The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-28 00:00:00

T E SUN, LON DON WEDNESDA Y MORNI NG, JANUARY 28, 18t6

I hope this will not be rendered necessary, either on 1
account of any measures I may have to propose, or I
you may have to adopt; above all, I hope that the
confidently expressed opinion of her Majesty, that
this great subject will receive the deliberate and
dispassionate consideration of the House of
Commons, may be realised. I have already said,
in reply to a question put by an Hon. Gentleman,
that I do not contemplate asking the House of Commons
to pronounce to-night any opinion upon the entire, or a
component, part of the measures to be submitted for
your consideration; but that, on the contrary, it is
the wish of the Government the questions shall be dealt
with by you in a calm and dispassionate manner.—
(Hear, hear.) It may be possible, that as I am about
to propose so many reductions, some Hon. Gentleman
may denounce me as rash and improvident, and de-
clare that my measures ought on that account to be
rejected by this House. If such should be the prevailing
impression among those who are favourable to protec-
tion, nothing can be more easy than that, on the day
when they are called upon to consider those great and
momentous questions, I should be permitted to ask the
House to put upon record a counter principle.— (Cheers.)
My motion will be some such resolution as this ; not
that any protection on any particular branch of trade is
advisable, but that there should be a comprehensive
system of protection for all articles of domestic in-
dustry, believing, as I do, that it will be for
the good of the country that our native in-
dustry should be protected.—(Hear, hear.) I think
that that principle ought to be sanctioned.—(Hear,
hear.) It may be, on the other hand, that the House
and this country, considering the great difficulties of
this question— considering the variety of opinions
—considering the nature of the contest, which
has long existed, and which I fear will
long continue, unless there be a satisfactory and
early adjustment of this question—(Hear, hear)—
it may be that even those who may dissent from par-
ticular parts of the great scheme which I am about to
propose to the consideration of this House may
be disposed to accept this proposal as an entire
settlement of the question,. and that the voice of
the country may pronounce upon it as such. This were
an unjust thing. An inequitable or unwise adjustment,
it may be considered, would be preferable to
the perpetual conflict in which we are in-
volved ; and if that be the position which the
general opinion of the reasonable and intelligent of all
classes shall take, in that case I shall have confidence
of ultimate success. On the other hand, as I said before,
if I touch so many interests by the application of that
great principle, that protective duties are not in them-
selves abstractedly, and ought to be relinquished; in
that case another fate will await my proposal, and the
sooner it is disposed of the better will it be for
the public good. Sir, that principle to which I have
referred, namely, the relaxation of the protective
duties, I am not about to apply to any one particular
class of trade.—(Cheers.) I am not about to select that
great interest connected with the agriculture of this
country, and call upon them to relinquish protection, and
at the same time forbear to call upon other interests to
relinquish their privileges. I shall make no isolated
proposal. Tho principle for which I shall contend is a
just and a wise one—l shall ask all classes to give up
their protective privileges—(Cheers)—and to make the
sacrifice, if it be a sacrifice, which that application shall
cause.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the House is aware that
during the last three years, what is called
" the Customs' Duties Act" was amended ; at that time
the Customs' duties were submitted to the review and
consideration of this House. In 1842 it was my duty, as
the head of the Government, to propose a great change in
the then Custom's duties. The general principle of the plan
under which I then acted was to remit the duties upon arti-
cles and raw material constituting the element of manufac-
turing industry. The plan then submittegl to the House
was to subject the general manufacturing articles of labour
in other countries to duties not exceeding 201. per cent.
The House adopted the principle upon which he had
acted in 1842. In that year be selected a number
of the raw articles for the remission of the
duty. In 1844 we reduced altogether the duty
upon wool. In the year 1845 we reduced alto-
gether the duty upon cotton. There is hardly a raw
material remaining for import into this country upon
which the duty has not been either entirely abolished,
or considerably diminished. The manufacturers of the
country, therefore, now have an advantage which they did
not possess hitherto. They have free access to the rag
n.aterial which constitutes the fabric of their articles of
manufacture, awl I consider that I am therefore entitled
to call upon the manufacturers to relinquish that amount
of protection which they now have.—(llear, hear.) The
manufacturer has now an advantage which he has not
had before. There might have been great doubt as to
whether you might have continued to derive the same
amount of revenue from the importation of cotton wool
which existed in 1844. But the House disregarded the
amount of 600,0001. or 700,0001. of revenue derived from
such a source. They wished to establish the stability
of the manufacture of articles from sheep and cotton
wool, and to place it upon a sure and certain foundation.
They were willing, therefore, and consented, to forego
this amount, so easily levied, and which caused so little
complaint from the great body of the people.
In order to remove this duty, not only
upon sheep, but also upon cotton wool, this House
submitted itself to the imposition of the income-tax,
in consideration of the removal of the duties upon
these raw materials. I propose, Sir, in reviewing
those articles upon which there at present exist duties,
I propose to take first those articles of raw material
which still remain subject to a duty ; and in dealing
with these articles, I beg to call upon the manufacturers
to relinquish that amount of duty which they now pos-
sess. Sir, I hardly know any articles of the nature
of raw materials subject to duty except tallow and
timber.—(Laughter.) Tallow is an article of very
great importance to the community, and the people at large,
it being used in the manufacture of soap, candle 4, and also
for the purpose of dressing leather. I propose to make a
reduction in this article from the amount of duty now levied.
With respect to the duty on tallow from the United
States, the duty on which was 3s. 2d., I will, purely
for the purpose of encouraging that produce, n hick was
now chiefly procured from Russia, propose a re-
iaxation in that duty, with the hope that it would ulti-
mately procure a reciprocal reduction on their part with
respect to the produce of this country. I will, therefore,
for that purpose, propose to reduce the duty on tallow,
which now is 3s. 2d. to ls. Bd. I am taking the articles
of raw material first, and shall now come
to timber, the produce of our own colonies
timber is the only article which I cannot definitely give
an explanation of, as the reduction which I am dis-
, posed to make must depend on the manner in which I
am met by other :mates on that article. The coarse
her Majesty's Government intends to pursue will
be a gradual reduction, to a certain sum,
of the existing duties on • timber.—(Hear, hear.)
