The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-29 00:00:00

this question he observed many Noble Lords who differed from
biro, shake their heads and others express their dissatisfaction in
various ways. The opinions which he then expressed were
the opinions which he maintained that night. He had for
the eleven years of his public life advocated nothing at
variance with those principles. In the other House,
when he had the honour of a seat there, his vote :was always
for a restriction of the duties. The first vote which he gave
in their Lordships House was for the Canada Corn Bill. He
felt that it would be imprudent of him, at that late hour of the
night, to proceed to express his feelings on this question at any
length. He felt that he ought to go into many of the points
of the speech of his Noble Friend the late Secretary of the
Colonies, but he would not go into it in detail.—( Hear, hear.)
Now, he had heard many persons complain of a tariff of 1842.
It reminded him of a:Noble Friend of his own who complained
of the immense increase in the price of butter. There were
two reasons advanced in justification of this complaint; first,
that the duly had been unnecessarily lowered, and secondly,
that the importation had been increased ; but it was clearly
shown that the duty had not been lowered, and that the impor-
tation had not been increased. He regretted that the Noble
Lord (Stanley) was not in his place, because it was ex-
ceedingly distasteful to himself to reply to matter which the
Noble Lord could not possibly hear or reply to. One of the
statements of his Noble Friend was, that his Right
Honourable Friend at the head of the Government bad
made it his boast that the tariff of 1842, by lowering
the duties, had effected a rise of prices, and he asked
how it was possible that competition should raise the prices.
But that had been met by his Noble Friend (Earl Grey) at
an early hour in the evening, but he (Lord Dalhousie) would
merely advert to the fact. That statement had never been
made by his Right Hon. Friend. All he said was that, not-
withstanding the alarm exhibited by the agricultural Mem-
bersi about the tariff lowering the prices, the effect of it had
been to create a still increasing rise of prices. Then the Noble
Lord asked what had been the effect of the tariff on the price
of wool in the year 1834, during which there was a protective
duty of ls. 4d. ? He held in his hand a paper, which had been
laid upon the table of the House, in which the quantity and
prices of the different' wools was set before their Lord-
ships. Thiy extended from the year 18. 15 to the year 1845
inclusive, and it comprehended three different rates of duty.
In the year 109 he found a protective duty of 3%d. per lb. In
the period ending 1835 he found 61. per lb. charged, and he
found also that a protective duty of Id. was charged after-
wards, which was finally abolished in the year 1844. When it
was proposed to impose 6d. per lb., the House was informed
this would certainly be followed by a lowering of the prices.
The result fully justified the expectation. In the year 1800,
when the duty of old. was proposed, the importation was
24,000,0001b5. and the price was 2s. 6d. Under the low duty,
the amount of wool imported increased to 39,000,0001b5, and the
price was Is. 3id. He should like to have been permitted to
have gone through the various statements, but, at that late
hour of the evening, he would not trouble their Lordships with
the details. His Noble Friend, however, referred to the price
of timber, and he would take leave to mention to the House
one or two of the circumstances connected with the trade. The
number of their ships had increased greatly within the last
few years ' • and on a comparison made with respect to the
number of foreign ships employed in the timber trash!, he could
assure their Lordships of the fact 'hat those were unfit for any
other purpose, and were kept afloat merely by the loads;
besides, they freighted themselves for the merest trifle.
He would beg to read an extract of a statement made at a
business meeting without any other object than business. It
was at a meeting of the dock companies in Liverpool. The
Cha'rman observed that surprise had been expressed at an in-
crease of one hundred thousand in the shipping in the docks,
but he had to inform the proprietors that they had then to deal
with hundreds of thousands, and that if there was a more
politic tariff instituted by the Government in place of the pre-
sent one, no one could be able to say to what extent they
should have to increase their accommodation for their shipping,
and that when the duties were further reduced it would not be
in the power of man to divine what accommodation it would
be necessary to aft:rd. At present Liverpool was the only place
boasting of 200 acres under docks with but 15 miles of quays.
His Nobb Friend had made some observations upon other
points connected with the one he was now discussing, but as
he saw that his Noble Friend was absent, he would not fur-
ther allude to them. But his Noble Friend had made come
observations upon the subject in the reference to the laws
affecting the trade in corn, ss hieh he felt called upen to reply
to. His Neble Friend had laid it down as a general principle
that there were hieh authorities in favour of a continued sys-
tem of protection to corn ; and he instanced ro less an autho-
rity than the late Lord Chatham. Now he (Lord Dalhousie)
begged to say, that though he entertained the highest possible
respect for the opinion of so great a man as Lord Chatham,
yet be should sac, that neither that Noble Lord, nor the
equally illustrious -Air. Pitt, could in the present day, under
the present circumstances, stand up in defence of these
protective laws; nor did he think could any other man, capable
of taking a dispassionate view of the subject. He (Lord Dal-
housie) would appeal with confidence to the memorable work
of Lord .Landerdale, a nobleman whom he considered as one
who had admirably adopted the doctrine of the present day.—
(Hear, hear.) He might also adduce examples of
men equally eminent, and in moee modern times.
So soon as those restrictions were removed the restrictions for
the protection of cern should be removed also.—(Hear, hear. )
Then the Noble Baron who sat near him that erening (Lord
Ashburton) repeated the statement which was made last night.
He said, " You are going to do that which no country on earth
has yet attempted; you are going to have free trade in corn ;
and solve me this question," said his Noble Friend—" what
rill you do in a cheap year. when the ports of thia country
are the only ports that will he open for the importation of fo-
