The Sun.
London, England, 1848-05-25 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

keep a news-room in the town, having a con-
siderable number of subscribers, and am also a news-
agent, supplying many daily papers. I take among
others a late edition of The Sun for my news-room. It
is the only ono in the town, and is eagerly sought after
for its well known early and authentic intelligence on all
subjects. Now, it is but just you should be aware that
if anything of more than usual interest is looked forward
to. the non-arrival of the paper on that day amounts
almost to a certainty. So surely do I calculate upon
this, that against the opening of Parliament, any impor-
tant debate, or matter of interest, I am in the habit of
taking two or three copies from different agents, not
that I actually want more than one, but to guard, as far
as I can, against an otherwise almost certain disappoint-
ment. Nor does this precaution always answer the pur-
pose intended. Last Monday's paper was eagerly
sought after by sporting men, for its expected Derby
prophecy, and, as usual, not a copy made its appear-
ance. You have probaly had similar complaints to this
before, but I doubt whether you or the newspaper press
generally are aware of the extent of the evil. I have
lost daily papers three or four days in a week—not sent
—I would expressly mention—in a wrong direction,
otherwise they would be returned by next post. This
rarely happens.
I have written to the Postmaster-General on this mat-
ter more than once, and my complaints have been re-
ceived with courtesy, and inquiries made, but attended
with no result further than to exculpate two out of the
three parties who alone can be concerned, namely, th•
news-agent and the local postmaster. I think if the
same pains were taken to discover the purloiners of
newspapers as are given to the detection of stealers of
letters, the true delinquents would be more frequently
brought to justice.
I enclose five stamps, and shall feel particularly
obliged by a copy of the paper mentioned, should one
remain in the office. Not one has yet been seen here.
I am, Sir, yours very respectfully,
FREDERICK WARD.
Stratford-on-Avon, May 24,1848.

His Excellency Sir Henry Bulwer, the British
Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Madrid, who
arrived in London yesterday morning from Spain, had
a lengthened interview with Viscount Palmerston in
the afternoon.

SIR JAMES Ross's EXPEDITION.—" Enterprise, off
Aberdeen, Wednesday.—l drop you a line to say good-
bye. The pilot is just leaving, and now we start fair for
the ice on our own bottoms. The heavens have certainly
smiled upon us since we started. The pilot says be
never saw such a run of fine weather; we outsell the
Investigator, and are continually obliged to shorten sail
for her to close. We are all surprised at this, for It
was generally imagined that she would have the heels
of us. We are all quite well, and in the best of spirits.
Our ship's company behave capitally, and work in ex-
cellent style—in fact, we could not be better off in that
way. I must now bid you adieu. I will send you fur-
ther news of our expedition by the whalers in autumn."
We have had a week of the finest weather, says
our Ulverston correspondent, that could possibly bay.
been wished for; alternate beautiful showers, gentle
breezes, and a good average of sunshine. Crops never
looked more promising.—Cumberland Pocallet

l'iiB

- •
THE PEOPLE'S LEAGUE.
Last night a public meeting, convened by this body,
was held in the large room of the London Tavern, Col.
Thompson, M.P., who was received with great applause,
was called to the chair shortly after six o'clock.
Among those on the platform we noticed Mr. Shar-
man Crawford, M.P., Mr. C. Lushington, M.P., Mr.
'Williams, M.P., Mr. Gardner, M.P., the Rev. J. Bur-
nett, Mr. Luke Hansard, Mr. E. Miall, Mr. J. H. Parry,
Elihu Burritt, and a large number of respectable
and well known friends to reform. The room was
densely crowded, and a large number of persons could
not gain addlission.