The reduction will be apportioned, if possible, so as to
cause no derangement of the duties on timber from the
Baltic. But at a very early period it was the intention
of her Majesty's Government to make known their ar-
rangements with respect to timter, on v hich it was
difficult to get that information which was necessary.
And now, after having made all these reductions, I
hardly know a single raw material which has a protec-
tive duty imposed upon it. After having taken
this course after having afforded the manufac-
turer every facility—after having given him a free
command of the raw material—l will call on the
manufacturers of the three great articles which enter
into the consumption of the great body of the people, I
will ask them to give that proof, which I am sure
they will—(llcar, hear)—of the sincerity of their
convictions as to the impolicy of protection, by
consenting to relinquish the protection on corn.—(Hear,
hear, and loud cheering from the Opposition benches.)
The three branches of manufacture of which I speak
are those which give clothes to the great body of the
people—l mean those of linen, woollen, and cotton. I
will ask them to set the example to others by relinquish-
ing at once, cheerfully, the protection on corn.—(Hear,
hear.) My Honourable Friend the Member for
Dorsetshire (Lord Ashley)—and I call him my
Honourable Friend, for it shall not be my fault
if these unfortunate political different es interfere with
Invite fris ndsbip and regard—l will call him at once my
Hon. Friend—expressed a hope, being jealous of an ex-
pression which occurred in her Majesty's Speech, that the
small interests of the country should not be visited injuri-
ously. I will tell him that those interests will meet with the
especial care of the Government. I do not purpose in
this review of the tariff to subject myself to the impu-
tationnow thator
protect, as much intention. I declare it
concealingmean tomyeffect great interests and
therefore be gratified in Mhasiys
interests alluded to.
I shall propose, with e
goods, including the great mass Rxpossible, these small
rfahbleenav Friend will,
regard expectation.—.(Hear. hear.)
as calicoes, prints, &c., to make an alteraymtigono. goods,
factured goods were now subject to a duty of loanpuer-
cent. These I propose to make duty free ; and those
articles which are charged 20 per cent., I propose
to reduce to 10 per cent.—(Cries of " Hear, bear,"
and cheers.) The articles which constitute in a great
measure the clothing materials of the great bulk of the
people I propose to make duty free.—(Loud cheers and
interruption.) Allow me to state the whole of my

scheme before you draw inferences as to any part T
of it. I do not wish you to suspend your judg-
ment for a year. I merely desire that you
refrain from forming conclusions till I continue
the details of what I propose.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
I am the more anxious to call upon the manufacturers
to, relinquish these duties, because, according to high
authority it was not the agriculturists but the manu-
facturers
who first called upon the Legislature for the
imposition of protective duties.—(Cheers.) I doubt not,
therefore, but they will now come forward and set the first
example in giving them up.—(Cheers.) Adam smith, I
a great authority, says—" That farmers and gentlemen
connnected with agriculture were, of all persons in the
community, the least subject to the wretched spirit of
monopoly."—(Great laughter and cheers.) He also
said, " that it was not the agriculturists, but the
manufacturers, who had first appealed for the
protection of the restrictive system.—(Loud cheers.)
They are always ready to call out against the restrictions
on all other articles but that which pressed heaviest upon
their countrymen. They may be said to be the
original inventors of all monopoly."— (Laughter).
lion. Gentlemen may have cause for laughter,
by the reading of this extract, but it is perfectly true.
I propose that the duties on the coarser articles of
manufacture shall be materially reduced, and which
will have a material effect on the manufacturing inte-
rests of this country, but not to the great injury of
the manufacturing interests. I propose that the made-
up woollen goods shall also be reduced in duty to the
same amount, namely, a reduction of from 20 per cent.
to 10 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) I stated the other
night that flax was a very important and a
staple article of our manufactures, and also that
although there was no duty on that article, that its great
import was not injurious to our growers of that article,
and I believe that has not been contradicted. The
duty on linen goods varies according to their quality; but
the reduction of duties on those articles cannot be so
injurious to our manufacturing interests as may at first
be imagined, for I am of opinion that the improve-
ments made by our own workmen will always keep
up the market in their favour. I now come
to another very important article of our imports.
I mean the silk trade.—(Hear.) how, don't let us
suppose that the existing duty on silks operates as a
protection to the domestic manufacture of that article.--
(Hear.) You have a duty which you call 30 per cent ,
but which with respect to many articles is a great deal
higher; and as a false reliance is placed on this, as to
its being a protection to domestic manufacture, I think
it proper to state that there are many houses in Paris,
and on the continent, which will guarantee to deliver
goods in London at half the duty at present levied.—
(Hear, hear.) It is therefore a mistake to imagine that
the duty affords the protection which is stated. In the
first place it appears that it is an encouragement to
smuggling, as the article may be frequently purchased
from those engaged in this traffic for a small sum, com-
pared with that which it will realise in the legitimate
eourse of business. I conceive, therefore, that by a
new arrangement with respect to the silk duties
—in fact, that a reduction of these duties which
are not interfering with any domestic manufacture, will,
at the same time, diminish the profit of the smuggler,
and encourage a lawful and wholesome trade.—(Hear,
hear.) Now, the general impression is, that there is a
duty of thirty per cent. on silk manufacture. I hold in
my hand an account of the duties upon the silk manu
facture as at present levied ; and, although, in respect
to some it may not exceed thirty per cent., and in
others less than ten per cent., yet there are many
articles comprised under this definition with respect to
which the duty is much higher than this. In the case
of crape the duty is not less than 40 or 50 per cent. ; on
fancy silk the duty is not less than from 301. to 381. per
cent. ; on silk bonnets not less than 1451. per cent ; in
the case of turbans it is at least as much. Does any man,
therefore, believe foreign turbans, bonnets, and
hats, pay a duty of 1451. per cent. It is no
such thing. The article is in common use
here, but its value is reduced by the common
smuggler. Now I propose a new arrangement with
respect to silk, but I must not now enter too much into
details, as the whole of my statement will be subject to
correction after it has appeared to-morrow morning. I
now wish to introduce a new principal, based on a gene-
ral scale which shall enumerate each species of silk,
and the amount per pound at which it will be ad-
mitted, with an option to the Custom-house officer
to levy a sum on every quantity of silk of the
value of 1001. a duty not exceeding fifteen per cent.
