The Sun.
London, England, 1841-10-15 00:00:00

ONDON, FRIbAY, OCTOBER 15, 1841.

•

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GRAN
SPT
RAANT TI IN. CORN;NLCAH
TDERE.. MON-
MANCHESTER, TUESDAY.—A grand demonstration of
the working,Ltdasses took plaec here laSt evening, in the
Old Manor Court-room High=street, on the occasion of'
the National Operative Anti-Bread-tax Association hold-
ing a tea party, at which Colonel ThompSon was invited
to be present. The meeting was intended as the first 'of
a series of movements for uniting the:different Assoeia-
- tioes of the kingdom, and diScusSing with them the pro-
priety of holding a convention in London, in February,
consisting of delegates from the working-classes, with
the view that the sentiments of the people shall not be
misunderstood by the Government and Legislature on the
vital• question of the Corn-laws. John Brooks, Esq.,
presided ; anil among the principal guests present, in
addition to the Colonel, were G. W. Burnes, Esq., Hull;
J. Curtis, Esq., Ohio, United States ; R. Moore, Esq.,
without
classestho whome
itvi
barrister, Dublin ; the Rev. W. J. Massey, and the Rev.
William Shuttleworth. After the repast—
The CHAIRMAN briefly addressed the meeting. He
lt
nhi observededdle nation, that
v the
couldu ot p ral live Last
.e
neithers ere wealth-makers
landlords
be
nor
hadb
et
ei
ief
called upon by Dr. Sleigh, the Duke of Buckingham's.
pro-Corn-law lecturer, who had accorepaniel him on a
visit to some of the distressed weavers, and other uneme
ployed operatives ; and so strongly were the Doctor's
sympathies excited, that he could
not keep his hands out
of his pockets. They went round again' on the follow-
ing day, and on the question being asked, the answer
universally was that times had never been known to be
so bad in Manchester.—(Hear, hear.) Ire mentioned
this for the sake of the Tories of Manchester, one arid all
Of whom declared that the distress was not so great
now as it had been on former occasions. He could give
a better test of this than Sir Robert Peel's savings' bank
test. Last week he had bought 27-inch power-loom
cloth, which was the standard.in,
-eeltianchestter, cheaper
than he ever bought it lieforke; ndt but of necessity, but
in the regular way of business.—(Hear.) The distress
made no distinction between Whigs and Tories ; still
they would not give up their party ; but, by and by, they
would be made to feel it, though many of them, he
knew, would break first.—(Applause.)
Mr. J. T. FINNIGAN, a lecturer of the Association, re-
commended the operatives to take the management of their
affairs into their own hands, and not longer be bamboozled
by party distinctions. The difference between Whig and
Tory was this ; the Tory would not yield one inch to the
demands of popular liberty, and the Whig would only
giie way by being kicked along.—(Applause.) Every
argument he had heard against the repeal of the Corn-
laws' had confirmed him that their repeal would be most
beneficial to the people, in every point of view. One
person (Bronterre O'Brien) had admitted that from
1793 to 1815 the Corn-laws had robbed the people of
2,000 millions of money ,• 'and yet he now said that the
repeal of those lawrs would :be tantamount to the con-
fiscation of all the landed property in the kingdom.
What Ives the cause of this Change—this glaring contra-
diction ?—(Hear, hear, and' "money.") The prevail.
ing distress, which tended to spread itself upwards, had
had the effect of more 'closely uniting the middling and
lower classes ; the former were beginning to find out,
and were compelled to admit, that labour was the source
of wealth. He concluded by recommending that steps
should be taken for selecting delegates to meet in Lon-
don, at the opening of the Session of' Parliament, to
watch the measures brought forward by Government.
R. MOORE, Esq., in an eloquent address, recommended
greater union among the people. It was of no use to go
crawling to the door of the House of Commons with pe-
titions; but let them stop paying all direct taxes, dis-
continue the use of all tam] articles, and not give any_
support to the Government, either by being soldiers, re-
venue officers, or anything else under the Government.
—(Cheers.) He advised them also to give up the read-
ing of all stamped newspapers.—(Laughter.) If the
people would but unite, and consent:to make some great
sacrifice, no Government could withhold their rights from
them; they would then get, not only the repeal of the
Corn-laws, but Vote by Ballot, Universal Suffrage, and
everything else they wanted.—(Applause.) Let the
Anti-Corn-law lecturers be sent to Ireland, to preach up
the stopping of rents ; and when this was done, the Irish
landlords would be amongst the foremost petitioners for
repeal. Ireland, of all countries, would be the most be-
nefited by a repeal of the Corn-laws.
J. CURTIS, Esq., of Ohio, United States, said, in his
opinion the duties of a Government were to let the people
alone, and confine themselves to the administration of
justice ; by that means everybody would be protected.
The restrictions being removed, all the people wanted
of Government was, as Diogenes, in his tub, said to
Alexander, " Stand out of my sunshine !" All they
should ask of Government was, fair play and the world
for their stage; and this, with their own stalwart arms,
and natural disposition to enterprise, would better sus-
tain them than all the legislative protection in the world.
The only way to give wages a- chance of being sustained
was, not by laws to protect them, but' by letting them
alone to find a market. Extended markets to the mer-
chant brought increased prices to the manufacturer ;
and did they think that if the manufacturers could in-
crease their profits ten per cent. they would not be bid-
ding up for wages ?--(Hear.) The only protection the
people should seek, then, was clearli% to have the taxes
