The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-24 00:00:00

THE EITYN; LOINT1)0141;- TUESDAY MORNI

vete enterprise was dead; and until they establish good order
upon solid foundations, without having recourse to extraor-
dinary power, they never could succeed. He saw nothing in
the measures proposed by the Government to inspire him
with a rational hope that they would be enabled to establish
good order without recourse to extraordinary measures.
While a disposition on the part of the people to thwart the
law remained, Coercion Bills were useless. This disposition
must be changed, and it never would be changed by Coercion
Bills. Like a dram to the drunkard, they afforded a tem-
porary relief, but they increased permanently the disease.
The experiment of coercion had been tried and failed, and
they must now consider the root of the evil, and endeavour
to effect a reconciliation between the people and their rulers.
The task was difficult, but not impossible. They had to
efface the recollections of the past, and to convince the people
that their rulers were abie and willing to serve them, and
that the law existed for their benefit. At present the law
was inadequate to secure to the poor man his rights, more
particularly as related to the tenure and occupation of
land. Injustice towards the poor man might take
place under the present law. The statement with re-
gard to ejectments said to have taken place recently in Ros
common might be inaccurate ; but it could not be denied
that in Ireland the clearance of estates had gone on in a
manner contrary to justice and humanity. It was disgrace-
ful to the law that such things should be possible. Im-
provements on estates were made in Ireland not only by the
landlord, but by the tenant ; and it had happened that
when a tenant had, by his industry, improved the value of
his holding, he had been turned out by his landlord. These
things must produce heartburnings. Then, where the land
was sub-let, although the cultivator might have paid his
rent, yet, if his superior had not paid the rent to the head
landlord, he was liable to have his crop seized. The law was
the same in England, but in England sub-letting did not
exist, and therefore the evil, practically, was confined to Ire-
land. This law gave i ise to many cases of cruel injustice, but
no redress could be obtained. The first step they should take
should be to amend this state of the law. The subject was
one of great difficulty, and that difficulty had been aug-
mented by the conduct of the Goverment, in inducing Mr.
S. CRAWFORD to withdraw his Bill on fixity of tenure, on
the promise that the Government would consider the subject ;
and in issuing the Devon Commission, an imprudent, unne-
cessary, and dangerous step, inasmuch as it created expec-
tations in the minds of the peasantry which could not be
realised, and which was followed by an impotent and abor••
tive measure, which was produced only to be abandoned.
He did not charge the Government with having acted thus
merely to stave off a difficult question, but he did accuse
them of an unpardonable imprudence. They must deal with
this question not in the spirit of real property lawyers, but
of statesmen ; and a large and a real reform of the law
must take place. But it would not be enough to amend
the law, they must look to thespirit of its administration. In
order, therefore, to make the law obeyed, they must gain the
affections of the Irish people. Men's hearts could not be
gained by force—they might be won back, they could not be
compelled back. Repeal, he admitted, it aas impossible to
grant—no one would more firmly oppose repeal than him-
self; but he was convinced that there never was such an agi-
tation as that for Repeal, which had not its foun-
dation in some real grievance, and the removal of
the grievance would put an end to the agitation. 1
Do for Ireland all that an Irish Parliament could do for her, '
and they might depend upon it the experiment would be at-
tended with the happiest results. He now came to the sub.
ject of the Church. Let them remember that they had de-
voted to the use of a minority those church endowments
which had been intended for the benefit of the whole
nation. He was aware of the difficulty of the ques-
tio❑ ; but it was one which could not be
avoided or eluded, and must be grappled with.
The income of the church was 600,0001. a-year, and was
devoted exclusively to the religious instruction of about
700,000 people . and, in addition to this, since the union,
595,0001. had been voted to the Protestant Church—a
church consisting almost exclusively of the wealthy classes,
while the Catholics, the larger majority of the popu-
lation, and at the same time the most destitute,
had received no assistance whatever, except the miser-
able paltry grant for the: education of the clergy.
During a century and a half the Protestant Church had only
been known, to the Irish people as the cause of oppression
and misery. Nothing could have been more unjust or
atrocious than the tithe system—a system which, notwith-
standing the indignant remonstances of GRATTAN, had been
continued without alteration until the people, by resolutely
refusing payment, had taken the matter into their own hands.
and forced some" sort of reform. The welfare of the people of
Ireland was sacrificed to the pecuniary interests of the Church.
Could they be astonished that the Irish people regarded the
existence of this Establishment as something incompatible
with their well-being? He had heard a Catholic Member of
the other House declare, that if they were determined to
refuse any alteration in the Church Establishment, they
must give up all hopes of governing Ireland except
by military force; and he felt that if he were in
his Noble Friend's situation, such would be his sentiments.
He insisted upon the principle of perfect equality between
Catholics and Protestant. It bad been proposed to devote