The general principle, therefore, shall be a reduc-
tion of 15 per cent. on this article, which, heretofore,
had been, at the lowest, 30 per cent. on such articles ;
but in reality it was greater on some articles and less on
others. There is another article of manufacture which
I think may be fairly permitted to enter into corn
petition with the same article in this country.
for I do think it would have the effect of
stimulating that trade to greater industry and exertion ;
I speak of the article of paper—(Hear)—that is paper-
hangings. At present there is a duty upon all foreign
paper-hengings imported into this country of one shilling
per square-yard ; and this applies to all descriptions
of paper.hangings. Now, I believe it is possible for
some descriptions of this article to be manufactured
and sold at the rate of one farthiag the square
yard. Of course the very fine descriptions, such as those
with gold borderings, may still be liable to the duty of
one shilling; but I do think that a shilling per square
yard duty upon paper which can be made for one
farthing per square yard is exorbitant, and therefore
I propose to reduce that duty on certain de-
scriptions from one shilling to twopence the
square yard, upon paper hangings coming from
abroad.—(Bear, hear.) I now approach those de-
scriptions of manufactures which are connected with
metals.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It is impossible
that I can go thro'igh its detail without entering into
minute details, and therefore I do hope that the House
will hear me with patience.—([tear, hear.) We have
already reduced the duty upon foreign ores ; and I do
think that if there be any articles of manufacture in this
country which more than another, can bear competition,
it is that description connected with metals. The manu-
facture of metals (I do not mean to particularise them),
are now chargeable with a duty of 15 per cent. I pro-
pose with regard to them, and I include all descriptions,
which I do not now mention; but I say, as a general
rule, that this duty shall not exceed 10 per cent.—
That is the maximum duty which I now propose on those
articles, without enumerating them. I have made an
exception with regard to paper-hangings, for the reason
I have already stated ' • but the duty of ten per cent.
on metals shalt be without any exception.
With regard to the duty of 10 per cent, on all such
manufactures as umbsr.lead, and also hardware and
other articles, such duty can be considerably reduced; as
also on all manufactures of hair. At present there is a
duty of 20 per cent. on the import of foreign carriages,
which I propose to reduce. That will be giving an im-
mense advantage to the consumers of this country, as no
article is so very dear as a carriage and equipment.
—(Hear, hear.) Look at the carriages made
in Brussels, and also in Edinburgh. The price
there is considerably below the London price,
and I see no reason why foreign carriages should be
subjected to a duty of 20 per cent.; and I propose
therefore to encourage a wholesome competition in this
country by permitting foreign carriages to come in at a
duty of 10 per cant. There is also another manufacture
in respect of which I propose a con:iderable reduction—
I propose to reduce the duty on canvas. As I have
reduced the duty on spermaceti, I this night propose a
reduction of the duty on candles to about one-
half ; and I also propose a reduction of the duty
on foreign soap to one-half. In the case of hard
soap, now subjected to a duty of 305., it shall
be reduced to 205., and in the case of soft soap,
now subjected to a duty of 205., it shall be reduced to
14s. There are a great many articles besides on which
the duty is so slight that I propose to remit them alto-
gether.—(Hear, hear.) In 1842 the tariff which I pro-
posed contained the names of nearly 1,100 articles.
Those names still remain on the tariff, because it is con-
venient to the Custom-house officers to run their eyes
down the alphabetical list to see what articles are free
from duty, but in the case of more than 500 of them,
the duty will be either reduced or omitted. These
articles I have no objection to state to the House,
should it require it.—(Cries of" No, no.") Well, then,
I will proceed to the other proposal I have to make.
There are still some manufactured articles on which I
deem it advisable to reduce the duty to 10 per cent.
Respecting the article of gloves already a great reduction
has taken place. I now come to an important article
of consumption, namely, that of boots and shoes,
on the raw material of which I propose to reduce the
duty.—(Hear, hear.) On a former occasion an altera-
tion was made in the duty on the material which en-
tered into the composition of these articles, but the
duty on raw hides was still retained. I now propose
that raw hides shall enter duty free.—(Hear, hear.)
When the tariff was formerly altered, I retained
the duty on all articles that were imported for the
purposes of tanning, but now I propose to
remit the duty altogether. There is one article to
which I will refer which does not take the character of
raw material, but which is of the greatest importance to
the working classes—l mean the article of dressed
hides. As this article extends largely into boots
and shoes, and is of great importance to the
people, I propose to take the duty altogether
off dressed hides. Having explained what I mean
to do with this article. I will now proceed to state
what amount of duty I mean to propose on articles
made up of these dressed hides, to which I have re-
ferred. I intend to diminish the duty on foreign boots
and shoes, a step which I am persuaded will be a great
benefit. Having taken the duty off the raw I
material, I propose reducing the duty en small
boot and shoe-fronts, from three shillings and sixpenc I
to Is. 9d. per dozen; on large boot fronts from ss. 6d. to
2s. 9d. per dozen; on boots from IL Bs. to 14s. perdozen;
on shoes from 14s. to 7s. per dozen; other articles of
this kind to be reduced in the same proportion. There
is another reduction I mean to propose, which was
omitted in 1842, but which I regret was not then car-
ried into effect. I mean the duty on the article of
straw plait. On this article I propose that the !
duty shall be reduced from 7s. 6d to ss. ; and
on straw hats, from Bs. 6d. to ss. per dozen.
