The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-29 00:00:00

was not in a progressive state—until they could prove that the
wants of the population did not increase with their growing
numbers—until they did all this, he would
rather trust to the
sagacity and foresight of her Majesty's Ministers, who had, in
his opinion, only introduced this measure at a period when it
was really required. For himself he would only say, that even
if he had not changed his opinion upon this subject he would
never have joined in the outcry which bad been raised against
Perhaps the most eminent statesman who had ever ruled the
destinies of this great country. Whatever, therefore, might be
the fate of this measure. whether it were to pass into a law, or
whether it were to be rejected by their Lordships, this country
still would be deeply indebted to that Minister for the series of
admirable measures he had brought forward, and for his endea-
vours to raise the country from the slough of despondency in
which he had found it.—(lmmense cheering.) The present
measure was admitted by all to he not a factious one ; it
.pos-
sessed in itself all the elements of success; and even if It
should disappoint the expectations which had been formed of it,
the country would acquit that Minister of any blame in conse-
quence. It would increase the comforts of the labouring
classes, it would extend the advantages of commerce, which
under the protective system had been paralysed, and when
time should have obliterated all party feelings, the name of
this Minister would be looked up to by all posterity with gra-
titude and admiration. lie should give his hearty support to

this measure.
The Earl of EGLINTON said, that since he had the ho-
nour of seconding the address to her Majesty's speech from
thane
by
v e robtruded s
addressing
himselfeer y
few
wo theord
words
noticeto
o their
Lordships, and, f
therefore, he trusted they would excuse him
thethe throne,House furtherhe had non the present occasion. Like the Noble Earl, who
had just sat down, he (Lord Eglinton) had no doubt of the
propriety of the course he was pursuing, but, unlike him, he
bad not changed his opinions—( Cheers and counter-cheers)—
for he had adhered to those Conservative principles which,
from the very first, he had advocated. He doubted not that it
would be a wise and temperate course to modify opinions in
order to insure the unanimity of a party, but there was
a point beyond which they could not go. and where
a blind obedience to the dictum of a leader would
be most reprehensible. He was of opinion that
they had never reached that point, and when they found the
leader who had, in times gone pant, inculcated those principles,
prostituting his excellent talents, and deserting those principles
and the party who held them, he considered that further
obedience to him would be most reprehensible.
He did not wish to be personal, though on occasions
like the present it was too much the habit to indulge
in personality, and ascribe to those who.might differ from
them, all kinds of improper and dishonourable motives.
He would beg to say that he had to) much respect fcr
those who occupied the Ministerial benches, too much respect
for their Lordships' House for one moment to indulge in am
observations of the kind. How much he might lament the
course which they had judged it expedient to pursue, liow
much he might blame their facility in yielding to a line of
policy which he considered as pregnant with danger to the
c untry, yet he believed they were ac much actuated for the
general good as the warmest and bitterest of their opponents.
And though it might appear very strange to him that out of a
Cabinet of 13 one only should have been found to have come
out unscathed from the furnace, still hi believed that her Ma-
jesty's Government were not actuated by any love of office, but
that the party were influenced by an extraordinary want of
firmness of purpose and a more extraordinary admiration of their
leader, but he considered it a legitimate subject to inquire
into a change of opinion. In the first place, the failure of the
potato crop had been denied by the Noble Lerd in his opening
speech upon the measure, as the influencing cause of the change,
but he (Lord EgJington) must beg leave to differ from him,
and exaggerated statements of a failure was the reason for the
introduction of the measure. He did not mean to say that
those statements were entirely without foundation, He did
believe that there was a partial failure of the potato crop, but
it was not of sufficient amount to involve the consequence of a
famine. Some of the poorer inhabitants ran a risk of incur-
ring more than their usual quantum of suffering, and it cer-
tainly was the duty of Government to interpose to
the best of their ability; and if he thought this
Bill would hare the effect of relieving distress—if he
considered that it would prevent the suffering of one poor
family, he would support the Bill; but he did not think it
would have any such effect. A great many measures could
have been found to alleviate distress. An increase of the
income-tax might have been imposed, but how the present
measure could have the effect of providing against the famine
in Ireland was quite out of his power to comprehend.