the whole revenues of the Church to secular education.
He should be sorry to see such a plan adopted, although it
would be better than the present system. It had also been
proposed by one, whose memory he reverenced more than
any men of modern times, Dr. ARNOLD, that the Catholic
should be the Established Church of Ireland, but he doubted
whether such a plan ought to be adopted. It was also pro-
posed that no tax should be levied upon land for the main-
tenance of the Catholic Church, that was good as a part, but
not as the whole of a plan. He thought that as a portion
of the Protestant revenues fell in, they ought to be devoted
to the purposes of the Catholic Church, and he believed that
if it was given to that Church in a proper manner it
would be accepted readily enough. Formerly they
might have obtained some control ever the clergy,
now it would be madness to attempt it—neither
would be accepted a direct payment to the clergy,
but he believed they would accept a grant made to them in.
one sum, to be administered by Catholic authorities. If they
endowed one Church they must endow both, and they must ac-
knowledge the Catholic hierarchy, and give them their proper
position in society. So far did he carry things, that he should
wish to see the Catholic prelates taking their seats in that House
He knew that great prejudices existed on this subject, but he
trusted the Noble Lords opposite, taking example by 1829

and 1846, would not again-act the parts they did in 1825 and
1841, and by pandering to those prejudices for a third time,
put themselves in a false position.
The Duke of WELLINGTON denied that the granting the
Devon Commission in any manner pledged the Govern-
ment to the doctrine of fixity of tenure. Considering
that the abject of the Noble Earl was to found
upon this address a series of measures for the extinction of
the Established Church in Ireland, he felt bound to oppose the
motion. The maintenance of the Church of England in
Ireland was made an object of compact in the Act of Union.
It was the foundation of the union, and to destroy the
Church would be tending towards the repeal of the union,
which the Noble Earl was desirous of maintaining.
Undoubtedly it was their duty to legislate for the benefit of
Ireland, and he must say that Parliament bad done its duty
on the subject. There never was a country which had so ad-
vanced in prosperity as Ireland had since the Union. It was
true there was great poverty in Ireland, as there was in
other countries, but 'lreland was also prosperous, and
was setting an example to other countries at this
moment of constructing railroads at the expense of private
capitalists, which was done in no other country except Eng-
land and Ireland. The Noble Earl was mistaken in his
idea of the dislike entertained by the people of Ireland to-
wards the Established Church. These portions of the Catholic
oath relating to the maintenance of the Established Church
were inserted at the petition of the Catholics themselves.
Now, it was not probable that there should be a
total change of sentiment on that subject.
He thought the most ample concessions would not put an
end to the cause of the mischief, which was the perpetual
agitation for the repeal of the Union. There was no conces-
sion that could be nude which would not be followed by ad-
ditional agitation and additional discontent. Such
was the case in 1829, when on the granting of
emancipation the great agitator commenced agitating
for a repeal of the tithes, church rates, and the union.
And the Marquis of WELLESLEY, who was Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland, had, in 1831, distinctly stated that agitation and
agrarian outrage invariably accompanied each other as
cause and effect, and as sure as they were to grant the mo-
tion of the Noble Earl, so sure would agitation recom-
mence for some new object. There was some cessation frem
agitation in 1835 and 1836, owing, as it was supposed, to
some arrangement made in London ; but in 1837 agitation
recommenced, and in 1840, 1841, and 1842, the monster
meetings were held, until in 1843 they were put down by
proclamation. During these years the Tithe Bill and
Corporation Bill were passed, and Parliament acted
as if it were an Irish Parliament. The Noble
Duke then enlarged upon the merits of the Church
as a religious establishment, affording universal instruction,
universal toleration and religious peace—advantges which he
hoped their Lordships would not risk by adopting such a
measure as that proposed by the Noble Earl.
Earl FoaTES(L'E supported the motion. lie had given a
reluctant assent to the Coercion Bill of the Government, and
in order to prevent the necessity of being obliged again to
have recourse to such a severe measure, he felt bound to
support the present motion.
Their Lordships were subsequently addressed by Earl
FITZWILLIAM, Lord BROUGHAM, Marquis of LONDONDER Y,
and Earl ST. GERMANS. - . .

