The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-25 00:00:00

Friends around him. But he felt anxious to know what were
the principles which would be adopted for providing food for
the starving people—and the question was anxiously put by
men of every party, without any distinction as to their opinions.
With respect to the supplies of Indian meal, he must beg to
observe that those supplies were at present totally inadequate
to the necessity that existed. The next substitute was oats
wobi it
a:s:a:st
henal
elaf
rakt rising,ern itoleawwea ensoalt
flnt
oatshkd anttnh
the substitute to which the people were most accustomed. Now
one-thirdwBaa dtnt
.wt
pphi
etraberthsi
aneti
tghnothetnbeewer
a pricelasttsh a ont
swf.
tyro
otpayet
esrwa arhs
years,
beenodtnbbeee:or
raet
.a con-
tinually
hadA t
Limerick, which was one of the largest places for the sale of
suffi-
ciently remunerate the farmer. Now, with respect to oats, he
thought that Hon. Members opposite must consent to dis-
pense with the law for three months. If they did so, the
was a price that wouwldheni
amount of loss to them in any way or to their supporters
cculd not be considerable. With respect to wheat,
there would be no reason for such an alteration, for he
believed that wheat had net risen in price pro•
portionate with oats, and it was not largely used in the
support of the population of Ireland. Considering all these
circumstances, he thought that the Hon. Gentlemen opposite
might accede to his request, for if it were necessary he would
read a long extract from the catalogue of the miseries which
the Irish people were now suffering ; and he would, therefore,
ask the Noble Lord ( Lord G. Bentinck) for an answer to the
question, es to whether they would support her Majesty's
Government in a suspension of the corn-laws for three months
as regarded Ireland.
Lord G. BENTINCK begged to thank the Hon. Gentle-
man for the courtesy with which he bad preferred the question
which he had just now laid before the II use. Although
there was some reason for surprise at its being put to an
pi isolated
about ed
ou t Member,it,whyeetn
hehe rwecooullldectaeddmtihtaattththee same time the,
though the course was unusual, there was something of pre-
he had the honour to act, although a minoriptaty,
y,amwoituh whomntedto
112 in number. He could not forget that it was the party
who had placed the present Minister at the head of affairs,
and that it at one time comprised 340 members of that House.
Neither did he overlook the fact that, though broken in its
numbers, it still constituted, when taken with the Irish mem-
bei s, a majority. Under these circumstances, then, he was
prepared to give an answer to the question, and he trusted
the House would excuse him if, in doing so, he tres-
passed at some length upon their attention. The question was
whether the party with whom he acted would support her Ma-
jesty's Government in a suspension of the corn-laws as re-
garded Ireland for three months? The Hon. Gentleman had
read a long catalogue of calamities now afflicting the Irish pee-
ple, which it was most distressing to hear. It was painful to
hear such a catalogue at any time, even though its cause
should have only a temporary existence, but it was still more
painful to think that this statement of distress was an annual
tale of sorrow.—( Hear, hear.) He learned from the report
of the Earl of Devon's Commission, as well as from the Hon.
and Learned Member for the county of Cork, that in ordinary
years there were never less than 2 300,000 destitute poor in
Ireland. But there was nothing in the long account of miseries
which the Hon. Member had read to induce him or any other
man in that House to suppose that the distress now existing in
Ireland was more severe than that which was usually
felt in the course of this season of the year. He would state
to the House the reason why he thought that no measure for
the repeal of the cern-laws, or even for the surpension of the
corn-laws, would afford the slightest relief to the people of
Ireland ; and any measure that had been proposed by the
Hon. Gentleman opposite would not be listened to; but he
(Lord Bentinck) would maintain that any measure proposed
by that Hon. Gentleman, who ruled, as he might say, in the
hearts of the people of Ireland, was one entitled to the con-
sideration and respect of this House. The protectionist party
did not feel that the measure for the suspension of the corn-
laws would afford any relief to the people of Ireland. He be-
lieved that he spoke the real sentiments of all those Gentle-
men aronnd him, when he stated, if any measure for the
relief of Ireland should be brought forward by any Irish Mem-
ber, it would have their cordial support. They felt that it
was not the want of food in Ireland that occasioned the present
distress, they believed it waa the want of money.—( Hear. )
The want of money was the real and only cause of distress in
Ireland, and they thought that was the local applicatory remedy
that ought to be applied ; and money must be afforded in the
payment of labour, as the means of enabling the working
classes of Ireland to purchase foodand other necessaries. That
was the kind of measure which they thought her Majesty's
Ministers ought to have introduced into that House. They
were willing to remove all fear of a diminution in the supply of
food by throwing open the ports of Ireland, but in doing so
they would enter their solemn protest that such a measure
would not afford the slighest relief to the people of Irelend.
The Government might cajole the people of Ireland, they might
make them satisfied for a time, by telling them that the repeal
of the corn-laws would be a relief to Ireland ; but they (the
protectionists would do no such thing, they would hold out no
such fabled delusions to Ireland. What, he would ael, was the
state of things in Ireland ? And what waa the state of the
London markets within the last three months as
compared with the markets in Ireland ? Why, 260,800
quarters of oats had been imported in that City alone.
from the markets in Ireland. The Hon. Gentleman had
spoken of the city of Limerick; he could tell the Hon. Gen-
tleman that 34,000 quarters of oats had been brought from
Limerick into the London market. Was it possible then, by sus-
pending the operation of the corn-laws in Ireland, the people
could be supplied with food at a cheaper rate than at present,
when it was a notorious fact that the price of oats in Cork,
which is the highest market in Ireland, was lower than the
price of foreign oats, exclusive of duty in the London market ?
Under these circumstances he would ask, how was it possible ,
that foreign oats could find their way into Ireland ? If the
law was suspended, corn would be virtually excluded. The
price of foreign oats, without duty, averaged from Is. 9d. per
quarter less in London than the pie e quoted in the Irish mar-
kets. From a circular which he held in his hated, he would
quote the comparative prices of oats. The average price of
foreign oats, which were equal in quality t 3 English oats, was
245. tad. in Mark-lane ; the average price of oats of all descrip-
taivoenrsagn in the
priceC of
osko amarket,tanf aup
descriptionsto April
ilnBA,
Mark-lane,
ra2nse. 3d.
exclusive
of duties, was 225. 6d.,_ being 9d. per quarter higher than the
, Th
The
price 'if oats in Cork. It was clear, then, that it must he
utterly impossible, that by a repeal of the corn-laws, or by a
suspension of the corn-laws, one single grain of foreign oats
could find its way into the Irish market. And the same facts
