The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-27 00:00:00

that he should avail himself of every opportunity which was
afforded him by the rules of the House, to bring on a dis-
cussion on the subject of the law of settlement, before the
Corr-Pill was finally dish osed of.
The motion was, therefore, withdrawn accordingly.
CORN- LA WS. —ADJO URNED DEBATE.
On the order of the day for resuming the debate on the
Corn Bill being read,
Mr. FINCH wished to claim the indulgence of the House
on this second occasion of his addressing them on the present
subject. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Ports-
mouth, had endeavoured to show the inefficiency of the sliding
scale as compared with the results even of a fixed duty. In
his (Mr. Finch's) opinion there was very little difference
between a fixed duty and a sliding scale. It had been said
that a fixed duty could not be perpetually maintained. But
these were matters of very little moment. The principal
question was, what was the best mode of giving fair protec-
tion to agriculture. The Right Hon. Gentleman had also
alluded to the proceedings which might ensue in the other
House on this subject. He (Mr. Finch) had always under-
stood that the other House possessed constitutional rights as
indefeasible as those possessed by this House, and if in
their wisdom, and the proper exercise of their just prerogative,
they should think proper to reject the present measure, they
were fully justified in so doing, and were in no way amenable
to that House. In fact, nothing could be raore equitable or
right, or more for the benefit of the nation, if the other House
were to reject this measure. He thought that the question
involved a fivefold revolution. First of all a social revolution
would ensue. The result of free-trade must tend in an in-
creasing ratio to do away with the poor-laws. He conceived
that a revolution in the social state of the country would be
the first consequence of the repeal of the corn-laws. The
Hon. Gentleman then quoted from Malthus, Buchanan, and
Adam Smith, to show that principles of free-trade, when car-
ried out to their fullest extent, necessarily involved the total
repeal of the poor-laws. The colonial system of the country
would alse undergo a change, and that was a very important
element of the question in consideration before the House.
Again, the financial constitution of the country would also be
greatly affected by the proposed changes in the differential
duties. There was besides a two-fold political revolution in-
valved in these alterations. For upwards of a thousand years,
from the period of the Saxon rule, protection to the land had
rbaenegne
md eeenmtse.d a
Thereprimary
woe
o 3 a elementtemilne
tendency
politicalin
the
organicand fi .;eal
changesar-
se hich were contemplated, not perhaps to o_verturn the
monarchy, but to give it a more democratic character. The
argument3t
ie
Hon. Gentleman then entered into a long statist
to show the number eat! value of the various interests
United Kingdom which would be more or less affected byin thet
operation of the proposed measure. Considering the amount of
those interests her Majesty's Ministers would be fully justified
in relieving themselves of a portion of the responsibility by
shifting it on to the people at large by an appeal to the con-
stituencies. He was of opinion that the Right Hon. Baronet
at the head of the Government, although an accomplished
statesman and a transcendent orator, was still as fallible as
other mortals. The Right Hen. Gentleman, like the Arch-
bishop of Grenada, preferred the speeches of his later days to
the productions of his youth What, he would ask, would the
manufacturers think if a measure were brought forward
jeopardising the mercantile and mane.facturing-interests ? He
thought, therefore, that some allowance should be made for the
apprehension of the agriculturists. The whole quantity of
corn which would be disposable for England from all Europe,
according to the accounts from their consuls in the different
places abroad, was 2,200,000 quarters. And from America
and Canada the quantity was 500,000, making altogether
3,000,000 of quarters. He would ask them, would not this
quantity, if yearly imported into England, cause a glut and a
panic in the market, and have a most prejudicial effect
on the agriculture of the country ? From 1842, to
1815, the quantity of wheat actually imported was 4,300,000
quarters altogether; but if, according to the previous calcula-
tion, 9,000,000 of quarters were triennially admitted, he
thought that the effect would be an inevitable paralysis of all
agricultural operations. The principle of protection was
supported by Russia, Prussia, and most of the minor states of
Germany; the Ministers and Parliament of Holland, the
Ministers) and Parliament of Belgium, of France, and of
America ; thus proving that the principle of protection was ad-
vocated by the greatest men of the most civilized rations of the
world. In 1826 and 1827, the exports of this country
amounted to 36,800,000/., and in 1844 to 58,000,000/. ; thus
proving that under the operation of protection, the country had
attained a most extraordinary degree of prosperity. (At
this part of the Hon. Gentleman's speech, not a single soul
was to be seen on the Opposition benches, Mr. Hume, the
only remaining Member, having changed his solitary position
and gone over to the Government side of the House. This
circumstance attracted the attention of the Hon. Gentleman,
and excited general laughter.) He proceeded to say that he
perceived his arguments were so convincing as to put an end to
all opposition.—( Great laughter.) He perceived that he
had silenced all the brass guns which they had mounted on the
other side.—(Laughter.) One Hon. Gentleman had main-
tained his post as long as he was able, but, finding his position
too hot for him, he was at length obliged to surrender at dis-
cretion. This was surely an argument in favour of protection.