removed which diminished their labour.—(Applause.)
Colonel Tuosinson, on rising, spoke as follows :—lt
is well known to you that I have in truth given to this
question of' the Corn-laws the consideration of many
years of my life, I feel persuaded that I see before
me men and women too who have penetrated the false-
hood, the feebleness of all those pretences which are put
before you to induce you to lie down quietly under the
foulest invasion of individual rights which ever was
embodied in the shape of a legislative enactment.—
(Hear, and cheers.) What want you to put an end to
it ? More knowledge, not for yourselves, but for your
fellow-citizens—more union and less division.—(Cheers.)
Let us once prove that the nation, or a vast majority of
it, is united in opinion on this point, and then there is a
virtue in united opinion, which, without demanding of
us exactly to say how, does frighten tyrannical and dis-
honest men.—(Loud applause.) They shrink before it.
It is the provision of Heaven and nature that they shall
see, in the union of honest and industrious men, a force
of which they do not choose to brave the operation.—
(Applause.) I confess, for my own part, I have always
had more hope in that " iron-hearted Duke," whom we
have heard mentioned to-night, than in many of your
polished and more able speakers—reasoners, I would
hardly call them—from whom some expectations may be
had.—(Applause.) I have always looked forward, I con-
fess, to the man who had the courage—the strong natu-
ral sense, I will call it—to see the time when it was neces-
sary to grant Roman Catholic Emancipation, and to do that
in spite of the prejudices of his education and of society;
from him, I say, I have always had a much stronger hope
than from all the word-mongers, the ablest quibblers, in
the House of Commons—the men who put forth then:fal-
lacies, such as you would be ashamed of and scout instan-
taneously, and then turn round to a tribe of little boys
behind, and tell them to cheer and make a noise.—(Ap-
plause,) That is what passes for statesmanship in the
House of Commons ; and that it is that most unhappily, it
seems, we are at this moment to be governed by. We,
however, must not be disheartened ; a people, they say,
is eternal, and it is well it does not hold its existence
by the will and fiat of Statesmen, or it would not be
eternal if they could put it to an end.—(Cheers.) Now,
if all the wisdom, craft, and experience in this nation had
been put together for the sake of making a little nation
out of a great one, what could they have done but what
they have done ? They have said, "As God has -made
this island of limited dimensions, we can only, of course,
produce a limited quantity of human food ; and .there
shall be no more men and women in it than can be fed
upon that food.—(Hear, hear.) The conjurers.—
(Cheers,) Yet those men demand that we shall give
them credit for being patriots, and believe that they are
the only men who know how to mike a nation great and
respectable.—(Applause.) No w,,.eould :ay. have hit on
such an invention for saying, that: industry' shall be
checked, that commerce, which God has made to unite
all the countries on the face of die Abbe, should be put
a stop to by Act of Parliament:, ,You shall go so far,
they say, and no further. And-when incomes to be looked
into, it is nothing but a naked,',thievish invention for
increasing the wealth that is '• to come into their
own coffers ; they need not 'deny that, they cannot
deny it.—(Applause,) Let me tell • yeti ustdry. You
have heard a story of one ancient philosopher; another,
walking through the.market-place, took a shoulder of
mutton, and hid it in his robe. The owner followed him,
appealed demanding re •
to the law, loudly reparation. The
philosopher said, "Is it 'credible that a man like me
should steal a leg of mutton?" and the judges decided
that is was not to be believed.--(Cheers.) He went to
his disciples, and said, 64 see the effects of a good charac-
ter : I did take the mutton, hero it is ; and because I
had a character, I was let off."—(Cheers and laughter.)
Now, these philosophers of ours have made the charac-
ter that they might take the leg of mutton.—(Loud
Cheers.) They have—trusting to your faith in their
assertion that they -are wise, 'and ~great, and fit
and able to manage the concerns of the State—ended in
putting money into their purses, and out of your purses
too—nay, what is more, in wringing every indus-
trious hand and heart in 'this country to the utmost, for
the sake of increasing the individual wealth which they
shall throw about themselves and their families,—
(Cheers,) I speak with some knowledge of the question,
being myself an owner of lands ; and I could tell
them, that their conduct is as foolish as it is wicked.
What have we now to do ? We must calculate the
maximum effect we can produce. Recollect that we are
sheep amongst wolves, or anything else which you may
choose to represent ' our condition. We are the weak
contesting against-the-strong-:- We -must behave as the
weak against the strong ;. at least until .we are strong
we must use prudence. What aneaus, then, should we
have recourse to ? Let me; Suggest some,
As I said
before, increase public, opinion, ,:advance knowledge.
You have knowledge, it is true ;ibut every man Jtaa not.
There are many yet moving darkness upon t
hemost
important points of the subject before us, . it not
true, that the efforts have ueen numerous. by parties
in this country to deceive the public upon this ques-
tion ; and does there not seem t , be something like
'a morbid disposition in the public. or some portion of
it, to be led by the nose wherever our enemies may
desire ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Is it not before
us, do we not daily see that there is no fallacy, no
pretext -o gross, but if shown before the public, some
-
t its heels ?
portion of the public a Nay, it is a