reign corn?"—( Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend on the last
night asked a similar question. Now he wished to remind his
Noble Friend that no country•in the world except England
imposed duties on the importation of corn merely for the sake
of protection; and if their Lordships would permit him, he
would read a statement which had been very carefully drawn
up, showing the amount of the protective duties imposed in
each of the other nations of the earth. It appeared that the
duty on the admission of corn in the corn-growing portions of
Turkey was 3 per cent., and in the other portions 5 per cent.
Now, he begged their Lordships to observe, that theieorn-grow-
ing portions insisted on the duty being but 3 per cent. instead
of 5 per cant. Now, he wished to ask his Noble Friend what
argument he could draw from that in favour of
free -trade. In the two Sicilies there was a duty
of about 8. per. quarter. In Sardinia it teas
about ss. In the small Italian states, the duty was
about 3d. In Tuscany there was no duty. In Greece it was
about 941. per quarter. In Austria it was 3d., although Austria
bad been quoted as a corn protecting country. In Spain prac-
tically there was no prohibition. He would ask their Lord-
ships' permission to mention one simple fact which would show
the advantage or disadvantage of that description of protective
duty upon corn. It was a fact which was upon record, that
corn had been purchased in the port of New York at 4s. 6d. per
euarter, whilst wheat was selling at Castile at Is. per bushel.
Such was the case with regard to Belgium. The sliding.
scale had no place there. In Holland, the duty was Es. per
quarter. In Oldenburgh it was 5 to 5i per cent. per cwt.
In Naples it was 3s. 21. In France it was merely a protecting
duty. The other duties might be ascertained by the returns
which had been made to the House. The only correct method
of forming an estimate was by making observations from the
actual state of things at various periods. He had a statement
of the amount of grain imported into the country from 1761
to 1844. In that return he found that during the first fourteen
years was the average about 94,000 quarters in each year.
That quantity greatly increased up till 1810, when the average
for the ten years following was 421,000 quarters. From 1831
to 1840 the increase had taken place still further, to 928,000
on the average in each year. From 1841 to 1844, inclusive,
the amount imported in each year was 1,879,000 quarters, of
which a large amount was entered for consumption. If this
were true, how could it be made to appear that the produce of
this country kept pace with the consumption of the country.
He had shown that for a long period of years, the importation
of foreign corn had increased year by year, until it had
reached in the average of the last five years to
1,879,000 in each year. How then could they think they
could maintain themselves independent of foreign countries
( Hear, hear.) He would now proceed to consider this posi-
tion of being dependent on foreign countries. Why, there was
not a single trade in which they were not dependent for sup-
plies from foreign countries. Look to the wool trade, in which
they were dependent on foreign countries for large supplies.
Perhaps it was. not exactly the same as the corn trade, but it
was analogous. It was the same whether they took away the
life or the means of living.—( Hear, hear.) In regard to the
wool trade, large supplies of foreign wool were used up every
year in manufacturing operations There was not a coat they
wore that was not dependent on foreign supplies. There was
not a footman in their service but what would give them
notice to-morrow, if they proposed he should wear clothing
without the employment of foreign wool. The same principle
applied to the cotton trade. A Noble Lord on the opposite
site had represented the quantity of cotton wool used at
721,000 lbs. annually, and for this they were dependent en-
tirely on foreign countries.—( Hear, hear.) So it was with all
articles that made up the necessaries of life. They could not
even carry on the art of war without being dependent on
foreigners for one of the principal means of carrying it on.
They had not a single ounce of sulphur in this country, and
they could not fire off a single shot without being dependent
Upon a foreign country.—( Hear.) Now let him remind
their Lordships that they were not merely dependent
Upon the foreigner for these articles of use—they depended
through the medium of the exports for the revenue and main-
tenance of the credit of the country. But it was
asked
what were they to do for supplies in time of war ? Let
them see if this were so. Take the case of cotton. In the
year 1812 and 1814 this country was at war with the United
States of America, from whence
was almost all the cotton used in
N
this country came.there a stoppage in consequence
of the war? No such thing ; for in 1812 there were 60,100,00
lbs. introduced; in 1813, 50,900,000 lbs .100n18140,
53,771,000 lbs. But.let them come down to a.l and
later • and
take the case of China. They were at war a shorlleodtrilmn ,
with China, one of the most restricted nations on the age
of the earth, and who it was supposed would have stopped
every export to this country. Did she, however, do so? No,
she did not ; and in 1833 there were imported into this
country from China 32,000,000 lbsi of tea, in 1839, 9;n5d5,h00e0,0,
in 1840 22,000,000, and in 184
"
main-
tained that the same principle as wasthus appliedto cotton
and tea in these instances wsuld.
be applied to corn. Price
seemed to have nothing to do with
whether in time of war this
h this question, which was
confined to the consideration as t
country could get supplies of corn from abroad. Upon
that point he certainly thought they need not trouble
themselves; for even while they were at war with all
Europe there was always a supply of corn from abroad, and in
1810 the largest importations came from Franc;:. —( Hear,
hear.) He maintained, then, that should it ever so happen
that this country wanted a supply of corn from abroad, it would
always be got.—( Hear, hear.) He was called on by the Noh:e
Lord who last addressed their Lordships, and by others, to state
on the part of the Government what will be the price of corn
tinder the new system. He certainly was not prepared to com-
ply with any demand a, unreasonable, and to say what should
be the definite and specific price of corn under the system now
to be pursued. He might be permitted to ask, with great respect
to their Lordships, whether they were entitled to demand that
information at his hands? Were they who advocated the main-

