The Sun.
London, England, 1848-02-18 00:00:00

JEWISH DISABILITIES.

Lord ELLEN BOROUGH presented several peti-
tions from various deoominatious of Dissenters in
favour of this Bill. The Noble Lord said he could
not coincide in the prayer of the petitions.
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE
COURT OF ROME.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE (after pre-
senting several petitions and some official papers)
moved the second reading of this Bill.
He said the object of the Bill was to
empower her Majesty to enter into diplomatic
relations with the Court of Rome. The measure
was a novel one both in that and the other House
of Parliament, although, when a discussion inci-
dentally arose in that House on the subject, he
expressed his opinion that such relations should
be entered into. He had now the satisfaction
of proposing a measure for their acceptance to ac-
complish this, to his mind, desirable end, which, he
believed, would meet with the Liberal support
of the other House of Parliament and of the
people. Her Majesty was authorised to enter
into diplomatic relations with all foreign powers, save
that of Rome. She was prevented from doing so by
two Acts—namely, the Bill of Rights, passed in the
reign of William and Mary, and the Act for settling
the succession to the Crown of these realms. He was
not one of those who would lightly interfere with
either of these Acts, because he believed the consti-
tution and the rights of the people were based on
them.—(Hear, hear.) Some thought that the inten-
tion of these Acts was utterly to prevent diplomatic
intercourse with the Court °Mame, that it was illegal,
but his opinion was that it was not intended to shut
out intercouse altogether, after tracing the events
that led to the passing of those measures. The mis-
sion of Lord Castlemain to the Court of Rome, in the
time of James 11., was generally understood to be for
the purpose of effecting a reconciliation between this
country and the Papal see; and the House of Com-
mons of that day passed a resolution to the effect
that his Lordship should be sent to the Tower,
charged with high treason, for accepting the office;
showing that it would be unsafe to open such inter-
course, as it would be a contravention of these
Acts. The mission was at the time a
most unfortunate one, and was suggested by
a monarch who was in the habit of doing
everything wrong, and at the wrong time.
Burnet and Sir James Macintosh, men of high
authority, agreed in opinion that whilst these Acts
stood as they were such a mission was illegal.
Hence the necessity of introducing the present mea-
sure. A century and a half had elapsed since
these proceedings took place ; wonderful changes
had taken place, and the time, he thought,
had arrived when communication with the Court
of Rome was expedient. The greatest advan-
tages could not fail to ensue from such intercourse.
During the various reigns since the time of James 11.,
foreigners and others visiting the Court of Rome
were employed to transact any business that was
necessary between the Papal see and this
country; but he considered that such indirect and
irresponsible intercourse was far more objectionable
than direct and open intercourse.—(Cheers.) One
of the greatest Ministers of this country, on whom
the whole weight of the realm rested during a season
of peculiar difficulty and danger—Sir R. Walpole—
entered into repeated communications with the Pope
through the instrumentality of his brother, Horace
Walpole. At the time of the Hanoverian succession
it was customary for this country to have a repre-
sentative at Rome. He now came to the time of the
French Revolution. Sir John Cox Simpson, a Mem-
ber of the Parliament, resided at Rome, and kept
up negotiations, not only with the Cardinals,
but with the Pretender himself—(Hear, hear)—and
his negotiations were attended with happy results.