I omitted to state that there is another article con-
nected with the silk manufacture that I propose to
reduce the duty on—l mean the article of dyed
Imabenulifeacvetulrehlvie
thrown silk. I hope I am convincing the House 1
that I am disposed to act fairly and impartially in re-
spect of the application of those duties.—(Cheers.)
generally
every article wich can be
called an article
s, clothing, ymused.l manufacture,have
gumption, and the House will,
I intend to reduce
Igsa:hohwaotnnhpde:ro, utwhptohoersrade-t
things generally in aye
per-
ceive that I have pretty strictly as articles of con-
laid does •
etly adhered to the
general principles I had the begin,
h b •

ning. I shall call your attention now to
another article of great importance, which, tithough
it may be included among manufactures, yet, in com-
mon parlance, does not coins within the denomination of
manufacture. It is an article on which reduction seems at
the present time to be peculiarly required. I propose
to reduce the duty on brandy, and other foreign spirits.
(Great cheering.) The present duty upon brandy is not
less than 225. 10d. per gallon, and this high duty has, I
believe, prevented any increase in the importation of the
article.—(Hear.) At thepresent moment, I think the con-
sumption of foreign brandy is not so great—certainly not
greater than it was at the latter end of the 17th century.—
(Hear.) This, I repeat, is mainly attributable to the fact
of the present high duty. There is no article in respect
to which smuggling so much prevails as in the article of
foreign spirits. A diminution of the duty is not, there-
fore, less protective to the home manufacture than if the
high duty were continued. The reduced duty, I have
every reason to believe, will have the effect of converting
an unlawful into a lawful traffic, by the increased demand
for the article consequent upon that reduction. I propose,
therefore, that the present duty on brandy and foreign
spirits shall be reduced from 225. 10d. to 15s. per gallon.
Sir, there remains but one article to which I will
revert, in respect to which an arrangement was made as
late as the last year, but which I now intend
to reduce still further—l mean the reduction of
the protective duties on sugar.—(lmmense cheering.)
It is quite impossible, in respect to this article, consider-
ing that prolonged discussions will take place concerning
it, it is quite impossible that I can enter into the
details of the arrangement which I shall propose. I
submit to the House, on the present occasion, the inten-
tion of her Majesty's Government, avoiding any details.
I am very much afraid that the proposal I have to
make will not at all meet with the approbation
and the concurrence of those who raised those cheers
at the mention of the article sugar. I may, however,
generally state, on the present occasion, the proposal
which her Majesty's Government have undertaken to
make. Now, in the last year I estimated the pro-
bable amount of increased consumption of sugar, in con-
sequence of the reduction in the duty, at not less than
50,000 tons a year. Up to the last return, the increase
in the consumption had already reached 38,000 tons,
and whether or no during the remaining period my
estimate has been borne out, I cannot undertake to say,
as it would be exceedingly difficult to calcutate, unless
I had the total amount of increase up to the present
time. Still there cannot be a doubt that there will be
a very considerable increase in the consumption of sugar.
The amount of free-labour sugar brought into competi-
tion with British colonial sugar has not equalled my ex-
pectations. I calculated that the amount of free-labour
sugar would be 25,000 tons. The amount which
has been actually brought into home consumption has
fallen very short of that, but I believe that this may
be accounted for by the failure in the crop at Cuba,
and by the increased consumption in other parts of Eu-
rope. This, of course, caused a deficient supply to this
country from those parts of the world in which free
labour is employed. Although this will in a great measure
account tor the reduced supply, yet I am bound to say,
that I think the British Colonial sugar can bear in-
creased competition with foreign sugar, the pro
duce of free labour. I am not prepared to
make any relaxation in our principles with
respect to the admission of sugar the produce of
countries carrying on the slave-trade. We shall adhere
to those principles but with respect to sugar, the pro-
duce of free labour, while the consumption of that sugar
is so limited, and her Majesty's Government have not
thought it right to exempt that sugar from the operation
of the general principles which I have stated. We pro-
pose, therefore—assuming that the population is to use
foreign sugar the produce of free labour—we propose
to deduct 3s. 6d. from the amount of the present dif-
ferential duty. In the case of muscovado sugar the
amount of differential duty is, I think, 9s. 4d., and
in the case of clayed sugar, the amount of the
differential duty is 1 ls. Bd. We propose to deduct
from the amount of differential duty on each descrip-
tion 3s. 6d., leaving the amount of differential duty
in favour of British colonial sugar, competing with
sugar the produce of free labour, ss. 10d. ; and in
the case of the finer sugars, clayed, the diffe-
rential duty will be reduced from 1 ls. Bd. to Bs.
Now I come to those import duties which have a decided
influence on agriculture. I would not only say those
which have an immediate effect, but those which are con-
nected with agriculture.—(Great cheering.) I think
that I am perfectly justified in alluding to their interests,
and in considering those who are intimately affected by
it ; for there are great properties which are concerned in
the matter, and of which the best judges are desirous of
obtaining a definite result. I would allude then
to the article of tobacco, an article which, although
it may be considered as a matter of luxury
by the higher classes, is felt to be a necessity by the poor.
In making this allusion, however, I do not expect that,
because it is an expensive article, it should be left out of
the account.—(Hear, hear.) But in making these re-
marks, I do hope that the House will not leave out
of their calculation the consideration of revenue.—
(Cheers.) We must not forget that we ought not to
depress the revenue of the country, for upon
that depends all our means of doing any good
to the public, and the opportunity of reducing
the impositions upon those commodities which ate
absolutely needed by the people. I, Aserefore, propose
that all those duties should be reduced as far as possible,
but yet it should be recollected that a revenue must be
raised, not for the purpose of hostile aggression, but for
the sake of national defence. I would, therefore,
propose that a revenue should be raised for the
object of national defence. You must, therefore,
keep that consideration in mind, and believe that,
while I am proposing this reduction of the import
duties that I am not at all unmindful of the necessities
which exist in consequence of the obligations into
which the agriculturist has entered; for I re-
collect that there are certain duties which
cannot be obviated. It is our business to provide
for them. I am aware that some of the duties imposed
upon agricultural produce are extremely high ; and as
my object is to relieve that interest from as many of its
burdens as I can, I would attempt a reduction
similar to that which I proposed on manu-
factures during the last session. Now, the duty
on grass seeds can affect nobody, while its remission
may be of service to the country. I propose to reduce
that duty. In the year 1842, it produced 144,000 h By
the remission of the duty the country will be largely
served, whilst no injury will affect the revenue.
