The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-27 00:00:00

~.

THE SUN, LONDON, PnIDA EVENING,
_MARCH. 27, 184 S.

the Right 1-Ton:Gentlern an himself. Now there was no
mention at all :n ;he 11111 of tee worsts'` moue r al rseidetiees. "
Unless n hese words were introduced, the Bin; weeds( not fulfil
• the intention et the Right Hoe. Barnet htteseia
Lord EBRINGTON hoc id that. na delay would take enlace
in passing the L sw stf Settlement Bill.
Sir R. PEEL said he would take this Bill immediai sly
Etter the deca4on of the House was taken on the Corn Bill, and
on the Bill for the better Protection of Life and Property in
Ireland.
Sir W. JOLLIFFE had paid great attention to the Bill,
and had consulted magistrates and others concerning it, who
Concurred with him, in the opinion that the Bill was one
whieh ought net to pass. In the present state, however. of
Public business, he would suggest, that his Hon. Friend should
Withdraw Isis motion, and renew it when the Corn Bill had
been disposed of.
After a few observations from Mr. P. SCROPE,
Mr. BANKES said, after what had been stated by the
'tight Hon. Baronet, he did not think he should deal properly
With the feeling of the House if he pressed his motion to a
division. He should, therefore, withdraw it; but, whilst he
did so, he begged leave to inform that Right Hon. Gentleman
that he should avail himself of every opportunity which was
afforded him by the rules of the House, to bring on a dis-
',suasion on the subject of the law of settlement, before the
'cumißill was finally disposed of.
The motion was. therefore, withdrawn accordingly.
CORN-LAWS.—ADJOURNED DEB aTE.
On the order of the day for resuming the debate on the
Corn Bill being read,
Mr. FINCH wished to claim the indulgence of the House
on this second occasion of his addressing them on the present
subject. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Ports-
Mouth, had endeavoured to show the inefficiency of the sliding
stile as compared with the results even of a fixed duty. In
e
's (Mr. Finch's) opinion there was very little difference
between a fixed duty and a sliding scale. It had been said
that a fixed duty could not be perpetually maintained. But
these were matters of very little moment. The principal
question was, what was the best mode of giving fair protec-
tion to agriculture. The Right Hon. Gentleman had also
alluded to the proceedings which might ensue in the other
'louse on this subject. He (Mr. Finch) had always under-
!toed that the other House possessed constitutional rights as
Mdefeasible as those possessed by this House, and if in
their wisdom, and the proper exercise of their just prerogative,
they should think proper to reject the present measure, they
were fully justified in so doing, and were in no way amenable
to that House. In fact, nothing could be more equitable or
right, or snore for the benefit of the nation, if the other House
Were to reject this measure. He thought that the question
i,t2volved a fivefold revolution. First of all a social revolution
"mild ensue. The result of free-trade must tend in an in-
creasing ratio to do away with the poor-laws. He conceived
that a revolution in the social state of the country would be
ee first consequence of the repeal of the coin-laws. The
'en. Gentleman then quoted from Malthus, Buchanan, and
Adam Smith, to show that principles of free-trade, when car-
ried out to their fullest extent, necessarily involved the total
repeal of the poor-laws. The colonial system of the country
Would also undergo a change, and that was a very important
Clement of the question in consideration before the House.
Again, the
tbe financial constitution of the country would also be
greatly affected by the proposed changes in the differential
duties. There was besides a two-fold political revolution in-
eatred in these alterations. For upwards of a thousand years,
beer
the period of the Saxon rule, protection to the land had
'ten deemed a primary element in all political and fiscal ar-
rangements. There was a tendency in the organic changes
Which were contemplated, not perhaps to overturn the
Monarchy, but to give it a more democratic character. The
p°n• Gentleman then entered into a long statistical argument
show the number aad value of the various interests in the
United Kingdom which would be more or less affected by the
operation or the proposed measure. Considering the amount of
those interests her Majesty's Ministers would be fully justified
In relieving themselves of a portion of the responsibility by
shifting it on to the people at large by an appeal to the con-
stituencies. He was of opinion that the Right Hon. Baronet
lI the heart of the Government, although an accomplished
statesman and a transceedant orator, was still as fallible as
°tiler mortals. The Right Hen. Gentleman, like the Arch-
t'elshop of Grenada, preferred the speeches of his later days to
Prtiducrions of his you.h What, he would ask, would the
tttanufacturers think if a measure were brought forward
leopardeseto 'he mercantile and manufacturing interests? He
thought, therefore, that some allowarice should be made for the
4PPrehension of the agriculturists. The whole quantity of
itn'n which would be disposable or England from ad Europe,
"c,eording to the accounts from their consuls in the different
1.4 C$ abroad, was 2,200,000 quarters. And from America
arta Canada the quantity was 800.000, making altogether
0:100,esso of quarters. He would ask them, could not this
tinantity, if yearly import d into Eneland, cause a glut and a
Panic in the market, and have a most prejueicial effect
?LI the agriculture of the country ? From 1842, to
, the quantity of wheat actually imported was 4,300,000
ttlnarsters altogether; but if, according to the previous calcula-
lc'es 9,000,000 of quarters were triennially admitted, he
thought that the effect would be an inevitable paralysis of all
i
,grieultural operations. The principle of protection was
eit3tPported y Rsia, Prussia, amid most of the minor states of
;b thews Ministers and Parliament or Holland. the
lnisters and Parliament of Belgium, of France, and of
America ; thus proving that the principle of protection was ad •
l'catee by the greatest men of the most civilizof thised nations of the
In 1896 and 1827, the exports country
ktcounted to 36.800,000/., end in 11544 to 58,000,0001. ; thus
trat'ving that under the operation of protection, the country had
lillanned a most extraordinary degree of prosperity. (At
gla part of the Hen. Gentleman's speech, not a single soul
ea's, to be seen on the Opposition benches, Mr. Hume, the
End remaining Member, having charged his solitary position
tirld gone over to the Government side of the House. This
Oltimstance attracted the attention of the Hon. Gentleman,
,'2d excited general laughter.) He proceeded to say that he
arl7ceived his arguments were so convincing as to put an end to
dived
laughter.) He perceived that he
et 7 Silencell the brass guns which they had mounted on the
4:ler side,—d a(Laughter.) One Hon. Gentleman had main-
testt'ed his post as long as he was able, but, finding his position
i hot for him, he was at length obliged to surrender at dis-
cretion This was surely an argument in favour of protection.
a(Laughter,)e The frie-traders had gone about the country
ttying, themselves and deceiving eve!), one else upon this
portant question. He regretted seeing the light manner in
wenich this measure had been treated by those gentlemen who
,thlPPorted her Majesty's tsovernment. It was too bad that
the should not be present that evening. Instead, however. of
ir being present during the debate that evening, the fact
w
ass there was but one Member (Mr. Hume) present on the
Opposite side of the house. It was proper that the country
`ltould know this ; it was necessary that the agricultural coin-
leent •
ty should he informed of this disrespect towards the gen•
then in that House who supported, or rather advocated
ar interests.
then Honourable Mernbere could attend
(4ing the time safety eft the measure was doubtful.—
a 'ars hear.) They could then be present, and make speeches
~-titing some three or four hours.—(Laughter. ) He could
Ore them, however, that they would fail to hurry the mea•
his
through the House. He would, himself, continue with
question
.
speech( Laughter.) He felt that the present was a
qc'tion involving the interests of the most loyal, the most eon-
e::cot supporters of the Church and State, and for that reason
lo common with other lion Members, would give it his
et strenuous opposition. It was said that the repeal of the
c:rn-laws would operate upon our foreign relations to the ad-
eerttage of this country. It was also said that America would
gen our steadiest friend, but he was of opinion that that
B'tantry would not abate her demand one jot, but would, at the
ret moment of England being involved in a war, renew
oser°•---( Hear, hear. ) The lion. Member then proceeded to
Cttne the opinions of Mr. Grattan in support of protection to
,ttrieulture, after which he said that he was at a loss to find out
ke_What the free-traders were consistent. They cried out
prinst limiting trade, and yet they were for limiting the hours
lseoLhour. lie was also for lessening the hours of
ah 'lr; lie was not for overworking the young persons,
4° were now used more like slaves than human
ti,,lrtgs- Much had been said against agricultural protee-
4n, but he contended that that protection had never
4:' legitimately carried out. If that had been the case, the
eeirturers would have been better paid, and the distress said to
would be much less. The agricultural labourers could be
according to the price of corn, and thus they would have
egstrect interest in the protec,ive laws. He would now give a
gf of this, though they might be called chimerical fears.
ek"'„tlt at the Liberal party, the Repealers, and the Church
thi Y• He would contend for it that many of those supported
11,3 nicest:re because it was a bad measure. The ene.nies of
Church Establishment believed that a severance of Church
e,' State would be the result of the increased misery of the
cliflttles and that the democratic principle would then bo more
cult. The repealers also were in favour of it, because it
tl,,ldr they conceived, bring them nearer the attainment of
se,' Measure. In fact, he could not conceive sshy the Govern-
%%tit has introduced this measure, except they laboured under
this strange delusion. These were his reasons foe opposieg
if
Measure. If those who concurred with him should succeed
teen
th lr opposition the country would be grateful to them ; and
should fall, they would fall with honour.
Lord
tro rd RENDLESHANI said it was not often that he
to ultled this House, and he would not do so now at
di length. But upon a question like the present, he
to, think the country had a right to expect a detail of the sea-
. 047 that actuated ilon. Members in the vote should
b,.ht, measure ; and also the country, in h stopinion, should
tetlttfernied of the reasons that actuated Ministers in changing
e
thr opinion upon this question. The Noble Lord then read a
ug letter of Mr. Huskisson, which he contended established
the necessity for protective duties upon corn. His Lordship
hjn went on to say that he could see no more reason now fur
rig away with these duties than there was many years ago.
begged to remind the House. that in tho agricultural dis
:lets the rate of wages entirely depended up.in the price of
itticultural produce. When the farmer received a remunerat-
tlt'ft price fur his produce, he naturslly raised the amount of his
Ebourers, wages. A short time ago he sent for one of his
gants, a large farmer, and that farmer stated that he would
di obliged to throw a great quantity of land into pasture, and
Ajarge one half of his labourers, if this measure should pass.
aet,rs FELLOWS begged to assure the House that it was
hit 411 intention to make a long speech. He intended to give
~ulnntort to those who opposed this measure, and in doing so
,4tloelieved he would be acting in accordance with the senti
les4,ts of those whom he had the honour to represent. In
he was in four of protection ; and if be should have
14201 his opinionav since, he would long since have ceased to
t' el? seat in this House, fur, atter such a change, he would
the bound to return to the hands of his constituents the trust
eetY had reposed in him. In speaking of this question he would
Ile RC' so far back as the year 1600; but he could assure the
It 4S, that he was aware of many districts of country which
iteetle time grew nothing but reeds and rushes, but now,
the laws of protection, producing large quantities of
%small't and in other districts, where but a comparatively
had quantity was produced a short time ago, that quantity
tekt °f late been very much increased. tie could not believe
fish measure had been rendered necessary by reason of the
by fee of the potato crop in Ireland, unless he heard it asserted
lete'le lion. Baronet himself; because this measure could not
pine that effect, at least it would not have the effect of stop-
WeLtine progress of the apprehended famine, inasmuch as it
lie l occupy some weeks in discussion before it cull he pa-sed.
Idt,;ouglit it might be stated, that sending corn to Ireland
he perfectly useless, unless they provided the people of
ieR it country, in the first instance, with the means of pure) as-
With Hear, hear. ) He was not one of those who spoke
,Wotedeply of the misfortunes of that unhappy country, as he
wels,,,'?ave given all the assistance in his power to alleviate the
lass,"uing scarcity threatened in that quarter ; but he should
nr,.est most strongly agamst bringing forward measures of a
e'arient nature to meet temprary exigent.ies—( Hear. )
ltrieesw4ld ask what the effect of the measure would be on
ttil, --whether to lower them to 40s. per quarter, or to
lee to 60s. per quarter ? lie believed the effect would he to
leet! them considerably, and at the same time to c. use great
I:li.'4ation. Some [ion. Gentlemen, members of the Anti-
tiser,"law League. thought the agriculturists had nothing
it did do but improve the lar.d, and make it produce more than
inur at present. He believed the land capable of producing
It "hen
eed ; id at present, but they wanted time to improve
Whee Make it more productive ; and he hoped ts see the day,
!ittle"tBoeh being the condition of the land, they would require
la protection.—( Hear, hear. ) The Hon. Member
Lesjtsrnonth asked Hon. Members on his side of the House
ltjekring rejected the proposition of Government, they were
'Now IctFl with another measure as satisfactory to the country ?
Derteetils answer to that was, that the agriculturists would be
ga' Y satisfied to remain as they were.— ( Hear. hear.)
dtttelni: the Hon. Gentleman asked, were they prepared to tan-
gle e the responsibility of defeating the measure? For his
"Part
flia9tild jai he was perfectly prepared fvr any re.

