The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-28 00:00:00

THE STTN LONDON. WEIYMESDAy EVEN'INT4.I JANUARY 21, 1,48,

I hope this will not be rendered necessary, either on
account of any measures I may have to propose, or
you may have to adopt; above all, I hope that the
confidently expressed opinion of her Majesty, that
this great subject will receive the deliberate and
dispassionate consideration of the House of
Commons, may be realised. I have already said,
in reply to a question put by an Hon. Gentleman,
that I do not contemplate asking the House of Commons
to pronounce to-night any opinion upon the entire, or a
component, part of the measures to be submitted for
your consideration; but that, on the contrary, it is
the wish of the Government the questions shall be dealt
with by you in a calm and dispassionate manner.—
(Hear, hear.) It may be possible, that as lam about
to propose so many reductions, some Hon. Gentleman
may denounce me as rash and improvident, and de-
clare that my measures ought on that account to be
rejected by this House. If such should be the prevailing
impression among those who are favourable to protec-
tion, nothing can be more easy than that, on the day
when they are called upon to consider those great and
momentous questions, I should be permitted to ask the
House to put upon record a counter principle.— (Cheers.)
My motion will be some such resolution as this ; not
that any protection on any particular branch of trade is
advisable, but that there should be a comprehensive
system of protection for all articles of domestic in-
dustry, believing, as I do, that it will be for
the good of the country that our native in-
dustry should be protected.—(Hear, hear.) I think
that that principle ought to be sanctioned.—(Hear,
hear.) It may be, on the other hand, that the House
and this country, considering the great difficulties of
this question— considering the variety of opinions
—considering the nature of the contest, which
has long existed, and which I fear will
long continue, unless there be a satisfactory and
early adjustment of this question—(Hear, hear)—
it may be that even those who may dissent from par-
ticular parts of the great scheme which I am about to
propose to the consideration of this House may
be disposed to accept this proposal as an entire
settlement of the question, and that the voice of
the country may pronounce upon it as such. This were
an unjust thing. An inequitable or unwise adjustment,
it may be considered, would be preferable to
the perpetual conflict in which we are in-
volved ; and if that be the position which the
general opinion of the reasonable and intelligent of all
classes shall take, in that case I shall have confidence
of ultimate success. On the other hand, as I said before,
if I touch so many interests by the application of that
great principle, that protective duties are not in them-
selves abstractedly, and ought to be relinquished; in
that case another fate will await my proposal, and the
sooner it is disposed of the better will it be for
the public good. Sir, that principle to which I have
referred, namely, the relaxation of the protective
duties, lam not about to apply to any one particular
class of trade.—(Cheers.) I am not about to select that
great interest connected with the agriculture of this
country, and call upon them to relinquish protection, and
at the same time forbear to call upon other interests to
relinquish their privileges. I shall make no isolated
proposal. Tho principle for which I shall contend is a
just and a wise one—l shall ask all classes to give up
their protective privileges—(Cheers)—and to make the
sacrifice, if it be a sacrifice, which that application shall
cause.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the House is aware that
during the last three years, what is called
" the Customs' Duties Act" was amended ; at that time
the Customs' duties were submitted to the review and
consideration of this House. In 1842 it was my duty, as
the head of the Government, to propose a great change in
the then Custom's duties. The general principle of the plan
under which I then acted was to remit the duties upon arti-
cles and raw material constituting the element of manufac-
turing industry. The plan then submitted to the House
was to subject the general manufacturing articles of labour
in other countries to duties not exceeding
.201. per cent.
The House adopted the principle upon which he had
acted in 1842. In that year he selected a number
of the raw articles for the remission of the
duty. In 1844 we reduced altogether the duty
upon wool. In the year 1845 we reduced alto-
gether the duty upon cotton. There is hardly a raw
material remaining for import into this country upon
which the duty has not been either entirely abolished,
or considerably diminished. The manufacturers of the
country, therefore, now have an advantage which they did
not possess hitherto. They have free access to the raw
material which constitutes the fabrio of their articles of
manufacture, and I consider that I am therefore entitled
to call upon the manufacturers to relinquish that amount
of protection which they now have.—(Hear, hear.) The
manufacturer has now an advantage which he has not
had before. There might have been great doubt as to
whether you might have continued to derive the same
amount of revenue from the importation of cotton wool
which existed in 1844. But the House disregarded the
amount of 600,000 L or 700,0001. of revenue derived from
such a source. They wished to establish the stability
of the manufacture of articles from sheep and cotton
wool, and to place it upon a sure and certain foundation.
They were willing, therefore, and consented, to forego
this amount, so easily levied, and which caused so little
complaint from the great body of the people.
In order to remove this duty, not only
upon sheep, but also upon cotton wool, this House
submitted itself to the imposition of the income-tax,
in consideration of the removal of the duties upon
these raw materials. I propose, Sir, in reviewing
those articles upon which there at present exist duties,
I propose to take first those articles of raw material
which still remain subject to a duty ; and in dealing
with these articles, I beg to call upon the manufacturers
to relinquish that amount of duty which they now pos-
sess. Sir, I hardly know any articles of the nature
of raw materials subject to duty except tallow and
timber.— (Laughter.) Tallow, is an article of very
great importance to the community, and the people at large,
it being used in the manufacture of soap, candles, and also
for the purpose of dressing leather. I propose to make a
reduction in this article from the amount of duty now levied.
With respect to the duty on tallow from the United
States, the duty on which was 3s. 2d., I will, purely
for the purpose of encouraging that produce, which was
now chiefly procured from Russia, propose a re-
laxation in that duty,with the hope that it would ulti-
mately procure a reciprocal reduction on their part with
respect to the produce of this country. I will, therefore,
for that purpose, propose to reduce the duty on tallow,
which now is 3s. 2d. to is. Bd. I am taking the articles
of raw material first, and shall now come
to timber, the produce of our own colonies.
timber is the only article which I cannot definitely give
an explanation of, as the reduction which I am dis-
posed to make must depend on the manner in which 1
am int t by other :states on that article. The course
her Majesty's Government intends to pursue will
be a gradual reduction, to a certain sum,
of the existing duties on timber.—(Hear, hear.)
The reduction will be apportioned, if possible, so as to
cause no derangement of the duties on timber from the
Baltic. But at a very early period it was the intention
of her Majesty's Government to make known their ar-
rangements with respect to timber, on a hich it was
difficult to get that information which was necessary.
And now, after baring made all these reductions, 1
hardly know a single raw material which has a protec-
tive duty imposed upon it. After having taken
this course after having afforded the manufax-
hirer cvery facility—after having given him a free
commend of the raw material—l will call on the
manufacturers of the three great articles which enter
into the consumption of the great body of the people, I
will ask them to give that proof, which I am sure
they will—(Hear, hear)-s—of the sincerity of their
convictions as to the inspoliey of protection, by
consenting to relinquish the protection on ;orn,—(Hear,
hear, and loud cheering from the Opposition benches.)
The three bratialgis of manufacture of which I speak
aro those which give clothes to the great body of the
people—l mean those of linen, woollen, and cotton. I
will ask them to set the example to others by relinquish-
ing at once, cheerfully, the protection on corn.—(Hear,
hear.) My Honourable Friend th Member for
Dursetshire (Lord Ashley)—and I call him my
Honourable Friend, for it shall not be my fault
if these unfortunate political differences interfere with
Private fri-ndabip and regard—l will call hiniat once my
Hon. Friend—expressed a hope, being jealous of an ex-
pression which occurred in her Majesty's Speech, that the
oeiaot
of the
thGeotvtehron seillt
small interests of the country should not be visited injuri-
ly interests will meet with the
especialus Iw
rell tell
this review of the tariff to subjectent' I
myself
fn
to o t
the purpose
impu-
tationof concealing my intention. I declare it
Imw, that I mean to effect great interests and
protect, as much as possible, these small
interests alluded to. My Honourable Friend will,
therefore be gratified in his expectation.--(Hear, hear.)
