The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-04 00:00:00

There were certain clauses in the Bill to which he wished to
call the attention of the Legislature. What would the House
say if some d, spotic minister—some man of great abilities,
who might be influenced by newspaper paragraphs, were to
come dawn to them, and, after reading two or three murders
from provincial newspapers, were to call en the House to pass
a Coercion Bill. The legislation for both countries must be
the same, as the interests of the countries could not be severed.
What was good for one was good for the other, and what was
bad for one was bad for the other. He wished to call the atten-
tion of English lUembers to the 9th and 14th sections of this
Bill, as also to the 6th, 7th, and Bth sections. They all
directed that certain sums should be given as compensation to
a certain class of persons named, and to the relatives of per-
sons who were murdered. Where was this money to be ad-
vanced from—from the Consolidated Fund ? The Right Hon.
Baronet the Seesetary the Home Department would turn
round and say that the money was to be repaid. By
the 9th and 14th clauses of the Act, the sums directed to be
advanced from the Consolidated Fund are directed to be repaid
by a tax on the occupying tenant-cotter, whether his tenure
were above or below 41. Did any man, who had had any
dealings with the cotter tenantry of Ireland, suppose
hthaatdstuocihd
a rate could be levied? The Right Hon. Gentleman
st nwfl ai cs tea db
oount tt ho eb tuerndaennt
twh ee rme
e inflicted h that
n thesethe
laagn rdal
or iradn,
aonudt outrages
with this taxation. He (Captain B. Osbetne) was intimate
r„erli,endd ,
at
tn dt
hheei
rw aesrimmoerse. as t
(s)furl
at their patience with the cotter te_natnhtarny
Le
i e
Right Hon. Gentleman recollect that physical destitution and
moral degradation went hand in hand. Men could not be de-
based in the scale of comfort without making them like wild
beasts, and it was usel,s for the Govern ent to be framing
coercion laws when they knew that the vices of the people
had been caused by their own bad legislation. He
thought that it was necessary to refer to a few
sentences which from a Noble Lord the other evening.
'1 he Noble Lord thought it necessary to believe the Govern-
ment accounts of famine in Ireland, but he placed implicit
reliance on the Government details of Irish crimes—(Loud
cheers from the Opposition.) If Irish crimes had a more direct
tendency to influence the Corn Bill, he should like to know if
the Noble Lord would be more incredulous. The Noble Lord
had remarked that any man who opposed the passing of this
measure ought to be held responsible, and was responsible, for
every murder that was committed in Ireland, thereby arguing
that any man who might feel It necessary to differ from the
opinion of the Noble Lord was responsible for the outrages
committed in Ireland. Whenever the Noble Lord " bolted"
from the figures of rhetoric to the figures of speech, he
was sure " to disappoint his baceers, and run himself
into distress"—( Laughter. ) When the Noble Lord
came down to that House he produced a newspaper, and,
after citing from its columns two cases of murder, proceeded
to argue upon the necessity of coercive measures for Ireland.
What would the Noble Lord think if he (Captain Osborne)
were to take at random two counties in England ? He would
take Staffordshire, and he there found that a man named Brown
killed his brother by beating on his head with a hammer, and
then hid his body in a sandpit. The murderer held a farm
under his brother, anl in consequence of the non-payment of
the rent, the brother threatened to distrain, and it was the fear
of being turned out that induced the commission of the murder.
Was it considered necessary to proclaim Staffordshire in con-
sequence of that murder ? He would now turn to a village in
Somersetshire, Bridgwater, where a woman poisoned her bro-
ther, awl, it was supposed, three other relatives, and would any
man in his senses deduce from that that the people of Bridg-
water were so brutal that a Coercion Bill was necessary. If he
were to look into the provincial newspapers he might even
find that some such facts had occurred to Lynn, and so accord-
ing to the Noble Lord's argument, rendering a Co.-rel. n Bill
necessary for that place. The Noble Lord could not adopt a
worse principle than to cut slips out of newspapers to bring
them forward as excuses for such measures. He must now
say and he said it with great regret, that he had some little
quarrel with the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the
Home Department. In the absence of the Irish Secretary
some excuse might he made for his ignorance of the state of
Ireland, when he said that there were five counties in that
country in a state of abs lute disturbance, Tipperary being
specially mentioned amongst them. It was right that the
Right "lon. Gentleman should know that it was only in the
North-west Riding of Tipperary that these disturbances
took place. In the South Riding crime was unknown. He
spoke as a resident, and he knew that the landed proprietors
there would defend their rights while they were not inattentive
or unmindful of their duties; and it was therefore he now at-
tempted to do justice to the country. An Hon. and Learned
Gentleman near him had alluded very cursorily to the number
of civil-bill ejectments, frem 1839 to 1843. He said that the
number of these ejectments in these five counties was 2,331
during that period. There had, however, been 72,932 notices
served, and, taking every family to consist of five, that would
give a total of 364,910 persons. He would net, however, be
so hurried on by news ,aper reports as to forget that he was
in thst House to legislate for his fellow-countrymen. The
people in England, on hearing this would make great lamen-
tation, and exclaim, " How horrible !" and yet no person ever
thought of asking for the actual return of these ejectments.
Thi Noble Lord said that the House had no right to interfere
with the rights of property. What was every tax—every
railway Bill that came before the House, and was passed
but such an interference? and yet such an interference was
to be made with the rights of the subject. The
truth was, however, that the man who was born on the soil
had a right to derive his subsistence from it. It was asked,
how were agrarian outrages to be put down ? It was not by
coercive measures, or Protection to Life Bills, that it was to be
done, but by an alteration of the law of fixed property to re-
move the expense attendant on its sale, so as to render its
transfer more easy, and to make way for a new set of pro-
ptietors. It was by a total revision of the law of landlord and
tenant. The evils of Ireland were social evils, and therefore
he must say that he thought the conduct of Government had
been marked by great indiscretion. Whets the Lord Chan-
cellor of Ireland took upon himself to dismss all those magis-
trates who professed the doctrines of repeal, he committed
what was worse than a crime—he committed a great political
blunder—for if any one thing more than another set
the peasantry against the Bench, it was that dis-
missal. The Government bad also committed another error,
which was recalled to his mind by some observations made the
other nicht by an Hon. Member. It was complained that the
Protestant ascendancy in Ireland was gone. Let the House
look at the long panel in lipperary. That county was quiet
enough in the time of Lord Normanby. but that was attributed
to hs toadying the great agitator. 'The conduct of the Go-
vernment with regard to the grand jury was much to be com-
plained of. In 1839, there were on the long panel in Tip-
peraryllB Catholic gentlemen, and 100 names were on the
. .

