The Sun.
London, England, 1833-09-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIIE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

Nothing can be more diverting than to
read the rapidly-varying and contradictory ru-
mours in the continental journals respecting the
interviews of absolute Sovereigns, who have
now taken it into their heads that they must

talk over the affairs of Europe. Even the place
of their meeting has either been shifted with
greater rapidity than the scenes in a comedy, or
was never known to the persons who pretended
to be in their secret. We were assured, fur in-
stance, that the residence of the Emperor of
Austria in the neighbourhood of Prague was to
witness this grand display of royal and imperial
wisdom. Then the stage was shifted to Trop-
pau, which was associated of old with despotic
resolves and slavish principles. We were next
told of Schwedt on the Oder as the rendez-
vous whither the Emperor of Austria and
the King of Prussia were to repair to welcome
their northern guest, to save him the trouble
of an additional journey. By a wave of the
journalist's magic wand, or a dash of his active
pen, Friedland was substituted for Schwedt ; and
now, lo and behold ! when the eyes of all Eu-
rope were said to be turned to that small town,
:as the seat of destiny, or the head-quarters of
oracular diplomacy,—presto, we are told that the
imperial party has gone to Munchengratz (or
Munchengrubs, as one of the Tory journals has
it), and that- we must follow them to the hunt-
ing grounds of Count Waldstein ! We never
before heard of a Congress, short of some men-
tioned in Gil Blas, where the members were so
anxious to conceal their place of meeting, or to
mislead their friends or enemies on the subject.
May not this arise from the consciousness that
they were about to hatch some plot against the
interests of mankind, which they were desirous
to keep secret from the eyes of jealous diplomacy
till they had arranged all its details? If we are
to trust the new version of their proposed labors
in the German papers, they have undertaken a
task which will require to be long matured in
their councils and conferences before it can be
carried into execution. They are, it seems, to
take under their charge every portion of Europe
where popular excitement has lately existed, or po-
pular improvements have been introduced ;
and they are to restore order in their own
fashion, by reversing what has been done, and
placing constitutional states under a new Eu-
ropean system. Their device is said to be,
" Alt for the people, nothing through the
" people,''—a kind of free translation of their
old Troppau jargon, that "No political
changes are to be recognised unless they pro-
ceed from those whom God has intrusted with

legitimate power." We need scarcely remind
our readers of the practical commentary on this
detestable doctrine which was given to the
world on the invasion of Naples, the expedition
of the Duke D'Angouleme into Spain, and the
overthrow by a foreign military force of all the
constitutions of the south of Europe. We
need scarcely remind them how " all was done
for the people, and nothing through the
people," by the great leader of the Congress
when he lately subjugated Poland, nor need
we recall how the maxim has been em-
bodied in the policy pursued by Austria
towards Italy. On the present occasion,
however, the Congress which has met in
Bohemia possesses much less power of do-
ing mischief than people, without examination,
would seem to apprehend. Its resources are by
no means equal to its wishes, and the state of
the world is not favourable to the development
of its designs. We have benevolently endea-
voured to reduce its proposed labours by with-
drawing, on what we think good and sufficient
grounds, several subjects of discussion from its
alleged programme. We have shown that
Switzerland is not within its jurisdiction, and
that its interference in the concerns of Portugal
is forbidden. The Swiss can guard their own
mountains and their own liberties, and while
they do not disturb their neighbours, by their
propagandism or violence, they have undoubted
right to indulge their taste for their temporary
squabbles, and to amuse themselves with im-
proving the fashion of their cantonal and federal
institutions. The fermentation will soon subside
in so cold a region. The Portuguese quarrel is
a domestic affair, with which none but the
" next of kin" or the most intimate friends of
the family, have anything to do. The political
condition of Belgium is fixed ; its people afford
no longer any subject for Holy Alliance lamen-
tations on the progress of anarchy ; its independ-
ence and neutrality are guaranteed by the great
Powers of Europe, and lie would be an able poli-
tician who could manufacture the justification
of a general war, or a reason for European in-
terference, out of the question whether a toll on
the Scheldt should be three florins or one ! But
what, it may be asked, shall we say of Italy, of
Germany, and of Poland ? There the allied
Courts are alleged to be on their own ground,
• and entitled to dictate what laws they choose.
To this claim we beg leave partially to demur.
Austria, indeed, forms their advanced guard in
Italy, and the German war horse has learned too
well the road across the Po to be kept back
when occasion offers, but there is little probabi-
lity that in threatening the Papal legations, and
in domineering over a country destined

" Per servir sempre o vincitrice o vinta,"
Austria would ask assistance or concurrence
from her more northern allies. Besides, so
long as there is a French garrison in Ancona,
and such a mass of discontent over the whole
of the Italian Peninsula as at present, it is
not likely that Austria, by any precipitate
interference of a combined character, would
wish to hasten or provoke an explosion. We
shall hereafter advert to the question of Italy,
the recent discontents and executions in Pied-
mont and in Genoa, and make some remarks on
the state of Western Germany, so far as these
topics ire likely to occupy the deliberations of
the Allied Sovereigns. In the meantime we
may say that there appears no probability of a
war as the result of these deliberations. Their
Royal and Imperial Majesties may wish by a
personal interview to ascertain how far they
could concur in a combined effort, if it were
thought necessary, for their common protection ;
to what extent they are alarmed on the progress
of free opinions ; what representations they
should make to their Constitutional Allies +;
what instructions they should give their Ambas-
sadors at Foreign Courts, in certain supposed
cases ; and whether they ought to counteract
the supposed league of France and England by
a league of their own, founded on different
principles. But there is no probability that any
active schemes of repression or interference will
be the immediate consequence of these abouche-
mens des Rois.—Times.

We speak within compass, when we say that
there were at least 500 causes left untried at
the London and Westminster King's Bench
Sittings when the Chief Justice left town for
the Circuits; yet, though such is the case, there

is no intention, it seems of holding any sittings
previous to the next Tenn ; so that it is not at all
improbable that when the causes of the next
Term come to be added, there will have been
little, if any, diminution of the present number
of remanets by the end of the year. This is a
state of things amounting, as it does, to a com-
plete denial of justice to a large body of the
King's subjects, which ought tot to be allowed
to exist, and which it was confidently expected
the new Chief Justice would have put his shoulder
to the wheel to remove. Instead of which, it does
not seem as if the same exertion was to be made
for the purpose as even the impaired strength of
the late Lord Tenterden enabled him to perform.
That Noble Lord, with a view of breaking down
this immense arrear, sat fcr that purpose full
three weeks before the commencement of Mi-
chaelmas Term, and, of course, got through
great manycauses in that time, and, consequently,
in the same degree, cut down the number of rema-
nets. But now all that the suitor is to get is
an exemption from the payment of the fees here-
tofore exacted for the re-entry of these. This
may be looked upon as a boon by some, but to
us is appears to be little more than an abstinence
from robbery ; for what else can it be to keep a
man's cause in suspense for months, and per-
haps for years, and then inflict a penalty upon
him for the injury he is suffering ? We can
can easily imagine that to the monopolists of the
bar this deviation from Lord Tenterden's whole-
some practice may be very agreeable. We were
told very lately that the Insolvent Court ought
to suspend its sittings, that the barristers might
take a holiday ; and the elite of the King's
Bench bar may probably think so too. But
what does their employer, the client, the sufferer,
say to this ? He naturally says that what is re-
creation to them is death to him. And we, on his
behalf, say that, in this age of law reform, the
very term is a mockery, while an evil so consi-
derable as this, and which admits of so easy a
remedy, is allowed not only to continue, but to
be aggravated.—illorning Herald.