The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-15 00:00:00

OF THE

ANThcoRN_I A W
LEAGUE
4T COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE.

sne regular monthly meeting of the members of
the Anti-Corn-law League was held last evening at
vovent• garden Theatre. Long before the time ap-
rieted fur taking the chair the theatre was crowded
i„11 every part. Amongst the distinguished persons on
Lae stage were George ilson, Esq. (in the chair),
II°o• Charles P. Villiers, M.P , Thomas Milner Gib-
11n' 4'll M.P., Joseph Hume, Esq., M.P., Sir Wil-
,,atn Brynes, Bart., George Thompson, Esq., John
'l°Lighten E
(Breom Hall), Robert Mather, Esq.
(Livse ior Major -General Briggs, Dr. Cooke Tay-
si....,shurst, Esq.,
, W• A. Wilkinson, Esq., P. A. Taylor, Esq., H.
Ni.rinan Wilkinson, Esq., Messrs.
Thomas Hodgkin, David Dewar, Thorne, Rawlins,
168' ,Evans, Edward Lucas, Francis Place, Edward
vt-r“wn'eY, Grant, Robert R. R. Moore, W. B.
rus-"gweod (New York), John Poulter, H. Brittain
sithainstow), C. Constable (Surrey), Arthur Pat-
(4,,a, J. C. Hutchinson (U.S.), T. S. Prideaux
Utham
k MO, E. Davy (Crediton), T. Allerdine,
toAt seven
'iteeard Ware Cole, Frank Eastwood, &C.
o'clock the chair was taken by Mr. Wm-
th:: who said—Ladies and Gentlemen, I am sure
that,
it is a subject of fair congratulation to ourselves
hest? after an
up-hill fight of seven years, our cause
ye 4 lost none of its interest.—(Cheers.) In that seven
(1/11 many a man has been sent to his fathers.—
ittenscir., hear.) But here we are again, in 1846, des
the
ing the immediate, total, and unconditional re-
Peal 0f•
""Ist corn-laws.—(lmmense cheering.) In this
thr' •
have but
interesting—part of ouragitatior,
pot aye but one course to pursue. The fixed duty
oeiS gone for ever—(Cheers)—and it now remains
No e determined by every man to make his election.
then:an could incur a more. fearful responsibility than
Ainister who undertakes the Government of the
mitratailtry at
this crisis. Whatever was the responsibility
e Minister in 1815, when the corn•laws were
teekortedi am thankful that no such condition can
the ,-fi,ll,3ain•---(Hear.) A change has taken place in
fleet hie Of parties.—(Cheers and laughter.) The
leo ""'ng We have now in hand is the " qualification
reievt.ein"."--(Cheers.) It may be asked, What
ICl's it whether a man he registered in April,
oltot June, or July, or any day before the 31st of
titl-rY next, The Anti-Corn-law League has
the e's a great responsibility in calling upon
ti4Pfl
they have already secured, in some of the coun-
The one-third of the constituency.—(Applause.)
tiY, have rescued South Lancashire from the clutches
I ,he
ee inenopolists.—(Cheers.) In South Lancashire,
Lnid say, that if the monopolists could have
letid a man—the most likely of all others for his
.""influence and for his amiable private character to
I'r:been returned—that man would have been Lord
pro s Egerton. Lord Francis Egerton, too, is to
tteme the Address, but what says Lord Francis
look °n? " I will fight no more ! You must
% I,°nt for another candididete ; I have had
kill"f it.”—(Cheers.) But Mr. Villiers and
(Chop r°wll will walk over the course unopposed.—
tira') Then there is South Cheshire, represented'
14k r• Tattoo Egerton ever since the passing of the
tlieor:1i11; and if we are to take the statements of
%r a 1
PePers respecting him, there is no man of
hi, e `44clt than he has. And yet, what does he say to
for °n'tituents ? Why, this, " You must look out
:34.nothee man?,
Now look to the West Riding
°Litshire, and you s ill find that Lord Morpeth
look a single man to oppose him.—(Cheers.) But
%%100i the Progress of the League in the meantime
141:„e t° the fact that at Manchester 60,0001. were
Plien:74 at the rate of 5001. per minute— (Ap-
tieeecy--and the subscriptions from that district have
taisee,e4 72,000/.—(Cheers.) At Liverpool another
1441, was held—(Cheers)—and my excellent
(84 414 r• Brown—(Cheers)—subscribed 1,0001.