I shall propose, with regard to cotton manufactured
goods, including the great mass of heavy goods, such
as calicoes, prints, &c., to make an alteration. Manu-
factured goods were now subject to a duty of 10 per
cent. These I propose to make duty free ; and those
articles which are charged 20 per cent., I propose
to reduce to 10 per cent.—(Cries of " Hear, hear,"
and cheers.) The Articles which constitute in a great
measure the clothing materials of the great bulk of the
people I propose to make duty free.-s-(Loud cheers and
laternipteaP.) Allow me to state the whole of my

scheme before you draw inferences as to any part
of it. I do not wish you to suspend your judg-
ment for a year. I merely desire that you
refrain from forming conclusions till I continue
the details of what I propose.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
I am the more anxious to call upon the manufacturers
to relinquish these duties, because, according to high
authority it was not the agriculturists but the manu-
facturers who first called upon the Legislature for the
imposition of protective duties.—(Cheers.) I doubt not,
therefore, but they will now come forward and set the first
example in giving them up.—(Cheers.) Adam Smith,
a great authority, says—" That farmers and gentlemen
connnected with agriculture were, of all persons in the
community, the least subject to the wretched spirit of
monopoly."—(Great laughter and cheers.) He also
said, " that it was not the agriculturists, but the
manufacturers, who had first appealed for the
protection of the restrictive system.—(Loud cheers.)
They are always ready to call out against the restrictions
on all other articles but that which pressed heaviest upon
their countrymen. They may be said to be the
original inventors of all monopoly."— (Laughter).
Hon. Gentlemen may have cause for laughter,
by the reading of this extract, but it is perfectly true.
I propose that the duties on the coarser articles of
manufacture shall be materially reduced, and which
will have a material effect on the manufacturing inte-
rests of this country, but not to the great injury of
the manufacturing interests. I propose that the made-
up woollen goods shall also be reduced in duty to the
same amount, namely, a reduction of from 20 per cent.
to 10 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) I stated the other
night that flax was a very important and a
staple article of our manufactures, and also that
although there was no duty on that article, that its great
import was not injurious to our growers of that article,
and I believe that has not been contradicted. The
duty on linen goods varies according to their quality; but
the reduction of duties on those articles cannot be so
injurious to our manufacturing interests as may at first
be imagined, for I am of opinion that the improve-
ments made by our own workmen will always keep
up the market in their favour. I now come
to another very important article of our imports.
I. mean the silk trade.—(Hear.) Now, don't let us
suppose:thatthe existing duty on silks operates as a
protection to the domestic manufacture of that article.--
(Hear.) You have a duty which you call 30 per cent ,
but which with respect to many articles is a great deal
higher; and as a false reliance is placed on this, as t )
its being a protection to domestic manufacture, I think
it proper to state that there are many houses in Paris,
and on the continent, which will guarantee to deliver
goods in London at half the duty at present levied.—
(Hear, hear.) It is therefore a mistake to imagine that
the duty affords the protection which is stated. In the
first place it appears that it is an encouragement to
smuggling, as the article may be frequently purchased
from those engaged in this traffic for a small sum, com-
pared with that which it will realise in the legitimate
course of business. I conceive, therefore, that by a
new arrangement with respect to the silk duties
—in fact, that a reduction of these duties which
are not interfering with any domestic manufacture, will,
at the same time, diminish the profit of the smuggler,
and encourage a lawful and wholesome trade.—(Hear,
hear.) Now, the general impression is, that there is a
duty of thirty per cent. on silk manufacture. I hold in
my hand an account of the duties upon the silk menu
facture as at present levied ; and, although, in respect
to some it may not exceed thirty per cent., and in
others less than ten per cent., yet there are many
articles comprised under this definition with respect to
which the duty is much higher than this. In the case
of crape the duty is not lees than 40 or 50 per cent. ; on
fancy silk the duty is not less than from 301. to 38/. per
cent. ; on silk bonnets not less than 1451 per cent ; iii
the case of turbans it is at least as much. Does any man,
therefore, believe foreign turbans, bonnets, and
hats, pay a duty of 1451. per cent. It is no
such thing. The article is in common use
here, but its value is reduced by the common
smuggler. Now I propose a now arrangement with
respect to silk, but I must not now enter too much into
details, as the whole of my statement will be subject to
correction after it has appeared to-morrow morning. I
now wish to introduce a new principal, based on a gene-
ral scale which shall enumerate each species of silk,
and the amount per pound at which it will be ad-
mitted, with an option to the Custom-house officer
to levy a sum on every quantity of silk of the
value of 100/. a duty not exceeding fifteen per cent.
The general principle, therefore, shall be a reduc-
tion of 15 per cent. on this article, which, heretofore,
had been, at the lowest, 30 per cent. on such articles ;
but in reality it was greater on some articles and less on
others. There is another article of manufacture which
I think may be fairly permitted to enter into com-
petition with the same article in this country,
for I do think it would have the effect of
stimulating that trade to greater industry and exertion ;
I speak of the article of paper—(Hear)—that is paper-
hangings. At present there is a duty upon all foreign
paper-hengings imported into this country of one shilling
per square-yard ; and this applies to all descriptions
of paper-hangings. Now, I believe it is possible for
some descriptions of this article to be manufactured
and sold at the rate of one farthiag the square
yard. Of course the very fine descriptions, such as those
with gold bordering; may still be liable to the duty of
one shilling; but I do think that a shilling per square
yard duty upon paper which can be made for one
farthing per square yard is exorbitant, and therefore
I propose to reduce that duty on certain de-
scriptions from one shilling to twopence the
square yard, upon paper hangings coming from
abroad.—(Hear, hear.) I now approach those de-
scriptions of manufactures which are connected with
metals.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It is impossible
that I can go through its detail without entering into
minute details, and therefore I do hope that the House
will hear me with patience.—(Hear, hear.) We have
already reduced the duty upon foreign ores ; and I do
think that it' there be any articles of manufacture in this
country which more than another, can bear competition
it is that description connected with metals. The manu-
facture of metals (I de not mean to particularise them),
are now chargeable with a duty of 15 per cent. I pro-
pose with regard to them, and I include all descriptions,
which I do not now mention; but I say, as a general
rule, that this duty shall not exceed 10 per cent.—
That is the maximum duty which I now propose on those
articles, without enumerating them. I have made an
exception with regard to paper-hangings, for the reason
I have already stated ; but the duty of ten per cent.
on metals shall be without any exception.
With regard to the duty of 10 per cent. on all such
manufactures as umber -lead, and also hardware and
other articles, such duty can be considerably reduced; as
also on all manufactures of hair. At present there is a
duty of 20 per cent. on the import of foreign carriages,
which I propose to reduce. That will be giving an im-
mense advantage to the consumers of this country, as no
article is so very dear as a carriage and equipment.