tanance of protection on corn prepared to say that they could
predict what would have been the price of corn ? He could say
one thing for the information of his Noble Friend—he would
ask, Gould there be a greater fallacy than to say that the
rice of corn could be so much in fifteen years hence?
Would it be any consolation to prt die any such price, when,
during that per;orl, the prices might fluctuate from one end of
the scale to the other ? In the year 1832, the price of c,irn was
SBs. per quarter, and in the neat year bat one it was 395. In
the year out one after that it was 64s ; and in the year follow-
ing it was 70s. ant 37 a. Was it possible that when, und,:T the
present system of prweetive duties, of which the object was
anderAond to Le to prevent fluctu-i• :uela great fluctuations
occurred, that they could, with any reason, ask him to name
tha specific price of corn in future ?
The Duke of RICHMOND—Look at your last Bill.
Lord DALIIOUSIE—The Noble Dude requested him to
look into the la.t Bill, if his m:raory s..rved him so as to
carry him back to 1842, the N0b1.., Duke predicted the same
somequence as the result of that Bill.
The DUKE of RICHMOND said that he did not do
anything of the sort; be did not much like it, and he did nut

rote .pon it.
Lord DALHOUSIE said that perhaps he was labouring
under a ani3apprebension, and he was sorry for it. He said
that the present law during the last six months had proved by
its administration that the whole system of average was a fie.
tlon —( Hear, hear.) What was the case ? The Noble
Lord opposile hoisted that during the last three years of the
existence of the lalr, great steadiness in the prices had been

