The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-20 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, JUNE 20, 1848.

England and Spain are now placed in a very pecu-
liar situation in regard to each other, by the estrange-
ment which has arisen between their respective Go-
vernments. As to the fact of that estrangement,
there can no longer be any misconception whatever.
The British Ambassador has been dismissed by So-
Tottavou, the Spanish Ambassador has been dis-
missed by PALMERSTON—there are two conclusive
evidences of the quarrel, and two very unanswerable tes-
timonies of the bitterness engendered by the late diplo-
matic correspondence. An abyss has yawned between
the Cabinets of NARVAEZ and of RUSSELL, between the
Ministers of VICTORIA and of ISABELLA, between the
Foreign Secretaries at Madrid and at London—not
between the people of the two countries. That is
the distinction which must never for a mo-
ment be lost sight of, in the midst of the
difficulties of the present misunderstanding.
The separation is exclusively a Alinisterial separa-
tion, a separation between the ruling statesmen of
these islands and the ruling statesmen of the Penin•
sula—not a separation between Englishmen and
Spaniards. Nothing can so
easily lead to the dimi-
nution of the sympathies Which have
so long existed
between the naturally sympathetic populations.
England and Spain are indissolubly bound tocrether
by the affinities which are distinguishable in the
temperament of their inhabitants. Staid, sober,
methodical, lovers of tranquillity, resolute in their
sentiments of nationality, possessing a dignity pecu-
liar to themselves, but above all eminently and
enthusiastically loyal—the millions of Spain and
England are heart and hand in their nom_
mon sympathies. Their friendship is knit to-
gether, moreover, in a very intimate manner, not
only by the kindred feeling of the two races, but
likewise by the dictates of self-interest and by the
necessities of their geographical situation. Prudence
as well as instinct has conduced to their association

the one with the other—their association we mean
both political, social, and commercial. Spain feels
this, England feels this, that, as to the people them-
selves, nothing except some unnatural and miraculous
catastrophe can lead to their estrangement. Of Eng-
land it has never been said as of France, that she is the
most dangerous of the enemies of Spain. Baron PUI,
FENDORF has made that declaration as far back as
the seventeenth century in his memorable" History of
Europe." Speaking of Spain, he thus exclaims—
" France is the most formidable enemy of that king-
dom." And have not subsequent events, we ask,
afforded corroboration a thousandfold to this declara-
tion of the great annalist ? Has not the peril to Spain
of an alliance with France been testified by innu-
merable circumstances occurring since the death of
PUFFENDORF—from the Treaty of Utrecht to the
Treaty of Vienna, from 1815 to the marriage of
MONTPENSIER ? With England it is altogether dif-
ferent. Spain and England are, as we have already
observed, united by the community of their
sentiments. And their social accordance with
each other is confirmed by the very dis-
similarity of their productions a dissimi-
larity which necessarily compels the inter-
change of those productions, and consequently con-
nects the mercantile activity of the one
w
mercantile activity of the other. Spain withith the
her
' fruitful soil, and England with her industrious arti-
e
zans, Spain with her vintages, and England withnagnldantdhe
grape,
r a hpre,
manufactures, Spain with the olive
metallic
her wines and her oranges, withEnglandrllie goods
e her cutlery
and her cottons, her woven goods and her
—naturally, instinctively, and by
onfecaerstsiatyndpoofurint
into
the ports of each other the re
agri-
culture. Any separation between the two countries
would be disastrous to both ; any estrangement be-
tween them would only be mutually injurious to
their commercial enterprise.
At a moment therefore like the present—when the
diplomatic relations between Madrid and London
have been interrupted—it becomes a matter of vital
interest to the community both of the British islands
and of the Spanish peninsula, to discern the true
cause of this estrangement, and the most effectual
means for a reconciliation.

