The Sun.
London, England, 1846-10-17 00:00:00

We have received the Paris papers of Wednesday.

The Madrid correspondent of the Constitutionnel
gives the following account of the reception of the
French Princes in the Spanish capital :
" The space traversed by the Princes from the Bilboa
gate to the Palace is much about the same as that from
the Hotel de Ville at Paris to the Place du Carrousel
All the balconies and windows along their passage,
which was through the streets called Fuencaral, Mon-
tero, Puerta del Sol, Calle Mayor, Platerias, and the
Arch of the Palace, were filled with people, and yet
neither the spectators at the windows nor the crowds
in the streets made any response to the gracious sa-
lutations which the Princes incessantly directed on every
side. Not a single cry of approbation or disapproba-
tion was uttered by the populace during the wholo way.
At the Calle de In 'Montero, in which there are many
shops kept by Ffenchmen, a tew women at the windows
waved their handkerchiefs, but they found themselves so
completely alone in their testimonies, that they very soon
ceased giving them. On arriving in St. Mars's
-square,
at the end of the Platerias, the houses in which are in
habited by the French and Neapolitan embassies, the
representative of the house of Rothschild, and by the
officers of the Palace, their Royal Highnesses were
generally saluted, but even at this point there were no
acclamations. As the procesSion passed the Puerta del
Sol a man, standing close to a group of police-officers,
cried Long live Me Dare de Montpensier,' but this only
provoked a counter-cry of Spain for ever.' Chis is
the only incident worthy of remark that occurred in the
entry of the Princes. Their reception in the capital
may therefore he said to have been circumspect and cold,
but not hostile."

The Constitutionnel remarks with much severity
upon the conduct pursued by the Spanish Govern-
ment to the Opposition press. What that conduct is
may be judged of from the following account which
appears in the same paper :
" Nothing gives so just an idea of the spirit with
which the Government is animated, as the fact that
yesterday four journals, the Espanol, the Eco del Comer-
cio, the Clamor Publico, and Espectador were seized on
no other ground than that, in their accounts of the entry
of the Princes, they stated that it was not attended with
any enthusiasm, and that the entire ceremony bore an
official character. I cannot call your attention too
strongly to the condition to which the Government has
reduced the press. After having by four successive de-
crees changed, and by means of simple royal ordon-
nances, rendered more rigid the severe laws by
which the press was governed—a law which, in
fact, was a copy of your law of September ; after
having abolished the trial by jury, and subjected
the press to a special tribunal, composed of judges
removable at pleasure, the Government has intro-
duced the previous censorship by a process worthy in all
its points, of the maxims of Escobar. The last law on
the press prescribes that the first copy printed of every
work shall be laid before the Prefecture before it is sent
into circulation. Now, this is what the Ministry gains

by this simple provision—it is enjoined that directors of
journals shall suffer three hours to elapse between the
delivery of the first copy at the Prefecture and the send-
ing out of the impression. During these three hours a
censor named by the Prefect examines the journal, and
marks those whose publication is to be interdicted. Then
a police-officer presents himself at the office of the jour-
nal, and seizes the whole impression. It might be be-
lieved that satisfied with thus preventing the appear-
ance of such journals as are displeasing to it, and, having
thus insured the practical exercise of the previous cen-
sorship, the Ministry would rest content; but despotism
is contagious, and Governments accustomed to it, carry
their tyranny to the bounds of absurdity. After having
subjected the journals of Madrid to the censorship,
they have imposed upon them the same penal
ties and fines for their censured articles as
they would have been liable to had these
articles been published. The Eco del Comercio
and Espectador have each been just condemned
twice to pay fines amounting to 25,000 f., and this, not
for having published, but for having had the intention of
publishing articles denounced by the Public Minister,
and adjudged by men in the pay of the Government.
Such is the liberty of the press in Spain, such is the
constitutional system of our Ministers, and to which
France is about to lend the support of her strong arm.
You are now able to appreciate the ac,.lounts given by
the Ileraldo, and the two journals in the pay of the Go-
vernment—the Imparcial and Popular—and in which it
is gravely stated that the greatest enthusiasm and
deepest sympathy attended the reception of your Princes
by our people. Nothing more effectual could be done
it it were desired to render the sojourn of the sons of
the King of the French at Madrid unpopular, and cer-
tainly their personal affability, and the private qualities
for which they are so distinguished, would have over•
come the repugnance excited by the policy of the French
Cabinet, if the rigorous exaction of the penalties, and
the other coercions with which the Government burdens
and fetters the press, did not destroy every favourable
impression."

