The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-13 00:00:00

11101:11,11ta

LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1846.

Their Lordships commenced business at Five o'clock.
The. Marquis of ELY took the oaths and his seat.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM presented a great number
of petitions from places in the counties of Buckingham
and Oxford against any alteration in the corn•la‘‘s.
The Duke of BCCCLEUCH laid several reports on the
table.
Petitions in favour of the repeal of the corn-laws were
presented by Lord HATHERTON and Earl GREY.
The Earl of DALHOUSIE laid on.the table the report
of the Committee on Railways. The Noble Earl stated
that the object of the resolutions come to by the Com-
mittee was to assimilate the proceedings of the Com-
mittees of the House of Lords with those of the House
of Commons upon Irish Railway Bills. It was his in-
tention to-morrow to move the adoption of the report.
Lord MONTEAGLE gave notice of his intention on
Monday, in case the motion of Lord BEAUMONT, with
respect to the burdens on land, was carried, to move, as
an addition, for a return of the burdens from which
they were exempt, in order that both aides of the ques-
tion might be properly understood.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE moved, pursuant to
notice, fur returns with respect to the commission of
crimes in Ireland. He was shocked to see the increase
of crimes of the deepest dye in that country, and be
could not but think that great blame was due to the
Government. It was not only the combination against
life, but that against property, in Ireland, that ought to
h
put doyen by the Government. The greater part of
Ireland, he asserted unhesitatingly, was in a state of in-
surrection, ction, and no step had been taken by the Govern-
me to put it down. As the law at present existed, the
poor man, if he was honest, must be crushed. The
state of Roscommon was such, thttt life and property
was not protected there. Hthate considered
high time that something should be done with it
was
the criminal law The ,in Ireland.
House hailrespect to
now sat
three weeks, and the intentions of the '(l' (,le,renrmiittent cn
that subject bad not yet been made know nto 1
Earl ST. GERMANS said it was tlteiu.tentionornftitnlite
Government, at an early period, to lay on the tables
of the House a Bill
which he trusted wouldhavisieotbhiee
effect of remedy ing the evils complained of by the

Marquis.
After some obArrations from Earl FARNHAM and

Earl CLARE,
Earl GAMY said he was glad to hear that it was the
intention of the Government to introduce a mea-
sure upon the subject that had been introduced by
his Noble Friend. There was something radi-
cally wrong in the state of Ireland, which required
Legislative enactments to remedy. Ile hoped, when the
measure was introduced, some account would be given of
the general policy of the Government with respect to
Ireland.'

The returns were then agreed to, and the House ad-
journed.

The House met at Four o'clock.
____

The Marquis of CHANDOS took the oaths and his seat
for Buckingham, and Lord HENRY LENNoX for Chi-
chester.

On the motion of Lord GRANyILLE SOMERSET, di?,
s.coui report of the Coraraittee ou Uaileveya witA agreed
t 3 after 4 §hort discussion.

Ile had no fear of famine from our being dependent on
foreigners for a supply of corn. It would always be the
interest of foreigners to sell to us, and as long as we were
wiling to buy from them they would sell to us, and it
would be impossible for their Governments to prevent
them. He gave his hearty concurrence to the Ministe-
rial proposition.
Mr. G. HEATHCOTE, notwithstanding the levity with
which the Ministry treated the subject, still thought
that consistency was of some value. When his own
friends, the late Government, had brought for-
ward measures which he thought detrimental to
agriculture he had opposed them, and now
that the Right Honourable Baronet opposite had
brought forward measures ten thousand times more
mischievous, and accompanied by a desertion of prin-
ciple unequalled in the annals.of political tergiversati.in,
he should give them every opposition in his power.
They deprived agriculture of all protection ; they conti
nued to manufactures a protection of 10 per cent., end
this they called an equitable settlement of the question.
The compensation of which so much bad been talked
was nothing. The Government would lend their money
upon good security ; any money-lender would do the
the same, and the compensation offered was perfectly illu-
sory. As to their recent prosperity, they were indebted
to the Hon. Member for Sunderland and.his railways,
and not to the Right Hon. Baronet and his tariff. The
electi•ms that had taken place of late years showed the
triumph of protection. Free trade had not succeeded
even in great towns. Free trade in England was a
farce until the other countries of the world had altered

their tariffs. It was idle to say that a Corn Bill, which
would not come into operation for three years, would
have the effect of averting the famine that was im-
pending over Ireland. He felt bound to support the
amendment.