ek Ditto
Neu, cheers.) There is a gentleman in this
Issei who subscribed at that meeting another thou-
tlyele„Pnands•— (Cheers.) They have raised between
lave -an(l thirteen thousand pounds in Liverpool. I
tlrt several letters which show how we can raise
let money noney we want.—(Hear, hear.) I have got
fromt Mr. Baxter, of Dundee, informing me
„glese';'°°/, were subscribed in twenty minutes.
vohde ‘5/ to-night a meeting at Leeds, where Mr.
a(ldsollb,a nd Mr. Bright are attending, and I have
""(he that a large sum will be subscribed there.
Ineetioer'-) But our opponents have had their
beat !a•--(Hear, and laughter.) They have had
at Lin:e,etings--(Laughter.) There was a meeting
Pieee "°i'n, Where it was said a cat might with ease be
and th.,4lltlng about the room, and yet the Chairman
red
C. was the fullest meeting of the Society he
)1,114:et attended.—(Laughter.) The Ministers,
ists ;et' t,hey are, may be assured of this, that there
to book this country a power which will bring them
as as (Cheers.) The protectionists may threaten
th, e fi
as they like with that fabulous animal,
010 7 1 lion—(Cheers, and great laughter)— but
tsol,cl°"l refer them and the Duke of Rich-
tefer too the farm-labourers of Wiltshire. I
cheerio) the meeting at Goatacre—(Tremendous
that at!' and cries of " Three cheers for the labourers
eigh-nded that meeting")—and there, on a wintry
tegethe one thousand agricultural labourers met
t(Great', for what ? To oppose the League ? No.—
oa? Cheering.) To support agricultural protec-
%ttero ICO.---(Increased cheering)—but to ask the
kd to xtent to look to their pale and haggard faces,
teelinll7nPlore them, if they were actuated by the
%n(lit;: of humanity and of justice, to open the ports,
Ivtillt to the community free trade.—(Cheers.)
"aerie:" not put into the scale the preponderating in-
\N et, Of the League over protection meetings.—
‘43westt. them
ee-;) We will take away all meetings in favour
litti.rle-.`rade---(Cheers)—and we will put in evidence
that single meeting at Goatacre as an
tel,piee to the
whole of the meetings held under the
street s of the Protection Society of New Bond-
°Nilo 4'4 When they can dispose of the opinions
11. workin
°' 17 g men at that meeting, they may meet at
add re B
411,4 Bond-street and, issue a thousand
lane lr they like, announcing that the agricul-
ate' "uuree is •
e(1,4, in favour of the corn-laws.—(Re-
17totie-".,eering.) You will be addressed this evening
revo4seellent friend Mr. Villiers—(Cries of
ilsboeoe)—bY Mr. Milner Gibson—(Cheers)—Mr.
i•sle of
,i'v*!` regret to say, is seriously indisposed in the
Itiaors,(egishti but his place will be supplied by Mr
Oghton users) _and our excellent friend Mr.