—(Hear, hear.) Look at the carriages made
in Brussels, and also in Edinburgh. The price
there is considerably below the London price,
and I see no reason why foreign carriages should be
subjected to a duty of 20 per cent.; and I propose
therefore to encourage a wholesome competition in this
country by permitting foreign carriages to come in at a
duty of 10 per cent. There is also another manufacture
in respect of which I propose a considerable reduction—
I propose to reduce the duty on canvas. As I have
reduced the duty on spermaceti, I this night propose a
reduction of the duty on candles to about one-
half ; and I also propose a reduction of the duty
on foreign soap to one-half. In the case of hard
soap, now subjected to a duty of 305., it shall
be reduced to 205., and in the case of soft soap,
now subjected to a duty of 205., it shall be reduced to
14s. There are a great many articles besides on which
the duty is so slight that I propose to remit them alto-
gether.—(Hear, hear.) In 1642 the tariff which I pro-
posed contained the names of nearly 1,100 articles.
Those names still remain on the tariff, because it is con-
venient to the Custom-house officers to run their eyes
down the alphabetical list to see what articles are free
from duty, but in the case of more than 500 of them,
the duty will be either reduced or omitted. These
articles I have no objection to state to the House,
should it require it.—(Cries of " No, no.") Well, then,
I will proceed to the other proposal I have to make.
There are still some manufactured articles on which I
deem it advisable to reduce the duty to 10 per cent.
Respecting the article of gloves already a great reduction
has taken place. I now come to an important article
of consumption, namely, that of boots and shoes,
on the raw material of which I propose to reduce the
duty.—(Hear, hear.) On a former occasion an altera-.
tion was made in the duty on tho material which en-
tered into the composition of these articles, but the
duty on raw hides was still retained. I now propose
that raw hides shall enter duty free.—(Hear, hear.)
When the tariff was formerly altered, I retained
the duty on all articles that were imported for the
purposes of tanning, but now r propose to
remit the duty altogether. There is one article to
which I will refer which does not take the character of
raw material, but which is of the greatest importance to
the working classes—l mean the article of dressed
hides. As this article extends largely into boots
and shoes, and is of great importance to the
people, I propose to take the duty altogether
off dressed hides. Haying e4ple,iped what I mean
to do with this article. I will now proceed in stete
what amount of duty I mean to propose on articles
made up of Ow dressed hides, to which I have re-
ferred. I intend to dinsipieh the duty on foreign boots
and =hoes, a step which I am persuaded will he tt great
benefit. Haring taken the duty off the raw
material, I propose reducing the fluty en smell
from ss. 6d. to
boot and shoe-fronts, from three shillings and siapene
to ls. 9d, per dozen; on large boot fronts
2s. 9d. per doyen; on hoots from 11. Bs. to 14s. perdozen;
on shoes from 14s. to per doers other articiee of
this kind to be reduced in the same proportion. Thetas
is another reduction I mean to propose, which was
omitted in 1142, but whieh I regret was not then car-
ried into effect. I mean the duty op the article of
straw plait, On this article I propose that the
duty shall be reduced frog 7s. §d to ss. ; and
on straw hats, from Bs. 6d. to 4s. per dozen,
I omitted to state that there is another article pops
sleeted with the silk manufacture that I propose to
retino9 the duty onr-I Meal 3 the article of dypd
thrown silk. 1 hope" lam convincing the— Haliso
that I am disposed io—lidt—fitirly and impartially in re-
spect of the application of those duties.(ss,'''.r4•l
I believe I have exhausted every article which can be
called an ;article of manufacture, as the word
manufacture is generally used. hive shown you that.
I intend to reduce metals, clothing, and those
things generally in use as articles of con-
sumption, and the House will, I hope, per-
ceive that I have pretty strictly adhered to the
general principles I had laid down in the begin.

ning. I shall call your attention now to
another article of great importance, which, although
it may he included among manufactur: s, yet, in com-
mon parlance, does not come within the denomination of
m irtufacture. It is an article on which reduction seems at
the present time to be peculiarly required. I propose
to reduce the duty on brandy, and other foreign spirits.
(Great cheering.) The present duty upon brandy is not
less than 225. 10d. per gallon, and this high duty has, I
believe, prevented any increase in the importation of the
article.—(Hear.) At the present moment, I think the con-
sumption of foreign brandy is not so great—certainly not
greater than it was at the latter end of the 17th century.—
(Hear.) This, I repeat, is mainly attributable to the fact
of the present high duty. There is no article in respect
to which smuggling so much prevails as in the article of
foreign spirits. A diminution of the duty is not, there-
fore, less protective to the home manufacture than if the
high duty were continued. The reduced duty, I have
every reason to believe, will have the effect of converting
an unlawful into a lawful traffic, by the increased demand
for the article consequent upon that reduction. I propose,
therefore, that the present duty on brandy and foreign
spirits shall be reduced from 225. 10d. to 15s. per gallon.
Sir, there remains but one article to which I will
revert, in respect to which an arrangement was made as
late as the last year, but which I now intend
to reduce still further--I mean the reduction of
the protective duties on sugar.—(lmmense cheering.)
It is quite impossible, in respect to this article, consider-
ing that prolonged discussions will take place concerning
it, it is quite impossible that I can enter into the
details of the arrangement which I shall propose. I
submit to the House, on the present occasion, the inten-
tion of her Majesty's Government, avoiding any details.
I am very much afraid that the proposal I have to
make will not at all meet with the approbation
and the concurrence of those who raised those cheers
at the mention of the article sugar. I may, however,
generally state, on the present occasion, the proposal
which her Majesty's Government have undertaken to
make. Now, in the last year I estimated the pro-
bable amount of increased consumption of sugar, in con-
sequence of the reduction in the duty, at not less than
50,000 tons a year. Up to the last return, the increase
in the consumption had already reached 38,000 tons,
and whether or no during the remaining period my
estimate has been borne out, I cannot undertake to say,
as it would be exceedingly difficult to calcutate, unless
I had the total amount of increase up to the present
time. Still there cannot be a donbt that there will be
a very considerable increase in the consumption of sugar.
The amount of free-labour sugar brought into competi-
tion with British colonial sugar has not equalled my ex-
pectations. I calculated that the amount of free-labour
sugar would be 25,000 tons. The amount which
has been actually brought into home consumption has
fallen very short of that, but I believe that this may
be accouuted for by the failure in the crop at Cuba,
and by the increased consumption in other parts of Eu-
rope. This, of course, caused a deficient supply to this
country from those parts of the world in which free
labour is employed. Although this will in a great measure
account for the reduced supply, yet I am bound to say
that I think the British Colonial sugar can bear in-
creased competition with foreign sugar, the pro
duce of free labour. I am not prepared to
make any relaxation in our principles with
respect to the admission of sugar the produce of
countries carrying on the slave-trade. We shall adhere
to those principles but with respect to sugar, the pro-
duce of free labour, while the consumption of that sugar
is so limited, and her Majesty's Government have not
thought it right to exempt that sugar from the operation
of the general principles which I have stated. We pro-
pose, therefore—assuming that the population is to use
foreign sugar the produce of free labour—we propose
to deduct 3s. 6d. from the amount of the present dif-
ferential duty. In the case of muscovado sugar the
amount of differential duty is, I think, 9s. 4d., and
in the case of clayed sugar, the amount of the
differential duty is 1 ls. Bd. We propose to deduct
from the amount of differential duty on each descrip-
tion 3s. 6d., leaving the amount of differential duty
in favour of British colonial sugar, competing with
sugar the produce of free labour, ss. 10d. ; and in
the case of the finer sugars, clayed, the diffe-
rential duty will be reduced from 11 s. Bd. to Bs.
