The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-25 00:00:00

BPHDPORT ELECTION.

Mr. Bingham Escott, Lord Dalmeny,Mr. Charles Wood,
Lord Claude Hamilton, and Sir W. Somerville, were s.vorn in
to try the merits of the Bridport election.
Mr. B. COCHRANE said that he would make a few oh-
gervations to the House relative to the Committee which was
tc, meet to-morrow morning—not in the expectation that the
Hou.,e would deviate in any way from the rules laid down—neat
go much, he said, franc any regard to his own personal
inter. sat, but from a desire to protect the interests
of ()Crier Hon. Members who must be placed under similar
cireum stances with himself, and who must suffer (and he said
it with Al respect) from the wording of this Act, and therefore
as it mu st be the wish of the House to do justice to the indivi-
dual Members who composed it, as it must be their anxious
desire to give a fair judgment on a question of this nature, ho
trusted that they would permit him to occupy their time for a
Ze r Y
boughtcio by the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head
enactedof tlle i
itovoeurenrr„..tent for the suppression of bribery, it was
elections gill the the clauses that in all cases of controverted ,
parties complaining of such election or return '

were required by themselves or agents to deliver in to the
Select Committee appointed to try the merits of such election,
the list of voters intended to be objected to, giving the heads
of the objections, and distinguishing the same against the
names of the voters. It further enacted that these
objections could not be lodged later than six o'clock
in the evening of the day before the nomination of the Com-
mittee. Now, how did he stand under this Act. 240 elec-
tors had voted for him, and not less than 96 had been objected
I i to.--(Hear' and laughter.) What he asked, then, was his
position ? The fair meaning of the clause, he apprehended
was, that they would give to every man accused of bribery the
chance of meeting the charge. He trusted that the House in
that case would give him the same chance of meeting the

charge that would be given in any tribunal in the country,
He was in the meantime as ignorant as any Hon. Member in
the House what particular charge would be brought against
him, or what voter would be objected to, and, under those cir-
cumstances, he would put it to the House whether this was the
fair course to adopt with respect to a Member of that House ?

As he had said before, he conceived that the meaning of
the clause was, that the parties objecting should have
stated their case distinctly, and have at once in-

formed them what charges they intended to bring forward.
He mentioned this, not so much for his own sake as for their

guidance in future election cases, for how was it pos-
sible for him to meet objections when he did not
even know what witnesses would be called against him?
His only intention in rising was to submit his case to the
House, and to show how the parties who opposed his return to
Parliament were disposed to act towards him in the matter.
He would not, however, trespass on the House further than
to say, that he was absolutely in the dark as to the exact
charges which were to be brought against him, and that it
would be to the interest of Members placed in a similar
position, if the House would consider whether the Act of
Parliament ought not to be clearer than it was, so that
Members whose return might be petitioned against might be
put in possession of the allegations which would be brought
against them in Committee.
Lord G. SOMERSET, who spoke in so low a tone as to
be hardly audible in the gallery, said he understood the Hon.
Member objected to the clause as it now stood, but it was im-
possible to avoid the inconvenience which it imposed on Mem-
bers whose return was petitioned against.
Mr. J. COLLETT said the Hon. Member might think him-
self fortunate that so small a number of those who voted for
him at his election had been petitioned against. On one occa-
sion his return was petitioned against, when the whole of his
supporters were objected to.—(Laughter.)
Mr. O'CONNELL said, when his return for Dublin was
petitioned against, 4,000 of his supporters were objected to.
Sir R. H. INGLIS said, if he understood the Hon. Member
rightly, he wished to obtain a list of the names of the persons
whom he was accused of having bribed.—(Laughter, during
which Mr. Cochrane dissented.) Then he apprehended many
Hon. Members had so understood him ; but it appeared that
his charge was against the law as it stood, and not against in-
dividuals, and because 96 out of his 210 supporters had been
served with notices of objections, of the exact nature of which
he complained that he had not received information. If it had
been his misfortune to have bribed—(Laughter)-96 persons,
be:( Sir R. H. Inglis) could not understand why he objected to
the serving of notices, or their objecting to their votes on that
account.
Mr. B. COCHRANE appealed to the well-known candour
of the Right Hon. Baronet, and was at a loss to know how he
could have so understood him. He had always understood
that the Act provided it, the affording of opportunities to Mem-
bers whose returns had been objected to, in order that they
might know the charges against them, and to provide rebut-
ting evidence. This opportunity was even given to criminals
in all the tribunals of the country.
The SPEAKER called the Hon. Member to order, and ho
resumed his seat.
Mr. AGLIONBY understood the Hon. Member to object
to the clause in the Bill, and did not believe that the Hon. Ba-
ronet the Member for Oxford intended to say that he admitted
there was any ground for the charge of bribery. Every Mem-
ber present had so understood him. He thought there was no
means of getting rid of the difficulty except by means of costs.
