The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-17 00:00:00

eoetton? The burden of one-tenth would increase the cost to barley, not made into malt, for the purpose of fattening lof St. Albans, praying the House not to pass the mea-
tshamconsumer. Supposing that another mill. were built in the cattle. In Germany, where there are no fiscal regulations to • sure proposed by Government with reference to free
owner-of-that
town subject to no tithe tax or burden, would not the affect the practice of fattening cattle with malt, that article is I trade.
-of-that mill be enabled to undersell the first owner, who not used. He entreated their. Lordshipsnot to urge the Go- I Mr. 0. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from the
hadtithesburdens
to pay? They were, then, looking at those things vernment to meddle with the malt-tax. In the whole scale county of Cork approving of the pre eat measures of
a to be borne by the agricultural community of this of duties, none pressed so little upon the public as the malt-
e..eu.ntry,. while they would be exposed to foreign competition ; tax. Beer, after all, is only a luxury. There are other her Majesty's Government. The petitioners stated that
they were engaged in manufactures, and that as they
tad he would ask, were not the burdens they bore sufficient to luxuries to the labouring classes, upon which he would rather
neither had, nor desired to have, any. protection on their
Warrant their asking for protection against foreign competi- see the duty diminished—tea, coffee, sugar—all these would
tion? If a stack of corn was brought into the market, which be illinately more to the advantage of the labouring classes if trade, they prayed the House to abolish all protection to
agricultu re.
trackc had been raked on ground that paid one-tenth of its pro- the duties were reduced upon these instead of the malt They 1
ne, exclusive of the charges of cultivation, could it compete are ail already too high for the purposes of revenue. Be had Mr. W. MILES presented several petitions from
t7otth a stack raised on ground easily cultivated and subject to heard with regret and much alarm of the proposal of an in- Somersetshire against the present Government scheme.
atebu!'den whatever ? The Noble Lord who opened that de- creased property-tax. There had been of late a great ten- He also presented a petition from distillers in
forms of very properly made a distinction with regard to the dency to remove indirect taxation and place in its stead assstem the southern parts ef Scotland, in which the petitioners
t',ozsot taxation, and he would avail himself of that distinc- of direct taxation.—( Hear, hear.) It had bees stated that stated that they had embarked all their capital,
. e foro the taxes paid by the corn-growers were not for the the •poor-law imposed upon real property a tax equal to 12 per in their present trade, and that if the present measure
eautieonnt
atf a certain class or district, but for the benefit of the cent. It must, however, be borne in mind that this charge of her Majesty's Government were carried into effect,
large, and he would ask which of the two stacks of was not exclusively upon land; houses, canals, and railways paid
not only themselves, but all in their employ would be ine-
weuhT2oth.et one free from burden and the other heavily taxed— a large proportion. The exemption with reference to stock in
vitably ruined, alai they therefore prayed the House
401.`a_i_ ! hem could be sold at the lowest rate ? Was it trade extended equally to the stock and capital of the that right for the agricultural community to ask for farmer as to the tradesman or manufacturer; but it would be to persist in theirpresent measure. not
ea telief.that would give them an opportunity of fair attended with great ti fficulty to ascertain the value of the in- Lord WORSLEY presented a petition from Notting-
Lo:_etition with the foreign grain ? ( Hear, hear.) come of each party resident in the parish. The Noble Lord ham against the proposal of the Government, and in
4`,,,_.a,. his Noble Friend went on to say, " Oh, but by the corn•-• ( Lord Beaumont) had given them a very formidable list of favour of protection to native industry. The measure
(T7_atetton the tithes are no longer a land burden, because they the burdens on land, not excluding the militia-rate, which has of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Go-
een.,?nsidered in the price of the land—it is no longer a bur- not. however, been levied for some years, and which I hope vernment was in direct contradiction to those
rail. Now he (Lord Stanley) would again return to his si- wi'l not be levied again.—( Hear, hear.) Land in this coun- principles which had brought him into office, and the
if on'a.,rid he would ask this question. They would admit that try. bears a much higher value than it does in America or othere petitioners prayed that before the measure was passed
the tth was paid by one mill, and nothing by another, that countries. In the western parts of Americathefinest prairi into law the country might be appealed to through the
proprietors of each were not placed upon equal terms. The land may be purchased for . four dollars (about 45.) an acre. - .
