The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-24 00:00:00

T.HE SUN, lON DON SATURDAY" EVEN] 1 G JANUARY 24. I 8.16.

•
PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
FRIDAY, JAN, 23.
The following. Petitions for Railway Bills were presented,
and hrdeted to lie on the table :
Ayrshire and Galloway Railway.
Wakefield, Pontefract, and Goole (Methley, Askern, and
Oakonshaw Branches) Railway.
Sheffield, Rotherham, Barnsley, Wakefield, Huddersfield,
and G. ole Railway.
Edinburgh and Peebles Railway.
Gesieral Terminus and Glasgow Harbour Railway.
Epsom and Dorking Railway.
Direct London and Portsmouth Railway.
Manchester and Birmingham Railway.
Leeds and Bradford Railway (Alteration of Levels in
Bingley).
Staines and Richmond Junction Railway.
North Kent Railway.
Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle-upon-Tyne Junc-
tion Railway.
Larne, Belfast, and Ballymena Railway.
Newry, Warrcnpoint, and Rosstrevor Railway.
East Lincolnshire Railway.
Belfast and Ballymoney Railway.
Belfast and County Down Railway.
Irish Great Western Railway.
North Staffordshire Railway (Potteries Line).
North Staffordshire Railway (Churnet Valley Line).
North Staffordshire Railway (Harecastle to Sandbach).
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment and Branches (No. 1).
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment and Branches (No. 2).
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment and Branches (No 3).
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment and Branches (No. 4).
Glasgow, Paisley, liilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment and Branches (No. 5).
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amend-
ment and Branches (No. 6).
London and South-Western Railway (Chertsey and
Egham Branch).
London and South-Western Railway (Romsey and Red-
bridge Junction)..
London and South-Western Railway (Basingstoke and
Salisbury Extension).
London and South-Western Railway (Epsom Branch).
London and South-Western Railway (Salisbury Junction).
London and,South-Western Railway (London-bridge Ex-
tension).
London and South-Western Railway (Hampton Court
Branch).
London, Newbury, and Bath Direct Railway.

NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL-OFFICE.

FRIDAY, JAN. 23.
Sheffield, Rotherham, Barnsley, Wakefield, Huddersfield,
and Goole Railway—Committee on Petition, Monday, Feb. 2.
Wakefield, Pontefract, and Goole Railway (Methley,
Askern, and Oakenshaw Branches)—Committee on Petition,
Monday, Feb. 2. -
North Kent Railway—Committee on Petition, Monday,
Feb. 2.
Staines and Richmond Railway—Committee on Petition,
Monday, Feb. 2.

RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS.

MANCHESTER, JAN. 23.

STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are —Birkenhead, Lancashire, and
Cheshire Junction, 4% p.—Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton, 2% P.—
Clitheroe Junction, p. c.—Eastern Counties, 22% —Grand Union,
p.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, % p.—Leeds and Thirsk,
4 p.—Leicester and Bedford, % p.— Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston,
2% p.— London and Manchester (Rem.), % dis.—London and York,
2 p.—Manchester and Birmingham, 7734—Ditto, New Quarters, 7%
p. —Manchester and Birmingham Continuation and Welsh Junction,
dis.—Mabchester and Bury Atmospheric, i p. —Manchester and
Leeds Extension, 4% p.—Manchester, Midland, and Grimsby, p.
—North Staifordshire, p. —North Western, 38s. p.—Nottingham,
Erewash, Ambergate, &c., % p.—Oldham, Birkenhead, &c., par
Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction, 2 15-16 p. —Sheffield and Man-
chester, 130—Ditto, Quarters. No. 3, 4 p.— Shropshire Uniou Rail-
way and Canal, % p.—South Eastern and Dover, Consolidated
Halves, 1 p