The organs of the Ministerial party are chuckling

vastly at the idea of the approaching ruin of England,
who, according to the Journal des Debats, is on the
point of losing her Indian Empire, and is disabled
from moving by the Irish famine. This from the
friends, supporters, and originators of the entente
cordiale is very amusing. The Slide, the organ of
the O'Dillon Barrot party, has an an admirably-
written article on this same entente cordiale, for which
it would, in common with ourselves, wish to see sub-
stituted a durable alliance between the two nations

on honourable terms. We give this important article

in extenso :

"If we unreservedy blame the faults committed by a
Government whose decisions appear to be all dictated by
egotism—if we reproach it for the honour even of our
country for those acts of duplicity of which Europe at
this moment calls on it to render an account, and of

which we regret it has not been yet able to justify itself,
we are not the less decided on supporting the right and
the cause of France. And let it not be believed that we
are doze!eived, like our pretended Conservatives, as to the
state of affairs which the proceedings of our diplomatic
agents, if they are such as they are reported to be, has
created for our country. It is a gross illusion to per-
suade oneself, like the Presse, that Lord Palmerston, in
case he should think it necessary to demand reparation
fur what his journals call an act of trickery, would find
himself isolated even in England, and particularly in
Europe. It is in vain to, bring forward against him,
without proof, the opinions of Lord Aberdeen and of
Sir Rotert Peel ; it is in vain to say that he has ac-
quired for himself tho reputation of a mischief-
maker and of a revolutionist with the European Ca-
binets, and; that if he were mad enough to carry this
affair of the marriage any further, it is well known what
would be the result of it—all this is boasting and
puerility. The Debats held a nearly similar language
in 1840, and it is nevertheless known what took place.
Lord Palmerston, approved of or not by his colleagues,
was supported by them to the end of his policy.
Austria, who at first on the Egyptian question appeared
disposed to accept the arrangement proposed by France,
suddenly changed her opinion, and united herself to the
coalition already formed of the other powers, and the
Court of the Tuileries, which thought itself so sure of
overthrowing Lord Palmerston, was compelled to beat
a retreat, and bend before him. Then, nevertheless, no
hesitation was felt in denouncing Lord Palmerston as a
dangerous agitator, as an incendiary Minister ; then
also, or a little before, there were pointed out with
great outcry those appeals to revolt of subjects against
their Governments, which proceeded, it was said, from
the Cabinet of London, But, when it was necessary
to act, the absolute monarchs did not hesitate to
range themselves on the side of the old. British aris-
tocracy against the French nation, which never ceased
in their eyes, whatever language its Government might
use, to represent revolution. We will say, moreover,
if the attacks of our Conservatives against Lord Pal-
merston were all merited ; if it were true that, instead
of confining himself to keeping up some miserkble
agitations, sometimes in Spain, and at another
time on some other point, for an interest exclusively

