The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-04 00:00:00

D 1 A).

The Committee, having retired for an hour, resumed the conside-
ration of this Bill, and proceeded with the postponed allegations,
which related to imperfections in the plans and sections.
On several allegations the standing orders were not complied with.

Sub-Committee No. B.
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of ye".terday.)
LONDON A n imareiraGEEAZl MX.TISINSXON
(NOTt.THILIVIPT ON, 111.0.1TENTIVZ, LEA—
I. !NC AND
This Bill was again called on, and Mr. CoArts proceeded at great
length to support the allegations of the petitioners against the Bill.
The discussions on the petitions against the Bill occupied the Com-
mittee the whole of the remaining part of the day. In respect of the
allegations is one of the petitions, that the stun of money subscribed
for in the contract deed was not equal to three-quarters of the esti-
mate', the Committee decided that the standing orders were not com-
plied ovith. At a former meeting of the Committee a question had been
raised as to the sufficiency of a signature by a lady named Smithers,
in the name of her sister Cordelia Louisa Smithers, by power of
at torney. The point then stood over, it being represented that the
power of attorney could be produced, but the power of attorney not
bet ng produced this day, the decision was given against the promoters
of the Bill.
t; being now four o'clock, it became necessary for the Committee
to adjourn, and the question was raised to what date should they
adj ourn.
' fhe Cnsiausw said that he did not think they could meet again
until after Easter, as there would be no Members in town. Mr. H.
Dr ummond and Mr. Parke had left town this morning. He himself
wo al d go to-morrow, and Mr. Cavendish on Monday.
3 d r. Partite—That will be nearly all the Committee.
%V le Ciminstax—All but one and he will go on Wednesday.
A. long discussion ensued, in'the course of which it appeared that
there were several petitions against the Bill to be entered into, and
that one of them contained upwards of 400 allegations. The Chair-
man observed that this was very hard upon the promoters of the Bill,
but it was still worse for the members of the Committee.
It. was ultimately agreed that the Committee should adjourn to the
Drat Wednesday or Thursday after Easter, but it should not meet for
e, asp atch of business until the Thursday.
Zae Chairman left the chair shortly after four o'clock.

STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEES.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
Their Lordships did not sit to-day before two o'clock to resume
public business. The Lords press nt were the Earl of Shaftes-
bury (in the chair), Lords Hood, Redesdale, and Beaumont.
BRIGHTON AND CHICHESTER.
This was the first case called, and after hearing the usual evidence
the Committee adjourned the case, to give the promoters of the Bill
lime to prove compliance with Lord Whanicliffe's stand-
Ang order, namely, that where an amalgamation of two
-companies shall take place, a meeting of the shareholders
-of both companies shall first take place, having been previously
convened by public advertisements in the papers for three weeks
preceding such meeting. The case will come dually before the Com-
mittee on Monday next.
LONDON AND YORK.
Ti ie hearing of this case was further adjourned to Monday next.
;SOU 'lll-EASTERN (TUNBRIDGE WELLS, HASTINGS, AND
RYE.)
In this case, after hearing the usual evidence, the Committee de-
,cide. i that the promoters of the line had complied with the standing
.orde rs.
T Emir Lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
%%a .Committee met at twelve o'clock ; Mr. Escott, chairman.
THE PAISLEY BARRHEAD, AND HURLET.
In t his case the Committee decided that the standing orders had
not lee complied with.

HAMILTON AND STRATIIAVEN.
camThp (LedCowmitinhitintetehitsieLicr. that the standing ordershal_not been

_ •
THE OXFORD, WITNEY, A/CD CHELTENHAM.
compie 'I
eedo,myimthitinteethdisecci:seed. that the standing orders had not been

'ITNCTIoN.—RUSSELL v. SMITII.—Urt Friday Mr.
3. Mat hew, the barrister, applied to the Vice-Chancellor for an In-
junctis nto restrain the defendant from publicly singing, performing.
and re .:resenting the worth and music of certain popular songs and
' compositions, the property of the plaintiff, the celebrated
vocalist. Air. Mathew, with Mr. Bennett, of Bartlett's-buildings,
sor.cltOr t
er the plaintiff,' Stated thelacta-of the case, aad his itengar
gri fated ti, le LUICtiOII.
• -

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
110 USE OF LORPS, April 3.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at
Five o'clock.
Lord MONTEAGLE said he had received a note from his
Noble Friend—a Noble Marquis who usually sits at that side
of the House—expressing his regret at not having been able to
be present in the House last night to join in the vote of thanks
to the Briti,h army in India; but he had requested of him
(Lord Monteagle) to state that he would put a que,tlon to the
Government, to this effect, that he would wish to know if any
further proc,eding was intended to be taken ?
A NOZLE LORD whose name we could not hear, presented
a petition numerously signed by solicitors and attorneys,
against the Real Property, Deeds, Registration Bills.
Messengers from the Commons brought up certain Bills.
IRISH RAILWAY BILLS.

Lord REDESDALE, in pursuance of the notice which he
had given yesterday, called the attention of the House to the
report of the Select Committee on the Great Western, the
Templereore, and the Tipperary Junction Railway Bills. Their
Lordships were aware that the proceedings on the Irish Rail-
way Bills had this session taken a rather novel course, inas-
much as they were introduced into their Lordships' House in the
first instance. It appeared that only one of those Bills
was opposed, and eventually that opposition was
withdrawn. The Committee appointed to inquire into
the merits of those Bills found it advisable to group
them, a proceeding usually taken by the other House.
He would, therefore, with their Lordships' permission, slightly
sketch the nature of the country through which these lines
were to pass in order that their Lordships might better under-
stand why these Bills had been referred in a group to the
Committee, and not as separate Bills. It would be
remembered that in a former session of Par' ament
two Bills bad been passed, one called the South-Western, and
the other the Waterford and Limerick, which crossed the first
line, and so into Limerick. One of the Bills he was now ad •
verting to came out of the South-Western, about half way
between Limerick and Dublin, and went down to the town of
Nenagh. The other, the Templemore, came out of the
South-Western, somewhat further down, and proceeded
on to Nenagh also. The Limerick and Killaloe proceeded en
the left bank of the Shannon in the same district, and the
consequence was that this portion of country was supplied with
more railways than even the !easiest manufacturing districts of
England. Their Lordships would see that it was hardly pos-
sible that these lines could have a profitable traffic, and, indeed,
it was very questionable whether the communication at
present existing between Dublin and Limerick was not
amply sufficient for every one. With regard to the Limerick
and Killaloc and the Great Munster Railway, a singular ar-
rangement existed, namely, that if the latter line did not buy
up the land required by them down the left bank of the Shannon,
power would be given to the Limerick Railway to commence
the construction of their works. By this arrangement the public
were left in doubt which of these lines would really be made.
He thought he had shown that this country could not main-
tain two lines ; he, indeed, did not know the country suffi-
ciently well to say whether the town of Nenagh required a di-
rect communication with the South-Western or not, but it was
evident enough that a town of some 8,000 inhabitants could not
maintain two lines. He would move, therefore, that these Bills
be referred back to the Committee, with a distinct understand-

