The Sun.
London, England, 1848-01-18 00:00:00

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is not and

you believe that that internal position o f
that position of the political liberty, of
:ty, and of the religious liberty, is the
,ion of the Swiss Confederation and of its
Europe ? Ido not hesitate to say that
to add that such a state of things must
not subsist.—(Marks of approbation.) Two things
are requisite to make it cease. It is necessary that
the Powers of Europe, who have guaranteed the per-
petual neutrality and the inviolability of the terri-
tory of Switzerland, should continue to understand
each other, to concert among themselves, and to hold
to Switzerland, within the limits of their rights,
as well as of the right of that country, a clear
and decided language. It is necessary, at the same
time, that, Ly the empire of truth, by the in-
fluence of advice loyally given, by the influence
of that understanding, evidently and efficaciously
established between the Powers, a salutary reaction
should be brought about in Switzerland itself; it is
necessary that the sensible men, the honest men of
the interior of Switzerland, should acknowledge the
bad course in which they had been engaged, and
employ themselves efficaciously and energetically to
get out of it, and to get their country out of it. The
Honourable Count de .Montalembert yesterday ad•
dressed to Switzerland, in terminating his speech,
some presentiments—l will not say predictions. The
same thing, said he to Switzerland, will happen to
you that you yourselves have done. You have pre-
ferred conquest to alliance, and you know the evils
of conquest. M. de Montalembert is deceived. No,
nothing of that kind will happen. There is not in
Europe, in the hearts of any of the great Powers
who are treating in this affair—there is not the
shadow, the most distant appearance even
of bad designs or ill-will to Switzerland.
The independence, the prosperity, the neutrality
of Switzerland are today, as in 1815, necessary to
Europe. They are desired and wished for by Europe
altogether. Switzerland has only to return to the
legal, moral, regular order established by the treaties
—to the same order, which is the only one, that suits
both Switzerland herself and Europe. That depends
upon her. I have the confidence and the hope—yes,
I have the confidence that that will arrive, and that
Switzerland will return of herself to that order of
which she has need, and which Europe has the right
to see reigning in her territory. But, I repeat, that
will not arrive except en the condition that the un-
derstanding, the union, the common action of Europe,
shall be evident to the eyes of Switzerland, and shall
give to honest people the strength to do that which
they ought to do, by making them feel the necessity
of it.—(Hear, hear.)
After a few words from the Count de Montalembert
in explanation,
The President read the seventh paragraph of the
address which was adopted without a division.

JANUARY 185 1848.

[PR ICE SD.

which has substituted might for right, a conquest for
an alliance, will one day learn to her cost what the,
abuse of force and conquest is. When she shall,
know it, and when she shall come (not by me, God.
forbid !) to be insulted in her defeat, she will miss, as;
a funeral oration, what is consoling under the greates';
adversity, the respect and sympathies of honest;
men. As to conservative or political Sv%itzerland—
for to me that is the same thing—l shall take the:
liberty of giving her a counsel, which is—not to in-
vite any. foreign power to her aid, to reckon only on.
herself. Let her find strength in union, in a perfect
understanding of her wants, and, above all, in a per-
fect respect fur the principle of religious liberty i • it
is surely time that the Protestant and Catholic Con-
servatives should understand each other. lam of
opinion that the cantonal sovereignty is henceforward
definitively lost ; but the religious sovereignty will.
remain triumphant after so many trials. I shall, on.
that point, only repeat what M. Villemain, a year
back, said of Poland, which I love to compare with
Switzerland A people which watches by its
altars over its nationality cannot perish." The pre-
sent situation may be thus briefly summed up; the
flag which, in 1832 and 1834, you vanquished at
Lyons, has now risen again on the other side of the
Jura, on the most liberal frontiers of France, and with
the support of England; and, in France, you now have
more than in 1832 and 1834, open sympathies, avowed
by the Convention and the Mountain. I do not
ask, it may well be supposed, for any measures of
exception ; but what I desire to witness is that well-
disposed men may open their eyes—may arm them-
selves with resolution. For me, the greatest of evils
is fear. What, think you, has been the origin of all
the catastrophies which have desolated France ? The
fear which the well-disposed have felt of the vilest
wretches.—(Cries of " Yes, yes," approbation.) Let
us not give up to the wicked a monopoly of energy;
let the right-minded defend order at home and
abroad, by testifying their horror and disgust for all
that resembles 1792 and 1793 ; let the principle of
all men, anxious for what is right, be the union of
liberty with order and peace; let us comprehend, by
what has just passed at the other side of the Jura,
how dangerous it is not to tolerate liberty even
amongst those who do not think as we do. Let us not
forget that that liberty has just been betrayed and
immolated through the agency of England, and that
France is bound to be its rallying point and its safe-
guard.—(Loud and continued applause.)

foreign statesmen should not be brought forward in
our discussions. What I then called for I now again
demand for the name of a Noble Lord, yesterday men-
tioned in this tribune. I return to the question itself.

