The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 281

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

MOUSE OP LORDS, July 27.
ROYAL ASSENT.
The Royal Assent was given to-day. by (lommission,
at four o'clock, to no less than eighty-three Bills. The
Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis
of Clanricarde, and the Earl of Minto.
The following are the titles of the Bills:
Viscount Hardinge's Annuity Bill.
Lord Gough's Annuity Bill. .
Corresponding Societies and Lecture-rooms Bill.
Western Australia Bill.
Coalwhippers' (Port of London) Bill.
Spitalfields' New Street Bill.
Coroners' (Ireland) Bill.
Dundee and Perth Railway Bill.
Caledonian Railway (Glasgow, Garnkirk, and Coat-
bridge Branches) Bill.
Sheffield, Ashton-under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway
( haley•bridge and Hayfield Branches) Bill.
North Union Railway Bill.
Buckinghamshire Railway (Tring to Banbury) Bill.
Birmingham, Lichfield, and Manchester Railway Bill.
London and Croydon Railway (Thames Junction) Bill.
Newcastle 'and Darlington Junction Railway (Dur-
ham and Sunderland Railway, and Wearmouth Dock
Purchase and Branches) Bill
Great Western and Wycombe Railway Bill
Ayrshire, Bridge of Weir, and Port Glasgow Junction
Railway Bill.
Ashburton; Newton, and South Devon Railway Bill
South Wales Railway (No. 2) Bill.
Gloucester and Dean Forest Railway Bill.
Hull and Selby Railway Purchase Bill.
Great North of England Railway Purchase Bill.
Midland Railway (Leicester and Swannington Railway
Purchase) Bill.
London and Birmingham Railway and Birmingham
Canal Arrangements Bill.
Newry, Warrenpoint, and Rostrevor Railway Bill.
Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding Junction Railway
Bill.
York and North Midland Railway (Widening and En-
largement) Bill.
London and Birmingham Railway (Leamington Ex-
tension and Coventry and Rugby Stations Enlarge-
ment) Bill.
Ca'edonian Railway (Carlisle Deviation) Bill.
North Wales Mineral Railway (Deviation and Branches)
Bill.
Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester Junction and North
Wales Mineral Amalgamation Bill.
Guildford, Chichester, and Portsmouth Railway (No. 2)
Bill.
Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal (Hud-
dersfield Diversion and Cooper. bridge Branch) Bill.
Northern Counties Union Railway Bill.
Grand Junction Railway (Huyton and Aston, and other
Branches) Bill.
Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester Railway (Deviations
and Branches) Bill.
Glasgow, Airdrie, and Monklands Junction Railway
Bill.
Newcastle and Darlington Junction Railway (Durham
and Sunderland Railway and Wearmouth Dock Pur-
chase) Bill.
Blackburn, Clitheroe, and North Western Junction
Railway Bill.
Blackburn and Preston Railway Bill.
Sheffield, Ashton-under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway
(Peak Forest and Macclesfield Canal Purchases) Bill.
Sheffield, Ashton-under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway,
&c. Amalgamation Bill.
Ely and Huntingdon Railway (Bedford Extension)
Coventry, Nuneaton, Birmingham, and Leicester Rail-
way Bill.
Midland Railway (Birmingham Extension) Bill.
Midland Railway (Purchase of Oakham Canal) Bill. I
Tenhy, Saundersfoet, and South Wales Railway Bill.
Lancaster and Carlisle Railway (Extension to Calefie4
nian Railway) and Lancaster and Preston Juiifo
Railways Amalgamation Bill.
Eastern Counties Railway (Stations Enlargement) Bill.
Manchester, Bolton, and Bury Canal Navigation and
Railway Bill.
Leeds and Bradford Railway (Alteration of Levels ih
Bingley) Bill.
London and Black wall Railway (Widening) Bill.
Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester Junction Railway
(Crickh, ath and Wean line) Bill.
Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester Junction Railway
(Extension and Deviations) Bill.
East Lancashire Railway (Deviation and Branches) Bill.
Huddersfield and Sheffield and Manchester and Leeds
Railways Amalgamation Bill.
Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway Bill.
Furness Railway Extensipn Bill.
Ipswich and Bury Si. Edmund's hallway (Norwich Ex-
tension) Bill.
London and Brighton Railway ( Wandsworth Branch) Bill.
Liverpool and Bury and Manchester and Leeds Rail-
way sAmalgamation Bill.
London and Brighton and London and Croydon Railways
Cons'olidation Bill.
Sheffield General Cemetery Bill.
Heywood Waterworks Bill.
Severn Navigation Bill.
Bury Improvement (No. 2) Bill.
Pow of Inchaffray Drainage Bill. -
Dudley Canal and Birmingham Canal Companies Amal-
gamation Bill.
Cromford Canal Bill.
Chorley Waterworks Bill.
Waterford Harbour (No. 2) Bill.
Beltast Improvement Bill.
Kilmarnock Waterworks Bill.
Black Sluice Drainage and Navigation Bill.
Rothesay Municipal and Police Bill.
Wath-upon-Dearne Improvement Bill.
Airdrie and Coatbridge Waterworks Bill.
Glasgow Municipal, Police, and Statute Labour Bill.
Hill's Estate Bill.
Ludlow Charity'Estate Bill.
Howell's Charity Estate Bill, and
Ramsay's Estate Bill.
Lough Swilly and Lough Foyle Draining and Embank-
ing Bill.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY took his seat on the -Wool-
sack at Five o'clock.

