The Sun.
London, England, 1848-03-29 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

of Peers, but it did not go so far as his own.
The Noble Lord's Bill simply gave appeals in mat-
ters of law, while his own Bill not only authorised
appeals upon points of law, but in matters of fact too.
Since he had introduced the Bill he had received
many valuable suggestions, which in no way
affected the principle of the Bill, and he would most
readily accede to them, but before proceeding further
he should be glad to know what were the intentions
of the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the
Home Department as to the second reading.
Sir GEORGE GREY was fully prepared to admit
the importance of this question, but it was connected
with many other important points of law, and it there-
fore required extreme caution in proceeding with it.
There was every probability of the Bill introduced in
the House of Lords being referred to a Select Com-
mittee, before whom the Judges and other law autho-
rities of the country would be examined, and he
could not help thinking that his Honourable Friend
would exercise a sound discretion in postponing the
second reading till the result of that inquiry was laid
before them.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. AGLIONBY was in favour of the principle
of the Bill, but he thought its object would be better
obtained by postponing it till the inquiry in the Lords'
had been brought to a close. He trusted, however, that
the Right Hon. Baronet who had just sat down would
use his influence to have the whole question fully dis-
cussed in the House of Lords' Committee, for the
time had arrived when every body felt that a law of
this sort ought to be established.
Mr. HUME must also join with his Hon. and
Learned Friend the Member for Cockerrnouth in
recommending the postponement of the Bill.
Mr. EWART acceded to the request, and said he
would postpone the second reading till after Easter.
The second reading was accordingly postponed.
ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL.
On the question being put for the postponement of
this Bill till after the other orders of the day,

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Comm ms.)
TUESDAY, MARCH 28.
STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE.
The following Resolution was reported from the above
Committee :
That in the case of the York, Newcastle, and Ber-
wick Railway (Power to subscribe to the Sunderland
Dock►) petition to deposit a petition for a Bill, the stand-
ing orders ought not to be dispensed with.—Report to lie
on the table.