It is true, that independently of the interest of Swit-
zerland—in the interest of European action we have

attributed—l have attributed—a great importance to
the circumstance that England should enter into that
action. I have from the first moment made sacrifices
to arrive at that result. I believe I have a right to
say, that the independence of our policy with regard
to England is now well proved.—(Movement.) It is
fully proved that every time we meet a great national

interest we do not hesitate to do all in our power to
make it prevail. But we have not, and shall not in
future, on that account continue the less to attach ex-

trine importance to the good intelligence between
France and England; we will not continue the less to
think that on great occasions, in the causes of civiliza-
tion and justice, the common action of France and Eng-
land is salutary for the peace of the world. What we
thought one, two, or three years ago, we continue to
think to this day. Every time that, in maintaining
both the independence of our policy and the dignity
of our country and of its government, an occasion
presents itselt of bringing France and England to act
in common in any of the great causes of which I
spoke a little ago, we will do it ; we will attempt
that common action, even if we should have some
inquietude as to the result of our attempts.—(Very
good.) In the question which now occupies us we
should have thought that the action of England, in
common with that of the Continental Powers, would
not have met with any great difficulties. The inte-
rests and the rights of the sovereignty of the cantons
and the relations of the Helvetic Confederation with

Europe had all presented themselves, as I have just
recalled
occasion
of
to fourt
he
revisionrecollection,ofthe
in 1832
comanpdact. 1833,T he
on
the
principal secretary of her Britannic Majesty had at
that time manifested his opinion, and characterized
his policy. Here is a dispatch which, on the 9th of
June, 1832, he addressed to the English Minister to
the Swiss .Confederation, with the order to commu-
nicate it to the Diet. My honourable friend, the
Duke de Broglie, has made allusion to it in his
speech. I demand of the Chamber the liberty to
read it. Lord Palmerston wrote to Mr. Percy on
the 9th of June, 1832 :

IRELAND.
STATE OF THE COUNTRY.
DUBLIN, JAN. 16.—Notwithstanding the positive
assertions to the contrary, there has been a decrease,
and a decided one, in the extent of crime in the dis-
turbed districts of the south since the Special Com-
mission commenced, and the proclamations were issued
by the Lord-Lieutenant, under the Act for the Pre-
vention of Crime. The Limerick Chronicle—an
authority not likely to be questioned on this point—
has deemed it necessary to contradict the statements
of some Dublin Conservative journals, to the effect
that all the measures of the Executive had failed to
produce even a temporary abstinence from crime.
The Limerick Chronicle adds—" There has been no
murder in Clare or Limerick since the Special Com-
mission came down to these counties."

" LORD PALMERSTON TO MR. PERCY.
" Foreign-office, June 9, 1832.
" The events which have passed in Switzerland
during the last session have attracted the attention of

M. GUIZOT'S SPEECH.
The following is the speech delivered by M. Guizot
on the Swiss question, on Saturday, in the Chamber
of Peers :

his Majesty. Great Britain having been a party in
the treaties of 1814 and 1815, by which the neutra-
lity and inviolability of Switzerland have been
guaranteed, and in consequence of which the system
has been established which unites the separate can-
tons in a general confederation, it is impossible that
the Government of his Majesty can see without un-