it'd
(Cheers)—the largest farmer in the
cheers. n calling on
is anxious to say a few words to
( eaStie, at cheering.) I have now therefore great
The /.1) Mr. Villiers to address you.—
eeseiv.„-,
NI, Led with • ILLIERS, in coming forward, was
zitso peet there verY
ealLiskl no_tnest rapturous cheering. He thought
svhail7 to that point in the progress of their
pre theatre Person was anxious to know what
b‘avas of their success.—(Cheers.) What
that /kit* to
their ? The last time they met in
o. Peet tir).l. en. spirits were much elated at the
PolitiP:4l*lse presented, owing to the positioidi
theirrrea
since ies.—(Cheers.) Several events had
di t 1 interesting to
time ex reme y
the..rently
Politicians
Those events had been viewed
of different parties, but when
arAhing to°1?41 in that theatre they professed to have
eedsa go with • e •
of all
kidt and opinion party politics. Parties
bore be e:Ccii,e, a. assembled there together, and they
he
v_on wed in considering those events, as they
eee..entured to u_
xlsw question alone, and in that view
to
trirred sincee• pyess his opinion that nothing had
tert„3,e_ourage or press
last met at all calculated
krtle7d upon ths:a en those hopes which they en-
east4'l.s-state/pi occasion. The moral of all these
ti 7 free tr ,eents seemed to'be, that their good
so
suere 4„r_e_ac,
.was in the ascendant, and that
Le,,esag
issue
lung in their struggle to a
on. t ord
—(Cheers.) speedy
At their last plache erow7:l.-ttussell had meet-
received the commission
'ele:d an r fi-)rin a Goverm
4ics. re
his iientit ne.nt., after having
" .the
had had the Y ot
opinion with them-
°llll• hat thns satisfaction of learnin
ot,
theils h—
en e. colleagues be ha Icalled leissteas a
ins ad tirely agreed with him .
t° belie of the League ; andth in his support
o_ overnoiewve that if he had suc the had further
,41,PPort of would have receleedded in forming
I,nohlw. iaftue_r obert Peel, the cordial
nee. They and such friends as he
ereeo'ng that L ey had also the • -
gensow ord
John Russell d'd satisfaction of
" ioerninn. not complete his
45 Voverument from any cause

of a difference of opinion on the question of the corn-
laws—(Cheers)—and though it would have given
the personal friends of Lord John Russell great sa-
tisfaction to have seen him in the post to which he
was called by his Sovereign, and which he (Mr. Vil-
liers) believed he would have worthily tilled, and
would have had strength to support, notw►thstanding
what had been suggested by their worthy friend
Punch.—(Great laughter.) Yet he was convinced
that the force which would be presented in favour of
the repeal of the corn-laws in the House of Commons
would be greater than it would have been under any
other circumstances.—(Cheers.) Sir Robert Peel
had returned to power; his dissentient colleagues had
returned to reason—(Cheers and laughter)—end
there was nothing had transpired that would induce

them to believe that any of them had returned to their
former opinion in favour of the corn-laws ; and
thou ;h it was difficult to confide in the course pro-
posed to be pursued by any public man—(Cheers)—
yet he could not find it difficult to believe that Sir
Robert Peel would never return to power to call upon
himself the universal odium of the nation.—(Cheers )
If his will was not wanted, he was now in a position
that a Minister never was in before.—(Cheers.) He
was relieved from all party consideration ; he had not
only the whole patronage of the Government at hia
command, but the Opposition.—(Cheers.) They were
now, for the first time, united and decided, and de-
termined to extend to him their earnest and cordial
support if his measures were honest and complete—
(Hear, hear)—but they were equally determined, if
he was false to the interests of the nation, to resort to
every means to obtain justice for the people.
Under theie circumstances, he (Mr. Villiers) felt
sanguine of the success of their cause, and he could
not bring himself to think that the present year
would pass away w;thout some satisfactory settlement
of the great corn-law question.—(Cheers.) He be-
lieved that their rulers would not so far disregard the
voice of common sense in this country as to deny
that the time had come when the question should be
settled.—(Cheers.) Whatever they might choose to
do, of this he was convinced, that the time had come
when all trifling with this question must be passed
away.—(Cheers.) There had always been a reality
in the question which time and circumstances would
sure to aid.—(Cheers.) The corn-law now stood
before the country stamped with being a law
alike obnoxious to the obtaining of food
and the trade of the country. (Cheers.)
