The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

Si that he (Lord Radnor) would answer, that
no such evidence in their conduct, which had
s°fltithe part of the leading members a great
object %a': and money, not to realise any private objec
t,,; g, but for the good of the public generally.
r 1 .of the Anti-Corn-law League was because.
11,,e1,,R,,it, merchants of Manchester found their
4 :-.Y Dad state.- At that time, when trade fell
If,il 1838 or 1839, they formed projects for the
of
tit;escuing themselves and others in the same
Viers, e ruin hanging over them. They bee _we
4,i,, and ths7 found that that which
.vas good
. ' etict"e! was good for others, and '
the public at
they induced oth°_,:s to. •^r
rbet-cne free-
. trl: ivaelialtd• Altrm„:-.-t in every Way, and also
elt any 's t' rn-law League. He was
t h'' 4 arts shoitld be led in that way,
. t,, ..evars„,_
,reistb eient would not listen to reason they.
Lis
..Feed ins and give in to the means which
, Fri,'„instead of argument His Noble and
fl' 'llladkiected to agitators, but in the begin-
iftok" 'Peech he had recommended it. ;He would ask
had
I I,a)'dettrs should they have been*** they were
idth° got been for agitation?—(Hear.) Agita-
Y4ll7,ver,!been produced, and the Government
~ it(l,,,u it, and if they did not do so woe
'! had eaea; ,t° the country. His Noble sod Learned
~)' of t' that he did not believe that the
01'4144° country was in favour of the
a 4or Lea bet he believed that it was, and
' Itoold 'Threent would be obli ed tu yield to it. :5 II vltlth!' as his Noble and Legarned Friend had
Oloh•te7,lng illegal or unconstitutional ; nor had
tae vie ti°ll°f cluing so • their agitation was only
min • ''' of re • • •
rd rietls to the Moring a law which was obnoxious
Att" 811,017,,rn and to the country.
w111:1 "11:14A1 having offered a few words in
'IE4I af RAINon
,e •of sat • “ was about to explain also, when
v ari of .b 'SHUR! rose to order.
'l;irs'lde. guit"te&riNOß then quoted the opinion of
1,„ vie,ka opposite in 1829, who had stated
' to yielda:ere not changed ; but then it was ne-
tt) to the demand at that
til
li ovoid a
civil popular
he said,
• "'Aid ahrtt that thewas
s War, which,.
bl —(flear.)
most horn e. .
of
doer,' rwever,eowntend that it was not the object .
,e io ,i,rn-lair 1,,i.
14,, `..eir suffer
, I ;bet
inages ex p
rme
easkl
ye
fvotesor th fore
repealth e poeuro.
gtphal
the
that
te
eilh euirkreleii
no neat
i_eurodapelirs:logitooul
nnegs
St oi.
14rePorterdeVehe.t to
''tlicl allow h:LLINGTON- trusted their Lord-
-11
evlq„, him to explain, in answer to an ob.-
with -..,1
ad been made by the Noble
whatvpee speaking
efficacyhine g (otfhteho 0 tpNhreoe bsPslreu°rme. E.
farlaworm_i )
k bra Quid is a
3411 (the Duke of 11'n ton)
We
1 ff the
4 II wotlici
,Peeeh delivered 17 years ago.
ts°llte he "so kind as to look at the reccrds o. f
eOrrept, wo Ideaee that he had not quoted his
liajlther-71; T words quoted by the Noble. Earl
:kieut," f I.4ll;°rds nor the sentiments to which he
eisl!„„:_ -...ngton) had given utterance.
st that sr
:ISALISBURY said, he alws under-
' t° Ie a:nsPire in any way, by manufacturing
kt iliee-a,ZRe the established laws of the country
Ot 44 beenact; but after the high legal opinion
o thßt delivered on the subject he should be
Yo tera7sutead. The Noble Earl had been pleased
°d erer h e 0 the present corn laws which had thatcerd-
he been heard in that House. He had
ii sylitem of laws, the accursed corn-laws,
` obl ...e le
t ' Earl ha ,ailt, was very unmeasured language.