withered, or if entirely abolished, whether
they would revive that abcuiled trAftie.
A question as vast evert iii its ednstitutional relation
as thttt Which we have been lately discussing ; this,
too, on the 27th of July, being later than any other
previous termination of the Parliamentary year—(Hear)
—this, too, also at a period when Parliament was jaded
by a long attendance and the transaction of an amount
of business unparalleled in the annals of Parliamentary
proceedings, and exhausted by duties the most exciting
they had ever-' heard of —(Hear, hear.) It was under
these circumstances they were called upon to enter
upon this fruitful subject. This subject was not new.
It had been brought forward occasionally in 1841,
1844, and 1845 ; but it was never really brought
forward as a subject of a mere party running.
counter to another party, and the sugar duties were now
brought forward for the first time on its merits.—(Hear,
hear.) It was whispered that it was better to have it
now than at any other session. "It was sure now to
succeed in the state of parties at present. When there
was a scramble this (the present Government) had a
chance." It was, next to thv sewerage -question,
that upon which parties were united. Next
to the drainage question, it was the great question of
the day.—(A laugh.) Therefore the Government was
content to show that they were agreed on some question.
They had a better chance now, because they
had been promoting free-trade with respect to the
home producers, and they were now going to
take away the protection from the foreign grower.
Why not then take the matter as it now stands rather
than delay for a future consideration, and when the
second reading would be pressing on their atten-
tion. Far easier to discuss this question—a stormy
and a difficult question, as he must acknowledge—
now, when it was but a matter of theory than
when a permanent decision of the matter was
to be decided upon. Surely it was better to take time
by the forelock and discuss this question, rather than
when there was only an empty House, to hear what was
to be alleged on the subject. Oh; that he had the same
House to discuss this question that he had to discuss the
question of the corn-laws. He could not but say that he
looked upon this matter with great alarm, with an alarm
for the consequences which it was impossible to describe.
Had he had such a House to discuss this question as he had
to discuss the question of the corn-laws, for if so then
might he tell his Venerable Friend, Thomas Clarkson,
to be quiet, and that he might sink to his repose in the
grave with a certainty that the victory which had been
achieved over slavery and the slave trade would remain
undisturbed. What necessity was there to take this
measure up now ? Why should there be a proposition
to take up this Bill now, when the year was already
Aso far advanced, when the system of slavery and of
its abolition was as yet untried ; when the knowledge
of what sugar might be obtained from Singapore, from
Manila, and from our own possessions in the West In-
dies, was as yet unknown ; when the effect of the late
measures for the suppression of slavery and the
slave trade were yet incomplete ? Surely it
would be better to act according to common
sense and consistency, and take the Bill for a year than
legislate thus in a hurry, and endeavour to pass a per-
manent measure, when there was neither oppor-
tunity for consideration, or time for its direction.
tie begged to call the attention of their Lordships to
the peculiar moment chosen for giving up the home
markets of this country to the slave-grown sugars of
Brazil and Cuba. When he looked and saw the in-
formation which the Government possessed on that
subject, and saw their haste and breathleis—
ticnce to get through wit:. this measure, upon
the eve of the passing of the corn laws, and before
men could come to reflect upon the colonial interests,
because the British interests are now just settled, without
having had time to examine the case, and studying their
