The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

"'OUSE OF LOI-WS. April 23.
The LCRD CHANCELLOR tuck his seat on the Wool-
sack at Five o'clock.
THE SEES OF BANGOR AND ST. ASAPH.

The Bishop of ROCHESTER presented a petition
from the Dean and Chapter of Rochester against the
ution of the sees of Bangor and St. Aaph.
The Bishop of HEREFORD presented several peti-
tions to the same effect.

The Bishop of BANGOR presented similar petitions.
SALE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS ON

SUNDAY.

Lord KENYON presented a petition from the church-
wardens, the overseers, and guardians of the parish of
Lambeth, praying that a better observance of the Sab-
bath might be enforced in the case of tradesmen.

The B shop of S r. DAVID'S prescinted a petition
from the parish of Swabey, in the county of Lincoln, to
the same effect.

The Marq&s of ANGLESEY presented similar pe-
titions.

EMPLOYMENT OF DISCHARGED CRIMINALS.
The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S presented a petition
from the mayor, the aldermen, and town council of the
borough of Carmarthen, praying that occupation might
be found for prisoners on their discharge, so that they
might not be thrown back upon their former vicious
courses.

Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petitiOn to the
same efFect.

CORPORATION FEES.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from
the corporation of coopers in Glasgow, complaining
that by the Act contemplated by the Government the
enforcement of fees on taking up a trades in the city of
Glasgow was done away with. The petitioners were
thus exposed to the influx of competition, and they had
no power of checking such a ruinous extension in their
trade. He (the Duke of Richmond) thought that while
these fees were exacted in London,; Glasgow should not
form the exception.
Lord CAMPBELL would be happy to see that these
fees were abolished over the country.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented similar petitions
from the corporation of hammerinen.
Lord BROUGHAM presented similar petitions from
the skinners and glovers.

SUNDAY SPIRIT TRADING.
Lord COTTENHAM presented petitions against the
sale of intoxicating spirits on Sunday.
THE CORN BILL.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from
the ministers of the Presbytery of Lorn, in the Synod
of Argyll, complaining that, as their stipends were de-
pendent upon the market pica of corn, the Government
Bill would injure them, and they prayed, therefore, that
such measure should not be permitted to pass into a law.

TAX ON INSURANCES.
The NOBLE DUKE then presented a petition fromForres,
in the north of Scotland, prayinc, for a repeal of this tax.
THE NEW POOR-LAW.
The NOBLE DUKE also presented a petition from a
place, the name of which wQ did not hear, praying thct
in the New Poor-law Bill a c!attse might Le added
making it imperative on the officers to provide a super-
annuation fund.
THE CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL.

The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from
Pavensey, in Sussex, against the Charitable Trusts Bill.
Lord KINNAIRD presented a petition from the Re-
ligious Tract Association against the same measure.
Lord COTTENHAM presented a petition from the
governor and officers of St. George's Hospital, praying
that that institution might be exempted from the ope-
ration of the Act.

Lord STRAD3ROKE presented a petition from a
congregation offndependent Dissenters to the same effect.
Lord STRANGFORD presented a petition from the
Skinners' Company, against th,! Bill.
Lord DEN,UAN presented similar petitions from 33
Baptist and nearly 1,000 Dissenting congregations in
England and Scotland.

Lord CAMPBELL presented similar petitions from
the Sailers' Company, and the Deaf and Dumb Asso-
ciated Charity.

LAND TAXES.
Lord GAGE presented a petition from Sussex, pray-
ing that rates on cottages of 61. annual rental should be
levied on the land.

RELIGIOUS DISABILITIES ACT.
The LORD CHANCELLOR gave notice that he would,
on Thursday neat, move the second reading of the Act for the
?era] of religious disabilities.
_____

