The Sun.
London, England, 1848-05-31 00:00:00

SPAIN.

Madrid journals of the 25th bare arrived.
The Spanish Government had caused Colonel
BRISTOW, an English subject, many years resident in
Madrid, to be arrested, and to be conducted under a
guard to the French frontier.
The fusion of Carlist3 and Progresiatas, or rather
the formation of a Spanish national party, having the
Count DE MONTEMOLIN at its head as constitutional
King, becomes every day more probable, and it is
said that NARYAEZ himself would have no objection
to send the MONTPENSIERS to Mexico and to proclaim
the Count DE MONTEMOLIN Prince of Asturias and
heir to the throne. The MONTPENSIERS remain on
board a steamer in the river Guadalquiver ; they hare
refused to return to Alcazar.
MA.Dam BoLas, MAT 25.—Three per Cents., 21i
cash ; after Bolsa, 211 cash, 21i paper; Five per
Cents., 13/ paper; Passives, 51 paper ; after Bolsa,
51 cash; Bank of St. Ferdinand, 83 cash. Exchange
on London, at 30 days, 41 SO.

His Royal Highness Prince 'Albert last evening
paid an especial visit to the "Hospital tor Consumption
and Diseases of the Chest" at Brompton. His Royal
Highness having passed through the several wards and
(Aces of the establishment, expressed himself highly
satisfied with the progress made, of which but a few
years since he had laid the foundation-stone. The very
marked and considerate attention of the Prince will
doubtless stimulate the friends and supporters of the
institution to yet (if possible) warmer exertions in the
cause of so truly national a charity.
We are authorised to state that in consequence of
the lamented death of her Royal Highness the Princess
1 Sophia, the Lord Mayor and the Lady Mayoress have
postponed their barquet to her Majesty's Ministers,
which was to have taken place on Saturday, June 3, to
Saturday, June 17.
SIGNS or THR TlMll9.—Some idea may be formed
of the present depressed state of affairs, from the start-
ling fact, that on Thursday last Baron Rothschild could
not get a Bill done, although drawn by Lord John Rus-
sell ll—Puppet Shot.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.