he :,tneGoverntnent to rescind the corn 1
.'re fro,
wlynself We, contribute to make. thats
.:Irkti,e_, itilout felt in the House. This wasue
Rarq't'li.:oetrie for the Noble Earl to hold. I
I\Pro.spee'ti °lsf Salibury) could not admit that there was
• ‘tethi's ofteichfaln, ine ; neither could he allow that the
Nth,-41 incr.' 'lad taken place with respect to com
.l sel 111 any
as ' degree the prosperity of the
katNite of g
t Nast ~EAUFORT observed that
.he must
,to , Lae extreme latitude of expression with
iltitill' fliteroalin"se Which had appeared in the Speech,
0, are a e• Re thought that such expressionsin.
,0f th,, Most prejudicial effect on the genera
i 1,.,, 1., Aitstate,
t bolt lIESIGNATION OF MINISTERS.
"°ttiog e:frf RICHMOND said he had no objectioon.
ti,Nll, th' at the request of the Dtls 1
Llgned eR° question why her Majesty's Ministers t''4lloosl„eyailmse, and shortly afterwards resumed
lie eoppert"!.---more especially as he would then
the ot, Unity of knowing what Sir R. Peel had
feboit„:',,e,_l' House o the subject
eitelialt -.,‘" wELLINGnTON observed that the reason
' h -sii the N
iip, tgil eNoble Duke to put off his motion wasmbe-
yeforeV not have an opportunity of seeing her a-
elt""'•
I!'a the rsoAt.IRMA.N OF COMMITTEES.
cVlShertelon of the Duke of WELLINGTON, the.
14
Offi SbUrY was for the thirty-third time elected
° seasioria° of Chairman of Committees for the en-
ill') 4411bRESS TO HER MAJESTY.
N.. 4,,
,/a (11 DELA.WARR announced that her
le %Id receive
tk at h.,... the Address of their Lordships'
1,4" o' Past two o'clock on Saturday irx. t.k
Nay. 14e then adjourned till one o clock on
1100,R
-4
OF CO M M 01V S, Thursday, Jan. 22.
tit h
t, THE ADDRESS 6 ~,,-P,NISON then rose and said--Sir, I hope the
VI te,,,," not think me guilty of great presumption in
tole',.coild the Address which has been moved by
kAT °Lord the Member for South Lancashire. The
ti,N,slogy I can offer fur presuming to occupy the
L' of the House on the present occasion is,
klo consequence of the lamented decease of a
iNid, Lord who recently fillei the office? of
totja,,t of the Council, I am the single
'ePresmtative of the largest constituency in
onet
, onl, -
LA the population of which is upwards of
i,lli h.afid a, h If —(Opposition cheers.) They are an
ittk',ll_%. Population,a and their industry is occu-
1314:311oultural, in commercial,. and in manufactur-
i 444 of almost every description.—(Cheers.) Now
lak""'1,11 all doubt that this population has been
r LlNity,,witt,il more than ordinary anxiety to e
L'IN - *Peeoh from the throne to her Par-
kltltpall
mats occasion.—(Loud
.Opposition cheers.)
li4 Y hitve."43: be justified in stating that the consti-
er° of the laced the greatest anxiety to have the
t, lad, to t,: Measures which her Majesty's. Ministers
'11,110ea"::_pose fur the prosperity of this kingdom.