There was no scarcity of provisions in Ireland ; the only
scarcity that was felt there was a scarcity of money, and he
could conceive no measure less calculated to benefit Ireland
than the present. Ireland was strictly an agricultural c( -entry,
and ;thousands of its acres were uncultivated, and if there was
anything more incumbdnt on them than another, it would be
to pass measures calculated to reclaim these lands. But he
put it to them was the present measure calculated to have any
such effect ? On the contrary, it put an end to all agricultural
enterprise. But then, forsooth, they were told that they had
been pampered into sloth by protection, and that competition
would infuse life into them, and that where they at present
grew three qrs. of wheat they would grow five qrs. But he
did not understand how competition, which necessarily
induced low prices, could have any such effect.
Could the landowners, who depended for their incomes on
the rents of their lands, afford to lay out the necessary expendi-
ture, which would involve the probability of the produce of
five years instead of three.—( Hear, hear.) He was particu-
larly interested in the state of Scotland, and he believed that
the present measure would be most injurious to the farmers in
the western district of Scotland, who lived in the manner of
labourers, he should like to know how they would be able to
compete with the low-priced corn. They had laid out all their
money on their ground, and now, when they expected to
reap some return, they were to be delayed by a sup-
ply of corn, at a cheaper rate than they were
able to produce it. Bad land could not compete
with the very low price, and it would be thrown back into
grass, which it could hardly produce. Then, as regarded the
principle of competition, suppose a new railway was to be
started in competition against an old-established one, both
having the same termini, he would put it to them, would it
conduce to the prosperity of the old? And if they had
cheaper fares, even under a better management, would
it tend to make their dividends 5 per cent. instead of 3 ?
If after the ample discussion whiol. /204 been given to thin mea-
sure and after the deliberate opinions of the people, it should
be decided that the country must be governed on the principles
of free trade, he for one was not prepared to say that that
House should stand-in the way of the avowed wishes of the
nation.—( Hear, hear.) As hereditary guardians of the people,
as the protectors of their rights, as Peers of Great Britain. he
called upon them to reject this Bill.—( Hear, hear.) Ho
besought the Noble Duke, without whose assent this Bill could
not appear before their Lordships, he besought him to steed
forth once more as the protector of that country which he had
so often saved. He called upon the Noble Lords opposite who
adhered to those principles of protection which they had al-
ways advocated in common with himself though they differed very
materially ou other points. Laws might be re-enacted, statutes
might be repealed, but character once gone could never be
regained. He besought their Lordships not to share in
the degradation which this ill-omened measure had brought
upon the public character of British statesmen—( Cheers)—
and which he feared would cast a foul blot upon them in after
ages.—( Loud cheers.)
Earl DALHOUSIE and Lbrd BEAUMONT here rose simulta-
neously to address the House, and contested their right to do
so for several minutes, during a scene of the greatest confusion.
