The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-25 00:00:00

RAGGED •CROOLS.

Mr. BENNocx presented a petition from the committee
the Ragged School Union for a grant in aid of their funds.
tie calculated upon the unanimous support of the Court in
a case which called so loudly for the exertions of the bene-
volent. The ragged schools were established for the ex-
press purpose of receiving and giving eduoation to poor
children, the victims of the neglect of abandoned parents, an
important class, shut cut from the benefits which other chil-
dren enjoyed, by the very excea sof the calamity by which they
were overwhelmed. He instanced the wretched children who
inhabited the close, and filthy, and miserable lanes and alleys
about St. Giles's, Saffron-hill, Shoreditcb, and other localities,
with the horrors of which but few who were present could
be acquainted. In London there were, be said, 100,000 chil-
dren, under fourteen years of age, who were wholly destitute
of the rudiments ofeducation, It was to ask the assistance of the
Corporation in the benevolent plan of improving the moral,
social, and religious condition of those helpless fellow crea-
tures the committee came to the Court. Mr. Bennock here
described the efforts made by the numerous unpaid teachers
of the thirty schools now in active operation. He argued
upon the importance of an economical, as well as a moral and
religious point of view, in changing the condition of the
wretched children who belonged to the class from which the
prisons were peopled. He had, he said, visited most of these
schools, in which the poor children, perhaps for the first time
in their lives, heard the accents of encouragement and kind-
ness, and to which they crowded with eagerness and hope;
and he trusted that such objects would not plead in vain to
the Corporation of the City of London.—(Cheers.)
HP c„n-
cluded by moving that the petition be rekred to the Coal,
Corn, and Finance Committee,
Mr. KING seconded the motion;
meusly. which was carried unani-

TUE GAME-LAWS.
Mr. W. HALE, the Chairman of the London School
..,,,mmittee, rose to move that the Court should petition Par-
liament for the repeal of the game-laws. He said it was im-
possible to read the details of the terrible consequences of
the iniquitous game-laws in the newspapers without being
impressed with the opinion that the sooner they were
totally abolished the better. He rejoiced that Par-
liament were engaged in an investigation of the in-
jurious effects of the system which was adopted for
the amusement of a few at the fatal expense of the
many. The moral consequences to the poor were most
serious, as appeared from the multitude of committals which
took place in all parts of the country in which the temptation,
from poverty or other motives, existed. Was it to be for a
moment supposed that a man whose family were almost
starving could see a hare cross his path without making an
effort to supply his wife and children with food by possessing
himself of what he considered as much his property as it was
the property of the man of fortune, who pursued it with
impunity? Some people argued that the individuals who
were tried fir transgressions of the game-lawsiwere not the
meat moral in any part of their conduct. But what rendered
them loose of morals but the existence of those cruel laws
which deprived them of their liberty, and dismissed their
families to the workhouse for an offence which, though
criminal in the eye of the law, could not be made by any in-
genuity other than venial, if regarded in a moral point of
view ?—(Hear.) It was also said that the inhabitants of a
commercial city were not justified in opposing laws which had
no operation as regarded them ; but he called upon the Court
to express its condemnation of every thing calculated to op-
press any part of the population of the empire.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. WILLIAMS seconded the motion for the repeal of laws
which originated in class legislation, and are calculated to
harass and oppress the poor. The. result of every session
bore testimony to the unjust and tyrannical operation of the
game-laws.
Mr. R. TAYLOR supported the motion, and pointed out the
prisons all over the country as evidence of the demoralising
thete tendency dge
gaols
ofi then
hi
hg a
were
a depositedws.
who
onicilacdd
violated those laws, stated they found no other kind of de-
pravity amongst them, and that it was quits impossible to in-
duce them to believe that they had committed any crime.--
(Hear, hear.) Neither morality nor religion intimated to
them that they had not as good a right to possess themselves
of game as those who were out of the reach of necessity, It
was seen in what multitudes labouring men came to town
to the unions. Was it to be wondered that the want which
drove these multitudes to London should drive them to the
adoption of those unlawful practices which often led to the
commission of more awful offences? Let the Court look at
those dreadful conflicts which involved murders, and termi-
nated in execution.—(Hear, hear.) It was a remarkabl.;,
fact, that men who were executed for the fatal consermences
of those conflicts were objects of conimisseration, ;Ind not of
the abhorrence and detestation which marked the departure
of a criminal found guilty of murder under other circum-
stances. The Legislature were, in fact, by continuing the
game-laws, manufacturing poor people into criminals.
Deputy CORNEY opposed to motion. It should, he said,
be recollected that the honest labourers were seldom or never
poachers. The idle and the dissolute, who would not hesitate
to rob the farm-yard of poultry, were the persons who devoted
themselves to the exercise of that nefarious trade.—(Hear.)
Mr. KING agreed with Mr. Corney, that the idle vagabond
and not the industrious man was the poacher who killed
game, and afterwards killed his fellow-creatures.—(Hear,
hear.) He had no sympathy for such depraved characters.
He had no objection to petition Parliament for some altera-
tion of the game-laws, but he could not think of the annihi-
lation of the game-laws, and he had no ambition to hear it
asked in the House of Commons, of himself and his fellow-
citizens, "What are these fools about ?"—(Laughter.) Under
all these circumstances, he should move the previousquestion.
Mr. BOWER supported the original motion. The best
writers agreed in calling the game-laws a fruitful source of
misery and crime. If Parliament laughed at the Corporal ion
for petitioning on such a subject, the laugh must be extended
to nine-tenths of the public, who joined in condemnation of
so oppressive a system.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. T. H. HALL said that his feeling went with those who
had pointed out the game-laws as an immense source of dan-
gerous evils, and not with those who rose to make game of
the question.—( Hear.) He called the attention of the Court
to the evidence, which proved that 44 persons had been
committed to prison by one young gamekeeper, and he
strongly expressed his disregard for the ridicule which might
be visited upon the desire and intention of doing good.
The previous question was then negatived.
Mr. KING then mowed that instead of " repeal," the word
"alteration" should be introduced.
Mr. PRIOR seconded the amendment, which was, however,
ncgatived, and after further discussion the original
motion was carried by a very great majority.

