The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 12, 1846.

feast of roses, the " Maids of Cashmere" bearing baskets
filled, dance the Pas de Corbeilles, and the ballet concludes
with a grand Pas de Neuf, danced by St. Leon, Cerito,
Louise Taglioni, and Madetnoisellcs Demelesse, Ca ssan,
James, Lamourreux, Julien, and Honore. In this pas
Louise Toglioni danced very gracefully, and was deservedly
rewarded with an encore, and St. Leon exhibited some of
his astonishing tours de force. The crowning triumph,
however, was reserved for C( rite, whose copcluding pas
was a perfect marvel of choerographic art. Late as the
hour was, and fatigued as she must have been, she yet,
in compliance with the wishes of the audierce, repeated
it, and was rewarded by wreaths and bouquets in-
numerable, and applause enthusiastic and long-continued.
At the conclusion, Cerito, St. Leon, Louise and
Signor Pugni, the composer and arranger of the music,
were called before the curtain. Great praise is due to
Pugni for the music of this ballet. All, save the music
illustrative of the scenes in the desert, is his own compo-
sition. The music illustrative of the desert scenes he has
selected with great judgment from Felicien David.
The late hour at which we writs prevents us from saying
all we could wish to say on the subject of this ballet.
We cannot, however, conclude this notice without con-
gratulating Mr. Lumley on having produced the most
magnificent, most poetical, and, in every respect, most
perfect ballet that has ever been produced upon the
boards of her Majesty's Theatre.

COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL.
Yesterday a Court was hell for the dispatch of public
business.
THE KING OF THE FRENCH-ROW BETWEEN THE TWO

:ovx

The LORD MAYOR said it was extremely gratifying to
him to state that ne had received a letter from his Ma-
jesty the King of the French, in answer to the address
of that Court.—(Loud cheers.) His Lordship then rose
to read the letter from King Louis Philippe, which was
on Tuesday last received with such enthusiasm in the
Court of Aldermen, and which, it will be remembc red,
was an answer, through the medium of his Lordship, to
addresses from both Courts.
Mr. W. JONES moved that, previously to the reading
of the letter of the King of the French, the address
voted to his Majesty by the Corporation of London in
that Court—which address had, from punctilious mo-
tives, been withheld from the public eye—should be
read.
ul bs e
drelslsleofetre rct
or
p ohavingrat
ouunsabnoi m
Mr. WIRE rose and said, it appeared that two ad-
dresses had been sent to the King of the French, the
l yr read,
agreed that the al-
one from the Court of Common Council, which was the
Court of Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons ; and
the other from the Court of Aldermen itself, notwith-
standing the distinct agreement between the two Courts
that no more than one address, assented to by both,
should be transmitted by one ambassador. He wished
to be informed by his Lordship whether such was the
case ?
The LORD MAYOR—Yes ; there were two addresses—
one from each Court.
Mr. LAwnEteen said that the act of the Court of
Aldermen in sending a separate address to his Majesty
was a gross breach of faith. It was most distinctly un-
derstood that the address should be the address of the
united body of the Corporation.—(Cheers.) The Court
of Aldermen was not the Corporation, and that Court
had been guilty of most mean and contemptible conduct,
and had, to use vulgar but appropriate language, jilted
the Corporation.— (Hear, hear.) Upon any future oc-
casion, whether it should be necessary to address our
own or any other Sovereign, the Court must not forget
the insincere and reprehensible course pursued by the
Court of Aldermen and put no faith in the declaration of
that body.---(Hear, hear.) It should be known to the
public that after the members of both Courts had come
to the perfect agreement that the one address, which re-
presented their united sentiments, should be transmitted
to her Majesty, the Aldermen had in a corner deter-
mined to violate their pledge, and had by stealth con-
veyed to the Ambassador separate communications.
Alderman i.‘sir C. MARSHALL regretted to hear such
strong language.—(Cries of .‘ You shall have stronger,"
and laughter.) He had been put down in the Court
when he called upon the members to have the address
agreed to by the Court of Aldermen read. If they had
called for that address, there would have been no occa-
sion for the present ill-feeling.
Mr. ANDERTON said it was quite evident that a most
unworthy trick had been played upon the Court of
Common Council. The deputation, of which he was
one, were accompanied by the Lord Mayor, and his
Lordship presented the address.
The LORD MAYOR—I presented two addresses.
Mr. ANDERTON—Why, I thought you were a regular
John Bull Lord Mayor,
The LORD MAYOR—and so I am. Who denies it ?
Mr. ANDERTON—I must declare that I am disap-
pointed. I went up as a member of a deputation of five
to present the address from the Corporation of London.
If I had known that another address was to accompany
ours I would not have gone up at all, for I could not
sanction the delivery of an address to the Ambassador
which was wholly unknown to the delegation.—(Hear,
hear.) I hope the Court will protect itself against any
future deception of the kind. I know that there are men
of as much honour, credit, and reputation in this Court
as there are in the Court of Aldermen, and I trust that
henceforward we shall go hand and heart together in
support of our own rights and independence, and leave
the Court of Aldermen to support theirs in the best way
they can.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now, I shall ask
your Lordship one question. Did your Lordship receive
two, or only one answer ?
The LORD MAYOR—OnIy cne.
Mr. ANDERTON—Then the deputation ought to have
been called together, and the communication should
have beer. made to its members before the subject was
mentioned to either Court.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. W. JONES stated, as a member of the deputation,
that there had been only one address under the consi
deration of the Committee from the beginning to the
end, and no idea had been suggested of a separate ad..
dress from the Court of Aldermen.—(Hear, hear.) The
Court of Common Council had not been dealt with by
the Court of Aldermen with candour, fairness, or com-
mon honesty.
Mr. WIRE moved that the letter of the King
of the French be entered upon the minutes of
the Court, and that the original be deposited
in a box, and kept in the library of the cor-
poration.—t Cheers.) He regretted that any dis-
agreement should have taken place between the Courts,
but after all it was a disagreement arising from the en-
thusiastic feeling of admiration and respect entertained
towards the great man whom they all sought to honour.
—(Cheers.) It was not his intention, of course, or his
wish to enter any record of the discussion which had
taken place, but he hoped the Lord Mayor would signify
to his brethren that something had occurred.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter.) Advice from such a source would
hales the beneficial effect of preventing the rivalry which
might otherwise take place bewteen the constituent parts
of a great bedy to the very existence of which union was
indispensable.—(Cheers.)
Mr. ANDERTON seconded the motion of Mr. Wire, and
expressed a sincere hope that the Lord Mayor would
never condescend to be made a tool of by the Court of
Aldermen.—(Laughter.)
shallT lle
bLORDe
madeMAYOßo—lThere s n
either ot the
Court.—(Laughter,
least o
urt danger(Lau that
b theartl ,
and cries of '° Hear, hear.")
Mr. ANDERTON trusted that the glorious and intrepid
monarch, whose escape they were celebrating, would live
long in complete happiness. He hoped to see his Ma-
jesty at Guildhall, where the Corporation of London
would entertain him without the hazari of being served
out by any tricks reouliar to the genius of the aentlemen
of the Court of Aldermen.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
thearineCr'ouprat
Mr. W. LAWRENCE begged to be allowed to say a word
or two. He could not help expressing astonishment at
inwe sr oe
aboutsurreptitious t
o
apply to
mwouhecnoutuheeiyl
the conduct of the Court of Aldermen in having acted
tomrtoicfulcaorlmy
upon the subject of a heavy expenditure they talked of
incurring.
The motion was then carried amidst loud cheers, and
a lithographed copy of the address and his Majesty's
letter was ordered to be sent to each member of the
Court.

FRENCH PLAYS—ST. JAMES'S THEATRE.
Frequently as we have seen Dejazet in the character
of the young Duke, in Les Premieres armes de Richelieu,
never did we see her act the part with more spirit
than she did on Wednesday evening. Every point told,
and her manner of giving the couplets was pefectly
epigrammatic. She was most efficiently supported by
Mademoiselle St. Marc, as the Duchess, who looked and
acted the part a nzerveille. Her Royal Highness the
Duchess of Cambridge, accemp:inied by Prince George,
and attended by the Baroness Ahlefeldt and Mr. Edmund
St. John Mildmay, honoured the performances with
their presence,