Now I come to those import duties which have a decided
influence on agriculture. I would not only say those
which have an immediate effect, but those which are con-
nected with agriculture.—(Great cheering.) I think
that I am perfectly justified in alluding to their interests,
and in considering those who are intimately affected by
it ; for there are great properties which are concerned in
the matter, and of which the best judges are desirous of
obtaining a definite result. I would allude then
to the article of tobacco, an article which, although
it may be considered as a matter of luxury
by the higher classes is felt to be a necessity by the poor.
In making this allusion, however, I do not expect that,
because it is an expensive article, it should be left out of
the account.—(Hear, hear.) But in making these re-
marks, I do hope that the House will not leave out
of their calculation the consideration of revenue.—
(Cheers.) We must not forget that we ought not to
depress the revenue of the country, for upon
that depends all our means of doing any good
to the public, and the opportunity of reducing
the impositions upon those commodities which are
absolutely needed by the people. I, therefore, propose
that all those duties should be reduced as far as possible,
but yet it should be recollected that a revenue must be
raised, not for the purpose of hostile aggression, but for
the sake of national defence. I would, therefore,
propose that a revenue should be raised for the
object of national defence. You must, therefore,
keep that consideration in mind, and believe that,
while I am proposing this reduction of the import
duties that lam not at all unmindful of the necessities
which exist in consequence of the obligations into
which the agriculturist has entered; for I re-
collect that there are certain duties which
cannot be obviated. It is our business to provide
for them. lam aware that some of the duties imposed
upon agricultural produce are extremely high ; and as
my object is to relieve that interest from as many of its
burdens as I can, I would attempt a reduction
similar to that which I proposed on manu-
factures during the last session. Now, the duty
on grass seeds can affect nobody, while its remission
may be of service to the country. I propose to reduce
that duty. In the year 1842, it produced 144,000/. By
the remission of the duty the country will be largely
served, whilst no injury will affect the revenue.
I believe that the producers of clover in this
country look upon the duty levied upon the im-
portation of clover seed rather as a heavy tax
upon themselves than as a protection.—(Hear, hear.)
With respect to the removal of the duties imposed on
agricultural seeds generally, then, it will not be
so much a removal of protection, as conferring
a benefit on agriculture ; and I intend so
to reduce the duty on seeds as to make
it less than nominal.—(Hear, hear.) It was reduced
one-half in 1842, and it subsequently underwent a still
further reduction, and I now intend to simplify the
duty imposed on seeds in the same way that I have pro-
posed to simplify the duty on articles of manufacture.
The uniform duty on munufactures I have fixed at 10
per cent., and 1 propose that the duties on seeds
shall not exceed ss. per cwt.; hitherto in some cases, such
for instance as onion seed, the duty has not been less
than 12i. per cwt.; but now with respect to all seeds I
propose that the maximum duty shall be ss. per cwt. I
have already spoken of some other articles, which
are of the utmost importance to agriculture, namely
those used for the fattening of cattle. I believe
it is impossible to over-estimate the importance of pro-
moting the fattening of cattle, because it tends to advance
an improved system of agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) It
has tended to restore the fertility of many soils more, I
believe, than any of the artificial means which
are sometimes resorted to, and, I am sure
the House will see that any measure which
will promote the fattening of cattle must prove highly
beneficial to the country.—(Hear, hear.) I believe there
is nu manure so valuable as that which is directly
derivable from the soil itself, and nothing, I am con-
vinced of it, will lead more to the improvement
of agriculture than by encouraging the fat-
tening of cattle on the land itself, and
thus promoting the acquisition of manure for agricul-
tural purposes.—(Hear, hear.) I propose, therefore,
that the article of grains, which I believe would be
much employed for the fattening of cattle, shall be here-
after imported duty free. There is another article which
might be applied with great advantage to the fattening
of cattle—namely, Indianorn—which I also propose
shall be introduced duty free.—(Cheers.) By removing
the duty upon grain I do not consider that I am de-
priving agriculture of protection, but rather conferring a
benefit upon it.—(flear, hear.) Maize is an article that
is much used abroad for human food, and I believe its
utility for this purpose has been much disregarded in
Europe, and in no place more so than in this country.
It is used, if I am not mist ken, for human food in
Italy, America, and many parts of France, and look •
ing at its utility for the fattening of cattle, I think, with
respect to this article also, I am conferring a
benefit on, rather than impeding the progress
of, agriculture in this country, by removing the
restrictions imposed on its importation.—(Cheers.)
I also propose that an article called buck-wheat should
be subject to the same rule ; that is, that it be admitted
at a mere nominal duty. I propose that the meal or flour
should be admitted on an equal footing with Indian
corn. If any gentleman will ascertain the very
large sums paid annually by the best farmers through-
out Great Britain in the purchase of linseed cake and
rape, he will age with ipp that an increased
facility for
tire admission of articles that can be used for
the fattening of cattle will be of no disservice.—(Hear,
hear.) the
o demand forl the
articles I have last
Wied is ry niderfib
farmers beieg very gpeat, if 1 04 informed correctly,
the chief object upon some farms is to provide an y pse, and the ponsumption by some
ade-
quate quantity of manure for the purpose of improving
the soil. The prices of linseed and rape cake has been
gradually rising of late years. In the year 1843,
linseed cake was from 9L to 10/ ; in 1844, from ill. to
; and i itsirl, from 121. to 151. The prifo of rape:
cake was in 1/43 •in 044, P. tQs. w lqs• ;
and i 4 4arlgary, 0,, the price ron tP, 6. 1 hold
now_to My hand a letwy fi,opr p Wornbeat a resident of
,
the United States, who recommends that there shou d be
a free importation of all the articles used to fatten cattle.
He recommended especial?, for the purpose en article
termed rice-meal. holy sure y a cheg sFITIT.ne F
f Ole
is very d4irable: it is the refuser*e ground
up, 4,Pcl is lunch less costly
fic,swiiitiolla of artificial food 00vv fve!nl?l. 0-
e or the othne(ti
therefore, is admirably fitted for the feeding r
cattle, The gdoli”ipik of ouch tin article
in my opinion, be so far from a disservice,
ediatel
positiTe advantage.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir, to the ponOderetip,n pc tee.s9 articlo. snICP .Y
--(Hear, hear
connected with the Thud of the people. .
and cheers from all parts of the House.) Sir, cn intro
I come now
ducin this question I anticipate the greatest difference of
no delay and no qualification, and I have also to meet
opinion.—(Hear, hear.) I have those to meet who want

those who insist upon it that there shall be no relaxa-
tion of, or reduction in, the present amount of protection.
—(Hear, hear.) Sir, my object will be, if possible, to
make some adjustment of this important question.
I know that nobody will approve of my plan—
(Great laughter)—but our desire is, without favour or
undue partiallity towards any class, to suggest
that which we believe to be just, and calculated to ter-
minated that conflict the continuance of which might be
fatal to the country.—(Hear, hear.) Ido trust that by
the plan which I have proposed the jealousy and dis-
sension between the different classes of her Majesty's
subjects may be removed without any injury to any par-
ticular class, and thus, it is to be hoped, that we shall
considerpromote tthhaet
itgeinaerfoarl
tihnetepreashtlicof the country.
advantageth I
at this
subject should meet with a final settlement.—(Cheers.)
laatea whichminot ti proposehouatratoimposedup an
on
corn.
immediate
sv repeal ela I
have
thee to
d
propose is an earnest of the principle upon which I shall
act. lam induced to propose an immediate reduction
upon many articles of primary importance, and which
constituted a principle portion of the food of the
people ; but I must state this in respect to the plan
which I shall propose, that there shall be an
immediate reduction of the duties on thilse articles on
which I do not propose an immediate and total repeal.
