The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

codiint clingeis Kow, had we pretended only that
there was apprehension of a scarcity, for the purposes
of effecting an alteration in the corn-lawsinothing would
have been more base or dishonourable; and you shall have
the opportunity of judging of the ireportanee of the id=
formetion sve received iipola this dalarnity; and to deter-
mine e'hetlitr or its that irifdrthatioli was het Suflicielit
to justify the Government in warning the country
against the coming danger.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
So strongly', indeed, was I impressed by this information
of the necessity for a change that, in the month of No-
vember, I advised the suspension of the protective duties.
—(Opposition cheers.) There are two important periods
to which I must particularly allude in my explanation,
namely, the periods between the Ist of November, 1845,
and the 6th of November, 1845, and the 25th of Novem-
ber, 1845, and the 6th of December, 1846 ; but before I
do so, I propose to read, in consecutive order,
the information which we received at diffe-
rent periods from different parts of Europe,
which induce me to come to the conclusion I have
done. The Right Hon. Baronet then read a
series of letters from Belgium, Egypt, Poland,
France, and other countries, detailing the
greet ravages of the potato disease in those places,
Now with respect to England, this is the limit of the
information which has reached us. I should mention
that the first account we had of the failure of the potato
crop was received from the Isle of Wight. A gentleman
writes us on the 10th of August that he cultivates 300
acres, and he is also a salesman in London. He was
also engaged in the retail trade, and therefore fully com-
petent to give an opinion. He had examined
the crops around Sandwich and its neighbour-
hood, and they were almost entirely destroyed.
In Kent also the crop has been most seriously injured,
as appeared by a letter received from Mr. Clay. In
Yorkshire the crop has been even worse, for it appears
by a letter from Mr. Wood, from that place, that the
injury has been most extensive. Then from Scotland
I received a letter from my friend the Member
for Dumfries, in which he says that the po-
tatoes there, in many districts, were unfit for
human food. This was the nature of the accounts which
my right Hon. Friend and myself had been receiving
during the months of October and November, and which
we spent days and nights in reading. Then, as to the
accounts which came from Ireland, it would appear by
them that the people of that country chiefly subsist upon
that article of food. It would be difficult to estimate
the number that so exist ; but by the official accounts
which we have received from that country from Sir W.
Brown, Mr. Lucas, and Professor Kane, it appears that
nearly four millions of the people of that country
.mainly
depend upon the potato for their support. It is quite
clear, then, that we have now to contend against a cala-
mity affecting no fewer than four millions of people.—
(Hear, hear.) I will not enter into any details upon
this subject, I will merely contest myself with
reading the aecounts we have received from
the Lord Lieutenant, confirmatory of them.—(Hear.)
The Lord Lieutenant stated in one of his letters that
the evil will not be felt in all its intensity until the
month of February or the beginning of spring; that is
the stock of last year's potatoes. This, be i. remem-
bered, is the opinion of one who was chiefly responsible
for guarding against any calamity.—( Hear, hear.) Now.
after all the accusations which have been brought against
me, I wish to place upon record what were the appre-
hensions of those who were responsible for the providing
of measures in order to meet this calamity. In a letter
from the Lord-Lieutenant, he stated that the disease
was very prevalent, and that results of an alarming
nature might be anticipated, if measures were not speedily
taken to meet the evil. This letter was fol-
lowed by another, dated the 21st of October, in
which he says that accounts still continue to pour in of
a most discouraging nature; the extent of the calamity
it would be impossible tol calculate—potatoes were dry
up, apparently in an healthy state, which in a few days
presented all the appearances of decay. On the 24th Oct.