(THIS DAY.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Twelve o'clock.
STIRLING AND DUNFERMLINE RAILWAY
(EXTENSION, ALTERATION AND
BRANCHES.)
The order of the day for the second reading of
this Bill was read for the purpose of being dis•
charged.
Mr. G. BERKELEY presented a petition from the
solicitors of Gloucester for the repeal of the annual
duty upon their certificates ; also a petition from the
inhabitants of the western division of Gloucester,
praying for an inquiry into the late interferences of
the Lord-Lieutenant with the late :elections. The
Hon. Gentleman gave notice of his intention to move
that the latter petition be printed.
Mr. A. STAFFORD presented petitions from
Northampton praying for a repeal of the duty upon
solicitors and attorneys' annual certificates.
Sir W. JONES presented a petition in favour of
the exemption of charitable suits from the payment
of legacy duties.
Mr. F. EGERTON presented a petition from
Cheshire against some of the clauses of the Public
Health Bill ; also a petition in favour of the repeal of
solicitors' certificate duty.
Mr. SPOONER, presented a petition against the
Diplomatic Relations with Rome Bill; also a petition
praying for the exemption of the payment of legacy
duties upon bequests left for charitable purposes.
The Earl of MARCH presented a petition from a
number of distillers of Banff, praying that British
spirits might be bonded in the same manner as foreign
sprits.
Mr. AGLIONBY presented a petition from a Mr.
Packman, praying for an alteration in the County
Courts Act; also a petition from Cockermouth in
favour of the emancipation of the Jews ; also a peti-
tion from Staples Inn against solicitors' annual certi-
ficate duty.
MEMBERS' REFRESHMENT ROOMS.
Mr. A. STAFFORD gave notice that he would
to-morrow move for a Select Committee to inquire
into the convenience afforded by the kitchen and
eating rooms of the House, and what improvement
could be made in the present system of providing
refreshment for Hon. Members.
KINSALE ELECTION.
Mr. GOULBURN moved for a Select Committee
to inquire whether the oaths required to be taken at
the table by Members of this House had been duly
taken by Benjamin Hawes, Esq., and to report their
opinion thereupon to the House. The Hon. Member
said that he had not brought forward this motion
with any personal feeling. He considered that the
course which had been taken by the Hon. Gentleman
(Mr. Ilawes) and the officers of the House, had raised
a very grave question with respect to the right of any
Hon. Member to sit and vote in the House, and he
thought that it was extremely desirable that a Com-
mittee of this House should be appointed to inquire
into all the transactions of the case, and to lay down
sonic rule upon the subject. According to law every
Hon. Member was bound to take the oaths at the
table upon his return being certified by the
proper officer, or be subjected to heavy
penalties. The statutes imposed penalties upon
those who did not duly take the oaths,
the House would remember that in several cases new
writs had been moved for in consequence of Hon.
Members not having taken the oaths in a regular
manner. There were, however, distinctions in this
case, and he thought that the better course would be
to adopt the course referred to in his;motion. The facts
of the case were these :—The Hon. Member was a
candidate for the burgh of Kinsale; he believed that
that election terminated on the 11th, and on the 15th
the Hon Member presented himself to be sworn at the
table ; the return was not, however, interfered with
until the 18th by the proper returning officer. It
might be contended that as the Hon. Gentleman had
the majority of the votes, that he was, therefore a
Member within the meaning of the statute, and that,
therefore, he had taken the oath within the period
that he was acknowledged a Member of the House.
Now. what were the means, and the only means, the
House had of knowing if the Hon. Member was duly
a Member of the House ? Why, by the return to
the Crown-office, and until that return was sent to
the Crown-office he contended the Hon. Gentleman
was not a Member within the meaning of the statute.
Added to this, the Clerk at the table had no authority
to recognise any gentleman as a Member of the
House or administer the oaths to him unless he pro-
duced evidence of his return. Now, when the
Hon. Member for Kinsale presented himself at
the table to be sworn, where, he would ask, was
such evidence ? Why, it was totally wanting, be-
cause, if any one had gone to the Crown-office on the
day when the Hon. Member was sworn or the day
following, the answer he would have received would
have been that no such return had been sent to that
office. Ile thought, under these circumstances,
looking at the doubt in which this subject
was involved, that some inquiry should take place
into the matter.--(Hear, hear.) He believed
that no instance existed of a Member being sworn at
the table where there was no return from the Crown-
office of the Hon. Member being elected.—(Hear.)
In the case of the late Great Grimsby election two
Members were returned, but the officer had omitted
to make the return, and in consequence the Members
were obliged to remain in town some time before
they could take their seats, and a special com-
plaint was made in that case of the neg..
lect of the officer. It was admitted then,
and had been admitted before, that until the return
was sent to the Crown-office, the gentleman returned
was not a Member of that House—(Heer, hear)—
and could not, therefore present himself to the Clerk
at the table and asked to be sworn.—(Hear, hear.)
It might be said, on the other side, that that the return
to the Crown•office was a mere matter of form, and
that there was no special reason why a Member
should not be sworn at the table though
his return had not been made to the
Crown-office. If such a principle was ad-
mitted they would continually have Mem-
bers coining by the railway, and getting themselves
sworn as Members of the House before the house
had any opportunity at all of knowing whether they
were Members or not.—(Hear.) Now what was the
course adopted by the Hon. Member for Kinsale
after he was sworn ? Why, having been sworn at
the table on the Isth of March, he, acting, no
doubt under advice, had forborne to vote
in that House on the Wednesday, Thursday,
and Friday following, and he did not appear in the
House till after the return had been sent in to the
Crown-office, and all the acts done which were neces-
sary to constitute him properly a Member of the
House. If the proper course had been pursued in
the first instance by the Hon. Member for Kinsale,
why, he would ask, did he not vote on the days he
had alluded to? as on those days most im-
portant measures connected with the Go-
vernment were brought forward. The fact was,
the Hon. Gentleman had forborne to vote be-
cause he had been advised to do so, and he (Mr.
Goulburn) thought that was as strong an indication of
the Hon. Member for Kinsale's conviction that he
had acted wrong in being sworn before the return to
the Crown-office as could well be imagined. He
trusted that, if this Committee was appointed, the
matter would be well inquired into, and some strict
line laid down for the government of matters of this
description in future, in order that the House might
have some guide for its future proceedings.
The motion having been seconded,
Mr. lIAWES rose to address the House. He
had no wish to oppose the motion of the Right Hon.
Gentleman for the appointment of a Committee ; far
from it, he felt bound to thank the Right Hon.
Gentleman for bringing the subject forward.—(Hear,
'hear.) He courted inquiry, and did not fear the
result.—(Hear, hear.) He had a very short and
•plain statement to make to the House.—(Hear, hear.)
He admitted that on the 11th he was returned as
Member for Kinsale; he admitted also that on the
15th he had presented himself at the table, and
was swarm. He did so, under the supposition
that having been elected a Member, he was bound to
enter upon the performance of his duties as early as
possible.—(Hear, hear.) He felt bound to confess
that he had never before been elected a Member of
that House during a session, and he was not aware
then, nor was he now, that a difference existed be-
tween an election during a session and one before it.
—(Hear.) He had never been required before to pro-
duce the return to the Crown-office. He had pre-
sented himself at the table, as he thought
properly, and was sworn, and he contended that at that
time he was entitled to all the rights and privileges
of a Member. He fully admitted that the return
was not made to the Crown-office till the 18th.—
(Hear.) Having stated thus much, he would leave
the matter in the hands of the House, and say no-
thing further on the subject, except begging the
House to understand, that in doing so he waived no
right, abandoned no privilege, or surrendered any
of the rights of his constituents that had
sent him to Parliament ; but that, on the other hand,
he was deteemined to defend those rights at all
hezards, whatever might he the consequences.
Sir C. GREY had no hesitation in saying that no
illepiity had occurred in consequence of the course
adopted by his Hon. Friend, and that his only
motive in abstaining from voting as he had done, was
out of deference to the House. (Hear, hear.)
lie thought it most desirable that a Committee should
be appointed, in order that one uniform practice
might be pursued in future in these matters.
After some observations• from Mr. GOULBURN the
Committee was ordered to be appointed.
APPEALS IN CRIMINAL CASES BILL.
Mr. EWART, in moving the second reading of
the Bill, said he understood that a similar Bill had
been introduced by Lord Campbell in the House