The CHAIRMAN, is opening the proceedings, said the
League was established for the purpose of promoting
the full and fair representation of the people. He had
advocated for many years those principles which he now
saw were rising fast into importance, and would speedily
be crowned with success. Those who looked at the affairs
of nations must be convinced that in the lone* run nothing
would stand but justice. What he meant by justice was,
what turn and turn about would be fair to all men, in short,
the great principle of Christianity, " Do unto others as ye
would that others should do unto yon."—(Cheers.) In
the pursuit of this justice, different times required diffe-
rent modes of agitation. Our fathers fought for freedom
in many a field, and we had, happily for us, nothing
left now but to pursue a constitutional and a determined
course. They could see that opposition was dying off,
Ald there should be no difference among themselves.—
(Hear, hear.) It was union and not division that was
wanted.—(Hear.) He had been asked by a high-born
and wealthy men to second a motion for the ballot in
the House of Commons, a sort of little frigate
I ent forth on an independent venture.—(Hear.) He was
ready to do so. He was ready to unite with all who
were prepared to grant or advocate popular rights,
though they might not go the full length he did. He
did not see enemies to the people in the ranks of the
Aristocracy. They would in their own time and way
become valuable aids to national progress. It was
well said, that a house divided against itself could
not stand ; let their house then be united, and they
would soon succeed in amending another house that
much needed it.—(Hear, hear.) They must repudiate
all violence of either deed or language, and they would
thus put amiet, peaceful, happy end to every thing to
which the name of tyranny could be applied.— (Cheers.)
The Hon. Gentleman then read a letter from Mr. G.
Thompson. M.P., apologising for his absence from the
.meeting, in which he alluded to Lord J. Russell's de-
claration, that the people were neither in favour of the
Charter nor of Mr. Hume's motion. (This allusion
was received with groans and hisses, and cries of "Turn
him out of office.") In conclusion, he called on the
meeting to use the interval between this time and the
20th of June in such a way as to convince Lord John
that he was mistaken, and he was happy to see that as
far as that meeting was concerned it was determined to
do its duty.—(Cheers.)
The Rev. J. BURNETT moved the first resolution,
which was—" That this meeting, looking at the narrow,
unequal, and unjust basis upon which the existing
system of parliamentary representation :exists—at the
numerous proofs, patent to the whole empire, of the ex-
tent to which corrupt influences are usually employed
to place the popular branch of the legislature under the
exclusive control of a selfieh oligarchy—and at the
entire want of agreement between public opinion as
expressed out of doors, and as professedly interpreted
by Parliament—declare their conviction that the House
of Commons does not truly represent the people, and that,
so long as it shall continue to be constituted as at present,
it neither will nor can become a proper organ for the
expression of the nations will." He disclaimed all inte-
rested motives in coming forward on that occasion, as
was alleged sometimes against parties who occupied such
a posittton. With respect to the speech of Lord John
Russell on the previous evening, he thought that they
were much indebted to him for that speech, because it
presented a clear and distinct ground of contest. He told
them to their face that the country did not want reform.
—(Hisses.) He took his stand upon the temple of the
Constitution ; and would, perhaps, paint and gild it on
the same principle that Napoleon caused the dome of
the Invalides to be gilded, in order to create a better
public opinion in Paris. That had its effect at the time.—
(Laughter.) But gilding did not suit in Paris now.—
(Hear. hear.) There had been reading, thinking, and
above all, suffering, which had made men sick of mere
gilding ; children only were satisfied with gilt ginger-
bread.—(Hear, hear.) But they must not expect that
any great improvements would emanate from the Go-
vernment. All past improvements in the Constitution
had been made by the people, and he was neither a poli-
tician nor a philosopher who expected that any Govern-
ment would ever amend the Constitution until the
people demanded it.—(Hear, hear.) They now had
the Government and the people directly at variance.
The :Government said the people did not want
political reform ; and yet, looking at the armed
forces, the police, and special constables, it seemed to him
that the Government were really of opinion that the
people did court these reforms. lie said they must ab-
jure all violence.—(Cheers.) No great revolution was
ever effected by violence. They might point to France
—(Hear, hear)—that was not in reality a revolution of
violence. Louis Philippe could have easily put down
the few violent men in Paris, but he could not put down
the will and opinion of a nation. The House ot Com-
mons did not represent the people. They laughed at
their petitions, and that was enough to show the fact.
