The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

avowed
object. He admitted the object was lawful, and
bra
soma
on the Woolsack.—(Laughter.) These agitators
pealed to the Noble Lords opposite clustering et, thickly
no Act of Parliament in thus collecting a large ma
(no matter whet pricise sum it might amount to)
w
tor the purpose they had in view. Now, he
0.
,_
would ask, what was that purpose ? Their e_
ject in collecting the large sum was to purchase voie:
in different counties.--4A Noble Lord, "No, freeholds.")
When he said to purchase-votes, he meant to purchase
the right to vote. This party of agitators boasted that
in one county they had obtained two thousand votes,.
and that for the future they would be successful
in securing able champions for their cause. They said
they were now about to add 2,000 voters to the roll for
the county of Yorkshire, and a similar number for South
Lancashire. By such means as those they avowed they
would be enabled to return one hundred Members to Par-
liament. To obtain that end some send their thousands,
others their five hundreds,and others their fives.— (Hear.)
To those who were the members of the League—those
who had been for some time writing upon Dukes, such as
his. Noble Friend the Duke of Richmond, who appeared,
to be considered by these writers as force name, and
j; hie to be preyed upon, to them he would give the
benefit a his opinion without giving them his
al., and that opinion was, that it was per-
fect:; legal for them to act as they
not ;tin. The course they were pursuing violated no
law, eunizesee, „: statute. If his friend Mr. Attwood,
and other rich Leen .1
ike him were to subscribe a minim
of money to the pureNstes, of freehold qualifications, they
would have a pesfeees ,:'
et ht, as the law- now
stot.di to do so. They eljg e
17. in-chase those free-
holds foe the purpose of' eetu:ning Members
of Parliament. To such a course .the law dd
not nay nay. The late' Mr. Bentham tisee;
to argue
that there was no such thing as unconstitutional-4n
it appeared to hies that unconstitutional meant anything,
anybody did not like. " Show me," he said, " any-
thing lawful, and that is constitutional ; show rce any'
thine unlawful, and that will be unconstitutional." Now
he (Lord Brougham) would adduce an instance to illustrate
the argument lie had referred to. The Sovereign might'
, create five hundred Peers. He might march these five
r hundred Peers into that House, and as the preirgative
was net confined to numbers, neither was it confined to
rank. He might ennoble five hundred soldiers out of
battalion of Guards, and make every one of
them Peers of she realm. It would be an underri"
able and unpreecriptible right fur them to take
seats, and to vote in that House, and the
sovereign might march that battalion of rowly-niadi
peers into that House to overwhelm the Members of that
House, and to carry any measure by a majority of a Inina
dred. It would be perfectly lawful. There would be
nothing illegal—nothing in the slighest degree contrail
to law, in the exercise of this most undeniable prerogiv
rive which the Crown possessed of creatine.
peers.
But if the Lord Chancellor should put the great
seal to those patents of peerage, so surely as the°
fell on the ears of the Commons House of Parliament,
the announcement of the act which he had done—tee
which he had committed—perfectly lawful, but
perfectly unconstitutional—a gross breach of the Con-
stitution-a foul violation of the Constitution—a high
crime and misdemeanor—so surely would the head ot,
that high officer—if not in fact, at least by right and by
desert—fall for the crime he had committed.
Ile knew that if he was called on he would say they
ever° not committing an unconsftutional act. If be
were asked his opinion as a lawyer he would give itst.
end without requiring five pounds either—(A laugle)-""
in that capacity he were asked which of tee two acts
were the most unconstitutional, he would say that act
which raised money by voluntary contribution for
guilty purposes. He would say that as a lawyer it was
legal, but as a constitutional lawyer it was illegai-e-
-(Hear, hear)—and a break up of the Constitution
He had not for the first time stated this opinion. He
was once asked to aid in the creation of 500 votes, and
his answer was distinctly that he would not. subscribe
one farthing for such it measure.. But he placed his ob-
jection on higher grounds ; he saw it was an unconli
tutional act to multiply votes. He would say one word
on voluntary contributings. Those who thus sair
scribed and contributed to raise large funds to
create votes must be prepared to differ fro?
some of the most constitutional lawyers in this
country. He did not say that contributions for the pur-
posei of enabling the Crown to defend the country was Po
legal or unconstitutional ; but, oa the contrary, wor
is
praiseworthy subscription, and was not a subseriptte..
for the purpose of subrertir g the established regulftgi°lr
of the country. He alluded now te
He supposed it was just as constitutional as the per:re
adopted now—many people might think it a Itt`
more justifiable and more constitutional.—(Hear,
Those who considered it a legal act, will have again*
them the opinion of the late Sir Philip Crompton, ant
will also have to combat a stillgreater opinion—he Weal;
Mr. Fox. They would also have to combat Lord Grey 6
opinion, as welt as Mr. Pitt's. On such grounds Of
Parliament had by its votes sanctioned the use of money
raised by voluntary contributions. They rufs
hale been wrong—that he would not exPre
an opinion about. He considered that the course
of this country ought to be, to raise money
by consent of Parliament, and through the sworn Minis'
tern of the Crown. Ile did not like to see a trade car
ried on with impunity, which would alter the foundr
lions of their Constitution, by raising a new trade la
this country. His love of free trade was not very great
he meant the trade which was driving for money—for basl
lucre, for filthy gains—and for that purpose he woula
not consent to such a political agitation. If that trade
was not checked, there would never be wanted person°
to trade in it, because it is of all trades the easiest ear`
ried on, and the meanest. Of all trades it was the easiest
to drive, end they saw in Ireland what agital
was doing, and now in England, in the repeal
the corn-laws, a good trade was also carried el
He had an equal dislike with his Noble Friends to will
is called mob government. He would have this count's,
governed by the Crown and the Parliament. lie woo
have the measures for the safety of the people of Yeue,
land discussed and propounded by wise men. He had beet)
reproached with inconsistency for advising the Croce
to dissolve Parliament during the agitation of the Beferfe
Bill. But he cared not for the charge if he felt be `/Pi
right. He had sat at the helm of the imperial
years, and
for four with others more worthy to steer, u- d.