" sponsibility when acting in a manner he believed to
he fee- and -:--( shear, lieu, and cheers )
It was vary well for the Reset lime Baronet sit the fused of
her siejesty's Government to tell teem that he looked to pos-
terity for his reward. and for the Right Hen. Baronet the
First Led of the Treasury to 3,y that he buriett in ebevion all 1
h s past declarahous. Such might be sufficient for them, but
it would not be sufficient for the eouetry —( Hear, hoar. )
The Government might think there was a settlement of the
question, het he believed, that before many month:, when the
people would be called upon to exercise their elective fran-
chise, they ermild tell the Government what their opinion was
in plain terms.---(Hear, hear.) Speaking for himself, he
&heel no longer place the slightest confidence in a Government
that had betrayed the country; and in future he should look
with great suspicion nn every measure that might emanate
from the Treasury benches—( Hear, hear)—and he believed,
when the time arrived, the country would show the Govern-
ment that they disapproved of their conduct, by dispensing
ever after with their services.—(Hear, hear.)
After a few words from Mr. FULLER, in which he was
understood to oppose the measure of her Majesty's Ministers,
Mr. P. BORTEIWICK said he was glad to perceive the
Hon. Memlser for Lambeth in his place, as astonishment had
been expressed at his (Mr. Bortheiek's) side of the House
that no answer had been given to the statistics of that Hon.
Member. However, he hoped the House woeld indulge him
for a short time whilst he proceeded to refute those statistics.
In the year 1797, and during the five following years, we had
not only a free trade in corn, but a bounty given upon its im-
portation. Ide would quote " elaephereon's Annals of Com-
merce :"—lt is stated that it was found necessary to hold out an
inducement for the importation of corn, and therefore a bounty
was granted on all foreign corn imparted. For every quarter
of grain weighing 4401b5, 201. ; for every quarter of wheat
weighing 4241b5., 163. ; and for every cwt. of wheat and flour
Cs. In the five years to which he was now refs,' ring the
country had abundant libations of the sweets of free trade ; lest
what was the effect? In 1797, the price of wheat was 775. Id.;
in 1798, it uas 503. 3d. ; in e 799, it was 67e. 61. ; in 1700. i
was 113 s. ; and in 1701, it was 116 s. ; and, if the Hon. Gen-
tlemen would allow him to quote an additional year, they
would find that in 1802, the price ranged beyond 116 s. Taking
any five years of protection about the same period, they
would find that the price never varied more than 7s. per
quarter. Mr. Canning had said in that • House
on that occasion, that nothing brought forward there
was so deceitful as figures, wi h the exception of facts—( A
laugh)—and he ( Mr. Borthwick) said on the present occasion
that they had something more subtle than figures, " and more
slippery than facts," and that was the principle upon which
public men proposed to conduct the Government. Hon. Gen-
tlemen would believe him when he quoted the authority of the
Right Hon Baron• tat the head of the Government, when, on
a former occasion, he advocated protection, aril adduced in its
support Ist ecisely the same arguments and data which he now
adduced in support of free trade. When addressing his consti- ,
tuents from 'famworth, be had quoted M'Culloch in support
of protection, and he now quoted the same words from the same
author in support of free trade. The Right Hen. Baronet had
appealed in several instances to the country. He had done so
in the case of East Gloucestershire; and the result was the
return of the Noble Lord (the Marquis of Worcester) who
made such an excellent speech the other night against the mea-
sure. All the recent elections showed that the feelings of the
country were against the policy of the Government. He had
almost forgotten Nottinghamshire, where also the representative
cf the Government was defeated under very painful circum-
stances.—( Hear.) He (Mr. Borthwick) did not speak as the
advocate of any mere political party, however great, but he
stood there to record his vote on a great issue—a great question
between the powerful few and the feeling many—between ac-
cumulated capital and suffering toil. That was the question
they had to settle, and on which he would record his vote
against the attempted domieation of capital. He stood there
on the recorded words of Burke—that the rich were but the
pensioners or bankers of the poor, and that it was the duty of
the Legislature to see that. the latter were protected from any
attempted mal-administration of the funds placed in the hands
of these pensioners or bankers. It had been said that the
feeling of the Canadas was in favour of the measure, but he had
recently received a letter from a gentleman in Montreal, which
stated that the news of the measures of her Majesty's Govern-
ment had depreciated property there at least 50 per cent. The
residents of the colony considered faith had been broken with
them in regard to the Canada Corn Bill, passed in 1812.
It was the duty of the Government to protect the colonies
from the competition of their neighbours, instead of exposing
them to that competition, as would be the case with the
Canadas and the United States. They ought to bear always
in mind the opinion of Burke, that it was most dangerous to
tamper with agriculture. Even the greatest political econo-
mists, Mr. Deacon Hume, Mr. M'Culloch, and also Mr.
Ricardo, and Dr. Adam Smith, opposed absolete free trade in
corn as chimerical and inexpedient. They ought to be guided
by the wisdom of 'heir ancestors, which the Hon. Member fer
Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller) had attempted to turn into ridicule.
According to that Hon. Member they were to abandon the
light of Bacon and Thurlow, and the wisdom of Hume, with
the other great luminaries of English law and history. All
these, as well as the wisdom of Burke, and Pitt, and Fox, and
Sheridan, and Grattan, were to be set aside as nothing by
the Honourable Member for Liskeard, and the Honour-
able Member for Bassetlaw (Mr. Vernon Harcourt).
He had listened the other evening to the speech of the Hone
and Learned Member for the university of Dublin Mr.
Shaw )—a speech which was most satisfactory, and one it
would not be easy for the supporters of the present measure to
grapple with. That speech the Government had not yet re-
plied to, and the Noble Lord the Member for the city of
London (Lord J. Russell) had not thought it prudent to touch
it. In fact, that Noble Lord left the Right Hon. Baronet to
fight his own battle, waiting till a favourable opportunity, after
the passing of this measure, occurs to turn him ont of office and
take his place.—( Hear, hear.) Yet the Lord Chasicellor
asked them on that side, what measures they intended to intro-
duce, if they were able to form a government, with his Grace
the Duke of Richmond at their head. It was for her Majesty
to name the ministry, but it was for the individual Members ot
the House to give an honest vote; and could they, therefore,
vote for the measures of the Right Hon. Baronet, believing
as they did, that those measures were not calculated to be of
benefit to the country? He was anxious that it should be un-
derstood that he recorded his vote against this measure, not be-
cause he wished to mist the Government, but because he could
not shut his eyes to the extreme consequences that would
Idlow it. He trusted that the interests of the agriculturists
would long, despite of these measures, be one of the objects
to be recognised by a Briti-h House of Parliament. Hs
trusted that the interests of the agricultural labourers woule
not be left to the tender mercies of the manufacturer. He
thanked the House for the attention paid him, and he hoped
that Hon. Gentlemen opposite would follow the example of the
Gentlemen on his side of the House, and never rise till they
had something to say—(Laughter)—and having said so, to sit
down again immediately.—(Continued laughter.) He would
oppose the measure introduced by Government.
Mr. CHARLES BULLER said that he was exceedingly
obliged to the Hon. Member for Evesham for the very flat-
tering personal compliments he had paid to him, but the lion.
Member did him less than justice when he accused him of
laughing at or ridiculing Hon. Members opposite for following
the wisdom of their ancestors.—( Hear, hear.) What he did
marvel at was the extraordinary perverseness of those Hon.
Gentlemen opposite, who adhered to the obsolete dogmas, the
" wise sayings' of their ancestors, while neglecting the grand
landmarks of true wisdom and experience. The Hon. Member
for Evesham came forward with great self-complacency, and
quoted these sayings, as in favour of the policy he himself
advocated, and Hon. Gentlemen behind him vigorously cheered
these quotations, whether happily applied or not, so long asthey
were made by one of their own party.—( Hear, hear, anti
cheers.) If he (Mr. C. Buller) had wished to quote the
wisdom of their ancestors against restrictive laws on the
food of the people, he should assuredly have quoted the
same sentiments which the Hon. Member had more
than once quoted from the celebrated Burke, as warning them
of the folly of tampering with the food of the people.
There had always been one great feature in the wisdom of out
ancestors compared with ourselves, and that was the compara-
tive brevity of their debates.—( Laughter.) He did not be-
lieve that there was a parallel, either in our own or any other
country, to the fact of a debate lasting three weeks upon
single subject. He was willing to do justice to the strength,
and variety of the arguments of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, bu'
he must say they would have done their arguments just as
much justice if they had made their speeches shorter. He
would not now enter into the question of free trade. It was
too late in the stage of the business to discuss that subject.
The good sense of makind had made that the general opinion
of the world long ago. Since the year 1815, the whole course of
the policy of successive Governments had been to diminish the
pressure of the corn-laws upon the people. They had
shown by their policy that the corn-laws were an exception
to the sound principles of trade ; and, in dealing with
the corn-laws, their main object had always appeared to be ti
get rid of them ,s speedily and as safely as possible. Hon.
Gentlemen opposite had thought proper to applaud Gentlemen
on his side of the House for their consistency. He could claim
no merit on that account for himself, because, up to two ot
three years ago, he had voted for restriction on the trade in
corn. While, therefore, he defended the Right Hon. Baronet
opposite, he was defenteng himself. For some time past, it
had been evident that the opinions of the Right Hon. Paronet
were undergoing a change. For several years the arguments
which had been used to support the corn-laws had been given
up one after the other, until nothing was left for them te
stand upon. He thought the Government might have
commenced their change of opinion earlier. He would,
however, put it to any reasonable man, whether, under
the present circumstances of the country it would have been
possible to maintain the corn-laws longer. He would frankly
avow that his opinion had been very much changed since In
first entered that House. Who could say that they had never
changed their opinions? A change like that to which he
alluded always was gradual, and no one could tell the precise
moment when it occurred. Hon. Gentlemen opposite ha'
been pleased to laugh at the famine in Ireland, and would no'
admit that as an argument in favour of the present measure.
Now Hon. Gentlemen opposite had in this shown their incon-
sistency, for nothing could be more marked than their tone in
the first debate on this subject. They then admitted the great
distress in Ireland, and that it was the duty of the Government
to provide immediately for it.—(No, no.) It was not until
they found their own argument cut from under them that they
denied that they had adopted such an argument. It did appear
to hint to be most extraordinary for Hon. Gentlement to come
forward and on such evidence deny the existence of such an
evil as the famine in Ireland. Thsy now came forward
and said there was no famine in Ireland, and yet they had
only a short time ago said that the Government ought to hay,.
provided for it by a temporary measure. The Right Hon.
Member for the University of Dublin, (Mr. Shaw) came for-
ward with private letters, and with stories told by one man
to another;
of the famine. a"
Theup thisproniee of
authority he denied the existence
,thPey :ta
tee
argument.
and,
y tt
therefore,
wasf.
re worth nothing.wserse had been quoted as at,
iai,Tthhiye potatoes were
l
Ireland, and this, of course, would have a v
down the price, because all dealers would be e nde
.i o
to
t o k
an
sus
g e t
rill
of their stocks. In an article that was not
perishable, the supply of course would affect ttl:emm'ecedi, and
by the price the extent of supply could be judged (1:11; but
in
the case of the famine in Ireland, the argument as to the
price of potatoes was not by any means a sound one. 13-et
even this argumentlwas not slupported by the facts, as the price of
potatoes in Ireland had doubled within the last few months.
This terrible condition of the Irish people was one which
Hon. Members opposite could not deny, but, as he had al-
ready stated, they admitted its existence; and while doing so
some of them have thrown out suggestions as to the mode in
which it ought to be relieved, but these had been sufficiently.
answered by the Government themselves. They were going
to relieve the itnmediate wants of the Irish people, aided by
the assistance of private individuals ; and, as a proof that some
Hon. Members opposite admitted the soundness of this policy,
he might direct attention to the fact that the Hon. and Gal-
lant Member for Lincoln had offered to subscribe 3001. to-
wards carrying on this ib;ot't.
Colonel SIBTHORP—I never made such an offer, but I
should like to know what you intend to subscribe.—(Cries of
" Order, order.")
Mr. CHARLES MILLER said he had no intention of
offending the lion. and Gallant Member, in alluding to this
circumstance; on the contrary, he thought he was statint
something that was to the credit of the Hon. and Gallant
Member, and he was under the impression that the Hon. and
Gallant Membt r, feeling it to he so, when reminded of his
promise, would come forward and stand to his word. To re-
turn. however, to the subject before the House, the people of
1 Ireland were starving and the Government, had adopted a right
anti proper cuutrivanee for removing this distress. Some Hon.
i Members, however, complained that the Government ought
not to have propmd a repeal of the corn-laws, hat to have