Lord J. MANNERS would be glad to know what the real
intentions of the framers of the Act were, and thought a clause
so incautiously wordtd ought to undergo some revision.
The ATTORNEY- GENERAL said they had fallen
into a most irregular discussion, for the House
had nothing whatever to do with the question before
them. It was for the Committee down stairs to de-
cide whether the notice was valid or not, or whether the
notice was so framed as to be al evasion of the Act of Parlia-
ment. 'I he Act itself put a check upon improper objections
by giving the Committee power to award costs, and that was
the only possible means by which the Legislature could guard
against improper and frivolous objections.
Mr. P. BORTHWICK was glad to find that his Hon. and
Learned Friend had now so much confidence in the law of
Election Committees, and trusted that this increased confidence
arose out of reforms which had taken place since a memorable
instance in which his lion. and Learned Friend and himseli
were ergaged.—( Hear and lauehter. ) Both of them had
good reason to recollect that instance, and if he
remembered rightly the case was precisely similar
to that of his Honourable Friend the Member
fur Bridport. He remembered that there was a great number
of objections, many of which turned out to be of so frivolous
and trivial a character that the Committee declined to entertain
them. He thought Hon. Members should, for their own pro-
tection, see that the law was properly amended so as to prevent
the recurrence of such cases as these. The Hon. Member for
Bridport deserved the thanks of the House for calling atten-
tion to this subject.
The question that the Committee should meet at eleven
o'clock to-morrow was then put and agreed to.
Mr. O'CONNELL, who spoke in a tone so low as not to be
heard in the gallery, was understood to move for certain returns
connected with the present state of Ireland.
Captain LAYARD moved for a return showing the number
of men who had volunteered to regiments in India from the
last five regiments that had been ordered home from that
country. The Hon. and Gallant Member also moved that
the petition from Chelsea Pensioners, complaining of deduction
of five per cent. (presented April 21) he printed.
WIGAN ELECTION.

On the motion of Mr. BRIGHT, the minutes of evidence
taken before the Wigan Election Committee were ordered to
be laid before the House.
COLONEL STODDART AND CAPTAIN CONOLLY.
Mr. B. COCHRANE rose to put a question to the Right
Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government relative to the
families of the two unfortunate gentlemen who lost their lives
at Bokhara, namely, Colonel Stoddart and Captain Conolly.
Those officers were employed in the service of the Government
at the time they lost their lives in Bukhara, and therefore he
(Mr. Cochrane) was of opinion—he was sure that it would
only be an act of justice towards the families of those officers to
give some tribute of respect to them. He was nut aware
whether Colonel Stoddart had surviving relatives, but he was
sure that Captain Conolly had, and he ( Mr. Cochrane) hoped
that some provision would be made for them.
Sir R. PEEL said that the only sum which was left ells-
potable in the hands of the Crown, as rewards for public services,
was 1,200/. per annum ; that 150/. per annum had been allowed
to the two surviving sisters of Colonel Stoddart, and he was
not aware that there were any surviving relatives of Captain
Conolly; if there were, he was sure that that very eminent
and wealthy body the East India Company would, in accord-
ance with their accumstomed liberality, act with what they
considered due regard to their servants.—(Hear, hear.)
He regretted very much that there was not a larger sum
left for this purpose in the hands of her Majesty's Govern-
ment.—(Hear, bear.)
STATE OF IRELAND.
On the question being put Lliat the order of the day be now
read, to the effect that the House go into Committee on the
Customs and Corn Importation Bill.
Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN rose for the purpose of asking the
members of the Government whether they intended taking
any steps towards rescuing Ireland from that appalling state
of starvation in which it appeared, by the returns lately laid
upon the table of the House (and which he hoped every
Member of that House had carefully read), that
that country was in at this present moment? These
returns represent many places as a ritually suffering under the
effects of famine. After this report, he would ask, would the
Government invite the House to consider a measure for the
purpose of abridging the liberties of the people of Ireland, rather
than one for the relief of the poverty which so alarmingly
prevailed? As they had failed, however, to do that,
he should feel it to be his duty to call the attention
of the House to some of the statements that were to be
found in the report of the " Scarcity Commissioners."
(The; Honourable Gentleman then read extracts of the
report for the month of March.) In many places in the county
of Clare large bodies of the people could only purchase one
scanty meal in the course of the day. In one parish 500 or
600 families were in a state of complete destitution. In the
parish of Clare Abbey, out of 200 families, 50 of them were
only able to procure one meal in the day. In Naas,
also, the supply of potatoes was so ssnall as to
leave the people in a state of the greatest want.
In 'Mitchelstovvn, also in the county of Cork, there were 20/00
persons in a state of destitution. In Tipperary, too,
the distress was very great, and it was, instead of di-
minishing, on the increase to a most alarming degree.
' ( The Hon. Gentleman proceeded to read a statement to show
that hundreds of the population in the county of Mayo were
lying idle for want of employment.) The Hon. Member, who
was almost inaudible, made some comments on the scenes of
distress which had been witnessed by Captain Osborne and Mr.
