ; the
other is, that direct assistance shall be given by means
of protective duties. Now, as to immigration, the Go-
vernment have, J think, admitted the principle that
this country shall, by way of loan, immediately pro-
vide the means of increasing the supply of
labour. As I understood it, 500,0004 is to be ad-
vanced for this purpose. Now, I am bound to say that
I do not attach the importance which some Hon. Gen-
tlemen do to an increased supply of labour.—(Hear,
hear.) What are the facts? The population of the
West Indies is in all about a million. I quote the evi-
dence of the llon. Gentleman the Member for Bristol
(Mr. Miles). Well, he says that be has no great con-
fidence in the efficacy of immigration. There are a
million of inhabitants, and the quantity of sugar pro-
duced is only about 140,000 hogsheads—a conclusive
proof of their being labour enough. Well, but then the
question seems to be, how are you to get access to it?
It is said, " threaten the negros with the importation of
fresh labour. That will operate as a moral check on
idleness. When they know that you have access to
labour, they will behave themselves." But it requires
the utmost tact to apply this consideration.—(Bear.)
To pour in upon the colonies tens of thousands of coolies
or negroes from the coast of Africa would be a very
even supposing it to be a very effectual, mode
clumsy,
ompsyejation. But what might be the result? Why
this—that you would heve added to the number of
labourers, without providing employment for them—
(Hear, hear)—that you would have added to the
number of strangers unaccustomed to the colony,
brought from many thousand miles away; and even
should the plan prove successful, and compel the negroes
to work, that you would notwithstanding, and by your
own acts, still have a superabundant supply of labour on
your hands.—(Hear, hear.) No; if' you are to have im-
migration, I greatly doubt whether it ought not to be
left to the speculation of individuals—(Hear, hear)—the
State taking every precaution against abuse—determin-
ing from what part of the African coast Government
negroes should be taken—that is to say, what parts are
inhabited by free negroes capable of forming a judgment
on the subject, and of understanding the nature of a con-
tract.—(Hear, hear.) Government ought, I think, in
addition, to take on themselves the responsibility of en-
tering into communication with the sovereign and zative
chiefs, explaining the object of the immigration, and,
offering to become responsible for the good treatment o:

the negroes on their arrival in the West Indies. But for
the Government to undertake more than this will be for it
to undertake schemes which I fear will end in disap-
pointment. As I said, I should be very much disposed
to facilitate the enterprise of individuals whose estates
wanted labour, the Government taking every precaution
against abuse. But, do what you will, do not subject
this country to the imputation of—under any pretence—
originating and encouraging a new slave trade.—(Bear,
hear.) I trust, however, that her Majesty's advisers
will not insist upon applying the 500,000/. to the pur-
poses of immigration. I believe that there are some
other modes by which temporary relief can be given to
the West Indies more effectually than by the plan pro-
posed. I have read the evidence as to the condition of
coolies upon their arrival in the West Indies, and that
evidence is conclusive as to the sufferings which they
must have endured upon the passage. But if Govern-
ment, on the other hand, be willing to admit the prin-
ciple of temporary pecuniary relief—and I heard the ad-
mission with great satisfaction—then I hope that they
will consider the most effectual mode of applying that
relief. Now, in some of the colonies there are great
obstacles in the way of extending drainage and irri-
gation; but in others the process would be
easy, and the benefits to be derived from it,
especially in the way of preventing the conse-
quences of drought —very great. Now, in the most
recently-taken evidence, I find that of a British Creole
—a great proprietor in Jamaica, I mean Lord Howard
de Walden; I have also the evidence of the Hon. Gen-
tleman who complained of the slumbers of the Noble
Lord the Premier—by the way I beg for a moment to
interrupt the slumbers of the lion. Gentleman himaelf,
but —" hanc veuiam petimusque, damusque vicissim."—
(Much laughter, in the midst of which Mr. Bernal who
was thus apostrophised, and who had been apparently
asleep on a Ministerial bench, awakened up and looked
about him, while Sir R. Peel resumed.) Lord Howard
de Walden says:—" There is a district between Kings-
town and Spanish Town, where a great deal of the finest
land could bo brought into cultivation, by making a cut
from Springhead to the river Coo. The estimated ex-
pense would be 4,oool.—three estates would be benefited
while the expense of the drain weuld be repaid in a,
