The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-11 00:00:00

4s. and at St. Petersburgh the price was 121. 3d.,
and the freight 4s. iWttk these prices he could
not see what chance the foreigner had of underselling the home
producer. But let them see what had been the amount of
imports since the present tariff had come into operation. Take
the period from the 29th of April, 1842, to the 4th of January,
1845, and it would be.found that 518,620 quarters of foreign
I and colonial oats were imported into this country at a duty of
ls. 6d. per quarter, while, in the same time, Ireland sent
5,322,637 quarters.—( Hear, hear.) With these figures and
these calculations, derived from men who had endeavoured to

consequence was, that a finer quality of grain
was produced, the husks were finer and yielded a
greater quantity of flour. Thus the advantage to the
Foreigner, over the wheat of this country, was not less
than 201. per cent. Now, when he considered the diffe-
rence in the rate of wages, he confessed that it was
not without uneasiness that he contemplated the com-
petition which could not fail to come, if the
propositions of the Government were adopted. It seemed
natural to conclude that a portion, at least, of the wheat
lands of this country would be thrown out of cultivation
on account of the impetus which would be given to the
cultivation of wheat on the continent.—(Hear.) The
question then arose—would it be a desirable competi-
tion, and one which they ought to encourage? It might
perhaps be admitted that it would be more advan-
tageous to the people of this country to turn a
certain portion of their wheat land into pasture, and to
purchase a great quantity of grain from foreign countries,
But this was not a question of political economy, it was a
question of national importance. It involved their de-
pendence on foreign countries.—(Cheers.) He repeated
that it remained to be teen whether they would depend on
foreign countries for a large proportion of the food
required for their own people. He adm tted at
once, that a large supply came from Poland
and the south of Germany. Those countries
were enabled to give them food as they required
it ; but would it he wise or prudent for the Ministers of
England to place themselves in the power of those
countries, so that they might stop their supplies by pro-.
hibiting the exportation of grain ? (Cries of
" Hear, hear.") They had had examples in the
present year from which they might draw an inference
its to the consequences of trusting a Polish harvest.
They had seen that the Russian Government had prohi-
bited the exportation of the inferior grains, which consti-
tuted the food of their own people, to this country; and they
found that Belgium also bad within a very short period
prohibited the exportation of wheat. There could be
no doubt that it the Government of this cuuntry
had found it necessary to open the ports,
neighbouring countries—France, for instance—would
have shut theirs, as a matter of protection to them-
selves, and this would very materially have compelled
this country to depend upon their own resources. He
bad endeavoured to show thet free trade had the
dark as well as the bright side.—(Hear, hear.)
And trusted they would take into consideration,
befe,re coming to a decision on this question, its magnitude
and importance, so that at once they would have all the
circumstances before them in deciding upon the question.
It would be necessary to take into consideration the
serious evil that would ensue if a bug and protracted
struggle were maintained on this question, on which the
Interests of the great mass of the people were opposed to
those of the nobility and gentry of the country. They
must also take into consideration the actual posi-
tion of the question, not only in the country,
but in that House. In the country they would find
the community divided into two classes, who differed
materially. One class resolved to have the repeal of all pro-
teetive duties, and the other class resolved to maintain those
duties in existence. What was the position of the question.
as it stood in that House ? All the great and leading
statesmen en both sides—men of every party—were of
opinion that some alteration in the existing law was ne-
cessary. Those who were anxious to maintain the sys-
tem of protection were avowedly unable to form an Ad-
ministration at all likely to have the confidence of the coun-
try. In this case they had no choice between two alterna-
tives—either to give support to the measure before
the House, or to throw out the Government which now
existed, and to make way for the Government of the
Honourable Gentl.inen opposite.—(Hear, hear.) What
would they gain by making such a change ? nothing ;
and, therefore, he for one should give his support to the
motion before the House, as he believed that in so doing
he pursued the course better calculated ultimately to
promote the interests of the country. Many Members
opposed the measure either from a sense of duty or
from a sense of consistency, but resistance would ulti-
mately tend to bring still greater misery on the country,
without attaining the object they had in view.
Mr. LEE I'.t )1" said he proposed addressing the House
less generally than the Hon. Member who had ju,t sat
down, but he did not consider that this measure would
have the effect 07 improving the condition of the Poorer
classes, or gi:e satisfaction to the landed proprietors. A
number of Bills had been introduced by the Hon. Baronet,
by which a large ,urn of money could be borrowed, and
to carry on great public works, with a view to giving the
people extensive employment. But he did not think
they would have that effect. In the north of Ireland the
people had contrived to secure a large amount of employ-
ment by the manufactures carried on there, though he
could not say as much for other parts of that country.
He would now state-his reasons, as an Irish represen-
tative; why it was that he would give his vote in oppo-
sition to the Government measure ; and in doing so he
would say, that upon so important a measure as this
no Irish county Member should hesitate to state his
reasons, lest it might go forth that they had been led
to their decisions by party influences. He had seen the
announcement of the resignation of several Honourable
-Members of that House, and in particular one Noble
Lord, who made this sacrifice rather than
vote for a measure which they could not
conscientiously believe would benefit the country.
There were so many things, however, in favour of the
measure prop-used to be brought forward by the Right
lion. Baronet, that he shrunk from taking any steps in
opposition. He felt it was a measure of such vital im-
portance. the question which was forced home to
the breast of every one must be, was it for the good of
the country ?--(llear, hear.) It e:as not his inclination,
nor (lid he f el it to be his duty, to go into the subject in
all its bearings. Others were better qualified to do so than
he was. He could not, however, refrain from referring to
the injurious effects which must accrue to Ireland
if it wer3 carried into effect. They had no manu-
factures there. Would that measure introduce manu-
factures into that country ? He thought that
no man would be found who would venture to make
such an assertion.—(Bear.) He would not trouble the
House with the details of t lie imports into that country,but
if the consequence of the nit-score should be a diminution
of them, it to .1 t not but have u most injurious effect.
If it should ttira a great quantity of the land:which was
at present cultivated, and was abundantly productive,
into pasture land, would not such a result be ruinous?
Would not that state of Ireland, which was so elo-
quently referred to in that House by the Hon. Member
for Rochdale—a state of trouble, and sorrow, and desti-
tution—he the inevitable accompaniment?—(Hear.) He
thought it a most hazardous experiment.—(Hear, hear.)
He had never followed a Minister, or given
a vote upon any question which he could
not reconcile with his conscience. (Hear, hear.)
These were questions far above his comprehension, and
others, who, like himself, had not either the talent or
opportunities of investigating measures calculated to pro-
mote the good of the country. It became him, therefore,
after having watched the conduct of those public men
who had brought forward salutary measures for the
benefit of his country to follow that leader who had thus
acted. Upon this ground he should not give his support
to the measures brought forward by the Right
Honourable Baronet ; and. in so doing, whatever
opinions might be formed as to the " fool's paradise,"
or anything else, he trusted that he would not be con-
sidered as one of those foolish birds who would be snared
by the whi,tie of the betrayer. If the Right lion. Baronet
informed hi-n that he had changed his opinions he con-
sidered it right that he should be informed of the reasons
of that change o: opinion.—(hear, hear.) Under pre-
sent circurn,tancre; he earnestly hoped that the advice
of the Itizht lion. Bat onet would be found perfectly safe.
He trusted that the measures introduced by the
Right Honourable Baronet would be productive of be-
nefits to his country. He could only say respecting
the measure, that, should it pass, he would be willing to
submit to it, lea: he would not by a vote take upon himself
the responsibility of its enactment. And if it was proved
in course of time that it was dangerous and destructive
in its operation, he would feel satisfied of having entered
his protest against it, deeply impressed with the convic-
tion that the men sure must prove fatal to the best inter-
ests of the couritry.—(Hear.)
Lord CLEMENTS said that the Honourable Mem-
ber who had jug sat down complained that the measure
would prove injurious to the landlords of Ireland.
He (Lord Clements) had no objection to meet
the challenge thrown out by that Hon. Gentleman,
respecting the matter under the consideration of the
House. In doing so he did not profess to
be more of a farmer's friend than those on
the opposite side of the House. During the last
six years he had done his best to improve the agricul-
ture of the county which he represented, and he con-
fessed he had no tears of the measure under the con-
sideration of the House.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
When he heard the arguments of his Hon. Friend the
Member fir Northampton (Mr. Stafford O'Brien)
he Wes much startled at them. In pro-
eesing
se much sympathy for the cotton
spinners and
as likely to
be ruined,
whom he represented,
attention to
Ireland.
,d might have turned his
ruun ,
the condition of the labouring
enough to exente If he looked at them he would sec
vet th--se
htasderrnisc:ration without going else-
where;
and yet to ruin them
hying under a protective sys-
tem,that these changes further would be impossible.
He considered
the consideration of the landed
were well worthy of
interest of the House.
He knew not what the
and the Lords
intenofded
might feelings of the Commons
thisto
he was certain, that unlesstheyhut.
promote the general advantage
nt
of the people of Ire
land, they had better
tahgies matter alone. Yet he
ea
ought to say that he was of opinion that nothing
likely to advanee the condition of the population wich
do not ge to the root of the evil. lie was aware
that the me tsure which he was intending to advocate
would not be favourably received by the public.
lle
knew there was not only a deprivation of the
neeessaries of life, but that there was a total
destitution,
which existed not only in one
house, but thr_eighout the length and breadth of. the
land. He believed that this report of deficiency
was not over-steed. By the report that had be.ei
made by Lord D,:von and the commissioners under hem
a COffitilliSiOn which lied his most hearty con-
currence there was an evident case made
out for the consideration of the Government.
It appeared by this report of John Duke, El ,
that the eff.ct 3 of this Commission had not been at all in
proportion to the anticipation of its advisers. There were
some facts which rendered its report nugatory. It ap-
peared by that report that there had been no returns
respecting the state of the people within 12 miles of our.
district. He was aware
who had been aretha he was one of the parties
Positionofinstrumentalthin effecting a change in the
commercial country,. but he felt that
that ought to be no restriction On
..his proceeding
on this question. The
extracts
Gentleman then
proceeded to read some
tirdoinerdleoe,tv
thaton's
report taken at Boyle. Thetmecdtiscaflr;mrecii,V
ethat
=loft said, respecting the system of dividing
it was a common thing for a man who hdilfnroc
to five acres to subdivide it, and that in consequenceeltw
there were vary few large farmers in that part of