Evan, the magistrates, who were called upon to quell the dis-
tu people blamed the clergy of the
Roman I.':'anceCaatthColl?crihmCeibureShofmore some of the evils, but he could
assure tal,e House that they had done all they could to avert
some of this euffering. Government said this state of things
had taken there.' by surprise, but how could they maintain this
position after the statements he had just read to the House ?
The famine, Government admitted themselves, was anticipated
in November, and they ought to have taken steps then to avert
it. He would net go into the details of such a measure that
ought to have been adopted, but it was his firm belief that had
they encouraged labour in Ireland many of the evils would
never have arisen. lie charged Government, then, with having,
failed in the performance of their duty. Another ex-
cuse was, that they could do nothing without
the co-operation of the landlords. He did not know
how far this complaint applied to the landed interest of
some parts of the country, but there was scarcely a parish in
his own county where distress had made its appearance that
a subscription had not been set on foot. The Government
had turned round about twenty times in the course of the de-
bate on the Irish Coercion Bill, and charged the Irish Meae-
bers with having delayed the progress of the Corn Bill ;
had said, f° We cannot discuss the Corn Bill until the Coer-
ciony
Bill is read a first time." But he could not understand
how, if the Government undertook to carry on two great and
distinct measures at one and the same time, the progress
of one should be made dependent on the progress of the other.
—( Hear, hear.) But let it be understood that the Irish
Members had distinctly said before the Easter recess that they
were perfectly ready to let the Government have the command
;thhee
of every Tuesday and Friday night for the purpose of proceed-
ing with the Corn Bill. And he was sorry to say that the
English Liberals had, on the question of the Irish Coercion
EB inl lg,l
he bra,
ivbeedr
avl
press,ery leadl
too,y. --
h(ad i
Hear,oi
nheeda r
fa,
ndthelauery ghtageranst .i
conduct of the Irish Members, whea they'determined to oppose,
' as they conceived it was their duty to do. the very appearance
of such an odious measure as that which had PPe'r3nee
been proposed
ostensibly for the purpose of protecting ;ife and pro e
t- in
Ireland. Every Irish Member had distil'e il r
y 'hat he was
determined to oppose in every stage the '
-e, and yet the Government persisted iPtarogrorceessed'?f
ch et. Ira-
- v had no right to couple the question proceeding
Irish ing
it.
n. of famine •
the C.D lest,on of protection. If the Government had
L. the House, and told them that the people of I clme
reland
downsce sra rving, they would have helped them to 1
ns to have remedied the evil. He • lave pro-
vided mot, did not wish to
use the %VA if, or charge the Right Hon. Gentleman with -
pocrisy, hut he did curisider that there was a singular want of
f
candour in pt 'tting forward the Intl, famine with the corn-
law, which pas a measure essentiaiy Le,clish. No ma'te
• fluen
what its .
e mieht be in Ireland, t•
it Jan been II I r
ca et for
solely by the opineon or the English people, end not by the
agriculturalpopuleeion of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) lie would
frankly state his 0w,.1 opinions upon the subject, as he was
about to ask for those of the party opposite; and he Vi .I.i net
afraid of any unpopularity which he might esquire on his
side of the. House by stating chat lie was then, as he was in
1842, an advocate of a fixed duty.—(" Hear, hear," from the
protectionists.)
; • The Noble Lord, whom he followed on i
that occasion, had left him in the rear—(Crie- of
" Hear, hear ")—and the Right Honourable Gentleman
had shot beyond him again • on the question of general poll, !
therefore, he had the misfortune to differ with his Hononrab o

Friends around him. But he felt anxious to know what were
the principles which would be adopted for providing food for
the starving people—and the question was anxiously put by
men of every party, without any distinction as to their opinions.
With respect to the supplies of Indian meal, he must beg to
observe that those supplies were at present totally inadequate
to the necessity that existed. The next substitute was oats—
the substitute to which the people were most accustomed. Now
it was a fact well known that the price of oats had been con-
tinually rising, and that within the last two years, the rate had
become at least one-third higher than it was before. At
Limerick, which was one of the largest places for the sale of
oats, the price of oats at present was Is. per stone, when it
was well known that Bd. per stone was a price that would suffi-
ciently remunerate the farmer. Now, with respect to oats, he
thought that Hon. Members opposite must consent to dis-
pense with the law for three months. If they did so, the
amount of loss to them in any way or to their supporters
could not be considerable. With respect to wheat,
' there would be no reason for such an alteration, for he
believed that wheat had not risen in price pro-
portionate with oats, and it was not largely used in the
support of the population of Ireland. Considering all these
circumstances, he thought that the Hon. Gentlemen opposite
might accede to his request, for if it were necessary he would
read a lung extract from the catalogue of the miseries which
the Irish people were now suffering ; and he would, therefore,
ask the Noble Lord (Lord G. Bentinck) for an answer to the
question, as to whether they would support her Majesty's
Government in a suspension of the corn-laws for three months
as regarded Ireland.
