The Sun.
London, England, 1848-07-25 00:00:00

e..%,J ulnilYg P-11Ut:

LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 214 1848.

At last the demagogues of Ireland will find that
they cannot embroil the people of these islands with
impunity either to themselves or to their wretched.
subordinates. Nobly have the Lords and the Com-
mons fulfilled the expectations of England. What
April was in reference to the multitude, July has
proved in regard to the Legislature. When the
miserable rabble of the Chartists threatened an insur-
rection, all party feeling, all the invidious distinctions
of classes, all the feuds and jealousies excited by re-
ligious diffirences, were forgotten on the instant.
The population rose to a man ; they stood side by
side—the. gentleman and the mechanic, the barrister
and the groom, the aristocrat and the shop.
keeper—brothers in the defence of their common
nationality, fired by the same enthusiasm and animaCd
with the most stern determination to vindicate the
majesty of the law, the blessing of order, and the
glory of the Constitution. In a similar spirit the
two houses of Parliament have responded to the
threat of rebellion on the part of the miserable fac-
tions of Ireland. All the bickerings of political ani-
mosity are lost to the recollection in the indignation
excited by the diabolical efforts of the insurgent de-
mocrats beyond St. George's Channel. Lord JOHN
RUSSELL and the supporters of his Government, Sir
ROBIERT PEEL and his numerous followers, Josfairti
Hum; and those who were recently his liege-men
in the advocacy of Parliamentary reform, Protection-
ists, Radicals, 'Whigs, and Conservatives, the bur-
gesses from the manufacturing towns, and the
knights from the shires famous for their agricultural
enterprise—all combine to attest the fervour of their
loyalty and the sincerity of their patriotism.
On Saturday the Government Bill for the Sus-
pension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland was passed
through all its stages in a single sitting of the House
of Commons through the preliminary forms,
through the first reading, through the second read-
ing, through Committee, clause by clause,. and through
the final ordeal of the third readinzo,rdin rapid suc-
cession. Yesterday the 'louse of Lords
ass-edacted with
equal promptitude, the Bill beingp at once
through all the formulas of the Imperial Legislature.
This very day, while we are writing thes words,
the Bill has become the law of the land_havingef
been ratified by the will of the SOVEREIGN. Before
this evening's impression of Tie s,n, passesre
from the hands of the publisher, the news
of the proceeding of the British Legislature
will have been some hours on its road to
Ireland. Greater activity could scarcely have been
evinced by Parliament, and certainly that activity
will not have been useless—seeing that it is a legis-
lative corroboration of the unanimity displayed on the
memorable and glorious Tenth of April. It is an
additional and conclusive evidence that the British 1
Empire is indestructible, and that the British Consti-

tution can never be overthrown by merely human
agencies—because it shows that that Constitution is
rooted in the hearts of an united people.
Voices earthly and unearthly cry out to Ire-
land in the first paroxysm of her insane rebellion.
The Voice of O'CONNELL the Liberator sounds
from his august tomb—repeating that noble
axiom which fell from his living lips like a
diamond of thought—" No political advantage is
worth gaining which requires the effusion of a single
drop of human blood 1" The Voice of History, the
reproaches of England, who, in the days of her own
tribulation, lavished ten millions of the public money
and four hundred thousand pounds of private charity
upon the starving peasantry of Erin ; the warnings
of LAMARTINE, who repulsed the traitorous de-
putation from Dublin; the contempt of the
Paris newspapers, at this moment breathing
scornfully from the capital of Republican France
upon the would-be Republicans of the Ro-
tunda ; the mandates of the benevolent Pius speaking
as their spiritual preceptor to the Roman Catholic
population of Ireland ; the horror of Europe, the exe-
crations of humanity, the anathemas of Christendom
—all sound bodingly across the waters of the Chan-
nel to the promoters of this mad Revolution. Will
Ireland hearken to these appeals of reason—or will
she listen merely to her own dark passions, to the in-
sidious war-whoops of her demagogues, to the
atrocious dictates of a mistaken and suicidal ven-
geance P England awaits an answer—earnestly
but serenely. And accordingly as the answer is fa-
vourable or otherwise will the historian of Ireland
have to write of 1848 as the year which witnessed
the propitious commencement of her happiness or the
awful and tremendous consummation of her misery.

