The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-06 00:00:00

the responsibility for themselves of that conduct.—
(Hear, hear.) I can assure the Noble Lord, however,
that in the speech he delivered he did qualify the appro-
bation of Sir 11. Belwer's conduct, by stating. as he le
represented to have said by the lion. Member for 13ink-
ingeateseire, that the Government would assume the
greater part of the responsibility for the conduct of Sir
n. Bulwer. 'lnc Noble Lord's subsequent exclamation
led me to think that he would adopt the snore manly and
more just course in this case, of adopting fur the Go-
vernment the whole of the responsibility, and identify
themselves with Sir Henry Bulwer. Sin I think it but
just that they should do so. I think it the more incum-
bent on the Government now to adopt that respoeibility,
and to give their sanction, because it appears recorded
in these papers which have been laid before Parliament,
that one of the causes assigned by the Spanish Govern-
ment for removing Sir Henry Bulwer was this, that
public opinion was adverse to him in Spain—
Several Hon. MEMBERS—In England.
Sir It. PEEL—In Spain! The public mind in Spain
was excited, and the papers say, " How can wo reconcile
Spaniards to your maintenance as Minister here, when,
in your own country, the Government gives you up?"
Sir Henry Bulwer was placed in Spain not by the Noble
Lord, but by my Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen, who
preceded him. He was sent there by my Noble Friend;
not from political connexion between them, but because
my Noble Friend thought Sir H. Bulwer's past conduct
iu the profession he had chosen entitled him to the fa-
vour and confidence of the Government, even though he
differed in politics with the Government.—(Hear, hear.)
My Noble Friend thought, and thought most justly, that
the diplomatic profession should not, be made subser-
vient to the commotions of party politics.—(Hear, hear.)
His Noble Friend thought that the diplomatic profes-
sion partook of the character of the naval and military
professions, and that it would be most unjust that a
man who had entered into the profession and had
proved himself worthy the confidence of any Govern-
ment should be removed from the position to which
his abilities entitled him merely because he differed on
politics with the Government.—(Hear, hear.) My Noble
Friend has been blamed by acting upon that sentiment;
but I am sure the true way to encourage diplomatic ex-
ertions
is to show that, provided there was no such dif-
ference of opinion as to disentitle a man to the confi-
dence of those who employed him, those who engaged
in that profession and served their country faithfully and
honestly should not lose the prospect of reward because
the party entertaining different political views came into
power.---(Hear, hear.) It was on these grounds that my
Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen advised her Majesty, to
place Sir H. Bulwer in tho responsible and difficult posi-
tion of British Minister at the Court of Spain, and 'must
say that during the whole period Sir H. Bulwer acted in ,
communication with us, his conduct was such as fully to
justify the confidence we had reposed in him.—(Hear,
hear.) I confess that looking at these dispatches now
before the House I do not see te shadow of any grounds
for imputing blame to him in these recent transactions.
The instructions sent to Sir H. Bulwer by the Noble
Lord opposite were such as to defy any man to draw
any other conclusion from them than that it was
meant to instruct Sir H. Bulwer to make the communi-
cation to the Spanish Government, and also at a fitting
opportunity to the Queen Mother.—(Hear, hear.) Such
was Sir H. Bulwer's construction of the Noble Lord's
dispatch, and accordingly, as he tells us, he took an op-
portunity, and made the communication to the Queen
Mother. Whatever might have been the intention of
the Noble Lord opposite, I think that Sir H. Bulwer
was justified by the circumstances under which he made
the communication, in communicating the letter of the
Noble Lord in eztenso. Let it be remembered that Sir
H. Bulwer had seen the fall of thrones around him—he
had found that his own representations and remon-
strances to the Spanish Government were of no avail—
that since lie had received those instructions there had
been an insurrection in Madrid; and under these com-
bined circumstances he felt it necessary to make a strong
appeal to the Spanish Government, but he doubted his
own powers of remonstrance, and thought they would
be made in vain unless he could show that he was
armed with higher authority than his own
fi ars, and therefore he communicated to the Spanish
Government the opinion of the Government of England
as stated in the letter of the Noble Lord opposite
(Lord Palmerston.) I think Sir H. Bulwer exercised a
wise and just discretion in the peculiar circumstances in
which he was placed, and I further think that if the
Government had abandoned him, they would have set
an example which would have warned every honest and
faithful servant of the Crown against incurring a similar
responeibility.—(Hear, hear.) Hence it is that I heard
with satisfaction the declaration of the Noble Lord at
the head of the Administration, that the acts of Sir 11.
Bulwer are adopted and defended by the Government.
But the immediate, matter for us now to decide is,how we
shall dispose of the motion brought forward by the
Hon. and Learned Member for the county of Dorset
(Mr. Bankes). The Hon. Member for Buckingham-
shire says that we have three duties to perform on this
occasion: first, to manifest our determination to exempt
Sir H. Bulwer from all blame or censure; secondly, we
are to manifest our determination to support the British
Government in maintaining the honour of England,
which has been outraged by the Court of Spain; and,
thirdly, we are not to condemn the Noble Lard the
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, but the system of liberal-
ism which has influenced our diplomatic proceedings
with all foreign nations. Now, I confess that I cannot
see how we shall fulfil any one of these duties by voting
for the resolution which has been moved by the Hon.
and Learned Member for Dorsetshire. First of all, I
see in it no recognition of the good conduct of Sir H.
