The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-26 00:00:00

BANKRUPTS.

George Gordon Cunlngham, teabroaker, America-square, Minories
Joel Rudman, oilman, Bath.
John Douglas Herrick, g, ocer, Colchester.
Edward Harwood Brace and James Allen, warehousemen, Mitre.
court, Milkstreet, Cheapside.
Robert Nelson, hotel keeper, Great Portland-street.
Jonathon Clarkson, grocer, King's-road, Chelsea.
William Cooper, hardwareman, ilury St. Edmunds, Suffolk.
Joseph Goldthorp, grocer, Manchester.
John Tempest and William 'tempest, share brokers, Leeds.
Thomas Bointon, money scrivenor, Pickering, Yorkshire.
Richard Carlile Capleton, tea dealer, Cheltenham.
William Watts, carpenter, Cheltenham.
William Danson, builder, Birkenhead.
Stephen Hey, cotton manufacturer, Colne, Lancashire.
James Wilkinson, grocer, Manchester.
William Mallett, milliner, Manchester.
Joseph Avery, dealer in plate and jewellery, Manchester-streel
Blanchester-square.
John Bruton, tailor, Upper-street, Islington.
Joseph Davis, dentist, Pall-mall.
Arthur Burton, coal merchant, Pimlic o.

IMPERIAL PARLIA3IENT,
(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF LORDS
Their Lordships met at ten minutes to Five o'clock.

CORN-LAWS.

Several Peers presented a great number of petitions for and
against the repeal of the corn-laws.
The Duke of RICHMOND said he had a petition to present
to their Lordships on this subject, on which he wished to make
a few observations, although he did not intend to make another
speech upon the corn-laws. 'I he petition was signed by 1,390
of the tenant-farmers, who had assembled inWillis's Rooms, a few
days ago, and who had come to London, from the different
counties of England, for the purpose of showing that those who
had reported them to have changed their opinions with respect
to the corn-laws had stated what was untrue. It appeared to
him that the tenantry of this country had not been fairly dealt
with by the advocates of free trade. Their Lordship? table
had been crowded, night after night, by petitions from the
tenant-farmers of England, all of which were in favour of the
present system of protection, and yet they had been repre-
sented to have changed their opinions on the corn-law queston.
His Grace then read the petition.
The Duke of RUTLAND presented a petition from the
occupiers of land in the county of Kent in favour of the
repeal of the corn-laws.
Earl FITZ WILLIAM presented a petitition to a similar
effect.

NORTH BRITISH RAILWAY.
A NOBLE LORD presented a petition in favour of this
undertaking.
Lord BEAUMONT presented two petitions, signed by 460
and 354 of the tenant farmers in Essex, against the Corn Bill
now pending before their Lordships.
Lord ASHBURTON presented a petition, with 900 signa-
tures attach-d, the prayer of which was to a similar effect.
CORN LAWS.—ADJOURNED DEBATE.

