The Sun.
London, England, 1870-11-14 00:00:00

r 4-- LE-71 117 D
1 Ft.

ANOTHER PROPOSED PLEBISCITE.
TOURS, November 10.

There is serious talk here about applying to the whole
country the Plebiscite which has been so successful in
Paris. It is even said, on good authority, that the Dele-,
gation at Tours has made up its mind, and that the
pigeons bearing the proposal are on their way to Paris.
The advocates of the pl6biscite maintain that the argu-
ments which led to its adoption in Paris apply equally to
all France. There was an en-eute in the capital, and ex-
cesses are committed in the southern cities. The armis-
tice is rejected ; it is necessary to continue the war ; the
assent of all France should be gained before embarking in
such an enterprise. It may be as well to translate part
of the article from the Patrie, which is the leading advo-
cate of the plan.:—
The armistice, says the Patrie, has been rendered im-
possible by the unjustifiable pretentious of Prussia, and
the election and convocation of a National Assembly
have become equally impossible, so that France finds
herself thrown back into the vague and provisional con-
dition which she has been placed in since
the shameful capitulation of Sedan, and the
abrupt revolution of September. At the same
time it is indispensable, under pain of death and suicide,
that France should have a regularly constituted Govern-
ment, empowered by the nation to repress the enemies of
the interior, and to speak in their name to the neutral
Powers as well as to Bismarck. The Go vernm en tof National
Defence must propose to France a plebiscite, couched
in some such terms as these. "The French people recog-
nise the Government created on the 4th of September,
1870, and give it full powers for internal administration,
and for treating with foreign powers, and especially
for concluding a peace, on the condition that directly
after the conclusion of this peace a Constituent
Assembly shall be elected by the nation." The result of
the Paris vote leaves no doubt of the result of the vote of
France. The Government of National Defence will be
recognised by an immense majority. Strengthened by
the authority thus given to it, the Government,
henceforward regular, will easily dispose of the
resistance now offered, and which before the expressed
will of the people will probably disappear of itself. Mar-
seilles, Lyons, Perpignan, and Saint Etienne will be once
more in order. In the present situation of the country,
the election of an Assembly, very difficult with an
armistice, would be impracticable without. Under the
most favourable circumstances the task of col-
lecting an assembly would be a lengthy one.
How much wiser it would be to adopt a plan by which in
three days the whole nation can be consulted, and at the
end of six days MM. Favre, Trochu, and Gambetta can
speak with the same authority as the Ministers of Queen
Victoria or the Czar. The only objection to the. plan is
this—would Prussia allow the invaded departments to
vote on the pldbiscite ? The Patrie believes that she dare
not refuse in presence of the suspicious watchfulness of
Europe. As for Alsace and Lorraine, Bismarck will un-
doubtedly refuse to let them vote. But when your friend
in Greeco or Sicily falls into the hands of brigands you
cannot pause to consider the most orthodox means of
delivering him ; you do the best you can to save him. The
provinces may well entrust their deliverance to the Go-
vernment which said, " Not an inch of our territory,"
The Government must have the sanction of the country.
It will be obliged to ask France for fresh sacrifices of men
and money, and it must be authorised to do so by France
itself.

These are the pleas of the-plebiscite. Englishmen, as a
rule do not believe in such expedient; but in this special
instance there is the argument that the Germans would
be able to exert much less influence upon the plebiscite
than in the choice of a Constituent assembly. The special
objections—not speaking of the general pleas against a
plebiscite—are also strong. It would distract the atten
tion of the people from the business of prosecuting the
war, and so long' as it appears that hostilities
are to proceed, it is desirable that nothing should interfere
with them. Moreover, the opponents of the plebiscite
urge that there is no reason for any extraordinary appeal.
Some cities in the South have displayed considerable
rowdyism, and even mutinied, but in no other part of the
land is there the slightest opposition to the Defence Go-
vernment ; considering that the Ministry took office at a
time of unparalleled confusion and depression, the
obedience to their decrees has been wonderful. It is
urged, too, that the mass of the people are likely to
mistake the complex vote of confidence which it is
proposed to submit, for a simple decision of peace or war,
and vote accordingly. One way suggests another objection
The peasants voted " Oui " at the last plebiscite and got
repaid by the most fearful sufferings. They will in future
be careful of saying " Oui " too rashly. We shall see in a
few days whether the project will come to anything.
The reports of fighting in the Loire arrive constantly.
It appeared a fact that the French have triumphed in one
small engagement. They are certainly pushing forward
and events of importance are impending. Of details there
are as yet none.

COUNT: BISMARCK ON THt PROPOSED

ARMISTICE..

Count Bismarck has addressed the following circular to
the representatives of North Germany abroad:—" The
fact that a statesman of position and experience like M.
Thiers had been accepted by the Paris Government led us
to hope that proposals would be made to which it would be
possible for us to accede. M. Thiers stated that at the
desire of the Neutral Powers France would be ready to
agree to an armistice. Notwithstanding the objections
which stood in the way of a conclusion of an Armistice,
the King allowed his wish to prevail that steps favour.
able to the conclusion of peace might be taken. Count
Bismarck, therefore, offered a suspension of hostilities
for 25 or 28 days on the basis of the military status quo.
He propoied to fix by a line of demarcation the positions
of the two armies in accordance with those respectively
occupied by them on the day of the signing of the
truce. He also proposed that hostilities should be
suspended for four weeks, and that during that time the
elections for a National Assembly and its installation
should be held. On the French side the only consequences
of the Armi-tice would have been the abandonment by
them of the little and inexplicable course they pursue of
wasting their artillery munitions by firing from the guns
of their forts. As regards Alsace, Count Bismarck de-
clared that he insisted upon no stipulation which coal
be considered calling in question the possession of this
German Department by France before the conclusion of
Peace, and that we should make no charge against any
inhabitant of Alsace for appearing as a Deputy in the
French National Assembly. M. Thiers declined these
proposals, and declared that he could only agree to an
armistice on condition that it should embrace an exten-
sive re-victualling of Paris. In reply to the question as
to what equivalent he could make for such a con-
cession, M. Thiers said he could offer none other than
the readiness of. the Paris Gos;ernment to allow the
French nation to choose representatives. The King was
justly surprised at such extravagant military preten-
sions, and deceived in the expectations which he had
associated with the prospect of negotiations with
M. Thiers. The incredible demand that we should
sacrifice the fruits of all the efforts we had made
during two months, and the advantages which we had
achieved, and restore the conditions of the struggle to the
point at which we found them in the beginning of our
investment of Paris, once more proved that pretexts are
sought in the French capital to deny to the nation the
power of recording its votes. At Count Bismarck's ex-
pressed wish that an attempt should be made to bling about
an understanding upon other bases, M. Thiers, on the sth
instant, had an interview with the members of the Paris
Government to propose a short truce, or that elections
should be ordered without a regular convention being
signed for the suspension of hostilities, in which case
Count Bismarck ' promised free intercourse, and the
granting of all facilities consistent with the
s2curity of the German armies. In return M.
Thiers communicated merely the instructions he
had received to break off the negotiations. The course
these negotiations had taken left Count Bismarck
convinced that those now holding the reins of
power in France were not in earnest from the
commencement in the wish to allow the voice of the
French nation to be expressed by a Representative
Assembly, elected by. free votes, and that it was
just as little their intention to bring about an armistice.
They must have been convinced of the impossibility of
their conditions being accepted, and only brought them
forward in order not to give a negative reply to the
neutral Powers whose assistance they hope to obtain."