The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-19 00:00:00

No, 17,441.] LONDON, SATURDAY '2;7 EN I G

'THE ROYAL POLYTECHNIC
INSTITUTION, REGENT-STREET.
Most impartant Lecture by Isham Baggs, Eso., on Asiatic Cholera
and its dependence on the Electrical State of the Atmosphere, with
New and Practical Suggestims for its Treatment, on Monday, Wed.,
nesday, and Friday, at Two o'clock, and in the Evenings of Tuesday,
hunday, and Saturday, at Nine.—Popular Lectures by Dr. Ryan
and Dr. Bachhoffuer.—Diersmie effects are exhibited in the new
Dissolving Views, which, with the Chromatrope and Microscope,
are shown on the large disc.—Experiments with the Diver and Div-
bag-bell.—New Machinery and Models described.
Open daily
from Eleven to Five ; and in the Evenings (Including
Saturday) from Seven till Half-past Ten.
Admission, IL—Schools, Half-price,—The New Catalogue, Is.

BEARD'S PHOTOGRAPHIC PORTRAITS
by the NEW PROCESS, are taken at
85, King William-street, City ;
34, Parliament-street, We,tminster ; and the
Royal Polytechnic Institution, Regent-street.
" The specimens we saw showed clearly the folds and very tex-
ture of the snowy linen or waving muslin."—Moraing Chronicle,
June 29.
" The flesh tints are clear, warns, and natural ; the entire colouring
can only be compared to the finest enamel."—Times, June 21.

In a few days will be published, in one volume post Bvo. price 7s. 6d.
boand in cloth,
EPITOME of the HISTORY of EUROPE,
from the Commencement of the French Revolution in 1789 to
the Restoration of the Bourbons in 1815,
Compiled under the direction of, and Revised by ARCHIBALD
ALISON, Esq., Author of •• The History of Europe."
For the Use of Schools and Young Persons.
William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London.

FIRST WORK OF A NEW IRISH NOVELIST.
Now to be had at all the Libraries, in 3 vols., post Bvo.,
THE GAP of BARNESMORE.
A TALE of the IRISH HIGHLANDS and the REVOLU-
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London : Smith, Elder, and Co., 65, Cornhill.

NICOLL'S PALETOT, NEWLY
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Letters (post-paid), inclosing a Fee, answered by return, and
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ON NERVOUS DEBILITY AND GENERATIVE DISEASES.
Just published, the Thirty-sixth Thousand, au improved edition, re-
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MANHOOD: the CAUSES of its PREMA-
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By J. L. CURTIS and CO., Consulting Surgeons,
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thought less we
wofern them of the
trust
Mthainhs onotdtio'
wA.Mrtediwcuall
sNireryorek....—la;o4ethaecogitaywand
passions,
long experience
danger attendant upon the too rash indulgence
goaulf
ndtdiei
Cetso.e._p Taihneiiru
whilst IS) some it may serve as a monitor in the hotuhreirof tempta-
tion,an,d, ,
rmaertipauntthaoot
iotohdne. ,
iaiufilyti afflictedtLrese.
a Curtis,a surem e
patient's guarantee, and well deserves for the work its 1 es is the
annense tiro
patient's
" ' Curtis on Manhood' should be in the hands of youth and old
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N.U. Hours of consultation from Eleven till Two, and Six to
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____------------