would apply as to the Trice of Irish wheat. In the city of
Cork, the average price of wheat was 495. 6d. ; foreign wheat
in the metropolitan market averaged 455. 4d., exclusive of
duty. That was a difference of 4s. 2d:, which was to the ad-
vantage of the Irish grower. How then could any suspension of
the corn-laws, or any abrogation of the corn-laws, be a means
of introducing one single grain, either of wheat or of oats, into
the Irish market. It would probably be admitted that there was
no past of Ireland in which greater distress exists than in the
county of emit. There was the largest number of persons in
distress in that county. He would give the House a compara-
tive statement of the prices of grain that were brought
into the market of Cork during the present and previous
years. It would appear that the aggregate amount of grain
that was brought into the Cork market amounted, in the year
1844, to 344,547 barrels. In the year 1845 the amount was
337,624 barrels; but in the present year the amount had risen
to 386,384 barrels—(Hear, hear)—and they were told that the
people of Cork were starving for want of food. No such
thing, they were starving for want of money to purchase it,
and for the want of that employment which would furnish
them the means to purchase it. It was not at all a surprising
thing that there were riots in Ireland. If her Majesty s Mi-
nisters rung the alarum bell, and told the people of Ireland that
they must starve, was it astonishing that the people should
rise up in remonstrance against such fearful information ? It
was not surprising, under these circumstances, that in one
case they should carry Off twenty-three carts loaded with meal,
and in another case illegally possess themselves of one hundred
tons of flour, and should rise up in arms against its going out
of the country.--( Hear, hear.) Why, the Queen's Ministers
had told them that famine and starvation was among them.
But what was the real truth of the question? He did not be-
lieve scarcity was so prevalent as had been represented,
and he had it upon no less authority than the
Earl of Shannon, who was a resident landowner
in the county of Cork, that at all events in his
vicinity scarcity did not exist ; and that, although he
(the Earl of Shannon) admitted that great distress prevailed,
yet that the distress arose not altogether from the want of
potatoes, but from the people holding them back, and refusing
to sell them, in the expectation of obtaining a higher price.
Her Majesty's Ministers had told the country front November
last that a grievous famine existed ; they had reiterated the
cry that the potato famine was rampant in England, and what
was the consequence? As far as his own experience went the
price in his own country in December arose to Ils. 6d. per
sack ;it had now fallen to ss. 6d. per sack. The price during
last year was is. 4d. per bushel, the price during the present
year was Bd. per bushel. He could show the House, from a
statement he had in his hand, the comparative prices of po-
tatoes in Yorkshire. It would appear front that paper that a
farmer who had refused to sell 200 sacks of potatoes in the
month of December last year at lls. 6d. per sack, was now
not able to obtain 2s. 6d. per sack. He had heard a similar
account from a gentleman lii Huntingdonshire, who inferreed
him that en a recent occgsion a sale of potatoes took place in
Caldecet, in Bedfordshire, that the price realised was 2s. 10d.,
with six months' credit, while last year the price realised was
3s. 10d., at three months' credit. That gentleman
further told him he could have any quantity of
potatoes at Is. 4d. per bushel. He (Lord G. Bentinck)
was himself a grower of potatoes in Sussex. In November
last he carried his crop. He was told that the price of pota-
toes in Chichester market was 7s. 6d., and was further in-
formed, that if he held his potatoes to the month of April, he
would realise 10s. 6d. The month of April had now arrived,
and the price had fallen to Ss. Is was clearly natural that &a
price of potatoes should rise, and not fall, as the year advanced,
but their high prices had been greatly increased by the false
alarm which had been raised by her Majesty's Ministers, and
the people of Leland were suffering from the same cry. He
had recently read in a Cork journal a story of a parcel of old
women who were determined not to sell their potatoes until
doisft facilitateh e
the repeal
they could realise one farthing a piece for them, and this foolish
t
the resolutionpa t
Majesty's Ministers. —(
bLaughter.)
He be-
tthhee fearel excited
faminereeriug
s expressedt
that
at
existedon
wimeeretfhaery_frnd_mid
trintkbienlgievtheaitt
twboeualdbarlei:
ople were able to obtain them at
rated, and that many of the pe
nhf had been
jcaaautys,edilbey
in the breasts of the Irish peop e,
.y re willsng to open the
laiefvneird
pthranitet.he
Ihfigith
mpornieled oaf pyotiatoethse h
wde eengreat y exagge-
tion of the coin-laws would benefit Ireland. It was his (Lord
Bentinek's) firm and conscientioucswohrbnie:oeiffwtsthh:atthlat_whbtoeouualrbdeocrlsobitneoiotfrnal_nir.oeytfq:
trulttsin;
the corn-laws would be the destruction of Ireland.—( Hear,
hear.) He had pownidtehredhwimel: uptohnatevertyheworrdetpheaatl fell from
any
yt
gent
ntah.e sTambeeyt
the lips of the Hon. Member for Limericwko.uldHbeecnenaclulerrdeadirien.
every sentiment that that Hon. Gentleman bad uttered.
He believed,
corn-laws would not benefit, but, on tido
would render still worse the condition
Ire-
land. He also believed, with him, that there
eaxetiisotnenacreisbe
yolthte
much to hasotrefenptahenaedl
by was a still
would tend
veryof the Union.—:
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman
a very high authority, and he would read to the was, himself
higher authority. That letter was addresaea
let-
ter that had come into his hands, which perhaps House a a
human Catholic priest of considerable distinction fr. Hughes,
county of Mayo, and a man of high character, to
Air in the
on the eve of the late election, and it deserved to be read for
Moore,
on
tale
the setiments therein expressed. It was
d
February, It stated that 1' Mr. Hughes'
opinions on fish of
re-
peal question were of a similar nature to those entertained 'the
MO ; and if Mr. Moore entertained eimat.lianre d b y
pions, the writer would f el disposed to giro
his vote to Itniri-
Moore, and whatever little influence he might po *
The letter went ,3 C. 33 to pro-
moting his election." on to state that he
(Mr. Ilughes) expected that if the present Parliament should
continuo for another year, that the county of Mayo would be in
r
a better position to return a repeal MeMber, ' furtits
says, "He had another consideration which satisfied'
hint that the repeal of the present Legislative Union was
not far distant. The nommercial views which were entertained
by Sir Robert Peel would in a short time become the law
result of those measures of
the country. The would be to feei'ie
tate the repeal of the Union, as, when carried into effect, they
could not fail to make repealers of the landed aristocracy yf
Ireland, for there was not a gentleman in the country thato
would not continue satisfied with those measure? Thu 1 •
eels
rt. Ifobert )Feel -
ia.trve enactments of , woold-Artve outsbf ,the
English markets*the agricultural produce 'of Ireland. Ireland
would then be thrown on its own resources; the establishment
of Irish markets—of Irish manufactures would then ensue._
and, finally, the necessity for the censtruction of an Irish Par.

