The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-10 00:00:00

other hands.—( Hear, hear.) He had expected that the Noble
Lord (Lord John Russell) at the opposite side, . who
had spoke of past differences, regardiog the slng
scale, though a convert to free trade principles, only since
last November, would have had a better right to bring forward
the present measure than had the Right Hon. Baronet.—
( Hear, hear.) He regretted that the Noble Lord had made
use of an expression which should convey a slur on the Hon.
Members opposed to him, which was to the effect that, had the
same support been given him by Members who at pruent tup-
ported the Right Hon. Baronet, he would have carried a simi -
lar measure.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I alluded to the year 1841. I did
not refer to anything that has occurred recently.
Mr. HERBERT continued—He should admit the sound-
ness of the Noble Lord's arguments; but at the same time he
should say that no support was ever more frankly or freely
offered than was theirs.—( Hear, and cheers.) He wished to
know, if ruin was to come on the land, through the importation
of foreign grain, by reason of the present measure. He wished
it would be told what countries the abundance would come
from.—( Hear, hear.) If they went to Dantzic they could
purchase Polish wheat ; but he doubted if it could be got free
on board at as cheap a rate as it could at present be purchased
at home.—( Hear, hear.) So far from the corn-laws having
produced an unsteadiness in price, if they looked to the last
twenty years, they would find that fluctuation was
less at present than in the year 1815. In Spain, where
corn was grown cheaper than in any country in the world,
they had to import grain from America ; and he ( Mr. Her-
bert) should say that he found a great alteration of opinion
amongst the public at large, and particularly amongst the agri-
culturists and tenant farmers on the question of protection.—
( Hear, hear.) It was not long since that a meeting took place
in a part of the country called Goatacre. He was not prepared
to deny that these working men were not drawn together by
their own agencies, but he would say that all the statements
they advanced as to the manner in which they lived were per-
fectly true. He, for one, lived in the midst of a population
of considerable extent, and he scarcely knew how they existed,
He knew, however, that whether these facts were or were
not true, the investigation of them could do no harm to the Go-
vernment.—( Hear, hear.) He confessed be had heard other
arguments more cogent than the extension of commerce, and
the advancement of the trade of the country. He saw that
the question must be settled, and that this was the time in
which it could be best settled with honour.—( Ironical cheers
from the Protection benches, and loud cheers from the Op-
position side of the House.) Honourable Gentlemen might
have a different opinion as to what constituted a settle-
ment of the question, or to the honour of which he
was speaking. He was speaking, not of the honour of the
Government, nor of personal honour, but of what he con-
ceived was justifiable and expedient as an honest man.—
( Ironical cheers.) He said, after much inquiry and careful
deliberation he, as an honest man, had found good reason for
changing his opinion on the corn-laws. He had not lightly
abandoned the opinions and convictions he had previously en..
tertained, but, despite the threats which had been held out,
against the advice of many friends and advisers, and though the
terror of his constituents had been employed to intimidate him,
he had followed the dictates of his conscience rather than their
influence and dictation.—(Hear, hear.) He said that all this
would take place, and that it would be the subject of
deep mortification to many ; but, at the same
time, he knew his duty to them, as well as
what he owed his country.—(Hear, hear.) He had, there-
; fore, taken his present course, honestly to aot for the public
good. So much for personal honour ; but the honour to
1 which he alluded, when interrupted, was the honour of the
country gentlemen, who had now the opportunity of conceding
the measure without danger. There was no danger in the
qui,st:on at present, whatever there might be if it was de-
layed. They could now allow the question to be settled with
honour, which would not be the cue did they succeed in de-
feating the proposition submitted to the House. They had
against them parties of great weight, independent of the agita-
tion of the Anti-Corn-law League—an association conducted
by men of great energy and perseverance, who would not stay
their exertions till they succeeded in their object.—( Hear.) He
did not however call on the country gentlemen to yield to that
agitation, but to the dictates of reason. If they did not yield
to reason, they would be obliged to yield to another power—not
a power of reason or agitation, but a more material and
dangerous force. But he would suggest a stronger motive
than any he had done. The public mind was not in
the same state it was in 1815. In those days
the Government had not the support of the people.
In 1841, when the Noble Lord the Member or the
City of London brought forward his budget, he (Mr.
