The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-23 00:00:00

CORN-LAWS.

Lord MONTEAGLE presented several petitions from
Bridport, Portsmouth, the Isle of Wight, and other places, in
favour of the Government measure.

ART- UNIONS.

The Duke of CAMBRIDGE presented a petition from the
members of the Art-Union of London, praying for the legalisa-
tion of art-unions. _

Lord MONTEAGLE wished to call the attention of her
Majesty's Government to this petition, which was the first of
a series that would be presented on the subject, representing
the feelings of not only the artists of the country, but the
great body of those who were interested in the fine arts. The
Committee of the House of Commons, appointed in 1835, had
made inquiries which showed that art-unions had been attended
with the most benefeial consequences wherever carried out.
The amount of capital which had been devoted to the pur-
poses of art by the; art-unions exceeded all the votes which
Parliament had ever given for that purpose. They had done
mere for the promotion of art than the Legislature ever had
done. They had applied their encouragement to every branch
of art,—they had given prizes, as Government had done, for
the best designs,—they gave prizes also for the best
productions in stone and marble. They had extended,
too, their association over the greater portion of the earth,
and a letter had been received that very day from China, giv-
ing an account of the establishment of a branch of the art.
union in that empire. It was scarcely to be believed that, in
defiance of all the experience which they had had on this sub-
ject, any doubt should exist as to the desirableness of le-
galising art-unions. A Committee had been appointed
by Parliament, who had laboured sedulously for
two sessions, and they reported in the most unqualified
manner that these associations should be legalised. It
appeared that the art-unions were as anxious as
any other society to prevent abuse, and they prayed their Lord-
ships to give their sanction to a Bill authorising the Crown to
grant a charter, subject to such conditions as might be pro-
posed. That was the utmost extent of their request, and when
their Lordships considered that they had released parties from
debts contracted at race-courses and gambling-houses; and
when they considered that they had in the course of last year
interposed to protect a great bodylof the people—those con-
nected with the newspaper press—the artists of this country
were not asking their Lordships too much to afford them a
similar protection.
Lord BROUGHAM said he was exceedingly rejoiced that
this subject had been brought forward as it had by the illus-
trious Duke who had introduced it, and the Noble Lord who
had supported it. His own opinion in favour of those soci-
eties was very strong, and therefore he would give this petition
his humble but warm support. And let him say that there
never was a greater delusion than that which people laboured
under who opposed art-unions on the ground that they came
under the class of lotteries. Other trades contended that they
would have as good a right as art-unions to have their lotteries;
but he denied that trades required such aid; but pictures and
articles of taste did require some such encouragement as art-
unions afforded, and therefore he would cordially support the
prayer of this petition.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition, nu-
merously signed by persons of great eminence in their profes-
sion as artists—among the names attached to the petition he
saw those of Eastlake, Ross, Barry, Westmacott, and others—
praying their Lordships to adopt some measure for placing Art-
Unions on a more permanent footing.
Lord BROUGHAM would ask, in connexion with the name
of Barry, who, it appears, had signed the petition of the
Noble Marquis, whether there was any hope, if there was hope
at all remaining, when the report of the commission on the
new Houses of Parliament would be laid upon their Lord.
ships' table. _ _ .

Viscount CANNING was informed by one of the gentlemen
forming one of the commission, that the inquiry had been of a
more complicated nature than was expected. The report
would therefore take some time before it was completed.
Lord CAMPBELL thought this inquiry must surely be
carried on in the Court of Chancery. He thought it would
not be of so protracted and serious a nature as this case of
Barry v. Reid.
The Marquis Of NORTHAMPTON and Lord MONTEAGLE pre-
sented petitions in favour of Art Unions.
ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.

The Duke of 'WELLINGTON, after presenting a potitif.n
from the Chamber of Commerce of Manchester, in favour of
the Corn Bill, stated that he should on 'I hursday next move
that the House do adjourn for tke Whitsuntide holidays to the
Thursday following.
CORN BILL.