THE LATE POPE GREGORY XVI.
(From the Constitutionnel of June 9.)
The death of Gregory XVI. is an important event, as well
for Italy as for all Europe. Religious questions of grave im-
port are pending at this moment, and the change of Pontiff,
and consequently of the Cardinal Secretary of State, may be
the source of new difficulties between the Court of Rome and
the European Governments. With respect to Italy, this so
ill-timed a death may give rise to new insurrections, for dis-
content is general from Papal misgovernment, and the agita-
tion of the public mind increases from day to day. It will be
remembered that in 1831, when Gregory XVI. ascended the
Pontifical throne, a revolution broke out in central Italy,
and that the movement extended in a few days over al: the
Roman states. Austria soon interfered, and the occupation
of the country by foreign troops prevented a revolution,
but the causes of complaint continued to exist. These
were so evident, that even the representatives of the
great Powers deemed them well-founded, and on the
21st of May, 1831, they delivered to Cardinal Bernetti, the
new Secretary of State, the celebrated " memorandum "
containing the political and administrative reforms which
Gregory XVI. was advised to adopt. The Court of Rome
promised those reforms, and it is well known how she kept
her promise. Fresh disturbances arose and as a conse-
quence Austria again interfered, and decided France on the
occupation of Ancona. The French Ministry had then for
President Casimir Perier, who planned the expedition to
Ancona, not only with a view to counterbalancing the power
of Austria in Italy, and of securing the independence of
the Roman States, but of also forcing the Pope to introduce
into his government " real and positive ameliorations," and
of a nature to place the safety of the Holy See upon a more
stable foundation than that of a periodical repression, and to
secure the satisfaction of the people by complying with their
legitimate wants and adopting enlightened views. The
Papal Government was, however, re-established in the dis-
turbed provinces without any ameliorations. Despite the
promises of the Pontiff, the words of Casimir Perier—not-
withstanding the solemn act of the Ancona people in 1832
when asking for institutions and reforms—notwithstanding
petitions and protests from tho-se same communal and pro-
vincial councils, consisting of persons appointed by the
Court of Rome itself—from that period, and especially since
Cerdinai Lambruschini has been in power, the Papal Go-
vernment has followed a retrograde movement. Thus, in-
surrections have pretty rapidly followed one another in the
legations. The disturbances in the province of Bologna in
1810 are still fresh, as also those at Rimini and other parts
of Romagna last year. The patriots of Romagna published
at that time a manifesto, in which they set forth the cause of
the revolt, as also the reforms wished for by the people:
The moderation and the justice of these demands were ad-
mitted by every one; still the Court of Rome has obstinately
persisted in refraining from applying any remedy to that
state of things. The disorder of the administration has con-
tinued. The financial deficit has increased. Military com-
missions, political tribunals, ecclesiastical jurisdictions, the
Inquisition, have been upheld; consequently discontent is
universal, persecutions are unceasing, the prisons always
full, and the number of emigrants increasing. The evil
is so great in the Roman states, that resignation is no
longer possible. And if the powers of Europe, who
value so much the maintenance of peace, do not compel
the Court of Reins to adopt the institutions pointed
out by the memorandum of the 21st of May, 1831, as
also the manifesto of September, 1845, another and more
serious insurrection may be expected. Such a movement
would, no doubt, be favourable to the views of Austria,
which newer would be glad to -have a pretext for a fresh
occupation of the legations. But will France suffer such
an occupation? Will she not rather seek to prevent it, by
forcing, as Casimir Perier said, the Pope to introduce in
to his government " real and positive improvements, of a
nature to place the safety of the Hcly See upon a more stable
foundation than that of a periodical repression ?" We shall
see whether Ministers will this time lose sight of the dignity
and interests of the country, and if it will forget what the
most influential members of the Cabinet said in the debate
which took place in the Chamber of Deputies respecting the
evacuation of Ancona.
Meanwhile the part which M. Rossi, the French Ambas-
sad,r at Rome, has to play is most important under existing
circumstances. It is well known that it is in the conclave
that will open on the 11th inst. that the Ambassadors of the
Catholic Powers bring into action all their means in sup-
port of their influence, either seeking to raise to the Pope-
dom a cardinal of their choice, or obtaining the exclusion of
one who might be displeasing to their Governments. It is
said that the Cardinal who has the most chance of being
elected Pope is Cardinal Fransoni, a Genevese, born in 1775,
end the present Prefect of the Propaganda. He is said to be
a partisan of the Jesuits.
(From the Siecle.)
The Benedictine friar whom the conclave of 1831 elected
Pope is dead. The encyclical letter in which he condemned
the liberty of the press—the cruel acts of repression which
have desolated the Roman provinces, and which were so easy
to calm by the introduction of reforms—the welcome given
to the Emperor Nicholas—and, lastly, the odious letter cen-
suring the efforts which the unfortunate Poles made against
their oppressors—such are the acts which attach themselves
to this reign, and which, in our judgment, do not suffice to
recommend his memory. In our opinion, the late Pope was
one of those men who, notwithstanding some eminent quali-
ties, was adapted rather to diminish the influence of religion,
than to raise it in the eyes of the people. He might have
been an excellent monk, but he possessed not the soul of a
Sovereign capable of protecting the weak against the
powerful. The election of a new Pope is not a question of
small importance; and the means of influencing this election
will not fail France, who can count upon the co-operation of
Spain, and would possess, we are convinced, the good
wishes of the Courts of Turin and Naples. But all will de-
pend on the instructions that are forwarded from Paris to
31. Bresson, to the Duke of Montebello, and to Count Rossi.
Would the French Government dare to advance an opinion,
to support a candidate opposed to Austria and the Jesuits?
We can hardly think so. M. Guizot would not wish to run
the risk of displeasing Prince Metternich in an affair which
concerns, it is true, the greatest interests of France and
Europe, but which, however, does not compromise his Minis-
.erial existence.

CITY FREEDOMS.
The Committee brought up a report of the proceedings
in the late trial against Mr. Sturt. A very interesting
debate ensued, but as the matter was adjourned till the
next meeting of the Court, we think it better to postpone
the report until the discussion shall have concluded.
The subject appears to excite a considerable sensation
amongst the citizens.

( From Galignani's Illesscnger.)
The Church of Rome is now rendering to the deceased
Pope its last offices, which are called the Noven Diali,
because they last nine days. The Cardinals, formally as-
sembled, exercise the sovereign authority and are making
preparations for the great act of the election of a successor to
the late Pontiff, who must be one of their body. The
diplomatists are admitted to short audiences. Each Minister
after the usual compliments ventures to give his private
recommendations, but always in general terms, waiting till
his letters of credence are to be enounced, and which must
be addressed to the Sacred College, which receives them at
the grated wicket of the Conclave. In the evening of the
day on whieli the Cardinals enter into the Conclave they
proceed there in procession, chanting the Yen:, Creator.
During this evening the members of the diplomatic body
may enter the Conclave, and even the cells or apartments of
the Cardinals. At the closing in of the night an official
walks through the corridors ringing a bell, as the signal of
departure, and the Conclave is closed in, not to be re-opened
until after the election is consummated. All this will pass
on the 11th inst., between seven and ten o'clock. The
Conclave is guarded by a Prince, called the Marshal of the
Conclave, posted at the outer gates. The first steps in the
election will be taken on the 12th. All business is sus-
pended during the sitting of the Conclave ; even the
tribunals suspend their proceedings, and the only authorities
that retain their functions are the Camerlingua, the Grand
Penitentiary, and the Vicar of Rome. No order can be issued
from any other authority without being specially confirmed
by the assembled Cardinals, which confirmation is transmit-
ted immediately to the Governor of Rome and the Trea-
surer-General. According to the custom which has always
been observed, the arrival of the Cardinal Legates, and the
foreign Cardinals will be waited for before the election is se-
riously entered upon. The first may arrive at Rome in time
for the second or third day of the Noven Dinfi, and the others
by the twentieth day after the death of the Pope; conse-
quently there can be no election before the 20th inst., unless
some unforeseen event shall occur. To constitute a valid
election, the candidate must obtain at least two-thirds of the
votes minus his own. If 45 Cardinals are assembled he must
have :10 votes, and if there be 46 the majority must be 31.
It the Conclave he composed of 57 members the election will
be completely canonical if one of the candidates has 38 votes
without reckoning his own.

The following nToßticEe FreOlaßtiEv
POST-OFFICE NOTICE.
Ie GtNo MAILS.the fore
i
gn mails, was on
Wednesday-affixed at the chief office, St. Martin's le-Grand :
India, &c., rid Southampton Thmails for
e next Gibraltar,
Malta. Greece, lonian Islands, Egypt, India, and China, rid
Southampton, will be dispatched from hence on the 20th inst.
The Queen due 15th inst.
India, &c. (Overland) Mails—The next mails for the Me-
diterranean, Indi 1, China, Ite., via Marseilles, will be dis-
patched from hence on the 25th inst.
The Peninsular, &c., Mails—The next mails for Lisbon,
Madeira, Oporto, Vigo, Cadiz, Gibraltar, &e., will be dis-
patched from hence on the 17th inst..
will
West Indies, Brc.—The next m
atls ibe dispatched on
the 17th
inst. The Medway, for the above mails of the 17th
inst. The Clyde due 22d hist.
Bu nos kvres—The next mails will
Madeira. Brazils, and i,. ~. .
li .• ' ' • brig P
• -th of ,Li.v. Her aiesly s en-
be dispatched on the , ,
inst , with
guin arrived at Falmouth on the
Bth the above
11 qiled 'the Bth inst. from
mails. Her Majesty's brig ,ea,a ,
Falmouth, with all
letters ported in London up to the even-
ing of the 6th inst.
Sydney, New South Vales—The next mails dispatched
from hence on the 30th inst.
h North
America—The next mails for British
America, Ber-
muda, and the United States will be dispatched from hence
on the 18th inst. The Britannia, due on the 15th, will con-
vey the above to Livcrp•iol.