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS.

From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.)

TUESDAY, MARCH 28.
RAILWAY COMMISSION.
Motion made, and Question proposed, " That in the
opi,,ion of this House the powers, rights, and authorities
now vested by the Act 9 and 10 Vic. c. 105, in the Com-
missioners of Railways, may be so regulated as to secure
their efficient execution at a greatly diminished rate of
charge to the public :"—Whereupon Previous Question put,
" That that Question be now put." The House divided :

MINORITY—AYES, 56.
Adair, Hugh E. Fuller, A. E. Packe, C. W.
Adderley, C. B. Gladstone, W. E. Pilkington, James
Arkwright, George Goulbuni, Henry Pugh. David
Baldock, E. li. Graham, Sir James Renton, John C.
Bennet, Philip Gwyn, Rowel Raiford, Francis
Bentinck, Lord G. Heald, James Spooner, R.
Berkeley, Grantley Henley, J. W. Stuart, .J.
Bolden), Henry Henry, Alexander Sullivan, Michael
Bremridge, Richard Herries, John C. Thes;;er, Sir I'.
Bruce, C. L. Hildyard, R. C. Thompson, Colonel
Clay, James Hood, Sir Alexander Thompson, Ald.
Clerk Sir G. Hume, Joseph Tyrrell, Sir J.
Clive, Henry B. Ingestre, Viscount Vivian, J. E.
Cobbold, J. C. Kershaw, James Vyse, R. 11. R. 11.
Currie, Henry Lowther, Colonel Walrasley. Sir J.
Davies, D. A. Meagher, Thomas Wo:Iley, J. 3.
Disraeli, B. Mahon, Viscount
Duncan, Lord Napier, Joseph TELLZAS.
Eloyer, John Newdegate, C. N. Banker, G.
Forbes, William O'Connor, Feargus Hudson, G.

MAJORITY-NOES, 75.
Abdy, T. N. Fox,'.R. M. Pigott, Francis
Aglionby, H. A. Gibson, T. 31. rower, Nicholas
Anson, Colonel Grace, 0. D. J. Price, Sir A.
Armstrong, Sir A. Grey, Sir George Raphael, Alexander
Arundel, Earl of Guest, Sir John Ricardo, Osmaa
Baring, F. T. Hawes, Benjamin Rice, E. R.
Barnard, E. G. Hayter, W. G. Sauleir, John
Bellew, R. M. Heathcoat, John Shell, R. L.
Boyle, Colonel Heywood, James Shelburne, Earl of
Brockinan, E. D. Hobhouse, T. B. Slaney, R. A.
Brotherton, Joseph Hodges, T. L. Somerville, Sir W.
Buller, Charles Jervis, Sir John Strickland, Sir G.
Busfeild, W. Keppel, G. T. Tancred, 11. W.
Campbell, W. F. Labouchere, Henry Tenison, E. K.
Clifford, Henry M. Langston, J. H. Tennent, It. J.
Coke, Edward K. Littleton, E. R. Tkicknesse, R. A.
Craig; W. G. Matnamara, Major Thornely, Thomas
Dune's', Admiral M'Cullagb, W. T. Tynte, Colonel
Dundas, Sir David M`Gregor, John 'Verney, Sir H.
Dunne, Francis P. Mitchell, T. A. Ward, 11. G.
Ebrington, Lord Morpeth, Viscount Watkins, Colonel
Elliot, John E. Morison, General Wilson, Matthew
Fitzpatrick, J W. Nugent, Sir Percy Wood, Sir Charles
Foley, John H. O'Connell, M. J. TELLIII.
Fordyce, A. D. Palmerston, Viscount Tnthell, Henry
Forster, Mathew Parker, John Hill, Lord M.