Italy is now in that intermediate position which is
the most perilous to a civilized nation. It stands
midway between revolution and tranquillity—be-
tween anarchy and order--between constitutional
freedom and unbridled lemocracy. To retrograde
would be to cause a terrific explosion among the
passions of nineteen millions of the human family.
To precipitate the reforms rendered necessary by the
' age would be to loosen those beautiful ties which
bind together in the network of fraternity the
different classes of the community. The former step
would be dangerous because it would defy into
frenzy the natural yearnings of the Italians. The
latter would be dangerous because it would stimulate
too hastily the already over-excited ambition of the
multitude. Never was a medium course more im-
periously demanded by circumstances than it is at
present throughout the Roman peninsula. Never
was the holy cause of Moderation more imperatively
required than it is at this moment in the council-
chambers of the Italian Princes. Christendom has
recently seen the glory of LAMA&TINE darkened in
consequence of his fe;thfulness to that great political
creed of Moderation. It will soon see whether the
kindred glory of Plus can be obscured by a similar
devotion to the interests of humanity. The spectacle,
we must allow, at once, is a terrible one, but it is as
sublime as it is terrible.
A glance at the map of Italy, and a moment's re-
flection upon the position of affairs in that country,
will satisfy the most sceptical that its inhabitants are
lying in the intermediate state we have already ex-
pressed—however similar the situation of the parties
in the different divisions of the peninsula, may, at first
sight, appear to be. Lombardy, it is true, is still in-
volved in the doubts and vicissitudes of war—to the
eastward, the Venetians are awaiting the issue of the
contest between the Sardinian Sovereign and the
Pro-consul of Austria, to the westward, the Pied-
montese (those at least who have not embarked
their lives and fortunes in fighting the battle of
independence against Germany) are tarrying for
the consummation of the vietories already gained
by CARL° ALUERTO, in a kind of ecstasy of con-
fidence. Further southwards the petty principali.
ties, such as Parma, Modena, Lucca, Guastalla,
and Piacenza, are drifting to and fro amidst the
convulsion of the political elements of Italy
a circumstance which is scarcely surprising
in a time when the moral electricity of
civilization is setting all our calculations
at defiance, when the needle varies to all
points of the compass in the hands of the most ex-
perienced statesmen, when, in short, even the cele-
brated " Pilot who weathered the storm " of mis-
government in England, would find himself distracted
by the innumerable shoals and sunken rocks which
have suddenly sprung up about the bows of Europe.
Tuscany, more than any other of the independent

states of Italy, is paralysed into inactivity for the
time being, until the prospects of the Italian million
are more fully developed, when it must be whirled
away either to the right or to the left, either to
ultra-democracy, or to constitutional moderation,
with a velocity only commensurate with its recent
quiescence. Beyond these—beyond Venice, Lombardy,
Tuscany, Piedmont, and the minor principalities—are
the States of the Church, the kingdom of Naples,
and the island of Sicily. For the last-mentioned
territory has severed the yoke which chained it to

the footstool of the inhuman Bourbon, who only the
other day wore upon his brow the crown of the Two
Sicilies, and whose name is now the execration of the
whole world. Once more the famous island of
THEOCRITUS with his idylls, and of POLYPHEMUS
with his one eye and his jealousies, has assumed to
itself the right of choosing its monarch, and of vindi-
cating its long derided nationality. The diadem
which, according to a beautiful legend, passed from the
head of Good King ROMERT, when he slumbered one
Sunday evening in a church after the chaunting of the
ltegitificat, has descended at last, towards the middle
of the nineteenth century, upon the forehead of the
Duke of GENOA. The plums of good fortune seem
to be falling to the lot of the house of Lorraine.
The symbols of Venice and of Lombardy are flung
at one moment into the helmet of CARLO ALBERTO,
and at another, the symbol of Sicily is tossed into the
ducal cap of his son. Meanwhile the fate of FEB-,
DINAND of Naples is very different. His troopers
and their coadjutors, the brutalised la.azaroni, being
his only defenders against an ignominious assassi-
nation, and the remembrance of his atrocious and
dastardly triumph over the unfortunate Neapolitans,
being his only consolation for the present abhorrence
of his contemporaries and the future execration of
posterity. Last of all—most sad, most affecting,
most solemn, most unaccountable, amidst all this
mournful catalogue of vicissitudes—there is Rome
and the surrounding dominions of the Papacy. It
was the PONTIFF who gave the signal of regenera-
tion, it was from the hill of the Quirinal that the tri-
colour of United Italy was first unfurled, it was from
the heart of the Eternal City that first emanated those
doctrines of civil and religious liberty which have
since, within a few months, carried joy and exulta-
tion from one extremity of the peninsula to the
other. And yet, it is the POPE, who, every
now and then, feels most bitterly the sorrows of
ingratitude, it is the Quirinal which is inter-
mittently regarded with the most suspicion,
it is the Eternal City which is at all times the most
embarrassed by the vices of democracy and by the
intrigues of demagogues. Already GIOHERTI has
spoken upon this subject—and of the patriotism, of
the liberality, of the democracy of Glossier', who
dares to raise the whisper of a doubt? GIOSIERTI—
this true, patriotic, radical, democratic GIOMERTI—has
spoken of the possible alienation of Pio Norio and the
Reo r h
,a,ns,e and he has spoken of it thus :—" Woe be to
m
cried, " if, losing sight of the double
dignity and double responsibilities of Pius, I
can ever have the madness to doubt the sincerity of
remember
thate-
mhiesmpbaetrriottihsamt.';
No, the Romans
ever
should
while they are squabbling in the precincts of
they
shou ldever re-
member
the Roman Parliament the soldiers of Piedmont are

