The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-30 00:00:00

years ago, at precisely the same month and (lay, France rose
with an admirable impulse to defend - her invaded rights
and honour.—(Loud applause). In those days the rights
and honour of France were saved. But soon a great
national danger appeared. On all sides arose passions, pre-
tensions, ideas, attempts; some patriotic, some /selfish, some
generous, others perverse and wicked. The country began
to fear for her safety and honour—the present and the
future seemed compromised. Clive more there was an ap-
prehension of seeing her plunged intp a revolutidnary chaos.
Happily at the same moment, by the side of this chaos
threatening to return, the policy of order, of Conservatism,
of legal liberty appeared. The Conservative party began.
During sixteen years, through many obstacles, oscillations,
'experiments, it developed itself, ' topk form and consistency,
struggled and conquered.--(Bravos.) "How—with what--e
aillt, lieewhat means ? By our institutions, by publicity, by
dischssion, by the eleations,-by the ' liberty of the tribune,
of the press, of votes; by a continual appeal to the intelli-
gence, to the reason, to the real' tvislies, to the.. well-
understood interest of the country. Always in the bosom
of the country, in its serious thoaght, in its reflectiou, will
that Conservatism come to renews strength and vigour.
The Crown, the Chambers, the s;,pl e cap-al colleges, the
National Guards, the tribunals,', the citizens, all the
great public powers, all the constitutionel- forces of our
regime have maintained their plice in this struggle—
have shared in this victory. I de not hesitate to
say that, without our free institutions, under any
other form of government, under forms of govern-
ment more tranquil, more easy, More sure in appearance, but
in reality lees powerful and less efficacious; we would not
have obtained this great and difficult result.—(Bravos.) If
power had stood alone, left to itseff—if it had not been con-
stantly sustained, warmed, revived by the energetic concur-
rence of the public liberties, surely the revolutionary move-
ment excited in 1830 would have prevailed—the torrent
would have burst its dykes, the country would have been
led astray. Yes, we can confide in our institutions, for we
owe them gratitude—they have been the streegth of Conser-
vative policy, they have given it the victory.—(Bravos.)
Thus we ought to be, and we are a government of liberty—a
liberal government. I insist upon these iwo words. France
feels the necessity of being governed—ashe ilyee nAelemalld
new revolutions nor considerable .chiingeelP44;*Msiress
a government worthy of the name—a regular, firm go-
vernment, feeling its rights, its mission, respecting
itself, making itself respected, determined to accom-
plish fi-uly all its duties. France wants also a liberal
government—that is, one which accepts frankly and fully
the institutions and the liberties that are the guarantee of our
actual society and of its conquests. And such a government
is ours. To accept fully the national liberties is not to be
always talking of them, it is to practise them. Let us look
at.our liberties generally, as they are practised in the centre
of the state. You read the debates of the Chambers; you
receive every morning the journals arriving from Paris. Will
any one say that public liberties are not there practised with
vivacity by the opposition and respected by power? The same
may be said of your municipal affairs. Are not your liberties
in this respect real? Has not opposition here full scope? We
are far from complaining of the opposition • we combat their
ideas ; we believe that their triumph would be fatal to the very
liberties of which they avail themselves. But an opposition
is, nevertheless, a constitutional utility. It is indispensable
for the sake of warning and control, for the checking ofpower,
and even to take its place, should it, in the opinion
of the country, depart from the right course. The French
Revolution in ittAtrly days fought violently for the conquest
of equality, for eqdality at first badly comprehended, but now
reduced to all that is just and social. Afterwards the empire
fought 'for the conquest of national independenee and national
glory. Under the Restoration we struggled for the conquest
of consitutioual liberties, with their maxims and guarantees.
And now, since 1830, all these blessings—equality, constitu-
tional liberty, national independence—are our own ;we enjoy
them, we practise them. Wo are no longer engaged in the
pursuit of a doubtful conquest. France is decidedly a free
country, and her government is a liberal government, and
that implies that we are a country of progress. Some talk of
immobility and of a stationary spirit. They who do so talk with -
ont reflection. When liberty exists in a country by the side of
order, progress is inevitable, and it is accomplished naturally,
spontaneously, by the free development of individual liber-
ties, under the protection of public order. It is not, I admit,
that fantastic sort of progress dreamed of here and there by
some honest minds. No; it is such progress as the country
desires; it is such progress as responds to its real wants—to
its natural tendencies. Is it a question of national interests?
At what period has progress been so rapid, not only through
the efforts of citizens, and by individual industry, but with
the permanent and energetic aid of the Government, and of
all the great powers of the state? How, then, shall we
speak of political progress? I will resume it all in one word
—the most essential, the most pressing for us; it is the
creation of a great constitutional government party. It'
is the presence of two great parties, one a government
party, the other the party of the opposition—an opposition
party having their: principles, their drapeaux, their
leaders discussing every day one against the other
the interests and the affairs of the country; opposing
idea td idea, jUdgment to judgment. This is what all
friends of our institutions demand with all their hearts. It is,
in fact, the regular state of representative government; it is
the actual want and future security of country. This pro-
gress isbeginning to take effect amongst us. Important is it
for the' present—for the future more important still. We
shall one day require all the strength, all the consistency,
and all the authority of the Conservative party. We shall then
congratulate ourselves that it has bcen formed, exercised,
and trained beforehand, in times more composed than those
when its wisdom and its energy will perhaps be put to the
proof.—(Applause.) This is doubtless'not the only political
progress we have to make. We shall commence, and shall
accomplish many others. We begin with the most essential
and the most qrgent. But far from rejecting any, the policy
of Conservatism desires and accepts all. It will e<-amine
them—it will discuss them, with a sincere desire t pt
ti,,iii. It wisheq may, and it is its duty so to do, th at 4 true--
and real progres ' shott!d be attaill*d a prOgrt,4s hi .11111110Uy
___:,, ‘,..,„,::,• ~,,,....4 .;„I"gtnt-F..., —its et' societint I
Do not think, g-dWtlemen, that material, and even . zNtical I
progress, will• lie ete- only one with which Conservative
policy will occupy itself: It has the highest regard
for the moral interests and the moral prosperity of society.