Mr. LAW urged the expediency, if not the neces-
sity, of postponing this important question till after
Easter, when the entire day might be allotted for its
discussion. _ _ .

Mr. ANSTEY said he had given way in favour of
the Election Recognizances Bill, which it was impor-
tant should be got through Committee without delay,
and he could not say what course he should pursue
till that Bill had been disposed of.
Mr. NE WDEGATE thought it was due to the
opponents of the Bill that the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman should decide at once whether he could
proceed with the Bill to-day or not.
Mr. ANSTEY said if the Election Recognizances
Bill were not disposed of till after four o'clock, he
would not bring on his Bill to-day.
Mr. MON SELL said the object of the opponents
of this 811 l was evidently delay. He trusted the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman would proceed in any
event to-day.
After some further discussion the Bill was post.
poned till the other orders of the day had been dis-
posed of.
MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS (IRELAND)

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 29, 1848.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1789.
The causes which led to the first French Revolution
were manifold ; among so many it is difficult to assign
to one a place of pre-eminence. First in time, was the
form of government under which France laboured
under the reigns of Louis XIV. and Louis XV. The
immorality of the social lite of those reigns, and of the
regency of Orleans, bears its part ; and the gradual
but certain increase in financial difficulties, which
began with the reign of Louis XIV. Another cause
was the aid given by France to the American rebels, as
they were called ; and yet another, and though last in
time, yet by no means the least, the opinions of Voltaire,
and the Encyclopaedists, urged the people to revenge
themselves for the attempts that were constantly making
to place them under the yoke of despotism. At this
time the Clergy, the Nobles, and the Tiers Etat, were
the three great classes:—" The Clergy were both power-
ful and rich; their income amounted to above 5,000,000
a year, out of which little more than one-third
was apportioned among the parochial clergy. The
greater part of the rest was divided among the abbeys,
the majority of which were in the gift of the King. Out of
36i abbeys and monasteries, no less thin 225 were of
that nature that they could be held by the so-called
Abbes commendataires. These Abt it, generally the
younger sons of noble families, were in no way bound by
the rules of the abbey over which they were supposed to
preside, and were in all respects more laymen than eccle-
siastics. Such men as these were the chief leaders of
those corrupt morals and laxity of discipline which dis-
graced the great part of the higher clergy during the
reigns immediately preceding the Revolution. They
had, of course, their exceptions; but, generally speaking,
religion and morality were confined to the parochial
clergy, whose poverty prevented them from mixing in
the luxuries and debaucheries of the capital, as much
as their consciences forbad them to merge their eccle-
.

siastical character in that of laymen. The clergy, were
subject to but one out of the many taxes—the acime
paschaline : a tax so small that every five years they
granted gratuitous loans of some considerable amount
to the Crown, to be paid without interest after a short
lapse of time. The French noblesse were exceed-
ingly numerous : every 250 persons had one noble
amongst them ; for the nobility of the parent in
France was not confined to the heir, but descended to
every son. There were above four thousand places in
the kingdom, by the tenor of which nobility might be
conferred ; and the Court was ever ready to increase the
list of nobles by new creations. For the young men of
the most ancient families, a colonelship-en-second in
every regiment was specially reserved ; and in Louis
XVI:: reign, it was decreed that no one should
be made even a sub-lieutenant who could not prove his
nobility for four generations. They had thus a per-
fect monopoly of the Church and the army. Besides these
advantages, their other privileges were enormous. One
tax they were subject to—the capitation tax ; a mere
trifle when compared to the other public burdens. The
income-tax was also nominally paid by them as well as
by the Tiers :tat ; but they contrived so to regulate
their assessments as to contribute but little to this
im

