The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MOICDAY EVENING, ATTGETSV 28, 1848.

distracting and reiterated interruptions of such men
as Mr. ANSTEY and Mr. URQUHART—fourthly, from
the extraordinary occurrences which have agitated
the nations of the continent, and which have induced
our senators to pause and observe their progress in
astonishment—and fifthly, from the embarrassing
position of affairs in the monetary world in general,
and in the political atmosphere in Ireland
in particular, a position so remarkable and
unprecedented as to account in some measure
for the delay of the Executive, and for the bewilder-
ment of the Legislature. That, we take it, is the only
rational explanation of the causes which have rendered
the Parliamentary session of 1848 so barren in bene-
ficial enactments. Were we to speak otherwise we
should be doing an injustice to the Lower House and
to the members of the Administration. In review-
ing the recent history of the Russell Government,
the journalist is compelled, in all fairness of con-
science, to take into account the wonderful nature of
the events in the midst of which that Government has
latterly been acting. If the political councils of Eng-
land have been comparatively fruitless in measures of
an ameliorative character, they have been most fruit-
ful in precautionary and conservative proceedings—
proceedings precautionary against danger, and conser-
vative of the constitution. If the ruling Cabinet has
done little towards the diminution of the evils which
still remain in existence, it has accomplished much
towards the preservation of the many blessings
which appertain to the citizens of the British
empire—it has vindicated the majesty of the
law and the glory of order, it has proclaimed the in-
violability of the constitution, it has tended materially
towards the permanent consolidation of our na-
tionality. Let not all this be forgotton ; and let it
not be forgotten that the Russell Administration has
earned for itself the right to this eulogium when
cther Governments have been hurled into ruin, when
monarchies have reeled to their foundations, when
some of the most profound and wily statesmen of the
age have been driven into exile after having goaded
their respective countries into the majestic agonies of
revolution, when the streets of Paris, of Berlin, of
Vienna, of Milan, and of Naples have been soddened
with the blood of their inhabitants, and when panic,
destitution, and carnage have ravaged, from pne ex-
tremity to the other, the fairest kingdoms of conti-
nental Europe. If the merit of having maintained
law, ankorder, and constitutional liberty inviolate,
within the boundaries of these islands be considered
insufficient by posterity, even when it is remem-
bered that all this has been done simultaneously
with the convulsion of a whole continent the
historian may shed an additional lustre upon
the memory of our present administrators by
recording that those administrators have secured the
peace of the world, notwithstanding the violent
passions excited among the insurgent races of the
Europeans. We are aware that it has of late become
the fashion to rail against the Russell Cabinet as a
do-nothing Administration, and we are perfectly con-
scious that in pronouncing this deserved eulogium on
its career, we may be assailed ourselves as grievously
out of the mode, if we be not actually vituperated
against as sycophantic. Nothing whatever of this
nature—neither the dread of derision, nor the fears of
slander—can affect in any manner the angle in which
the index-finger of our opinion -is pointed. There-
fore it is that we speak thus deliberately of the merits
and the demerits of the ruling Government. Had its
members been statesmen of surpassing genius, they
might have accompanied this conservation of
order, peace, and liberty, with acts such
as would have enrolled their names among
those of the most illustrious reformers of their
country. As they were, however, altogether devoid
of those almost miraculous powers of administration,
as they possessed merely intelligence, courage,
patriotism, and a conscientious integrity, they have
only prevented evils which would have been fraught
with disasters, without daring to adventure upon
measures which, while they would have covered
them with the national gratitude, were in reality
altogether beyond the limits of their capabilities.
We have been induced to take this retrospective
glance at the career of Lord Joux RUSSELL'S Admi-
nistration, because we observe that the conduct of
that Administration (and inferentially the entire cause
of Liberalism) has been traduced in the course of
those supplemental elections to which we have
already alluded. To mention an instance in point,
there is the pending election at Derby, throughout
the arrangements for which we perceive the most
insidious allusions to the cause of Liberalism, and
the most unjust and unjustifiable misrepresentations
of the conduct of the present Governmen

