The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-25 00:00:00

NTHE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 25, 1848.

with the religion of some Scotch residents there.
Would the Hon. Baronet define this interference in
either of these cases as political, international, civil, or
commercial?
Sir R. H. INGLIS replied that with respect to the
interference on behalf of the Vaudois, he had asked it
under a treaty with the Government of Savoy, which
reserved to England the right of intervention. In
Switeerland, the right to worship according to their
own tenets had been conceded to the Scottish residents.
But what was at present the case in Rome ? Why, the
British subjects professing the same religion as her Ma-
jesty had not been able to obtain permission from the
favoured Sovereign of the Roman States to have a build-
ing appropriated to religious worship, bnt were oblige d
to resort for that purpose to a granary outside the city
of Rome.
In answer to a question put by Col. THOMPSON,
Lord PALMERSTON said that if the Pope ceased to
be Sovereign of the Roman States, and that they should
either be taken by Austria or become a republic, there
was no law to prevent her Majesty establishing diplo-
matic relations with them—it was only because the Pope
was the Sovereign that this measure was necessary.
Sir D. L. EVANS, alluding to the complaints of the
British subjects: resident at Rome, of the refusal of a
place of worship, said that the way to get that evil re-
dressed was to pass this Bill.
After a few words from Mr. Drummond (Surrey) and
Mr. Newdegate, in support of the amendment, and from
Mr. Macgregor against it,
Mr. REYNOLDS said it was difficult for an unlearned
person like him to understrnd what the Bill was. The
Hon. and Learned Member for the University of Dublin
said it was a Bill to make railways in Italy.—(Laughter.)
The Hon. and Learned Member for Youghal said that
the Bill would interfere with the independence of the
Roman Catholic Church, and others again said it was a
blow at the Protestant Church. He believed it was a
measure calculated to get rid of the bigoted and exclu-
sive legislation of former cloys. He was sure that there
was no danger in this Bill either to the Roman Catholic
or Protestant Church.—(Hear, hear.) Hon. Gentlemen
said that this was a Protestant country. He denied that.
One-third of the population were Roman Catholic, and
at least another third were Dissenters. He looked upon
the measure as a proof of the march of enlightenment
and toleration.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ROBINSON did not see, if this Bill contemplated
merely political relations with the Court of Rome, what
objection there could be to the insertion of the words
proposed.
Strangers were ordered to withdraw, but no division
took place, the motion for reporting progress having been
postponed.
After a few words from Mr. ANSTEY,
The Committee divided on Mr. Pearson's amendment,
when there appeared—
For the amendment 3O
Against it
Maj0rity.......... —6o
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL moved that the words "So-
vereign Pontiff" be added to the clause. He wished to
bring out the fact whether they would refuse to the Pope
the title by which he was generally recognised.
Mr. H. DRUMMOND was surprised that the Hon.
Gentleman should wish for the head of his Church a title
which was applied to all the pagan priests.—(Laughter.)
The Committee divided, when there appeared—
For the amendment 8
Against it lO4
Majority —96
The clause was then agreed to.
Mr. SPOONER moved that the Chairman report pro-
gress, which was agreed to.
POSTAGE ON NEWSPAPERS (CHANNEL
ISLANDS).

The House went into Committee on this subject.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
that the object of the resolution, on which to found a Bill,
was to check a gross fraud that was at present carried
on in the Channel Islands. Papers printed in those
islands were free from the stamp duty, the advertisement
duty, and the postage duty, and advantage was taken of
this circumstance to print papers there with a view to
circulation in this country. In one case 20,000 copies
of a paper printed in the Welsh language were sent into
Wales. This was not only a gross fraud on the revenue,
but it was subjecting the newspaper proprietors in this
country to unfair competition.
The resolution was agreed to, and the House resumed,
and adjourned at a Quarter past Two.