They had now reached that point in their progress
when no Minister would undertake to conduct the
affairs of the Government if he was to be responsible
for the continuance of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) It
was only the other day that they had learned from
Mr. Gladstone's letter, that the party who would sup-
port the corn-laws would not be able to carry on the
Government.—(Cheers.) They had shrunk from that
test—(Cheers)—they wished to have all the advan-
tages from the corn-laws when they could be main-
tained quietly, but they would have nothing to do
with maintaining them when there was any risk.—
(Laughter.) In perusing the addresses of the pro-
tectionists it would appear that they claim superior
integrity, a maority in both Houses of Parliament,
and seven-ninths of the population of the country. If
such was the case, was it not curious that they would
not undertake to administer the Government ? But
no ; they turned from this duty, and they contented
themselves in the most scurrilous abuse.—(Cheers.)
They had now arrived to that period of the history
of this monopoly when no man would
undertake—no, not even the strongest Minis-
ter—(Cheers)—would attempt to govern the
county, if, at the same time, he must undertake the
responsibility of maintaining the corn-laws.—(Cheers.)
Such was the result of this law after thirty years' ex-
perience—a law which prevented the proper supply of
food to 28,000,000 of people.—(Cheers.) Yet they
were told that they were not safe, that they were not
out of danger; they were told that the parties opposing
the repeal of this obnoxious law were ao formidable
that they would exterminate any Ministry who wished
to abolish it.—(Cheers) Nov he (Mr. Villiers)
thought there was not much danger in that respect.—
(Cheers.) They had been told that the protectionists
were able to follow closely in the steps
of the League that they were about
to raise a large sum of money for the purpose of
meeting them in every attempt—(Laughter)----that if
the League raised a quarter of a million of money,
they would raise half a one—(lncreased laughter)—
and they had been told by Mr. Newdegate, the
Member for Warwickshire, that the physical force
they could bring against the people who were for free
trade they had no idea of at present.—(Great
laughter.) He (Mr. Villiers) thought there was
some prophecy of the kind two years ago, when these
protection societies firat appeared—at least he was
much mistaken if he did not venture to prophecy of
them in that place, that they would soon speedily
disagree among themselves, and soon after disappear
—(Cheers)—and it seemed that he was not very much
out of his calculation in that respect, for he observed
that Mr. Miles had said, " He was glad to see his
friends again, because he had been asked what had be-
come of the local protection societies ?"—(Laughter.)
He then inquired what the mother society was about,
and the answer that he got was, that it also was doing
nothing. The central society was idle, and the local
societies were doing nothing, but waiting the direc-
tions of the central one.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Now that the protectionists were aroused, and their
machinery, such as it was, placed in operation, it ap •
peered that the arguments they employed were all of
the old species. A good deal hail been said of Dukes,
and certainly, lately, they had figured in some strange
scenes. If the Duke of Norfolk spoke of a panacea
for the distress of the labouring classes—(Loud
laughter and ironical cheers)—the Duke of Richmond
expressed himself as if sinking into the earth with
shame at its declaration ; and, on the other hand,
in what satisfied his Grace of Richmond, the Duke
of Norfolk saw nothing but absurdity and folly.—
(Loud cheers.) And how do these two Dukes pro-
pose to meet the crisis ? While the Duke of Nor-
folk proposes that which is likely to burn the insides
of the labourer, the Duke of Richmond recommends
the burning of the Times newspapar,-,,a(Great
cheering and laughter.) It seems, that however
much the Noble Dukes may differ in opinion, that
their logic ends the same, which is to resort to fire.