LEEDS, JAN. 23.
STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-London and Croydon, 22% -
York and North Midland Extension (East and West Riding), 10% p.
-East Lancashire, No. 2 (late Accrington), 4% p.-Great Grhnsby
and Sheffield, 10-Ditto, Quarter Shares, 2 p.-Ditto, Extensions,
16s. p.-Iluddersfield and Sheffield, 22-Leeds and Bradford,: 52%
-Leeds and Thirsk, 11% - Ditto, New, 3s. p.-Liverpool and Bury,
New, 3M p.-North British, New Carlisle Branch, 31. 68.-London
and York, 4%-Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 4% -West Riding
Union, 6% -Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston, 12s. p.-Cli-
theroe Junction, 31. 45.-Grand Union, 12s. c. p.-Lancashire and
North Yorkshire, 18s. 6d. p.-Lancashire, Yorkshire, and North
Eastern, 58. dis.-Leeds and York, ss. dis.-Leeds, Wakefield, and
Midland, 20s. p.-Leicester and Bedford, 17s. 6dp. -Northumberland
and Lancashire Junction, 13s. dis.-North Western, 31.15. 6d.-South
Midland, 3 p.-York and Carlisle, 2%.
HULL, JAN. 23.
STOCK ExcaANGE.-The sales are-York and North Midland
Extension, 39-Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton, New, ss.
Leeds and Thirsk, 1 l% -North British, Carlisle, 3-Ditto, Dalkeith,
6 -Ambergate, Nottingham and Boston, 3% p.-Axholme, 3-
East Lincolnshire, 3-Grand Union, 385.-Great North and South
Wales and Worcester, U.-Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland, V. 3s -
Leicester and Bedford, 11. 175.-Leicester and Tamworth, 21. 11s.-
Liverpool and Leeds, 2M - London nnd York, 4%-Manchester, Bux-
ton, and Matlock, 41. 4s. 6d.-North Western, 21. 18s. 6d.-South
Midland, 5/. 4s. 6d. -Shropshire Union, 21. 9s. 6d.
SHEFFIELD, JAN. 23.
Srocx EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Grimsby and Sheffield, 21. 19s.
-Goole and Doacaster, 44-Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland, 3/. Is.
- Manchester, Sheffield, end Midland Junction, 4M-Manchester,
Midi ind, and Great Grimsby, 2 -Sheffield and Lincolnshire Exten-
sion, 3/. 45.-South Yorkshire Canal Railway, 41.
NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, JAN. 23.

STOCK ExcuTeioET—The sales are—North British, Halves, Car-
lisle, 375. p.—York and North Midland Extension (East and West
Biding), I ls. p

YORK, JAN. 23.
STock EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Newcastle and Darlington Ex-
tensions, 11%—York and North Midland, Selby, 8714—Ditto, Ex-
tension, 39%—Ditto, New (East and West Riding), 1114—Ipswich
and Bury, 5 —Newcastle and Berwick, 2114—Wakefield, Pontefract,
and Goole, New, 10%—London and York, 41. 108. 6d.— Clitheroe
Junction, 3—Grand Union, 17(3—Leicester and Bedford, 21. ls.—
London and York Extension, 214—Mahon and Driftleld Junction, 3
—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 4 M —North Western, 3

EDINBURGH, JAN. 21.
STOCK EXCIIANGE.-The sales are-Airdrie and Bathgate, 585.-
Ayr and Galloway. 425.-British and Irish Union, 675. 6d.-Caledo-
nian Extension, 625. 6d.-East Coast of Scotland, 40s. -Edinburgh
and Bathgate, 605.-Edinburgh and Granton, Preference,2l%-Edin-
burgh and N•rthern, ?U.-Ditto, Newport, 255. 6d.-Ditto, Loch-
gelly, 31s. 6d.-Edinburgh, Portobello, and Musselbnrgh, 335. 6d.-
Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 453.-North British, Extension to
Carlisle, 595. 6d.-scottish South Midland, 465. 6d.-Shrewsbury and
Hereford, 18s. 6d.-Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester, New, 245. -
Stirling and Dunfermline, 50s.- Strathern Junction, 595.
GLASGOW, JAN. 22,
STOCK EXCITANGE.-The sales are'- Aberdean, Banff, and
Elgin, 355.-Airdrie and Bathgate, 5814-Ayr and Dumfries
Junction, 435.-Caledonian, New, 755.-Ditto, Extension, 625.
6d.-Caledonian and Dumbartonshire Junction, 515.-Cornwall and
Devon Central, 415.-East Indian Railway, 28s. 6c1.-Forth and
Clyde Junction, 455.-Glasgow General Terminus, 14- Glasgow, Kil-
marnock, and Ayr, 731.- Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossaa, 635.
6d.-Glasgow, Airdrie, and Menkland -Junction, 575. 6d.- Glasgow
Harbour Grand Junction, 373.6d.-Great North and South Wales, 68.
6d.-Great North of India, 10s.-Lesmahagow, 605.-Midland and
Eastern Counties, 355.-Newcastle, Edinburgh, and Glasgow Junc-
tion, 445.-South Midland, 965. 6d.

COURT 'CIRCULAR.

The. Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday in
the royal gardens of Buckingham Palace.
His Royal Highness Prince Albert, attended by Col.
Bouverie, visited her, Royal Highness the Ducl.ss of
Gloucceter yesterday. The Duke of-Cambridge visited
the Royal Duchess yesterday.
• Her Majesty and Prince Albert honoured the perform-
ance of the French plays with their presence yesterday
evening. The royal suite consisted of the Viscountess
Jocelyn, the Hon. Miss Paget, the Marquis of Ormonde,
Colonel Buckley, and Col. Bouverie.
Baron Dedel is prevented from resuming his diplo-
matic functions at this Court, in consequence of serious
indisposition, which detained him at the Hague.
The President of the Board of Trade and the Vice-
President had an interview with Sir Robert Peel yes-
terday.. The Chancellor of the Exchequer and other
Cabinet Ministers visited the Right Hon. Baronet yes-
terday._

The Lail or Powis, and a deputation, had an interview
yesterday with the Earl of Dalhousie, at the Office of the
Board of Trade.