ing that the district should be taken into consideration in the
event of their passing one of the lines. Before concluding
these remarks, he would merely state his opinion that a
little mistake had arisen with respect to the propriety
of passing as many Irish Railway Bills as possible,
in order to give employment to the people.—(Hear.)
By having a multitude of Bills which were not of a profitable
nature it would be found that parties would not eorne forward
with the money when the calls were made, and the lines con-
sequently would not go on. So far, therefore, from its being
desirable to have many railway Bills for Ireland on the ground
of giving employment, he considered it desirable rather that
there should be few, and the few in each district
If there were already railways in course of construction in any
district, it wr.uld be desirable not to trouble them with any
more. That, however, was no ground for throwing ont good
Bills that were bona fide profitable schemes, and were brought
forward by persons of standing and respectability. He con-
cluded by moving that the Bills be referred back to the
Committee.

Lord KENYON, who had been Chairman eif the Committee

concurred in the propriety of the motion which had been just
made by the Noble Lord. When the Bills had been referred
to the Committee, each Bill had been taken by itself,

which had been the course always pursued by the Committee;
of their Lordship's House. The Noble Lord had now stated the

objections why such a course should be interfered with, in re-
ference to those Bills. That Committee investigated the
merits of the Bills, and reported the opinion they entertained
of them to their Lordship? House. Any mistake, however,
that had arisen was not chargeable to the Committee. but rather
to their Lordships, who were the only parties to blame in the
matter. There was no doubt that it was important to find employ-
ment for the people of Ireland, but, besides that reason, the line
proposed would form a complete connexion with the city of
Dublin on the west of Ireland. If the Bills were referred to
the same Committee—and he could bear witness to the dili-
gence with which that Committee had attended to the
matters referred to them then they should receive
such instructions as to prevent their committing such a
mistake as they had done. They had got all the evidence neces-
sary for the Nil's already, and they should endeavour as far as
possible not to put the parties to any additional expense.
Lord HAWA EDEN said there was no doubt that it was
important to supply that district of Ireland with railway ac-
commedation, but it should be done with due regard to the
commercial success of the undertakings sanctioned.
Lord BEAUMONT said it would appear from the evidence
given before the Committee that these Bills were all useful
ones and that the more railways that were made in Ireland the
better for that country. But then he would ask what could be
the use of sending these Bills back to the Committee ? It
could be of no use unless additional evidence was to be had ;
and it was to be supposed that all the evidence that could be
had was laid before the Committee in the first ins'ance.
Lord MON TEAGLE said he looked upon this as a most im-
portant question, not only so it affected Ireland, but as it
affected the principle upon which the Legislature had
acted in reference to railway projects generally. Ho
thought that the public had a right to know upon what
grounds the Bills should receive the sanction of their Lord-
ships. He considered that the same sort of principle should
be acted upon in legislating upon private Bills, as in other cases;
they should consider whether it was right or wrong. He re-
gretted that some reTon ible body, such as the Board of
Trade, were not now in existence, to inquire into these matters.
Their report would be of great service in guiding the deci-
sions of the various Committees. He thought it was right
that those Bills should be recommitted, with a view of consi-
dering the relative claims which each had on the Legislature.
The Earl of DAL HOUSIE said that, connected as he had
been with the Board of 'trade last year, it was extremely gra-
tifying to find Noble Lords, and others in other places, now
anxious to scatter a few flowers upon the grave of that de-
partment.—( Laughter.) With respect to the question brought
before their Lordships, he thought he might venture to say
that it was not the intention of the Noble Lord who had
brought forward the motion, to cast the slightest censure on
that Committee—(No, no)—or to intimate that they had in
any degree fallen short of the proper discharge of their duties.
He ventured to say, that the impression was, because a railway
Bill had not passed the Committee, it was, therefore, of ne-
cessity an injustice to the promoters. It was a part of the duty
of the Committee, who sat for the consideration of those
matters to say, not only whether the project would satisfy the
undertakers, but the public as well. The Noble Lord opposite
( Lord Beaumont) had asked the Noble Lord at the table
( Lord Redesdale) how the Committee were to ascertain the
facts of the case, they themselves being ignorant of that
part of that country ? He ( Lord Dalhousie) did not think it
a matter of necessity that Nob!e Lords sitting on these Corn-
mitteee should themselves be acquainted with the particular
districts to which these lines had reference. The Committee
migat have the promoters of the Bill before them, and they
might call upon them to produce evidence to establish the facts '
related in the preambles of the several Bills. lf, fit instance,
in the lines now before their Lordships, their Lordships thought
that the district would not supply a traffic to support two rail-
ways, then they might call upon the promoters to bring
witnesses to establish the fact that such a traffic
existed ; and if they were not satisfied then, it would be their
duty to throw these Bills out altogether. Reference had been
made that. evening, to a statement, purporting to have emi-
nated from that department of her Majes y's Government
with which he had been once connected. Now, he begged to
say, that he had never laid it down as an axiom, that the
greater number of Bills passed the better for Ireland. He
might say, on very good authority, that even many of those
Bills which last session had been substantially supported,
and which had the money to go on with, had not yet laid a
spade in the ground, and did not intend to do so. Many of
the shareholders were selling their shares at 2s. 6d. each,
which was scarcely sufficient to pay the broker's fees. Ile
thought it desirable, that those Bills should pass which would
really benefit the district, but in this case he certainly
thought that these Bills should be re-committed.
Lord REDESDALE said, these lines were no more than
eight miles apart. and, in some places they were less than
three. He thought it would be better to re-commit the Bill.
Lord MONTEAGLE hoped that the reports of the Irish
Railway Commissioners would he referred to the Committee,
as they would find some valaable information in it.
The Bills were then ordered to be re-committed.
EVICTION OF TENANTRY.
The Earl of CLANCARTY begged to call the attention of
their Lordships to a statement made a few evenings ago by a
noble Marquis (Londonderry) relative to an ejectment of
tenantry which had recently taken place in the County Ros-
common. The statement caused great sensation among their
Lordships. He had now, therefo-e, to state that he had re-
ceived a letter from a gentleman in Ireland, Mr. J. G.
Holmes, in reference to the subject, whose letter he would take
the liberty of reading to their Lordships. ( The Noble Lord
here read this letter, which called attention to Mr. Gerrard's
letter in Saunder's News Letter, and suggested the appoint.
ment of a Committee of their Lordships to investigate the
circumstances.) He read that letter to show that the state-
ment made by the Noble Marquis was an ex parte statement.
. He should abstain from reading Mr. Gerrard's letter as that
also would be an ex parte statement. He wished merely t°
call the attention of their Lordships to the matter, and hoped
they would suspend their judgment upon the case.
Their Lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMON S, April 3.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock, and an-
nounced that he had received a report from the Examiner of
Recognisances, to the effect that the security offered for the
prosecution of the petition against the election at Bridport was
unexceptionable.

