The Sun.
London, England, 1848-04-18 00:00:00

Ce, Old Jewry ; Taylor, Mark-lane; Pownall, Ips-
wich.
Adam Marsland, silk manufacturer, Macclesfield,
April 28 and May 19, at twelve, at the Manchester
District Court. Hobson, official assignee, Manchester;
Bell, Brodrick, and Bell, Bow Churchyard, London ;
Norris, Macclesfield; Gremsditch, Macclesfield.
Robert Blake Webb, draper, Bury
me St. Edmunds.
Mary Hetherington, innkeeper, Ly Regis.
ZRichard Wilson, shipowner, Hartlepool, Durham.
Hannah Prosser and Ann Prosser, milliners,Wigmore-
street, Cavendit.h• square.
John Shave, licensed victualler, Bristol.
William Dyson, grocer, Wakefield, Yorkshire.
James Greenwood, worsted spinner, Bradford, York-
shire.

THE SUN, LONDON,

an offence of that sort was recognised, for, by that Act
it made those who indulged in mal ciously and advisedly
speaking or writing, sought to provoke rebellious
attacks upon the Crown, or either Houses of Parlia-
ment, felons, and liable topromunire. By the 6th
of Anne, too, another offence of this sort was
recognised, and those who by preaching, teaching,
or advised speaking, sought to divert the succession to
the throne, contrary to the established law, were also
liable to the penalties of pramunire. True, there was a
slight distinction between open and advised speaking
alone, and open and advised speaking accompanied by
an overt act; but Blackstone very properly remarked,
that as the penalties of the latter case were
equally applicable to the former, there could scarcely
be any distinction between the two offences.—(Hear,
hear.) These penalties, then, were surely more severe
than those provided by this Bill, namely, transportation
for seven years. The only distinction between the
offenee recognized by this Bill and that of the two Acts
he had just mentioned was, that in the latter instance the
offence was treason, and in the former felony. Well, but the
question after all for them to consider was whether the
circumstances of the case would justify the passing of
this Bill. Was the state of the public mind of the United
Kingdom liable to be so influenced by the example of
other nations as to justify the making, for a limited
period, the offence of malicious and advised speak-
had thatheee
addressed
drethssoeudgh to t
organized he had
speak-
ing, for, the purpose of effecting a cer •
tain object, liable to the penalties of transpor
stßeetinolll: He e
11
uag
whichconfessed
and immense masses of people liable to sudden excitement,
which rendered this law necessary.—(Hear.) He ad-
mitted that it was not always advisable to resort
to the law in all cases, but he did think e con-
gregation of immense masses, under the pretext of
presenting petitions, was a practice which ought to be
carefully watched, and their leaders in particular cases
ought to be subjected to the penalties of the
could not conceive that the sole object of
large
masses of people being called together could be
simply for the purpose of deliberation ; and although
he had heard the Honourable
and Learned
Member for Nottingham
and explain his conduct
in reference to recent events,made_ many professions
of loyalty, yet still those wilob
brought together 100,000
persons could not always hope tohave credit for the
sincerity of their confessions i
nfavour of order and
public tranquillity.—(Hear, hear.) Yet, even the Hon.
and Learned Member's declarations of loyalty were not
altogether satisfactory, for in his words, while he
.
was declaring that he would beewn
knee, and was deprecating
eat no party
speaking,
toeaklirem-
he adinittt d that he did not e'care wrhaveatgearntthepform go;