The Earl of BANDON presented petitions from places in
Ireland against the Corn Bill. The Noble Earl said that he
could not support the prayer of the petition as he did not par-
ticipate in the alarm that was felt by some persons with re-
spect to the Corn Bill.
CASE OF MR. GEORGE MITCHELL.
Lord BROUGHAM roes to call the attention of the House
to one of the most cruel cases of hardship that had ever come
under his notice. He had to present the petition of Mr. Geo.
Mitchell, formerly a clerk of the House, from which situation
he had been dismissed. The petitioner stated, that in the year
1845,frosn an accident that he had met with, his face and head
had been greatly injured, and his sight permanently
impaired. Several years ago he had been attacked with
epilepsy, by which he had lost the use of his right side. He
was also afflicted with ulcerous swellings in his legs. In fact,
it appeared that he was subjected to every malady that could
afflict the human frame. Through his maladies his attend-
ance on his duties were necessarily irregular, and he had suf-
fered exceedingly in the loss of his situation at the age of
thirty-six. The petition, which was dated the Strand union
workhouse, prayed that their Lordships would extend their
benevolence to him, and grant him such assistance as it was
in the power of the House to bestow.
The Earl of DEVON said it was an unpleasant task to in-
terpose at any time between individuals and the benevolence of
the House ; still he was bound to say that the petitioner was
placed under the chief clerk of the House, but his conduct had
been such as made it the absolute duty of the latter to remove
him from the office he held. More than this he (Lord Devon)
would not say.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM said the Noble Lord had totally mis-
understood him. The petitioner did not complain of having
been removed, he merely asked their Lordships to extend their
charity to him.
LORDS lIARDINGE AND GOUGH'S ANNUITY
BILLS.
The Duke of WELLINGTON moved that these Bills be
read a first time and printed.

The Bills were accordingly read a first time, and ordered to
be printed.

SEES OP ST. ASAPH AND BANGOR.
The Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented a petition
against the union of these sees.
BISHOPRIC OE MANCHESTER.
The same Most Reverend Prelate presented a petition praying
that a bishop might be immediately appointed to the newly-
established see of Manchester.
THE CORN BILL.
The Marquis of NORMANBY presented a petition from the
Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of Kingston-upon- Hull,
praying their Lordships to pass without delay the Ministerial
Corn Bill. The same Noble Marquis also presented a petition
from a town in Ireland, praying for the legalisation of tenant
rights in that country, intimating, at the same time, that he did
not thereby wish to express any opinion upon this very difficult
subject.
STATE OF CRIME IN IRELAND.

The Marquis of NORMAN BY then proceeded, amidst
cries of " Order," for the purpose of asking for a return of the
murders, and attempts at murder, in Ireland during each month,
commencing from the let of July in each year, distinguishing
the hours of day or night at which such outrages were
stated to have been committed by the constabulary_ force.
He felt it necessary to ask for the attention of the House to
this subject, the more especially as he intended to make a few
observations upon the conduct of her Majesty's Ministers, in
connexion with the Bill which had lately passed this House,
and to the language used by the Right lion. Gentleman at the
head of her Majesty's Government in another place, in which
he had been personally alluded to. It did so happen, that
about six weeks after the session had commenced, and when he
was unavoidably absent, a Bill was introduced into this House
—called by the opponents of it, the Irish Coercion Bill, and
by those who supported it the Protection of Life (Ireland)
Bill—and no doubt it had been supported by many of his
Noble Friends who had had a long experience of Ireland.
He would not have deemed it necessary to have alluded to
this measure now, but a circumstance which had since oc..
eurred compelled him to do so. No man could more deeply
deplore than he did the increase of crimes of
this description, or that Ireland should be made the
subject of such a measure as this, and at a time too when of all
others the country most needed the united sympathies of both
Houses of Parliament. Now he should say that no informa-
tion that had reached him as to the state of Ireland was such
as in his opinion to call for this measure, and he was far from
thinking that it was one which would reach the evil complained
of. He did think it rather extraordinary that her Majesty's
Ministers should have been of opinion at the commencement
of the cession that this measure was necessary, and that they
had since had reason to change that opinion, although some
such measure had been alluded to in the speech which her
Majesty's Ministers had advised her to deliver from the throne
at the opening of the present session. He considered that a
timely display of vigour was the most efficacious check upon
crimes of this nature. He was still of opinion that a system-
atic, steady perseverence in the administration of the law would
have been amply sufficient to check these crimes. Of this
he was sure, that of all the courses which could
have been taken, and one which seemed to unite
all the evils which could possibly be combined in a
measure, was the course which had been taken by the Go-
vernment on this occasion—an occasion when they adopted
a system of tardy, meddling coercion, conceding, with feeble
hesitation, their approbation of extraordinary powers, while,
at the same time, an efficient administration of the law of the
Constitution would have been quite sufficient for all purposes.
There really seemed to him something of this carelessness at
the time when the Bill was first introduced to their Lordships.
He believed that five weeks had elapsed from the period of
her Majesty's speech till the measure was introduced. Even
then it came in with all the-humbling defzets in its construc-
tion which have marked the practice of the law department of
the Irish Government. At last the Bill was sent down to the
other House. He could not then dwell on the tedious nature
of its passage through that House. He knew the difficulties
in which the Government were placed there. He thought the
ignorant might imagine that the delay which took
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