_post. Add to these privileges those which arose
.rom feudal tenures—a list so startling as to surprise
even the most faithful adherent of that system. Lastly
came the Tiers Etat, the whole population of the king-
dom, except the clergy and noblesse, including the rich-
est merchant alike with the poorest peasant. The abuses
under which this class laboured were many. That of
taxation was common to the whole body. Three taxes
were paid by them—the taille, or land tax; the capita-
tion tax; and the income tax, at first a twentieth,
eventually a tenth of the net income. The direct
taxation previous to the Revolution produced about
eight millions and a half to the Government out
of this, above six millions were contributed by
the Tiers Etat, the owners of hardly one-third
of the soil of France. So enormous was the burden of
direct taxation on the agricultural labourer, in those
districts where the taille and vingtikne were levied on a
strict valuation, that only one-twelfth of the produce of
an acre of land was left to him after deducting the
claims of the Crown and the landlord. Dividing the
produce of an acre into twelve parts, seven-and-a-half
of these parts went to the Crown for direct taxes; three-
and-a-half accrued to the proprietor, in the shape of
rent and feudal fines ; and the remaining one part
was allowed to the tenant, to support life. The
taxes on consumption were equally unfair on the
peasant. These imposts, raising between 10,000,000
and 11,000,000, were imposed most unequally on dif-
ferent provinces. Some districts had obtained commu-
tations very much in their favour; the consequence of
which was, a most unequal pressure on those less fa-
voured. The burdens of taxation were greatly increased
by those flowing from the nature of the feudal tenure in
France. The preservation of forest game was one
great source of oppression. In large districts enclo-
sures were forbidden, and heards of deer and boars
allowed to wander at will over the cultivated land
that bordered their woods and lairs. Hoeing and weed-
ing were forbidden, lest the young birds should be de-
stroyed ; hay must not be mown, lest the eggs should
be destroyed ; or the land manured with any strong
mixture, lest the flavour of the game should be injured.
The fines at every change of tenure were heavy and
frequent ; the corn must be ground at the landlord's
mill, the grapes pressed at the landlord's press, the
bread baked at the landlord's oven. The catalogue
of the tenant's contributions is not yet closed. The
corvees, or statute labour for the maintenance of the
public roads, fell on this class alone ; a burden esti-
mated by Necker at nearly a million a year. Military
quarters were to be provided by them for the soldiers;
tree lodging, fire, light, sal:, washing, and forage for
the horses of the cavalry. On them, too, fell exclu-
sively the compulsory military service, which drew
60,000 men a year. The indirect taxes were not less
oppressive, arising from the Customs levied on
goods passing from one division of France to
the other, and from the monopolies of salt and
tobacco. Two pound of salt smuggled across the fron-
tier would remunerate a man better than a day's labour.
The public taxes were, in sober truth, gurdensone
enough; yet this burden was greatly increased by the
system of farming out the indirect taxes to private indi-
viduals, or companies, for a certain sum, and leaving
them, to reap their advantage by oppressing the people.
The power of the King had long grown to be des-
potic ; . he was the sole legislator of the kingdom,
his Ministers and the States-General but his
advisers, without a power of enacting or refusing.
On the universal immorality of the reign of Louis XV.
it is needless to enlarge; detail would be neither in-
structive nor necessary. No one will dream of deny-
ing the fact, or of doubting that it was one among
other causes of the excesses of the revolution. When
the people saw their King devoted to the most
sensual indulgences; the highest nobles, the clergy, and
every one who desired rank or station, humbly bowing
at the throne of his acknowledged mistress, a woman of
the lowest birth, the lowest character; when they
saw that she was not deemed unworthy to associate
with the King's own daughters, and that the wives of
the highest in the land coveted her society, they might
well believe that morality was but a bugbear to keep
them in order, and religion a mere state machine for dis-
cipline. The immorality of the times gained half the
battle for the scepticism and infidelity of the Encyclo-
pedists. The support given by Louis XVI. to the Ame-
rican insurgents, reduced into practice the theories put
forward by the sect of the Encyclopaedists. Numbers
of the young noblesse, by mixing with the American
revolters, imbibed their principles of liberty and inde-
pendence, and brought back to their own country notions
very little consistent with the theory and practice of its
Government. By this rash step France gained a mo-
mentary step before her great rival. Did not all these
causes put together justify the people in turning out into
open revolution against their Sovereign ?-IVeekly Dis-
patch.