per
the country; and that they are now fifty
Cent. verse than they were twenty . years ago.
Nothing, said he, can equal their Wretched-
ness. On being asked what was the cause of their
wretchedness, he said that commodities Were so reduced
in price, that they Were not enabled to pay their rents
In consequence. They lived in such a state that it could
hardly be believed. They had no bedsteads ; they lay generally
ott a small quantity of straw, with no covering over them.
Here a Member made an observation which we understood to
be.—Did he (Lord Clements) believe those statements? To
which the oble Lord replied, that he could confirm every
single statement that was made. He saw a mother with her
four children lying on a floor with nothing but a thin rug to
rover them. He had witnessed scenes of wretchedness and dis-
tress which required thestrongest nerves to be enabled to endure.
The Noble Lord continued to read from the report before him,
—" Many of the people would be disposed to emigrate if means
were given them, the married as well as the unmarried." He
then procesdede--Now that was a lamentable state of things ;
and he should say that he felt perfectly satisfied of the truth of
every statement made in the report. Since he came to know
the country, there scarcely passed a summer that great distress
did not prevail. In the month of May last an extensive failure
was expected ; and but for the county Leitrim, the adjoining
counties would have been in a state of the most awful distress.
So constant had these failures become, that additional ground
had to be broken in the last year ; and it was difficult to ascer-
tain what quantity of ground was brought into cultivation. The
Commission appointed by her Majesty to inquire into the state
of the potato crop, he was happy to state, had one good object,
namely, that it forewarned the people, and showed them that
' they had only to depend on themselves, and not or, neigh-
bouring counties for assistance. In many instances those who
could afford to do so laid in large stocks of (oatmeal ; but
how many thousands of the poorer classes were there
who could not afford to provide themselves with that article.—
( Hear, hear.) These were awful considerations ; and he
might then inquire what was the good of protection to agricul-
ture ?—( Hear, hear.) Had it been of the slightest service
to the farmers, or had it provided food fer the people ?—( Hear. )
Had it prevented the agricultural labourer from standing idle
in the markets, as had been before asked b an Honourable
Member, the Member for Northamptonshire ?—( Hear, hear.)
To give the House a more concise idea of the state of the peo-
ple of Ireland, he would read the opinions of the trustees of a
lease fund in one part of Ireland. The Noble Lord then read
several documents to the effect, that there were several thou-
sands living in the most wretched hovels without the means of
procuring food for themselves or their families. There were
no less than 23,12,5 acres in the occupation of persons who
could not pay any rent. He had been led to make these in-
quiries, and he now begged to refer them to the consideration
of the Right Hon. Baronet. His convictions en the subject
were very strong, and, as far as they were concerned, nothing
could be more fair or more just than the measure proposed by
the Right Hon. Baronet. In the inquiry which had been in-
stituted by Lord Devon as to the condition of the poor in Ire-
land, a plan had been recommended which he (Lord Cle-
ments) thought could be partially adopted with advantage. It
provided that certain establishments should be made by her
Alajesty's Government, for which the county should become
responsible. He should certainly, in that case, make no ob-
jection, provided that the whole charge was annually brought
before Parliament, and not be charged, as it at present was,
on the Consolidated Fund. He would further earnestly pray
that, if any representations should be made from the magis-
tracy requesting an increase in the police force, the necessary
increase should be instantly made. He had watched with
great anxiety the progress of the Bill, and he must say that,
in most instances, the principal requirements were provided
for. He now wished to call the attention of the House to the
administration of affairs in the courts of assizes. If her Ma-
jesty's Government had investigated the matter, they could not
but perceive that it was absolutely necessary for the security
of life and property that the courts of assizes should be placed
on a firmer basis. He would propose that efficient Crown
officers should be appointed, who, from their abilities and
standing in their profession, would be able to perform their
duties in a proper manner, Many a criminal has escaped
punishment in consequence of the ignorance or weakness of the
Crown counsel. This was a shocking state of things. He
(Lord Clements) knew personally of oue instance wherein the
Crown council was unable to reply to a question of the
judge, as to the particular Act under which a certain
indictment was framed, and the prisoner, is consequence
escaped. He looked upon the Crown counsel as holding his
office for the general protection of society, and if he were unable
to perform his duties properly, society was in a measure unpro-
tected. It was impossible for one Crown counsel to attend in
a satisfactory manner to the business of an entire circuit. One
officer was net sufficient, and he trusted the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet would take into consideration the alteration he had sug-
gested. He would beg, at the same time, while on this sub •
ject, to call the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet, if it was
in his power, as he was sure it was in his inclination, to contri-
bute some plan of relief of the agricultural population
from the local taxation under which they laboured.
From a return which he held in his hand it appeared that the
taxation was most unequally distributed, and in many instances
it fell directly upon the poorer classes. In the agricultural
districts taxation was very severely felt, especially in a time of
famine and distress. He (Lord Clements) was particularly
anxious to press en the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet
the charges which had been brought against the Irish poor, as
to their antipathy to the poor-houses. He was perfectly ready
to admit that much strong feeling existed on this subject. The
poor-houses were not conducted in a proper manner ; much
reform was needed, and it would, perhaps, be advisable to
conduct their management in a different form. In
doing this, however, many difficulties would have to be
encountered and overcome. The funds for these alterations
existed in various sources in Ireland, which might easily be
made available. From a return of the Irish Reductive Loan
Fund to December, 1844, there appeared a revenue of 9,9001.,
which could be applied for the purposes at which he had
hinted. The Noble Lord then adduced various other sources
whence a sufficient revenue could be obtained, anti went on to
observe that at a time similar to the present a sum of 300,0001.
had been subscribed from various parts of the world to relieve
the wants of the poor in Ireland. He would entreat the
Right Honourable Baronet to see to the proper ap-
plication of the funds which he (Lord Clements) had
shewn might be made available. There were numerous socie-
ties in Ireland, which he believed, if the house were to appoint
a committee to inquire into, could be rendered of great benefit
to the country. He would not detain the House any longer
than to observe that he should vote for the measure which the
Right Hon. Baronet had brought forward. (Some confusion
and much laughter occurred in the House at the conclusion of
Lord Clements'specch, in consequence of several Hoe Members
essaying to speak before the Noble Lord had quite fini-hed.)
The Marquis of GRANBY believed that the Right Hon.
Baronet had been actuated by a feeling of the most candid nature
in introducing the present measure. He would, however, say
at the same time, that if the Right Honourable Gentleman
had entertained his opinions of 1841, he would have proposed
this measure to the House with all the energy and talent he
possessed, and not with the authority of a petitioner. As far
as was known of the feelings of the people of the country, those
feelings were in favour of the proposed measure. He had some
difficulty in dealing with the matter, because the arguments
are so various in their different bearings and application.
The argument which appeared to prevail the strongest
in the country was, that the labourer, in case of
a repeal of the corn-laws, would be supplied with
cheaper bread. If it was true that the labourer, in case of
the repeal of the law were enabled to buy his bread cheaper,
there was some shadow of reason in supposing that the corn-
laws were unnecessary. But that was not the question. The
question was, supposing that the corn-laws are repealed, would
the labourer be able to eat more bread than he does under
the present laws. —( Hear.) They had been told that an ex-
perience of three years fully justified the alterations which had
been proposed to the House. He would admit that three
year's experience might be sufficient to test the eligibility of
remitting protection, with one or two exceptions, on general
articles of import, but a great question like that of the corn-
lam, involving the consideration of so many and so important
interests ought not to be tested by an experience of so limited
a period as a few years. The arguments of the Anti-Corn-
law League were as though they should say, " We want to
put a shilling into every mart's pocket, by taking two shillings
out of the pocket of every farmer."—( Bear, hear.) Supposing
the agriculturists of this country to be driven out of the market
—was it to be supposed that foreigners would allow prices to
continue low in this country ? It was absurd to suppose that
our foreign trade would be extended by the repeal of the corn-
laws. But even supposing that such an effect would
be produced by such a cause, let them consider that
the home consumption of our manufacturers amounted
to 150,000,0001. a year, while the exports were only
50,000,0001., and would it then be wise to injure the larger
interest to benefit the smaller ? It was on these grounds a
he should feel it his duty to oppose the measure of the Govern-
ment, and to support that system which had produced the
greatness, the wealth, and the independence of this county.
He would beg of those Hon. Gentlemen around him, who in-
tended to support the Government, to pause before they
plunged into the vortex of revolution. It might be said that
protection was doomed, but his answer was that protection
was just.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that posterity would
thank those who had struggled in the cause of protection.
Mr. GREGORY would declare at once that it was his in-
tention to give his support to the measure. Three years age
a Right Hon. Gentleman had declared that the principles of
free trade were the principles of common sense. He confessed
that he was struck with these words.—(Laughter.) The more
he had reflected the more he believed that those words
were the words of truth. On these grounds he had supported
his lion. Friend the Member for Gateshead last year, on his
motion for the introduction of Australian corn. He however
confessed that he did not think that a repeal of the corn-laws
was so near. He had thought that it would have been better
to impose a small duty on corn for revenue purpose!, and a
proposition of that sort would have his support. The present
measure, however, had only come a little earlier than he might
have anticipated, but that was no reason for his refusing it his
support. He believed that agriculture had flourished not
through protection, but in spite of protection. It had been
said that if this Bill were to rase, from that moment they
would become dependent upon foreigners. He believed this to
be a fallacious argument. Were they not in all times of scarcity
indebted to the foreigner for supplies ? It was absurd to say
that this measure was a concession to agitation. The Right
Hon. Baronet might have had a large majority in favor of pro-
tection if he had appealed to the country ; and on the other
hand the present measure could not be carried but by the as-
sistance of the Right Hon. Gentleman. How then could this
be considered a concession to agitation ? It had been said by
the Hon. Member for Inverness that the effect of this measure
would be to throw land out of cultivation ; but he confessed
past experience had not proved this, for on looking to the re-
turns, he found that when the remunerating price of wheat
was fixed at the lowest figure, the consumption of
the country bad greatly increased. In 1815 the
remunerating price was fixed at 805. per querter ; in 1827,
weregt
ohu
em 4 e t
655.; and in 11342, 565.; and the average for the three years
t 842, they
ending 1846 had been 52.5. Now what had been the sales of
wheat in the country markets during these periods ? In 1839,
the sales in the country markets were 3,174,680 quarters ; in
refutingout ofcpt;
cultivation.-
,24 ; and in the year 1845, they were
"70.460 quarters; and yet, with ao great a reduction in the
that
average consumptionas
s heaodrnmboerceamtheacnhedaopuebrleladn,dthfeulsi
few
words with
nr.e--(ldiear, hear.) He wished now to say a
prevailed garto Ireland, where the greatest appre-
hensionswould bring injury
upo, amongstthtehe landedinterest that this measure
were entirely without
but, in his opinion, their ap-
prehensionscommer-
cial prosperity of Ireland, and the
foundation. The
Ireland were identical; in fact, there existed
prosperity of
pulsation in both interests. When they
precisely the same
demand for manufactures they had a had a brisk
demand for agricultural produce ; aria wen re equallye brisk
an Irish
peasant he would prefer fresh inlets for the commerce
and
fresh markets for the industry of the country to all the and
fresh markets for the industry of the country to all the pro p_
tection which the utmost stretch of a monopolising mind could
suggest.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Now he had taken the
greatest pains to ascertain the true bearing of this question,
and he found that the greatest apprehension prevailed amongst
those who traded in oats, live cattle, salt pork, butter, bacon and
mutton, which were the staple exports of Ireland. Now, with
regard to oats, the remunerative price was fixed at 9s. 6d. per
barrel of 14 stone, and he denied that the foreigner could un-
dersell them at this price.—( Hear, hear. ) In support of this
opinion he would quote the price of oats at the principarplaces
Dane o ic,
mburvaneg,
of foreign export, namely, St. Pete
rsburgh,
foats d
and Elsinore. Now, in Hamburgh the price
from 11s.. tq ifs. per quarter, and the freight of the same
article VMS from 2s. id. to os. In Elsinore the pried was from
12s. to 156., and freight from 3s. 6d. to 51. In Danzic the
price was 125., and the freight Was 31, 6d. to

collect the best information on the subject, and whose motives
for doing so could not for a single moment be called in ques-
tion. before them, how could the House hesitate in the course

they ought to adopt. The same results were shown by the re-
turns relating to the other articles he had enumerated ; and he,
ror one, intreated the landed interest of Ireland to dismiss from

their minds the foolish apprehension that the measure of the
Government would prove destructive to their interests.
The Hon. Gentleman, after some further remarks, which were

wholly inaudible in the reporters' gallery, sat down amidst
the cheers of the greater part of the Hon. Members on the
Ministerial benches.