I believe that the producers of clover in this
country look upon the duty levied upon the im-
portation of clover seed rather as a heavy tax
upon themselves than as a protection.—(Hear, hear.)
With respect to the removal of the duties imposed on
agricultural seeds generally, then, it will not be
so much a removal of protection, as conferring
a benefit on agriculture ; and I intend so
to reduce the duty on seeds as to make
it less than n .urinal.—(Hear, hear.) It was reduced
one-half in 1842, and it subsequently underwent a still
further reduction, and I now intend to simplify the
duty imposed on seeds in the same way that I have pro-
posed to simplify the duty en articles of manufacture.
The uniform duty on munufactures I have fixed at 10
per cent., and I propose that the duties on seeds
shall not exceed ss. per cwt.; hitherto in some cases, such
fur instance as onion seed, the duty has not been less
than 12,. per cwt.; but now with respect to all seeds I
propose that the maximum duty shall be ss. per cwt. I
have already spoken of some other articles, which
are of the utmost importance to agriculture, namely
those used for the fattening of cattle. I believe
it is impossible to over-estimate the importance of pro-
moting the fattening of cattle, because it tends to advance
an improved system of agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) It
has tended to restore the fertility of many soils more, I
believe, than any of the artificial means which
are sometimes resorted to, and, I am sure
the House will see that any measure which
will promote the fattening of cattle must prove highly
beneficial to the country.—(Hear, hear.) I believe there
is no manure so valuable as that which is directly
derivable from the soil itself, and nothing, I am con-
vinced of it, will lead more to the improvement
of agriculture than by encouraging the fat-
tening of cattle on the land itself, and
thus promoting the acquisition of manure for agricul-
tural purposes.—(Hear, hear.) I propose, therefore,
that the article of grains, which I believe would be
much employed for the fattening of cattle, shall be here-
after imported duty free. There is another article which
might be applied with great advantage to the fattening
of cattle—namely, Indian corn—which I also propose
stall be introduce] duty free.—(Cheers.) By removing
the duty upon grain I do not consider that I am de-
priving agriculture of protection, but rather conferring a
benefit upon it.—(Hear, hear.) Maize is an article that
is much used abroad for human food, and I believe its
utility for this purpose has been much disregarded in
Europe, and in no place more so than in this country.
It is used, if I am not mist ,lien, for human food in,
Italy, America, and many parts of France, and look•
ing at its utility for the fattening of cattle, I think, with
respect to this article also, I am conferring a
benefit on, rather than impeding the progress
of, agriculture in this country, by removing the
restrictions imposed on its importation.—(Cheers.)
I also propose that an article called buck-wheat should
be subject to the same rule ;that is, that it be admitted
at a mere nominal duty. I propose that the meal or flour
should be admitted on an equal footing with Indian
corn. If any gentleman will ascertain the very
ol large
Great
e sums
Bpriatiain in
paid annually
purchasely bythebeostf flaiirimseeerds
cthakroeuagnhd-
rape, he will agree with me that an increased
facility for thc admission of articles that can be used for
the fattening of cattle will be of no disservice.—(Hear,
hear.) The demand for the articles I have last
named is very considerable, and the consumption by some
th farmerse chief beingob ject very
upon great,some farmsif
I am
is to in
f
rr
omvei
dd 0 correctly,
anade-
quate
quantity of manure for the purpose of improving
the soil. The prices of linseed and rape-cake has been
gradually rising of late years. In the year 1843,
linseed cake was from 9/. to 10/ ; in
1844, from 11/. to
p( 3
121. ; and in 1846, from 12/. to 15/. The price of rape-
cake was in 1843, 4/. ss. ; in 1- Re -a 41. 10s. to 51. 10s. ;
and in January, 1846, the price rose to 61. I hold
now i.i my hand a letter from a merchant, a resident of
the United States, who recommends that there shou4l be
a free importatiou of all the articles used to fatten cattle.
He recommended especially
for the purpose an article
termed rice-meal. Now surely a cheap supply of that ar-
ticle is very desirable. It is the refuse of rice ground
than oil-cake or the other
up, and is much less costly
d descriptions of artificial fir od DOW used by farmers, and
for the feedin o
therefore, is admirably fitte
such an article wog uld,f
cattle. The admission of
far from a disservice,
in my opinion, be so
hear.) I come now
a positive advantage —(Hearf
epple.—(Hear, hear,
connected with the food of the p .
Sir, on intro-
aud cheers from all parts of the House.)
atest difference of
ducin this question I anticipate thehtg,,ree
to meet who want
Sir, to the consideration of those articles immediately
opinion.—(Hear, hear.) I have t
no delay arid no qualification, ihava, also to meet

those who insist upon it that there shall be no relaxa-
tion of, or reduction in, the present amount of protection.
—(Hear, hear.) Sir, my object will be, if possible, to
make some adjustment of this important question.
I know that nobody will approve of my plan—
(Great laughter)—but our desire is, without favour or
undue partiallity towards any class, to suggest
that which we believe to be just, and calculated to ter-
minated that conflict the continuance of which might be
fatal to the country.—(Hear, hear.) I do trust that by
the plan which I have proposed the jealousy and dis-
sension between the different classes of her Majesty's
subjects may be removed without any injury to any par-
ticular class, and thus, it is to be hoped, that we shall
promote the general interest of the country. I
consider that it is for the public advantage that this
subject should meet with a final settlement.—(Cheers.)
I am not about to propose an immediate repeal of the
duties which are imposed upon corn. What I have to
propose is an earnest of the principle upon which I shall
act. I am induced to propose an iminediate reduction
upon many articles of primary importance, and which
constituted a principle portion of the food of the
people ; but I must state this in respect to the plan
which I shall propose, that there shall be an
immediate reduction of the duties on those articles on
which I do not propose an immediate and total repeal.