—(Loud cheers.) This was the instrument with
which they aimed to keep up the protective
system. But they ought to be cautious how they
talked of burning, in case it might be taken up more
eagerly than they desired.—(Hear, hear.) It
was a lesson which might not be easily
forgotten if it ever was learned ; nay, it was a lesson
which the labourers had learned once before.—(Loud
cries of " Hear, hear.") But what was now to be
the policy of the few who stood out for the perpetua-
tion of monopoly ? They were going to raise a fund
to do battle with the League. If so, looking at the
specimens of these protective gentry who have been
before the public, and presuming the half a million
—(lronical cheers)—they are preparing to raise is to
circulate their Nieeches, the League, he was quite
sure, would claim that sum of money as a contribu•
tion to their fund.--(Loud and general cheering.)
Nothing, he was sure, would contribute so much
to advance the cause of free trade than
the circulation of such speeches as these protective
gentry had been in the practice of delivering.—
(Cheers.) In looking through them, one-half seemed
to contain nothing but complaints and arguments, if
such they could be called, adverse to the cause they had
undertaken to defend.—(Cheers.) Their arguments
went to show that it was proper to make food difficult
of access to the population ; their case one impressing
the expediency of diminishing the quantity of suste-
nance—of making bread dear and scarce, instead of
plentiful and cheap.—(Loud cheers.) They said how
foolish it was to endeavour to bring plenty to the
door of all; that it was better that wheat should be
dear and trade restricted,than trade should be free and the
corn-laws repealed.--(Hear, hear.) These were the
arguments, such was the policy, of the parties engaged
in the present protection movement, than which no-
thing could be more conducive to the cause of the
Anti Corn-law League.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. Miles,
on Monday, at the meeting to which he (Mr. Villiers)
had already referred, made a statement respecting
what the trade and position of this country with re-
gard to America would be if the corn-laws were re-
pealed. Now that statement, which seemed to be
considered the strongest argument on the occasion
against the measure proposed by the League, was the
strongest that could have been urged in its favour—
in fact, it was conclusive in support of the advantages
that would result from the adoption of free
trade. What was the position at the present moment
of these gentry in the country ? They had arrayed
themselves together for the purpose of preventing an
abundant supply of
the people. What thegoQodueeanndhadwuhottleersoedme
thfeoyodto
ob-
jected to. She had declared herself satisfied that a
deficiency had existed in the l
supp y of food, that the
season had been unfavourable, and that she ready
to
was
to give her assent to any measure of relief that might
be proposed to meet the exigency—(Loud and long-
continued cheering)—while these gentry declared
they would stand between her and the
people, and prevent that measure of relief being
carried into effect.—(llear.) They declared that
they would take their stand on behalf of scarcity, and
stand between their Sovereign and a suffering people,
determined to deprive them of the abundance of the
earth. They forgot, or did not seem to know, that
the population of these islands was increasing an-
nually at a prodigious rate ; and that their half mil-
lion fund would not succeed in putting food into
these additional mouths.— (Cheers.) It was to be
raised, not for that purpos, but to aggravate the evil
of scarcity already too extensive, and to deny the
earnest cry and prayer raised by the population of
this country for a plentiful supply of healthy food.—
(Loud cheers.) Such was the position of the British
aristocracy, who boasted and gloried in their pride
and power, taking under their surveillance and direc-
tion fish, and flesh, and food, and declaring that re-

garding these they would stand to the prices of 1841.
and no other—(Loud cheers)—as a question
involving the protection of the constitution of th,
country.—(Loud cheers.) In how little ap ositio
r,
were the protection gentlemen placed by such
pro-
ceedings as these.—(Hear, hear.) In 1846 they de-
clared that the sliding-scale should remain stationary.