The President of the Council—Before entering on
the subject under discussion I wish to re-as-
sure the Chamber as to the expression of
" Swiss cantons," employed in the Address.
It is the word consecrated by custom, and is
found in all the credentials delivered to the King's
ambassadors in Switzerland. Thus, therefore, when
the Committee on the Address employs thelexpression
in question, it only makes use of a term generally
used in our relations with Switzerland. Gentlemen,
if anything could inspire me with a sentiment of
regret for having done my whole duty in an important
and complicated matter, and accomplished all the ob-
ligations of a sound and just policy—a regret which
I trust I never shall experience—it would be what
occurs to me in this debate. lam a point of attack
for the most opposite reproaches. I have done too
much or too little—l acted too soon or too late—l
was actuated by good intentions, I carried into effect
good principles, but not efficaciously, not sufficiently.
Why are these contradictory reproaches ? Because
I was unwilling to attach myself to any fixed or exclu-
sive idea—because rwas determined to take into ac•
count all rights, all interests, all facts—because I
wished to present unceasingly to the mind
the whole question, all its elements, all its phases,
and the future as well as the present. I admit that
certain inconveniences have resulted therefrom, and
certain sacrifices were rendered necessary ; still I per-
sist not the less in thinking that I was right, that I
did my duty, and that the future, perhaps at no re-
mote period, will prove it. I consider the arguments
of the Duke de Broglie relative to the question of
right and the points of fact to remain still unanswer-
able. I also accept as legitimate the approbation
which the Duke de Noailles bestowed on the princi-
ples that guided the Government in this matter ; and
I regard as a tribute in our.. favour the deep and vir-
tuous imkressions which Count de.. Montalembert
yesterday made in every heart. These are the
important parts of the question, and what I have to
treat before the Chamber is insignificant when
compared with them. What I have to address you
on is simply the prudence and propriety of the
conduct adopted by the Government towards Swit-
zerland. Gentlemen, since 1830 the policy of France
towards Switzerland has been invariably favourable—
on the one hand to her independence abroad, and
on the other to her liberties at home, and
to the progress of her internal government.
As an irrefragable proof of the truth of this assertion
I can appeal to our conduct on two great occasions :
first, in 1830 and 1831, when were accomplished
the internal revolutions which followed ours, these
revolutions having received the strongest support
from us ; and secondly, in 1832 and 1833, when the
revision of the federal compact occupied the attention
of the whole Confederation. Far from offering any
opposition to that proceeding, we supported, as much
as in us lay, the legitimate exercise of the right of
Switzerland to decide in her own affairs. But when
this question of the revision of the compact was dis-
cussed, we were in presence of a moderate, liberal,
and governmental party, who had no desire to renew
and prolong revolutionary proceedings, but were, on
the contrary, anxious to terminate them and govern
the country regularly. Unfortunately, by the side
of that party, and during the time that it governed
Switzerland, new facts developed themselves. A
religious spirit sprang up with great violence
—a spirit of a dogmatical and ardent character. I
allow that there are dangers attendant on such a spirit,
hut taking everything into consideration, I am of
opinion that it does more good than harm to society.
By the side of that awakening of religious spirit was
placed the progress of the Radical party, for if the
religious sects had been in presence of a moderate and
liberal Government in Switzerland, you would not,
in all probability, have ever heard anything of the
late events. The Radical party is naturally anar-
chical, tyrannical, and profoundly irreligious ; a
struggle, therefore, quickly set in between the Radical
party, having the advantage in the majority of the
cantons, and the religious spirit, active and ardent in
the others. In place of a moderate and prudent Go-
vernment, such as we had previously lived with, we
found ourselves in presence of a Radical one, which
neither dissembled nor repressed, I am forced to
declare, the hostility of their party against the con-
servative policy of the Government of July. In a
great country it is not necessary to pay any marked
attention to the language of journals, or to the out-
breaks of such or such a person in a public meeting,
when by the side of such demonstrations there is a
strong Government to repress them. But when clubs
evidently weigh on the Government, when the men
who govern are themselves governed by what is said
by the journals, how is it possible not to take notice
of what is printed in such publications, and of what
is done in the clubs ? It was that which we were
led to do by the changes, I may almost say the revo-
lutions, effected in most 'of the Swiss cantons. But
what was our conduct then ? Did we menace Swit-
zerland ? Did we assume a belligerent attitude ?
Not in the slightest degree. At the very time that
we felt the necessity of assuming towards Switzer-
land an attitude of observation and warning, at
that very moment we rendered homage to the
principle of the independence of nations and of
foreign governments. We have been accused
of not having gone far enough, of not having spoken
loud enough at first, of not having at once provoked
in Europe preventive and efficacious measures against
what was going on in Switzerland. Why did we
not do so ? From respect for the independence of
the Swiss and of their Government. As long as the
Deputies sat regularly in the Diet and discussed their
affairs legally, by what right could we interfere ? As
long as there was a chance that the affairs of Swit-
zerland could be regulated amongst the Swiss them-
selves, we did not think it fit to go beyond warnings
and advice. We took measures certainly to bring
about promptly an understanding amongst the Powers
of Europe, if such should become necessary ; but we
went no farther. Our respect for right did not
permit us to go beyond that point. But when the
explosion took place, and all reconciliation. amongst
the Swiss themselves was clearly impossible—when
the seven dissentient Deputies withdrew from the
Diet, did we lose a day to offer mediation ? No, we
at once called for the common action of the great
European Powers—of all of them—for we held it to
be most important that the action should unani-
mous. First, in the interest of Switzerland ; because
we were always anxious that all material intervention
should be kept back—that nothing should be
employed but a moral influence, in order that it might
be of use to Switzerland; that action we considered
ought to be unanimous, and that unanimity we care-
fully endeavoured to attain. Next, we sought for it
in the interest of France—in the interest of our gene-
ral policy. And before I enter on this part of the
question, I think it right to remind the Chamber
that three days back demanded that the names of