How was it to be amended? Only by doing away with
all definitions, household suffrages, rating suffrages, &c.,
&c., and make the House of Commons the House of the
whole people. Let the whole people have the :power of
electing their own representatives.—(Prolonged ap-
plause.) But it was said the people were not fit for the
exercise of this right. He knew that all the people were
not fit, but it was not among the working classes only
that these unfit men were to be found, but among all
classes. He would only say, however, that if the people
were so unfit, it showed the detects of our boasted con-
stitution which had educated them so badly, and proved
the more conclusively that it required alteration.-2
(Cheers.) He left the cause in their hands, calling upon
thetas to work it boldly, but peacefully. Let public opi-
nion roll into the House of Commons like the waves of
the sea, and they would carry their object.—(Cheers.)
Mr. SHARMAN CRIWFORD, M.P., seconded the reso-
lution. In doing so, ho said he had no new professions
to make. The principles contained in the resolution he
had advocated both in and out of the House, and he was
determined that no man should charge him with being
reereant to his principles.—(Hear, hear.) In 1842 he
had, at the request of the Complete Suffrage Associa-
tion, brought forward the whole of the six points of the
' Charter.—(Cheers.) He had tested the old House of
Commons, therefore, on the question, and was sup-
ported by 69 votes. He trusted that in the present
House a larger number would be found to support these
principles. He attended that meeting for many reasons,
hat principally because he approved of the objects of the
League, and the mode by which it proposed to gain
them. They were determined to use no violence, and
though he would boldly insist upon the whole of
the six points of the Charter; he would, at the
same time, and he trusted they also would, gladly co-
operate with their fellow-labourers, who might not go as
far as themselves.—(Hear, hear.) He felt also that it
was his duty as a member of the Legislature, to support
the Hon. Chairman, after the declaration of Lord J.
Russell.—(Hisses and groans.) He said that the city of
London was bound to show his Lordship he was mis-
taken, and that the people were of opinion, as he was,
that every man was a slave who was not empowered to
elect his own representative, and to have a voice in the
making of the laws of his country.—(Hear.) As an
Irishman, ho would say, that the miseries of that land
were owing to its want of a proper representation.—
(Hear, hear.) England could never be free or prosper-
ous while Ireland was enslaved.—(Hear, hear.) Irish-
men and Englishmen should unite for thin great object.
—Cheers.) It was their interest to do so, and as an
bpmble advocate of these views, he pledged himself to
give his heat efforts, both in and out ofHouse, to
promote the great cause which he was delighted. to
per-
ceive they were all unanimous in supporting.
Mr. GA.RDNER, M.P., supported resolution. Such
meetings, though they might be hateful to those who
maintained existing abuses, were the great mainstay of
popular liberty, and he trusted they would Haver
g„_(Grzer abstain
avcheering,
from " open and advised speakin
oninagll their
the major part of the meeting rising and w
hats)—from "opem and advised speaking"
sub-
jects of public interest, notwithstanding the efforts of
so-called Liberal Ministry—(Groans)—to prevent thea
expression of opinion ly a new Act, hurried through
the House in a moment of panic, and which the electoral
body would in time repudiate.—(Hear, hear.) He knew
that they were &led revolutionists and incendiaries
when they demanded reforms in times of great public
excitement. The Ministry then said, wait until times
are more quiet ; vre can then discuss and settle these
claims for improved institutions ; but when those quiet
times did come, ale Ministry then told them the people
were quiet, passive, and contented, and there was no
need for any reforms, which were merely the offspring
of the distempered brain of interested demagogues.—
(Hear.) He was not one of those who founded his
opinions. on what had taken place in other countries.
He did not base his opinions on these events, nor did he
wish to copy either France or Germany. There were
plenty of arrows iR the British quiver with which to
amend the constitulon of that House, which ought to be
the lepresentative of the people, but was now merely the
reflexion of the selfishness and prejudices of the aris-
tocracy. —(Cheers.) When he found that the burdens
of the nation were increased by this Parliament—that
the Church, which ought to he the Church of the people,
was anything but that—when he looked at the condition
of the nation, he confessed he had his fears that the
concession would be delayed too long, and be too stinted
when it came.—(gear.) He thought it was their duty,
before it was too late, to call on the Ministry to change
the present false and unreal mockery of representation
Into a genuine representation of the people. Lord
Palmerston hod recently written an offensive letter
Minister. to the Spanish ister. He wished that some kind
friend"
rhhaydsieiaben,
heal
been there to. whisper in his Lordship's
ear,
thyself"—(llear.) There were
enough of evils to be found in the home market, with-
put his going about on a crusade tout the affairs of
a --( ther nations to rights.flear. p
) He believed that Spai
had no Ireland, at least—ear\--whatever other dn
e-
feat she had; and, when he !golfed at the burdens im-
Loved on this country-4f the do
ant
'moat unparalleled inequality of Church, and the
condition among the
people, he could not but think that they ought to mind
their own
business and "set their "
EMr. Joseph Sturge here made his anpp houseea ra
went ci
en
oor
on a
on
rthe
't
platform, amidst loud cheers.] Mr. Gardner
.considerable length to comment upon the declaration of
,`,tie Premier, that the middle and working classes were I
n ot desirous of political changes, and to condemn the
finality policy et his Lordship. For himself, he said that
six years ago he joined the complete suffrage eao„..2_
meat, was a member of its council, and had seen
no
reason since that time to alter his opinion,.
