The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-16 00:00:00

Government asked the good offices of the Govern-
ment of England, as he had said, as late as the

9th of August at Frai.kfort and the 15th of August here.
That nation expressed a desire that we should take part
iu the settlement of its v,ffairs. Whether it was right
for France to interfere, or whether she had any right to
interfere, was a question which it was useless for them
to discuss here.—(Hear.) Whatever might be the views
entertained of the expedienc3-, policy, or justice. of inter-
fering with a country waging war upon another,
yet in point of strict right there could be no question
where two countries were at war like Italy and Austria,
whether it was right or not—whether it was competent
for a third party to interfere, and if it chose to engage
in such a contest, as to the course it would be expedient
for it to adopt.—(Hear, hear.) Ha would not enter
into • the circumstances unaer which that war began.
The Hon. Gentlemen admits that Lord Minto had
no mission to Sardinia, with respect to the attack
upon Austria of last year. That was no part of his
mission. He had no mission to Austria on that point.
lie was, it was true, directed to endeavour to induce
Sardinia to forego the attack upon Austria, which, a
that time, it was believed, the Government of Sardinia
contemplated. At that time the Austrians were
in quiet possession of the whole of the Italian
provinces, and they professed to apprehend some hostil
intentions on the part of the King of Sardinia, and un-
doubtedly the British Envoy was directed to in-
duce Sardinia to abstain from doing so, for
such an attack, from, the disparity of the forces of
the two nations, it was thought, could not
prove other than disastrous to one of the powers. But
when the late military events took place, the French
Government was urgently asked to afford instant mili:
tary aid to the Italian troops. Now the Honourable
Gentleman professes that it ought to be the standing
policy of this country, with only partial exceptions, to
be on good terms with France—to be on terms of friend-
ship with that country, and to co-operate with it on all
fitting occasions. But the Honourable Gentleman
stating these views had, he thought, been rather
unfortunate in the course which he had adopted,
since if it were adopted, it would have the
effect of destroying that community of good feeling
which it is to the interest of both should subsist. And
whilst he admitted in some respects the soundness of
his doctrine, he must lament the way in which the Hon.
Gentleman endeavoured to carry his policy into effect.
—(Hear.) He wished to forget, and would wish the
French nation to forget, if possible, those parts of his
speech which he (Lord Palmerston) did not think well
calculated to promote union and cordiality between the
two countries—(hear)—for his speech appeared to be
intended, although he did nut think he so meant it, to
raise bitter feelings of jealousy between two great nations.
to dare the French nation to do that which they had no
wish to do. If he wished to produce results, which he
thought would produce injurious results to the interests
of the nations of Europe and the cause of civilization.
. _