The order of the day for the adjourned debate being read,
The Earl of WILTON rose and said that he would occupy
their Lordships' attention only for a short period, and as the
observations which he thought it his duty to make were of a
general nature, he felt that he should have little difficulty in
keeping his promise. But upon an occasion like the
present, when interests of such magnitude were in-
volved—interests • involving, in the opinion of many.
wise, cool, judging, and dispassionate minds, no less considera-
tions than those of a social revoution—he thought it would
best become a humble individual like himself to come forward
honestly and frankly to state the course he was about to pursue
—(Hear, hear)—and the reasons upon which he grounded
the vote he intended to give on the present occasion. He had
many years supported those principles which had influenced
the counsels of her Majesty's present advisers, and
their Lordships would believe that it was with feelings
of no common regret that be found himself in the
honest discharge of his public duties compelled to oppose
the present measure, and it was with feelings of regret that he
found himself opposed to the present -Government. How
much more painful, how much more poignant must be his feel-
ings when be found himselt opposed for the first time, and he
sincerely hoped the last time in his life, to vote against the
Noble and Illustrious Duke. By his counself and opi-
nions, he was not ashamed to say that he
had been actuated during the whole of his life
Their Lordships would give him full credit for the assurance
that it was with the deepest anxiety that he came to a considera-
Con. He did not intend to go into a detail of the measure ; he
would not trouble their Lordships with a long detail of
facts and figures. They had been so fully stated by his Noble
friend on his eloquent and statesman- like speech, but any.
thing he could say would but weaken the effect which it had
produced on their Lordships' House, and he would confine
himself to the two grounds which had been urged in favour of
the measure. One of them was the operation of the tariff
of 1842, and even if beneficial effects attended that measure
he contended that there should be a limit put to
relaxation when it was in favour of free trade.
Under the operation of the law of 1842 they had seen com-
merce, trade, manufactures, and agriculture flourish in the
country. There had been a vast application of capital to
agricultural purposes ; but, more than all this, they had seen a
more kindly feeling spring up between the hitherto
antagonistic classes of society.—( Hear, hear.) Under
the operation of that Bill the country had arrived
at a degree of prosperity unexampled. Why, then,
quarrel with this state of things, saying aside the great ex-
perience they had had, and breaking up a great and powerful
party ? No satisfactory reason had been given for this pro-
posed departure from the principle of the Bill of 1812.
But the only reason he could conceive for proposing it was
the destitution and scarcity that prevailed in Ireland. They
were told by her Majesty's Government that there was a great
scarcity, and that the month of May would phew the real
state of things; but May had arrived, and where was the evi-
dence promised ;—echo answered where—certain he was that
no sufficient reason had been given why they should
seek to change the commercial system of the country.tio
He could not bring himself to believe that under tihne
tograsainne
of this Bill the price of wheat would be loswered
Now if that were
proportion as the wages of the labourreor
the case—if the means of purchasing
the
theemeasurepart of
those who would be principally
their Lordships to
affectedvis provisions
o
were (decreased—he would imploreed
further with it.
pause before they
He was unwilling to trespass too t
h theer mannerHoose
.
ropeeon their Lordships' time on so
trite a subject; but he must bauerraielldowthedrotuogrheftehre
in which the measure wasc
It was carried through the House of Commons by a compact
entered into between those parties who entertained the most
extreme and dangerous opinions; by the Whigs, who had changed
from a fixed duty to no duty at all ; and that third party,
who had made a change even more start l. ing.—(Hear, hear.)
He wished to address a few words to those Noble Lords who
had, like himself, supported the present Government for many
years, but who now, not like himself, proposed to continue that
support. If they were satisfied this measure was right and just—
if they considered favourable results would follow the pa.sint.,
fix's ;14.,4,urc. —llthy) i i,,ird
L' •
were not giving a stimulus to an agitation for lowering the
position of the aristocracy, then by all means let them vote
for it. But if they considered with him that he was
•

right in the view he had taken, then let them, without
fear of clamour from without, and without fear of the
imputation of being actuated by selfish motives, vote against
the second reading of this Bill, and make use of that legitimate
power which the Constitution had invested in them for the
preservation of the monarchy. He had now made the few
observations he felt it to be his duty to address to their Lord-
ships on this important occasion, and it now only remained for
him to thank the Iloute for the indulgence they had
shown hiro.—( Hear, hear )
The Duke of CAMBRIDGE felt it to de a duty to himself
and to his own character to state in a few words the views he
entertained, and the line of conduct he felt it to be his duty to
take upon this very important occasion. —( Hear, hear.)
He believed he was the oldest Member in that
House having occupied his sett for forty-five years ; but he had
never voted in opposition to the present Government, for where
he could not conscientiously vote for them, he had
always abstained from voting at all. ( dear, hear.)
He was too old to change his sentiments—(Protec-
tionists cheers)—and now having stated what were his
convictiens, they would easily see that he did not intend
to vote upon this tiestion.—( Hear, hear.) He had stated
it frankly and painfully what were his opinions. He could not
vote upon this question, because he felt. that his character was
at stake.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) If he did not state
frankly what he felt, he should be surpo,ed to be lukewarm
as to this question, which he considered to be the most impor-
tant that had ever been brought before the country since he had
the honour of a seat in that House. —( Ilear, hear.) He
went to the House of Commons to ascertain the opin:ons of the
Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Guvernine nt

HOUSE "F CO Ni MONS.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.
MORA YSIIIRE RAILWAY.