THE RAILWAY BUSINESS OF THE SESSION.
Lord DALHOUSIE, in rising to introduce the Bill of which he
had given notice on the last evening of their Lordships* sitting,
together with the sessional order, would detain them but a
very short time in opening up the provisions of
the Bill, and stating the grounds on which he
would ask their Lordships to sanction it. On the
evening on which they had adjourned for the recess he had
taken the liberty of stating to their Lordships what was the
subject to which he wished to direct their attention, and to the
complaints which had been made by individuals connected with
railways, setting forth the evils complained of, and the pro-
position which he intended to make with a view of remedying
them. He bad endeavoured then to trace the pro-
gress of the rise in speculation on railway undertakings for
the preceding year, but now he would take their Lordships a
little further back. He had stated then, that in the last year
not less than from 1,200 to 1,300 railways had-beets provision-
ally registered as joint-stock companies, and out of this number
there had been deposited with the Board of Trade, on the 30th
November, 800 plans, which on the very last day had only
diminished to 7i.0. He (Lord Dalhousie) had, at the
commencement of the session, thought it his duty
to direct their Lordship? attention to the subject, and since
that time the expectation of the public with respect to rail-
ways had entirely changed. It was expected at that time, in
the first place, the test of the deposits would greatly reduce the
number of Bills which stood for the consideration of Parlia-
ment, but nevertheless a sum within a fraction of 15,000,0001.
was deposited with the Aecountant-General. It was
also thought that in consequence of the extraordinary
rapidity with which these schemes were got up that the stand-
ing orders would considerably diminish them, but that COI'
mittee had only breathed light as a zephyr upon them, and the
number reduced was therefore only twenty. It was now dis-
covered that in consequence of the application of the enormous
amount of capital to ether branches of commerce, an uni-
versal complaint was poured in from every part of
the country, and these complaints were not merely
confined to those engaged in the ordinary commercial pursuits
of the country, but extended to the very persons who were
themselves concerned in railway speculations. It would not
be necessary for him to enter into many details on this subject.
Their Lordships would see by a reference to the stock of the
various companies that what be had stated was true ; and that
now, so changed was the public opinion on this subject, that
the projects which were the more likely to pass the House
were those which were most viewed with apprehension ; and in
proportion as the scheme advanced through Parliament the
index of the barometer receded until it got down to zero. He
bad stated on a former evening that it was often replied to
those who thus complained, that they should dissolve their com-
panies; but this they were unable to do, because they had not
yet been constituted joint-stock companies, and unless
those who held scrip were to give an unanimous consent the
scheme must go on to completion. Their Lordships would
see, that in consequence of the difficulty of getting this unani-
mous consent in a company composed of such vast numbers,
Parliament was necessarily obliged to interfere. The Bill
which he now held in his hand, and which he would have the
honour of submitting to their Lordships, had for its object the
applying a remedy for this evil by giving power
to a certain number of the shareholders to dissolve
their projects. With their Lordships' permission he would
now proceed to state the main provisions of the Bill.
On the requisition being presented, to the chairman of a com-
pany, and the meeting called in pursuance of the provisions of
the present Bill, then the question of dissolution shall be put,
and the business of the meeting confined to that alone. It is
provided before the meeting takes place that due an-
nouncement of it shall be made in the newspapers and in
the London Gazette, so as to give notice to all par-
ties interested. Regulations are provided for the appoint-
ment of chairman and the regulation of the business;
but before the vote is taken scrutineers shall see that the vote
is properly taken. The actual holders of stock, whether the
original allottees, or the parties who hare purchased the scrip,
shall be eligible to vote, and they may either vote in person or
by proxy duly attested, before being forwarded to be used at the
meeting, the scale of votes to be regulated according to the provi-
sions of the Joint-Stock:Companies Act. A clear majority accord-
ing to this scale of the whole stock of the company, if repre-
sented at the meeting, should be competent to declare a disso-
lution of the company,•nit if the whole stock is not represented,
titensaltehieensttoetkofor which the vote is taken three-fifths shall
declare a dissolution of the company--
that three-fifths represented
whole
the meeting, being nut
less than one-thud of
k of the company.
By this Bill ita wahasyneterpsatrytuthottldeathl
eti stock of the company.
By thls Bill it was sanderstocsl that at lea set one-third of the
to its proprietary
disso-
lution. The object they had in view was that they
allow any company to proceed in which tchfe faunallewsheroeull4tkneolyt to ba destroyed by the interests
hear.) It was, therefore, provided that on twhe—ie'
resolu-
tion of any company to dissolve, the funds of the om-
pany should be invested in the official trustees, and such
was the effect of the 8.11 which he had to propose to their
Lordships. He was aware that certain parties would be smite
ready to put in their claims, but at the same time it should
be recollected that certain parties might be made liable
for deb,s to which they were only parties in common. And
the effect of this Bill was to render both parties
only liable according to their individual responsibility. He
was aware that, under certain circumstances, the proprietors
should have the right of winding up their affairs under the
sessional order; but if the measures which they propose
should meet with the approbation of their Lordships, and
if it should meet with the approbation of the other
Housii of Parliament, that they would accede to the
request of the Government, and give such powers as
would enable the shareholders to employ the te-t, and put a
stop to any scheme which had not the approbation of the chief
proprietors of the scheme. What he was anxious for was, that
the majority of the proprietors should be enabled to put a
stop to any scheme of which they did not approve ; but, at the
same time, he felt it necessary to render the proprietors of rival
schemes a power of adjudication. He believed that a sensible
benefit would arise from this change. On the eveningbe!ore the
reeess, although he was aware that a change took place from
day to day in the state of these companies, that a great ad-
vantage would be obtained, yet. on the evening of the recess,
he had moved, that on the presentation of a petition, thet
re-
spective proprietorship of the shareholders shouhl be taken
into consideration ; and that, on a derision of a majority, tit,
company should be clo.ed, and enabled to wind up their
affairs at a consequence of a decision of the majority.
The holders of stock are scattered all over the ceuntry. 'No-
body knows who are the scrip- holders. hey have no means
of communication with each other—they have 111, organisation
among themselves. Some of them are holders for small
amounts, and they do not. hinit worth while to trouble them •
selves about the matter;
and a vast number, who are
the most substantial persons concerned in them,
would refuse to come forward order.inrested, to wind up
those concerns in which they,
were 'interested, credit, and you haasve itnow
holdould
have the effect of destroying the
whatever upon the smaller parties, who are scattered all ever
the world. We propose, therefore, not to adopt the plan
proposed before Easter, but we propose to adopt the recom-
mendation which has; without one exception, , been
made to us
from the highest authority, ee stop all railway Bills of every de-
scription, to allow no Bill to be react a third time unless a peti-
tion, signed by a majority of scripholders o: 91e company,
should be presented to that House praying their Lorash;:: to
pass such Bill. He considered such a course as that he had I
proposed would be better than any subterfuge. It would only
be acting in the more manly and straightforward manner, and
not under cover of the imposition of conditions which it would 111

