The Sun.
London, England, 1848-02-23 00:00:00

EVANINGI rEnnuAar fOVj 1646.

the statements of the Hon. Member' who spoke ep-
p trendy almost from a pc rson
al kno.vledge, those who
;It on the Committee three or' four years as on
'lle subject of the West Coast of Africa had not the
nefit of the lien. Meeeb-x's inforlrati; n on the
se'tj et of free labour—a matter on which many Hon.
Members eq)eeifilly desired to be informed. Howeve,T,
in no !higle instance had the Committee received such
testimony as that which to-night had been adduced.
Passing from the speech of the lien. Melchor, he (Sir
R. IL Inglis) came to that of the proposer of the present
motion. The Eon, Member for Geteshead (Mr. Hutt)
had raised a running fire against those whom he desig-
nated as spurious philanthropists, and had Attacked
every Government down to that which now held office.
This was scarcely necessary, when the Hon. Member
had no reason to expect that his motion would be op.
posed.—(Hear, hear.) He admitted, with deep pain,
that all our effects for the suppression of the slave trade
had tended only to aggravate the evil.—(Hear, hear.)
Still, it was not less the duty of Englend to free herself
from the guilt of the system; and it h.id never been
alleged that we had intentionally aggravated its evils.
The nation had made a just though tardy reparation for
the crimes of its predecessors; and though ethers con-
tinued to follow the example which England had se long
set, this country was not blameable for twit. The evideuce
of all naval officers examined by the Commission concurred
in stating, that an effective blockade must repress the
slave trade; they agreed that by increasing the number
of ships, the remedy was in our own bands. We were
very scrupulous of the loss of life in the Niger or on
the African coast; but when the question was the pro-.
teetion of a valuable colony in the West Indke, fLet,
were sent without scruple to the most pestilential climate
Between 1792 and 1802 it had been eetineeed that the
Iris of life in the navy employed in the West Indies
amounted to 100,000. It was clear that the Honourable
Member aho moved for this Committee was anxious to
do away with the blockade, and though the motion could
not be complained of, the language indulged in had been
such as to foster the prejudices already existing on this
subject. Fifteen or sixteen years ago, the people of
England united as one man, and expended 20,000,000 E
for the extinction of slavery; and it was not to be be-
lieved that they had sow become so indifferent as to
allow the slave trade to take its course. He did not
believe that to save a penny a pound in sugar, the people
of this country would consent to continue the sufferings
of the inhabitants of Africa; and they were in effect
doing this by the late free trade measures with reference
to colonial produce.—(Hear, hear.) He did not wish to
oppose the motion.
Mr. MIME considered the speech of the llonourable
Member fir Newcastle as the most effective ever de-
livered on this subject.—(Hear, hear.) lie trusted its
influence would be very far extended. The Honourable
Member for Gateshead had been blamed for some of the
details he had employed, but how was the question to be
rightly understood unless all the facts were laid before
the House ? He denied the right of this country to
interfere with others which still sanctioned the slave
trade ; the principle was a wrong one, and had already
led us into serious difficulties with other countries.
When such interference was attempted by Lord Aber-
deen with the United States of America, Mr. Calhoun
promptly told him to mind his own business.—(Hear,
hear.) So much for the principle of our interference ;
its want of success was most remarkable, and such as
ought to induce us to retrace our course. Talk of an
adequate force—the First Lord of the Admiralty had
declared that the whole British fleet would be inadequate
for the purpose.—(Hear, hear.) At present slavery was
not prevented ; for out of every six men taken from
Africa, four or five were destroyed on the passage,
owing to the exertions of our blockading squadron.
If the House wished to put down slavery, let them adopt
the course recommended by the Hon. Member for New-
castle ; let the West India colonies have free access to
Africa for labourers, which might bo obtained at 4/ 103.
per head.—(Hear, hoar.) If 'this Committee were ap-
pointed, it would be proved beyond doubt that all our
past efforts for the suppression of the slave-trade had
been abortive, and had not promoted the cause of
humanity. This cause alone, putting pounds, shillings,
and pence out of the question, ought to induce us to
remove the African squadron.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. CARDWELL agreed in much that had fallen
from the Right Hon. Member for Oxford. Though the
existing blockade might involve the loss of many valuable
lives on the African coast, and might even render un-
settled our relations with some other Powers, this would
not be sufficient to condemn the system in the estimation
of the country ; but if, in addition, it appeared that it
was utterly ineffectual for the humane purposes which
it was meant to answer, then the House might well con-
sider whether it should be longer upheld.—(Hear, hear.)
If one thing was more clear than another it was this—
that neither on the ground of trade, on.the ground of our
naval expenditure, on the ground of a just consideration
for our officers and men, nor on the great ground of
humanity, which had led us into that unsuccessful enter-
prise, was the status quo of the slavery question satisfac-
tory to the House and the country.—(llear, hoar.)
If it was so admittedly unsatisfactory, what course, then,
ought the Legislature to take ? The Right Hon.
Baronet (Sir It. Inglis) said it ought not to be abandoned.
But, surely, the operation of the system ought to be
thoroughly inquired into by a Committee, and this was
the course which had been proposed by the Hon. Nlera-
tier for Gateshead, in the motion which he had brought
forward, seconded, as it had been, in so remarkable a
speech by the Hon. Member for Newcastle.—(Hear,
hear.) One part of the question bad not yet been pro-
minently brought before the House. The Hon. Member
for Newcastle, after the graphic narrative which he had
given of the operation of the blockade, had been asked
by the Right lion. Baronet (Sir R. Inglis) whether his
trade with the African coast had net derived benefit
from the presence of the blockading squadron. Had
the Hon. Member for Newcastle had the right of reply,
he would probably have stated, speaking from his six-
teen years' experience, that the trade sustained rather a
disadvantage from the existence of the blockade.—
(Hear, hear.) The late lamented Sir Fowell Buxton had
towards the close of his life, proposed a mode by which
he thought the slave trade might be more effectually
suppressed. Why, he recommended that wo should en-
courage to as great an extent as possible a lesitimato
trade with the west coast of Africa. This recommendation,
however, was very far from b"ing carried out by the pre-
sent-system, which, instead of encouraging a legitimate
trade in that quarter, operated as a positive impediment
to it. 'rho Honourable Member gave, as an illustration
of this position, the history of the condemnation by the
Mixed Court of Commission, at Losnde, of the Liver-
pool brig Lady Sale, which was seized by the Portuguese
brig Constitucao, as a slaver, for no other reason than
that she had on board, fur the purposes of legitimate
commerce, a quantity of staves and boiling pots, and
water, which she had taken in as the only available
ballast, in place of a cargo of rice which she had just
disposed of on the coast. Previous to her seizure by
the Portuguese brig, she had been visited by several
British vessels, and pronounced free from all suspicion.
She was, however, condemned at Loanda, and the highly
respectable owners, Messrs. Horsefall, of Liverpool,
thus sustained an actual loss of between 5,0001. and
6,000/., and to this day had got no compensation, though
their full innocence of the charge on pretence of which
their vessel was confiscated, had been admitted by the
fact that when the crew of the vessel, after having been
sent home to England as prisoners on a charge of
felony, surrendered at the Thames Police.offiee, they
were discharged by Mr. Ballantine, and informed there
was no charge against them.—(Hear, hear.) He did
net mention the matter as impeaching the conduct of
the Noble Lord opposite, but as a -striking illustration
of the manner in which the System operated as an
impediment to that legitimate trade with the west coast
of Africa, which could alone put an end to the slave
trade.—(Hear, hear.) _ _