By these means it is hoped that the Con,

servative candidate, Mr. JAMES LORD, the
barrister, and Mr. FRESIIFIELD, the chairman
of the surrey Quarter Sessions, may be forced
into the representation, while the Liberal
candidates, Mr. MICHAEL THOMAS BASS and Mr.
LAWRXNCR HETWORTH are signally rejected. We
cannot for a moment imagine that the electors of
Derby will permit such a decision, a decision
which would be derogatory to their character
whether in regard to its consistency, its energy, or its
judgment. It is surely not in the autumn of ]B4B that
Derby is to witness the local triumph of Toryism--
that Derby which in 1833 returned STRUTT and CA-
vErimsin ; in 1835, STRUTT and PONSONBY; in 1841,
STRUTT and PONSONBY again ; and in 1847, STRUTT
and 'GOWER. Until a final majority on the close of
the poll has pronounced in favour of Messrs. LORD
and FRESHFIELD we will not entertain any doubt as
to the consistency, the energy, or the judgment of
the Derby constituency.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of Saturday and
yesterday.
The debate in the National Assembly on the re-
port of the Commission of Inquiry into the affairs of
May and June, the commencement of which we
published in The Sun of Saturday, lasted until six
o'clock on Saturday morning. The Assembly, on
the motion of General CAVAIGNAC, passed to the
order of the day immediately after the parties incul-
pated by the report of the Committee had been heard
in their defence. The political part of the discussion
having been thus disposed of, the law officers of the
Republic made formal application to the Chamber
for permission to prosecute CAUSSIDIERE and Louis
BLANC as accomplices in the affair of the 15th of May.
This permission was granted by an immense ma-
jority, and an order issued for their arrest. A de-

mend for permission to prosecute CAUSSIDIERE for
his connexion with the insurrection of June, which
would have the effect of delivering him over to the
Council of War, was refused by a majority of 88.
The following is the report of the conclusion of the
debate, continued from The Sun of Saturday :
M. Louis Blanc—Placed for some time under the
falsest and most outrageous accusations, it is with diffi-
culty that I can maintain the calm which self-respect im-
poses. There is one circumstance which particularly
strikes me in this debate, and that is, that the men who
accuse us were avowed partisans of the monarchy, and
always combated the Republic ; whilst we, who are
accused, are, on the contrary, Republicans, are the men
who have shed our blood, who have suffered for the Re-
public, who have fifty times risked our lives for it. The
Republicans were made over by the last Governments
to public execration—they were branded as men
of blood and the scaffold. But when they obtained
power they proclaimed the abolition of the penalty of death
for political offences—they did not pronounce a single
word of hatred, of vengeance, or of ill-will—they
did not suspend a single journal, and they loudly
proclaimed in the Government respect for the sacred
principles which they had previously defended. Of
what, continued M. Louis Blanc, "am I accused ?
Of the speeches I delivered I Then, it is, in fact, a
veritable proces de tendance, which is brought forward
against me I" M. Louis Blanc then proceeded to exa-
mine the charges made against him, and especially the
idea of the creation of a Ministry of Labour and Pro-
gress. On the latter point he stated that it was with
repugnance he had consented, on the representations of
M. Arago, to accept the mission of the LuxeMbourg,
and he detailed under what circumstances the decree
reducing the number of working hours was issued. He
declared that his acts might be attacked, but that he
would always defend the doctrines on which they were
based. He next energetically denounced the principle
of free competition, and presented an apology of so-
cialism, explaining its objects and tendencies.
(The murmurs of the Assembly interrupted this part of
M. Louis Blanc's discourse.) He afterwards proceeded
to notice the facts set forth in the report of the Com-
mittee of Investigation ; and declared that all the
speeches he had delivered at the Luxembourg had been
published in the Moniteur. If the speech brought for-
ward by the Committee had not been reported like the
elections, wi
others, it was because it was delivered on an occasion
n
ththe meetin a of the I
' g 11xembollFg.
The workmen, he sa i
andha d
itd ewmaasn
oned dt
hhiats
ca
cdaysi
icoen with
respectot connected
to thet
ohe had delivered the speech in question, into which, in
ptheerhwaaprsinwtehreof
would certailit improvisation, some expressions, which
4itaggcrated had slipped, and which he
y have struck out (as Was done every day