easiness the prospect of any important changes in the
federal compact, which might affect the political
ralations of Switzerland, with respect to neighbouring

states.

" The Government of his Majesty has been in-
formed by you that a proposition will be made to
the Diet at the period of its approaching meeting, for
the revision of the federal compact. The Govern-

The only agrarian outrage of a serious character in
the Limerick papers is the following:—
"On Thursday evening, during the hours of six
and seven o'clock, an armed party entered the house
of a respectable farmer named Malone, residing near
Goulogue, about a mile and a half from Doonass, beat
him and his son severely, threatening him if he did
not give up the lease of the lands he held from Mr.
Lloyd, of Mount Catherine, they would again visit
him and not leave him so quietly. Malone's wife is
dangerously ill from the effects of the fright. On
Malone's assuring them he had not the lease in the
house, they departed after firing two shots. The.
neighbourhood of this well-conducted man is thickly
inhabited, yet no one came to his assistance."
ADJOURNED SPECIAL COMMISSION AT
LIMERICK.

went of his Majesty has not learned what alterations

in this compact may be expected to be proposed. It
may happen that there are, perhaps, changes which
may be made with advantage in the dispositions of
the compact, and against which no foreign

. .
power could raise any -reasonable objection. But
any alteration which may tend to the destruc-
tion of the independent sovereignty of the se-
parate cantons, and of placing all under the arbi-
trary authority of a central government, will produce
a change of so much importance in the political
condition of Switzerland, with respect to its foreign
relations, and will be so much at variance with the
stipulations under which the neutrality and inviola-
bility of the Swiss territory have been guaranteed,
that the guaranteeing Powers would undoubtedly be
authorised to raise objections against any such change.
The neutrality of Switzerland is essentially at-
tached to the federal system at present established in
that country, and consequently when, in 1815, the
great Powers of Europe proposed, not less for the
general interests of all than for the particular advan-
tage of Switzerland, to invest its territory with the
character of perpetual inviolability:and neutrality, the
contracting Powers required, as an iii+pensable
preliminaiy to such a guarantee on their part, that all
thAcantors, without exception, should sign the federal
051ipact.
" You must therefore lose no time in taking the
necessary steps to acquaint the proper parties with
the sentiments of the English Government. On this
point, you will say that it is very far from being the
intention of the Government of nis Majesty to inter-
fere in the purely internal affairs of the Swiss Go-
vernment, but that in a matter having such direct
relation with the stipulations of the treaties in which
Great Britain is a party, the Government of his Ma-
jesty is persuaded an expression of its opinions, frank
and without reserve, will be received as a proof of
interest and friendship.
" You will say that if the changes which it is in-
tended to propose in the federal compact have relation
solely to reglenientary dispositions, it might be more
prudent to postpone them to a future period, when
the public mind will have become less agitated than
it is at present, for fear that in raising these questions
in the present state of opinion, other and more em-
barrassing discussions may ensue. But if the inten-
tion be to make changes such as militate against the