Mr. Hedworth Lambton, M.P., arrived at Farrance's
Hotel, from Brighton.

The Marchioness of Hastings and Captain Hastings
Henry have arrived at Farrance's Hotel, from their seat
in Hampshire.

PRINCE ALBERT and the PARISH

OF WINDSOR.

WINDSOR, FRIDAY.—A very numerously-attended vestry
was held yesterday afternoon, in the vestry-room, and ad-
journed thence to the Town-hall,i in pursuance of the follow-
ing notice, signed by the three churchwardens (Messrs.
Adams, Clode, and Ingalton), and the four overseers of the
parish (Messrs. Woke, Rose, Cleave, and Chisholm) :
" PARISH OF NEW. WINDSOR, WITH DEDWORTIL—Notice
is hereby given, that a vestry will be held in the vestry-
zoom, on Thureday next, the 22d of January inst., at three
o'clock in the afternoon, for the purpose of receiving the
'frac:ions reply of his Royal Highness Prince Albert to the
memorial presented to his Royal Highness by the church-
wardens and overseers of this parish, on the 14th inst., and
returning to his Royal Highness the grateful thanks of the
parishioners for his liberality and kindness, and for the ex-
pression of the feeling of the parish towards his Royal High-
ness."

The Rev. ISAAC COSSET, the vicar, upon the motion of
Mr. CLODE, jun., seconded by Mr. COBDEN, was voted into
the chair.

The Rev. CHAIRMAN briefly opened the proceedings by
observing, that he hoped those preseut would confine their
observations to the object for which the vestry had been
convene& :

Mr. DARVSLL entered into a statement of the proceedings
which had taken place between the parish officers and Mr.
Anson, Prince Albert's private secretary, regarding the rating
of Flemish Farm, the particulars of which have already ap-
peared, and added that he had written to Mr. Anson, acknow-
ledging the receipt of his letter, and expressing the thanks
of the parish officers for the kindness and liberality mani-
fested by the Prince Consort.
Mr. BLUNT expressed his grateful thanks to the Prince
Consort for the liberality be had evinced towards the
parish. He regretted very much he had not been present
at the previous vestry meetings, because he then should have
had an opportunity of setting some of those persons right
who had spoken upon those occasions. He begged to move
the following resolution
"That an address be presented to his Royal Highness
Prince Albert, expressing the most sincere thanks of this
meeting for his kind consideration of the memorial presented,
and for hid graciously consenting to contribute towards the
' parochial funds, although not liable thereto."
Mr. ROBERTS briefly seconded the resolution.
' After a few observations from Mr. Horiusis,
Mr. JUDGE entered into a lengthened statement, touching
the chief features of the case.
Mr. BEDBOROUGH said he would be the lasl person to ob-
- ject to the thanks of the vestry being given to his Royal
Highness, in conformity with the resolution proposed by Mr.
Blunt; but lie certainly had an objection to the latter
' part of the resolution, in which the Prince is thanked for
contributing towards the parochial funds. He had pre-
pared a resolution, embodying his views, which might be
incorporated with the resolution or not, moved by Mr. Blunt,
and which he would read :—" That this vestry, relying on
the assurance ;of the churchwardens and overseers, ;,that
his Royal Highness Prince Albert has been improperly and
illegally rated for the Flemish Farm, deeply regret that any
supplication should have been made to his Royal Highness,
craving as a boon that which they (the parish officers) fully
acknowledge they have no claim to as a right. That whilst
freely acknowledging the dignified condescension of his Royal
Highness, in allowing any communication to take place with
the parish officers, after the comments which had been pub-
licly made upon the question relative to the Flemish Farm,
and the razing of houses connected with the improvements
of the Castle; and deeply impressed with feelings of pro-
found respect for his Royal Highness for his ready acquies-
cence in the prayer of the parish authorities, yet this vestry
is of opinion that the credit and character of the town and
its inhabitants will be seriously compromised by sanctioning
the late supplication by the receipt of his Royal Highness's
gracious donation, and that this vestry do adjourn for the
purpose of maturing the best means of extricating the parish
from its present position."
After some further discussion, the amendment was then put
to the meeting and lost by a show of hands, and the original
resolution carried.

