The Sun.
London, England, 1841-09-01 00:00:00

PUBLIC OPINION.

The Morning Chronicle, alluding to the meagre reve-
lations as to his intended course of policy, lately made
by Sir Robert Peel in Parliament, • says—" The whole
debate on the Address showed, beyond the shadow of a
doubt, that Sir Robert Peel had no clear and distinct

line of policy, based upon principle, and firmly settled in
his own mind ;' and as plainly did Sir Robert's own
speech declare, that even if he had such a line of po-
licy,' he was not prepared to carry it into action with
resolute decision.' He gently pushed the Duke of
Richmond on one side ; he threw the Orangemen over-
board ; he avowed his fears of being able to carry on the
Government, in the intimation that he would throw up
office if he was not efficiently supported; and Lord Stan-
ley, in the absence of Sir Robert, declared that they had
turned out an honest man and able Minister because—
his place was wanted! In short, Sir Robert Peel has
been made Prime Minister by the landed interest,
in order to maintain the existing Corn-laws ; and yet
Sir Robert has declared that he is not ' quite' pre-
pared to maintain the details of the existing law! "
The time is fast approaching when Sir Robert Peel will
find in this infirmity of purpose his deadliest enemy.
Caution and vacillation, and a truckling to expediency,
may do well enough in sunny weather, but when clouds
darken the political horizon, their utter folly and useless-
ness are at once seen and appreciated. The Right Hon.
Baronet takes office at a season full of peril, and when
nothing but promptitude, decision, and energy can
rescue the country from its present distresses. Never-
theless, he seems inclined to play over again his favourite
game of " fast and loose ;" to hold out specious pro-
mises to all parties, and stick manfully by none. It was
not by such timid, milk-and-water policy as this, that
his great idol, Pitt, ruled with a high hand the destinies
of England for upwards of twenty years. While avoid-
ing his faults Sir Robert Peel may at least imitate his
energy with advantage.
The Herald thus expatiates on the deserts of Sir
Ro-
bert Peel :—" We have lightly touched upon what we
deem the good fortune' of Sir Robert Peel, and we
hope that we may not be misunderstood in the employ-
ment of that phrase. Need we remark, that we employ
it in no disparaging or illiberal sense. So far from that
being in our contemplation, we rather intend to do
justice to the forbearance and self-restraint which
have been powerful enough to withhold him from
realising, as he might have done, his political triumph
at a much earlier period. His prudence and fore-
sight have been signally manifested in this course of
action. Their reward will be proportionally permanent."
Our Contemporary is perfectly correct in applying the
term " good fortune" to Sir Robert Peel's success as a
public man. He has been pre-eminently lucky through
life—indeed luck has been the chief secret of his eleva-
tion. He was lucky in the accident of enormous wealth
—lucky in the period at which he entered public life, and
in the party to which he attached himself—lucky in the
turn of his mind, which keeps him for ever within " the
decencies" of politics—and, above all, lucky in the pos-
session of just that sort of cunning which, in the eyes of
the superficial, passes for uncommon sagacity. We
know no statesman of modern times who owes so much
to luck, and so little to strong intellectual capacity.
The Post has at length the candour to confess—the
Times having previously set the example—that an enor-
mous deal of bribery and corruption was manifested
during the late elections. With his wonted effrontery,
however, our Contemporary adds, that the delinquents in
this respect were chiefly the defeated party, and that the
Tories were returned, in spite of this illegal and powerful
influence, solely because the country had faith in their
inherent wisdom and integrity. "We do not deny,"
observes the Post, "that much money may have been
improperly used on both sides, but no man of common
sense but must entertain the conviction that the great
preponderance of this delinquency was on the side of the
defeated Whig-Radical party." Our Contemporary has
been constantly taunting the Whig-Radicals with their
poverty ; yet now he insists that it was these poor men
who bribed, and their rich adversaries who refrained,
from doing so.
The Advertiser observes—" Sir Robert Peel's whole
life and habits forbid the hope of his during to shake off
the fetters of faction in this most important crisis of his
country's fate, even though the glory of such an act
would annihilate the odium of all his previouN apos-
tacies, and immortalize him as the most illustrious states-
man of his age, who, having been taught by experience
the futility and danger of resisting the just claims of an
enlightened people, conceded in good time what, might
otherwise be wrested from him by forcible appliances,
and consolidated an equitable and harmonious system of
government, where the bitter conflicts of industry and
aristocracy had previously threatened revolution."
The Times concludes a lengthy article on Lord John
Russell, with the following passage :—" It is curious
that Lord J. Russell should have taken leave of office
almost in the words used by a former eminent Whig
Minister—Lord North. Both Noble Lords, we have no
doubt, were equally sincere ; both meant well by their
country ; both were men of abilities, both possessed and
deserved a considerable share of personal respect. The
policy of the one, as well as of the other, has been con-
demned by the nation ; and in the one case, as well as
in the other, that condemnation will be ratified by pos-
terity." This is not the case, and our Contemporary
knows well that it is not so. Lord North's policy, as re-
gards the American war, was indeed condemned by the
nation ; but Lord John Russell's policy has been con-
demned only by the monopolists, and thwarted only by
the operation of the Chandos Clause.
We quote the following from the Brighton Guardian :
—" As to the deficiency of revenue, the Tories have
approved of all the measures—such as the war in Syria,
Ilindostan, and Canada, which have occasioned
-it--except, and the exception is worth the public notice,

those measures, such as the reduction of the postage.
which have been granted to the prayers of the people.
They demanded incessantly a great increase in the navy
and army, and were parries to every expense and every
extravagance. They acquiesced in the plan of providing
for an increase of the revenue, should that be required,
suggested by Mr. Rice ; and they cordially supported
and praised the plan for that purpose brought forward
in 1840 by the Chancellor of the Exchequer."
The Tyne Mercury thus glances at Sir Robert Peel's
present position :—" The manner in which the ultras
have been turned aside, as it is stated, by Sir Robert,
would seem to signify that his course would be with the
moderates ; but this will be considered as a declaration
of war against the ultras, so that in the very commence-
ment there will be such a jarring and clashing of inte-
rests, that the Baronet will probably wish himself out. of
office before he has well taken his seat."

The Dublin Pilot, speaking of the amendment to the
Address, remarks as follows:—" One thing is daringly
avowed by the Tory amendment—that although her Ma-
jesty is the first personage in the State—although her
Majesty constitutes one of the three estates of the realm
—neither in her personal nor functional capacity is her
Majesty to dare to think for herielf or others—in'fact,
that the Queen is tho only one in her dominions who is
not entitled to an opinion."