The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-17 00:00:00

it; en everv,pegaeion of its introduction to the attention of the
116 use. He had ix ertr.ttst rlr slr..hipronouncinss his entire ap-
probate:l of the measure of tne lii;..-MSS: feteeerts At present
he could only say that be believed the' measure Was liko.4ensel*
4lete country a greater and more enduring prosperity then 4
had ever yet ess;eySes; &'d that lee shou'd be happy to give it his
most cordial and sincere support. SiVeee, one
Mr. BUCK, as the represEntative of one oc Ineethifluential
&Wives in England, could not allow the present oppee'l!kley toe
4,4 e SS leittOnit eddeessing, a few words to the House. Ills constituents
were of ePlatedi flee inesesure of the Right Hon. Baronet was
boils uncalled for and unjust, and ve6i'e eSs: Messer willing to place any
confidence fn a Government which had so betrayed ante—(Hean)
Fot his OWn part he considered that the measure would not intbeect
the agricultute! enterests more than any ether. It was a measure
whose effect would be felit he every class in this country.—(Hear.)
It see:S no question with them (the kotectionistS) whether they
should fieve a sliding scale or a fixed alitee— flint.) lie believed
that the eletaastee Would be a most severe blow on the haltestre of the
country. It would be e deresseleoty competition on the peft Of this;
country with the cheaper countries Of retina and Russia. When-
ever wheat had been high, pauperism had been iolis and on the other
hand; whenever wheat had been low priced, pauperism lied betreased.
In fail eueli vinxe Already the result, and those who -War
acquainted it'ith the state of the country in the agricultural
districts could testify de *8 the Increeee of pauperism of late.
He (the Hon. Member) believed that the measure, if carried, would
befiefft the manufacturer at the same tithe that it Would ruin the
agriculturist—(Heer; hear)—aed therefore it was that they, before
giving support to the mestetlfee eneeld appeal to the constittlettey of
the country. c did not hesitate to fen the Right Hon. Baronet at
the head of her Majesty's Government, that in the period from 1829
to 183f1, lit did !set enjoy the confidence of the landed preptietary or
the Coneeteettives of the country. But in 1839 the Right lion. Gentle-
man railed a cry_ of ddnget, urged the necessity of attending to the
registfy j he rallied it party;; they placed confidence in him, implicit
confidence in his slnetslity ; end shortly after, when the Noble Lord,
the Member for London, brstight in his free-trade principles, that
iplae:tiy.'yturned him out of office, and reetored the reins of Government
to the Eight Hon. Baronet, with a full majority of ninety.—(Hear,
he defies! that Right Hon. Gentleman t 6 net? that, if he
had dechtied himself d entspoeter of measures similar to tlicee on
which the Notie Lbeda the Mertiber for London was defeated, In!
would then have heen elected (heat, lied?.) taut they now had,
that Right Hon. Gentleman reineingferleard with freeetrede principles,
toheelrelodnifiell6ermtbheer)faliivenuelrsd voefiti
itliferekitogdarttirwt tthataottld bet lretadenteodnile-
athnia tie
rdor'.
nthe passing of these meaelifess—Slicar, hear, and " No, Wei) ifs the
statements of the present Ministele fifseee in 1841, the utmost Conti-
desece was reposed, and on the faith of then' *leerily the landholders
expended eke', fertleng of their capital in the improttneent of their
land ; and what IVO the result? Why, that they had cad"' year
since, mid in the present YE.'at itiftieelarly, nearly doubled the quails
tity of *duce ; notwithstanding whleh the Right Hon. Gentleman
came fofveard tied introduced his measures of free trade.—(A laugh.)
Hon. Gentlemen ridett latish' but if they had been at great expense
in the improvement of their lafide, and were then turned upon in
such a manner, at so extraordinary a tittle es the present, when there
existed ho reciprocity between them and any one cif the continental
countries, lie &nil:lied if they would treat so serious and important a
subject With such letity.—(Heer, t ear.) lie had a conversation that
morning With a farmer froni neer t leter, who cultivated about 500
acres of lentil and Osi his asking hint hie Opinion as to the result of
the present measure. he etetep that he might on every acre lose apotted and gain a shilling; anu finetsets that the result would be that
he would be compellsd to convert his derible lend into pasture, and
of Mille de rite a number of labourers of the Means of subsistence.