be impossible to comply with. We propose that no Bill should
he read a third time lawless evidence should be given to that
Ilouse that a meeting of the stock-holders of the company
had been held—that meeting representing one-third of the ,
stock of the company, and that three-fifths of that meeting
desired their Bill should pass.
Lord BROIIGHAM—Are proxies to be admitted to vote?
Earl DALHOUSIE—Proxies must be admitted, because
the directors and other parties connected with the government
of the company, who, having a vast amount of shares,
would in every instance be able to rule the meet-
ing. For that reason they require that at such
meetings there should be a quorum consisting of
one-third of the stock of the company. If such conditions
were
the
were not impesed their Lordships might spare themselves
trouble of passing the proposed Bill, as the meeting would be
formed of the directors and their friends, who would rule the
aand meeting.that
was,B ut
thatit in was
casenecessaryits
tTpaulds
hrtehsearidtestthata u
should
e be applied,
w
desirous to go on, it would be necessary that ameesh
ould
e should
should afu
"
be held, at which three-fifths of those then
been present
rendereden n
ex-
press an opinion to that effect. This
such
necessary by the fact that the circumstances of the present
as to call for it, and such as were
time were
of no ordinary nature, and,
in fact, he might say
1
they were of an unprecedented character. The num-
ber
of Bills sought for in the year 184 involved an outlay
amount of 19.000,000/. sterling; and those for which
ftuhefhse anction of Parliament was sought in 1945 amounted to
about 60,000,000/, so that in fact the amount of liabilities this
session would amount altogether to between seventy and eighty
millions. The number of Bills for railways which were
to come before the Legislature this session amounted to about
519, which involved an outlay of about 300,000,0001. Now he
need not say that that amount of money was not to be
had • but there could be no doubt that about 70,000,00 X.
sterling would be required. He would not now go into the
question as to the amount of the surplus capital of the country;
he merely wanted their Lordship a to look at those circum-
stances as they now really stood. He had heard it stated by a
Noble Friend of his, that to so great a height had this rail-
way fever risen, that it exceeded by 50 per cent. that of last
year. It had been remarked, why not let the parties to these
companies bear the consequences of embarking in them ;
but he begged to say that unfortunately they would not alone
be the sufferers. Such was the state of the railway trade, that
even in some of the very best lines parties were so unable to
get in the calls made, that they had to give up the schemes in
despair; and such a feeling had spread over the trade of the
country, that it had been found impossible to procure capital
to carry it on ; and as a friend of his from
Scotland had observed in a letter of his, it was
taking away the very heart of the country. On these grounds,
then, he would ask, was it too much to ask that, in future, the
parties to every railway should be satisfied of the utility and
feasibility of the scheme, and of their ability to go on, before
they should call upon the LEgislature for its sanction to those
Bills? He would now conclude by reading-the resolutions he
intended to submit to their Lordships, and which he would
leave for their consideration until to-morrow night. Having
read the resolutions, the Noble Lord went on to say
that it had had also been endeavoured to provide against
cases when a large proportion of shares had been reserved or
held back—that clause was to the effect that all scrip issued
should be paid for before the 31st of March. The necessity
for this clause was apparent, when it was remembered that in
massy cases parties would purchase, speculating on the
winding up, and by which many would make one hun-
dred per cent. on the bargain. ( Hear, hear. )
The Noble Lord then road the resolutions, which are pre-
cisely the same as those proposed in the other House of Par-
liament; and, in concluding, said he wished to correct a
mistake he had made in explaining the mode of winding up rail-
way companies. The subject was so complicated, that it
was difficult to make it so clear as he was desirous
of doing. The way proposed was to wind up the affairs in
conformity with the provisions of the Bill he had explained; or
if that course was dissented from, then the eumpany might be
wound up under the provisions of the Joint- Stock Companies' Act
of last session, and an assignee appointed at the meeting to act
with the official assignee. He had now set before them the
provisions of the present Bill, and also the sessional order
which was to give effect to the objects of the Bill.
The subject was a dry and complicated one, and in the
statement he had made he had generally given the provisions
