The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-26 00:00:00

THE CORN IMPORTATION BILL.

The LORD CHANCELLOR having put the question that
this Bill be read a third time, _ _

The Earl of WICKLOW said that, on this motion, he
begged to trouble their Lordships with a few observations. As
their Lordships were now at the last stage of these proceedings,
and were about finally to conclude these great and enormous
changes in the financial policy of this country, he begged to
remind their Lordships, and her Majesty's Government more
especially, of two points, upon which it appeared to him no in-
formation whatsoever had been afforded to their Lordships in
the course of these proceedings, and upon which he thought,
both to the country, and to that House, information was due
from the Government. The first of these points that he would
allude to, and which was certainly the least important, was
with respect to the promises which were made by the First
Minister of the Crown on the introduction of the Corn Bill
into the other House, of certain equivalents or compensations,
or matters of that nature, which were promised to accompany
this measure. Their Lordships had now got to the last stage of
the measure, and yet, up to the present time, he had not been
able to ascertain that in either House of Parliament anything
like a proposal of the nature of any of these matters had been
made to, or communicated to the House. Now, although these
matters might be of themselves of trifling importance, yet they
were not, it appeared, so considered by the Government when
they proposed the measure. They were given out and pro-
posed by Government in some degree as compensation to the
landed interest, for the loss they would sustain from the passing
of this measure ; but here they had approached this period of
the session and ne notice had been taken of either proposition.
There was one measure promised, and which ought to have
been brought forward irrespective of this Bill, because it was
founded in justice, and strongly recommended by the Landlord
and Tenant Commissioners of Ireland. It was promised that
the expense of the constabulary force of that country should
be thrown upon the Consolidated Fund; but here they were
approaching the end of the session, and no notice had been
taken of it in either House of Parliament. Before, ntherefore,ponu
they read this Bill, they ought to have some explantt a i
o .n
this point.—( Hear, hear.) He now came
toa Eo
point, but he must firsts
se
tcaotne
goI n
that Sir Robert Peel obtained a continuance
ment to make hiraself understood.t w o u
of
bt
be sherememberedohoreetomet a x
to enable him to try a particular financial experiment. The
Right Hon. Baronet stated that under the change, the customs
the continuance of the ;
d u ee s
ta
x would
unsnoe
e eincrease
s.ary, aansdt o rend
before
er
they
passed this they
ought come
to have some explanation upon this point too.—( Hear,
hear.) At that time the revenues were increasing in every de-
partment, and the country was in a state of prosperity. But,
the
most unfortunately, at the beginning of the present session,
on account of the happy state of the revenues, and
ncrease which he had predicted, the first Minister of
Cron*, net Raided with the alterations which be had already •

made, introduced thosemeasures which their Lordships had
been considering for the past two or three weeks. The!Noble
Lord, the President of the Board of Trade, who most ably in-
troduced the measure—for he (the Earl of Wicklow)
would give him credit for being a most able Minister and an
accomplished debater—never held out to their Lordships that
the customs duties, after these alterations, would gain the
point which they reached previous to the reduction. But he
Lad swept away these sources of revenue, and all that he offered
to your Lordships in their stead, was what might be drawn in
the course of years from the buoyancy of trade.—( Hear.)
But the Government must have taken these things into con-
sideration, and they must have seen their position in the pre-
sent eireuuistances of the country- No direct income-tax
would make up the deficiency. The First Minister of the
Crown, in his budget during the present session, held out no
surplus whatever. The whole surplus, including the r -mit-
tance from China, which would not continue more than the
present year, was only 700,000/. He asked whether the country
had not a right, and whether their Lordships had no right,
that their Ministers should state, what their expectations were
in reference to the future income of the country ? Had tic'.
Lordships not a right to know whether they meant to bring in
a substitute for this tax, or whether they inter ded to renew
the income-tax ? If they did not mean to renew it, then
what was to be the substitute ? But if they intended to renew
that tax, why, he askeo, did they not announce
it fairly. He said a new Parliament would be in existence
before the expiry of the present tax ; and did they believe that
a new Parliament would sanction that tax. He did not be-
lieve that a new Parliament would sanction, to any Govern-
ment, an income-tax as a permanent tax on the country. He
certainly did not believe, if such were made permanent, that
the country would suffer it to remain permanent, and least of
all at the present moment. If the Government should with-
draw that indirect taxation, to which the country had long
been accu;tomed, and if they substitued, instead of that, a
direct taxation, it was an impossibility to suppose that the
country would suffer it to continue. The Cabinet Ministers
must have considered these matters fully, and he asked
whether it was fair to the country or to their Lordships not
to make known what their intentions were? The Chancellor
of the Exchequer, with his long experience, and his great
ability, and holding an office in which he must acquaint him-
self on these subjects, arid the Noble Lord the President of the
Board of Trade, were both of them capable of giving an an-
swer, but they declined, axed the country would certainly
draw their own inference. He would, therefore, take that
opportunity of calling upon his Noble Friend for an expla-
nation.