Everything was quiet in Paris, although the
National Guard still continued under arms, and the
'workmen in the Ateliers Nationaux remained undis-
persed, and it is feared that in order to compel them
to do so recourse must be had to force. There are
among the persons who obtained admission to
the Ateliers Nationaux during the first days of the
revolution several convicted thieves, who found it
more comfortable to be maintained by the State in
luxury and idleness than even to pursue their dis-
honest calling. These men are desperate, and are
doing their best to render the other pauper aristocrats
as desperate as themselves. It is generally considered
that a collision must soon take place between the out,-
tiers and the National Guard, and when it does take
place it will be sanguinary but final. The conclusion of
the Monday's sitting of the Assembly was occupied
in discussing the Bill settling the relations between
the Executive Committee and the Government.
The debate which was exceedingly stormy, was ad-
journed.
The following is a resume of the proceedings :
After the speech of M. Period; on the Bill relative to
the relations to exist between the Committee of the
Executive Power and the National Assembly, the general
discussion was then pronounced to be closed, and the
articles were brought forward.
Art. 1 declares that " although the Members of the
Executive Committee are in general exempted from
being present at the sittings of the National Assembly,
still they are always to attend when summoned by a mes-
sage from the President, or when forty Members re-
quire it."
M. Amiable Dubas proposed the following amend-
ment :—" The Executive Committee shall be represented
at each sitting by at least one Member."
Nut being seconded, it fell to the ground.
M. Flandrin proposed another amendment, declaring
that " though the Members of the Executive Committee
should be allowed to exempt themselves generally, still
they should attend when their labours would permit
them.—(Disapprobation.) On some certain day they
should be present to answer questions."—Rejected.
M. Bouchier de l'Ecluso proposed that the Executive
Committee shall not be obliged to attend the sittings of
the National Assembly if the interest of the state de-
mands their absence.
Not being seconded, it fell to the around.
The President—As there is no further amendment
proposed, the discussion on Art. 1 will commence.
M. Bernard observed that he considered the article
useless. The Executive Committee was the confidential
agent of the Assembly, and it now wished to place it-
sef without the jurisdiction of that Assembly.—(Cries
of" Yes, yes," No, no.") In that case there would be two
Governments, one a responsible Ministerial Government,
which consented to come amongst them, and an irre-
sponsible Executive Committee, which would not do so.
It had been said that the Executive Committee was in-
cessantly occupied; but, in that case, he would ask
what was there left for the Ministers to do? He objected
both to the decrees of the Committee and that of the
Assembly, and should propose to let things go on as
they had done up to that time.
M. Labordere defended the article of the Committee.
Ledru Rollin declared his acceptance of the word-
ing of the Bill as brought forward by the Committee,
because he considered it the same as that of the Govern-
ment; and without that he could not consent to remain
in office.—(Murmurs.) "For my part," said the Hon.
Member, "in my political career, if I have strongly
opposed the men in power, I have always respected the
Government itself. The Government must be strong
both at home and abroad. :How can you have your
Ambassadors received with respect abroad, if they are
named by a Government which you place in a derisory
position?— (Munnurs.) The Government must be dis-
tinguished by its unity; beware of dividing it!"
A Voice—No one thinks of dividing it.
M. Ledru de not look on the new wording
proposed by the Committee as a check, but as a guarantee.
We consider that it assures the Executive Committee
that it shall not be taken unawares on any questions
whatever, and that it shall always have full time to
deliberate before it appears before you. I have, there-
fore, again to declare that I support the view taken by
the Committee.—(Hear.)
The article was then adopted.
Art. 2, which states that the Executive Committee
should always have a right to be heard by the Assembly,
was adopted without discussion.
Art. 3, relative to the measures of defence conceded
to the President, was then brought forward.
M. Guichard proposed an amendment to the effect
that the care of the defence of the Chamber should be
confided to the President, in conjunction with the Mem-
bers of the Executive Committee.—(Disapprobation.)
The Minister of War—Article 3, as at present
drawn up, raises a variety of questions, but I shall only
treat that of your safety in a military point of view. If
your sittings took place in a locality where the whole
:4arrison of the place was at your disposal, certainly the
President of the Assembly, or the Assembly itself;
might provide for its defence ; but Paris is not such a
place, and what has once happened here may be again
renewed. Who could say beforehand, that factious
men might not attack at the same time the Tuileries,
the Louvre, and any other point ? Well, then, while
the President was ordering the rappel to be beaten for
the defence of the Assembly, the Executive Committee
might order it to be done for other places, and thus
I theirepe ti, action;
htoo dishonour,
without which
because
successcau therese
would be no unity of command,
