The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-06 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, JANUARY 6, 1846.

THE QUARTER'S REVENUE.

I The return of the net produce of the Revenue up
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royonf.
547,5461. on the quarter, and considering the re-
ductions made by the tariff of last session, we con-
sider that the amount of decrease in Customs' Duties
is smaller than we had any right to hope for. In the
Excise there is an increase of 107,8971., and
considering that the glass duties have been
removed, we consider this increase a most
satisfactory indication of the state of the coun-
try. The quarter's increase on Stamps amounts
to 190,744/. We were prepared to expect a large
increase under this head, for the railway speculations
have necessitated an enormous transfer of capital, and
every transfer of this nature pays a stamp duty.
Under the head of Taxes we find a small decrease of
4,4391., and under that of the Property-tax a decrease
0f100,556/. The Post-office revenue shows an increase
ur2on the quarter of 43,0004 and we feel assured, that if
the Post-office were properly managed, an enormous
increase of revenue would be the consequence. The
Yost-office should take advantage of the rapidity of
railroad communication, and measure by time and
not by distance. If what used to be the old two-
penny post delivery were extended to every district
within four hours of the General Post-office (regard-
less of distance), the revenue from the Post-office
would show an enormous increase. There is a de-
ctease of 25,000/. on the Crown Lands' revenue, and an
increase under the head of Miscellaneous upon the
quarter of 360,281/., but the last payment of the
Chinese ransom-money is:included in this sum. The
total increase of the quarter is 12,800,798/. sterling—
an increase on the quarter of 95,105/.; the total income
for the year is 50,601,9884 showing a decrease on the
year of 633,5501.—a very small decrease, when we
consider the amount of the duties which were taken
off during the last session of Parliament. The total
charge for the quarter ending January 5, 1846,
is 8,740,084/. ; and the surplus, 4,275,316/.
On the whole, this return may be considered
satisfactory. It shows that the revenue in the long
run gains by the removal of exorbitant import duties ;
that the experiments which have been tried in the
free trade direction have been more successful than
their most sanguine advocates could have anticipated,
proving to demonstration that the doctrines of free
trade are the doctrines of common sense, and, con-
sequently, of sound finance. ‘Ve hope, therefore, that
Sir R. PEEL will, on the meeting of Parliament, be
prepared to carry out those doctrines to their full
extent by the removal of all protective duties ; and
we feel convinced that, setting aside other and higher
considerations, such a measure might be amply jus
tified on financial grounds alone.

It must be confessed that the denunciations of
Noble Lords against the electoral efforts of the Anti-
Corn-law League as unconstitutional would lose none
of their force if Noble Lords paid more respect them-
selves to the constitution. When Lord SALISBURY
and the Duke of RICHMOND come forward as cham-
pions of the offended constitution, we are naturally
reminded of a certain order against interference of
Peers in elections, renewed every session by the
House of Commons, and violated at every election
for Hertford by Lord SALISBURY, and by the Duke
of RICHMOND at every election fur Sussex and Chi-
chester.

While the new-born zeal for the constitution of
bucolic aristocrats is at its height, we will show
them what a fine field there is for their knight-
errantry where they should begin—at home. There
is Lord LONDONDERRY openly threatening both city
and county of Durham with the influence of the
house of WINTARD; Mr. BRIGHT is to be driven
away from the city by a candidate of Lord LONDON..
DERRY'S OWII choice, and Lord LONDONDERRY'S own
son, because he is his son, is to eject Mr. LIDDELL,
though he is a Conservative, from the county. Then
there is the Duke of MARLBOROUGH, as shamless in
acts as Lord LONDONDERRY in speeches. In less than
three years he has made three Members for Wood-
stock ; put in his heir and turned him out,—then put
up Lord LOFTUS, writing an address for him, and
answering for his opinions on the Maynooth Bill
while Lord LOFTUS was in Italy; and within the
last month he has taken a younger son from the
Guards, and made him Member for Woodstock.
The new Secretary for the Colonies is at this mo-
mentin suspense whether the Duke of NEWCASTLE will
permithim toreappear at Newark ; and Lord LINCOLN,
had it pleased the Premier to offer him a higher office
than he holds, would have had to think what the
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.hisspirapaT,HwoomuAlds sayi,a
Etmo
Ahisi
Ts
LrEe •- electk n o
Nivosn
not
from day to day, as the Government makes each new '
step, whether the Duke of BUCKINGHAM will renew
the cove, d'elire, by virtue of Which he now sits for
Buckingham. An election to the other seat for Buck- '
ingham is to take place in a few days, and everyone
knows that the Duke has named the candidate. As
soon as the session begins, there will be a new elec-
tion for Mldhutst, for which a relation, and of course
a nominee, cf the Earl of EGMONT has offered him-
self Sir GEORGE CLERK is enabled to give
invaluable services in
the Government his
only by the grace of Lord
is him to be returned
at Cirencester;
for S t a m -
fElo) arxdrEl. iraEmTig e'llnewtnh ot
h epreer mii
sLord B
a : Da onrdc hie:tredr ;A.
TaLds
BLu
310 ryd,
andsAr4
SANDWICH,
ai It AF
HuntingdonTSß U it Y,
atlltrollxosnogmhE;Rs,and Lord ASHBURTON, at Thetford;
and
" Curry Powder," at Arundel Reigate
a;
andtea
Lord Pe DEMBURkOeIi of
K,
at Wilton ; and the Duke of NORTHUMBERLAND, at j