medium of a general election; they felt confident that
his mutation takes place : the first mill• owner does not wish Now land of an equal quality in this country would let at a
a Ministt would
otuhenurbee. formed which would continue
in . uustry to be interfered with ; he does not wadi to be taxed price of from 40s. to 50s. an acre. What causes this difference?
roAter'ett..ooY_to_erri lt
toeinryseattion to his success; he wishes to compound with the Why does land in this country yield as an annual rent about P
Ytarui.,.'s "'et's, taking the average of his rise in the last five ten times as much as the sum for which in America you could 1 •
_FH_OI"!,NE.LY presented a petition from Finiston,
era,•
.."d the average prices the produce was sold at. But purchase the whole fee-simple of a similar quantity and quality in Staffordshire, in favour of free trade generally; and
out dust commutation, although faille and clearly made in America? Simply on account of the large population of clip bhe petitioners prayed that the repeal of the corn-laws
"
is beat net remove the burden; the burden remained count'', great markets, and -good roads. his these which might be immediate.
paid , a burden when paid in a certain sum as when give an increased value to land, and it is upon these circum-
.An Hoer. MEMBER presented petitions from sixty-
three parishes in Herefordshire, against the measures of
harden"' produce. Nay, it remained a greater stances which of all others Mr. Cleo. Robins, or any_ other
melte, and hie. Noble Friend was going beyond a paradox in most eloquent auctioneer, would delight te expatiate. In this her Majesty's Government, and in favour of native
ind.ustr.y. ,
be fere''!g that it was no burden at all. He trusted he might case then, if these circumstances tend to improve the value of
Noble fors
for thus trying to controvert the argument of his the estate, is it not perfectly fair that the burdens should be
inhabitantslentioes. MEMBER presented a. petition, sinned by 920
blltut
he:,eretdiiend. He felt himself obliged to protest against it, borne by the owners?—( Hear, hear. ) He considered, taking
of the town of Wellington, praying for the
oiinced that the Government did not intend to offer the whole of the circumstances into his consideration, that the
le're.°P•P"ilian to the motion. Be rejoiced that it would be present burdens upon land were nothing more than removal of all restrictions on food.—(Hear.) I
by the House ; hut, at tie same time, be could payments for value received. He should not there:ore Mr. ORD presented a petition from the shipowners of
the Pint° that Committee without protesting against one of object to this Committee. But he warned Noble Lords not to Ne,ecastle in favour of the Government measure.
tie, iv`e'Poasition„f the Noble Lord, that he introduced this mo- carry the inquiry too far. And there are many persons who Mr. FERGUSON presented a petition from Mon-
PrOtee:o U'e he considered that the question of the abolition of will not be wanting, in pursuing that inquiry, to expatiate very mouthshire and other places, praying that the measure
%setter 11 Was already settled.—( Great cheering.) While he largely upon the information which that report may furnish. of her Majesty's Government respecting a repeal of the
other ed th the Noble Lord in thinking that on this and They would consider that the proportions of the burthen on co-n-laws *might not pass into a law.
delibellestions the opinion and voice of the country, calmly, land in this country was not so much as it was either in France
'Mr HUME presented a petition from several places
tamed atelY, and seriously expressed, aye, and stedfast'ly main- or in Austria. When the land-tax was first imposed in 1692, . Scotland" .
in in favour of the measure now proposed by
;bib, ' °tight and would ir fiuenee the deCi‘ions os' their Lord- there was a tax of four shillings in the pound; that tax remains
her Majedy's Government.