another account reached us, in which we were told that the
prices of the, necessaries of life were rising, and that a
spirit of discontent seemed spreading among the people,
and urging upon us the necessity of adopting speedy
measures in order to allay the feeling of the people,
and wishing to know whether he should issue a proclama-
tion forbidding distillation from grain. This of the
24th was followed by another on the 29th, from Lord
Haytesbury, in which be stated that he was most
anxious to know the result of the deliberations of her
Majesty's Ministers upon the state of the potato crop in
Ireland, and that accounts from the constabulary tended
to confirm the extent of the calamity. Communications
were also received from the Lord Mayor of Dublin of
a similar tendency, and urging upon us the necessity for
prompt and effective measures. But not only had they
had the opinions of the Lord Lieutenant, but
also those of the Secretary to the Royal Agricul-
tural Association, contained in a letter of the
date of the 17th November. In the postscript to his
letter, he states that, since the letter was written,
later reports of the wide-spreading calamity had reached
him, and he could safely say that there was not a
county in Ireland but was affected with the disease.
That communication was from the Secretary of the
Royal Agricultural Society of Ireland, who was certainly
in possession of most extensive means of information.
It came to hand on the 24th of October. I hold a letter
from another gentleman, who is, perhaps, as well in-
formed as any man in the country, and he says, " that
those who best know the country are the most
puzzled to perceive a way out of the difficulty.
Formerly we could, even in times of great
scarceness, generally see some means for reliev-
ing the distress, and of carrying our people onward
through to the time when the potato season returned.
But now the case is very different, and we see no way
whatever of getting through the winter. Shortly after
this, the Duke of Leinster presided over a meeting
called in Dublin to consider the state of the country,
and there a resolution was carried, to the effect that
unless the Lord Lieutenant took immediate steps for
relieving the general distress that famine, pesti-
lence, and destitution would fill the land. He
had also a letter to the same purport
from Lord Clare. Impressed with these communica-
tions, we thought it our duty to send two, men both
eminent in their way, and quite unconnected with the
country. Professor Lindley and Dr. Playfair, who went
from Dublin to Drogheda,
passing through the several
counties between the two, and their report was to the
effect that where the crop was not entirely destroyed, the
potato was in such a state as to be quite unfit
for human sustenance.—(Hear.) At my request
these eminent men placed their opinions upon record.
It" is from the 25th of November that I am re-
sponsible. On the Ist of November there was
no agitation on the question, there was no
petition, but the report received by the country
fully and clearly showed to me the course which I
ought to take. The news from Belgium, and the state
of the market at Liverpool fully justifies the course of
the Government ; and it was thb-knowledge of the fact
• that a great measure, such as' I now speak in fa-
vour of, being necessary, that I acted as I did. I
was perfectly prepared to issue an order in Coun-
cil to throw open the ports. I was prepared to
take the responsibility of that act, but I was overruled,
and then it only remained for me to act as I subse-
quently did. I advised my colleagues to adopt the
course of taking off the restrictions on foreign corn.
On the 25th November it became necessary to consider
what instructions should be issued. Those instructions
were determined on, and we reserved to ourselves the
option of acting as circumstances might determine.
I however stated at that time that it appeared to me
that the prescriptions issued were at variance
with the information received from the Com-
missioners. On the Ist of September our position
was entirely changed. I have no hesitation in saying
that the agitation going forward in the country affected
my own position. I had been overruled in the earlier
part of our proceedings, when investigation would have
been the more natural proceeding, and I admitted at once
that the letter of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John
Russell) aided also to materially alter my position.
It was wholly impossible for me, or those with whom I
acted, to know whether there would be all this calami-
tous failure in the potato crop. I had felt on the 26th of
November that there was no chance of bringing
this matter to a successful issuse. I should
have adopted precisely the same plan as that
which was recommended in the letter of
the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), and I had hoped
that my views would have met with the unanimous con-
currence of the members of the Cabinet. I thought that
there was a justification for extraordinary measures,
and that such extraordinary measures would have been
supported by the other members of the Cabinet.—(Hear.)
That was my conviction. But, finding that my feelings
on this question were not similar to the rest of the Go-
vernment, I felt it my duty to resign the situation which I
held. I felt it to be my duty, not being supported by
the unanimous voice of the Cabinet—l felt it my duty
humbly to tender my resignation to her Majesty. That
resignation was accepted by her Majesty. Her Majesty
then sent for the Noble Lord, the Member for London.