great confusion and hesitation might arise, and the re-
sult would be dishonour for the military commanders—
( theyM a r
wouldk s o f
nutdis s
be
e masters n t
m.) Yea,ers of
was impossible. I certainly have no wish to take from
calling on the Executive
the power of your President, but I would wish that that
Committeepower sh ou should be
take
carpexercised by
of the Assembly. The Hon.
Minister concluded by presenting another version of the
article proposed by the Executive Committee, the object
of his proposition being, that when it became necessary
to provide for the safety of the Assembly, the President
might order the Executive Committee to adopt the ne-
cessary measures. In case of extreme urgency, the
measures might be taken by the President himself.
M. Bureaux de Puzy—No Member had the slightest
idea of giving the President a right to constitute himself
commissary-general of police or general of the army.
All that was intended was to delegate to him a power
which each could not use individually. On May 14 the
President showed perfectly well that he was quite aware
of what he ought to do. He, on that day, wrote to
General Cuurtais, warning him in the most explicit
terms that an attack was intended on the Assembly the
next day, and that it was absolutely necessary to take
the most decided measures to be prepared to withstand
it, and to hinder the deliberations of the legislative body
from being troubled either by noise, crowds, or actual
force. " You have," said the President, at the conclu-
sion of his note to the General, "you have complained
to me that I had sometimes given orders di-
rectly ; but I renounce doing so to-day, unless
circumstances shall arise to render such a course
necessary." General Courtais replied that all the
requisite measures had been taken to bring at
any given moment an imposing force round the
Chamber. But the President did still more—he ad-
dressed a letter of the same •nature to the Prefect of
Police. All this showed that he understood the decree
originally proposed by the Government just as the As-
sembly intended he should. But, if the decree of May
11 was calculated to attenuate the consideration of the
Executive Committee, as had been said by some, why
had not something been said against it by that body up
to the present time? Was it necessary for it to wait for
a fortnight to find out that its authority was menaced by
it? The danger was not for the Executive power, but
for the Assembly itself. When the attack was made on
the Government, was it against the Executive Committee
the insurgents directed their efforts? No, but against
the National Assembly.—(Hear, hear.) The reason
was obvious—because it was in that body that lay the
sovereign power. It was in consequence of the necessity
which existed to defend the Assembly at every risk, that
he must call on the Hon. Members before him to vote for
the Bill as amended by the Committee.
M. Marie—`Plat, you have above all to look to, is
that no conflict arise between the Assembly and the
Executive Committee. No one can think of placing
himself above the Assembly, and the Executive Com-
mittee by no means loses sight of the fact that
is it we
its ap-
pointment can be at any time revoked. What
Assembly shall be defended, if
attacked; but that cannot be defended if the power to
all desire? That the
defend be divided. General Cavaignac, whose great
experience renders his opinion an authority,basshowonf
to you that he could not comprehend the possibility.
d.
view of the
For what occurred on May 15?—in my .
orders which were wanting, but
matter, it was not
It is because we
defending the Assembly without unity of
.comman
the decree
all felt that conviction that we presentedthat
What did we do on the 14th of May ?We knew a ma-
nifestationunity of command.—(lnterruption.)
inactive.
The Executive Committee did not remain
hei
Garde
The Commandant of the National Guard, of t
summoned to the
was to be made on the following day, and
Mobile, and the Prefect of Police were _
the
morning, measures adopted.—
morning, orders were given an—
ecuted. When
(Murmurs ) Those orders were not ex
whom emanated
the Assembly had been invaded, from
Luxembourg, where a council was held. From
o'clock those
Feresh denials.)
orders were certainly given by
Assembly did
the order to beat the rappel ? From the Executive
Committee.—(General denials.) At
on
If the force placed at the disposal of the
not succeed in securing it from attack, it was nut that
the force was insufficient, but that there was a want of
unity in the command of it.—(Renewed interruption.)
Facts are facts.—(Cries of " Yes
denied.") The first duty of the ' yes ; that cannot be
Executive Committee,
it is well aware, is to defend the Assembly from which
it
"'lariat" ; but it can only be done on tine cendition—
that it has the means, and that it has not thrown on it
the responsibility of acts of which it has not the direc-
tion.—(Cries of Divide, divide," and " Order of the
day.")
M. Bonjean said that it had just been said that what
took place on the 15th was because there was a want of
unity in the command ;
what, therefore, the Executive
Committee was unable to do on the 15th of May, it
would not be able to do any more a fortnight hence.--
(Renewed cries of " Divide.") The orders given by the
President were not in opposition to those of the Exe-
cutive Committee. Besides, the President had named a
chief who would obey his orders, and himself take the
w
command of the troops.—(The cries for the division
now renewed, and the Hon. Deputy's concluding
remarks were drowned by the tumult which prevailed.)