ODE BY B EitANGER ON THE
REVOLUTION OF FEBRUARY.
The Democratic Pacifique publishes the following
ode by Beranger, who is announced as one of the
candidates for the deputation of the department of the
Seine. It is addressed to Manuel, who dared to pro-
fess Republicanism even under the Restoration, but
who died before 1830.
BERANGER A AIANUEL.
0 Manuel, la France s'est lei e
Sa libert4 n'a plus un ennemi.
C'est bien ain si quo nous l'avions revee!
Peuple scant qui n'est rien 3 demi!
Puisqu'il nous mene 3 la terre promise,
Dieu parmi nous aurait du to laisser.
Qu'avais-tu fait pour mourir en Moise?
Mon pauvre ami, je voudrais t'embrasser.
Sortant vainqueur de ces luttes sublimes,
Tu penserais a mon tout petit coin.
C'est dans ces jours de fievres magnanimes,
Que I'un de l'autre on a souvent besein.
Longtemps muets, dans une etreinte antique,
Puis, refoulant nos pleura dans un baiser,
Nous nous disions: Vive la Republique!
Mon pauvre ami, je voudrais t'embrasser.
Le sait-on bien ? Depuis qu'au Jeu-de-Paume
S'ouvrit l'epoque ou le peuple vainqueur,
Fit affluer en notre beau royaume
Le monde entier, comme le sang au cceur.
Du livre d'or sanglant, sublime ou sage,
Oil cheque lustre eut sa gloire i tracer,
Quarante-huit est la plus belle page !
Mon pauvre ami, je voudrais t'embrasser.
La royaute sterilisait l'empire,
Et jetait l'ancre en ce sable mouvant ;
Le foudre passe, et le trone chavire,
Et j'ai cherche sa trace vainement. •
Mais je retrouve une France fecond,
Qu'un noble sang vient de fertiliser ;
Sol gen&eux, qui nourrira le monde !
Mon pauvre ami, je voudrais t'embrasser.
La Republique est grande et sera stable,
Elle-remplit nos VCCUX, mais je t'aimais;
Je me souviens de ce cri lamentable:
Plaignons les morts, its dorment I jamais!
Dormir, hetes! quand la France se love,
Lorsque, pour vaincre, et pour se surpasser,
Elle a besoin de l'esprit et du glaive!
Mon pauvre ami, je voudrais t'embrasser.
Gloire a toi, peuple, I tes succes rapides!
Je t'airne mieux lorsque jc pollee a iui ;
Mes bras ouverts ne rcsteront pas vides;
Tousles Francais sont frires aujourd'hui.
Viellard courbe, quand to courais aux armes,
Comme les morts, j'ai du me reposer;
Mon sang est froid, mais j'ai de chaudes larmes,
Peuple Fran9ais, je voudrais t'embrasser.
Paris, le Ist Mars, 1848

MUNIFICENCE.—The late Andrew Macklew, Esq.,
of Poulett Lodge, Twickenham, in addition to bene-
volent bequests left to the various Police-courts, to be
applied to the purposes of the poor-box of each court,
bequeathed to the Accident Relief Society 5001., and to
the Distressed Needlewomen's Society 5004

CHARTIST MEETING.