—(Heat, beet.) gent, they certainly had a right to eels what Was to
become of all iliceie Petsbeis ? It eta! a very serious
and lie hoped the flight Iloil. Gentleirtan at the head of the
Ministry would give them Kee tiplanetiort out that point.—(llear.)
He hoped the present measure would riot niee—(lleitf)—tind he need
not say that, if he could help it, it should not Parr-41..Jiteteri andhear, hear.) Should it pass, it would be but the corns 'efi.ettteat of a
series of the greatest possible diffletilties that ever any 31inistf;f' )laid
to contend agairlAt. The First Lord of the Treasury told them that
they (the agriculturists) Wefe rio ler ger to hate neoteetion. Ile (the
Hon. Member) called on the Mitsistit to remove the burdens that
pressed on them, and which were ackndwleciged to be most grieVcitt3,
The duty had been relaxed on articles of manufaetnre•—why not act
similarly by articles of agriculture, and let them grove their tobacco
and sugar?—(hear, hear.) The Ministry might depend on it that
the measure would not allay the spirit that existed in the country
until they had conceded every act of jiistita that the landed interest
conceived they were entitled to; for he did net believe that any
Government, yielding to the clamour of one of the most tirlcottetitee
Bonet societies that ever existed, was entitled to the least comtittee-
ration from the landed proprietary. He called the body an unconsti-
tutional one. Could it be otherwise than so, when in its ranks were
hired alarmists, travelling through the country, and drawing the
most appalling pictures of famine at a moment that PrOVi.
deuce had blessed them with an abundance, save in the potato ettip ;
anti could he, he repeated, call it other than iineoustitutional
(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He sh uld say that the MeeSitre would
get a decided negative from him; and he hoped and Deleted that
every landed proprietor would reflect seriously before he gave hit
support to her Majesty's Government.
Lord HARRY' VANE (who was quite Metalline in the gal-
lery) was understood, to say that, although itheletly an
advocate for • reduction of duty on agricultural peedeet,
yet he did not advocate the entire removal of all duty.
The Noble Lord then went on to say, that notwithstanding theenstile
tariffs imposed by other countries, the exports of manufactured
articles Into those countries had considerably increased. He put it
to Hon. Gentlemen whether they really believed that they would be
furthering the interests of this country by continuing their opposi-
tion to the present measure. Ile put it to them whether, taking
into account the conversion of many sober-minded men—(Derisive
cheers from the protectionists)—men whose direct and immediate in-
terests might be supposed to lie in the maintenance of agricultural
protection, they thought that they were justified In protracting
the present struggle ?—(llear, hear.) He did not mean to impute to
Hon. Gentlemen opposite any unjust motives in their opposition to
the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet, but he submitted that
every Member of that House should take into account the general
feelings of the country.—(llear, hear.) When Hon. Gentlemen on
the opposite side of the House saw that the most eminent men in
the country had declared themselves in favour of this great change,
they ought to be convinced that there would be danger in
opposing the present measure. The agriculturists of this country
ought to look to the manufacturers! as their best customers.
Concnrrent with the prosperity of manufactures would be the pros-
perity of agriculture. He was anxious thus briefly t
o state the
grounds of his opinions in favour of the present proposal of hert Ma -
jesty's Government. He felt himself bound to vete in opposition to
his Hon. Friends on the opposite side of the House, although it would
have given him much more pleasure to have given them his support.
—(Heier, hear) —and he was determined to vete for the measure,
despite the charges of inconsistency which might be brought against
him. He believed that the measure was called for by the circum-
stances of the country, that it would bring into united action all
hostile parties, and that it would conduce to the peace, contentment,
and order of the people of this country.—(Cheers.)
