The Sun.
London, England, 1870-06-16 00:00:00

"ATIONAL SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING TTTF,
EDUCATION OF THE POOR.

The annual meeting of this society was held at Willis'
Rooms yesterday afternoon. His Grace the Archbishop of
York in the chair. There were also present the Earl of
Carnarvon, Earl Nelson, Earl Romney, Earl Harrowby,
Lord Redesdale, &c. A satisfactory report of
the operations of the society was read. His Grace
said that an institution which had been instrumental in
establishing five-sixths of the schools in England and
Wales for the education of the poor, was deserving more
than ordinary attention. This society was essentially a
Church of England society, and they must take care that
there was no pushing religion up into a corner. He
objected to the reading of the Bible in schools, merely
as a lesson. There could be no question that Education
would be the subject of a large measure of education
eventually, and the Church of England would
have to watch narrowly and see that any
measure not based on her principles should
not materially infringe them. Earl Carnarvon
moved the adoption of the report, which was carried.
The Right Hon. Gathorne Hardy, Lord Richard
Cavendish, the Rev. C. A. Stevens, and the Rev. Canon
Gregory were, on a ballot, elected on the committee in
the place of members resigned.
After carrying various formal resolutions the meeting
separated.

NATIONAL EDUCATION LEAGUE.

A meeting of the Council of the National Education
League was held yesterday afternoon, at Willis's Rooms,
Mr: George Dixon, M.P.•, 'president, in the chair. The
number of delegates present was not so great as might
have been expected.
' The statement Of officerri was read, shewing the opera-
tions of the League since the general meeting of the mem-
bers in October last. These are well known except
perhaps the fact that in regards to funds the League has
been generally and liberally supplied.
The Chairman having excused the absence of many
delegates •from the shortness of the notice given, and the
- engagement of many in their Parliamentary duties, said
the reason of the apparent inactivity of the League was
that the officers had been waiting for the Government
- amendment to the bill, and now those amendments had
been brought forward activity had been resumed,
they being determined to spare no cost or any
amount of labour to obtain further concessions.
• By the Government' measure it was desired that education
should be compulsorily carried out in every part of the
country, and yet they had not provided that there should
be school boards in every district. The League thought
that this was a . very great deficiency in the bill,
and on its behalf he had placed an amendment
on the paper of the House of Commons providing
that ' School-bbards should be' established everywhere.
The Government, moreover, feeling that there should be
a compulsory power, but that it would be impossible to
compel parents to send their children to school who were
unable to do so from poverty, inserted a clause in the bill
providing that when poverty could be shewn, school boards
should have the power to relieve the parents from payment
of the school pence. But the League said, anda great many
persons, said the League did not go far enough—that we
ought to have entirely free schools.
.(Hear, hear.) The
chairman then referred to the religious clauses of the
Government Bill. He said, as they all knew, the bill, as
it originally stood, had a clause which did not satisfy the
• League. Knowing the feeling, the Government inserted a
conscience clause,which he thought was extremely stringent.
Mr. Winterbotham had since put the question in the
House of Commons as to what really was the meaning of
that clause, and the answer was that it referred to the
power of withdrawal from religious instruction, not from
the school, but from religious instruction. It appeared
to him (the • Chairman) that this conscience clause still
• wanted a• further addition, and that that addition was
• that in no case should religious instruction ever be given
in the same room as that in which children were who were
to be excluded from it. The speaker then proceeded to
observe that in the House of Commons four sections
. might really be recognised in connection with the Educa-
tion Bill. One of these parties ought, he said, to represent
the views expressed by Mr. Jacob Bright. Mr. Bright's
• amendment was in advance of the League, but was the
nearest to it, and what he declared was this—that though
in, the schools there should be no creed or formula, yet
that the Bible might be read and taught, but that the
teaching should not be for or against any particular
tenet. The difference between that party and the League
was that they were in favour of unsectarian Bible
teaching.. Another section of the House which'
might be said to have advanced towards theni from
the Mancheiter Union were the followers of Mr. 'Cowper
Temple. The views of Mr.. Cowper Temple were
not officially the views of the Manchester Union, although
he was connected with it. According to his opinion,
• a master might teach any dogma, provided it was not
a creed or a formula. He (the speaker) ventured to
hope that Mr. Cowper's supporters would be much smaller
in number than those of Mr. Jacob Bright. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. Dixon then expressed a belief that' whatever might
' be the course'of the various sections of the House the
principal of the League would ultimately triumph, and
. he trusted that ,a party might be formed in London who
should agree with these principles, bee ause the action of
the House of Commons was one of compulsion. A
motion adopting the statement was proposed by Mr. J.
Chamberlain, Chairman •of the -Executive Committee,
who congratulated the meeting that the Education Bill
had passed out of the' incompetent hands of Mr.
Forster into those of the Prime Minister.—
The Rev. S. A. Slewhall seconded the resolution, which
was carried.—Mr. Robson, secretary of the University
College, on behalf of the London Committee, moved that
the amendments proposed to be introduced by the Govern-
ment in the Education Bill are wholly insufficient
- to meet the requirements of the country, as expressed in
public meetings and petitions ; and that, unless further
• amendments are introduced, it would be desirable topost-
pone further legislation until a future session.—The reso-
' lution .was seconded by Councillor Boothroyd on behalf
of the Bradford Committee, and carried. •
. It was finally resolved that a-petition embodying these
• 'resolutions should be presented to the- House of Com-
, 'mons on behalf of the council and delegates then,- as,
• sembled.

