The Sun.
London, England, 1848-07-24 00:00:00

w emanating in a majority of men of undoubted integrity,
of the lovers of peace, and order of society, whilst a
large minority could not be persuaded that any such
necessity existed. I say, Sir, that a law so passed
would, to my mind, lose a great part of its efficacy, and
would not tend, as I should wish, to the complete pacifi-
cation of the country.—(Loud cheers.) I have,
therefore, within my mind, and the same exists in
the minds of my colleagues—for the evidence was
so clear, so notorious—a sense of the necessity
of such a measure, and so satisfied are we
of obtaining the universal conviction of the two Houses
of Parliament to the necessity that the powers we ask
are absolutely necessary, and that they will be acceded
to—(Cheers)—but, Sir, likewise I wish to say that if
it is the conviction of this House that such a measure
should be passed, I trust that the House will lose no
time in passing it.—(Prolonged cheering.) The arming
of the Lord-Lieutenant with these powers which I now
ask for him, and which we declare it is necessary that
he should possess if he is to possess any means of stop-
ing insurrection—(Cheers)—when I ask for these powers
I ask for that which I think it is to the interest not
merely of those who would uphold the constitution of
this country—of those who would defend and maintain
the integrity of the nation ; but I ask it on behalf of
those persons who would be sure to be the sufferers by
insurrection.—(Cheers.) I have no doubt myself that
any protracted debates will take place upon this subject.
The measure passing ,as it is sure to pass, and with the
means which the; Government of an empire like this
has at its disposal, will effectually put down the attempt
which these wicked men are conceiving—(Hear,
hear)—but, Sir, if we were to exercise that
power, we should put it down at a loss of life—at the
hazard of the permanent peace of the country—at the
hazard of depriving many of her Majesty's subjects of
the means of obtaining a livelihood.—(Cheers.) We
should put it down after an outbreak and a convulsion,
and would not be able to prevent that outbreak from
taking place. I say, then, it is the interest of all that
such a measure should be passed. If there are Gentle-
men, and there may be many, who, although they think
this measure necessary, are yet of opinion that the
whole duty of the Government has not been performed
—(Some ironical cheering)—that we have not in this
session produced and carried into effect those measures,
whatever they may be, which aro useful, and perhaps,
as they state, necessary for the well-being of Ireland,
I put forward only this. An Hon. Gentleman has given
notice of his intention to bring forward the whole ques-
tion of the state of Ireland. I shall be most ready after
this Bill shall have passed this House to give every
facility for such a debate—to meet any such charge, and
to submit, if the House thinks fit, to any censure which
they think the conduct of the Government has deserved
—(Hear, hear)—but I do beg those who are of that
opinion to preserve till that time the expression of those
views—(Hear)—and not let a debate which should be con-
fined to this one subject—whether this measure is neces-
sary or no—extend into various matters of opinion that
cannot but lead to a conflicting and prolonged debate, and
thereby prevent and delay that which it is essential to
do. Sir, I ask, therefore, that the House will permit me
to introduce this Bill; and I ask it likewise that, if they
do sanction it, they will have that sanction speedily given.
—(Hear.) No man can say what may be the conse-
quence of the want of those powers for a short time.—
(Hear.) And I ask those who are of opinion that this
measure should be passed—who are of opinion that those
powers are necessary—nut to render themselves respon-
sible for any delay, and thereby save life in Ireland.—
Hear, and cheers.) I believe, in my conscience,
that this measure is calculated to prevent insurrection—
to preserve peace in Ireland—to preserve the dignity of
this empire, and to secure the throne and the established
institutions of this country. If there are other ques-
tions, let them be brought forward and considered upon
another occasion, and in a different mode. For myself
I stand hero responsible for proposing this measure.
I stand hero responsible for not proposing it earlier.
—(Hear, hear.) I stand here responsible for not de-
laying it now.—(Hear hear.) I and my col-
leagues are responsible. We have accepted the
responsibility, and however painful, however odious, the
powers may be which we ask, having accepted the re-
sponsibility, I confidently ask the House to accept
theirs, to be mindful of the blessings which they now
enjoyed, and to be mindful of the risk which by any
other course they may incur.—( ['he Noble Lord sat
down amid the most deafening cheers, which lasted for
some minutes.)