Nearly a dozen Hon. Members on the Ministerial side rose
simultaneously to addrsss the House at the conclusion of Mr.
Gregory's speech, but there being loud cries for " Brooke,"
Lord BROOKE accordingly rose, and said that he fully
anticipated that the honest expressions of a man of unbiassed
opinions, and the representative of a large constituency would
have their due weight with the House—( Hear, hear)—and
with those feelings it was that he rose, not to enter into any
lengthened detail upon this most difficult question, but merely
to glance at the general features of it, to state in fact the
reasons which had induced him to give a vote on this occasion.
He deeply regretted the course which had been taken by
many of the Right Hon. Members of the Government on this
question.—(Hear, hear.) He could assure the House
that nothing would have given him greater satis-
faction than to have been able to tender his
most hearty support to the present measure of the Right Hon.
Baronet—(Hear, hear)—but the difference which had taken
place in the views of the Right Hon. Baronet had induced him
to withhold his support on the present occasion.—( Hear, hear.)
He (Lord Brooke) felt convinced that that change was cha-
racterised by straightforwardness—( Hear, kear)—bat yet it
had been of such a nature as not to satisfy him of its cor-
rectness.—(Hear. hear.) Although he was willing to give
every credit to the Right Hon. Baronet, and to those who
supported him, he did feel and think that many of his sup-
porters could not lay claim to that straightforwardness of ac-
tion which the Right Hon. Baronet had adopted. —(Cheers
from the Ministerial side of the House.) Tke Right Hon.
Baronet for several years past had been changing his princi-
ples, but he had taken care to reap from his own party, and
from that House the fruits of those changes.—(Loud
cheers.) Those who had followed him in that varying
course, had followed him suddenly ; he might almost say
miraculously—(Loud laughter and cheers)—and the House
might be almost at a loss to conceive how the Right Hon. Baronet
had induced so many Hon. Members so suddenly to change
their opinions, so as to chime with his on n. Had they not
heard the speech last night of the Noble Lord the Member for
Liverpool ?—( Cheers and laughter.) The reasons of their sud-
den change, as stated by that Noble Lord, were because, if they
did not approve of the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet,
they would lose the benefit of his high talent and of his
great genius in conducting the Government of this country.—
( Hear.) But he (Lord Brooke) felt that if a man was con-
vinced that a measure, which might be brought before the
House was injurious or hurtful to the country, no personal or
other consideration ought to induce that man to vote for such a
measure contrary to the pledges which he had given to his con-
stituents.—( Cheers.) The only reason that he could discover
why Hon. Members on that (the Ministerial) side of the
House followed the Right Hon. Baronet, was because they
were afraid of a dissolution of Parliament. Now they all
knew that when a man arrived at a great age he lost
his faculties (Great laughter)—his memory failed him
—( Continued laughter)—and they had at the present moment
a fine example of memory failing men.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) They found Hon. Members in this Parliament
forgetting the pledges which they have given in their youth
and manhood, and sinking in the decrepitude of old age.—
( Laughter.) In that state they were called upon by the
Right Hon. Baronet to make their will.—( Hear, hear, and
laughter.) They were called upon to sign away their property
and their possessions.—( Hear, hear.) They were called upon
to sign away their rights and privileges to foreigners and
aliens. He would not say that the course of the Right Hon.
Baronet would be so tamely consented to by a new Parliament.
(Hear.) He felt that a Parliament returned fresh from the
country would not be so easily led by the Prime Minister of
the Crown.—( Hear, hear.) If famine had been overhanging
this country, there might then have been better reason for the
introduction of the present measure, but such was not the case.
If it had been so, he would most willingly have given the Right
Hon. Baronet his cordial support.—( Hear, bear.) But he
could not see any such danger as a famine befalling this
country. The apprehended evil arising from the failure in the
potato crop would be but casual, and it was also an evil which
might have been remedied by the temporary openiug of the
ports.—( Hear, hear.) The House would find that great
reductions had been recently made in the duties on
different articles included in the tariff, and the conse-
quence was a great increase in the importation of
those articles. Now, when corn was admitted free of
duty into this country, he felt convinced that native industry
would be materially injured unless our exports were equal to,
if not greater, than the imports from abroad. There had
been another subject brought before the House in the discus-
!ion of this question, and that was the subject of the cultiva-
tion of the land. The Hon. Member who seconded the Ad-
dress said, that there was no limitation to the resonrces of this
country. He (Lord Brooke) was aware that there were great
portions of the land of this country which were not culti-
vated and left utterly unimproved ; but he could not believe
that that want of cultivation was so extensive as stated by the
Hon. Member. He could not properly understand the Right
Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary for War, when he stated that
there was no country which could successfully compete
with this country. From the north of Europe,
across France and Spain, and the whole of the
other countries on all sides of Europe, if this measure were
passed, we should be most successfully competed with.—(Hear,
hear.) This country would then be in a most degrading posi.
tion ; we should be left to the generosity of foreigners, and that
he conceived would be a situation which no Englishman could
wish to see this country placed in.—(Cheers.) The Right
Hon. Baronet had said that this measure was one, not of justice,
but of policy, and a matter which might be settled by compen-
sation. The only mention which he could find of remunera-
tion in the letter of the Noble Lord the Member fur London to
the citizens of London, was the adjustment which would follow
the removal of agricultural protection. What that remunera-
tion was to be, he ( Lord Brooke) could not see. As a Mem-
ber who was prepared to vote in favour of protection to agricul-
ture, he could not but deprecate the course of agitation which
had been pursued by the Members of the Anti-Corn-law League.
He felt that their aims and objects were far different from those
who were members of the association for the protection of
British industry.—(Hear.) The object of the Anti-Corn-
law Leaguers was to pull down and destroy.—(Cheers.)
Whilst that of the protectionists was to conserve. If any one
looked to the conduct of the League they would find that
their measures were not in accordance with honesty and strict
justice. He would not adduce particular cases, but if it were
necessary, he was prepared to support his assertion. The way
in which the Anti-Corn-law League had sought to extend the
elective franchise was most unjustifiable.—(Loud cheers.) The
agents of the League objected to an honest man's vote on the
registration, and unless he came to defend his vote it was
struck off the registry.—( Hear.) If a man, therefore, deter-
mined on defending his vote against the attempts of the League,
he was subjected to much expense, for which the revising bar-
rister was not empowered to allow him compensation.—
( Hear, hear.) He would therefore say, that the condnct
of the Anti-Corn-law League was such as no honest man
should sanction.—( Hear, kear.) There was one other ques-
tion to which he wished to allude before he sat down. The
Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, in his recent
letter to bis constituents, had stated that the system of agri-
eultural protection had produced much mortality. A pam-
phlet had, however, been put into his (Lord Brooke's) hands
the previous day, which showed that the contrary was the
fact. It was there distinctly proved that the system of high
prices in corn tended to decrease the amount of mortality.—
( Hear, hear.) The compiler of that pamphlet had no returns,
but he took the averages; he commenced with the year 1780,
and carried down his calculations to 1830, and he divided that
period into ten portions. In the first period of ten years,!
when the price of corn was high, the amount of mor-s
tality was 152 less than that of a corresponding period
when the price of corn was low ; in the next ten years it was
375 ; and in the third period 1,678 ; and down to 1809, the de-.
crease in mortality in favour of high prices of corn, was 2,834.
He had made these statements because he wished to show that
he was about to give his vote on the question conscientiously.
As the representative of a large constituency, he could not give
a silent vote, and he would resume his seat in the belief and
hope that he had honestly done his duty.—(Cheers.)
Lord WORSLEY could assure the Noble Lord, who last
spoke, that he was not aware that he was a new Member, or
he would instantly have given up. He (Lord Worsley) was
anxious to address the House upon the subject now under con-
sideration. It was a question that had frequently
been brought before their notice, but it bad never
assumed such a shape as it had done at the present time,
What was the actual state of the case ? It was now brought
forward and supported by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head
of her Majes'y s Government upon grounds of expediency.
Me did not think they had brought forward the measure because
they thought it right in itself, but on account of the peculiar
situation of the country. The present Government had been
elected in 1841, as the farmer's friend, and at the period of that
general election there were no placards so prominent or nume-
rous as " Peel, the Farmer's Friend."—( Hear, hear.) He
well remembered the arguments used by Hon. Gentlemen op-
posite when the subject of the total repeal of the corn-laws was
brought forward on a former occasion. It was then that they
stated that the landed proprietors were not to be frightened out
of their propriety by claims of a delusive character. The
Noble Lord proceeded to read some extracts from the speeches
of Sir R. Peel and Sir J. Graham on the subject of protec•
tion in the year 1841, the reading of which caused consider-
able laughter and cheering from both sides of the House. The
Noble Lord went on to state that many Hon Members had
gained their seats in that House by reason of their strenuous
opposition to any change in the corn-laws. What had been
the result? In 1842, the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed
some considerable modification in the then existing corn-laws,
and he now came down to the House under the impression
that he still had a right to go on in that direction, and there-
fore proposed the present measure, assuring the House
at the same time, that he was encouraged to do so by
the encouragement he had met with on former occasions.
When the question of a total repeal of the corn-laws was
brought forward, three years ego, this measure was success-
fully opposed by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. Upon that occa-
sion there was no compensation offered to the landed proprie-
tors for the total repeal of the corn-laws. The Right Hon.
Baronet might perhaps say, in extenuation, that now he was
prepared with a measure for the relief of the burdens which
pressed upon agriculture. The Noble Lord did not think the
present measure was likely to produce a permanent settlement
of the question. Before the three years would have elapsed,
' there would be a general election ; and he believed that the
farmers of England, who had been told that it was not dis-
creditable to fear a total repeal of the corn-laws, would
upon that occasion ask their Members to endeavour
to obtain for them a revision of the laws affecting the im-
portation of foreign corn. He thought it unwise for the
Governmentof the country thus to keep alive in the landed
proprietors the hope that at the end of three years another
Parliament would be elected from which they would be able to
otws
hfahltet hen ewtthai
ee
they
heard
used corn-lawstha bt
yct
tohhtuehel
ed,
enotßwPrimei
ag settled.bitstule,,such
n .
Minister
obtain justice. By such a system, he maintained, the question
o Q urabl e
surßpsr.rioszthatshtohueldc
Government
ento
übueenshotralalantgeulyar and
dangerGentlemanofWhenthe t oc
from free trade, yppsraeyheant
apprehended
H was it not surprising that the Right
out those eery measures?—(Hear.) Was it, under such cir-
cumstances,side of the House supporters of the agricultural interest who
considered that the Governshouldce
Government had
deceived them . He
would not say one hard word against
man, but this he might be allovedte the blight lion. Gentle-
, thing for a person to be in the position of
it was a serious
Baronet.---( Hear, hear.) He at one
ti the Right Hon.
corn-laws were permanently settled, and that Zaildatethat Iste
year 1842 ; - but he now came down to the House as
itt'A
tbern it was necessary to do a great deal more. He (Lord
W.) could not think that because there was temporary distress
in the country, that the corn-laws ought to be repealed