Sir JOHN TYRRELL said, feeling as he did that this question
had been debated to death—(Laughter) —it was with the greatest
reluctance that he ventured to trespass upon the indulgence of the
House. But he congratulated the House that, at the expiration
of this six nights' debate, the Anti-Corn-law League
should have thought proper at last to conic to the rescue
of this debate; and it was also a matter of congratulation to him that
they had not been able, as far as he could ascertain, to show any new
arguments or state any new case that had not been over and over
again brought forward at Covent-garden Theatre.—(Cheers.) But
he ascertained from the Hon. Member for Manchester that some
friend of his in the country, when he applied to him about getting
over the difficulty of arranging with his landlord, the Hon. Member
assured him that the price of corn would not be very materially al-
tered in consequence of the proposed measure.—(Laughter from the
Protectionist benches,) The Noble Lord the Member for London, in
an early part of the debate, gloated over (which he had every right
to do) the motion of the Hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward)
about the peculiar burdens of land having been rejected on his (Sir
John l'yrrell's) side of the house. The Noble Lord was pleased to
impute the most unfair views to lion. Gentlemen who had resisted'
that motion. He understood the Noble Lord to say that Hon. Gen-
tlemen opposed the motion because they were ashamed of their case
and statistics, and that they sheltered themselves under the cry that
it was merely a clap-trap motion. Now lie (Sir J. Tyrrell) did think
it right that the )louse should be aware of the early history of that case ;
and in these days of confession and explanations—(Laughter)—and
of political tergiversation—(Continued laughter)—lie also should, hi
his opinion, be permitted to make his confession and explanation.—
(Laughter.) It was perfectly well understood in that House that the
motion in question was called a clap-trap motion.—(Several Hon.
Members of the Opposition, "No, no.") The Hon. Member who then
had the confidence of the party to which he alluded, felt the force
and intention of the motion. The Right Hon. Baronet, now at the
the head of the Government, when lion. Gentlemen en the same side
of the House had his confidence, called thirty or forty Members of
the agricultural interest together, and it was then resolved that the
moil in should be opposcd.—(Langhter.) The Right Hon. Baronet
urged an opposition to the motion, on the grounds that it would dis-
turb the social relations and happiness of the country. lie (Sir J .
Tyrrell), however, held a different opinion.—(Haar, hear.) The
Government, in bringing forward the present measure, thought that
they could administer doses of opium into the mouths of lion. Mem-
bers, and delude them into a support of the scheme. The Hon.
Member then proceeded to complain of the alleged dictation and im-
periens conduct of those Hon. Members who sat on the same side of
the House, who he asserted were scarcely permitted by the Right
Hon. Baronet to express their opinions on any subject whilst he was
their supposed leader. One would think (said the lion. Member)
that they were as much entitled to express their opinions as the
Right Hon. Baronet. Hon. Members on his side of the House had
also a right to complain that the lion. Member for Wiltshire (Mr.
Sidney Herbert) had been put forward to speak in support of the
measure, whilst other Right lion. Members, who were Members of
the Government, and much more experienced, had as yet been silent
upon the question. —(Hear, hear.) lle could perfectly well under-
stand the policy of the Government in putting forward that as-
piring young statesman.—(Laughter.) The policy in his opinion
was this, that, as he was a deserter it was advisable to put him in the
front ranks. It had been said that the present proposal was offered
as a great settlement. Now he confessed that it was quite unreasonable
to expect that the agriculturists should accept it as such, for the
terms of it were less advantageous than those offered seethe wont
Member for Stockport, who, he was sorry to hear, was ble from
indisposition to occupy his seat in the House.—(hear, hear.) Did
not lion. Members expect that if this measure was passed, the Noble
Lord, the Member for the City of London, would come forward with
a proposal to abolish the differential dutieslon sugar ?—(Cheers.) Had
the Hon. Member for Stockport accepted the reins of office which
were offered to him a few months ago, he would not have had the
courage to propose so bold a scheme as that of the Right Honourable
Baronet. Ile would have been seized with the delirium tremens.—
(Laughter.) The Noble Lord the Member for the City of London,
who took high ground in Scotland, but was obliged to take occas'on-
ally to occupy a mole-hill, was also frightened to form an Adminis-
tration.—(Laughter.) He (Sir John Tyrrell) for one regretted much
that the Hon. Member for Stockport load not taken office—(Heer,
hear)—because the plan that he would have proposed would have
been far more comprehensive than the present ; it won'd also have
been more intelligible.—(hear, hear.) Having propliesieg that the
sugar duties would fall on the passing of this measure, he would ven-
ture to make another prophecy.—(Derisive cheers.) He would rather,.
he would say, beg to allude to a most extraornary prophecy Wilieb.
had been made by that amiable and talented Divine, trfoieneltatheaDdra.