ACTIONS AGAINST THE 4i DAILY
TELEGRAPH."

In the Court of Common Pleas, yesterday (before Lord
Chief Justine Bovill, and 'Justices Keating, Montague
Smith, arid Brett), Mr. Serjeant Robinson appeared to
shexicause Against a rule obtained by Mr. Giffard, Q.C.,
calling upon an attorney of the court to answer matters
contained in certain affidavits. It was alleged in such
affidavits that the attorney instigated his clerk, and a
relative of his clerk, to bring actions in their names
for his' own purpose. There, had been three actiqns
brought against the proprietors of the Daily Telegraph to
recover penalties for the insertion of advertisements
contrary to the statute, prohibiting advertisements offer-
ing rewards for the recovery of stolen property. The
affidavits stated that the plaintiffs in the actions were so
poor as to be unable to pay the costs. Two of the actions
—those brought by Miss Susan Varley—were consolidated
and tried before Mr. Justice Keating at the. Guildhall,
• when a verdict was returned for the defendants. A
summons was pending for the taxation of
costs in the case, and therefere the defendant
—was never in a condition to demand his. costs.
'. The other. action brought by the clerk, Charles
Russell was abandoned pending the resultof those brought
by Miss Varley, his aunt. The defendants demanded
particulars concerning ;the plaintiff in the consolidated
action, and she was then described by afficlavit'as a single
woman, a dressmaker, residing at 43, Tybolt's-row,
Lamb's Conduit-street, Holborn. On investigation this
= was found to be the residence of Russell and his family,
and the -landlord of the place declared that he knew
nothing whatever of -any Susan Varley. This was sought
to be explained by Russell, who said that his landlord had
no knowledge of those 'living with him. Affidavits bad
been made by, Russell, Russell's wife, Miss. Varley,
and Mr.' Thomas William Parkes, the attorney in the
case, reaffirming the description given, and declaring that
the actions were not ,in any way instigated' by Mr.
' Parkes, who was instructed by the plaintiffs, and who had
no interest in the penalties 'to be recovered, but was td be
paid his costs and charges alone. Russell further stated,
• in his affidavit, that two or- three years ago he drew the
attention of the editor of the Telegraph to the illegal ad-
. Vertisements in the• Paper, and offered to give information
about-them if paid for'it.
Mr. Serjeant Robinson submitted that there was no
• evidence on the affadavits that Mr. Parkes had acted in a
wrong manner ; and the court would not be justified in
going beyond what was proven in order to assume an
- offence. The accusation was distinctly denied by all the
parties.
Mr. Giffard; Q.C.—lf there was misconduct on the
part of the attorney, it, would be for the Court to say
whether it should be referred to the Master.
Chief Justice Bovill said that when this application was
made, affidavits were produced which created great sus-
picion against the attorney. They almost led
the' court to believe there was no such person
as Varley, and that the whole thing was a fiction. There
, were clear, distinct; and positive statements 'in the
affidaVits' p'ut. forward by the attorney, which negatived
those on' the part of the defendant. If false, they would
render the 'parties' liable to criminal proceedings ; but
lobking at them as being true the court could not see that
the applicant had. made . out his case. The
Attorney had in this ' case' identified himself
to a • certain extent . with the plaintiffs,- but
there was no"oliservationin the cases already decided to
chew that he, could be,punished under the penal jurisdic-
tion which this court exercised over its officers. They
must therefore discharge the rule, with costs.
The other learned- judges concurred, Mr. Justice Brett
obserVing that'he'wOuld defer to those having greAter
perience than himself, and ant upon the documents sub-
. milted rather than upon'his own grave suspicions.
Rule discharged.