ROUSE OF LORDS, August 24.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat upon the Wool-
sack at Five o'clock.
The Petty Bag-office Bill was read a second time.
The Commons Inclosure Bill passed through Com-

mittee.
The Stock-in-Trade Exemption from Rates Bill was
read a third time and passed.
The Out-pensioners Bill was read a third time and

passed. -
The Borough Incorporations Bill was read a third

time and passed.
The Commons amendments to the Payment of Debts
out of Real Estates Bill were agreed to.
Lord DENMAN presented a petition from Jamaica,
praying their Lordships to continue to the planters of
that island the protection which they had hitherto en-
joyed against slave-grown sugar as the most effectual
method of discouraging slavery.
VANCOUVER'S ISLAND.
Lord MONTE AGLE then rose to move for
certain papers relating to the grant of Vancouver's
Island to the Hudson's Bay Company. • Vancouver's
Island was situated in a temperate climate, was
fertile, was rich in mineral products, and possessed
some of the finest harbours in the world. From its
geographical position it would eventually become the
emporium of the trade between China and Ame-
rica and Europe, and this island it was proposed
to grant to the Hudson's Bay Company.. He
was astonished to find that his Noble Friend had con-
sented to this grant, because his Noble Friend had been
the first to enunciate the principle that colonial
lands should never be granted, but should always
be sold, and yet he proposed to grant Vancouver's Island
to the Hudson's Bay Company. This island had valu-
able veins of coal beneath its surface, and
the whole of this territory, 250 miles long, and from
30 to 40 miles wide, with its coal mines and -its
harbours, was to be granted to this company.
without any provisions being made for the colonization
or for the government of this island. The IludSdn'i
Bay Company was of all companies the one the most
unfitted to undertake any scheme of colonization.
The Noble Lord then proceeded at great length to
detail the history of the company from its original in-
stitution in 1670 up to the present time, and contended
that all its measures tended to discourage colonization.
Circumstances were fast tending to render this island of
the utmost value, for as it was the only place along the
whole western coast of America where coal was found,
its possession must ensure the command of the whole
steam navigation of the Pacific, and consequently in a
great measure also of the commerce between America
and the opposite coasts of Asia. He anticipated that
the Noble Lord would say that this grant of Van-
couver's, Island to the Hudson's Bay Company was to
prevent its falling into the hands of any foreign power—
an argument which assumed bad faith on the part of a
friendly power, as well as a fear of our own want of
means to resist aggression. He, however, contended
that it was the most ingenious mode of securing a
quarrel with either Russia or America, to cede this
island to any mere commercial company. By leaving
the country under the care of this company it would
either cease to have any effectual protection against
foreign aggression, or we should find ourselves involved
in continual quarrels originated by this trading company.
The Noble Lord concluded by moving for papers re-
lating to a grant of Vancouver's Island to the Hudson's
Bay Company.
; Earl GREY said if the Noble Lord, with all his

acuteness and ingenuity, had failed to acquire accurate