ON PHYSICAL DISQUALICATIONII, GENERATIVE INCAPA-
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:„Tew
Edition,ClT 11'9EsDpIaMvEsN TuSst7iii,
, or
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the infirmities and decay of the generative system, from ex-
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PART I. treats of the anatomy and physiology of the re-productive
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PART 11. treats of the consequences resulting front excessive Maul-
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It is illustrated by Three Explanatory Engravings.
PART 111. treats of the diseases resulting from infection, either in
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PAaT IV. treats of the Prevention of Disease by a simple ap-
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ltwh
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apparatus,
principal,it
offers
°aDiliar
‘ yirtt. music,hhlpressingEeo acui
nnt &sueaerreunset.
upon
closeestablishment
lohi
omahut
advantages,ns
mrt,soeepl
then fl play-grounds,
independentlyrreo
au
tn d s
Western,
distant Im
taon
which
h wice
h readersat
rheeym thatmosat
wydees sattifreroleyu sfcaoomnf
heir children.— The EV1.411.4 Mail, July 7.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, August 18.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat upon the Wool-
sack at Five o'clock.
MONEY ORDER POST-OFFICE BILL.
This Bill passed through Committee.
STEAM NAVIGATION BILL.
This Bill was read a second time.
AUSTRIA AND ITALY.
In reply to a question from Lord BROUGHAM,
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the Go-
verninent had no objection to lay on the table the reply
of the Austrian Government to the dispatch of the Eng-
lish Foreign Secretary, dated 11th Sept., 1847.
Lord BROUGHAM would, therefore, content him-
self with moving for the production of the
papers, which would show that the Austrian
Government had been actuated by a desire to
strictly observe treaties, and maintain the peace of Eu-
rope, and that she had been actuated by no motives of
ambition or aggression either against the King of Sardi-
nia or the Roman States. With regard to Italian na-
tionality, it was a chimera, and as to French interfe-
rence in support of Charles Albert, he had no fear of it.
It was not the interest of France to make war, but
it was her interest to weaken Austria by negotiation
if she could, and to deprive her of her fron-
tiers, and that she would endeavour to do with
our assistance. Radetaky had retired from
Milan from motives of good generalship, but having
received reinforcements, he assumed the offensive, and
from that moment his career had been one continued
series of triumphs. Milan was in possession of the
Austrians, and Charles Albert had been driven back to
Piedmont, which he ought never to have quitted, and
every acre of land in the north of Italy was in state
of wasal scarcelyeountri e
s,mseervAeustthraiat
England,quo
for holding Milan, because the Milanese spoke a different
shouldnecessary b e for
h e lasthim t too
blame
language—England, in whose dominions so many tongues
were spoken ; as Scotland, where one part of the people spoke
Gaelic; Wales, where the inhabitants spoke Welch; Ireland,
where Irish was spoken ; Gibraltar, Spanish ; the lonian
Islands, Greek; the Mauritius, French; Canada, Trench and
English ; Guiana, Dutch ; to say nothing of our great empire
of India, in which more languages were spoken than it was
needful to sum up. If this country adopted a policy of in-
terference in defence of Italian nationality against Austria,
had they no fear of their being sympathizers with Canada,
Ireland, and India?—(Hear, hear.) The invasion of Italy
by Charles Albert was nothing less than a crime. He was
not an Italian, but was as much a foreigner in that country
as the Emperor of Austria himself. The House of Savoy
held Piedmont by treaty obtained, not by conquest,
but by what was very little short of fraud. The King of
Sardinia had only been in possession of Genoa since
1815, which was given to him by the Treaty of Vienna,
and to which he (Lord Brougham), in conjunction with many
others, was most firmly opposed. It was not on behalf of
Charles Albert, therefore; that this country ought to inter-
fere. Was it, then, proposed to interfere for the Milanese?
They did not want our assistance. The great majority of
the Milanese were in favour of Austria, because to the
great bulk of the people of Milan the :Austrian yoke,
as it was called, was in reality a blessing. Austria ex-
pended among the Milanese 2,500,0001. sterling (which was
equal to 5,000,0001. in this country)annually in works of pub-
lic utility, and, above all, in maintaining schools for the
education of the people. The late Emperor Francis, having
been asked to put down the system of assassination in Lom-
bardy by some vigorous measures, replied—" No; I will
plant schools in Lombardy, and when the people have learned
to read and write they will be prevented from stabbing."
The system for that purpose established in Lombardy was
the greatest practical blessing that ever was conferred on
any country. The Noble Lord expressed a hope that nothing
would happen to prevent the success of those negotiations
that were now being entered upon to effect arrangements
between Austria and the King of Sardinia, such as should
take away from France all power of obtaining merely French
objects, and, above all, take from that country all possible pre-
tence of intermeddling with Italian affairs. Before he sat down
he would just notice an erroneous impression which had gone
abroad as to his feelings towards the French people. Nor
that people—for the body of the nation at large, he felt
the most entire respect, and bore towards them the most
unalterable affection. He knew their great powers, their
great talents, their great capacity ; and he also knew, ge-
nerally speaking, their amiable nature, and honest dispo
sition. But there was a portion of the people of that na-
tion of whom Napoleon spoke when he said, " Talk not to
me of Frenchmen when you mean Parisians. Nothing is
better than a Frenchman, and few things are worse than a
Parisian." That, of course, was the exaggeration of an epi•
grammic expression, but what Napoleon meant was, that
agitators such as those, for instance, who were filling Europe,
at this moment with their mischievous doetrines of propa-
gandism, never would be satisfied as long as things remained
in the country under the dominion of the law. Reduced
to a lawless state themselves, bleeding at every pore in con-
sequence of the failure of the revolution of February ; and
the Republic, which they wished to establish not having
received that countenance or support they were desirous of
obtaining for it, they net only wished to involve the rest of
Europe in that confusion the evil consequences of which now
pressed so heavily upon themselves, but there was no ca-
lumny or folly to which in their speeches they were not
capable of giving utterance. It was that party in France
against whom he ventured to raise his voice. For the people
at large he had the most profound respect and unalterable
affection.—(Hear, hear.)
