The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-21 00:00:00

the clubs." Heinformed me of the offersthat had been made to
him—of the design entertained of excluding me as well as
several of my colleagues. I said to him, " Minister of the
Interior, you have the right of beating the rappel. If there
exist by chance a National Guard in Paris we are saved."
M. Ledru Rollin unhesitatingly accepted this proposition,
and went out to order the rappel to be beat. I hastened to
Duvivier's. My project was to assemble a few battalions of
the Garde Mobile around the Hotel de Ville, and, with Ge-
neral Changarnier, to resist there till death, that the
National Guard would make use of their arms to save Paris.
Duvivier seized my design. He had admirably understood
that force the Garde Mobile, which I had created on a piece
of grey paper, at the Hotel de Ville. " Where are there any
cartridges?" said he to me. I thought that there were some
at the Etat Major of the National Guard. M. Courtais
showed himself very loyal. lat last went to the Hotel de
Ville. At this moment General Changarnier came to
join me. He made his military arrangements, and we
awaited the manifestation. Two young men bad been
dispatched to the tan/kite to give notice. At last, after
some painful moments of waiting, the 12th Legion
appeared on the bridge, and crying out " Vive la Rilpub-
lique," the armed force rose to life again, the Moderate Re-
public was saved. The baulieue showed itself in its turn.
All was drowned in immense movement of the National
Guards, to the repeated cries of" Vive la. RCpublique !" On
the 15th of May, it must be confessed, we were deceived by
the unskilfulness of the chiefs of the public force. It was al-
ways the same spirit, the same tendency. The point here,
too, was to confiscate the Republic to the profit of a violent
party, who wished to push things to extremities. For others
this was an essay at intimidation. The armed sections, the
great categories of the seditious of Paris did not play here the
leading part. More importance than he deserves will have
been given before you to Blanqui—a monomanical conspira-
tor, an artist in plotting. Barbel; came to my house; he
called me his saviour. He did not attach an extreme value
to Blanqui. Blanqui did not influence more than sixty men
in Paris. He is a signal. He took the head on the Isth of
May ; but, to speak truly, the chiefs were not there. Barbee
was caught in a trap about the popularity of Blanqui. The
proof of the little popularity of Blanqui is that the other
clubs had resolved to assassinate him. To sum up, having
observed, as I have done for four months, the tendencies of
all sorts for the suppression of the National Assembly, I
think I may say that nothing serious has been perceived in 'I
the armed sections—in the statesmen of the ROpublique
exagger&. The movement of the 23d of June was 'quite
spontaneous. The agitation of the ateliers nationaux had
two causes—the Government money, economized in the say-
Mrs bank for civil war; and then communism, which laid ,
hold of them, and made use of them for the insurrection. As
to the part played by the Executive Commission, as for my
part of the reeponsibility, I have not wished to speak about
it. Ido not wish to bring personalities forward in so fright-
ful a catastrophe. Recriminations would have been repug-
nant to my nature. It is not a month since orders were given
to General Cavaignac to surround the National Assembly with
troops, and not to count on the National Guards, except as a
reserve, as a moral support, as a magnificent supplement of
forces. There were at that time only 6,500 troops in Paris. It
was agreed that 26,009 troops of the line should be quartered
in Paris. We had 16,000 Garde Mobiles, 2,500 Gerdes Repub.
licaMes, and 2,000 Gardiens de Paris. I required, moreover,
15,000 men in the immediate neighbourhood of Paris. This
made them 60,000 men, independent of the National Guard,
and I judged this force more than sufficient to repress any
insurrectionary movement. I have beset General Cavaignac
with my observations in this respect. For the moral state I
demanded a series of repressive laws—laws against the press,
laws against attroupements. We were unanimous in the
Executive Commission to demand these measures from the
National Assembly. It seemed to me that the National
Assembly was menaced by two dangers, the ateliers na •
tionaux and a Bonapartist movement. I then considered
how to protect the National Assembly if it had been forced
to quit Paris, and I wished that 20,000 men of the army of
the Alps should be held disposable. I insisted more than
my colleagues on the execution of these measures. I was
very much astonished at the few troops which were in
Paris. I do not accuse General Cavaignac, whose high
military reputation and loyalty are above all attack; but
I must indeed say that there was something in the ad-
ministration of the Ministry of War which did not answer
to our confidence. I had proposed to carry the bar-
ricades before night, and to make a desperate effort ;but
the absence of troops prolonged the contest. From all that
I have said, it follows that in the diverse manifestations and
insurrections, the same intentions have shown themselves;
but you, gentlemen, political men, making an inquiry for the
present and for the future, you must remark and cause to be
yiole ds
actedma n -
separately, and it is that which has given us the victory.