in speeches delivered at the national tribune, and re-
ported in the Moniteur), if he had intended to have had
it published in the official journal of the Republic. M.
Louis Blanc then defended or excused the terms of the
speech ; and, after proceeding for some time, stated that
he was extremely fatigued, and requested the Assembly
to allow him a few moments' repose.
The sitting was accordingly suspended, and after some
minutes, the President announced that M. Louie Blanc,
in consequence of his great fatigue, had requested that
the sitting might not be resumed until half-past seven.
This was agreed to, and the Assembly adjourned.
The sitting was resumed at a quarter to eight o'clock.
M. Louis Blanc again occupied the tribune. He pro-
ceeded to defend himself from the charges brought
against him in the documents connected with the report.
Referring to the affair of March 17, he stated that he
had gone to his colleagues to inform them of the intention
of the people to put back the elections. He went so far
even as to offer his resignation, but it was not accepted.
He then went to the workmen, and employed all his in.
fluence to induce them to preserve order; the conse-
quence was, that 200,000 workmen paraded the streets
without uttering a cry of hatred. In fact, the attitude
of the people was so admirable, that the next day the
Provisional Government published a proclamation thank-
ing them for their devotedness. As to April 16, far
from its being a manifestation directed by the work-
men against the Government, as had been stated,
it was precisely the contrary. Ile looked on
M. do Lamartine's opinions as likely to win
over to the Republic certain parties, as his (M.
L Blanc's) were calculated to keep the working classes
in order.—(Rumours.) That opinion he bad sometimes
expressed thus, " You are the guarantee of progress,
and lam of order."—(Loud denial.) He denied that he
had in any way contributed to the ,creation of the na-
tional workshops. They had been established, not by,
but against him. He had Bever placed his foot within
the doors of one of these establishments. He denied
that he had influence over the workmen found in them,
and quoted two documents emanating from the national
workshops, declaring that neither he nor the delegates
of the Luxembourg were to be listened to in those es-
tablishments. Arriving at the affair of May 15, the
Hon. Representative gave the same account of his share
in the proceedings as he had previously laid before the
Chamber. He again declared that he deeply regretted
that manifestation. He stated that Barbis had the day
before promised him to prevent his club from taking part
in the affair; it was quite incomprehensible what could
have induced him to change his mind. He denied having
been at the Hotel de Ville on May 15, though he ac-
knowledged that his heart was there, because he was
anxious about his two friends whom he knew to be there.
He they alluded to the deposition of M. Trelat, who
had spoken of offers made to M. Emile Thomas by him
(M. Louis), and said that M. Emile Thomas had said to
him—" The deposition. of M. Trelat is a lie."—(Move-
ment.) "I, on my side," said M. Louis Blanc, "deny
that my visit to the workshop of Clichy
was of a poli-
tical nature, it merely referred to their association." He
defied any one to connect him in any way with the
insurrection of June, as he had never quitted the As-
sembly. Ho declared that on June 23, so far was he
from having any thought of organizing an insurrec-
tion, that he had brought with him notes in reply to a
speech of M. de Montalembert's. Any person who could
urge his fellow men to civil war, was, he said, an in-
famous wretch, and such a character could not be given
to him. He concluded by declaring that his address was
intended altogether for those who were not personally
acquainted with him ; for those who knew him well it
was not necessary.—(Approbation on the Left.)
M. Trelat repelled with indignation the insinuation
that his deposition contaited a falsehood. Ho declared
that this was the first time be had ever been accused of
telling an untruth, and he could affirm solemnly that his
deposition was correct.
M. Louis Blanc said that the lie lay between M. Trelat
and M. Emile Thomas ; it must be either one or the
other.—(Disapprobation.)
M. Caussidietee then ascended the tribune with an im-
mense roll of papers, and read a written defence. He
announced that be should divide his statement into three
parts—consisting of general facts, the affair of May 15,
and the insurrection of June. By the first point he
meant the acts of his administration, and he must ex-
press his astonishment that the great services which
he had rendered to the country could be unadmitted
by the Assembly. However, his return as represen-
tative by 150,000 votes of the burgesses of Paris
was a proof of how the public looked on them.
—(Marks of denial.) He dwelt on the order which, he
stated, he had preserved in Paris—a matter of such dd.
ficulty in times of resolution. Referring to the address
mentioned in the report as having been made by him to
the Commissaries of Police, he maintained that his sole
object was to set aside everything that could excite dis-
cord amongst the various classes of the population, and
hence the strong expressions of that document. He
quoted, as a proof of his anxiety to avoid everything
that might offend, his own polite language in his reply
to the drivers of hackney coaches.—(Loud laughter.)
Speaking of the intention attributed to him of burning
Paris, he denied the truth of the assertion, and said