Mr. W. MARTIN supported the Government propo-
sition.

Mr. THOMAS BARING opposed the motion. Consi-
dering the grounds on which the Right Hon. Baronet
at the head of the Government had proposed his
changes, they were inconclusive and uncalled for. It
was with great pain that he voted against those with
whom he was usually associated, but his duty com-
pelled him to do so. Cheap bread was a great blessing,
but that blessing would be greatly decreased if there
was a less demand for labour, which he believed would
be the result of carrying the Right Hon. Baronet's
proposition. He believed the question of the corn laws
ought to be settled by mutual concessions.
Lord MORPETII then addressed the House. He be-

lievcd that the time for compromise on the subject of the
corn-laws had gone by ; a compromise was
once offered and rejected. He believed that
the recovery of the seat he now filled for the West
Riding of Yorkshire spoke volumes as to the opinion of
the people on the question of free trade. The proposi-
tion of the Right lion. Baronet was most truly called
comprehensive, for it meddled with manufactures as
it did with agriculture. The manufacturers did not com-
plain of this, all they asked for was a clear stage and
no favotn, and why the agriculturists should
wish to have unequal odds with them he was at a loss to
imagine. He thought the Right Hon. Baronet had
nothing to be ashamed of in having been forced to
change his opinions by circumstances over which man
had no control. No aristocracy could :stand with the
existence of a corn-law which, in the time of need, would

prom to be prohibitory. He conjured those who be-
longed to the aristocracy of the country to put aside all
selfish feelings, and join hand and heart in the settle-
ment of a question, which, if not adjusted with them,
would be adjusted in spite of them. Let them be the
leader;, and not the laggers of the onward march of the
British people• He would give his hearty support to
the proposition of the Government.
Mr. GASKILL had still to learn what circumstances
had occurred that called upon a Parliament el. cted to
keep up protection to put an end to it altogether. He
thought that Gentlemen sitting on the Ministerial side
of the House ought not to promote the measure, and that
the present Parliament ought not to sanction it. He be-
lieved that the change of cpinion that had taken place in
the Right Hon. Baronet, and in many Members of the
House, would create the greatest distrust in the country.
He differed from the Right Hon. Baronet, after great
consideration upon this question, and felt bound to vote
for the amendment.
Mr. ROEBUCK had nothing to defend upon this ques-
tion, but everything to assail. He thought the proceed-
ings that had been going on out of the House wits re-
spect
to the resigning of seats, was calculated but little
to raise its member; in the opinion of the people. It was
wonderful that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
the Gt vernmcnt, after a long life, favourable to protec-
tion, should have fixed upon the latter end of the last
year to put an end to it ; and it was equally wonderful
that the Noble Lord, the Member for London, should
have adopted a similar course. It was not a question
with him what party would be broken up by a propo3i-
tion to repeal the corn-laws. Whether the measure
would benefit the country it would be impossible to say;
but he thought that the great change ought to be accom-
panied by other great changes, to prevent the evil con-
sequences which must ensue from over-population.
Mr. Honcsert IlisnE, having five times presented
himself on the hustings as the advocate of protection,
and having each time been returned as a protectionst,
felt bound to oppose the Ministerial measure.
On the motion of Sir 'IICWARD DOUGLAS the debate
was adjourned till to-morrow.
The other orders of the day having been disposed of,
the House adjourned.