RAGGED SCIWOLS.— On Sunday last the Lamb.court
Sabbath and Day Free Ragged Schools, Clorkenwell.green, were
visited by tha Lord Bishop of Norwich, who was introduced to the
schools by the Rev. Hugh Hughes, B. 1)., rector of the parish
John, Clerkenwell, the patron. His Lordship spent a considerable
time in examining the children and the general
iirrAllgellielltap with
wlllcll DA amend Plush PlAtigution. of St.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. = that Mr. Bright got a seat for the county of Durham. He
HOUSE OF LORDS June 11. t
thought it was a most unwarrantable personal attack upon his
,
Earl SHAFTESBURY took his seat on the Woolsack at a personal character.
CORN-LAWS.
quarter to Five.
MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from For-
far in Scotland, against the proposed measure of the Govern-
t.
oo f
the L Op
rN. 0 lt)e
cOt
iNonDsEocßi
eRt
yY, —b
uTt The
viNI oobnlge a
gLoo rids
Messengers from the Commons brought up thirty-six Bills,
merit.
principally for railways.
saidT hle
CORN LAWS.
Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from Cupar, in
that?—(Laughter.) It is more than two years ago. s--(Great
belonged liar uis
Thequestion has undergone considerable
Fifeshire, praying their Lordships to pass the Bill for the laughter.) .
repeal of these laws with as little delay as possible, and withoute change
since that period.
any alteration whatever.
Petitions were also presented from various places in Scot-
The Earl of WINCHELSEA said, if a constitutional course
land, by the same Noble Lord, praying their Lordships to • was proceeded with, and if there was an appeal to the people
adopt some measures for affording sites for churches for the made, they would find that the great body of the people had
Free Church of Scotland. , not changed their opinions upon the subject.
The Duke of RICHMOND could not allow the present oc- ! L9NDON AND YORK.
casion to pass without vindicating himself from charges which The Earl of LOVELACE moved the discharge of the
had been brought against him for refusing to grant sites' Committee of the London and York Bill.—Agreed to.
for the Free Church of Scotland; he stated that in every case ! The Duke of RICHMOND then moved, that the Bills not
where application had been made to him for these sites he had considered by that Committee should be re-committed.
granted them. He gave them spots of ground which he con- ! LUNATIC ASYLUMS.
sidered best for them, and he thought a landlord should know The Duke of RICHMOND presented several petitions
best what was proper for them. ; from Gloucester and Hereford against the Lunatic Asylums
Lord CAMPBELL, said that after having presented so Bill. The Noble Duke also presented a petition from the
many petitions on the subject, he considered it fair only to ' board of guardians of the Chichester union against the pro-
say that the Noble Duke had acted in the kindest spirit, and posed law of settlement.
he did not consider the Noble Earl had any just complaint to I The Duke of WELLINGTON requested the Noble Duke
offer upon the subject. The members of the Free Church were to put off the question of which he had given notice.
exposed to the most unjust persecution in many places. They After a few words from the Earl of Winchilsea, the Earl of
were not allowed to worship en the roads and highways, Radnor, Lord Abinger, the Earl of Wicklow, and Lord Redes-
and they were obliged to build iron steamers and moor them dale, the subject dropped.
on the sea-shore, in order to have a place where they could CORN-LAWS.
unmolested worship their Creator. Now if this state of things Earl GREY presented a petition numerously signed by
continued, he was prepared to move some measure which should Persons residing in the county of Staffordshire in favour of the
put an end to this abuse of the rights of property. corn-laws.
Lord BROUGHAM considered that it was a very great mis-
take of his Noble and Learned Friend to say that it was perse-
cution in landlords to exercise their just rights. He never
would allow any person in his presence to term such an exercise
a persecution. No person had a right to take his property
, without his consent, and he would advise the Free Church not
to make their cause unpopular by endeavouring to force any
interference upon the subject.
The Earl of FITZ WILLIAM brought up the report upon
the Harwich and Eastern Counties Railway Bill.
RAILWAY LEGISLATION.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said that, in consequence of
the remark which fell from the Noble Lord opposite in respect
to what had been 'aid by his Noble Friend, be felt bound to
say that if the Noble Lord had given any notice of his inten-
tion his Noble. Friend the President of the Board of Trade
would have been present, or he (the Duke of Wellington)
would have been prepared to give every information which
could have referred to the question.
Earl Fl'l Z WILLIAM thought that all railways should be
considered as public ways, and that the Government should not
give to the company the actual property of the ground on which
the railway was laid down. Such a course would remove the
grievance of which his Noble Friend complained. With re-
spect to any other remedy, it would be el,fficult to find one suit-
able for the purpose. Great difficulty was found last year in
coming to any conclusion with respect to the compensation to
be awarded for land which in the ordinary coarse of things
must be interfered with by a railway.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY thought the property of
a person's mines was affected by railways.
PETITION .OF RIGHT.

Lord BROVGHAM presented a petition from Isabella
Ainslie, praying that some steps should be taken by their
Lordships to enable them to obtain a fiat in a petition of right
which they had presented twelve months since.
Some discussion arose upon the question of the practice in
this case, in which the Lord Chancellor, Lords Brougham,
Campbell, and Cottenham took part.
REFORMATION OF CRIMINALS.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented several petitions from
Lincoln, praying that their Lordships would take some steps
for providing that criminals discharged from public prisons,
should be received into houses of occupation, where, by some
honest industry, they might be enabled to earn their livelihood.
Any measure having such an object, he would admit, would
experience many difficulties ; but he would put it to their
Lordships—was not that a reason why they should refuse to
attempt it, particularly as they were aware that the number
of juvenile offenders was on the increase?_( Hear, hear.) It
was a lamentable fact, that a young creature who, before he
knew the difference between right and wrong, having com-
mitted some offence, was imprisoned, and having there met
evil companions, when he was discharged, the only resource
which he had was to commence a course of evil. This
was in consequence of their having no refuge to
fly to, and he conjured their Lordships to take
some measures to put a stop to this great evil.
Institutions for this purpose had been established in England,
but he thought that it was the duty of Government to take the
matter into their own management.—(Hear, hear.) He did
not wish to ask the Government now what was their inten-
tion on this subject, but he purposed giv;ng, notice to-morrow
of his intention to bring the subject fully before the House, and
finally move that a select Committee be appointed to consider
the question.
The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition to the same
effect as those presented by the Noble Duke, remarking at the
same time that the present treatment of juvenile criminals after
their discharge in England, was a disgrace to the country.—
( Hear, hear.) The country had neglected or forgotten its
duty, and the cause was left to the efforts of those who took an
interest in the welfare of the human race and the country. It
was difficult in the present state of the people of this country,
and the present artificial state of society, that the subject
should be taken in hand by the Government, except in the
form of an inquiry. The experiment of the model prison at
Pentonville had wonderfuly answered the benevolent inten-
tions of those who sanctioned its formation. He was
of opinion that the experiment should be first tried by
the • exertions of a body of associated individuals, who
would be enabled to come before Parliament with a case of
successful experiment, which would necessarily have its due
weight. There was a benevolent individual in this
country named Mr. Wright, of Manchester, who had
taken in hand no less than 90 criminals sentenced to
various terms of imprisonment, and subjected them of their
own free will to a course of instruction in useful industry, and
he had been the blessed means of restoring to the country, to
the Church, and to society no less than sixty-three of them. If
one benevolent man could effect so much by his exertions, what
could be done by a well-matured scheme, carried out by the
Government of a Christain country?
After a few words from Lord LY TTELTON, which did
not reach the gallery,
CORN LAWS.
Lord COMBERMERE presented a petition from a county
meeting of Cheshire against the corn-laws.
Lord DELAMERE was well acquainted with the opinions
of the inhabitants of the county of Cheshire, and believed that
they were generally in favour of the Bill before the House.
He supported the Bill, because he believed it would be a great
public benefit, and would be far from inflicting any injury.
He did not credit that it would interfere with any of their
established institutions, as it had been asserted. If he con-
sidered that it would, he would be far from supporting it.
Lord COMBERMERE—As to what the Noble Lord
said that it was a very popular Bill with the county of Lanca-
shire he could only say that such was not the case, but the
Noble Lord must have taken his opinions from Stock-
port or that part of the county, as Le could
state that the contrary was the fact in other parts
of the county, where he was intimately acquainted,
and where large meetings of the tenant-farmers had expressed
their opinions against it.
Lord DEL AM ERE was not aware that such had been the fact
He admitted that this was not a fai mer's but a landlord's Bill.
The Duke of RICHMOND thought the tenant-farmers had
been ill-used upon the question, for no sooner did they
present petitions against the Bill than up got a Noble Lord
and said he knew the farmers were not against the Bill. What
would their Lordships think when he told them that the Noble
Lord who .had just explained was a subscriber to the Cheshire
Protection Society, of which the Noble personage he had al-
luded to, as being favourable to this Bill, was the president.
When the question was first agitated in the House of Com-
mons the tenant-farmers of Cheshire got up a society to pre-
serve protection, and their cry was " Protection, and nothing
but protection, as it then existed." Now he found these two
Noble Lords joined that Society, and supported it with their
great influence, and contributed to its funds. He had no
doubt the farmers of Cheshire were grateful to them for what
they did, but he thought this gratitude would not last very
long.— (Hear, hear.) An occasion would shortly present it-
self when the Cheshire farmers would have an opportunity of
expressing their opinion on the subject, and he trusted they
would follow the example of Nottinghamshire, Gloucestershire,
and the other counties, and form themselves into Com-
mittees, so as not to return any man who had abandoned
the principles he professed in 1842.—(Hear, hear.) They
had the game in their own hands, they were an influen-
tial portion of the people of this country, and it they only
chose to exert themselves, even if this Bill did now
pass, the day would shortly come when they would
be able to repeal it. His Noble Friend the Noble
and Gallant Duke, the other day, recommended their
Lordships to pass this Bill, because he said there must be a
new Parliament before long, and that if they did not pass it
now they might expect the Bill to be sent before them
by the Members of a new House of Commons.—( Hear, hear.)
He (the Duke of Richmond) most sincerely believed that
many of the greatest agitators with respect to the repeal of the
corn-laws were really DOW alarmed at what they had done.—
( Hear, bear. ) He believed that many of them had no idea
whatever that free trade was to be carried with respect to every
article in which they themselves dealt.—( Hear, hear.) And
he believed that at the time that they asked for another and
entire repeal of the corn-laws, their object was that they might
ask for more than they really wanted, in order that they might
make terms between the parties.—(Hear, bear.) However,
the Bill was not yet passed, and he hoped and trusted that it
would not pass as it at present stood.—( Hear, hear.)
Lord DELAM ERE said that it was not in his recollection
that he ever subscribed to a protection society; if he had done so
this was the first time he was aware of it.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) But he never had, and never would, belong to such
a society.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY thought they were
not advancing the interests of the public by making violent de-
clamation as to what the farmers thought en this subject in one
part of the country, and what they thought in another part.
He would ask the Noble Duke how many petitions had been
presented to that House by the farmers of Ireland against
this Bill ? Was it not extraordinary that this country, which
was to be so much affected by this Bill, had not petitioned
their Lordships not to pass it ? He thought the Noble Duke
rather exaggerated when he spoke of the feelings of the tenant-
farmers , and he must say that the Noble Lord had, in his
mind, given very satisfactory proofs that there existed among
the tenant-farmers different opinions on this subject. He
thought, too, that it was not right for the Noble Duke to be
continually addressing their Lordships (and he always took
care to close his speeches with some open and some great and
terrible denunciation against the principle of free trade) when
petitions on this subject were presented to the House.
The Marquis of SALISBURY concurred withheieesshNoble
speeches
Friend, that much good was not done by on
these petitions—(Hear)—but he begged his Noble Friend at
the same time to recollect that the custom had originated with
the Noble Lord behind him. He knew, that in every county
in England the tenant-farmers were almost
no," and, against
this Bill.—(Cheers, and cries of " No, nwotilhoeawned:e`
No doubt the tenant-farmers of Durham, ° h lrepresentedohl)
in Parliament by one of the agitators of Anti-corn Law
League, did hold opinions in favour of this Bill.—( Hear, hear.)
If he were to assert that which he believed he might, he
should say that a considerable portion of the mill owners of
Lincolnshire were averse to free-trade. Some Noble Lord said
they were very anxious for it. As far as he had looked at the
petition on the subject, he found that there had not been a
single petition of the tenant-farmers in favour of the measure.
It was too much for his Noble Friend to find fault with the
Noble Duke on the cross benches for making a violent de-
clamation on this subject. The tenant-farmers had done all
they could to prove their dislike to the Bill. They. had met in
every county in England, and had presented petitions to this
and to the other House, begging that the Legislature would
not be guilty of such a breach of faith to them.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, that after the x—( Laughter)—ae
ex-
traordinary personal attack made upon bim
felt it necessary to make some remarks. He_had
Her ted
_th t
the tenant-farmers were not opposed to the Bill. had on
several occasions listened in the House to the Noble Duke, who
had made strong remarks after every petition he presented.
Such a course was not usual, and when he remarked it the
Noble Marquis got up and made a most extraordinary per-
sonal attack on hire.--(Laughter.) It wag not through hire

