The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-31 00:00:00

eeived deputations from the most influential
commercial bidies throughout the length and
breadth of the lend, which, in € qually earne,t
language, entreated the House to interpose its eethority
to prevent any unnecessary delay in this measure. it
'wee not in England alone that this delay was felt. Trie
bed received communicaeions from Ireland, from 'parties
by no means favourable to the policy of t',,„ s„bi,„t,
depreeeting the delay that had taken 111"1 and hoping
that the House would come to some der.:
is,:
en on the int a-
zure, as trade and commerce were
et et steed still from
the delay, and stating that s.speedy decision .„e
come to on the measure would get worse, and the
commercial interes of the; country would be in a very
sid state. 'et ';r''e,g unnecessary for him to enlarge
on the mischief w ,inch would be caused by the post-
ponement of tt 'is measure. He might be told that
in making t'ois motion he was pursuing a course
not usually adopted, and that he should not object to
the first 'reading; of the Bill when sent down to
the Lord', There were cases when they were not to
listen tit these rules. He believed it was competent for
any leternher at any time to object to a first reading of
/b re Bill. The Bill contained enactments of great seve-
'rlty, and it suspended the Constitution of this country
in Ireland ; and if those who disapproved of the mea-
sure were not to have the opportunity of
dissenting from it, it would be useless to send
the Bill for the cen,a ration of the House.
Why were they then called upon to diseuss the measure,
eer were the Government really serious in their intention
on the matter ?—(Hear, hear.) Let him call the atten-
tion of the house to the mode and manner in which the
Bill was to be brought forward He should ask his
fellow-country men cc the opposite side of the House if they
'seriously thought that transporting a man from his family,
tor being out of his house after a certain hour, would
arrest the area of the noonday assassin, or did they
think that such would avail ? (" Hear, hear," from the
lainisterial, let nehes.) Now, as to the bill itself ;it was
on the 22d day of January that her most gracious
ittajesty, in her speech from the throne, called the at-
tention of the House to the state of Ireland and the
'unfortunate prevalence of assassination that existed
therein. Now, lie wished to ask if it was not
the first duty of Government to enact measures
calculated to ensure -safety and protection for life ?
(" Hoar, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Now,
supposing the Government to be sincere in their inten-
tions, and that they thought the present Bill would be
effectual, ought they to have allowed a single day
to pass, after the Bill had passed the Lords,
Without introducing it ?—(Hisar, hear.) But what was
the course proposed ? Was the measure brought on in
the first week or fortnight ? Not at all. Was
it brought in in three weeks after ? No ; and
lt month nearly was allowed to pass before the Life
Protection Bill (according to the notions of Ministers)
Was introduced to their Lordships. And when the Bill
had been introduced into the Lords, had there been
any particular speed or dispatch evinced in getting it
through ? By no means.--(gear, hear.) The rnewure
was not introduced until the 10th of February to the Lords,
'also did not pass it before the 13th of March ; and here they
were at that moment, on the 3eth of March, about to take the
first reading. Now, was it by any means uncharitable to
think, such being the circumstances, that the Government was
serious in bringing on the measure at all?—( Hear, hear.) The
Irish Members felt themselves called upon to interpose, as
they could not consent to the first reading of the Bill ; and
why, he wished to know, were they then called upon to enter
into a debate on this disagreeable question, and thus cause
delay to the progress of a measure (the Corn Bill ) in the
weedy enactment of which the entire people of England were
concerned?—( Hear.) He wished to address a few words to
the protectionist party, and in particular to the Noble Lord
(Lord G. Bentinck) the leader of that party.—(Hear.) lie
Was aware that he had laid great stress upon the peculiar
importance of the question of the corn-law. He knew that
Many gentlemen opposite might not be so anxious for the corn-
law as gentlemen on that side of the House, and many might
in consequence vote for any measure that would have the effect
of postponing the corn-law. A Noble Lord opposite (Lord
G. Bentinck) said that he would give every encouragement
to the Government in carrying through the Bill if the ;corn-
law measure was postponed. Now, might he presume to
entreat the Noble Lord to see in what position he was placed