Mr. F. O'CONNOR then rose to ask the indulgence of
the House while he stated his opinions on this measure.
The Noble Lord had requested that the House would let
this measure go to Ireland as an unanimous measure of
the House. That had been invariably the argument
and the request of a Whig Government when they
were asking for coercion for Ireland, and the moment
they got it, and it produced tranquillity in Ireland, they
refused to have anything to do with remedial measures.
The Noble Lord had goaded the people of Ireland to re-
sistance, and he now came down to the House to
taunt and punish them for their resistance. The Noble
Lord had shown that he was determined to govern
Ireland by patronage, and that alone. The Noble Lord
had shown that the law as it at present existed, without
superior powers, was strong enough, and why, therefore,
should he come down and propose the present measure?
The object of this measure was to defeat Mr. Smith
O'Brien and Mr. Meagher, and put them into custody.
He (Mr. O'Connor) would take that opportunity of de-
claring that for his own part he was for total separation.
He was not for a repeal of the union; he would have a
total separation between England and Ireland; and, as
he had said to the Noble Lord before—if the French had
won at Waterloo, and had come over here and confiscated

the property of the Bedford family, what would the
Noble Lord himself have done, if not bequeath to his
children the lesson that they must contend for the free-
dom of their country from the yoke of a foreign foe?
[Lord J. RUSSELL here reached forward, and taking
up the form of the oath of allegiance taken by Members
of Parliament, he held the paper towards the Hon. and
Learned Member. This action elicited vehement cheer-
ing from all parts of the House.]

Ir. F. O'CONNOR—The Noble Lord had directed
his attention to the oath of allegiance, but for
what ? He trusted the House would not allow the
measure to pass without debate. For his own part
ha was determined to give every opposition in his power
to it, and he trusted every Irish Member would do the
same. He had no doubt the Right Hon. Baronet, the
Member for Tamworth, would vote for this measure, but
he (Mr. Feargus O'Connor) believed if the Right Ho-
nourable Baronet was at the head of the Government,
there wculd be no necessity for the measure. —(Hear.)
But when they treated the Irish people like barbarians
and savages, he asked how they could expect to attach
them to the Crown? Why, if the tithes were taken
away from the bishops they would soon lose their
loyalty, and if the landlords were deprived of their rent
they would all become Chartists.—(Laughter.) Ile
would conclude by this observation, that to be
forewarned was to be forearmed. He under
stood his country better than the Noble Lord
did, and he now told the Noble Lord that the
effect of the Bill would be to create an immediate re-
volution in Ireland. The Noble Lord might hope to
suppress it by the ability, energy, and courage of my
Lord Clarendon, but he would tell him that he was mis-
taken. Instead of arming Lord Clarendon with these
excessive powers, he would have done more real good
to Ireland by carrying out the suggestions made by his
Lordship, for recovering waste lands, but he supposed
such a course was too mean and too vulgar for a Whig
Government. He would tell the Noble Lord not to lay
the flattering unction to his sonl, strong as he
might fancy himself, having united all classes in that
House in favour of a measure for the suspension of the
constitution, and at the close of the session in which so
much was promised, but in which nothing had been
done—he would tell the Noble Lord not to lay the flat-
tering unction to his soul that any vote of that House,
or of the other House, could much longer keep the starv-
ing people of Ireland in a state of quiescence. He would
prophecy, that so far from the measure putting down
disturbances in Ireland, the effect of it would be to
hasten that rebellion with which it was proposed to deal.
Sir ROBERT PEEL then rose and said—l am, Sir,
gratified by the anticipation of the Hon. Gentleman,
when ho said that I should give the measure proposed by
her Majesty's Government my decided and cordial sup-
port.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, my support is not
qualified by reminiscenses of past contentions—my
support is not qualified by party recrimination ;
but, looking at the state of Ireland—but looking
at the combinations which exist but looking
to the parties who head those combinations; and I give
them credit for their veracity; and, giving them credit
for their veracity, I believe there exists in Ireland at
this moment a wicked conspiracy to deprive the Queen
of her rightful dominions in that country—(Ureat
cheer's)—and that being my impression, and trusting to
the avowal of the parties, I am willing at once to take
t w
bciyu with
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Iduowocinmr:c
speech,
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neither will I blau,() her Majesyty's Government 'for delay
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liberty of individuals
been made out for placing
at the discretion of the down
proposal of this nature
Noble Lord opposite that when Tsbut I agree with the
impression is made there ought to be a stronsms
impression
sisni otnh the nm
mind
no
arznorttunity of
mind of the House, and a strong
of the public, that there is
further delay, that a necessity has
extreme measures, and that the measuroe justifY
st
insure for itself the general support of all Tell!
disposed persons.—(Hear, hear.) And here, Sir, I must
say that in my mind the question at issue is really
not whether there should be a repeal of the union or not.