SECOND READINGS.
The following Bills were read a second time, and ordered to
be committed—viz.,
Arbroath and Forfar Railway Amendment.
Norfolk Railway (Norwich Branch).
Leeds Central Railway Station.
Kilmarnock and Trout Railway.
Leicester Improvement.
Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction Railway.
Wexford Harbour Improvement.
Sligo Harbour Improvement.
Liverpool Sanatory Regulations.
Liverpool Improvement.
Preston and Wyre Railway, Harbour, and Dock (New Dock
and Railway) (by order).
Preston and Wyre Railway, Harbour, and Dock (Longridge
Junction) (by order).;
The following reports were brought up, the amendments
agreed to, and the Bills ordered to be engrossed, viz. :
Clyde Dock and Harbour (to be considered).
Welsh Charity School (to be considered).
Birmingham Cemetery (to be considered).
Exeter and Exmouth Railway.
Burnley Improvement and Waterworks (to be considered)
Willingham Inclosure and Drainage (to be considered).
Southport Improvement.
General Terminus and Glasgow Harbour Railway.
NORTH KENT RAILWAY.

Mr. HAWES presented a petition against this railway,
praying that the proceedings before the Committee be sus-
pended until the report of the Royal Commission, appointed to
inquire concerning the railway termini in London, was re-
ceived. He moved that the petition be printed with the Votes,
in order that he might found a motion upon it en Monday next
Mr. HUME presented a petition, very numerously signed, in
favour of the Edinburgh and Northern Extension Railways.
Mr. ESTCOURT moved that the 1:35!!1 stanuing urd,r h"
amended Ly omitting the words, " Agent for the .131,"
inserting in lieu thereof the words, " Clerk to the Committee
of Selection, Agreed to.

The HoN. MEMBER also moved that it he an instruc-
tion to the Committee of Selection, to fix Tuesday the 7th day
of this instant April, for holchrg the first sitting of the Com.
mittee on the Chard Canal Railway Bill, and of that on the
Bridgewnter and Tat:farm Railway and Harbo,r. And that i
be an instruction to such Committees to hear any petitioners
against either of such Bulls, although their respective petitions
shall not have been presented to this House three clear day-
before the day appointed for the first meeting of such Com-
mittee, provided that such petitions shall have been so pre-
sented before Tuesday the said 7th day of April.
The motions were ,q•veral;y put from the Chair and agreed to.
CALEDONIAN EXTENSION RAILWAY.

Captain JONES brought up the report of the Committee
on this Bal.

Mr. H AWES said he bad a proposal to make to the House
having placed the following motion on the paper of the day
—"On bringing up the report from the Committee on the peti-
tion for leave to introduce the Caledonian Extension Raiiwas
Bill, to move that the report be referred back to the said Com-
mittee to re consider the same, with an instruction to such
Committee, that they do entertain the petition of William
Maxwell Alexander and others, presented to the House on the
13th day of February last, and do hear the petitioners
by their agents and witnesses on the allegations therein
contained." Of course it became his duty to mate ou
a case for taking this course, and he hoped
to do so satisfactorily. It appeared that a petition from.
a Mr. Alexander, complaining of non-complance with the
standing orders by the promoters of this Bill, was
duly presented, and was now on the table of the House. I,
appeared that this petition was referred to the Committee, and
at the same time there was another petition preented from
person also named Alexander, and from others. Now, by some
mistake, this petition had not beeu considered by the
Committee on the Bill. —( Hear. ) Under these circum-
stances, the petition having been prevented within
the proper time, he thought there was good ground for
referring; this Bill back to the Commiitee. he only objection
which he had heard to this course was, that there must have
been delay and negligence on the part of the petitioners. Nev.
he had a letter in his possession which had been written by the
petitioners to Mr. Grahame, one of the agents for the Bill. 1r
reply to that letter, Mr. Grahame said he had searched
for the petition in the House, but had been unable
to find it. The only petition he could find was one by W. A.
Alexander, numbered 1,560 ; and it appeared that this was
the very petition referred to. Under these circumstances,
therefore, he thought there was good ground for the motion
which he had made.
Captain JONES. the Chairman of the Committee, said the
petition of Mr. Alexander was considered by the Com-
mittee. There was another petition by Mr. Alexan-
der and others, and that petition not having been
in the votes, it was not considered by the
Committee. It appeared that the petitioner had never applied
to the Member who had presented the petition, nor to the
officer of the House having charge of it. Under these circum-
stances, the Committee could not consider the petition.
Mr. HOPE JOHN STONE said, there were pecu-
liarities relating to this case. It must be remembered
that those two Mr. Alexar,ders were the same per-
_ .

sons. The petition, which was numbered 1,560 in the
office, was repeatedly compared by the agents for the Bill, and
it was not the petition of Mr. Alexander and others, but the
petition of Mr. Alexander alone. How th4t petition cam'
there had never been explained. The whole affair ap-
peared to him to be involved in considerable
mystery. The number 1,560 had lately had an A
added to it, and another petition had been substituted
for 1,560. The promoters of the Bill had had a large number
of witnesses from Scotland, and they had been sent back.
would, therefore, be a great hardship for those witnesses to be
recalled in order to afford the petitioner an opportunity of
stating his case. One petition of Mr. Alexander had been
heard, and the other petition was that of the same individual.
There could, therefore, be no injustice in this ease.
Sir G. CLERK said that, under the peculiar circumstances
of the case, he considered the parties would be entitled to a
hearing.
The SPEAKER observed that there had certainly been an
error in the votes, which had misled the agent, and the ques-
tion for the House to cqnsider would be, whether the partie,
were to suffer from the error of their cfficer ?