•by that proposal. The Government were about to do what he
suggested they should do, and were ready to postpone for a
few weeks its consideration. The party with whom
the Noble Lord was connected, if they voted with the
Noble Lord, would vote, therefore, on those grounds for the
Postponement of the corn-law question. He (Sir W. Somer-
ville) hoped, however, that they would look upon this measure
as a question to subserve political convenience, and that they
would not trifle with the feelings of the people of Ireland by
regarding; it in that light. It was possible that the Noble Lord
Might have the Government of the country entrusted to him.—
(Laughter.) Yes, it might be so, for it was impossible to say
What might be the case in the future course of events, and he
hoped that they would not vote for the measure on any other
grounds than the claims and merits which the Government
would put forward on its behalf. Having said thus much, he
thought it was bettor for him to decline making any further ob-
servations at present. The discussion would create angry feel-
iegs, and be a source of great irritation, anal he was of opinion
that it would be better to postpone it than to embitter the good
feelings which then prevailed in the House. It would be bet-
ter also for the Government to pospone it. The Bill never
°could be sanctioned by the Irish Members on his (the Opposi-
tion) side of the House.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped that the
Government would take advantage of the delay that must of
necessity occur, and he called upon them to place upon the
table of the House their other Irish measures.—( Loud cheers.)
There was abundance of time to do so. The Government had
told the House that they had in preparation a landlord and
tenant Bill (Hear, hear) let them place it upon
the table of the House. Let them also place upon the table
of the House a Franchise Bill ; let them bring forward a
for the amendment of the municipal corporations.—
(Rear.) And he was certain that if they did so they would
bas a better chance of getting this measure passed, although,
as he had before said, the present severity of the Bill never
could be sanctioned by the Irish Members on his side of the
Rouse. And if they did so, they would also prove to the
people of Ireland that their attention had not been directed
solely to the punishment of evil-doers, but that the well-
behaved, the well-conducted, and the patient, would have their
share of consideration, on the part of the Government ; and
that there were also Bills in preparation, not of severity alone,
but such as would tend to increase the well-being of the
country, and produce peace and happiness throughout the
whole of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He had promised to at-
tend to the particular merits of the Irish Assassination Bill,
and he had scrupulously endeavoured to do so., He had
avoided, as far as he could, the introduction of any irritating
topic.—( Hear.) He had been actuated, he could assure the
Government and the House, by the sincerest motives in bring-
ing forward his motion. He conceived that if they pro-
ceeded with the first reading of this Bill it would be detri-
mental to the best interests of the country.—( Cheers.) He,
therefore, begged leave to negative the motion of the Right
Ron. Baronet.
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN then proceeded to address the
House in a very indistinct tone of voice, and said, in the course
of his observations, that if the Bill were proceeded with, it
Would involve a contest that would last for months, and which,
instead of bringing peace to Ireland,would only exasperate their
feelings against the English Government. He would appeal
to the Right Honourable Gentleman, whether it was well-
timed to bring in such a measure, when the people of Ireland
Were in a state of starvation. Let him remind the Right Hon.
Gentleman (Sir J. Graham) that he had only 120 supporters
in that House, and he would therefore like to know how he
could expect to carry a Bill of this kind against the formidable
opposition which was arrayed against him. He could only
calculate on the support of a small portion who sat on the
lame side as themselves, as he ( Sir James Graham) did.
He did not think he would enter into negotiations with
Honourable Members on his side of the House, because the
Right Honourable Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, had
failed in that respect, and would go down to posterity as the dis-
avowed plenipotentiary. Then the Noble Lord the Member
for Lynn (Lord G. Bentinck) said —" If von introduce this
taeasure before Easter, and defer the Corn Bill, we shall sup-
ped you; but if you proceed with the Corn Bill, and
defer this Bill until after Easter, we shall oppose you."