fighting for the freedom of their common-land, to
the war-cry of " Pfus—ltaly—and CHARLES AL-
BERT 1" There is at this moment, however, an inter-

incdiate pause throughout the peninsula. Let the
Italians avail themselves of the opportunity and
unite, or—to use that cant phrase of the day, which

expresses so much—let them fraternire I

No political pamphlet ever appeared more oppor-
tunely than that to which we have already referred on
two occasions—we mean the intelligent " Sketches
of the Progress of Civilization and Public Liberty,"
by Jonx MACGREGOR, M.P. We are induced to
recur to this brochure, not only because we have
been captivated in a great measure by its
serene and masculine declamation, not only
because we regard the arguments of a close

• reasoner like the author of the " Progress of
America," as eminently entitled to consideration, not
only because the history of civilization and the spread
of liberal ideas during the last hundred years, dating
from the middle of the eighteenth to the middle of the
nineteenth century, are here epitomised in seventy-
two pages octavo—but because to all these circum-
stances may be added just now the extraordinary
position of affairs both within the realms of England,
and beyond the seas in either hemisphere. So mar-
vellous, so rapid, so comprehensive, so sudden, be-
wildering, and tremendous have been the political
changes effected since the commencement of 1848,
that the average views of the multitude upon the
great questions of social distinction and constitutional
government are liable to fall into an appalling state of
confusion, unless the direct tendency of the popular
movement is continually forced upon the recollection
of the community, even at the hazard of a wearisome
itteration and tautology. Never, indeed, was it more
requisite to remind the people of these islands again
and again, in language admitting of no possible miscon-
struction, of the actual sequence of the events which
have led England and Europe into their present
astonishing predicament. At this important junc-
ture Mr. MACGREGOR publishes a pamphlet precisely
adapted to the existing emergency—a pamphlet which
cannot fail, if read with due calmness and deliberation,
to place even the most ignorant au courant of the late
revolutions on the continent, and to explain
away those things which may have hitherto
appeared to them of a wholly irreconcileable
and anomalous character in the development of
modern civilization. Our distinguished pamphleteer
has concentrated into some sixteen miniature chapters
a narrative which spreads over enormous files of
old newspapers, over annotations and commentaries,
and memoirs and autobiographies, and the lumber
of the most garrulous reminiscences, making in all
a library, the very catalogue of which is
voluminous. Here, therefore, is more than an " Illiad"
compressed into a nutshell. And this, we take it, is
sufficient reason for our continual reference to the
small but solid and philosophic argument of the Ho-
nourable Representative for Glasgow.