The Marquis NM
sODKOEw NN UE
Woods and Forests, what
was the reason that the report of the C
to inquire into this subject, bad not beforeonamission, appointed
laid upon their Lordships table ? that period been
Viscount CANNING stated that the report would
be ready
to-morrow. It was quite an accident that the re
had, two months since, been sent to the House of which
ure of Commons
had not been laid before their Lordships.
CORN IMPORTATION BILL.
The Earl of RIPON' moved that the order of the day, for
going into Committee on this Bill be read.
The Earl of STANHOHE rose for the purpose of opposing
the motion of the Noble Earl, and moving as an amendment
that the Bill be committed upon that day six months. He
had not either the vanity or the presumption to think that
any observations he could make to their Lordships
could affect the course which their Lordships intended
to adopt.—(Hear, hear.) He was aware that after the
many able and eloquent speeches which had recently been
delivered by several Noble Lords in that House, and more
especially after that admirable and unanswerable speech of
the Noble Lord, whom he then saw in his place (Lord Stanley),
a speech, whether from the arguments which it contained, or
the eloquence with which it was adorned, or the valuable in •
formation w 16212 it contained, appeared to him superior to any
thing which he had ever heard upon the subject. He was,
however, unwilling to give a silent vote upon the question.
He ;would consider it in some degree a dereliction of the duty
which he owed to his country, if he did not make some obser-
vations upon this question. They were then arrived at a crisis
far more important than any to which their Lordships had
hitherto arrived, and which must be so regarded when their
Lordships considered the amount of interest involved, and
above all the social as well as political results which would
follow this measure. Such a measure as the present had never
before been before a Committee of their Lordships, had never
been introduced by any party, and there never was
a proposition, in whatever quarter it might originate,
which was so feebly and so miserably defended
by so many false assumptions and false arguments. It was in
the first place assumed that there was imminent danger of
famine in Ireland, because there was in some districts, net in
all, a deficiency, not a failure, in the crop of potatoes. But it
was at that time satisfactorily proved, in a manner which ad-
mitted of no possibility of doubt, that there was even then, and
still was, an abundance of sustenance for the people of that
country, and especially of that sort which formed the principal
articles of snstenance to the poorer classes. The crop of pota-
toes had been'more than usually abundant. He did not deny—on
the contrary, he deeply deplored, the distress of the people of
Ireland. That distress arose, not from the scarcity of food,
but unfortunately in this year, as in many others, there had
been a lamentable state of destitution to which all the labourers
of the country had been reduced in consequence of the want of
employment. He believed that the reports to the
great autocrat of the Cabinet,in November last, upon
the failure of the potato crop, had been both er-
roneous and exaggerated. He thought that if
there had been a scarcity of food, the then existing corn-laws
had the power of adjusting themselves to that state of the
country. The Government had acted very unwisely in giving
publicity to these reports. They had had the effect of raising
the price of corn in the foreign market, and had induced those
parties who had a stock by them to hoard it instead of selling
it. Sir Robert Peel, for reasons best known to himself, had
encouraged and fostered this panic. If the order in council
was necessary, it should have been made only for a short pe-
riod, and there was no necessity for the present measure; but
the Prime Minister said he was not prepared to make such an
order unless he brought forward some settlement of the corn
question ; and such was the origin of the question they were
now discussing. The old fable of the mountain in labour
which brought forth a mouse was reversed, for it was a mouse
which had conceived and brought forth a mountain—
(Laughter)—for they had a Prime Minister who was raised to
eminence by the hopes and expectations which his party enter-
tained that he would be true to his colours, and that he would
not desert the principles which he had uniformly professed.
And how had he kept his promise ? By bringing in a
measure which would throw the country into confusion,
which brought discredit on the nation, and ruined the confi-
dence of the people in the faith and worthiness of all public
men. Could the Minister be misled by any party, who had so
deceived his own ? Could they repose confidence in any man
who could act in such a manner? And what confidence could
they repose in Sir Robert Peel? In his opinion, as soon as he
discovered the good effects of free trade, he should have refused
his post, for which, by his own confession, he was wholly in-
competent.—( Hear, hear.) But they were told that there was
no inconsistency in Sir Robert Peel's conduct by another Noble
Lord, and that ever since 1842 his principles were wrapped in
obscurity. He himself was appealed to, and asked, had not he
expressed his doubts on the sincerity of the Minister? He
had, with his usual frankness, done so, when measures wero
brought forward which he considered would be dangerous to
the country. But that was an assertion which he
could never admit to have truth in it.—(Hear, hear.)
They bad been told that this conversion in the Minister was the
result of his experience ; now he would say that there might
be some truth in that assertion, and that a great change had
taken place when he saw the exertions of the Anti Corn-law
League, and the sluggishness of his own supporters, and that
he considered that the active party was the stronger ; but he
(Lord Stanhope) wished that he would discover his mistake.
But he would ask, why change a system which had been at-
tended with such beneficial results? They were now called,
upon the mere ipse dixit of the most rash and presumptuous
Minister, to change that line of conduct which had raised them
to eminence. He trusted that they would not do so, and that
they would reverence those institutions which had conferred
such beneficial effects upon the country. If the principles of
free trade were those of common sense, they had a right to
have them applied in the fullest extent, but they were not,
or they would have a measure of that kind before them, for to
him such a measure would be less objectionable than the pre-
sent. But had any person on the other side of the
House the hardihood, the temerity, to offer such for their adop-
tion. He dared them to do so. They could not do so, as they
would ruin the commerce of the country, and effectually restore
in all its force the protective system of their ancestors.
—( Hear, hear.) He conjured their Lordships not to
pass the Bill, as it would ruin the interests of thousands of
their fellow countrymen, who earned their bread by the sweat
of their brow, and who were not properly represented in the
ether House of Parliament. If prices were to remain the
same after the passing of this measure, he defied its most
anxious and ingenious supporter to show its utility.—(Hear,
hear.) If the prices were to remain the same as had been re-
presented, what became of the cry of cheapness ? Where
would the large loaf come from ?—( Hear, hear.) He feared
very much that the large loaf would dwindle into something
like a penny roll. It was perfectly apparent, that it was only
by a considerable reduction in the wages of their working
people that the manufacturers of this country could com-
pete with foreign countries. The first Minister of the Crown
introducing this measure, had said that its main object was not
to produce cheapnessof food. It was plain, therefore, that he
was a mere instrument in the hands of the Anti-Corn-law
Leaguers to aggrandise themselves at the cost of their fellow-
countrymen. No free discussion of the subject of the corn-
laws had been permitted at Covent-garden, or any other places
where the members of that League had held their meetings—
if any one attempted to oppose them he would be speedily
ejected.—(Hear, hear.) This was not merely a landlord's
question, as had boen represented ; the tenant-farmers of
England were vitally interested in it, and he felt, that if it
passed into a law, they would be ultimately ruined. It had
been said that this country could not produce sufficient corn
for the people it contained, but he felt satisfied, that if it were
properly cultivated, it could feed many millions more than the
present population. He challenged any man to produce any
country in :which the prices and profits of labour were uni...‘
formly low, and at the same time it was found practicable
for any the most despotic or oppressive monarch to raise a
large amount of taxation. It had been said that the farmers
of this 'country had proved themselves to be deficient in skill
and industry ; but he repelled the charge as a gross calumny.
—( Hear, hear.) If this Bill passed into a law, what was to
become of the occupiers of small plots of land?—(Hear,
hear.) They formed a most valuable, important, and meri-
torious class of the community. They occupied an inter-
mediate position between the labourers and large farmers, and
they had declared that this measure would compel
them to leave their homes, and give themselves up to desti-
tution and despair.—(Hear, hear.) Were their Lordships
prepared to act thus harshly towards millions of their fellow-
citizens and subjects?—( Hear, hear.) And not only would
that portion of the community, but even those who so cla-
mourously cried out for this measure at the meetings of the
Anti-Corn-law League would be ruined by it, for when the
small tenant-farmers were ruined the manufacturers would lose
all the advantages of the British home-market.—(Hear, hear.)
Even if no land were thrown out of cultivation by this mea-
sure, the farmers of this country would be compelled to dis-
pose of their produce at a price which would IA not remunerate
their toil, in consequence of the great influx of foreign pro-
duce. In the year 1842 their Lordships saw the calamitous
effects of reducing the wages in the manufacturing districts,
and that distress might be considered as a very faint outline of
the effects of the present measure. If the measure had be-
come inevitable it had become se from the servile conduet of
those who supported a course which in their conscience they
condemned. A Noble Earl, connected with the county tyeasoet
York, seemed to anticipate with great pleasure of this
and comfort which would be the consequencepeejudiced as to
measure. Was the Noble Earl
esocou-ntry would submit
believe that the working
classes of
bethmost determined
to be plundered without offering t
but that passive opposition
resist-
ence—not the resistance-of forace,
measure against their inte-
rests?which would necessariliy
Retell nfoam Bill a question was asked
At the timeo
the
near him which seemed to surprise
by the Noble Duke sitting
how is the Government to be conducted?
the Opposition, viz.,
$k that question now, and the answer
The Noble Duke might a
could be best given
by those who had brought on this measure.
he stood in, and was he not
Did Sir R. Peel know the position
aware that the present Bill had been forwarded by many who
had meanly crouched to others ? It was wise and politic on
the part of the great Irish
agitator to give his most cordial and
unqualified support to this measure, for he was well aware that
was one of the best means which could he adopted to for-
wardit the objects he had in view. If he had not already too
long occupied the attention of their Lordships he could pro-
ceed to show that such would be the effect of this measure,
and could adduce the latest intelligence from Ireland, which
would fully bear out the assertion he had made. If their Lord-
ships were to sanction such a measure, a measure which had such
an evil tendency, that House would at once be considered an
unconstitutional incumbrance. If they were to give the coun-
tenance of their authority and names, once illustrious, to the
measure, the general cry throughout the country would be for
the abolition of the House of Lords, which had forwarded a
measure of such pernicious tendency. When measures not
unlike the present one were brought before that House in
1842, only five peers were found to vote for it ; and now with-
out any new argument—without any essential difference in cir.