of the Bill and the reasons why it should be adopted, in order
that those companies that thought fit might be wound up with
as little trouble as possible.—(Hear, hear.) ese had before
stated his opinion, that if the subject were left le it now is, that
one-third of the railroad plans which had bargn submitted to
Parliament could not possibly go on this session.
Lord BROUGHAM was quite aware that their Lordships
were acquainted with the interest which he took in the subject
of railway speculations. Nothing could have delighted him
more than the luminous statement which the Noble Lord (Dal-
housie) had just made to the House. They were aware, also,
of the interest which he took in the subject of railways gene-
rally; but, without more time to consider the business, he felt
incompetent to come to any positise decision on this
matter. He had repeatedly warned their Lordships of
the effects of the railway mania during the last
two years, and he must beg to remind them not only of the
evils that were likely to arise to the commercial credit of the
country, but also to the moral interests of the community at
large. He regretted to find that, as he had anticipated not
only was the spirit of gambling in railway shares experienced by
the higher classes of society, but that it was extending to the
middle classes, and further still that it seemed to have extended
to the lower classes, whose livelihood was dependent on their
industrial exertions. He had repeatedly warned their Lordships
that it was likely to affect the morals of the whole of the com-
munity. He had stated instances in which poor clergymen
and widows with small means had been deprived of all their
subsistence, of ladies living upon their jointures and with
small means, as well as of other individuals, who had
been deprived of the whole of their subsistence by this mania.
Many parties were exiled from their native homes in conse-
quence of their inability to meet the demands made upon them,
or answer to theliability which they had incurred, but to a great
degree this measure would prevent the evil from proceeding
further. Great relief would be administered, by the Act of his
Noble Friend, to the poor sufferers ; and he would fain hope
tke mere statement which they had then heard, and the recep-
tion it had met with would have a salutary effect before the
Bill would pass into a law, for there was a railway house else-
where—(Laughter)—which was admirably adapted for talking,
though little so for aitting.—( Hear, hear.) There were some
railway bodies so full of discussion that they could debate for
twelve days without intermission. They could make speeches
by the score, and obtain attention by the hour._( Hear, hear.)
But there seemed to be amongst them an utter incapacity for
business. He did not know to what it was owing.
The Duke of RICHMOND—It is the directors' fault.
Lord BROUGHAM—No, no, I did not say that. lain not to
be caught that way. It arose from some bad constriction in
the bady itself—they could debate for ever—they could argue
fee ever, but as for coming to a decision it was quite another
thing ; in truth, it was so much out of their power, that it was
quite out of the question. But he most devoutly hoped that
the bare promulgation of the plan would have a great effect in
remedying the evils which existed. The course they
were about to adopt of not reading a Bill a
t'ird time was not a very usual one—to pledge
themselves that no consideration would tempt them
to read a Bill for the third time after it had become ripened,
unless something was done out of the House by parties over
whom they had no control, was certainly a proceeding exceed-
ingly dangerous, and requiring great deliberation before they
should adopt it. But he was very much disposed to strain a
point in this instance, as it would effect, he believed, a great good.
He did not think the prope4ed measure would be effectual
without some such order.--( Hear, hear.) If he were to state
which of the two measures he thought would be most effectual
he should prefer the order, but he did not see why he should
be put to the selection. His opinion was they would both be
efficacious, but there was oce quality in the order which the
Bill did not possess. The one was certain and speedy,
while of the other they were net sure that it
would pass. He would not detain their Lordships.
He could have desired that all these things had
taken another course, he could have wished that all private
legislation, including railways, canals, and roads, should have
been transferred to another tribunal, and that Parliament
should have made some arrangements which would have en-
abled all private business to be satisfactorily and cheaply done
within a resorable time, so as to avoid the great expense and
the anxiety consequent on the present system, and to avoid the
inefficient manner in which of necessity (without implying any