.He put no limit to his democracy, and would
put none, short of giving every honest man the

same rights he possessed himself. Mr. Hume's mo-
tion certainly fell short of what he considered neces-
sary; but at the same time it must be remembered
that all reforms were to be got by operating upon the
electoral body, and therefore they must not expect
Members of Parliament to go further than their con-
stituents would let them. He did not mean himself,
however, in this case, for he had a constituency who
were better pleased with him the further he went.—
(Three cheers for Leicester.) He said they must operate
upon the electoral body, that was the true way to change
the convictions and ensure the assistance of Members of
Parliament. For himself, he was certain that these
principles would triumph. He defied either finality
Ministers, a corrupt House of Commons, or a Conven-
tion of Chartists.—(Confusion and dissent from the
Chartists.) He merely meant to say that he defied any
amount of impudence or apathy, either on the part of
the working or middle classes, to prevent for any length-
ened period the full and fair representation of the people
in their own House of Commons.—(Cheers.)
A Mr. Euacerr here came forward, and attempted in
vain to address the meeting.
The resolution was then put to the meeting, and car-
ried unanimously.
Mr. J. H. PARRY moved the second resolution:—
" That in the judgment of this meeting, the franchise,
limited by such regulations only as may be necessary to
secure for it a legitimate exercise, is the right of every
man—(Cheers)—that whilst the power to vote is distri-
buted with reference to the possession of property,
purity of election can neither be had nor reasonably ex
pected—(Hear, hear)—that any reform of the House of
Commons which fails to recognise this right will be in-
complete, and, to the excluded classes, unsatisfactory
and unjust; and that the constituency created by a frank
and unreserved admission of all men within the pale of
citizenship, would be more intelligent, more inde-
pendent, and more conservative of order, than any one
restricted within arbitrary limits. For these and other
reasons, this meeting avow their conviction that justice
and expediency unite in recommending a hearty union
of all reformers for securing the adoption of this prin-
ciple, by the Imperial Legislature." He said that, in
order to secure the right of every man of sound mind,
and uncontaminated by crime, to the possession of the
suffrage, the resolution called upon that meeting to
set an example to the country, and to cordially unite,
whatever might be their peculiar shades of opinion, in an
earnest and cordial spirit, for the securing of that great
object.—(Cheers.) He himself was in favour of the
principles of the People's Charter---(Cheers)—but at
the same time, if another man was in favour of a six
months' residence instead of three, he would cordially
co-operate with that man.—(Hear, bear.) Again, the
question of the duration of Parliament was a question
which ought not to disunite Reformers. He might be in
favour of annual Parliaments, but was that any reason
why he should refuse to act with the man who believed
that triennial Parliameets were best?