The annual meeting of the friends and subscribers
.of the Royal Alfred Aged Merchant Seamen's Institn:
tion has been held at the City Terminus Hotel,' Callon;
street, under the presidency of Lord Claienee E. Paiget.
Among others present were, Mr. Thomas Baring, M.P.,
Mr. Thomas Brasseyi,M.P., and Mr. Frederick Tuckett.

WORKING MEN AND EDUCATION.
The education meetings come thick and fast. On Tues-
day the land resounded with talk on this great topic. At
Manchester the Nonconformist ministers met to protest
against the inadequate character of the Government amend-
ments, and the Nonconformist Sunday-school teachers of
Lancaster, Chester, and Derby, held a conference which
resulted in favour of the unsectarian education being
given in rate-supported schools. At Liverpool the United
Presbyterian Presbytery also declared against " sectarian
formularies "in rate-supported schools. At Stafford the
Government Bill and its amendments were condemned.
At Nottingham, the branch of the League met, and it is
needless to say what conclusions it came to. At Romsey
the Nonconformists met, and repeated the performances
of their brethren at Manchester and Liverpool. Then
there was the meeting of three Nonconformist denomina-
tions in London, with their declarations against leaving
the decision of religious teaching to the school boards,
and against permitting any denominational teaching in
the rate schools.
But most noticeable of all was the working men's
gathering at Exeter Hall. Several members of Parlia-
ment, and most of the well-known speakers amongst the
working classes, took part. The Rev. C. H. Spurgeon
presided. He expressed his preference for every child being
compelled to go to school, for he did not believe a national
system would be of much use unless it were compulsory ;
and he was happy to find that the working men them-
selves were in favour of that compulsion. A national bill
was required for the rural districts as well as the large
towns. Nothing but the Day of Judgment would reveal
the extent of the oppression of the peasantry of England.
If they had had one tithe of the spirit of the working
men in large towns, they would never have submitted
—as they had submitted for years—to a condition little
better, after all, than that of the Russian serfs. The
fact that they could be bought as it were, to any
religion, was a proof of this. He would like them to
read the newspapers, and to learn that wages were higher
in the neighbouring towns or in more distant places, so
that they need not bow and cringe before the squire and
priest in order to earn the pitiful dole with which they
try hard to keep body and soul together. National edu-
cation, then, was wanted, and it must be made compul-
sory. Granting this, he thought there could not have
been a much worse national bill than that before the
House of Commons. If it passed, a society would be
needed for emancipating education from State patronage
and control. He prayed they might not have to fight
over again the battles they had fought and won for con-
science sake. If he could persuade the Government to pass
a bill for teaching the doctrines which he preached, or
even for teaching infallible truth, he would earnestly pray
that he might not be led into the snare. What right had
he to compel his fellow-countrymen to pay for the sup-
port of his religion ? He wished no man to do that, nor
would he wish to be forced to do it himself. He believed
the Government intended to do their best, but he could
not agree with them in trusting the Bumbledom of a dis-
trict to legislate on this question. The House of Com-
mons had said it was a difficult one, and had therefore