blame) the Committees of both Houses, but more especially
the Committees of the other House,i were obliged
to carry qp that important branch of legislation.
When they looked at the enormous amount of
private business, amounting for this year in one department
only to the enormous sum of 591,000,000/.—when they re-
flected that these Bills had power to inflict a most trans-
cendental injury—when they reflected that these Bills gave
power to interfere with every man's private property, to re-
move his wood, to grub up plantations, to overthrow houses, to
drive a road through a man's pleasure-grounds, to make a
person's estate worthless to him, and incapable of being in-
habited by human beings; to compel people to part
with their property whether they would or not, and
that too, not at prices fixed by themselves, though that
would be bad enough, but at prices fixed by others—when they
considered that this branch of legislation, and of all the branches
of legislative functions that could be named this was one
which required to be entrusted to tribunals of a different kind
then that of a Committee of this House, he hoped that the
difficulties which the country and the Parliament had now got
into would lead to some steps being taken by that House
which, he must say, should have been adopted years before.
There was some ground for encouragement even in the pre-
sent state of affairs, because, from the very necessity of the eve,
better arrangements would be made for managing the private
upon
this subject,
offor theth
business of the House. He felt grateful to the Noble Earl
f
ofeoepainndioonusr, ahers well a
s Majesty's Goverment
vr .n thethe unadorned
and severely-fitting nature of the statements on the occasion.
He felt thankful to the Government fur bringing forward so
necessary a measure as the present.
The Earl of WICKLOW considered
taking Bills through both Houses of
l' that the expense of
prominent part of consideration in the r iam!nt would form a
be held under the provisions of the meetingsproposed that were to
thought it necessary, for a right consideration of A,,et, and he
the case, that
correct data of those expenses should be ac • cessible to th
h ere.
The Marquis of SALISBURY had as
railway mania. He thought, however,ereat a orror of the
they would have some
reason to dread the
winding up of these affairs. Th one point in the measure proposed by the ere was
Noble Earl to which
he would rail the attention
It was proposed to require t breeo.fiff
ths their Lordships.
holders to assent to the winding up of
the of the scrip-
meeting was to represent one-third of the seriPcheonicern. 'I he
ders of the
company. It would require three-fifths of
those
assent to the petition' to their Lordships. It would, t,resarenefte,
to
empower two-fifths to prevent the Bill passine, but theyor
would not have the power to wind up the concern. He would
also be glad to know how the amount of the scrip present was
to be taken under the arrangements proposed in the Bill?
The Nlargeis of CL.%NRICARDE thought it a wise measure
as regarded England, but when he saw that it extends to Ire-
land and Scotland he thought the proposed measure an indica-
tion of the disposition of the Government towards those countries
—they were endeavouring to put a stop to what waa called the
railway mania. The evils which had been described by the
Noble-Earl who had proposed the Bill were sufficient to justify
the sets that was about to be taken. But what was the ra,lwav
mania? Why it was neither more nor less than that upon
which dap, oiled the great communications of this great
country. Railways, in a min ary point of view, were
of the utmost importance, and the Legislature must
be careful how they checked their construction. For
some years past he had thought the Government ought
to have taken some step upon this subject. If they had done
SO years
ago the present railway mania never would have
existed. At present; and under existing circumstances, the
proposed
resolutions were necessary, and, so far, he could not
object to them ; but he would remind the Government that
in Ireland especially it was their duty to take the railways under
their care and control, and if they d.d so, there could
be no doubt that railways would be made without
embarrassing the country.
The Earl of ROSEBERY rose for the purpose of putting
a question to the Noble Earl who had proposed the resolutions.
Friend didnot intend thisded that his Noble He apprehended
which Parliament
ses-
sional order to become a standing order upon l
was to proceed in future, hut merely as a sessional order for
the regulation of the proceedings of the House during the pre-
sent session. It was desirable under existing circumstances
te fitate the winding up of companies with as little incon-
venience as poeaLhie
Lord ASHBURTON saLa _
it was useless to complain of what
should have been done some time
The real question