met the exigencies of the moment by throwing open the ports.
Did Hon. .‘letnhera, however, ,magine that the porta cauld he
opened wo bout en alienation in the corn-laws following such
a proeeseciiiin ? The p etre weae thrown open, in 1816. by Mr.
Canning, acrd voiat followed that step? Why. the Govern-
ment came d iven to the House of Commons, and, after asking
for an Act of Indemnity to themselves, called upon that Ilouse
to make an alteration in the then existing laws, Now, he
wanted to ask Hon. Members opposite a question with regard
to this temporary suspension tat the law under the pressure
of the Irish famine. lie wanted to know when they would
propose to shut the ports? That was a material question.
Would any Hon. Gentleman take upon himself to say hew
long the potato disease was likely to last? True, one Hon.
Gentleman had consoled them, by producing a sample of po-
tatoes grown by the Duke of Portend. I his potato was free
from disease ; but they could not conclude, from such a fact,
that the disease was at an end. By examining samples of the
crop at the present moment, who could tell whether the po-
tato crop of next year would be a failure or not ? The example
of America was before them, and it afforded a terrible warning
of the increasing nature of the disease. How could any Go-
vernment, then, with these facts before their eyes, avoid taking
some decisive steps for meeting the emergency ? From the
scarcity of supplies generally in Europe, he gathered that this
measure would produce lithe or no alteration of the price of
corn in this country. Nothing was to be feared, then, upon
that point ; but it was contended that the change would throw
large bodies of labourers out of employ. It was errone-
ous to suppose so, for a more fitting time for the
alteration, avoiding such a result, could hardly have been
selected than the present. Railways and other public works
were largely in the course of construction, and labour was
never in so great demand. Tiers was a third reason for the
alteration taking place at the present time, namely, the influ-
ence it would have upon the policy of other nations. It would
influence France, it would influence Germany, and it would
intluence America. On these grounds, therefore, he thought
Hon. Members opposite were wrong in finding fault with the
' change proposed by the Hon. Baronet. The Right Hon.
Baronet maintained the corn-laws as long as he could—he
maintained them for the interest of Hon. Gentlemen opposite ;
and if any one had to complain at all, he thought it was the
Members of the Opposition. Hon. Members opposite ought to
thank the Right Hon. Baronet for his past policy, and join with
him now in yielding to the pressure of irresistible circumstances.
The most discreditable course which the Right Hon. Baronet
could have pursued would have been that which they said he
ought to have pursued--( Hear, hear )—for that course would
in fact have been this, that a public man who had changed
his opinions upon a great question should persist, contrary to
his convictions and conscience, for the purpose of pleasing a
particular party. But he had honestly come forward to refute
tee fallacies from which he had been freed. Bat if the Hun.
Gentleman on the other side of the House told him that it
was the duty of the chief Minister of the Crown to vote and
act, contrary to his conscience, to please a particular party, he
conceived that the post of that individual would be one not of
honour or of dignity, but the most dishonourable to which a
man could he appointed.—( Hear, hear.) And now there was
only one other argument on which he would venture to trouble
the House on that occasion. It was an argument which had
been put forward by an Hon. Member, whom he regretted
not to see in his place. It was this—that the present Parlia-
ment had no right to do this and that ; the course which the
Right Hon. Baronet should have proposed should have been to
suggest the dissolution of Parliament, for the purpose of taking
fhe opinion and sense of the people upon this important ques-
tion. Now,to a certain extent, he (Mr. Buller) was bound
to admit that there might be some validity in that argument, if
he thought that this repeal of the corn-laws would really have
been carried by the sense of the country. If he could see any
unequivocal proofs of that, he should say to the Hon. Baronet,
"the experiment which you are about to try is not only un-
fair hut most exceedingly dangerous—(Protectionist cheers)—
because if the sense of the country is so clearly against you,
the inevitable consequence of your act will be that
the new Parliament, which must be called into
being in a year or two—( Hear, hear)—will reverse your Act
for the repeal of the corn-laws."—( Hear, hear.) Well, now,
he would say, that if any Hon. Gentleman on the other side of
the House could show him that the inevitable consequence of
an appeal to the country would be the return to Parliament of
a majority of representatives in favour of protection to agri-
culture, he should be perfectly willing to have a dissolution of
the present Parliament.—( Hear, hear. ) But, really, after the
decisive majority by which the question had been carried, he
must say that he could conceive no ground for supposing that
the gentlemen opposite—the protection party—would increase
heir numbers by one single unit in the event of a new Parlia-
ment.--( Hear, hear. ) Well, then, he would say also, that
even if they should procure a small majority in favour of pro-
tection, they must ;not suppose that the country would
quietly submit to their decisions. The Parliament that might
be elected must, like the present, act in conformity with the
opinion of the intelligent portion of this country ; and, unless
the Right Hon. Baronet were certain that the new Parliament
which would be returned after the dissolution of the present
one would be one that would maintain the present corn-laws, it
would be a most culpable act on his part to put the country to
the expense and turmoil attending an election which could
produce no good result. He (Mr. Buller) did not think it
advisable that the country should be put to trouble merely for
the purpose of pleasing the whims of the protectionist party.
But what would be the effect of a majority the other way ?
Why, that they would have a Parliament, of which the
minority would be pledged one way and the majority
the other, and the legislation would be carried on by a party
whose opinions were contrary to those of the majority of the
intelligent people of this country. Anti he believed that the
consequence would be that the people would cry out for a second
Reform Bill of a nature far more formidable than what any
Hon. Member could anticipate.—(Near, hear.) Hon. Mem-
bers in favour of protection had said that the election which
had lately taken place in Westminster was a proof that the
eeople were also in favour of protection. Now, he could
scarcely understand how the returning of a consistent free.
trader could be an evidence of their feelings in favour of pro-
tection.._ (Hear, hear.) He had certainly heard it stated that
the Duke of Richmond had 490 voters ready to come up on an
emergency in favour of a protectionist candidate, but no such
candidate had ventured to introduce himself to the notice of
the constituents, and he (Mr. Buller) must, on those grounds,
conclude that the people of Westminster were decidedly in
favour of free trade.—( Hear, hear. ) He would wish to ask
Hon. Gentlemen opposite whether they really anticipated that
in the event of an election a majority of votes would be recorded
in favour of protectionist candidates? Why, they knew that
the contrary would be the result of an appeal to the country.
—( Hear, hear.) It was impossible for them to get re-
turned by the large constituencies of the country. The
reat counties would not return them. They might get re-
turned for the small agricultural boroughs, but it would be
impossible fur them to be returned by the groat county of
Lancashire. They knew that very well. They would also
lose the great constituency of the West Riding.—("Hear," and
No, no.") They would also lose the' great metropolitan
constituencies.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no.")
But if they did get a majority, that majority would be impo-
tent to keep their places—they would bring the House of Com-
mons tumbling about their ears. They talked very largely
about their county representatives. They believed that they
would obtain the representation of Northampton and Glou-
cestershire. His Noble Friend, the Member for the West
Riding of Yorkshire (Lord Morpeth) had entered that House
as the representative of a constituency which had sent him
there to support the total repeal of the corn-laws. And lie
believed that that Noble Lord would soon have a colleague
to support him in those views in the event of a new elec-
tion.—(Protectionist cries of " No, no.") Those two
Honourable Members would then represent as many peo-
ple as were represented by twenty-three of the
county Members. Now, he would not take into consideration
the borough Members, but he would say, as a fact, that the
representatives of Middlesex, Lancashire, and Yorkshire,
eould represent the greater portion of the people of England.
They must, therefore, tremble at the result of a dissolution of
Parliament. Even if they were successful, they must tremble
it the consequences of their own success, for he would tell
them that the minority of the representatives represented the
sealth and intelligence of the majority of the people of this
country. He, therefore, warned them to look at the ground
in which they were treading; and ho begged of them, before
'hey determined to persevere in their present policy, to recol-
lect that there were questions yet to be settled of far greater
importance than that even of the corn-laws. His own belief
was, that the course which had been taken by the Right lion.
Baronet was a wise and statesmanlike course. They had
heard much of true Conservative policy. He believed
that never did the Right Ilianorable Baronet show a more
sagacious foresight into the true nature of conservative policy
—(Protectionists' cries of " Oh, oh !")—than when he pro-
posed to repeal those laws, which were the only real cause of
'he heart-burnings and divisions amongst the people of Eng-
land,
and which gave them a right to demand their repeal.
Lord GEORGE BEN TINCK said that the lion. and
Learned Gentleman who had just sat down, commenced his
observations by stating that the universal common sense of all
mankind were agreed in the principles of free trade. Why, he
Lord G. Bentinck) thought the Honourable and Learned
Gentleman looked to the opinions of the United States of
America, of the monarch and people of Prussia, of the people
of France and her Government ; the Zollverein of Germany,
and the opinions of Russia. He should have paused before
Ise came to the conclusion, that the united sense of all
mankind was in favour of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) He
Mr. Buller) was something like the tailors of Tooley-street,
.aho mistook their opinions for those of the united people of
England.—( Hear and laughter.) He had mistaken time
opinions of his party for these of the majority of the country.
In his observations he had alluded to the alleged potato famine
in Ireland. He (Lord G. Bentinck) believed that the allege-
lions that hid been made by the First Minister of the Crown
at the opening of Parliament, respecting the potato famine in
Ireland, were gross delusions.—( Hear, hear.) The papers
hat had been laid upon the table of the House, and the accounts
yhich they received daily, stated the averageprice of potatoes
in the more important towns of Ireland at a fraction under
4d. a stone, and he could not therefore conoeive that the people
of that country were in such a distressed condition as had been
represented by the Members of the Government.—( Hear.)
When the people of England learnt that the average price of
potatoes in Ireland did not quote up to 4d. a stone, he really
did not think they could be persuaded to believe irelhe existence
el a potato famine in that country. From the return made on
.he 24th of January, and also from the prices current of the
markets in Ireland, it appeared that prices were falling in that
market instead of rising. They had also heard that several ship-
loads of potatoes had left Ireland for Wales and Cumberland.
—(Protectionist cheers.) He ( Lord George Bentinck) had
succeeded with considerable difficulty in forcing the Right
Honourable Baronet to a declaration that, in his opinion,
had a free trade in corn existed in the year 1836, when the
price of wheat was 46a. and not as stated at 395., the prises
would not have been reduced. He (Lord George Bentinck)
had calculated from the Parliamentary returns of the prices
of wheat in ten different countries in Europe, that
wheat could have been brought into this country and sold
averageat aiir
priceofitata pinrictn
eogfla3o2d. 325. 11 id., bseainge
calculationsl3saqr.le mss
st(e withhfanthe
reference to the year 1835, including freight and all other
charges to Mark-lane, as in the formerresult that wheat could be sold with a case,pro wouldfit
at a give
price
.
farmers
in all wereheir not
speeches 993 101 d being about 10s. lower than
he
thanthletaldowessitlopwroice
to
wheat in this country. He h
the satisfaction of the House, that the fears of
the
e
visionary. The
'Ministers, House,
stated that free trade in corn would have the effect of enhanc-
ingtpl altogether
gteot he
hisr side
o of
the
rather than lowering the prices. But they no sooner finished
their address than they turned round to the free-traders and de-
clared that their object was to obtain cheap bread—( lean )
—and the time is gone by when rents can be eked out by the
sufferings of the poor.—(Hear, hear.) It has been argued
that free trade in corn is necessary to procure steadiness in
the prices throughout the country ; and it has
been made one of tho principal charges against the
present law that it has • not produced a single
steadiness of price, but rather a great fluctuation. He was
ready to meet Hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House as
to that feet. Gentlemen around him had not abandoned the
sliding-scale, and he believed that a large portion of the aeri-
cultural community were in favour of the present corn-law,
and in the year 1842 the prices under its operation in this
country, had been subjugated to less fluctuation than to any
other market in the world. The Right Hon Gentleman then
went into various details, for the purpose of showing that fo-
' reign wheat could be imported into this country, from Pantzic
and other places, at such a price as to swamp completely all
attempts at competition on the part of the British farmer. The
fact of there being 600,000 qrs. of wheat in bond in October
last, proved that the sliding scale, and the duty even of 18s.,
per quarter, were no impediment to its importation. He c .n-
-tended that the Right lien, Barnet was wrong in stating that