The Earl 9f RADNOR said that he would address such
arguments to their Lordships as applied to the question. He
was sure that the measure was one which should not be de-
layed. There was no ground for attributing base and sordid
motives to those Nobs Lords who had voted for this measure.
They had voted in accordance with the dictates of their con-
sciences for a measure called for by the exigencies of the
times.—( Hear, hear.) Many motives had been attributed to
Hon. Members of the other House who had voted for the
measure, and charges of the most unfounded charatter
had been brought against them for their votes
regrettqhue ire
ill
elwith respect to the question. He did not stand there to defend
hero,albdutit
be re
Sir Robert Peel ; that Right Hon. Gentleman had many
Nobleishould
Lords in that House who were able and ready to defend
however,
required.—(Hear,
whichar,liearh. )ad
bHeeenedoiuslydlanyoedt,
against the Right Hon. Baronet,for
had made many sacrifices in taking the coarse which had been
so much condemned by many
had not
noatn jh, Noble Lords. He would not
have taken that step ha
for it, and it was too bad to findetaeces'itY of the times called
that for obeying that necessity
he should have been attacked,
and
t
worst motives attributed
to hint by persons whose characters stood
odhighßefight.—(Hear,hear.)
Anti-corn-law
and
whose
League had been attacked, and a Member of that body,in-law
used an expression at a meeting held in Drury-lane Theatre, it
was laid hold of and perverted into the worst possible meaning.it
It was made out that the League and its machinery was not to
cease with the passing of this measure. The Noble Earl who last
addressed the House, said that the League had ulterior mea-
sures in view. This might or might not be the case. If
their ulterior measures were consistent with reason, what had
that to do with the present measure? If those ulterior views
were inconsistent, and such as ought not to be sanctioned,
then they would be resisted, and the antieipated evils would
not result.—( Hear, hear.) The farmers said they could not
get the price they ought to receive for their corn if there
were no corn-law, and therefore it was they ought to be pro-
tected against the foreigner. It was owing to this argument
that the sliding- scale was established—a very pretty thing, he
admitted, as a theory, but totally useless in practice. In his
opinion, those who argued in favour of this system were the
wildest theorists he had ever met with. One Noble Lord,
whom he did not see in his place, had told them that. he bad
experienced the working of free-trade principles in the east of
Scotland. The Noble Lord told them that the removal of the
duty on manilla proved a very serious injury to people
residing in that part of the country; but the
Noble Lord forget that the people injured by the removal of
the duty were the minority, while the majority derived h. nefit
from the alteration in the law. If the position the Noble Lord
took upon this point was good, they might just as well say
that a railway should not be made, because it would inflict in-
jury on an existing turnpike road.—(Rear, hear.) Then,
again, they were told that the removal of protection would go
far to annihilate agriculture in • this country ; but he, for one,
did not believe it would produce any such effect. Another
argument used in favour of protection was, that owing to the
existence of low wages, and the people living poorly in Poland,
the farmer of this country could not compete with the foreigner
without it. Why, the people of Ireland lived as poorly, and
received as low wages as the labourer in Poland,
and yet the English farmer found no difficulty
in competing with the Irish producers. This incon-
testible fact, he thought, was a sufficient answer to
that argument, and he would, therefore, pass on to another
branch of the subject. It was urged by some Noble Lords
that protection had always been the policy of their ancestors,
but he by no means admitted this, for during several reigns
importations of corn were expressly invited by the Legislature.
In the reign of Edward IV. protection certainly cid exist.
In fact it commenced in this reign, but even then the protec-
tion preponderated more in favour of manufactures than agri-
culture. Previous to that reign, Acts were passed inviting
importations and prohibiting exportation of corn ; and even
when the protective Act against importation of the reign of
Edward IV. was passed, it was strongly denounced by large
badies of the peopie.—( Hear, hear.) In the reign of Elizabeth
the landed interest became very powerful in Parliament, and a
protective system was established in favour of agriculture, but
it created a great stir in the country, and was strongly resisted
by the Commons.—( Hear, hear.) At a subsequent period of
the reign the outcry against the dearness of the bread became
so great that the Legislature was compelled to reduce the
amount of protection, and from that time down to the present
the people had always showed themselves to he decidedly
averse to monopolies of every &set iption. —( Hear, hear.) He
need scarcely say an)thing snore he thought in refutation to
the argument, if argument it could be called, that their ances-
tors were favourable to protection.—( ['far' hear.) He
wished that feeling had continued; but the landed interest
prevailed in the House of Commons from the time of Charles
11., and protection was regarded as necessary for agriculture.
The confessed object at the time of the restoration of protection
was to keep up the value of the rents of land. Again, in the
time of William and Mary, an Act was passed which had con-
fessedly for its object the prevention of any deterioatien in the
amount of rents. Bounties upon the exportation of corn were
afterwards invented, and were paid to the amount of 6,000,0001.
to the owners of land. This was an injustice, and while it
raised the price of food to the poor it put money into the
pocket of the landowner. OR the average, for every five years
there had been two Acts of Parliament ; and a system which
required so many alterations, must be manifestly improper.
The Noble Lord entered into a long statistical account of the
quantities of corn imported into this country, as compared with
the increase of the population, and applied it as an argument
that restriction on the importation of foreign cern should be
altogether rescinded. The advantages of protection were greater
when the population was smaller than it was now when the
population had so greatly increased. If the present measure
was beneficial to the manufacturing interests alone, it ought
to meet with the beg support of the landed interest. By the
population returns it would appear—
The Duke of RICHMOND—Those returns are incorrect.
Earl RADNOR—Don't interrupt.
The Duke of RICHMOND—SureIy the Noble Lord will not
proceed in an error when he could be shown his mistake.
These population returns included all the blacksmiths, tailors,
and others in the villages, as employed in agricultural pursuits.
Earl RADNOR—These returns were the only guide they
had to go by, and he was justified in applying them to his case.
The agricultural population were increasing, and an increase of
Cued was wanted to supply their necessities. If, therefore, for
no other reason than to increase the best interests of the
agricultural population, the present measure ought to be allowed
to pass. The Noble Lord proceeded to state what he thought
were the equitable duties upon different articles of foreign
manufactures at the time when English duties were in force.
Lord STANLEY said he alluded to the difference between
the Baltic timber trade and that of the Canadian trade, in the
statement he made.
Lord BROUGHAM said that nothing could be more proper
or well-timed than the interruption of the Noble Lord eppo.
site, though he (Lord Brougham) had been called to order for
an interruption of a similar nature, a few nights ago.
The Earl of RADNOR then resumed, and quoted the
quantity of sugar and indigo imported from the West Indies
in several years, and contended that they bore no comparison
with what would be the amount of these exports, if restrictive
duties should be removed.
The Earl of WICKLOW said he rose to address a few ob-
servations on the question, as he was the only Noble Lord con-
nected with Ireland who had yet done so. He did believe that
Sir Robert Peel could have had no object in view other than
the public good, in introducing this measure. But he should
say that it was high time to consider this measure, after the
Ministry had been twice pardoned for the part they bad taken.
He did think that the hour of restitution was not far distant,
and there were some who, in that hour, would have oppor-
tunities afforded them of reflecting upon it. He thought the
Principle of protection was not fully and fairly carried out in the
present measure. The yeomanry and farmers of England
should not be placed in a situation of competition with the serfs
of Poland, or the labourers of other countries, while they had to
pay such high prices for articles on which customs' duties
were paid. He did not think a reciprocity of trade would be
established between other countries in their dealings with this
nation. They were benefited at the expense of the people of
this country. It would be proved that by the proposed mea-
sures the people of England would pay the income-tax in order
to keep up the revenues of other countri •
es.—(Bear, hear.) He
defied any person to place his finger on any page of history in
which both parties had voted as on the present occasion to sup-
port this Bill--( Cheers.) Why was it, if the measure was se
good, that the public were to be deprived of the benefit of it for
three years. He thought it was only brought in as a sop
during those strange occurrences which took place in the
month of November last ; but in their giving the sop they
forgot the original arguments upon which the Bill was founded,
What were these argument ? It was the potato panic.
And it was absurd to think of remedying that state of
things by a provision to come into operation three years hence.
would say that the With regard to this potato A
• anices he
Their Lordships and the
Go-
vernment had been grossly
mill hadd. not yet come and they
public were told that the worts
May or beginning 'of June.-
were told to wait till the end of
arrived in the month of June, and he was happy
They had now
were no grounds for these fears.—(Cheers.)
to say that there
be derivedthis
The only benefits toby country from the
colonies
was of a twofold nature—taxation and monopoly of
commerce. This was the opinion of Mr. Burke, and he
might, perhaps, be ridiculed for quoting such an 'authority by
' the new and superior light of the political economists of the
present day. With reference to the monopoly of commerce,
so far as regarded Canada (the most important of all our
colonies), it appeared from a letter of Mr. Gladstone to Lord
Cathcart that that notion
was to be altogether abandoned. The
result of such a measure, he positively believed, would be the
dismemberment of Canada from this country within five years
from the passing of this measure. When the question was put
to the Minister, what would he do with respect to tithes when a
diminution of prices would take place, the answer given was,
~ We will make no change, because we do not anticipate any
diminution —( hear hear.) Well, it is upon this the whole
question turns ; if there is to be no diminution in price, what
would be the advantage of passing the measure ?—(Hear,
hear.) The Government answered one argument by cutting
another from under their feet. It was a lamentable instance
of the ignorance with which statesmen legislate. There was a
great difference between this question and that of Catholic
Emancipation. In the one ca'e the measure had been
sanctioned by repeated Parliaments, and the House of Lords
could not for ever oppose the wishes of the people. The
members of the Anti-Corn-law League, were very clever
men he admitted, hut they must not, like the grasshoppers
mentioned by Mr. Burke, consider themselves the only in-
habitants
of the field, because they were the most noisy.
Such a measure as that proposed was never carried the first
time it was brought forward. The House of Lords was created
as a drag upon the vehicle when it went too fast. It was their
push the vehicle down the office to obstruct, and not to
would', therefore, pre-
cipicecon-
jurewhich led to destruction. He .
their Lordships not to sanction a measure which would
infallibly lead to the worst results.
Lord LYTTELTON raid, as representing the colonial in-
terest in that House, he would wish to offer some observation.,
to the House. The only colonies interested in the question,