list. 'ln the year 1844 that number had decreased to 43, and
the names on the list were only 10 in number. In 1846 they
had dwindled down to 17, and the names on the list were
only 5; and at the last sessions, out of two or three Catholic
gentlemen, only one was empaLelled. That gentleman was
decidedly a man of considerable worth and respectability ; but
why were other gentlemen, of equal worth and respectability,
omitted from the grand jury. If the Hon. Member for
Tipperary were not then in the House, he (Capt. Bernal
,born:1) would attest to his worth, and yet he was not oo
the gland 'jury in consequence of his political opinion. There
were also two Members sitiing near blin to whom similar
circumstances had occurred. Was it passible, therefore, for
the peasantry of Ireland to look upon the law in any other
light than a one-sids and prejudiced judge? In undertaking
to second the motion brought forward by the Hon. Learned
Gentleman, he could not say that he participated in all his
sentiments, of which, however, he admired the sincerity and
genius. He dit not agree with his (Mr. O'Connell) opinions
as to the separation of the English and Irish Legislature. He,
as a resident in the coun'ry, did not think that repeal was a
panacea for its evils, but at the same time let him warn the House,

that in passin a measure of a coercive character, that it must
take into account, first, the power they gave the Honourable
Gentleman to continue his agitation for repeal, and the effect
that the measure would have on the public mmd. Let the
House discuss it as thy might. Alen of all parties in Ireland
were discontented with the English Government They said
that it was ignorant of the Irish interest, and indifferent to
to their prejudices. What was the effect of Lord Grey's
Bill ? It drove many moderate men into the ranks of the
reloalers. He (Captain B. Osborne) was favourable to the
maintenance of the union, but he mast say, that if the union
was only to be maintained by such measures of coercion, he
would rather see it at once repealed. Ho lamented that the
Right Honourable Gentleman at the head of the Government,
who had shown himself on a question of commerce able to
shake himself from the trammels of party. consented to take
the old and oft-repeated story of Irish disturbances. The