Mr, HODGSON said that if the Hon. Member for Glasgow
were in his place, he (the Hon. Gentleman) had no doubt bill
he would he willing to allow the parties to be heard at that
stage. During the time the parties had a large number of wit-
nesses in town at an expense of over lOU/. per day, to prove
their cause, and he then left it to the House to say whether of
not they were entitled to be heard.
Mr. P. M. STEWART said that there appeared to him to
be a great deal of mystery about the case ; there certainly was
much mystery connected with it from first to last.—( Hear.
Now, if tie House agreed with the Hon. Member for Lambett
by sending back the report for the purpose of hearing the peti
tioners, it would be a great injustice to the Caledonian Com-
pany. Why were not the petitions presented at once ?—thit
was the mystery of the case. Now, however the petitioners
wish to drive the Company to a greater expense than they were
already put to. If the motion should be agreed to, it would fore(
the Company to keep many witnesses in town who
had alre.,dy been a great expense to the promoters. His Hon
Friend—his Hon. kinsman, air. Maxwell Alexander, had beer
heard at great. length in the Committee, and he was of °pipit).
that no injustice could be done to that gentleman. Who were
the parties etigßged on this opposition ? There were dare,
Glasgow solicitors, who had no int, rest more than might attach
to tht m professionally, and therefore no injury nor hardship
could be complained of by rejecting the present motion—
( Hear, hear.) If there was any hardship in the cast
he would not object to the report being sett,
back and the petitions heard. But he could not account for
the fact that six weeks had elaped before any attempt was
made to set the matter right —six weeks had elapsed, and
during that period no steps had been taken to explain how the
petitions had been lost.—(Hear, hear.) He did hope, not-
withstanding the opinion of Mr. Speaker, to whom all muss
bow, that the report would not be sent back, but if other
petitions -were to be entertained at all, that they should be en-
tertained in the Committee on the Bill. If any other course
were taken, it would he a great hardship to the promoters of
the line of railway, and he should, therefore, oppose the motion:
of the Hon. Member for Lambeth as one wholly uncalled for
Mr. BROTHERTON said that the agents for the Bili had
been most dillieent in attending to their clients' interests, but
it would appear that the other parties had not used due save.
or the petitioners would have appeared before the Committee
in time. For six weeks they had not taken the least pains to
set themselves right, and it was ton bad that they should now
be allowed to put the promoters to a heavy expense by the pre-
set.t attempt to have the report sent back.
Lord G. SOMERSET was understood to sly that in his
opinion the petition should be heard.
After a few words from Mr. HAWES, which did not reach
the gallery,
Mr. STRUTT said, that in his opinion the case was one
which should b 3 referred to the Committee un Petitions.
They could nut complain that the opposite party had not taken
the trouble to correct their faults and errors ; it was for them-
selves to do so.
After a few words from Mr. LOCKIIA AT,
Mr. HAWES said, after the statement of the Noble Lord
(Lord G. So nerset ), and under the peculiar circumstances ol
the case, he hoped the House would not refuse to grant his

motion.
The House was then cleared for a division.
taken
poluaerer.eatnu,rirhtaottthheegmaleletrieyn, whaedfohu;nd atoreecl oted.ivision had
the chimney-
Mr. GROGAN presented a
petitioni Wadi
sweepers of Dublin, against free-trade. e
members
0,
the National Association, against the
Mr. WAKLEY presented a petitilnrriishlioei
Coercionn
in Scotland against the Bill for the .
d b
place
Mr. POULETT SCROPE presented
removalapetiteifonthefroemer.e.
ty in a nort ern e,
gentlemen of large proper
Sir J. GRAHAM presented a petition, signed by several
praying the House not to give
several Roman Catholic p
unless provision should be ma
any additional facilities fo-irtithsetdgeendtoowtmakeenttici)ef
rßigohmtaenfCatholics
MESSAGE FROM T
brought down certain Bills.
nomina-
tion out of the hands of the Roman Catholic prelates.
RDs.
Messengers from the Lords
, giy harassed Mr, PA CKE presented a petition from voters ihnaLraeicedstehr.
shire, complailii: g that they were ex
vexatious objections at electi
IPTP F gave notice that he would, after Easter.
TSE:
MAYNOOTINDOWMENT.
Mr. PLITA
move for the re; sal of those Acts which endowed the College of
Maynooth.—( Hear. hear. )
HOUSE.
r. Hon
B al‘rjorn. e Ct
a°tALt hplejEbOefijaTdilwoNifsl‘hhieeEd to r
ueNT Ots
Majesty's ' tisTuGHos tEvieorhni imtGoe nt. He wished
to know from the Right Hon. Gentleman when, and for bow
long a period, it was proposed to adjourn the House at Easter
R. PEEL slated in reply, that on Monday night he
would be prepared to state the period for which it was proposee
to adjourn the House, and which, he might say, would be for
the shortest period consistent, as he wished to expedite the pub,
lie business. He might, however, state that the House would
be adjourned on Thursday next.
In answer to a question from Sir W. Somerville, which was
inaudible in the gallery,
Mr. HUME said, that each of the paragraphs referred to
were illegal, for it was impessib!e to know every one of the
harbours in England and Ireland, with re.pect to which there
will be a report by the Commissioners appointed to visit those
places. The only diffieulty and delay was from the difficult)
of getting the maps and plans—without which the reports
would be unsatisfactory.
PROTECTION TO LIFE (IRELAND BILL).
On the order of the day being read for resuming the ad-
journed debate,
Mr O'CUNNELL said, that in rising to move an amend-
ment to the motion before the House, he should promise the
House to be as brief as he reasonably could.—(The Hon. Gen-
tlemen here became inaudible as a considerable number of Hon
Members rose and left their places.) He did not think that
the Right Hon. Baronet had hardly shown the smallest reason
for this measure, nor had he shown thet the reasotnseonly
com-
plained of could be remedied by their Bill, infact, h
thing alleged to justify the harshnes
severity of former measures that had been
Irish. It was not shown, nor atternp 9fted to be shown, that the applied to the
the Bill was the
had been menaced in Ireland. There
t which hl
proposed Bill would prevent any. oefrethweercer,imhee,svewviethr, esvelmiicehande.
consolatory Baronet
oaroknenow thatwtehreereigwa's
consolatory.
.andallnothing
religious y
was
es
Rightcons o
to any sect or religion
or belonging
nothing political in these crimes, above
misshhsm
t e
instigate the commission of these crimes —( Hear, hear.)
Being a Roman Catholic was no indemnity against the punish-
ment of crimes committed by this portion of the community,
and that the Catholic faith was no indemnity for the destruc-
tion of a Protestant; but he was glad to find that the Right
Hon. Baronet considered that there was nothing in the out-
rages which partook of a political or sectarian character. Out
of thirty-two counties, twenty-three were free from the dis-
turbances, so that nearly three-fourths of Ireland was free
from any of these agrarian disturbances—but a small minority
of the people of Ireland had had any hand in them. Before
he proceeded further, he wished to draw the attention of the
House to two or three of the cases which had been referred to
by the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir James Graham). For in-
stance, the county of Tyrone was tranquil as any spot of earth
on the face of the globe. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman
then referred to a letter from Mr. Ryan—his faithful friend—
the purport of which was quite inaudible in the gallery,
owing to the low tone in which he spoke.
He wished to recall to the attention of the House the unhappy
assassination of Mr. Pierce Carrie, not with a view of justifyine
it, but to convince the House of the cause of the murder. It
was necessary to state the facts which led to the murder, in
order that the House might be in possession of information
sufficient to enable them to take steps to remove the cause of
those murders. Now, he held in his hand a copy of a local
paper, which contained a report of the inquest on the body of
the unfortunate gentleman, and here the cause of the murder
was clearly stated. It would appear that Mr. Carrie had pro-
mised to reduce the rent of his tenants when his eldest son
came of age, but when that period arrived the promised reduc-
tion was not made. The rents, on the contrary, were increased,
and the tenantry compelled to pay IN. for a new lease ; but
up to the death of Mr. Carrie none of them received a single
lease. Now the cause of this murder could be seen here, and
the House ought to pass a certain Bill to prevent these abuses
of property. Now the amendment which he meant to propose
was, " That while this House deplores the existence of out-
rage in Ireland, and is sincerely anxious for its repression, it is
of opinion that such outrage will be aggravated, not removed,
by the erhitrerse neje-4, and uneoestitinjoeel eeseseseete
ti-is tee Parnere
to adopt such measures as will tend -to eradicate
the causes which produce these crimes, instead of resorting to