as the Presse says, the natural
English,suriportrF r e
i gasfrN' a
eolticitiiiii' in the woild.; if that were true,
we should regard sucli rittacke as a title of honour for the
representative of the Whig Cabinet, and we should re-
gret still more that instead of embroiling itself with that
Cabinet for a purely dynastic interest, Government had
not endeavoured to found with it the durable alliance of
the two nations in some grand enterprise useful to the
liberty of the people. It is in fact solely on the condition
of protecting the weak, acting in defence of right, and
promoting the development of liberty in the world,
that England and. France can honourably unite ti -
gether m
; and we may add, if this union be pos-
sible, it is with the Whigs rather than with the
Tories, whose sentiments are invincibly in favour of
absolute monarchies. At every period, when the ill-
will of the English Government shows itself towards
France, we are shown the prospect in perspective of
an alliance with Russia. But, in the first place, this
alliance is not, that we are aware of, offered to us; and,
were it even offered, it would not probably be obtained
except on revolting and impious conditions—the alien-
derunent of the Poles, of the Italians, of all suffering na-
tion!, without speaking of the more or less remote
abandonment of Constantinople. At such a price
the alliance cf Russia
.would be too dearly purchased ;
France entire would reject it. We believe in the possi-
bility of an alliance with part of Germany, when
Prussia shall have a Liberal constitution, and shall be
interested in preserving it.
.Until that time a serious
and sincere good understanding with Great Britain
founded, not on the exchange of some courteous words
between princes, but on the true interest of the people,
and on the community of the principles which govern i
their institutions, is what s to be desired for our
country. This understanding might have been esta-
blished after 1830, and again in the year 1836, if the
fear of the ultra-Conservatives had not paralysed all
movement. In the last ten years it has only existed in
aprearance ; now w it is quite broken, broken by the advo-
cates of peace a taut prix, for afamily ireeres', aud, if it
must be said, for a dowry! It is a serious resphnsibility
which is taken before the country by those Ministers
who have so many times repeated to us that
the entente cordiale was for us a sheet anchor,
for the preservation of which no sacrifice of
power or of dignity was too great for the nation to
make. This responsibility appears to them apparently
lighter because they have not now to deal with a Tory
Ministry, with a Conservative Ministry professing like
themselves to be opposed to the most legitimate wishes
of the people. Who are Lord Palmerston and his col-
leagues? Powerless mischief-makers, who will be easily
overthrown, if they do not take part in our dynastic
arrangements. This is a sad calculation, and a dan-
gerous illusion. We are perfectly of opinion that our
Government, even after having committed a fault, should
not yield to arrogant menaces, to importunate clamour;
that it should maintain its right when that of others has
not been violated; we do not feel the slightest sympathy
for those pretended Spanish patriots who range them-
selves behind the English Ambassador, to cry with all
their lungs, A bas la France t But we again call on
our Government and thegreat Conservative party, before
giving way to their fits of ill. humour against the Whigs,
before denouncing them to the animadversion of the ab-
solute cabinets as the natural supporters of revolution
in the world, to look around them and to see what sup.
port would remain to them in Europe on the day when,
no longer able to reckon on the British Cabinet, they
shall have turned against them all the interests of the
revolution."

The National has an able article, from the pen of
"A Veteran Diplomatist," in answer to the arguments
of the Presse, on the treaty of Utrecht. The answer
is complete. In allusion to the slight degree of im-
portance which the National attaches to the treaty of
Utrecht the " Veteran Diplomatist" admits that " the
KING elected in 1830 has completely accepted the
treaty of Utrecht," and then proceeds to show, by
the • most incontrovertible arguments, that by
the provisions of that treaty the issue of the
marriage of the Due DE MONTPENSIER are
absolutely excluded from the succession to the
throne of Spain. With regard to the distinction
which the Presse attempt's to draw between the
wording of the preliminaries of 1709, in which all
the French Princes were excluded from the throne of
Spain, by succession, marriage, convention, or other-
wise, and the text of the treaty of 1713, and from which
it draws the conclusion that in 1713 the principle of
exclusion was abandoned, the " Veteran Diplomatist"
replies —" What was in effect the question under
consideration in the preliminary negotiations of 1709 ?
It was the recognition of CHARLES of Austria as
King of Spain. It was very natural, under those
circumstances, to carry out the principle of absolute
exclusion as regarded all the French Princes without
exception. And you are astonished that this abso-
lute exclusion of all the French Princes
is not reproduced in the treaty of Utrecht, that is to
say in the very deed by which one of those Princes
received the crown of Spain!!! The negotiators of
the treaty must have been idiots if they had exactly
copied the preliminaries." But the so'emn renun-
ciations of 1712 are not less clear, nor less precise,
nor less obligatory. There was no n ecessity to ex-
clude Princes from the succession who, by their own
act, excluded themselves and their descendants for
ever. It was sufficient to verify these renunciations
in the treaty, and to incorporate them with it as an
integral part of it. This was done, and it was added
that the treaty should be observed scrupulously,
and with good faith. It is then to the terms of the
treaty—to the clear and precise expressions of the
documents annexed to it, that we must return.
Now, the Presse insinuates that the word mar -
riage, which it carefully underlines, is not to b
found in the text of the treaty of 1713, although it
does occur in the preliminaries of 1709. This is
puerile when we consider the words of the renuncia-
tion of the Duke of ORLEANS. The rights of our birth
or all others which may belong to us in any manner
whatsoever in which the succession may arrive at our
line. He declares himself both for himself and for
his descendants excluded, incapacitated, and abso-
lutely incapable ; and for ever. Who can maintain
after this that the case of marriage has not been
provided against as well as those of testament, con-
vention, &c.