I propose that the duties—speaking of the articles of
consumption—l propose to take that extensive review
of the articles included in the tariff relating to the
articles constituting the food of the country. I propose
to make a reduction —an immediate re uctien—upon
the duties of the whole of them. I propose, on the
part of her Majesty's* Government, that the
duties should be immediately reduced upon butter
from 1/. to 10s. per cwt.; upon cheese from 103. per
cwt. to ss. per cwt.; and upon hors from 4/. 10s. to
2/. .ss. I will now mention the articles of agricultural
produce upon which I propose an immediate repeal.
With respect, then, to those articles of general consump-
tion, upon which the reduction will be total and imme-
diate, I propose to abolish entirely the duties upon
bacon, also upon fresh beef and salted beef, upon
salt pork and fresh pork, and all other arti-
cles of animal food enumerated in the last tariff—these
I propose to be admitted duty free. With reference to
potatoes and other articles enumerated under the head
of vegetables, and which form articles of general con-
sumption, I propose that the whole of the duties shall be
totally and immediately repealed. Everything, then, in-
cluded under the heads of vegetable and animal food will
be admitted duty free. In thus acting, observe that I
have dealt equally with the agricultural and the manu-
facturing interests. To the agricultural interest I give
increased facilities, by removing the duties now levied
on seeds and other articles. The reduction in bacon,
butter, and other articles of food, will also benefit
the manufacturers. I believe that the growing
and increasing skill of the country, and
the stimulus that will be afforded them by competition,
will give them an increased advantage over foreign
countries. Then, having removed the duo( s
from all articles of food, I propose also
to remove at once all the duties upon the
importation of cattle.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
In short, I propose that all cattle imported into this
country. shall be admitted duty free.—(Hear, hear.)
There is no necessity for mentioning the amount of
duties now levied upon cattle, still less occasion
have I to mention the several amounts o duties
upon other animals mentioned in the late tariff.
I will now propose the reduction of all duty on cattle,
both lean aril fat. The increased facility for getting the
lean cattle will, I hope, be some :compensation to the
agriculturists for doing away with the duty on all
animals.—(Laughter.) Those who may be disposed
to find fault with this measure, will, I hope, bear
in mind that I have proposed, the removal of protective
duties from some of the great articles of manufacture.
But I call on the manufacturers to show the first ex-
ample. I now come to the proposal which I intend to
make with respect to corn.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
We propo e at once to remove the duties upon all ani-
mals enumerated in the tariff ; and I propose, Sir, as a
proof of an adherence to these principles, that the
duties upon animal and vegetable food, and also upon
cattle and other animals, shall at once cease.
I do not propose an immediate repeal of the
duty on th Lt article, but to come to a gradual repeal, in
order to give time for the adjustment of agricultural
interests. I think it would be out of my power to sum
gest any modification of the existing corn-laws, which
would meet with the approbation of the country, and I
will not, in consequence, propose such a measure.
Some persons have complained of the manner iu which
the duty upon foreign cattle is now levied, these
duties will now be entirely abolished.—(llear, hear.)
I propose that a very considerable reduction should be
made on corn, and that the reduction shall be limited to
a period of three years.—(Loud cheers from the Opposi-
tion benches.) My measure shall contain a provision
that at that period of the year, namely on the
Ist of February, 1849, oats, barley, and wheat, shall
be subject to a nominal rate of duty, which I have
already proposed to affix to Indian corn.—(Hear, hear.)
My impression as to the policy of providing immediate
relief for a great portion of the people remains un-
changed. I cannot admit—and I sincerely regret it—
but I cannot admit that I take an erroneous estimate of
the pressure for relief which, before the arrival of the
next harvest, may arise. I think,, not only looking
at the prospects of the next spring, but looking at the
consequences of the deficiency in Ireland, that it is of the
greatest importance, as far as legislation can take pre-
caution against the suffering, which it was painful to
consider might prevail. Indeed, I wish it were
possible to take advantage of these uuhappy
circumstances, and extract benefit from them,
namely, by introducing in Ireland a taste for a higher
description of food. The potato, in which there was
such a deficiency and disease, is the food of millions of
our fellow countrymen. We have, then, to consider
what provision is to be made ; for we cannot make
an immediate change in the tastes of the people.
I propose to make such a reduction on the present
duties as shall realize a great part of the advantages
which would attend the opening of the ports. I pro-
pose that there should be a great reduction in the amount,
and that amount so reduced should continue for a limited
period, and afterwards be changed into a merely nominal
duty. My colleagues and myself have addressed our-
selves to the subject with the greatest diligence and im-
partiality, and the result of that has been the law which
we now propose to meet the present exigencies and
great wants of the country. According to the
present law, the rate of duty upon other de-
scriptions of grain has been regulated by the rate of
duty on wheat. Now, with regard to barley, oats, peas,
and other inferior grains, we propose that there shall
be a reduction in the same ratio—a reduction of a corre-
spon'ing amount with the principle now stated. J pro-
pose, from the passing of this Act, that all colonial wheat
shall be admitted at a merely nominal duty.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers) I also propose that the duties on
meal, the produce of the colonies, shall be removed.—
(Cheers.) I can see no reason why they should be any
longer retained. Thus, I offer to those who insist on
the immediate and unconditional repeal of these laws—
I offer the immediate admission, free of duty,
of all kinds of colonial grain.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
I propose to admit, as I said before, maize from the
United States, du 'y free. Well, then, we now pr• pose
the following ditties up to the Ist of February,
1849. That from the colonial possessions all corn
shall be imported duty free. That from all
foreign countries, that when corn shall be under
48s. there shall be a duty of 10s.; above 495., it shall be
be at an invariable duty of 4s. With respect to wheat
a9ns.d; a
ta nsd3sw.,h esns a; t
asnOds. 7s.
w,
hen;
it asthsals.le,x6cs. ;
eed wsh4ein.,
iatt,sb2asi
there shall be a duty of 4s. I think that after having laid
before the House the general rates of duty, it will be
better that I should not go more into the details as
they will all appear in the morning in the
printed papers. As I said before, there shall
be a duty of 4s. on foreign wheat from
the present date. This, then, is our proposition.