Iserrita,„"d the other House,. he also agreed witih the Noble the same at the present period, notwithstanding the value of
this sac there should be no doubt in a question of this vast, land—as appeared in the returns made to the House of Cora- Mr. HU rT presented a petition from one of the
t'arltnense Importance, that the sense of the country and of mons—was increased to the value of eighty-five millions ; and largest ship-owners in Hull, praying that the measures
tad lae;eent were in favour of a change • for its agitation that excluding a great amount of income under 1501. per of her Majesty's Government may pass into a law, as it
Rood, --(nePlishment, unless productive' of undoubted annum. He should not therefore oppose the motion of the woulit have a salutary effect on the ship building of this
LtNate could not fail to be an undoubted evil. Noble Lord. country, which was in a very depressed state at present,
diei
~,,,e‘r might be the result of .the question of protection, Lord ASHBURTONconsidered it paradoxical that the charge in consequence of the duty on timber.
~chits ;"'• do away with the argumentargumentActJ. presentedpetitionsreasonable
—(H. eear, he.ar. ) was a burden, while after the passingotthe Actitceasedtobe so. f e 4. ' . ,
of
avour or a total and immediate repeal the corn-laws.
hat he Protest avanst being supposed to agree in the opinion Their Lordships were aware that before the Tithes Commute-
e, , Mr. C URTEIS presented a petition from Eastbourne,
Nine. question of the policy of the eorn-'awe rested in the tion Act, tithes were virtually commuted. 'I 'be mod-tax was •
to the same effect.
btis:l7teirlttelneteirreee on any particular interest' or. individual bod thrown over by the Noble Lord himself. The poor-law was
Mr. BRIGHT presented petitions from places in
tall eelm prove that the landlords and farmers shall receive kept up in America in the same state as it was kept up here.
compensation, both in their individual and pecu. The statutes of Elizabeth, in respect of the poor-laws, were Northumberland. Cheshire, 'Worcestershire, Kent, Dor-
t)ro 1
,ere,ts still he would not consider the question of the observed in that country. He would say with respect to the setshire, and Staffordshire, to the same effect,
ttote'es":l settl'ed. The abolition of the corn-laws was a ques- land changes—leave them as they are, but give compensation Lord.PALMERSTON presented two petitions from
Perst.;;`,ais opinion, that rested on conclusions far beyond the to those lands which had m meet such burdens. With respect Scotland to the same effect.
t° be t` or
Pecuniary' interests Of any class or party. It was to protection, or compensation, or whatever else their Lord- Mr. GISBORNE presented a petition from New.
liti..it,escoe_n.aidered, not in a pecuniary or individual sense, but ships wished to call it, it was not only due to the land,. bat if castle-on-Tyne to the same effect.
uterest. ''„s 011 the great social, moral, political, and material they attempted
.to take ,it off they would throw
.mueh of the
Sir R. PEEL presented a petition to a similar effect
Tht ;,at the country.—(Cheers.)
from Tam worth.—(Hear, hear) The petitioners con-
land out of cultivatien. There was ne comparison between
i' siotis'elte of RICHMOND must, like the Noble*Lord ented the land of this country and the land of America. In the rich
sidered that the measure proposed by her Majesty's Go-
-14,t 11's;rProteSt to that which the Noble Lord (Stanley)' bar prairies. of that country land was nothing, but labour was
vernment would give an impetus to agriculture
,`'kre takes, Ile considered the inquiry now sought for should everything.
,°Po %Place earlier He would not believe that the Bills Lord BE AUM ONT, in reply, said, the Noble Lord had and tend to diffuse plenty throughcut the land, ar.id. there.
hqieelieeZtltovrbe brought from the other House, to do away with stated that the cost of keeping up turnpike roads was not a bur- fore they desired to see it passed. This petition was
Id receive their sanction. He could not den on land. Now the cost of keeping these roads amounted signed by the Mayor and several of the Town Council.