SUDDEN DEATH IN AN OMNINUS.-0 n Wednesday, at
eight o'clock, an inquest was taken before Mr. W. Payne, the City
Coroner, at the Ship, Stones'-end, Borough, on the body of. Mr.
James Langley, aged thirty-nine, lately filling the situation of a
confidential clerk in the firm of Messrs. Teasdales, Symes, and Co.,
t"; 415 14
1
solicitors, Fenchurch-street, who died under the following efrqum.
stances :—About nine o'clock yesterday morning, the
ileee
entered a Camberwell omnibus at the Elephant ankl Castle. When
e e vehicle reached Stones'-end, deceased was suddenly ak
II was immediately attended by Mr. Alcourt, shipowner, Coal
theH t r hs on urgr-elrafyi eo,
fw3h, who stopped
o iding,
wherethe urnbneibdusie,dwilnien a hfeeww
'4l3lltheltltesTeeTdltmo
brother of the deceased was passing at the time, and identified Mu
as he was being conveyed in. Deceased had bean attached to the
above firm tern hie boyhood. Verdict. " Visitation of GaiL"

TALES FROM 7HE GERMAN OF HEIN-
RICH ZSCHOKKE. By Parke Gticlivis.
Perhaps no literature has so suddenly attained such
an eminence in the world of letters as that of Germany,
and, as another well-stream of that same literature,, the_
fictions of ZschOkke are peculiarly interesting, Vie
present translation, though partaking occasionally of
the license of periphrases is nevertheless good, -as -an
exponent of the vein of thought which has gained the
author so. much popularity in " fatherland." BOrn at
Magdeburg, in Prussia, " somewhere about the year
1774," Heinrich Zschake passed through a series of
singular vicissitudes, which no doubt coloured his fancy
with an air of romance, and imparted such a truthful-
ness to his delineations of passion, and his in-
sight into character. An actor, a playwright,
a schoolmaster, a liierateur, he gained a wide
and varied experience ; and in his works the
fruits of that experience are faithfully embodied.
Mr. Godwin tells us as follows :—"ln 1805, our author
was marries', and still lives at a simple and beautiful
country place near Aaran, surrounded by a large family.
and universally esteemed wherever he is known. In the
seventy fourth year of his age, after an intensely exciting
but useful life, he awaits with calmness the summons to
the eternal world." This paragraph alone could not fail
to enlist the interest of the most lymphatic reader, while
the stories themselves contained in this volume would.
confirm the most favourable estimate of his abilities.
There is
.a homely wisdom in the fictions which cannot
fail to exercise an effectual and beneficial influence upon
those who will afford the writer an opportunity of listen-
ing to his teachings. If only as a necessary portion of
the series.of-German novelettes, the book has our com-
mendation.