The statements made by Lord G. BENTINCK, on Wednes •
day, relative to bonded corn and the proposed reduction of
duty, merit the serious attention of the Goverrnient. His
Lordship seemed anxious that speculators and jobbers
should not be the first to obtain advantage, and an enormous
advantage too, from a boon intended by Sir ROBERT PEEL
for the manufacturing and labouring classes. It appeared,
said his Lordship, that there were in bond 914,548 qrs. of
wheat and 451,464 cwt. of flour. The operation of the pro-
posed measure would be, to reduce the duty from 16s. (at
which it stood, according to the last average,) to 45., and the
whole of that bonded wheat would be entered for home
consumption at the low duty of 4a., and the difference
would not be gained by the consumers, but by
the corn-dealers, thereby granting by Act of Parliament
a sum of about half a million sterling to a comparatively
small number of individuals. All this comes of the sliding-
scale, and this conetant legislative interference with the
food of man ; but still it appears extremely unfair,
in fact, it holds out a premium on gambling, to al-
low such a large sum to be thus appropriated,
not according to the Act, in reference to which
the corn-dealers imported the grain, but one totally dif-
ferent. The parties who may thus profit by the change
can have uo reason to complain, should the Government
be able to devise some plan by which the revenue shall
not suffer, and provision be at the same time made fur an
ample supply of foreign grain. It would have been
satisfactory, therefore, had Lord G. BENTINCK proposed
such a plan, instead of simply stating the grievance. Where
there is a will, however, there is a way, though we fear this
proverb may not be applicable to Mr. Gounnuarr ; and we
think that some of the members of the Cabinet, with clearer
intellects than the Chancellor of the Exchequer, might
easily arrange matters to the satisfaction of the public.
The quantity of grain bonded up to a certain period
previous to which no grounds existed that wheat would be
admitted at 45., can be easily ascertained, and on that a
higher duty might be charged than en wheat imported
under different circumstances. In such a case the corn-
dealers could complain of no unfair advantage being
taken of their position ; they would indeed suffer no
real injury, for it appears that large quantities
had been imported on speculation to pay the full duty
as fixed by the existing sliding-scale. In the month of
December alone not less than 8,097 qrs. of wheat and 2,177
cwt. of flour had been taken out of bond at the average
duty for that month. It has been argued, on the other
hand, that the public would be the sufferers, as the grain
in bond on the passing of the Bill would at once be
brought into the market. But that is not a sufficient reason.
Large quantities of wheat are pouring in for the purpose of
being at once taken out of bond when the duty is reduced.
Even from the United States alone an ample supply may be
expected before the discussions iu the Commons and
Lords are brought to a close, and the Bill be-
comes law ; and neither the public nor the farmers
in the meantime would suffer. The revenue, too, by such a
plan, would be increased, and the Government, therefore,
could better afford a large grant for the relief of the starving
Irish. We were not disappointed in not finding any satis-
factory answer from the Chancellor of the Exchequer
to the application, for we expected none, and
is
sfa:vcrocdeusGrs
f.
againstull lrn Ttitixetchi ce turf,
title only explanation Le gave was founded on error.
State
edexcellent calculator, like all those
ti.nrae wneioeru.ld
able ten
et
case, as
onassetatheidlbliys
the former, was perfectly clear and intelligible, while the
latter mystified the subject in his usual manner, and would
not admit the argument that, because the duty on foreign
corn was Ws., the corn now in bond would be brought
into market at 4s. "If his Noble Friend," continued
Mr. GOULBUItN, " would look to the returns on the table
of the llouse, and would look to the periods at
which corn was imported, and the periods at which it
came into the market, he would find there was a great deal of
importation under the sliding-scale, not for the purpose of
bringing in the corn at the high duty which existed
when it was imported, but for the purpose of bringing it
in at a shilling duty when the prices would admit of the
itsbatnotduttoy."be This
admittedis no
at
simwpourtawhtiaotneveorf,
per quarter for three years to come, and the duty
rorrn corna t
till then is to be 4s. the quarter when wheat is at 535. and
up.-Wards. Does the Chancellor of the Exchequer mean that

Several petitions were presented in favour of and
against railway Bills.
On the motion of Lord G. SOMERSET, the following
Members were appointed a Committee for the elassifi-

cation of Railway Bills:—Lord COURTENAY, Mr. Fox
MAULE, Mr. W. PATTEN, Sir W. SOMERVILLE, and Mr.