Arnold. That Divine said that the Right Honourable la
er
the
great idea about the currency, but about the min.!,
laughter.)
Church he bad no idea at all.—(Hear,
That learned divine also said that the Right tiein,
one who would always yield to clamour. The Right
ofposterity.
Now stated that he was anxious to have the approbation rilaTlnoent, 71.4,:r0te0t
he (Siropp Ott
07_1 ) )(
Lc
ooun
drecsed
laughteri i his .Liosnlyaoliliesitdhestopfotshteerhitlyouinseig)—h
fthave
that posterity, he repeated, might soon have the opportunity' o
expressing their opinion of the Right non.
the Member for te
City of London and the Right Hon. Baronet, in conspiring with the
Anti-Corn-law League to abolish protection to agriculture, would
recollect a passage in ancient history, which he would take tile
liberty of quoting. When Cassius—(Laughter)—contemplated the
betrayal of Cmsar, he did not dare to do so until he had first gained
over Brutus to his cause—(Laughter)—and so he (Sir J. Tyrrell)
would say that the Right Hon. Baronet would not have tared
to proposert the present measure until he had first gained the
suppo of the Duke of Wellington —( .Laughter.) It was his sincere
conviction that if the House of Commons should proceed to abolish
the corn-laws—if the House of Lords should also proceed to register
a verdict in favour of the present measure, the lower, rural, and
upper classes of this country would be rendered miserable indeei ;
and in carrying it Parliament would show that they were ready to
concede any measure which the lawlessness of anarchists might dic-
tate.before
pt
hr
count
Junk ormyr
Eahn ysa
ds fasui,
said
flu rt. e
rei
ea Gdt •li
he
ae
cor ntudeladl t
sl
ewu
pionp
ou
urdrt3b,
t.
ea(bel
Such a state of things would be produced that neither the
)measure, and
therefore. never changed on this question. Wmithorespecet., Irowe
that he had always voted in favour of freedop
ever,
to those Hon. Members on the ether (Ministerial) side of the House,
who had recently become converts to free trade, it might well be
said— present
ehe
se thefer snt
trade.
remedy

" Tempera mutautur, et nos mutamur in
The Hon. Member who had last addressed the House had said
that the House might expect an abolition of the sugar duties If
this
measure passed; but concerning the sugar question, Mr.
M'Gregor had brought forward many able statements, and he
clearly showed that the sugar duties and slavery ought to be placed in
the same category,—(Hear,
hear.) The sooner, therefore, that those
duties were abolished the better, for the credit of the country.
He was rather desirous, if the House would favour him with their
attention, to refer to the progress of public opinionupon this question.
In the year, 1831, ho had the honour of seconding a motion for the
total repeal:of the corn-law, and he found on reference to Hansard
that he had the good fortune to make use of several of the arguments
which had been so lately used at Manchester, and which were now
become so popular. The motion was brought forward by the Hon.
Member for Preston, and he had but one solitary Member supporting
him, the late Member for Bolton. They were opposed by almbst
every other Member of the House, and the question was
carried against them by a majority of 194 to 6.—(Hear.)
But let them look now at the position of the question ; it would be
carried by bundrets. He did not blame the changes of opinion which
had taken place ; he believed those changes to be occasioned by sin-
cere conviction, but he heartily rejoiced that he was of the same
opinion now that he was when he first entered that House, twenty-
six years ago.—(Hear, hear.) He could not agree in the opinion that
the agricultural interests would suffer by the passing of this measure.
He believed those sufferings, if there were any, had been greatly
exaggerated, and lie believed that the abolition of the corn-law
would be conducive to the well-being of the strugglilt
ng
masses of this densely-populated country.— (Vear, hear.)
was gratifying, however, for a public man, and more cspeci..N,
for so bumble an individual as himself, to know that he had been aN
" The applause of listening senators to command."
—(Great laughter, in which the Intervening line was lost.)
" To scatter plenty o'er a smiling lam!,
And read their history in a nation'e eyiets."