that he had unceasingly demanded the creation of a new
company of firemen. Coming to the affair of the 15th
of May, the Honourable Representative repeated the
same explanations that he had previously given to the
Assembly, and handed in to the President several docu-
ments in proof of his assertions. Alluding to the insur-
rection of June, the Honourable Representative denied
in the strongest manner that ho had been in any way
whatever mixed up in the matter. lie adduced argu-
ments to prove that it was impossible that he could have
been at the barricades at the time alleged, and endea-
voured to prove an alibi for himself in the case. Allud-
ing to Chenu's evidence, he affirmed that the bad cha-
racter of that person rendered his assertions quite un-
worthy of credit. The lion. Representative then alluded
to the manner in which his private character had been
calumniated, and asked who could allege any dishonour,
able act against him? He called in question the evi-
dence of M. Trouve Chauvel relative to him, and in-
sisted on it that the Hon. Representative had been mis-
taken. M. Trouve Chauvel's opinion that he (Caussi-
diere) had been implicated in the affairs of May and
June was of little value, being after all only an opinion.
After alluding at great length to other testimonies
against him, the Hon. Representative concluded by pro-
testing his devotedness to the Republic.
M. Trouv 6-Chauvel observed that nothing that had
been said in the course of the discussion was of a nature
to induce him to change his opinion.
M. Flocon would call on M. Heckeren to relate to the
Assembly the declaration which he had just now stated
in the lobby.
M. Heckeren (who is a tall stout man like M. Caussi-
diere)—What I said was, that some National Guards
had taken me for M. Caussidiare.
The President--I have now to communicate to the
Assembly a requisitory from the Procureur-General of
the Court of Appeal sit Paris.—(The Hon. Gentleman
read the document which demands authorization from
the Assembly to -allow judicial proceedings to be insti-
tuted against Louis Blanc and Marc Caussidiere, as par-
ticipators in the affairs of ,May 15 and Juno 23, in con-
sequence of new charges brought forward in the judicial
investigation and the parliamentary inquiry.)
M. Laurent (de l'Ardeohe) should propose that the
Assembly, before taking that demand into consideration,
ought first to close the discussion on the report, which
was altogether political.
M. Bac observed that the present demand for autho-
rization to prosecute was to be expect( d, as the journals
had been speaking for some time back against the re-
Hene cmoamdpe_laisnnedlaotfe tahte
nmigahntn,earnind
wpuhbieliheatnhse odtemthaendyehi/a/ed be
.
in a Chamber worn out with fatigue. He then entered
into an examination of the charges alleged against M.
Louis Blanc and M. Caussidiere, and came to the conclu-
sion that there was no good reason to proceed against
them. He designated the present course of the proceed-
ings a coup de theatre.
Loud cries of "To-morrow! To-morrow!" here arose
on the
from the lef
Chairh, anqd rejected .t. Te uestion of a postponement was put
M. Lagrange attacked the manner in which the Com-
mittee had performed its duty. In place of reaching the
true culprits, it was striking the republicans.—(Cres of
" Enough! Enough!" " Divider)
M. Ledru Rollin—Do you intend before you close the
discussion on the political inquiry to pronounce at once
on the judicial investigation? I declare that you cannot
close the political discussion. The honour of several
members of the Committee is at stake.—(Tumult.) • Be-
sides, several important documents have not been
printed. It is impossible to close the discussion before
it be known why these documents were not published.
There was amongst the rest a Legitimist proclamation.
M. De Larcy could affirm such a document had not
come before the Committee.
A Member—A colonel of gendarmerie arrested a man
with a Legitimist proclamation, and it was sent to the
proper authorities. That man declared that ho had
fought at the barricades for Henry V. The document
ought to have been placed before the Committee; it was
given to the Prefect of Police, and in the three volumes
that had been printed it did not appear.
The President of the Council—l demand permission
of the Chamber to return to a previous incident. One
of the Hon. Deputies spoke of a coup de theatre which
had been long prepared ; it is therefore essential that the
true state of things should be pointed
out.
While the
inquiry was proceeding, the Government was not want-
ing in its duties ; the judicial investigation was proceed-
ing at the same time. The demand which we have just
made is not at all the result of the political inquiry but
of' the judicial one.—(Sensation.) The Government is
desirous that the discussion should be promptly brought
to a conclusion. We have not wished, neither ought we
to wish, that this demand for authorization should lead
to a fresh discussion. The Government did not inter-
fere until after the political debate. If we had in a few
days hence raised a fresh discussion we should have
failed in our duties ; we desired that the Assembly
should be prepared to decide in one single discussion.
A Voice from the Left—ln that case why show such
inveteracy against those men ?
M. Louis Blanc.—l demand that the political and the
judicial facts should remain united in the same discus-
sion. Proceedings have been already demanded against
me; the Chamber has rejected them, and it cannot go
back on its decision.