. .
Viscount PALM ERSTON had already informed his
Hon. Friend the Member for Gateshead that it was not
at all his intention to oppose the appointment of the
Committee he sought.—(Hear, hear.) He quite con-
curred hs what seemed to be the general opinion of the
House, that it was fitting an inquiry should take place
on the system which was now pursued for the purpose
of effecting the suppression and abolition of the slave
trade.—(Hear, hear.) If there prevailed in any por-
tion of the public, or any portion of the House, an
opinion that the measures hitherto adopted had not
succeeded as they ought to have done in accomplishing
the purposes for which they were designed, that in
itself was a sufficient ground on which to demand a
Committee to inquire into the causes which had pre-
vented that success, and into the methods more calcu-
lated to effect success. He therefore fully concurred in
the Hon. Gentleman's motion. He could not, however,
so fully concur in the statements and arguments on
which his Hon. Friend had founded the motions for,
with all deference to the: Lion. Gentleman, he must be
allowed to express the opinion that there had been
great exaggeration in those statements, and great
fallacies in those arguments. It was said that we had
not succeeded in putting the slave trade down.—(Hear.)
Undoubtedly we had not, but it was a great mistake
to suppose that the methods which had been pursued
had not been successful in diminishing that trade to
a very considerable extent—(Hear, hear)—and even
the statements and arguments of the Hon. Gentleman
himself tended manifestly and clearly to prove that to
this extent the efforts which this country had made had
not been unattended with success.—(Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Gentleman quoted numbers. He said that the
number of negroes heretofore imported into America
had amounted to 50,000, 70,000 (Mr. F. Buxton's
statement had gone as high as 100,000) per annum,
whereas he admitted that at present the number was only
between 40,000 and 50,000. To account for the incon-
sistency which he saw in his own statements, the lion.
Gentleman had affirmed that an equal number was lost
on the passage, whereas it was pretty tolerably ascer-
tained that the proportion lost on the passage, instead of
being, as the lion. Member thought, 100 per cent., was
in point of fact only between 12 and 16 per cent. One
fact was quite clear, that, doubtless owing to our exer-
tions, the supply in America fell far short of the de-
mand. In no other way could :the enormous profit of ,
the slave importer-2,000 per cent., it was stated, on his
outlay—be accounted for. Remove the restrictions we
imposed, and it seemed tolerably clear that the supply
would very speedily equal the demand. He begged the
House to bear in mind, when complaint was made of the
futility of our eftbrts, that it was only within the past
few years that these efforts had been placed on a proper
footing, for it was not until 1839 that we obtained the right
of due control over vessels under the Portuguese or
Brazilian flag.—(hear.) He was quite ready to admit
that a maritime police alone would not suffice to put
down the slave trade—(Hear, hear)—but he could not
admit that our maritime police had had the effect of
aggravating the horrors of the middle passage. However
atrocious the sufferings now undergone by the negroes,
in the course of that passage, a full parallel for the worst
of those sufferings could bo adduced from the statements
made by Fox, Wilberforce, and other orators, in the
debates which brought about the abolition of the free
trade in our own possessions. Now, he was prepared to
admit that a maritime police was not alone sufficient to