The judges are to return from Clare to Limerick
on Tuesday next, and on Wednesday they are to
open the adjourned commission. The calendar of
prisoners for trial at the adjourned commission in
Limerick contains the names of ninety-three persons,
and embraces no less than twelve distinct cases of
murder or conspiracy to murder, besides Whiteboy
offences, attacking houses, seizing arms, &c. This is
an appalling exhibition of crime, after the numerous
cases disposed of alrt ady at the commission for. this
county. The first case for trial at Limerick is 'that
of the Q,uains, fur the murder of Mr. Ralph Hill.
LIMERICK, JAN. LS.—TILE COaVLCT3 FOR MUR-
DER.—WiIIiAm Ryan (Purl:), Andre,w_Dea, .and
'John Renihan, under sentence of death in the county
gaol, for murder, nre, we learn with salksqction, all
become reconciled to their ignominious fate, and sin-
cerely penitent. The Rev. Mr. Bourke, Rev. Mr.
Bunton, and the Rev. Mr. Quinlan, of St. John's
parish, visit them daily, also the Sisters of Mercy.
A barrel of gunpowder, in the possession of IVil-
liam Vaughan, a labourer, at Doonas, was discovered
yesterday by the police. We hope the local magis-
trates will look close to such a matter as this,

Ali the villages in the proclaimed counties are to
be occupied by a large military force preparatory to
general search for firearms.
MEETING OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC 8151101.5.—A
provincial journal says—" The Roman Catholic pre-
lates of Ireland will hold another conference in
Dublin, upon the poverty and distreks of their several
dioceses, before the meeting of Parliament on the 3d
of February."

NEW MEMBER OF TUE NATIONAL BOARD OF EDU-
CATION.—James Gibson, Esq., barrister-at-law, has
been appointed, by his Excellency, a member of the
National Board of Education.

independent sovereignty, and the political and separate
existence of the cantons, you will strongly represent
ail the diffiulties and all the dangers that the execu-
tion of such a project will produce, as it appears to be
incompatible with the arrangements established in
virtue of the treaties of 1 8 15. You will observe that
it is altogether improbable that all the cantons will
agree to a plan which would be a manifest injury to
many of them, and that consequently every attempt
to execute such a reform may lead to a civil war."
I ask the lion. Count de la Redorte what difference
he finds between this languague and ours—between
these principles and those which we have supported ?
It is evident that there is none ? It is evident that
the sovereignty of the cantons has been in these latter
times much more seriously attacked and compromised

Father Mathew intends to visit Rome before pro-
ceeding to America.
APPALLING CASE OF DESTITUTION AND DEATH.—
The Limerick Examiner says—" On Wednesday last
an inquest was,held in the neighbourhood of Hospital
under melancholy circumstances. It appears a family.
named Touby, consisting of the mother and four chil-
dren, were in fever, in a temporary hut, erected for
the occasion. On the night of Tuesday the hut took
fire, when the eldest son, Michael, who was nearly
convalescent, exerted all his strength, and succeeded
in removing the mother and three children beyond
the reach of danger, but having returned to see if all
was safe, tile burning hut fell on him, and he was
found next morning a black and shapeless cinder.
The above is the substance of the evidence delivered
at the inquest. The deceased was a fine young man,
about 18 years of age."
The Terrible steam-frigate, which left Cork fcr
,Rnvass. and is not to steam the
passage. The crowded state
or me VCseel
linnet) and naval supernumeraries, prevented General
,Nr
earpri
Charles, commanding in the Tagus.
and hison a familyvisit
tpor o cheies dingrel a ft
voem, CAodvien
rbayi tshier
iehrl e,