Lord Hood, at that time, finding he could not get
supplies from any place but the Papal see, and not
being a lawyer or a theologian, and not having
any one to advise him at hand, did
not hesitate to avail himself of the opportunity
of obtaining them. Mr. Burke said a man
must be exceedingly squeamish to refuse aid
under the circumstances which Lord Hood was
placed, and that he for one would not be guilty of
such bigotry as to refuse them ; and many other
eminent men entertained a similar opinion. By a
blue book, published some years ago by the
House of Commons, he found that the late Duke of
Portland entered into negotiations with Rome for the
establishment of an institution there in which he was
interested. Communications went on for some time,
and in the end his Grace expressed himself obliged to
the Pope for the part he had taken in the matter. He
would not trouble their Lordships with many other
instances which he could cite. It was said that the
Queen could not enter into negotiations with the
Papal see. Why, the Pope was a contracting party
to the Treaty of Vienna, and Lord Eldon, who was
much opposed to the Catholic Church, placed the
Great Seal to the compact.—(Cheers.) Nay, more,
when George IV. ascended the throne the Pope
sent him a congratulatory letter—(Hear)—and the
Minister of the day' not only acknowledged the
missaive, but thanked the Pope for his kind expres-
sions. The letter was, however, recalled, and a
messenger was sent off towards Italy to intercept
it, but he was too late. (Laughter.) And
might, it not, therefore, be said that George
IV. forfeited his crown by this act?—(Laughter.)
There were numberless other instances on record of
intercourse with the Papal see. He trusted their
Lordships would not reject this measure, because
a sovereign of this country a century and a half ago
entered into a guilty mission with the Court of Rome.
He solicited them, at this advanced and enlightened
period, not to refuse her Majesty power to enter
intointercourse with Rome, from which so much
good could not fail to spring. He should not object to
the amendment of the minor features of the Bill.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE opposed the Bill, but
spoke in so low a tone as to be inaudible in the gallery.
He moved that the Bill be read that day six months.
The Bishop of WINCHESTER admitted the great
importance of the present measure. The principal
ground on which the Noble Marquis rested his defenee
of it was the inconvenience which arose from being
obliged, in the uncertainty of the law as it stood at
present, to have recourse to indirect communications
with the Court of Rome. But whenever it was neces-
sary to hold communications with that Court on secular
matters, some mode—although it might not be the most
desirable one—always presented itself of effecting that
object.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Marquis, however,
forgot that there might be inconveniences the other
way.—(Hear, bear.) These inconveniences might be
conceived to be of such a character as would determine
their Lordshi psnot to allow any direct communications with
the Court of Rome. The language of the Bill showed
how easy it was to slide into and familiarise one's self
with the language of Popery; for the language of the Bill
was, that a minister from this country was to be ac-
credited to the " Sovereign Pontiff." (Hear, hear.)
This was the first time that the Bishop of Rome was so
designated in an Act of Parliament. Iu other Acts he
was called " the Bishop of Rome," or the " Pope of
Rome." He was not making any captious objection to
the words, but he begged to remind the House that in
all other Acts there was a careful abstinence from any
expressions that might appear to sanction, in any way,
the sovereignty of the head of the Romish Church.—
(Hear.) With respect to the letter of his late Majesty
George IV., which had been read by the Noble Mar-
quis, he believed it bad been sent in actual contradiction
to the opinion of the then law officers of the Crown. The
late Mr. Canning took the advice of the law
officers of the Crown ; and the opinion given (which
was signed J. S. Copley), was to the effect that a person
using these words might be brought within the operation
of the statute of prceniunire, and that the Legislature, by
i
adopting the title of Bishop of Rome n all their Acts
since the Reformation, seemed to have anxiously avoided
any such words of recognition.—(Hear, hear.) :He
begged to disclaim any intention of appearing disre-
spectful to the Roman Catholic Members of their Lord-
ships' House. If they passed this measure he thought
they must go a step further, and must repeal the 13th
Will. 111., c. 6. That Act referred to the Bill of Rights
and the Act of Settlement, " on which," the words of the
statute said, " the Keay of your Majesty's royal person
and government, the existence of the monarchy, the
continuance of the Church of England, and the future
peace and tranquility of the kingdom entirely depend."
He begged of their Lordships to pause cefore they dis-
turbed an Act on which such important considerations
depended. He begged leave to support the amendment.
The Bishop of St. DAVID'S said it was evident, from
the Noble Marquis's statement, that the law, as it stood
at present, was by no means so clear that a violation of
the Bill of Rights would be committed if her Majesty
were advised to send an ambassador to Rome. With
respect to the political necessity of the measure, he be-
lieved there could be no doubt. That necessity had
existed in former times, and they were now only asked
to legalise what had been the established practice of all
Governments from the Revolution to the present time.
It was doubtful whether the measure introduced any
innorttion in law; it was quite clear it introduced no
substantial iunovatiou iu practice, and the kind of tuno-