We propose to accompany that arrangement with other
provisions, calculated—l will not say to give compensa-
tion—but calculated, in my firm belief, materially to
advance the interests of that portion of the community
which, after the lapse of three years, will be called
upon to relinquish that protection which has, up
to this time, been extended to them. I believe that
this is a just arrangement, and that whilst it will
promote the interests of other portions of the country
it will also lead to their own advantage. I thank them
for the way in which they have borne their burdens,
and to the example which they have thus set to other
portions of the community: I am obliged to them for
the forbearance which they have exercised. I will
now state what are the measures with which we
propose to accompany this present reduction
and ultimately an extension of the measures which I
believe will be of great advantage to that portion of the
public, with whose welfare the interests of the whole
country are bound up—the farmers. I am perfectly
aware that there are burdens which press heavily upon
them, some of which are, in my opinion,
capable of alleviation—not by putting them on
other articles, but by introducing a reform in the
administration of the local measures of which they have
reason to complain. But first let me take the existing
arrangement with respect to one great source of ex-
penditure—the one great burden which is constantly
and justly complained of by those engaged in agri-
cultural pursuits I mean the amount of rates
levied in connection with highways. (Hear.)
Well, now, is it not possible, without subjecting
other parties to the expense of supporting the highways,
to introduce an useful reform into that expenditure, by
which they would experience a great relief ? I believe
it to be possible. Why, what is the practice with re •
spect to the highways of this country ? There are
16,000 different local authorities, each of which have the
charge of roads. Now, each of these highways becom-
ing of great importance, as railways advanced, turnpike-
roads and highways now oflit tie importance, will become of
considerable value and importance. But what can be
more defective than the system that places a highway,
which is a continuous channel of communication, and
which passes through different parishes under the con-
trol of different parishes and different local trustees;.
The result is, as I have said, that the total number of
persons who'.have the management of the highways in
this country is not less than 16,000. It is the practice
of these trustees to appoint a surveyor in each parish,
who knows nothing whatever about the matter
l
Evaertenqwiufhirtiheedhis
tioosffibeeer
regulatedmateriallydid
alaltered,
e rs
etAidi
is quite unnecessary. Indeed, the present entire osi-
tion of the system for regulating the highways is posi-
tion
voluntary- union for the purposell)(7 re
has led to a very bad and defective system of a
ievwanhcieesh; buse:aesrai several
is
nagement. One of the modes of management m
ay there is hardly an instance. of this A.
bgathyst.
tfiotriosiftaniPs oaoffirnleciaewmitehinclatisl,t
parishes
sry that is the very3bn reason
car-
ried into effect.—(Hear, t entermeet d le
being into
thosea
ce ear, hear.) Now, in order to re-
medy this, what I propose will not only have the effect
of affording relief to the agriculturists from the burden

which this system imposes on them, but I also propose
to alter this power from a voluntary to a compulsory
one, in order that the parish authorities may be com-
pelled to practiee this superintendence which is now but
voluntary; and if you agree to that you will then have
only 600 authorities instead of 16,000.—(Hear, hear.)
I would propose to make the guardians of the unions
the parties upon whom it would be compulsory
to appoint a competent surveyor to discharge the duties
to which I have alluded. With regard to the system of
the voluntary union of parishes, I will first read a state-
ment I hold in my hand of the results of a different mode
of management adopted in a district of the north of
about 70 miles in extent. (The Right Hon. Baronet
then read the document, in which it was
stated that by a different mode of management
the expenses had been reduced very materially. In
one instance where the charge upon the parish for the
maintenance of highways was from 6d. to 9d. in
the pound, while many was completely thrown away,
they now had better roads, and the tax was
reduced to from Is. 2d. to 3d. in the pound, and in other
districts the reduction was from 3d. to 4d. in the pound.(
I now come to deal with a law which has for a long
time been very justly complained of by the agricul-
turists. I mean the law of settlement.—(Hear, hear.)
There is one law, of which the agriculturists com-
plain, and very justly, and that is the Poor-law settle-
ment. In the time of prosperity many of the people
are employed in manufacturing towns, and a great
portion of a man's life is often consumed as a
manufacturing labourer. The whole of his character
for good conduct and industry is derived from the town
in which he works. A revulsion in trade takes place,
and then what is the course adopted ? The man and
his family are sent back to the rural dis-
trict from which they came. The man who has
sent his life as a manufacturer returns to the rural
districts, his usual eccupations are interrupted, and he
is quite unfitted for his new occupation. He is trans•
ferred to a new home, and separated from his con-
nexions, and of course his moral feeling is destroyed.
I will therefore propose, for the purpose of re-
lieving the land from such a burden, and in order
to do justice to the labouring man, that an industrial
residence in any parish for five years without the corn •
mission of any offence, shall give to the individual a set-
tlemement, and the power of removing him shall be taken
away. In the case of such a man after having
devoted five years to labour, his claim for support shall
not be on the place of his original settlement, but shall
be on the place where the price of his labour and in-
dustry has been bestowed.—(Lou heers.) In 1842,
when great distress prevailed in lhe manufacturing
districts, the practice was that the manufacturers who
had settlements in the agricultural districts
were at once returned to their original settle-
ment. What I now propose will be a great im-
provement, and, therefore, after the passing of
this law, no person who has resided for more than
five years in any parish shall be removed
fram that parish. No residence in prison—in arty lunatic
asylum—in hospital—or in any poor-house, or receiving
relief, to be counted as part of the time, and neither shall
it be reckoned as an interruption to the time. Not only
shall this extend to the man, but to his children, and to
the children of his wife—legitimate or illegitimate, under
the age of 16 years,. and such children shall not be re-
moved where the removal of the person himself is forbidden.
that there shall not be the power of separating the chil-
dren from their parents, and that every man shall have
the power, the right of requiring support, not from his
place of settlement, but birth. At present, immediately
upon the death of a labouring man in the manufacturing
districts the widow of that man is removed. Now, we
shall propose that no widow residing with her husband
at the time of his death shall be removable for
twelve months from the parish in which her
husband resided. At present, when a man's
health is wasted by extreme labour he has no course
to adopt but to leave e ork. Now, we propose that in
sickness an asylum shall be found for him, and there
shall be no power of removal from the manufacturing to
the rural districts.---(Hear, hear.) This, I tiunk,
will be considered an alteration of the law by
which great social advantages will be obtained,
and at the same time relief to the agricultural districts.