On a division, there appeared for the motion, 17 ; against
61 ; majority, 44.
Their Lordships adjourned at half-past Twelve.

The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.
Several railway Bills were read a second time and ordered
to be committed.
Mr. VIVIAN moved the second reading of the South Wales
Railway Bill.
Captain BERKELEY moved, as an amendment, that the Bill
be read a second time that day three months. He objected
to the railway crossing the river Severn by a bridge, and he
was sure the Admiralty would object to a tunnel.
Mr. RUSSELL said it was not the intention that the South
Wales Railway should cross the Severn by a bridge, that
they intended to do so by a tunnel, and that the adoption
of that plan was consented to by the Admiralty.
After this statement the amendment was withdrawn, and
the Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed.
On the motion for the second reading of the Midland Mil-
way (Oakharn Canal purchase) Bill, some discussion took
place on the amendment of Mr. PACKE, that the Bill be read
a second time that day six months, which ended in the mo-
tion being withdrawn, and the Bill being read a second time,
and ordered to be committed.
After a short discussion, Mr. MustTz withdrew his motion,
that the minutes of evidence taken before the Sub-Committee
on the petition for the West Riding Union Railway Bill, be
referred to the Committee on the petition for the West
Riding Union Railway Bill presented on the 10th inst.
Lord WORSLEY moved, pursuant to notice, that it be an
instruction to the Committee on Group No. 9 of Railways
to proceed with the consideration of the Glasgow Harbour
Grand Junction Railway Terminus Bill.
After some discussion the motion was withdrawn.
amalgamationMr
ofafr; then moved for a Select Committee to
considerW W.
how
commercialY
railways
sunder what regulation,. the further
would be
interests consistent
of
ficountry.
re-
Sir G. CLERK was a du
gard to the e
and
general
not
appointment
tfthe Committee.
inclined to throw any objection in
the way of the
Mr.
F. BARING, though heo
would
Com-
mittee, thought the best course was
not oppose the Corn-
as to throw the onus upon
the Government, as he was convinced that was the only way
to ensure effectual legislation.
Sir R. PEEL was assured that the House would find
some
dificulty in adopting the proposition for the Committee with-
out some modification, because they had already consented
to the appointment of a Committee on the m •
otion of the
Hon. Member for Inverness. Unless some distinct line was
drawn between that Committee and the one now proposed,
he was assured the greatest confusion would take place.
After some discussion, in which Mr. Fox MAULE, Lord
EBRINGTON, Mr. HODGSON HINDE, Sir GEORGE GREY, and
Mr. PAKLNGTON took part,
Mr. P. M. STEWART suggested that a Group should be
appointed to consider the -amalgamation Bills alone ; the
Group to consist of five members. He believed by the adop-
tion of that course the hest results would be effected.
After some further discussion, in which Mr. MORRISON,
Mr. LABOUCHERE, Mr. T. DUNCOMBE, the CHANCELLOR of
the EXCHEQUEZ, and Mr. HustE, took part,
nr, rArrvi og4 tbat had 31,1tereci Wo mai" in a

way that he trusted would meet with-the approbation of the
House. He now proposed to move for a Select Committee
to inquire into the principle of of amalgamation of the
Railway and Canal Bills now under the consideration of
Parliament.

The original motion was then withdrawn, and the
amended one agreed to.
Mr. llusix asked the Noble Lord, the Secretary of the
Board of Control, whether any dispatches had been re-
ceived by the Government, relative to the statements
that had appeared in the papers in Paris, with respect to
India • and. also, whether any attempts had been made by
the dovernment to establish an overland post for India
through Trieste.
Lord JOCELYN said that the mail had not arrived,
and no dispatches had been received. As to the
rumours in the Paris papers—the mail was not ex-
pected to arrive before to-morrow. With respect to the
other question, it was under the consideration of the Go-
vernment.

Sir R. PEEL said that the telegraphic message which had
appeared in the drench papers had been communicated to her
MAJESTY'S Minister in Paris, and there was, therefore, every
reason to believe it was correct.