We have already explained in detail, word by liword, act by act, letter :by letter, the origin, the
progress, and the result of the recent quarrel. We
have shown, as clearly as the language of truth can
show anything, that mediately the cause of all has
been the assumption of despotic power by the Nar-
vaez Administration, and that immediately it has
arisen from the irritability and insolence of the Due
DE SOTOMAYOR. Now as to the means of recon-
ciliation.
A reconciliation between the Governments of
Spain and of Great Britain can only be effected by
the substitution of a constitutional and liberal policy
fur an unconstitutional and most despotic policy.
Lord PAL3IERSTON'S first confidential dispatch—(the
dispatch which,has provoked all this recent correspon-
dence)—stated as much, it stated that a radical
change in the policy of the Spanish Government had
become absolutely essential. Now we put the ques-
tion at once and boldly—Can such an alteration
be expected from the Cabinet of the Duque DE
VALENCIA ? The mere supposition is preposterous'
The transformation of the tyrannous administration
of NARVAEZ into a liberal administration is hopeless—
wholly and positively hopeless. Or, supposing that
such a transformation were attempted, it would only
be followed by a sense of appalling insecurity. No :
the only means left for the political regeneration of
Spain—and from this political regeneration alone can
we look for the reconciliation of the two Governments
—the only means left for the political regeneration of
Spain has been defined as long ago as the 24th of last
November by the eloquent and patriotic lips of
Escosuaa. That distinguished man then declared
before the assembled Cortes that he believed that in
each of the political parties (that is to say among the
Progresistas and the Moderados) there were men of
integrity, of talent, of knowledge, and of valour,
who ought to divest themselves of the tradition and
the history of the past, and who ought to group
themselves together about one common centre (que
debieran agruparse en un centro), and that by this
arrangement the two great parties would be com-
bined into one which, under the name of the National
Party, or under any other appropriate title, should go-
vern the country liberally and constitutionally. In the
pamphlet already frequently alluded to by our-
selves, the pamphlet "La Nation y los
Partidos," by DOE. VICENTE DE PEREDA, the
feasibility of such a coalition is displayed, and the
centre about which the Spanish people should con-
centrate is plainly indicated. As we have observed
before now, the value of the arguments contained in
this remarkable pamphlet consists mainly and pro-
eminently in the impartiality of its author. We can
listen to the statements of Don VICENTE DE PEREDA
with a perfect and unreserved reliance, because we
believe, and the Spaniards themselves believe, in the
impartiality of
.Don VICENTE DE PEREDA. Hence
it is that we have alluded to the pamphlet so repeat-
edly, and hence also we shall continue to allude to
it until the National Party is formed, until the re-
conciliation has been effected, and until Spain has
acquired the grand political blessing of the age—a
Free and Liberal Constitution.

In the second section of his pamphlet Don VI-
CENTE DE PEREDA gives a punctilious and even ela-
borate analysis of the condition of the Parties in
Spain. He says, among other things (p. 43), that
" the Moderado party still possesses an extraordinary
influence over the country, in spite of the vices of its
position and the inconsistency of its principles."
Lower down he continues upon the same subject in
the same strain : " The divergence of principles
which internally affects its organization debi-
litates its energy, and embarrasses its Mei..
lating progress, because the contrary ten-
dency of those various principles impels its mem-
bers in opposite directions." Other reasons there are
why the Progresistas, as a party, are incapable of
redeeming the partially dissipated, or half-buried na-
tionality of the Peninsula; and among other evil in-
fluences the pernicious and prevalent operation of
Afrancesadoism. Viewing matters in this light, our
author says, further on (p. 65)—" Disorganization
has conduced to the ruin of the State, the, ruin of the
State has augmented the general misery, and this
again has engendered discontent, while, as a con-
summation to the whole, the division among the
minds of all, and the venality
.of some, has
given entrance to those extraneous. influences
which have been the principal impediments to a na-
tional reconciliation." As to the possibility of any
disgrace resulting from the transference of devotion
from the Moderado party or from the Progresista
party to the proposed National party, listen to
dispassionate exclamations of Don VICENTE
DB PEREDA. " Imitate," says he (p. 95) "Imitate
that grand example of moral courage which
has been given us in our own days—that patriotic
deed of the most distinguished man inthew
to theholeof
England. Imitate that Minister who, superior
false considerations of a fugitive honour, depreciat-
ing alike the injurious reproaches of his own party
and the vain triumph of his antagonists, beheld
only the peril of his native land, and the necessity of a
great sacrifice." In that spontaneous panegyric upon
Sir ROBERT PEEL we recognize the perfect impar-
tiality of the writer, and in it also the Spaniards
should recognize the patriotism which in a
thousand voices, in the voices of the past, and of
the future, in the name of their posterity, and of their
forefathers, summons them at this moment to the con-
summation of a kindred sacrifice. Let them ad-
vance, and that betimes, for a National Party Its
become a Necessity—a National Party consisting of
the Spanish people grouped together round the
banner of a really Liberal Constitution.