melancholy truth, which we have a proof of to-day ;
therefere, I say, let us wait a little before we have re-
! course to extreme measures. till we are stronger to put
any measures in execution. Therefore, let us enlarge
Ithe number of those who think as we think.—(Applause).
Is there any danger in waiting so long? Is it not likely
that our advance may be calculated like that of a house
on fire, a common illustration ? Is it not certain that
there are things of which we know a little more this
• year than we did last year, and are likely to know a
great deal more next? But there is another point of
some importance—could we not agree to something like
union among ourselves ?—(Hear, hear.) I speak not of
those within this room, but of those who are elsewhere.
Now the great division of opinion has been, I apprehend,
on this point. The leading principles of popular rights
which the majority of the inhabitants of this country have
always been deprived of, were embodied a few years ago
in a document which was named the Charter.—(Cheers.)
I had the honour to be one of ten or twelve Members of
the House of Commons who assisted, in conjunction with
many most meritorious and able individuals of the work-
ing classes, in drawing up that composition. When that
was done, there did, as it appeared to me at least, arise
another set of men, who said—" You have drawn up a
Charter, and the Charter is a very good Charter ; but we
are the only men who know any thing about how it
should be gained."—(Hear, hear.) Now, on that, I say,
there may be two opinions ; nay, everybody knows, so
far as I am concerned, that there always were two
opinions, for I never flinched or hesitated in declaring
what I thought ; and I always maintained, whenever I
had the opportunity to lift up my voice, and propriety
admitted of it, that the great open door for obtaining the
Charter was to get rid of the restrictions on trade and
industry, which make you poor and of no consequence
in the eyes of any of your enemies.—(Applause.) It
was because I loved the Charter that I wanted to see
you put down the Corn-laws, as a step towards the ob-
taining of the Charter.—(Loud cheers.) Now upon that
let there be no quarrel ; 'tis a difference of opinion, it
is clear, but if we are to quarrel till all difference of
opinion is at an end,;we shall quarrel till there is an end of
the world, and all that is therein.—(Applause.) Might I
then propose, if my voice should reach those elsewhere
whore it may concern, that we should admit this prin-
ciple—that each shall go on his own way, without at-
tempting to hinder the other.—(Cheers.). If they can
do it their way, we have never hindered them ; if
we can do it our way, why should they hinder us?—
(Hear, hear.) I say this the more boldly, because lam
bound here to declare my own obligations and gratitude
to the very party or individuals to whom I have alluded
for much political support, given to me in trying circum-
stances. They said, nobly, " Help every man who you
think will finally assist your • cause." I could point to
the places more particularly where they did it. They
did it honourably at Hull; they did it at Sunderland;
and I am persuaded that they are prepared to do it al-
most everywhere. Is not, then, this the best policy.
Let us cease to dispute on points whereon we differ; let
us see if we cannot unite on points wherein we agree?
—(Applause.) We both agree in thinking that the con-
dition of the operatives, who are the numerous class in
this country, is shameful, and such as has never taken
place in any country before pretending to any share of
knowledge and illumination. Do we not live under a
Government which is framed, from top to bottom, after
some sort in order to keep the multitudinous classes in
inferiority ? And why? The leg of mutton solves it.
There is no doubt, when we see what they have done,
why they did it.—(Cheers.) They have framed and or-
ganised the Government avowedly (they would not deny
it themselves, but would say that it was as it should be)
so that the numerous classes shall have the least possible
influence upon that Government by whose decisions their
fate is to be guided.—(Applause.) Did they not openly
say—the law may have been altered within a year or two,
slightly—but was it not avowedly the law, that no man
should appear in that House of Commons who did not
take a solemn oath that his interests were opposite to
yours.—(Applause.) Now, press them upon that sub-
ject. 'What would they say, suppose you were to turn the
tables upon them ? What would they say to the passing
of a law that no man should sit in the House of Commons
who had not 300/. a year in tall chimneys? Would they
not say that it was an' effort to oppress them ? So it
would be ; but is it more so than their effort to oppress
us?—(Loud cheers.) We must screw up our efforts
to a better courage on this point ? Lord Stanley
said at Lancaster that he never heard of any
body in the House of Commons, or, I believe, in the
Legislature, who ever went so far as to demand the
total abolition of the Corn-laws. Now, let us correct
that mistake, by showing his, Lordship that there are
people who will demand something more. Why, when
they have put the manufacturing interest in this state of
restriction and depression for years together, should not
the manufacturing interest look to the question of
something like compensation for the same.—(Cheers.) I
will not propose to you the Mosaic five-fold retribution,
though that has carried with it a good deal of the sense
of justice on the part of the greatest portion of man-
kind. One compensation will be enough for us ; nay, if
we established the principle, then we might not be easy
about the amount.—(Cheers and laughter.) But if any
body asks you what Colonel Thompson said at this
meeting, say that he did advise you to ask for compen-
sation. Sir Robert Peel, I understand, has turned Lud-
dite; he said, by the last information, that all the mis-
chief comes • from machinery.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Whether he means to propose a tax on machinery it
is not for me to say ; but I believe I do not wrong
him in saying that he declared all the mischief to
arise out of the fact that the manufacturers will
employ machinery. No doubt ; and they have em-
ployed machinery as well as they could ever since the
world began. What has been the consequence ? I be-
lieve, in nine cases out of ten, where there was freedom
of trade at the back, the thing has ended in a greater
demand than before.—(Applause.) It has notoriously
so in respect to some articles. Depend on it, Providence
has not so badly managed the world as to give man
means to invent machinery, and make it a curse and a
nuisance. Providence gave man talents that he might
exercise them for his good ; and if they are exercised,
and good does not arise, where are we to look for the
cause but in those who inflict unnatural privations en the
course of industry and trade ?—(Cheers.) The produce
of a given article is increased by machinery ; be it
so ; but if there be free trade, the demand will also
be increased, there will be much more trade abroad.
But because they choose to shut up the channels of our
enterprise, and to say that industry shall not sell the
fruits of its labour, then, forsooth, when distress
ensues, they say, "see the effect of machinery."—(Hear.)
I hope no one will charge me with having come here to
give utterance to inflammatory counsel. I advise peace-
able proceedings. Above all things keep within the law;
not because the law is just—l wish it were—(Cheers)—
not because the law is venerable, for how can that be
venerable which is not just ?—but simply because the
law is strong.—(Applause). The law is a union of wills
to which nine-tenths, at least, of the inhabitants of this
country pay a blind and unreasoning obedience ; it may
be wrong, be it so ; but the fact is, it is the law, and let
us not run our heads against it.—(Cheers). 'What we
have to do is, to try to mend the law by efforts within
the law. Therefore, let me impress upon you the high
necessity of endeavouring to spread the knowledge of
your opinions in all directions around you ; adding to
that a sincere and candid attempt to obtain, if not a union,
at least a truce and peace between those divisions of
opinion which exist amongst ourselves.—(Cheers.)