tonourable Gentleman had told the House that there

was an evil genius in the I abinet. That genius was of an
orange hue, and its spirit yet clung to the system of Govern-
ment in Ireland, and secretly encouraged ct.ercive measures.
Whatever p .wer the Hen. Gentleman might possess over the
Government, he (Captain B. Osborne) called on the House
not to be led away by a measure which would entrench on the
lights and liberties of his Irish fellow subjects.—( Cheers.)
Mr. S. HERBERT raid that he would not revert in any
way‘n.etodtihniiet,lihranit.onatintleodutsiipetabcksy the Hon. Gentleman had just intro-
duced.awnityh
gentlemangrear er pewc thn of all
had
sl opinionsa t
a part
of in Ireland, and who had done his duty in that
towards the tenantry under him ; and, in
oCalnflnuira:li
asirespnurreesd him that he did so without any
Gentleman, h,"
denisurnestypewcth,inboben party expressions of the Honourable
the least degree disparaging the
di.te.unst:il. He hoped that every Member,
in entering on this
tem-
pera manner used by the nwoed adopt the calm and
etntplienma
Gentleman
been bringing
introduced, it fo r -
and he would not alliute to them further
than to say, that as far
ward. He regretted that rheas Hon.
as he was concerned, whatever station. he held in that House,
nothing would induce him to assist Ireland a theme
for surth discussions. He was a laniclnlomrlkilkngtslf, and took an
the warmest
interest in the welfare of the country.
interest in its fate and misfortunes. and he could truly
ybesureth that,
being a willing and a warm party to the measure
Howe, he held opinions adverse to any rigorous treatmentt of
the country. No man was more warmly and more reasonably
an advocate of this measure, which he believed
and hoped vroul4 ultimately introduce better feeltsiga
between parties In Ireland, and assimilate different classes, to
that the intention of meetin this
Gentleman I had hoped
the prosperity of the country. In the speech of the Hon.
Hon. Gentleman rather seemed to be
been delivered, the
measure by delay had been given up.
just ln the speech which had
for
for the unopposed first and sec !nd readings, reserving the dis-
cussion
the convenience of the
cussion for the third. It would be
House to discuss the applicability of this Bill to different
classes, and not to make comparison between this
Bill and the
observation of the Hon. Gentleman who had spoken was there,
other. Bills brought in under different circumstances. In no
the least attempt to deny the case of emergency on which
the Government rested the necessity of the Bill. The state-
ment made by his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary for the
Home Department remained unchanged. The only allegation
made was that which was made by the Hon. Gentleman,
which seemed to prove that the state of society was
not so much disorganised as it was represented to be.
The state of society was such in Ireland that the greatest
difficulty existed in regard to the obligation of leases; and the
sub-division of land into small portions was enforced in such a
manner as produce the worst results. If this system went on,
the inevitable result would be that the land would be rendered
valueless, and its whole produce swallowed up by the residence
upon it. If any man sets himself up in opposition to this state
of things, and struggles against it, he, that man, must suffer.
No man would perform the functions of a landlord unless be
had the consideration and enjoyed the protection of the Legis-
lature.—( Hear, hear.) But his object was to show in answer
to the statement of the Honourable Gentleman opposite, how
far this Bill would go to protect the poorer classes, It was
said that it was a law for the benefit of the landlords,
to protect the strong instead of the weak, the rich
in their oppresssion over the poor. In answer to that
he thought he would show that the principle murders com-
mitted in Ireland, and the outrages that took place, were not
upon persons in the higher ranks of life, but amongst the poor
and defenceless. Especially was this the case in the midnight
attacks, against which this Bill was intended more especially
to provide, and its provisions would be found of more value to
the poorer classes than those for whom it was said to be pro-
posed. The rich man could barricade his doors and windows,
and, with the assistance of his arms and servants, stand a siege
against the midnight assassins ; but the poor man's life was
exposed without the least protection. His wretched cabin,
witheut windows, and with scarcely any covering offered
no resistance a: ainst the midnight incendiary. He
, I_l'l 11-) snirsauts to stand by him, and the thatch of his
I cal-.ivi cilerecl 51: ee.ty prey to t« 4.:1-,e... . !;, ^—, It
itherefore to ba distinctly borne in mind that the night cienses
of the present Bill offered the greatest protection to the poor,
and proved that the accuastiox urged 19 ;trolley egging the