The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-06 00:00:00

the facts and arguments to the Duke of Sotomsyor and
the Duke of Valencia, but he found that his-tepreset:-
.

tations were unavailing. Under these circumstances,
he was naturally desirous of giving to those l'epresen-
teasels that weight which they would derive/from its
bring manifest that they came not from himself, but
from his Government. Another motive for patting his
representations in writing was, that by so d4oes they
J.-. I w
%%ere likely to Caine to the knowledge of person 3 to whose
knowledge they would not come if communicated per-
sonall
as of opinion, and I still am of opinion,
that Sir 11. 13ulwer was borne out in the course he pur-
sued, and, therefore, I gave him that approbation, for
which lam responsible.—(llear, hear.) If I had even
doubts, which I have not, as to the discretion which he
exercised, I think that when the dispatch and letter
were rejected as they had been, it would be a shabby
abandonment of a public officer, if I did not arm him
against the Government from which that rejection pro-
ceeded, by giving him the full and entire approval of
the head of the department under which he served.
His letter was not calculated to produce the irritation
which it seems to have excited. It was not transmitted
in that formal manner in which diplomatic documents
are usually communicated. It did not say, " the under-
signed is instructed to inform you," but he says; " I beg
to transmit to you some remarks which I lately received
from the Secretary of State," qualifying the dispatch
which he communicated not as advice to be given, but
as remarks communicated to him on the state of affairs
in Spain. With regard to the right to give friendly ad-
vice, I do not put that simply on the ground of obliga-
tions which we have conferred, not on the ground of gra-
titude due from the Spanish nation and Government for
services rendered by England, though even upon that
ground I ,think we might establish a claim to give
friendly advice for the interest of Spain itself; but I put
it on the higher and more indisputable ground, that we
were liable under treaty to be called on for assistance by
Spain in cases that may arise. The quadruple treaty was
nut an engagement voluteered by this country.. It was
urgently sought forby the Spanish Envoy, who was sent to
this country for the express purpose of entreating the
English Government to step forward and assist Spain.
It was said we gave that assistance because we thought
the Queen of Spain had the best right of the two
claimants. That only formed a part in the decision to
which the Government came. Undoubtedly if we did
not think the Queen of Spain had the best right, we
would not have given her the support asked for; but we
would not have given it merely on that ground,' but be-
cause we believed that her cause was identical with the
liberties area independence of the Spanish nation; and
that the people of Spain were almost universally enlisted
on her side, and that the banner under which they
fought was not the banner of Isabella, but the banner of
the constitution ; and that, therefore, we would be
backed by the approval and support of this country.—
(Hear, hear.) It was upon that ground that -support
was asked for when the first act of that transaction was
complete, and when Don Miguel and Don Carlos were
expelled from Portugal and Spain, and when applica-
tion was made to complete the additional articles,
which applied more specifically to Spain, the ground
on which additional assistance was asked for is
thus stated by M. Martinez de la Rosa:—He dwelt
on the manifold evils which were to be apprehended from
a return of the Pretenders to the Peninsula. Ho said
that the question was not only one relating to the suc-
cession of the thrones of Portugal and Spain, but to
those constitutional principles which agitated Europe,
and which sooner or later would disturb England and
France. It was on that ground that the support of
England was asked for. if that were so, into what
position Would this country be put if we were appealed
to under the conditions of the quadruple treaty, not to
assist the Spanish nation in establishing the constitu-
tion, but for the purpose of enabling the Government to
overturn that constitution, and to establish in Spain that
very despotism against which the treaty was originally
made.—(Hear, hear.) It has been said that it is a
boastful assertion to say that the Queen of Spain owes
her throne to the support of England. It may be boast-
ful, but it is founded on fact. And it has been matter
of reproach to me in this House by gentlemen who
were in favour of the contending Prince. There was on
the one hand the great bulk of the Spanish nation con-
tending for Isabella and the constitution, and on the
other a small party, but a party supported by foreign
influence, whose expenses, as is now well ascertained,
were supplied by large contributions of money from
without.—(Hear, hear.) It was not, therefore, a mere
contest hetween two parties in Spain, but one of a larger
and inure comprehensive description.—(Hear, hear.) We
have been told that non-intervention, in addition to
peace, retrenchment, and reform, was the creed of Lord
Grey's Government. But what did that non-interven-
tion apply to? It was to what was going on in Belgium
where a revolution had taken place, in which it was ap-
prehended that England and other powers would inter-
fere by force of arms to compel the people of Belgium to
acknowledge the authority of the King of the Nether-
lands. But so far was Lord Grey's Government from be-
ing founded on the principle of non-intervention, that one
of the first proceedings they were obliged to adopt was
the joint interference of the Five Powers in the dispute
between Belgium and Holland.—(Hear, hear.) I contend
that iu writing the dispatch of the 16th of March I did
no more than on point of principle the Government was
entitled to do; and when the Right Hon. Baronet thinks
there were words in that dispatch which were not calcu-
lated to conciliate or persuade, my answer is, that it was
not intended to be communicated. Tho Right Hon.