Don VIOEINT; DE PEREDA has indicated the man
whose name (according to his opinion as an impartial
Spaniard) should be the watchword of Spanish pa-
triotism, and whose hand should raise the standard of
Spanish nationality.

The motion about to be brought forward in the
House of Commons this evening by the Honourable
Member for Montrose may be divided into two parts.
The first, affirming the existence of a state of facts so
manifestly unjust and inequitable, that the indignation
of every thinking man, who feels the wrongs thereby
inflicted, must be thoroughly amused. The second,
pointing out fitting remedies by which these
grievances may be, at least, partially removed, and
the representation of the people placed upon such a

footing that every reasonable cause of complaint
would be set aside. The facts asserted are threefold

" That the House of Commons as at present consti-
tuted does not fairly represent the population,
the property, or the industry of the country." Each
of these points is capable of the most satisfactory and
conclusive proof, so as to render it impossible to con-
trovert the accuracy of the statement in any par-
ticular. We shall endeavour to establish the truth
of each of these propositions in detail, so as to fix
the premises from which the subsequent deductions
are to be drawn. .

A very remarkable pamphlet* by ALEXANDER
MACKAY, Esq., barrister-at-law, to which we have
already referred, contains a variety of statistical facts,
prepared with the greatest degree of accuracy and
industry, from which we shall quote largely on the
present occasion, and with which, we trust, every
person anxious for the success of the .new Reform
movement may make himself fully acquainted, so as
to be enabled to confute on every occasion the advo-
cates of a restricted franchise, the opponents of equal
rights and privileges to all.

