The Sun.
London, England, 1846-08-14 00:00:00

But there was another argument used in favour of
the measure to which he must allude. It was said
that, in the long run, the free-trade principles
of the country would eventually lead to the abolition of
slavery and the slave trade, because slave labour was
confessedly dearer than free labour. He, however, de •
nied this. It was not true that free labour was cheaper
than slave labour ; but leaving that argument out of the
question, it was said these free-trade principles were
airway producing great effects in the country where
elaviery existed. Now the wealthy planter might be dis-
posed to rest upon what he had got already, but the ad-
venturous planter, who was needy in his circumstances,
and had his fortune to make, would have recourse to
that labour which he could procure with the least ex-
pense, and over which he could exercise the greatest
amount of control, and this would stimulate the slave
trade which was carried on between Africa and the slave
states. It would be increased in the same degree that
this measure would increase the supply of sugar for this
country. Again it was argued that their present plans
for putting down the slave trade had proved failures,
and therefore an alteration was necessary. It was said
that the slave trade at present was four times as great as
it was in 1807, when they passed the Abolition Bill.
Now he flatly denied that proposition.—(Hear, hear.)
lie denied that at this moment there was a greater num-
ber of slaves exported from Africa than there were
in 1807. It was said that the trade had increased to
the extent of from 15,000 to 20,000 slaves annually ; but
what had occasioned that increase but an extension of
the sugar market ? In spite of all the difficulties they
had raised against the slave trade, the extension of the
sugar market had added to the number of slaves an-
nually exported from Africa—(Hear, hear)—and
yet, even with this statement, which came
from the other side before them, they were asked to pass
a Bill which would extend the market still further. A
Noble and Learned Lord opposite had told them, and
truly, too, that the Brazils were approaching that period
when they would join this country in putting down the
slave trade. They had been almost reduced to do so,
the Noble Lord said, because they were excluded from
the British market; and yet they were about to put an
end to the exclusion, on the ground that it had proved a
failure.—(Hear, hear.) Just let the House remark the
injustice of this. Had the exclusion continued, they
would shortly have been in a position, with the aid of
France, and other nations, so to blockade the African
coast, hat it would have been utterly impossible for a
single slaver to elude the vigilance of the guard, while,
on the other hand, a wholesome system of
commerce would be opened up between the
chiefs of that country and different parts of the world.
—(Hear, hear.) Let them pass that measure, and they
would be re-opening the slave trade just at the very
moment when there was a most reasonable expectation
of their getting repaid for all the life, energy, and prin-
ciple they had sacrificed in the cause of justice and
humanity. But what were they doing ? Why they
were doing that which would render it impossible for
them to ask other nations to assist them in suppressing
a detestable traffic, and publishing to the whole of
Europe the fact, that they were sacrificing a great prin-
ciple for the sake of expediency. Their passed plans
he would contend, then, had been no failure, and he pro-
tested against that measure because it was averse to
the feelings of the great body of the people of this
country. When slavery was abolished in their own
West India Islands, they were told that it would
be useless to do so, because the Dutch
would take advantage of their Act, but it
was urged then, and he urged it now, that this
was no reason why this country should either directly
or indirectly be a party to a great political crime. It
was not fair that, laecause they wanted cheaper sugar,
they should do an act which had a direct ten.lency to
encourage slavery and the slave trade ; and, believing
this would be the effect of the present measure, he would
conclude with moving, as an amendment, that the Bill
be read a second time that day three months.—(Hear.)
The Bishop of LONDON said he was not aware that
the discussion upon this Bill would have been taken
upon the first reading, but he was glad it was so, be-
' cause it had given him an opprtunity of carefully con-
' sidering the opinions of those who supported the mea-
sure. The conclusion he had come to, after carefully
reading the debate of Monday night was, that if he
sanctioned this measure, he ehould be encouraging the
' slave-trade, the abolition of which was, in his °pi:lion,
' the highest feature in the history of the country, and
one which he considered might well be brought against
the offences which this country had some time ago, for
a long period of years, committed against the cause of
humanity.—(Hear, hear.) If they must have a large
supply of sugar they must clearly encourage an increase
in the traffic. Into Brazil and Cuba there were no less
than 150,000 slaves imported annually, and if they
wished to have an increased supply of sugar of 30,000
or 40,000 tons, they must also have an increase of 30,000
or 40,000 slaves imported to enable this quantity to be
produced. If, then, it was true, and it could not be
doubted, that for every one slave brought across the
Atlantic two perished, let them look to the immense loss
of life which the measure before the House would
necessarily cause. He did not look at the question in
the light of protection, but as a question of mortality,
and believing that it would have the effect of inflicting
such incalculable evils on those unfortunate creatures,
be would, however unwillingly, enter his protest against
the measure. That great statesman, Mr. Pitt, called it
the greatest practical evil that was ever inflicted on man-
kind, and fully concurring in that opinion, and feeling
that any thing said more would weaken the effect made
upon their Lordships by the speech of his Right
Rev. Friend, he would conclude by supporting his
, amendment.