l,t,itetrl4 that they await with great interest Che de (ki Ittaj ,t q those measares.—(Hear, hear.) In
t ' ilie-la Speech from the throne, she states
tei co •
edih I, ntinues to receive assurances. from alld
al
~,.°ll7era of the continuance of friendly an
CoaPittrorf-Pg3. With gard to the conduct of the
OV aa,` Itizssia andrethe King of the French, I
tts?ati,ll-4 that this kingdom is under great
.. bey% t° those monarchs for the paeo _ %tildorld F taken in preserving the peace
whatf
44' 'not; '2r,,„1 Would take the liberty of asking •(11 netio Liectually arrest the prosperity of this
144 '14% hear.) than a bloody and expensive wahra?s
the 4 itit:at-) The Icing of the French. n
for :ith'tlppres 4.4 alliance with our gracious Sovereign
Codingl"ite6l°P °I the horrid slave trade. But, not-
ohsth
tneir friendly assurances, we cannot
from
fill kwestef 40 that some danger threatens usr9ln WICt 44'4 harnisphere. I trust that nothinghre,,ch
!tie he pr by this country to prevent
'1 *hole ilt Trine
feeling. with America, forhan;oadnodubitt
li
111ZY opia.lsOrle would suffer by such a breac
?i,, till's 41°1,4' and I trust the opinion of thistaHbroeuaseeh,
'4ii 511rei,:und 4:fuse every effort to prevent
Enter-
'0) 11. Z thr,"estern relations.—(Hear, hear.
. )4tiq 34 vie
I thick, her Majesty's Ministers
kb 'ld • ' resources 7
Enter-
! to
1,4 asking for additional
in an
NO% eta, Place the army and navy
b_
~,kte4 uPea7,,'"(llear.) God
we
independ
1 lat. this use those forces to preserve the
_,_
4 k,,, Is
lags „
bear.)
grant.that may not bi
44; ‘ms t, om.—(riear,
unhappy Ire-
ilk., to, . nd,—l may say
e have
ittkig that Within the last two months w
fob:l,o'o44r e:WunitZreugnardertoatpperehensio of famine
14, a en
'kp ° ha, overrated d;
but in famine,regard toI trustthe nituhra-t
*,,arrPitYea.atits3ree,ee.`,' by the official returns from that wi-
' 1,0 111,4otat the murders have been such as to
tka al provenovernment in seeking for measures
all Siel such
1 nsie,,, reisio , shameful and unheard of Buse-
' ell.- contj'alles.--(llear.) With regard to the
Speech,
Yee, -ye 1 k,41114 in the latter part of the
Q th„;, eorreet in stating that in the last four
belle,titeirillittieil;bh,eeelleXatntof ;reductionbetweoefn four and five mil
the
.Customs and..
Retie, '11,104,4 ?elieve that by this reduction there has
1,40 tit,,lY, kir' I,ncrease
:it,. 'a kit, ,it lerge of the
ftrfoardeeigonf
commoditiesthe county
be - oft, R-erp
„. import o
n 4 kltik.,4"(tlear, hear, and loud cheers.) I
trill'hli,,t,es,,:p oe!.._ --th'it elegreat facts—I believe this. to
th"%repeat7e t 43, 45_ atest and most astounding
(Loud cheers.)
inl
the 'INF s °at It 4Y._ knowledge.
fact, that
atnou ° 104 e borne, an astounding
sad ti fnt °f the 4,.5e 4 *eduction of fiscal impositions,
li-e6r, Vl:j4tr:,lgni:,-reje.nue should have
trust thatt
try, alreeri;ha.Mtnieter.itacreased. sincerely
beensustained,
re
t843'41 411(1 in -ell. ProduetTyili pfersevebenefit to the coon
raeeeetle sto4Yll/g thus emouch, suchl
feel bound
in a course that
at
their
'ht
the entitirgert that the results
I ofearnestly
Liliqdt IV Will e them to what
segued'''snsee......(l, „obtain, full measure of public
s
Tetleyth Lat'u cheers). Now, her Majesty
drivel
should continue to pursue the same course,
'Al' ia, emlipelled to acknowledge that experiencet,_e Neill' 11ides.olltilgter). Hon. Gentlemen on h
to
t.) etisn itaNii
stile House seem amused at my alluding NI tlite 6,3; bot I should be ashamed if I weenot
thil.': I le._ "Perience teaches me to value the lesson
th'' her smog from this great fact; and I sincerely trust
t the have liPatY'a Government will, in the spirit thto
litiitte atleh
_ttherto regulated their conduct, continue
0.