the wages of the agricultural labourer was 6s. per week. The
prosperity of the labourer did not depend on the low price of
corn. The Right Hon. Member for Portsmouth, the late
Chaseellor of the Exchequer, called upon them (the protec-
tionists) to say what cou:,-e they woult adopt under the cir-
cumstances. Ile had no hesitation in repeating what he, had
said on the night of the great debate, that there was no ne-
cessity whatever for opening the ports, and that the rumours
respecting the failure of the potato crop were not founded on
truth. When the Right Hon. Baronet proposed to open the
ports, there were only three in the Cabinet to concur in opinion
with him; and a noble individual, possessed of great influexce, said
that he believed the reports of the scarcity and failure of the potato
crop were greatly exaggerated, but if they were founded in
truth, and if a famine really was approaching, that the ports
would open themselves. His friends around him concurred in
that opinion.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet at the
head of her Majesty's Government, when at the point of having
the sweets of office dashed from his lips, asked them at his side
of the House for their support. Now, he would give an answer
to that. It was not till the year 1841 that the Government asked
for something like a reduction, and after that they proposed a
fixed duty; subsequently to that, the Noble Lord the Member
for London, found out that something wes brewing in her Ma-
jesty's Government, and it was then he sought to outbid them.
The advice which he (Lord George Bentinck ) had given the
House and the country on the part of his friends was, to follow
the advice of Dr. Bailey, and to take no more of the remedies
which were propounded by the opposite side cf the House,
supposing even they were to come into office. With respect
to the Right lion. Gentleman on the Treasury bench having
alluded to his (Lord G. Bentinck's) speech as a poetical one, he
(the Right Hon. Baronet) must have been thinking—like the
man who was said to be an object worthy the envy, if not the
admiration of the gods—( Laughter)—he must have been like
a gentleman who was fishing for the budget--(Laughter)—and
no doubt he was fishing up for the budget. The
Noble Lord on the opposite side of the House,
when he found out that he was about to be
dismissed from office made a virtue of their condition, and
then went out on the cry of cheap bread. The Noble Lord
and his Hon. Colleagues were then like pirates, who rather
than surrender their ship were determined to apply the torch to
the magazine.—(Laughter.) He thought the present Ministry
were also comparatively pirates, for they had pirated the opi-
nions and principles of the Noble Lord, nay, they had gone
farther, and even pirated the principles and the speeches of the
Anti-Corn-law League.—( Laughter.) They had applied the
torch to the magazine of the state vessel, and
they would assuredly partake of the danger. But
he could not compare the dare-devil courage of the pirate,
who in the extremity of the storm, applied the torch to the
magazine. That was not the course of the Ministry—far from
it.—( Hear, hear.) They had been entrusted with the care of
a ship, and what did they do ? The commander had led her
upon a lee shore—he brought her upon the breakers—(Cheers)
—and under the guns of the enemy's battery—(Cheers)—while
the crew were asleep in their hammocks, the commander scut-
tled the ship, with the assistance of the sentinel, and the master,
and the mate, and then they stole the compass, and skulked
away in the long-boat, and attempted to sell to the enemy the
gallant crew who had saved them.—(Loud cheers from the
Ministerial side of the House.) But the captain judged of that
gallant crew by their own craven hearts—(Renewed and pro-
longed cheering from the Ministerial side of the House)—but
still they were not thrown into dismay and confusion ; they ral-
lied and took the ship off the breakers, and would, eventually,
carry her into port.—( Great cheering.)
Sir J. GRAHAM said that he rose at an early hour of the
evening for the purpose of addressing the House on this ques-
tion ; but not having been able to do so until now, he would
not wish to begin at this late hour of the night, and, therefore,
he moved that this debate be now adjourned.—(Hear.)
The debate was then adjourned.