saw the vessel more than once in sight of breakey':g •
he had no desire to see them again.—(Hear, hear.) ,g
Noble and Learned Friend had stated that after u''.74
had taken place in former times, and after the opinit,"4
which he had expressed, he held it inconsistent with -
own honour to hold a different opinion.
Lord STANLEY begged to correct the Noble st'elaff
—his expression was, " holding the same opinions 11.'
as he did then."
Lord BIIOUG HAM apologised. That was V"--„0,
different thing. He was beguiled by the word tnc
sistency. It was not inconsistency to act one WaY.-11,. I
think another—(Great laughter)—it was dovenrhy
dishonesty. Ile had often heard the charge of inc he '
sistency ; but he had no respect for, nor did
this
wish to court or belong to, the sect of t'Ais
arsevithtoouot
proudany itnocregaus
class of persons who allow years to Free
and who
wthheom
length of years, or profit by the lessons of is:
teherofwiskdeorlefer?
perience. To do this was not inconsisteee;;
In conclusion, he wished to express his 113,-;/0
cordial approbation of that part of her Majes'ilie
Speech which recommended their Lordships taking 4j,
disturbed state of Ireland into their early considereq"no
The Earl of MALMESBURY begged to protest egalos
that part of the Noble Lord's speech in which he reeebos
mended an appeal to the people. He perfectly agreed
such an appeal should be made on no trifling or trivial,
sion. If it was necessary to take the opinion of the eeiere%s
let it be the one which they expressed in 1841, wiliejleelg
pressed itself in a protectionist Parliament. Ile e"..ed
not suppose that because the Prime Minister had chlgif)
his views, that the people had changed theirs.—(lle.%. •
The Earl of RADNOj observed that it "-‘,.011!
matter of necessity to yield to public pressure "old
without, when they had not a Government who No of
lead the public mind. This had been the practic'be
late years. He would wish to ask the Noble Lordtecei
fore he left his place, whether all the ghee'
measures which he had seen carried had not "-aicf
so carried by pressure from without ? He would
was not the abolition of the slave trade carried by P 'OO
sure from without ? Had not Catholic Emaneie
jd
been carried by pressure from without 2
not the repeal of the Orders of 'Ac' „ 1100
been carried by pressure from without ? Hfree/
the repeal ofthe Test Acts been carried by pressure_weili
without ? He lamented to say that this was Toe
the case alien the people outstrip in '-ttt
ledge and enlightenment the Government of the 00e"104
They should reflect that to carry out any great tee,ese
pressure from without was required. Some refe.a.'"
bad been made as to raising money for such purr:Sib.
being an unconstitutional act. In that case it W,(); the
an unconstitutional act to subscribe 100,0001. '‘),,,f)isel
purpose of a railway. There was also te a,e"otiea_s
which at present was occupying considerable at", 9 r_e;
—it was a scheme for improving the dwelling 101
the poor in the metropolis. To raise nsoneicoilse
that purpose, according to the Noble Lord, woe' stilf
e unconstitutional. So would it be with raising oti
scriptions for churches; in fact, it would place
ealiel
hargo on many charitable purposes. The Nou sloe'
Learned Lord had also chosen to cast violent Or natia /
on the Anti-Coin-law League. He (Lord - ;
however, had nu objection to the name, however a to,
it might displease the Noble Lord: but he denifte
they raised money for unconstitutional purposes. k.iev,,e" •
a subscriber to that fund—(Hear, hear)—andlie:aiteel
that in doing so he was subscribing for a OW/
purpose ; for he believed nothing could be tnel-„J ear;
table than effecting a repeal of the corn-laws, a-beaL,
rying out this principle of free trade.—Olear'et vote
The Noble Lord bad said that the League boug&jet;
with the funds they were raising. He (Lord ••js, h"r
denied this. They bought no votes with the ,Vey etc;
it was raised only to carry on the agitation. 't
..4
seeded people to buy votes—to lay out their 10
ifejgive effect to their opinions, but they ei
votes. The League, therefore, merely facilita...„olesbo'
getting of votes, but they did not make them' os
hear.) They opened an office to enable Pense
wanted votes to get them from persons who vver,.(lool
to sell that which conveyed that privilege'des
hear.) They did not make votes, as other 1311:1 dian%
done, by the 501. clause, by which they effeele
their farms into four or five parcels for
thirtg
such a purpose. The League did Oorest Peva
secret, but their object was to carry out l'intea olYjear
tical object. The Noble and Learned Lords
..oets,o,
to their agitating for a political purpose , lord P__l of,
tional ; but had not the Noble and Learnetel_bootnitte,
self done so in his agitation on behalf of tb
the slave trade? If the one agitation was
ter'''.(l
tional, the other was also of that charel clorge:00
hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord bau_seaderal4
League with being actuated by selfish evo-