which Lord John Russell had thrown d ownTshoeflippantly
t
last night, was only thrown down because he relied on
_aar
e being disunited,
hear,)isuni But ted
he would find himself
past political
mistaken—(Hear, the
p
s taekopenl
The people of England, re-
membering theirprogress, were not inclined
to stand still while all the world was moving, merely be-
cause the Duke of Wellington or Lord John Russell was
frightened. No;
tathoeiT
Englishmen,
there assembled to contend
thef o r theold
great
dawt well-defined
any
sof the British consti-
tution—rights older thanp dukedom
thingsor title a
twhatever.they took warning by the condition of affairs abroad?—
(No, no.)—Were they satisfied with the Gagging and
Alien Bills, which he regarded in no other light than as
measures for the protection and preservation of many
barbarous appendages of royalty ? He confessed him-
self favourable to monarchical institutions. Let the
aristocracy array themselves, if they pleased, against the
throne, but there was no necessity for the people to do
so. The people of this country did not want to over-
throw the throne, but to secure their own rights ; and
of this he felt satisfied, that if the Government went on
passing Gagging and Coercion Bills, it was these acts
that would tend to the overthrow of the throne, and not
the constitutional conductof the people. In conclusion, he
cordially moved the resolution, and he trusted the meet-
ing would as cordially approve of its purport, both
the working and the middle classes joining heartily in
supporting a proposition so desirable to have carried
our. Mutuality, and not exclusiveness, ought to be
their bond of union. All classes should unite, and if
they showed their enemies that they were united, their
friends in all parts of the country would rejoice at the
fact.

Mr. C. LUSHINGTON, M.P.. seconded the resolution,
and, in doing so, gave his unqualified adherence to the
principle it enunciated, although, in doing so, there was
just a possibility that he might stand in opposition to a
portion of his constituents. It was his intention to have
supported Mr. Hume's four resolutions, but he would
not limit his opinion with respect to the suffrage ques-
tion to that support, and neither he believed would Mr.
Hume. The immediate object of the meeting was to
get the suffrage of the people, and when they once ob-
tained that, all other legislative enactments necessary
for the comfort of the people would follow. He would
exert himself to the utmost of his ability to promote
their cause, and they might rely upon him as one of
their best friends.
Mr. Josses STURMs supported the resolution. He
highly approved of the meeting, and as he fully sym-
pathised with his Chartist friends in all their six points,
ho wished to say a word or two to try aad promote a
good feeling between the electors and non-electors
by congratulating them on the auspicious moment
that had arrived. Lord John Russell stated last
night that all the people required was gradual re-
form. Even so far back as 1780 Fox and Aldis, and
others, had advocated all the points of the Charter, and
Fox was the man whom Lord John Russell professed to
follow.—(Hoar, hear.) He often felt indignant when he
saw the Government putting down the people by every
means but that of reason. H. implored the people,
however, to set aside miner differences, and he trusted
the time would soon arrive when the electors and non-
electors would show that they were not so indifferent to
their rights as Lord John Russell appeared to suppose.
The resolution was then put from the chair, and car-
ried unanimously.
Mr. EDWARD MULL moved the third resolution,
which was in the following terms:—" That this meeting
rejoice in the formation of the People's League, having
for its object to secure for the people universal suffrage,
or the right of every man, 21 years of age, of sane mind,
and unconvicted of crime, to vote in the election of
Members of Parliament, together with such details as
are essential to its exercise; and engage to render the
association all the aid within their power in the prose-
cution of its arduous, but noble, enterprise." He pro-
claimed his devotion to the principle embodied in the
association, and his acquiescence in almost all the details
that had been exhibited in the People's Charter. If any
difference arose between the supporters of that reso-
lution and the adherents of the Charter, it was to the
means of attaining their object, and not as to the prin-
ciple involved. It was not simply the Charter the people
required, but fair, full, and free representation. They
might consider they would not have that representation
until the points of the Charter were recognised by the
Legislature; but was that any reason why they should
prevent those going with them who were well inclined
to promote the cause? If they were to have dissension,
and if the working people would not lot them do good
as far as they could, it was impossible they could obtain
their end, or that their liberties could be effectually
achieved. They should abandon all unworthy and
paltry jealousies. Let no party sow the seeds of dissen-
sion. For his own part he never would be content with
the state of the representation of this country so long as
any one was excluded in consequence of not being pos-
sessed of property. He was for fair, full, and free re-
presentation. If the working nen went with the
People's League for their principle, they would have
their own principles as well. He would not stand
up for property qualification. The object they had
in view was to give the right of voting for Parlia-
mentary Representatives to every man twenty-one years
of age, of ease mind, and unconvicted of crime. Would
they take that right or throw it away ? That was the
only question. Would the working classes take that
right, if the League could obtain it for them ?—(Cries
of " Yes, yes.") The two clause could go along a
great way together, and he thought they would most
likely be agreed on other points against they got that.