they had to consider was the peculiar and anomalous position
in which they found themselves placed, and the wisest course
it behoved them to take. Taking that position into con-
that as far as he understood the
Bsidilelrsautbtitt he mustwithed,say,
the sessional order with which it was ac-
companied, it appeared to him the best means of relieving
them from the difficulty in which they at present stood, and
to meet the evil arising from the enormous demand on the
capital and labour of the country, which stood in the way of
the legitimate commerce of the country.—( Hear, hear.) He
must, at the same time, remind the Noble Lords who sat on the
Railway Committee, at the early period of the session, that he
(Lord Ashburton) stated very similar views to those stated
that night, respecting the difficulty in which they would find
themselves placed.—( Hear, hear.) It was impossible to
go on with the present mass of adventure, which was beyond
the means of the country to accomplish in any reasonable time.
A Noble Lord opposite had referred to the case of Ireland,
and the relief which the construction of railways would afford
in the peculiar circumstances of the country; but, however
anxious they might be to relieve Ireland, they must recollect
that if they went beyond the means of the capital of the
country, instead of benefiting Ireland, they would clog all pro-
ceedings intended for that purpose, and defeat the very end
sought to be obtained.—( Hear, hear.) He must say, con-
sidering the peculiar circumstances of the country, that the
measure was a necessary one to meet the difficulties.
His object was to insure the classification of these several
schemes, and he thought that this classification ought to be
observed—that is, that the several railway schemes ought to
mtbheiettdaeileitFortttihoionant eodf
eteihrnettauinNcloabslilseneess.LorodHusgehwt
hidaware,h f
o prrt e
ef tat
rat
the
do undercoaan and
wh
oat
os
e
the first class they recommended was that which
comprised the lines of the national defences. The next
class was that which was described as being likely to fill up
gaps in established railways ; though, if the business were to be
conducted as it was at present devised, there was little proba-
bility of obtaining their Acts during the present session. It
was much to be regretted that such should be the case, as the
passing of these Bills was likely to contribute largely to the
advantage of the public. The next class was that which was
called the offspring of the strong companies, more particularly
those of the Great Western, South-Western, and the London
and Birmingham, and others of a similar character, which com-
panies, from their enormous incomes, possessed all the ap-
pliances for carrying out their designs. lie was not aware of
the precise feelings of the Government, bat he thought
it was necessary to look to the results of such pre-
ference ; and he must say, that in the consideration of the
Select Committees the object of the national benefit should
be particularly observed—(Cheers)—particularly when the
object of such companies was kept in view.
Lord CAMPBELL was satisfied that the interval of the re-
cess had been advantageous in the consideration of the several
plans which hail been submitted to Government, and for the
regulation of private enterprise. lie was satisfied also that
this direction of private enterprise would be advantageous in
the improvement of the railway system. A great-evil had been
complained of, but he thought if they st ere only
to look to the Continent, the Government would
have a very effectual cure, salutary as weal as effectual.
But his reason for thus presenting himself to their Lordships
upon this subject was, to ask the Noble Lord opposite whether
it was proposed to insert any clause for the purpose of indem-
nifying those who should have become liable to the creditors of
a rail Ray company ? At present a person might take an action
against a member of the committee, and he had no means of
indemnifying himself.
Lord WHARN CL I FFE was of opinion that it was at pre-
sent premature to be discessing the meriis of the Bill not yet
before the House. He had heard of the proposition of the Noble
Lird in reference to the mode in which parties should proc, ed
who were desirous of winding up a company ; but in cases
set ere it might not be possible to procure the proposed number,
would the n:eeting then have the power of disposing of the ques-
tion? He thought that if the number required were larger, they
would be more likely to get at the real opinion of the sub-
stantial body of shareholders. What they had to dread was,
that attempts would be made to get up these meetings for
fallacious purpeses. He had already stated that he con-
sidered three-fifths too small, and he could wi,h that
the number required had been somewhat larger. He would
not detain their Lordships longer, but he hoped that the
suggestion he had made would have the consideration of the
Noble Lord.