own documents ; they would probably 'not take it in
bad part if he told them one or two things,
for the purpose of showing the preposterous
mode cf proceeding, and the _particular time
chosen for giving up their markets. He would first
take the case of Messrs. Drake, Brothers, and Co.
They state that there was a reduction of 7s. 6d. per cwt.,
'or an equivalent to td. a pound two or three years ago,
and representations were made by the suffering planters
and merchants, their associates, to the government of that
country to take some immediate steps for putting down
the African slave trade—and why? becaUse, said Messrs.
Drake and Co., who are stated by the consu'ar agent to
be a highly respectable house at the Havannah ; be-
cause, say they, in their memorial to put down
" the retrograde trade"—for that is the noted term
.applied to the African slave trade—in order to get
rid of the glut of sugars, and to open for
the Cuba sugar a market in England, that was the bribe
held out to them to induce their Government to put
down the slave trade, because if they did that, and
unless they did it, they would not have access
to the English markets, and by this means
get rid of the enormous glut of Cuba sugar.
So in Brazil. " I have taken considerable pains," says
the Consular Agent at Cuba, " to inform myself of the
feelings of the Government upon this subject. I find
that all persons connected with the country are antici-
pating the circumstance that her Majesty's
Government (that is the Government of this
country) are waiting negotiations for the renewal of
the trade between Brazil," and quki pro quo. He begged
to call the attention of his Noble Friends opposite to this.
The quid pro quo for the admission of the Brazilian
sugar is specified as being " at some period the emanci-
pation of the Brazilian slaves." The proprietors not only
seem prepared for this, but satisfied with such admissions.
He had mentioned these facts for the information of their
Lordships, with the view of showing their Lordships
what are the popular impressions on this subject. So
the Cuba men and the Brazil men laboured under the
delusion that when they emancipated their slaves, and put
down the slave trade, the glut of their sugar would never
be released by its access into an English market—(Hear,
hear)—the British market, they imagine, will demand
the abolition of slavery and the slave trade as a condition
of letting in the Brazilian and Cuba sugars.—( Hear.)
Oh, how little did these planters of Brazil, and Messrs.
Drake, Brothers, and Co., of Havannah, and Mr. Cooper,
the English Consul, and the Havannah House of Assem-
bly—how little did they expect at the time that they
were thus expected to concede emancipation as the price
of access for their sugars to the English markets. They
were about to•have that given to them for nothings.—
(Hear, heir.) They were about to be told that that ad-
mission was to be given on condition that they would
not put a stop to the stealing of one of the unhappy
wretches from the coast of Africa. Now, he felt
persuaded that it was not necessary to urge
further argument . on, this question. He had said
enough. Nevertheless so rife was delusion on this subject,
so constant was misrepresentation, so audacious was the
falsification of the fact, and so incredible the as-
surance with which these falsifications were urged, so
groundless the reasons put forward by the partisans
of what was miscalled free trade by political en-
thusiasts, that he felt it necessary to add some-
thing more to these remarks of his on this question.
Further they must consider that the object of this mea-
sure was to admit an additional quantity of sugar—say
30,000 or 40,000 hhds. into the English markets, which
'at present excluded the markets of Cuba and Brazil; for
it was ridiculous to say that Lousiana, that could
not add to the financ:s of America, could send
to this country, and after paying a duty in America
pay a further 10s. in England. To meet the
demand for these sugars the earth wou