—BBlaun
Blanc.—There
.i—f
Tt hheerreoairse
nfroets ha
n charges!hon
estman in the
M.
A . VLouis
. 1
country who does not in his conscience proclaim me
innocent.—(" Oh, oh," and laughter.) What it is
wished to strike in me is not a
guilty man, buts poli-
tical opponent.
M. Come, the Procureur-General, said that three
things had gone on concurrently to enlighten the law
officers—the judicial instruction on affairs of May 1$;
the military instruction on the insurrection of June;
and the judicial investigation on the same. Therefore
the facts were well known. M. Louis Blanc ought to
bear in mind that since the last demand for authoriza-
tion new facts had come to light.
M. Louis Blanc again protested against the course 1
I
adopted. .
.The Freoldent of tin Council—We certainly Mall to

have a prompt solution to this matter ; but the solution
which we demand we by no means impose on the As-
sembly, We declare that fire think this demand neces-
sitry. We do not say when we formed this opinion!
but this we can declare, that for several days the docu-
ments on which it is founded have been in our hands.
We do not wish to influence the Assembly in any way;
we merely wish to state the ease.—(Hear, hear.)
M. Flocon declared that the Committee had, in his
opinion, failed altogether in its mission having sought
for particular causes and carefully avoided the general
and true ones.
M. Dupin wished to place the question clearly before
the Assembly. It was necessary altogether to separate
the political from the judicial question in the matter.
The Assembly had no power whatever to decide the
judicial question ; all it could do was to decide
whether two of its Members should be stripped of
their parliamentary privilege, in order to be handed over
to the law officers of the Government. The Assembly
had nothing whatever further to do, so that all that was
said about judging and 'condemning the Members al-
luded to, was nothing but mere words. The Assembly
would, therefore, first have to place aside the political
question altogether. Next, it could not separate the
affair of May 15 from that of June, as they went to-
gether.—(Cries of " No, no," and " Yes, yes.") Let
them remember the Disjunction Act, and how un-
popular it bad been. He woul i now, therefore, for-
mally propose to set aside the political part of the
question.
The President—l now put to the vote the question to
set aside the political part as proposed.—(Agitation.)
M. Flocon—l propose the order of the day on the
whole report—(Great confusion)—without distinction as
to the parts composing it.—(Renewed confusion.)
The Minister of Justice wished to observe that in the
affair of May 15 the persons implicated would be brought
before the ordinary courts of law, but that they who
were accused of participating in the insurrection would
be sent before the court-rnartiaL—(Great agitation.)
The President—l now propose the pure and simple
order of the day on the report, which will close the dis-
cussion; it being understood that the report does not af-
fect the demand for the authorization.—(Great noise.)
This was carried by an immense majority. •
The President—The subject now under discussion is
the demand of authorization.
The Minister of Justice—From the motives just ex-
pressed by the President, I have to call fur a discussion
on the subject forthwith d'urgence.
M. Bac proposed that the demand should be sent in
the usual way to the bureaux. The Assembly ought to
have time to study the new documents. The matter had
not been sufficiently studied.—(Oh, oh.)
question of
eie l3resiurdegnetTle)._A.d(ivßeuisuimonhras.)sbeen called for en the
Great agitation was manifested whilst the vote was
going on, and whilst the secretaries were reckoning the
bulletins, the Members collected in groups on the floor
conversing and gesticulating with great energy. It was
now broad daylight, and the appearance of the Chamber,
with the decaying lights in the lustres, the worn look of
the ladies in the galleries (which continued crowded to
the close), and the feverish agitation of the House, pre-
sented a strange and unpleasant spectacle.
The following was the result of the division:—
For the demand of urgency
Against it 292
Majority. -201
The President—ln consequence, the discussion is to
take place forthwith.
The moment the urgency was declared M. Louis Blanc
and M. Caussidiere left the Chamber.
The President—A formal division has been applied for
on the demand for authorisation of pursuits in the case
of M. Louis Blanc for the affair of May 15 only.
The following was the result:—
For granting the authorisation
Against it
Majority --252
The President—ln consequence. the Assembly ac-
cords the authorisation to take judicial proceedings
against M. Louis Blanc for the affair of May 15. The
discussion now opens on the case of M. Caussidiere for
the same event.
M. Flocon expressed his regret at seeing such a de-
termination come to against a man who was a friend of
his—who had fought in February to found the Republic,
and who had shared in the responsibility of the Pro-
visional Government. Then, referring to the case of M.
Caussidiere, he observed that he had been already pu-
an bed for the affair of May 15, having been deprived
of his situation as Prefect of Police.—(Marks of de-
nial. A voice---" He was obliged to give it up for bad
conduct!") He would demand, was it fair to now again
visit him even more severely for the same matter? As
to the affair of June 23, the Assembly must not forget
that, if the authorisation to prosecute were granted for
that event, it would be to send him before the Council
of War. He felt convinced that, if such a result could
have been foreseen before the present discussion had
begun, the matter would never for a moment have been
permitted to go so far. He then went through the circum-
stances connected with M.Caussidiare'il conduct in June,
and declared that it was impossible to find in them any-