If the Communists of Paris and the Red Republi-
cans of Dublin could find leisure for reading in the
midst of their sanguinary and diabolical intrigues,
we should certainly conjure them, in the name of
every quality that is best and bravest in man, to pon-
der over the facts recorded in this pamphlet of Mr.
MAcauxaog. Those facts would demonstrate the
madness of a merely spoliative insurrection—they
would show the French anarchists that their favourite
doctrine can only lead to their own destruction and
execration—they would prove to the Irish rebels that,
by abandoning the Moral Force system of their im-
mortal LIBERATOR, they have not merely rendered
their own political annihilation inevitable, but they
have, by a series of dastardly and ignominious crimes,
caused Ireland to become at once a curse to England

and an abomination to Christendom. It were lunacy
to imagine for one moment, however, that the ravings

of madmen can be in any respect abated by the
wholesome diet of a logical disquisition. Our re-
peated allusions to the pamphlet of Mr. MACGREGOR
are consequently made with a direct reference to
men other than the rebel bands of Citizen BLANqur,
or the raw recruits of the would-be King of Mori-
STER. W speak not to the irrational but to the rational
—not to traitors but to patriots—not in the hope of
converting insurgents to loyalty, but with the inten-
tion of confirming in all, their just, patriotic, and

loyal sentiments, the thoughtful men of this old
Saxon England. With such an avowed purpose then
we earnestly direct the attention of the English
people to the third section of this interesting and re•
markable pamphlet—the section respecting the
" Effects of the American and First French Revolu-
tions." Not that the chapter conveys any novel or
startling revelations—its statements, in fact, being
every one of them patent to the student in European
and American history—but because it condenses the
long annals of those revolutions into the most compact
and portable compass, while the pamphleteer deduces
a great truth from the occurrences on either side of the
Atlantic. After recounting the colonisation of Vir-
ginia and Maryland by republican spirits who sought
the realization of their visions of political indepen-
dence beyond the shores of the United Kingdom—
after detailing the struggle which ensued between
the descendants of these primitive emigrants and the
Government of the mother country, that great
struggle which ended in the isolation of the United
States, and the dismemberment of the colonies of
Great Britain—after telling how it came to pass that
the French officers who had fought in North America
under the victorious banners of GEORGE WASHINGTON,
carried with them to France the enthusiasm of repub-
lican ideas, and " ingrafted revolutionary principles
on the philosophy of the Academy"—the Member
for Glasgow shows that the visionaries of an Infidel
and Democratic Revolution saw only the chance of the
restoration of his natural rights to Man in the de-
struction of Christianity, and in the subversion of
the existing systems of monarchy and oligarchy.
That terrible blunder is now goading on the rebels of
Ireland, as it did recently the insurgents of France.
The catastrophe of their heinous guilt be upon their
own heads, and the infamy of the whole movement

be concentrated on the memories of their depraved
demagogues !

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
They are principally occupied with the affairs of
Ireland, and with the exception of the litfernte, the
organ of LEDRu ROLLIN, they denounce, in no
measured terms, that which they justly designate as
the Communist and Jacobinal movement, at the head
of which Messrs. SMITH O'BRIEN and MEAGHER have
Placed themselves. The fact that the neforme is
favourable to the Irish rebels would be alone sufficient
to stamp their cause as the cause of Communism, and
the war which they declare a war not against England
only, but against all order, all property, and all
civilization.

The .Teurhal des Debuts thus accurately describes

:he character of the movement :

" It is the Young Ireland, or, in other words, the Ja-
cobin, party that makes the present movement. It is
not only a Republican movement, which can no longer
be a crime in our eyes, but also a Communist movement.
This is what distinguishes it from the old agitation, by
the aid of which O'Connell drew from England religious
emancipation, and so many other reforms. The war
which the Irish clubbists wish to raise is a servile war.

It is an insurrection against property, of which the
avowed end is the division of the land. That transfor-
mation of the Irish agitation is what makes it in the
present circumstances so grave, and the reason is this—
Formerly an insurrection in Ireland could find no echo
in England, while now the Jacobin movement in the one
corresponds with the Chartist movement in the other,
and the shots fired in Dublin, Waterford, or Cork, may
set fire to Liverpool, Manchester, Bradford, or Notting-
ham. The English Government knows this, and it is on
that account it is taking the most rapid means possible
to cut short the insurrection."