The Noble Lord undertook to form a Ministry, and for
a short period I was in the situation of a private Member
of this House; and I do not hesitate to say that I would
have done all in my power to promote a settlement of
such a question as this.—(Loud cheers.) I repeat it, that
I would under such circumstances have done all in my
power to facilitate the settlemedt of the question.
I remained under the impression that my services were
then at an end in my capacity as first Minister of the
Crown, and that I was to return to this House
as a private Member of Parliament. Whether
the Noble Lord opposite had, in the mean-
time, undertaken to ;form a Government I was
ar
ioonnfromthe
her
Majesty, to the
not aware until Thursday, the 18th of December,
h, the next day, I
when it was then intimated to me that the Noble Lord,
the Member for London, had undertaken to form an
administration.
effect that she would wish t• see me previous to taking
a final farewell. I waited upon her Majesty accordingly,
and I then was told that the Noble Lord opposite had de-
received
a gracious
lloiwnteivme
de-
clined to form an administration, and her Majesty was
pleased to express a desire that I should withdraw my
offer of resignation.—(llear, hear.) Now, I do not
hesitate to say that as it was intimated to me that the
Noble Lord had failed to form an administration, I con-
sented to withdraw my resignation, after a moment's
consideration, and to ask my colleagues in office
to co-operate with me in complying with the
wishes of her Majesty.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I
have already given notice of myintention, on the
part of the siovernment, on an early days
to submit the
measures we intend to propose for meeting the exigen-
cies of the time, and I shall leave the justification of
those measures for that occasion. es
—y explanation,
therefore, for the present rests here and Ido hope,
that after hearing the evidence in possession of the
Government upon the anticipated calamity, it
will be
deemed sufficient for the present. Some may think
that the conclusions I and others have come to are erro-
neous ' • but I warn those who think so, that even
now the extent of the calamity is not fully known.
Let them pause, therefore, before they express a con-
Meat opinion uponoar "idis" Alb at ill mil*

I trust if t have not satisfied some of them that our
conclusions were correct, at least they will admit our
motives were honest.—(Hear, hear, and loud Opposition
cheers.) Would it not have been derogatory
to the agricultural interest, and degrading to ourselves,
had we proposed to supply the deficiency in the potato
crop in Ireland by relaxing the protective system
in respect of oats, while we could have met
the calamity in another and a better way, and
given the people of Ireland corn instead of oats S-
- Well, then; I trust we shall receive credit
for the honesty -of our conclusions, if our
'TtConclusions ere nut approved ?Tear.)
I felt that it was impossible to cOme detest to the las:L.'s°
with any partial measure, that only affected Indian doff],
I could deal with Indian corn, and not at the same time
deal with oats. If it was necessary to regulate any
portion of the food of the people, it was rcquieite to take
such measures as should at once and entirely set the
question at rest. Sir, after the severe, the lengthened,
and the incessant labour of the last session of
Parliament, I say I do feel it herd to be thus con-
stantly misrepresented. Ido feel it hard that, after that
labour, and when every hour of the recess has been em-
ployed in considering the large mass of evidence on this
mo-t important subject, that I should be made the con-
stant object of misrepresentation—(Loud and continued
cheers)—and be told that I am altogether unworthy of
the confidence of the agricultural interests.—(Cheers.)
I have over and over again endeavoured to define the
position which I hold with respect to party,
the country, and myself. I have felt it neces-
sary, in justice to myself, and to every one of those
who have preceded me in the office which I hold ;
and yet, over and over again I have been told that the
same power which placed me in this position could al-
ways unseat me from it.—(Loud cheers from the Op-
position.) I now here distinctly state that I do not
owe my personal position to any men or body of men
whatever, and in saying this, I distinctly say that I will
never rely on any particular party for that support
which I ought to receive only on the ground
of the service which I may render to the State.