PA KINGTON.

Mr. HUDSON brought up the Newcastle and Darling-
ton Railway Bill.
Several Railway Bills having been introduced, and
various petitions presented,

Admiral DUNDAS said that he understood it was in-
ended to send Captain JOHNSTONE, who had been tried
;or murder recently at the Old Bailey, to some colony

The man certainly ought to be hanged, and he hoped he
would not be transported. He also wished to know if it
was intended to institute an examination of persons
before they were permitted to assume the office of
masters of merchant seamen vessels.

Sir J. GRAHAM said the Government had no power
over Captain JOHNSTONE, he having been acquitted
on the ground of insanity, except to keep him in a state

of close confinement in Bedlam for life. - He also stated
that it was the intention of Government to take mea

sures for examining the masters of merchant vessels
before their appointment.

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT, in answer to a question,

stated that the rubject of providing a retirement for staff
officers It as under the consideration of her Majesty's
Government, and that the China medals, to the amount
of 17,0001, would be ready for distribution in the course
of a short time.

Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN complained of certain inac-
curacies in the published statistical reports of the Board
of Trade, and took the opportunity of indulging in a
personal attack on Mr. WGREGOR.
Sir GEORGE CLERK said the Honourable Gentleman
had given no notice of his question, but that if he would
_ _

state to the Board in what the errors consisted, he A ould
take care the subject should be inquired into.

After a few words from Lord SEYMOUR and Mr.
MILNER GIBSON, Mr..T. DUNCOMBE said he had seen
Mr. M.GREGon since the attack had been mad-

in his statements the other night, and that it appeared
that the error complained of was merely a typographical

one, and no error of calculation.
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN having stated that he intended
no personal attack on Mr. M‘GnEoon, the subject

dropped.
The adjourned debate was then resumed by
Mr. CULQUHOUN, who assured the Right Hon.
Baronet at the head of the Government that he was

mistaken in stating that he (Mr. Colquhoun) had at one
time held opinions in favour of the doctrine of total and
immediate repeal of the corn-l.aws, ant; that now he held
doctrines of protection. lie had not been in favour
of total and immediate repeal, but he had been in favour
of a fixed duty, and in 1838 and 1839 be bad voted for

the motion of Mr. VILLIERS for a Committee on those

grounds, and in that division he bad voted with Lord

JOHN RUSSELL, Mr. LABOUCUERE, and Mr. F. BARING,
all at that time advocates of a fixed duty ; and at
the time that he had contested Kilmarnock with Dr. Bo-
w he had declared himself in favour of a fixed duty,
and of the principle of protection to agriculture. lie
believed it would be impossible to maintain the prin-

ciple without the sympathy and consent of the
manufacturing classes, and he believed that at that
time those classes had been in favour of a fixed duty,
and he could not help thinking that seven years ego

a fixed duty would have afforded a satisfactory settle
meut of the question. He would confess that he could
not hare voted in favour of an abstra:t resoluti n—in

favour of protection generally—for he held the opinions
which had been propounded by Mr. lIVSKISSON ; and
so far as the policy of the Right Hun. Baronet had
carried out those opinions, he had afforded the
Right Honourable Baronet his support. But
the Right Honourable Baronet could not quote the
authority of Mr. HomirssoN in support of his present
policy. Mr. Huseassox withdrew protection from
manufactures, but he continued it to agriculture; be-
cause it was the duty of every state to impose upon
foreign commodities duties equal in amount to those
leried on domestic products. Manufacture possessed such
natural advantages in the mineral rLhes of the couutt y
that it stood in no need of protection ; but agriculture,
from the uncertainty of the seasons, labour( d under