TIIE CORN BILL OF 1815.
(From the Penzance Gazelle.)
At the present moment the protest against the Corn Bill of
1815, drawn up by Lords Grenville and Wellesley, and bear-
ing, besides their signatures and those of the Dukes of Sussex
and Gloucester, that of the father of the present Duke of
Buckingham, mutt be read with interest:—
"1. Because we are adverse in principle to all new re-
strictions on commerce. We think it certain that. public
prosperity is best promoted by leaving uncontrolled the free
current of national industry • and we wish rather, by well-
the straight an
considered steps, to bring heel our commercial legislation to
aituple line of wisdom, than increase the deviation by subjectin
additional and extensive branches of
the public interest to Fresh systems of artificial and injurious
restriction.
"2. Because we think that the great practical rule of
leaving all commerce unfettered, applies more peculiarly., and
on still stronger grounds of justice, as well asof policy, to
any other.
n our thienfrresist e indeed, must
judgment authorise the
Legislature to tamper with the se
tbheet whern ntrecaessdeittyhanwhitcoh
:,tenance of the people,
and to impede the free 'Ruches► and sale of that article on
which depends the existouvJ of so large a portion of the
community.
" 3. Because we think that tha expectations of ultimate
benefit from this measure are founded on a delusive theory.
We cannot Persuade ourselves that this law will ever contri-
bute to produce plenty, cheapness, or steadiness of price. So
long as it operates at all, its effects must be the opposite of
these. Monopoly is the parent of scarcity, dearness, and of
uncertainty. To cut off any of the sources of supply can only
tend to lessen its abundance ; to close aeuinst ourselves the
cheapest market for any commodity must' enhance the price
at which we purchase it ; and to confine the consumer of
corn to the produce of his own country, is to refuse to our
selves the benefit of that provision which Providence itself
had made for equalising to man the variations of season and
climate.
"4. That whatever may be the future consequences of this
law, at some distant and uncertain period, we see with pain
that those hopes must be purchased at the expense of great _
and present evils. To compel the consumer to purchase corn
dearer at home than it might be imported from abroad, is the
immediate practical effect of this law. In this way alone can.
it operate. Its present protection, its promised extension of
agriculture, must result (if at all) from the profits which it
creates by keeping up the price of corn to an artificial level.
These future benefits are the consequences expected, but, as
we confidently believe, erroneously expected, from giving a bounty to the grower of corn by a tax levied on the con-.
sumer.
"And on all these grounds we are anxious to record our
dis-
sent from a measure so precipitate in its course, and, is we
fear, so injurious in its consequences."

DEPUTY-LIEUTENANTS
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
Sin,—As you before very kindly gave tnsertion to some
observations of mine relative to the pr!sent unjust and par-
tial mode of manufacturing justices of the peace, you will,
perhaps, make room for the fr2;towing remarks relative to
quite as " enlightened" find " useful " a set of animals,
namely, the Deput.Y-I.,ieutanants for all the counties of Eng-
land. Shakspere nas it, "Hy Lord, his fool, in folly hath
outdone i" bin, here" my Lord's fools seem to be even greater
fools than the Lord himself." Be it known, then, to the en-
.li7,:ntened people of the nineteenth century, that a Deputy‘
Lieutenant is an animal of the toad species, always selected
from among what are t• tined the landed aristocracy, which
Means a class of beings possessing more clods tinin brains.
The Deputy-Lieutenant must, however, be considered the
most exemplary and best drilled of all Lieutenants, for he
not `only is to follow the Lord's • commands, but
to be. of the same mind as his Lord, in all things.,
Never, indeed, does the Lord select any as his Deputy-Lieu-
tentnts until he has had ample opportunities of ascertaining
that they are of his opinion in all Illkigs„ Thus a Tory.
gante-preserving, protectionist Lord-Lientenlllrit 'appoints alt
the High Church parsons and domineering and grinding
Tory landlords as his deputies. Now, Sir, I never could per-
ceice the justice, the equity, or the liberality of appointing
any one class or set of seen to rule over their fellows, merely
because they posses 1001. per annum issuing from land. If
money is in any way to confer a qualification, if 1001. per
annum has the magic effect of being able to make an idiot
squire a fit dispenser of our laws, I must confess I can see no
reason why its efficacy is lessened by its proceeding from any
other source than the farm-yard, unless it is that intellect,
cucumber-like, is forced by the surrounding heat of their
dueghills, so as to become at once capable of comprehending
at a glance what it takes other individuals the greater part
of a life to attain to.—l remain, Sir, yours obediently,
L. L. D.