Mr. BLUNT then moved, that an humble address (which
he read) be presented to his Royal Highness, expressing the
thanks of the parishioners for the Prince's kind consideratiou
in contributing towards the poor's-rates of the parish for
Flemish Farm. _

The address was seconded by Mr. SNOWDEN, grocer to her
Majesty, and carried.
The address, upon the motion of Mr. DAIWILL, was or-
dered to be engrossed and to be taken round the town by the
parish officers for signatures previous to itsbeing presented to
Prince Albert.
The Rev. CHAIRMAN, in acknowledging a vote of thanks
for his conduct in the chair, congratulated the meeting upon
the result of the proceedings and upon the good feeling which
prevailed. He sincerely hoped it would tend to unite still
closer the town of Windsor with her Majesty and her Royal

Consort.
Mr. NEIGHBOUR. before the meeting broke up, begged to
suggest, as a benevolent mode of disposing of the money
received, and to be received in future from Prince Albert,
that it might be appropriated in the payment of the poor-
rates of all persons in the parish, who were rated under 101
a year.
The Rev. CurAmmAx informed Mr. Neighbour that the
suggestion he had kindly made could not be legally carried
into effect.
The vestry then adjourned.

RETIREMENT OF DR. NICROLL.
The following explanation of his motives for retiring from
the office of Judge-Advocate-General has been addressed by
Dr. Nicholl to his constituents :
TO THE ELECTORS OF CARDIFF, COWBRIDGE, AND LLAM-

TRISSENT.
Gentlemen,—Having ceased to be Judge-Advecate-
General, I hasten to lay before you the cause and circum-
stances of my retirement from an office which confers honour
on all who hold it worthily.
When suddenly driven to the smith of Europe by the
health of one deservedly dear to me, I foresaw that the same
cause which forced me abroad would enjoin my residence out
of this country during a longer period than I could properly
be absent from the discharge of my official functions; and on
the 19th of October I most reluctantly made, in a proper
quarter, a communication to that effect.
An offer was kindly made that I should not retire until I
had a better opportunity of deciding on the necessity of re-
maining on the continent.
I readily, though with faint hopes, accepted that offer.
Those hopes having vanished, I announced that my duty to
others forbad my constant residence in England throughout
the spring, and I begged that a successor might be given to
me whenever that could be done most conveniently.

Such, gentlemen, have been the cause and circumstances
of my retirement. My political attachments and affections,
and my confidence in Sir Robert Peel's Government, are as
strong and as decided as ever. As a proof of this, I have
sought and have been appointed to an unpaid seat at the
Board of Trade.

I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
Your most faithful servant,
33, Belgrave-square, Jan. 23. JOHN NICHOLL,

IRON AND THE IRON TIt4DE.
(From the Builder.)
The quarterly meeting of the ironnaasters was lately
held at Birmingham. It was not so numerously attended
as hereVfore. This may he attributed in some degree
to a dispute now waging between the great masters on
the one part and a number of small factors chiefly re-
siding in Walsall and Wolverhampton on the other, with
respect to the exact days on which the quarterly meet-
ings are due. The prices, however, remain firm, with a de-
cided tendency to a rise in all descriptions of iron. 101. per
ton for bar iron is firmly maintained ; indeed, there was
little inclination to sell at this price. and but few sales
were effected. There was an advance of 10s. per
ton on Shropshire pig-iron, which now stands at 5/. 10s.
There was no advance on Staffordshire pig-iron, the
price of which may be quoted at from 51. to Si. ss. per
ton. The Glasgow pig-iron trade has experienced a
rise of late; nearly 4,000 to,ts were sold last week at
80s. to 82s. 6d., after which 1,000 tons realised 83s.
Several of the makers are open for contracts or sale for
immediate delivery at 855., but it is believed that 83s. 6d.,
prompt cash, would buy from makers 8,000 to 10,000

tons.
To shqw how cheaply iron is obtained, and how the
mec': anical skill and labour expended upon it totally
overshadow the original price, the last number of the
British Quarterly Review gives the folio ving curious and
instructive calculation:—
Bar-iron worth 1/. sterling, is worth, when wollted
into—
Horse-shoes .
Knives (table) 36 0
Needles
Penknife blades
Polished buttons and buckles 897 0
Balance springs of watches 50,000 0
Cast-iron worth 11. sterling, is worth, when converted

into—
Ordinary machinery
Larger ornamental work
Buckles and Berlin work
Neck chains, Sze
Shirt-buttons
Thirty-one pounds of Shropshire iron has been made
into wire upwards of Il l miles in length; and so fine
was the fabric, that a part of it was humourously con-
verted, in lieu of the usual horsehair, into a barrister's
wig! The process followed to effect this extraordinary
tenuity consists of heating the iron, and passing it
through rollers of eight inches diameter, going at the
rate of 400 revolutions per minute down to No. 4 on the
wire gauge. It is afterwards drawn cold, at Birming-
ham or elsewhere, do vn to the extent of 38 on the same
gauge, cnd so completed to the surprising length of
1 l 1 miles.
Of the quantity of iron manufactured in Great Britain,
South Wales produces 2721 thousand tons; Stafford-
shire, 2191; Shropshire, 811; Scotland, 3714;
Yorkshire,
33; Derbyshire; 22i; and North Wales, 25.