For what is office, and what are the pleasures of these
official duties ? The pleasure does not consist in that
distribution of honours inseparable from the duties of a
Prime Minister. Believe me, that the possession of the
power of advising the Sovereign with regard to the
highest rewards and highest offices is more than com-
pensated by the invidious duty of choosing and the dis-
appointment which any selection can make. I value not
the power to the extent of one farthing for any such pri-
vilege as that. So far as personal objects, then, are
concerned, I have none of them.—(Hear, hear.) I
have served under four Sovereigns George the
Third and his three successors. In the reign of
George the Third my office was of a very subordinate
nature. I served under George the Fourth both as
Regent and Sovereign. It has been my fate to hold
some high office under each of these sovereigns, and, as
I have served them in critical and difficult times,
they have taken a favourable view of any services which
I have rendered them. But to each of these in succes-
sion there was but one distinction—one reward—desired
by me for all that I had it in my power to do for them
—that was, the simple assurance that I had been to
them a loyal and faithful servant.—(Hear, hear.)
There is, Sir, that in office that it gives you great op-
portunities for rendering public service according to the
best of your judgment, that constitutes the real value of
official power. I can say with truth I have not abused
that power for any unworthy object. I have always en-
deavoured to use that power for the promotion of the
public interest and the advancement of the public good,
nor can I charge myself with having acted at variance
with the principles of a true and comprehensive Conser-
vative. I cannot think it has been at variance
with Conservative honour that I have attempted
to repair the disasters of Caubul, to infuse
into the Indian army that spirit which had been checked
by misfortune and defeat. I cannot think it incon-
sistent with a true Conservative if we have allayed that
animosity which has long prevailed between ourselves
and a great and powerful neighbour. I cannot think t
inconsistent with true Conservatism that we should
have been enabled, with truth, to hear that sentence
from her Majesty's Speech, " that our relations with
France might ever be conducive to the public interest." I
cannot think it inconsistent with the principles of
a true Conservative that we have been en-
abled, with truth, to listen to such a passage.
It is not inconsistent with the principles of a true Con-
servative, that we endeavour to extract from the recol-
lections of all our former exploits everything that can
savour of bitterness. It is not inconsistent with the
principles of a true Conservative that we are trying to
engage in rivalry—not in the field of blood, but on the
field of honourable 'negotiation—the advancement of
commerce and the improvement of the social condition.
I cannot think it inconsistent with true Conservatism
to have reduced taxation.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot think
it inconsistent with true Conservatism to have extin-
guished agitation and to have discouraged sedition, not
by coercive laws—(Hear, hear)—but by creating an
impression on the part of the great body of this kingdom,
that we, the rich and powerful, are ready to take our
share of the public burdens, and to relieve them
from oppressive measures.—(Hear, hear.) The duty
of conducting the affairs of this country is, indeed,
a most arduous undertaking.—(Hear, hear.) I may say
it without irreverence, that the ancient institutions of
our country Ere like our physical frame—fearfully and
wonderfully made ; that it is no easy task to ensure the
contentment of an ancient monarchy, a proud aristo-
cracy, and a reforming public.—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") I have done every thing that I could do,
consistently with Conservative policy, to reconcile
those three branches of the Legislature, and
make them harmonise in action. I thought it consis-
tent with true Conservatism to promote as much as pos-
sible content among the people—to cause the voice of
dissatisfaction to be no longer. heard—to prevent any
destruction of our ancient institutions, and to give all
our fellow-countrymen an opportunity of living in peace-
ful enjoyment of their rights. These are what I have
attempted to do, and I have thought it consistent with
pure and enlarged Conservative principles. lam ready
to bear the scorn and the ridicule of the public for the
part which I have taken on this question, but I will not
do it with mutilated and shackled powers.—(Cheers from
the Opposition.) I will not stand at the helm during
the tempestuous nights which I have seen, if that helm
is not committed to my uncontrolled guidance.