the result. During those three years the price in the first
was said to be 535.; in the seeond, 525.; and in
the third, 50s. 10d., and that fact was also adduced
to prove the abundance of corn in this country to the,
absurdity of proposing to go on with this measure.
He held in his hand a return from the different market-towns,
which gave the highest and lowest prices in the different towns
throughout the country. In January, 1845, the highest price
was 555., and the lowest 40s. In February of the same year
555., the lowest 335. In January, 1846, the highest price
645., the lowest 395.
he Duke of RICHMOND—What are the prices of the
present year?
Earl DALHOUSIE would give the Noble Duke the
re-
turns for the present year. In November, 1845, the highest
price 685., lowest 48s. ; on the 29th of November, highest
price 695., lowest 38s. January, 1846, highest price 695.,
lowest 445. ; September, highest price 675., and lowest
oowetst
be
price 445. But, perhaps, it would hadll e would been
give the differences
255., 265., 265., 275., 295.71 p3ls.,ri3cless. 315., 365., 28s. Bs.
Lordshipsrito s
In 4
thelpBri37
tys at9s. which
3d
wheatrneodwca ll t thehad
a tbteeennt isounp
supplied,
et their ir
contractre prices.
1844, 2/. 17s. 10d. ; 1845, 21. 6s. 10d. ; 184,i, 3/. ss. sd.
However he did not intend to answer the question which had
been put to him with reference to the price of corn, after this
Bill had received the sanction of their Lordships, because all
former predictions with referenceto the price of corn had failed.
Many of the speeches which had been made very ably and
pathetically described she injury which would be occasioned to
the country by the passing of this law, in consequence of the
great importation of foreign corn which would follow the pass-
ing of this Bill. But they had not stated where the quantity
of corn was to come from. In the year 1828, a gentleman was
sent to the north of Europe for the purpose of inquiring into
the subject, and although not favourable to the importation of
foreign corn, he stated that no quantity beyond that already
imported could be brought into this country. In the year
1841, another gentleman was sent to make similar inquiries. '
The returns which that gentleman made were before him. The
total amount of corn which could be introduced into this '
country from all parts of Europe was 2,200,000 quarters.
From Russia there were 1,230,000 quarters. From Prussia
there were, from 1835 to 1814, 635,000 quarters, and so on
with respect to other places. It was said, however, in contra-
diction of this, that there might he an immense quantity of
grain cultivated from districts were there was none at present
' grown. He did not dispute that there were millions of acres
that might be cultivated, but of what value were they ? As
well might they refer to the plains of South America as a
source of supply for cattle under the new tariff, because they
at present ran about there wild. He would not allude to the
carrying charges, because he believed that the means of con-
veyance in those countries precluded the possibility
of their being able to send the grain here at
such a rate as to undersell the British farmer.
The Noble Lord read a table of statistics to prove that the im-
portation of corn into this country would not be so great as an-
ticipated by these who opposed this measure, inasmuch as the
population of other countries would be increasine. ; and even if
it were to come in, the price at which it would be sold would
not be much if at all below the price of grain in the home market.
There were a number of ether figures, with which he would not
trouble their Lordships at that late hour, but there was one
consideration which had not been sufficiently dwelt upon. He
meant the increase of their own population at home. It was a
fallacy to say that they cculd bring into cultivation a sufficient
quantity of land to meet this enormous annual
increase, and he would take- 'seise to read
a short extract from the report of thd sanatory Committee.
The Noble Lord then read the extract, which stated that an
extent of new territory, equal to the counties of Surrey,
Hereford, and Cambridge, would be annually required to meet
the wants of this increasing population. There were in the
three kingdoms 2,3,090,003 at least, who, in the three
years, encreased at the rate of 15 - per cent. in
ten years, or 300,000 a-year ; or since this measure
was introduced before Parliament an addition of 1,000 souls.
Then when Noble Lords spoke of new lands being brought
into cultivation for the purpose of meeting the demand, they
must be perfectly well aware, that it was a matter of impossi-
bility. It was usual to treat of the United Slates as unbroken
ground, from which any quantity of wheat could be imported
into this country. But it was well-known that all the wheat
dstricts were limited within one portion of the country, the