swot the purpose et eappeaaalng entirely tEs alaie trade ;
on the coast of Africa. Bat before he proceeded further
he rawt deny the truth of the allegations upon which his !
Hon. Friend the M:.:nber foe Montreee hrel declared
isepreetione to he founded, that the meritime police of
England exercised an al bitrery power over the vessels
of foreign eetions, which was extremely hateful to them, !
and which created frequent occasions for coming into
hostile collisisn with them. The maritime police was
founded on 'mutual treaties entered into between Eugland
and foreign powers, by which, whenever that police en-
countered a ves3el under the flag of those powers, a
license was given to visit it, and to see that no contraven-
tion of the treaty was committed. Therefore it was act
right ie his Hon. Friend to say that other nations had
complained of the conduct of England under that
treaty. The visits of the maritime police of England
to the ships of foreign powers were made under the
sanction of treaties, and vi hen the United States ea-
presserl a wish to withdraw her vessels from the opers-
tion of those visits which France had never given her
consent to, the Government of England at once acceded
to those demands, and the power of search had only
been exercised in those cases where England was still
entitled under existing treaties to enforce it. With re
gard to the effect which had been produced I.y the ma-
ritime police upon the slave trade on the coast ot Array.,
he learned by the last accounts from Cuba that during
the last two years, 1346 aed 1347, there had be, n
scarcely any importation of slaves into that island, and
it could not be discovered that m.re than 2,000 slaves
in each year bud been imported. thither. The Govern
meet could not rely implicitly upon the accuracy of this
statement, but it was made upon the same authority that
had been credited on former ocenaione, ishea it was
learned that a large importation of slaves had taken place
at Cuba; and it the truth had been toll in the larger
amount of slaves imported, he ,saw no reason to conclude
otherwise that, that he was justified in crediting the
statement that the number of imported slaves were now
less. Ir the undiminished produce and export of sugar
was adduced as a reason for thinking that the supply
of slaves was still kept up, he must in reply observe
that there had been a considerable transfer of slave
labour from the tobacco cultivation to that of sugar
which was more profitable, and that circumstance would
account for the nore diminution of the sugar crop of
Cuba. With respect to the Brazils, he was ready to
admit that the supply of slaves from the coast of Africa
was still great, but not so great as in former years. It
had been urged by the Hon. Member for Gateshead
that it was impossible to put a stop to that trade by the
maritime police, because of the enormous profits that
attended it. In Cuba, he had reason to believe there
was a diminution in the number of slaves imported,
because Spain had insisted on the Governor of that
island carrying out the treaty. He believed that if in
Brazds the same -course had been followed, the law
would have been equally efficacious against the trading
in slaves. How was it that England had abolished
slavery in her colonies? Because the law was rigorously
enforced that prohibited it; and if in British colonies
the law had proved efficacious, why should it not
prove equally so in Spain and the Brazils,
if enforced with the same rigour ? But he
returned to the admission he had already made, that
the maritime police; was not sufficient in itself to sup-
press the slave trade on the coast of Africa. That
great achievement must be effected by the reinforce-
ment brought by other foreign nations to the cause, and
by their rigorous observaace of good faith in their
treaties. There were now only two outstanding powers,
within whoselimits slaves from the coast of Africa were
still permitted to be imported, namely, Spain arid the
Brazils. He agreed in most of the arguments udvat ced
by the Hon. Member for Gateshead, in support of his
assertion, that it was by means of legitimate commerce
that the slave trade on the coast of Africa would be
destroyed. But he differed with the Hon. Member on one
assertion advanced by him, namely, that legitimate
commerce would destroy the alive trade. Now he felt
bound to assert, that the numerous reports respecting
the coast of Africa proved precisely a contrary result
to that predicted by the Hon. Member. Those reports
were unanimous in stating that the legitimate commerce
of the coast of Africa was destroyed by the existence
of the slave trade, and that the only means of reviving
that commerce wits by destroying the slave
trade.—(Hear, hear.) But even the allegations sup-
plied by the Hon. Member did not warrant the con-
clusion he had drawn. For if great Britain with-
drew her cruisers from the coast of Africa, he (Lord
Palmerston) should like to know what would become of
the legitimate traders in palm oil and ground nut oil?
Ile would venture to say they would at once be driven
from the coast, and that a swarm of slavers and et
pirates would immediately take the place or the maritime
police, and render the coast too dangerous to be fre-
quented by traders, whilst at the same time it would be
found that all traces of civilisation amongst the Africans
would be swept away—that the trousers and jackets now
worn by some amongst them would be cast aside, and
the natives would appear in their:original state of nudity,
whilst all the exertions made by the benevolent and
high-minded men whose efforts had been exerted in their
favour would have been made in vain, whilst England
would incur the disgrace of having been the author of
scenes of barbarity which were sufficient to make huma-
nity shudder. The Government had endeavoured to
encourage legitimate commerce on the coast of Africa,
and one of the methods adopted had proved eminently
successful. Treaties had been entered into with the
native chiefs, binding them to offer every resistance
against the slave trade and against all European settlers
engaged in it, and giving power to the French and