and that there was no deficiency of food for the popula-
tion. That which had been yearly increasing in in-
tensity for the last forty years they declared has no
existence. But at last they must be brought to
know it ; say what they would, treat it as they
would, to the acknowledgment of the pending danger
must they come. That scarcity existed, and had been
gradually increasing, had been declared, not alone at
important gatherings of this kind, but at Goatacre,
where the labouring men asserted that they at least
knew of no plenty— (Hear, hear)—but that plenty of
food had at least been denied to them for the last
forty years.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear"). What a
contrast did the account of these poor men present to
what these advocates of protection would fain make
them believe.—(Hear, hear.) He deemed it right to
state that no exertion on the part of the advocates of
free trade bad been spared to bring under their (the
protectionists') attention the Effects of a scarcity of
food—that a scarcity of food produced poverty, and
poverty created disease.—(Hear, hear.) The sup-
porters of monopoly never have affected to
disbelieve the increase of the population of
the country, but they have never been found
using any exertions or power to meet the wants of
this new population. They did not seem to see that
the effect of a deficiency of food was to send thousands
and tens of thousands into gaols and union work
houses, to become the victims of crime and de-
gradation, aril premature death.—(Loud cheers.)
Not a word about all this did they find spoken
at any of the protection meetings that had
been held during the last three months—(Cries
of " Hear, hear")—but on every occasion tie twaddle
was how to make food dear.— (Cheers.) They looked
not at the danger that threatened, but maintained
that they held firm to the existing system, and that
the duty on corn should at least remain as great as at
present. Whenever there was a protection meeting.
such were the sentiments declared.—(Hear.) And
this in the face of the acknowledged failure of the potato
crop—a crop which had failed, not only in this
country. but in other countries, and which was
likely to fail again. The disease had previously vi-
sited other countries, and experience had proved that
if there was a failure this year there would be a
greater the next, and a greater than that the year
after, and so on for several years ; and yet these
gentry say that not an iota of the protection now
given them should be abandoned—that no sense of
their duty to the poor will induce them to do it.
"Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof" is their
motto. That such evils had happened, and would
happen again, and that they (the people) should be
contented under such visitations of Providence.
Seasons of scarcity had often occurred, and would
recur again. Such was the nature of the excuses
made throughout the country at all protection
meetings in support of that system which re-
sulted from selfish legislation, but which they
would fain attribute to the Deity.—(Loud cheers.)
And this system they had maintained by keeping the
counties in their hands, and using them for the pur-
poses and convenience of a few great families.—(Loud
cheers.) Till the county representation was freed
from the thraldom of these great houses, there would
be no hope of realising that freedom of industy, and that
improvement in the people, so imperatively required.
Lord Stanley on a former occasion, had told them
how these things were managed. A few families
met together a short time before an election, and
decided as to who the Member should be ; and with-
out consulting any one further, they decided, and
always in favour of some family or class interest
in the Member so appointed.—(Hear, hear.) Such
was the county representation—or, rather, such was
the system of tyranny and oppression, miscalled
representation, under the landlord system. But that
system had been attacked by the League, and, as far
as they had gone, with great success; and though
they were threatened with being met in the most
formidable manner, he had no doubt but that the
issue would be most triumphant for the advocates of
free trade.—(Loud cheers.) On this question the
first Minister of the Crown had been charged with
cowardice and treachery to the cause that had brought
him into power. He (Mr. Villiers) did not believe
this was a true representation. He exonerated him
from the charge of cowardice, and could not see any
treachery in doing that which, to him, appeared best
calculated to serve the interests of the country.
—(Hear, hear.) It had been said at certain protec-
tion meetings on a former occasion, where the
policy of the Premier had been reviewed, that they
(the monopolists) had made him, and could unmake
him when they pleased ; for they had given him his
place, paid him his wages, and intended him to at-
tend to their wishes, and do nothing that was con-
trary to their interests.—(Hear, hear.) When a
Member of the House brought this matter under the
consideration of the Minister at the time it was de-
clared, and asked if such was a proper representation
of his position, he did, he (Mr. Villiers) was bound to
say, repel it with a proper spirit.—(Hear, hear.)