Let them take what they could get in the first instance.
(Cries of " No, no.") Then, if they would not consent
to do so, let them throw it away or refuse, but for his
part, he should see the wisdom of taking it as an instal-
ment, and not as a compromise.
Mr. ROBERTSON seconded the resolution. He en-
f.oreed the necessity of union at this moment, and said
itwas absolutely necessary, if they did not wish to play
the game of their enemies. It was a huge imposture to
',.ao.Yinthe middle classes were represented. The House of
the fri°stiloacreacon3y,seteeedepott
Free-trade Club. It all elasses-didignhott
sloiratteleuretl3a:e.than the proxies of
Mnnewmnbenristeofthtelaye
deserved to be laughed at, even by so small a great' man
as Lord John Russell.—(Cheers- and groans.). Union
if Englisehrratneni,wou d not be distanced
was necessary,
B.4o.uasntrxians and Bavarians.
in the race of freedom by
f a union of
Mr. E. JoNxe said he w
the middle and working claases. unitedTheirriouspowersl was
saudrtnesiPAßTtted by all. Let them not, then, demandi the
Association
.)mea-
Mr. PIT protested against the insinuation that
Association had adopted half measures._(
Mr. JONES said either the League was for universal
suffrage and nothing else, or for universal suffrage and
the details. It the latter, what were the details ? I_4l
the League made up their minds on this point ?
Mr. LoveTT said he had first convened this League,
and it had been done on the principles of the People's
Charter, but finding thathtohuesreehowldassumffge duni-
versalurcandisiffnerence
among their friends as to h
to
te e
Ie
or -f
oils of the suffrage, they had adopted
suffrage, and the details necessary
essay
ther principle
universal suffrage, resolving that the details essential to
its exercise should be considered at a subsequent
meeting.
Mr. JoieEs then resumed his address amid a scene of
the greatest confusion and uproar. He advocated the
Charter, and no surrender. The League did not go
that length, and unless they supported the points of the
Charter, he did not see how there could be any union of
the middle and the working classes for the purposes of
the present movement. Ile was not going to move any
amendment, for he thought the present meeting had come
out more fair than any of the other three meetings held
in London for the same purpose. He should oppose any
movement that did not deal openly and fairly with the
Chartists; but where there was an approach to union,
he would support such an approximation. Having made
this statement, and a lengthened profession of his prin-
ciples, he left it to the meeting to decide whether they
would be content to adopt th resolution.. Mr. Jones
spoke for nearly an hour in enforcement of his opinions,
but the greatest uproar prevailed throughout the deli-
very of his speech.
The CHAIRMAN put the resolution, and about a fifth

of the meeting held up their hands in its favour,
the remaining four-fifths yelling vociferously, and
crying out that the concession or achievement of
universal suffrage without the other points of the
Charter would not satisfy them. A scene of great con-
fusion ensued, in the midst of which Colonel Thomp-
son declared that the resolution had been negatived.
The Chartist section of the meeting then renewed the
clamour, and one of the persons near the reporters'
table having rushed upon the platform and attempted to
create contusion there, he was gently reprimanded for
his conduct by the Chairman and other gentlemen, and
requested at once to retire. Instead of doing so, how-
ever, he turned round to the dense mass of persons in
the body of the room, and complaining that he had been
assaulted, called upon " his brother Chartists" to avenge
the wrong. Instantly some of the most riotously dis-
posed dashed across the barrier, bounded upon the plat-
form, and threatened personal violence to the League
men if any of them " dared" to disturb their " poet," as
they, facetiously we presume, styled the individual who
had been the immediate cause of, or excuse for, this dis-
turbance. Colonel Thompson in vain endeavoured to
restore order, and some policemen were introduced, but
their exertions proved altogether unavailing. The riot
increased, collision between the Chartists and Leaguers
was becoming more imminent, when Mr. E. Jones
stepped forward, and moved a vote of thanks to the
Chairman for the impartial manner in which he had dis-
charged his duties. The proposition was received with
loud cheers and some discordant noise, but was ultimately
carried. The meeting then commenced to separate.