Lord PALMERSTON wished to put a question, of which he
had given notice, to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
the Government, relative to the state of the relations with
this country and Buenos Ayres. He wished to know whe-
ther this country was at war with Buenos Ayres or not; and
if not, whether the acts that bad been committed in the
River Plate had been approved of by the Government.
Sir R. PEEL said that it had been with great reluctance
that her Majesty's Government had contented to any inter-
ference of a forcible nature with Buenos Ayres and
Monte Video. Notwithstanding what had taken place, he
considered that this country were not at war; there had
been no declaration of war; there was, it was true, a
blockade ordered of certain ports in the River Plate,
but he did not consider that that necessarily im-
plied a state of war. With respect to the ques-
tion, whether the operations of a hostile character
had received the previous sanction of the Government, all
he bad to say was, that no other instructions than those
already laid on the table had been sent out. The expedition
that had taken place up the River Parana, had not been con-
templated by the Government.
Upon the question of the second reading of the Corn Im-
portation Bill, petitions were presented in favour of the mea-
sure by Mr. Sharman Crawford, Sir R. Peel, arid Mr. Etwall.
Several petitions were also presented against it.
Upon the question that the Bill be now read a second
time,

Mr. E. YORKE opposed the proposition, and moved that
the Bill be read a second time that day six months. He
trusted that every means that Parliament allowed would be
adopted to defeat this measure.

Sir J. Y. Buller, Mr. Paeke, Mr. Cholmondeley, and Sir R.
Inglis, supported the amendment; and
Mr. M'Geachy, Mr. F. Maule, Mr. G. Vernon, Captain
Berkeley, and Mr. Childers, spoke in favour of the Bill.
On the motion of Lord POLLINGTON, the debate was ad-
journed till to-morrow.

The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned.

The telegraphic dispatch from Marseilles, which ap-
pears in another part of The Sun, will afford great satis-
faction to the public. The intelligence from the Punjaub
and the British army on the banks of the Sutlej, has
ever since the arrival of the last mail been anxiously
expected, partly on account of the desperate resistance
anticipated on the part of the Seikhs, the dreadful loss
of life in the late battles, the report of the defeat of the
division under Sir HENRY SMITH, at Loodianab, and the
total uncertainty as to the plans of the Governor-Gene-
1. All this anxiety has been completely removed by
favourable news just received. According to the
statements in some of the Indian papers, Sir HENRY
SMITH, on the 21st, moved his brigade up the
Sutlej, driving the enemy before him, when he
came upon one of their fortified positions which fired
grape shot among the British troops. Some of the na-
tive regiments, it was said, threw down their arms,
while another account stated they had gone over to the
Seikhs, and left the battle to two European regiments,
and the commander of the division under such circum-
stances withdrew his troops. The Agra Uhbar called
this retirement a defeat, and the rumour of the defeat in-
creased in strength on its way to Bombay. We at-
tached no credit whatever to the report, partly from the
manner in which it was given, and from a full conriction
of the loyalty of the Sepoys so remarkably displayed
on the 21st and 22d of December. We
were correct in the view taken of this af-
fair. Not the slightest allusion is made to it
in the French telegraphic dispatch, and had there bee❑
any details unfavourable, we may take it for granted
that they would not have been omitted. On the con-
trary, it is admitted that a great victory has been ob-
tained by this very division, that the Seikhs, at a place
called Alivert (near the bridge over the river at Pliiloor,
we presume, though it is not given in the best maps),
were driven/across the Sutlej, leaving behind them al
their artillery, and losing a great number of their
troops. We have here only another proof that this law-
less horde of robbers, who are said to be disciplined,
cannot stand before regular troops, and that a few Bri•
tish regiments, supported by the brave Sepoys, can put
twice their number to flight whenever they come fairly
into contact. The result, as well as the dispatch altogether,
affords great ground of satisfaction with regard to future
operations. The battle took place on the 29th of
January, more than five weeks after the victories at
Moodkee and Feroaeshah, thereby showing that Sir
HENRY HARDINGE is resolved not to commence the in-
vasion of the Punjaub till he has his whole force con-
centrated, and till Sir CHARLES NAPIER has reached
the scene of warfare. He is evidently maturing his
plans, and making preparations for taking vengeance in
a manner that cannot be mistaken for this wanton,
cruel, and unexpected attack upon peaceable neigh-
bours. Looking, therefore, at the present position of
affairs, at the large force under his command, the strong
batteries forming, and the powerful Sinde division under
its gallant leader, we may, therefore, anticipate by the
next mail the most important and favourable intel-
ligence.