thing to criminate him. The Hon. Representative then
touched on the circumstances of M. Caussidiere's family;
spoke of his brother, killed for the Bepublic ; and, allude
ing to his aged father, remarked that the old man
would indeed have been happy, had he, after beholding
the glorious revolution of February, at once yielded up
his last breath.
M. Mathieu (de la Thome) also adverted to some cir-
cumstances of the same period, and expressed his belief
that M. Caussidiere had not been implicated in the in-
surrection. He referred, amongst other things, to the
fact that M. Citussidiere had accompanied him and other
Members to General Cavaignac with a view to enter
into some conditions with the insurgents.
The President of the Council said that, in truth, he
remembered that five or six representatives, amongst
whom was M. Caussidiare, had called on him, and spoke
about treating. He refused, the matter having become
so grave that it was absolutely necessary to master it
completely. It was agreed, however, to issue a procla-
mation, which the Members could undertake to have
distributed amongst the insurgents.
M. James de Moiitray declared that ho had accom-
panied M. Caussichere and the other representatives to
General Cavaignac's house, and there the. proclamation
was agreed to, which not a little contributed to dis-
courage the insurgent party.
M. l3aune spoke to the same effect.
The President—The Assembly will now vote on the
question of authorising a judicial pursuit against M.
Caussidiere for the affair of May 15.
The following was the result of the division:—
For the authorisation 477
Against it „,
268
Majority
—209
The President—ln consequence, the authorisation is
accorded. The Assembly will now vote on the question
of granting the authorisation to allow proceedings to be
instituted against M. Caussidiere for being implicated in
the insurrection of June, which will have the effect of
delivering him over to the Council of War.—(Great out-
cry, cries of "No! no!" "Yes! yes!")
The following was the result of the division:—
For the authorisation 370
Against it
458
Majority against it —BB
The President—ln consequence, the authorisation re-
lative to the insurrection of June is not accorded against
the citizen Caussidiere.
The Assembly then rose at six o'clock in the morning,
adjourned to Monday.
Immediately after the Chamber had decided that it
would at once take into consideration the demand of
the law officers to prosecute LOUIS BLANC and CAUS.
SIDIERE the two accused left the Assembly. There
are various rumours current as to their adventures.
According to one account they were arrested before
leaving the Assembly, and shortly after six o'clock
were taken to the Conciergerie, from whence, in the
course of the day, they were transferred to Vincennes.
Another account states that they have not yet been
arrested. The fbllowing extract from a letter written
by LOUIS BLANC, which appears in some of the jour-
nals, seems to confirm the truth of the report that he,
at least, is still at large :
" Struck not as guilty—that is impossible—but as an
enemy, by men in whom political passions have silenced
every sentiment of equity, I go out of the way (je
m'cloigne) in order to protest more effectually against
the consequences of the state of siege and government
of force. I cannot believe that France will patiently
suffer the regular course of justice to remain suspended
much longer. When the day for discussion comes I
shall be there. " LOUIS BLANC.
" Aug. 26, 1848."
The journals of Saturday, of every shade of
opinion, compliment M. LEDRU ROLLIN on the elo-
quence of his speech of Friday. As a specimen, we
select the following from the National, the organ of
M. ARMAND MARRAST, who was from the first the
most able, as he has been the most consistent, of the
opponents of M. LEDRU RoLLIN in the Provisional
Government :
" The first part of the speech of' M. Ledru Rollin was
80cfrijapetinOontse;S table eloquence. Never was he better inspired
than when, invoking the souvenir of our revolutionary
assemblies, he showed the peril of these investigations,
which create hatred, light up vengeance, and sow division
in the national representation. Proscriptions cause pro•
the conquered of the eve may be the con-
querors of the morrow, and it is always a serious injury
to the country when deliberating assemblies are deci-
mated. M. Ledru Rollin, in noble language, made an
appeal to concord, to the spirit of union and peace. Like
the hope
private t
him, we wish that all the fractions of the Assembly may
inirtikvealhisiem:w
intoe
zeal and passion in the interest of the country;
het the
l f e
the foundation of the Republic, to cause the condemnation
of the Revolution of February, will not be again pre-
sented.
In the criticisms addressed to the parties who,
on the eve of February, opposed the accession of demo-
cracy, there was something bitter which was natural in
the mouth of one of those who has been the most at-
tacked. M. Ledru Rollin, in defending his policy, be-
came an accuser. Who can feel surprised at it? We
do not speak of his socialist theories. M. Ledru Rollin,
previously so firm and effective, appeared to us to lose a
portion of his advantages in arriving on that ground.
He found eloquent words, noble accents to defend the
Red Republic from the reproach of attacking family and
property; and, in our opinion, the purity of sentiment,
the excellence of intention,
compensate for what there is
vague, incomplete, and
of fraternity, perhaps hazardous in the prac-
tical measures recommended by the speaker. In con-
cluding, M. Ledru Rollin made a new appeal to the ideas
'
Y, and the assent of the Assembly proved to
us that the sympathetic appeal had been heard.
M. PROUDHON has presented to the National As-
sembly a proposition, which has been referred to the
Committee of Agriculture and Commerce. This pro-
position, which Al. FROUDHON says is the only means
of restoring confidence and cOdits, is to the following

