The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-17 00:00:00

fulxening

LONDON, FRIDAY. JULY 17, 1846.

The proceedings last night in both Houses of Par-
liament were highly interesting. In the House of
Commons the most important feature was the an-
nouncement made by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, that he
will on Monday next state the scheme of the Govern-
ment with reference to the Sugar Duties. His
Lordship figured out his general arrangement of
public business, which necessarily led him to allude
to several measures which have been kept in a state
of suspension, as well in the Lords as in the Com-
mons, by the recent change of Ministry. But all of
these may be hastily dismissed from our minds, to be
only hereafter referred to if necessary, since it is now
quite manifest, from the course enunciated and de-
cided on by the Cabinet, that the remainder of the
session will be entirely devoted to the consideration of
the sugar duties. Neither cantwe be sur,prised that such
will be the cue. Looking to the maginitude of the

question, the extent of the interests likely to be !
affected, the eagerness with which the public at large
expect and covet an alteration that shall place within
their reach, cheaply and abundantly, an article,
one of the first necessaries of life—looking also to
the candid admission of Lord JOHN, that his intended
proposition is likely to be keenly opposed, and to the
present shattered and disorganised state of parties in
the Commons, it is clear from these premises, viewed
in connexion with the late period of the session, that
the subject which will be broached on Monday next
will monopolise the attention of Parliament, to the
practical exclusion of legislation, during the present
year, upon all other matters, how important soever
they may severally be, and undoubtedly are.
Still we highly commend the course which the Pre-
mier has determined on adopting. It is straightfor-
ward, honest, and consistent. He might have spe-
ciously pleaded his recent accession to power, the ad-
vanced state of the session, the great experiment
upon the revenue, about to be worked by the change
effected in the corn-laws, the desirableness of caution,
and such like, as so many grounds for postponing till
next year any measure in relation to sugar. But,
satisfied of the soundness of the principles he has for
years advocated in furtherance of freedom of trade,
Lord J. RUSSELL manfully repudiates any timorous
or shuffling policy, and resolutely confiding in the
good sense of the country, he will, undeterred by
the persuasion, perhaps, that he has not a majority
in the House of Commons, fearlessly follow
in the wake of Sir R. PEEL, and strike down
the powerful remaining barrier against the civilising
influences of unrestricted commerce. We are quite
certain that, in point of principle, Lord JOHN ought to
succeed. The arguments used in favour of a repeal
of the corn duties tell with equal, nay, greater
force, in favour of extinguishing the differential
duties on sugar. Should it, however, eventuate
that party intrigues, inveterate prejudices, and selfish
views, severally unite to defeat the Ministry, we are
confident that Lord J. RUSSELL is not the man who
would hesitate to appeal to the country, in order to
obtain the requisite support to enable him to carry
his measure. Sir R. PEEL told the Commons dis-
tinctly that, had he failed in passing his Corn Bill, he
would have recommended the Crown to dissolve the
Parliament. Sir R. PEEL would have been fully
justified had he been driven to advise such a course,
and Lord Joust will not be less so, should cir-
cumstances dictate its necessity.
We hope that in the approaching discussion we shall
not be nauseated with any squeamish arguments upon
the " morality" of giving a preference to the produce
of free over slave-labour sugar. If the distinction be
a just ground for preference or prohibition, it should,
to be consistent, be carried out to the full, and the
result would be that the commerce of England
would be annihilated in a year. Cotton, tobacco,
coffee, &c., would have to be placed in the same
schedule with sugar. The true way to abolish
slavery in other countries is by stimulating their in-
tercourse as much as possible, through the medium
of commerce, with civilised nations. The commerce
of goods cannot be maintained without a commerce of
the mind. This intellectual interchange, by virtue of
reason, and not by compulsion, will, in a natural
way, lead to the voluntary emancipation of millions
of slaves, and ultimately diffuse the blessings of
civilisation to the remotest regions of the earth.