M. Bureaux de Puzy again appeared in the tribune ;
a general cry for the division arose. The President
rang his bell, and for a long time endea-
voured in vain to obtain a hearing for the
Hon. Deputy, who remained patiently where he
was. At length silence being partially reetored, he be-
gan to defend himself from the charge of having ally
way attacked the Executive Committee. It had been
said, he observed, that the orders given bad not been
executed through a want of unity in the command.—
(The noise and tumult was here renewed with increased
violence, so as to make it almost impossible to catch the
remarks of the Hon. Deputy, but he was understood to
say that the National Assembly had been invaded before
any orders had been given for its protection.)
The President—General Cavaignac has proposed an
amendment. s

Several Voices—Refer it to the Committee.
The President—The amendment is referred to the
Committee.—(General acclamation.)
The Members rose tumultuously from their seats and
left the Chamber in great disorder, and much agitation
prevailed for some time in the lobbies, where violent
questions and explauatioas were exchanged between
many of the Members.
The sitting closed at seven o'clock.
The confidence in the Members of the Executive
Government has been much diminished in conse-
quence of their conduct with respect to Louis
BLANC. M. CREMIEUX, the Minister of Justice,
has, during the course of his inquiries into the
proceedings of the 15th May, obtained evidence
which proves to demonstration the complicity of
Louis BLANC in the Barbes conspiracy. M.
CREMIEUX thereupon announced that he should on
Monday apply to the National Assembly for leave
to proceed against M. Louis BLANC, one of its
members. The Executive Commission, however,
interfered, and absolutely interdicted such a proceed-
ing. It is evident that matters cannot be permitted
to remain in this state. The National Assembly is
the supreme power of the State, and the Members of
the Executive Committee are the servants of the
Assembly. The Assembly, therefore, has the power,
which it will, no doubt, exercise at a fitting time, of
calling on the members of the Executive Committee
to explain the reasons for their interference with
the course of justice.
The Constitutionnel says—
" The Commission of Public Works charged with the
inquiry as to the railway question have almost unani-
mously decided to hear the Minister of Finance at twelve
o'clock to-day, and afterwards to put him in communi-
cation with the Minister of Public Works, and succes-
sively with the directors of all the railway companies,
and the professors of international law who have studied
the question.
" The Sub-Commission is favourable to the principle
of purchase by the state, but give no opinion as to the
opportuneness of immediate purchase, or the conditions of
purchase."