Tlit SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRIJARI 11. 1846,

nearer relation with the sound principles which regulate our
commercial polity with respect to every other branch of in-
dustry. I will go still further, atid say lam not satisfied with
the plan, and can be ne party to it, of setting up a separate in-
terest for the landlord and the farmer of this country ; I be-
lieve that their prosperity will, in the main, be found to depend
on the wealth, the comfort, and the ease of the great body of
the people of this country." Those were the principles which
I avowed upon that occasion.—( Hear, hear.) The House, I
think, will also remember the memorable motion of the Noble
Lord opposite, on the condition of the working classes. I then
stated to the House many facts which had come before me,
which were, in my opinion, quite conclusive to prove that the
comfort and well-being of the working classes in this country
were mainly dependent upon abundance and cheapness, and
their misery and distress were mainly occasioned by scarcity
or by high prices.—(Hear, hear. ) I frankly avow, that if the
course of events had not been interrupted by circumstances which
it was impossible to foresee, I should very gladly have adhered to
the policy of gradually and progressively diminishing the
protection to agriculture, but steadily keeping in view that
desirable period when the protection might altogether be re-
moved. But this brings me to the point of the utmost import-
ance to the consideration of this ease, namely, the unforeseen
circumstances which did occur after the termination of the last
session. First, with respect to the harvest of this country.
It was a harvest, as was truly stated by my Right Hon. Friend
the Secretary-at-War, of a peculiar character. In point of
quantity it was not a deficient hersest ; in point of quality, I
believe, in the experience of the oldest farmers, there never was
so great a variety ; and the effect of that has been to point out
and to establish the great imperfection of the averages under
the existing law. I will not press this further. It was dis-
tinctly stated last night by my Right Hon. Friend, that is no
former years, I believe, has there been such a variety of quality
in the corn brought to market, the price varying from 40s. for
the worst, I believe, up to 705., or 755., fur the best. An al-
teration was made in the law in 1842, in regard to the averages,
which had a very decisive effect in one respect; it altogether
prevented fraud. By extending the period, and multiplying
the towns, in respect to which the taking of the averages,
fraud was prevented; but as relates to the interest of 1
the consumer, this had a very adverse effect ; for fraud,
whenever it had been exerted, was always in favour of the con-
sumer, and for the purpose of opening the ports ; and in my
real opinion, the general defect of the measure of 1842, though
it was not sa interided, was th it it rendered protection more
stringent.—( Hear, hear.) This was demonstrated, I must
say, by the operation of the scale regulating the duties in the
course of last autumn. Prices were rising ; the price of the
quartern loaf in this metropolis was 91,4 d., and approaching to
the war price. When the quartern boat had so risen, the duty
indicated by the siding-scale was 14s. or 15s. per quarter.—
( Hear, hear.) In point of fact the sliding-scale would neither
slide nor move.—(Cheers.) And that was its condemnation.
—( Renewed cheers.) I do not wish to go into an historical
statement respecting the corn-laws, or I might mention that
from 1773 to 1792 the importation of corn was in point of fact
free in this country; and it was a remarkable cuincidence,
which Adam Smith points out when, without marking the
cause, he mentions as a time when there was a great start in
our manufacturing and commercial prosperity—exactly that
period, from 1773 to 1792, when the importation of corn
was free.—( Hear, hear.) I will also observe that
really change on this matter was not a change
of any fundamental principle. The corn-law had
been changed and altered five or six times, and yet its avowed
' object had never been answered.—( Hear, hear.) I will now
return to the point from which I digressed. I was speaking of
the imperfect operation of the sliding-scale, and I may ad,
that together with that, there did arise that which human fore-
sight could not anticipate, the general failure of the potato crop
throughout the United Kingdom. This failure was by no
means limited to Ireland. The destruction of the potato crop
began in the south of England, and I believe that it was more
fatal in the southern part of England than in any part of Ire-
land. In many parts of the southern counties of England the
working population, though not altogether subsisting on potatoes,
yet are in a great measure dependent on that article for their
daily food. With respect. to Scotland we have the most accu-
rate information ; and from the parochial returns, we know
positively, that in the south of Scotland one-third of the po-
tato crop was destroyed as early as the month of November last.
will not go through all the precise details as to the extent of
the failure of the crop in Ireland. Suffice it to say, that in
November the Government received the report of Messrs.
Lindley and Playfair, by which it appeared that one-half of
the whole crop, though not greater than an average, had been
destroyed ; that one-eighth of that crop must be preserved
for seed; and that consequently, not more than three-
eighths of the whole crop remained at that time for the
consumption of the year in Ireland. I had been at that
time resident in the north of England, and had almost daily
communications, in writing, with my Right Hon. Friend at
the head of the Government ; and it did appear to me that this
matter of coming scarcity, if not of famine, to be apprehended
in Ireland, did have an immediate and indissoluble connexion
with this question of the corn-laws. The Noble Lord the
Member for Liverpool said last night that he could not see
that connexion ; and the lion. Member for Northamptonshire,
following the same track, has also said that he did not see the
intimate connexion between the two questions. Will the
House, then, allow me to state what was the effect produced
upon my mind by this inevitably-coming scarcity in Ireland ?
—( Hear.) I foresaw, and lam afraid rightly, that it would
be indispensably necessary to give to the suffering community
in Ireland aid from the public purse of this country to meet this
great calamity. Already some advance of the public money
has been asked for, and I am afraid that further advances may
still be necessary. Then this great question presents itself—
Can in fairness any Minister of the Crown propose to the people
of Great Britain to take out of the taxes of Great Britain
public money to aid in the sustenance of their fellow country-
men in Ireland, while artificially, by laws so designed, the
price of the hood of the people of Great Britain is enhanced ?
—( Hear, hear.) Other persons may be bold enough to make
such a proposition ; but I confess that no power on earth should
have induced me to be responsible for such a proposal.—
( Hear, hear.) I told my Right Honourable Friend, that if
such a course should be necessary, I strongly advised the
suspension of the existing law—( Hear, hear, from the
Protectionist benches)—and that suspension I find is now
generally approved of on this side of the House.—( Hear, hear.)
The humane, the generous feelings of the landlords of England
could nut tolerate for a moment that distress, such as that likely
to visit Ireland, should not be met.—( Hear, hear.) But to
give this aid to the Irish people, and at the same time to en-
hance the price of the food of the great community who contri-
bute towards the taxes of England, and who by their hard in-
dustry are only able to pay those taxes, living in some instances
on potatoes, is a proposition which I never could have main-
tained as a Minister.—( Hear, hear.) But it has been
mated that, under these circumstances, Hon. Members gene-
rally on this side of the House would be glad to open the ports.
Then arises the question—if you once suspend the present law,
what is the proposition which, at the termination of that sus-
pension, is to be made? I have told you that I am satisfied,
that even when scarcity has arisen, when the price of the
quartern loaf was high, and when high prices ought to have
been counteracted by the self-operation of the scale, that scale
does not operate. I have told you that I thought the pre.
sent an unsatisfactory law, and according to my opinion, I
could not, after its suspension, have supported its re-imposi-
tion. I have always stated that nay objections to a fixed
duty as a fiscal duty are insuperable, because I think that
whenever the duty should be high, it would be impos-
sible to exact it, and whenever the duty should be low, it
failed for the purposes of protection, and the agricultural
interest would then incur all the obloquy of maintain-
ing protection without deriving any advantages from it.
We might have proposed some small remnant of the sliding-
scale, and such a reduction of protection, which it would have
been unworthy of the agricultural interest to accept, and still
more unworthy of the Government to offer. Under these cir-
cumstances the abolition of the corn-laws was inevitable on its
suspension. It was, as it appeared to me, absolutely necessary
to suspend the operation of the law ; and I foresaw the neces-
sity, if you suspended the law, of its abolition ; and I again
repeat that, in my humble view, our duty was, charged as we
were with the responsibility of office, to meet this immediate
necessity and to suspend the law. Nothing could have more
gratified me than to see the general arrangements of this ques-
tion respecting the corn-law conducted by the Noble Lord op.
posite.—( Hear, hear.) The question has been asked, " Have
you any reason since 1842 for changing your opinion ?" I say
that since 1842 those who were charged with the administra-
tion of affsirs, and who had watched the various circumstances
which have occurred, have had experience, not to be mistaken,
leading to conclusive consequences. We hail, first of all, the
painful and lamentable experience of 1842 itself, a year of the
greatest distress, and, since it has passed, I may say, of the
utmost danger. What were the circumstances of 1842? Allow
me just to-glance at them. We had in this metropolis, at mid-
night, Chartist meetings, assembled in Lincoln's Inn- fields.
Almost for nearly three weeks there were assembled in all the
environs of this metropolis immense masses of people, greatly
discontented, and acting in a spirit dangerous to the public
peace. What was the condition of Lancashire, the seat of our
great staple manufacture, depending for its prosperity on unin-
terrupted tranquillity and labour? Such was the madness of
the people on that occasion, that a great combination existed
to stop machinery, and to put an end to the source of the
labour, on which they depended for subsistence.—( Hear, hear. )
What was the duty of the Government under these circum-
stances? It was my painful duty to consult with the Horse
Guards as to the precautions that were necessary for the
maintenance of the public peace ; a large force was marched to
Manchester, and the troops were actually called on to enforce
public tranquillity. I can safely say that for three months
the anxiety which I and my colleagues experienced with re-
ference to the public peace was greater than we ever felt be-
fore with reference to public concerns. Those were the days
of high prices and scarcity. lam certain from what I have
since observed, that that turbulent disposition, that dangerous
disposition, mainly arose from the want of adequate
sustenance, combined with low wages.—(Loud cheers.)
What has been my experience for the last two years ? I
don't take credit to her Majesty's Government for the altered
circumstances. Our measures may or may not nave conduced
to that great end ; but by the bounty of Providence we have
had abundant harvests; with abundant harvests we have had
cheapness and full employment ; and what has occurred ? I
can safely say that for the last twelve months I have not bad a
single interview with one of the Commissioners of Police with
respect to the maintenance of the peace of this metropolis; I
do not believe that for the last twelve months I have had one
interview with the Horse Guards with respect to the move-
ment of troops for the maintenance of the peace of this coun-
try.—( Hear, hear.) Perfect tranquillity, comparative happiness
prevailed; and that is a contrast between scarcity with discon-
tent, and plenty with social comfort, more striking than any I
ever before witnessed.—( Loud cheers.) I will not trouble you
with many statistics. The document I am about to read is
short, but still, as an analysis with reference to crime, it is
pregnant with instruction. 1 have taken the six counties which
may be said to be the seat of our manufacturing industry ; I have
taken the county of York, the county of Lancaster, the county
of Warwick, the counties of Gloucester, Cheshire, and Staf-
fordshire, and have compared the commitments for trial in
these counties in 1840, '4l, and '42, when the prices of wheat
were 665. 4d, 645. 6d., 575. 3d., with those which took place
in 1843, '44, and '45, when the price of wheat was about 508.
Now, observe, in Yorkshire the committals were, in 1840,
1,867 ; 1841, 1,801; 1842, 2,598. The scarcity then ceased,
abundance with low prices begins, and we have committed for
trial in 1843, 2,3t)4; 1844, 1,691 ; 1845, 1,417.; showing a
decrease of commitments in the last, as compared with the pre-
vious period of these years, of 149; per cent. In Lancashire
the commitments in those years were respectively 3,506, 3,987,
4,497, 3,677, 2,893, 2,852, exhibiting a diminution of 21.4
per cent. In Warwickshire the commitments were I,oo'
1,046, 1,003, 1,045, 894, 769, a decrease of 11.2 per cen
Gloucestershire, including Bristol, the number. were
1,236, 1,252, 1,186, 1,071, 920, showing a decrease of 9.8 per
cent. In Cheshire the commitments were 1,042, 943,
1,066, 1,018, 777, 688, a decrease of 19.1 per cent.
In Staffordshire the numbers were 923, 1,059, 1,485,
1,175, 885, 717, a decrease of 19.9 per cent.; exhibiting
an aggregate decrease of 17 per cent.—( Loud cheers.)
Upon the whole of these six counties, comparing the years
1842 and 1845, there is a diminution on the aggregate of 18
per cent. lam convinced with the Right Hon. Baronet, at the
head of the Government, that it is a fallacy to contend that
wages fall with falling prices, and rise with rising prices.—
( Hear, hear.) It was my Noble Friend the Member for Liver-
pool, I think, who last night contended that it was true in the
agricultural districts that wages did rise with rising prices ;
but he admitted that the proportion was not always equal.
Now I beg you to observe, that to the labouring man the equal
proportion between ths price of food and the rise of wages is
a matter of life and death. But it was necessary to observe
that the proportion should be concurrent as well as equal.
If the rise in wages should lag behind the rise of prices
life itself might be in danger. Bsit I have the experience