liament to protect those interests would become paramount."
This he (Lord G. Bentinck) believed to be the true picture of
the results of the Ministerial measure in Ireland, and the only
reason why those measures met with the support of any Irish
Member was, that he thought by voting for those measures
he was facilitating the advent of the repeal of the Union.—
( Hear, hear, and loud cheers from the Trish Members. )
He knew not whether the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
the Governtnent was then secretly considering the probable
effects of his policy. It was impossible to foresee, from one
year to another, what course of policy would be adopted by
the Right Hon. Baronet. —( Hear, hear.) He ( Lord George
Bentinck) saw himself that the consequence of that policy
would be the dismemberment of the empire, and that conse-
quence would be further facilitated by the present course of
the Right Hon. Baronet. He could well conceive that the
distress that would behrought oh in Ireland might drive the Irish
to phrensy. They had been told by the latest convert—the
latest Noble convert to the cause of the repeal of the corn-
laws, the Earl of Essex, that one class of farmers must suffer
InT,ffehyteehy farmers
were o
e have
empire—who
without
iferiaetr beenhm_ouovvrths
by the repeal of the corn-laws—( Hear, hear)—a class of
capital b
farmers which, in the estimation of that Noble Lord, ought
f ar m
whoe r:aadt
gotall , notoo
obaepig a possessedo t honourof ea aod pi a
in-
tegrity, and these were the men—once the pride and strength
,
coapital were
wtoorebteo
be
scrsiafiocrieted—Tir, eatrh,e Iroaorn.d)
frocks of England were to be sacrificed, what would become of
the Irish farmers ?—( Hear, hear.) They were told that there
were 558,000 farmers in Ireland holding farms not exceeding
fifteen acres ; and he would ask the Right Hon. Gentleman
opposite how much capital these 558,000 farmers possessed?
He asked what capital they had but their hard, horny hands
and sinewy arms, with which they cultivated the land? and
these 558,000 Irish farmers of the Earl of Essex were right
free to be sacrificed to the political conduct of the Right Hon.
Baronet. If they estimated, as he believed they might
estimate, that there were not five, but six per-
sons, to a family in Ireland—tor, to their honour
and to the credit of the Irish tenantry and Irish people,
he believed, that instead of maintaining themselves and
their
own children only, the custom was, among the poorer clas es,
to support their aged and infirm parents —( Hear, hear)—
they might, therefore, imagine not five to family, as was the
estimate in England, but estimate six to a family, and they
would have at once 3,500,000 persons who would be deprived
of subsistence by the measures of the Right Hon. Baronet—
(Hear, hear)—and 558,000 families, or 3.500,000 persons—if
the letter of the Catholic clergyman were right—would be de-
prived of their farms arid homes. There were reasons which

counted as high with him as with many others, for
maintaining the present corn-laws. If this measure were
carried, would it not give cause of dissatisfaction—
if they had 3,500,000 people thrown into a state
of destitution, in addition to the 2,300,000 already
destitute ? Some other measures than the suspension of the
corn-laws would be necessary to provide for so much misery.—
( Hear, hear.) He for one could see no remedy for the evil
but in a poor-law, of a construction different from that now in
existence. He could see no salvation and no peace for Ireland
save in a liberal and generous poor-law, which would be car-
r,ed out on the principle that". no Irishman any more than an
Englishman should starve. They were told the other night,
by the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork, that 256,000/.
was levied annually for poor's-rees in Ireland. 90,000/. of
which went to pay the interest of the money laid out in work-
houses, and to maintain the staff of the Ponr-law Commis-
sioners, leaving 1t;6,000/. to provide sustenance for 2,300,000
destitute poor in Ireland. That amounted to a farthing
and about a third per head per week. He understood also that
only 37,000 people came to the workhouses to be relieved out
of the funds of the poor-law. 166,000/. divided amongst that
number only made Is. Bid. per week per head, a sum not
sufficient to obtain good and wholesome food for them. In

the ordinary course-of things, and deducting 37,000 people,
there were 2,263,000 people left destitute, and could they be
surprised, in the ordinary course of things, that with 2,263,000
people without money, without potatoes in Ireland, there
should be riots and disturbances in that country? The people
would have food, and there was but one resource, and that was
to provide it for them. Was it to be endured
that there should be food to the value of
10,000,000/. sterling sent out of Ireland, while not
more than 256,0001. should be given to the people in that
country? He was well aware that a poor-law was not to be
carried without much consideration. That it could not pass in
a day— in a week—in a month—or in three months perhaps, in
that House, but there must be some immediate provision
made for the present emergency.—( Hear, hear.) He did re-
collect, that in the year 1833 that House almost unanimously
supported a measure to grant one million sterling to the desti-
tute Protestant clergy of Ireland. who were in arrear of their
tithes for the years 1831 and 1832. That money became
gift to these whose duty it was to pay the tithes;
and if they could, in 1833, make a gift of a million
sterling to the tithe-payers of Ireland. could they not then,
when the people were starving, break through the rigid rules
of political severity—( Loud cheering)—and attend to the wants
of Ireland. Let them for the time being supply the wants of
the Irish people from the funds of this country, and set to work
in earnest to make a lasting and permanent provision for them.
These were the opinions which he believed were generally en-
tertained by his friends sitting around him, and if the Members
for Ireland would introduce such measures as these they would
have their cordial support. These were the opinions held
in former times by an eminent statesman holding the confi-
dence of that House (Mr. Huskisson.) In the year 1829,
Mr. Huskisson said that the introduction of a good poor-law
in Ireland would be found to be the introduction of a feeling
of security, and would invite and maintain the employment of
English capital in Ireland. He said it was that feeling of se•
curity that brought the greatness and wealth of the country,
and it was that feeling which alone could have a similar effect
in Ireland ; and unless such a measure was soon brought for-
ward, all his cherished hopes of the gond effect of the Roman
Catholic Emancipation Bill would be disappointed. He (Lord
George Bentinck) did once, in the humble position of secre-
tary to Mr. Canning, twenty-five years ago, possess the confi-
dence of that illustrious statesman ; and he had often heard him
say that it was to the poor-law of England that England owed
her strength in the hard struggle against the united arms of
Europe. It was in times of the greatest difficulty, when the
the people were called on to make the severest sacrifices to

