The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-31 00:00:00

ntOriti .g iwn

LONDON, SATURDAY. JANUARY 31, 1846.

We would beg to draw the particular attention of our
readers to a letter from Mr. COBDEN to the tenant
farmers of England, which appears in another column.
As the record of the deliberate opinion of "ors who
has sprung from their own ranks," it is entitled to their
most mature consideration. As the opinion of the first
political economist of the day, it is entitled to the at-
tentive consideration of ail philosophical (as
contra-distinguished from party) politicians, and as the
opinion of one of thcon political philosophers who,
cording to the a'hnission of Sir ROBERT PEEL himself,
was three years ago right, when be, the Prime Minister
of the country, was wrong, more especially is it entitled
to the consideration of the Minister, who, by his own
showing, is three years behind Mr. COBDEN. Out
of consideration to the tenant farmers themselves, he
advocates an immediate, in preference to a gradual,
repeal of the corn-laws, and argues that the present mo-
ment, when there is a scarcity over the whole continent
of Europe, is the time of all others when the corn-laws
can be repealed without even temporary inconvenience
to the British farmer. "I ;" says Mr. COBDEN, "you
should be induced to concur in its views, you will avoid
the only danger to which, in my opinion, the farmers
were ever exposed from the repeal of the corn-law—
that of the transition state. From the first I have
always entertained and expressed the conviction that
free trade, far from permanently injuring the farmers,
would ultimately tend to their prosperity and independ-
ence. I never disguised from myself, however, the
temporary evils to which they might be exposed in the
change. But let us unite in seizing the present opportu-
nity, and the triumph of sound principles may be
achieved without the bitter ingredients of one particle
of injury to any class or individual. From the most
exalted personage in the realm down to the humblest
peasant, all may witness, with unalloyed pleasure, one
of the greatest victories ever achieved ever past preju-
dice and ignorance, whilst each class may derive pecu-
liar gratification at the close of our long domestic
struggle. The SOVEREIGN may gkry that her reign
was reserved for the era of a commercial reforma-
tion, more pregnant in its beneficial consequences to the
destinies of mankind than all the wars of her illustrious
ancestors ; the landed aristocracy viii see in the con-
summation of our labours, an opening for the resumption
of their social influence based upon the only sure foun-
dation—the respect and confidence of the people ;
to the middle and industrious classes will be presented a
constantly widening field for the employment of their
peaceful energies, together with greater means and more
leisure for that moral amelioration which, I trust, will
accompany their improved physical condition."

The aristocracy, tinder almost every form of govern-
ment, and in all ages, have claimed for their order pecia•
iar privileges, honours, as well as exemptions from taxes
and duties imposed upon the rest of the cemmunity. The
only exceptions, perhaps, have been in republic-, and
these for a limited period. When the ruling, the wealthy,
end what may be called the official party, became strong
and brought the plebeians under their power, they,
agreeably to the propensities of human nature, began to
ake care of themselves, to throw all the heavy burdens
upon the vulgar, and those who could not resist
their authority, and to cover their selfish pur-
poses and unmerited privileges under the pretence
that in some great emergency they had rescued the State
from the brink of ruin, and that no honours or rewards
could be too great for the saviours of their country.
The ;barons of England claimed great merit in this
respect, but all they did was to humble the Exec,
and increase their own power, if we except some
trifling advantages which they claimed for all
classes, but which they rarely afterwards en
forced. Self•interest was the prime mover—self-
interest regulated their future conduct ; they raised
themselves to the rank of demi-gods, disdained to take
oatha like other people, because their word of
honour was stronger than the oath of plebeians ;
they would be tried for flagrant crimes only by
men of the same rank, who had an interest
in screening a compeer:; declared their honours and
their judicial and senatorial rights perpetual, and for
one tax which they laid upon themselves they laid
twenty on the rest of their fellow-subjects. In France
these principles were carried to a still greater extent
even than in England, solely because the middle classes
were more depressed, and, consequently, less able to
resist their unjust pretensions. Like madmen, the nobles
thought the power of their order would last for ever;
they had embarked with them in the same system of
oppression all the high dignitaries of the Church, and
in time the whole of the clergy. Religion and the
sword ruled the destinies of the country, till,
some sixty years ago, the people, indignant at such
mockery of justice and abuse of the sacred truths of the
Gospel, burst forth like a volcano, and swept the united
race from the face of the country. What has been the
result? During all the revolutions which France has
undergone the crimes of the nobility and clergy have
never been forgotten or forgiven; they have been re-
garded as outcasts, and even to the present day the
stigma still adheres to both orders. The iron reign
of NAPOLEON made an outward change : nobility was
made hereditary, and the Church, to a certain extent,
was raised from its low and deplorable condition; but
when the hand of the despot was removed, and the
influence of foreign powers which crushed the national
voice, it again broke forth, and demanded that
the Peers should enjcy no rights inconsistent
with those of the people. The hereditary peerage was
abolished, the KING was restricted even in the creation
of temporary Peers, and all classes became alike sub-
ject to taxes. The great revolution led mainly to this
result, but the second, called that of July, completed
the work. Would it not be prudent for the Peers of
England to take a lesson from their neighbours and be
wise in time ? Why should the possessors of land have
any exclusive prieileges, and why should the great body
of the people be enormously taxed for the benefit of
one class?—for amid all the arguments of the monopo-
lists the main argument is, that the abolition of the corn-
laws will reduce their incomes. The fact has been inad-
sertently admitted by the most strenuousadvocates of the
obnoxious impost, and all rational men know that the
interests of the tenants and their labourers have no•
thing to do with the question, that these classes are
brought in as ignorant auxiliaries and that the rent-roll
guides the whole movement. The discerning public
cannot be deceived by such shallow pretences, and the
Peers, for they are the prime instigators in the affair,
will yet find that by persevering in their opposition they
will only excite further investigations, and that the
offers of the Duke of RICHMOND and Lord BEAUMONT
will be accepted by Mr. COBDEN and Mr. HUME. The
former has repeatedly attempted in vain to
ascertain, by means of a Committee, the real amount of
burdens on land. His request cannot now be denied with
a good grace; and while the new tariff for corn con-
tinues in operation, there will be ample time to
carry the inquiry into full effect. But an inquiry
into the burdens alone will not do. The exemptions can-
not be omitted. There must be a balance-sheet, and the
legacy duty alone will throw a vast weight into the scale
against the landlord. That
xenormousexcept
and
those
unjust
whoare
universally reprobated by e
exempted from
its operations. It is calculated
that, periodlo4oina
nA not exceeding
the span
usually allotted to hum= life, the whole