require to be drained to the utmost, and
wretches would be dragged from their homes in
Africa, and exposed to the horrors of the middle pas-
saga to reap the grounds of Cuba and Brazil.
The object of the Bill—and it would be so entitled when

it came down there—was to enc mrso the plantersOf
Cuba and Brazil to bring over yearly from Africa 40,000
human beings, who were at present free, and torn Ike them
slaves. It may be said enough had been done to put down
the slave-trade—that by the force of the treaty with
France, and by exertions of the combined sqnadron,
a great deal had been done for its suppression;
and it was alleged that the increased price
of the slaves was an additional proof of their suc-
cess. Their own commississioner from Havannah
reported that there were 10,000 slaves imported last
year, and he expressed regret that the hurricane and
the glut during the preceding year had caused
no diminution in the exertions of those who
were engaged in the slave trade. He had the
greatest admiration of General Valdez, a former Gover-
nor of Cuba, and his conduct contrasted singularly with
that of General O'Donnell, who had done every-
thing in his power to promote the slave trade.
The argument advanced in favour of the

contemplated change was that they no longer had
enough for the consumption of this country.
When the question was of pounds, shillings
and pence, of profit and cheapness, such an
argument might be of some weight ; but when it
was a question of good faith, of honesty, of hu-
manity, and religion, he despised such an
argument, and denied- that such a consideration should
occupy their attention one moment. But he denied the
fact. He denied that they had an insufficient

quantity at present for their own consumption.
On the question of the corn-laws he never de.
pended on the famine part of the question, and
he appealed to his Noble Friend beside him (Lord
Stanley), if he ever employed such an argument. But
even if it were a matter of famine with respect to the

sugar question, he would not depend on such arguments.
He said that famine was a constant excuse to Go-
vernments for betraying their trust, and to indivi-
duals for injuring property, and for appropriating to
themselves what belonged to their neighbours. It
had infringed upon the manly minds and cou-
rage of the statesmen of the country till
they deserted their principles. Accordingly the
potato disease was talked of. He heard nothing
of that disease now. (640 h, oh" ! from Lord Beau-
mont.) Oh I was the patient suffering still ? He was
sorry to hear it. But there was no disease in the sugar
cane. Now, he had seen estimates given in two ac-
counts; by the one the consumption was 220,000 tons;
The import from the colonies in the West Indies
was 125,000 tons, from all the East India
possessions 80,000 tons, from Manilla and Java
say 20,000, and from the Mauritius 60,000 ;
making about 250,000 tons. But another account was
given ; it came from parties to whom he allowed
little credit in the matter—from the sugar refiners_
who hoped by the present measure to get in sugar at a
htheattoacokcoutnhtat made
low rate, so as to bear a large profit for their own process;
reportit w
underith which the late the 250,000 tons. But
Go-
vernor-General of India concurred, and that re-
port made it nearer 300,000 than 250,000. He said
it was impossible to over-estimate the capacity for
growing sugar of the possessions in the East Indies and the
Mauritius. If time were given for further inquiry, this
subject would be proved beyond all possibility of doubt.
But they were already proved by a reference to the
amount of imports for the last three or four years. He
now come to another point ill which they were all inte-
rested. It might bp said by the planters ." You are con,
Witt to tae 90cfee I r yotal will act take row. you
•_