I will not undertake to direct the course of the vessel
if I am not permitted to make my own obser-
vations and to act according.—(Cheers.) I will
reserve to myself the right of my own private judgment
as to the course which I should pursue in the govern-
ment of the country. I do not wish to be the Minister
of England ; but while I am the Minister of England I
will hold the office by no servile tenure —(Loud cheers)—
I will hold the office unshackled by any other obligations
than the consulting of the public interest and providing
for-the public safety.—(Loud and continued cheering,
in the midst of which the Right Hon. Baronet resumed
his seat.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said—Sir, I rise up at this early
period of the session, to explain the part that I have
taken in the matter to which the Right Hon. Gentleman
has referred ; and I would not have done so now, but
that the Right lion. Gentleman was aware that such
was my intention. Before I had resolved upon adopt•
ing this course, I communicated with the Right Hon.
Gentleman, and I stated to him that, if it would create
any inconvenience to the public service, I would be
ready to postpone my explanation to a later period of
the session. In answer to that the Right Honourable
Gentleman stated, that not only would it be quite in
accordance with the wishes of her Majesty, but also con-
sistent with the convenience of the public service that I
should enter upon this explanation now. I shall there-
fore proceed to do so, with the understanding that I shall
be excused for doing so, by reason of the willingness the
Right Hon. Gentleman has expressed that I should do so.
Before I do so, however, I think it necessary to refer to a
letter he has mentioned, detailing the circumstances
which led to his resignation. Early in the month of No-
vember the Lord Provost of Edinburgh invited me to re-
ceive the freedom of that city, and to be present at a
public dinner. In accepting that invitation I took
especial care not to make any reference whatever to the
measures then under consideration ; and the Lord
Provost expressed his regret that I did not state my
opinion in reference to the corn-laws. I said that I
was unwilling to do so, entertaining as I did very strong
opinions in respect to those laws, an expression of which
might have the effect of embarrassing the public coun-
cils, as well as myself. But I saw by the public prints,
and the London Gazelle, the state of the public mind on
this question, as well as the manner in which it had been
dealt with by the Government ; and, finally, after many
discussions, I saw an announcement of a further proro-
gation of Parliament. Under those circumstances, I
did think that her Majesty's Ministers had not been per-
forming their duty to their Sovereign or to the country,
and I did entertain the opinion that it would be advisable
to call the Parliament together at an early period to
consider the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) I also had
seen announcements of the failure of the potato crop in
Ireland. The Right Honourable Gentleman has stated
to-night that the Government Commissioners reported
that the food of five millions of the people of that co n-
try was the potato ; that one-half of that crop ,had
failed ; that one-eighth of it would be necessary for
seed, and that therefore only three•eighths of it re-
mained for food.—s(ltear.) I did consider that such
a state of things was most alarming, and demanded im-
mediate consideration, and it would appear that I stood
not alone in this opinion.—(Hear.) It appears now
that the Right Hon. Gentleman himself had, formed
the same opinion, and that he and three
of his colleagues had expressed as much in the
Cabinet Council. In this state of circumstances I pub-
lished a letter on the 26th of November,;s vhich the
Right Hon. Gentleman has alluded: That otter did,
certainly, state very strongly My opinion that the pre-
sent Government were not as active as the circumstances
demanded, and I suggested that the public should ex-
press constitutionally its opinion as to the remedy that
should be deemed necessary. I cannot but think I was
right in adopting this course ; and from what has trans-
pired, it would now appear that the Right Honourable
Gentleman concurs with me in that opinion.—(Cheers.) I
know that there are some men of low minds who have
said that that letter was nothing more than advertising
myself for office.—(Hear, hear.) But I trust I need
scarcely say, that nothing could be further from my
thoughts.—(Cheers.) I did it only for the purpose of
placing upon record the expression of my opinion, that
the Government should yield to the pressure of circum-
stances, and save the confusion and accumulation of
serious evils.—(Hear, hear.) On the 26th of No-
vember, the Right Honourable Gentleman again
urged that the ports should still be opened for the
admission of grain, and that the corn-laws should be
considered ; but unfortunately the Cabinet did not agree
with hire, and difficulties to so great an extent followed,
as to lead the Right Hon. Gentleman to believe he
could not carry on the Government, and on the 6th of
December he resigned office. On the Bth or 9th of the
same month, I had the honour to receive her Majest3's
command to wait upon her at the Isle of Wight, am 1 I

did so upon the 11th. It could not but be apparent
to me that her Majesty had received the resignation of her
Government, and had sent for me for the purpose of
consulting me as to the formation of a new Administra-
tion. I felt that the only course left me was to decline
doing so, because I was aware that the party who usually
concur with my views upon public questions were in a
minority of about ninety in this House, and therefore I
did not think I would be warranted in exposing her Ma-
jesty and the country to the chances of a dissolution
of a Government almost as soon as it was
formed.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I do not think it
necessary to enter into any explanation here of the rea-
sons why the party who support me in this House are
"-ferior in number ' • but I must say that during the
as
—e in the Administration, our motives were
Wilt We we._
never fairly etymr„:hended, and our measures never re-
from our political opponents.