English cruisers—for France and England were most
intimately bound up in this effort—to land their crews
and to destroy any barracoons which might have been
erected within their territories for the reeeption of slaves
against the terms of those fteaties. He was happy to
say, though the Hon. Member forGateshead had not given
the Government due credit, that there was no ground for
the imputation which he had cast upon France in regard
to the slave-trade suppressiun.—(llear.) It was the
object of the two Governments to multiply the treaties of
which he had spoken with the native African chiefs ;
and he hoped that ultimately they would be enabled to
encircle the whole coast of Africa with a net-work of
these engagements, so that they would thereby be en-
abled to strike a blow at the root of African slavery by
inducing the chiefs to betake themselves to legitimate
commerce, instead of destroying that commerce by en-
couraging the skive trade. This system of treaties,
coupled with that of the cruisers off the coast, bad proved
the best method of suppressing the slave trade, and that
best adapted for the purpose. E,sery year that now
passed over rendered it more and itnre unlikely that the
slave trade should ever be abolished. It had been said
that there was a great mortality amongst the officers and
crews of the vessels engaged on the African coast. In
former years he admitted the fact was so. But the
latent accounts he had received from Sir C. Hotham
stated that the crews of the vessels were as healthy as
those employed on any other station; and, therefore, ho
(Lord Palmerston) thought that those objections which
were founded on the anxiety for the health of the offi-
cers and seamen engaged in suppressing the slave trade
might fairly be dismissed from the minds of Hon. Mem
bars. When the Committee had commenced its inqui-
ries, it might be found that the Hon. Member for Gates-
head had not taken the most politic course possible in
making the speech ho had uttered. He (Lord Palmer-
ston) certainly had not expected such a speech, as the
Hon. Member know beforehand that the Committee
would be granted. But he did hope that, when the Com-
mittee came to examine the subject, it would be found
that the method adopted for suppressing the slave trade
was not altogether so ineffectual as hail been stated. If
any other more effectual method of putting a stop to it
could be suggested, no one would receive that informa-
tion with greater satisfaction than himself. There was
one result which he most earnestly hoped would not at-
tend the labours of the Committee—namely, that it
should recommend to the House to withdraw the naval
forces from the African coast. England bad been the
first to engage in the slave trade, and that more fully
than any other nation, both in buying slaves and in
encouraging their sale. England had been the first to
retrace her steps and to endeavour to expiate her guilt.
For many years past all her greatest statesmen, all her
most enlightened and must iirtuous citizens, had been
unanimous in labouring, by means of treatise with other
nations, and by making every self-sacrifice, to expiate
the guilt of their country by extinguishing the crime of
slave dealing. They had succeeded in prevailing on
France, on the Netherlands, in nearly all the Spanish
possessions, and in Portugal, in bringing about the legal
extinction of this slave trade. Brazil was almost the
only remaining offender, and he (Lord Palmerston)
thought, that if the nation persevered in the
effort, and did not withdraw from it in idle levity,
success would still be within its reach, and by
some additional means being resorted to, the. great
object sought for would ultimately be attained. It
might be very well for those who did not think deeply
on the subject to measure its importance by the number
of pounds sterling which it annually cost the nation ;
but looking at the question as one affecting a nation,
and regarding it not as a
topic of the day, but as one
which would form one in the history of nations, he
would affirm to the House that if England should suc-
ceed in abolishing the most atrocious crime of slave
dealing, he knew of nothing that had been accomplished
by any nation recorded in the history of mankind that
could in any way compare with so glorious an achieve-
ment. And if the destinies of nations were governed
or affected, as were those of individuals, by their con-
duct, or by the benefits which they accomplished, he
thought it might be proved by mathematical demon-
stration, that even taken as a matter of profit and loss,
England could, under no circumstances, be a loser by
the course she had pursued in respect to the slave trade.
Lord G. BENTINCK said that his Noble Friend
had referred to the small number of slaves imported
into Cuba during the last two years, but he had omit-
ted to inform the House that 60,000 slaves had been
imported during the last year into the Brazils. If the
committee would only call before it for examination one
of the parties who were concerned in the African slave•
trade, a darker picture of the horrors of that traffic
would be obtained than ho had any power of giving.
The Noble Lord proceeded to contend that the greater
portion of the sufferings endured by the slaves during
their conveyance from the coast of Africa to the Bra-
zils was occasioned by the British and other cruisers
employed in the preventive service. He could not let
the speech of the Noble Lord pass without making
those few observations.
Captain PECIIELL hoped that the Noble Lord did
net mean to charge want of diligence OR the part of our
cruisers on the coast of Africa. Or did he mean to pro-
pose a seizure of the island of Cuba as a means of putting
an end to the slave trade? But had not the Noble Lord
been a supporter of the Government which had done
away with the right of search?—(Hear, hear.) Ms
Hon. Friend the Member for Gateshead had endeavoured
to enlist the sympathies of the House, by his picture of
the mortality on the coast of Africa. But was there no
mortality in Hong-Kong, Chusan, and in the West
Indies? British sailors never shrunk from their duty on
account of climate. Let them but have their just rights,