will allow the poor man to have his little coffee, but yeti
Will not give hind the sugar to sWeeteti it;''—(Flear;
hear.) He was fdr the pool' man hating his sugar as
well as his coffee, but he must have it by lawful meatls,
though it had been said that stolen sweets were the
swee est.—(A laugh.) He must not, however, have that
sugar from slave-grown produce, when they could be
supplied from Jamaica, Guiana, Trinidad, and Mauritius,
and above all from the West Indies, who were ready to
meet any demand. He had no right to take advantage
of the argument of an unskilful opponent, or the
clumsy weapons he used. But he would supply hits
with an argument. He would give them an answer who
inquired why they should admit the sugar of Brazil
and of Cuba ; why they should receive the slave-grown
coffee of other states as well ? Why, this was one of
the greatest fallacies that had ever been broached, one
of the most pure and indefensible fallacies. If this
were a new reason it would be a different matter. But
even in allowing all the value of that consideration, he
must be bold to say that, with his friend Thomas Clark-
son, he was none of those who were such advocates for
a barren consistency as would induce any man to over-
look the advantages of a change when circumstances
had altered. When he was asked why they admitted
slave grown cotton, slave-grown coffee, slave-grown to •
bacco and sugar from Cuba, he would reply, that
admitting all the reasons of finance, of conscience, and
of what he was quite unwilling to underrate the new
science of political economy; still he Was:compelled tosay
there was no sufficient reason for the chanee that was now
proposed. Well did he recollect the efforts of his dear
friend Sir S. Romilly, and his equally dear friend Sir
James Macintosh, whose efforts, now,happily successful,
were at that time so fruitlessly directed for introducing
humanity into our system of punishments. Well did
he remember when his friend Sir S. Romilly endeavoured
to appropriate freehold estates for the payment of simple
contract debts; to do away with such anomalies as in-
troducing steaming into bleaching grounds a capital
offence, as well as other measures of a similar kind; how
he was met by Sir William Grant, who threw out his
measure on that occasion, and by Mr. Canning who used
on that debate the much ill-used term of the wisdom
of our ancestors, when, as it is well known, our ancestors
were younger is wisdom than ourselves. Did they say
to him at that time, why bring in a Bill to abolish
this as a capital felony, when there were five and forty
others remaining, or why not, instead of stopping at
touching freehold property, and making it available for
simple contract debts, or why not, instead of taking the
debtor to prison, pass a Bill giving power to the creditor
to take the money of the debtor? If such
arguments had been brought forward he would no doubt
have said " Stop a little, perhaps I will go to that."
That was the worstj possible answer that could he given
to his argument. But again and again let him tell
those who consider this great question that they were
not then called upon for the purpose of rescinding what
was established ; they were not undoing what was
already done. He was not asking them to repeal a law
enabling Brazilian and other slave-grown sugars to come
into this country. He was resisting a law which was
proposed to 'ape.* this county to the slave produce, and
then they said, " Oh, you admit tobacco! Oh, you
admit copper." Yes! but if he were called upon for the
first time to let in those articles, then would be the time
for questioning his consistency of opinion on the ad-
mission of these articles. But let any man show him a
measure which would have the effect of doubling the
quantity of cotton to be brought into the market,
and he would then oppose that also. The great
increase of the cotton from America had been pro-
duced by a population who had increased in a fair and
natural manner, But from these remarks of his own he
would call attention to thestatements of one whose candour
and justice was only equalled by his steady consistency
in his principles, and who could not for an instantbe sup-
posed to be warped by any kind of bias of reasoning, or
by party or _personal considerations, against any mea-
sures proposed by the present Government. He alluded
to the Lord Chief' Justice of England, and lie confessed
when he reflected upon the high character of that great
magistrate, and the pure and the spotless life, profession-
ally, politically, and individually, and to the proud
situation which he had always held in the eyes of his
countrymen, and above • all when he recollected that he
could be labouring under no bias of political feeling
against the measure introduced by his own political
friends, he had the greatest reason to allow the
greatest weight to his opinions on the subject. When he
(Lord Brougham) was talking to his Lordship—and he
had his authority for stating it, grieving as he did that
he could no.. himself be personally in that House.
Lord LYNDHURST—Where is he ?
Lord BROUGHAM—Oh, he is too far from this.