Mr. Robert John Bagshaw, who seconded ono of the
the Marylebene Anti-Corn-law meeting on
• , Alm made a most excellent spetch on the
OCCaSial, is the son of Mr. Bagshaw, so well known as a
staunch reformer, and great supporter of the Liberal party in
MatTlebone. The son bids fair to do honour to the name,
and is a valuable acquisition to the cause.

FRANCE.
CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, JAN. 21.
RELATIONS WITH AMERICA.
The order of the day was the adjdiiiiied disetistion oil the
address. •

M. Guizot, Minister of Foreign Affairs—Gentlemen, the
Chamber will allow me to request not only its usual kind-
ness, but its entire liberty of spirit, and its most considerate
attention. The Hon. a Thiers yesterday made an appeal
to your first impressions—to your instincts; I shall appeal
to your judgment, the surest fundament condition, in my
opinion, of all good and great policy. What I ask of you I
have practised myself in the examination of this question. I
have telt all its gravity—l foresaw, long before I acted on
the Texan question, all the objections that could be raised to
our policy. It required my deepest conviction to determine
the line of conduct which I felt it my duty to recommend to
the Crown, and I am convinced that it is the only one suit-
able to the great interests of the country. I wished to point
out in the first place, with some degree of precision, what I
have done. I shall retrench nothing—modify nothing—that
I hate done. I wish only that it should be well explained.
In concert with the Texan representative at Paris, and called
on by his overtures, I advised Texas to preserve its in-
dependence, and I counselled Mexico to recognise that inde-
pendence—nothing more. From the first I set aside all idca
of guaranteeing that independence. I declar.d, both in this
tribune and elsewhere, from the very outset of the question
that its solution depended entirely on the resolution of the
Texan people; that when their determination should have
been declared we should have nothing further to say. Con.
suited by it while yet undecided, we gave our advice, we ex-
ercised our influence. ' Since then, the Texan people have
declared themselves ; the majority for the annexation is evi-
dent; from that moment we abstained from further action,
we neither used nor sought to use any kind of influence. In
the course of the affair we had no communication on the ques-
tion with the United States ; we addressed no note to them
on the subject; the question was entirely between the
two independent states, France and Texas. I main-
tain the correctness of this policy, but I considered
it my duty to re. establish it in the terms in which it
was practised; nothing could be more candid, more 'cor-
rect, or mole considerate of every right. In this state of
things, when 1 met in the message of the President of the
Unittd States words which I have already quoted in another
place, I could not but feel some surprise (the Hon. Minister
then read the extract from the Message relative to the inter-
vention of European Powers in the affairs of the American
continent, and continued)—that is to say, that wp are for-
bidden to interfere or express our opinion on the affairs of
any independent nation of North America. We ;have had
with those nations relations and affairs in common, and
nevertheless we are interdicted from exercising our moral in-
fluence over them. I ask the Chamber whether this is suit-
able to the dignity and grandeur of France. For my part I
consider our dignity to be in a certain degree wounded by
this pretensisn, and I do not hesitate to say that if any other
Government had made use of the same.expression, it would
have met with general censure in this assembly. I have
done nothing more than claim freedom of action for French
policy in North America. As to the interests of France in
those countries, they are of two kinds—commercial and
political. As to commercial interests, I shall be very brief
in my remarks on them, although the Honourable Deputy
(M. Thiers) has perhaps treated them with a little dis-
dain. We have a great general interest with the affairs of
the New World. This general interest is this—it is, that
there is not there a single mode of regulating the tariffs.
Picture to yourselves the entire of the New World regulated
by one commercial law ! Do you consider it would be for
the interests of our commerce to have it governed in Ame-
rica by such a state of things. So much for our general in-
terest. As to Texas, and to our superior interest in that
affair, 'I cannot admit the disdain shown by the Hon. M.
Thiers. In 1838 the recognition of Texas by France was
based on the advantage of our commercial relations with
that country. At that period it appeared desirable to have
in that part of the world a great country which could supply
us with raw materials, and purchase our productions on
better terms than the United States, and it was this motive
which determined the recognition of the independence of
Texas by us. I shall now pass on to the political interests.
M. Thiers made u of an expression which I accept. Yes,
the question here doubtedly is one of the policy of the
litp
world. There v re immense facts connected with it, which
were inevitable 'AI the present state of the world; three great
Powers—Russia, England, and the United States—were
seeking to extend their territories. From circumstances
which you are well aware of France was not pursuing
the same course in so great a degree; it had undertaken
a great task in Africa, which it is for its ho-
nour to bring to a successful termination. But
with this exception France was not seeking terri-
torial aggrandisement; but it concerns her that the
three great nations I have alluded to should observe a balance
of power, that neither ane of them should be exclusively pre-
ponderant. France has this great interest and she has also
another—the maintenance of secondary and independent
states. In Asia, -Russia and England had increased their
possessions; but they had now mutually stopped in thefr
progress. In America, the United States were aggrandizing
alone. I shall not here repeat what I said in another place of
the sentiments with which the grandeur of the United
States does and ought to inspire us; we applaud it both as
regards the present and the future. It is necessary to us fo,r
the part which we are called on to perform in the affairs of
the world. Ido not retract any of the expressions I have
used, for no conviction can be stronger on the subject than
what I feel. Is it to be supposed that in no case, whatever
may be its progress, the greatness of America is not to
be to us a subject of uneasiness, that she can never be for
us a cause of umbrage, if, for instance, the whole conti-
nent of America were to fall into the same hands? (Murmurs
from the Left.) It is sufficient for me to remind you of the
words which 1 just now used. The language of the Presi-
dent excludes you from all participation in the affairs of
America; lie forbids you to meddle with them, notwith-
standing the relations which you have with states there
situated, or the treaties youniay have concluded with them ;
and it will be easy for me to convince you that the preten-
sion of M. Thiers is excessive. By the words balance of
power, and counterpoise, I did not intend to make any assi-
milation between the New World and our own, although the