(Laughter,) The free-traders had gone about the country
deceiving themselves and deceiving every one else upon this
important question. He regretted seeing the light manner in
ashich this measure had been treated by those gentlemen who
supported her Majesty's Government. It was too bad that
they should not be present that evening. Instead, however, of
their being present during the debate that evening, the fact
was, there was but one Member (Mr. Hume) present on the
opposite side of the House. It was proper that the country
should know this ; it was necessary that the agricultural com-
munity should be informed of this disrespect towards the gen-
tlemen in that House who supported, or rather advocated
their interests. Tne Honourable Members could attend
during the time the safety of the measure was doubtful.—
( Hear, hear.) They could then be present, and make speeches
lasting some three or four hours.—(Laughter.) He could
assure them, however, that they would fail to hurry the mea-
sure through the House. He would, himself, continue with
his speech.—(Laughter.) He felt that the present was a
question involving the interests of the most loyal, the most con-
sistent supporters of the Church and State, and for that reason
he, in common with other Hon Members, would give it his
mast strenuous opposition. It was said that the repeal of the
corn-laws would operate upon our foreign relations to the ad-
vantage of this country. It Iva, also said that America would
be our steadiest friend, but: he was of opinion that that
country would not abate her demand one jot, but would, at the
first moment of England being involved in a war, renew
them.--( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member then proceeded to
quote the opinions of Mr. Grattan in support of protection to
agriculture, after which he said that he was at a loss to find out
in what the free-traders were consistent. They cried out
against limiting trade, and yet they were for limiting the hours
of labour. He was also for lessening the hours of
labour; he was not for overworking the young rersons,
who were now used more like slaves than human
beings. Much had been said against agricultural protec-
tion, but he contended that that protection had never
been legitimately carried out. If that had been the case, the
labourers would have been better paid, and the distress said to
exist would be much less. The agricultural labourers could be
paid according to the price of corn, and thus they would have
a direct interest in the protective laws. He would now give a
proof of this, though they might be called chimerical fears.
Look at the Liberal party, the Repealers, and the Church
party. He would contend for it that many of those supported
this measure because it was a bad measure. The enemies of
the Church Establishment believed that a severance of Church
and State would be the result of the increased misery of the
people, and that the democratic principle would then bo more
difficult. The repeaters also were in favour of it, because it
would, they conceived, bring them nearer the attainment of
that measure. In fact, he could not conceive why the Govern-
ment hut introduced this measure, except they laboured under
some strange delusion. These were his reasons fog opposing
this measure. If those who concurred with him should succeed
in their opposition the country would be grateful to them ; and
if they should fall, they would fall with honour.
Lord RENDLESHAM said it was not often that he
troubled this House, and he would not do so now at
any length. But upon a question like the present, he
did think the country had a right to expect a detail of the rea-
sons that actuated Hon. Members in the vote they should give
on this measure ; and also the country, in his opinion, should
he informed of the reasons that actuated Ministers in changing
their opinion upon this question. The Noble Lord then read a
long letter of Mr. Huskisson, which he contended established
the necessity for protective duties upon corn. His Lordship
then went on to say that he could see no more reason now for
doing away with these duties than there was many years ago.