information as to the real nature of the proposed ar-
rangements, it might be expected that others might be
equally ignorant, and, therefore, he proposed to state in
a few words the case. In the first place, he did not
agree with the Noble Lord that Vancouver's Island was
a place unfit or undesireable for colonization; on the con-
trary, it was because he believed in its importance that
he had advised the Crown to adopt this arrangement.
In the next place he held it to be certain that if we were
not to:take measures for securing the colonization, in a
regular manner, of this island, it would inevitably be
irregularly occupied by squatters from the United
States. Indeed, he had only recently heard that the
Mormonites driven from their homes in the United
States, were planning a settlement there. There-
fore, he apprehended that some measures for
the colonization of this island was necessary.—(Hear,
hear.) But were the finances of this country in a state
to warrant a vote of 150,0001 , with all subsequent charges,
for that purpose? He apprehended that they were
not ; and, as, therefore, it was hopeless to expect that
the state could directly undertake the colonization of the
island, the arrangement with the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany appeared to him the best that could be made. He
was prepared to defend it on its merits. He did not be-
lieve that the Hudson's Bay Company could expect to
get more than a fair remuneration for their outlay of
capital. It was true that the land of the island was
fertile and good ; but the best land was of no value,
commercially speaking, unless it were settled and cul-
tivated. The island was granted to the company: they
would dispose of it in small lots to settlers; and the
money to be so received would be applied to the pur-
poses of colonization. This
was no new principle;
r it
hadetd
beeno r adopted
complained wt h the f
the New
advantageous Zealand Company.term terms
on
which the coal of the island was to go to the company.
But the company did not propose to work the mines
t
themselves ; they would lease themhe trooyoathlteires.paArtineds:
and they would only have
with regard to the government of the future
colony, it would be provided for as elsewhere,
by the appointment of a governor by the Crown,
with a Legislative Assembly elected by the settlers, and
a Legislative Council nominated by the Crown, or its re-
presentative. This proposed arrangement, which was in
accordance with constitutional law as regarded the colo-
nies, entirely got rid of any objections on the score of
an undue monopoly of trade and commerce by the Hud-
son's Bay Company. The new colonists would be en-
titled to trade on equal terms with the rest of the world.
As far as the Hudson's Bay Company were concerned,
they would of course be bound to submit to the rights
of that company in their own territories. In 1859, when
the charter of the Hudson Bay Company expired, the
Crown would have the power of resuming this grunt, on
paying to the Hudson Bay Company the amount they
night have expended in improvements, and in other re-
spects in carrying out the objects of the Crown in making
the grant. He thought, therefore, that the Government
had taken all due guarantees for the preservation of the
rights of the Crown and the protection of the
interests of the future colonists.—(Hear. hear.) His
Noble Friend complained that the Hudson's Bay
Company were not fit to be entrusted with the powers
given to them by this gra4t. 13at be4des that ho did