experience of the one might well serve as a lesson to the
other ; I said that we ought not to remain without thinking
of the future, at the aspect of a great power, which I wel-
come as sincerely as any one. It has been said, that we sa-
crifice to this forethought our present relations with the
United States. In a country like America, where things pro-
ceed so rapidly, foresight cannot be distant and confused.
Call to your recollections what this country, now so great
and so powerful, was fifty years since. Who among you
could have anticipated such a development of her power?
Who can foresee what that power will be fifty years
hence? In the face of such facts, I repeat that forethought
is not distant; it is wise and prudent. Neither is it true
that we sacrifice to it our present good relations. Between
intelligent nations good relations aye not so easily broken,
when the general interests and feelings of the countries are
in their favour. Do not,in the least believe that the affair
of Texas will have so -disastrous a result as has been repre-
sented; our good relations will not be compromised; they
will surmount those momentary difficulties; we may there-
fore take thought forthe future without fear and without
danger. I can find in it sufficient motives to justify the po-
licy at once reserved and candid which we have followed.
There is, however, another imminent and pressing interest
to which I would direct all the attention of the Chamber.
The United States are not alone on the American continent ;
they have, under the title of neighbours, frequent relations
with England; relations which are at the present moment
delicate and even perilous. I need not say that I allude to
the Oregon question, and it is with regard to this point that
the policy we have followed is excellent. The Chamber
must permit me to say a word on the subject of our relations
with England.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Those relations
are easy and friendly. We wish to maintain them so ; we
consider that this intelligence between the two countries is
necessary for the maintainance of peace; we are convinced
that it is necessary to choose between real intimacy and that
indifference, that coolness, which does not completely disturb
peace, but which removes from it its real character, and we
have made that choice.—(Marks of adhesion from the Centre.)
I have to add, that this policy has taken nothing from the
independence of France.—(Denial on the Left.) Gentlemen,
if I could put aside the solemnity of this discussion, and
appeal to the familiarity of private conversations, there is not
a single person to whom I could speak, who would not allow
that the policy of France with respect to England has been
completely independent.—(A loud burst of denial on the Left,
met with counter-exclamations from the Centre.) Consider
all the questions that have divided France and England for
the last five years—Greece, Spain, Syria, Otahiete, and the
Right of Search—and you will see that the independence of
France has been complete, and that the results of the good
feeling between the two nations have been reciprocal and
equally to the advantage of each. M. Thiers told you yes-
terday that the two countries were discontented with each
other—that England considered herself sacrificed to France.
M. Thiers—No, no.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—l shall read your very
words.—{The Hon. Minister here read, from the Moniteur,
the expressions of M. Thiers, on this point.)
M. Thiers—l cannot admit the interpretation given by the
Hon. Minister to my words.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—l give no interpretation
whatever—l merely read the words themselves.
111. Thiers—Because I was yesterday impartial and true,.
the concessions which I made are now turned against ms.'
What I meant to say was, that in consequence of the manner
in which the alliance was conducted, the two nations were
exceedingly discontented with each other. And whilst im-
mense sacrifices have been made, and in particular the Prit-
chard indemnity—(" Oh, oh," from the Centres)—I repeat it
that whilst one makes immense sacrifices, the other is not
satisfied with what it has obtained. Yes, I repeat it with a
profound conviction, it is a badly-conducted alliance which
renders the two nations dissatisfied with each other. This
state of things is due to events which have been unneces-
sarily brought about by the present Cabinet.—(Applause
from the Left.)
The Minister of Foreign Affairs.—l must beg leave to deny
in the most positive manner that the two countries are in the
least discontented with each other.--(Dissent on the Left.)
I must demand pardon from the three Hon. Gentlemen who
interrupt me if I do not recognize them as the country—
(Approbation from the Centre), or take their opinion as that
of the great majority of the nation. I repeat it, the two
countries are not discontented with each other-. they have
not for a length of time been on better terms. Call to
mind in fact all the questions, all the incidents that.haavnerl:o"wn
to trouble their relations during the lastCfialbletsea,";hese diflis
by the mutual confidence of the two
for instance,
culties have been surmounted. Think, . of Ota-•
heite—of the Right of Search—of Morocco.—(Violent ex-
clamations on the Left.) All these questions have been re-
solved in a manner conformable to ton sue
interests and
honour of the two countries. And do you suppose that this
would have been equally the case with every Cabinet—with
every description of policy? Do you believe filet if matters
had been conducted in the two countries with less prudence,
these relations would not have been altered? Do not ima-
gine any such thing, for you would fall into a great error!
The reason of matters having passed over so peaceably is,
that in both countries there were men who placed general
policy above all special questions; who comprehended that
mere temporary incidents ought to be settled amicably—
(Hear)—and that the flag of peace ought to float aloft, high
above all passing differences.—(Loud cheers.) Such are the
means by which good relations have been maintained, and
I repeat it, that they could not have been effected by
every hand—(Renewed cheers.) But I leave aside this
question of our relations with England, which I should not
have alluded to, had I not been led to it by the Hon. Deputy
opposite. I return to our relations with America. What
line of conduct ought we to observe in the question pending
between the United States and England? We ought to
make every exertion to prevent a collision, but should it,
notwithstanding our efforts, unfortunately take place, our
part will be to guard between the two nations an absolute
neutrality. Such is the line of conduct which we shall fol-
low, and I venture to say, that it will not be without an ad-
vantage and profit to France. As we acted with respect to
the United States in the question of Texas, so should we have
done with respect to England, if she wished to take pos-
session of that country. We wished to express the sentiment
of France in the future policy of the world—and we have
acted precisely as General Washington determined on
in 1794. That great man founded the policy of
neutrality for the United States, at the moment when
France, to whom the United States owed so much, was in-