—(Hear, hear.) I now approach 'mother matter in
respect to which lam prepared to advise that which,
without loss to any other portion of the community,
e ill be a great advantage, not only to the
agricultural, but all the best interests of the
country. There is a dread of competition if the duty
is removed, but that competition may be met by skill
and industry, and in order that the English farmer may
compete w iCht he foreigner, we propose that the State shall
encourage agricultural improvements. Now on that subject
the evidence with respect to the entailed estates is
most important, because it shows that, by means of im-
provement, there is a means of greatly improving the
produce of the land. It shows, also, that there
are immense districts in this country that might
be very greatly improved by means of draining.
The difficulty attending on any scheme of meeting the
defective system of draining is shown in the re-
port I have alluded to. There have been various schemes
proposed, and some of them by an Honourable Friend
of mine, to facilitate agricultural improvements, but
they have been met with great difficulties in conse-
quence of the interfe rtnee of the fermers.
The great difficulty has been the raising of money
on entailed estates, so as to afford satisfactory security
to those who might advance it.—(Hear. hear.) Te ob-
viate this, 1 intend that the public credit shall be em-
ployed in order to effect agricultural improvements, by
advancing sums of money on certain terms. Those
sums of money I intend shall be advanced when
application is made that improvements are to be
effected, accompanied with a statement and a proper
estimate of how it is to be expended.— (Hear, hear.)
Hitherto, if we made advances of Exchequer-bills, it
was on a high rate of interest ; but in the present case,
in advising an application of the public credit to effect
agricultural improvements,' propose that the Exchequer-
bill Commissioners shall be empowered to make advances
to the proprietors of estates at a moderate annual charge.
These grants, I propose, shall be made through
the advice of a Board that ie now in existence—l mean
the Board of Inclosures. The Inclosure Commissioners
I propose shall make all inquiries respecting what parts
of the country should undergo improvement ;
they shall receive all applications for money, calcu-
lating the value of the land, the improvements
proposed, and the amount of the expense they
will cost; which done, they shall report the result
in a circular to the Exchequer-bill Commissioners who
in that case shall on their advice make the advances re-
commended, it being arranged that the money so ad-
vanced shall have paid on it an annual rate
of interest, and also that the principal shall be re-
paid in regular yearly instalments.—(Hear.) But in
this course I propose that in all cases where there are
heavy burdens on land—where there are prior claims to
meet by advances on mortgage or otherwise —that no
advances shall be made by the Exchequer-bill Commis-
sioners without the consent of the party having the lien.
In all such cases, however, I apprehend par
ties will perceive it to be their interest
to consent to such advances, as they will
lead to great improvements in the land, and do much to
enhance their interests in the property. I believe
an arrangement of this kind will be found a groat
benefit ; that the objections to it on the
ground of entailed estates may be obviated, and the
expenses so applied, I am certain, as to advance the
interests of all proprietors, and lead to great agri-
cultural improvements in the country.—(Hear, hear.)
I do not limit the amount of improvements to these
merely local advantages. I believe that the spirit of
improvement generated by this plan will go on pro-
gressively. I believe that every proprietor of land will
follow the example set him by scientific men, and
strive to improve his estate, and that this innova-
tion on the part of the Government will lead to an ex-
tended spirit of agricultural im provementover the country.
—(Hear, hear.) Well, that is another mode in
which we propose to enable the agricultural interest to
meet the competition with which they may be threatened
on the withdrawal of the duty. Now, with respect to the
direct local burdens, I have given the most serious
consideration to this subject, and I cannot advise any
material alteration of the system on which the
assessments take place. There is no doubt that
a sum is levied under the name of poor
rate, which is employed • partly for the
purpose of relieving the poor, and partly for other ob-
jects. It is said, and said with some apparent justice,
that this is a charge upon land, and that, therefore, there
ought to ba a very great alteration in the principle en
which levies of that kind were made. Now, in point of
fact, this charge is not a charge upon land.—(Hear,
hear.) As far as this charge is concerned, the oppo-
sition is not one between the country and
the towns—the opposition is not one between
land and other interests, the opposition is one that arises
between real and personal property. But it must be
remembered that real property includes mines, houses,
and manuractures, and it is such real property as this
that is subject to this assessment. It might possibly be
considered just, and it might perhaps be advantageous,
to make personal property subject to a charge for
the maintenance of the poor, but you must
recollect that the charge is a local charge,
and not a general tax. The land could, however, gain
nothing by making personal property liable from this
rate. It will be no advantage to the land if the same
principle were carried out in Manchester, Stockport,
and other manufacturing towns. It would be only a dif-
ferent distribution of the burden within that locality.
You may say, subject personal property to the change,
but
if you do you must also subject personal
property in the rural districts.—(Hear, hear.) But
now how will you levy small charges on houses? It is
possible to levy a charge for the general purposes of the
country, but if you come to levy an amount small as
this on personal property, you may depend on it
that this sort of inquisition will not be tolerated.
So far from it being a benefit to the land—considering
that the charge is always a local one—so far from it being
a benefit to the land to raise the amount by means of an
inquisition instituted by mere parochial authorities, it
would be a burden to the land. Now, I am quite willing
to admit that there might be parishes in which there may
be a large rural and a large manufacturing population.
Well, in parishes so situated, then, I do admit
that I think the assessment an unjust one.
I am not prepared to suggest any mode
of removing that evil, but I cannot think
that there would be any advantage whatever
to the land, considering that the charge is a local one,
in the establishment of an institution for the purpose
of making inquires as to the amount to be raised.
If you do so, you must inquire into the profits
of trade, and the profits of the farmer might also be
made the subject of inquiry. You certainly have
been charged upon personal property. But even there
exceptions were taken— (The rest of the sentence was
lost, in consequence of the Right Hon. Baronet at the
moment turning his back to the gallery.) lam aware
that the State might take upon itself the maintenance of
the poor ; but I um sure that there would be the greatest
objection to that and while the charge continues to be