1 The same writer thus calculates the chances of
the success of the movement :
" We do not believe in the possibility of the success
of the insurrection. The forces are not equal. The
movement party is much less numerous than many, on
account of the noise they make, suppose. It is composed
of the Young Ireland party only, which has against it,
not only the English party, but almost all the Old Ire-
land party, namely, that of O'Connell and the clergy.
On the one side, then, there is disunion—on the other
there is not only union but discipline. There are about
50,000 troops, who can be carried with rapidity to any
point; and besides this, the whole of the north is
Orangist and Protestant. We, therefore, consider the
success of the general movement as impossible; but we
think that a series of partial insurrections, which cannot
be suppressed without the effusion of blood, is inevitable.
This is our opinion, but with so singular a country as
Ireland it is difficult to answer for anything."
The Univers, the organ of M. DE MON TALEMBERT
and the parti pretre, is also exceedingly severe in its
denunciation of the Young Irelanders for their
departure from the moral.force system so success.
fully practised by the late Liberator, O'CONNELL.
It was rumoured in the Salle des Conferences, yes-
terday, that the Committee on Foreign Affairs were
all but unanimously of opinion that, in consequence
of the advance of the Austrians to Ferrara, the army
of the Alps, under the command of General OUDINOT,
should immediately enter Italy.

Galignani says that, on Saturday morning, Gene-
ral CAVAIGNAC received the officers of all the corps
of the army present at Paris, of the National Guard
of Paris and the Banlieue, of the Garde Mobile,
together with members of different administrative
bodies, the medical officers of the army, and
also the Judges of the Courts of Crssation, of
Appeal, of the Tribunal of the Seine and

members of other judicial bodies. The Gene-
ral was attired in plain clothes, with no other
decoration than the Cross of Commander of the
Legion of Honour. The officers of the National
Guard filed off before the General according to their
respective legions, the colonels of the legions taking
the lead. The Bth, Sth, and 12th Legions, having
been broken up, were not represented. The model
of a portable barricade was exhibited to the officers.
It is destined to protect the assailants of barricades
from the shots of insurgents, and has a loophole to
fire through, which can be closed when the discharge
has been made. The model is in iron, and ball-proof.
On presenting themselves to General CAVAIGNAC, the

chiefs of the different judicial bodies expressed to him,
in the name of the magistracy, the gratitude they
felt for the services which he has rendered to the
country by his courage and energy, and assured him
that he will find support in the magistrates in the
accomplishment of his high mission. In reply,
General CATAIIIINAC said that the country felt confi-
dent that they would aid the powers of the State to
construct the basis of Republican institutions.

The OlEssager of Sunday evening says
" We are assured that the Prussian Government has
offered to accredit a Minister Plenipotentiary at Paris,
but on condition that the French Government shall ap-
point as successor to M. Emmanuel Arago, at Berlin, a
representative who shall manifest less sympathy for the
German Propagandists, and more anxiety to cultivate
friendly relations with the Prussian Government."

The following is the decree of the Assembly au.
thorising the new loan :

" Art. 1. The engagements contracted by the sub-
scribers to the last loan of 250,000,000 francs not having
been acquitted in respect of the last instalments due,
that loan is declared null and void, so far as regards
the instalments not paid up, and the rentes not delivered.
"Art. 2. A credit of 13,131,500 francs rentes Five
per Cents., the interest running from the 22d of March,
1848, which shall be negotiated at the price of --,
shall be opened in the Ministry of Finance.
" Art. 3. The price of the rentes negotiated, as pro-
vided in the preceding article, shall be paid at the fol-
lowing periods :—On the 7th August, 1848, 171 per
cent.; 20th September, 10 ; 20th October, 71 ; 20th
November, 71; 20th December, 7 20th January,
1849, 71; 20th February, 71; 20th March, 10; 20th
April, 7i; 20th May, 71; 20th June, 5; and 20th July
5 per cent.

" Art. 4. On the payment of each of those instalments,
with the exception of the first, which is to be considered
as a depnint to guarantee the payment of the remainder,
the subscribers shall receive a coupon of renter, repro-
sentim,,,, at the price of the negotiation, the amount paid.
The coupon belonging to the first instalment of 17* per
cent. shall only be delivered atter the payment of the
first instalment.

" Art. 5. The certificates of the two first instalments
of the loan of 1847 for 250 millions, forming the deposit
or guarantee of 7f. 52} centimes per 3f. rente, shall, un-
til the 17th of August next, be deemed acceptable for the
same amount of 7f. 52i centimes, or 51. rente in the pay-
ment of the first instalment of the new loan. The sur-
plus shall be paid in specie. After the expiration of that
delay the certificates of the former loan shall be consi-
dered as null and void.
" Art. 6. A sinking fund of one one-hundredth of the
nominal capital of the renter issued in virtue of the pre-
sent decree shall be included in the attributions of the
sinking fund administration.
" Art. 7. The measures to be adopted for the execu-
tion of the present decree, particularly as respects the
holders of certificates of the new loan who shall not hare
effected the payment of the instalments as they become
due, shall be devised by the Minister of Finance."
It is said that the contract for the loan will be taken
by Messrs. lIOTZINGUER and ROTHSCHILD.