I propose that the duties—speaking of the articles of
consumption—l propose to take that extensive review
of the articles included in the tariff relating to the
articles constituting the food of the country. I propose
to make a reduction —an immediate re_ uctien—upon
the duties of the whole of them. I propose, on the
part of her Majesty's Government, that the
duties should be immediately reduced upon butter
from 11. to 10s. per cwt.; upon cheese from 10s. per
cwt. to ss. per cwt.; and upon hops from 4/. 10s. to
21.55. I will now mention the articles of agricultural
produce upon which I propose an immediate repeal.
With respect, then, to those articles of general consump-
tion, upon which the reduction will be total and imme-
diate, I propose to abolish entirely the duties upon
bacon, also upon fresh beef and salted beef, upon
salt pork and fresh pork, and all other arti-
cles of animal foed enumerated in the last tariff—these
I propose to be admitted duty free. With reference to
potatoes and other articles enumerated under the head
of vegetables, and which form articles of general con-
sumption, I propose that the whole of the duties shall be
totally and immediately repealed. Everything, then, in-
cluded under the heads of vegetable and animal food will
be admitted duty free. In thus acting, observe that I
have dealt equally with the agricultural and the manu-
facturing interests. To the agricultural interest I give
increased facilities, by removing the duties now levied
on seeds and other articles. The reduction in bacon,
butter, and other articles of food, will also benefit
the manufacturers. I believe that the growing
and increasing skill of the country, and
the stimulus that will be afforded them by competition,
will give them an increased advantage over foreign
countries. Then, having removed the duties
from all articles of food, I propose also
to remove at once all the duties upon the
importation of cattle.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
In short, I propose that all cattle imported into this
country shall be admitted duty free.—(Hear, hear.)
There is no necessity for mentioning the amount of
duties now levied upon cattle, still less occasion
have I to mention the several amounts o duties
upon other animals mentioned in the late tariff.
I will now propose the reduction of all duty on cattle,
both lean an fat. The increased facility for getting the
lean cattle will, I hope, be some :compensation to the
agriculturists for doing away with the duty on all
animals.—(Laughter.) Those who may be disposed
to find fault with this measure, will, I hope, bear
in mind that I have proposed, the removal of protective
duties from seine of the great articles of manufacture.
But I call on the manufacturers to show the first ex-
ample. I now come to the proposal which I intend to
make with respect to corn.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
We propose at once to remove the duties upon all ani-
mals enumerated in the tariff; and I propose, Sir, as a
proof of an adherence to these principles, that the
duties upon animal and vegetable food, and also upon
cattle and other animals, shall at once cease.
I do not propose an immediate repeal of the
duty on th at article, but to come to a gradual repeal, in
order to give time for the adjustment of agricultural
interests. I think it would be out of my power to sug-
gest any modification of the existing corn-laws, which
would meet with the approbation of the country, and I
will not, in consequence, propose such a measure.
Some persons have complained of the manner in which
the duty upon foreign cattle is now levied, these
duties will now be entirely abolished.—(Hear, hear.)
I propose that a very considerable reduction should be
made on corn, and that the reduction shall be limited to
a period of three years.—(Loud cheers from the Opposi-
tion benches.) My measure shall contain a provision
that at that period of the year, namely on the
Ist of February, 1849, oats, barley, and wheat, shall
be subject to a nominal rate of duty, which I have
already proposed to affix to Indian corn.—(Hear, hear.)
My impression as to the policy of providing immediate
relief for a great portion of the people remains un-
changed. I cannot admit--and I sincerely regret it—
but I cannot admit that I take an erroneous estimate of
the pressure for relief which, before the arrival of the
next harvest, may arise. I think, not only looking
at the prospects of the next spring, but looking at the
consequences of the deficiency in Ireland, that it is of the
greatest importance, as far as legislation can take pre-
caution against the suffering, which it was painful to
consider might prevail. Indeed, I wish it were
possible to take advantage of these unhappy
circumstances, and extract benefit from them,
namely, by introducing in Ireland a taste for a higher
description of food. The potato, in which there was
such a deficiency and disease, is the food of millions of
our fellow countrymen. We have, then, to consider
what provision is to be made ; for we cannot make
an immediate change in the tastes of the people.
I propose to make such a reduction on the present
duties as shall realize a great part of the advantages
which would attend the opening of the ports. I pro-
pose that there should be a great reduction in the amount,
and that amount so reduced should continue for a limited
period, and afterwards be changed into a merely nominal
duty. My colleagues and myself have addressed our-
selves to the subject with the greatest diligence and im-
partiality, and the result of that has been the law which
we now propose to meet the present exigencies and
great wants of the country. According to the
present law, the rate of duty upon other de-
scriptions of grain has been regulated by the rate of
duty on wheat. Now, with regard to barley, oats, peas,
and other inferior grains, we propose that there shall
be a reduction in the same ratio—a reduction of a corre-
sponding amount with the principle now stated. I pro-
pose, from the passing of this Act, that all colonial wheat
shall be admitted at a merely nominal duty.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers) I also propose that the duties on
meal, the produce of the colonies, shall be removed.—
(Cheers.) I can see no reason why they should be any
longer retained. Thus, I offer to those who insist on
the immediate and unconditional repeal of these laws—
I offer the immediate admission, free of duty,
of all kinds of colonial grain.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
I propose to admit, as I said before, maize from the
United States, duty free. Well, then, we now propose
the following duties up to the Ist of February,
1849. That from the colonial possessions all corn
shall be imported duty free. That from all
foreign countries, that when corn shall be under
48s. there shall be a duty of 10s.; above 495., it shall be
9s. ; and when at 505., 7s. ; at 515., 6s. ; when at 525.
and at 535., ss. ; and when it shall exceed 545., it shall
be at an invariable duty of 4s. With respect to wheat
there shall be a duty of 4s. I think that after having laid
before the House the general rates of duty, it will be
vcompensa-
tion—but oe proposition.called
We
.dbetter that I should not go more into the details as
they will all appear in the morning in the
sac to o
u give
will
i l
l be mp
cn printed papers. As I said before, there shall
be a duty of 4s. on foreign wheat from
advance
the
nt
propose toiaecrceosmts of thatpanythaptoratri:anngoefmtheentwith
communityo_t.her
which,
hyheoive
provisions,
oeans
after
present
rc a l date.tchu el
a tleadp—sTelh
oi s then,rwf,
three'
hlneoet
years,s is
tion—but calculated, in my firm belief, material]) to
advn
upon to relinquish that protection which has, up
to this time, been extended to them. I believe' that
this is a just arrangement, and that whilst it will
promote the interests of other portions of the country
it will also lead to their own advantage. I thank them
for the way in which they have borne their burdens,
and to the example which they have thus set to other
portions of the community. lam obliged to them for
the forbearance which they have exercised. I will
now state what are the measures with which we
propose to accompany this present reduction
and ultimately an extension of the measures which I
believe will be of great advantage to that portion of the
public, with whose welfare the interests of the whole
country are bound up—the farmers. I am perfectly
aware that there are burdens which press heavily upon
them, some of which are, in my opinion,
capable of alleviation—not by putting them on
other articles, but by introducing a reform in the
administration of the local measures of which they have
reason to complain. But first let me take the existing
arrangement with respect to one great source of ex-
penditure—the one great burden which is constantly
and justly complained of by those engaged in agri-
cultural pursuits I mean the amount of rates
levied in connection with highways. (Hear.)