The report on this Bill ixa, brought up and agreed to, and
:he Ilia ordered to he engrossed.
GREAT NORTH 'OF SCOTLAND RAILWAY.
.

The reivrt on this Bill including the Eastern Extension.
was brought up and agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be
engro,sed.
EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN RAILWAY.
The report on this Bill (Branches from the Dundee and
Arbroath Railway and Tay Ferry Improvement) was brought
up, and the Bill ordered to be cni,7rosseil.
NORTH KENT RAILWAY.

Mr. RICE, on the further consideration of the report of
the South Eastern Railway (Greenwich Railway to' Chilhain,
near Canterbury with branches, No. 2,) Bill, moved that the
Bill, together with the North Kent Railway Bill, be re-com-
mitted to the Lull Committee as ori:sinally constructed. The
North Kent Railway had been condemned before its merits
had been thoroughly investigated by the Committee ; and the
South Eastern Company, which was the only company that
could properly carry out the line, would be perfectly justified,
under the present circumstances, in studying their own in-
terests in preference to the convenience of the public, by not
carrying out the contemplated extension of their line.
Mr. PROT H E ROE defended the decision of the Committee,
of which he was chairman, on the North Kent Railway. As
chairman, he had felt it his painful duty to give a casting vote
against the further progress of the Bill, as it contemplated the
construction of a railway through part of Greenwich Park.
Upm this instance, as upon many others, he found the benefit
of the reports of the Board of Trade ; and the Committee
considered that the South-Eastern line was far preferable to
the North Kent. The Committee had been sitting from the
middle of illarch to the middle of May, and they had given
the whole scheme their utmost attention ; and he deprecated
the investigation of such fuljws in the House, as it would
;end very much to weaken the authority of the Committee.
Mr. BAILLIE supported the motion. The Committee
had passed a Bill which gave power to the Admiralty to stop
the progress of the railway at whatever point they chose. He
did not know what the shareholders would say to such a Bill.
Sir ROBERT INGLIS said he was aware of the inconve-
nience which would arise from a scrutiny of the decisicns of
Committees, but unless: it could be proved that Committees
were immaculate, he considered that the House was the last
tribunal of appeal. He believed that a disturbance sufficient
to destroy the accuracy of an astronomical observation would
be produced by the passing of railway trains. He thought the
Bill, if recommitted, should be referred to another Committee.
He grounded his objections against the Bill, not because it
did not afford a direct communication to the coast, but the in-
jury it would cause to science in passing so close to the Obser-
vatory.

Sir: JOHN RAE REID presented a petition from Dover,
signed by the mayor and burgesses, in favour of the line.
After a short discussion, the further consideration of the
subject was deferred fur a fortnight.___

NORTH KENT.
Mr. REID presented a petition from Dover, in favour 01
this railway. _ _ _

Several -Reports of Railway Committees were brought up.
(LEFT SITTING.)

IMPERJ AL r liLLA VIENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, May 25.
CORN lIIPORTATION BILL.