His words, on that occasion, were as follows
It is my intention to act upon a sense of public
duty, and to propose those measures which my own
conviction of what is requisite for the public interests
shall make me think it desirable to propose, It is
right that there should be a distinct understanding as
to the terms on which a public man holds office. The
power of circumstances and a sense of public duty
have compelled me to take upon myself the harassing
and laborious office in which I am placed. What
can be my inducement to take office, and to make the
sacrifice the acceptance of it requires ? What (IP be
my inducement but the hope of rendering service to
my country, and of acquiring honourable fame ? Is
it likely I would go through the labour which is daily
imposed upon me, if T. could net claim for myself the
liberty of proposing to Parliament those mea-
sures which I believe to be conducive to

the public weal ? I will claim that liberty, I will
prcpme *thc.s.so measures, and I do assure
this House that no considerations of mere political
support should induce me to hold such an office as
that which I fill by servile tenure which would
compel me to be the instrument of carrying other
men's opinions into effect. Ido not estimate lightly
the distinction which office gives. It is not valuable
on account of the patronage which it enables its pos-
sessor to dispense, nor from the personal distinction
it confers upon him; it is only valuable to any man
fit to hold it for an hour, on account of the
opportunity it gives him of serving his country ;
and the moment I shall be convinced that the power
of doing that, according to my conscientious sense of
public duty, is denied me, then I tell every man in
the country that he has conferred no personal obliga
tion on me, by having placed me in this office ; but, free
as the wind, I reserve to myself the power of retiring
from the discharge of onerous and harrassing duties,
which, under such circumstance, could no longer be
discharged with satisfaction to myself, or advantage
to my country."
A voice—" Three cheers fsr Sir Robert Peel."

Mother voice—" No, not now ; at our next meet-
ing."—(A laugh.)
Mr. VILLIBas, in continuation, said, that he thought
the course proposed a very proper one.—(Hear, hear.)
He would revert to the statement made by Sir Ro-
bert Peel, in order to show that party had no claims
upon him, but that be was only bound to do his duty
to the nation at large. Sir Robert Peel showed his
disposition to perform his duty, and he (Mr.
Villiers) had no doubt that he would perform
it.—(Cries of " Hear hear.") He might say, in
justification of Sir Robert's consistency, that from the
time he made the statement he had been consistent.
Was it not seen that he had assailed the system of
protection, and, not only that, but he had assailed it
in every instance his office allowed him, and with it
the parties who thought to claim him for their humble
servant. They had had enough of public men not to
have any faith in them ; but when the party acting
had his duties and his interests combined, he would
not shrink from what his interest prompted him to
do. The gentlemen who wished Sir Robert
Peel to be a servant to them had, during
the last four or five years, been making
a noise in the country, and had been ready
to support their Minister in spite of his pur-
suing a course contrary to their inclinations—they
had acted as his supporters and friends, and they had
shared in the favours the Government had been able
to bestow on the Premier, but they had now become
very loud in their opposition to his measures. They
had, at one time, been opposed to a protective interest,
andprotection had been altogether withdrawn by them
from a great many, and the weakest had been treated
with the least scruple. They had been told that their
own turn must come next, and that their own
system would assail themselves ; and they had answered
that they were prepared for it. They had on every
occasion, in Parliament, adopted opposite principles
from what they now adopted. Persons had gone
before them, and had said what the protectionists
are now saying. Men had had their produce destroyed
by competition, and they had claimed from Parlia-
ment what the protectionists are now claiming ; hut
those men had always been disreprded, and Parlia-
ment had looked upon their sufferings with philoso-
phy. Thousands had been thrown out of employ-
ment by the introduction of machinery, and they
had gone to Parliament to ask for some pro-
tection, but they were told that individual
interest must yield to the general good.—(Hear.)
They were the hereditary lords of a good deal of pro-
perty, and they had been allowed to enjoy it freely,
but were they now to maintain that exclusive in-
terest to the annoyance of the community? Were
they able to point out any good result of their system
in the condition of their own people, and the general
condition of the country ? One of the members of
that meeting had made an allusion to a meeting in