great natural disadvantages, and therefore stood in need
of protection. The arguments of the Right Hon•
ourable Baronet for withdrawing protection were not
tenable. The causes of the enhanced prices of
food were not the alterations of the tariff, bat the agricul-
tural panic, which limited the supply, the failure of the
green and grass crops, the murrain in cattle, and the
additional employmeet afforded to the labouring classes
by the formation of the new railways. Then, with re-
gard to the argument of wages, he could not agree
with the Right Hon. Baronet in opinion, that the
price of wages was not affected by the price of food.
He considered that the arguments brought forvrard on
that point iu 1839 were unanswerable ; and although it
might be very well for the Hon. Secretary to say we
have changed our opinions, and therefore there is an
end of our former arguments—there was not an end
of them—there they stood, as strong, as able,
as convincing arguments as ever. The Right
Honourable Baronet might have done with those
arguments, but they had not. Wages did not imme-
diately follow the price of provi-eins, but they did ulti-
mately ; if from any came the labour market should
become glutted, how low soever the 1 rice of food might
fall, the rate of wages would fall in a still greater ratio ;
and he would direct their attention to the social condition
of Ireland as an example of what must result from such
a state of things. He denied that the repeal of the corn-
laws would give such an increased development to our
manufacturing industry as to raise the rate of wages.
The great development of our manufacturing industry
during the present century had not produced that effect,
and the repeal of the corn-laws would not greatly in-
crease that development. It was practising a delusion
on the working classes to tell them that they would
receive the same rate of wages after the repeal of
the corn- laws that they had received before that repeal.
Ile did not think it was possible for any measures of
commercial legislation to improve the condition of the
labouring classes or to raise the rate of their wages. It
could only be done by dirt ct legislative "nterferencr, or
interference that they were told was contrary to the
dextrines of political economy, but if they did not inter•
fere to improve the condition of the labouring classes they
would find that there would eventually be a convulsion
hich would shake society to its very foundations.
Admitting that the rer.eal would produce a develop-
ment of foreign trade, a deficient harvest in this
country would produce a deficient demand
for manufactures from the home market, and
the increased development of the foreign market
would not make up for the deficiency in the home
market. Then, again, they would, by removing protec-
tion, elistroy their colonial market, for the loss of which
no development of their foreign commerce could compen-
sate them. The present proposition was not a free tree
code—silks, ear:henwares, and lace wereprotected. Why
was that protection retained ? Because the Hight lion.
Baronet thought they were not strong enough to stand
alone. Why, then, should it be removed from agricul-
ture ? He would like to see the Honourable Member
for Durham take a farm in Buckinghamshire on a lease,
and cultivate it on the principles of free trade, as be bad
once said he should like to do ; and he thought that the
lion. Gentleman, before his lease was out, would be
glad to take advantage of any flaw in the lease to break
it, and get rid of his bargain. He asked them in corn
mon justice, if they continued protection to any
manufacture, to continue it to that which was
the most precarious in its results agriculture.
It was evident that ever since the Hon. Baronet
had assumed office be had never been earnestin his defence
of the cause of protection, while it had been vigorously,
ably, and earnestly attacked by the Hon. Member
for Stockport. Our other institutions ,would be attacked,
and they would only be defended by one who was
earnestin his defence of those institutions. The Right Hon.
Baronet was not in earnest in their defence, and therefore
he would not repose any further confidence in the
Right lion. Baronet or his Government. His opposi-
tion to them was sincere and earnest, and he saw no
chalice of its being removed, so long as the Right for.
Baronet, with his evasions of discussion, should remain
the master-spirit of the Cabinet.
Mr. C. WYNN regretted to find that on this subject
he differed from a large meeting of his constituency—a
misfortune which had not before happened to him for
nearly half a century that he had represented them. He
was aware that it had been said that our forefathers
had adopted the doctrines of protection, but he
rated their authority as very high in matters relating to
commercial legislation. On the subject of com-
merce, trade, and agriculture, their legislation
had been a series of :mischievous meddling,
and it was only until the days ,of Mr. PITT and Lord
G Mc:VILLE that just principles of commercial legisla-
tion were acknowledged and acted on. He had
always been an advocate for the relaxation of
prohibitory and protective duties, but he had
always felt the weight of tine argument which
was urged in favour of agricultural protection ; but it
would be unfair to remove it while protection was con-
tinned to manufactures. But now dist the measure
for the removal of protection to agriculture was not
brought forward as an isolatd ms asure, but as
part of . a great scheme for- the hzmoval of pro-
tection generally, he felt bound sq support it.

the corn-dealers will keep their wheat in bond for three years,
and lose one-half of it by waste, in order that they may im-
port it at a duty of ls.? We agree with the more trusty
calculator, and have no doubt that they wcald throw it upon
the market at once.