ceived a fair consideration. ..
—(Hear, hear.) Be that itg it weerati°na I were in admidinnoo-t
rity, and, therefore; under these consel • •s-
-think I would be warranted in formil ..an Aanaim
: that
tration. Her Majesty having state tO Le. of
she had sent for me far the litirpoee
forming an administration, I asked if the present
Governmeot were aware of her having done so, and
elle answered me by placing a paper in my hands, con-
taining the resignation of the Right Honourable Gen-
tleman, his reason for doing so, and expressing his
will-
ingness to afford every assistance in his power to the
new Ministry, for the adoption of measures for the
settlement of the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) I then
stated to her Majeaty that that document altered
the state of the question, and that with her
permission, I would consult with a few of those with
whom I had been in the habit of acting. I came to
London fur that purpose, and, I must say, I received
all the information T could require from the Right Hon.
Gentleman, the Secretary for the Home Department, in
reference to the causes which led to the resignation of
the Right Hon. Gentleman. I then called my friends
together, with a view of framing a measure for the set-
lement of the corn-law question, a measure which I con-
sidered would be of the greatest possible advantage to
the country, inasmuch as it would not only tend to put
an end to present grievances, but would be attended
by much future good.—(Cheers.) But there was another
question for consideration, if he was to undertake the
settlement of the corn-law question. Whether was he
to attempt to effect the object by endeavouring to obtain
a majority in the House, or was he to propose to her
Majesty a dissolution of Parliament in order to ascertain
the strength of the popular opinion.—(Hear, hear.)
He confessed it appeared to him that if it could
be possible to obtain a settlement of the question
without having recourse to a general election—without
putting in collision the manufacturing and :commer-
cial interests against the landed and agricultural
interest, it would be unquestionably for the benefit
of the country at large.—(Hear, hear.) But it was im-
possible for him to expect such an amount of confidence
from the House, if he could not secure the support of
those who agreed with him in the measures he had in
view—of those who were in the habit of supporting him
in absolute free trade principles, but also of the support
of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, and those who had
been his supporters when he proposed a relaxation of the
protective duties. The Right Hon. Gentleman, for
potent reasons, which it was unnecessary for him to go
into, thought it not right that a person not in the ser-
vice of the Crown should be consulted upon measures
that might be brought forward not upon his own respon-
sibility. He (Lord John Russell) had to consider what
were the kind of measures which, if he were successful
in forming a Government, it would be his duty to pro-
pose.—(Hear,
hear.) Under these circumstances, he
thought it necessary to have a consultation with those
who had been his colleagues ; for the letter to
which he had adverted, had been written from a strong
feeling of public duty, and the apprehension of public
danger, and two persons only had been cognisant of his
intention to write it. He had consulted with them, and
with persons dispersed in different parts of the country,
in order to ascertain how far they might agree, before
he undertook the settlement of the corn-law question, or
endangered the public convenience by proposing a mea-
sure which might not meet with public approval. The
grounds upon which he stated that the corn-law question
ought to be settled were : first, that he thought the im-
position of any duty at present, without a provision for
an ultimate extension, would but be prolonging a contest
which ought, upon many accounts, to be discontinued.