Our columns of Saturday contained the report of the
case of "Woo Latex and others a. TOBY," which illustrates
most forcibly the proverbial uncertainty of the law, and
promises a geodly crop of litigation ; so that, if the
numerous schemes which came before the public in the
course of the last autumn did not prove very profitable
to the parties embarking therein, there is at least every
prospect of their doing so to the gentlemen of the long
robe. It has been the first attempt to recover, by legal
process, the deposit on shares allotted in pursuance of
a letter of application, and seems to be in direct oppo-
sition to the principle of the case of HODGSON V. SPOTTIS-
WOODE, some:few weeks since reported in our columns.
The present case was an action by the directors of the
Direct Exeter and Plymouth Railway Company against
a gentleman to whom forty shares had been allotted ;
it appeared that his application was made on the 13th of
October, and that the allotment was not made until the
15th of December, mow than two months afterwards,
and long subsequent to the occurrence of the panic,
which nipped so many promising schemes in the bud.
Shortly after the date of the letter of allotment a new
circular is issued, calling upon the allottees to pay a sum
of three shillings per share on the amount of their re-
spective shares, on which they would be indemnified from
all further liability thereon.
All the elements of the former case of HODG•
SCN V. SPOTTISWOODE, in which the allottee was
held entitled to recover back from a member
of the committee of management the entire sum paid
by her as deposit, where the scheme was not carried into
execution, existed in the present one. There had been
a change in the committee of management, two gentle.
men having retired subsequent to the application, and
Previous to the allotment the full number of the shares
had not been allotted, no scrip was ever issued, no share
was in existence, and yet the defendant has been held
liable to pay the full amount of the deposit claimed,
21. 12s. 6d. per share, when three shillings only was
demanded from him, and which sum he can of course on
the authority of HODGSON V. SPOTTISWOOIDE recover
back from the company (with costs) when paid.
We cannot believe it possible that this ver-
dict can be allowed to stand, that this litigation
in a circle can be continued. To what extent
can the doctrine be carried? If once it is at all recog-
nised, we shall have the projectors of the numerous
defunct schemes turning with new vigour upon the
various allottees ; persons, who had the shares come out
at a premium, or had the undertaking proved a prosperous
one, would probably never have had an answer to their
applications, and whose request was complied with at
the twelfth hour, will now be compelled to share in the
amount of the expenses (in many instances most reck-
lessly) incurred. We did not at that time see allotments of
500 or 1,000 shares to the solicitor, or secretary, or others
of the earlier promoters. No, the public indeed get tie full
benefit of the scheme such as it was, and we may, per-
haps, yet see promoters of bubble schemes realising a
considerable profit to themselves and their friends out
of lines which it was never contemplated should be
carried further than the allotment of the shares. We
sincerely trust that a satisfactory conclusion may be
come to, and that the decision of the full Court, de-
liberately arrived at after solemn argument, and not
with the hurry which inevitably attends all nisi prius
decisions, will settle the law on this interesting and
important question.

As we have so repeatedly taken occasion to comment
upon the general character which the great commercial
revolution of 1846 will obtain in history, and the con-
sequent blessings which it will entail upon posterity,
any additional observations may at first sight appear
somewhat superfluous. Scarcely anything indeed should
induce us to recapitulate our sentiments upon this extra-
ordinary epoch. Certainly, nothing of an ordinary
kind could persuade us to utter once more those
generalised views upon the free-trade victory
entertained by ourselves, and with which our readers
must be now tolerably well acquainted. Nevertheless,
$ is impossible to avoid euzue itllusiqh, however momeu.