After a few observations from Mr. Burns and Mr.
Watkin, Mr. Acland said—He would not detain them
now, because he should have other opportunit:es of ad-
dressing them ; but he wished to say, a word about the
union which all men agreed was so desirable between
the working and middling classes on thia question. This
point had been well put by Colonel Thompson. It was
most desirable that they should be united ; there were
two parties, in fact, where there should be but one.—
(Applause.) There was one party crying out " The
Charter," and another " Repeal of the .i.sread tax," and
there was a division among them as to which was most
desirable. This division was no fault of tii.e Corn-law
repealers ; they had never sought, by advanc;2g their
object, to impede that of the Chartists ; they has over
hunted the gentlemen of the Charter to annoy then;
at their meetings, and prevent an expression of
their opinions. And why, should those who pro-
fessed to hold Liberal opinions themselves refuse
liberty of conscience to others ?—(Hear.) The ques-
tion for the people to decide now was, which measure
stood the best chance of success, the Charter or repeal,
and which ought they to go for first ? This question, it
appeared to him, was easily answered. He thought it
that which public opinion was most in favour of, because
that must naturally stand the best chance of success.
Now public opinion had been said to be that produced by
the common action of the working and middle classes
upon each other. It was, in fact, the union of the opi-
nions of these two classes. The question then was, upon
which of these movements was that union most likely to
be brought to bear ? It could not be upon the Charter,
because not one in twenty of the middle classes had ever
read it, and many of those who thought they had any idea
of it had furmed a very erroneous notion of it ; in fact,
from the bad manner in which it had been advocated—
(llear)—the mad physical force advocates of the Charter
had frightened the greater portion of the middle classes from
entertaining it ; they had been induced to believe that, by
such change, they would be only exchanging the tyranny
of the few for that of the many; and under these circum-
stances there was small chance of a union between the
two classes on that question. The Corn-law wasaques-
tion now on which much enlightenment had been thrown
by discussion; both classes had begun, to a great extent;
to see its bearing upon themselves, and they found it op-
posed to their interests, and opposed to justice and hu-
manity. He contended, therefore, that the bread-tax
was a question which stood the best chance of success;
and, without wishing to carry away their minds by any-
thing like undue excitement, he called upon them to come
forward and declare for its repeal.—(Applause.) By this
Means they would' not hinder the progress of the prin-
ciples of the Charter. Let them knock the legs of
their feudal aristocracy from under them, for it was these
monopolies that formed the stilts upon which the cripple
stood ; and those principles would then not only stand a
better chance from the public mind not being pre-occu-
pied with another question, but would receive an im-
pulse which would be the sure harbinger of speedy sue-
cess.—(Applause.)
Mr. CULVERWELL said he 'vas anxious to propose, ere
llthey separate& a resolution on this subject :—" That
his meeting not only. considers the total repeal of the