Upon the motion of the other orders of the day being read,
Lord G. BENTINCK moved that the House do now
adjourn, which, being seconded, strangers were ordered to
withdraw ; but no division took place.
On our re-admission to the gallery, we found
Lord G. BENTINCK on his legs, in explanation of the
fact of adjournment. The Noble Lord was quite inaudible in
the gallery.
Mr. YOUNG followed in reply.
Lord G. BENTINCK said that his Hon. Friend the
Secretary to the Treasury had informed him that he had a
communication to make from the Right Hon. Baronet at the
head of the Government, with the view of making some ar-
rangement with respect to the Irish Coercion and the Corn
Importation Bill. It was arranged between them, and with,
as he (Lord G. Bentinck) understood, the entire concurrence
of the Right Honourable Baronet, that if the party on that
side of the House would not provoke a discussion on the
question put by the N,,ble Lord, the Member for London, the
third reading of the Corn-law Bill would not be taken until
after Easter. Their party, therefore, passed the matter,
sub silentio, according to the terms of their agreement, and it
was not until afterwards, when he received a communication
from the Hon. Member for Cavan, that he was aware that
the First Lord of the Treasury was no party to this arrange-
ment. He merely stated this to the House, that it
might know that the misunderstanding was not attributable to
him or to the party with which he was connected.
Mr. YOUNG said that he had expressly guarded himself in
his interview with the Noble Lord by saying that he was not
authorised by the Right Hon. Baronet to make any proposition
on the part of Government. The Noble Lord seemed to have
recognised this qualification, for within ten minutes after he
expressed himself thus:—" Then the agreement is no agree-
ment after all." He afterwards wrote to the Noble Lord,
stating that he had been acting throughout without the au-
thority of the Right Hon. Baronet. If the Noble Lord did
recollect aright, he (Mr. Young) had made answer to one of
his suggestions, that he could not entertain this point at all, and
therefore would not mention the matter to the Right Hon.
Baronet. He could only repeat, that throughout the whole
matter, it was without the authority of the Government.

