The Sun.
London, England, 1848-05-24 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 2t, 1848.

formed by tie President and the Minister of War that
he must consider himself under his orders in everything
relating to the service just alluded to. He had now to
state that be could not accept the responsibility of acts
of which he had not the direction. It was not the mere
keeping of the door of the Chamber, or of the gate of
the Palace, that he considered was entrusted to him, but
the power of calling on such troops as he might deem
requisite. In consequence, he begged leave to tender
back to the National Assembly the command which had
been entrusted to him.—(Movement.)
M de Larcchejaquelin, findin?: that no person
seamed inclined to allure to the incident just spoken
of, deemed it his duty to allude to it. The Na-
tional Assembly had passed a decree conferring on Ge-
neral Baraguay d'Hilliers the command of the forces re-
quired for the defence of the Chamber, and now they
were told that this decree was revoked and another order
of thing: established! He must protest against any one
presuming to interfere with the decrees passed by the
Assembly.—(Hear, hear.)
General Cavaignac (Minister of War) wished to say
two words in explanation. All that had been done was
to place in the hands of the Minister of War the com-
mand of all the forces of the kingdom, as always had
been practised. He had no desire or intention to inter-
fere unnecessarily with General Baraguay d'Hilliers, but
it was evident that there could not be two independent
commands, ono in that officer's hands, and the other in
the bands of the Minister of NVar. All that he (General
Cavaignac) had done was to vindicate his rights as com-
mander. in-chief.

The President declared that he had not the slightest
idea of depriving General Baraguay d'Hilliers of a place
which he had filled with the greatest energy and ability,
and to the evident advantage of the Assembly. In the
morning General Cavaignac had come to him (the Pre-
sident), and inquired if he were not the commander-
in-chief of all the army—in France, in Paris, as well as
elsewhere—over the troops defending the National
Assembly as well as others. The answer given was,
that undoubtedly he was, and that he could always give
such orders as he might deem necessary for the safety of
the Members—that the general in command had full
power over his own attributions, but still that he was
evidently under the command, like all other generals in
the service, the orders of the commander •in-chief. " In
using such language," continued the President, " I by no
means intended to prejudge any question ; and I declare
to the Assembly that I am horribly vexed, deeply
grieved that I should have caused pain to persons with
whom I have been for years on the most intimate terms."
—(lletir.) He felt he was acting as the interpreter of
the views of the whole Assembly when he expressed
the regret they would feel if General Baraguay d'Hilliers
persisted in his determination to resign the command
confided to him.—(lilear, hear.)
General Baraguay d'Hilliers did not understand the
command which he had received in the light which the
President and Minister of War appeared to consider it.
He must repeat his former assertion, and declare that he
could not accept the responsibility of ensuring the de-
fence of the National Assembly, if the power committed
to him was not left at his own disposal.—(Great agita-
tion.) He certainly should persist in giving in his resig-
nation.—(Contieu-ed agitation, in the midst of which, in
striking the bell against the bureau, ho had the misfor-
tune to break it, as was evident the moment after by the
cracked sound which it sent forth.)

The President should propose to the Assembly to vote
that the resignation of the Gallant General be not ac-
cepted.—(Confused cries of " Yes! yes!" " No! no!"
agitation.) Well, then, he should propose that the re-
signation be accepted, and that a vote of thanks be
passed to the General.—(!Near, hear.)
The question was then put, and the Assembly decided
by a very small majority that the resignation, which the
General persisted in tendering, should be accepted. It
then passed unanimously a vote of thanks to him for his
services. . .