. .
bear the burden of the war, that the poor-law of the country
showed its beneficial effects. These were the substantial
measures to which his Hon. Friends around him might look
for the salvation of Ireland, for the quieting of disturbances,
and the maintenance of peace in that country ; and whilst
they agreed, in deference to the feelings that had been expressed
by the Hon. Gentleman standing so high in the confidence of
the, people of Ireland, cordially to concur in that suspension,
they wished heartily to acquit themselves of believing for one
moment, or wishing to make the Irish nation believe that in
the suspension, or abolition, of the corn-laws, any relief what-
ever could be afforded to the misery of one single individual
in Ireland.--( Loud cheering. )
Mr. V. SMITH said that he should not enter into any dis-
cussion of the attacks made upon all the English Liberals on
that side of the House for having exhibited a want of sympathy
on behalf of the people of Ireland. He could say that he him•
self had not shown any such want of sympathy, and he believed
that many of his Hon. Friends around him could justify them-
selves in a similar manner. As the Hon. Gentleman had in-
troduced the question of the return which had been presented
of the applications for work in consequence of the scarcity of
provisions, he (Mr. V. Smith) would say that he thought that
what had been read to the House was not the only painful part
of them. They showed the absence of individual exertion by
parties possessing property in Ireland. This was a question
that greatly affected the people of this country as well as the
people of Ireland. The people of this country were submit-
ting without a murmur to spend large sums of money for the
relief of their suffering countrymen. But the Government and
the Houses of Parliament should ask what had been done by
the landlords of Ireland, The statement presented the other
day not only showed the entire absence of individual exertions,
but applications of the most extraordinary nature. One of
the applications was from the Earl of Kingston for OW. to
make a fish-pond in his domain, and to employ the people of
Ireland. The return was deficient in one respect, for it did
not say what answer was returned by the Commissioners. He
could not suppose that such an application as that would be en-
tertained by any Commission or by her Majesty's Ministers,
but he wished to know if it were pssible fm, tho 'tight Hon.
Gentleman to submit to Parliament any return of what had
been done by persons holding property in Ireland, and whether
they had made any contribution for the relief of the distress
which prevailed. It was due to the people of England, and to
the Gentlemen round him, many of whom had contributed
largely from their qwn purses, to inform them whether the per-
sons possessing property in Ireland, whether absentee or other.
wise, were willing to come forward and assist by their contri-
butions.

Sir J. GRAHAM (who was very indistinctly heard) said
that it was an invariable rule which he had always acted upon,
that whenever any sum was advanced for public works in
Ireland, one moiety was in the shape of a gift and the other
moiety was secured by the Grand Jury presentment, and no
advance had ever been made except under that rule. Govern-
ment had advanced money for these purposes, and under that
regulation, but in the suburban districts of large towns this
regulation could net always be strictly acted upon. The Lord-
Lieutenant had a discretionary power in this matter, and if the
property of any person were improved by the works, the pro-
prietor of the grounds always contributed half of the sum
expended. With respect to the case put by the Hon. Member
with regard to the appbeation for 0031., that application had
not yet been attended to, and he might state that he did not
think, that under the circumstances, the Commissioners wciuM
grant it.

Mr. E. 3 . ROCHE said that he heel never heard with
more satisfaction any speech made in that House than the
speech of the Noble Lord opposite, were it only for one principlevc
laid down in that speoch, viz., that on Irish subjects. The ie
of the Irish people expressed through their representativeso
in that House should be protected. Were there no other
as-
sertion in that speech, and were it to contain no other prin-
ciple of hope for Ireland, that principle, coming from a man
of the Noble Lord's weight and standing in that House, should
be received by the people of Ireland with gratitude, and he
confessed that he never in his life felt more hope for the future
prosperity and peace of Ireland than at the present moment.
He thanked the Noble Lord, who had tho confidence of the
party he represented, for the generous and liberal sentiments
he had expressed—that his wish and determination, it he had
the power, was to relieve the distress of the people of Ireland.
However urgent the misery which the people tan
suf-
fering, that expression of sympathy would excite in them some
hope. It was painful and humiliating for Irish Members to
eerie down there every day to detail to the unwilling hearers
the misery and suffering which prevailed among their fellow,
countrymen. Nevertheless, if only to justify the position the
representatives of Ireland had taken, it was necessary for them
to do so—to state the overwhelming misery which the people
wire forced to suffer. Perhaps the House would recollect that
lately he felt it his duty to detail a great amount of misery and
suffering that prevailed in his own nelghtourhood. In
adddition to what he then stated, he would further
inform the House that he had since received a letter from a
Roman Catholic clergyman, who was a competent autherity
on the state of things that prevailed in that county. The
letter was one that arose out of a correspondence between them
on another matter the eonatruction of a road in the neigh-
bourhood. lie would read an extract from the letter which
was written from the parish of O'Hodda, in the county of
Cork. (The Hon. Gentleman read the extract in geettinn,which
set forth that the distress was inereaslng ; that the Con-
servative gentlemen stated that Sir Robert Peel did not care
for the diatrq.s, only that it would enable him to pass his Corn
Bill; that they had tried to get some corn meal from Liverpool
to meet the wants of the populition ; that the p,e4pie eon.
sidered watereresses and turnips a I;lV4lry ; and that potatoes
were as high as 11 s. a lwrel, ur at the rate of 11d. a stone.)—
( Hear, hor, ) When (continued the Hon. Gentleman) he
saw the people literally starving, worse than the beasts of tha
field, he did net care about being told about the repnaenta-
Lives of Ireland interfering with the public time in
their appeals to the cf Commons and the Govern-
ment for the relief of the people. Everthing
was asked to give way to the people of Er gland eed
the Corn Bill. But the people of Ireland vols starv-
ing, and therefore what did they po about the Anti-Corn-
law League grad fr,,e,trade r If they appealed to the Anti.
worn-law League, they got nothing but doctrines of political
economy, but on appealing to the Noble Lord (Lord Geore
Bentinck) he would give them food and rnok!ey(" H r,"
from the protectionists.) Wherever they found relief, that
was tne source.on Which' they ought to trust. The Irish
Members were called names, and marked with ox n behalfi
opprobrium by
every scribe in the country; because theyh c
appealed
epithets aP CI:
I their starving fellow-countrymen.
lied to them by the press was that the Irish' Members were
" impracticable malifiriants.'