He also said that no Government, or legislative body,
could satisfactorily regulate the corn-laws.—(Hear.)
He also stated in his letter, very clearly, the objects to
be obtained ; but he suggested, farther on, that the
Minister should propose such a revision of the
taxes as would tend to equalize the public
burdens, and that he should add, also, such other
measures as scrupulous forbearance might suggest.
These were his general principles. He did consult with
his colleagues, and the result of his deliberation could
best bo given in a letter which he addressed to her Ma-
jesty. Part of that letter had reference to the Right
Hon. Baronet opposite. He (Lord J. Russell) could not
read it, without referring to the measures the Right
Hon. Gentleman said he had in contemplation, which,
with his permission, I will read to the House:—
"Chesham-place, Dec. 16, 1845.
" Lord John Rassell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has the honour to submit to your Majesty the following considera-
tions :
,4 sir Robert Peel's letter to your Majesty, communicated to Lord
John Russell at Osborne House, offers the support of Sir Robert Peel
to his successors, provided their measures should be founded on cer-
tain principles, which arc there explained, and framed in a spirit of
caution and forbearance towards the interests to be effected.
" The measures which Sir Robert Peel had in contemplation appear
to have been—a present suspension of the duties on corn ; a repeal of
the corn-laws at no remote period, preceded by a diminution of du-
ties; relief to the occupiers of land from burdens by which they are
peculiarly affected, so far as it may be practicable.
" Upon full consideration of these proposals, Lord John Russell is
prepared to assent to the opening of the ports, and to the fiscal relief
which it was intended to afford.
' "But upon maturely weighing the second proposal, namely, that
' by which duties would, after a suspension or temporary repeal, be
re-imposed and again diminished, there appear to him to be grave
, objections to such a measure.
" The advantage given thereby to the land appears to him more
apparent than real ; the uncertainty of prices in future years would
be aggravated, and the prospect of a complete free trade would be
still kept in the distance; the prospect alarming the farmer, and the
distance irritating the merchant and manufacturer.
" In this view he finds that many persons deeply engaged in the
maintenance and sapport of the agricultural class entirely partici-

pate.
So great an object as the settlement of this question, might in.
deed be held sufficient to justify the support of Sir Robert Peel's Act
ministration, had they proposed such a measure. But, as Lord John
Russell is placed at present, be could not himself propose a measure
against which the weight of argument, as well as public opinion, ap-
pears to him to preponderate.
" Had the harvest been plentiful, and corn cheap, it might have
been very advisable to have diminished the duties gradually ; but the
restoration of a duty after suspension has all the appearance of a
protective law.
" Lord John Russell humbly submits to your Majesty, that should
the proposal of an immediate repeal, instead of immediate suspen-
sion and ultimate repeal of the corn-law, preclude Sir Robert Peel
from affording that support to the new Government which he so
spontaneously and handsomely offered in his letter of the 15th of
December, Lord John Russell must humbly decline the task so gra-
ciously confided to him by your Majesty.
" Lord John Russell concurs with the reasoning of Sir Robert Peel,
which shows the inexpediency of pledging him to the outline of a
series of measures.
" The measures for fiscal purposes, therefore, would have to be
considered in detail by those alone who may be in your Majesty's
service.
" Lord John Russell trusts that year Majesty will attribute the re-
luctance which he feels to undertake the Government, without a
previous knoivledge of the opinion of Sir Robert Peel, to his very
deep sense ef the injury the country may sustain from the rejection
of a measure of such vital importance, and not to a desire to obtain
a security for those who may be in power."