Launceston ; and Lord BRISTOL, at Bury St. Ed-
munds; and Lord WAavvicx, at Warwick; and
again the Duke of BUCKINGHAM, at Winchester and
Aylesbury. There is never an election for any of
these places but a Peer violates the Constitution. Is
there, again, a county election without inter-
ference of Peers, and of bucolic Peers ? Verily
the Duke of RICHMOND should look to the beam in
his own eye before meddling with other men's
motes.

But we have perhaps been wrong in saying that
the Duke of RICHMOND influences the Chichester
elections ; and, indeed, we should infer from the late
agricultural demonstration at Chichester that Lord
ARTHUR LENNOX, the Duke of RICHMOND'S brother,
and member of the Government abused by the Duke,
holds his seat in spite of the Duke and his agricul-
tural fuglernen. It is difficult to account in any
other way for the absence of Lord ARTHUR LENNox,the
Member for Chichester, from so great a demonstration
in the borough which he represents. Of all the
LENNOXES, he was tke LENNOX who should have
been there : but, non est inventes, Lord MARCH wrote
a letter, Lord WILLIAM LENNOX spouted nonsense—
verse ; the Duke of RICHMOND maundered
nonsense—prose : but the LENNOX who is Member
for the borough made no sign, neither went nor
wrote. And what is more remarkable is, that not
one word was said about him. We should then infer,
that the Duke of RICHMOND and the agricultural
strength of Chichester, not only find Lord ARTHUR
Larmox seated in spite of them, but see no chance of
unseating him. Else, how no mention, on such
an occasion of the absent Member, whose
absence was unexplained ? The subject was
avoided, as if it were one of those mournful
subjects which cannot be spoken upon. They
bullied PEEL, burnt the Times, blackguarded
the League, but not one word of their own stray,
absent Member, Sir ROBERT PRIM'S Clerk of the
Ordnance :
" Oh, no ! we never mention him,
His name is never heard."

The article on " Ministerial Resignations," in the
Quarterly Review, has attracted a great deal more no-
tice than it merits, and indeed is so utterly con-
temptible as a defence of the present duties on corn,
that we are only astonished how persons professing to
be acquainted with the subject should have wasted
time in analysing its statements, or reporting what
the writer cells facts. It bears all the marks of a
writer who never was over scrupulous in his tactics,
provided they could injure an opponent, who with
the most cool impudence would adduce falsehoods
for truths, and argue with the most apparent sin-
cerity on inventions of his own brain as if they
were facts. The RICHNONDS, and the BUCK ING
HAMS, and SALISBURTS, probably thought such a
man might be of use at the present crisis, and hence
the violent mercenary production in defence of mono-
poly. Like all the papers on the Ministerial resigna-
tions, in the monthly and quarterly periodicals pub-
lished at the close of the year, it is out of date, and
consequently contains a variety of matter which pos-
sesses little interest now that the Pus'. Cabinet is
remodelled and complete. But, nevertheless, the spirit
displayed by the writer, the acrimonious language
used towards the party in opposition, who have served
Sir ROBERT PEEL so well, the bitter disappointment
manifested at the supposed downfal of the Conserva-
tive Ministry and the constructon of a Whig Cabinet,
teach some useful lessons, and show that the Tories
are still the same race, and when thrust from power
will again resort to that disgraceful policy which
marked the whole of their opposition to the Al ELBOUENR
Government. Indeed, so rabid is the writer of the article,
and so completely has be been blinded by his rage at
the heavy blow and great discouragement, that he
has forgotten everything like justice and fair play, and
at the very outset—in the three first pages—has com-
pletely destroyed all confidence in his sincerity and
honour throughout the succeeding remarks. After
quoting from Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S letter the para-
graph, in which the Noble Lord says that his views
had, in the course of twenty years, " undergone a