nreemr.arkilhthfrasteetiNo-enrjolfhtihneg
producedanarchicaltps ealrft yi nhaa sn sa
at
The dissolution of the ateliers natinauz teems to me to secure
it infallibly for the future.
(To be continued.)

STATE OF CENTRAL EUROPE.
The German Sovereigns submit with the best grace
and it was proposed to read an address to him. The
tthey
ec aRn
hti on
et,h
theei r ciih
tanngge
of d
periur
sc
sui me
ss tt se np cpeesd.
at
MOn a
ghd his wu
rag);
Minister Von Auerswald, who accompanied him, re-
quired a copy of the document, and seeing that it em•
braced disputed political points, declined to allow it to
be read, stating that asa constitutional monarch the King
could now express no opinion upon such matters pub-
licly, except with the advice of his Ministers. A good
impression has been made on the money market by the
journey to Cologne, and the apparent good understand-
ing which subsists between the King and the Archduke
John. In Bavaria there is less heartiness, and the
Minister of War has tendered his resignation, being ot•
fended at what he calls degrading the line by recognising
the privileges ofihszrege4l&llllslUl,olrtilit the wishes of
the people on this point, and have even engaged that the
new armed police intended to keep order at Berlin shall
be carefally watched and controlled in the exercise of
their duty.
The King of Hanover is the only one of the larger
sovereigns who did not celebrate the 6th August with
apparent cheerfulness. He is reported to have said
that the unity of Germany was not to be founded upon
forms and demonstrations, but upon a mutual good un-
derstanding between its component parts.
In the Slavonic nations there is great dissatisfaction,
although no outbreak is feared. Complaints are made
from Posen that the Advocate Krauthofer-Krotowski is
kept in strict arrest, although his comrade was allowed to
go to Paris. As has too often been the case with poli-
tical prisoners, the severity of his treatment and the un-
healthiness of his place of confinement are said to have
ruined M. Krauthofer's health end to have affected his
thsheopualdrtiebes
itmo
prisoned after the bombardment of Prague have mostly--
lberraeitne.d. It
virse
From
singular
i Bohemia
itah that
we
ulceharnthtihnsgts
been released, no charge of a conspiracy being sus-
tained by any proof. A few are retained to be tried by
the ordinary tribunals for rioting, and the arms taken
from the National Guard have been restored. The
Vienna authorities seem anxious to throw the fearful
exploits of Prince Windischgrata as much as possible
into the shade. A far bolder step has been taken by
the Bohemian Germans than the Slavonians attempted;
the Germans having called a congress at Toplits to '
debate upon the measures to be adopted by
them in case their wishes are not carried through
in the Diet now assembled at Vienna. Amongst other
points, the way to ofiect a junction in commercial union
with the Aollverein is to be discussed, by which the
i,i eatrh
hcl f
er'o,arrogance
h eve i
a stated
which
Germans undertake to anticipate the measures of the
Central Government on a matter of foreign policy, a
piece
ae o
andpsh, Hungary t
it n
that the
the
S lav onia fls
peasants
refuse avoided.
toFrom
Galicia
get
when theh
ffacerceodunhtisgohf
wages.the harvest The spiritarefa-
ted
of hostility between the landowners and the agricultural
peasantry, roused by the Metternich Cabinet, and per-
petuated since by the Austrian Cabinet, has totally de-
moralised a great portion of the empire, and threatens
to lead to melancholy results. A similar line of policy
is now adopted by the Russian invaders of Moldavia,
who have brought back with them the son of the Hospo-
dar, banished sometime since for revolutionary excesses.
His first feat has been to excite the peasantry to set fire
to the standing crops of the Prince his father. This un-
justifiable aggression by Russia on a peaceable neigh-
bour is now confirmed in its fall extent, and has excited
a great sensation both at Vienna and at Frankfort.