Sir R. PEEL said that it would be necessary for him to'state
that his Hon. Friend was not authorised directly or indirectly
by the Government to enter into any arrangement or engage-
ment with the Noble Lord, and he (Sir R. Peel) came down
to the House without an idea that there was any specific
engagement entered into. He should regret if the Noble
Lord and his friends had lost any advantage. He thought they
had not, for if the Noble Lord would recollect, he (Sir R. Peel)
had distinctly stated in his place that he would give precedence
to the Irish Coorcion Bill, but to nothing else.
Mr. THORNELY said that a most important question arose
out of this debate, and he would ask the Right Hon. Baronet
if the Corn Bill was not to be read a third time until after
Easter, because if not the country ought to be aware of it.
Mr. DISRAELI hoped that her Majesty's Government
would state whether it was possible the third reading of the
Bill would take place before Easter.
Mr. HUDSON did not see much reason for pushing the
measure forward ; for though it was said great stagnation of
trade took place from the present state of suspense, he be-
lieved much greater stagnation of trade would follow if dm
Bill passed than what now existed. The country laboured
under no anxiety for the passing of the Bill. If the Noble
Lord, the Member for the city of London, had made any
engagement with her Majesty's Government on the subject,
perhaps that Noble Lord, if requested by the Right Hon.
Baronet, would release the Government from the engagement.
Mr. ORMSBY GORE said he would not be bound by
any arrangement that might have been made respecting the
close of the debate. If he saw it necessary he would move
the adjournment of the debate to-morrow night, in order
to express his opinions.
Lord G. BENTINCK said, there was no bargain at all
on his part, beyond an understanding expressed on behalf of
a number of his friends, that the debate should be allowed to
conclude the present week.
Mr. YOUNG said, that he was not authorised by the
Right Hon. Baronet to make any specific arrangement as to
the mode in which the Corn Bill and the Coercion Bill were
to be taken up.