It wishes to promote the moral progress of the value of man
at least as much as that of their welfare and of their liberty.
How could it be otherwise? How could it be possible that
the policy of Conservatism could have any other object?
'What are the principles, the sentiments on which it is
founded, and to which it labours to do honour? Respect for
order, respect for the laws, for rights, for duties, - and for reli-
gious belief. What greater moral influence can exist than
such principles and such sentiments? And how is it pos-
sible that a policy which has impressed them on its standard,
and has taken them as its rule of action, could be un-
mindful of the moral improvement of society? Such,
gentlemen, under whatever view you may consider. them,
whether with regard'to order or liberty, material or mo •
ral interests, in all which tends to the life and preserva-
tion of society—such are the effects of the policy of conser-
vatism, judged, not from its promises, but from its works.
Do not, moreover, think that with regard to our foreign
relations it will be less efficacious or less salutary. 1
once said, and I have been reproached with having done
so, that I concerned myself more with the internal than
with the foreign interests of the country. Gentlemen, it is
now for six years that I have had the honour of directing
the foreign affairs of the country, and I now repeat, with
stronger conviction than I did six years ago, that I occupy
myself more with interests at home than abroad. Is not this
rendering a striking homage to the country? What can be
more honourable to a man than to Say that his good internal
organisation, his internal prosperity, his well-directed
liberty, ;Lis regular government—yes, gentlemen, when
a country is thus at peace within itself—when it freely and
regularly displays its force and its activity at home—be cer-
tain that it infallibly increases in grandeur abroad, in the
esteem of its neighbours, and in the balance of the world,—
(Loud cheers.) Do you know what was the feeling through-
out Europe for many years after the revolution of July?
They doubted the success of our efforts to establish a free
and regular government. They believed that we should
again be launched into revolutionary oscillations; and along
with this, they feared the return of warlike ambition—of
the spirit of adventure and conquest. The people and Go-
verninents of Europe were distrustful, and put themselves
on their guard against us. To these two prognostics we
have given a flat denial. At the same time that.we founded
a free government, we restored order and maintained peace.
Be assured in this we have done what is most important
for the greatness, the influence, and the consideration of
France throughout the world. The spectacle we now present
to the world—the spectacle of a free people under a regular
Government—of a constitutional Government founding and
fertilising the prosperity and the security of a great people,—
this spectacle is for our influence, our consideration, and
our force in the world, the surest basis, and the most fertile
source. Gentlemen, are you aware .of what passed a
few days ago at the environs of Paris ? The King
visited the fortifications which have just been completed.
He was surrounded during the visit by the whole popula-
tion of the neighbourhood, though not expecting him.
Workmen, country people, all showed their kindly
sympathies, and accompanied him with their acclamations.
The King of peace, the King who has maintained peace in
France and Europe. coming to visit the fortifications of
Paris; this same King, who desired and founded peace,
coming to see the accomplishment of this other great work,
which he likewise desired, and which will be the infallible
security of France in Europe.—(Bravos.) It was this which
spoke to the hearts of these poor workmen, of this simple
population, who congratulated and applauded the King for
what he had done for the safety of France and for the inte-
rest of peace. The King, on those ramparts,_ surrounded by
his people, appeared to say to Europe, as Leonidas said' to
Xerxes, "Come and take them;" but this just pride would,
from his mouth, convoy nothing hostile or threatening, for
even that is a work of peace which Conservative policy has
accomplished under the sceptre of the King, and in accord-
ance with his wishes. Gentlemen, in presence of such re-
sults, founded on such principles and obtained by such
means, the. Conservative policy may present itself with head
erect before its friends as well as before its enemies. I
will not, however, say enemies, for we have no enemies in
France.—(Loud applause.) Of the adversari . of this
policy it is not for me to speak. As to its frier, 501 have
at this time but one advice to give them, a see •'',• wish
to submit to their consideration. They has 'ell, I
e,
repeat, taken their place in the struggle which we have
sustained. They have all had their part in the suc-
cess. In a free country no one is indifferent, no one is use-
less; every citizen carries his stone to the edifice which
is being constructed, and all who have assisted in the
work will still continue to watch and labour for
it and with it. They have at this time a sacred duty to
perform. I speak now, gentlemen, as one of you, as a
faithful servant of that policy which you all wish to support.
We owe an homage of respect and of gratitude to those three
great public powers, the Crown and the two Chambers,
which, since 1830, have all been so faithful to their
mission, to the King above all, who, in the exercise
and in the limits of his constitutional rights, without
ever hesitating to use them, without ever attempting to
depart Irons them, has sustained with such constant and
firm devotedness that salutary policy—to the Chamber of
Peers, to that chamber which never changes, which never
ends, and which, from the permanent character of its posi-
tion, has so well comprehended how the policy of Conserva-
tism can and does accord with the changing wants and wishes
of the country—to the Chamber of Deputies, which has just
finished its career, and which having endured since 1830,
longer than any other assembly, having accomplished so
many important and useful things, has, during its last ses-
sion, at the moment of appearing before the country, pro-
claimed and supported, more loudly and more firmly than
ever, the Conservative policy; all its conviction was strong
and sincere. To those three great powers, gentlemen, let
us address all our homage and alllstir gratitude. And