The Earl of RIPON en continuation from our Third
Edition)—l believe that you will find in the publications of
he time of sir Robert Walpcee, pamphlets which describe the
agricultural interest as totally ruined. The landlord is de-
scribed as incapable of obtaining his rents, and the tenant as
incapable of obtaining a due profit on his capital, and ruin was
pourtrayed in its most gloomy character. The result, how-
ever, was that no such ruin ensued, and the agriculture of the
country went on increasing in extent, and meeting more and
more the wants of the country. The first system to which I
,hall direct the attention of your Lordships does not go
se far back as the one that I have before spoken of.
I allude to the corn-law of 1791. That law was very re-
strictive in its nature, and so were those which followed after-
wards, of a similarly restrictive tendency. The import du-y
was very high, and the duty on corn—at certain prices 50s.—
was very high • but they imposed when it got to 545., a com-
paratively small duty, and when it got to 565. the duty fell to
tis. That system went on for two or three years, but was at
length objected to, as being more restrictive than was auvis-
able, but it went on until it was totahy overturned by the
serious rise of prices. It was very well known in 1795, 1796,
and during the subsequent years, that during the greater part
of that century the prices were so enormously high that the
protective portion of the duty had no operation at
all as the prices admitted only of the duty of 6s. being paid.
Now, during the season th,tt followed, the pressure tor food
was so severe that Parliament, in order to induce par-
ies bring additional supplies from foreign countries, gave
bounties, amounting from one million and a half to two mil-
lions of money. This was done that sufficient supplies of corn
might be brought from various parts of the world. The
oppression, however, continued so tremendous, that at last, at
the termination of the war, in 1804, it was found that the Act
of 1791, which at the time was thought to be a perfect specimen
of protective legislation, was of no value at all, as in 181)3.
That Act permitted corn to be introduced without being sub-
ject to the duty, on accouse of the high rate of prices that
ranged. It was, therefore, found that the Act of 1791 was not
sufficiently stringent, and a new Act was introduces, fixing a
high rate of duty until the price of wheat realised 635. when it
was reduced to a small amount. It had to reach the high
price of 635. per quarter before the high duty was reduced.
This proposition was not brought forward by the Government,
but it was supported by them, and it was submitted as a mea-
sure necessary for the increase and extension of agriculture,
and to facilitate the production of supplies of food. But this
Act, during a great part of its time was imperative,
on account of the limited supplies in the years succeeding
its enactment, and the consequent high prices that
existed. The pressure on the poorer classes during this period
was very great. At last, at the termination of the war, it was
found that the Act of 1804, which was more stringent than the
Act of 1791, was net sufficiently so to protect the landed in-
terest, and accordingly another scheme was devised—the
schemes of 1791, and the extended scheme of 1804 having been
found worth nothing, instead of the previous law, a new
scheme was devised and adopted in 1815—a scheme which was
not, certainly, popular at the time nor afterwards. Respecting
the events that transpired a short time after the law of 1815
came into operation, I need not trouble your Lordships be-
yond this. But I recollect that that was a subject of much
complaint ; and this complaint, my Lords, did not proceed from
those who originally objetted to it, but proceeded entirely
from those who had before been so anxious to pass it. In
the year 1820 it was held to be utterly inefficient for the pur-
poses for which it had been passed. It was not a good law for
its intended purpose, I admit, but the first persons who com-
plained of it were tee very persons who had in
the first place been so very anxious for its passing. Accord-
ingly a question waa brought forward, in 1820, in the House of
Commons, for the purpose of rendering this law, which your
Lordshipi will allow was stringent enough, still more stringent.
I Opposed it in that House. I opposed in 1820 a motion for
the formation of a Committee to consider this question. I
was beaten, and the Committee was carried; but afterwards