Lord G. BEN TINCK begged to thank the Hon. Gentle-
man for the courtesy with which he had preferred the question
which he had just now laid before the House. Although
there was souse reason for surprise at its being put to an
isolated Member, yet he would admit at the same time that,
though the course was unusual, there was something of pro-
priety about it, when he recollected that the party with whom
he had the honour to act, although a minority, amounted to
112 in number. He could not forget that it was the party
who had placed the present Minister at the head of affairs,
and that it at one time comprised 340 members of that House.
Neither did he overlook the fact that, though broken in its
numbers, it still constituted, when taken with the Irish mem-
bers, a majority. Under these circumstances, then, he was
prepared to give an answer to the question, and he trusted
the House would excuse him it in doing so, he tres-
passed at some length upon their attention. The question was
whether the party with whom he acted would support her Ma-
jesty's Government in a suspension of the corn-laws as re-
garded Ireland for three months? The Hon. Gentleman had
read a long catalogue of calamities now afflicting the Irish peo-
ple, which it was most distressing to hear. It was painful to
hear such a catalogue at any time, even though its cause
should have only a temporary existence, but it was still more
painful to think that this statement of distress was an annual
tale of sorrow.—( Hear, hear.) He learned from the report
of the Earl of Devon's Commission, as well as from the Hon.
and Learned Member for the county of Cork, that in ordinary
years there were never less than 2,300,000 destitute poor in
Ireland. But there was nothing in the long account of miseries
which the Hon. Member had read to induce him or any other
man in that House to suppose that the distress now existing in
Ireland was more severe than that which was usually
felt in the course of this season of the year. He would state
to the House the reason why he thought that no measure for
the repeal of the cern-laws, or even for the surpension of the
corn-laws, would afford the slightest relief to the people of
Ireland ; and any measure that had been proposed by the
Hon. Gentleman opposite would not be listened to; but he
(Lord Bentinck) would maintain that any measure proposed
by that Hon. Gentleman, who ruled, as he might say, in the
hearts of the people of Ireland, was one entitled to the con-
sideration and respect of this House. The protectionist party
did not feel that the measure for the suspension of the corn-
laws would afford any relief to the people of Ireland. He be-
lieved that he spoke the real sentiments of all those Gentle-
men around him, when he stated, if any measure for the
relief of Ireland should be brought forward by any Irish Mem-
ber, it would have their cordial support. They felt that it
was not the want of food in Ireland that occasioned the present
distress, they believed it wax the want of money.—( Hear.)
The want of money was the real and only cause of distress in
Ireland, and they thought that was the local applicatory remedy
that ought to be applied ; and money must be afforded in the
payment of labour, as the means of enabling the working
classes of Ireland to purchase food and other necessaries. That
was the kind of measure which they thought her Majesty's
Ministers ought to have introduced into that House. They
were willing to remove all fear of a diminution in the supply of
food by throwing open the ports of Ireland, but in doing so
they would enter their solemn protest that such a measure
would not afford the slieliest relief to the people of Ireland.
The Government might c'aiole the people of Ireland, they might
make them satisfied for a time, by telling them that the repeal
of the corn-laws would be a relief to Ireland ; but they (the
protectionis's would do no such thing, they would hold out no
such fabled delusions to Ireland. What, he would ask, was the
state of things in Ireland? And what was the state of the
London markets within the last three months as
compared with the markets hi Ireland ? Why, 260,000
quarters of oats had been imported in that City alone.
from the markets in Ireland. The Hon. Gentleman had
spoken of the city of Limerick; he could tell the Hon. Gen-
tleman that 34,000 quarters of oats had been brought from
Limerick into the London market. Was it possible then, by sus-
pending the operation of the corn-laws in Ireland, the people
could be supplied with food at a cheaper rate than at present.
when it was a notorious fact that the price of oats in Cork.
which is the highest market in Ireland, was lower than the
price of foreign oats, exclusive of duty in the London market ?