• --(Great laughter and cheers.) obtain one mover,
teen short years ago, this great question c
dmvu with stating
one Seconder, and live supporters?
liditsient which would endanger
oiaybe believed that
that he would not support any • amen
What, coutd_
the safety of the measure.
address the House, but gave way to
Several Afembers here rose to Raker,
two subjects of great import-
Sir ROBERT PEEL—
Mr.
rit:tet of the House during the present de.
awe have occupied the attention
which a party should be con-
the manner
hate. The one, the measures by which the contingencies
ducted ; the
other,
gamityhld be sou mitigated, and tale •
of a great public c prin-

i4hinle the commercial policy of a great empire shall the the'
jnytt,:
coriftati::ft:tiinties
future to collatlkeit --(Hear, hear, and cheers.) On the first point,
time er
,It:lTtr.to:ceil;risihtoslnpslelst.bboalndicloonniai,dtteuse.atied, by far the
I_lf:lere;ateita sP
aegot.iltisevr
ritiv;tertesatii,ednsiintopesn'dliiincgh
et
ati:g-veerli:naeltraleiicaltdsde3:lllLameesr*upordfriien(tt
c(st 1,..t4r7 s ,L;;:;‘-1.1i.te)1 which la;
tunust aniiiicarriedaakt
et r,e
littledi .
defenceulure t
unfortunateob ent
t at once Ihitt it Is
conduct of these measures—that is so far as the corn-law is eon-
(Trued—should haste been committed to other hands—to such as WO
been its consistent advocates. It would have been far preferable
that they should have the credit—lf any credit there be—that they
sifottld bare the final adjustment of the question. When
coeselted I said so, and I was prevented from committing it to nther
hands from the conviction that a part of this empire was threatened
with a great calamity, Ido firmly believe that there is iinpending
over US, and that it will come at no remote period, a calamity which
all will bitterly deplore—(Hear, hear)--and I do think that while
theta Waft a danger, and while I had hopes of averting it, that it
would not be consistent with my duty to my Sovereign, nor my pub-
lic honour as a inati, to evade the difficulty 1 saw impending.—(Loud
cheers from bath sides of the House.) While 1 retained a hope of
avetaises the coming evil, I thought there was a prospect of bringing
this questien to a successful issue, and I therefore took the cull, at
opportunity that I could, consistent with a sense of duty, of tender-
ing my resignation to the Queen, and leaving her Majesty the full
opportunity of calling to her counsels other advisers. I offered no
Oertiton as to that claiLe. It is the only act which is the
personal act of the Sovereign.—(Bear, hear.) It was tor
the Sovereign to determine on whom confidence ought
to be placed. It became my duty, in consequence of the commands
of her Majesty, to ascertain whether those of my colleagues who
differed from me were either prepared themselve3 to form a Go-
vernment, or whether they were prepared to advise her .Majesty on
the formation of a Ministry.--(llear, hear.) Those from whom I
differed, and who did not concur with me in the full extent of dan
thatger
which menaced, or the course of policy I proposed, oensidered
it Wotlld not be for the public interest that they should form it
Government, nor were they prepared to advise her Majesty to call
other hands to her counsels. Her Majesty therefore determined to call
on the Noble Lord oppeseite to undertake the duty of forming
an Acirninistration. (Hear. hear.) I was relieved from the
responsibilitieS of office. The Noble Lord was sent for, and I firmly
believe that he would have been equal to the emergency, and that
he would have succeeded had he undertaken it. In a long course
of opposition, I cannot charge myself with having ever said a word
disfespeetthl of the Noble Lord, nor do I recollect anything ever
p4ssing between us likely to lead to a remembrance. And when Ire
was lent for it was my firm conviction that be would have undertaken
the duties of a Government. Under the in pression that I was in the
mere capacity of a private member, and aware of the necessity of
a final adjustment of this measure, as well as the difficulties which
would surround any man who would undertake the Government, I
thought it dishonourable not to take those steps which I
saW would diminish those embarrassments. I have not one
word of complaint to make in reference to the state-
ment made by the Noble Lord. He read one letter, of which he had
a copy, and he referred to one of which lie did not receive a copy.
His general statements were perfectly correct, but this letter,
which has not been made public, is of primary importance, and I
feel it my duty to refer to it, in order to show that I deprecated
the settlement of this question by my hands.—(!tear, hear.) I
think it right to state to the House the course which I pursued. I
relinquished office on the 6th of December, 1845. I knew then that
those of my colleagu s who differed from me had declined to form a
Government. I was aware that it was not done by my advice, and out
the Bth of December I considered myself to be in a private capacity,
and having given my opinion in the:Cabinet that the questiommust
be adjusted, I wrote the cmimunication to her Majesty,
which has been made known to the Noble Lord.