Well, now, is it not possible, without subjecting
other parties to the expense of supporting the highways,
to introduce an useful reform into that expenditure, by
which they would experience a great relief ? I believe
irto be possible. Why, what is the practice with re-
spect to the highways of this country ? There are
16,000 different local authorities, each of which have the
charge of roads. Now, each of these highways becom-
ing of great importance, as railways advanced, turnpike-
roads and highways now oflittle importance, will become of
considerable value and importance. But what can be
more defective than the system that plat•lng t't highway,
which is a continuous channel of ntlcurnlSication, and
syhieh passes tliroagh different parishes under the con-
trel of different parishes and different local trustees.
The result is, as I have said, tbat the total number of
persons who.. have the management of the high
ways in
this country is not less than 16,000. It is site essiss
of these trustees to appoint 4`. surveyel: , essege
• ,ae.n parish,
who knows nothing Vilge*Yel' about th
Lien if Ora offiCer did his dtity still; • • 414tSer
s It Is an office that
is quite unnecessary, indeed, the present entire
t
iod of the syatesa for regulating the
highwaysposi-
is such
es required to be materially altered, for it is one which
has iecl t 9 a very bad and
defective system of ma-
nagement. One of the modes
oft is
that which is regulated by an
A
Yf I' rament,
by which several parishes
Tay enter into a
voluntary tiolop fob li
the purpose of remedying clae
grievances i bqt as it is voluntary that 's the yeey reason
why there is harcil • f 3 .37 tlrt instance o this Act being car-
ried into effeet.—(Hear, hear.) Now, in order to re-
medy this, what I propose will not only have the effect
of affording relief to the agriculturists from the burden

which this system imposes on them, but I also propose
to alter this power from a voluntary to a compulsory
one, in order that the parish authorities may be coin•
pelled to practiee this superintendence which is now but
voluntary; and it you agree to that you will then have
only 600 authorities instead of 16,000.—(Hear, hear.)
I would propose to make the guardians of the unions
the parties upon whom it would be compulsory
to appoint a competent surveyor to discharge the duties
to which I have alluded. With regard to the system of
the voluntary union of parishes, I will first read a state-
ment I hold in my hand of the results of a different mode
of management adopted in a district of the north of
about 70 miles in extent. (The Right Hon. Baronet
then read the document, in which it
stated that by a different mode of managemen,
the expenses had been reduced very materially. In
one instance where the charge upon the parish for the
maintenance of highways was from 6d. to 9cl. in
the pound, while many was completely thrown away,
they now had better roads, and the tax was
reduced to from is. 2d. to 3d. in the pound, and in other
districts the reduction was from 3d. to 4d. in the pound.(
I now come to deal with a law which has for a long
time been very justly complained of by the agricul-
turists. I mean the law of settlement.—(Hear, hear.)
There is one law, of which the agriculturists com-
plain, and very justly, and that is the Poor-law settle-
ment. In the time of prosperity many of the people
are employed iu manufacturing towns, and a great
portion of a man's life is often consumed as a
manufacturing labourer. The whole of his character
for good conduct and industry is derived from the town
in which he works. A revulsion in trade takes place,
and then what is the course adopted ? The man and
his family are sent back to the rural dis-
trict from which they came. The man who has
spent his life as a manufacturer returns to the rural
districts, his usual occupations are interrupted, and he
is quite unfitted for his new occupation. He is trans.
ferred to a new home, and separated from his con-
nexions, and of course his moral feeling is destroyed.
I will therefore propose, for the purpose of re-
lieving the land from such a burden, and in order
to do justice to the labouring man, that an industrial
residence in any parish for five years without the com
mission of any offence, shall give to the individual a set-
tlemement, and the power of removing him shall be taken
away. In the case of such a man after having
devoted five years to labour, his claim for support shall
not be on the place of his original settlement, but shall
be on the place where the price of his labour and in-
dustry has been bestowed.—(Loud cheers.) In 1842,
when great distress prevailed in the manufacturing
districts, the practice was that the manufacturers who
had settlements in the agricultural districts
were at once returned to their original settle-
ment. What I now propose will be a great im-
provement, and, therefore, after the passing of
this law, no person who has resided for more than
five years in any parish shall be removed
from that parish. No residence in prison—in my lunatic
asylum—in hospital—or in any poor-house, or receiving
relief, to be counted as part of the time, and neither shall
it be reckoned as an interruption to the time. Not only
shall this extend to the man, but to his children, and to
the children of his wife—legitimate or illegitimate, under
the age of 16 years, and such children shall not be re-
moved where the removal ofthe person himself is forbidden.
that there shall not be the power of separating the chil-
dren from their parents, and that every man shall have
the power, the right of requiring support, not from his
place of settlement, but birth. At present, immediately
upon the death of a labouring man in the manufacturing
districts the widow of that man is removed. Now, we
shall propose that no widow residing with her husband
at the time of his death shall be removable for
twelve months from the parish in which her
husband resided. At present, when a man's
health is wasted by extreme labour he has no course
to adopt but to leave work. Now, we propose that in
sickness an asylum shall be found for him, and there
shall be no power of removal from the manufacturing to
the rural districts.—(Hear, hear.) This, I think,
will be considered an alteration of the law by
which great social advantages will be obtained,
and at the same time relief to the agricultural districts.
—(Hear, hear.) I now approach another matter in
respect to which lam prepared to advise that which,
without loss to any other portion of the community,
will be a great advantage, not only to the
agricultural, but all the best interests of the
country. There is a dread of competition if the duty
is removed, but that competition may be met by skill
and industry, and in order that the English farmer may
compete with the foreigner. we propose that the State shall
encourage agricultural improvements. Now on that subject
the evidence with respect to the entailed estates is
most important, because it shows that, by means of im-
provement, there is a means of greatly improving the
produce of the land. It shows, also, that there
are immense districts in this country that might
be very greatly improved by means of draining.
The difficulty attending on any scheme of meeting the
defective system of draining is shown in the re-
port I have alluded to. There have been various schemes
proposed, and some of them by an Honourable Friend
of mine, to facilitate agricultural improvements, but
they have been met with great difficulties in conse-
quence of the interference of the farmers.
The great difficulty has been the raising of money
on entailed estates, so as to afford satisfactory security
to those who might advance it.—(Hear, hear.) To ob-
viate this, 1 intend that the public credit shall be em-
ployed in order to effect agricultural improvements, by
advancing sums of money on certain terms. Those
sums of money I intend shall be advanced when
application is made that improvements are to be
effected, accompanied with a statement and a proper
estimate of how it is to be expended.— (Hear, hear.)
Hitherto, if we made advances of Exchequer-bills, it
was on a high rate of interest ; but in the present case,
in advising an application of the public credit to effect
agricultural improvements, I propose that the Exchequer-
bill Commissioners shall be empowered to make advances
to the proprietors of estates at a moderate annual charge.
These grants, I propose, shall be made through
the advice of a Board that is now in existence—l mean
the Board of Inclosures. The Inclosure Commissioners
I propose shall make all inquiries respecting what parts
of the country should undergo improvement ;
they shall receive all applications for money, calcu-
lating the value of the land, the improvements
proposed, and the amount of the expense they
will cost; which done, they shall report the result
in a circular to the Exchequer-bill Commissioners who
in that case shall on their advice make the advances re-
commended, it being arranged that the money so ad-
vanced shall have paid on it an annual rate
of interest, and also that the principal shall be re-
paid in regular yearly instalments.—(Hear.) But in
this course I propose that in all cases where there are
heavy burdens on land—where there are prior claims to
meet by advances on mortgage or otherwise —that no
advances shall be made by the Exchequer-bill Commis-
sioners without the consent of the party having the lien.