laws which will harass and oppress the innocent without re-
-training the gui'tv, and which, being restrictive of public
I,bertv, cant.ot fail to augment national discontent." There
.':as no do,bt that great murders had been committed, but the

itiestion was would that Bill have the effeet of dimini-ping
nem ? He considered that it would not ; if he thought
,therwi.e he would vote for it.—( Hear, hoar.) And he did
:olemnly declare. in the words of the re,olution, that it would
' ' .

augment considerably the crimes which it is intended to di•
rnioish Look to the 13111 itself, and see how little it is

applicable to the country or the crisis. The first feature of
he Hill is to give the Lord Lieutenant absolute power to pro-
,-laim any part of the country he may please, without even

ssigning- alreason. No humn evidence of the truth of an

,liegation of that proclamation is neces4ary to be received ; it is
matter completely arLitrary. sic cob() sic j'ibeo proceeding.
The Lord Lieutenant had the power of giving any sum of
noney he plea-ed as compensation under the powers of the
,re-era enactment—an unlimited power—not such as the
trand juries at present exercised. The next power he had,
.vas that of giving rewards to any extent he pleased ; and there
vas no species of service or misc.nduct that he ti:d not the

...-
power to reward. The next power he had, was that of pa-
ronage. In a proclaim: d district, he had the power of ap-
iointing as many stipen‘liary magistrates, chief constables,
head constables, and sub-constables, as he pleased, uncon-
trolled or unchecked. Now, he ( Mr. O'Connell) did not
near, to accuse any Government in the observation he was ,
.tbout to make, as, in doing so, he would only be accusing
what was human nature ; but, he would ask, what was easier
han for a person, anxious of being appointed, to have his
unissaries, and thus fabricate as many outrages as might
:newer his purpose?—(Hear, hear.) Now he should observe .
in the mode in which the money was to be levied. The money
was to be assessed by. a person appointed by the Lord
Lieutenant, and no justice or judge of the land, or
rate-payer, had a power of control. —( Hear, hear.)
One 01 the notions which
.the Right Hon. Baronet seemed to
entertain was that no grand jury had the power of levying
tax. They did, however, possess this power in an indirect way.
They were entirely at the disposal of the Lord Lieutenant,
,vho makes his taxing master travel about the country, in order
to find out localities where taxes may be levied on the poor.
flow will he improve the cyst tm? The working man is as poor
as poor can be. When a rate is levied, he refuses to pay, because
he has not the means of meeting the demand. The amount is then
levied on his goods, and, if necessary, the stipendiary magistrate
has the power of calling the military to his assistance, and thug,
furnish him with irresistible power to make the levy. Look
what a wide difference there is between the poor man and his
landlord; the tenant is ground to the earth by the enormous
burden of taxation imposed upon him. What security has he
against the proceedings of an arbitrary landlord? He is exposed
?very moment of his life to be levied upon for some taX•
flais is a state of things which has long existed
in Ireland, and which ought no longer to be allowed
to find a place there. The next clause to which I
wish to draw the attention of the House is that which
renders any person except a traveller liable to a sen'ence of
transportation, if he be found out after dark in a public-house
n a prohibited district. This is rather an ambiguously worded
.;lause, and presents rather a curious anomaly, for it would
appear that for a person to drink even water after dark in one