The Marquis of LANSD3WNE considered that one
of the Right Rev. Prelates who had just addressed
them, had peculiar claims on their attention with
regard to this question, inasmuch as he bore
the name of one whose name was imperish-
able with regard to the accursed slave-traffic.—
(Hear, hear.) Great, however, as had been his eloquence,
he thought that if they did not adopt the question before
the House they would be guilty of a piece of incon-
sistency which no language could adequately describe.
If the Right Rev. Prelate had heard an opinion ex-
pressed that the great question of the abolition of the
slave-trade was a failure, it was not from
him, nor any of his Noble Friends, such an opinion
ever came. When his Right Rev. Friend made use
of the name of a Noble Friend of his, to the effect
that every energy would be taxed to put down the
slave-trade, he trusted that he would also give weight to
the opinion of that Noble Friend, who also stated that
to open a free trade with Brazil was one of the most
effectual means for the suppression of the slave-
trade. He, therefore, again indulged the hope
that by the adoption of this more generous and
liberal policy—by the medium of commerce—
this measure would lead to the propagation and esta-
blishment of greater moral and religious principles; and
knowing the moral and religious feelings, and the noble
principles of the people of this country, he could under-
take to state they considered this a measure which met
their approval, as the presentation of only six petitions
against it amply proved, for had it been otherwise, their
Lordships' table would have been covered with denun-
ciations against it. Considering how much the subject
had been discussed already, he would not detain their
Lordships at greater length, but conclude by calling upon
them to snimort the BR
The LORD CHANCELLOR having put the amend-
ment, and no Noble Lord having risen to address the
House, strangers were ordered to withdraw, and their
Lordships divided, when the numbers were— .

Content
Not c0ntent........
Majority in favour of the Bill — 18
The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to
be committed to-morrow.
COURT OF COMMON PLEAS BILL.
On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, this
Bill was read a second time.
TITHE AMENDMENT BILL.

... 28

This Bill was reported with the amendments, and or-
dered to be engrossed.
The Citation (Scotland) Bill was also reported with
amendments, and ordered to be read a third time to-
morrow.

The Stock in Trade Bill, the Highway Rates Bill, the
Turnpike Acts Continuance Bill, and the Copyhold
Commission Bill, went severally through Committee.
The Militia Pay Bill was read a second time.
The Prisons (Ireland) Bill was read a third time
and passed, as were also the Grand Jury Cess Bill, and
the Books and Engravings Bill.
Several other Bills were forwarded a stage, and the
House adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, August 13.
(Coatinued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.)
BRITISH POSSESSIONS BILL.

On the order of the day for going into Committee on
this Bill being read,
Mr. GOULBURN said he wished to offer a few ob-
servations. The policy hitherto pursued by the Govern-
ment in relation to the colonies was to regulate their
commercial proceedings by Act of Parliament; but in
the present Bill a departure from that course was pro-
posed, and the colonies were to be left to regulate their
own commercial affairs—thus takinfr, away an authority
which the British Legislature had invariably exercised,
and placing it in the hands of the colonial legislatures.
He should like to hear some good reasons for this new
asfrohmis
impression policy befortehathtegßreilaltwieaseoaelvloewneiedeetoe pwaesst.ild latriswe
leaving these matters" to the colonieosi
what
hwacoslony
would act according to its own views
which
ex-
pedient, and thus there would be a wantofwteshatse har-mony and uniformity of principle
de-
sirable in colonial affairs. • He considered it would have
been much wiser for the Government to have introduced
a general Bill into the House, fixing on a
general prin-
ciple the rate of duties which should be imposed on the
commerce of all the colonies. Should they depart from
the principle on which they had hitherto acted in the
present instance; the next step would be for the
colonies to take the regulation of the navigation laws
also into their own hands.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER be-
lieved it would have been better for the British Legisla-
ture to regulate on a general principle the duties im-
posed on the commerce of the colonies ; but, as no
time had been afforded for consulting with the colonies
on the subject before the end of the session, the
Government thought it would be better, rather than
that the colonies should be without the means
of raising supplies, that the present Bill should
be introduced. By another session the whole
subject might be fully considered, and such steps taken
in regard to a general measure as might be thought
most expedient.
Mr. WARBURTON thought the principle of the
present measure dangerous, and likely to prove in the
colonies subversive of free trade. Though the Right
llon. Cirentleman who last spoke said the
I oo
qulestkioirnig might
u: fully nonsifirreil another session, n
the Bill he found it was to be a permanent measure. to
Mr. HENLEY briefly expressed himself against the
principle of the measure.