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE having, before his Noble
and Learned Friend rose, stated that there would be no ob-
jection to lay the dispatch upon their Lordships' table, did
not consider it necessary on this occasion to enter into any
discussion upon the many topics to which his Noble and
Learned Friend had referred. With respect to that particu-
lar dispatch, it was one to which her Majesty's Government
were as anxious as his Noble and Learned Friend to draw the
attention of their Lordships. He entirely concurred with his
Noble and Learned Friend in thinking that the professions
contained in the dispatch from Prince Metternich, in answer
to one received by him from Lord Palmerston, dated the 11th
of September, 1847, were most satisfactory on the part of
Austria, as far as those professions announced what were the
principles and intentions of Austria. It might have been
satisfactory to obtain a declaration of that description at
that particular moment, and to have it recorded and
placed upon their Lordships' table ; because, undoubtedly,
at the period when the dispatch of Lord Palmerston
was written, and which had called forth the declaration
on the part of Prince Metternich in reply,—in consequence
of events which within the recollection of their Lordships
had occurred at Ferrara, a very general apprehension had
therewa
hdmightesphoas
disposition
tati
ob
an al
tbmt oemo
osiotßamteetevhrnefeetr
yrpweaserwtrtaei of
state
ebh eoiAustria,tfnhge,
p or
from w
which
progress
owg relertseas
Italy
hfbwaottauhestoy
composed.
eor mombpoeot
si
de-
veloped
reformsve
de
prevailed, not in Italy alone, but throughout Europe, that
Under those ' circumstances it certainly did become most de-
sirable to procure what they have succeeded in procuring—
ad declaration on the part of Austria of her intentions. That
declaration
exhibited on the part of A • ustria a proof that
neither now,
,nor at any future time, would Austria interfere
with those reforms so tar as they were reforms; but, on the
contrary, that she was actuated by a disposition (for evi-
dence of which she referred to ' past transactions) to carry
out such reforms, and apply them to the circumstances of the
m set
present day. That was a.ost •sf
satisfactory declaration,
as far as an expression of opinion went. In the objec-
tions entertained by Austria to the establisl •
rather to the attempt at establishing, what had been
o
beeiri
called the romantic system of unity in Italy, the Go-
vernment of this country could not fail to perceive consider-
able force; for they saw, as Austria did, all the difficulties
that would probably be attendant on such an event. In no
part, therefore, of these transactions had the British Go-
vernment given any encouragement to efforts that might
be calculated, at least at this moment, to prove successful to
a design of that nature. That which her Majesty's Go-
vernment had done throughout these transactions, and the
principle and rule which had guided their conduct, had been
—not, as his Noble and Learned Friend had been misled by
rumours to believe, a desire to interfere—but a readiness to
interfere when called upon by their allies to do so; having
in that interference ne other object than the safety and in-
terest of those allies, and, the preservation of the public and
European peace.—
(Hear, hear.) It was by that standard
that he wished these transactions to be judged, whenever they
ed He had the satisfaction
should
.come to be examin •
of thinking that their motives and object, in this
respect, had been duly estimated by the parties to whom
His
they more immediately had reference. Noble and
Learned Friend seemed to assume that, in the case of Lom-
bardy, there had been something like interference on the
part of this country for the purpose of establishing the in-
dependence of that province; and, he had condemned the
policy of such a step. Now, throughout the whole of these
transactions her Majesty's Government had done nothing of
their own mere motion. They had, it was true, listened to
the request made to them by her Majesty's allies, they had
entered into the most full, ample, and particular explana-
tions with those allies, whenever they were asked to do so,as
to the advice which they would give, and the nature of the
mediation which they could undertake. From the very begin-
ning of these transactions, in the month of May, when Baron
Nieumann came to this country, up to the present moment,
when he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) had received a dis-
patch from Baron Wissenberg (but which dispatch he did
not at present intend to produce), there had been evinced on
the part of Austria an anxious desire and indication to this
country that she should interfere with her good offices in
these affairs, and he was proud to say that not a doubt ex-
isted as to the motive from which that had been done. He
said this with great satisfaction, because at the present mo-
ment circumstances had occurred to indicate the perfect uni-
formity and sympathy of feeling which existed, not between
this country and any romantic unity of states, but between
England and a practical Government at Vienna—fortu-
nately headed, as that Government was, by a person well
known to Europe—a person, too, not unknown in this coun-
try, in which he filled an honourable post with great dis-
tinction, a- d obtained the esteem and approbation of all
who knew him. From that person there had been, almost
every day since he left this country, dispatches received, in
which a desire was expressed for the mediation (if mediation
should be necessary) of the British Government The same
feeling was expressed by Baron Nieumann before, and by
Baron Wissenberg after, the successes of Marshal It adetzky.
Could there, then, be any doubt as to the friendly relations
existing between the two Governments, or of the unshaken
confidence which was placed by the
Government
of Vienna
in the intention, principles, and policy
In this respect, therefore, the Government of England
stood on very high grounds, and were he now at liberty
(but which he was not) to state the precise contents of the
dispatch from Baron Wissenberg, it would, he was happy
to say, prove not only that the Austrian Government had
preserved its ancient force and energy, when required to be
exerted in its own defence, but—without entering at all into
the merits of the contest now waging—he might confidently
affirm that it at the same time gave proofs of sense, wisdom,
and moderation, which could not fail to be conducive to the
termination of this contest between Austria and Sardinia,
and, by the termination of that contest, to the prevention of
European discord and European war, which would be the
inevitable consequence of conflicts of this nature being
allowed to continue and spread.—( Hear, hear.) Having the
satisfaction to make this statement, he certainly did not
think it would be becoming in him, on the part of her Ma-
jesty's Government, at the very time when they were called
upon to interfere, and when they :thought they could rely
with something like confidence on being able to effect a
-mediation acceptable to all parties to utter a word calculated