( Hear, hear.) The Government may attetiipt to carry the
measure, but, as he said before, it would never he considered a
settlement of it by the farmers and landowners of this country.
(Hear, hear.) In 1842 no one expected—no party whatever
expected, that they would propose an alteration again of those
laws in 184.5. In the year 1842, the Right Honourable Baronet
the Secretary fur the'Home Department. advocated protection
to the agriculturists of this country, but he (Lard Worsley)
did not know how he could reconcile his arguments then with
the arguments which he was using now.—(Hear, hear.)
He did not know of any one who had spoken out
so strongly as the Member for Canterbury against any altera-
tion of the corn-laws, and yet he had latterly taken office under
the Right Hon. Baronet. He said in 1842, that if the Govern-
ment took the duty off corn, the property would be sacrificed of
one-third of the population, and that such an act would be the
scheme of a Minister of a party, hut could never be the mea-
sure of the Minister of a nation.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
It did appear to him, that if the Ministry did propose such a
measure, there ought to be a dissolution in the first instance of
the present Parliament, that the constituencies by which they
were returned to office might again declare their sentiments.
Upon ordinary occasions, it was true, the Parliament was
elected for seven years, but when a subject came under its con-
sideration of such importance, he (Lord Worsley) considered
that the country ought to be appealed to. After this Parlia-
ment was elected an eight shilling duty was proposed, but on
the present occasion it was a question with them of corn-laws or
no corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) There could be no doubt what-
ever that there ought to be no alteration in the corn-laws before
the constituencies of the country were appealed to. He (Lord
Worsley) believed that if there was a dissolution now, some in
their places in that House would not occupy them long.—
( Hear, hear.) He did not know whether it was
in the recollection of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite
the Secretary for the Colonies ( who for some reason unknown
to him was not in his plaee—( A laugh)—in that House,) that
he stated in the year 1642, that the Parliament was pledged to
protection. Here the Noble Lord read the speech of the
Secretary for the Colonies, as reported in Hansard, on the sub-
ject of the corn-laws. The country fairly ask, as many have
altered their opinions in this House, that an opportunity may
be afforded the constituencies to see whether they had not
altered their opinions also.—( Cheers.) He (Lord Worsley)
had presented no fewer than fifty or sixty petitions against any
alteration in the corn-laws, and also a petition praying that that
House would place no confidence in her Majesty' Government.
lie was never more surprised than on seeing the names of in-
dividuals to these petitions who refused him (Lord Worsley)
their support, because he refused to place confidence in her
Majesty's Government.—( Hear, hear.) But it did seem to
him (Lord Worsley) extraordinary that these changes of her
Majesty's Government were never suspected by any of their
supporters. The Noble Lord the Member for the City of
London (Russell) gave them warning in his answer to an
address from Plymouth, when he said, thst " if the people
were united, no power could prevent them from repealing the
corn-laws."—(Hear, hear.) ( Here the Noble Lord ( Worsley)
read the answer of Lord John Russell to the
inhabitants of Plymouth, wherein he alludes to the corn-laws.)
His Noble Friend gave that warning to many opposite, but
they did not profit by it, but on the contrary they still sup-
ported her Majesty's Government. He hoped the Right Hon.
Baronet opposite would listen to the advice of some of his
supporters, and take the sense of the country on his
measures.—(Hear, hear.) At present there was an oppor-
tunity for the Irish producer to send over their supplies of
corn to this country, but if the present measure passed into a
law, they would not make so much of their land as now.—( Hear,
hear.) It was his intention to support the alteration proposed
by the Right Hon. Baronet, with respect to timber, for when
the landlord did not find the tenant timber, it was difficult for
them to get good timber for trade. He (Lord Worsley) be-
lieved it would be for the advantage of the country generally
to have cheap timber, but he believed it would be against the
interest of the country generally to have any alteration in the
corn laws, and he would consequently oppose that part of the
measure.—( Cheers. )
Sir J. GRAHAM—Sir, I have risen to address you at
this time chiefly in consequence of the aisle and powerful
speech of the Hon. Member for Northamptonshire, who ad-
dressed the House this evening, and in whose sentiments I
most cordially concur, that we ought not to allow this discus-
sion to degenerate into a mere fiscal question.—( Hear, hear.)
When a great party is on the point of being dissolved, the
Question, though in itself even insignificant, becomes a great
rational one.—( Hear.) I think that no leader of a great
party, such as that which has placed its confidence in my Right
Hon. Friend, can be justified for one moment in treating this
great occasion in any other light except as one of immense
qational importance, and one that needs the frankest explana-
tion. This is a question that I hope also may not be treated
altogether as a question of mere personality.—( Hear.) I can-
not at all blame my Noble Friend who has just sat down for
the reference he has made to my former declarations on this
subject. I admit that the past declarations of opinion made by
* Member of this House, who either leads, or aspires to lead a
party, and declarations made by a first Minister of the Crown,
if at variance with the course he now adopts, are subjects not
unworthy of reference, and which call for explanation.—
(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Northamptonshire made
* direct appeal to the Government, and challenges us if we
had changed our opinions, manfully to own it. I an-
swer that challenge. Ido frankly avow my change of
opinion, and by that avowal I dispose of all the speeches—
( Loud cheers from the Opposition, with counter-cheers from
the Protection benches, rendered inaudible the rest of the
sentence.) Upon the advice given by the Hon. Member for
Nottinghamshire, that if I were prepared to make that avowal
it is my duty to do it ; I now make the avowal, and I only ask
the House to exercise patience, and indulge me while I point
to the reasons of that change.—( Hear.) And that I may
stand in the position of a man worthy of confidence, I will
'only glance at a few considerations explanatory of the course I
now pursue, instead of leaving the matter to rest on the indi-
vidual honour of the person who makes the avowal. If you
look at the tests by which change of opinion must be tried, on
the part of a particular Member, you will find that the first
which should be applied is this--does the change of opinion
promote his personal interest? Perhaps, under the circum-
stances, I may be allowed to glance at my personal position.
All that I possess is as a landlord. I have nothing to hope for
except from the possession of landed property.—( Hear, hear. )
I have inherited by that property a large tract of land of
inferior soil ; and I congratulate myself that, by my position
as a landlord, if the proposed change be dangerous, it exposes
me to as great risks as any landed proprietor in the country.—
( Hear.) So much with respect to my personal position. Now
as a Minister of the Crown, allow me to ask you to apply a test
equally conclusive. Does a change of opinion on the part of a
Minister of the Crown increase his strength or consolidate his
power ? Can there be a doubt, after the unhappy scene which
we have witnessed during the two last evenings in the conduct of
the debate on this side of the House, that my Right Hon. Friend,
before the commencement of this session, being (as is allowed)
a leader of great talent, possessing the confidence of a great
party, and of powerful and immense influence out of the House,
has lost—has, as it is now said, almost dissolved that party,
by the conduct which he, from a sense of public duty, has
pursued ?—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") I will try another test
upon that subject, and it shall be the last. Has the Minister,
by a change of opinion, acted unfairly towards his political ad-
versaries, and availed himself of that change of opinion to ex-
clude them from office ? I think it is not expedient, at this
time, to touch further upon that subject ; but my Right Hon.
Friend, with my entire concurrence, frankly tendered to her
Majesty the office which he held as the head of the
Administration. I certainly concurred in that resignation ;
and I can truly and sincerely say, it was my earnest desire
that this measure should have been brought forward by the
Noble Lord opposite, in whose hands I think it would have
been more properly placed.—(Hear hear.) I state that. un-
feignedly and frankly, Ight, after all that has occurred,
it would have been better for the public, better for public men.
—( Loud cheers.) lam stating my sincere opinion—I think
it would have been more for the public advantage, and for
say, anti I am
tIo the truth of
the credit of public men, if what has been proposed, as it has
become our duty now to propose it, had been brought for-
ward by t
hbey theN
NobleobLleo
Lord
will Lord
testimony
andst
in.
oI may
sure
what I am saying, that both in writing and verbally I assured
the Noble Lord that if he, as a Minister, brought forward a
measure such as was indicated in his letter to his constituents
of London, I, as a private Member of Parliament, would have
given to that measure my frank and cordial support.—(Cheers.)
Now, having disposed of that which more personally related to
myself, I may perhaps be permitted to refer to some of the
points touched upon by the Hon. Member for Northampton-
shire ( Mr. S. O'Brien), and the Noble Lord ( Lord Worsley).
The Noble Lord asks me—is this measure brought forward
merely because we think it expedient ? He appeared to doubt
whether we thought it right. I say that we bring forward this
measure, not because we think it expedient, but because we
think it right, and because we think it necessary.—( Hear,
hear.) Then the Noble Lord proceeded to state, that the
time had arrived when this question must be settled. I per-
fectly agree with him, and I juin in the alternative he put ; he
said it could only be settled in one of two ways, either by ab-
solutely refusing to go into Committee upon this question, and
to entertain any further proposition in relation to agricultural
protection, or else that you must proceed as the Govern-
ment now advises you to proceed, to the total abolition
of protection to agriculture.—( Hear, hear.) An Hon.
Member has put the question, as I think, shortly and fairly;
he said, the question to be decided is, is the abolition of pro-
tective duties adverse to the poor ? The Noble Lord the
Member for Stamford (the Marquis of Granby), who ad-
dressed the House also with great ability, put in terms equally
distinct ; he said, the question is, will this alteration in the
corn-laws not only give cheap bread, but give a greater quan-
tity of cheap bread, to the working classes ? I must say that
this is the issue which I think we have to try—this is the
great question we have to determine.--( Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Member for Northamptonshire addressed the House with
so much ability, that I really was surprised to hear him, even
in a passing sentence, speak contemptuously of political eco-
nomy ; he said that the object of political economy, in his opi-
nion, was the accumulation of wealth. I had always under-
stood that the great object of political economy was the distri-
bution of wealth—[Mr. S. O'Brien—" I said the distribution
of wealth."]—Will the Hon. Member allow me ?—in my
humble view the great object of political economy i 3 not the
accumulation, but the distribution of wealth, and the applica-
tion of capital to industry on principles which science and ex-
perience shall have proved to be conducive to the happiness
and welfare of the greatest number.—( Hear, hear.) The
question, then, which we have to determine is, is the main-
tenance of the existing corn-laws conducive to the interests of
the greatest number of the community? Will it insure them
an ample supply
(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord who has just sat down,
of food of the cheapest and best kind ?
rather apologised for reading extracts from speeches, be-
cause he thought they were not very palatable to the House ;
I must say that the extracts he read appeared to me by no
means unpalatable.—( Laughter. ) Will he allow me also, in per-
fect fairness, to read just two extracts ? The Noble Lord im-
puted to my Right Hon. Friend that not intentionally, but
without intention, what had fallen from him on former occa-
sions had by no means prepared the House or the public for
the course which he now takes, and he referred particularly
to a speech made by my Right Hon. Friend in 1839. Allow
me to read a short extract from that very speich. My Right
Hon. Friend, then a leader in Opposition, and a candidate for
power, said—" I consider this statement, that the condition of
the labourer has been rendered worse by the operation of the
corn-law, a most important one ; and I have no hesitation in
saying that, unless the existence of the corn-law can be shown
to be consistent, not only with the prosperity of agriculture
and maintenance of the landlord's interest, but also with the
maintenance of the general interests of the country, and espe-
cially with the improvement of the condition of the labouring
class, the corn-law is
practically at an end." That was the
declaration of my Right Hon. Friend, as early as the year
1839. —( Hear, hear.) It may seem presumptuous in me to
refer, in addressing the House, to what has fallen from myself
in a former debate, but after what my Noble Friend has
stated, perhaps in fairness the House will not refuse me per-
mission to do so.—( Hear, hear.) On the occasion when the
Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers) moved for
going into Committee on the corn-laws in June last, I said,
" It is decidedly my opinion that the prosperity of agricul-
ture must always depend on the prosperity of lag other
branches of the native industry of this country, and that the
public prosperity ii on the whole beet promoted by giving a
fair and uninterrupted current to the natural flow of national
industry. I will go further and say, that it is my ( pinion
that, by safe, gradual, and cautious measures, it is expedient
to bring our laws, with reference to the trade in corn, into a