He begged to remind the House, that in the agricultural dis•
tricts the rate of wages entirely depended upon the price of
agricultural produce. When the farmer received a remunerat-
ing price for his produce, he naturally raised the amount of his
labourers' wages. A chart time ago he sent for one of his
tenants, a large farmer, and that farmer stated that he would
be obliged to throw a great quantity of land into pasture, and
discharge one half of his labourers, if this measure should pass.
,
Mr. FELLOWS begged to assure the House that
to
hat wa
s
not give
not his intention to snake a long speech. He intendedindoing
so
his support to those who opposed this measure, and
he believed
.f
thosehe whomwould he
be acting ndg
the in
ii accordanceonourto with
represent. th e senti-
ments
In
1841 h
in favour of protection ; and if he should have
changede was
since,his opinion he would long since have ceased to
hold a seat in this House, for, after such a change, he would
feel bound to return to the hands of his constituents the trust
they had reposed in him. In speaking of this question he would
not go so far back as the year 1600; but he could assure the
House that he was aware of many districts of country which
at one time grew nothing but reeds and rustles, but now,
under the laws of protection, producing large quantities of
wheat; and in other districts, where but a comparatively
small quantity was produced a short time ago, that quantity
had of late been very much increased. He could not believe
that this measure had been rendered necessary by reason of the
failure of the potato crop in Ireland, unless he heard it asserted
by the Hon. Baronet himself; because this measure could not
have that effect, at least it would not have the effect of stop-
ping the progress of the apprehended famine, inasmuch as it
would occupy some weeks in discussion before it culd be passed.
He thought it might be stated, that sending corn to Ireland
would he perfectly useless, unless they provided the people of
that country, in the first instance, with the means of purchas-
ing it.—( Hear, hear.) He was not one of those who spoke
with levity of the misfortunes of that unhappy country, as he
would have given all the assistance in his power to alleviate the
impending scarcity threatened in that quarter; but he should
protest most strongly against bringing forward measures of a
permanent nature to meet temporary exigcncies—( Hear. )
Ile would ask what the effect of the measure would be on
prices—whether to lower them to 40s. per quarter, or to
raise to 60$. per quarter ? He believed the effect would be to
lower them considerably, and at the same time to cause great
fluctuation. Some Hon. Gentlemen, members of the Anti-
Corn-law League, thought the agriculturists had nothing
else to do but improve the land, and make it produce more than
it did at present. He believed the land capable of producing
more than it did atpresent, but they wanted time to improve
it, and make it mere productive; and he hoped to see the day,
when, such being the condition of the land, they would require
little or no protection.—( Hear,
ahsear.)GoyTehrnemtloeinotthn,e. t Member
for Portsmouth asked Hon. Members on his side of the House
if, havi having
with another
do t
ht
ehr measure
e proposition
satisfactorych oe uy n 7rwere
prepared .
Now, his answer to that was, that the agriculturists would be
perfectly satisfied to remain as they were.— (Hear, hear.)
Again, the Hon. Gentleman asked, were they prepared to un-
dertake the responsibility of defeating the measure? For his
own part he should say he was perfectly prepared for any re-
sponsibility when acting in a manner he believed to
be fair and conscientious.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
It was very well for the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
her Majesty's Government to tell them that he looked to pos-
terity for his reward, and for the Right Hon. Baronet the
First Lord of the Treasury to say that he buried in oblivion all
his past declarations. Such might be sufficient for them, but
it would not be sufficient for the country.—( Hear, hear. )
The Government might think there was a settlement of the
question, but he believed, that before many months, when the
people would be called upon to exercise their elective fran-
chise, they would tell the Government what their opinion was
in plain terms.—(Hear, hear.) Speaking for himself, he
could no longer place the slightest confidence in a Government
that had betrayed the country ; and in future he should look
with great suspicion on every measure that might emanate
from the Treasury benches—( Hear, hear)—and he believed,
when the time arrived, the country would show the Govern-
ment that they disapproved of their conduct, by dispensing
ever after with their services.—( Hear, hear.)
After a few words from Mr. FULLER, in which he was
understood to oppose the measure of her Majesty's Ministers,
Mr. P. BORTHWICK said he was glad to perceive the