to hurt or irritate the feelings of any one of those parties—
whom, whatever her Majesty's Government might think of
their conduct, or of any one part of their conduct, they were
bound to conciliate, and, if they could, to unite.—(Hear,
hear.) He would not sit down without expressing his satis-
faction at the approval which had been declared of the
course pursued by her Majesty's Government in endeavour-
ing to effect this arrangement in unison with the present
Government of France. That had been done upon the most
mature consideration. He was bound to say that up to
the :present moment nothing had occurred with respect to
that course which could shake their faith in the wisdom of
the step they had adopted. They had every reason to be-
lieve that the French Government had entered upon this
joint mediation with the same spirit, and with the same de-
sire to effect an amicable adjustment of the contest now pend-
ing between Austria and Sardinia, as had influenced her
Majesty's Government throughout the whole of these trans-
actions.—(Hear, hear.) So far from being influenced by any
of those wishes for change, or pretensions for intervention,
which were ascribed to certain coteries in Paris, he was
happy to believe that the Government of France had entered
into this engagement with perfect good faith, and was as
anxious as her Majesty's Government were to avoid a war,
which, in its consequences, would involve them as well as
other nations in interminable scenes of distress, difficulty, and
discord.— (Cheers.)
Lord BROUGHAM said he had expressly stated that the
Government had been asked to interfere ; but what he
maintained was, that they had interfered before they were
asked—they interfered on the 7th, and Baron Wiessenberg's
dispatch asking their interference was received on the 9th.
He should be very sorry
if anything he had said should pre-
vent their mediation going on, for if they negotiated or. right
English principles—on the principle of treaties and the law
of nations—with English Interests in view as well as French
interests—he was perfectly certain that, instead of doing
harm, it would be of service.