tarp, to the expressions employed by a Contemporary,
when analysing the present " State of Parties." Those
expressions are so terse, so happily grouped, so discri-
minating, and so suggestive of thoughts to the peruser.
Our epithets bear reference to a paper published in the
recant number of the Westminster Review, and, if
merely in commemoration for the twentieth or
the hundredth time of men whose mea-
sures have rendered them for ever illustrious,
or, if simply as illustrative of much candour in a political
essayist, some especial mention of that disquisition ap-
peared to us as absolutely necessary. Never did a no-
bler theme for the philosopher present itself than the an-
nihilation of all restrictions upon commerce, viewing that
annihilation (the commencement of which will date from
the opening of the present session), as generative of a
principle, to quote the language used by Mr. COBDEN
on January 17, " which shall act on the moral world as
the law of gravitation in the universe; drawing men to-
gether, thrusting aside the antagonism of race, and creed
and language, and unitingus in the bonds of eternal peace."
This is the most correct, as it is the most stupendous,
aspect of free trade and its effects upon after genera-
tions ; and, considering the matter precisely in this
aspect, the time, the words, and the men leading to its
realisation, are surely not altogether unworthy of scru-
tiny and of a repetition of scrutiny. "We have
opened another page of human history," says the
Westminster Review ; " with the new year we see
the inauguration of a change in the policy of nations,
the greatest perhaps oa record ; a change differing
from all the occurrences of the past, and, as it will be
seen in the future, momentous in its results. At length,
and for the first time, in a bond-fide sense, we abandon
the principle of aggression and retaliation. A moral
revolution is accomplishing. In the present state of
parties we see signs of the progress of opinion, as incon-
testable and as marvellous as a direct revelation of the
Divine will. A great victory has been won ;
but when we look back upon the obstacles over-
come, old-world traditions, class-privileges, public
apathy, the impression made upon the mind is
one less of exultation than the thankfulness of devo-
tional feeling." The consequences to be deduced by
time from the operation of the Ministerial measures
are not in this paragraph over-estimated or exaggerated
to a single tittle—no, not one jot. Not only is the pre-
sent a great " moral revolution," but it is, without
the most shadowy question, the greatest moral revolu-
tion (strictly of human origin) which has hitherto
transpired in the records of the most remote or the
most civilised nations. As the French revolution,
par excellence; was nurtured in a loathing for bodily sub
jection, and matured from a sheer concupiscence of
cruelty and lust and power, so has this revolution against
a vile system of monopoly, by which incalculable evils
have been showered upon our forefathers and upon our-
selves, germinated in an instinctive reverence for the
laws of nature, and the precepts of OMNIPOTENCE ; and
been conducted to its present prosperous issue by a zealous
love of justice and brotherhood amongst mankind.
What MIRABEAU and FoUQUIER TINVILLE and
DANTON, were to the former half-glorious, but wholly
diabolical revolution, COBDEN, and BRIGHT, and
VILLIERS have been to a glorious, and a beneficent re-
volution. Nobly have they deserved of their fellow-
countrymen, and nobly will they be eulogised as worthy
instruments to a grand end, by after times. In the
panegyric upon RICHARD COBDEN, at page 226 of the
Review, and which our readers may remember, as
transcribed a few days since in our columns, we
recognise one gleam of the honour which will be coupled
with his name in future ages. And this, because the
principles, towards the acknowledgment and acceptation
of which his energies have been in such a remarkable
degree conducive, are, in the strictest sense of the word,
cosmopolitan. Of Sir ROBERT PEEL, whose name, from
circumstances partially fortuitous and partially neces-
sary, will be mainly and illustriously identified with the
triumph of free-trade, our reviewer speaks, if possible,
with double emphasis and with double propriety.
" Sir ROBERT PEEL stands upon high ground. His
present measures are wholly free from the imputation of
party tactics. As a Minister he gains nothing and risks
everything, by his determination to carry out a prin-
ciple. He knows that, to attain that one object, he
alienates friends and creates enemies, who may at any
moment combine with his old opponents against him.
To see this without recognising honesty of inten-
tion (now at least, if not before), and moral
courage sustainirg that honesty of intention, would
be to convict ourselves of moral blindness." " Pos-
terity will not occupy itself with the vascillations and
defects of the present generation of statesmen. It will
remember, as we remember of the past, great names
only as connected with great deeds ; and the greatest
achievement of this age is that which destroys the 'feed
power' of a banded oligarchy, breaks up monopolies, and
proclaims the rights of peaceful industry. With this
the name of Sir ROBERT PEEL must now be inseparably
connected, and it is a great honour ; there can be no
higher reward for personal ambition."
In the utmost limit of these expressions the vast bulk
of Englishmen now living and yet unborn will ae-
quieece ;—a thought pregnant with incitement to one
labouring for a great achievement amidst the debris of
many gigantic factions, and fraught with consolation to
one subjected to incessant vituperations! It is in this utter
dismemberment and assimilation of parties that one of the
chief benefits of the movement consists. " There can be
no more exclusively Tory or exclusively Whig Cabinets,"
says the reviewer; this is an inference too manifestly
correct to require the authority of further argument;
and in its veracity is centred the welfare of future
millions. It is in the consideration of the character of
Lord PALMERSTON that we cannot induce ourselves for
a single moment to coincide with the Westminster
Review, otherwise its strictures are dictated with much
discrimination and impartiality. The fact of the vic-
tory, however, will constitute its noblest history; the
enumeration of those statesmen who have shared in its
achievement will form their truest, and surest, and most
imperishable eulogium.