whole lying to the extreme west, and no quantity could be
shipped to this cos :try, exceptinw at a very considerable cost.
The r'ob'e Lord also read an exit aet from some statistical do-
cuments to prove that according as the population increai_ed in
the United States so did their exports diminish. It had been
obieeted that they were not to try this great experiment on
this great country. Why it has been tried, from 1766 to 1791
we had a practical free trade in corn. Taxes were not as
heavy, to be sure, then as they were now, but they weighed
every bit as heavily on the labourer; and it was an historic
truth that the labourers of this country were mere heavily
burdened than those of other countries. Was agriculture then
in a depressed condition ? On the contrary, large quantities
cf land were taken into cultivation. He knew he would be
met by the argument, that if ;here was a time when those who
now advocated the measure were against it, they would
say why propose it now ? But in answer to that, he
would say that the circumstances cf the country rendered
it necessary, and because they concurred it would act
as one of the best stimulants to employment. The Noble
Duke on the cross benches shook his head at this assertion ;
but he (Lord Dalhousie) begged to remind the Noble
Duke of this fact, that during the railway fever of last
year every deputation that came, no matter from what
railway company, met with a favourable reception
solely because it was stated that the proposed line of railway
would afford easy access to the manufacturing districts. Ever
by the deputations from Goole and from Norfolk, and fron.
all parts of Scotland, and even from Ireland, the
argument continually was that those lines were
intended to afford additional facilities for the transit
of manufactures.—( Hear, hear.) Now, he would ask, why
this longing for the prosperity of manufactures? Was it not
because upon them depended the prosperity of every other
branch of commerce in this country?—(Hear, hear.) Was it
not because it was a well known fact that every manufacturing
engine that was stopped working had the effect cf stopping 20
ploughs.—( Hear, hear.) These were the reasons that induced
him to support this measure, for he felt perfectly con-
vinced it would result most beneficially for this country.
His Noble Friend, the Noble Baron who sat near him (Lord
Ashburton), in his speech that evening, spoke of the colonial
system, and he said " Have you antinipated the effect which
this alteration in your policy will have upon your c enexion
with the colonies ? And he said, " What is the use of the
colonies if they are not to be markets for your manufactures ? "
Now he ventured to think, very humbly, the; the colonies were
and ever would be an advantage, although they had a compul-
sory market there.—(llear, hear.) But the advantage would
be greater if the market were nct compulsory. Their Lordships
would permit bins to remind them that that questicn was no
longer open. The colonial question to which the Noble Lord
had alluded, was broken down long ago.—(Hear, hear.)
There were now no longsr the differential duties which for-
merly
existed with respect to the admission of manufactures.
The maximum rate of differential duty with the exception of a
very few articles, including tobacco; the differential duty never
exceeded 71. per cent. The constant struggle of this
country was to advance the interests of the colonies.
The colonies imposed higher duties than even the Imperial
legislation, but the colonial system, as described by the Noble
Baror, no longer existed. Well, now, what was the state of
the case with regard to the colonies as to the alterations which
were now about to be made? If his Noble Friend the late Se-
cretary for the Colonies had been present, he would, no doubt,
bear in mind that the only two articles which it was feared by
some might be injured were timber and corn. His Noble
Friend who sat near him (Lord Ashburton) had said that they
were about by this measure to discourage mer-
chandise in the colonies. Now, with respect to corn,
what was the amount of the carrying trade? He held in
his hand, a return to which he begged tie Noble Lords atten-
tion. On the llth of October, 1843, the importation amounted
to 11,480 quarters. In 1844 there were 14,060 quarters. In
June, 1835, there were moret han 13,00 D quarters. He did net
trust simply in these returns, but he relied upon a ditpatch
which had come from his Noble Friend, Lord Cathcart. That
despatch was dated the 26th of March, 1845. It would
be impossible to decide the duty of these returns.
Mr. Baldwin said they wished for no foreign interference, as
they wished the connexion with the mother country to contiue.
He believed that whatever the country might have suffered
from British rule in former times, it was much better now, and