LAANftsepr
oawfeswE7ords in
.explanation from the Marquis of

The motion was agreed to.
Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from Ashton-
under-Line against the. Borougha Incorporation Bill.
FARMERS' ESTATE SOCIETY (IRELAND) BILL.
The Earl of DEVON in moving the second reading of this
Bill remarked, that whatever differences of opinion might
exist with respect to other measures for the benefit of Ire-
land, there could be little difference on this point, that it was
essential to the welfare of that country that facility should
be given in every way for the improvement of the agri-
culture of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Great facilities had
lately been given for the sale of land iu that country by the
passing of the Encumbered Estates Bill ; and the object of
the present measure was to facilitate the purchase of land.
This Bill would enable a number of individuals, by the
union of their small capitals, to do that which any single in •
dividual of large capital was at liberty to do at present—to
enable them to purchase land in large quantities and sell it
in small quantities. He was aware that an alarm pre-
vailed in some quarters lest it should have the effect of
perpetuating the system of small holdings in Ireland. He
admitted that that system was a great evil; but he enter-
tained a strong conviction that the passing of this measure,
so far from increasing or perpetuating that evil, would fur-
nish the best and most effectual means of getting rid of it.
—(Hear, hear.) At present there were 812,000 persons in
Ireland holding land, whose holdings did not exceed 50
acres, and the question was, would it not be better that some
portion of those persons should be enabled to become inde-
pendent yeomen, instead of discontented and miserable
tenants, by the purchase of land in freehold in portions of
not less than 30 acres? Any individual at this moment
might purchase land, in any quantity, and sell it in any
quantity he chose. He might buy, for instance, 11) 0
acres, and sell them to 100 persons in portions of one
acre each ; there was nothing in the law to prevent any in-
dividual from doing so ; whereas by the Bill then under con-
sideration all the land purchased by the Company must be
sold in portions of not less than 30 acres. So far, then,
from its tendency to encourage a minute subdivision of land,
it would, to a certain extent, counteract that tendency. If
by means of this Bill they could secure the introduction
into Ireland of a certain proportion of persons possessing
thirty, or forty, or fifty acres of land in freehold, with the
independence which that possession would give them, he
maintained that such a result would form a most important
element in securing the tranquillity of that country.—(Hear,
hear.) Now, it had been ascertained upon unquestionable
evidence that there did exist in Ireland a considerable
number of persons with small capital, which they were
anxious to invest in land; and it was to enable this most
desirable class of persons to do so, that this Bill had been
brought forward. Ho begged, therefore, to move that it be
read a second time.
Lord BEAUMONT said, that on looking into this Bill it
seemed to him that its effect would be to create not only a
small but an insolvent proprietary in Ireland, and that, in
addition to the difficulty of collecting the taxes upon such pro-
perty, there would be the difficulty of collecting the purchase-
money. This Bill gave the power of purchasing allotments of
not less than thirty acres upon the payment of a certain
portion of the purchase-money at the outset, and on condi-
tion that in ten years the whole should be paid up. Now,
what he feared was, that in the eagerness for the possession
of land which prevailed iu Ireland, persePtis of insufficient
capital would rush into the market and purchase land, and
being unable to extricate themselves from the responsibilities
thereby incurred, they would be evicted with the loss of the
little capital they had originally possessed. This was a
repetition of Mr. Feargus O'Connor's plan. The excuse of
the Government for introducing such a measure, and if the
Mouse for passing it, must be the disordered state of Ireland,
which rendered such remedies necessary lest the malady
should become worse. He doubted whether any parties
, under this Bill would be able to make a purchase within the