Thanks to the laudable curiosity of Mr. TnoMAs
DUNCOMBE and the agreeable candour of Lord Jouri
RUSSELL, all uncertainty as to the abstract principles
and the general intentions of the new Government
are thoroughly and, we hope, permanently dispelled.
We employ the expression " uncertainty" advisedly,
because notwithstanding the present Prime Minister
had, by a protracted and consistent Parliamentary
career, associated his name very conspicuously with the
most comprehe naive of all legislative policies, it,
nevertheless, became a matter of no inconsiderable
dubiousness whether this member of the Cabinet or
that member of the Cabinet might not have become
infected by that contagion of political tergiversation
which has latterly been raging with so much violence.
Parties were amalgamated, trodden down, scattered,
and metamorphosed ; the whole arena of Parliament
had lapsed into the most astonishing confusion ;
the elements of Government had fallen • into their
primitive chaos ; a system of legislation altogether
novel in its character and proportions had to be
created out of the debris of its predecessors—and
hence we conceive that uncertainty was justifiable in
the popular mind, and that inquisitiveness was even
laudable in the Hon. Member for Finsbury. Like
the phantom lady is Chi;istabei, the scattered condi-
tion of our representatives (a condition consequent
upon the annihilation of all party distinctions), was
a catastrophe that

" 0, 'twas frightful there to see!"
Yet was it not likewise, considering the beneficent
results to the development of which it would inevit•
ably conduce—was it not like that ghostly heroine of
COLERIDGE,

" Beautiful exceedingly ?"
For these reasons we cannot regard otherwise than
with sentiments of exultation, that naïve ex-
clamation of Mr. DUNCOMBE" Just look at
the state of the House now! Nobody knows
exactly where to sit." May that indecision
as to the existence or the locality of partizanship con-
tinue; may our Legislators lose all recollection of
theoretical partialities, and combine earnestly with
each other to work out practical good for the empire !
Dereliction of duties would then become a. phrase to be
erased from the political dictionary ; the passion for
place-hunting would be forgotten in the passion for
ensuring prosperity to the multitude, and the House
of Commons would in reality become the Assembly
of the Tribunes of the People.
We acknowledge, however, that it watt salutary
the precise intentions of the new Government should
be disclosed ; it was salutary, on every account, that
the Cabinet should predicate somewhat of its
futurity. The precise groove along which the
RUSSELL Administration was destined to travel might
readily be conjectured, but it had never been expli-
citly indicated. Mr. Dinicomiiim sympathised with
the anxiety of the population, and demanded some
definite explanation from the Premier. Lord JOHN
RUSSELL, though averse to the imp ctrittive tone of
this inquiry, as altogether unwarranted by precedent,
and also as a kind of imputation u.pon the con-

sistency and prominence of his persona

career during a continuance of more than thirty
years in Parliament, nevertheless comprehended the
urgency of the circumstances by which it 'vas elicited;
and gratified the prevalent curiosity by an most ela-
borate reply. Altogether we confes s ourselves
satisfied with the explanation of Lord JOHN
RUSSELL.noo rh e e
grievances;iLn oorvdaW.
stwiyeeAe
dcesmoopuuii In;
st
tud
hrundaaptvoioeonunbwettieeosdrhtl
ehyadianhvt ahe vee e:
ielwetoteishe
biktineentd th
e
Noble endont
Lord
dae
himself to have spoken with more explra- •it distinct-
ness, and a more resolute emphasis, !Ton individual
questions of improvement. Butt taking his explana-
tion as a whole, we confess ourselves
address will be perusedzy it
mworheunTerastisallfiye d. That
,andwe
will undertake to
° universal in-
terest, as the forerunner of a
legislation, than perhaps any first address everw 'era In
uttered
by a Prime Minister of Great Britain. While the
policy which it unfolds is of a singularly reforrogory
and liberalised character, it is nevertheless mot jelled
upon caution. Forethought is the very skeleton W the
Ministerial principles, and beyond this ad mar-
able characteristic the RUssELL Administratio n is
remarkable, as we have repeatedly insinuated, for a
total abnegation of party. Insomuch is this conspi-
cuous, that the First Lord of the Treasury act= ow-
leges to having endeavoured to associate with hitt tself
several members of the late Government, because in
them he recognised most efficient and patriotic states-
men, and because, between them and himself he
perceived a broad coincidence in' principles. That,
we conceive, is a circumstance wor thy of being chro-
nicled
ithin trheefearneneneals of legislation ;
with Ministry
general f g
t is a proceeding
th
many
y of being commemorated in hiistory.
to the programme 4'i the pre-
sentitems will Ize welcomed
satisfaction. For emos t among
measures
saswiths regard be
ardto w
Among a v hieh are
intentions
ure
e n
ti
propounded_ is the one,
of course, relating to the
sugar &dies, the
measures likewise which remained
ariety of those
we are rejoiced to find Etil,
-11 E pRT -postponed until,
Monday evening next.
destined to be supported by the new% ,anat cbao
and
severalde pt l. eh tei
sud
col-
leagues,paoor Upon
the retirement of Sir 110