SUPPRESSED NOTE RELATIVE
TO THE SPANISH DISPUTE.
El Heraldo of the 16th publishes the following
note addressed by the Duke of Sotomayor to the
Minister Plenipotentiary of England. "This note,"
observes our Spanish contemporary, " has not been
presented to Parliament by Vi.geount Palmerston :"
TO THE MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY OF HER BRI-
TANNIC MAJESTY.
"Sir,—l have received the communication which your
Excellency has had the goodness to address to me, dated
the 12th inst., wherein your Excellency replies to some
of the observations made in my note of the preceding
day.
" I do not think that the arguments put forward by
your Excellency, with respect to the anticipated publica-
tion in the Clamor Public° of the substantial contents of
your Excellency's note of the 7th instant essentially alter
the character of that remarkable incident, since, without
having any intention to question the assertion of your
Excellency that the note referred to was written after the
publication of the article in question, I consider that I
was justified in alluding to it in the terms of which I
then made use, and in presuming that the Opposition
papers were in some way acquainted with the sense and
spirit of a communication about to be made to the Go-
vernment of Spain relative to the internal affairs of the
country.
ela'r'elsn
thatrep ylyteou
com-
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if, examining the columns of certain papers which
support stronger
rr
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which
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Excellency
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e sometti attempt
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" I cannot think this a parallel or even a similar case ;
I have found no fault with your Excellency or the Oppo-
iitionpr
and perfect harmony press because your language
w
e and sentiments
the
sentimleanegtseaagree
in conformity
and policy more or less befitting the representative of a
foreign nation ; the press in Spain is free, and is at
liberty to pursue the course which it deems most expe-
dient. Your Excellency cannot be held responsible for
the complexion which its politics may assume, nor can
it be retended that the Spanish Government is answer-
able for the use which may be made of its rights by that
portion of the periodical press which, without being
actually dependent on the Cabinet, is accustomed to sup-
port its acts and uphold its measures. The case in
question, however, is totally distinct, and the difference
is too remarkable to escape your Excellency's penetra-
tion and perspicacity.
" Equally unfounded, in my opinion, is the intima-
tion made by your Excellency of the publication, some
time ago, in a Lisbon paper, of the textual contents of
it communication which I had the honour to address
to your Excellency, and in which was declared the firm
resolution of the Spanish Government not to interfere
in the internal affairs of Portugal, notwithstanding the
co-operation required by your Excellency with the view
of obliging her Most Faithful Majesty to disarm and
dissolve th National Guard of Lisbon, which had ren-
dered her such signal services during the insurrection
at Oporto. The original of this document was directed
to your Excellency, and copies were transmitted, ac-
cording to custom, to the representatives of her Majesty
at the Courts of Paris, London. and Lisbon. If its
contents were made public why is it to be attributed to a
want of reserve on the part of the Spanish Government
and its agents? Is your Excellency or the British Mi-
nister in Lisbon, to whom your Excellency equally for-
warded a copy of the document, exempt from the same
responsibility? I explained this to your Excellency when
you spoke to me on the subject for the first time, end
added an assurance that it took place without my know-
ledge or authority; and I ought now to add that there
is no comparison between a document which, before it
reaches its destination, passes through many hands and
a variety of channels, by which means it may easily
acquire publicity, and another which, without even leav-
' ing the hands of its author, constitutes him alone and
necessarily the depository of his own secret.
" Passing to another point, your Excellency is obliged
to confess that when Viscount Palmerston transmitted
his dispatch of the 16th ult., the Cortes were open, that
all the public powers of this country were operating
within their legal spheres, and that if, notwithstanding,
he thought to recommend a more constitutional course,
it was undoubtedly with a foresight of what was sub-
sequently to occur. Respecting the inconvenience of
this proceeding, and the form in which it was carried
into effect, I offered some observations to your Excel-
lency in my note of the 11th (10th?) instant, to which
I deem it unnecessary to add anything further.