'pkelthat their Lordships would make so sudden a change as to 2,500,000/, and of that from 1,200,0001. was defrayed out The Right Hon. Baronet presented petitions from Dun-
it the °tubers in the other House; but that they would throw of the funds raised from land. • fermline, the Corporation of Glasgow, Renfrewshire,
de taken raeasures, in order that the sense of the country might The motion, with the addition, was then agreed to. Pollock, and Boston, in Lincolnshire to the same effect.
;,%keeit.ernen.ll them. —( Hear, hear.) It might be said that great The Duke of WELLINGTON was quite satisfied, now that
THE ADJOURNED DEBATE.
~.!
ti,-Corn-law
existed out of doors ; but who were its authors? the Committee was appointed, no unnecessary delay would. that
On the order of the day for resuming the adjourned
,-a,_ trlodi,-Corn-law League.—( Hear, hear.) It had been take place, but that the result of the inquiry would be laid on
debate being read,
Oa h. °Y the Noble Lord, that if the measure passed into the table as soon as possible.
'QM 's would do his best not to set class against. class; on Lori BEAUMONT intimated that no time would be lost in Lord MARCH said ha could assure the House that
Tal.at rosukkieet, however, he (the Duke of Richmond) could laying the report on the table. tw -s not his intention to enter at any great length
it tote ia„rlY ilsromise.—(Hear, hear.) The responsibility ADMINISTRATION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE BILL. into the consideration of the question then before
te;eiy wouidath his hands, but in that of the Government. .On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, the Admi- it, or to trouble them with any statistical de-
withet of
deep
pe scorned to laetray their leader, but with the nistration of Criminal Justice Bill was read a third time. tails, as Honourable Members who preceded him
injurywhich they were likely to sustain, The Duke of RICHMOND moved for certain returns re- on Friday night had gone so fully into the
ige,,eafrefing that their families and themselvs were to b garding local taxation from the year 1821 to 1845.—Agreed to. matters that he should consider it presumptuous in him-
Oee, -",,lci ruin and the workhouse by the acts of that The Earl of ST. GERMANS brought in a Bill for the self to follow in. that course. At the close of the de-
titi_4) How could they feel any confidence in him.—(Hear, better protection of life and property in Ireland, which was bate on Friday night a Noble Lord, Ste Member for
tjeleett'aew
declarecould the honest farmer who had heard men from read a first time. .
Dungannon, astonished him (Lord March) not a
they were for protection, and protection The second reading was appointed for Monday next.
10,y11 ~,,y.s that
little indeed (Hear and a laugh) although
" maintain, and had seen them in the House of 'fhe other Bills on their Lordships' table were then moosad-
\i,lk,iae.lesert the cause they bad promised to support, rely vanced a stage, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past irom the recent conversions that he had noticed
he ought not to feel surprised.--(Hear, hear.)
eonst Jcvn, those in whom they had placed their confidence'? Nine o'clock.