In
,045,

of Sir John Waltham, who long had the charge of the dis-
tricts of Norfolk and Suffolk, himself an extensive landed pro-the dProceedings of the House e
PARLIAMENTARY 8U51.14fi.c.E2.).5..)
(From Votes an
prietor in the county of Hereford, and who, in the West TUESDAY, Frt• 10.
Bple
Riding of Yorkshire, assisted the Poor-law Commissioners,
and he tells me that he has never known that wages have nror,reedf°tiolubweilblgrorueethl brought
oi t
y furth, Railwaysi
alruv eerde, ilieopano:ed
311
;IT Hudson.
risen beyond from 83. to 10s. and I Is. in certain counties, Newcastle and Berwick—Mr.
and from os. to 13s. in other counties ; the utmost rise beingben Is
,t_he
r
25 per cent. ; while he has seen at the same time the grand Jitetsiaosoliiid(uoliuy ton and llNl'itun•drri'ig:'tiorn. 1313;a11, fatten :1(1
South-Western (Farnham and Alloy Branch
price of corn rise from 455. to (Ps. It is unnecessary to say, London and
iitimble and Sir AV. Ileatlicetc.
in reference to this point, that the rise of wages in those dis- Mr-
first
tricts is not at all commensurate with the rise in the article of Windior, Slough, awititaines Atmospheric—Mr. Nevitl
Manchester and Binningham—Lord F. Egerton,
first necessity.—( Hear, hear.) But, as truly stated by my Mr. M. Philips. Kerable And
Right Hon. Friend the Secretary-at-War, whatever may be London and Brighton (East Grinstead Branch)-31f.
e a,nd
0.
the ease in the agricultural districts, the converse of the asser-
ete3sisr• EliPhiintule"a'retn Darlington Junction (Thirsk and MalWni—
tion is true with respect. to the manufacturing districts. Inca.- D'uctatcostuedeeal, Sir J. Lowther,fti and Mr. Hudson.
riably in the manufacturing districts you will find low prices
accompanied by high wages, and high prices by low wages. I
CoL
mentioned some circumstances which recurred in the month of
November with reference to Ireland ; but I have not the whole geld.
of the case with respect to that time. From a report which
I have received from Mr. Sanders with respect to the West
Riding of Yorkshire, I find that at that time there was
not merely a rise in prices, but a strong apprehension of
still higher prices in several parts of the West
Riding, particularly in Bradford, and that several works
were put on short time. In several of the cotton districts,
also, I learn the mills were about to be put. on short time.
When, therefore, we looked to the circumstances of the
whole country in the months of November and December, we
had no option left, as the general guardians of the condition of
the great body of the community, but to pursue the course
which we have pursued. We have been told of the danger
of being dependent on foreign states for the supply of food ;
but when we consider that the population of Great Britain in
1615 was 18,000,000, and that at the present moment it
is 23,000,000, it seems to me that the time has arrived
when it may well become a question, not whether Great Bri-
tain can alone supply the amount of food necessary for the
population, but whether it will not be difficult, at a
moderate price, to secure food for the whole of that pre
pulation, even with the aid of foreign countries.—(Loud
cries of " Hear, hear.") For myself, I have no apprehension
of any great fall of prices from the abolition of the corn-laws.
I think that both the hopes and fears of many people
on the subject are greatly s gerated. Ido not be-
lieve that the abolition of protection, as matters now
stand, will materially lower the price of corn ; but I
consider that to the great body of consumers it will
be a security of inestimable value against high prices
when the harvest happens to be deficient in this country.
That is my view with regard to supply, With regard to the
commercial principle there can be no doubt whatever. The
Hon. Member for Northamptonshire described a state of
things where a certain individual has the walls of his House
covered with French paper-hangings, furnished with articles
of German hardware, and who rides in a Brussels carriage,
while workmen are crowding the market with nobody to hire
them. How does the Hon. Gentleman think those carriages
are to be obtained? Whatever may be the form of the trans-
action by which they are obtained, that transaction of neces-
sity resolved itself into a bargain. Directly or indirectly there
must be an exchange of commodities, and you must in the long
run export some of your own home productions to pay for
what you have got from abroad. I am quite satisfied, if you
extend the sphere of your commerce and do not attempt by
fits and starts to force its expansion, that the prosperity of all
classes will steadily advance with the increase of your
exports. The Hon. Member for Northampton (Mr. S.
O'Brien) referred to the case of a farmer, whom he de-
scribed in the most pathetic terms, for the purpose of illus-
trating the consequences which the Hon. Gentleman pre-
sumes will flow from the measures of her Majesty's Mi-
nisters. But another picture was given last night by the
Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool (Lord Sandon). The
Hon. Gentleman represented his farmer as petitioning his
landlord in vain for a reduction of rent. The Noble Lord
considered the condition of the farmer as peculiarly helpless
and exposed. He said this unhappy man had constantly had
held out to him the expectation of prices which he had never
realised—prices which were made the basis of calculation,
when he agreed to pay a fixed rent ; then he comes to the
landlord with " bated breath" and most humble demeanour,
seeking an abatement of rent. The landlord grants somewhat
less than the farmer requires; an abatement of 10 per cent. is
found quite inadequate ; and at last the farmer is forced to take
refuge from all his difficulties in some lower occupation. Such
are the results, as described most accurately by the Noble
Lord himself, of this system of protection and of disappoint-
ment.—(Cheers.) The abundant crop, the diminished pro-
tection, and the fixed rent, have been a failure. —(" No, no,"
and " Hear, hear.") From the very spot where the lion. Gen-
tleman stood when he addressed the House I heard such a
representation given of the condition of the farmer ; and I
am quite satisfied that the great bulk of that class are more
likely to be injured by the continuance of the existing law than
by its repeal. I have no apprehensions whatever that the
abolition of that law will render this country dependent upon
any foreign country. But, as a landlord—and on this point I
agree with the Noble Lord the Member for Lincolnshire—l
am certain that the settlement of this question is with reference
to the interests of landlords of paramount importance.
(Cheers.) How can ss e have a settlement? with the feeling
of the great bulk of the community on the subject as at present,
there is but one settlement.—(Cheers.) There are various
classes whose interests are involved in this question, and their
views have undergone a change on the principle of protection.
I will riot dwell upon the meeting in Wiltshire. It may have
been suggested, but still that meeting is a remarkable fact. I
pass, however, from that, and apeeal to every gentleman in this
House who has had opportunities of observation, whether he
can contradict me when I assert that till lately the opinion
, prevalent among operatives was, that low prices would in-
variably lead to low wages. I say they have changed their
opinions.—(Cheers.) The experience of the last three
years has not been thrown away upon them ; and
if that be so—if the masters and the men are quite
of one mind on this point, they will settle—and I may tell the
Hon. Member for Knaresborough so—they will easily and
amicably settle those questions which are likely to arise between
parties placed in such a relation to each other. I can very well
understand how those working men should overtax their in-
dustry, and even call on their wives and daughters to work,
that they may obtain subsistence. Necessity might drive them
to such resources. But if they can understand that by a change
of your law they may be able, without working so long them-
selves, without requiring their wives or daughters to work as
they do now, to live in greater comfort than they have ever
known, I have not the smallest doubt that arrangements will
be made between masters and men as to the period of labour,
and so every ground or pretext for legislative interference
will be taken away.—( Cheers.) It will, I should say,l be one
of the most pleasant and happy days that ever occurred
in England, when, on account of an alteration in your law
rendering a shorter time necessary to procure wages atte •
quate to purchase the comforts of life—it will, I repeat.
be one of the happiest days of England when, on account of
such an alteration, the masters and the men shall, without
legislative interference, come to an agreement on that subject.
..._(Cheers.) lam glad to see that the Noble Lord the Mem-
ber for the West Riding of Yorkshire ( Lord Morpeth)—with
whom I have often differed, but whose absence from this House
I never ceased to regret—expressed on the hustings sentiment'
closely akin to those I have endeavoured to convey.—( Cheers. )
As to the agricultural interest—the interest with which I am
myself connected—l would say, let us have certainty with re-
ference to the value of our land. That certainty you
will have, as far as it can possibly be given, from a
change in the law. But in addition to certainty, you
will have peaceful enjoyment. You will have that peaceful
enjoyment without, exciting the jealousy of your poorer
neighbour. And Ido not think that landlords will have to
make any very great sacrifices ; but, entertaining the opi-
nions which I do, founded on the experience I now possess,
I say, were the sacrifice' ten times greater, I for one, sooner
than that it should be said of myself, or any of the class to which
I belong, that our object was to secure for ourselves an increase
of rent, and not to promote the welfare and happiness of the
great body of the community—sooner than leave any room for
such a suspicion, I should say, speaking for myself, that would
I descend to a lower estate, and abrogate my inheritance.—
(Loud cheers.) It is said a great perty has been dissolved. It
is said old political ties have been severed. It has been said
that social relations have been disturbed. It is anticipated,
and it is probable, that an Administration may be dissolved.--
(Cheers. ) And, though I should regret the former part of
those consequences, on my conscience I believe this proposi-
tion will save a great and powerful nation from anarchy, misery,
atid ruin. [The Right Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat
amidst great cheering.]
Lord CLIVE said he assured the House that he would not,
at that late hour of the night, attempt to trespass upon its
attention but for a very short time ; but he would beg leave to
say, that front the circumstances thathad occurred, it did ap-
pear to him, from the short time that had elapsed, it would
be impossible for the country to have had an oppor-
tunity of coming to a correct decision upon this question.
His Right Hon. Friend, the Secretary-at-War, stated his full
and sincere conviction in the speech which he delivered, and in
which lie vindicated the course which he felt it his duty to
pursue. He had stated his conviction that, if it were shown
to the gentlemen of England interested in agricultural affairs
that by the abolition of the corn-laws they would be minister-
ing to the wants and necessities of their fellow-creatures, that
they would cheerfully accede to the adoption of such a mea-
sure. That was the ground on which he (the Noble Lord)
stood.--( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) If the
Government could show, as they stated they could, the
overwhelming necessity ; if they were at present impressed
with the conviction that. their new plan was not as futile and
leaseless as their former, they would give the agriculturists of
the country an opportunity of proving whether or nut the matter
was conceded to the wants and necessities of their fellow-sub-
jects, or whether it had been forced upon them by the dexte-
rity of two discordant cabinets.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
He was aware that by a dissolution on the present question
great excitement would be engendered, and great strug-
gles between classes would follow ; but these evils,
had as they were, would pass away, and would be less enduring
than the anarchy and confusion which he believed would ensue
from the course which her Majesty's Ministers were at present
pursuing, and which, he believed, would be far more pregnant
with evil.—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches. ) There-
fore, being apprehensive of such an evil, though many sur-
rounded the question, he should feel it his duty to vote for
the motion of the Hon. Member for Bristol._(Cheers.) In
doing so he would have the satisfaction of experiencing,
when he should come before his constituents a different
reception from that with which the Right Honour-
able Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government taunted
the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Edinburgh, in
the year 1840, that he had been deservedly treated by his clas-
sical constituents.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Several Hon. Gentlemen rose, but were met with loud cries
of " Adjourn, adjourn," and " No, no," amid which
Sir R. PEEL rose, and was understood to say (the con-
' fusion at the moment being very great) that he thought the
best course to he adopted was to adjourn the further considera-
tion of the question to Thursday.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. COLQUHOUN agreed entirely with the Right Hon.
Baronet, but he should at the same time say that if any lion.
Gentleman wished to address the House, he thought he should
be heard.—(Loud cries of " Adjourn.")
The debate was then adjourned.
DRAINAGE (IRELAND) BILL.
The House went into Committee on the Drainage (Ireland)
Bill ; and, after a few observations, clauses from 1 to 20 were
agreed to.
The other clauses of the Bill were then agreed to, and the
House having resumed, the Chairman reported progress, and
the report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow (Thursday).
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at five minutes to One o'clock till Twelve
o'clock this day.