effect, to raise a national loan of two milliards of
francs on the following terms :
" The State shall issue credit-paper to the amount of
two milliards. This paper shall represent an equal sum
to be paid by the subscribers to the loan. The credit-
notes issued by the state shall bear the title of ' Loan
Bonds.' They shall be of the amount of 20f., 50f., 100 E,
200 E, 500 E, and I,ooof. The issue shall take place
monthly, during three years from the promulgation of
the decree, until the amount so issued comes up to the
said sum Of two milliards. This issue shall amount for
each of the four first months of the series to 100 millions,
,and for the other months to 50 millions. The interest to
be paid by the State for the funds arising from the loan
shall bo reduced from 5 per cent, to 1 per cent., the rate
of the Bank. A special bill shall regulate the mode of
repayment." . . .

'IC was expected that there would have been some
disturbances in Paris on Friday night. If any such
were intended the eineutiers were awed into good be-
haviour by the preparations made by the Government
and the public tranquility remained undisturbed.
Galignane s Messenger publishes the following from
Lille :
" The workmen of the ateiers communaux of Lille,
who, as we have stated, had returned to their labour,
and appeared disposed to be orderly, suspended work
again on Thursday, and passed the day in idleness.
Five or six numerous assemblages were formed in the
streets, but it was not considered necessary to take
any measures, as there were no disturbances. At
half-past six, however, as the mayor was going to
the Municipal Council, he was followed by
several htindred individuals who addressed him in
gross language, and at length several of them
seized him by the throat, and beat him. His life
would probably have been in danger, if he had not
been rescued by some citizens, and lodged in a
house. Four of the fellows concerned in the out-
rage were arrested. Great excitement now prevailed in
the city, and the groups of workmen became so nume-
rous, and so threatening in their language, that the
rappel was beaten. On the appearance of the National
Guard, the perturbators fled, but bands of boys pa-
raded the streets, singing the " Mtsrsellaise, the
" Girondins," the " Chant du Ekart," &c. A force
was sent to the mayor's house, but the rioters, though
they broke some of the windows, made no attack on it.
The National Guards remained under arms till mid-
night. Early yesterday morning the mayor issued an
arreti, which was approved by the Prefect, dissolving
the ateliers communaux, on account of the disturbances,
and of the refusal of the men to do piecework, but pro-
mising relief to the workmen until associations of them
should be formed to do the work by the piece. About
six o'clock in the evening the workmen assembled in
numerous groups, and displayed a threatening attitude.
Tho rappel was beaten, and the National Guards turned
out. There are no later accounts.

The accounts from Paris of last evening state that
neither CaussimEßE nor Louis BLANC have been yet
arrested ; indeed it is supposed generally that they
have succeeded in escaping into Belgium.
The club of the Salle Montesquieu and that of the
National Guards having complied with the requisi-
tions of the new law, resumed their sitting on Friday.
The second report of the Committee on the consti-
tution is to be presented to the Assembly by M.
MARRAST in the course of the present week. The
clauses with respect to " the declaration of duties and
rights," and the chapter on the " sovereignty of the
people," are suppressed ; and the clauses which gua-
rantee to all citizens the right to work and to re-
ceive instruction, are greatly modified. In the
chapter relative to the election of a President of the
Republic, it is declared that no one can be Presi-
dent who has lost his rights as a French citizen.
The effect of this latter clause, if carried, will be to
exclude Prince Louis NAPOLEON.

Some transactions took place on Sunday in the
Passage de l'Opera, at the price of 73f. 25c. for the
Five per Cents., being 50c. lower than the closing
price of the day before in the Parquet. It is, how-
ever, to be remarked, that for the two or three days
before the Coulisse had soli at from 25c. to 50c. lower
than the Parquet.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, AUG. 26
. ._ _•

Boulogne and Amiens, s%—Great Indian Peninsula,
—Namur and Liege, 4%—Paris and Lyons, s—Ditto, 414
Paris and Strasbourg, 1%.