An HONOURABLE AIEMBER remarked, that the remark '
had been used by the Morning Hera'd.
Mr. ROCHE said, No; it was used by the Times news-
paper. The Right Hon. Baronet depended a great deal on his
free-trade measures • but he (Mr. Roche) would ask if feat
trade would take the people of Ireland out of their slough of
suffering? If so, then ought the Right Hon. Baronet to
apply free-trade measures at once—( Hear, hear) —and tt
hold it in abeyance while he destroyed the liberties of Ire-
land. If the people of Ireland were to be free, it seemed they
must starve; but if they were to have food, it was upon the
condition of their being enslaved. But they (the representa-
tives of Ireland) said they must not enslave the people of Ire-
land. He must say, he had more hope from the statements
which had fallen from the Noble Lord (George Bentinck)
than anything he had heard for many years in that House. In
the great county which he represented he did not know any
good the Government had done in the way of relieving the
people. In illustration of this, he might refer to
the parish in which he resided, with the clergyman
of which he had had the correspondence already
referred to. That correspondence was about the making of a
road for a better connexion with the harbour of Cork, and to
employ the people. He (Mr. Roche) wrote to the Beard of
Works, stating that the resident proprietors were prepared so
advance one moiety, if the Board of Works would advance the
other. After some correspondence it was arranged, so he
understood it, that an engineer should' be tent to survey the
road, and he had made, he (Mr. Roche) believed, a favour-
able report. Subsequent to that he wrote to the Board of
Works for information as to the way the instalments should be
raised. That was on the 6th of April, and yesterday a letter
was forwarded to him on the subject, dated the 18th of April.
In the interval nothing had been done to meet the case ; this
showed the way the executive Government of Ireland acted;
not applying themselves to the question as they ought, but
going on in the old jog-trot system. This mode of adminis•
tering relief was a perfect farce ; nay, it was worse
than a farce, it was tragical to the people of
Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) The Government was evidently not
equal to the occasion. They undertook the Government of the
country and pretended to be doing a great deal, and when he
made an inquiry, he found them going on in the old system, and
mystifying and deceiving the people of Ireland. The relieving
the distresses of the people of Ireland was a much more absorb-
ing question to him than any other question, and therefore it
gave him great pleasure to hear the Noble Lord say, that he
was prepared to give them full measure of relief. The pee
h
of the Noble Lord, he could assure him, would be read with the
greatest satisfaction on the other side of the t hannel, and his
name would be received with honour and respect for the senti-
ments he had uttered. Again, he (Mr. Roche), asked the
Right Hon. Baronet, what had he done--what was he doing to
relieve the existing distress? He (Mr. Roche) maintained
absolutely nothing. In conclusion, he was glad that the Hon.
Member for Limerick had brought the subject under the con-

sideration of the House ; in doing 30 he was entitled to the

support and gratitude of every friend of Ireland
. Mr. BELLEW complained of the want of parties duly
authorised by the Government to go through Ireland, and look
after, and report upon the works necessary to be carried out.
In many instances already, though grants bad been made, the
works had not been undertaken, from the want of parties to put

them into op ration. He would speak for his own county,
where no progress had been made in the proposed works. He
must say, he did not agree with the lion. Gentleman who had
last spoken, in his estimate of the speech of the Noble Lord
(Lord George Bentinek). He (Mr. Bellew) happened to be
in favour of a repeal of the corn-laws, though not a repeal of
the Union, and he would not be bribed even by the promise of
a million rorn the Noble Lord, to forego his opinion on these
subjects.—( Hear, hear.) He complained that the Irish land-
lords had not done their duty, and that whatever advances were
made by the Government would fail to a great extent, unless
the landlords were brought to perform their share. The evil
was, public opinion was not strong enough in Ireland to make
the landlords do their duty. In that case, they ought to have
a law, to make those who had to give to those who had not,
even though the principle of it might not be in accordance with
political economy.--(Hear, hear. )
Mr. E. B. ROCHE explained.
Mr. S. O'BRIEN said that this was not the first time he
had expressed his want of confidence in the Board of Works in
Ireland, and he did not think the suggestions offered by the
Honourable Member who had last spoken would supply the de-
ficiency. He (Mr. S. O'Brien) had gone over to Ireland, and
he found the state of the potato crop there even worse than it
was represented, and the answers received from the Board of
Public Works showed that no reliance could be placed upon
them. He (Mr. S. O'Brien) then wrote to Lord Lincoln,
stating that he was willing to take charge of hit
own people, but as the necessities of the neigh-
bouring district were so great, he could not undertake
to support them all. He wrote to Lord Lincoln on Friday.
His Lordship replied on Sunday, and said that he would on his
own responsibility send down a Government officer, and on the
Monday Mr Griffiths arrived in the district, and on the Wed-
nesday numbers of the poor were set to work. When he,
therefore, heard the remarks of the Hon. Member for Cork
that evening, he could riot help saying that it would always be
a subject of satisfaction to him to bear witness to the zeal, the
exertion, and the ability displayed by the Earl of Lincoln its
his official capacity—( Hear, hear)—and he was sure that the
Right Hon. Baronet might receive his statements with toy
confidence; and it did give him (Mr. O'Brien) the most
sincere pleasure thus in his place in Parliament to do justice to
the kindnesereeeived from Lord Lincoln. —(Cheers. )
Mr. CALEB POWELL would wish to say one word in
reference to an allusion made to a Noble Lord in Ireland,

whose name was returned in the Report of the Board of Works
as making an application for 5001., with the view of construct-
ing a fish-pond on his own estate. He (Mr. C. Powell) did
not for a moment doubt that this application could be satisfac-
torily explained from the fact of the well-known philanthropy
and patriotism of the Noble Lord. That Nobleman resided

on his own property—(Cheers)—and he was profusely
lavish of his expenditure for the good of the tenantry. To his
(Mr. C. Powell's) knowledge he had spent 500/. a week f
many consecutive weeks. The same feeling might have
prompted the Noble Lord in this application to Government.
Mr. D. BROWNE thought that the Government had ex-
hibited a most benevolent feeling towards Ireland, but they
were mistaken in the means of carrying it out. He quite
agreed with the lion. Minber whu stated that there was abun-