On the Bth of December I felt it my duty to make a communication
to her Majesty on the subject of the corn-laws—that great question
;Odell has been long agitating the public mind:—
" Whitehall, Dec. 8.
,4 Sit Robert reel presents hi 3 lineable duty to your 3lajestA and.
influenced ley no other motive than the desire to contribute if possi-
ble to the relief of your Majesty from embarrassment, and
toto the
preteetion of the public intereAs from injury, is induced make
to your -.X,i)esty this confidential comumnication explanatory of Sir
Robert Peefa petition and intentions with regard to the great ques-
tion which is now agitating the public mind.
" roar Majesty can, if you think fit, make this communication
known to the lid-ulster who, as successor to Sir Itabert Peel, may be
Honoured by yetis' Majesty's confidence.
" On the Ist of NoVember last Sir Robert Peel advised his col-
leagues, on account of the alarming accounts from Ireland, and many
districts in this country, as to the failure of the potato crop from dis-
ease, and for the purpose of guarding against contingencies, which in
his (pinion were not improbable, humbly to recommend to your Ma-
jesty that the duties on the import of foreign grain should be sus-
pended for a limited period, either by order in Council or by legisla-
tiVe enactment; Parliament in either case being summoned without
,elan

;At Robert Peel foresaw that this suspension, fully justified by the
tenor of ;AO report to which he has referred, would compel, during
the interval of suspension, the reconsideration of the corn-laws.
"If the Opinion of his colleagues had then been in concurrence
with his own, he was fully prepared to take the responsibility of bllS-
pOnsinm and of the nscessaty consequence of suspension, a compre-
hensiVO feVierr of the laws impog!ng restrictions on the import of
foreign gtain And other articles of food, with a view to their gradual
diminution and ultimate removal.
" lie was disposed to recommend that any new laws to be
s:nacted
should contain within themselves the principle of gradual anti ulti-

mate removal. •
" sir Robert Peel is prepared to support, in a private capacity,
measures which may be in general conformity with those which he

whited as a Minister.
" It would be Unbecoming iii Sir Robert Peel to make any refe-

rence to the details of such-measures.
" Your Majesty hits been good enough to inform Sir Robert Peel
that it Is your intention to propose to Lord John Russell to undertake
the formation of a Government.
" The principle on which Sir Robert Peel was prepared to recom-
mend the re-consideration of the laws affecting the import of the
main articles of food, was in general accordance with that referred
to in the concluding paragraph of Lord John Russell's letter to the
electors of the city of London.
on the admission of such articles with relief to the land from suck
" Sir Robert Peel wished to kccompany the removal of restriction
charges as are unduly onerous, and with such other provisions as, in
the terms of Lord John Russell's letter, ' caution and even scrupu-
lous forbearance may suggest.'
" Sir Robert Peel will support measures founded on that general
principle, and will exercise any influence he may possess to promote
their success."
On the Ist November last I advised my colleagues, in order to guard
against approaching contingencies, that I thought it necessary that a
suspension of the corn-laws should take place. I was then of opinion
that a new law respecting those corn-laws should contain the principles
of gradual repeal. In a confidential letter to her Majesty, I stated
that I was prepared to propose a measure of the kind. I was, at the
same time, anxious to remove some if the restrictions which
at present are imposed on land. I could not but foresee,
in adopting such a course, the difficulties that I had to
contend with in accepting office. Up to the present time We have
had a prosperous revenue. There have been for the last two or Woe
years a large increase, and I thought there would be less reluctance
on the part of any one wire might be my successor to accept office
when no increased expenditure had taken place.—(Cheers.) In that
letter I informed her Majesty that I would support any measure, no
matter by whom introduced, which would have for Its object a gradual
repeal of the cone-laws.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) These
are matters of such importance, that I shall read them without hesi-
tation.—(Hear, hear.) " Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to
add that, should your Majesty's future advisers, after consideration of
the heavy demands made upon the army of the country for colonial
service, of our relations with the United States, and of the bearing
which steam navigation may have upon maritime warfare and the
defence of the country, deem it advisable to propose an addition to
the army and increased naval and military estimates, Sir Robert Peel
will support the proposal—will do all that he can to prevent it front
being considered as inticative of hostile or altered feelings towards
France, and will assume, for the increase in question, any degree of
responsibility, present or retrospective, which can fairly attach to him."