their labours were restricted to the consideration of minor
points. But in a year or two after that Committee was
appointed the subject was thoroughly investigated. The Com-
mittee could not agree upon their report, and Mr. Huskisson
was requested to draw up a report which in his view would
embody the points of the evidence. A report was drawn up by
Mr. Huskiseon—a very elaborate report it was—containing a
considerable amount of information and of good reasoning.
That report became the foundation of every alteration in the
law of 1815 ; its object being by degrees to relax that law in
favour of the admission of foreign corn at an earlier period
than under the original provisions it could have been ad-
mitted. A law was in consequence brought in in 1822,
which was very much objected to by persons connected
with the agricultural interest.; but the fact was, it
had never come into operation, because it depended
entirely on the principle of corn reaching a certain price,
which price it had never reached. But its inconvenience was
held to lie so exceedingly great, that it became necessary to
call upon Parliament to interfere by an Act suspending its ope-
ration. Now, I cannot say much for principles which require
to be relaxed in a moment of real pressure. I cannot say
much for the principle of suspension. Iu 1827 another altera-
tion was made, for in 1826 and the previous years it was neces-
sary, once by an Act of Parliament, and once by the Execu-
tive Government, to suspend the law. The new plan was
devised for the purpose of abolishing all the difficulties expe-
rienced in the antecedent periods, and so as to arrange the na-
ture of protection that the law should be allowed to execute
itself, by having the power of meeting every case, and so cor-
recting the former evils. That was the law which was finally
passed in 1828. It was introduced into Parliament by Mr.
Canning in 1827. It came into the House of Lords in the
course of that same summer, but in consequence of certain
alterations effected in it, it did not pass that year into
.a law.
There were, however, many circumstances in the details and
practical working of that law which were objectts of
weight, the
and objection. These were objections of t:
scale that was established.
the duly, and the sort of jumping
Now, my Lords, I have
principal of which was the sudden fluctuationg ie:the amount of
Finally the law was changed in
thelB44.
purpose of showing that if
and so interwoven with
mentionedthis system
greamtly.
essential,itce-tainly has been the least
ever been invented for the purpose of
stable system that
I
ohnaes boneen most
so
a permanentasseeinsgtate of things. Therefore it is that
all the interests btheeosne
of fcthhthhaanet gises°r
country,
that, notwithstanding all these i
of cof
apital
tcaolu
tnottrbyehlaasn
dg
Lords, moreover, that notvvithstandin all
extensively increased—seeing that gcirg on at this very mo.
ne conferarpi f nre ote ayt im-
perfections, tythhLeeors application agriculture
snent—seeing, my
the feelings which have been excited in the country—nott,fi h-
standing all the apprehensions which have been proclaimed in
Parliament and elsewhere—seeing that that is still going on,
and that there is no particular symptom of a decline of agri-
cultare—no symptom that I know of, at least, and I know contrary—no otsbyamt
Pltocrnannooftlabnrd bingeminygsetlhfrotownthionukt
ofm a cnuyl ttio h
v atti oen
that the system at present in existence • is essential for the effec-
tual and perfect cultivation of the soil
of this country. Then,
my Lords, if we look at this matter as bearing a character for
permanence, the question becomes narrowed to one
of time. As t.) time, we
• • may very reasonably
differ. But the
principle is gone.—(lronical cheers.) And
anylt to
I do not think that it is a reproach to
man
say that in
his opinion the time for abolition is come.
is as a question
of time that we are bound to consider it. Now, my Lords,
there are, however, some circumstances that have a particular
bearing upon the question of time. First of all, my Lords, I
will allude to that which I consider to be the most important
argument at the bottom of this question, namely, the great,
the rapid. 01,3 tincontroilPd, and 01.^, unecaitroilabl3
in the population of this country. That, my Lords, is a se-
rious matter. It is perfectly well known that the tendency in the
increase of population it to decrease the means of subsistence.
That, my Lords, I believe to be a maxim which no one will