Rea_t all wi„ed, notions on the import of foreign cotmo
mthe
opi: al ke;_te_e just to all parties and conducive.
themNs, ligre of the people. Sir, entertaining those
tete . 'now nothing, and want to know nothing olt
'Sy , ntinr,
Of 'll.Sr, that8 of the Ministers.—(Great laughter.) °lir,'" kt. I want to know nothing of the intentions
tried 1 trhsteee for from what has already oc-
44lotwiern, havet full confidence in their prudence, pa-
iL4 tra Tote confidence
from the Opposition)—
t ink they will persevere liberally to all parties,
At's upatitia,t!ce to any, to reduce those duties which
h th. Le comforts and the energies of the peole.
":st - same time, Sir, I reserve to myself the
ks elltire e
ji sattre„
.iberty to vote for or against any
„ot s. - Which they ma ropose to the House.
h'ne'hatt'llewolpe. stating thus much,. I ask the House, in
°litair 4 that great community which I have the
eto represent to meet them in a spirit of con-
TN%th, ,an and lairnees whenever they bring forward
tn. e4surea which her Majesty recommends.
Of Win revive, of • prosperity will again return. I know
of th !Mit which can be. placed upon the development
6 ulthultry of the United Kingdom. I ask, on be-

half of the great community which I have the honour
to represent, that they may have every facility for an
increased employment, and a consequeht Increase of
their comforts ; for they
,sre; it my humble opi-
nion, the most hard- erorrl.`eg, patient, and loyal
people upon the ran of the earth.—(Hear, hear.)
If properly instructed -when
young, by truly religious
persons, they
entertain for her Majesty the
greatest -
espect and affection. I beg leave to second
Address.—(Hear, hear.)
The SPEAREI:I then read the Address.
Sit R. PEEL then rose and said—Sir, I would
am hope that although the course I take is an unusual
one, yet that I am acting in accordance with the general
wish of the House in now rising to give an explanation
of that course which I shall take upon the pre-
sent great question before the country.—(Hear, hear.)
The House will consider it but natural that I should de-
sire that not a moment should elapse before I should
explain to the House the motives ou which I have acted,
and the principles which have governed my conduct.—
(Hear, hear.) I may feel hurt at having been the
object of much accusation upon this subject.—(Hear.)
I have been unjustly condemned without a hearing. I
say nothing upon that head ; and if any momentary
feeling of indignation should possess me, the recollection
of the great events which have taken place would be
sufficient to remove any such temporary unpleasant-
ness.—(Hear, hoar ) I enter, therefore, into
to particular discussion, or particular accusations,
but this I do ask—while I contend for the reserval of
sentence, I ask for an opportunity, after the condemna-
tion, of explaining the motives of my conduct.
—(Hear, hear.) I ask you to listen with patience
and indulgence to those facts and those evidences
which I shall this night bring before you,
and which will afford the materials on which the House
will ultimately pronounce its opinion. I wish to explain
what were the grounds which led me, and those with whom
I acted, humbly to tender to our gracious Sovereign the
resignation of trust which was committed to me. I wish
also to explain what were the circumstances under which
that trust was re assumed, and why I am now here as
the Prime Minister. Sir, the immediate connexion
Sir, the immediate cause which led to the disso-
lution of the Government was, that a great calamity
had fallen upon that article of food on which
a great portion of the people of the United Kingdom,
and still larger numbers of the sister kingdom, depend
mainly for their subsistence. That was the immediate
and proximate cause which led to the dissolution of the
Government ; for it would be unfair and un-
eandid on my part if I attached undue im-
portance to that subject. The particular cause
appeared to require immediate decision. It was abso-
lutely necessary at the time alluded to that an imme-
diate course should be taken with regard to the
laws which govern the importation of corn.—(Hear.)