Now,sir,when it is charged upon me that I am robbing others of the credit
of this measure —when it is states that I am taking an undue advan-
tage and reaping a reward which belongs to others, I hope it will be
seen that I am not robbing others of the position which they hold,
for it will be seen I was as ready to give my support to the Noble Lord
(Russell) as it is boasted lie and his party are now ready to give it to
me. There was another communication, in which it was proposed to
arrange this question. I thought it would look better if no appear-
ance of an understanding existed between me and the Noble Lord
Apposite (Russell), and I was under the impression that he would
Undertake its settlement, and if lie did I am sure he would not have
failed.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) I think the Noble Lord
must be satisfied that it was my intention to give to the Noble Lord.
according to his own views, the same cordial support which it is his
boast he now intends to give to me. I believe, after the communica- •
tion which the Noble Lord (Russell) had with her Majesty, he un-
dertook the formation of a Government, and I am sure the Noble
Lord will admit no act of mine occasioned his failure on that occa-
sion.—(Cheers.) So much for the course I have pursued. I never
made any inquiry who would constitute the new Ministry ;
it was not my duty to do so. My belief was, on that
occasion, that there was no difficulty in forming a Ministry.
and I was determined to facilitate .this question by my vote.
and every influence which I could use hi this House.—(Loud
cheers.) Now, sir, with respect to the course I have pursued towards
those who so long have been my supporters. I admit tO them, that
-it is very natural they should feel considerably surprised. I admit
the course I sin pursuing is at variance w ith the established
principles of that party, I, do ask them, would I make a
sacrifice of their support, unless I was influenced by consideration
of a high and important
mature? My duty to my Sovereign, and
my duty to the conntry, required me to propose a measure
of this k i nd.—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.) Notwithstanding
• the support which may be withdrawn from nie, I will do that
party (the protectionists) the justice of saying, that I knew no
persons more inclined to give a fair and generous support to
measures which they deem important to the welfare of
the country-. This I will say, after having forfeited some of their
confidence, bat I do not believe that they will deny that I am actuated
by honourable motives. But this I must say, that be the Conse-
quences what they may, they cannot rob me of the deep-felt convic-
tion, that the advice I have given Is an advice consistent with the
true Ojects which 1 have always had in view.—(Cheers.) I know
what the consequences would be, if I took the advice of other parties ;
I know their counselling would be dangerous to the' country.—
(Cheers.) Iti Ireland it was necessary to combine for the mainte-
nance of the existing laws. It would be necessary
else if agricultural protection should be maintained in all its integrity.
Rut to adopt such a course which would render such proceesdoineg-s
to do so everywhere
necessary would be to abandon the duty which sewe to nseyof
the
reign and to my country. I may say in the p:_tent temper
t 'Of' all other circum
with respect to the corn-laws, indepen cn
pressing calamities which I
d popularp opinion
public mind, in the state of public ,feeling
stances—independent of the great anditp
o press
determination than
foresee in Ireland--I could arrive at
slitwn, forltn-c1::11.1e: etoir:: nesttsli joif; ;i duty.
fact,
oart famine'tsho:
an
tt i n l•If I was to con-
aw s.
of lig., it won i l I teach the landed interest what it
Ir I t II
I en] —(Cheers.) The ig on. ._ core ary o State
may have cost t i •
the Tain.ten.ance of
teach
corn-
and that would be dangerously
'Me for preservin surroundingresponsibility
continuation of the present corn-laws.—(Chcers.)
parts of this empire four millions of her Ma-
exte :dang fe er th:hge -
who
c
some
of the
allowance r— e progress
;res
a"'
jesty's subjects are dependent for their subsistence on a certain article
aieult
willto ss3.
crakethe
extent
of the disease, and the amount of deficiency that will have to be . uis
.