year." Now why have not the planters of Jamaica been
reclaiming this magnificent district, and making a
drain themselves? The answer would of course be,
" We are so much impoverished that we cannot make
it; we rely on the British Government." But then we
say again, " Why did you not make it in the time of
your prosperity?" It was because you relied on pro-
tection.—(Cheers.) Because you relied on a factitious
stimulus, on the factitious aid of protection, you have
not made this improvement, which you would have
made if you had been subject to the wholesome influ-
ence of competition. Here is a drain which, being made,
would benefit three estates. The estimated expense is
4,000/., and the work will pay at least fifty per cent. on
the outlay. In a year or two you will be paid. Why,
we are draining in England if the operation pays us only
four or five per cent.; but in your case you have the
expense repaid in a year or two.—(Hear, hear.) Then
the Hon. Member for Rochester told us of estates in Porto
Rico. He told us of an estate to which irrigation had been
applied, and what was the result? The production of the
estate was at first under 100 hogsheads. Well, the pro-
prietor wants to compete with us; he tries irrigation, and
he raises his produce the first year 100 to 200 hogsheads,
the next year to 300, the next to 500, and in 1847 he
has his estate producing 900 hogsheads.—(Cheers.)
This is what can be done by irrigation—by pooviding
against drought. Well, if by such simple means such
great profits can be derived—if by attending to irrigation
such great results can be attained, why should not I
trust that when the West Indies recover from their pre,
sent depression, the natural result of being forced to
make a great exertion will produce a corresponding ad-
vantage?—(Hear, hear.) But we have evidence of Lord
Howard do Walden, which is still more important and
striking. He says—" A great deal might be done by
draining and irrigation;" and then he goes on to state
that a " tramway of eight miles, costing 150,0001., would
benefit sixteen estates, and that there is no question but
that the proprietors of those estates would pay the ex-
pense, but that there are difficulties in the state of the
law." Here, however, is the case of a tramway, giving
increased facilities for communication, costing only
150,000/. Well, let Government, being willing to aid
the West Indian body, apply some portion of the
500,000/., not to increase the supply of labourers, who
may become a mere population of surplus paupers; but
let them take an extended view of the improvements
which might be made, and endeavour to benefit the West
India body by aiding in their accomplishment. Well,
Lord Howard de Walden, as I have said, gives de-
cisive evidence as to the advantages of draining in many
parts of Jamaica. He does not approve of small drains,
which may be stopped up by the vegetation and the
roots of plants; but large drains, running through dis-
tricts, which, he says, may be formed with great advan-
tage. Now, here is shown the necessity of competition.
It is only under the influence of competition that you
can hope that these improvements—these drains and
modes of irrigation—will be had recourse to. Let that
competition be applied. There will then be improve-
ment, there will then be a demand for surplus labour,
the cutting of drains and the excavation of reservoirs,
salubrious labour, very different from cane planting; and
all this being effected, as I believe it can be effected,
under the guidance, and by the advice of a paternal Go-
vernment, the foundations may be laid for great local
prosperity. And now I come to the most important con-
sideration of all—Will I consent to give 10s. protective
duty for six years? If I consent to that proposition, I
vote for the amendment.—(Hear, hear) Yes, the reason
why I differ from my Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Goulburn,
we believe,) is this, that I cannot vote for the last amended
resolution of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Droitwich without encouraging belief on the part of
the West India body that I am prepared to give them 10s.
protective duty.—(Hear, and " Oh.") Yes, I think the
very minimum amount you could offer, after voting for
this resolution, is 10s. for six years.—(Hear.) Well, Sir,
after a full consideration of the case, that is a proposition
to which I am not prepared to accede—(Hear, hear)—
and I will not accede to it, not only on account of the
interest of the consumers here, but from a sincere and
conscientious belief that it would not be for the benefit o

he West India body themselves.—( Hear.) Now why do
I say
.that my Hon. Friend's last resolution implies a
protective duty of I Os. for six years ? He is not a simple
Member of Parliament. He was on the Committee—
he was acting with others, and he voted for the 10s.
duty. Well, he has proposed three resolutions.