The Committee on the decree presented to the Na
tional Assembly, by the Minister of the Interior, for
increasing the Garde Mobile to 26 battalions of 800
men each, and for raising three squadrons of cavalry,
has resolved that the effective of that force be fixed at
26 battalions of 650 men each, and that no cavalry be
raised. The battalion of Gardes Marines is to form
the 25th battalion. The 26th battalion formed at
Rouen is to be amalgamated with the other battalions.
The Committee recommends that the men who were
to form the nucleus of the cavalry, and who distin-
guished themselves fighting against the barricades in
the late insurrection, be draughted into the line. The
resolution of the Committee, if adopted, will effect a
saving of 3,100,000 f. (124,0001.)

The Constitutionnel says that the report of a treaty
having been concluded between the Government and
the directors of the Northern Railroad Company, for
the purchase of that road, is at least premature. The
only treaty pending between the parties is the settle-
ment of the accounts between them.

In the sitting of the National Assembly yesterday
an annual pension of 3,000 f. was voted to the widow
of M. DORNES.

M. SARRUT having announced that the Committee
on the Ajaccio election had decided that M. Louis
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE was duly elected, the Presi-
dent (M. ikauuAsT) communicated the following
letter to the Assembly :

" London, July 8, 1848.
" Monsieur le ?resident,—l have just learned that the
electors of Corsica have elected me their representative
at the National Assembly, notwithstanding the re►
signation ,which I had already sent in to your pre-
decessor.

" I am profoundly grateful for this testimony of con-
fidence, but the reasons which forced me to refuse
the place of Representative of the Seine and the Cha-
rente Inferibre still subsist; they impose on me a-iother
sacrifice.

" Without renouncing the honour of being one day
representative of the people, I think I ought to wait to
return to my country, that my presence in France can-
not in any manner serve as a pretext to the enemies of
the Republic. I trust that my disinterestedness will
prove the sincerity of my patriotism. I wish, then, that
those who accuse me of ambition may be convinced of
their error. _

"I have the honour, Monsieur le President, again to
express a hope that I may at some future time partici-
pate in the labours of the Assembly, and to say how
sincerely I desire the happiness of the Republic.
" LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE."
—(Loud cries of " Tres Lien, tri!s lien," followed the
reading of this letter.)

The Assembly fixed the price of the loan at 75f. 25c:

In the course of the sitting, the President of the
Council announced that the negotiations with the
Lyons Railway Company were concluded.

General OUDINOT leaves Paris this day for Gre-
noble, to resume the command of the army of the
Alps.

BOURSE—PARIS, MONDAY, JULY 24.
THREE o'CLock.—The new loan, so far from depress-
ing the market, has had the effect of steadying it. To-
day prices were firm throughout, and closed with a
decided improvement on those of Saturday. For the
Account the Three per Cents. have risen 1 per cent., and
the Five per Cents. have risen 25c. For Money the
Three per Cents. have risen 75e., and the Five per Cents.
05c. Bons du Ti fiior are at 16 per cent. discount, after
having been at 17. Bank of France Shares have risen
10f. Belgian Bank Shares not quoted; Five per Cents.
have fallen '43- per cent. Spanish Funds, which had not
been quoted for a long time previously, were in demand,
but at very low prices. Roman have risen per cent.;
Rothschild's Receipts are the same as on Saturday.
Railway Shares for the Account, settling of 21st July,
remain as on Saturday. For Money, the Orleans has
risen Bf. 25c.; Northerns, 2f. 50c.; liavres have. fallen
21. 50e.; Marseilles, if. 25e. ; Basle, 25c.; Nantes,
If. 25e.; Strasburgs, 11.25 c.; Rouens and Lyons remain
as on Saturday.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGIF. RAILWAYS AT THE

LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, .JULY 24.
Northern of France, 5-,-Orleans and Bordeaux, 12—
Paris and Lyons, 4-I{ouen and
_Havre, 81/s—Sambre and
Meuse, 21/2.

GERMANY

AND