______-------- anti
The following Railway Bills were presented, read a first time,
ordered to be read a second time : ..___ , for
icrk awl North Midland (Whitby and Pickering ExtenslOn)
'a tend
enabling t• e York and North Al idiand Railway Company •,-;1,( „,,'
the Line of the Whitby and Pickering Railway Poor nearCasll;'.)u.
Loudon mid South-Western (Epsom Branch)—" to enable 6 I,
don and South-Western Railway Company to make a Branch
way to Epsom, in the county of Surrey." orn the
Blackburn and Preston —" for making certain Bra.ncliesfr ,0.
Line of the Blackburn and Preston Railway, in the isounty of '
caster, and for ainending the Acts relating thereto." , ~,,,in the
Liverpool, Orniskirk, and Preston—" for making a RairectsY ,-'t „(i
Liverpool and Bury Railway to Preston, and to the 131sekb sirl?!'1;-,
Preston and North Union Railways, with Branches thereefrom. to
called • The
Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston Railway. icith
North Kent—" for making a Railway from London to Dover,
Branches therefromfrom the
North Kent (City Extension)—" for making a Railway ... tho
Rail-
proposed North Kent Railway, in the borough of Southwark,
city of London."
A gal
," lifeY
Ashburton, Weston, and South Devon—" for mAking .owo
m fro Ashburton, in the county of Devon, to join the south
Railway."
Gr, intslo7,‘
Fast Lincolnshire—" tbr making a Railway from treat called
by Louth and Alford, to Boston, in the county of Lincoln, to he
' The East Lincolnshire Railway.' " r Rail"
North Staffordshire (Churnet Valley Line)—" for ttleYr",l4 leic',
way front the Manchester and Birmingham Ritii,lttY nt A".4.,,‘;i1,0,1!
to join the Birmingham and Derby Line of the Micllah" `—
with a Branch to Stoke-upon-Trent."
North Staffordshire (liarecastle and Sawbach Llne)—n ipoislil
a Railway from Harecastle to join the Manchester And '-'lll2
Railway at or near the Sandbach Station thereon." pros-1 11,4e11.
Epsom and Dorking—" to enable the London and --,,,,,- lon
way Company Company to make a Railway, in extension of the "`"'
Epsom Railway, to Dorking, in the county of Surrey•" " for Making

NOTICES OF MOTIONS.
Mr. Hume—That all Rills for the formation or imrroTs",
Harbours and Wet Docks, Navigahle Canals wed Works ui', tbe
kind, on lands within high water mark, should be referovoltiee
Board of Admiralty for their report thereon, before the
on the Bill shall report to the H use (Thursday, Feb. 12)• „eoecil
r. ume—Coies of all eports andorrespondence . 00'
the lossH of the emigrantp ship R
Cataramse, in Bass' Straits, o 6
last, having 369 emigraxts on board. Copy of the'
sio "(ton!
officer at Liverpool, on the state of the Cataraque before
„fose*,
1.5
Liverpool in April, 1845:—Whether the captain and mate.hentlair!
any examination, and how long the captain had been 5
i
day, Feb. 12).
NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL-v
TUESDAY, FEB. 10. n Fetid*
Eastet Counties and Harwich Railway—Committee oa
postpone I fromiThursday 12 till Friday, Feb. 13.
COMMITTEES ON PETITIONS FOR RAILWAY
WEDNESDAY, WEDNESDAY, FEB. 18.

„oliA' 4

Birkenhead and Llangollen.
Warwickshire and London (Hampton and Abehurch Line)'
.101
Glasgow and Dundee Junction. I, 01'
Cameron's Coalbrook Steam Coal and Swansea anA Loug-° ~,
in; .It.
York and Itorth Midland Railway (Whitby and Picker 0
sion—Second reading, Monday, Feb. 16. tag/ 1
• coil,' r
Blackburn, Charley, and Liverpool Itailway-4e
Monday, Feb. 16

-----
, 11 S.
RAILWAY SHARE MARK ,
BRISTOL FEB. 10. 1011Ce'vt
STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are- liirMillgllarti ant,
,30 -Caledonian, 15-Ditto, New, 4-Taff Vale, Nor, l,l'
MANCHESTER, FEB. 10. Oaf er
0,,,e11ef, d r 1
STOCK EXCIIANGE.-The sales are -Blackburn, ,--- yfa,. ,
verpool, % dis. --Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton, 2% P'.,,r0t0,11;01,
cashire, No. 1, 4 p.-Ditto, No. 2,4% p.-Fleetwood, , od''',lfY.,
West Riding, !,4 p.--Iluddersfield and Manchester Raillyn:i. ortaPot
754 p.-Lancashire and North Yorkshire, 1,4 p.-LiverP4,lol,lpril'
and Preston, 2 13-16 p.-London and South Wales, 3°, .--dif.'" p.'
and Birmingham, Quarters, 8% p. cNorth Eastern, 7.1_• t,
Staffordshire, 3% p.- Sheffield and Lincolnshire Jlinc°lrs f°l'
Sheffield and Manchester, Quarters, No. 3,3% p.-SliroP.,ivek
14 dis.--South Eastern and Dover, No. 1,
p.-Trent Valley, Midland, and Grand Junction, yi -?)ley. ~. 011
LEEDS, FEB. 10. „,i Leo'', or,
STOCK EXCIIANGE.-The sales are-Manchester 11..,-"„. 10w43/4-,
Shares, 11% p. -Ditto, Extensions, 4 p.-York and .1,41,1,,,'
East and West Riding, 91,‘ p.-Great Grimsby and .93'e......yee,;irtr
Ditto, Docks, 4 -Huddersfield and Manchester, 74i p;, c.''''O'i
Dewsbury, New Shares, 21,,i p.-Leeds and Thirsk, ...,.-1.,,,,ick5,,,,
pool and Bury, New, 31. 3s. 6d. p.-Newcastle and Pe,0041:
North British, New Carlisle Branch, 2%-Boston, .6 p 01,-0,
Sheffield, •;s. 6d. p.-Direct Northern, 2 4 -Glasgow 2,1,,,iiig 1,;06;
3N p......pitt0,
21i - Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 5% -West .o,' 0.1 ' I:,fi'
64-Buckinghamshire (late Rugby), is. p.-LancasbirevoterliA'A
Yorkshire, 3s. p•-Lancashire, Yorkshire, and Nord! "tero7l•ll,.
dis.-Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland, 7s. 6d. p.--Leine! J0%4
ford, 7s. 6d. p.-Liverpool, Manchester, and liewcistiessnif.„
-Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 325. p „ -,,,
and Birmingham Continuation and Welsh Junction, `,s,"',,gV
Midland and Thirsk Junction, 15s dis.-North Western, . cue,?'
Midlands, 2%p.-South and Midland Junction, 7,'
shire and Glasgow Union, 10s. dis. It r
'
SHEFFIELD, FEB. 10. ,21/:90
STOCK EXCIIANGB.-The sales are-Eastern Conlin
Le"
--Great Grimsby and Sheffield, Extensions, 21. les. on "01
field, and Mid!and, 2/. rs. 6d.- M anchester, Sheffield's 9P,t 0,,
Junction, 33,4-Manchester, Midland, and Great (iroefillriV
Manchester and Lincoln Union and Canal, 21. 95..."-tePOPI
Lincolnshire, 41. Os. 6c1.-Sheffield and Linsolushirs ,1'
-South Yorkshire Coal Railway, 2%.
HULL, FEB. 10. ll'irofi Torok
STOCK Excitatiar.-The sales are-Hull and Sell3l,__,
41.
27 -North British, Carlisle, 31. Is.- Armagh,
rush, 255. 6d. -Axholine, 2 -Bradford, Wa4eflelcl, 1.00114,
355.-Buckingliainsinre, 445. 6d.-Derby and Gaings).ol
Cole iii'
sP a 11,...
East Lincolnshire, 2,1,', - Grand Union, 325.-Leicester d.
1/. Os. 6d.g
NEWCASTLE-UPO.S-TYI,7E, FEB.FD I°' d 11g
STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales arts-Newcastle an 1
22 p.-Newcastle and Bernick, 12% p. _, Po/
YORK, Ina. 10. ~ vs.,' ..,..,
STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Ipswich so,."' hire, ''.117,f
slon (Norwich), 2 i-I.ancashire and North YOll-'-prwic;o
Malton and Driffield Junction, Vi-Newcastle and ', pri JIVI.
Newcastle and Darlington Extensions, 111.1-No1;;"4 c', V'
lisle Extension), lelsh Midland, 185. - o'lo
Midland Extension, 34 ex all.-Ditto, New (POI 5
lug), 10%. -
IC
' Lgilk (104
' SP-
1, ,
4 lio
riov,
Fe- ,c ro e
..,
do