government was a republic or a monarchy, or who was
upon the throne, provided it did not damage the public
good.—(Hear, hear.) The lion. and Learned Gentle-
mau's ardent loyalty had not risen to a very high pitch I
on the thermometer of loyalty, for the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman's loyalty was of that description that, provided
he got certain institutions, it was a matter of indifference
to him whether Beelzebub was sovereign.--(Leud Laugh-
ter.) This, however, he (the Right Hon. Baronet)
cordially wished, that when the Hon. Gentlemane had
gotthesoveof the Crown.—(Renewed sovereign of hiswcah.Lic(eßenheewwoedlaughter.)uldhav the T
entirehh
confidence e
Hon. Member's professions of loyalty towards te
iota
a rather
H ha e xGt re allot naaaris
loalt simly sisted in no carin orie
cShoavrearcetiegrn, wfoerreitcesrateamineldy
of
that
the h e
whetter the Pope,con the Prete ndert
B,
aort to return thegraDervh to ilwere
upon the the
throne.—(Laughter.)
subject of this debate, he thought he could see sufscient
proof in what bad occurred vtithin the last ten days to
justify their strengthening the hands of the Government
in one particular class of offences. It was said, how-
ever, that it was not necessary tc appeal to the
Legislature for fresh powers, and in support of
this argument, attention was directed to the magnificent
demonstration that was made by the people a few days
ago. Yes, but they must tell those who made that map
nificent demonstration, that they were prepared to take
their share of the responsibility of it. The time of those
who made that demonstration was most valuable ; and,
looking at the sacrifices and personal exertions they
had made, it was the duty of the Government and the
Legislature to tell them that they, the Government and
the Legislature, so valued the institutions of the country
that they were determined to uphold them in all their
leading principles, and upon their ancient founda
tions. The Constitution of this country was
so strong that a temporary departure from
ordinary rules might be made without danger
upon particular occasions. Such an occasion existed
now, and after the lapse of two years the House would
have power to decide whether it would continue or allow
the law which they were about to establish to expire.
If they perinitted it to expire he had not the least doubt
that it would be found that the Constitution of the
country had been perfectly unblemished and un-
impaired by the practical exercise of it.—(Cheers.)
It they found that treason and sedition were resorting to
new devices for the purpose of defeating the Govern-
ment, and subverting the constitution, and if they did
not meet those new devices by new enactments suited to
the purpose, then they would give to treason and sedition
an advantage which the law could not cope with.
I will not, said the Right Hon. Baronet, make any
allusions to the political events which are passing in
another country; ray firm beliet is, that the security of
every existing government depends upon the most rigid
abstinence from any interference with what is passing
now at Paris. The people of France may maintain their
own opinion, I have mine, and I believe that it
is essential to the peace of the work' and to
the stability of the Government that the experiment
which is now making in France should have a fair trial—
(Hear, hear)—and remain perfectly undisturbed by any
extrinsic influences. At the same time, with respect to
the social principles, Imust say this, that I hope the work-
ing classes of this country will not be deluded—(Hear)—
by the doctrines which are there promulgated upon the
subject of their labour.—(Hear, hear.) If the doctrines
there maintained be true—if there be, indeed, an anta-
gonism between capital and labour—(hear, hear)—if it
be true that all men, without reference to their different
capabilities, their different strength, their different
capacity, are to be entitled to the same rate of wages—
if these things be true, then all the experience, and all
the lights of the last one hundred and fifty years
have existed in vain—let us burn all the works
of Turgot, of Saye, and of Adam Smith, let us establish
in strength the doctrines of the Mississippi scheme, and
the doctrines of that law which was supposed to have in-
volved France in irremediable confusion. Let us await
the result of those experiments calmly ; let us see if it
be true that you can force labour to employ labour, it
you can reduce all men, without reference to their habits,
strength, and intelligence to the receipt of the same
uniform rate of wages, but for God's sake give to those
social principles the same fair trial which you are about
to give to the political principles.—(Hear, bear.) Ide
most earnestly trust—l have that confidence in the
good sense of the working classes of this country,
to believe that no false delusions of compulsory
sharing in profits, no enmity directed against capi
tal—(Cheers)—no destruction of competition betweei,
individuals, no overbearing of individual enterprise by
Government undertakings, at the 'public expense—
(Cheers)—can possibly lead to the benefit of the working
classes, but, on the contrary, will tend only to involve
them in misery and confusion.—(Cheers.) I have brew
thus diverted from the question before the House.—
(Cheers.) Upon that subject I believe there are
grounds for the temporary authority sought by the
Government. I will not be a party to forcing upon
the Executive of this country any power which they d.,
not require—all that I have to deal with is the question
whether for two years he who endeavours to intimidate
the Legislature, not by words but by a declaration of
war, shall be subject to the penalty attached to felony.
think that the circumstances of the times justly de
mend it, and I believe that the people of this country
will be encouraged to continue every exertion, upon
which, and not upon the police, and not upon the army,
the tranquillity and safety of this country depends.
Mr. BRIGHT said that he thought that the Right
lion. Baronet was a most valuable witness in favour of
the course pursued by the opposition to the Bill; that
Right Hon. Baronet had confined all his approbation to
the clause with respect to open and advised speaking, as
it now stood. But it must be remembered-that the clause
as it now stood, making it temporary, bad been owing
to the opposition of the few ion. Members on his side
the House, for the measure was originally intended to be
permanent. He cordially agreed with the Right Hon.
Baronet in the opinion be had expressed with respect
to the social revolution going cn in another country. He
also joined with him in expressing his distrust of large
assemblages and processions, such as had recently
taken place; but, at the same time, he trusted
that the Government would not entirely lose sight
of the causes which led to those assemblies. For
many years the question of reform had been agitated in
this country, but the demands of those assemblies were
for a long time unheeded, and the Noble Lord now at
the head of the Government repeatedly brought the
question before the House without success. The Noble
Lord at length triumphed, and he trusted that he would
live to effect still further reforms in the representation
of the country and the constitution of the House.
He thought that the time had now come for exendiag
the Dale of the Constitution of which they boasted so
much. The 800,000 electors of the country formed a kind
of garrison, but it was surrounded by 5,000,000 persons
who required to be admitted within its bounds, and who
would tend considerably to strengthen and support that
Constitution which was so highly prized not only in this,
but in other countries.—(Hear, hear.)
After a few words from Mr. MUNTZ in explanation
upon the,subject of the exchanges of the country,
Lord J. RUSSELL rose and said—Sir, after the pro-
tracted discussion which this measure has undergone, and
the part which I have taken upon the subject, I do not
think that it will be necessary for me to do more than
to make a few observations upon the course of the debate
to-day. It appears to me, in the first place, that it is
extravagant to suppose that, without an alteration of
the law from time to time, we can secure those benefits
of peace and order which it is the bounden duty of the
House and the Executive to make. The law of
Edward 111. was an excellent law, but did not
provide for those cases of publication or of
speeches at public meetings, any more than the
Parliament of that day thought it advisable to pass
railway Bills. These are things which have grown up
in the course of civilization ; and as that civilization
makes progress, so new modes of overturning the country
are resorted to. To the same extent and in the same
proportion must the Legislature be prepared to meet
those evils.—(Hear, hear.) I will not now again enter
into that question which has been debated with respect
to words, but with respect to the alteration which we
have made, I mean having made the provisions of the
Bill temporary which we had proposed to be permanent.
I must declare that I think it of infinite value that any
measure, which passes the House at the present time
'Mould combine the advantage of being effectual for its
purpose, and of obtaining the concurrence of those mo-
t derate men who are afraid, perhaps over-afraid, of any