Last evening a numerous meeting of Chartists, con-
vened nominally for the purpose of t ;king measures to
protect the rights of labour, but in reality to beat up for
recruits to swell the intended monster procession on the
10th proximo, from liennington•common to the House of
Commons, on the occasion of presenting the Chartist
petition, was held at the Socialist Institution, John-
street, Tottenham-court-road. The building was densely
crowded.
A well•dressed person named VERNON, who was said
to be a " new" man in the political arena, was called to
the chair. He began the proceedings by giving a dole-
ful account of a trip to Stepney-green, which he had
been induced to make at two o'clock that day, in order
to be present at a Chartist demonstration. He said he
had walked about until nearly half-past three o'clock,
vainly endeavouring to ;find out the meeting, which
was advertised to take place at two o'clock; at length a
person whom he met by accident told him where he
might find Mr. Magrath and the other concocters of the
meeting; but he protested solemnly that he would rather
" fight" at once than be -subjected to such another
trial of his patience.—(Laughter.) Ile considered it
a mere waste of time to dwell on the points of the
Charter, or even on the point which they had met to
consider— the organization of labour, for until the sove-
reignty of the people were established, it was nonsense to
suppose that they could effect the slightest amelioration
in the condition of the working classes.—(Cheers.) The
petition for the Charter was to be presented on the 10th
of next month, on which occasion it was intended to
accompany it with a procession composed of from one
to three hundred thousand persons. He saw that a
dinner was advertised to take place at Ilighbury Barn
Tavern on the evening of the same day, but he hoped
they would have no feasting until they had succeeded in
carrying the Charter.—(Cheers.) The French carried
their charter without any thoughts of dining; and as
they required no speechifying on the subject of the peti-
tion in the House of Commous, but intended merely
to ask them " yes" or " no," he hoped they would
Rot dream of sitting down to dinner until they
went back to the House of Commons, as they in-
tended doing next day, to see how they were getting
on with it.—(Cheers.) The modes operandi was to
keep moving between the House of Commons and the
Tower, and the Tower and the House of Commons;
and he thought that the money which they intended
spending on a dinner would be far better laid out in
furnishing district refreshment houses for those who
had to undergo the labour and fatigue of the procession.
—(Cheers.) For his part he was disgusted at the idea
of presenting a petition at all ; it was all a mockery and
a farce—for they knew very well that the members of
the Government would never consent to grant the
people's charter, and therefore he thought that they
should give the House of Commons just one hour to
consider whether they would grant it or not.—(Great
cheering.) If they said "yes," very well; and if they said
" no," instead of going to the Highbury Barn to dinner
they should retire to their district meetings and
decide what they were to do next day.—(Cheers.) It
was a very old saying that " what was everybody's busi-
ness was nobody's business," and as even the army re-
quired a " forlorn hope," be begged that one hundred
persons at that meeting would join him in forming a
compact body who would fully understand each other by
signs and otherwise to conduct the business of the pro-
cession .—(Sensation.) As all such bodies were dis-
tinguished by some peculiar appellation, he thought they
should call themselves the " fast boys," which would be
perfectly appropriate, as their intention was to upset the
" governor."—(Cheers and laughter.) After indulging
at considerable length in a similar strain, Mr. Vernon
concluded by saying that everything he had uttered was
the result of the most honest conviction and cool reflec-
tion and determination.
Mr. DxsoN (from Manchester) took exceptions at
once to the speech of the Chairman. He had heard
many fiery speeches on previous occasions, and it was all
very well for them to clap their hands and huzza ; but
when the " day" came, where were they ?—they were to
be found in their beds fast asleep.—(No, no, and hear,
hear.) He could never sanction any proposition that
would lead the people into danger. It was madness to
talk of organising an insurrection, and demanding an
answer from the House of Commons in an hour.—(Dis-
approbation and cries of " Quite long enough.") The
people of this country were not in a fighting posture,
and it would take far more than anything they had
suffered yet to make them fight. Nothing could
justify an appeal to arms until every moral means had
been exhausted. He concluded, by moving a resolution
to the effect that, as labour was unquestionably a source
of wealth, and the working man's only capital, it should
form the first subject of Legislative care, and they
should never cease their endeavour until labour was
fairly represented in Parliament.
A juvenile Chartist named ROBINSON seconded the re-
solution, and also preferred moral force to physical
force, until it was fairly proved that the former was
utterly ineffective.
Mr. SKELTON also supported the moral force doctrine
in a speech of great length, which,
,in order to avoid
misconception or misrepresentation, he had reduced to

writing.
Mr. HANDLEY followed, and sneered at the
moral force enthusiasts, as did also Mr. ERNEST
JONES and Mr. MAGRATII, the " great guns" of the
evening.
Mr. JONES, during his speech, mentioned that the
hostility of the military was not so much to be dreaded
as was generally supposed, for eighteen of the Grenadier
Guards had that week signed the Chartist petition. Ile
had been to Northamptonshire during the week, where
he had addressed tens of thousands of their fellow-men,
who had determined that if a blow were struck at the
procession by the minions of the Government, they
would strike again. The House of Commons had
laughed at Mr. Feargus O'Connor's notice of motion
which he 'intended bringing forward when he presented
the Chartist petition ; but they would remember that
a motion of Odilon Barrot's was treated in a similar
way by Guizot and the French Chambers, and
they all saw the result. (Cheers.) Let them
follow that example, and make Lord Joh❑ Russell
laugh at the wrong side of his mouth.—(Cheers and
laughter.)
A number of resolutions carrying out the People's
Charter were then adopted, and the proceedings did not
terminate until near midnight.—Chronicle.