The Earl of RIPON said that the Noble Lord had a per-
fect right to ask these questions. He would not, for indeed he
had no right to, find fault with the manner in which they were
put by his Noble Friend. The first question was, whether the
Government had taken into consideration the means of carry-
ing on the affairs of the country under the reduced revenue
which would take place through the reduction in the duties,
and more especially those reductions which affected agriculture.
The Government felt now as they did in the beginning of the
session of Parliament, that they were bound to carry out the
measures alluded to by the Noble Lord. His Noble Friend
wished to know what was the intention of the Government
with respect to the question of the property-tax. This tax
was proposed to last for three years, but it would be impru-
dent of any Government to answer such a question before the
proper time. It would be found, perhaps, at the expiration of
the period of three years necessary or unnecessary to continue
this tax, as the case might be, and therefore to express a de-
cided opinion upon this question would be very impolitic.
The Noble Earl then read statistical documents to prove
that the reductions which had taken place since 1842
in the import duties had not been unfavourable. He was
happy to state that the demands upon the country were very
much less than they were, and it was satisfactory to find that a
reduction in the national debt had amounted, within the last
year, to upwards of one million.
Lord FEVER SHAM said that he could not but agree
with the agriculturists of this country that the measures of her
Majesty's Government were calculated to be of the greatest
injury to the landed interests. The tenant-farmers had held
meetings in various parts of the country, where resolutions
were passed condemnatory of the measure for a repeal of the
corn-laws, as a measure fraught with the greatest evil to the
landed interest. They had no statistical information from her
Majesty's Government to prove a case for the passing of the
Bill. He had met with a very intelligent American
gentleman, who said that this question would be of the greatest
advantage to America, inasmuch as it would bring much of
the waste land of that country into cultivation. This was very
true, but how much would not that injure the agriculturists of
this country. The increase of the supply from foreign coun-
tries must, as a matter of course, be the meant of a ruinous
competition with this. If he thought the measure wt uld be
conducive to the happiness of the people, or tend to promote
the morals of the people, he would at once forego his objection
to the measure, but he did not believe it would have that effect.
On the contrary, he thought it would retard rather than ad-
vance the happiness of the people, and it was on that ground
he opposed it. He would not detain their Lordships further
than to remark that he thought that, in respect of this measure,
the constitution had been violated, inasmuch as the sense of
the people had not been taken upon it.—(Cheers. )
The Duke of CLEVELANDsaid, as this was the last stage
of this memorable Bill, upon which he should have an opportu-
nity of addressing their Lordships, he wished to say a word or
two, not with the view of delaying the further progress of the
Bill, but simply to protest in the strongest manner against the
Bill.—( Hear, hear.) After listening attentively to all the de-
bates upon the subiect, he must confess he still remained of the
same opinion as he did when the Bill was first introduced, and
he could not help thinking that many parties had sacrificed their
own private opinion in favour of party feeling. He must admit,
at the same time, that although the Whig party had hitherto
been favourable to a fixed duty, they had pursued a consistent
and proper course in supporting this measure, because they
were on the threshold of coming into office, and it would have
been unwise in them had they hampered themselves with the
difficulties of the question —( Hear, hear.) He claimed credit
for his own party, for having been actuated in their opposition
to the Bill by no other than sincere and purely disinterested mo-
tives, while with regard to the question of voting by proxy, he
was ready to admit that, although it was distasteful to
the public mind, yet, nevertheless it was instanced by old and
long-established usage, and upon that ground alone he should
be prepared to oppose any motion that might hereafter be
brought forward for its abolition. He thought, however, if
they had any wish to keep up the privilege they ought
to take care that it was not ill-used. Now, in the
case of the present Bill, he thought it had been abused,
for many Noble Lords who had entrusted their proxies to
members of the Government were in distant parts of the globe,
and must he still quite ignorant of the introduction of the mea-
sure.—( Hear, hear.) The most lamentable part of this mea-
sure, he thought, was the effect it would have in breaking off
all confidence in the Minister. Up to the passing of the Re
form Bill, which he opposed, he had regularly voted with the
Whigs, but after that period he had followed Sir Robert Peel,
in whom he had always placed his entire confidence, and for
whose abilities he entertained the highest respect.—( Hear,
hear.) Their Lordships, then, might easily imagine his feel-
ings upon being now compelled to declare that, hereafter, lie
could place no confidence in that Right Hon. Baronet, but the
pain attending that conviction was in some respects aleviated,
by the knowledge that the protectionist party had still an able,
talented, and distinguished -leader, in whom he had the utmost
confidence. Hereafter he should consider the Noble Lord
(Lord Stanley) not as his friend, but as his polar star.—
( Cheers.) He had always heard that Noble Lord speak with-
out any reservation or equivocation, and he had never heard
any person say that that Noble Lord left the least loophole in
his speeches, out of which he might creep, as others were in
the habit of doing. He (the Duke of Cleveland) had only
to say, that entertaining these sentiments and these views, he
must protest against the policy of this measure. He thanked
the House for the indulgence which had been accorded to him,
and he would only trespass further for the purpose of saying,
that he considered the measure totally uncalled for—( Hear,
hear)—and reflected great discredit on the Government that
had introduced it.—(Cheers.)