Sidney Herbert) supported the principle of free trade, but
objected to its application, thinking corn an exception to the
rule. He had seen reason to alter that opinion, and now the
public mind was more enlightened, and men of all political parties
and commercial and trading interests joined together to give
effect to this measure, They saw that the corn-laws were a tax
to benefit one class at the expense of another. Honourable
Gentlemen had said that the Parliamentary party of the Go-
vernment was broken up. Surely they did not mean to say
that the great Tory or Conservative party were bound together
only by a question of customs or imports—that they
placed their existence on a mere political arrangement.
The corn-laws were not a part of the constitution, but rather
opposed to its spirit. In former times the public mind was so
sensitive regarding an import of this kind, that when
the duty on corn was but sixpence a quarter, that
duty had had to be suspended. He maintained that
these laws were contrary to the whole spirit of the
constitution. He was not one to make that constitution more
democratic than it was, as democracy was in some instances
rather more like despotism than what it professed to be. He
wished to preserve the aristocratic elements in it, as he con-
sidered them essential to the proper working of the Constitu-
tion ; and on these grounds he said to them,
do not act in opposition to the measure—do not in
any manner interfere so as to occasion its rejection.
Let them recollect that great changes had taken place in their
manufacturing and social arrangements. These manufacturing
arrangements had been increased to an enormous extent.
There might be many who doubted the propriety of these
extensions—who questioned the morality of numbers congre-
gating—who doubted where fidelity to the state could exist in
such multitudes. But he could assure the House that one of
the means of diffusing wealth was the keeping up the springs
of society. Their wealth was that which maintained
their colonial empire—that which had given them the
dominion of the world. Let them remember, too, that if they
wished to disseminate their religion, their libertie-, and their
faith, they could do it in no surer way than by the very menu-
faciures that they sent abroad.—( Cheers.) Let them also
recollect that the men who extended these benefits were
entitled to some portion of them. His Noble Friend who had
opened the debate on the first night had, in a most
eloquent address, fully characteristic of himself, stated that
the Conservative party were interested in the security, peace,
and welfare of the Constitution of this country. How much
more then were they dependent, who had all to lose and nothing
to gain by any interruption to the peace of the country.
Manufacturers had for a long time flourished, not
because they were of the customs' growth, but
because they were of the same existence with the country.
He wished to see the agricultural and manufacturing
interests at peace, joined in an inseperable union. He believed
that the Government wished to cement that union—and he
believe i further that when the agriculturists themselves came
properly to appreciate their position, they would be glad of the
chance that had offered of thus extricating themselves.—
( Hear.) He believed that they would now pursue their avocation
without doubt or apprehension, and he believed also that
that prejudice which had before existed between classes would be
swept away. The Government now offered them the oppor-
tunity of repairing the greatest error that was ever committed
by any body of men. —(Cheers.) But the landed proprietors
of this country had also contributed to the burdens of the
State. They had assisted its resources; they had provided
its eminent men in every department. But, however, he
might affirm this, he was willing to admit that the
law of 1815 was a great error.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. )
The Government now wished to repair the error.—( Hear,
hear.) Would they accept it ?—(Cheers.) His own mind
had been long made up. He hoped he had now done his duty.
He believed that the propositions of the Right Hon. Baronet
at the head of the Government were not only intended for the
benefit of the country, but the agriculturists themselves. He
trusted they would throw all prejudices aside—that the 3 would
weigh the question aright; and let them be assured of this,
that these propositions had been made for the good of the coun-
try and for that alone.—( Cheers.)
The debate was then adjourned.
CITATIONS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
This Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com-
mitted to-morrow.
DRAINAGE (IRELAND) BILL.
The committal of this Bill was postponed till to-day.
GRAND JURIES (IRELAND) BILL.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
authorise Grand Juries in Ireland, at the Spring Assizes of the
present year, to appoint Extraordinary Presentment Sessions ;
to empower such Sessions to make presentment for county
works, and to provide funds for the execution of such
works by loans of public money. The Right Hon.
Baronet subseqently brought in the Bill, which was read a first
time, and ordered to be read a second time to-day.
The remaining orders of the day were then disposed of, and
the House adjourned at One o'clock.