Sir R. PEEL repeated that he had never authorised, ei,her
directly or indirectly, any arrangement but the one stated by
the Noble Lord; and when he came down to the House he did
not conceive that the Noble Lord was under that impression.
He thought it was of the utmost importance that the Bill
should be passed before Easter, and every effort would be made
on his part to pass the Bill in that time. He might ask those
of his colleagues who were with him on Friday, to bear him
out in this statement ; the question was agitated among them,
whether the Irish Coercion Bill should be read the first time
before the Cornlßill, thus leaving no assumption on their
mind that any arrangement had been entered into with the
Noble Lord.

Sir J. GRA RAM said it was absolutely necessary that no
concealment whatever should be made in respect to what had
passed at the meeting, to which the Right Hon. Baronet had
referred. They then considered whether they should proceed
with the corn-laws, without taking any step in reference
to :the Bill sent dawn from the other House of Parlia-
ment for the protection of life in Ireland—( Hcar, hear)—
and he (Sir James Graham) expressed his strong con-
viction, that notwithstanding the pressing urgency for pass-
the cern-laws, they should, in courtesy to the other House,
pass the first reading ; but that shouldit, not go beyond that
stage, no interruption would be offered. to the passing of the
corn-law. All his colleagues had come to the conclusion, that
that was the course to be adopted, and they also came to the
conclusion that no compact should be come to with any other
party in the House.
Mr. DISRAELI thought that this was no explanation of the
misunderstanding which had been come to. 'I he Hon. Mem-
ber for Cravan was well known to be the active manager of the
business of the House, and he had before that time had no less
than three conversations and a lengthened correspondence
with the Noble Lord. They were, therefore, entitled to con-
sider him authorised by Government in making any arrange-
ment with him. This, before any Committee of the House,
would be held a clear case of agency—immediately brought
home.—(Laughter.) As far as he himself was concerned, he
did not care when the third reading of the Corn Bill would
take place, but still he thought it necessary that they should
know when that third reading was anticipated.
The conversation then dropped.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock.

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.)
THURSDAY, MARCH 26.

The following Petitions for Railways were reported, and the Id llls
ordered to be brought in ►,y the undernamed Hon. Members :
Norfolk (Norwich Branch)-3farquis of Douro and Mr. B. Smith.
Birkenh, ad, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction—Sir I'. Egerton, Mr.
J. Tollemache, and Mr. Legh.
Hull and Lincoln Direct—Sir W. James, Sir J. Hamner, and Mr.