not agree in the objections raised to the general conduct
of the Hudson's Bay Company. He must remind the
House that the Hudson's Bay Company were the only
persons who would or could come forward with the ne-
cessary capital, and organization near at hand, for car-
rying on the work of colonization in Vancouver's
Island. And it should also be remembered that the
Hudson's Bay Company's interests would have been seri-
ously affected had others been allowed to colonise the
island; and, considering the powers and immunities
which had been granted heretofore to the company they
would have had a fair claim for compensation had the
Government allowed the island to be colonised from
America. If there were parties anxious to spend their
money in colonization, they might go to Australia, to
New Zealand, or to Port Natal, rather than attempt to
expend their efforts at Vancouver's Island, where they
must necessarily come in contact with a company pos-
sessing a superior organization for the purpose. He did
not agree in the objection that the practice of the com-
pany was unfavourable to colonization. As well might
it be said, that because a Noble Lord had a large deer
forest in one part of Scotland he was opposed to rural
civilisation all over the rest of the country. He had
heard much of these charges against the company ; but
he must say that the effect of the information he had re-
ceived was, that the company had exercised the great
exclusive powers entrusted to them for the real benefit of
the Indians. The Noble Lord proceeded to defend the
company against the charges against them of having ne-
glected the moral and social advancement of the Indians,
and of having pushed their powers to an extent wholly
inconsistent with the intention with which they were
originally given. On the one hand, he did not
mean to say that the company, acting in the true
spirit of monopoly had given the Indians a fair value
for their furs; but, on the other hand, they
had prevented the introduction of spirits among
them.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord quoted the
opinions of Lord Elgin and Colonel Crofton (who had
commanded the troops at Red River) in favour of the
company's administration of their government. Colonel
Crofton also stated that the Indian tribes had increased
steadily in numbers since the use of ardent spirits had
been restricted by the company, and since the union of
the North-West Company with the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany. On the other side there was the testimony of
only a single person ; and he (Lord Grey) must say
that he was not prepared to surrender the opinion
of the Earl of Elgin and of Colonel Croften to that of
Mr. Isbister. The Noble Earl concluded by stating that
he had no intention of suspending the grant ; but, be-
fore it finally passed, it was intended to submit the sub-
ject to the Committee of Trade and Plantations, in
order that, if there were any further conditions which
could better secure the interests of the Government and
of the future colonists, they might be imposed upon the
company.
Lord MONTEAGLE replied, and the motion was
agreed to.
CORRUPT PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS BILL.
The LORD CHANCELLOR, in moving the second
reading of this Bill, urged on the House that it was a
measure which interfered with no rights, but only pro-
vided a machinery for inquiry where corrupt practices
were proved to exist. The Noble and Learned Lord then
proceed to state the general effect of the Bill.
Lord REDESDALE hoped that their Lordships would
come to the conclusion of not proceeding with this Bill
this session. He wished, at the same time to avoid any
appearance of discourtesy to the other House ; but he
thought the subject was one too vast to be dealt with at
this period of the session, when the attendance of
Peers was at such a low ebb, and those Noble
Lords on that side of the House to whom
he looked for guidance and advice were absent.
Assuming the principle of the Bill to be only that there
should be an inquiry into cases of corrupt practices at
elections, be was prepared to agree to the second read,
ing, but he could not go the whole length of this mea-
sure as it had come up from the other House. He ob-
jected especially to the proposal to vest in a Commis-
sioner the arbitrary powers of inquiry, in cases whore
corruption was alleged, that were given by this Bill.
The Noble Lord, after stating that he should not oppose
the second reading, said that he should move a resolution
to the effect that while the House approved of the gene-
ral object of the measure, still they thought that it was
inexpedient to proceed with it at this period of the ses-
sion; but they would be prepared to proceed with a
measure on the subject next session.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—My Lords,' the
course taken by the Noble Lord opposite places me in a
situation of some embarrassment; because, considering
the facts which have come to our knowledge, considering
the state of things which this Bill was intended to cor-
rect, the corruption that prevails, and which has led to
a virtual suspension of the constitution as regards the
boroughs implicated, I did think, my Lords, that it was
incumbent on us to aid in providing a remedy and a cor-
rection for such abuses. But, my Lords, at the same time
I do not deny that there is much in what has fallen
from the Noble Lord in favour of a suspension of the
proceedings on this measure. But while I admit this,
I must express a hope that we may be enabled to pursue
such a course as will satisfy the public and the other
House of Parliament that we are not indifferent to the
importance of the subject or to the necessity of providing
some remedy. Still, as it is most desirable that more
time should be afforded for a consideration of the subject
in this House, I am prepared to agree to the suggestion
of my Noble Friend.
Lord DENMAN had come down to oppose the Bill,
which he considered to be lull of errors of every kind;
but at the same time he agreed altogether that there
ought to be some effectual punishment for corrupt prae
tices at elections.
The Duke of ARGYLL had also come down to oppose
the further progress of the Bill this session, but was
glad the Noble Marquis had acceded to the wish of the
Noble Lord.
The Bill was read a second time, and the resolution
above referred to was moved by Lord REDESDALE,
and agreed to.
FISHERIES (IRELAND) BILL.
_ _ .