He is at Holyhead. Lord Brougham then con-
tinued—When they were talking of a Govern-
ment to be formed on the expulsion of Peel, they
agreed that they could not go to the country with a
great and %betel measure at that time.- (kris Tordship
then read from a letter of Lord Denman's.) His Lord
ship (the Lord Chief Justice) said that they had forgot
that a liberal Government would be very popular if they
proposed to restore the slave trade. They acted upon the
principle of doing evil that good might come ; they gave
a free passage from Africa to the Briizils for life—
(Laughter) —and they added the free liberty of the lash.
—(Rear, hear.) Why, argument in such a case was
nothing. They should ascertain _what was the-right,
and whether they could reconcile it with their duty to do
a wilful and deliberate wrong—a wrong committed by
England, too, which aff,c-..ed to exercise a moral
influence on the rest of the world. They argue "We
cannot do all good, and therefore we are free to encour-
age some evil."—(Hear, hear.) As a great experiment
was to he'tried between tree-trade and slave-grown sugar,
he was convinced that: it would be decidedly in
favour of the Litter. Slave labour was cheaper
forty years ago, because it was always cheaper to buy
than to breed, and now the experiment could never
be tried on equal terms. The slave-trade could not be
put down, and common sense had agreed that the de
sire to do so should be termed fanaticism. Frequent
changes of Government were assuredly evil, but what
was this to be compared with the suffering inflicted by
the success of ten slavers. But it was not the success of
ten slavers that could enable these markets to cope with
the products of the slave countries. Not less than 20
slavers would require to be successfully delivered, for
20,000 additional slaves would be required to supply
sugars for the English markets. He also read another
expression of opinion from Lord Denman, in which he
wondered what Mr. Fox would have said if he had
thought that those who had done their utmost to abolish
the trade would be engaged afterwards in promoting it and
giving a new stimulus to it, for the purpose of trying a
new experiment in political economy? The withdrawal
of protection, continued the Lord Chief Justice, from
our own countrymen in Jamaica would be an injustice,
both to black and white. He (Lord 'Brougham) begged
to remind them that sugar was the article which more
than any other encouraged the slave trade. Cotton and
coffee went but a small way in the encouragement of
slavery. He grieved to know that slavery was part and
parcel of the institutions of a country which called itself
the freest in the world. That, however, was their
affair, and slavery being a status established in
that country, he bad no right to interfere with it.
He said the question of slavery was not before him now,
it was the question of the slave trade.—(Hear, hear.)•
In increasing the quantity of sugar produced in Cuba
and the Brazils, they encouraged not slavery but the
slave trade, and that was the gravamen of his charge—
the ground of his argument. He said he would not in-
flict the sorrow and the pain, and almost agony on their
Lordships, partaking in it as he did himself, by recalling
to their recollection the source of that execrable traffic,
founded in fraud, pillage, rapine—the hunting of men,
the treatment of them as wild beasts, crowding them on
shipboard, and afterwards using them like so many irre-
sponsible beings. But suppose he should remind them
of but one circumstance in that traffic—one circumstance
of which, had he " the tongue of men and of angels,"
he could not do such justice to it as the bare recital—as
the poet says, could he " warble in sweetest strains that
ever seraph. eatig." ;- The death of a friend, his being• con-
signed to his grave in all nations—but more espe-
cially in uncivilised nations, who, if they saw
not so largely, and felt not so long, yet
felt mere deeply than those who, civilised, had
more to divert their ideas—these men where almost
frantic if visited with any affliction of Providence,—as
the death of a brother, a wife, or a child ; these uncul-
tivated men, themselves, when on board of ship, if
one of their relatives was to be consigned to the deep,
celebrated the occasion with revelry arid unlimited joy ;
because they found their relative was released from his
sufferings, and an end had been put to his miseries. The
guilt of these innumerable horrors—these inhuman
crimes—did not rest with the captain and his crew ; but
fell also on those who sent them to Leon and Pername
buco for their cargo of ill-fated beings. They did this
by opening their markets to this infernal produce. For
it was known to theai that the sugar was the growth of
Cuba—that it was procured by the assistance of slaves ;
and, therefore, they were the abettors of this villainous
traffic. They understood, too' how these poor natives
of Africa were treated. They had had letters on the
subject from the various authorities. They had a letter
too from the consul at Pernambuco to Lord Aber.
deed, which stated, " That all the worst features of