PRICE 5d

Corn-laws to be a measure both reasonable, just, and
especially beneficial to the working classes, but also con-
siders that the landowning aristocracy ought to compen-
sate the working classes for years of robbery, by refund-
ing the whole of the unholy gains wrung from the people
by these wicked imposts."
The resolution was carried by acclamation.
A vote of thanks to the Chairman having been pro-
posed,

Colonel THOMPSON returned thanks, and the meeting
separated a late hour.

STATE OF TRADE.—PAISLEY.
(From the Glasgow Chronicle.)
We insert the following official notice from the Clerk
of the Relief Committee, as the best description we can
give of the state of things here. During the whole
summer hopes have always been entertained that the
week or month tl come would bring along with it a more
favourable change of circumstances; these hopes, it will
be observed, are now over, and the Relief Committee are
making earnest preparations for the worst. As a sample
of the sufferings of part of our population, we can state
the case of one family which has been investigated into,
and found living on nothing but potatoes, and by begging
herring brine from the shops, as the only thing they can
obtain to relish their scanty and wersh morsel. The
family consists of a father, mother, and two children,
and the residence is in Causeyside :
" County-buildings, Paisley, Oct 8, 1841.
" SIR —I have earnestly to request your attendance at
a meeting of the County Operative Relief Committee,
within the Council Chamber, Paisley, upon Tuesday, the
12th curt., at one o'clock in the afternoon.
" The funds of the Committee aro exhausted; the trea-
surer is in debt ; and the numbers of the unemployed
are daily and rapidly on the increase.
" A proposal made by Sir William Milliken Napier,
Bart., at a meeting of a small committee held to-day,
and seconded by Sheriff Campbell, will be sub-
mitted to the bonsideratien of the meeting on Tuesday,
viz. :—lst. That the Provost of Paisley, and othors
to be named, should be appointed as a committee
to wait upon those persons in the town and country who
are able, but who have not hitherto subscribed to the re-
lief fund, to solicit their subscriptions—and 2d. That a
deputation be immediately despatched to London to so-
licit the assistance of Government—to endeavour to ob-
tain part of the London Relief Fund, raised in 1826
and generally to procure subscriptions in the metropolis
for the relief of the distressed operatives of this county.
"The propriety of establishing soup kitchens in dif-
ferent parts of Paisley will also be submitted to the meet-
ing. " I am, Sir, your most obedient servant,
" ROBERT WILSON, Secretary."