CITY OF LONDON COMMIS-
SIONERS OF SEWERS.
Yesterday a Court of Sewers was held at Guildhall,
but the eminent engineers and surveyors appointed to
inquire into and report on the state of the City of Lon-
don sewers not having yet had time to carry the objects
of their appointment into effect, the proceedings were
confined to the usual routine business, and nothing fur-
ther transpired relative to the threatened invasion of
the City by the promoters of the Public Health Bill.
Mr. Deputy Peacock occupied the chair. Several com-
plaints were entertained against various parties for net
suppressing nuisances, and Mr. Gore, the eminent mud
contractor, was fined 51., on account of persoas in his
employment having swept the mud into the gratings,
instead- of carting it off as they were bound to do by the
regulations.
Mr. GODSON begged to ask the chairman whether
any pains had been taken by the committee to induce
gas companies to lower their prices, as he observed by
the printed return of the pavements' accounts that the
gas lighting for the last three quarters amounted to the
very large sum of 7,789/.—(Hear, hear.)
The CHAIRMAN said, the question was under the con-
sideration of the committee, but all the information
which they could collect relative to the subject would be
laid before them at their next meeting.— (Hear.)
A consolidated rate of sixpence in the pound was then
made, and the Court broke up.

QUEEN'S THEATRE, DULL.-11.1uch as G. V
Brooke, Esq., might have had reason to anticipate a
hearty reception from his friends in Hull, owing to his
previous exhibitions at this theatre, the plaudits which
took place on Monday evening, on his entree in the cha-
racter of Othello, must have far exceeded his most
sanguine expectations. During the period of the last
25 years we have witnessed theatrical exhibitions, we
never remember a performer receiving applause so
simultaneous and enthusiastic as did Mr. Brooke. The
house was of course a bumper, notwithstanding the at-
tractions of Monsieur Jullien's concert the same evening.
Of Mr. Brooke's impersonation of the character of
Othello we cannot speak too highly, there is not only an
originality of conception, but a perfect mastery of the
language of the immortal Shakspeare—in fact we never
saw the beau ideal of the bard's swarthy Moor until we
had the pleasure of seeing Mr. Brooke. Mr. Brooke
was efficiently supported by the stock company of the
theatre in their various parts, and by Miss Duret as
Desdemona. Mr. Walton, as lago, if not all that could
be wished, was certainly highly respectable. Melville
Hill perhaps rather went beyond what was intended in
the inebriation scene, but on the whole was above an
average Cassio. Mrs. Turner, as Emilia, appeared to
great advantage. The audience, during the whole of the
performance, exhibited the most marked attention, and
the approbation evinced was loud and long. Mr.
Brooke and Miss Duret, as also Mr. Walton, were called
for at the close, amidst the most hearty cheers. Miss
Dickenson followed in the farce of The Ps oblem, and
came in for a fair share of applause. Owing to several
parties having previously engaged themselves to attend
Jullien's concert, and having expressed their wish to see
Mr. Brooke in the character of Othello, he has been
prevailed upon to re-enact this character this (Tuesday
evening.
SALFORD, MARCH 28.—Last night a crowded
meeting of the chartists was held in this borough, for
the professed purpose of considering the best means of
pomoting the defence of Messrs. Smith O'Brien, Mit-
chell, and Meagher against their impending prosecution,
and of fraternizing with the Ultra-itepealers of Ireland,
in order to a mutual co-operation for the attainment of
the objects of both.
MAZE-POND YOUNG MEN'S MUTUAL INSTRUCTION
SOCIETY.— Y esterd ay evening the seventh anniversary
meeting of this thriving association of young men for
the purpose of intellectual advancement, was held in the
vestry-room of the Chapel, Mace-pond, Southwark—the
Rev. Mr. Aldis in the Chair. The proceedings were
commenced in the usual manner, with a repast, of which
a large number of the members and their friends par-
took, and the report having b:en read by the Secretary,
stating the progress of the Society, the company were
addressed by several gentlemen in speeches suitable to
the occasion.
BIRKENDEAD.—We understand that Lord Mor-
peth, Baron Goldsmid, Joseph Bailey, jun , Esq., M.P.,
William Jackson, Esq., M.P., and J. M. Bendel, Esq.,
were yesterday (Monday) at Birkenhead, for the purpose
we believe, of surveying the present condition of the
dock works there. No doubt the report which Lord
Morpeth will make to Government on the subject will
have a material effect on the Bill now before Parliament
relating to the works.—Liverpool Standard.