On the motion of the Marquis of CLANRICARDE,
The House went into Committee on the Fisheries (Ire-
land) Bill.
Lord MONTEAGLE opposed the Bill. Ho suggested
the propriety at least of postponing the Bill until next
year, as many Bills of greater importance had already
been deferred, and particularly as it could not come into
operation, if passed, until January, 1849.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE defended the mea-
sure, because the only means of rendering the poor and
miserable fishermen prosperous, and their trade profit-
able, would be to preserve the salmon at proper seasons,
and give them a good supply at those periods when there
was a demand for that fish.
After a few words from the Earl of GLENGALL, the
clauses passed through Committee.
The Parochial Debt and Audit Bill passed through
Committee.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE laid on the table the
report of the inspectors of factories and mines.
The House then adjourned, at Half-past Eight o'clock.

`THIRD READING OF THE PAR,

THE INSURRECTION OF JUNE.
We continue the publication of these interesting docu-
ments:—

DEPOSITION OF M. JULES FAYRE (JULY 11).
I know nothing of the events of the 15th of May, beyond
having frequently spoken to M. de Lamartine of the police,
which I found very badly managed. I had wished that a
daily report should have-been made, but M. Lamartine had
confidence in M. Caussidiere, and said that he would answer
for him.
On the 26th of February I was called on to fill a secondary
post in the Ministry of the Interior. The Prefet de Police
was or should have been under my orders ; but in reality that
was an authority completely independent. I should never
have accepted that post except upon the condition that M.
Caussidiere, should not remain at the prefecture of police.
That engagement was not kept. I confess that I did wrong
to remain then in the Government. I had no power over
M. Caussidiere, but he bad one far beyond mine. His system
consisted on operating on the masses in the public streets,
when he should meet with any oposition to his views. I never
had any doubt of that.
On the 17th March, I believed that the movement was a
spontaneous one. I admired the imposing spectacle which
we then had under our eyes. On this occasion the dis-
courses of M. Ledru Rollin all leant towards conciliation,
and he himself spoke of causing the army to return to
Paris. On the following day, I knew, beyond the power of
doubt, that the whole had been prepared beforehand by the
Prefet de Police, and that, in the night, the whole of the
ateliers had been visited to forewarn and excite the work-
men. The intention might have been a good one, inasmuch
as it was suspected that the National Guard was not suffi-
ciently republican. He did the same thing in April. On
that day I thought that they really would have turned out.
On the 16th of April, the movement, though less nume-
rous than in March, was very threatening". on account of the
men who directed it, and the intentions which appeared to
actuate them. This movement was known to me eight
days before that time, and I learned that it was ori-
ginated to cause the disappearance of a portion of the
members of the Government, in the bosom of which body
difference and antipathies existed, which I have no need' to
explain. But it has not been made clear to me that on the
16th April two or three members of the Provisional Govern-
ment were desirous of creating a pressure upon their col-
leagues by means of a manifestation. As I was advertised of
the movement, I was bound to take measures. I caused M.
Carteret to come to me, and I interrogated him upon the
subject. Both to M. Carteret and to myself it was elearly
demonstrated that the Prefecture of Police did not wish to
do anything. It was then that Messrs. Landrin, Portalis,
and myself entered into pour, parler on the subject, and that
we warned the Government. I have
given in my resignation
ten times.