—(hear, hear). I believe if you do nothing, during the
recess you will have a desolating warfare in Ireland.
I believe that the authority of the Crown will be ulti-
mately successful after great devastation of property and
loss of life to many innocent persons, and also after great
loss of life to many who might have joined in the rebellion
from a doubt as to the policy and sincerity of your
measures of relief for Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) But this
I believe, that if the Crown should fail in ultimately re-
establishing its authority, you will have substituted for
the Government under which you now live by far the
most cruel, by far the basest, and by far the most san-
guinary despotism that ever disgraced the annals of a
country.—(Hear, hear.) But what is to be the nature
of the new power to be established? There is no con-
cealment as to the instruments by which it is to be esta-
blished. Have we not seen reference made to the value
of the standing crops, and a distinct encouragement
given to the masses of the people, to the
*airtively to
physical strength of the country, to combine
with men
insuunpdeerriomrine th
intelligence and
ofa the
ndedcureaowtinon, ,orntoot
repeal the legislative union, but at once to resort to pil-
1a ge and to plunder, in order that the spoil may be divided
among the successful
insurgents.—(Hear, hear.) such

is the mode by which the power of these men is to be
wielded.—(Hear, hear.) I will not enter into other
questions of general government. I believe that the danger
is imminent, and if there has been too much delay in the
passing of the measure, that circumstance constitutes a
reason for immediate action, and I for one am perfectly
prepared to insist that no ordinary forms of the House
shall prevent its immediately passing into law.—(Hear,
hear.) I think the Government is justified in asking for
the measure, and I believe that the power sought—consi-
dering that the spirit is not an agrarian one—not a
conspiracy of assassins, but the avowed determination
of open traitors—considering this, I say, that in my
opinion the measure of the Government is justified.—
(Hear, hear.) It is possible that other measures may
be necessary, and I hope there will be no delay on the
part of the Government in asking for further powers,
whether to be directed against the club or against
those persons who have openly avowed their inten-
tion to commit assassination, and wk, a scruple sot
to recommend the heart of the Lord-Lieutea-taitt as
the butt to which their bullets are to be disessted.—
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") If further measures
are required for the suppression of crime, I hope that
additional powers will be sought at the hands of this
House, and I hope there will be no delay in stating to what
extent they are to be. It would be unbecoming to urge upon
the Government the adoption of additional measures, as
the responsibility rests with them. I will not therefore
urge them upon the Government. But I say that the
question being one that nothing but necessity can justify,
the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, that immediate
action is desirable, and I hope that they will consent
to the suspension of any forms of the House in
order to obtain the Act.—(/tries of " Hear, hear.)
With respect to the speech of the Hon. Gentleman the
Member for Nottingham, I tell him without hesitation
that I am prepared to protect the Crown of England
against those mock Kings of Munster, who, when royal
authority is offered to them, say—" Not yet, not yet."—
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I tell the Hon. Gentleman
that I am not prepared to shout out for the King of
Munster yet—l am not prepared to exchange
the mild supremacy of Queen Victoria for that of this
new King of Munster.—(Cheers and laughter.) The
Hon. Gentleman says he for one is a friend of separa-
tion. Well, the Noble Lord showed him the oath by
which ho swore to bear true allegiance to her Majesty
Queen Victoria, upon which the Hon. Gentleman said,
" Am I not fulfilling the oath of allegiance when I am
trying to insure for her Majesty the loyalty of her
faithful subjects in Ireland?" That Mr. O'Connell might
have said who was the enemy of separation, and who
wished to maintain the golden link of the Crown. But
I believe the Hon. Gentleman declared for a separation
between Ireland and England, and in that re-
spect he differed from Mr. • O'Connor. Now, if the
Hononourable Gentleman means that by a separation
Ireland is still is remain connected with the United
Kingdom, and is to form an integral part of it,
whylvvas he scared by the oath of allegiance when it was
produced by the Noble Lord? The Hon. Gentleman's
declaration in favour of a separation was unanswerable.