Accounts from Madrid of the 16th announce the for-
mation of a new Ministry. NARVAEZ, it is thus seen,
constructs a Cabinet with wonderful dispatch. On the
12th MIRAYLORES and his temporary colleazues were
told they were no longer wanted, and three days after
their places were supplied from a list most probably
drawn up before their dismissal. Of this new Cabinet
NARVAEZ is the chief and at the same time acts as Mi-
nister for Foreign Affairs. Senor ORLANDO, a devoted
adherent of the Captain- General, is Minister of Finance,
Burtoos, who filled that department in the reign of FER-
DINAND, succeeds ISTURITZ as Minister of the Interior,
D'EGANA, formerly editor of the Correo National, is ap-
pointed Minister of Grace and Justice, and General
PENZITELA, a Carlist, Minister of the Marine. All the
members of ROSA'S Cabinet aro excluded, and NARVAEZ
has so far attained his objeot.
On the 14th the Three per Cents. closed at 29 for
cash, and 28 15-16 for the SOth of April ; the Five per
Cents. at 21 for cash, and 21i for the 30th of April ;
the shares of the Bank of San Fernando, 255 ; ditto of
Isabel, 168, &c.

In the French Chamber of Peers the discussion on the
Secret Service Money Bill was brought to a close on
Friday evening, and on a division the numbers were for
the Bill 106, against i t 22; majority for Ministers 84. Thi-
speech of VICTOR HUGO, on the Polish insurrection,
was listened to with great attention, and is much praised
for its noble sentiments, as well as moderation. " Two
nations," he said, " for the last four centuries, had
played a disinterested part in European civilisation—
France and Poland. The former had shed light on all
sides; the latter bad kept back the incursions of barbarism.
France had been the missionary of civilisation, and
Poland its knight-errant. When a people had done
well to humanity, it resembled a man who has done
good service to his fellow-men. Gratitude was due to it ;
and if, in the course of time, it by chance fell away from
its lofty position, it still remained surrounded with that
halo of glory which memory shed around it 1 Such was
the case with Poland 1 She was still great and noble,
notwithstanding her partition. And why was she so?
Because she had bean always most useful to European
civilisation—because she had bravely defended it when
threatened eighty years back; when she was struck from
the list of nations, a universal regret was manifested.
The remorse of FREDERICK was caused by his having
mutilated that kingdom, and the regret of NAPOLEON by
not having restored it to its former rank. lie (M. V.
lItico) was not one of those who counselled an European
conflagration. Writers, thinkers, philosophers, were
men of peace. If he raised his voice at present in favour
of this unfortunate nation, it was not to urge ether na-
tions to war, but to protest against the late attack on
Europa!' civilisation. He could see nothing more odi-
ously inimical to peace and civilisation than the fact of the
Austrian Government having excited the lower classt s in
Gallicia against the nobles. What, then, was it he asked
from the Chamber? Not to furnish fleets, or armies,
or wealth, but to nobly put forward their great moral
ascendancy. A protest ought to proceed from that as-
sembly—the tribune where he stood ought not to remain
mute ! What he demanded was a moral intervention—
that their voices should reach abroad, and that this truth
should be heard—that a nation could not be effaced with
impunity from the map of the world. In such a mani-
festation every party could join. The influence of
France was great. France had inherited the power of
Rome in the middle sips, and possessed at present the

GI MARCH 24, LAI,

same authority in civilisation as Rome had dens in re•
ligious matters I Let, then, France speak, and much
would be done ! That was the intervention which he
demanded, and the Chamber might rest satisfied that it
would be of powerful effect." These sentiments were
loudly cheered. On Saturday, in the Chamber of Depu-
ties, General JACQUZMINOT brought forward a
motion to increase the number of officers in
the National Guard of the Seine, when M. ODILON
BARROT took the opportunity of blaming the Government
for disbanding the National Guards in several of the
provincial towns. The motion of General JACQUZININOT,

it was understood, would be carried. The following dis-
patch, received by the French Government, brings news
from Algiers up to the 16th instant. It will be seen
from it that ARD EL-KADER has again escaped from his
pursuers, probably to surprise them in some other
quarter:—
" PintrIGNAN, MAncit. lB.—The Montezuma, which left
Algiers the day before yesterday, arrived to-day at Port
Vendre. General De Bar writes to me from Algiers on the
16th. On the 7th Colonel Crmon retook from Abd- el-
Kader, on the south of Bugler, the booty he had carried otr
from our allies. General Jussef attacked the Emir on the
13, eighteen leagues to the south of Zahzz, and captured his
baggage and mules, which were en their way to Boucads.
Abd-el-Kader saved himself with great difficulty. Lieutenant
Lacoste and the interpreter Levy were rescued, both severely
wounded. Marshal Bugeaud was expected at Algiers on the
17th or 18th.'