Several Noeut LORDS here rose simultaneously to address
their Lordships, but,
Earl DALHOUSIE (who was one of these Noble Lords)
having said that he rose merely for the purpose of explaining,
was allowed to proceed. He said he should not trouble their
Lordships many minutes, nor should he have ventured to
trespass on their attention had it not been for some of the ob-
servations which had fallen from the Noble Duke who had
just sat down, with reference to proxies given in that House.
Had the comments of the Noble Duke on that subject been
restricted to general observations on proxies given there, he
(tbe Earl of Dalhousie) would not have troubled their Lord_
ships ; but as the Noble Duke had mentioned the name of his
(the Earl of Dalhousie's Noble and Gallant relative, the Mar-
quis of Tweeddale) and stated that his proxy was given con-
trary to his opinions and feelings on the subject of this measures
he hoped that their Lordships would allow him to say a few
words on the subject. He (the Earl of Dalhousie) took a wide
view from the Noble Duke on the subject of proxies. As long
as these proxies did exist, he must confess that a proxy was
given upon the principle of entire delegation into the hands of
those who held then.--( Hear, hear.) Such was the principle
of proxy, and as long as that system of proxy existed, it mat-
tered not whether the individual whose proxy was given was
a resident in the Indies or dining in Belgrave- square at the
time that it was given.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The
Noble Duke had said, that the proxy of his (the Earl of
Dalhousie's) Noble and Gallant Relative was given in direct
contradiction to his sentiments on this question ; and he had
also stated that it was utterly impossible that his Noble and
Gallant Friend, living at so great a distance from this country,
could have heard of the introduction of this measure. He (the
Earl of Dalhousie) thought that the Noble Duke must have
forgotten that this question had been now introduced seven
months, and that a communication reached him in six
weeks.-- Hear, hear.) He (the Earl of Dalhousie) could
assure the Noble Duke that he had had a communication with
his Noble and Gallant Relative on this subject.—( Hear,
hear)—and he could assure the House that his firm convic-
tion was that if his Noble and Gallant Friend had been in that
House he would have voted for the second reading of this Bill.
Rut he (the Earl of Dalhousie) would at the same time frankly
state that he believed, if his Noble and Gallant Friend had
been there he would have voted for the amendment of the
Noble Earl on the back bench, with respect to a fixed duty;
and had their Lordships assented to that he would, no doubt,
have declined voting for the second reading ; and he (the Earl
of Dalhousie) would not, under such circumstances, have ten-
dered his proxy in support of the third reading, although, on
the general principle, he considered himself entitled to use he
proxy. He felt certain that had his Noble and Gallant Friendofthis
been present he would have voted for the third reading
Bill.
Lord G AGE said he must bespeak their Lordships in-
dulgence for a short space of time, whilst
brieflyhils to address to
the, with vey great
reluctance and hopelessness, ventured
them a few observations (as he consideredear. hiomnsellofobkoitningdatto
this
with respect to this measure.—(H
question he found that it had been brought forward by men
who had, a few short months ago, told them that the consent-
ing to such a measure, on the part of the Legislature, would
entail general ruin on the country.—(Hear, hear.) Those
men had not given them any distinct reasons for their sudden
change of opinion on this question. Instead of now looking
upon this measure as one calculated to ruin the country, the
promoters declared, on the contrary, that it would increase the
prosperity of the country. But they had not given one single
reason for their change of conduct. It was plain that it was
the pressure from without that had induced the Prime Minister
to bring forward this measure. Had the elections that had
recently taken place shown that the people were in favour of
this measure ? For his own humble part, he conceived that if
measures must be passed by their Lordships on the
sole ground that it had passed the other House
of the Legislature—(Hear)—there was no need of a
House of Lords.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard nothing so
unworthy as the reiteration of the vulgar imputation that
their Lordships were actuated solely by selfish motives in ,