curring such imminent dangers. Washington acted wisely,
and he has giVen us an admirable example to follow.
Washington bad to defend himself a strong popular clamour
which urged him on to engage in the struggle. I foresaw,
and I feresee still, that a similar movement may manifest
itself in France, and I thought that it was both prudent and
frank to intimate thus early what should be our conduct
hereafter. Such was the Meaning of our demonsffation in
the little question of Texas. We had no desire to manifest
any hostile intentions towards the United States—we
merely wished to announce what France would do—namel,
to adopt a policy of strict neutrality. It is by liberty of
action that France will weigh most in the balance, and
oblige the powers to think the more of her. Such was the
object of our conduct with respect to Texas, and we shall
persevere in the line of conduct that we have traced out to
ourselves.—(Loud cheers,)
M. Billault, who rose to reply, began by contesting the
commercial advantages accruing to France from the inde-
pendence of Texan: The commercial relations between the
two countries in 1845 had teen) he said, confined to the ex-
change of two vessels ; the piantity of cotton imported from
Texas had only amounted to 53,000 kilegtamtnes, whilst
France annually drew from the United States 67,0001000
kilogrammes of that article. The proceeds of the trade with
Texas had been under 200,000 francs, whilst the commerce
of France with the world exceeded 2,000,000,000 francs.
Billault having asked M. Guizot what he should have
done had Texas given herself to England ?
M. Guizot replied that he Ell on Id have held the same lan-
gua4,e, followed the same conduct, given the same advice,
and stopped at the same point.
M. Billault then proceeded to describe the gigantic power
of England, enumerating the military positions occupied by
her in every sea and quarter of the world, and asked if the
maritime balance of power was not actually destroyed by
Great Britain. Ministers, however, were too desirous to
preserve her alliance to venture a remonstrance on the sub-
ject. M. Billault next showed the interests of England and
France
everywhere at variance. The power of England-de-
pended,
he said, on the development of her manufacturing,
commercial,
and maritime interests, and the day she found
no markets for the production of her industry, there would
be an end to her power. He next reverted to the conduct
of the Cabinet in American affairs, and contended that it
bad not exerted itself to reconcile the two parties, but had
sided with England, to the great detriment of the interests
of France.