were, the Australian, Van t)ietnen's Land, and South Aus-
tralia, and the Canadas ; and he thought he could show that
would effect the interests of the Australian colonies but
in a very slight degree—he might say not at alL—( Hear.)
He argued the question of Canada under disadvantages on
account of the address which had been received from the legis-
ture of that country, and he was also under some disadvan-
tage as to a knowledge of what the next mail would bring
forth. He must say, however, that the whole tone of the
address was different from what had previously taken place in
the legislature of that country. From all he could learn, there
was but little 'dissension when the address was voted, and then
the object sonklit was mainly the appointment of a select com-
mittee to inquire into the subject. The address, he must say,
had come upon the Government unexpected, but the next mail,
he was persuaded, would throw some different light on the sub-
ject to that which certain Noble Lords had drawn from it. From
that address, however they were not to suppose for a moment
that there was any dimunition of the loyalty of the colony.
To expect from this measure that there would be any diminu-
tion of their, leyalty was the most absurd idea that could be
entertained. As a proof that the feeling of the Canadians was
not so strongly against this measure as represented, he would
refer to a speech of Mr. Merrith, in supporting certain reso-
lutions approving of the policy of her Majesty's Government,
in which he speaks in the highest terms of the advantages the
measure would realise eventually. There had been a great
public meeting at Montreal, at which the measure was fully
discussed, and then it was only rejected by a small majority ;
a very large minority being in favour of a resolution to support
it. He would now proceed to show that the Canadians need
entertain no apprehensions as to the effects of this measure.
Mr. Cayley, the Superintendent General of Canada, in
speaking on the resolutions submitted to the Legislature of that
country, entered into a calculation as to the effects of the mea-
sure on the trade of that country. A gentleman in this coun-
try had also entered into a similar calculation as toi the
_0
pro-
bable price of wheat. under the operations of the, Bill.
hadfi been"rlt
gentleman t'o whoni,lae alluded was Mr. Loseby. I
proved by those calculations that the price of wheat would not
differ much after the paean -of this measure-
On looking over
the report of the gentleman. alluded to,
heinust confess that he
that it had been so
could not discover on what ground it
was
strongly asserted that Cenada conld—: i not compete in the corn
trade
trade with other countries. The soil of can and the wages
of labour were about threstune as other countries, as far as he
could learn, and the best wheat of Canada was equal to the
best wheat of England or Scotland. He believed it had been
proved that the difference ,in freight betiteen New York and
England, and: Quebec and England, was considerably. in
favour of America, but be also believed it might
be said that suclA difficulties ought to be overcome by the
energy and enterprise of the Canadians. As he understood
there had been little slipping carried on by the people of Ca- •
nada between England an America. He found that on the
whole question of transhipment of wheat from the corn-grow-
ing portion of Canada and the western flats of America, Ca-
nada ought to be considered as being fully on an equality. It
was stated, as long ago as 1842, by a Committe which bad
been appointed by the Legislative Council of Canada, that the
protective system did not confer much benefit upon the people
of Canada, and they admitted that the cost of conveyance be-
tween the two countries was much about the same. What
arguments had been brought forward against this measure in
the far-famed address, of which they had heard so much ? There
was only one argument, which was that the route by St Law-
rence was frozen up for more that six months in the year.
Why, that was perfectly true; but what of it ? The same
was the case with regard to the route by the canal, which was
the great route for American produce. His Noble Friend
had told them in the most explicit manner, the other day,
that if this measure were passed into a law, be knew of some
merchants of Montreal who intended removing to New York.
He (Lord Lyttelton) was perfectly well aware of that; and he
could tell his Noble Friend more—they would be able to sell
wheat there much cheaper than the others possibly
could do.---(Hear hear.) He had only another argu-
ment to notice on this subject, and that was the
improvement of the system of agriculture in Canada. He be-
lieved that much had been recently done to improve the mode
of cultivating land in that country, and that further improve-
ments would follow. He had taken the liberty to trouble their
Lordships longer than he had purposed, for the purpose of
showing their_ Lordships that • this measure would not injure
our colonies. He had not entered into a general discussion
of what was called the colonial system. He would not adopt
any of the violent arguments of the Anti-Corn-law League,
and he would not call the colonial system one of mutual
robbery, but he would say that it was naturally, and of neces-
sity, a system of mutual privations and mutual impediment;
and he would also say that those restrictions which that system
had imposed on trade had bad the most prejudicial effects.
Their Lordships had been asked, of what use were the colo-
nies to us, unless this protective syStem were persevered in ?
and hip Noble Friend bad said, that by preserving the colo-
nies we realised great profits to ourselves. He (Lord Lyttelton)
denied that this protective system with regard to the colonies
had b:en of any le,e to us at all. He had always considered
that the use of the colonies was to provide outlets for the teem-
ing population of this country, and to be a means of dissemi-
nating and continuing throughout the world our laws, our
habits, institutions, and religion. That, in his opinion, had been
the use of the colonies ; and the object of the people of this
country was to impart to them as much as possible the
freedom which we ourselves enjoyed. In the language of his
Noble Friend the President of the Board of Trade, this system
of protection had only had a nominal existence in the colonies.
It was palpable that it had acted injuriously towards this coun-
try, as well as the colonies. Bat it was said to be an ancient
system; it was, however, by no means coeval with the esta-
blishment of the colonies. When the Virginian colony was
first established, a charter was granted to the settlers, enabling
them to trade freely with all the world. The same system had
been pursued with respect to the other colonies. He contended
that the present system bad no existence worthy of the name in
the colonies. He ventured to make these few observations,
and he hoped their Lordships would see that the colonies could
not be injured by this measure.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said he had not as yet ex-
pressed his opinions on this Bill, but he should be sorry to see
it go into Committee without addressing their Lordships.
He should, however, refrain from trespassing long
upon their time, because they must have been already wearied
with the many speeches that Ind been already addressed to them
on this subject. He had listened with great attention to every
speech, but he confessed his surprise was not a little, to hear a
measure proposed by her Majesty's Ministers, so different from
the opinion they entertained some years ago, when they pro-
fessed themselves to be strong protectionists.—(Hear.) He was
not one of those who wished to use harsh terms on any *sea.
sion, but he would net refrain from referring to the conduct
of some of her Majesty's Ministers on this question.
They were now called upon to open their ports to foreigners,
and to say that free trade should exist. In order to place this
country in the situation of other countries they must release it
from the burdens with which it was now overwhelmed. He
denied that it was either right, proper, er just, to force free
trade Oh the country when there was no country under the
sun so heavilyehurdened with both general and local taxation.
If they thought that the farmer could compete with (the
foreigner, in a few short years they would be convinced of the
contrary, It was impossible for the English farmer, however
practise he might be in agriculture—however anxious he
might be to cultivate his land—it was impossible for the
English farmer to enter into any competition with the
foreigner while he was burdened with local and general taxa-
tion. lie had beard in that House that the farmers of this
country, unlike farmers elsewhere, invested considerable capi-
tal in the cultivation of their lands. Let them leave those
farmers to themselves—let them mfercise their profession, and
they would eulivate their land ; but if the House interfered,
as it Was now about to do, the capital of the English farmer
would be lost. It was important to the country to get
the land in a state of high cultivation, and he contended,
though be might be opposed in that opinion, that under the
system'of free trade that land which was now brought into a
state of cultivation would 13& longer be so, and would become
estranged from th 4, purposes of agriculture. With regard to
another /point he had heard of—the reduction which this
measletnevould cause in the price of labour—could they sup-
pose theme le the reelection of the price of corn that must
naturally' fellow the introduction of this measure—could they
suppose, it possible that the farmer- would pay his labourer at
the astute rate of remuneration which he formerly did? If
they reduced the farmer in the extent of his profits, so must he
reducelhe wages ofrt4ve labourer who was placed In hia hands.
There could he rte greater misfortune than to find an agric
ul-
tural people reduced from wages not excessive to a state of
destitution, and 'such would be the case if they took the step
whichittey were now about to take. He would also allude
to the tithe question, which was a very important one. Not
many years age, an Act Wa passed, in consequence of many
petitions being presented, expressing the great distress of the
clergy, and begging their Lordships for some better manner of
managing the tithe system. The tithes had been com-
muted, and the heaviest wheat land brought
into • cultivation. What would be the result with re-