reesque‘reassesa -
*nd the ruche *bleb tad hatli eote-d Wig
ment, and there would be no difficulty in mann no
ships for the coast of Africa. He must say that, is his
o,r,inion, the manner in which our cruisers performed
their duty was worthy of the best thanks of that Howe.
The Honourable Member for Gateshead had raid that
the Americans were our only sincere friends itt putting
down the slave trade. But whit was the fact ?
Nine-tenths of the versels employed in the slave trade
were built in Virginia and Baltimore.—(Hear, hear.)
He never eculd believe the United States sincere so long
as they slowed such proceedings to be carried on.—
(Eiaar, hear.) The mortality on board our cruisers bad
very much abated since we had colonised the island of
Ascension, and had provided vessels suited to the climate
and service. He believed that any remissness on the
part of the F quadron had arisen, not from want of zeal OR
the part of the officers or men, but from the unhandsome
conduct of the British Gi,vertiment and that Howe.

Lord C. HAMILTON road a report from the Haven-
nah show ng that the slave trade had almost wholly
ceased in the island of Cuba in 184 G, and contended that
this result had bean brought about by the treaties
effected by the late Government. Ho feared that in spite
of the iminc%se sacrifices we hal made, the statq in which
we had left cur own colonies K ould be a beacon to warn
:oroigu countries from following our example in abolish-
ing the slave trade.
Lord 1101111131 exilegaed Lis gratification at the
culo,tiunis which had been passed upon his gallant re-
lativi in charge of the 4quadron cn the coast of Africa.
—(Hear, hoar.) He would not attempt to describe tho
difficulties or responsibiloies of the command.
Mr. GLADSTONE had understood the Noblello