I have never assisted at the nocturnal councils at the Mi-
nistry of the Interior. What may have probably given rise
to this rumour is the fact, that I sometimes saw M. Ledru
Rollin in the evening after the immense labours of the day
were over. M. Carteret and myself both saw him on the
night of the 16th of April. M. Ledru Rollin gave us his
word of honour that he had nothing to do with the move-
ment. He was afraid of being carried too far by it.
In my opinion, I consider that the Government was in
fault. So far as regards M. Ledru Rollin I have never seen
anything in him beyond a lively pre-occupation upon the
position of the Republic, as the elections had not been con-
formable to the spirit exhibited at Paris.
As to Louis Blanc and Albert that is another matter al-
together. I have always believed that there was a system
of conspiracy on their part. Carteret and I demanded the
arrest of Blanqui. With them I found Louis Blanc and Al-
bert at the ministry; the former appeared much alarmed.
Ledru-Rollin said that it was him who had given the order
to beat the rappel. At the ministry I received a note from
Ledru- Rollin, dated from the Hotel de Ville, which said—
" All is calm ; the people are defiling without disorder."
After having heard that proclamation of such a nature as
to have made them seizable had been placarded, I ad-
dressed reproaches to Caussidiere, and declared to him that
I had demanded his recal. Caussidiere turned the thing
into a joke.
Generous and weak, Ledru-Rollin has been imprudent,but
never culpable; he has received men who might have com-
promised him, and who asked nothing better than to take
up arms and overturn the Government. His own ideas have
never been that way, he bad given his word of honour. In
asking the authority to prosecute everybody, something very
suspicious was done, and Ledru-Rollin did not hesitate to
add his authority to it.
As regards the attitude to be taken on the question of the
National Assembly, I thought, for my part, that it was ne-
cessary to approach the subject with well-considered projets
de lois. Messrs. Ledru Rollin and Lamartine were of a dif-
ferent opinion. The question of the composition of an exe-
cutive commission was also agitated. This formed the sub-
ject of a lively controversy, in which I maintained that this
commission ought to be a sort of compromise.
Ledru Rollin looked upon Caussidiere, being a prefet de
police in regular times as an impossibility, but that it was a
necessity in a period of revolution. He flattered himself that
he could govern him, whilst Caussidiere on his part said,
" Oh, as to Ledru Rollin, I will start him when I wish it," a
saying as absurd as it was ungrateful, after the pecuniary ser-
vices rendered to Caussidiere by Ledru Rollin, and the nomi-
nation of the former to the prefecture of police.
Caussidiere is a very artful and very dangerous man. It
was wished to dismiss him on the evening of the 15th of May,
and to cause him to be arrested; but the difficulty in doing
so was very great, by reason of the warlike preparations made
at the Prefecture of Police. He came on the night between
the 15th and 16th. I was, for my part, perfectly resolved
to overthrow him. Caussidiere spoke for twenty minutes,
and left us all in a state of uncertainty. Messrs. Arago and
Marie were the only ones who voted for his arrest. He had
always the same finesse.
I have no difficulty in acknowledging that I have drawn
up several of the circulars which have made so much noise.
I drew up the first of them, which was somewhat modified
and strengthened by M. Ledru-Rollin. It should have been
secret. The words so much criticised, "unlimited powers,"
pouvoirs illimite, were nothing more than an exact transla-
tion of the verbal instructions given from the commencement
to the commissaries. For instance, Manuel Arago conceived
that he had power, and that even extended to rasing Lyons to
the ground. The commissaries were chosen without dis-
cernment, no proper choice being made. The first comers
were taken. The circular had for its object to define
their powers at the same time that it proclaimed the
necessity of giving them a very wide range. At
I first, the first circular created little sensation. It
was only after the steps taken by the National
Guard, that the circulars were made a crime on the part of
M. Ledru-Rollin. As regards the second, it made even less
impression. It turned upon the elections. The commis-
saries were to interfere in the elections so far as laying down
doctrines went ; and I still consider that to have been neces-
sary, since it is evident that to found a Republic you must
have Republicans. As regards the bulletins, they were only
au imitation of what was done at the Convention. They
were the elementary instructions for the country places. The
Bulletin No. 16 appeared appeared on a Saturday ; it rained
but nevertheless crowds assembled to read it. It was every-
where considered to be infamous. I was confounded, and
sent immediately to the Post-office to stop the departure of
it. if there was yet time to do so. Evidently M. Ledru-
Rollin bad been taken by surprise. I wished once more to
give in my resignation. It was Elias Regnault who usually
drew up the bulletins. He, being absent that day by reason
of a family misfortune, had nothing to do with this one. It
was George Sand who drew up the famous No. 16 Bulletin.
Etienne Arago had advised Ledru-Rollin to confide to
Madame Sand the drawing up of bulletins. She had that