b
y
s
invalidate
%ee: bal should
marriage,har succeed
tochfae ere trdphi aretgiobniecu:ple of o
exclusion,of
"Besides, if the son of the Due DE MONTPENSIER
t
t
inheritance, and in virtue of
iltr:eAbtyis
ithhTeir:ot
,brneaty
of Spain, it would not
therefore the omission of
Utrechtand
un d
er does h o
exist-
ing circumstances is of no importance."
We regret we cannot find room for the whole of this
admirably written article, which proves that the Duke
of ORLEANS renounced for himself and for his children
and descendants, however distant, for ever, and what-
ever might be their sex, all right of sucoess;on to the
Spanish throne, in whatsoever manner that right
might accrue to them, and that this renunciation was
registered by the Parliaments of France and Spain as
a fundamental law of the two countries.
According to the Cuurrier Francais, Captain
I3nuar had captured two English missionaries at
Otaheite and kept them prisoners until he should re-
ceive instructions from France.
An army of observation is to assemble on the
Swiss frontier.
The Three per Cents. closed on the Paris Bourse on Wed-
nesday at 82f. 65c.; the Five per Cents., 117 f. 55c.; the
Orleans Railroad Shares, 1,253 f. 75c.; Rouen, 937 f. 50c.;
Havre, 707 t 50c. ; Great Northern, 700 f.; Avignon 890 f ;
Vierzun, 610 f ; Bordeaux, 556 f. 25c. ; Boulone, 475 f: ;
Troyes and Montereau, 3601. ; Basle, 2221.50 c. ; Fampoux,
390 L ; Dieppe, 365 f.; Paris and Strasburg, 491,1; Tours
and Nantes, 502 f. 50c. ; Paris and Lyons. 5171. 50e. ; Lyons
and Avignon, 4851. ; Bordeaux and Cette, 4771. 50c. ;
Spanish Domestic Debt, 341
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THIS
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, OCTOBER 15.
Boulogne and Amiens 14%—Bordeaux, Toulouse and Cette
Mackenzie), IY, —East Indian 1/4—Namur and Liege, 13,,--Northern
of France Constituted, 123,4- Orleans and Bordeaux, 7 1/4 —Rumn
and Havre, 271,(1.

THE CABINET.—Lord John Russell has issued in-
vitations to all the members of the Cabinet to a Ca-
binet dinner, to be given on the 27th of the present
month, at his residence in Che!ham place. At this
meeting the further prorogation of Parliament will
be settled, Parliament at the present time being pro-
rogued to Wednesday, the 4th November.

---
Mr. Rowland Hill, the promoter of our postal re-
form, is at present in Paris, and was at a dinner given
him, by the Society of Economists on the 1 lth instant.
I.IIE SOUTII-WESTERN RAILWAY EXTENSION.—
During the last few weeks very considerable progress
has taken place in carrying into effect, by order of the
directors of the South-Western Railway Company, the
Act of Parliament for the extension of the line by arches
from Nine Elms, Vauxhall, to Pediar's-acre, adjoining
the Ilungerford Suspension Bridge. There is a direct
opening made from the terminus to Vauxhall-walk, the
line being intended to pass through the large area of
around in the front of Vauxhall-gar dons. From the
Waxdsworth-road to the Vauxhall-road nearly the
whole of the piers are built, and which are about four
feet in width. On some of them the arches are in course
of being turned. Between this distance there will be
three bridges,
which will be constructed with strong iron
girders. On the north aide of the Wandsworth-road the
level with the arches will be continued to the railway
from the viaduct by a mound of earth, which is now in
the course
greater portion of the remainder of the line have been
of formation, The occupants along the
treated with, and nearly the whole of them have agreed
to terms without submitting to a jury. At the south of
the Archbishop of Canterbury's grounds, in Church-
street, several houses have been removed, and between
that part and Vauxhall the line will be rapidly extended.
The line will then, by the late Act of Parliament, after being
brought to Pedlar's-acre,
be continued to London- bridge.
It is stated that on the completion of tho viaduct the
effect will be a diminution of the tolls connected with the
Surrey trusts to a sum of Abu() 8,000/.