deny, for it has been established by the soundest reasoning te•
be an indisputable fact that the increase of the population of;
this country is not upon a geometrical or arithmetical ratio•
with the increase in the produce of the land. Nothing can be
more clear than this, and the population has so increased as to.
render it impossible for the land of this country to meet the
demand fur food. The increase in the population is admitte&
to be from three to four hundred thousand a year, and the ratio,
of that inereae, I may say, increases every year.—(HeaT.)
Although the application of capital to land—although the in-
creased skill of the farmer—skill which he applies admirably—
although these things have tended greatly to increase the
quantity of corn produced in this country, so far as to meet in;
a certain degree the increase in the population, it is a remark-
able circumstance, that during the last few years, although
prices have not been,high there has been a regular importation.
for consumption of a great amount of foreign corn. Now I
want to know, if that corn was not wanted, how came it to be
sold ? Flow came people to go on year after year importing
large quanties of corn, if they did not think there was a.
chance i the market for brieging it into consumption? The
consumption then, year tiler year, of this corn clearly proves
that the population has outstepped the means of production so
this country.--( Hear, hear.) Wtll, there is another circum-
stance applied to this question, upon which considerable dif-
ference depletion exists—it is the circumstances in which Ire-
land hrs be. n placed ; but I for one do not wish to lay particu-
lar stress upon the distress in Ireland.
The Duke of RICHMOND—Then you throw everything
over ?