dance of food in Ireland, but that, in consequence of the
scarcity of work, the people had no means of purchasing 1%.
He always agreed with the Noble Lord, that unless the 'land-
lords did their duty, they would be under the neeetsity of esta-
blishing a poor-law system in that country, 'which would give
to the poor an absolute title to relief —( triear, hear.) But he
thought that the Noble Lord had net properly stated the mai•
menus of the Rev. Mr. Hughes, who was an intimate friend of
his own, and who had supported him throughout the whole of
his political career, when he said that the repeal of the corn.
laws would make all Irish landlords repeaters. He (Mr.
Browne) believed that Mr. Hughes would hail the removal of
the corn-laws as one of the first boons that could be offered ;
and he quite disagreed with the Noble Lord, when he asserted
that this Government measure for the repeal of the corn laws
would prove disadvilntageous to Ireland. He would, with the
permission of the House, illustrate the view he took of this
subject by a reference to matters of history. In the reign of
Charles 11. the Irish people memorialised the Government of
this country, through the then Lord-Lieutenant (he believed
Lord Ormond) that the imposition of a tax on Irish food,
imported into England, would inflict utter ruin wpm
Ireland, because they would not then be able to
keep up their standing army. The tax was, however,
imposed, and the Irish were cousequently obliged to direct their
energies into other channele. The result was, that the coun-
try increased in prosperity from the establishment of the linen
and other manufactures to such a degree, that an after petition
prayed that a tax might be imposed upon every article of ex-
port.—(Laughter.) He for one would express his gratitude to
the Noble Lord for the conciliatory tone in which he had re-
ferred to the policy to be pursued with respect to Ireland. It
was always pleasing to hear his country spoken well of, and the
Noble Lord had shown his appreciation of their sufferings, by
not only sanctioning the importation of corn duty free, but by
expressing also his readiness to go to the public treasury for a
fund to meet the distresses of the country. But he wished to
call the attention of the House to a motion which had hurtle•
diate reference to the district with which he was more immedi-
ately connected. He referred to a communication which had
taken place between Mr. Kennedy, chief secretary of
the Relief Board in Dublin, and the Rev. Mr.
Moore, an estimable Protestant clergyman of Cong, in
Mayo. Mr. Moore lived in his immediate neighbourhood.
He (Mr. D. Browne) was a Roman Catholic, and Mr. Moore,
as he had stated, was a Protestant clergyman, yet they lived
on the most friendly terms, and he was therefore enabled to
speak to that gentleman's usefulness in the district. Mr.
Moore apprehended that famine would assail their neighbour-
hood, and with the most praiseworthy intentions (because the
unfortunates whom he intended to benefit were all Roman
Catholics) went to Dublin, and obtained an interview with
the chief secretary. The Rev. Mr. Moore stated that a con-
siderable time elapsed before Mr. Kennedy would deign to
notice that he was present; he seemed too busily engaged. In
giving directions to his clerks and the printers ; an' when at
last he did see Mr. Moore, and when that gentleman told him
that there were great apprehensions of famine in his district,
the secretary very coolly referred him to the poor-house
of Balinrobe, because there alone could he or they
obtain relief. He (Mr. D, Browne) was a guardian
in the union of Balinrobe, and he could inform the House that
one-fiftieth of the iuhab,itants of the district in which Mr.
Moore resided could not get relief there. Mr. Moore then
addressed a letter to Lord Lincoln, but the Noble Lord himself
did not deign to reply to it. He, however, sent an answer
through Mr. Penefeather (a most unintelligible y
stating that the relief afforded would be regulatby the man-
ner in which the landlords would perform their duties. What !
was relief to be tested by the scale of a landlord's moral obli-
gation ? If Mr. Penefeather had told Mr. Moore that relief
was to be given commermirately with the amount of the land-
lord's subscription, that would be intelligible enough, however
unsatisfactory it might have beer. to Mr. Moore, who was sur-
rounded by property belonging to absentees. His Reverend
Friend afterwards wrote to the Lord-Lieutenant, stating that
they did not ask a boon from Government, all they wanted
being a cargo of Indian corn to regulate the prices in the
market. It was ten days before he received a reply to his
communication, and that a most unsatisfactory one, because it
merely referred him hack to Mr. Kennedy. (The Hen. Mem-
her here read the correspondence which hurl taken place be-
tween the parties.) What was the deduction to be drawn? That
however beneficially inclined her Majesty's Government might be
towards Ireland, her people might be allowed to starve until
they had first ascertained what were the intentions of the land-
lords. 71the people might, however, die while this relief body
in Dublin were deliberating as to the propriety of giving re-
lief. Why, the people in Ireland had been waiting for upwards
of a century in c4peetatfon of getting justice from their land-
lords; hu.t the people were at their mercy, and they got no
i.sureice. The landlords in England recognised the principle
that labour had its rights as well as its duties ; but in Ireland
the landlords recognised no such principle. The Hon. Mem-
ber concluded by impressing on the Government the ditty of
coming forward immediately to alleviate the distress in Ireland.
Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD coincided in the opinion
of Hon. Members who had spoken before him, that the time
had come when a tax should be levied on the land and landlords
for the suppot t of the poor in Ireland. Her Majesty's Govern-
ment had taken on themselves the responsibility of providing
fur the pot,r in that country, and he trusted that by some mea-
sure of this kind they would redeem that pledge. He (Mr,
S. Crawford) would 'give the resident landlord a fair draw.
back from this tax, There was another part of the
subject to. which he would refer shortly, He was
sorry to hear the Hon. Member for Limerick describe the
repeal of the corn-laws as solely an English question. He
(Mr. S. Crawford) thought it was more important as an Irish
question ; and he had no doubt, if the duty on corn were
abolished very considerable benefits would accrue to the Irish
peoPle.. If they were to be taxed for the support of the poor,
it furnished the greater reason wlsy they should have cheap
food in the country. He did not blame Irish Members, hs•
cause tbey gave a ;egiiinaate oposition to what was called the
Irish Ceereiest Bill. But he did hope that they would limit
the discussion to what was really necessary on the subject.
HI e was, therefore, most anxious that the Rill for the to al
•
entire abolition of the Born-laws should be proceeded
the tr wi
no;
because of all, ,giber things that were necessary for
prosperity of Ireland, during the present criers, cheapnessrw ooti l d
further
hoped
1
of food was the most needed ; and he, tberefor, that
some arrangement might be made, whereby t
be proceeded with without any.
au
(Veer;.)
Mr. O'CONNELL was ieeethat it would be admitted that
he did rot r 1 all questiOn" the good intentions of the Gov.erti-
,oent towards Ireland, when they proposed theirroeas.ere for
the relief of the people during their present misfortunes.—
( Hear, hear.) He would be eshamed of himself if he doubted
the goodness of their intentions in krorsinq that 41ea
111.Q1 but