The Noble -Lord proceeded to say, her Majesty
had been graciously pleased to answer his letter
on the same evening, stating that she had for-
warded it to Sir Robert Peel, and that she fully under-
stood the motives by which he had been guided in endea-
vouring to secure the greatest possible support for the
measures he wished to propose.—(Hear, hear.) It would
be necessaay for him to say, in the position he at present
occupied, that he had been unable to bring those who
consulted him to an agreement on the qnestion of the
corn-laws.--(Hear, hear.) All those whom he had
consulted had at a previous period belonged to her
Majesty's Privy Council. Her Majesty, on the following
day, desired that he should attend her at Windsor
Castle, and when he arrrived she handed him a letter
from Sir Robert Peel, dated the 11th December:—
" Wkitehall, Dec. 17, 1845.
Sir Hobert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
takes the earliest opportunity of acknowledging the receipt of your
Majesty's letter of yesterday, which reached him at a late hour last
night.
" Sir Robert Peel feels assured that your Majesty will permit him
humbly to refer to the communications he has addressed to you
Majesty since his tender of hi resignation, and as an evidentfii hl
earnest desire to co-operate ins a private capacity in the adJusime tot.
the question of the corn-laws.
his concurrence in the reasoning Pert es
"In
tho letter of Lord John Russell to your Xlle,s,ty:,hhesehxopwrsestshees
e
" Lord John Russell requireS, at the same time, that Robert
measuresexinexpediency
n connectedey ef pledsfli ntigi the settlementeb ertr e eolfi othat e question.o nof
Sira seri
of
Peel should give assurances which amount substantially to a pledge,
that he will support one of those measures, namely, the immediate
and total repeal of the corn-laws.
" Sir Rober Peel humbly expresSes to your Majesty his regret
that he does net feel it to be consistent with his duty to enter upon
the consideration of this important question in Parliament, being fet-
tered by a previous engagement of the nature of that required from
And now he (Lord John Russell) must say that the
Right Hon. Baronet had somewhat misunderstood the
meaning of what he wished to convey in that first letter.
What he (Lord John Russell) wished wasl not a pre-
getnhea rtalifn nature e o f the
measures should
afterwards
pre-
vious pledge from the Right Hon. Baronet, but he
thought, as be had stated the
th
they
proposego
tc aa shoulddi
propose.
greaterffer en measurelengtrh, t
hwei
yt u without
would inform-
ingincur
him, or
ewdliticohhhime htoad
amOobuiduetd.subTs
thaen
atitel
yr,
thheath ando
rthoaedevsiel
seemed
should be quite ready, and would not be precluded
from concurring in
he thought • such a measure, and supportiag it if
dt,gh. right; if it were proposed by a Minister of
the Crown. He (Lord John Russell) was of opinion,
that the task was subject to risk, and full of danger and
peril, yet placed as they were, they should meet it
boldly, and assure her Majesty they were ready to un-
dertake it.—(Hear, hear.) He was not, when he came
to the determination, blind to his heavy responsibility.
He had already said he wished the qnestion
of the corn-laws settled without any violent struggle
between different interests. He was aware—he hardly
knew how he could express the opinion—but he knew
many persons thought both agriculturists and those in•
terested in manufactures, and a portion of the liberal
party, while they would support a repeal of the corn-
haws, if brought forward by him (Lord J. Russell),
would like better to support it if brought forward by
the Right Honourable Baronet opposie.—(Oh, oh !)
And that on the other hand there were many who fol-
lowed the Right Hon. Gentleman who would give him
their confidence if they saw him in office and power, but
who would not vote for the same measures if he (Lord
John Russell) had proposed them. That was a fact, and
it was an opinion conveyed to hint by many persons
whom he knew, by others whom he had never spoken
to, and by many others who, at Ma
for ncheste
the
and at other places, were anxious would
settlement of the corn-law question. It
have been a hazardous task for him to undertake such a
nemeasure ; but while he thought the Rdightylelhim a
fair
man opposite and his colleagues w o
ht
t at there were
support upon the question, be tho:g
ht
the Noble Lord who
many—for instance such persons a