great alteration," and that "we ought to abstain
from all interference with the supply of food," the
reviewer triumphs as if he had already obtained a
great victory by convicting Load JOHN of inconsis-
tency. "We need hardly point out," says he, " the
inconsistency of reproaching the Government with

not having taken violent measures to ensure a large
importation of food, and then, within ten lines, assert-
ing that a Government ought to abstain from all in-
terference whatever." It is impossible to mis-
take the meaning in the first paragraph
quoted. To "abstain from all interference with
the supply of food" signifies, in the plainest terms,
that there should be no duties on corn—no sliding.
scales—no interference whatever that could obstruct
the importation of grain, and this view every reader
naturally takes of the expression ; but that view
would not suit the writer, for he delights in quibbles
and jesuitical deductions, such as those which distin-
guished Mr. CROK3a during the discussions on the
Reform Bill, and which, before they were brought to
a conclusion, rendered him of no authority whatever
in the Committee. Another grievous complaint is,
that the leader of the Opposition did not declare when
he had changed his opinion, or why he delayed it till
now, for' if stated in time, his opinion might have
had some effect on the Minister's determination."
But the writer himself admits that the fact had been
declared, not by words only, but by deeds, and proves
it by his own statements in 1841. " The truth is" (he
quotes from the Quarterly of that year), " that

neither Lord JOHN RUSSELL, nor Mr. M'CuLLocif,
nor any one else, contemplates for a moment a fixed
duty ; and the proposition is, therefore, neither more
nor less than a wicked and delusive fraud." And, in
the following year, his language shows still more
strongly that Lord JoHN RUSSELL had changed his
opinion, for he says, "It is notorious and avowed that
the enemies of all protection proposed a fixed duty
only because it would lead directly to the removal of
all protection." Thus he admits the fact was avowed
by Lord JOHN RUSSELL in 1841, yet asserts, in 1845,
that up to that hour the change had been kept a pro-
found secret. But we have another striking instance of
the perversion of the plainest language in the third
page of the article. He charges Lord JOHN RUSSELL
"with a gross, and what looks like, a wilful mis-

representation," for stating that by the corn-law
of 1842 "grain of all kinds has been made subject to
very high duties on importation." This is called a
gross misrepresentation of the Minister's intentions,
"because everybody knows that the act of three
years lowered very considerably the anterior scale of
duties." But what has that to do with Lord Joan
RUSSELL'S assertion? or on what principle of fair-
ness can it be urged as a proof of gross misrepresenta-
tion ? He merely states a fact which the consumers
of bread know to their cost, that Sir ROBERT PEEL'S
Bill imposed the duty of 20s. on every quarter of
wheat imported when the price was under 515., and
19s. when it rose to 51s. Can any one deny that 20s.
and 19s. the quarter are very high duties, or that
they were fixed by Sir ROBERT PEEL ? These are
fair specimens of the arguments throughout—they
cast suspicion on the whole, and render the opinions
and assertions of the writer of no weight whatever on
a subject that can be discussed with advantage only on
the fairest and soundest principles. His malignant
imputations on the candour, and honesty, and word
of honour of such men as Lord MoarETn and Mr.
LABOUCHERR show the same spirit, and require no
refutation. A Contemporary, who has devoted some
three or four leading articles to refute the miserable

sophistry of the writer, has at last discovered that his
authority is totally worthless, and that " a moment's
inspection is sufficient to inform us that it has no more

;o do with the severities of statistical fact, or the

rigours of economical reasoning, than the bit of red
jacket which the shark gulps down to his destruction

has to do with a veritable shin of beef. The state-

ments are generally altogether casual, the authorities
worthless or rebellious, the assumptions gratuitous,
and the logic of that private character which depends
forits force on the favourable prepossessions of the
reader."

We have accounts from Madrid to the 28th ult.
Some efforts, it would appear, are to be made by the
Opposition to resist the Government measures, and,
first of all ; to move an amendment to the Address in
the Chamber of Deputies, but the great majority leaves
no doubt that NARVAEZ will have everything his own
way. On the 27th the Finance Minister had a long
conference with the Directors of the Bank respecting
the amount of meney required by the Government