The latter Noble Lord struck the table several times in the
most violent manner, and in the midst of most vociferous cries
of " Dalhousie" and " Beaumont" shouted " I move the ad-
journment of this House." Earl Dalhousie at length gave
way,
Lord
BEAUMONT, in a most excited state—l am surprised
that the Noble Earl should persist in his attempt to prevent
me from addressing your Lordships, because I said to him
across the table that I would occupy but a few minutes of
your Lordships' time—(Cheers)—feeling anxious, as he is, and
all your Lordships must be, that this debate should conclude.—
(Cheers.) And when I rose it was tor the purpose of confin-
ing myself to a very few remarks. Although I confess, my
Lords, it is with rain I do contract my observations into a
small compass, because I feel much on the subject. I have
thought much on this subject.—(Cheers.) I have attended
to every speech that has been made on this subject, and I do
think that there are certain points which have not
yet been aileded to.--( Hear, hear.) But, my Lords,
notwithstanding this strong feeling, I will still keep
the pledge I should have given, and if your Lordships will but
lend me your attention for a few minutes—(Cheers)—you will
find that I will not detain you long. —( Cheers.) If, my Lords,
in those few remarks which I feel it my ditty to address to
you, I do not dwell on that portion of the subject on which so
much stress has been made in other parts of this discussion, I
mean that strange change of opinion which has come over cer-
tain Noble Lords,l trust you will not impute it, by my silence on
that subject, to any small value that I may be supposed to put
upon the consistency of character in public men. I feel
as much as any man the shock which public morality must have
received by this uncalled-for and injurious measure. And
if the question of the conduct of the Government were brought
forward separately, I myself would move a resolution, the
object of which would be to reprobate their conduct, for on
such a subject I would feel it my duty to vote for such a re-
solution as that.—( Hear, hear.) But on the present occa-
sion, my Lords, I would confine myself to the subject before
you, because it is my wish that this subject should be treated
on its own merits. I wish, my Lords, to come to a consider-
ation, whether or no, you are now to abandon that principle,
which for so many years as guided your commercial qualities.;
and supposing you to come to that resolution, whether the
measure proposed by the Government is the best mode of so
doing ?—( Hear, hear.) These were the grounds, my Lords,
on which I hoped to have seen this measure discussed, and
the only grounds. I need not say, my Lords, new at this late
end of the debate, that my vote shall be given against this mea-
sure. You have based this measure on its real ground, for with the
exception of two Noble Friends, who sit together, the Noble
Marquis and the Noble Earl who spoke on the former occa-
sion, if any arguments have been brought forward in favour of
the Government measure. lam sure we have bad none from
the Government themselves. What was the case in regard to
the Noble Earl who opened the debate? He wasted a long period
in trying to bring forward an excuse for his vote on this question,
a long list of votes against his secretly entertained opinions:—
( Hear, hear.) The larger portion of the Noble Earl's speech
was to the effect that he entertained free-trade principles, but
he did not venture to vote in accordance.—( Hear, hear.)
The remainder of the Noble Earl's speech was a feeble attempt
at argument with regard to the grounds and principles of this
measure. After partially abandoning the cry of famine in
Ireland, he said, My Lords, I know that it will he
satisfactory, notwithstanding the distress in Ireland, that ~,ra
i
u theya n t i twi eesr
were
has
aboutbeento
importedenhance
this country.
article and necessary of life—to lose the benefit of the price to
be obtained by the competition of a single market in order to
Tnhe immense
factmense was,q
enhance the price of food. Such seemed to be the object of
every projector
of the Bill. He was aware that a great at-
tempt had been made to show a deficiency in the crops of
potatoes in Ireland. This he drew from the last returns sent
to England; but a great deficiency had occurred in the potato
crop, and the natural consequence was, that the peasantry
would neglect the culture of potatoes for white crops. What-
ever might be the eloquence employed upon the subject, no
charge whatever could be made respecting the points before the
House ; and when the balance of trade was talked of, it was of
little consequence on which side this balance was to rest, but
certainly, when there was anything to poise, it might well
be asked on which side the advantage was to be gained.
They were told that gold was to pay for the exchange
of goods, and gold was to be the grand maximum of faith in
exchange. When he looked to this balance of trade, he
thought that there were certain countries trading to each other,
and that the result was the difference in expense, the difference
being the respective value of manufactures in this country.
From the returns that had been made to Parliament, he was
led to believe that the principle they went upon was the value
of labour.---( Cheers. )
Lord BROUG HAM was quite sorry to interrupt his Noble
Friend.—( Great confusion.)
Earl
The
of WICKLOW really thought this was a grievous
interference with the order of the House.— (Great confusion,
and cries of Order, order.")
Lord BEAUNIONT must really persist, though it was
with
great pain, but it appeared
1 from the returns, both from
Prussia, Russia, and America, that the price of labour,
and the price of wheat had been regulated by the price
of gold. This being the case,he trusted their Lord
ships would look upon the question in the proper light.
Under the operation of the present system English goods were
sold at Trebizand, and other places,
cheaper than in the Eng-
lish market. He not only made this statement, lout he found,