....
When M. Billault had concluded, the general discussion
was closed.

COUNSEL to the ANTI-SLAVERY
SOCIETIES.
The last advices from the United States mention that
the line of Texas is to be extended, and California pur-
chased from the Mexicans, if they will sell ; and taken,
of course it will be, if they refuse the money. In Con-
gress, a gentleman who would be reckoned insane out of
America, but is quite suitable for that republic, has sug-
gested the purchase of Cutla, and will offer resolutions
on the subject. Spain needs money, and the slave
holders of the Southern States have dollars ; but if
the people at Madrid will not sell, it is easy to quarrel
with. them. The tendency of all these purchases
is apparent. The members of the Anti-Slavery
Societies here may see in it the frustration of their views
—benevolent views they are—but unsuitable for the
interests or the passions of the United States. We
advise them to checkmate the slave-drivers. Our advice
comes into few but decisive words:—Buy Cuba and
California. Mexico and Spain need money. The States
offer ten millions of dollars for California. Give twelve
or sixteen—it is a cheap purchase, and you will devote a
region to liberty that would otherwise be a hotbed of
tyranny and the vilest oppression, while a fair
dividend will be payable on the shares. Where
will the money be obtained? All the purchase-
' money is not requisite. Buy up Mexican bonds at
home, or compound with the holders. Then buy
Cuba, and pay it in Spanish bonds, of which there are
rather too many in this country. Liberate its slaves, as
those of the British West India Islands were liberated;
and the noblest action ever performed by a gigantic
joint-stock company will be completed. And a large
joint-stock company will do the work, and do it well.
Britain and France would protect the new states, and
we should greatly rejoice to see President Polk, in his
regimentals, checkmated by Joseph Sturge in his drab
and pacific costume.
'These are practical measures, and far more useful
than any nutiber of quarrels amongst those who join
in a perfect hatred to slavery, while they differ in its
mode of suppression.—Glasgow r.ationaL

THE LATE EARL SPENCER.
Lord Althorp, who now became Chancellor of the
Exchequer, and leader of the house of Commons, was
eighteen years younger than Lord Grey. His father,
Lord Spencer, had joined Mr. Pitt in the first revolu-
tionary war, and held office under him, In returning to
his old connexions, he had retained several of those
opinions of Mr. Burke which first led to the schism.
Accordingly, Lord Althorp, wh( n lie first sat in the
House of Commons, was not friendly to Parliamen-
tary reform. He worked out his free principles by con-
stant observation and n flt ctior, in the practical school
of Parliamentary life. his diligence was indefatigable,
his sagacity quick, his judgment seldom at fault. Or,
if ever he fell into a mistake, it was from too unsuspi-
cious a confidence in the virtue of mankind—the error
of a trusting, believing, hoping nature. He had im-
proved his understanding by extensive reading, and was
accustomed to work out by reflection all the great pro-
blems of moral and political philosophy; so that his
mind was easily brought to act upon any subject which
events placed before it. llis views were large and com-
prehensive, embracing the whole compass of improve-
ment in our laws, our commerce, and our constitution.
But, above all, his opinions upon questions both specu-
lative and practical, were guided by a humble reliance
oo the goodness of God; and a conviction that he was
bound in whatever he might think or do,—whether in
following or resisting his own inclination,—to follow the
law of Christ. The suite of public affairs led him
to take an active part in the House of Com-
mons; and although no one was ever so free from
the pharaisaical profession of purity, yet the sim-
plicity of his character soon wade him under-
stood, beloved, and tru.sted beyond any man in that
assembly. This was the more remarkable, as his tongue
was far from eloquent; and, although his arguments
were sound and comprehensive, he was so often wanting
in words as to be obscure, and unable to convey ade-
quately his meaning. But the confidence of his friends,
his party, and the country, supplied all deficiencies, tsnd
gave to his few and simple expressions as much influence
over his audience as had ever been obtained by the
most admired eloquence of our greatest orators. He
was plain in manner and in dress; but a short inter-
course disclosed the scholar, the gentleman, and the
statesman. For he possessed, with the entire absence of
all artificial politeness, the most genuine courtesy of be-
havbur to all who approached him. His kindness of
heart shone in the most casual, as in the most cordial in-
tercourse ; and while the intimacy of his friendship was
a treasure reserved for few, the equanimity of his temper
and the charity of his judgments extended to all who ap-
proached him in the conduct of affairs, or were opposed
to him in political enmity. He had no jealousy, no envy,
and perhaps too little ambition. He often said, that be
had hoped the many votes he had given in favour of mo-
tions which were supported by small minorities, would
have prevented any proposal to him to accept office. But
when he was told by Lord Grey, that the formation of
the Ministry depended upon his decision, he felt that he
could no longer hesitate.--Edinburgh Review.