'Was that the support on which the Government relied
for carrying a measure of this kind ? If they took
the advice of the Chief Justice of England—the
Most eminent authority in criminal matters they would
assist them in opposing the Pill in all its stages, and afford
those who now opposed it, on the ground he did, an opportunity
of exposing their present bad Government in Ireland. But if
they should succeed in putting the Bill on the Statute-book
it would give those who were in favour of the repeal of the
union the strongest reason for continuing their agitation.
Under these circumstances, not wishing to say anything
irritating,' he should conclude by expressing his intention of
supporting the motion of his Hon. Friend. Before, however,
he resumed his seat, be wished to read an extract from the
" Sessional Orders," to show that the Government, by the
course they were adopting, were violating the privileges of
the House. The Hon. Gentleman then read an extract from
these orders, setting forth that the orders of the day should
be disposed of before proceeding with any fresh business.
Now when a Minister of State called on them to set aside the
orders of the House, were they not perfectly justified in moving
the adjournment of the Bill ?
Sir JAMES Gil AHA NI said that he thought it would be
Most convenient to the House if he would submit to the con-
sideration of the Hon. Members the circumstances under
which her Majesty's Government sought the introduction of
the present measure, in direct opposition to the standing
orders of the House. The present Bill had been sent down
from the House of Lords, and it was competent for that House
(the House of Commons),upon such Billsbeingsentdown, at once
to refer them to the first reading, without any preliminary pro-
ceeding. In the other House it was open to lie upon the table of
the House any Bill which any Noble Lord might think proper
to introduce. No leave was required for the introduction of
the Bill, and as a matter of course it was read a first time. The
standing orders of the House of Commons were, however, dif-
ferent, as it was necessary to obtain leave of the House be-
fore any Bill could be introduced. But when a Bill came
down from the Upper House, it was a general rule to read it a
first time without any preliminary motion. All the other
days for motions had been anticipated, and he could assure the
House that after the long and protracted discussions upon the
late Government measure, he really thought the time had
arrived when, with reference to the security of life and property
to Ireland, it was necessary that the opinion of Parliament
should be given upon the principle of the measure introduced
by her Majesty's Government. It would be vain to dissemble
from the House the extreme difficulty of the position in which
the Government was then placed. They did think it was
Paramount, and of the first importance with reference to
the condition of Ireland, that at the commencement of
the session the policy of her Majesty's Government
should be announced as regarded an immediate alteration
in the corn-laws. The effect of that announcement
certainly was the derangement of the Irish Government as re-
garded the persons charged with the conduct of affairs there.
Por reasons which it was not necessary, for him to relate, he had
lost the valuable assistance of the Secretary for Ireland. He
had also been disappointed of the assistance of the Earl of Lin-
coln, and though he would not lay much stress on that circum-
stance, yet at the same time he thought it gave him some claim
upon the consideration of the House, in taking the consideration
of a measure of so much importance, the Bill for which had
been sent down from the other House of Parliament, by as large
4 majority as that which had paved it. The quests m then
Was, how far the usual principle of the House should
be adhered to? Ho did not hesitate to say, and her
Majesty's Government were perfectly sincere in the declara-
tion, that the decision on the Corn Bill should be come to as
speedily as possible ; yet, whilst expressing this opinion, lie
would not conceal the impression which they entertained, that
1t was necessary to carry on the measure which had come
down from the other House, without the least possible delay,
for the protection of life and property in Ireland. He con-
curred that the moral effect of a ready declaration of the prin-
ciple of the Bill would be to prevent much disorder, and
Possibly the sacrifice of life in that country ; while then, it was
exceedingly desirable that the Corn Bill should be passed as
speedily as possible, it was also necessary, on the other hand,
that the sanction of the House should be given to the measure
Which had been lent don to that How fronA the other branch