same morning brought to the Ministry three projeefts,hwrit-
ten in different degrees of violence. It was a sort o ance
which led to the choice of that one which would occasion the
greatest scandal in the political world.
DEPOSITION OF M. CAUSSIDIERE. _
The deposition of al. Caussidiere, made on the sth of July,
is as follows :
ure of days,p
What were the relations of Sobrier with the Prefecture of
himself Police at
?—i)
theri ngpr telfieect firstu
me. He left it to place himself at the head of the journal
L. Commune. From that day our intimacy was limited to a
few visits and some information he brought me. A period I
cannot precisely state, and in the first days Sobrier, who was
s
in communication with M. Lamartine, obtained an ord
Police,
Sobrierce,
acting came
in
concerta ncl
w it
from him for arms and ammunition. This order was brought
to me, and I transmitted it to the Ministers of the Interior
and of War. I know not what became of. the order of M.
the Prefecture of Police. At the same time, I applied for
arms and ammunition for the Prefecture of Police, which was
Lamartine. It may be found, perhaps, in the Archives of
then in want of them. On the application of .Sobrier I gave
him these men, arms, and ammunition.
What use was Sobrier to make of these arms and,ammu-
him twenty men en permanence; but at a later day I refused
nition and bow came he to have a guard when you de-
prived' him of his permanence 2—l know not how Sobrier
was to organize his service. I only obeyed orders. As to
the guard he had in the latter time, I believe it was com-
posed of men employed to carry out his jouraals and his
placards. It is possible that Sobrier received notice to
double his posts when there was to be an alert. I knew he
was very enthusiastic, and believe him to be devoted to the
Republic. I had nothing to do with the hiring of the
house in the rue de Rivoli, in which Sobrier established
himself.
Have you any knowledge of a letter addressed to you by
Sobrier when he was detained in the barracks on the 15th of
May, entreating you to procure his release?-1 never re-
ceived any such letter. lam not surprised that he should
make such an application to me, considering our ancient
connexion. Commissary Bertoglio came to me in the
evening to inform me that Sobrier was arrested. I replied,
"It is unfortunate ; let him remain." I was angry at what
had passed.
Did you not at times entertain serious apprehensions as to
Blanqui ?—I mistrusted Blanqui because, from reports made
to me, I found that be wished to mislead the Montagnards,
and make a party for himself among them. This is what
made me insist upon forming the Garde Republicaine with a
military organization. If this had been done the affair of
May 16 would not have taken place. I had some hints of a
plot to assassinate me, but nothing certain.
rhr
eaisdit
Ileeendo
passediwart
cornaosnheqa
uange
nag ichnets
oft
at
tFatl ohdteit
dispute
rueatfnee
cdnt
hed
arider
aonf
placards
ltpa coc alai ure
dse e..
Was not Flotte arrested as implicated in the events of
Rouen? What were your motives for setting him at li-
bhHei
esr t
arrest.yw ?a —s la
Can you give any details about the manifestation of April
162—My opinion is that Blanqui on that day commenced
his hostility to time Government. The reports made to me at
that period do not recur to my memory. On that day we
had no fears, for all our precautions were taken.
Were you informed of the manifestation of May 15, and
its character 2—On the 14th May I was informed that a
manifestation was to take place, but there was no disorder.
I apprised the Executive Government, the President of
the Assembly, and General Courtais ; the Minister of the
Interior was also apprised. On the morning of the 15th I
was informed that men with concealed arms were to join in
the manifestation, and that an attempt was to be made to
enter the Assembly. I communicated all this, and took all
the precautions I could, but had no force at my disposal. I
charged some men whom I knew to have a certain influence
Saturday. But their
efforts to use all their efforts to stop the procession at the Madeleine,
re e tdo d
useless
the precedinghy theß
lanqui club, which was
at their head. From this instant I could only refer to re-
ports, as I bad a luxation of the knee, which confined me to
my bed, and prevented me from taking an active part in the
repression of the manifestation.
asblrth:alt were e breee rnenadbel
111.
Caussidiere was then asked to give some explanation
as to the report of the prisoners wog had been sent to the
Prefecture being not only released but armed. He replied,
"The 78 persons arrested at Sobrier's, and who called them•
selves Montagnards, because they wore red sashes, but who
were not on my lists, were taken to the Luxembourg, with
the exception of those who were claimed by the chiefs of
armed bodies, for instance, Clement Thomas ,Auvigne, and
others. Some may have been released. I was not there.
The arrests were not all regular, and this may have been the
case with the enlargements, as I was not there to control
them. There was a distribution of arms at the Prefecture to
some Lyonnais who had cot yet been armed, and some am-
munition was distributed, as it was said that the Prefecture
was to be attacked. I did all I could to restrain the Mon-
tagnards, but I was not completely master. As I knew
that there were men among them belonging to Blanqui, I
had placed them under arms in the morning,, to prevent
their joining in any manifestrtion, and they behaved pretty