I will not shrink now from the expression of my opinions
upon those topics which have lately agitated the world,
ner will I withhold from the public that the progress of
reason and truth have considerably altered my
views upon these topics.—(Hear, hear.) I will now
freely and openly confess that my own opinions upon the
subject of protection have undergone a chenge.—(Loud
and long-continued Opposition cheers.) Alike is a pub-
lic as a private situation I claim the right to exer-
cise the privilege of yielding to the force of
argument and conviction (Hear, hear) and at
every time acting upon the results of enlarged expe-
rience.— (Renewed Opposition cheers.) It may be sup-
posed that there is somethine• humiliating in the making
of such a confession. I think no such thing.—
(Cheers.) I have no intuitive capacity of al-
wars determining what is right, but I have
confidence in the belief that it would be

. false conciliation indeed, if my opinions had under-
gone a modification or change, to pretend to adhere
to them.—(Cheers.) But then it became a question,
which the House and the public have a right
V.) ask, whether the motives for changing them
are sufficient and honest. Nothing could be more
base in a public man than to protect himself from
danger by pretending that no change had taken place
in his opinions, while on the other hand it would be most
inconsistent and most unjust to his Sovereign and his
country if, upon seeing reason to alter his course of action
he is to be precluded from making that alteration by the
fear of the charge of inconsistency.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) The question, then, for me to deal with is,
whether the motives for the change are sufficient and
just. There are those who contend that the
removal of impediments upon the import of a great
and very necessary article of commerce would
be a source of great advantage, and heretofore it has
been easy to combat the position of these parties
by pointing out the urgent necessity for the ex-
istence of these restrictious. But, the time
has arrived when it has become almost im-
possible to meet them in fair and open argu-
ment—(Renewed Opposition cheers)—by showing that
the advantages arising from the system of prohibition
were greater than those which might arise from their
removal. The time had arrived when the system was
become inconsistent with the right and just principles
which ought to guide and regulate the trade of the coun-
try. In this public view protection to domestic industry
is in itself a sound principle, and agriculture being a branoh
of domestic industry, is entitled to a share of that pro-
tection. It is said, that in a country encumbered with
an enormous debt, and liable to an enormous taxation, it
is necessary that domestic industry should be pro-
tected from foreign competition—as necessary to
the great body of the community. It is necessary
however that the labouring classes of the community
should not be omitted in this arrangement ; it is but
right that wages should vary with the prices of food,
that high prices should imply high wages, and that low
wages should be a concomitant of low prices.—(Cheers.)
If I admit that land is entitled to protection on account
of its peculiar burdens, it is a question of justice rather
than one of policy.—(Hear, hear
felt that if we uphold this ) I
argument, it is still
liable to removal by compensation. The thrhee
ee
firstalwaob-
jections to the removal of protection are objections
roundedpublie
justiceo❑n public
t b
policy,y
granting an and
thecolmasptehissafteiounndwede ore-
move the latter objection. Ido not want to arrogate to
myself that which has been used a priori by other per-
sons. I want to deprive none of them of the credit to which
they are justly entitled ; and I confess that my
own opinion has been greatly modified by the
experience of the last three years.—(Great cheering
from the Opposition benches.) I have had opportuni-
ties of comparing from day to day the results which
have followed during the last three years, from that
principle on which you have been acting for some years
past, namely, the gradual removal of protection to agri-
culture. I have had the opportunity of comparing the
results of those years. I have observed on the effect
of the three preceding years, and comparing it with that
of the three following years, and the result of that ob-
servation has led me to the opinion that the arguments
to which I have referred in defence of the corn-laws are
no longer maintainable.—(Much cheering from the Op-
position.) I do not believe, after the experience of the
last three years, that the rate of wages does really vary
with the price of food.—(Renewed cheering from the
same quarter.) Ido not believe, when the price of pro-
visions is high, that high wages will necessarily follow.