Under these circumstances he would ask, loom was it possible
that foreign oats could find their way into Ireland ? If the
law was suspended, corn would be virtually excluded. The
price of foreign oats, without duty, averaged from Is. 9d. per
quarter less in London than the pri c quoted in the Irish mar-
kets. From a circular which he held in his hand, he would
quote the comparative prices of oats. The average price of
foreign oats, which were equal in quality t s English oats, was
245. 6d. in Mark-lag e ; the average price of oats of all descrip-
tions in the Cork market, up to April 18, was 225. 3d. The
average price of oats of all descriptions in Mark-lane, exclusive
of duties, was 225. 6c1., being 9d. per quarter higher than the
price of oats in Cork. It was clear, then, that it must he
uherly impassible, that by a repeal of the corn-laws, or by a
suspension of the cram-laws, one single grain of foreign oats
could find its way into the Irish market. And the same facts
would apply as to the price of Irish wheat. In the city of
Cork, the average price of wheat was 495. 6d. ; foreign wheat
in the metropolitan. market averaged 455. 4d., exclusive of
duty. That was a difference of 4s. 2d., which was to the ad-
vantage of the Irish grower. How then could any suspension, of
the corn-laws, or are!,- abrogation of the corn-laws, be a means
of introducing one sitegle grain, either of wheat or of oats, into
the Lill market. It would probably be admitted that there was
no past of Ireland in which greater distress exists than in the
county of Cork. T! sere was the largest number of persons in
distress in that count sa He would give the I-louse a compara-
tive statement of ;the prices of grain that were brought
into the market of Cork during the present and previous
years. It would api ,ear that the aggregate amount of grain
that was brought inh k the Cork market amounted, in the year
1844, to 344,547 bar rels. In the year 1845 the amount was
337,624 barrels; but in the present year the amount had risen
to 3e6,384 barrels—( Hear, hear)—and they were told that the
people of Cork were • starving for want of food. No such
thing, they were sta eying for want of money to purchase it,
and for the want of that employment which would furnish
them the means to f ,urcha3e it. It was not at all a surprising
thing that there were • riots in Ireland. If her Maesty's Mi-
nisters rung the alaru m bell, and told the people of Ireland that
they must starve, was it astonishing that the people should
rise up in remonstras ce against such fearful information ? It
was not surprising,. under these circumstances, that in one
case they should ca r r - off twenty-three carts loaded with meal,
and in another case illegally possess themselves of one hundred
tons of flour, and s, he uld rise up in arms against its going out
of the country._( ar, hear.) Why, the Queen's Ministers
had told them that' famine and starvation was among them.
But what was the iet al truth of the question? He did not be-
lieve scarcity was so prevalent as had been represented,
and he had it upon no less authority than the
Earl of Shannc n, who was a resident landowner
in the county a 4' Cork, that at all events in his
vicinity scarcity . lid not exist ; and that, although he
(the Earl of Shann on) admitted that great distress prevailed,
yet that the distr, ss arose not altogether from the want of
potatoes, but from t' se people holding them back, and refusing
to sell them, in th e 'expectation of obtaining a higher price.
Her Majesty's Mini sters had told the country from November
last that a grievo as famine existed ; they had reiterated the
cry that the potato t amine was rampant in England, and what
was the consequent( q As far as his own experience went the
price in his own c, ,untry in December arose to its. 6d. per
sack ;it had now fa lien to ss. 6d. per sack. The price during
last year was Is. 4d • per bushel, the price during the present
year was Bd. per bus hel. He could show the House, from a
statement he had in I his hand, the comparative prices of po-
tatoes in Yorkshire. It would appear from that paper that a
farmer who had ref "used to sell 200 sacks of potatoes in the
' month of December 1 Ist year at I.ls. 6d. per sack, was now
not able to obtain 2s. Ed. per sack. He had heard a similar
' account from a gentl, moan in Huntingdonshire, who informed
him that on a recent occasion a sale of potatoes took place in
Caldecot, in Bedfords hire, that the price realised was 2s. 10d.,
with six months' credit, while last year the price realised was
3s. 10d., at three months' credit. That gentleman
further told him be could have any quantity of
potatoes at Is. 4d. 1 ter bushel. He ( Lord G. Bentinck)
was himself a grower of potatoes in Sussex. In November
last he carried his crop. • He was told that the price of pota-
toes in Chichester mark et was 7s. 6(1., and was further in-
formed, that if he held , his potatoes to the month of April, he
would realise 10s. 6d. The month of April had now arrived,
and the price had fallen i he 6s. Is was clearly natural that the
price of potatoes should le "se, and not fall, as the year advanced,
but their high prices had been greatly increased by the false
alarm which had been raised by her Majesty's Ministers, and
same cry.
of
old
the preecoepnletlyofrelad
relainhd
avrc ,Irk journal wen e s
uffer
He
had
women who were detes ,reined not to sell their potatoes until
they could realise one far thing a piece for them, and this foolish
resolution had been can
.wed by the fear of famine expressed on
the part of her Majesty's Ministers. —( Laughter.) He be-
ing
a from
story
of a
a parceli
be-
lieved that the high pri, se of potatoes had been greatly exagge-
rated, and that manyoi ill allay the excited feelings that existed
o f the people were able to obtain them at
a fair price. If it w
in the breasts of the Ir esti people, they were willing to open the
Porte ; but at the sam e time they did not believe it would re-
sult in any good. Th werey far from thinking that the aboli-
tion of the corn-laws e-
would benefit Ireland. It was his (Lord
Bentinek's) firm and
conscientious belief that the abolition of
the corn-laws would be the destruction of Ireland.—( Hear,
hear.) Ile had pone' tered well upon every word that fell from
the lips of the Hon. Member for Limerick. He concurred in
every sentiment th tea- that Hon. Gentleman had uttered.
He believed, wit h him, that the repeal of the
corn-laws would n o t benefit, but, on the contrary,
would render still wo,e4e s the condition of the labourers of Ire-
land.