tf these houses rendered him liable to the penalty of this Act.
Every room in the houses of prohibited districts would be ex-
posed to the visits of the police, who will have power at all
Imes to institute a search ; and the poor man will be powerless
o oppose these visits. This Bill is a new plan of coercion, but
t would be found to be impossible in principle, and mischievous
in practice. He declared it to be his sincere belief, if the.
erovisions of this Bill were carried into effect. that it would be
almost impossible to prevent an insurrection from breaking out.
-( Hear, hear.) The people of Ireland are weak, and pod
are strong, but you never can succeed in pacifying them by
my measure so unjust and impolitic as that now proposed.
Slake it their real interest to be contented, and you will
tied them tractable and easily led. The Houourabld
and Learned Gentleman then alluded to the Acts
if Henry 11., which gave right to the Crown of challenging al
indefinite number of the jury, contrary to common sense On
justice. The next clause to which he would direct the atter'
lion of the House was, that which made it transportation, unleilt,
the accused person can prove his innocence. By the statute 01
1835, the prisoner was cleared by his name being omitted in a pre''
aentation to the grand jury. By the statutes of 1834 and 18350
he accused was bound to have his guilt proved before be
mulct be punished. By this statute the accused is compelled
-e prove his innocence or suffer transportation. He (Mrs
O'Connell) had dune more to allay the disturbances in Ireland
han any other man, and those who best knew him would beal
testimony to his efforts to allay an appearance of outrage.
s true there were disturbances in Ireland, and only pro'
else the proper means of suppressing them, and no one
would be found mere ready to co- operate than myself'
-( Hear, hear. ) Now, these night clauses, it appeared ni
eirn, were aliogether useless. The greater number of murder°
hat were committed were perpetrated in the day tittle'
herefore, it would appear, that no precautions were
to be taken to prevent the commission of crimes
'wino the day. He confessed that nothing grieved him met
'hen the title which had been given to this Bill It was en',
otled ,aA Bill for the Protection of Life," but how he would
11 ask could it protect life, if it stin left crime unpunished, an'
liminished, and unmitigated. What he called upon the WO,
-o do, was to investigate the causes of the outrages which bad
teen committed, and to endeavour to eradicate by removing
he causes. He would contend that the punishment which the
resent law awarded to persons found armed after dark sane
ufficiently severe. It was made a misdemeanour, and 'l
eunished by imprisonment, fine, and by whipping, and he bad_
mown many men who would rather suffer transportation thal
-he punishment of whipping. The present law had been folio"
-ffeetive in former times, and what had been done before
might be done again. He canted this House not to pie,
hese awful powers, that the proposed Bill contained, in ti"
sands of any Government. The experiment of a Coercil
Bill had been tried, and had proved to be ineffectual. It W
cot only been tried once or twice, but it has been applied severs
times without having any beneficial effect. The Hot
Gentleman then gave a review of the various Coercion Aa'
which had been passed from the years 1831 to 1833. It had
proved unavailing., yet now they were required to pass a frei,
Coercion Bill. The first thing done after the paesing of Lnro
Stanley's Act was to vote a million sterling for the necessia'"
of the poor in Ireland, The Right Hon. Baronet opposite'
if he remembered aright, had called this gift a " voluntary et
oeriment." It was found to have a considerable effect ita
laying their irritated feelings. The moment the present O'r
vernment came into power, they said that concession to Ill);
;and had gained its utmost limits. He did not now complain
of their having said that—they had manfully and fearless',
stated their intentions, and they had carried out those inteie
floras. They had done a great duty—a great justice to Eng;
Band; in that name of Heaven, then, he called upon thesis to
Its their duty to Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He was not an
shout to state the cruelty and oppression practised by this coat1:1
try upon Ireland—he only said to that House, come foroa';
And do something for Ireland, —( Hear, hear.) And if dip
could nobly and manfully set about it, they would find that'd
stead of coersive measures being required—for the evidence f;
all the other way—that conciliatory measures alone could altj
he state of things in that unfortunate country. There was a geo,''
difference between the present Ministry and the Whigs. 87
what had passed in Iceland at the period of the Whig Adtain/
eistration. Instead of eoercion being continued, it was don'
sway with, and mild conciliation spread its blessings around'
and the country, though it was not in a state of prosperity. II:
less afllacted, because the pol'cy pursued towards it was human,
—( dear, hear.) He saw statements in the newspapers, at,
tached to which was the name of one illustrious pea son.
eiund those statements, with regard to Ireland, so much t
opposite to the tact, that he could not help thinking it rani,
ive beeen a calamity upon his name to have it so appended
'This noble gentleman was made to say that the state of Irela
was prosperous; and, as a proof of it, he said that she had gee
exp rts. That, indeed, was true, for she was always exportl
a other countries that produce which she was not able to p+
' eke of herself.—( Hear, hear.) That was one way of prove;
the prosperity of Ireland, but he (Mr. O'Connell) would stnani ,
the true condition of the country. What was the fact?
s•l'V'ssi,
there was not a mere miserable people in the world.--( He'"
hear.) There were seven millions of a purely agricultural
pulation, out of eight millions two hundred thousand, valol'
o,st,faatss h thee thei whole
Commissioners,
populationcondition?,4.ch
hfaiodef
bteheen wouldape:
irtnattkreYec;
hthyaenthde Tiro;
attire at different periods, to prove the abject want, sofferl
and misery of the people of Ireland. The Hon. and Learnbe
Siember then proceeded to read the various reports, and ,
retails created a considerable impression upon the feelingloi
the House. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman commen
as he went on. WAs this, he said, what the people of Irelaao
deserved ? The Government talked of murder, but was !op
-ufferine like this murder—murder of the worst deseriPtire
!roan the slowness, but the no less certain result, of the osta,,,
ion.—( Hear, hear.) These reports proved the people of J.;:es
land to be badly housed, badly clothed, and badly fed. 11800
membered the Right Hon. Baronet stating that the %Larne
in Ireland were blots upon the character of the country, areas
disgrace to civilization. But what was it caused the
He did not ask them not to punish crime. Was it to or,/
murder that he addressed them ? Oh, no ! What be IsaTte
them was, to put an end to this misery which was prov4o.
exist, and thereby put down crime.—(Hear, hear.) ,04
was an Attorney-General. who said that the people of fret ,4
were a patient, suffering people. The Government said aP
wished to put an end to the misery in Ireland. fy
knew they wished it ; but it was not by wishing enci; st,
thing that it was to be done. It required the exertion: ol
the Government, to turn this state of thines into a stater
prosperity. prosperity. The Hon. and Learned Member, afterrreasop
the various reports at great length, proceeded to say .
•.... tjaf
were the people the House had to deal wii h—sueh Were
people they had to legislate for. But when they asked 01
a change of their condition, when they %it)
for relief—when they asked them for bread, let it not be4so
that instead of food, they should be met with stones.—(f.:oo
hear.) He had occupied the House some time, but
necessary for him to state the cause of the disturbance's se
Ireland.— Ira doing this it would be necessary for hi° I
read the opinions of those who were beyond all suspini°l3o;
partiality. With regard to the distress in that country, 14
was well known to be the worst of all her crime, vilaltbiOn
a Lord Chief Justice of Ireland ? It was said by 1;0
that so great was the distress of that country, that be
sure the people of England had nothing lake an idea oaf
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then proceeded to an°,bef
portion of the extract, in which was stated a list of the nrt
be
of tenants evicted in each year of five years in the distilnetej
had named, and which gave, he said, the enormous ianniv-e
120,000 tenants evicted in that short period of five yeerg_:rdefo
was it then to be wondered at, he would ask, that 01:,00'
should have followed ? And how many murders were thee"
sequence of that eviction—how many of the evicted
_d_lPo,l
premature death ? These were plain facts which he sla,i'esbes
laying before the Government, and which he contended
bitted the real sources of the crime complained of. !tool' toed,
he would address himself to what he conceived was the rp, Del
for this state of things, and what would be the real ine*.ot
which to dry up the sources of these crimes. He
~leadnoles
several cases of great hardship to the tenant, a" thud
the would refer to a few more. He would contend for it,
a_
the mode in which the law was administered in Irel n
it. He
ofwotohldat
appeal
ltrtyo ctohueld G
ohvaevren
mne
no t citosnefilfd, enaeoecifolitri
would ask, had they not appointed men to_ toe!
judicial and other offices who were well known to hrfoge
an active part against the political and religious 18,"It 0;1
the great majority of the Irish people ?—( Hear. hear.isioe, to;
not upon him that these facts had made an imprer
upon the people of Ireland, and was it to be wondered
eat Ire
they had made that impression? Did the Gover 00
°their d I/
lieve that the people of Ireland were likely to havera,oo
fidence in the law, or their resoect for the adunnistn t of -.1",
increased by the appointment. to the judicial be....c.niseonov
Lefroy, or of Mr. Jackson, or of Mr. Litton, or of ''_ of tbrit
father, or of Blackburn ?—( Hear, hear.) Not ona speno,
that was not remarkable for the part he had taken
he religious and political feelings of the people ones De
hear.) Perhaps he had not done well to have men" 130,41
names, but he would mention no more of theiaSoioo OM-ef
would ask what did this House think was the irnpre3b,oelow,f
upon the Irish people by the conduct of Mrs.__ neoPinse
Sugden. That getleman had said that unless tiro ichni:l_,4
tlerreeladndeffheaedtofuallllyc.onfiLdeetncheimin theask lawwe,reit
tchoeuldpenoopti!D:ifoelfreeßidr
likely to have their confidence in the law of telres(f
by the dismissal from the commission of the peanni00......(7,
four magistrates because of their political opia
sf one soet
hear.) 'they bad committed no crime or (Hence
.700
;ga
aitist, the 1a7.--th,-,. nothing to di.1ir.t.,04.40),,e
r der so, ens Jy ts the jon,iurt at oseatleveen, st .ovnebose no*
Ithis Coercion Bill to be passed to the exclusion
_1 inf is ir's
tlemen from the beach of justice?—(Hear, hear.)