The order of the day was the interpellations on the
affairs of Poland and Fey._

M. d'Aragon declared that, after the new revolution
which had taken place at Vienna, he did not intend per-
sisting in the demand for explanations which he had
made—he thought it better to leave the Executive Com-
mittee fully at liberty .—(Hear, hear.)
M. Wolowaki said that he was requested to express, in
the name of the Polish refugees now in Paris, their horror
at the dreadful attack which had been made on the 15th
on the Assembly, under the pretext of a desire to obtain
sympathy and assistance for Poland. The Hon. Deputy
then at great length defended the Polish cause, in lan-
guage similar to that which he employed on the 15th of
May, when the crowd burst in. He concluded that the
National Assembly would declare that the independence
of Poland should be set forth to the world as one of the
great objects of its foreign policy.
M. Vavin thought that it would be an insult to the
Assembly to make any appeal to it in favour of Poland,
the rights of that country being fully acknowledged.
He believed it to be alike for the interest of France and
for the good of humanity to have Poland reconstituted
into an independent state. He therefore should propose,
that with a view to aid the Executive Committee in the
furtherance of their policy with respect to Poland, the
National Assembly should vote a declaration to the effect
that it considered it necessary for the security of Europe
to restore Poland to her place as an independent State.
M. Sarrdus defended the cause of Poland, but thought
the best mode of proceeding would be to apply to the
Diet of Frankfort in favour of Poland.
M. Richard also addressed the Assembly at some
length in favour of Polish independence.
Prince Napoleon Bonaparte considered the cause of
Poland was an eminently French question, but he did not
think that the declaration just spoken of ought to be
passed, unless the National Assembly was prepared to
at once order a large levy of men for war. With•
cut that eventuality being looked at as a pro-
bability, it would be useless to pass the de-
claration, nor could he approve of an appeal
to the Diet of Frankfort, as there would then
be two great assemblies treating, independently of the
Executive Committee. What he thought ought to
be done was, to formally call on Prussia and Austria to
place Posen and Gallicia in such a position as the treaties
of 1815 had decided on. That course, he thought, was
the first that ought to be had recourse to. Should such
means fail, there was evidently war at the end of the
negotiation, for in all diplomatic matters war or peace
was the ultimatum. To do less than what he suggested
would be ingratitude, to do more was not at present re-
quired. Ile should conclude by proposing that "the
National Assembly should send a communication to the
Courts of Prussia and Austria, calling on them to act
with respect to Posen, Cracow, and Gallicia, as treaties
bad called for." The Ilonourable Deputy also demanded
to have the Polish legion constituted in France.
'rhe Minister of War considered that France ought to
appeal to the great cause of justice alone in favour of
Poland. To demand the execution of the treaties of
1815 might lead to war, which lie did not think the
Assembly was prepared to vote for. To pass the decla-
ration just proposed would, in all probability, have the
effect of 'bowing to Europe what were the views of
France relative to Poland; but he thought that it should
be clearly understood that it was by moral force that
France should at present endeavour to act on the various
nations of Europe, and not by force.
M. de Lamartine began by expressing his firm con-
viction that the French Republic would succeed in
settling all the questions now pending with Europe,
without giving offence to any power. The Provi-
sional Government had not wasted the time after
the revolution in February, but had at once shown
its sympathy with Poland by passing a decree for the
organization of a Polish legion in France. The events
had advanced too quick to allow that matter to be pro-
ceeded with. The Hon. Deputy here referred to the
correctness of the presentiments which the Provisional
Government had exhibited in the manifesto which it had
issued to the various Powers in Europe. [He here read
a portion of the well-known manifesto of the foreign
policy of the Republic, in which it is declared that
France would make war on no power, but that it would
support every country that might, in the effort to recover
]quels'thieolpisrotmhiaste magdhetinartrhivaet
tier athide.
intact before the National Asaembly had, he said,
fully kept. lle then alluded to the va-
rious
' Savoy, and Germany, and declared that they
its liberty,
callb to
gi t
Belgium,
rious attempts of invasion that had been made on
had been made contrary to the wish of the French Go-
He next spoke of insurrection in Italy, and
fere in any part of that country. He read several dis-
Pjahinedrit that France had no intention whatever to inter-
declaring that the Italian Governments them-
selvesdveeacrtclre
e dis-
patches, not wish for it. He then referred to Poland,
and maintained that France had done as much as she
could, with the desire to preserve peace. M. de Lamartine
diplomatic agents of the Republic at the northern
here read the instructions which had been sent to the
Courts. They were to tell Prussia and Austria that
equitable condition to effect that
consent to
every
first condition of all was the reconstitu-
tionobject ; but the
France' wished for peace with both of them, and would
of Poland in such a manner as would satisfy all
friends of moderation and liberty united. The Honour-
able Deputy then proceeded to relate the events which
occurred Provisional Government had
which the
read a dispatch
at that Court, expressing the utmost
sent to its agebets
Ting of Prussia had not observed the
at Posen after the revolution of Berlin, and
surprise that th
and to their establishment there
the Poles to Posen,
The conduct of the Kin, the dis-
on just conditions•
reduced a most untoward eftsct in the
patch stated, had
promises which he had made relative to the return of
and could not but tend to affect
the terms of friendshipuwhich the Provisional Govern-
swith Prussia. The dispatch
went
i c
keep
'ties Pmanifested against the Poles in
alluded to the severities
appealed to the sentiments of humanity
Posen, and
ect all acts of a Government relative
which ought to direct
might have fallen intos-its power. M.
to prisoners that the reply of M. d'Arnim to this
de Lamartine also read , •
he declares the King of 1 russia was
dispatch, in which
carrying out the promises which he had
fairly and loyally
prisoners
were treated with humanity,
made; that the
severityhad been shown than was in-
and that no more
ntenance of the rights of Prussia;
dispensable for the maintenance
that the King was actively and
the reply also inprotests
effecting such measures as
constantly occupied
to the terms laid down in the
ap-
peared to him to resp
ferring to the question of waging
treaties of 1815. Re - he declared that to at-
temptwar for Poland with Gerninaen3o-,
aid Poland, but to effect
so would not
to do The spread of liberal principles
her annihilation.
d more than any appeal to arms.
not neglect the cause of
would effect for Poland
of the latter when more humane
of aid could be made use
and more certain measures
of? France would certa
be attempted
me,ns shouldbefore
Poland; but every
The cause of Poland would be
wail' was thought of.
recourse to that dreadful alter-
gained without having
native. e,urea
inly
Why,
hdeine desired to
asked,
,of
thinkl3ranc

(Lcft sitting.)

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, MAY 23,
Boulogne and Amiens, 61/4—Sambre Wad Ineuee, 414.