Baronet thinks that there was no allusion to benefits
conferred; but he will find that it is not' so, the allusion
to past benefits being in the subsequent dispatch.—
(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet says that I
both laughed at and knocked down the Government
of Spain; but some Gentlemen think that in that
dispatch I was not spirited enough, and that I
ought to have been more offended than I stated
mysolf to be; whilst others think that I showed too
much irritation. I leave those who entertain these
different opinions t o discuss them amongst themselves.
It appears to me that this is a case in which the British
Government need not be offended; and I belive any
person who reads the note of the Duke of Sotomayor, in
which the dispatch was returned, will say that it is not
calculated to raise any feeling of anger or indignation
in the mind, but that it is calculated to raise a far
different feeling.—(Hear, and laughter.) If I erred in
showing too much forbearance to the Government of
Spain, I can only say that I would rather be blamed for
being too slow in taking offence than for being too prone
or too prompt to resent it.—(Hear,
communications are
hear.) With regard
to the other stage of the matter,
going on with the Minister of Spain on the subject.
When these communications are completed, and
when her Majesty's Government shall be able
to come to a decision, I shall bo prepared to
communicate to Parliament the correspondence
that has passed. While these communications—I will
not now call them negotiations—are passing, I
am sure
the House will feel that it would bo highly improper in
me to state the precise nature of what is passing, or that
I am prepared to lay the
papers on the table of the
House.—(Hear, hear.) Though I declined to have any
direct communication with Count Mirasol, as having no
official capacity and no diplomatic character, and whose
assurances therefore could have no official value, and
whose statements could have no official authenticity, I
nevertheless expressed to M. Isturitz, the Minister of the
Queen of Spain, that her Majesty's Government were
ready to receive any statements which he might think fit
to communicate. I shall only say that, in a country like
Spain, which had been subject to such multiplied
changes, it is difficult for an Ambassador who represents
a foreign court not to hold communications xvith men of
all parties.—(Hear.) In a country where, between 1532
and 1847, there have been 30 Presidents of the Council
—(Laughter)—and 38 Ministers of Foreign Affairs—
(Laughter)—l think it muse have been difficult indeed
for any man having to deal .with those various and suc-
cessive Ministers not to hold social and personal inter-
course with those who for the six months may be in
office, and that it cannot be considered surprising if he
keeps up habits of intimacy with the 'thirty-seven
Ministers of Foreign Affairs besides the one in office, or
the twenty-nine ex-Presideats of the Council, which
were in habits of personal intercourse with him.—
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I really feel, after the
manner in which this question has been discussed, and
after the small difference of opinion on the material
points which has prevailed, that I easy leave the matter
in the hands of the House, little doubting how it will
dispose of the question.—(Hear, hear.) But, if any re-
sponsibility attaches to any person, I am ready to take
on myself that responsibility which it is my duty and
my desire to take on myself.—(Hear, bear.) It seems to
be the opinion of all that no blame attaches to Sir H.
Bulwer for his conduct on this occaeion. If that be so
I was right in approving of it also; but if any censure
is due, if any error was committed, ou me let the judg-
rest.—(llear, hear.)
judg-
ment of the House fall, and on me let the responsibility
Mr. HUME said he hoped, after the debate which
they had heard, that the motion would
approved of
the conduct of
be withdrawn.—
(Blilrelalr.,Ehnealwr.e)r,
SpanishnetowardGrnment
towards
the. coun-
aHsefaernatisreallye documents enabled them to
s
judge, and he considered that t
were guilty of the greatest ingratitudetake warning from
this, and would not interfere any more in the affairs of
in Spain had
Mr. URQUHART (who rose amidst strong t
s.—
his
foreignry . l Ice
ohuonpter
ide Nobly Lord ord would
mani-
festations of impatience) said he would only ask the
attention of the House for fiveEn maiundute.s, while he
MinisterTre e
country ever since she
oph
aer
moe
nvme
tdehnec tehhdaantn
He expressedhis intention of sup-
ncounrsdennotf ofthis
asgtio.
attehnredmeddling in the affairs of that coun-
try. (The Honourable Gentleman, as. he
,proceeded,
the d sueh
was met by such
general shouts of disapprobation, renderobser-
vations inaudible.)
porting the motion of the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire,
copse-
' quences of conduct for which all the Cabinet were
as a means of bringing
conshtaonmteFtromosneof
responsible, satisfied that the circumstance of that Noble
Lord being: Foreign Minister, rendered friendly rela-
tions with foreign powers impossible.—(Criee of " Oh.")
Mr. BANKES said he did not wish to divide the
House.
Lord J. RUSSELL—If the Hon. Member does not
divide he must allow the motion to be negatived.
The motion was then put, and negatived without a
division.
The House then went into Committee of Supply, but
immediately resumed.
LAW OF ENTAIL (SCOTLAND) BILL.
Mr. SCOTT hoped that the further consideration of
the report would be postponed. The Bill had been very
briefly discussed in its various stages.
The LORD ADVOCATE had no objection
to post-
pone the Bill until the following evening.
Mr, F. MAULE hoped his Right Hon. Friend would
press the Bill through the present stage, Any discus-
sien could be taken on the third reading.
The further consideration of the report was then post-
poned until to-morrow (this day).
The other orders of the day were then read, and the
House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock.