The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-13 00:00:00

mission to inquire into the state of the population em-
ployed in factories—a conunission to inquire into the col-.
lection of the excise—commissions to inquire into the
state of the law, into charitable bequests, and into
ecclesiastical revenues—a Committee to inquire into
the state of Corporations, a Committee to inquire
into the state of agriculture, a Committee to
inquire into the state of trade, manufactures,
and shipping, a Committee to consider the state
of the woods, forests, and crown lands, extraordinary
Committees on several elections, and many other Com-
mittees on subjects of minor importance. The military
and naval expenditure is to be submitted to a Committee.
Last session there were Committees on the East India
Compiny's Charter, the Bank Charter, and West India
slavery, on all which subjects Ministers are now about to
introduce great measures of reform. The law, the
church, the bank, the colonies, the poor, the crown lands,
the exei'e, the army and navy, corporations, factories,
charities, agriculture, trade, elections, slavery ! What
other subject could be hunted out by the keenest-scented
political setter for investigation ? All and every thing is
under inquiry.
" but then, though you inquire so much, you
do nothing.' Patience, good friend : just now the com-
plaint was, You won't inquire ;' confess that that at least
was ill-founded►. And then as to the doing, you would nut
surely act before you inquired, and you cannot inquire
without time. But something has been done, something
is doing, and much is likely to he done. Look at the
various stiges of all the almve-mentioned inquiries and
measures, and it will appear that Ministers have their
hands full, even to overflowing. 'Annihilate time and
space, and make two lovers happy !' was the impatient
demand of a lover; and the demands of some politicians
are about as reasonable. Such men would inquire with-

out waiting the result, or act without inquiring ; they
would have a revenue without paying taxes ; and they
would compel a Minister, under the penalty of impeach.
. . . . . .

men', to bring back a golden age, in which men should eat
without working, and nations should have gallant armies
and navies living upon air."
These are all very important reforms, and are
the men who are thus honestly endeavouring to
ameliorate the institutions of the country, to be
loaded with all manner of abuse and contumely ?
But, as we have said, let the Conservatives be-
ware. They are now in the back ground. The
Whigs are the actors, and the vials of the public
discontent are poured out on them. But if the
Tories take their places, woe to them ! If they
are wise, they will not place themselves in a situa-
tion which may lead the people to inquire who
caused the evils which now press on the country.
We know there are fierce spirits in this country,
who would be delighted at the return of the
Tories to office, on account of the fierce collision

which would follow between them and the people.
For our parts, we are lovers of tranquillity. We
have now obtained a Constitution which will
enable us to proceed in a constant career of
amelioration and improvement. Do not let us
hazard what we have obtained by striving after
too much at once. There is much in England
that requires amendment ; but we see no lack of
good-will in Ministers to proceed with improve-
ments. We do not, of course, suppose it pos-
sible in the Tories to control and coerce the people,
but the attempt even to recover their lost ground
would be productive of incalculable mischief.—
Morning- Chronicle.

. The practical effects of the embargo on Dutch
vessels were clearly and forcibly explained b y
Mr. Ald. 'Thompson upon introducing his
motion relative to that subject on Friday night.
The wretched state to which several profitable
branches of the British trade have been re-
duced, in consequence of the sapient measures
of Lord Palmerston, affords a melancholy picture
of that increasing prosperity which has for its
basis the " tobacco and snuff calculations" of
Mr. Poulett Thomson. We, in vain, may
search the history of England to find any course
of policy more absurd and imbecile than that
which the British Cabinet has pursued touching
the quarrel between Belgium and Holland ; and
when we recollect that the Whigs, before their
accession to office, declared in the most emphatic
terms, in both Houses of Parliament, that it was
the interest and duty of the British Government
to observe strictly the rule of non-intervention
between the parties, we cannot but consider
their conduct since they came into power as
being not more destitute of wisdom than of
principle. In the debate of Friday night Lord
John Russell attempted an excuse—fbr it was
not an argument—on behalf of the policy of
Ministers, by stating that the original interven-
tion was not the act of the present, but
the late Government. Need we refute this stale
pretence once more, by reminding the public
that the Whigs, just before they came into of-
fice, had given notice of a motion, through Sir
John Hobhouse, which had for its object the
compelling the Duke of Wellington's Adminis-
tration to desist from all further interference in
the Belgico-Dutch dispute ? Now, as we said
on a former occasion, the Duke of Wellington
could either retrace his steps, and back out of
the quarrel with honour, or he could not. If
he could not, then the motion of the Whigs
was a factious one, and put forward only with
the view of embarrassing his Government. If
he could, then the Whigs who succeeded to his
power were under no political or moral obliga-
tion of pursuing the line of policy which they
so severely condcw- ned in him. But the Whigs
did more than follow up his course of policy.
The Duke of Wellington expressly declared, as
the French Minister, Sebastiani did afterwards,
that the interference was of a mediatorial cha-
racter, and, in no event, was it intended that any
hostile intervention should take place. The
Whigs, in conjunction with the more crafty Doc-
trinnaires of the FrenchCabinet,have the unenvi-
able merit of changing the mediatorial character,
which is strictly one of peace and conciliation,
into the dictatorial, accompanied and disgraced
by the Anglo• Gallic convention, and its deeds
of blood and rapine ; the slaughters of Antwerp,
and the seizure of the private property of peace-
able and unoffending Dutch merchants. But
Lord Palmerston says it is the policy of our
Government to " protect the weak against the
strong." Noble and ill-fated Poland ! what an
evidence thy fate affords of the chivalrous gene-
rosity of the British Cabinet ! When thy hand-
ful of heroes were engaged in the holy struggle
for national independence with the colossal em-
pire of the Northern barbarian, in what way did
our " liberal" Ministry interfere between the
strong and the weak ? To the supplications of
Poland they had nothing to give but cold apathy
—contemptuous neglect, or barren compassion.
To Russia they gave large sums of British gold,
under the pretence of a treaty which had ceased
and determined, according to its own express
terms, the moment a separation had taken place
between Holland and Belgium. The seasonable
tribute-money of our Cabinet to the haughty
Czar enabled him the more readily to pour mass
after mass of barbarians down upon the banks
of the Vistula, until the national existence of
Poland—that rampart which our former policy
had raised against Russian ambition on the side of
estern Europe, was swept from the face of the
earth. Such ‘Aas the protection which our
Government gave the weak against the strong,
that when Prussia evinced her hostility to the
Poles in all but taking the field, our merchants,
whose property on the way to Warsaw was
seized in transitu on the Prussian territory,
could obtain no redress by applying to the
Foreign-office. As to the acluaintance with