A wonderful outcry has recently been raised among the
agricultural gentlemen' about the " unconstitutional " exer-
tions made by the Anti-Corn•law League. They have
swaggered very much about the virginity and the disin-
terested nature of their own cause ; continence of purpose has,
according to their account, added additional lustre to a guess
tion originally pure and magnanimous. By action and by
utterance, they have bruited forth against that remarkable
body epithets but a single hair's breadth from being libellous.
They have, in fact, proceeded so far as to assert that it is
scarcely legal.. But while they have indulged themselves
with these excusable ebullitions of malignity, they have
not been sparing in allusions the most flattering
to their own integrity. If we may repose implicit
credenCe in their insinuations, they were the most
barbarously treated, single-minded, generous, and up-
right characters in the universe. From all these eupho-
nious expressions of self-adulation, however, we can merely
discover one that is strictly and entirely applicable to them-
selves—they are, beyond a question, the most single-minded
of rational beings. But single-minded only, inasmuch as the
whole of their faculties are occupied by one superior and
exclusive object—self! Self-emolument, self perpetuation
self-importance, and self applause— as fir as these particulars
are concerned they are marvellously Lingle-minded indeed.
With reference to the candour of their proceedings
and their straightforward adherence to what is usually
considered "fair play," we must be permitted to utter a few
sentences of the most decided and complete dissensience.
Plentiful have the Neophytes of the New Bond-street mystery
become, and hence we are more particularly resolved upon
advancing a downright and unmistakeable nesative to their
assumption of purity in motive and in movement. In the
recent efforts made by certain Right Hon. Members of the
Upper House, we concsive—and our estimate must necessa-
rily, be corroborated by every right thinker that
one of the most comprehensive principles in the British Con-
stitution has been either voluntarily disregarded or altogether
lost sight of—namely, the non-interference cf Peers in the
election of representatives. This, we repeat, is one of the
most fundamental principles in our political state ; destroy it,
allow the oligarchy by their moral influence to tamper
with the freedom of county or borough elections,
and the Government by triple force—the Government by the
Monarch, the Nobility and the Commons—is subverted, and
transposed, and utterly annulled. By such a dangerous in-
terference the main vigour and efficacy of the State becomes
vested in the Peers; under such a species of party.domina-
tion the representatives of the people become little better
than puppets. To point out the precise application of
these remarks, it will be sufficient is all conscience to parti-
cularise one or two of the numerous cases which have re-
cently occurred, wherein several Noble Lords have acted
a rather prominent and impolitic part. As these in •
stances have severally been detailed in our columns
as they transpired, we need but mention the names_of the
personages implicated. What, for example, could be more
apparent than the electioneering impulse thrown into the con-
stituency of Newark by his Grace of NEWCASTLE? At
Chichester, too, Lord Mousy LENNOX is a worthy automaton
for the wire-pulling of the Protectionist Association ; while
in the instance of that doomed and luckless borough

of Buckingham, the heir to the dukedom is a suit-
able creature for the dictation of a paternal land-
lord. The Marquis of CIIANDOS will pr6ve no undu-
tiful adrocate of the spirit for the maintenance oi

which he is thrust upon a credulous or overruled constituency.
It is assuredly not requisite to specify any further occur-
rences of a like nature every one who has observed the
alternate retirements from the Commons, and nominations of
new candidates, must by absolute necessity have remarked
the influence—agitation, instituted at each of the vacated bo-
roughs by the self-appointed directors of the Protectionist'
Association, and the ostensible manner in which the oligarchy
have been instrumental in the selection of such and such can-
didates—fit champions (we had almost said fit mercenaries)
of their most noble patrons. If these proceedings
are not totally and essentially unconstitutionsi, acts the
most subversive of the Executive authority are in accord-
ance with the principles of free government. The facts to
hick we have made this especial allusion cannot
be ' too strongly objected to; they are inimical to the
continuance of an admirably balanced state— they
are opposed to the grandest principles upon
which the English Constitution is founded—they are in
direct antagonism to freedom of thought and liberty of action,
and hence are liable to • exercise a most malign influence
over the nm.tion at large—an influence that will spread rapidly
unless rapidly destroyed.