If that had been his intention, he did not know that he
could have thrown more bitter ingredients, more
poisonous drugs into his speech than those which he had.
He would not, however, answer in detail what had been
stated by the Hon. Gentleman, that he might not point
the thought still sharper than it had been ; but
this be would say, that the Honourable Gentle-
man had much mistaken, and those who
thought with him had much mistaken the nature
of the whole of these transactions, if they fancied there
was anything in the present condition of France which
made it impossible to take an active and a formidable
part in any proceeding—(Hear, hear)—which the Go-
vernment and the people seemed desirous that it should
embark in. There could not be a more fatal error than
that the recent events in France had destroyed the right
hand of France, and that she could not pour her legions
over the Alps as she had done in times past, if the Go-
vernment and the people wished to accomplish the work
—(Loud cheers)—and, therefore, let not the House
imagine that it was any vain phantom that had created
alarm and uneasiness on the part of her Majesty's Go•
vernment. He admitted fully that the interference of
France by force of arms in the wars of Italy would be
pregnant with all these results which the lion. Gentle-
man had described in all their magnitude. He said, if
France went into Italy at one part, Germany will
come in at another. This could only occur in the
event of Germany and Russia in her friendship. Why,
what would that lead to but the breaking out of an
American war from one end of Europe to the other, the
result of which no one could see nor point out the ex •
tent of its enormity.—(Hear, hear.) Now we are willing
to endeavour to settle these things by mediation, but we
say to France, " You must assist us—you must join with
us, and that will be an additional security of your lasting
support and friendship." No one would suppose that
England had any hostile view with respect to Austria.
What France and England do together must be a work
of peace, and must have the termination of hostilities for
its object. We say, "If you mediate conjointly with
us we will depend upon your decision with respect to the
disputes between other nations who may require media-
tors." He (Lord Palmerston)l said then that the Go-
vernment would have been blameable if they had not
acceded to the request made to them, and consented to
to act with Frances That was the motive that had
led the Government of England to take a part in the
joint mediation, and it had for its principle the mainte-
nance of the peace of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) The
means and object which these acts are intended to
achieve resolve themselves into a multitude of details
which he thought it was his duty to refuse.—(Hear.)
The Hon. Gentleman had taunted the British Govern-
ment with co-operating with France—with the co-ope-
ration which had existed at different periods between
England and France—and had included in the necessary
range of his artillery not merely the camp of both but the
camp, the leader of which he saw opposite him. lie
had taunted them with undue interference in the
internal affairs of other countries.—(Hear.) He
accused them of interfering with Belgium and Hollrnd,
where he said the result was the deprication of the old
Sovereign of his undoubted rights. Why, it was wall
known that the principle on which we acted was laid
down by our predecessors, and that the matter was con-
ducted, after a long and successful meeiation, to a desi-
rable result; and also that that interference was at the
very request of the Sovereign herself—whose rights the
Hon. Gentleman m.st knots; was not set at naught. It
was a request of the King of the Netherlands, and ad-
dressed to the Government, of which the Right Hon.
Brronet the Member, for Tamworth was the head. It
was at the request of the King of the Netherlands that
the Powers undertook the task which led to the establish-
of the armistice. The Hon. Gentleman said that the
alliance ;of England and France ought not to be the re-
sult of the events that had taken place, that we ought
not to invite occasions and to embrace ourselves of the
opportunities which they present of interfering in the
affairs of other nations. He quite agreed with him, but
then the opportunities to which he referred were not of
the creation of the Government. The present moment was
the time of all others when such a remark possessed no
force. Did they create those immense convulsions
which had agitated Europe from one end to the other ?
Did they invite those occasions which led to a common
action between the Government and people of France ?
It was to the mutual interest of both France and Eng-
land to still the storm that has been raging—to prevent
internal conflict breaking out into external war. It was
their , anxious desire to deserve and perpetuate that
peace which, with trifling exceptions, has existed for
upwards of thirty years, but which had lasted with pe-
culiar harmony for the last fifteen years ; since, during
that time, a good understanding had subsisted beiween
the two countrirs. It was for that purpose that
they were no happy to combine with France to endeavour
in the case of Austria, or wherever it was expedient to
do so, to put out the first sparks of war.--(Hear, hear.)
He thought that this was a causo of which the English
Government, and in fact every other Government, might
be proud. He would not occupy the time of the House
by dwelling upon the incidents which the Hon. Gentle-
man had passed over in rapid succession. He had placed
and other cases of interference, he might say that it was
he
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not done by a Government who brought the razzia of
Africa into the streets of Paris. It was done by that
tgalhaednto find,plae e thatand
Government on which he had pronounced so warm an
eulogium, and whose Government he had praised in the
had altered the Government of the country, the highestin
spite toe
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hs
0.
Govern-
ment of France had no wish to deviate from the policy
which it had always exercised towards other nations ;
great The
Government
events
had
they said they were glad to find, in spite of these events,
a disposition on the part of the majority of the French
nation a frank, liberal, and enlightened desire that the
policy of France might might find itself in unison with
that of England.—(Hear.) He must say that the events
of the last few months did show the great and extraor-
dinary progress which civilisation and enlightenment had
made during thelast half century, for whereas the events
would, fifty years ago, have involved an European war
of bitterest feeling and long duration ; but now changes
had taken place in all the countries of Europe of the
most fundamental character, and yet there still existed in
the minds of the majority of men of all the nations of
Europe a sincere desire for the promotion
of peace. The people of France were now en-
deavouring to restore order, and therefore they
consolidating t
o re s e r v
e t itshpe
apl i
rebtae
cor
did not deserve the taunts and sneers which the Hon.
Gentleman had applied to it. They were wisely and.
courageously employed in establishing order in France,
Francein
tphreorsipneray andendeavouring
ties, and he thought that that was a result which did
f
athvio.swecdounintrythfeorfaictes hoofnaoluirambalenkpinreds.ervTahtieon.—
honour to those engaged in it. As long as England and
e
of the world, so long would efforts be madep on the
purpose( il e afro
r)
It was impossible. that two nations like France and Eng-
land could. unite for any purpose that might not be
which.
.they were now acting together was one of that
description, and he trusted in Heaven that it would be
successful. He trusted that the material influence
of the two great countries would operate for the
purpose of promoting the happiness and tranquillity of
mankind, would be altogether successful. At all events,
the whole efforts of the Government would wisely and
steadily be directed to thot end, and whether they suc-
ceeded or failed, he was persuaded the deliberate judg-
ment of Parliament, and the unanimous voice of
the country would :think they had acted
right in the step they had taken together.—(Cheers.)
Mr. BAILLIE said the Noble Lord not being satis-
fied with rendering the name of England notorious, bad
thought it right to try his hand at the internal affairs of
Italy; thereby embarking this country on that chaotic
war which enveloped that country. fie thought, there-
fore, the House was justified in asking what were the
intentions of the Government with respect to that
country; and also whether the consent to mediate with
France evinced that our friendly relations with that
country had been renewed. In his opinion the pro-
posed interference would be as monstrous as ourinter-
ference elsewhere.
The House then resumed, the Chairman reported pro-
gress, and obtained leave to sit again at five o'clock.