time which it prescribed; and he feared the result would be
the creation of a wretched proprietary, and continued sub-
division of the land.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE observed that, with refe-
rence to the recent state of Ireland, the Bill was of con-
siderable importance. A Bill had been passed to facilitate
the sale of land in Ireland, the effect of which would be to
bring a great deal of land into the market; and the object of
the present Bill was merely to enable a certain number of
individuals to do what any one individual might do, and on
terms more safe and advantageous, because one individual
could parcel out the land at once, and form a pauper cottier
tenantry; whereas this Bill sought effectually to secure the
creation of a certain number of small proprietors. He felt
distinctly authorized to say, on the part of the Noble Lord
who presided over the Government of Ireland, and whose
attention had been called to the proper means of establishing
a number of small proprietors in Ireland, that in his opinion
this Bill was the most practical step that could now be taken
towards effecting that object.
The Earl of DESART was understood to object to the
compensation clause. .
The Earl of RODEN thought the Bill was likely to in
crease the evil of small holdings, by which paupers were in-
variably multiplied; the districts where such holdings were
found were the worst.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE had proposed a Bill
against cruel evictions, but he was far from
The being
ill of opinion
that bad tenants ought not to be evicted. B cont
a provision with respect to eviction. If it was desired to
remove an industrious man who had been living on the land,
he must receive full compensation; but the Bill did not pre-
vent tenants being turned out who did not or would not pay.
Lord MONTEAGLE supported the Bill, but had some sug-
gestions to make when the Bill went into Committee.
Lord REDESDALE thought the Bill ought not to be of a
Bill ought not to be granted to a cornPanY
permanent character. Power to purchase land under the
clause should be introduced limiting the power of purchasing
land to 20 years. for ever ; but a
The Earl of GLENGALL did not believe that this Bill
°all a seem* time.
couTlhdebeßimli awdaesotpheierantirve
The Boroughs Incorporation Bill, and the Steam Naviga-
tion Bill, were read a second time.
The Insolvent Debtors' Court Bill passed through Com-
mittee.
Their Lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, August 18.
EDUCATION.
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.,
Mr. HENLEY objected to the control of the edu
cational institutions of Scotland being taken away
from the Established Church of that country. lie
had great distrust in the interference of the present
Gov,rnrnent with education in Scotland. He was desir-
ous of knowing whether the Committee of Privy Council
on Education was in correspondence with the Archbishop
of Canterbury.
Sir G. GREY assured the Hoa, Gentleman that such
was the case, and he had no doubt the result would
be, that in the next session a Bill would be introduced
on the subject of education generally.
Mr. GLADSTONE was delighted to hoar that there
was a prospect of some satisfactory arrangement being
come to between the National School Society and the
Committee of Privy Council on Education,
Lord J. RUSSELL was happy to say that the corre-
spondence that had taken place between the Committee
onducatioa and the Arch-
bishopbrought to a close;
and he had no doubt that it would be attended with the
of the
oPfri Canterbury
best effects. There was but one or two points of diffe-
rence, and ho had no doubt those points would be
brought to a satisfactory conclusion.—_(Dear, hear.)
The Committee of Council, he could assure the Hon.
Counei
was b
nearly
Member for Oxford, had no desire to give the Govern-
ment greater powers to interfere with the schools.
Ho trusted that the course that would be
pursued would do away with tlae ill-feeling
that existed among some of the Dissenters with respect
to their participation in the mana-
gement of the schools.
He regretted that at the present late period of the
session it was impossible that ,the House could enter
into the full discussion of this important question.
After some observations from Mr. Henley, Mr. Ur-
quhart, Mr. W. Brown, Mr. Morris, Sir John Walsh,
Mr. J. Williams, Sir G. Grey, Mr. Kershaw, Mr. P.
Wood, and Mr. M. Gibson, the vote was agreed to; as
was also a vote of 25,0001., to defray the charge for the'
payment of enrolled pensioners.
The House then resumed.
The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained
leave to sit again at a quarter atter five o'clock.
CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS BILL.
The report on this Bill was brought up and agreed
to, and the Bill was ordared to be read a third time on
Monday.
WOLVERHAMPTON CURACY BILL.
This Bill went through Committee, and the report was
ordered to be received on Monday.
RENEWABLE LEASEHOLD CONVERSION