he had to complain (and he was happy to know that that corn.
plaint had been joined in by several other Hon. Members) of
the inoperativeness of the parties employed by the Govern-
ment.—( Hear, hear.) There were sadly too many dialoms.4 . Ne
and references from one party to the other. There ve.b. tedite 1`
ousness everywhere, and activity nowhere, amongst
~ i -- -
men deputed to administer relief to the people t r'
,------7T-7.-:---/ ,-
present distress. Let the Government appoint of g+ •:; -•-- ' ,
~ i
and activity. The men that had been appointed it rants,.7.,.
of the localities to which they had been sent, a 476 :enkftsth=e--; i
fested entire ignorance of the proper mode of ei , nel .
wants of the people in such a crisis as at pres ',41011= -- e •
in Ireland. He thought that the House would age whit e et--- '
"*.
when he said that the Government should expend nigroyeseeeiy 1 4 ‘‘ .1 .
than they proposed to do for this purpose.—(Hi*litir:P ' l -
He was ashamed to ask for more money for his impoverished
fellow-countrymen. He was was not there as a mendicant asking
for further grants for Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Let the
Government advance their money without fear ; there was
no doubt, that they would, as they had previously done, take
care that they had ample security for its repayment. Let
them tax the landlords.— ( Hear, hear.) Let them insert into
their next Loan Bill such provisions as they had inserted in
the Coercion Bill for the taxation of the landed proprietors.—
( Hear, hear.) Let them transfer to the people the protection
which they proposed to give to the landlords. But whilst they
taxed the landlords, let them observe the rules of equity and .
justice. For instance, they should tax but lightly such a
landlord as the lion. Member for Northampton, who, it ap-
peared, had done his duty to his tenants in Ireland.—(Hear.
hear.) But let them tax heavily such landlords as failed to
perform such duties as they owed to their tenants. It might
be said that those were unconstitutional doctrines; but the people
were starving—they were actually dying, while the Members
of that House were canvassing constitutional doetrines.—
I ( Hear, hear.) They were perishing by hundreds whilst
they were discussing the best mode of relieving them_
Did they not hear read from the returns, which they them-
selves had placed upon the table of the House, that th,s eel/lib:ye
had but one meal a day, and another family had nut teeted
bread for 48 hours, and if they waited till the next 48 hours
were elapsed they would find them in their graves ? The
Government had professed an anxiety to relieve the fearful
calamities of Ireland ; let them then come forward frankly ;
he was sure that the House would not shrink from giving their
support in any measure which would effectually alleviate their
distress.—( Hear, hear.) But let there be no longer any
laziness or delay. It it were trite that the Government was
not able to meet the challenge which he had already made, to
the effect that not one single shilling had as vet been laid oat
' by the officers of the Government for the relief of the people
of Ireland, why diet they not bestir themselves, 'whilst that
people, according to their own reports, were famishing? Let
there be no dilatoriness, no unnecessary delay at the Castle
ef Dublin.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to the measure that
had been proposed by the Government, for the relief of the
p
people, it was quite true that he had thrown
oeuoptloepwineireonsstcaorvo-
trary to what he now offered, but whenthe .
ing it was no time to discuss private opinions. Let the Go-
vernment at once tax the landlords of Ireland for the support
of the starving tenants ; let maketheliol that experiment, and.
boldly. when they did, let them do it
forwardy.
a
Let them drop their
Coercion Bill. Let them bring
Coercion Bill. for
the landlords of Ireland, by which theywLd
be oorrceiuleteo
do their duty to their oppressed tenants. Let thenecinet
ofd
some measure which would compel the landlords to
their bounden duties towards the poor around them. p(clocramr,
hear.) And whilst he spoke of landlords, he did not mean to
include all the landlords of Ireland. Many of the landlords
were good men, but there was at the same time, an abundance
of clearance and " destroying" landlords in Irel-end.—( Hear,
hear. ) It would be seen at once that he had still his strong
objections to the plan of ont-door relief for the alleviation of
the distress in Ireland; but, under the present circumstances,
he was anxious for the introduction of any measure that would
bring food to the people, and he was, therefore, sorry that his
Hen. Friend, the Member for Limerick (%lr. Smith O'Brien)
was opposed to the total repeal of the corn-laws.—(Hear,
hear.) His (Mr. O'Connell's) own conviction was, that
nothing but repeal would do the people of Ireland any good.—
( Cheers.) The existence of the present corn-laws had clearly
done them no good.--( Cheers.) The existence of that mea-
sure had been concomitant with misery—with increasing
misery ; it was concomitant with destitution ; and, therefore,
any man that could suppose t'nat Ireland was benefited by the
continuance of the eorn-laws must draw very largely on his
imagination.—(Hear, hear.) It was quite plain that the corn-
laws had not enhanced manufacturing industry in Ireland,
nor this number of her manufactures.—( Hear, hear.) What
dhi they want for Ireland? Wages. Agriculture would not
give them wages, nor had the corn-laws given them wages.
—(Cheers.) They had said that the corn-laws had been
introduced for the good of Ireland; but of all other coun-
tries in Europe, that country had been the least benefited
by such a measure.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped, therefore,
that they would at once, and for Heaven's sake, set about
the passing of the Bill for the abolition of the corn-laws and. postpone their Coercion Bill.—(Cheers and laughter. )
Mr. P. SCROPE was anxious to make a few observations
with respect to a portion of the speech of the Noble Lord the
Member for Lynn (Lord George Hentinek), because he was
very much struck with its inconsistency. That Noble Lord had
spoken of the enormous exportations of corn and other provi-
sions that were sent from Ireland to this country, and he had
said that if they abolished the corn-laws, they would ruin.
500,000 families who lived by the cultivation of the soil in that
country. Now really it appeared to him (Mr. Scrope) that
the only effect that would follow the abolition of those laws,
would be that the Irish people (supposing the Noble Lord's
argument to be true) would have the 14,000 f. worth of provi-
sions which they annually sent to this country to consume
themselves ; all their butter, their corn, their cheese, their po-
tatoes, their poultry, and other provisions, would be kept for
the support of themselves. That was the only result which to
his mind at least would follow from the passing of the corn•
laws. He coed not admit that the whole of th.o time which
had been occupied on the Coercinn Bill had been thrown away.
He thought that that debate had had the effect of shoeing such
Hon. Members as were ignorant of the state of Ireland, the
great necessity of passing some measure for the
substantial reirt4 of the miseries under which the people
of Ireland I".:ooured. It showed in his opinion the necessity of
proeurinc, for the people of Ireland substantial employment,
such as had been enjoyed by the people of England for
centuries. He did not think that the Government need
entertain any dread about the introduction of any measure