In all such cases, however, I apprehend par.
ties will perceive it to be their interest
to consent to such advances, as they will
lead to great improvements in the land, and do much to
enhance their interests in the property. I believe
an arrangement of this kind will be found a great
benefit ; that the objections to it on the
ground of entailed estates may be obviated, and the
expenses so applied, I am certain, as to advance the
interests of all proprietors, and lead to great agri-
cultural improvements in the country.—(Hear, hear.)
I do not limit the amount of improvements to these
merely local advantages. I believe that the spirit of
improvement generated by this plan will go on pro-
gressively. I believe that every proprietor of land will
follow the example set him by scientific men, and
strive to improve his estate, and that this innova-
tion on the part of the Government will lead to an ex-
tended spirit ofagrieultural improvement over the country.
—(Hear, hear.) Well, that is another mode in
which we propose to enable the agricultural interest to
meet the competition with which they may be threatened
on the withdrawal of the duty. Now, with respect to the
direct local burdens, I have given the most serious
consideration to this subject, and I cannot advise any
material alteration of . the system on which the
assessments take place. There is no doubt that
a sum is levied under the name of poor
rate, which is employed partly for the
purpose of relieving the poor, and partly for other ob-
jects. It is said, and said with some apparent justice,
that this is a charge upon land, and that, therefore, there
ought to be a very great alteration in the principle on
which levies of that kind were made. Now, in point of
fact, this charge is not a charge upon land.—(Hear,
hear.) As far as this charge is concerned, the oppo-
sition is not one between the country and
the towns—the opposition is not one between
land and other interests, the opposition is one that arises
between real and personal property. But it must be
remembered that real property includes mines, houses,
and manufactures, and it is such real property as this
that is subject to this assessment. It might possibly be
considered just, and it might perhaps be advantageous,
to make personal property subject to a charge
fns
the maintenance of the pooL,
abut, you must
recollect that the charge
low charge,
and not a general tax. The land conic,, however, gain
nothing by making personal property liable from this
rate. It will be no advantage to the land if the same
principle were carried out in Manchester, Stockport,
and other manufacturing towns. It would be only a dif-
ferent distribution of the burden within that locality.
You may s
do
personal property to the change,
but if you do you -
di must also subject personal
property in the rut-al- di hear.) But
now how will you levy small charges on houses? It is
possible to levy a charge for the general purposes of the
country, but if you cone to levy an amount small as
this on personal property, you may depend on it
that this 40$ of inquisition will not be tolerated.
Sil fair frcun it being a benefit to the land—considering
that the charge is always a local one—so far from it being
ft benefit to the land to raise the amount by means of an
inquisition instituted by mere parochial authorities, it
would be a burden to the land. Now, I am quite willing
to admit that there might he parishes in which there may
be a large rural v,nd a large manufacturing population.
Ti, F.Arishes so situated, then, I do admit
Omit think the assessment an unjust one,

was

I OA not prepared to suggest any mode
of removing that evil, but I cannot think
that there would be any advantage whatever
to the land, considering that the ()barge is a local one,
in the establishment of ark justitution for the purpose
of making inquires as to the amount to be raised.
If yqii (A 0 0, you, must inquire into the profits
of. trade., and the profits of the farmer might also be
naade the sub4ect a inquiry. You certainly have
beeil ()barged upon personal property. But eleu there
exceptions were taken—(The rest of the sentence was
lost, in consequence of the Right Hon. Baronet at the
moment turning his back to the gallery.) lam aware
that the State might take upon itself the maintena,nee of
the poor ; but I am sure that there would he the greatest
objection to that and thtt clptre contipucs tco, be

p.

regt
• • e
lan'
to the. Prle oi le'culadlnoontebenmeyfitfirbmy
therefore, to suggest any amendment
tbhealtitefouisrsteh.at the lannt)dtlritrarepl
ere
pwraisneaiplfeair Belaatiml
fhoarvdeiraelewtarsesliceefrftraoininlysom.fe!uitc_eoeni
Some of these burdens would probably f osso
t
and from those land should be relieve last lee
mention any compensation, but I beliervoyolueltu
lay a foundation for a great essential imp
ewe. logit
of those
sus
taking upon the Government come
the
which now bear upon land. SomeHoofustehubs; c 31.04
were brought under the notice of the en sat
Member for Somersetshire last year. I was teen for the
to admit that the relief that vve should devil /so st 4
agricultural interest would be but small. Dut:,„,ter,
now, when you are about to deprive land
protection, that I think the circumstances
troe_r op;
and that we may relieve the land to a ligo:t'his
You have the opportunity of ascertaining
of felerttelt
be effected, and I would only take the cases 0 the
expenses of which are always thrown upon expeie.!
and perhaps a still greater illustration,lol;/ tot:.
which arise from the offences which are ell 7,
demeanours. By these means the charges that..eossa
hitherto been borne by the land ought t°heti'is Slste'
and that those expenses should be borne by cl 7,
so as to render them equally imposed
bon the jaa _
of the community. I think, therefore, tosrtitield
necessary for this purpose ought to be Pr, be ode
country, and that some provision shim's',
ert.!). trsti,
the removal of these difficulties; and I sins these Preis
that no unnecessary discussion will ensue 0110 s it sog_.
sions. Now, with respect to these circunasttr ,e Aiiferesc`.
not to be forgotten that there is a material
between England and Ireland. In
are the peculiar land terms. Iu 'llOO
matter is different. We have here our
soseseti:
terms; but in Ireland they have no such inset hY
In Ireland a material benefit would be obta.
are
ministration to trade the advantages whienThe bed
to be enjoyed by the agricultural interests. t 0
ty
fits to be enjoyed by that interest biso
to be taken from the advantages en.l°Joiders.o
country. But in Ireland there iasonfdalotei.,:tbisoateurcoorstil:o
of public convenience as well as profit, and ',osiorsitsio
observed, in order to come to a correct cone!e de,
the whole of the community are affected by rodeni
at which you will arrive. Now, the aieetbst
land materially affect that decision,
expenses imposed, in consequence
national inquiry, ought to be borne by the 7 if
than by the landed interest, and that Daft,
it should be imposed generally, , of ,to
not to bear heavily on this V1,,•60°' rigt
United Kingdom. Now, if we take a fair to OA to
burdens, and of the advantages which land
or enjoy, I believe that the benefits will u'enjot,,,,
preponderate, and that the labourer wail' testWols,
profits which is likely to accrue to the pro
and particularly to this portion of the Unitetithe r-,.