The first was, that no remedy could be effectual
which did not give 10s. protective duty. The next was,
that any remedy proposed which was not in conformity
with the recommendation of the Committee would be
ineffectual—that recommendation being 103. for six
years. And then, ultimately, the resolution was changed
intoits present form. But I put it to the West India
body whether they would not say, " Why, the wording
of the resolution was changed for mere party considera-
tions, with a view to a division; but we consider that it
still means 10s. for six years, and if we succeed in de-
feating the Government plan, that is the amount of
protective duty which we shall expect from you."—
(Hear, hear.) Now, I cannot consent to that amount of
protective duty, and for these reasons—the West India
body is distressed by want of labour. But I am there-
fore called on to give protection in fiivour of
colsnial produce—not the produce of the West
Indies alone, but 10s. of protective duty on that
of the East Indies and the Mauritius, in both
of which British possessions there is no want of
labour. They are, in fact, to have the same advantage
as the West Indies, without having the same grounds of
complaint.—(Eicar, hear.) Then, what is the necessary
consequence ? You admit, in these very resolutions,
that a very considerable time must elapse before you
have any increase in the supply of labour in the West
Indies, but the stimulus of protection to the East Indies
will be immediate, while the amount of available la-
bour there is enormous. Why, you have the valley
of the Ganges, with, it is said, 500,000 square miles,
and labour at the rate of 2d. per day.—(oh, oh.) lam
speaking from the evidence—it is not my statement.
There is a large track, and there is no deficiency of
labour there. There is certainly some impediment on
account of the rent of land, but that can be removed ;
but yet the East Indies and the Mauritius are to re-
ceive au encouragement to compete with the West
Indies, though not labouring under the same disadvan-
tages, which competition will be as injurious to the
West Indies, in a pecuniary point of view, as foreign
competition.—(Hear.) It is admitted by this resolution,
that perhaps two years shall pass over before they
can in the West Indies procure that supply of labour,
but in this interval they are to be incited to competition
with other portions of the British colonies which labour
under no such want as they endure.—(Hear, hear.)
This is to expire at the end of six years, and let us con-
sider, if we grant this temporary protection, what object
it will ensure.—(Hear, hear.) The West Indians will
not enjoy it for more than three or four years, for they
will not have the supply of labour to enjoy it for a
longer period. And what will the Cubans say?
.Now,
I suppose that you are in earnest in this proposition,
and that when you propose " six years," the proposition
is not made with the lurking intention of continuing it
afterwards.—(Hear, hear.) It is a proposition for pro-
tection for six years—to come to an abrupt termination
at the end of that period—and after six years there is
to be unqualified competition with the produce of the
whole world, slave labour and free.—(Bear, hear.) Will
the Cubans, do you think, relax?—(Hear, hear.) Will
they not say that they have a guarantee from the British
Parliament that at the end of six years they will have
unlimited access to the British market.—(Hear, hear.)
How would slavery be discouraged by a proposition of
that kind ? You tell them, wait for six years, and you
will recover your position ; but what will the West
Indian body be doing in the meantime ? I find an ex-
planation of it in the observation of my Hon. Friend
(Mr. Barkly), and I must say that I was not surprised
at the clearness with which he spoke on the subject.—
(Hear) He spoke with a facility throughout which was
the result of great experience and knowledge. He is a
witness in favour of a protection of 10s., and what does
he say in answer to the questions put to him ? He says,
" At the present moment in those colonies we are en-
gaged in a struggle to reduce the wages, which is the
only means of putting the cost of production of sugar on
a sound and satisfactory basis.. I think the effect of a
differential duty to that extent for so long a period,
would be at once to decide the struggle in favour of
the negro."—(Hear,' hear.) Well, the last man I think
you should have any sympathy for is the negro demand-
ing extravagant wages.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I have
a sympathy for the West Indians, but the conse-
quence of giving this temporary protection will be to
decide that struggle in favour of the negro. You have
decisive evidence of the consequences that will result
from this proposition. It will decide the struggle in
favour of the negro. I think he would get his own way,
and get it, probably, to the amount of the increased
price of the produce. In fact, increase of wages will
be tantamount to the increase in the price of produce,
and therefore the benefit will go into the labourers' I
pocket.—(Bear, hear.) Then my Hon. Friend says