charged with Site responsibility of this great ' '
poificfodo;d..ndl t
issurelydi you
calamity.—
(near. hear.) The famine and disease have every
pros-
pect of an increase at the distance of three or four months,
S and
ia ila
the course we have adopted one of duty to the country and to our
party? Why, therefore, should we be charged with neglect? I believe
that my anticipations are likely to be realised—and it is right that
you should knew it. You have, of late, seemed to dislike any re-
ference to letters, and have turned away from every commtinication ;
but it is necessary that you should understand the present state of
Ireland.—(Rear, hear.) I cannot attempt to conciliate your confi-
dence by an expression of regret for the course that I have taken—
so far from it, I declare, in the face of this House, that the day et
my political life to which I look back with the greatest satisfaction
is the Ist of November, when I was ready to take upon myself the
responsibility of issuing an order in Council for the opening of the
ports for the admission of grain.—(Loud cheers.) The packet was
about to sail ; and my primary object was to Increase the supply of
f•od in this country, and to take precaution against famine. Other
advantages, of a collateral nature, would have flowed from it—
(Cries of " Hear, hear ") and, under the circumstances, it wsuld
have been the best step that could have been adopted. Supposing
that our anticipations had been incorrect—supposing we had formed
a false estimate—l believe that the generosity of the English people
would have borne us free from harm—and if our anticipations had
been borne out by the result, was not the measure the only ono that
eould be adopted ?—(Loud cheering.) During the latter part of De-
cember last, and in the beginning of January, there was a temporary
suspension of alarm. I never shared in the prevalent opinion that
there would, after all, be abundance of food—that the disease was
exaggerated—and I never put my trust in the existing supplies ; for
after the opinions I had received from the most eminent men of
science, I feared that the time would come when my apprehensions
would be realised—that they would be justified by the event. Now,
what is the fact? I read this not so much for the vindication of Go-
vernment as for the guidance of this House. It is not right that yo u
should live in ignorance of the real facts of this case. The proposal
here conveyed is not an absolute suspension, but it is
virtually a suspension of the corn-laws. A reduction
is proposed upon maize, rice, meal, corn, barleiy.
and oats—wheat only is excepted—and is not that virtually at re
-
and
of the duty on corn. Before you decide on rejecting this
IT,
measure, c'nsider well the reports which even the
it
lathe reports
brought down to you. You have seemed to disclve
seemed to
given by official authorities. Nay, some of yocuert, to deceive you.
believe that public men have been acting in e9n simply
the letters
I will not read any official reports toyou; Suit
Ireland. You will pro-
which the last two mails have brought fro(
Initoche, the Member for
(Ably remember the name of Sir
David that the prospect of
Limerick. lie was one of those whoit
precaution WaS unnecessary.
ne was exaggerated, antiddst
letter from Illin—" No person was
This day's malt brought me
look forward with the hops that that
MOTE' disposed than I was
.to .
1 looked sound before Christmas was
potato crop III& 1 . t
letter from the Lord-
part of the P and in answei o a
safe firom the infection, ,xpressed that hope with great con,.
Lieutenant of Ireland t ,iy that every day Convinces me of
but. I grieve o ..
fldence, • i ,es apparently sound turn out to have
Pot 910e,7 (
my error. or li se, in an incipient state, and
disease more
the dven to the pigs. The Catholic clergy in my neigh.
are obliged to be 1, , f
this, . a .
.1., .
an stint si expo scions are used
Itonrlxotul inforin me ) by
many other
correspondents. Ido not think that by the 1211 t of May
next, out of 100,000 acres of laud, mainly sown with potatoes, there
will be one with its produce in a sound state. If the ease is SO bad
with me, what must it be with the poor people who have not the
convenience of substantial buildings and other adjuncts to a large
farming establishment at their command. In short, when I ride
through the country, the rotten potatoes are to ha seen thrown by the
road-side, and near there a small portion of mere sound ore, which
there is every reason to fear will share in the . . '
general decay. 1 pray
you to look to it at once." . -Well, I did look to it.—(1111ITICIISe cheering
from all parts of the House,) That is the account fret., the county
of Limerick. Yon shall now hear the account from the Queen's
County. It is written by an inspector of police, and
Mr. Emerson, the clergyman of a parish there :—" We
have examined at first the houses of two families resident
i =the property of Mr. Cavanagh, and we afterwards extended car