slavery existed in that country. That there was the
greatest degradation of intellect, and that even the laws
assisted to transform the African man into the American
brute."—(Hear, hear.) He now came to the last com-
ment he should make. Before concluding, he must
make allusion to what astonished him, notwithstanding
the experience he had had of fallacious reasoning and
unsound doctrine. The very party he was speaking of
had carried their arms into the enemy's country,
and said, " We, the true abolitionists, give us our
money and we shall soon abolish slavery."—(Hear.)
This then was the argument which they used, that the
slave trade in Africa would certainly be increased by the

abolition of the duty on foreign sugars. That was the
argliinent. This was the monstrous argument used by
the advocates for this new system of political economy.
They allowed that this trade, for a time at least, must be
increased. The admission of foreign sugars would in-
crease the horrors of the slave trade ; and this they did
while perfectly aware of the consequences that must
ensue from their conduct—this they did in cold blood ;
and fully aware of the amount of misery that must
ensue to the miserable victims of this horrid trade. He

must say that in the whole course of investigation into
the annals of human presumption, he had never found a
more gross act of presumption than that which the ad
vocates for this measure held out as a justification of their
conduct. They asserted openly that they were aware
that this measure would have the effect for a time of in-
creasing the horrors of the slave trade, and they were
ready, for the sake of carrying out their views, to un-
dertake the great responsibility, he might say the guilty
responsibility, of increasing the slave trade ; whilst the
poor wretches who were its victims, were hunted,
captured, murdered whilst this experiment of political
economy was being tried. Yet - truly terrific
as was this aspect of the affair—truly as was the terrible
future laid before the world by the future thus presented
—there was in it something ludicrous, which in its
act ovecleici the terrible, aid whiolt•oveg, soitoged

the auciulty of those by whom it was exhibited. It had
been stated that free labour would supplant slave labour.
He agreed with the proposition that It 'Would do so if in
equal ciittunstances, because persons would work with
greater teal when worhing under a system of free labour
than when under the terrors of the lash in slavers. The.
A B C of the abolition society was that tee laboar would
supersede slave labour, but only when upon equal air-
cumstanres. That principle had been recognised by Mr.
Pitt and Mr. Wilberforce, It was most profitable to
work out the negroes. It was frightitAl to talk of human
beings in that manner ; but they were not responsible
for that, tile fault rested with the owners of slaves, then,
to take care of therci. Thsy had access to the coast of
Africa, and could always obtaid a fresh supply of slaves.
—(Cheers.) I have now nearly dories I have ac.
complished a task which I felt it my duty
to undertake. I have reminded your Lordships of the
general features of the case, and I have run over the
ground at more length than I wished to have done. If
I had had more time to prepare my speech, I should
have reduced it to narrower bounds. I ihay perhaps
have a future time to speak, in the meantime all I have