that there was a disposition to do justice.—( Hear, hear.)
These, with the other circumstances he bad alluded to,
were sufficient answers to the alarm which was said to
exist in Canad.a in relation to those commercial principles
He would, however, mention two other facts with reference to
the colonies. In the Legislature of Nova Scotia, when a mes-
sage was delivered in reference to the defences of the country,
the answer was, " Take the sum you want—the whole revenue
if it is necessary." In New Brunswick, 12,000 i. was voted
for the same purpose, and the whole revenue was
placed at the disposal of the Executive for the
et me purpose. This showed the feeling in the
colonies. For himself he entertained a deep interest in these
colonies. As he had spent, though not in an official capacity,
many years of his life there. He had no ;car from any want of
loyalty on their part, and he was sure, should the time come
when their services might be required, they would be as prodi-
gal and loyal of their blood these as they were of their treasure
now. He had now touched on the various points of
this great question, hut before sitting down, he would address a
few words in reference to what had fallen from some Noble Lords
regarding the conduct of her Majesty's Ministers. They had
been called upon to accouut for the adoption of the preamble of
this Bill. He, for one, admitted that it would have been
better if the measure had proceeded from other hands, and none
regretted more thailohe did that the Noble Lord who lead been
called upon to form a Government (Lord John Russell)
ih order to carry a similar measure, had failed in the attempt.
This was the measnre they were called upon to give effect to.
on the conviction that treachery would be charged to them, if
they failed to act. Their Lordships may cause her Majesty's
They might ruin them berfee
Government to change. They might charge
re
respectfully
le them
peoplewith va-
cillation.for
iueonsistedey—but he would submit
points
sly
hto their
Lordships, that even though all thosesP;rci
made, it would not justify such a word as treachery. There
was no man in that House believed mote than he did in thee
high necessity of governing this country by party. He zenog
uised the influence of party, but he recognised a higher oblige-
ion ion still. He had not the honour of a seat in
the Cabinet at the time when it came to a
decision • with respect to the measure then before them,
but he had no desire to avoid the responsibility which rested
on his Noble Friend near him, for that responsibility he
would have
recognised as his right. Would any one say what course he
should have taken had he been a member of the Cabinet at
that time ? Because no roan who was acquoa;tnudhts;plwes.itviahotuhledfancotts
he was,
that occurred could tell what course he
e time. That
htaekteiin id
sfayt;h
and
facts se
think it presumptuou, ap
opinion
known
enndi vua I east
had
dtstebd that their L
of the Cabinet
of the First Minister
when he stated, that inhis there was no difference in
the responsibility
There ryas no difference between the
'
Minister snagez:ing a measur.e,. to his Sovereign,end one who in a
meanest individual in it.
subordinate capacity
aShould it ever be his fate to
in which the alternative
to party, and of giving et.-
^dnering
was placed before him,
be placed in a positioaadgtscuu,cth kind,
'ed. e
feet to a determined and salmiconvict
ion. he should adopt the
course her Majesty's Ministers al advis' H
e
bound to admit that if he adhered to
party while he was bound by duty
teen to live
did walk the earth branded as a traitor to party
in soother way, it would be a thousand times better that he
in the coissciousn ss that if, in adhering to party, he had done
that which was rieht in the eye of the law, while he enter-
tained the cen.,eiousnesa that he was a traitor to Isla
Sovereign, or to the responsibility imposed on him.
—( Hear, hear. ) Ile lolled that he might isever
be placed in so painful a po-ition as that, but if he were,
and he £11,,u1.1 be so compelled, it would not be vasumptuous
in a public man, whose character, like those of all other peblic
men, belonged to the public. He should be
beued not to loose himself from the responsibility be-
longieg in so great a measure to his Nob:e Friend
near hint. He should do so as he had already done and he
should submit to the penalty.—(licar, henr. ) The Noble
Earl then proceeded—l should give my counsels to
my Sovereign and act to the best that which was in my so-
vereign charge. Whenever. I had done to it is most true that
I might be exposed to the indignation of party, but 1 should be
entiLled to stand upright before the high tribunal
of my conscience. Now I have done, but I have to thank
your Lordships for the patience with ich you have listened
to me.—( Cheers.)
I have only one word more. I wish I
could command the eloquence which was made in this House