gard• 'to the tithe ciition when this frieetrade
measure was passe!? Their Lordships would find
that the clergy of this country would be compelled to make up
their minds to a redwetion in their salaries of 25 per cent.
He would ask if the clergy of this country were to be left in
that situation? It was a most important question to be con-
sidered, and he was glad to find, in the division of the other
night, a considerable number of the Prelates in that House
had given their votes against it. Looking at the question in
another point of view, they must not forget the burdens which
mores or less pressed upoa the landed interest ; and if they
decitiesl that free trade yeas to be the order of the day, they
should in justice, without any delay, relieve the land of their
extreme hitreens. He, for one, should not hesitfte to call
ths • att4talpsn of the House to several point, which be
conshleFed- heree„
utoeneiTthede land.—( Hear, hear.) He
should' agitatedi.eiti zit It
that b. justice. If they thought
*est arstionthis week, or the next,
they shottid'set it at'
front leviotild,oholyrds tend they were mistaken. So far
tListeei3z,itaion year after year,
for many Noble L
h he had formed of tile agreedt
in gt
thfli
protection,hthime7iantahine opinion which
and be and they would never cea.t ago
restored protection to the country. He thou Is if
beneeli,emhe would find the aTit%t until a 'few years of
obliged to come to Parliament. to to, ask for protection to to ash •
11 and no Chancellor trte.
tort.' The revenue mould
Exchequer would be bold enough to meet the Parliament
without seeing, the necessity of protection to our home market,
without which' ruin would fall upon the country. How was it
with 'a Noble Friend Of his, now President of the Board of
Control, who in 1841, when he (the Duke of
had the honour of sitting on the came side
on
ofßutchkeingilHoansme)
with 'him and his colleagues, and cheered_
heD
in the speeches which he made—how'
was it then
expressed himself ? He would take the liberty of very briefly
repeating a portion tf this speech. He had stated that the new
law had riot tailed in its operation—that it had produced the
effect it,wa's intended to produce, but that he could not divest
himself Of great apprehension when we were to depend upon
foreign importation for the main part of our supplies—that if
the projects of-the Government were carried into effect, no
man could datibt but that a vet y large portion of land in this
country would be thrown out of cultivation—no man could see
the extent of the evil or where it would stop. He thought one
of the most fatal results connected with tree trade would be
to throw out of cultivation the greater part of our soil,
and to depend upon foreign countries for our supply ;
for if once there was danger of a scarcity in this country,
and forei,Th ports were, at the same time, to be closed against
us, was there one of them who would net he alarmed at the re-
sult? Ite would then go on to another great authority in that
House, and which had always commanded respect, and which
always would as long as the Noble Duke existed. The Noble
Duke had recommended them not to adopt such a measure for
the sale of the people of the country and the land, for it would
result in the destruction of cultivation. Ile would accede to
any measure which would not injure the cultivation
of the soil. He agreed with the Noble Dake
in the opinion which he gave in 1841, and wished that
he would. adhere to it in 184 e. He looked on the measure
with great alarm—that alarm was not of a selfish nature, for
the measure would affect all the population, both manufac-
turikr and agricultural. Those who had formed the Anti-
Corn:lasi League,'and had carried on warfare against the agri-
cultural interests, would themselves be amongst those',.who
suffered in the general destruction they would bring on all
duties. He regretted deeply that his Noble Friends, with
whom he had acted for so many years, should now have changed
ttheir opinion, and gone over to the free-trade system. If they
ad *own any good or just ground or the change he should
berg" been as ready to applaud them as he now was in saying
th'e. were wrong, He could see no ground which could
l'eaer steeessary the last change of opinion, and the forget-
fulness of all former statements. They would have done much
better had they in that month retired from office, and have
left the Noble Lord to carry tett those measures which he had