what confidence ceuld the people be expected to have in the
administration of its prove-inns? - (Hear, hear.) Then came
the State trials, in reference to wisicla, he would ask, was there
not a one-sided charge delivered on that occasion, and what
impression was that proceeding calculated to lease upon the
minds of the Irish people?—( Hear, hear.) Well, then, he
would tell the Government that they were bound to make
some recompense for all this misery, and injustice, and wrong.
What had he sug,ges•ed as such recompense? As )'et he had
suegeeted nothing, but before he sat down he meant te do so.
No doubt some erratic murders had taken place in Ireland, but
the great mass of crime entirely arose out of questions about
the possession of land. He was sorry to say that there were
exceptions to this, and that they had of late become mote
numerous. But the great question, the great evil of
Ireland had its origin in disputes about land.—
( Hear, hear.) Hitherto the Government of this country
had done nothing for the protection of the rights of the Irish
tenant, while they had passed numerous enactments by which
they had increased the power of the landlord The 53d Geo.
111., cap. BS, was the first Act after the union that gave the
Irish landlord a summary power of ejectment. Up to that time
such an act was unknown in England, or in any part of civil-
ised Europe. Up to that time no landlord had ever attemeted
to distrain the growing crop of his tenant for his rent— ( Hear,
hear)—but that Act gave him the power to do so. That Act
gave him the power to distrain the growing crop ; and until
it was ripe and fit to cut he would place keepers upon the un
fortunate tenant, at an immense expense, for perhaps five or
six weeks; and he (llr. O'Connell) did not believe that a
more fruitful source of discontent and crime had ever been
heard of than that which that Ast had in need in its operation.
In some cases, where the wretched tenant was seised upon in
this way, he had not the m, ans of supplying his family with
food, and if his wife went forth to beg it. she would be taken
up and imprisoned; and let him ask, could such a law fail to
be a fruitful source of crime ?—( Hear. hear.) The next
Act for increasing the power of the landlord over the tenant
was the seth Geo. 111 , which not only gave the power of
Civil Bill ejectment, but the power of turning out the tenant ;
and the Ist George IV., cap. 87, further increased that
power, by enabling the landlord to demand from the tenant
security for the costs of an action before he could take
defence in a case where he felt convinced his landlord was the
aggressor—a system of law which, he believed, was unknown
and unheard-of in any other civilised country in the world.—
( Hear, hear.) The let and 2d, and the 6th and 7th William
IV., were next passed, and they still further increased the
power of the landlord —as if the Legislature thought that
their only interest was the interest of the landlord—( Hear. )
Well, then, the remedy which he would suggest should be ap-
plied to remove all tf,u3e cause's of crime, and all those imple-
ments of injustice, was, that measure of full and complete
justice to Ireland which she had so often deman led.—( Hear,
hear.) Ireland had not an adequate number of representa-
tives in that House ; she had not a fair proportion of the elec-
tive franchise. Grant her those and other measures of justice
which he had so often enumerated, and that was the real way
by which to coerce the Irish people. Coerce th mby their
affections and their gratitude, and then they will be all
that a Government could wish them.—( Hear, hear.) Now,
with regard to the landlord and tenant question, he would ask,
why not give the tenant at least a lease of twenty-one years of
his farm ? Recollect, that if the land on which the Irish eeaeant
lived be taken from him, he is deprived of the means of life.
Why should he not be allowed a fair compensation for the ex-
penditure of his capital end his labour in improving his land-
lord's property ? He (Mr. O'Connell) did not mean any ex-
travagent allowance for fantastical outlay ; there was little fear
of that; but he wanted to have the tenant remunerated for his
labour, forthe loss of his property; and it he improved theland
he held, he should be allowed to have the full benefit of it.—
( Hear, hear.) Oh 1 if this were done, only see what a stimu-
lent it would he to ability and industry.—( Hear, hear.) How
happy and contented the Irish tenant would be when he felt
that his labour was his own, and that he was working for him-
self.—( Hear, hear.) Let him have this, without encumber-
ing it with clauses and provisions, with which he might never
be able to comply ; prevet.t that wild, savage " c'earance"
system, through whose agency so many crimes that affrighted
the land had been committed, and he promised the House they
would hear no more of those crimes. —( dear, hear.) He
would now refer to the Ulster tenant-right, and read an extract
from the evidence that had been published in reference to it.
That was the evidence given of the state of things in the
north. How often had he heard gentlemen boast of the
peaceful deposition of the people of the north ' • but why were
they so, but because they were better treated by their land-
lords?—Goose.) The tenant going nut was allowed to seli
the tenant-right, or dispose of it as he wished : he was not a
wretched beggar, as in the case of lets-favoured districts of the
country. Now, he gave the Government their choice between
the conditions of the people of Ulster and Tipperary: the
present was the moment to decide ; let them decide wisely
for they :might be assured their miserable Coercion Bill would
not answetr.—(Hear, hear.) There were, to be sure, many
excellent landlords in lipperary, bat there was also a nume-
rous body of exceeding bad unes.—( Hear.) Then, there
were matey estates in the hands of the tenants; but let
the Legislature intervene; let the law take, as it were, the posi-
tion and situation of the land ord: let it do but justice, and
there would in a short time be an end of agrarian crime in
Ireland.--( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. O'Connell) was not solicit-
ing the Government to travel into unfrequented ground ;
they had the evidence of 31)0 years before them in respect of
the tenant right in Ulster, and let them act by it.—( Hear,
hear.) He would not then occupy the time of the House
longer, as it would be idle of him to go into further detail.
He had pointed out the evils that existed, as well as what he
had conce reed would be their remedy, and it then rested with
the Govet •nment to aeopt or reject those remedies 83 they
pleased. Ulster was tranquil under the tenant right, while the
south met west were disturbed because of the insecurity of
tenure. l'lre unhappy p. asantry were reduced to the half-rotted
Potato for- -.their food, with tee water their only drink. Their
houses were pervious to the rain ; they were ill-clothed and
but all that was known before, and he would not
repeat. it or add to it a single woad, but conclude by propos.ng
the amends sent with which he had set out.—( Hear, hear.)
Captain B. OSBORNE ( whose opening observations did
not reach -the gallery) was understood to say that, in rising to
second au • amendment so ably proposed by his Hon. and
Learned IFriend (llr, O'Connell) he was anxious to guard
himself from being misconceived, because, while he shared
with dot Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Home
Depart' sent that feeling of horror at the crime of assassination
