The Sun.
London, England, 1870-12-08 00:00:00

GERMAN UNITY.

The Times believes that a mighty revolution has been
accomplished in lfurope, and all our traditions have sud-
denly become antiquated. No one can pretend to predict
the relations of the Great Powers ; but it is not very diffi-
cult to forecast in a general way the political
tendencies of the time on which we are about
to enter. There will be a powerful unit d Germany,
presided over by a family which represents not only
its interests but its military fame. On the one side will
be Russia, strong and watchful as ever ; but on the
other side will be France, which, whether patient under
her reverses or burning for revenge, will be for a time
incapable of playing that great part in Europe which
belonged to her even under the feebleness of the
Restoration. Thus, whereas we had formerly two
strong centralised military Empires, with a dis-
tracted, unready nation between them, which might be
ground to powder whenever the two closed to crush it,
there is now a firm barrier erected in Central Europe, and
the fabric is correspondingly strengthened. In this the
policy of past generations of English statesmen
is fulfilled. They all desired the creation of
a strong Central Power, and laboured for it in peace and
war, by negotiations and alliances, now with the Em-
pire, now with the new State which had arisen in
the North. But their hopes were not to be realised.
The Empire to which the Great Napoleon gave the last
blow passed away because the race which it repre-
sented was not yet a nation. Whether the Germans
until recent times ever had a sentiment of national
unity it is difficult to say, but certain it is that in
the 18th century and the early years of the 19th no
such sentiment existed. As the power of the Emperor
waned, the Princes became almost irresponsible
despots, and at the outbreak of the French Revolution
there were more than 300 of them, great and small.
Their jealousies were incessant, the feuds frequent,
and the antagonism of Austria and Prussia, the
cause of so many troubles, was then as strong
as when it destroyed the Bund four years ago. Now
the nation is represented and led by its princes ; but it
lives, and thinks, and acts for itself, and not only is -the
Empire possible, but its primary state under its new con-
stitution will probably be but the transition to a more
centralised and powerful organisation. From a race but
dimly conscious of unity and common interests the Ger-
mans have been transformed into what they are by suf-
fering and deliverance.

The Telegraph says : Why should Count Bismarck make
a point of obtaining from the old monarch his acceptance
of the title of Kaiser? No doubt it is a natural symbol
of the unity which mingled astuteness and valour have
accomplished. The renown of the ancient and mediaeval
world gathers about the name. It recalls Char-
lemagne and Charles le Gross ; Henry the Fowler
and Barbarossa—Conrad, who made the " Truce
of God," and Max, who was as potent in peace as
war. The very name is a token that once again Germany
—which was divided under Henry the Fifth is wedded
together under William, a reconciled and indivisible
nation. Count Bismarck is not the man to be senti-
mental ; yet, as. a German, he has beyond doubt felt the
force of these associations, and he has besides given full
weight to the feelings of the minor kings and princes.
Nevertheless, he is also a man of his time, and
he knows what are its forces and tendencies far
too well to be dazzled by the idea of a " Holy Roman
Empire" like that of Oth.. People talk of Germany as
if the nation were feudal at heart ; and the sentiment
with which the German race will hail the nomination is
very likely to be mistaken. Count Bismarck, it is to be
hoped, commits no such error, whatever his Royal Master
and the Southern Kings may think ; and nobody can
estimate better than the watchful Chancellor the
popular influences which must and will assert themselves
when the war is over, and the swords are beaten into
ploughshares. He perceives that the present time is mo-
mentous enough to engross all his attention. To-day it is
enough to conciliate objections, allay suspicions, and
consolidate Germany under the old, well-understood
words and mtmes. The work will stand, whether,
the words and names endure or not that we
must assume the Count forsees, and to that the German
people will agree. It is mournful beyond expression for
humanity, that it cannot contemplate the harvest of so
much effort as a labour of peace, accomplished by in-
fluences of natural development, and not even the great-
ness of the result can, in the view of any reasonable
mind, atone for the combination of fraud and violence
by which the earlier stages of the movement were marked.
But some day th 3 world will forget Count Bismarck's
means in the greatness of his aim, and Germany united
will be a pledge of peace, not, under martial leaders, a
formidable source of war in its most,hideous aspect.
The Standard dwells upon some interesting consi-
derations suggested by the announcement of the estab-
lishment of the German Empire, and remarks : Its
political significance, except in its working upon the
German mind, and its possible effect in strengthen.
ing the idea of unity, by giving it a concrete repre-
sentation, is nothing. Europe will accept the announce-
ment and congratulate the new Emperor. Having
raised no question as to the admission of Prussian non-
German provinces into the North German Confederation,
it will make no protest against their formal incorpo-
ration in Germany. Only in the Austrian Empire will
the step provoke any regret or ill-feeling. The Emperor
Francis Joseph, as heir and the representative of
the long line of Emperors, who, although their proper
title was Roman Emperor, were always called Ger-
man Emperors, may regard with some bitterness of heart
a usurpation, as he may deem it, on the part of Prussia,
which seems to mark as definitive the severance of all
connection between Austria and Germany, and the
final triumph of the Hohenzollerns in their long
struggle with the Hapsburgs ; and the Austrian
Germans will feel more keenly that they are cut
off from their brethren, upon whose aid they have
relied to carry German culture—that is, to assert
German rule—in the east of Europe. They will feel
more fully how desperate is their chance of maintain-
ing that ascendancy, that monopoly of power, against
the great majority of their fellow-subjects which until
very recently they enjoyed, and for which they are
still struggling so vehemently.. But Austria will
offer no further opposition than that of making
her reserves. And if King William is crowned
Emperor of Germany all the crowned heads of Europe
will have their representatives to congratulate him. We
cannot congratulate him. The new Empire of Germany
has been erected upon fraud and violence. Its founda-
tions were laid long ago in treachery; its superstructure
has been built up in our days by unjust and bloody wars
waged against Germans ; it is crowned by a slaughter and
devastation, wanton because needless for the welfare and
security of Germany.