always acted up to, and which the present Government never '
supported. He saw no reason whatever which could have in-
duced Noble Lords to change those opinions upon this ques-
tion which they had formerly entertained. He would see the
time when they would be sorry for what they were now doing.
The Noble Lords were introducing a measure which was
not called for by the country, and he hoped they
would se that it was not yet too late to retrace their steps. It
was ncd4et too late for their Lordships to put a stop to the
further progress of the Bill, and by their votes save the
country from the injury about to be entailed upon it.—( Hear,
hear," from the Earl of Stanhope.) Some were opposed to this
measure on various grounds. Many were against it on party
grounds, but the great majority were hostile to. it for the in-
jury which would accrue to the industry of the • country.;
(Hear, hear.) He believed that.this Bill.first emanated from
ro
party feelings—it emanated out of a struggle in who should
re-
tain office. It would have been better for Ministers tohave
re-
tired from office, than to sacrifice their recorded
the love of power.—( Hear, hear.) Holding the
actatheyp
did now, how was it they, did notHe towould
principlesit n to
those principles which they held mt. 1841.
~
the speech of Sir
r. "!
-Baronet said that he
rßeoabdertto
Peel, wherein
wLboreredsihuipstbeanittegabttractffun
to i quarter,woudthuoontgbherheeb(etehoe
Diutede Bsueecarnegi m
o wheat )
believed
.
trart
The Right Hon. Gentleman said at that time that he
necessary to have secured more than 40s. the quarter.—( Hear,
hear-)
wished to secure agriculture on a solid basis, and that it was for
the interest of the agriculturists to have a legislative protec-
tion. The Right Hon. Baronet then said he was of opinion
that nothing would be more dangerous than to disturb
that protection, which should always be attached to the
agricultural interest. He also said that to do so would be to
glace the country, at the mercy of foreign nations for its supplies.
The Noble Duke then read an extract from the Right Hon.
Baronet's speech in support of those points. He was sure that
the feeling of the country was against this Bill, and
those Noble Lords who doubted it he would ask to go along
with him in presenting an address to her Majesty to remove
from her councils, her present Ministers. He hoped their
Lordships would reject this measure as one calculated to
inflict great and lasting evils upon the whole industrial popu-
lation of this country.
Lord Cowley, Lord ColcheiterAid the Bishop of St. David's
rose together amidst loud cries for Lord Cowley. The Right
Rev. Prelate and the Noble Lord gave way to
Lord COLCHESTER, who slid that he would make but a
few remarks to their Lordships oh the question before them.
He fully &pied With the Noble Dike; who laif addressed their
Lordships, in saying that this Bill would greatly injure the
agricultural interest, and indeed the interests of the indus-
trious community generally. He would wish to see the Bill of
1842 maintained, and for that reason he wonld vote against
the present measure. The Noble Lord then quoted
several statistical tables, showing the comparative im-
portation of foreign corn, and remarked upon the prices
of wheat from 1841 up to the present period.
Why, Mr. Greg himself, a Member of the Anti-Corn-law
League, and thorough free trader, admitted that even now
the British manufacturer was undersold by the foreigner in the
South AmeriCati and China markets ; and yet the manufac-
turing interest-Wanted to destroy-their home market by ad-
mitting their foieign competitors into it. Thanking their
Lordships for the indulgence they had shown him, he should
sit down; determined still to give his decided opposition to the
Bill.—( Hear, hear.)
Lord HOWDEN would at once relieve their Lordships' minds
from any fear, and himself from the well-merited reproach of
extreme arrogance if he were to intrude observations upon
their Lordships on a subject with which neither his intelligence
nor his experience made him familiar.—(Hear, hear.)
He might state, however, that the first notice he had
the honour of giving in their Lordships' House some six or
seven years ago, was on a subject connected with the corn-
laws. It was indeed a mild, moderate, milk-and-water pro-
position, in no comparison with that now before their Lord-
ships, but he, and those who acted with him, were left in a
minority. But mild and milk-and-watery as it was, it was
strenuously opposed by the Noble Viscount who was then
at the bead of the Government, and by every mem-
ber of the Cabinet, except one Noble Earl, whom
he did not see in 121 place.---( Hear, bear.) He spent the early
, pars of his life in a country which once was looked upon with
peculiar favour by Noble Lords wile sat on the cross-benches,
became of the attachment of its inhabitants to the protec-ive
principles of their ancestors ; but time and experience proved
to them that it was to the interest of their country that the
people should be fed as cheaply as possible. He alluded to the
two provinces of Spain; and be could not help thinking that
it would 'greatly advance the interest of this country if the same
principle were adapted.—( Hear, hear.) It was his conviction
that the Prime Minister had not erred thus bringing for-
ward the measure. Their Lordships had been told that pro-
tection was the animns which ran through all the institutions
of this country, and that on the back of a worm-eaten enactment
of Edward IV. was to be traced the chart which was for ever to
guide the vessel of the State. Reference had been made by a
Noble Lord to Burke ; he would refer to another authority,
Lord Bacon; he said with reference to commerce, "Let there
be freedom in all the intercourse of nations. He saw with
prophetic eye through all the long vista the changes now pro-
posed. He would refer also to Cervantes, a genius who, like
Shakspere, seemed to know something of everything. His
advice to Sancho was, " Now, Sancho, remember that you
take care to provide a supply, especially of eatables and drink-
ables, for your subjects, for nothing can so quickly alienate the
minds of your subjects from you as a scarcity of these necessary
articles." Why, there was the very gist of the matter.—
( Cheers.) He had not much sympathy with the new econo-
mical theories of the present age, but he had almost, he would
say, a blind veneration for these corruscations of olden genius.
He had no fear of what foreign relations would be able to do,
but he did fear that circumstances would occur which would
render the measure inoperative. It is possible that the present
Minister would cease to rule tb e country. Their Lordships
were then only preparing the way for a party with whom they
had no sympathies. What reason, then, had they to set up a
banner tor themselves? They had vast possessions, ancient
rank, and extended influence, and they were throwing them
into the scale to weigh down the political fortunes of a man who
was the only one capable of defending their interests.—( Hear,
hear.) He had heard of treachery, it was an ungracious word,
and he only hoped that their Lordships would never find that
they had been traitors to themselves. But he could not help
saying that some had acted unwisely in adverting to that
dark state of things which they believed would be consequent
to the success of the League. But there were some things
which were dangerous to speak of, some prophecies which
tended to their own accomplishment. So long as tLeir Lord-
ships did their duty, be cared not what were the aspirations of
the League. He rather feared the effect that might be pro-
duced by the apprehensions which had been indiscreetly ex-
pressed by some of their Lordships. He confided in the good
sense of the country ; but he asked those who were conjuring up
distant visions of terror in theories not yet broached, and exi-
gencies not yet developed, if they saw nothing to fear at an earlier
period and more impending moment, in what might be the
immediate disposition of expectant millions as to the upshot of
a question no longer in speculation or in embryo, bet which had
expaaded itself and passed triumphantly through. one branch
of the Legislature, and was now waiting at their Lordships'
threshold, awaiting whatever sentence they might be pleued to
pronotince.--( Hear, hear.)
On the motion of the Marquis 9f EXETER, the debate was
adjourned.

Their Lordships then adjourned at a Quarter to One o'clock

HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 11.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.
SOUTH YORKSHIRE COAL RAILWAY AND
CANAL BILL.
Lord MORPETH, on the motion for the consideration of
:he report on this Bill, moved that the 13;11 be recommitted to
he former Committee, and that the Committee have leave to
sit arid proceed on Monday next at one o'clock. The Noble
Lord, at considerable leugth, stated his reason why he thought
the House ought to agree to the recommittal of the Bill. All
the considerable coal owners in the district were in favour of
the imposed line.
Mr. B. DENISON seconded the motion. He believed
that if the present Bill had, not been included in a group, it
would have passed as an unopposed Bill, as there was not a
single landowner on the line who objected to it. He was
greatly astonished that the South Yorkshire line bad been
thrown out ; and he trusted that the Bill would be re-commit-
ted, for the Committee to consider their farmer verdict.
Lord G. SOMERSET said he did not mean to oppose the
motion of the Noble Lord ; and after his statement, and that
of his Hon. Friend, he really thought that a case had been
made out for the re-committal of the Bill. He wished, how-
ever, to have the debate on the motion postponed, as it would
be more satisfactory to have the opinion of the Committee as
to :their decision before it was submitted for their recon-
sideration.
Mr. S, WORTLEY was of opinion that the rejection of
the Bill by the Committee was a most extraordinary proceeding.
After a few words from Mr. H. BERKELEY,
Mr. ENTWISLE thought that the general business of the
House, more particularly as connected with railways, was :ion-
duoed in a very slovenly manner. He was acquainted with
the district through which the line would pass, and the Com-
mittee had thought proper to throw it out as insufficient to
supply the wants of the public. He objected to the recom-
rniital of the Bill, as the Committee bad already given their
de icon.
;.otd.SEYMOUR. was a member of the Committee, but
was in .a minority with his hon. colleagues; if the Bill was
sent back.it was of course agreeable to his opinions, but he
thought there would be no benefit in doing so.
Mr. SHA.W, thought the House should not send the Bill
baek te the. same Committee. He did not think any good
would result from such a course.
Mr. C. WOOD considered this t ailway was one in which no
jobbing.at all had taken place. He thought it would be a pity
that a railroad got up in so honest a manner should be thrown
out. He though§ the Bill ought to be recommitted.
Mr. ENTWISLE rose to explain.
Lord G. SOMERSET made some remarks, which were in-
audible in the gallery.
Mr. R. YORKE thought if they allowed the Bill to be
recommitted, they would open a bad system of jobbery.
Chairman
v‘oLthteheeCrommittee, he felt called upon to divide the
How,.
Per the recommittal eared
Stranger. wer
Against it Bill
ordered:nf
::tetoot t.
Rh
Ed
lit he House
FajßorliLyFOliDi
10
Mr. GREENE moved, . ' '''''''''''
port on the Frilford (Berits) Inclosure cAllliderau" of
the
re.
Standing Order, No.
--_, as far as relates tot.tht:ove that the
EN SR A.W
to leave out " they," and insert "heit
...,lause 90, page Tjel!1;
hereinafter named,
ppi
aiob
neNo suspended
TrEtu
psfitKarEcp e
Asi:ANA:o2:rs,ed
pGoAt:OK:E amendmentsißA .
AS
KERN,
AtoKleEaFremouLtD",
ion of this
moved the reject
His constituents were strongly
adverse to the line, and the promotersßilßWilßurAp.AonYMNS(thliNelEECthiCSTir)fidT.L°rENea:3l'inga.
of the Bill had not en-
NES
question had
tdaereodutroewdatrodsriet.move any of the objections which they enter.
Capt. BERNARD said that the gentlemen in
every opportunity of appearing before the
sc and the
Committee and
making that statement, but they failed to do
Committee of course came to the decision which
had been reported to the House. He was sure that
if they were to have the decisions of the Committee
overturned upon the statements of gentlemen after the sit-
tings of the. Committee, there would be no end to their labours.
He could assure the House that if such decisions were to be
reversed in that manner he would not sit on a Committee cn
any condition.

Captain CONOLLY said that the Bill had been agreed to
at a public meeting of the ratepayers, and he saw no reason
why it should not pass.—( Hear, hear.)
After a few words from Lord MORPETH,
Mr. M. MILNES said that after the explanation of the
Hon. Gentleman behind him (Colonel ConoIly) he should not
persevere with his amendment, but leave his constituents, '
if they were so inclined, to prosecute their case in another
place.

The amendment having accordingly been withdrawn, the
Bill was read a third time and passed.
REPORTS.
The following rdrie eports were received and agreed to
and Cambridge Waterworks; Caledonian Railwav (Dum-
fries Riatteh); Caledonian: Railway (Dundyvan Branch) ;
Caledonian Railway (Lan holm Branch) ; Earl of Ble,sing•
ton's Estate Bill; Forth
and Clyde Navigation and Bowling
Bay improvement; Cilanow, Dumfries, and Carlisle Railway;