W. Collett.
Briigewater and Taunton Canal Railway and Harbour—Mr. Dlckin-
sou and Mr. Eoeutt.

SECOND READINGS OF RAILWAY BILLS.
MONDAY, MARCH 30.
Aberdeen, Baal-, and Elgin.
Shrswebur♦ and Herefordshire.
Loudon and Windsor.

RAILWAYS.
Select Committee on Group No. 29.
Mr. John Abel Smith selected, and added to the Committee, vice
Colonel Verner, discharged.
Select Committee on Group No. 34.

Mr. Saunders Davies and Mr. Montague Gore selected, and added
to the Committee, vice Mr. KJ. Blake and Mr. Christie discharged.

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AMERICAN NEWS.

THE UNITED STATES.
FIVE DAYS LATER.
LIVERPOOL, THURSDAY AFTERNOON.
The Montezuma, Captain Lowler, and the;Marmion, Captain
Edwards, have just arrived here with New York papers to
the sth. The news is unimportant. The Oregon question
was still under discussion. The commercial newi is not im-
portant.
OREGON.

(From the Washington Correspondent of the New York
Courier and Inquirer of March 5. )
In the Senate on the 2d of March, Mr. Aitchison, from
the Committee on Military Affairs, reported a or-
ganize and equip the militia in Oregon.
Mr. Dayton submitted a resolution that the Secretary of
the Navy inform the Senate if, in hi, opinion, the circum-
stances of our foreign relations be such as to require an
increased naval force; and what these circumstances are.
Lies over.

Mr. Semple presented resolutions of the Legislature
,of Illi-
nois, instructing their senators, &c., in regard to the " whole
of Oregon."
Mr. Ilannegan moved the special order.
Mr. Breese then addressed the Senate at great length upon
the Oregon question, going over the well-beaten track of
title. The Executive, he said, had done his duty—the
House theirs—and it remained for the Senate alone
to act. All further negotiation, unless such as might
lie necessary to secure the Hudson's Bay Company from
the injury they would sustain by the sudden interruption of
their trade, he utterly opposed. To arbitration he urged
what he considered one fatal objection,viz., that there was no
power to make any award by arbitrament binding upon the
parties. He concluded by examining, and contrasting the
capacities of the two nations, Great Britain and the United
States, for war, and deduced a favourable comparison for his
own country.
Mr. Dayton next took the floor.
The Senate adjourned.
On the 3d, in the Senate, the Presiding Officer laid_ before
this Chamber a communication from the Secretary of the
Navy giving a statement of the naval forces of the different
nations of the earth.

Mr. J. M. Clayton, submitted a resolution, calling on the
President to communicate to the Senate copies of any cor-
respondence on the Oregon subject that may have passed
between this Government and that of Great Britain since
the last made public ; or so much of the same as may not
be incompatible with the public interest. Lies over.
Mr. Dayton's resolution, calling on the President to know
if he deemed an increase of naval force necessary at this
time, and for what reasons, coming up for consideration,
Mr. Sevier requested the Senator for IN ew Jersey not to press
it at once, but let it lie for a day or two, and Mr. Dayton
acquiesced.

The special order was resumed.
Mr. Dayton addressed the Senate for about two hours,
in a speech characterised by all that fitness of reason-
ing, and grace of diction, which invariably marks this
gentleman's style. He regretted the want of a pre-
cise point in the discussion now going on, which he
said had began, and he feared would end, with gene-
ralities. But were he as anxious for the acquisition of all
of Oregon as some senators on the other side, he would
make a precise point, and it should be this—that, instead
of seeing an immediate issue to the Oregon question, with a
sort of seeking gallantry, nothing should be done. lie would
meet Great Britain upon her own ground, when she said that
occupancy alone could confer a title to the territory. Our ci-
tizens were pouring iu there in the proportion of 100 to 1
of hers. NOT did he apprehend that danger from collision
to which the senator from Missouri (Mr. Benton) had
referred, and somewhat happily illustrated by citing
the patriarchs of old : there was room and range enough for
the flocks and herds of all the shepherds, and need be no
strife among them. Mr. Dayton then reviewed the negotia-
tions, and affirmed that, with all the irrefragable facts and
arguments adduced, no new light had been shed upon the
controversy; it was the same old story which had been re-
peated by all the negotiators for these twenty years.
He conceded to our negotiator (Mr. Buchanan) un-
questioned abilities, and excused the insufficiency of
his objections to arbitration on the ground that
the subject admitted of no better. On this point, he
expressed a fear that the civilised world would view our
course as evasive and unsatisfactory. He next passed to
Mr. Breese's speech of yesterday, and showed the futility of
so many of the premises and deductions of the Illinois senator
as fairly compelled this gentlemen to blush. Some of his
(Mr. B.'s) calculations, one with respect to the capacities of
the two countries for war, the readiness with which our
packet-ships could be converted into men-of-war, Sze., he
proved to be idle—utterly idle. Among other things,
Mr. B. had asked why, if Great Britain had a sincere
confidence in her title to Oregon, she had stood by
with folded arms while our negotiation proceeded
with Russia? Mr. Dayton replied to this, " that the Senator
from Illinois was mistaken in the fact ;" and he proposed to
read from a Senate document of the 18th Congress, from
which the injunction of secresy had not been removed, to
prove this position. He believed it not improper to do so, as
he proposed only to read so much as was known to the Eng-
lish Government.

Mr. Webster here turned in his seat, and asked how, if it,
the injunction of.secres.v, had not been removed, he obtained
the document ?

Mr. Dayton answered that it had been published for the
use of the Senate, and he got it from the room of the Secre-
tary.

Here there was some sensation, and a variety of under-
tone opinions expressed—some desirous of having the ex•
tract read, and others opposing the same.
Mr. Sevier objected to the reading, and the Chair was
understood as sustaining the objection.
Mr. Dayton cheerfully waived the design, and stated
what he would have read would show most conclusively
that Great Britain was not silent upon that occasion,
but keenly watchful of her interests. Towards the
conclusion of his remarks, Mr. Denton adverted to the
rumour whicn had given currency, that this question was
to be ultimately settled by the surrender of certain equiva-
lent advantages to our adversary. He did not mean to say
that this was so, but some movements certainly seemed to-
corroborate it. Once, it was a pertinent question in Eng-
land—" Who reads an American book ?" New, however, it
appeared that one of our documents furnished the very
pabulum of the British House of Lords.—(Loud laughter.)
It was a general impression that war, and a war party, was
popular in this country. This was true of th wars in which
we had been engaged, for each and all of them were wars for
principle, and not for property. On this point he feared not
to trust the good sense and feeling of the people—the needle
of public feeling might vibrate doubtfully at first, but it
would settle at last tremulously, but truly to the North.
Mr. Haywood, says the New York Courier, will speak to-
morrow, and it is understood that, among other things, he
will take the ground that Mr. Polk will take 49, if it shall be
tendered by Great Britain. His position will be important,
as he will endeavour to present the views of the President.