.He also believe, 1, with him, that there would be a re-
action arise out of the distress which would be called into
existence by the repei Aof the corn-laws, that would tend
very mach to hasten ar ,d facilitate the repeal of the Union.—_
(Hear, h‘ear, and cheer s The Hon. Gentleman was himself
.)
a very high authority and he would read to the House a let-
ter that had cockle inte his hands, which perhaps was a still
a Romdistinction in the
au Catholic pre; •st of considerable
county man of high character, to Mr.
higher authority. Th. ot letter was addressed by Mr. Hughes,
of Mayo, and a •
the • -1• It was dated the 6th of
setiments therein 'xpres ,et .
February,t " Mr. Hughes' opinions on the re-
It elated 'deeentertained by
on the eve of the late e lection, and it deserved to be read for
rtaine opi-
"t.nonell ; p,Tha if 1 Ir. Moore ente
give his vote to Mr.
rons, the writer -would fo ,disposed to
ro.
(Mr. Hugh eh) expected that
, influence he might possess p
letter went on to state that '‘ he
'noting his election." The
ftha present Parliament should
s,Part:otrge-71:en"loinw'wh:arteevoterals-iett,e miler nature to those
continue Member." He further
• a or another year, tha's
reveal
a Letter pos, tion to return a • • •which
mderat ion satisfied
say`, st
He Lad anotb en CO a Int Legislative Union was
him that the repeal of the Pr' .es which were entertained
the'co. county of Mayo would be in
not far distant • The co' ornercial s time become the law of
by Sir Robekt Peel we ,uld in a short ,tees would be to facili-
the country. ried into effect, they
of Irish markets when tate the repeal , the e Union, mt c nded aristocracy of
could not fail to Mr peelers of the
Isis, the country that
Ireland, for the • " t a gentle—n sires. The legis-
, I ias 110 • et-e
would Lot cont.'wits teese
e satisfied w • drive out of the
htlee enaetmen":,Robert Peel whs 1
The re at, of those inehs
of Sir
the :establishment
would then be tht the
n its own resources;
English marketsagricultural produce of !
he ensue—
seland. Ireland
' Iris in fan Irilti Far-
and, finally, the a —°
• for the construction o
Toe ssity
0 • h manufactures would t

liament to protect those interests would become paramount."
reason why those measures met with the support of any Irish
(tsLoofr d
theG .r,BI enni
st
ti
en
rcika
l)
measureb el i eve l
ttno bI
ree the
dt u
ne picturedth e on ol
only
lie was facilitating the advent of the repeal of the Union.—
theTAlheimsr ebhseeur was, that he thought by voting for those measures
l
( Hear, hear, and loud cheers from the Irish Members.)
Ile knew not whether the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
the Government was then secretly considering the probable
effects of his policy. It was impossible to foresee, from one
year to another, what course of policy would be adop'ed by
the Right Hon. Baronet —( Hear, hear.) He (Lord George
Bentinck) saw himself that the consequence of that policy
would be the dismemberment of the empire, and that conse-
quence would be further facilitated by the present course of
the Right Hon. Baronet. He could well conceive that the
distress that would be brought on in Ireland might drive the Irish
to phrensy. They had been told by the latest convert—the
latest Noble convert to the cause of the repeal of the corn-
laws, the Earl of Essex, that one class of farmers must suffer
by the repeal of the corn-laws—( Hear, hear)—a class of
farmers which, in the estimation of that Noble Lord, ought
never to have been farmers at all, not being possessed of capital.
They were farmers who had got no capital but honour and in-
tegrity, and these were the men—once the pride and strength
of the empire—who were to be sacrificed.—( Hear, hear.)
If farmers without capital were to be sacrificed—if the round
frocks of England were to be sacrificed, what would become of
the Irish farmers ?—( Hear, hear.) They were told that there
were 558,000 farmers in Ireland holding farms not exceeding
fifteen acres ; and he would ask the Right Hon. Gentleman
opposite how much capital these 558,000 farmers possessed?
He asked what capital they had but their hard, horny hands
and sinewy arms, with which they cultivated the land? and
these 558,000 Irish farmers of the Earl of Essex were right
free to be sacrificed to the political conduct of the Right Hon.