But as the Spanish Government insists on its re-
fusal to recognise in your Excelleney, or in any
foreign Ambassador, a right to criticise or to inter-
pret the acts of its internal police, I will nevertheless
declare that your Excellency is greatly mistaken if you
attribute the arrests or detentions consequent upon the
rebellion of the night of the 26th, and the incessant
machinations of the enemies of the throne and
the national institutions of Spain, to the tyranny of
the Government, or suppose that in adopting those mea-
sures it transgressed the laws. The Spanish Govern-
ment is as much authorised by them to do what it has
done with the object of saving the nation from the hor-
rors of anarchy and social dissolution, by using the ex-
traordinary powers conceded to it by the Cortex for the
purpose, as the English Government no doubt thinks
itself justified to act for the repression, with equal energy,
of the disorders which threaten the peace of the country
confided to its care.
" I cannot leave unanswered the strange disparity
supposed by your Excellency to exist between her Ca-
tholic Majesty and the Queen of Great Britain, based
on the circumstance that the Government of the latter
august Sovereign lent its assistance and co-operation to
Queen Isabella during the last civil war. Neither in
struggle, nor in the memorable and glorious war of
independence, nor in the war of succession in the
last century, nor in any other in which the
aforesaid English have taken part in the Penin-
sula, can it be conceived that Great Britain acted dif-
ferently from other nations in similar cases—that is to
say, she always consulted her own glory, her policy, and
her interests. Let your Excellency see, then, the
reply that England might return to her own query, if
she asked herself ' Why she preferred the case of Isa-
bella to that of Don Carlos?' The Spanish nation,
however, does not the less acknowledge its gratitude
for the services rendered to the legitimate throne and
the institutions of Spain by the powers that were
parties to the treaty of quadruple alliance; but Spain
could never, even remotely, presume that this service
would be thrust upon her recollection at a future period,
and I cannot think that your Excellency, in so doing,
exactly interprets the noble sentiments of the English
nation.
" Could it have been foreseen that the co-operation to
which your Excellency refers in the note to which I
reply, and which was so much the more appreciated as
it was considered generous and disinterested, would be
alleged at any time in support of a claim to exercise an
undue influence in the internal affairs of Spain, I do
not hesitate to assure your Excellency that it would
have been energetically rejected, because the loyal
Spaniards would have succeeded by their own
unassisted efforts in fixing the Crown on the
brow of their youthful Queen, and firmly cementing the
institutions which have assured their liberty and inde-
pendence. If the co-operation of friendly nations had
to be purchased at so high a price, your Excellency
could not hope to attract many alliances in England.
Fortunately we flatter ourselves with the persuasion
that the British nation, with a due sense of its own
dignity, will also deem our sentiments noble and elevated.
" I ought not to conclude without again declaring_ to
your Excellency that,:not being able to recognise ;your
competency to treat on the internal affairs of Spain, I
shall not enter into any further arguments with your
Excellency on the subject. Lastly, and how tedious
soever this correspondence may have been, it will have
tlraheirdatdioolwin, henceforth and for ever, the principle that if
Gdwermoe astnSpanish
ef Gamovietyrninanedntpeisrfeeditsphoasremdentoy swtriethngtthheant its
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Britain
countries,incompatible
wmuchill
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saenlfdttoo promote
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the means
actthe or
rightsany
to it as an independent
nation.--I have the honour, Bac.
" " Madrid, April T
15HE DUKE DE SOTOMAYOR.
."

UrRAYUEND IteaLwax------.—New-cross and Deptford
have assumed within the last week quito a new appear-
ance. The Gravesend Railway is the great object of
notice. Upwards of one hundred hands were taken on
to commons* work on the 15th instant, and many addi-
tional workmen are engaged for the present week. They
have carried the line to the Nes-cross road, which they
intersect by a tunnel. Most of the foot passengers who
see this scene of activity are struck by the magnitude of
the operations. Science combined with industry catch
direction. Men working under ground,
others spread like bees, in clusters, over
exalted iTdemasof skillemßrpiltoiyshmeoto
in
f
labourers is of considerable benefit to the trading com-
munity ett likehnhegei engineering deini nns:tgehac venocad convey
vanb . e
doyv
emadneicshtrainitc. s.

Dispatches from the Governor of Van Diemen's
Land, and also from the Governor of South Australia,
were received yesterday at the Colonial-office.
Dispatches were sent off last evening from the
Colonial-oice for the Governor of Ceylon.