well till the evening, but then there was some effervescence
I sent Caillot and Crevat to them, and they were easily pa-
cified."
M. Caussidiere was asked if any papers had been burnt at
the Prefecture before his departure. He replied in the nega-
tive. He was then asked if be knew what motive had in-
duced Albert and Barbes to continue him as Prefect in their
arrangement of a Government. He said it was probably be-
cause they thought he filled the post with energy, but there
were men in that Government that he never would have
accepted. He was next asked whether L'Heritier de l'Ain
said, on the 16th of April, that there was an organization
quite ready, and that it had been proposed that he (Cans-
sidiere) should place himself at the head of the movement,
but that he had refused to associate himself with Blanqui
and Raspail. He replied, that he had never had any pro-
position of the kind, and did not know that an organization
was prepared.
DEPOSITIONS CONCERNING LOUIS BLANC.

Pierre Peroudet, concierge, at the No. 2, in the Rue Tait-
bout, the house in which M. Louis Blanc resided, deposed to the
fact of several workmen having called on M. Louis Blanc
from time to time, and on one occasion a man who asked if
the Barbes meeting was not held there. The concierge re-
plied in the negative, on which the man said " Is not this No.
2?" and, a reply being given in the affirmative, and that
M. Louis Blanc lived there, be said it was all right, and
went up to M. Blanc. About twelve persons were assem-
bled, and remained for two hours.
A waiter at the house in which M. Louis Blanc resided
deposed that on the 15th of May, the day of the invasion
of the National Assembly, more than sixty persons called on
M. Blanc, and that under the porte-cochere were some with
banners who joined the procession by which the invasion was
made.
Similar testimony is given in the deposition of M. Noel.
There is a deposition by M. Lacaze, a representative of the
people, as to the precise words used by M. Louis Blanc in
his address to the people at the National Assembly. His
impression, he said, was that they expressed an approbation
of the invasion.
M. Roux, another representative, deposed to the same ef-
fect.
M. Verdun, a judge at Quimper, who was at the Assembly
on the 15th of May, gave a minute account of the language
of M. Louis Blanc, which he says was very exciting, and was
enthusiastically applauded by the people. He concluded his
speech by saying that there must be a universal republic,
and that they would not lay down their arms until this was
accomplished. He cried " Vive la Republique Universelle,"
which was repeated with acclamation. Albert then joined
the people, and a flag (green, red, and white) was held out.
Louis Blanc took it, and Barbes, Albert, and Blanc, having
joined hands, placed themselves in a theatrical attitude.
They all three wrapped the flag around them, and remained
in this position for ten minutes amidst the acclamation of the
crowd.
A deposition of M. Lavasseur, Minister of the French
Republic to the Republic of Mexico, who was at the As-
sembly on the 15th of May, is nearly to the same effect
as the above.
M. Benafort, a student in medicine, also deposes to the
language of the encouragement given by M. Louis Blanc to
the invaders of the Assembly.
M. Manacle, an engineer, deposed to the precise words by
M. Louis Blanc. They made so great an impression upon
him at the time that ke wrote them on a card, which was
laid before the committee. They are—" The demonstration
of to-day is not one of those which shake, but of those which
overthrow."
There are other depositions to the same effect.
DEPOSITION OF THE ABBE SERRE, FIRST VICAR
OF ST. THOMAS D'AQUN (JULY 13).
On the 15th May, says Abbe Serre, whilst I was speaking
to M. de Fallonx, I beheld the crowd pouring into the As-
sembly. A tall man, with a bald head, who was pointed out
to me as Barbes, approached a window and sat cross-legged
upon it. Shortly after I beheld M. Louis Blanc whose
grandfather I was acquainted with, who was guillotined
under Robespierre. There was a great tumult. M. Louis
Blanc seized hold of a flag. Albert arrived. All three
wrapped themselves up in its folds, and held each other by
the hand. The exaltation was extreme, and the crowd
pressed closely into the assembly. I only knew Louis Blanc.
I was told that the two others were Barbes and Albert.

NOTE DE M. PAULIN.
Mr. Charles Bignan, horse-dealer at Neuilly-sur-Marne,
received a letter from a merchant in England, informing
him that in the month of May M. Ledru-Rollin had sent
14,0001. sterling (350,000 f.) to be invested is the English
funds.—M. Bignan, Paris, Rue de Grammont, 17. (Signed)
Paulin, .Ex-Colonel of the Sapeurs-Pomiers.
(To be continued.)

estimation in which ➢lr. Stephenson was held. The solemn
funeral service was read by the Rev. A. Poole, B.A. The
body was interred in the family vault, within the communion
rails. On the plate was the following inscription :--" George
Stephenson, of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, died at Tapton House,
Aug. 12, 1848, aged 68 years."—Derbyshire Courier.