Baronet. If they estimated, as he believed they might
estimate, that there were not five, but six per-
sons, to a family in Ireland—for, to their honour
and to the credit of the Irish tenantry and Irish people,
he believed, that instead of maintaining themselves and their
own children only, the custom was, among the poorer clas-es,
to support their aged and infirm parents—( Hear, hear)—
they might, therefore, imagine not five to family, as was the
estimate in England, but estimate six to a family, and they
would have at once 3,500,000 persons who would be deprived
of subsistence by the measures of the Right Hon. Baronet—
(Hear, hear)—and 558,000 families, or 3,500,000 persons—if
the letter of the Catholic clergyman were right—would be de-
prived of their farms and homes. There were reasons which
counted as high with him as with many others, for
maintaining the present corn-laws. If this measure were
carried, would it not give cause of dissatisfaction—
if they had 3,500,01)0 people thrown into a state
of destitution, in addition to the 2,300,000 already
destitute ? Some other measures than the suspension of the
corn-laws would be necessary to provide for so much misery.—
( Hear, hear.) He for one could see no remedy for the evil
but in a poor-law, of a construction different from that now in
existence. He could see no salvation and no peace for Ireland
save in a liberal and generous poor-law, which would be car-
r.ed out on the principle that no Irishman any more than an
Englishman should starve. They were told the other night,
by the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork, that 256,0001.
was levied annually for poces-rates in Ireland, 90,0001. of
which went to pay the interest of the money laid out in work-
houses, and to maintain the staff of the Poor-law Commis-
sioners, leaving 166,0001. to provide sustenance for 2,300,000
destitute poor in Ireland. That amounted to a farthing
and about a third per head per week. He understoo•l also that
only 37,000 people came to the workhouses to be relieved out
of the funds of the poor-law. 166,0001. divided amongst that
number only made Is. Bd. per week per head, a sum not
sufficient to obtain good and wholesome food for them. In
the ordinary course of things, and deducting 37,000 people,
there were '2,263,000 people left destitute, and could they be
surprised, in the ordinary course of things, that with 2.263,000
people without money, without potatoes in Ireland, there
should be riots and disturbances in that country? The people
would have food, and there was but one resource, and that was
to provide it for them. \Vas it to be endured
that there should he food to the value of
10,000,000/. sterling sent out of Ireland, while not
more than 256,0001. should be given to the people in that
country? He was well aware that a poor-law was not to ho
carried without much consideration. That it could not pass in
a day— in a week— in a month— or in three months perhaps, in
that House, but there must be some immediate provision
made for the present emergf ncy. —( Hear, hear.) He did re-
collect, that in the year 1833 that House almost unanimously
supported a measure to grant one million sterling to the desti-
tute Protestant clergy of Ireland, who were in arrear of their
tithes for the years 1831 and 1832. That money became
gift to those whose duty it was to pay the tithes;
and if they could, in 1333, make a gift of a million
sterling to the tithe-payers of Ireland, could they not then,
when the people were 'starving, break through the rigid rules
of political severity—(Loud cheering)—and attend to the wants
of Ireland. Let them for the time being supply the wants of
the Irish people from the fends of this country, and set to work
in earnest to make a lasting and permanent provision for them.
These were the opinions which he believed were crenerally en-
tertained by his friends sitting around him, and if the Members
for Ireland would introduce such measures as these they would
have their cordial support. These were the opinions held
in former times by an eminent statesman holding the confi-
dence of that House (Mr. Huskisson.) In the year 1829,
Mr. Huskisson said that the introduc,ion of a good poor-lsw
in Ireland would be found to be the introduction of a feeling
of security, and would invite and maintain the employment of
English capital in Ireland. He said it was that feeling of se-
curity that brought the greatness and wealth of the country,
and it was that feeling which alone could have a similar effect
in Ireland ; and unless such a measure was soon brought for-
ward, all his cherished hopes of the go-d effect of the Roman
Catholic Emancipation Bill would be disappointed. He (Lord
George Bentinck) did once, in the bumble position of secre-
tary to Mr. Canning, twenty-five years ago, possess the confi-
dence of that illustrious statesman ; and he had often heard him
say that it was to the poor-law of England that England owed
her strength in the hard struggle against the united arms of
Europe. It was in times of the greatest difficulty, when the
the people were called on to make the severest sacrifices to
bear the burden of the war, that-the poor-law of the country
showed its beneficial effects. These were the substantial
measures to which his Hon. Friends around him might look
for the salvation of Ireland, for the quieting of disturbances,
and the maintenance of peace in that country ; and whilst
they agreed, in deference to the feelings that had been expressed
by the Hon. Gentleman standing so high in the confidence of
the people of Ireland, cordially to concur in that suspension,
they wished heartily to acquit themselves of believing for one
moment, or wishing to make the Irish nation believe that in
the suspension, or abolition, of the corn-laws, any relief what-
ever could be afforded to the misery of one single individual
in Ireland.--( Loud cheering. )
Mr. V. SMITH said that he should not enter into any dis-
cussion of the attacks made upon all the English Liberals on
that side of the House for having exhibited a want of sympathy
on behalf of the people of Ireland. He could say that he him •
self had not shown any such want of sympathy, and he believed
that many of his Hon. Friends around him could justify them-
selves in a similar manner. As the Hon. Gentleman had in-
troduced the question of the return which had been presented
of the applications for work in consequence of the scarcity of
provisions, he (Mr. V. Smith) would say that he thought that
what had been read to the House was not the only painful part
of them. They showed the absence of individual exertion by
parties possessing property in Ireland. This was a question
that greatly affected the people of this country as well as the
people of Ireland. The people of this country were submit-
ting without a murmur to spend large sums of money for the
relief of their suffering countrymen. But the Government and
the Houses of Parliament should ask what had been done by
the landlords of Ireland. The statement presented the other
day not only showed the entire absence of individual exertions,
but applications of the most extraordinary nature. One of
the
a applicationsfishond hisfr domain,om the Earland ofto
epioy
Kingston t
hfeo r
people 5001. to
make t.)