But then, on seeing the oath, he declared that he was
faithfully discharging his obligations by preserving for
her Majesty her rightful dominions.
Mr. O'CONNOR—Her English dominions.
Sir ROBERT PEEL—Oh! Her English dominions.
Let me remind the Honourable Gentleman that
the oath was taken without equivocation or
mental reservation. That allegiance which was pro-
mised was an allegiance on the part of Ireland as Cully
and completely as on the part of England, and if the
Hon. Gentleman took the oath with a secret reservation
to be a faithful and; loyal subject of this part of the
United Kingdom, but reserved to himself a latitude
with regard to Ireland, and a perfect right to
sever Ireland from her Majesty's dominions, then
I say that he possesses a latitude of consideration so
largo, that there can be no value in his oath of allegiance.
He asks whether it is possible to maintain a restrictive
monarchy after the example which has been shown in
France, Italy, Germany, and other European states.
Sir, I will say not a word with respect to the internal
administration of foreign states. I have done all I could
during the period of these revolutionary move-
ments on the continent humbly to discourage any
any reflections upon them; but when the Honourable
Gentleman holds up what has taken place in other coun-
tries as an example, and as a reason why I should dis-
trust the advantage of maintaining a monarchy in this
country, I then think I may claim a right to speak on
the subject. And looking at what has taken place on
the chief arena of these revolutionary movements (Paris
and France for instance)—looking at the Government
which existed before February, the securities for the
public liberty, the state of the revenue, the condition of
the manufacturing classes, the principles which were
acted upon with respect to the reward of labour—look-
ing at what passed in February—looking at what passed
in the interval of three or four months until June, when the
new Government, which was founded upon the barricades
of February, was exposed to the most violent attack by
those whose hopes were.disappointed—looking at all those
circumstances, avoiding any reflection upon them, and
only drawing an example for the guidance of the people
of this country—l say so far from what has
passed inducing me to distrust the advantages of a
limited monarchy—to believe its foundations are less
secure—to believe that there was less affection for the
person of the Sovereign, or less rational conviction in
favour of the advantages of a limited monarchy—l
look to the experience of the last six months,
and retain an increased conviction that the monarchy of
this country is secure, and is endeared by numerous consi-
derations and associations to the affectionate support and
devotion of the people of this country. (The Right Hon.
Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers liom all parts of
the House.)
Mr. B. OSBORNE deprecated the speech of the Hon.
Member for Nottingham, but it was consistent with the
acts of his latter life. He had heard with regret the
notice given by the Noble Lord of his intention to move
for leave to bring in this Bill to-day, and he at first

thought cf stopping away, and giving no vote
on this subject. But, upon consideration, he felt
it to be his duty manfully to come down to the
House and state the reason why he should not oppose the
introduction of this Bill. He could not believe that the
object of the men against whom this Bill was directed
was repeal, he believed their object to be murder and
pillage—(Hear, hear)—and he thought it a measure of
mercy to lock up those men who wished to occasion
it, in order to 'prevent the deluging of Ireland
with blood.—(Hear, hear.) Of one of these men he
would say, if it would not be considered profane and
irreverent, that he had taken the lower orders of the
people of Ireland to the mountain top, and showing them
the broad land of Ireland had said, all these things will I
give you, if you will only fall down and worship me.
Although, however, he would not oppose the introduc-
tion of the Bill, he could not give his vote in favour of
its being continued to the Ist of March, 1840, because
he thought, in the event of this measure being passed,
it would be better that the House should not
be prorogued, but sit from month to month,
and that hand in hand with this measure should go forth
some remedial measures for Ireland. (Hear, hear.)
He thought there ought to be some modification of the
Act of Union; but, being of that opinion, he would
sooner lose his life in support of order than have
anything to do with men whose object was pillage
in order to enrich themselves. He would not taunt
the Government now with their omissions or mis-
deeds, as it was not the time when the House
was on fire to prevent the engines from going to
endeavour to put it out.—(Hear, hear.) He believed
the state of things in Ireland to be most alarming;
and he had received a letter that morning, stating
the houses in Tipperary and Clonmel had been
stripped of their lead in order to make bullets.