Lori KINNAIRD asked if the standing order would be
concil,lered to-morlow?

Lord DALHOUSIE—No; on Monday. It was exceed-
ingly satisfactory to him to find that their Lordships ap-
proved of the course pursued by the Government on
the subject of the standing order and of the Bill.
It would be necessary, however, that the Bill and the sessional
order should go hand in hand. He would endeavour to reply
to the various remarks made by the various speakers in their
proper order ; and first he would refer to what had fallen from
his Noble Friend beside him. His Noble Friend objected to
the amount fixed as likely to be too small, and as likely also to
open the door to a system of jobbing and fictitious meetings,
which would be unsatisfactory, inasmuch as it would not really
represent the sentiments of the shareholders in the companies.
That objection had been carefully considered, and although the
amount fixed upon appeared to look small, yet the Neble Lord
would recollect that it was the minimum. But he would find,
on looking at it in another point of view, that it would be
amply sufficient. Supposirg, for instance, in such companies
as the London and Birmingham and Great Western,
which had each a capital of five or six millions
that a meeting were called ender the operation of this order ;
it would require a very considerable degree of exertion to ob
lain that amount. Other companies, it was true, had advan.
tages which these great companies had not ; but it would be
found that even in their cane the sum in the Government pro-
position would be found to act very stringently. His Noble
Friend who sat further down had offered a different
objection. He felt that to ask the sanction of the three-fifths
of the subscribers was to ask too much for the purpose of pi e-
venting the progress of the Bill. But when their Lordships
looked to the circumstances of the times—when they looked to
the consequences which would result from any considerable ad-
dition to the railway projects which had already passed the
House of Parliament—when they recollected that a vast num-
ber of these Bills were forced through Parliament contray to the
wishes of the proprietors, he thought they would find
that the objections urged by his Noble Friends were untenable.
Wherever there was a doubt, Parliament should throw the
doubt on the side of the negative. With respect to the ques-
tion of the Noble Earl, he order was only sessional—of a pe-
caller character it was true, but it was intended to apply to
an extraordinary crisis—it was to expire with the session.
It might be in the recollec'ion of their Lordships that her Ma-
jesty's Government, at the commencement of the session, ex-
pressed an earnest desire that every possible indulgence should
be shown to those Bills which had for their object the construc-
tion of railways in Ireland. But he did not think his Noble Friend
would wish that Irish Bills should be excepted from the
operations of the order. He was anxious to say that there.
should be no obstacle thrown in the way of those Bills. They
should receive their third reading in that House, and they
should not come under the operation of the order
until they went into the other House, and he
was accordingly prepared on the 27th, to move the
third reading of all those Bills which had arrived at
the proper maturity. With respect to the other Bills, he
wished to mention that they would receive no additional delay.
Lord CAMPBELL wished that something would be said
in reference to the indemnities to be granted to shareholders.
The Earl of DALHOUSIE said that whatever liabilities
were now imposed on the parties, would remain. The lia-
bilities would remain exactly as they were at present.
Lord CAMPBELL—The liabilities will remain, but the in
demnity will be gone.
The Earl of DALHOUSIE said that creditors would have
the same security as existed at present.
The Bill was then read a first Case.
The Earl of DALHOUSIE then moved that the sessional
order be taken into consideration on Monday.—Agreed to.
The second reading of the Boroughs (Scotland) Bill was
postponed until Monday.
The house then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMOAS, April 23.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.
REPORTS.

The following reports were brought up, the amend-
ments and alterations agreed to, and the Bills ordered
to be engrossed, viz.:—
West of Scotland Junction Railway.
Exeter, Topsham, and Exmouth Railway.
Eastern Union and Harwich Railways and Pier.
Stint Austell Small Debts.
Western-super-Mare Pier.
Numerous petitions were presented, some in favour
of, and others against, different railway Bills.
Mr. LABOUCHERE moved that the report on the
Rugby and Huntingdon Railway Bill be presented this
city, notwithstanding the resolution of the [louse of the
7th of April.—The motion was agreed to.