Ireland. The return was deficient in one respect, for it did
not say what answer was returned by the Commissioners. He
-p wian s
could not suppose that such an application as that would be en-
tertained by any Commission or by her Majesty's Ministers,
but he wished to know if it were possible for the Right Hon.
Gentleman to submit to Parliament any return of what had
been done by persons holding property in Ireland, and whether
they had made any contribution for the relief of the distress
which prevailed. It was due to the people of England, and to
the Gentlemen round him, many of whom had contributed
largely from their own purses, to inform them whether the per-
sons possessing property in Ireland, whether absentee or other-
wise, were willing to come forward and assist by their contri-
butions.

Sir J. GRAHAM (who was very indistinctly heard) said
that it was an invariable rule which he had always acted upon,
that whenever any sum was advanced for public works in
Ireland, one moiety was in the shape of a gift and the other
moiety was secured by the Grand Jury presentment, and no
advance had ever been made except under that rule. Govern-
ment had advanced money for these purposes, and under that
regulation, but in the suburban districts of large towns this
regulation could not always be strictly acted upon. The Lord-
Lieutenant had a discretionary power in this matter, and if the
property of any person were improved by the works, the pro-
prietor of the grounds always contributed half of the sum
expended. With respect to the case put by the Hon. Member
with regard to the application for 500/., that application had
not yet been attended to, and he might state that he did not
think, that under the circumstances, the Commissioners woul.d
grant it.
Mr. E. . ROCHE said that he had never heard with
more satisfaction any speech made in that House than the
speech of the Noble Lord opposite, were it only for one principle
laid down in that speoch, vit., that on Irish subjects. The voice
of the Irish people expressed through their representatives
in that House should be protected. Were there no other as-
sertion in that speech, and were it to contain no other prin-
ciple of hope for Ireland, that principle, coming from a man
of the Noble Lord's weight and standing in that House, should
be received by the people of Ireland with gratitude, and lie
confessed that he never in his life felt more hope for the future
prosperity and peace of Ireland than at the present moment.
He thanked the Noble Lord, who had the confidence of the
party he represented, for the generous and liberal sentiments
he had expressed—that his wish and determination, if he had
' the power, was to relieve the distress of the people of Ireland.
However urgent the misery which the people was suf-
fering, that expression of sympathy would excite in them some
hope. It was painful and humiliating for Irish Members to
come down there every day to detail to the unwilling hearers
the misery and suffering which prevailed among their fellow-
countrymen. Nevertheless, if only to justify the position the
representatives of Ireland had taken, it was necessary. for .
to do so—to state the overwhelming misery whiet
recollect t ht
peopleia t
were forced to suffer. Perhaps the House would
lately he felt it his duty to detail a great
cea
s to amountei of misery and
urhd.
suffering that prevailed in his h ffur ro tmh e
ar
adddition to what he then awt endc
edeg_
h bo
inform the House that he had sin re a
awloeuttledr
oo
competent authority
Roman Catholic clergyman, who w
on the state of things that prevaileds in that county. The
letter was one that arose out of a correspondence between them
on another matter the construction of a road in the neigh-
bourhood.
He would read an extract from the letter which
was written from the parish of O'Hodda, in the county of
Cork. (The Hon. Gentleman read the extract in question,which
set forth that the distress was increasing ; that the Con-
servative gentlemen stated that Sir Robert Peel did not care
for the distress, only that it would enable him to pass his Corn
Bill; that they hail tried to get some corn meal from Liverpool
to meet the wants of the population ; that the people con-
sidered watereresses and turnips a luxury ; and that potatoes
were as high as l Is. a barrel, or at the rate of l Id. a stone. )
( Hear, hear.) When (continued the Hon. Gentleman) he
saw the people literally starving, worse than the beasts of the
field, he did not care about being told about the representa-
tives of Ireland interfering with the public time in
their appeals to the House of Commons and the Govern-
ment for the relief of the people. Eveirthing
was asked to give way to the people of England and
the Corn Bill. But the people of Ireland were starv-
ing, and therefore what did they care about the Anti-Corn-
law League and free-trade ? If they appealed to the Anti-
Corn-law League, they got nothing but doctrines of political
economy, but on appealing to the Noble Lord (Lord George
Bentinck) he would give them food and money.—(" Hear,"
from the protectionists.) Wherever they found relief, that
was the source on which they ought to trust. The Irish
Members were called names, and marked with opprobrium by
every scribe in the country; because they appealed on behalf of
their starving fellois-countrymen. The common epithets ap-
- i to them by the press was that the Irish Members were
impracticable raaliguants."