SPAIN.

rence.

Madrid journals of the 22d have arrived.
Several arrests have taken place in Madrid, by
order of NARVAEZ, who has, it is alleged, discovered a
Carlist conspiracy in the capital.
The financial scheme of Mort is as follows :—He
purposes paying off sixty millions of the Government
debt to the Bank in cash, thirty millions of which are
expected from the provinces, and the other thirty to
be advanced by the Madrid capitalists, a meeting of
whom was called on the 21st, when a committee was
appointed to carry out the required advance.
MADRID BOLSA, AUG. 21.—The Three per Cents.
were done at 191 cash, and 71-, 3-16 buyers, 5-16
sellers, after the close; Five per Cents. 102. buyers,
11 sellers ; Coupons, 7 sellers; Passive Debt, 31
buyers, 4 sellers; Bank Shares not quoted; Discount
on Notes, 4/ per cent.—AuG. 22.—Three per Cents.,
19 cash; Five per Cents., loi buyers, 11 sellers;
Coupons, 7 sellers ; Passive Debt, 41 buyers, 4
sellers ; Bank Shares not quoted ; thscount on
Notes, 4 to 41.

already become a very influential party here. All
the corners of the streets are placarded with notices
about the new religion, and their meetings are attended
by immense crowds of people.
The late violent conduct of the people of Rome has
induced a great many Roman Catholics to desire to
secede from the Church of Rome.

At a meeting of the Roman Catholics held yester.
day, the number of persons present was immense. Ii
was unhappily interrupted by a melancholy uscur•

Father HIRSCIIBERGER mounted the rostrum and
addressed the crowded assembly with deep emotion
on the proposed religious reforms. He spoke
of the introduction of the German language
into the celebration of Divine worship,
a synodal church, the dissolution of convents, and the
abolition of the celibacy of the clergy. M. EKLIART
then called upon the meeting to sign an address
!a the National German Assembly. He
asked whether it would sign in its own name, or in
the name of German Catholicism. The latter opinion
seemed to prevail, when on a sudden the cry was
raised, " Down with the knave." Those who were
near the individual who uttered these words wished
to turn him out, but the cry was now raised, "The
workmen are coming !" On the previous evening
Father IliaseuBERGER had been threatened that
20,000 workmen would come down and dissolve the
meeting. The confusion was very great, cries of
"To arms !" resounded, and every one sought to
effect an exit by the doors. A terrible crush en-
sued, many persons, including a great number of
women, were thrown down and trodden under foot.
Windows were broken, and every obstacle that ob-
structed the passage was demolished. Some leaped
from the first floor windows, and others from the bal-
cony into the street ; and it is feared that several of
the number have been so seriously hurt that they will
not survive. In the evening the tumult ceased, and
the speaker continued his discourse amidst the accla-
mations of the people. _

VIENNA, AUG. 19.—The diplomatic corps were re-
ceived by their MAJESTIES the day before yesterday at
the Palace at Schoenbrunn. The ceremony was con-
ducted in the usual style, with the exception, how-
ever, that the Charge d'Affaires of the French Republic,
M. Ds LA COUR, and his secretary, M. DE GARBIAC,
appeared in plain undress. The French Government
has no accredited agents at his MAJESTY'S Court, nor
has the French Republic yet been officially recog-
nised by the Austrian Government. Nevertheless,
M. DE LA COUR was invited to this reception, and the
Ministers endeavoured to overcome the scruples
which the French diplomatist entertained in regard
to his reception. Although he heartily shared the
sentiments of the diplomatic body, on the return of
the EMPEROR he was unwilling to appear officially
at Court without the necessary forms, as it might
have the appearance of his seeking to btain the ac-
knowledgment of the Court of Austria surrep-
titiously, or as being contented with an acknow-
ledgment which had not been officially notified. He
was informed that the formal recognition of
the French Republic had been unanimously decided
upon by the members of the Cabinet Council, but
that the absence of the Minister of Foreign Affairs
retarded the execution of the necessary dispatches.
This explanation removed all scruples on the part of
the French Charge d'Affaires. The marked attention
which the EMPEROR and EMPRESS manifested to the
representatives of France not a little surprised some
of the diplomatists present. After their MAJESTIES
had conversed for some time with these two citizens
of France, the EMPEROR said in French—" Vous
savez que maintenant vous etes tout-a-fait reconnu
ici." This circumstance is not without its import-
ance at the present time. It proves that the Austrian
Government understands that France has adopted a
pacific course, and it argues well for the negotiation
relative to Italy.
The Wiener Zeitung announces the arrival of the
Minister VON WESsENBERO at Vienna on the 21st.