Bulwer, but I do see a resolution which, if adopted by
the House, would imply that he had acted improperly.
At least there is no distinction made between his con-
duct and that of the Government ; but we are called
upon to vote that " a proposed interference with the
internal concerns of the Spanish Government, as con-
ducted under the authority and with the entire approval
of her Majesty's Ministers, has placed the British Go-
vernment and our representative at the Court of Madrid
in a position humiliating in its character." If we really
wish to exempt Sir H. Bulwer from any share of the
responsibility, we ought, if we are to vote any reso-
lution, distinctly to declare that we do not disapprove
of his conduct.—(Hear, and cheers.) Another of our
duties is to manifest on the part of the House a desire
to support the Crown in vindicating the insulted honour
of the country. If so, we certainly ought to convey
the expression of our opinion in some less equivocal
form, if we wish to put on record that Spain has com-
mitted an outrage by her abrupt dismissal of our Minister,
and the assurance that the House of Commons will sup-
port the Crown in vindication of its honour.—(Hear,
hear.) Instead of that, if we vote " that a proposed in-
terference with the internal affairs of the Spanish Go-
vernment has placed the British Government in a posi-
tion humiliating in its character," so far from aiding the
Government in vindicating the honour of England, you
eend the British Government to conduct this negotiation
with disgrace round its neck by a vote of this House, and
you incapacitate them from making the vindication you
wish.—(Hear, hear.) How is a Government, branded
with this vote of censure, to take a high tone towards
the Spanish Government? The Spanish Government
will reply, "We cannot defend Sir 11. Bulwer, if you
will not defend him; we will pay no attention to your
representation; for the House of Commons has told
you that you have placed the Government of England
in a humiliating position. Had you approached us
armed with the express authority of that House, we
must have deferred to it; but, as you have been cen-
sured by the House of Commons, and have consented
to remain in office after that, it is utterly impossible
for us to attach any weight whatever to your represen-
tations."—(llear.) Therefore, I think this second duty
would be mast ineffectually discharged by affirming his
resolution. With respect to the third duty, of condemn-
ing the system, and not the Noble Lord (Palmerston), I
know not what the Noble Lord's feelings might be alter
this vote; but as it distinctly recognises him as the
author of the interference, which it says has placed this
country in a humiliating position, I think the Noble
Lord would not bo able to maintain his post, notwith-
standing the construction put on the tenor of the resolu-
tion by the Hon. Member for Bucks—that it goes to con-
demn the system, not to inflict punishment on the indi-
vidual.—(Hear.) Therefore it appears to me that no
one of these three objects will be accomplished. Now,
although I cannot concur in this resolution, yet I must
not have my refusal to concur in it to imply approbation
of the course the Noble Lerd has pursued.—(Hear.) I
think the Noble Lord was fully entitled to give warning
and advice to the Spanish Government. I don't object
to the thing; I do object to the manner in which it was
done.—(Bear.) After all our relations with Spain, seeing
the peculiar position in which Europe is placed—seeing
the tremendous events that have been and still are of
daily occurrence, I do not think it was an illegitimate
or an unfriendly act of the Noble Lord to say to Spain
and the Spanish Government, "Beware—be cautious—
watch the events that aro passing—place not your reli-
ance on armies, however numerous or however disci-
plined—conciliate the general good will of the people, on
whose support alone you can safely rely."—(dear.)
Ido not find fault with that. But, adverting to the true
description of the Spanish people and of our relations
with them, which has been given by the Noble Lord—
remembering that they are a people inferior to us in
power—a people under deep obligations to this country,
not only for advice tendered, but for exertions made, for
vast sums expended, for noble blood shed in the defence
and vindication of their liberties—remembering, above
all, that they arc a gallant nation, peculiarly jealous of
their independence, sensitive upon the point of honour—
(Hear, hear)—it is because I believe that the Noble
Lord has correctly described our relations with them,
has formed a just estimate of the Spanish Government,
and has justly dwelt upon its pride, its gallantry,
its sensitiveness, its jealousy, if you will—that I do
think, if the Noble Lord wished to make an impression
upon the minds of that people, it would have been wiser
to have held different language, and to have presented
it in a different manner to what he has done.—(Hear,
hear.) Of course, the object of the Noble Lord was that
the friendly advice tendered by him should be adopted
and followed in a cordial spirit ; but I think there is an
abruptness in the original letter that was presented—
(Hear, hear)—there is the assumption of a tone of supe-
riority which I think was calculated to offend the
Spanish Government—there is that recordatio of past
assistance which has very much the air of exprobatio,
which I think might as well have been avoided towards
apeople sensible, no doubt, of their obligations to us,
but
not very fond s perhap of being reminded of them.—
(Hear.) But the first letter, I think, might be excused ;
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personal appeal to the s
Sp ani h Ministers,ln which the
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