to say i, this, I do most earnestly and fervently hope
that your Lordships will not treat the question as one
merely of commercial policy, but as one which involves
all the best interests of this c )entry, and of mankind,
religion, justice, and humanity, and policy, and above all
the national character and credit and reputation of our
country; and, using the language which had been
adopted by an eloquent advocate upon a former occasion,
that national honour is in our mind inferior to the
course of justice, humanity, and virtue." National
hnnour and national credit is, I am sure, Welt -VOur
Lordship;' hands, and the prayer of the petition, whose
society I represent, and their venerable president, will
not before your Lordships-have been urged in vain. The
Noble Lord sat down amid laud cheers.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then said, that in
rising he was prepared only to offer a very few word,,
for he entertained an opinion in common, not only with
the majority of their Lordships present, but he believed
with the Noble and Learned Lord himself, that this
was not the best time or the fit occasion for discussing
a measure which was at that moment introduced into
the other !louse of Parliament, and which was yet to
receive that full consideration that it must before it
came before their Lordships.—(Hear, hear.) His
Noble and Learned Friend must have been himself of
opinion that this was the least convenient period for a
debate on this great question, when he himself had
placed on the order b ,ok of their Lordships' House a
notice for discussion on this question, and had after-
wards, in the course of a few days, postponed it, on the
grouted that it was not yet brought before the other
House of Parliament. He, therefore, thought that al-
though his Lordship was unquestionably entitled to take
any opportunity, by giving forty-eight hours' notice be-
fare his r,esolution should be received by the House ; yet
he certainly thought that although the Noble and
Learned Lord had, with his usual eloquence and ability,
introduced this question, still it was the wrong period
to do so on teat occasion, when every argument
brought forward in the other House would
require to be met by anticipation.—(Hear, hear.)
But his Noble and Learned Friend, in the petition which
he had presented, had bestowed a great part of his
speech, net in supporting the petition, but in answering
the arguments of petitioners. The prayer of the peti-
tion and the speech of the Noble Lord were in direct
contrast, The petitioners called upon their Lordships to
adopt the policy of refraining from all commodities which
were slave produce, but the whole tenor of the speech of.
the Noble Lord was to avoid the ground of the peti-
tioner; to adopt the most untenable ground on which
any motion ever attempted to rest its policy, and to limit
the consumption of slave produce only to certain articles.
He wished to tell his Noble and Learned Friend that
her Majesty's Government and himself, who, as his
Noble Friend knew, had been at every period of his life
zealous for the suppression of the slave-trade, were
stillainatious for the extinction of it by every legitimate
means by which it might be 'effected by cruisers on the
high seas, where it could be done according to the prin •
ciples of morality as well as the principles of policy.
But, at the same time, he must say, on the part of the
people of this country, who had a right to intercourse
with those of other nations, from whom Were bought
those luxuries now almost become necessaries of life,
that the Government had no right to withhold them
from the people, and thereby virtually to extingeish
those principles which but lately had been adopted by
Parliament. They would certainly use all proper means
for putting down that trade, hut they were averse to in-
terfering with the interests of other States, or with the
principles of their policy; which, however unfit
their Lordships might deem them—however er-
roneous--these nationsalone had a right to
consider; and Im_ava.s ISA that by holding out threats
wi h a view to leading them to adopt those principles
which this country cherished, and has cherished for' the'
last twenty years, but in reference to which this country,
fifty years ago, was as much in error' as they, so far
from accomplishing the desired effect, they would
only tend to perpetuate the system which they sought
to destroy. There were more horrors committed in i
Lousiana n one day than in Africa in a whole year.
When this question came to be discussed he trusted that
they should hear ifrom his Noble and Learned Friend
What was that morality which looked to any particular
country, consistently with 'the principle upon which it
was based.,—(Hear, hear.) On the subject of time, after
the discussion upon discussion which had already taken
place,it would appear almost unnecessary to add a word.
Notwithstanding what his Noble and Learned Friend
had said in such contemptuous terms about the
sugar 4famine that subject had occupied the
attention of every Government for the last twenty
years. Her Majesty's Government did not think it
right, under these circumstances, to allow this subject
to float on the surface of legislation, but to fix it on a
firm and permanent basis. If, however, the matter had
been brought forward on a motion, instead of a peti-
tion, there would have been an ample discussion given
to the matter, and when the time arrived for that dis-
cussion it would be entered into.—(Hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM said he rose merely to explain,
that though he was in intimate connexion with the
Anti-Slavery Society, he was not aware of the fact to
which his Noble Friend the Marquis of Lansdowne had
alluded. With respect to cotton, that was a question
on which he was at issue with his Noble Friend.

Several Bills were then forwarded ; stage, and the
House adjourned at Twenty minues after Seven o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 27.

The SPEAKER took the Chair at ten minutes before
Four o'clock.
Mr. T. MAITLANP, the Solicitor-General for
Scotland, was introduced by Mr. Fox Maule and the
Lord-Advocate, and took the oaths and his seat upon
his re-election for the county of Kircudbright.
The following Bills were read a third time, and
passed :
Australian Agricultural Company.
Barr's Estate Bill.
Edinburgh Paving (No. 2).
Fleeming s Estate Bill.
Londonderry and Enniskillen Extension Railway.
Park's (or Yates's) Estate Bill.
Philps' Charity Estate Bill.
Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway.
Stamford and Spalding Railway.
ROYAL ASSENT.

Sir Augustus Clifford, the Es1;e;:of the Black Rod,
appeared at the table, and summoned the House to the
House of Peers to hear the Royal assent given to several
public and private Bills.

The SPEAKER, attended by several Members, then left
the House, and upon his return, after an absence of forty
minutes, the Right Hon. Gentleman read the titles of the
Bills to which the royal assent had been given (for which
see Lords' report).
Lord John Russell entered the House, attired in deep
mourning, at a quarter before five o'clock.
SHEFFIELD AND LINCOLNSHIRE JUNCTION
RAILWAY.
The Lords' amendments to this Bill were considered
and agreed to.
LANCASTER AND PRESTON JUNCTION