La Republique says—
" The Executive Commission have held a council on
the events of Naples, and instructions were immediately
sent to Admiral Baudin that, if the King did not at once
I give satisfaction and indemnity to the French subjects
who had suffered in this horrible affair, it might lead to
serious results."
The following is a report of what [passed in the
Committee of Finance :—The Committee of Finance
called before it the syndics of the agens de change
of Paris in order to have their opinion as to the con •
version of the Treasury Bonds 'into Rentes. The
governor and sub-governor of the bank were to have
been present, but requested that their attendance
might be postponed to the following day, in order
that they might have the opinion of their board of
' directors. The Minister of Finance communicated
to the Committee several important documents rela-
tive to the state of the finances. From these docu-
ments it results that the receipts during the first
four months of the present year, compared with the
corresponding period of 1847, show a decrease of
33,330,0001., of which 16,310,000 f. are for January,
February, and March, and 17,023,000 f. for April.
The floating debt of the Treasury, from the 24th
February to the 24th May of the present year,
as compared as above, shows a diminution of
77,212,7001.
The amount of the 22d May shows a balance of
68,630,648 f. cash and bills. Of the cash 10,549,766 f.
belong to the Treasury, and 18,552,9481. belong to
the Bank of France.
The amount received of the extraordinary tax of
45 per cent. up to the 10th May, was only 34,558,974 f.
out of the total estimate of that impost which stands
at 191,259,4891.
The total debt of the Savings Banks on the 24th
May was 318,780,000 f., of which 70,296,000 f. was
for Paris, and 258,484,000 f. for the departments, in-
cluding the interest capitalised on the Ist May. On
the 24th Feb. the total amount was 356,203,000 f
showing a diminution in the three months of
27,414,000 f.
The National Assembly met yesterday at half-past
one, and proceeded at once to discuss the important Bill
relating to the national workshops.
M. Paul St. Vestre maintained that an abundance of
work could be found at Paris for workmen of every kind,
if only proper means were taken to effect that object.
But for some time back a system of intimidation had
been employed, which had the effect of preventing the
well-disposed portion of the working population from
acting as they would themselves desire. The Hon.
Member read a great number of documents from em-
ployers in the various trades more especially practised
in Paris, to show that they had plenty of work to give,
but that they could not find men to execute it unless at
enormously augmented wages. The men who had pre-
viously worked for them were now at the national work-
shops, and, if a new organization of those establishments
was carried out, would most probably return to their
former employments. The Hon. Member concluded by
declaring himself in favour of the Bill.
M. Joineau opposed the measure on the ground that
it was of a despotic character, particularly in that part
which authorised the Government to direct all the work-
men who could not prove that they resided in Paris tor
three months to their own departments, with an allow-
ance of so mach p, r league for travelling expenses.—
(Cries of " Oh, oh," and disaprobation.)
M. Benoit supported the measure, which ho thought
would be attended with excellent results. He, however,
must, he said, deny the assertion that the winking
classes refused to work.—(Cries of " They do! they
(10!") If some did it was only a very small number.—
(No, no.) Certainly the number who refused was not
such as to authorise any lion. Member to throw a stigma
on the working classes in general.
M. Grandin must maintain that the assertion relative
to the refusal of the working classes to take useful em-
ployment was perfectly correct. He knew the fact, both
from his own experience and from the statements of ma-
nufacturers and employers amongst his friends. What
was required was some decided measure on the part of
the Government of a far more extensive character than
that now under discussion. Until that was brought for-
ward, he should support the present measure, as doing
something, though not by any means far enough.
M. Trelat, Minister of Public Works, drew a distinc-
tion between the good workmen whom want had caused
to enter the national workshops, and the idle ill-inten-
tioned individuals who had seized on the op-
portunity to obtain a certain sum per day for
doing almost nothing. The present Bill would do
something to separate the two classes, and other mea-
sures which had been prepared in his department, and
which he would probably be able to present the next
day, would complete the object which all who had
considered the subject deemed so important—namely,
the rest,,ration of the labouring classes to a normal
state. The Honourable Minister concluded by read-
ing a letter which he had received from a great num-
ber of the men employed at the national workshops,
declaring that all the rumours which had been in
circulation of an attack being intended by them and their
comrades on the National Assembly, were altogether
unfounded—they were all actuated by sentiments of pit•
triotism and respect for the Government.
M. Reynal said that the whole blame ought not to
be thrown on the workmen. It must not be forgotten
that the masters had refused to give work to as
many men as they had previously employed ; this had
naturally caused much perturbation, and many men
had been obliged, unwillingly, to enter the national
workshops.
The general discussion was then declared to be closed,
and the articles were brought forward :
Art. 1. Declaring that the national workshops in the
department of the Seine being unproductive, means
should be immediately taken to reorganize them.—
Adopted, with the omission of the words "department
of the Seine," in order to make the measure general.
Art. 2. Means shall be taken, with as little delay as
possible, to procure fur the men task-work, without the
intermediation of third persons.—Adopted.
Art. 3. Credits shall be granted to forward to their
own departments such workmen as have not been resid-
ing three months in Paris.—Adopted.
Art. 4. The present Bill shall be applicable in the
towns and communes of the departments, on the demand
of the Municipal Council.—Adopted.
The rain here began to fall again with great force
and noise.