the other night, by a Noble Friend of mine not now present,
for I would venture to point out the consequences of a rejec-
tion of this measure, and the evils which would arise from
such a course. You must not misunderstand me,
to wish to appeal to your fears, for I know well that fear is the
last passion of the human heart, which would in any degree in-
fluence the decision of the House of Peers. I appeal to your
prudenee and your justice. I appeal to your prudence that
you will not, without the most solemn and sufficient
conviction, reject a measure of the importance of the one
at present before your Lordships.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
I, continued the Noble Earl, appeal to your good sense, to your
justice, not to adopt the recommendation which has been put
to you of a different character, and that which I have been re-
lating to you, and by which you will declare yourselves fixedly
resolved to maintain a particular commercial and fiscal
policy, the effect of which is, say what you will,
and must always be, to impose burdens upon the
many for the benefit of the few.--(Loud cheers.)
I do adjure your Lordships to search closely your hearts before
you come to a decision upon this great question ; I do adjure
your Lordships, in considering it, to blot out from the inner-
most recesses of your hearts every lurking feeling
of self-interest; I do implore you to dismiss from your
minds every lurking prejudice, and satisfy yourselves that you
are sincerely and purely anxious for socuring the common
good.—(Cheers.) if your Lordships adopt that course, I can
anticipate with confidence the result ; and I do fully believe
that if your Lordships pass this measure you will ere long look
back with alarm to the time when you doubted what could
be its effect, and certainly look back with satis-
faction to the :day when you gave your
sanction to it. —(Cheers. ) You will look back upon it with
satisfaction, because you will then be able to feel and to con-
template that you have done all that in you lies to remove a
reproach upon the legislature of this country; that you have
done all that in you lies to sympatise with the poor in their rug-
ged path through life; that you have done all that in you lies
to mitigate the primeval cause—that you have done all that in
you lies to soften the hard fate of those whose lot it is to earn
their bread by the sweat of their brow.—(The Noble Earl' sat
down amidst tremendous cheering.)
The Duke of BEAUFORT apologised for obtruding himself
upon their Lordships at that advanced hour of the morning,
but be felt it to be his duty to state the course
he intended to pursue upon this most important occasion.
He objected to the present measure on two grounds, first,
because obviously impolitic; second, because it was unjust.
He considered it impolitic, because it left the country de-
pendent for the supply of food upon foreign countries. Had
the measure been brought forward by Noble Lords
opposite, he would not have felt so strong an
objection to it. He objected to the tariff when that measure
was brought forward, but he was told at that time that he
knew nothing at all about it, and to have patience, and he
would get his boots, and gloves, and every thing else cheaper;
that the rents would be the same, and that corn would remain
untouched. There was one case where this Bill would ope-
rate most unfavourably. He had an estate in one part of the
country which brought him in 5,000/. a year. His tenants
were all small farmers, and he could not turn them off. One
family had been for three hundred years on that
estate, and the other had been for four hundred
years. He felt prouder of those tenants than of any
ancestral honours he could boast of, and he would rather cut
his arm off than part with one of them.—(Cheers.) The
Noble and Learned Lord, who spoke on the other evening,
said that the tenant farmers were perfectly indifferent in this
matter. The Noble and Learned Lord was a great authority
on most questions, and he (the Duke of Beauford) was
always very willing to concede to his opinion ; but
in this instance he must dissent frem him. They
proved that they were in earnest in the South Nottingham
election, where they formed themselves into a Committee
and returned the Hon. and Gallant Member who now repre-
sented them, free of all expenses, and most bitterly did he
lament that the name which would go down as the brightest of
that age would be associated with a measure which he be-
lieved would inflict irreparable ruin to the country.
The DUKE of WELLINGTON—I cannot allow my
Lords that this question should be put from the Woolsack with-
out addressing a few words upon the vote which you are about to
give. I address you under many disadvautages ; under
that of appearing before you as a Minister of
the Crown pressing this measure on your adoption, which
I know to be disagreeable to all with whom I have been living
in terms of personal intimacy and friendship. But I felt
myself bound in duty to my Sovereign not to with-
hold my support upon an occasion like the present.
But I have taken part with my Right Hon. Friend in this
measure, because I was aware it was one which he was resolved
to carry out. It is n,,t necessary that I should enter further
into a detail of the circumstances connected with this transac-
tion. I know that I rise here to-night with a
considerable degree of prejudice against me ; be
that as it may, I beg to tell your Lordships
that the same course which I then pursued I would again
pursue if the same thing was to be done over again, and it is a
course which I conceive I, in gratitude to her Majesty, in
whose service I have the honour to be, am bound to take. It
may he true, and perhaps it is true, that I ought
to have no relation with party in this House,
and that party ought to have no relaticn
with me. That, my Lords, is just as you may think primer,
but I feel satisfied with the justice of the motives by which 1
have been actuated ; and I would be sorry to think they caused
any dissatisfaction in your minds. I know I have no claim upon
Sou for the confidence you have reposed in me for many years
past—a confidence which enable me to transact the business of
this House, that has been intrusted to me from time to time.
But, my Lords, I will not omit even on this night, possibly the
last i n which I shall ever venture to address to you any advice
again —1 will not omit giving you my counsel as to the
vote which you should give on this occasion. My Lords,
my Noble Friend, whose absence this night I lament, and
who addressed you a few nights ago, urged you in
the strongest manlier to vote against the measure,
and told you in terms which I cannot imitate that it was your
duty to step in and protect the public from rash and inconside-
rate measures which might he passed by the other House of
Parliament, and which should in your opinions be inconsistent
with the views and opinions of the public. My Lor. s, there
is no doubt, whatever, that it is your duty well to
consider ail measures that are brought before yon, and
that you should give your vote upon them as you
think proper, and most particularly to vote against those which
appear to me rash and inconsiderate. But 1 beg leave to point
out to your Lordships that it is your duty to consider cell the
consequences of any vote which you may give upon any sub.
ject in this House, and to consider well the situation in which
roe place this House by the vo'es which you give. My
Lords, this has been the practice of the House or,
previous occasions, and I have myself more than once pre-
vailed upon the House to vote for measures upon which the
Members of the other House have pronounced positive
op;nions. Now, my Lords, I beg you to look a little at
the measure upon which you are going to give your vote,
and look at the manner in which this measure has come
before you, and at the consequences which are likely
to follow from your rejection of it.—( Hear, hear.)
It should be recollected that this measure was recommended
in the Queen's speech, that it had been passed by a large maja-
rity of the House of Commons, that majority comprising more
than one-half of the whole of the House of Commons. This is
the more valuable, because it does' not interfere in
any way with her Majesty's prerogative. Noble Lords
might say that in consequence of this decision of
the House of Commons, the Government might be in
danger. But that was not the subject of consideration,
and it mattered little whether this fact was proved by the re-
sult or not, and the real consideration was whether this House
would approve of the decision or not. It should be recollected
that decision came from the recommendation of the Crown,
that the Bill was unopposed, and that it came on upon the re-
commendation of the other branch of the Legislature. The
House of Lords stands alone, and I think that in the considera-
tion of this question that deference ought to be paid to public
opinion. If the Lords refuse to take the course of the Com-
mons, the effect will be to reduce the power of the constitu-
tion. Let 11.3 take the effect of the rejection of this
Bill. I believe that the results of the rejection of
the measure will be infinitely useful in bringing
up the opinions of the other House of Legislature.
I must conclude in that case that another Government would be

