The Sun.
London, England, 1848-07-27 00:00:00

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in hand with that man who should succeed in uni-
versally distributing the olive-branch among the
nations. The union of the people of different states
was much more important, in his opinion, than the
the union of the heads of those states. France had
made proposals of friendship. They had no right to
distrust her. Distrust should only be admitted of N hen
facts contradicted professions. He did, however, fear
the expedient motives which might hare hitherto re-
strained her from war. Let them remember the recent
declaration of the French Government:—" The treaties
of 1815 have no existence for a Republic, yet the fron-
tiers of France distinctly mark the territorial relations
between France and foreign nations." And if these
treaties be made the source of complaint against France,
he would ask who had broken them? They had been
broken by the same despotic and craven policy that
swallowed up Cracow in 1846. They themselves ac-
knowledged them no more. They had broken them
by the incorporation of Schleswig into the German
Confederation ; for it was no part of Germany in
1806. They had broken them by incorporating East
and West Prussia into the German Confederation ;
for in 1815 these were Prussian States only, and no
part of the Confederation. He flattered himself that,
trom personal observation, he was well acquainted
with the state and feeling of parties in France. It had
beer. said that every Frenchman, sleeping or waking,
Bourbon or new Republican, set his heart on reconquer-
ing the left bank of the Rhine. Ile felt convinced that
this was as far from the ideas of the French as it was
from those of the Germans to conquer Alsatia. Still,
caution was never to be contemned. From no nation
had they received such congratulations and salutations
as from France—England had kept at a distance. To
be sure she had condescended to make her existence felt
in Denmark; but he questioned the fruits of her inter
ference. England, it had been said, was their natural
ally, and no continental power could be their ally. But
England's had been an artful policy. She had set the
continental powers by the ears, given them money to
fight her battles. for her, and after having paid
her monetary subsidies into the hands of the
privileged, had sucked it out of the German people
again, like a leech, by dint of the miserable policy that
regulated her commerce. Such an ally they need not
wish for. The very contrary of what he had said of
France would hold goOd with regard to Russia. Rus-
sian troops were on their borders, Russian proclama-
tions savoured' little of peaceable intentions towards
Germany. From Russia they had bad no assurances of
peace; she had spoken to them as an angry despot who
reproves a'sebellious slave. Re did not vote for an im-
mediate alliance with France. They must be first sure
how such an offer on their part would now be received.
But it should be,,the first care. of the Central Govern-
ment to send an ambassador to France, and to see how
an alliance could best be formed consistently with the ho-
nour of G er many.— (Loud cheers).
Biedermann spoke against Ruge's idea of a general
People's Congress. It would be a European Parliament
in fact, and the suffrages of the majority might triumph
over the voice of freedom. He considered the organiza-
tion of the three hundred battalions in France as proof
enough that there was a party there strongly inclined to
war. They had no more right to take a Frenchman's
word than a German's. As to what Lamartine had said,
it must be remembered that he had not always spoken
in such peaceful terms. It would be unfair, however, if
the Assembly proceeded more definitely in the matter
for the present; it had chosen a Ministry but a few
days ago, and it was only right to give it time to delibe-
rate. He strongly deprecated Vogt's abuse of England,
and especially his strictures on England's commercial
policy.
Wurm and Jahn followed; the former declaimed
warmly against Russia.
Beckerath espoused the cause of England. He thought
an alliance with France would induce hostilities on the
part of Russia, and an alliance with Russia would induce
the same on the part of France.
Mohring did not think France a fit subject for alliance.
He looked upon all republics as dangerous allies. They
were ever bent on extending their territory. In spite of
all its promises, let them look at what North America
had done. The caly people they could trust to were
themselves. They must not wander abroad for alliances,
but endeavour to concentrate and consolidate the power
of Germany itself, that groat nation, which occupied the
11 territory embraced by the Baltic, the North, the Black,
and the Adriatic Seas. With this view he warmly urged
the immediate conclusion of an alliance with Hungary
and its dependent lands; he could not favour the idea
of one with France, though he wished the French Re-
public to be acknowledged. He called upon the As-
sembly to rise and testify their sympathy for the Hun.
garians.
The Assembly rose in a body.
Wydenbruck replied. The chief feature of his reply
was, that he wished to abide by the motions of the Com-
mittee. The matter of offensive and defensive alliance
with France should certainly be referred to the Central
Government. . . . The Assembly had voted an in-
crease of the army, in order that the German forces
might really be of imposing strength. This was es-
sential. Germany must stand on its own footing; and
never ought it to be said that the German imperial eagle
had taken refuge under the wing of the Gallic cock. He
did not, however, think a general rupture in Europe was
to be feared.
Ruge denied having proposed an European parliament.
His motion was for a general people's congress, to be
composed Of diplomatists chosen by the people.
I subjoin the motions on which the Assembly divided.
The National Assembly fully acquiesces in the prin-
ciple propounded in the preamble of the international
Committee, viz.:—" That in matters of foreign policy
the honour and rights of Germany shall be placed above
every other consideration."
Carried almost unanimously.
Ruge moved—" The standing military forces are an
intolerable burden, and an establishment dangerous to
burgher freedom; a general European people's congress
shall, therefore, be invited to assemble, to take the rela-
tions of the European Powers into consideration, that the
disarming of the standing forces may be accomplished."
Rejected by a large majority on the Right and Centre
benches.
Schuselka moved—" The National Assembly shall
commission the Minister for Foreign Affairs to demand
of Russia an unequivocal declaration as to its intention
in posting such an extraordinary military force on the
German eastern frontier."
Riljected by a large majority.
Biedermann:s amendinent was—" That the motion of
the Committee be referred to the consideration of the
central power, accompanied with a recommendation to
carry out the measure therein proposed, viz., that such
strength be given to the German military forces on the
eastern frontier of Germany, that they may be quite
upon a par with the army that confronts them."—
Carried.
International Committee moves also—" That the Na-
tional Assembly, in respect to the motions concerning
offensive and defensive alliance, with different states,
shall pass to the order of the day."—Carried.
Committee moves—" That the National Assembly de-
clares that it regards the acknowledgment of France as a
republic, and the dispatch of an Ambassador for Germany
to Paris, as a matter of course in the approaching regu-
lation of the German embassies."
Carried almost unanimously.—(Repeated cries of
"Unanimously!")