The Earl of RIPON—No. My arguments may be wrong,
but you will observe, my Lords, that I do not rest the ques-
tion upon one state of things, or upon one argument alone.
It is sufficient if I show, wi'hout pledging myself to support all
the opinions of Sir Robert Peel, that the distress in Ireland is
not the particular thing on: which I lay the greatest stress, but
at the same time, I do think it has a very great bearing on
this question, aid a very serious one too. My Lords, the de-
ficiency of food in Ireland is not exactly the same thing as the,
deficiency of food in this country ; as a deficiency of that par-
tienlar food, on which so great a mass of the Irish people live,
must involve indescribable misery and wretchedness, a wretched-
ness and misery which would not apply here. Why is this? In
Ireland those who suffer by the failure of that crap—l may say
ninety-nice out of every hundred of those who live upon it—
are persons who have not the resources and the good wages
which the labouring classes here enjoy. The wages in Ireland
are comparatively low, and there are hundreds of thousands who.
do not depend upon the wages of their labour for their sup-
port, but on that which they may obtain from the small portion
of land they cultivate ; and that is one of the reasons why
there is so great a demand for land, and why so many evils
arise in a season of scarcity, because those who depend almost
solely tor a subsistence are the poorer chaser. The evils that
flow from this system are enormous, for they have nothing to
fall bark upon but charity—for they are charitable to one an-
other, so long as they have the means of doing so. But when
large mass( a of the population, living in the same way, and sup-
porting each other by the same means, are overtaken by s.
season of scarcity, they virtually have no means of subsistence.
It is stated that there is no famine in Ireland, as there is no de-
ficiency of oats and beef; and that thousands of tons of quarters
of corn are coming to this country, while the people of Ireland
are stated to be starving. But why do they send them to this
country ? Because there is a market here where they can sell
them, for they have neither employment nor money te pur-
chase them for their own use.—(Cheers.) If they have no
money nor employment which will furnish them with food,
when purchasers cannot be obtained for it in their own mar-
kets, it cannot fail lo come to this country, though under better
auspices it would remain in their own. But that does not make
their wretchedness less. I say the existence of such
a state of things in Ireland raises the question, whether
it would be fit for the Government to exercise
the power which they might have exercised to violate the prin-
ciple of the law, and to have sanctioned the importation of
foreign corn to feed the people. Such a course should not be
adopted unless it could be justified to the mind of every reason-
able man. My Lords, when this subject was discussed about
opening the ports for a limited time to meet this particular
distress, those who are opposed to the repeal of the corn-laws
said—" We are not disposed to object to that." But, my'
Lords, I wonder that those who are prepared to take that
course would agree to that suspension of the operation of the
corn-laws, for the principle of the existing corn-law is that it
will meet all cases, because the duty would fall in proportion as
the prices rise. And if we had acted exactly in that way,
there is no doubt what would have been the consequences that
would have followed. But when you agree to suspend the
operation of the corn-law you condemn its principle, because
you could not but admit that it would be impossible or you to
revert to the o:d system, which was proved to be incapable of
maintaining itself. Now, my Lords, I contend that the only
ground upon which this measure for the removal of the restric-
tions upon the importation of foreign corn can be opposed is
that of the risk of throwing land out of cultivation.—(Hear,
hear, and a cry of " That is only one of them.") Now that,
says a Noble Friend near me, is only one of the arguments. No
doubt in his view, and those who concur with him, it is only
one of the general objections which exist against any alteration
whatever, but in my view it is the only one—( Hear, hear)—
the only one which I have ever relied upon, and, therefore, the
only question which appears to me to be of any importance is
this argument. Now, I cannot—l never have been able—to
ascertain upon what grounds it rests, and to what extent it is
likely to go—what species of land is likely to be thrown out
of cultivation. I never have been able to ascertain this yet,
but I know that it has been stated that very large tracts of
country would cease to be cultivated ; and that has been
illustrated by reference to particular districts. Now,
of one particular district that has been alluded to as likely to fall
back into its original bat renness, and capacity of producing
nothing but rabbits, I wish to say a few words. Now that
part is as much indebted as any portion of the United King-
dom to the spirit and energy of the tenants, and there can be
no doubt that it is a most pleasing spectacle to any person
who traverses that country to see what a difference there now
is in that district. There is an account of it written by the
Ron. Member for Berkshire, in the Royal Agricultural
Journal, in which he describes very beautifully what it theta
was and what it is now ; and points it out as reflecting
honour equaliy on those to whom the land belongs and those
who rent it. But it is not stated by the Hon. Member that,
in his opinion, this land will be thrown out of cultivation by
repealing the present corn-laws. It has been referred to as a
proof to what extent cultivation has been carried on • but an
inference may be sought to be drawn that, if the corn-laws are
repealed, this land will relapse into its original sterility. Ido
not think any result of the kind w:11 take place. All the land
that I possess in that county was either upon a mere heath or a.
fen. It has generally been let to small farmers, it is much to
the advantage of those who may have the good fortune to
possess any portion of this estate that this land has
been so effectually cleansed and cultivated. I know the
persons who rented the soil in the years 1809, 1810, 1811, and
1812, when thin great change took place, applied their capital
liberally towards the cultivation of these lands, and it has
gone on with the same spirit until it has now become one of
the most beautifully farmed districts in the whole county. I
certainly have heard nothing of any apprehension on the part
of the occupants in that part of the country, that this law is to
deprive them of the means of making a fair return on the capi-