which would compel the landlords of Ireland to support the
poor around them. Let them fearlessly proceed with their
measure for the abolition of the corn-laws. They surely did
not want to starve the people of Ireland—they could not, in
fact, do so, because the people would be fed in some way or
other. The hungry millions would not suffer themselves to be
starved to death e'; and he therefore maintained that the
Government must feed the people of Ireland, by whatever
moans they might accomplish that object. Now, if that pro-
position were conceded to him, the next step was this—How
were the peopled fed at present ? Why they were fed in the
most wasteful, extravagant, profligate, and foolish manner that
any people could be fed ; they were fed by a misguided system
of almsgiving. The mendicant travelled through the country
and found his way to everybody's cottage ; he attended at
every door and begged frb-m all the inhabitants. It was ad-
mitted that a mendicant's life was the very worst
way of obtaining a livelihood and that the present
system of almsgiving in Ireland, was one which de-
moralised the character of the people, as had been proved
by the Reverend Dr. Doyle, whose name was venerates!
throughout Irelani.—( Hear, hear.) That Right Rev. Gen -
tleman had proved that it supported a set of the most profligate
and abandoned characters, and that the poorer classes became
in consequence greatly demoralised. A pauper would, as it
appears, send out his wife and children to beg whilst he him-
self remained at home doing nothing but trifling his time away
in gossip and smoking his pipe. And laying aside the demo-
ralising tendency of the present system of mendicancy in Ire-
land, let us look at it in a pecuniary point of view. It neces-
sarily caused a profligate waste of money ; besides, able-bodied
men were kept in the character of idle paupers, who might
be otherwise employed in furthering the interests of Ireland,.
Their reports proved that there were thousands of that, cha-
racter at present in Ireland. Now, he wished to ask whether
it would not be preferable to have all the money that was
given in the shape of eleemosynary relief in Ireland, collected by
proper parties, for the purpose of distributing it to worthy
characters? And whilst they did so let them collect money for
the relief of the poor—from the willing as well as the unwilling ;
let them compel all who were able to support the poor of that.
eountry.—(Hear, hear.), Let them thus introduce a
methodical and economical relief of the wants of
the poor. Let them collect taxes for the support of the poor
from absentees as well as those who resided on their property
in Ireland. Let them bring out the recourses of Ireland and
compel the landowners to do their duty to their tenants • let
them introduce some compulsory measure, which eventually
would remove the evils of Ireland in a great measure. Let
them not leave the relief of the poor to the discretien
of the landlords of Ireland, for he thought that they
trust have clearly found that they were wrong in an-
ticipating the voluntary co-opperation of those gentle-
men in their efforts to relieve the wants of the people
of Ireland during their present distress.—(Hear, hear.) It
was quite clear from the speech of the Right Hon.
that the Government had relied very much on the co.operat Baronetee
i
of the landlords of Ireland, and it was quirteetcieleeartealesovethryatgtrheez
had failed to afford the anticipated co-operation
extort.—(Hoar, hear.)
He certainly regretted most deeply
'
that they had been mistaken in that anticipation;
h the expe-.
rinses of past years might have prepared them for sue., a
failure. The Governmentof the
poreroerspin responsible for
and in
rthepresef
greatt im-
' perfect system of relief
measure for the present distress in that country. The distress that.
at present prevailed in Ireland was nothing new in that Coun-
try. Was there not a famine in Ireland in 1823, 1827, and
1842 ? and not many years ago subscriptions to the alumna of
several hundred thousand pounds had been raised in England
for the support of the people ; and after all it had been proved
that that very money had
gene into the pockets of the land-
lords. He happened to have a copy of the evidence of an Irish
gentleman (the Hon. Frederick Cavendish) which was
tendered before the Members of the Commission of which
Lord Devon was the head, which proved that that sum had
igot into the pockets of the Irish landlords, in the shape of
rente.—( Hear. hear.) He did hope that this discussion would
not terminate without some substantial measure for the relief
of the calamities of Ireland being proposed. He did think that
the time was come now when some measure should be adopted
by the Legislature, for the purpose of cempell'Ag the land-
lords to do their duties to those that surrounded them.—
( Hear, hear.) Ho did not mean to say anything against
the landlords of Ireland individueily ; he knew that
several of them were worthy characters, like the Hon. Member
who had spoken in the course of this debate. They main-
tained the poor people on their estates in a very praiseworthy
manner.—( Hear, hear.) They did their utmost for the sup-
port of the destitute poteetation of the neighbourhood of their
estates. It was, honvever, necessary that the landlords should
be compelled to sits their duty, for there were clearly hundreds
who would not, if left to contribute a voluntary tax, attend in
the least to the state of the peer. If some such measure were
introduced, he felt :confident that the people would be made
more industrious and useful members of society, and peaceable
subjects of her Majesty.—( Hear. )
Mr. COBDEN—We have rather lost sight of this questionnn
—( Hear, hear)—and I merely wish to say a few words upon
that ebate
that point. This is rather irregular; unexpected
has arisen from a question put by the Hon.
Lime-
rick, The question is this—Whether t
withhim,,,illbe
Member for Lynn, and the party. connected
of the coin-law for three
elUem Nobleber for
Lordi' i m
teee-
willing to vote for the
.- to suspension ,
proposition before__.applicanhsl—e only to Isr:glia,enrid:
anotherNinoonwtihsw;ebhuatvothis suspension is..
Then presume, therefore, that this propoai-
( Hear, hear.)
a,
Ibut the abolition of the corn-law.--
shoe of the could
England, Scotland, Wales a
abolition of the corn-late.
three months' at:
tion of the Hon. Memberfeforr Limerick is, that instead tit the
Ireland, we are to substitute a suspension of the
corn-law for Ireland alone. I beg, in the first place. to tell
the Hon. Member for Limerick that there are other partiee
besides himself and the Noble Lord, and the 240 who sat 're-
bind him, to this proposition.—(Cheers.) There are the peo-
eaannd the country partv., but this
liEvinnghanidn—tll,edoton‘oxtnsmi
pPalertyof
peoples(.l govern this coun-
try.—(lronical effect's from the To:lstectionists.) The English
Itisb too, fromSew°tht:aht
people, the
not
one Welsh,h,t and, I believe, the
eye since heard, are determined
to be ',lcterred by ':ne Suspension of the corn-law—(Cheers
from the Ministers and free-traders)—but to have the aboli-
tion of tl-„e corn-laws.—(Continued cheering.) Now, I think
this matter has been determined out of this
is di House long ago.c
—(lronical cheers from the protectionists.) And
maderejote
' a
that this question of the corn-law
can no longer be
sposed of and settled
matter of compact.—(Cheers.) It
iv
~,e delay which
met of doors ;and though you are rejoicing at
lott kayo occasioned, that delay only skows In the minds of the

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