ST. JAMES THEATit;
The Ethiopian Serenaders commenced an el3',c-a.
this theatre last evening. We have already roo6t",t
ticn of the delightful performances of these tueboe ,„0;
cal representatives of negro minstrelsy who tinjotittit
',eared in this county. Rice, and Sweeny, alto/101p
have alr,ady given us various negro conic °ire 0
Ethiopian minstrels prove that the negro° rti,
ticients in instrumental music-witness their Ile sec 'o•
time celebrated bravura, from Era Diarola, on hicb? eti tot
the banjo, the tambourine, and the bones, wt.,,vneo,„.
strument might be in many instances most et;titiol 'l,:if
troduced into the regular orchestra, as a Satagi IP' Itiel`i,ile
clanging cymbals, or the reverberating clout" it 0 froa.
Legro musicians understand harmony asa,leaorto;c;jir
and their performance of the glees, ~ and • io
sing," "You'll see them on the Ohio, be eift,iple
ger's life is always gay," would 11°t 1 gjeilfo
able to the most crack glee or insdrigre4lsl3oegro of
the metropolis. Moreover, the Ethiopian miligt,, of 'bro,li) I
us acquainted with the more serious Phasey% the i,1)2f,!,
and have opened up to us a view of the Minr.ooo6 pi. t,,„r
heartedness, the utter withering of the an
of offrjpiri,
incidental to the state of slavery. The songf,, gr• rO3OOl
which was given with most telling pathoS ui, A 11e503 oft'
toll, is in itself a tragedy. It is the lament id blo,llifOri
over his sweetheart. They loved-he was 6°
AV° ,00;01'.
to a distant plantation, and Lucy Neal dies of ...,et ii„,,, id
l
Here are materials which in the hands of beyy tt',ol, ~f 1
nisi' forth a tragedy which, acted as it might ,et.stif fortif,
even in the States, create such a feeling ofd 00l 0 tip
slavery, that the slave-owners themselves t t0...Ai1l
shame learn to be rnAtiful, and n° by ;ill_,eitiol
the best feelings of our common nattildiogiii,Vd
husband from wife for the mere purpose of a" dv, We. • Prillr.f
gotten, their iniquitous gains. Such a trage 41:111;ed gi,"
and well-acted, would do more to convert times lot ,Istoie e,
America to a just appreciation of the horOr that Illeore'
all the preachings of all the abolitionistsiceft,ooripi'
braved the dangers of lynch law in the fsirosa off ere'
of the evening, however, was the " Illuiticeetp,vol o,
which is one of the most marvellous it,nsetbocteo tO r
painting that has ever been composed. Peo 010 teot1:0
and all the scientific composers who Pthe 1 Ileepcio
paint natural objects iu music, musty iel",„s 13titan ~.„1
Ethiopian Serenaders. No one
Indloo4Piii_staite:ciFor
" Railroad Overture" can form the
powers of sound in representing the object'were
house was well attended, and the Serenade° ' Ore
to the echo. ,0S ,tator,
---------- 51.- t /
e,e olfde
[ADVERTISEMENT.] -DEFECI.II4 tole° Pe p';,:,
HEARING RELIEVED. Instruments and See 30111'40V
country by post, 39, Albemarle-street, riec,e 01 0( Pct. ,r 1
vented Srectaeles, Powerful Telescopes, °Pe'll‘i4r OfPitigt,
scopes, &c.-Patronized by his Majesty the a, tisetbe vejsefe
her Grace the DoWager Duchess of Bed bijec, lkqiii/ps
Archbishops of Canterbury, York, and Pub, seolnetitioc'
Devonshire, Norfolk, Argyle, Marlborol.,bia A vletilifer
Bishops of Exeter, Lincoln, Cork, r aro c jo,o{
Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, Oculiit'es Pepe , 'f,‘4
have invented Spectacle Lenses uP(red beel4ll",t eel
lion. - Immediately they are Pia coldly 0, 0,04
:ect vision, either by day ^r ho 01.1041,iiiV
mist and dullness which appear before t „a (10,03 0. ',OB
removed, and every object becomes clear bar'itibt ;iftS610;01)
the most aged defective sight become° d orievrttrii:j
and is krought to its youthful, natural, an „5, Pc: i 0
the most Powerful Achromatic TeleseToeit,l,, -A ifttd,
Microscopes, Invisible and all kinds Of ',,jeSt"tetc;ooo te
for relief of extreme deafness. Cautinn 015, igiV,redi
Solomons, Opticians, are not in all edicts‘
t" 00 ir
~0 otf
person of the same name in their irnniprefeoibeetrt, 1,
nor in any artp of the country• f° r 59, AOO ,
eautious, and obnl be had s_
Piccadilli, oppositeserve-O the Yory kto Hotel, and ,
street, Edinburgh. ,6
-- ----- 0 ' fO-
- BIRTHS. ,„, 10'61 1,,,
On the Bth inst., the lady of AUgu''" fordr jiP
0, 41 fcP
of mm 6011. of o'll
on the Bth inst., Mrs., Robert Ircabe,
of , off. vacie
square, of a son. ~,
..,s,,dUo',..tfell. 0, u .
On the Bth inst., at Balaton, Mr!. `"
g ,:tiPs:3:or
0,„,:re.,'
0, Ye,
On the 9th inst., at Grosvenor-Fiat sol', ili•
of a son.
On the Bth inst., at Hawley-rolid,
Whiter, of ft daughter. , aroflf" ,Or 94'
wee,' top- .e,
011 the 21st ult., in Upper Brook
,fuo
off
of George Jell', Esq., of 15011 and hide lady of +'
~
On the 21stAstley Ball, On !4_"•,:oo,
i,ocia i
Esq., High Shertff of Worcestershire, o.l2`eloiy I 44'41,
Vor
On the 224 ult., at Montagu-square, ,u
~,,l, A J
Wu' ow 4'
of a daughter. 110° Ist P
NA iiitt4lop, If: Icl Sfii
ite 10
On the sth inst., at Brace Meolc, t dog If ~a t
Sr. 14?
Oakley Lodge. Fulham, to Sarah, sides
A 130t' t. 00' el '
Esq., of Red-hill, in that county.
gtratOr".i.c.str Too f tl, r
On the 7th inst., at St. Mary's. of lisr•Th Mr, tern tref,s
smiler Adams, to Miss Emily Oliver,,,_oeintai%ogit_,, 4*
On the 7th inst., at St. James's, ti!, 011 " 1,,,5t"
to Miss Leonord Charlotte Sastenan.-, ivionous
r, 0.
Sustenance, Esq. i-01, 3ficial'etli'j f,,
On the 7th lust., at }[oars •t°
..000.
_soot,
of
Princes-street, Hanover-square, ,
weworth, L.' ist°,l'7f. V t
ter of Charles Moore, Esq., of h" churcl'' te 1Z" ' , of% '
On the 9th Inst., at Maryleboma
_,,,eiff, t. us or
to Louisa Catharine, third daughter 0,
gee'''. 50111'
NEP% gala, 00 - os
at,
On the let inst., at the Illgliwait 11045,110' eft• Al
r, aite,4o,4 '
Infant son of Dr. John Jallleaoll.
all, Ile f ~.., lir- .01-- '
on the 24 inst., at Nunsbury
_.rot,: _.OOO ~, „tit,
1 ' ' d ri,
Dell, second daughter of the late:_otite f.._,.,tc,
.. .
On the 4th inst., Miss Mary li- , Cep, Wl'
~erri,..0:74, I
1,, j,
On the Ctli Inst., at Grove-rorlu, '
yooltiolorely
de( "1
of )Ir. tichard Nichols. _ii.molset,u'ioot
rose, ,or'
(41 the Otil inst., in Leadenn..r,,,,,wee,
fo'rli-g itOre' e'
On the 9th lust., In Beth° t r
, Ctillille OM Y ,
Turner, Esq. fort° aPlil,
~ nett, " street -•
elder twintlme 59001
nifititst..,N,nti,lotlt3her":l::_
p.p.
of
Colas . /
Olt the 9th inst., in 1.7PPe.,„ Then3g!',sort, .aillY'
On the I Oth inst., _roc) tils,,t.r,
Hoonnoritnhe; N9Vithfeinoig'tt.heiikriiiteAlty.irow,
e12ectur„...4,...,
Ina_
,a.lirv.,irdiil,"4
wife of T. Gardiner, Ems'
__------- DO I ad, ! '
---- ',ICS tttro „ON '
----------I.ubuahed b/ Tio• I" We'
London : Printed and_ so, Offiet,diese),,
Strand', Printer, at County
of 31,,
to the uv
of time Savoy,
11, 1841;,,

EAEYERTISEMENT•i—ASTHMA, SHORTNESS OF
FittIEATIT, Concise, AITD COLDS.—A TRULY SuararstNa
CAM—The Rev. David Williams, the resident Wesleyan
minist( r at Beaumaris, in the island of Anglesea, states, in a
letter, dated the 14th of January, 1845, that " He recom-
mended Holloway's Pills to a poor man of the name of Hugh
Davies, who at the time was almost unable to walk for want of
breath, that he had only taken them a few days when he
appeared quite another man—his breath was easy and natural,
and he was increasing daily in strength." These wonderful
Pills will cure any cough, cold, or asthma. Sold at Professor
Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand ; and by almost all
respectable vendors of medicine throughout the civilised world•
TAKE OF HERRINGS.---We are happy to stare that the
greatest take of herrings within the memory of the oldest in-
habitants of this island, has occurred in our bay (Dugort)
during the last three weeks. We may safely state that up-
wards of 300,000 herrings were caught, and sold at fair
prices, averaging from ls. 3(1. to 3s. per hundred. The fish
were of more than ordinary size.—Achill Herald.