to s:y, that not more than 2,0(0 dares annually had be(
imported into Cuba. He should be glad to know do
to what [et iod his accounts came?
Viscount PALMERS'FON said the reports caw
down to the cnd of 1846. The accounts of 1847 antici
pated that at the close of that year the number imported
would be about the same.

Mr. GLADSTONE—Then the reports art, in effect,
down to 1847.

Viscount I'ALMERSTON replied in the affirmative.
Mr. WARD, before the debate closed, desired to bear
his testimony to the excellent state of the squadron
under Sir Charles Ilotham's command. Never was
there a squadron in better condition, and the health of
the officers and seamen was admirable. During the lad
year, also, he had the gratification of stating that their
success had been commensurate with their efforts, and
that the return of vessels captured was most sails"
factory.
Mr. 'WTI' replied. and the motion was agreed to.

MAGISTRATES BILLS.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL nominated the follow.
ing Members to form the Select Committee on th.
" Magistrates" Bills: The Attorney-General, Mr.
Henley, Mr. Clifford, Sir J. Pakington, Mr. Langston,
Mr. Cripps, Mr. Wrighton, Mr. R. Palmer, and Sir J.
Guest.

Captain PECHELL complained that be could find no
clause in the3e Bills on the subject of holding magis-
trates' meetings in public-houses. He understood that
to be the object of the Bills.
Mr. PARKER—You do not oppose the nomination?
Captain PECHELL—Oh, no.—(A laugh.)
The Committee was appointed.
SUPPLY. _ _

The report of the Committee of Supply was brought
up.
Colonel SIBTHORP said that he did not know when
the proper opportunity would he, but it was his inten-
tion to take objection hereafter to the •ote of 39,0001.
for secret service money, which, in the present state of
affairs, he did not think at all proper. —(Hear.)
The House adjourned et twenty minutes after Twelve,

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS.

(From the Votes and Proeeedings of Me House of Commons.)

TUESDAY, FEB. 22.

MACCLESFIELD WATERWORKS ANJ IMPROVE.

AIEN r BILL.

Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Bill be
now read a second time :"—Amendment proposed, to leave
out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add
the words " upon this day six mouths:" Question put,
" That the word now' stand part of the Question." The
House divided:—

MINORITY-AYES, 30.
Archdall, Captain Cochrane, A. illidyart, R. C.
Arkwright, George Cocks, 1 homas S. Lindsay, Colonel
Arundel, Earl of Colebrooke, Sir T. Mackenzie, W. F.
Bennet. P. Collolly, Cul. Newry, Viscount
Boldero, Henry Cripps, William Patten, J. W.
Bremrldge, Richard Duncuft, Johu Sandans, George
Buller, Sir J. Y. Dunne, Francis P. Waddington, David
Buxton, Sir E. Forbes, William Waddington. H. S.
Carew, W. P. Greene Thomas TkLIJOIL9.
Christy, Samuel Hamilton, G. A. Egerton, W. T.
Cobbold, Johu C. Herbert, Henry A. ToUcinitehe, John