in Irelas ad, yet, as a resident of the country to which the present
measure. was intended to apply, and one deeply interested
in her steelfare, he deprecated its introduction, as being, in his
opinion, inefficient, and strongly calculated to influence the
complic tied evils of that country. It was easy for Members of
that Ho use to come down, and, expressing their horror of mur-
der, call, on the Legislature to enact more stringent measures
for the pr otection of life. But in his opining it would be much
more wsierthy of the statesman if he first applied himself to the
concoctiaon of a measure that would go to eradicate the causes
of these .outrages.—(Hear, hear.) If there was one duty more
imperati• ye in a statesman than another, it was that of proving
to the pt .ogle of Ireland that he was ready to grapple with their
condition social, political, and religious—( Hear), whilst on the
other hand a coercive measure was a prof and
an acknowledgement of his incapacity as a Minister. —( Hear,
hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir J. Graham)
bad, on a former night, referred to the language of Mr. Burke
on the 'subject of free trade ; and he (Captain B. Osborne)
would then beg to refer him to the sentiments of that
great man on a question similar to that then before the House.
—( Hear.) Mr. Burke said, speaking of coercion, " God for-
bid, that on a worthy occasion authority should want the means
of being enforced ; but where the hearts of the people do not
go with the hands of the soldiery; you may call your Constitu-
tion va'nat you like ; hut it will, in effect consist of three orders,
namelye cavalry, infantry, and artillery. "—( Hear, hear. )
If he (the Honourable Member) could allow his
feelings to warp his judgment, and if he c insidered
that thee -present measure was the least suited for the suppres-
sion of crime ire Ireland, he confessed he would feel induced
to give his vote in favour of the second reading of the Bill ;
but he Should declare that his feelings were otherwise as to its
result.e— -( Rear, hear.) He doubted net that there were many
t tic,_usewew'ho,from the sueerScial view they flee taken of
the stebjea.
but if it sealletoorT; ready to commit themselves to its support,
create
shown that the provisions of the Bill were
snore likrity to
shown that the Billaitti:eVs.cord than the contrary—if it could be
ppin,irttLeutdibe inoperative, he called on Hon
Gentlemen, interested
welfaree of Ireland not to commit
themselves to its se
h croneea r .
extracts,
t r
aTheer s
fromß i Right t
reportsun . art.tbe Home Secretary read, nnoarier
furnished the Goeernment
Ostate of crime in
heborne) might fol-
Ireland.. Now he (Captain Bernal
low his sr-ample in the opposite way, but
confine himself to queetioning ihe accuracy .7'
tle:sthzenetintreareerlsy,
as in his opinion there was a vast exaegeratien of
.Heteaolorount
of crime in- Ireland.— ( flear, hear ) But for the
ar-
gument, he would admit the accuracy of the stasiati,..
.
then he would ask how the Government in ended to meet and
question? 'lhe Lord Lieutenant was invested with a power to
proclai,m a district, and make it a t.ransporiasle offence for
persons to be out at a certain time in the evening after sunset.
Such, was the principal provision of the measure intended for
the pacification of Ireland.—( Hear ) Del the Right Hon,
Secretary attempt to show how that would deter the noonday
murderer, how it would operate to induce pet sons
to conic fur ward and give evidence against him, or
bow it would in any way eradicate the evil ?—( Hear,
hear.) That was the twentieth measure, as was remarked by
the Hon. and Learned Gentleman ( Mr. O'Connell) who had
preceded him, that had been introduced since the enien of a
coercive nature, and out of these twenty measures he (Capt.
B. Osborne) never heard that one of them had the effect of
renneving the causes, or putting down the consequences of Irish
grievances.—(Hear, bear.) 'fhe causes of Irish crime were
well known. Columns of evidence gave ample prof that the
murders in that country arose out of disputes about land, as
was not the case in England. Yet the Government, knowing
all that, either through inability, ignorance, or liminess, were
at the present moment more ready to resuscitate an infamous
and inoperative measure than to introduce one that would
strike at the root of the evil.—(Cries of " :fear, hear.")
'Would it be believed that, in the sixth century of English
rule in Ireland, and in the present enlightened age, that that
House was about to pass a measure, one of the provisions of
which enabled the law to -ransport a man fur being nut of his
cabin after sunset ?—(Hear, hear.) He was astonished at a
Government, professing so much concern for enlighteement,
bringing forward a measure brimful of martial law and mat-
q."eraie.—( Hear, hear.) In 1824, he found that the present
Chief Justice for Ireland, then Mr. Blackburne, in his evi-
dences before a Committee, stated, in reply to the question,
" What measures are best calculated to improve the con-
dition cf the people of Ireland?" that, generally speaking,
_..4educaionand employment were the best means;" for, though
coerciiat Acts might put down crime for a while, yet they
__ll.d
net make the order of things better." Then M.
-Howley, an assistant,barrieter, stated in his evidence that
• the ordnary law, carried out and administered with temper,
would be quite sufficientfir the maintenance of peace and
order."—; Hear, hear.) Such was the written evidence of an
assistant oarrister for a Tipperary riding.—( Hear.) It would
Hon be in the recollection of Gentlemen that on a recent
occasionthe Recorder of Dublin gave it as his opinion, that
the exiting law was sufficient for the suppression of all dis-
turbances, though he (Captain B. Osborne) did not know how
that Learned and Ri_lat
a statement with the vote Hon. Gentleman could reconcile such
given subsequently by him. —(Hear. )
The 114 ht Hon. Secretarye foreri the Home Department, when
descanengon the amount of in Ireland, never, it would
appear, gate himself the trouble to to what these crimes
were to In attributed.—(Hear,)
why y did it not occur to
him that rich was caused by the conduct Government itself?
Commission was issued,
—( Hear,hear. ) In 1843 the Devon co°
issuingl of that
and the eccitement procuced in Ireland by
besconstitution
Comoisaon, could not be overrated, as fyrom
invested,ri the
and the powers with which it was supposed to
at. report
greatestexpectatioes were entertained.--t Hear.)
patient en-
durance the Commission wound up by saying that " the
and sufferings of the agricultural labourers of
entitled them to the most serious consideration of Irelandti
House and yet a Bill, founded on the report,
was introduced,e
the previsions of which were so ridiculous that they established
for the measure a sort of fixity of tenure, as he believed it
still by a dead letter in the House where it had been first in-
trolaced.—(Hear, and laughter.) The Right Hon. Secre-
tary (or the Home Department, citing the language of Mr.
Fee is 1797, said, " that Irelaud should be legislated for with
a lewd to Irish feelings and prejudices."—(" Hear, hear,"
from Sir James Graham.) Now he (Captain B. Osborne)
did riot know what id-a, the Right Hon. Gentleman enter-
tained of Irish prejudices and feeling., but if any proof were
weuted to show that he entertained no idea or was
the introduction of the. present Bill, a L'Pl 4,11:t
he did not think the Government were serious in their intea-
471Qontwel passing i
ett— so weak, to inoperative was it, that it seemed
Wnk sad Thastilig