M. Moureau presented the amendment to authorise
agreements to be made for work between intermediate
persons and the workmen, if permitted by the Minister
of Public Works. The honourable member should pro-
pose to have this amendment placed as Art. 5. et the
11. Leyreau proposed, as an additional article, de-
claring that the preceding part of the Bill does not apply
to workmen who were in the habit of each year coming
to Paris at certain periods of the year for certain kinds
of employment, and who could show that they had re-
sided *.ix mouths in Paris the year before. This ad-
ditional article was intended to supply a chasm in the
bill, as there were certain persons, such as the Auverg-
hats, who came every year to Paris to attend Masons,
whom it would not be fair to prevent following their
usual industry.—Agreed to.
The Bill was then adopted.
M. Peri ih ascended the tribune to state what the ma-
jority of the Committee on the Bill to fix the relations

between the Executive power and the National Assembly
had decided on relntive to the article which concerned the
defence of the Assembly. The Committee thought that
it was their duty to afford to the Executive Committee
every means of fulfilling the grave duties imposed on
them; in consequence it proposed that the Assembly do
decide that the measures and dispositions to be taken
for the dVence of the Chamber is in the attributions of
the Executive Committee, except in cases of extreme ur-
gency, when the case may devolve on the President.
M. Labordere maintained that the President, being al-
ways on the spot, could form a surer opinion of the ne-
cessity of demanding extraordinary aid than the Execu-
tive Committee who were at a distance.

M. Billault said what was above all requisite was to
have the Assembly defended surely. In ordinary cast,s
the Executive Committee acts, in extraordinary cases
the President. Supposing the Executive Committee did
not act with sufficient vigour, the President could always
interfere. The decree of May 11 had given full power
to the President, but nothing had been said in the Bill
to specify that functionary's powers; for this reason, that
it would look like a mark of distrust. It the wording
now proposed was agreed to, cases might arise where
a vote must be come to that might singularly com-
plicate the situation.—(No, no.) He, therefore, must
call on the Assembly not to pass the article as now
proposed, but to give the full power to the Executive.
—(Confusion, some crying for the close of the discus-
sion, and others not.)
M. Dufaure maintained that the President must be
the judge of the cases of calling out the armed force.
If not, this would occur—that when the commanding
officer received an order, he was to obey it when the
case was urgent, and when not, he might refuse;
so that the :officer was to decide if it was, not the
President.—(Hear, hear.) Hence he did not see how
collisions could be avoided, unless the power was given
to the President.

M. de Lamartine declared himself to be in favour
of the wording proposed by the Committee, giving the
President the power in extraordinary cases. What
the Executive power wanted most was to defend the
Assembly. If any better plan than that proposed could
be shown for that purpose, he and his colleagues would
willingly adopt it. He was in favour of leaving the
President the judge.—(Hear, hear.)
The wording of the Committee was then adopted una-
nimously.

(Left sitting.)

BOURSE.-PARiv, TUESDAY, MAY 30.

THREE o'CLocx.—Business has been almost stagnant
to-day, as also the funds in the face of the general
uneasiness as to the financial state of the country. The
Railway Shares have sustained the prices of yesterday,
and were in demand, from the belief that the Assembly
would not press the Bill for the repurchase of the rail-
ways. The Vieille Montagnes are at 2,000 f.; the Pied-
mont Rentes are at 880. For the Account, the French
Three per Cents. have fallen 30e.; Five per Cents. have
fallen 75f. For Money, the Three per Cents. have
fallen 50c.; Five per Cents. have fallen 751.; Bons du
Tiesor are at 31i dis.; Bank of France Shares have
fallen 101.; Belgian Bank Shares not quoted ; ditto
Two-and-a-Half per Cents. have improved ; Spanish
Active not quoted ; Roman have risen 2i per cent.;
Rothschild's Receipts have risen 1 per cent. Railway
Shares for the Account, Settling of May 31 :—Nor-
therns have risen to 356 f. 25c. ; for money the Orleans
and Rouens have risen 2f. 50c.; Havres, 5 ; Vierzons,
3f. 75c. ; Bordeaux, 3t. 75c. The others remain as yes-
terday.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON •
STOCK-EXCIIAN GE. MAY 30.
. _ . _

Boulogne and Amiens, 61/ —Orleans and [ourdeaux,
—Paris and Lyons, 2% —Paris and Orleans, 221 A—Paris and
Rouen, 1514—Sambre and Meuse, 4.