We regret to find that on Saturday a fatal railway
accident occurred on the Paris and Rouen line. A
special train, which left Paris on Saturday morning,
with the Government Commissioners sent to inspect the
Fortifications at Havre, ran against a diligence mounted
on a truck, which had been carelessly left on the rails.
The diligence, which contained twenty-two pasengers,

was completely destroyed ; three persona in it were
killed and four wounded.
We have accounts from Berne to the 16th inst. The
Constituent Assembly was opened on that day by a
speech from the Avoyer M. DE TAVEL, which he con
eluded by a prayer to the ALMIGHTY to bless its labours.
The Assembly afterwards proceeded to instal its provi-
sional board, and Messrs. SCHNEIDER and FUNK, the
Radical candidates, were elected—the first President,
And the second, Vice-President. M. NENHAUS only
obtained eight votes, and M. BLOESCH three. The Com-
mittee charged with drawing up the project of regula-
tions for the Constituent consisted of Messrs. SCHNEIDER,

FUNK, STCEMPFLI, and KOHLER. " On the 18th,"

writes the correspondent of the Journal des Debate,
" Divine service will be celebrated in the Catholic and
Protestantfchurches, previous to the opening of the ses-
sion. A solemn sermon will afterwards be preached in
the cathedral by the Protestant minister WZYERMANN,
who bas acquired a great reputation for sanctity in
Switserland by heading a free corps in the expedition
against Lucerne."
On Saturday the Funds and Share-market was very
firm on the Paris Bourse. The following are the prices
of the Funds:—
Five per Cents., 120 f. 50c. 55c. ; Four per Cents., 126 f. 50c. ; Three

, .
. ,
per Cents., 84f. ; Bank Actions, 3,400 f. ; Rente de Naples (Roths-
chilal, 101 f. 50c. ; Rotnans, 101 U ; Belgian Bank, 945 f.: Belgian
Five per Cents., 1840, 1024; ditto, 1842, 103% ; Bpanish Passives,
51,4 ; Spanish Three per Cents., 1845,.37%. Exchange on Landon,

one month, money, 25f. 60c. ; three Months, money, 25f. 45c.; paper,
25f. 42%c.
Railway shares for the Account—Settling of April 2—St. Germain
have risen 141'. 50c., Versailles (Left Bank) and Rouen to klavre, 10f.

each ; Paris to Orleans, 7f. 50c. ; Orleans to Vierzon, 5f.; Orleans to
flordeaux, Avignon to Marseilles, and Northern, 2f. 50c. ; Paris to
Strasburg, If. 25c. ; -Nantes, Versailles (Right Bank), Dieppe, Rouen,
and Strasburg to Bale, are all unvaried. For money, Versailles (Left
Bank), have risen I lf. 25c. ; Paris to Orleans, 7f. 50c. ; Boulogne,
sf. ; Northern, Paris to Strasburg, and Versailles (Right Bank), 2f.
50c. each, Nantes, if. 25c. ; Avignon to Marseilles and Orleans to
Vierzon not quoted.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, Mauer' 21.

Barbadoes, % —Boulogne and Amiens, 1254—Bordeaux, Tou-
louse, and Cette (Espelata), 2%—Dutch Rhenish, 6--treat Northern
of France Constituted, 15% —Great Western Canada, 3% Lyons
and Avignon, 2—Luxembourg, 1% —Madrid and Valentia, % —Na-
mur and Liege, 2%—Orleans and Bordeaux, 12% —Rouen and
Havre, 29N.

RAILWAY SLI iRE MARKETS
MANCHESTER, :Nagel! 21.

STOCK EXCHANGX.—The sales are—Ambergate, Nottingham, and
Boston, % die.—Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire, 1!j —Edin-
burgh and Glasgow, Halves, Bp. - Goole, Doncaster, and Sheffield,
p.—Grand Union, Bs. 6d. dis.—Leeds and Thirsk, 1 die. —Derby
and Crewe, 2.74 p.--Liverpool, Ormakirk, and Preston, 365. 6d. p.—
Exeter, Yeovil, and Dorchester, 1 dis.—Manchester, Buxton. and
Matlock, p.—Northumberland and Lancashire, 14 dis.—Nortlt
Staffordshire, .5% p. c.—Preston and Wyre, Halves (B), % p.—
Sheftleld and Manchester, No. 3, 1 p.--West Riding Union, 24 p.
—Leicester and Bedford, dis.—Liverpool, Manchester, and New-
castle, 7-16 p.-2-Liverpool, Preston, Manchester, and Stockport, par
—Sheffield and Lincoln, % p.