The United Kingdoms contain in round numbers
28,000,000 of inhabitants. The male adults may be
reckoned at a little more than one-fourth of the en-
tire number, or 7,000,000, and we find that the total
number of inhabited houses in 1841 t was, in Eng-
land, 2,753,295;
in Scotland, 503,357; and in Ire-
land, 1,325,839; or, in all, nearly 4,600,000
persons who would be entitled to the fran-
chise if household suffrage was introduced,
there are, however, only about 1,000,000 who pos•
sees a voice in the election of representatives, so that
6.7ths of the adult population, and 7-9ths of the
householders are disfranchised, without any fault of
their own, under the present system. It is, there-
fore manifest that the House of Commons, as at pre-
sent constituted, does not fairly represent the popula-
tion of the country.
Unjust and. inequitable as this may appear, it is
scarcely so bad as the gross and glaring inequalities
that pervade the actual representation. We find the
largest constituencies neutralized, and their wishes
set at nought by the nominees of individuals, and
one-eighth of the population sending a greater num-
ber of representatives to Parliament than the remain-
i g s even-eighths, and, consequently, enabled to
outvote them on any question that may arise. Ex-
empli gratia —There are 42 boroughs, returning 69
Members, which are still subject to local influences,
and where a few aristocratic families are enabled
to nominate the representatives. " These boroughs,
containing altogether a population of 370,200 persons,
counterbalance in the House of Commons the entire
representation of the following cities, boroughs, and
towns, viz.: —London, Liverpool,:Leeds, Lambeth,
Manchester, Marylebone, Finsbury, Sheffield,
Southwark, Tower Hamlets, Westminster, Birming-
ham, Bristol, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Dublin, Cork,
Belfast, Wolverhampton, Greenwich, Salford,
Oldham, Stockport, Preston, Bolton, Sunderland,
Newcastle, Nottingham, Stoke-upon-Trent, Aber-
deen, Dundee, Dudley, Hull, Bradford, and
Huddersfield, with an aggregate population
of 4,638,0004 And be it remembered that
these are the inhabitants of the chief seats of our
manufacturing and commercial industry, who are
thus set at nought by the representatives of one
thirteenth of their numbers, and less than the one-
hundredth part of their wealth.
The metropolis itself, with more than 2,000,000 of
inhabitants, returns but sixteen Members to Parlia-
ment; while the boroughs of Bridgenorth, Honiton,
Harwich, Thetford, Richmond (Yorkshire), Totnes,
Stafford, and Lymington, with an aggregate popula-
tion of less than 40,000 persons, return an equal
number. Thus one group, sixteen in number,
represent over 2,000,000 of people ; and more
property, perhaps, than is contained in any other
part of the world ; while another group, con-
sisting of the same number, represent less than
40,000—with but petty interests at stake, and many
of them, so far as the franchise is concerned, under
local influence. Again, we may find 22 boroughs,
containing barely 100,000 inhabitants, sending an
equal number of representatives with the 20 chief
cities and boroughs in the United Kingdom, with
populations amounting in the whole to 3,780,000,
We are unable, from want of space, to bring for-
ward other illustrations contained in the remarkable
pamphlet to which we have above alluded. We
shall, however, state the following results :—viz.,
" That the majority in Parliament represents less
than one-eighth of the body of the people, and but
about one-sixth of the whole electoral body, while the
distinction is still greater with regard to property
as the majority only represents 7 1-3 per cent. of the
rateable property; or, in other words, " one- fourteenth
of the whole rateable property of the country can
control the remaining thirteen-fourteenths."
How can the great body of the people be con-
tented under such circumstances ; and is it not mani-
fest that any mere extension of the franchise alone
will be inadequate to remedy the evil, unless accom-
panied by a more equal apportionment thereof

The vast advantages of the principle of mutual
insurance has long been tested so far as "life and
marine assurances" were concerned. It is, however,
strange, that until recently it has never been at-
tempted, with the exception of a few local offices,
to apply it to cases of fire, to which, of all others, its
would appear to be the best suited. In life assurances
there is a constant wearing away of the thing
insured, and the absolute certainty that at some time
or another a considerable sum will have to be
defrayed by the office. It is, however, otherwise in
cases of fire. There is no increase of risk, or
greater liabilities to casualties in consequence
of previous and long-continued exemption from
loss. The mutual system would not only make
parties more careful themselves, but would give to
every person so insured a direct and positive interest
to prevent anything, whether in the shape of fraud or
negligence, by which the interests of the general
body could be impaired or
,deteriorated. Long ex-
perience has shown that the premiums calculated are
amply sufficient to cover the losses accruing during
each period, and to leave considerable profits divisible
amongst the proprietors. The object of the Mutual
insurance system is that these profits should be
divisible amongst the parties insured at stated
periods, a certain portion thereof being retained
until a certain sum has been accumulated
to form a guarantee fund sufficient to prevent the
possibility of any claim being made upon the general
body of the assurers.

We refer our readers to the advertisement of the
" British Empire Mutual Fire Assurance Company"
which appears in another part of our impression this
day, and by which the public in general are invited
to participate in the advantages which could formerly
only have been attained in some few country districts.
The British Empire Society has been formed under
the Friendly Societies' Acts, and enrolled accord-
ing to the provisions thereof. It is provided
that the parties insured shall not be liable to any
contribution towards losses, an adequate fund having
been subscribed by some of the members, in addition
to the premiums received, to make good losses, until
such an amount has accumulated from the profits as
to render this precaution unnecessary. Any disputes
which may arise may be settled by arbitration, ac-
cording to the provisions of the Friendly Societies'
Acts. These are advantages which we doubt not
the public will be fully able to appreciate.

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