—(Hear, hear.) Ido not believe that lowness of price
necessarily implies lowness of the wages of labour.—
( llore cheering.) Ido not believe, it is impossible for
me to contend—and this is no new opinion of mine—it
is impossible for me to contend that protection to
British industry is as a principle of policy longer main-
tainable.—(Cheers.) I declared last year that, in my
opinion, protective duties were evils in themselves
(Hear, hear)—though I added that the system was one
that should not lightly be interfered with—that a system
which had grown up under protective duties should be
interfered with or removed with much caution. But it
is impossible for any one to have made changes such as
we have made in the tariff, and at the same time con-
tend that protection in itself is abstractedly right in
principle.—(Hear, hear.) Then, Sir, as to the other
argument, which I admit makes a great impression upon
the mind at first sight, and appears of some weight—the
argument that, because we have in this country a heavy
debt and a high rate of taxation, the labour of this
country cannot, without protection, compete with that
of foreigners. Now an opposite policy has been sub-
mitted to the test of three years experience, and, as far
as experience can demonstrate anything, it is that a
large debt and heavy taxation justify abundance and
cheapness of food—that abundance and cheapness will
f h
rather alleviate than increase the difficulties of the
e
people.—(Opposition cheers.) I own, then, that I ap-
prove of that policy from the experience of the last
three years. First, in regard to the question of
wages—can you deny the fact, that during those three
years, or, at least during the three years that preceded
last October, prices were comparatively low ; there was
comparative cheapness and plenty ; and yet at no
previous period were the wages of labour higher
than they were at that time.—(Hear, hear.) Take the
three preceding years—you will find low wages co-ex-
isting with high prices ; with high prices you will find
you had low wages and distress.—(Hear.) I have then
six years, during the first three of which I find higher
prices of provisions co-existing with low wages, and
during the last three years I find we had low prices with
a higher rate of wages.—( Hear, hear.) I cannot resist—
even if I could resist the deductions of reason and argu-
ment—l cannot resist the conclusions of time and expe-
rience, that wages do not vary with the price of provi-
sions, but that they alter with the amount of capital em-
ployed, with the prosperity of the country, and with the
demand for labour.—(More Opposition cheers.) I say,
then, that there is no relation between the price of provi-
sions and the rate of wages, so far as the former regulates
the latter.—(Hear,) Now as' to the question of trade,
as I said before, during the last four or five years we
have been acting on the admitted principle of removing
prohibitions, of removing protective duties; that is to
say, of destroying as far as possible protection to native
industry.—(Hear, hear.) That has been the principle
of our policy, and, whether right or wrong, the prin-
ciple upon which we have acted has been the removal of
protection.—(Cheers.) Let us see what has been the
result on the trade of the country. I will give you the
total amount of British produce and British manufac-
tures exported from the United Kingdom since 1839 :
In 1839 the total exports amounted in
round numbers to 53,000,000
to 51,000,000
1840 to 51,000,000
1841 to 47,000,000
1842
to 52,000,000
1843
to 58,000,000
1844
(Cheers.) That is to say the total of our foreign ex-
ports rose between the year 1842,
when the great inva-
sion was made on the principle of protection to d miestic
industry, and the year 1844, from 47,381,000 L, to
58,530,000/. This does not include the China trade. In
1842, apart from the China trade, the exports to all
000/. In4ll
other foreign countries amounted to 46 , ,
1844. they had increased by 10,000,000/., the total
amount being 56,400,000/., d,-;duetinff
the China trade.
In the last year you can only have the amount for the
eleven months previous to December, 1845. In the year
1543, the exports,..of the prinoipal articles of Jilritish

- ~ -.v .