Under these circumstances he should not oppose the in.
troduction of the Bill.

Mr. SADLEIR apologised for interfering at this
early stage of the debate; but as one closely connected
with Ireland he could not withhold his support from
the course the Noble Lord now proposed to pursue. It
was quite true that sedition in Ireland had outstepped
the legislation of that House ; but when he re-
membered that the victory of the revolutionary
party in Ireland would be the greatest calamity
that could befall Ireland, he thought it was high
time the movements of the revolutionists were inter-
rupted. There no longer existed in Ireland but two
parties—the party who stood by the then existing Con-
stitution, and the party opposed to it. Something must
be done to remove this state of things, and upon the un-
derstanding that remedial measures were to follow this
Bill, he for one should give it his decided support.
He had ventured to tell the Noble Lord, in the words of
Lord Bacon, that unless he adopted a better course to
expel the "matters of sedition," Ireland would soon
come to the state she was now in. Also, that the people
of Ireland were deceived by the large promises of
the Government, and disgusted at the small per-
formances. He quoted the case of Tipperary to
show that the people were not by any means
represented. He would refrain from discussing those
measures by which he considered they might secure the
safety of life and property.—(Cheers.) He should
cordially support the Bill of the Noble Lord, because he
believed it was the only step open to him to adopt in the
present emergency; but at the same time he might be
permitted to say, no such disaffection could exist in any
country in the world except by the conduct of its rulers.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD never addressed the House
under more painful feelings. He was a loyal subject,
and wished to see the continuance of the union, and
life and property respected. But they should inquire
what was the cause of the condition of Ireland. No
one could disavow more strongly than he could the
conduct of the agitators who had brought Ireland to her
present excited state. No change could make Ireland
worse, and the people in consequence of prolonged suf-
fering and undue taxation were almost reckless as to the
_exact nature of any change. The force at the disposal
of the Executive was quite sufficient to put down any
insurrection. Unless remedial measures were adopted, no
coercive measures would be effectuallf the Felony Act were
properly carried out, he considered that the machina-
tions of the persons for the capture of whom this mea-
sure was proposed would be put an end to. Ho begged
to propose as an amendment, " That the present dis-
tracted state of Ireland arose from misgovernment and
the want of remedial measures, without which no coer-
cive measure can have effect."
Mr. FAGAN seconded the amendment. He said that
if this measure passed the political position of Ireland
would be thrown back half a century; but, at the same
time he considered, that separation would be destructive
of the interests of both countries, yet was he in favour of
islgaGttniulttoohhl •rtseiaes.
mitigatestr
et
isstmehs ineeosnnet sense—namely,
ht f Amplenha
passing
suspensionmanvesYlopportunities
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dial
trl
hee availed
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whichuße
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tivghv i
wouldeneis
Ire-
land, he should support the amendment. The manner
in which Mr. Mitchel's conviction was brought
about had only tended to increasa the march of
iu relnOW'inaildreliant dal)Psteraurgeglintog htoiniptlahca:
thereinsurrection
wer e parties

themselves in Mr. Mitchel's shoes. He doubted whether
the
affaisru on
s.spelntsimigohft trheemHovaebteha Co
es
leaders rss Actof the
wtheod improve
muluvemeat
in
Ireland, but it would not cure the disease. Coercion
had. always failed in Ireland, and as he did not
think the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern-
ment bad made out a case for this Bill, be could not con-
sent to continue this system of coercion. Why did not
Government rather attempt to mitigate the evils which
pressed upon Ireland? They were of a social ch erecter, and
if they could be removed, the House would hear no more
of these insurrectionary movements. The Government
could not longer keep Ireland by the force of arms, and
in order to put an end to the expense of maintaining an
extensive armed force, he called upon Government to
delay no longer the settlement of the two great questions
of the union and the church.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. DISRAELI wished to take that opportunity of
stating the reasons which would induce him to support the
propositions of her Majesty's Government. If he thought
the origin of this impending revolution arose from these
social and political grievances, of which they had heard
so much from the sister isle—if he thought this measure
of Ministers would prove an obstacle to those remedial
measures which were necessary to remove those
social and political evils—he should for one
view it with jealousy and distrust. Its character
was flagrant; it was invested with no hypocritical gar-
meat; it was avowedly an assault upon the constitu-
tional liberties of the subject, and the only justification
for such a proposition must be the necessities of the
case. He thought the necessities of the case existed in
those circumstances to which the Noble Lord the First
Minister had referred.—(Hear, hear.) It did not indeed
require the exposition of the Noble Lord to impress
that conviction upon the House or the country,
for the Noble Lord was not in the position which Minis-
ters in similar circumstances had found themselves. The
Noble Lord did not come there with a green bag filled
with anonymous and numerous communications, or with
statements made to the Minister under circumstances
' which would not solely be revealed to the
Senate or the country. The Noble Lord, without
affectation, with a frankness and simplicity
which did him honour, referred only to those
circumstances which they were all familiar with, and
which were daily and hourly occurring, as his justifica-
tion for the policy which he recommended to be adopted,
and the responsibility of which he did not shrink from.