tal invested by them. I have heard no complaints of that
kind. I have heard of no desire on their part to give up
farms on this account; but so far from that it does happen, that
a certain portion of the estate which belongs to me had during
the last six months become vacant, and in the midst of all
these discussions, in the midst of all these alarms, and all the
difficulties which are said necessarily to follow on the carrying
out of these measures proposed by Government, it has been my
lot to be able to let a considerable portion of that land, not
at a reduced rent, but positively at a considerably increased rent.
What stronger proof can there be that these parties do not an-
ticipate these alarming results from the passingof these measures.
I do not see any proof that this apprehension is well founded.
The people must be fed ; and it did not follow because foreign
nations sent in their corn, that there would not be an increased
spirit and energy in the production of it in this country, when
the demand for it must he so extensive. 1 do not know whether
it is necessary for me to enter into any details respecting this
measure. It is perfectly well known to you what its provisions
are; and there is. I believe, only one part of it upon which
any division of opinion exists, and that it is whether the deter-
mination be immediate or not. The law as it at present stands
rives a modified protection. Indeed, I do not know whether
I should be apprehensive if it should pass immediately. Yet,
at the same time. I think it is wise that it should be as it is;
and whether or no, the advantage which should be gained by
its immediate operation, would not be sufficient to counter-
balance those which will accrue by its continuance for the spe-
cified time. And now my Lord, I feel—painfully feel—the
imperfect manner in which I have attempted to argue this
question. I cannot suppose for an instant that any of the
observations which I may have made to you would produce
anything like a conviction that it was wise to adopt this mea-
sure, or produce a change in those opinions which,
after full consideration, you entertain. But I will
say this, that 1 do not, nor can I admit, that
I ought to feel any shame for having taken
on myself to support and introduce this measure to your Lord.
ships ; and though I know it is inconsistent with what 1 have
formerly done, and it may be said it is inconsistent with opinions
which I have formerly uttered, I take no shame to myself,
because the only shame that can be felt for a change of opinion
is when it proceeds from a bad motive. I can only say that I
am not conscious of being influenced by any bad motive in
making these statements. I de so from a solemn conviction
founded on much and deep reflection—reflection stimulated by
the necessity of taking into consideration the solemn convic-
tion that I am not proposing to your Lordships to adopt any
measure calculated to injure any of the interests of this country,
but a measure calculated to do good to them all. I may have
in the
forfeited the good opinion of many who have thought well of
me. I may be supposed to have abandoned unnecessarily a
anridse
cause I have always supported, and which many friends of
mine have honoured me by saying that I supported well.
because my conscientious conviction went
ed this Bill
When I supported it, I did it because I toll7,oiu.tghhhiitct4itlreiatchdtte,wdzdneii
might stand fair
I came to the conclusion that the reasmonsd
not now exist, at least I hoped that I
recommended
interested. as one in
eyes of your Lordships when I
the welfare of which you are all era Lords, I •
time .day six to move
this months,
DBrsiatilash, amgyricultursas I
that this Bill be read a second
'
• ce that a measure whichis more liely to
feel in my conscience The Duke of RICHMOND
therefore-
effect the total overthrow
which
will be
a measure, the effect ofmost dangerous to the
ever be
L
greatness, as n en proposed before in your
' House.— Hear, hear
Lordship? ( ) Nly Lords, I think that
we have just cause of complaint against my Noble Friend, who
has just sat down—that he has not told your Lordship what
in his opinion the average price of corn will be—( Hear,
hear)—if this measure shall ever come, unfortunately, to
pass into a law. ltly Lords, rash and blameable as 1 think
111 inisters are, I cannot think, or believe them to
have been so
effect
they
reckless as not to have formed some estimate as to the
possible
of their own proposal. If have P done so, I ask them
why do they withhold
from this House that information se
necessary for the better deliberation and consideration of this
question ? It is most difficult for me to account in any way for
the conduct and proceedings of her Majesty's Ministers since
last
session of Parliament, and more particularly in the me-
morable month of November last. The only surmise I can
make is, that the calculations on this measure were not sub-
mitted to the Cabinet until it was pledged by her Majesty's
speech from the throne. The Noble Lord has not laid on the
table of the House a calculation, the effect this measure will
produce in the price of wheat, and it is the first time that
a Minister of the Crown has proposed such a great,.
change without making such a calculation as that,
I have referred to.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord to
the course of his address has not made the slightest
reference to this point. lie has gone back as far as the alter.a•• •
tion in the law of 1821, but he said not a single word as to the
measure of 1842—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—yet that is the
Bill which the Government now propose to change.—( Hear,
hear.) They do not propose to alter the law of 1021, but to
repeal the Act of 1842 ; yet, respecting that Act, the Noble
Lord has not spoken a single syllable.—( Hear, hear.)
But
a former occasion—and I do not mean to make a personal at-
tack— he expressed himself in a different manner to what he has
use a
done to night. I hope the Noble Lord will excuse me if I n
ex.
speech of his couched in language much better thana
I c Noble
press. I recollect the first speech, in 1815, made by the
Lord when a Member of the House of Commons in support °f
• the met-
the measure then proposed. He said, in proposing
affairs of
sure, that, looking at the principles upan which the
erg
__
the country had been conducted, they were not then to e!
for the first time whether restriction or not should prevail,
3, r
r. of r,:,1.,,,, ,r.3.,;e in cunt, 1,u',.. i..il toe oilier great bratleh.e :
this trade had been conducted from time immemorial
on this
re-
strictive system.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") That, t
grit time
I
they were not discussing. first principles, or for the. t..,
swung whotbar rootrictms4 should or 4191114 110 t flint 0 W".

4