Madrid journals of the 4th state that the discussion on the
new electoral law commenced that day in the Chamber of
Deputies. The general tenor of the Bill Was approved, and
next day the articles were to be taken into consideration
separately; also an amendment, proposing that each Deputy
must possess landed property, the rent of which shall exceed
2001., or pay 201. direct contribution. The Infante Don

ll►:cnlQur had arrived at Ferrol.
On the Bourse the Three per Cents closed at 32 9-16 for
cash, and 33 at GO days, and the Fives at 23%, also 60 days.

In the Frerch Chamber of Deputies the Secret Service
Money Bill was presented on Monday by M. DUCIIATEL, the
Minister of the Interior. This Bill, or. former occasions, was
generally delayed for some months after the opening of the
session, and gave rise to keen debates. Indeed, it was con-
sidered as a test of party in the Chainber, but the Ministry
having been so successful in the divisions on the Address,
consider it best to lose no time, and put matters beyond
doubt at once. This decision has given great offence to the
Oppositior, as they looked forward to another protracted
debate some weeks hence, when circumstances unfavourable
to the Ministry might come to their aid. In introducing
the measure M. DUCIIATEL made these remarks :—" In
compliance with the KING'S commands, we have come to
demand the extraordinary •credit which the wants of the
have yearrequired for the expenses of the secret
often assured you that this sum of 1,000,000
francsservice
. e-Ne every
aViscArcely sufficient. In more serious and difficult
circumstances, a larger sum would be necessary. The
credit constantly voted by the Chambers since 1840
ca: not be reduced without danger; it is a fact which
they, ever., who have repeatedly moved amendment in the
debates on the secret money service seem to have acknow-
ledged. Confined to very feeble sums, the amendment
supported by the Opposition and rejected by the Chamber
had the character of a political vote, and did not bear
on the service itself. A year ago, the Bill we have now
again the honour of presenting to you gave rise to a
dscisive debate on the Government's policy. We had, our-
selves, deemed it necessary to provoke that debate. At pre:
sent the general situation of affairs does not impose upon us
the same duty. You have just appreciated in its ensemble
and details the internal and external policy of the Cabinet.
No-doubt can arise in the public mind as to the Chambers'
judgment on it. It is but for the sake of the public service
that we demand the extraordinary credit of which the votes
of the Chatnters have, for fifteen years past, always pro-
claimed the necessity."

The Minister of War presented a Bill for opening an ex-
traordinary credit of 24,000,000 on the estimates of 1845 and
1846 for the service of Algeria. The Chamber then pro-
ceeded to discuss a Bill for preventing the adulteration of
wine, which it appears is carried on to an enormous extent,
throughbut France, but more especially at Paris.
The Journal des Dehats confirms the report which
appeared in The Sun yesterday, that the Duke D'AUMALE
was to set out without delay for Algiers. A letter from that
place, which appears in the Presse, says—" A great morta
lity prevails at present amongst our soldiers in the three pro-
vinces of Algiers, Orar., and Constantino- The hospitals are
crowded, and, if we are well informed, upwards of GOO men
have fallen Victims to fever or dysentery, in the province of
Algiers alone, during the month of December. Add to that
the disasters that have occurred in the province of Constan-
tine, and the excessive fatigues of the last campaign in the
west, and the moral discouragement of our soldiers may be
imagined."

Atelegraphie dispatch received at Paris announces the
arrival of the Indian mail at Marseilles, on Monday morning,
at nine o'clock—all safe.