(Hear, hear.) If he thought that this impending revo-
lution was founded upon these social and political evils,
he should have taken this proposition with great
jealousy and distrust; but he was bound, in
giving his unvarying support to this measure,
to state that it was his opinion that this im-
pending insurrection did not in any way partake of
that character. It was not an agrarian movement. It
was, in his opinion, no movement arising from any
sentiment of perverted nationality. It was neither
more nor less than an external continental move-
ment. It was neither more nor less than a
Jacobin movement, and looking upon Jacobinism
to be nothing more nor less than a system of
universal plunder and unmitigated violence, he thought
it was their duty to grapple with the evils in which
they recognised such features with a power greater
than their violence, and with a determination to
maintain every social principle and every social right
with a courage equal to their audacity, which had
been so much encouraged by events which had
unfortunately occurred on the continent, but hap-
pily not in England, nor yet in Ireland.—(Hear,
hear.) It was for that reason that he thought they
ought not to hesitate to invest the Government with
these great and extraordinary powers, and he for one
protested against the social and political evils of Ireland
being in any way mixed up with this the question which
was before them.—(Hear, hear.) He protested against it
being assumed in argument that thoe who had origi-
nated this movement had, in fact, any desire to remedy
these social and political grievances in any way which
the common sense and feeling of the country could re-
cognize or approve of. Nor did he believe that this im-
pending insurrection was either now, or in its origin, an
insurrection for the repeal of the union; and the chief
reason which had induced him to take that opportunity
of making these few observations was to protest against
its going forth throughout Europe that the question
before them was a question between the Government of
England and the people of Ireland.—(Hear, bear.) He
did not believe that even numerically the traitors had
the advantage ; for he could not for a moment suppose—
indeed, he had every reason to disbelieve that the
Roman Catholic priesthood looked with any face upon
a Jacobite movement.—(Hear, hear.) He believed
that the great body of the peasantry of the south of
Ireland at first looked with no favour at this movement,
although the neglect with which it had been treated,
and the pitch it had now attained—as must al-
ways be the case in a country like Ireland,
with a half-fed population—had naturally tended
to induce those to rally round who took a leading part in
the movement. It might, he repeated, have produced a
great effect upon their opinions, but he was still of opi-
nion that the great body of the peasantry were not heart
and soul in the movement, which was so menacing. It
was a movement, he repeated, organized by a party
that was stimulated by foreign example and inspired
-by foreign successes—(Hear, hear)—who on pre-
vious occasions, in the history of Ireland, had
adopted the same course, and met with the same results.
But he for one wars anxious that their overthrow this
time should not be attended with the terrible
expenditure which had attended their previous
defeats—not an expenditure of the treasure of
this country only—not an expenditure merely of
the lives of Englishmen, but of the destruction of
all that harmonizing and good feeling between
the two countries which had taken now half a century
to cherish and foster; and if the Government could quell
this impending insurrection without that bloodshed—
without those scenes of spoliation, ravage, and disorder,
and without exciting the feelings and passions of one
people against the other, the Minister would, in his
mind, deserve well of his country, and be entitled to the
hearty and full countenance and support of the House
of Commons.—(Cheers.)