left it to the vestries. What were members sent to
the House of Commons for ? To decide difficult questions.
The House must face the difficulty, and not leave
the people to fight for days and nights with vestries.
The question could not be left to Bumbledom ; that would
not do. Nor could it be left to sects. There was another
point of great difficulty. There were many persons, and
he was one of them, who believed it to be the proper
thing that those children whose parents wished to have
the Bible read should be permitted to read the Bible in
schools. He would have a conscience clause, not by
.which persons might apply to be exempted, but might
apply to be permitted to read the Bible. It would
not be a penalty, but a privilege, and he did not see
how any man's conscience could raise an objection.—
Then the working men had their turn. Mr. Cremer
(carpenterY moved a resolution regretting that the
Government bill did not exclude denominational teaching
from the rate schools, and make attendance absolutely
compulsory, but expressing no opposition to the reading
of the Bible, with a conscience clause. He said that
Mr. Gladstone owed place and power and position
and influence to the people, and of this he might
be assured, that they would never allow him to hand over
the education of their children to the clergy of the Esta-
blished Church, or any other denomination.—The other
speakers were mostly moderate. Mr. Guile, ironfounder,
in seconding the resolution, bore testimony to the many
obligations working men were under to the voluntary
system, and hoped this bill would not dry up that source,
of educational means.—Mr. Mottershead, silk weaver,
declared that working men, if they could, would not
exclude the Bible from their schools. They not only.
loved it too much for that, butbelieved it was the grandest
school-book that could possibly be put into the hands of
a child.—An amendment absolutely excluding the •
Bible, was proposed. but it met with little favour.—Mr.
Savage, die-sinker, contended that the Bible was the basis
of all our freedom, and working men would never give it
up.—The show of hands was then taken, but scarcely half
a dozen were held up for the amendment, and the onginal
resolution was carried amidst loud cheers.—Other speakers
were heard, and resolutions put, the proceedings passing
off most harmoniously.

COMIC PAPERS.
(From Punch.)

FENIANS' TELEGRAM TO THEIR FRIENDS— Venoms,
vidimus, victi suntus.

NEW BOOK FOR THE SEASON.—Shortly will be pub-
lished, as a companion to " Juventus Mundi," " Juventus
Wednesday, or How We Went to the Derby in 1870. By
the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone. Correct Cards for
Goodwood, with Portraits. The Gladstone Hamper, the
'Gladstone Dustcoat (reversible), in preparation for the
Brighton and Goodwood. Early application necessary.
VARIATION ON MACBETH.—The Home Secretary talks
of bringing a measure, to check the adulteration practised
by fraudulent tradesmen, forward next session. Ah !
Next session, and next session, and next session,
Creeps in this petty pace from month to month,
To the last syllable of late August's time •
And all our Ministries have promised bills,
And wasted gusty breath.
SONGBIRDS OF BEAUTY.—A young lady has, by the ex-
cellence of her singing, acquired the title. of " The Nor-
wegian Nightingale." This may be considered an honour
to the nightingale, but why should that warbler (S. Phi-
lomela luscinia) engross all such honour? Norway is too
far north for nightingales, and a celebrated vocalist of
that country. had better be styled the Norwegian Redwing,
whilst we might term a popular songstress of our own the
British Blackbird, or the English Bullfinch.