I believe this will be the means of placinke Gorif
force directly under the entire control of t"„feseeseof
meat, and prevent the possibility of all irate,
local interest.—(Hear, hear.) It will asiblf
system of police as perfect as you can P°- or. .00,
it, and exclude all power of local knowledgetutiee
interference. I propose, therefore, that the Ex...seeleteruysi
Government shall take under their entire conw-or of
police of Ireland, and in order to make th° spessefo
complete as possible, I propose that the ,obey
the force shall be paid out of the public Pifithalsfr
In fact, as some return for the
_A to ,24
of protection, Government are disposeuoi poL
commend that the whole charge of the ruisoords,
in Ireland shall be borne by the public. Therthis orsc
charge borne by the landed interest 0'40.4
try to which I wish to allude, and "Aiestr
propose to share with them. I allude to rued I::
—(Hear, hear.) If the performance of anYieserlos
of the functions of tke Poor-law Cormaisso tel°,6ol
given more satisfaction to the country tue eg-oft
it is the way in which they have administer
relief.—(Hear, hear.) And yet, lam sor1el;eelt kol
this description of relief has often
sages ""I
tremely defective, and many distressing `S„seeseso
often been brought before our eyes in con 57,00
this defect.—(Hear, hear). We propose, theW I
improve the medical relief afforded ,ortsil/
poor and destitute of the countryes-`ef
"Hear, hear.") And for the purposeatlas
the Executive greater control over the distri
medical relief in England and Scotianihoe sets
pose to take one-half of the charge cu sbvt,
medical relief of the country. Tbus We hoed
enabled to do away with the objections whiegs Iberia
urged by the guardians to the interferencee'lieS,lts
lass Commissioners in the matter of medical re sestrof
fact that we contribute one-half of the exPe„siolsr
the relief occasions. I estimate that the te
charge will be not less than 100,000 k ci eed
land, and 15,0001. in Scotland. In Ireleanieste?
sa
will be a separate law which passed this of
oos
time ago, and which will occupy the atteottbeprsAS
other House of Parliament in the course of t ser,:"at
session. With respect to Scotland there is '.'ols'"of
charge to which I wish to refer, and from '4l o°4
Scotland ought not to be released. The O; °sly
maintaining a prison in Scotland I °lie SY 1
to be borne by the public rather thalis
landed interest ; and, for the satisfy
the Perthshire landlords, I may °.4t te
is /GO
the expense of maintaining that establishate% se
removed from the landed interest, and threwreefLl
public. There is another subject, having to
to the union workhouses, to which I wish deep
the attention of the House. I mean the of
of
system of education which exists in smile bs
.sst
establishments. I am anxious to avoid ti
ing of any religious question, but eigitbsl
we may safely interfere in this matt',
doing so. We propose in no way to interferesa e's
appointments of the officers, and to avoid, 0
stated, the raising of any religious question, thee, "4O
meta of the schoolmaster shall still rernsulassrs'ol
guardians, but still we shall be ready, if the
cannot procure themalto undertake the exrss sse:o
duty of providing competent schoolmasters 11"tbevoi
mistresses. If, however, the guardians &alit, th
of providing these officers themselves, we reflul'atioty,
officers shall possess ample qualiuAe- del
the performance of the duties which sh'isgtil 01
upon them. We shall claim the "tee AY
inspection, because, if the schoolMaspstriol
schoolmistresses shall be found incompetent, w-,,,r,fr
ready at the public charge to find sir/
and respectable persons to supply the! sloe
It is our intention as well to undertake Wets AI
educating the children of the destitd- ?If
and it shall be our care to providesa „el
and competent masters and mistres-o,l'p
that purpose. Then, again, with respect tciaislisioe
the amount of remuneration to be aiven to the-sofjoei
the same as that of the Commissioners. ero,
serve, in almost every case in which I har,.ettio sse.4
any remission of the burdens on land, 11"
re t 1201
time I propose the attainment of some g•-,„%f00dl
connected with the public good.--(Hear.) If t",-ess„
scheme will meet with the approval of the g; 05 r:
of men, at a very early periol all restriellol,lo
food will be removed, and instantly other dip'sod
apply to the inipertation of food. With recto Of
clothing there will he liberty to purchase in th9terehd
musket. With respect to medical matters Lors:
also be a great improvement.—Hear. I do 'Evlio
parties will reflect, that instantly, with rencetto
many articles of food there will be a free Oars lig
—with respect to all a free importation at art e;stif„-.1
Whether the measures I have proposed will haesiessf
to satisfy both parties I canaot say, but d fiti
hope the entire scheme will be fairly snipe 01
rately considered by both sides, and that isoold
reflect upon the consequences likely to resl'Uesslieeires
immediate rejection of these measures.—("e f
Ido not ask for an immediate expression !I Hal
at this moment, but, after the intervi'oo,ol)
short time I hope you will pal ,100:00'
to my proposal. Permit me now, Sir, to cuns- of°
two observations—one upon foreign policy and °l:Pero4
mercial interests, and one having reference tell Or"
domestic concerns. Sir, I fairly avow that If fol
these great reductions on the produce n
_.ay)
countries, I have no guarantee We ety,f
countries will immediately follow our be:"
Wearied by our long enduring efforts—altionti§li
we have resolved to consult our own inintedia"-0
—(Loud cheers from all parts of the House.) a by of
not to oppress other countries or ourselves:DO-IP
tinuing excessive duties and the encourag„,,-
unlawful taxation.—(Hear, hear, and ehe,e; cr,)
O,
have no communication, therefore, whsa-sls
any other Government in making the proP7aSett of
to f
Prance
have submitted. I cannot prousise -Jae
will make any considerable lteratl-
tariff in consequence of our proposeda oti
01"oroctvol,,'
cannot promise you that Russia will koor,
gratitude to us for our reduction ar-oesilitys
You may tax your articles, therefore, in ehP,i's
our present
their ingrati u
Pl'an, to ineet th • • 't de ti
will haps+, so- 4
exa`fi. nothing thereby. I may, Per- reo 1111_,
tha in many foreign countries, since thee6teOf
of eur duties, the people have been heria,plV,ooll
yet they have nut followed our else-is ac'tifair
only have not followed our example, but utlr mane oe
highered the duties on the admission of otij gaitorgas
tured goods into their countries.—(Hear.)
°f
roof
fthe,
,
mit that fact. I give the whole benefit ° roof° thar
went. I rely upon that fact as a positive Pisfset ses',
present policy of foreign countries. It is oal'opoe
other countries have not followed our exanW edge°the
they have, in fact, in some cases highered thilso tstrOff
the aimission of our goods. But what muret
result of that policy upon the amount of Yos.istie.issec,
—(Hear, hear.) You have defied the On
other countries.—(Cries of " Hear, hetll3o trsd :or
export. has greatly increased.—(Hear.) osecplewfoir
the smuggler has been in operation cOO the 1c
spi°
the policy of other countries with respect t to. °ie'
sion and exportation of articles of tnallufl eoliaPtsie's
the strict regulations of continere! Coo' or•
Your exports, whatever be the tariffs of otuersoietrefisetl.
or the apparent ingratitude with which the)try were foe
you—your export trade, I say, has gree steria/' the
By the remission of duties upon raw of the the
have been able to exceed the amount.:teneingotioe.
revenues of the couutry. And, notwitbeiesed ,
existence of hostile tariffs, the deo„,00.1_010
10,() "seat 11;00'
of British exports has exceeded,,hY
amount of the last three years. I saY, then, that
tariffs, so far from beg an arument sgairaunseo DtDe.
val of restrictive duties furnishes a strong
favour ; and depend upon it, that aluib, esit
nations may not at first join w it, ail
ue..-
the removal of these duties, depend ,r pre, b 0
that your example will ultimate?' eon! key
(Hear, hear.) When your ex'elilargelY of re;
quoted in favour a restrictions it svas,ri favour. 00,
And when yeas; example can be quotede;_ste ft g, firs;
Limitless, as being conducive to your int
Ie; 'ee stirepee
tars to have its proper weight. It mads.hut &PI
received by Governments, or foreign boar
_nd .40
upon it that the exercise of reasoti_ 4126 P
(letsitio/s of the common interest ..w"'"'