Mr. D. CALLAGHAN was anxious to say a few
words upon this all-important subject. He was not one
of those who blamed the Government for endeavouring
to stop the progress of inaurrection in Ireland, but he
doubted whether this Bill would effect that object. He
entertained as much loyalty to the Crown and affection
for the people of England as any man in that House, but
he could not consent to sit quietly in his place and allow
Ireland to be be made the dupe of every party in
or out of power. Let the House apply remedial
measures to Ireland, and they would do more to sow
the seeds of contentment amongst her people than, all
the coercion Acts put together. If it was intended to
apply the Bill at once to Mr. Smith O'Brien and one or
two others, what would be the result? Why others
would arise to fill the places of the arrested leaders, and
the feeling in favour of repeal would be greater than
ever. He considered that the measure would perpetrate a
political suicide, and considering that so many remedial
measures were required, he could not consent to be a
party to the introduction of a measure which would
have, in his opinion, a contrary effect to that anticipated.
Sir DENHAM NORREYS said the time had come
when a measure like this was absolutely necessary. This
was no tune to inquire whether the Government had
kept its promises or not. His country was on the verge
of civil revolution. God forbid that he should occupy
the time of the House when a measure like
this was so imminently required; for they
could not tell at what moment the spark would
burst into flame. He did not need the atatements and
arguments of the Noble Lord to induce him to accede to
the Bill, for he had read his information on the market-
cross.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever consequences might
come from this measure, he was sure the house
would at once grant the Ministers a Bill of Indemnity.
He besought the House to pass this Bill at once to seize
the heads of the conspirators, and save the lives of his coun-
trymen, who, only for this Bill, would perish.—(Cheers.)
Mr. DRUMMOND supported the Bill because he be-
lieved it would be, to a great extent, efficacious in sup-
pressing the rebellion about to burst upon them, and
because civil war was no child's play.— (Laughter.)
MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.

The House was informed that their Lordships had
agreed to the following Bills:—Appeals on Civil Bills
(Dublin)—Consolidated Fund (3,000,0000 —Helmsdale,
Little Ferry, and Leck Robie Harbours—Truro Turn-
pike Roads—Dundee and Perth Railway (Dundee June.
Lion), without amendment—Law of Entail (Scotland)—
Joint Stock Companies—Newry and Enniskillen Railway
(Amendment of Acts, and to authorise Arrangements
with other Companies)—Oxford, Worcester, and Wol-
verhampton Railway (No. 2), with amendment's.
The Usher of the Black Rod here entered, and sum-
moned the Speaker and the House to the House of
Lords, to hear the Royal Assent given by Commission
to several Bills, which will be found in our report of
the House of Lords.
During the absence of the Speaker, many of the
Members formed themselves into groups, and appeared
to discuss the principles of the measure with much
animation.
Mr. DRUMMOND resumed—He was prepared on a
future occasion to discuss with the Irish Members the
grievances of which they complained. They had now
before them a particular measure brought forward for a
particular purpose. He denied that the press of this country
was profligate, as the Hon. Member for Nottingham bad
stated : it needed no defenders in that House. He had
yet to learn that the respectable portion of the press of
this country would.publish a list of books, with the titles
of which he would not offend the ears of the House,as fit
for the perusal of the people. A man must either publish
books of the kind because he agreed with their prin-
ciples, or because he wished to derive some paltry gain.
(The Hon. Gentleman then read passages from. the
Northern Star, stating that the time was coming
when the land would be divided among the people,
from whom it had been filched.) The use of an un-
bridled tongue had been the curse of the clever people
of Ireland, and believing that this Bill would tend to go
far to stop this, he should support it.
Mr. HUME said the paper from which the Hon. Gen-
tleman had quoted was no credit to anyone .—(A laugh.)
Thank God, there were but few newspapers that pro-
mulgated the dangerous doctrines of the paper in
question—the division of property among those who
would not obtain it for themselves.—(Hear, hear.)
They would willingly believe him when he said that he
gave a reluctant consent to this Bill, because remedial
measures were much required, and he had always fairly
and oper.ly advocated them. Catholics had been arrayed
against Protestants. The state of Ireland arose from
the people being deprived of their civil rights, and whilst
they were not treated like the people of either England
or Scotland, how could they expect them to act like
freemen? The people were discontented, and easily
excited by clever demagogues, who possessed a
great share of influence, and was it a wonder
that Ireland was in the state she was? This measure

may put down rebellion—nay, it might act kindlite;
many—it might quiet for a time ; they might crowd
their prit.ons, but disturbances would continue. As
the Government were new a seeond time about to be