On the Paris Bourse it was generally understood that it is in con-
templation by the Minister of Finance to bring in a Bill to comrcl
parties who have caution money to lodge with the Government, on
any occasion whore such a proceeding may be necessary, to make
that deposit in stock instt ad of cash ; the result has been a consider-
able advance, Three per Cents. closing at 84f. 75c., and Five per
as follows :—Three per Cents., for cash, 84f. 75e. • for Account,
Cents., at 123 f. 75c. for the end of the month. The market closed
741. 75c.; Five per Cents., for ca
h,
123 f. 50c. ; for 'Account, 123 f.
nsc. ; Bank of France Shares. 3,440 f. ; Neapolitan, 101 f. 75e. Spa-
7ish and New Loan, not quoted.
The Railway Share-market was less firm, and all the leading lines
left off at a reduction. For cash, PArls and Orleans were last called
'at 1,285 f. ; Paris and Rouen, 1,007 f. 50c. ; Rouen and Havre,
707 f. 50c.; Avignon, 982 f. 50c.; Yierzon, 7001. ; Strasburg and
Bale, 231 f. 25c.; Boulogne and Amiens, 515 f. ; Northern, 765 f. ;
Bordeaux, 640 f. ; Montereau, 455 f. ; Fampoux not quoted.
Defluiti-ves were more In request, and Tours and Nantes were
improved 15r., closing at 593 f. The other lines are also quoted a
shade higher. Lyons, 6171.40 c.; Strasburg, 517 t. 50e.; Avignon-,560f.
BUSINESS DONE- IN FOREt• ;It' RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, FEL 11. -
Bordeaux, Toulouse, andeette (Mackenzie), 214—Ditto (Espeleta),
Ceylon, 1.; —Dutch Rhenish, 7 —East Indian, 134—Great North-
ern of France Constituted, 15—Great - Indian Peninsular, 44 —Great
Western Canada, 3—Jamaica South Midland Junetlon,•3% —Lyons
awl Avignon, 2 —Namur and Liege, 33S—Orleans and Bordeaux,
1114—Paris and Rouen, 383 —Rouen and Havre, 28.

WESTMINSTER ELECTION.--It will be seen from the report
of a meeting, held on Wednesday, that Sir De Lacy Evans
comes forward to dispute the borough with Captain Rous.
In a paragraph which appeared in The Sun of yesterday, we
expressed a hope that no opposition would be made
at present to the Gallant Captain, as he was a de-
termined supporter of Sir Robert Peel's measures,
so generally approved by the whole Liberal party, and we
'tee no reason to change our opinion. We understand that
the electors who attended the meeting were not unanimous
in recommending Sir De Lacy Evans to force on a contest
under these peculiar circumstances, and we have heard a6:i
that the monopolists who wish to see the new tariff rejected,
arc resolved to support a candidate opposed in every respect to
-their views. they will, in fact, vote for Evans, in older to
turn out Rous and annoy the Minister. We believe
Sir De Lacy Evans, from his high character and his liberal
politics, would be ashamed of every vote given from
such unworthy and debasing motives. When the
proper time comes, let bin stand on his own merits;
he will then be able to carry his election without such
meretricious aid, and will find no journal more ready to sup.
' post him than The Sun. Any attempt of the kind at present,
we fear, would injure the Government without benefiting
the Liberal party.. In addition to these reasons; Captain
Rous will be tf great use in the Admiralty. Ile is bent on
reforming our present defective naval system; he will, in fact;

give new life to that department, if we are to place confidence
in repeated statements, and his rejection at present therefore,
when so much is to be done in that respect, would be a great
loss.

We understand that Mr. Tufnell, brother cf thi Mem-
ber for Devonport, has resigned his office of Assistant Poor-
law Commissioner, on the ground of general dissatisfaction
with the present Commissioners, whose treatment of Mr.
Parker is to be the subject of a motion for inquiry in the

House of Commons this evening. - -
ELECTI )N MOVEDIENTS.—Mr. Hililyard. a Notting-
hamshire gentleman, is in the field for South Nottingham-
shire, as a " protectionist," in opposition to the Earl of Lin-
coln. Nothing on Wednesday WRS known as to who would
come forward for the division of North Nottinghamshire, in
the room of the late Mr. H. G. Knight.