by what has taken place in Switzerland than it could
have been in 1832, at the time when the revision of the
compact was treated regularly and constitutionally in
the Diet itself. 1.“ leac2, th. c F.aninn of the
Powers who signed the treaties of Vienna, as to the
meaning of these treaties—as to the rights of sove-
reignty of the cantons—as to the necessary relation
established between these rights and the perpetual
neutrality of Switzerland—that opinion was univer-
sally admittted ; and we might have hoped that', it
would he equally so in present circumstances. It has
been otherwise. We have no right to complain of
this. A Government is quite entitled to modify its
policy ; but when we have made sacrifices of times
sacrifices of language, to have the concurrence of
England to our proposition of mediation, in order
that by our unanimity it might be more
i
effi-
cacious in Switzerland, and we had, I repeat t,
some right to hope that result, and no one can be
surprised that we sought it. For my own part
I do not repent the sacrifices which I advised the
Government of the King to make in order to obtain
the unanimity of which I speak. I regret it the less,
because, although these sacrifices have retarded the
offer, and consequently prevented the efficacy of the
mediation, the Swiss question appears to me to be far
from being terminated, and Europe ought not so soon
to cease to occupy itself with regard to it. I will not,
gentlemen, again place before you the picture which
the Count de Montalembert so eloquently placed before
you yesterday, of the interior position of Switzer-
land. It requires an absolute necessity to induce one
to resolve to bring such facts before you, and in such
language—the only language in which they could be
spoken of. I will limit myself to a resume in a few
words of the melancholy situation of that country.
Whatt do you think of political liberty in a confedera-
tionin which one part of the sovereign states is in the
military occupation of the others, and where troops and
federal representatives preside at the elections ? What
do you think of civil liberty in a confederation where
property is treated as you have seen ; where exile,
.con-
demnations, and fines amounting to confiscation, are
inflicted without trial, not by the tribunals of the
country, but simply by the provisional Government
itself--by the conquerors? They are real war con-
tributions. What think you of civil liberty in a
country where the ancient chiefs of the government
of certain cantons are, at the moment of the elections,
carried out of their cantons, because it is feared that
they will iefluence the elections, and carried to
another canton until the elections shall have been
finished ?—(Llear, hear.) What think you of re-
ligious liberty in a confederation where such facts as
have been brought to your recollection occur, whe-
ther with regard to Protestants or Catholics ? I
wish to add nothing to this but a document, which
I ask the permission of the Chamber to read,
and which proves the state in which the relations
between the civil powers and the Catholic
Church are at the present moment in the
Confederation. It is the protest of the Pope,
Pius IX., transmitted in his name to Switzerland,
and addressed by himself to the Helvetic Confedera-
tion, against all that has passed in that country.
Here it is. [Di. Guizot then read the protest.] Gen-

ALARMING FlRE.—Yesterday morning, between
the hours of five and six, a fire, nearly attended with the
most disastrous consequences, broke out upon the
premises belonging to Mr. James Baldock, the
Kent and Essex Inn, situate in the Kent and
Essex-yard, Whitechapel. The flames originated, from
some unexplained cause, in the front bar, and when first
discovered they were making fearful havoc amongst the
spirits. The whole of the inmates were immediately
aroused, and a messenger was sent for the engines.
There being an abundant supply of water obtained from
the East London mains, the brigade, under Mr. George
Fogo, the foreman of the district, set to work, and after
some time the further progress of the alarming element
was cut off, but not until a considerable quantity of
spirits had been consumed, and the bar burned out.
Fortunately, Mr. Baldock was insured in the Licensed
Victuallers' Fire-office.
In accounts from France it is stated that the pro-
dice of the Marine Salt Works in that country for 1844
amounted to 3,385,495 metrical quintals, valued at
12,984,205 f., and that the manufacture afforded employ-
ment to 15,064 persons. It was understood among par-
ties interested in the exploration of salt-pits that the
Government were desirous of investing:the State with the
privilege of the exclusive management of the sale of this
article, and that with this view a project of law bad been
brought before the Chamber. According to what was
known of the nature of the measure. the proposal appears
to be that the fixed price by the State shall be 2,c. per
kilogramme, and by retailers 30c. In these accounts. it
is
B e,„:goirak.ninmgginflonrg
the in-
terest ds tbheaetnt the
recently attention
di r oe
of
tetlide
to
asserhtea
discovery of zinc. In Liege, where indications have
already proved favourable, so great a desire has been
manifested to engage in adventures of the kind, that
several applications for concessions have latterly been
made to the authorities.
SITTINGS OF TUE COURT OF CIL:Viet:RT.—A me-
morial very numerously signed has been agreed to, and
is on the point of presentation to the Lord Chancellor,
setting forth the great inconvenience and loss of time
occasioned
ito the barristers and almost all the solicitors
practisingg n the Court of Chancery, from its sittings
being held during term time at a place distant from the
Master's offices, and other places of business. It also
states that the Courts at Lincoln's Inn are more commo-
dious to the public as well as the practitioners since the
opening of the new Hall there, which Courts are wholly
unoccupied during term. The memorial then prays that
his Lordship will direct the necessary steps to be taken
for causing the sittings during term at Lincoln's Ilin
during such terms iu which Parliament is not sitting.
A similar memorial is in agitation among the country
solicitors, who are greatly inconvenienced by the Courts
sitting so far from the Law Institution in Chancery-lane.
The returns connected with the Prussian ports of
Konigsberg and Pillau show that the number of vessels
which arrived there during 1847 amounted to 951,
measuring 54,139 lasts. The departures included 9E4
veueli, met wring 57,388 lade.