formed, but whether there was another Government or not,
this measure would again be brought before you
during the next Administration. What would you do in
that case ? Would you reject it a second time ? Do you mean
to go on that way, discussing the measure in another
Parliament three or four months longer ? But the Noble
Lord (Lord Stanley), And the Noble Duke (the Duke of
Richmond) have said that Parliament should be dissolved—
(Loud cries of " Hear, bear," from the cross benches)—in
order to see whether the constituencies that re-
turned another House of Commons agreed to the
measure.—( Hear.) If the Noble Lords have really
so much confidence in the results of another election, and think
public opinion is as much in their favour, why should they not
rely on the election which in the ordinary course of the law
will take place in a little more than twelve months ? You might
test the principle of the law which will not come
into operation till after three years —in 1849.
that Parliament can take into consideration this measure, with-
out interfering with the prerogative of the Crown, or calling
on the Crown to dissolve Parliament immediately. You
hrve before you two alternatives. You may dissolve
Parliament, and have the Bill again brought up before
you, or pass the Bill now. You shall have
an election before it comes into operation—when will be the

proper time to appeal to Parliament to prevent the provisions
of the measure coming into operation at the end of three

years.—( Cheers. )

- Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and their Lord•
ships divided, when there appeared,
Contents Present . 138
Proxies.. 73

-211
Non Contents present
Proxies 3B
—164

Majority for the second reading
The Bill was then ordered to be committed en the 11th of
June.

Their Lordships then adjourned at five o'clock to the 4th
of June.

HOUSE OF COMMONS,
May 28.
The SPEAXIER. took the Chair at Four o'clock.
Several Railway Bills were advanced a stage.
The Manchester and Birmingham Continuation and Welsh
Junction Railway Bill was withdrawn.
The Railway Companies' Bill was read a second time and
ordered to be committed.

THE ANDOVER UNION.
Lord COURTENAY moved that the Select Committee on
the Andover Union should have leave to report the minutes of
evidence taken before them from time to time.
After some discussion the House divided upon the motion,
when there appeared—
For the motion
16
Against it
Majority against the
fiction 81
...... —65
BRIDPORT ELECTION.
On the question, that the decision of the Committee on the
Bridport Election should ha reconsidered, some considerable
di-cussion took place, in which Mr. llindley, Mr. Bankes, the
Solicitor-General, Mr. T. Duncombe, Sir W. James, Sir
De Lacy Evans, Sir R. Peel, Mr. flume, Mr. Law, Mr.
Stuart Wortley, and Mr. Wakley took part, and upon a di-
vision thea majorityg estion off 3,2 re, ;:tohneiri de ebrei ningg thefor
the decision
reconsideration w as neg a-
46'4vT.rdiaienbdyn'egptnt'toift 6thoe. Committee of Supply on the Aliseel-
lar,e.; us Estimates was brought up and agreed to, and the other
the day 'leing disposed of, the House adjourned at
ordersTs.ientyoflliLutes to Eight o clock.

.v.,,at his
record the decease of one of the oldest baronets In IT,:
DEATFI OF SIR JOHN TREVELYAN P
ettispiid.eysitro i —Anr
John Trevtlyan, who expired on the 23trioinets in
seat, Netilecombe Court, Somerset, at the advanced a^e
was the soli of the fourth Baronet by the daughter of P. sB' He
Esq. Ile succeeded to the title in 1828, having Previously married
the daughter of Sir T. S. Wilson, Bart., an eminent city merZied
lie was a Deputy-Lieutenant for Northumberland, in which county,
as well as in Somerset, he held estates, which, with the title, go to
his son, Walter Calverly, born in 1797. The baronetcy was created
in the reign of Charles the Second, being conferred by that monarch
ova a member of the faintly in ret,:rn for the. services rendered by
them to the royal party in opposin:g the republican forces_under
Fairfax and Cromwell.
Lord Stanley is suffering from slight indisposition,
and was in consequence prevented front dining with the Duke nod
Duchess of Beaufort, on Wednesday last,
1