lesest ,„ti'd they think, when they saw the places of That Noble Lord, in the short period of one month, had
e." promise
who resisted the measure, filled up by those who HOUSE OF (70MMONS, Monday, Feb. 16. made two speeches in that house, one on either side of
ti)'_tildai2'ed to defend, but had afterwards deserted them? The SPEAKER took the chair at five minutes before the plestion.-4" Hear," and a laugh.) However, it
CY reop be blamed, if, under circumstances like these, Four o'clock. was not for him (Lord March) to say to what that
ieeP a th,ured to take a leaf out of the Anti-Corn-law League? NEW MEMBER. - change in his ideas was owing • but he should
t,,,stlitersli',Touten marty had abstained from sending itinerant
Mr. FINCH took the oaths and his seat for the county say that he did not seem to have attended to
te's agan the facturing districts to excite the opera-
tli*e do ft their employers?—but had the Anti-Corn-law of Rutland, in. the room of Mr.-llawnay, who has ac- the debate, for hie speech had been al-
'r aste the same ? No ; they had not. They had sent cepted the Chiltern Hundreds, most one-sided. The Hon. Member for Bridport had
s 'Rbt urers into every agricultural district, who bad, if he THE GOVERNMENT POLICY. made a statement, and he (the Noble Lord) wished to
t"et's e all Owed to use the term, blackguaaded all the land- Sir JOHN HANMER presented four petitions from
.urge on him the necessity which every man of honour
' °'4l
i 'teat • flrmers of the country. They, however, were not In that House would admit to be correct, that no man
_tort, with th• the inhabitants of Hull, in favour of the financial and
Should make a statement in that House withoutbeing fully
tte , ts, but went further, and told the labourers that commercial policy of the Government. The Hon. Mem-'e a I'd bur II as straw. Their people had never
rasa °Ythin n as. we . ber also presented a fleth petition, praying the Govern- Noblet-invinced of its truth and accurrcy. 11e stated. that a
soo teaetw g of this sort ; they had never sent men into the
ment to take into consideration the duties on tea. Duke, who was a member of the Administration that
liketlP,h to ',l",';' districts, 'although it might have been easy
RAILWAY BUSINESS. passed the Reform Act, threatened to-swamp the House of
to steel .0 so, to tell the operative that cotton and such Lords. He must appeal to the Hon. Member whether the
t„, es ere The following railway Bills were read a second
k grsr, would fire as well as straw, or to set the operative time, Noble Duke did not resign his seat in the Cabinet when
ler ose ;'''te in large bodies to coerce tiler employers, and he and ordered to be committed viz.:— .
such principles were broached, and he was sure that if
tit...stle th:9red they would never do so, but would rather York and North Midland Railway (Whitby and Pick-
the Hon. Member was present, he would bear him out
heq' Was
e,nignified course of appealing to Parliament in a tone eriog Extension). .
in that statement.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the
o"iittled',4lee honourable, loyal, and constitutional. But Blackburn, Chorley, and Liverpool Railway.
plvv,tatol,:.aeir Lordships not to be induced to vote for the Liverpool, Ormekirk, and Preston Railway. Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, would
elr`e'lng
rt:t measure in the hope that it would be the means of Blackburn and Preston Railway. bear him out in that statement. Now, with regard to the
tre'ss tieeew_a agitation. They might depend upon it that Ashburton, Newton, and South Devon Railway. immediate question before the House, he believed that it
i, arli4f did or ever would produce moration in or out would be the ruin of the agricultural classes of this
North Staffordshire (Harecastle and Sandbach a''t tar ut• T're Anti-Corn-law Leagu edemaght tell them Railway - country. It was said that free trade would be of im-
Nild Y l'k " .• line).
ea ns „, ' ed about their dissolution, but he believed they
tel? other dissolve until they had destroyed the Church, and North Staffordshire Railway (Churnet Valley line). mense advantage to Ireland. This he could not believe,
1.0r4 a 3, a institution which they themselves were prepared to East Lincolnshire Railway. for he had not heard of the-Hon. and Learned Member
for Cork taking part in the debate. During the five
letad,s444 detend.---( Hear, hear, and laughter.) A Noble Epsom and Dorking Railway. , nights the question had engross, d the attention of that
Th ,a 'lee., d• spoken in the course of the evening, had asked Forth Kent Railway.
11 e etosi""tt respectine the law of settlement in Scotland. North Kent Railway (City Extension). House, the Hon. and Learned Member had
,
tithe fluke rd said there were great defects in that law, and London and South-Western Railway (Hampton Court not risen in his place to state that her Ma-
ter„---(11„," of Richmond) to a certain extent, agreed with Branch). jesty's Ministers were about to confer a great advantage
• estas ear
tile uer d hear.) The Noble Lord, however, should London and South-Western Railway (London-bridge on Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and . Learned
iii: lois os_ 'oat It was Parliament that was respon- Member had done no such thing. The Right Hon.
Eitension).
14!ut,i`e7 existence of the defects.—(Hear.) A Bill upon Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Ministers had said
London and South-Western Railway (Chertsey and
tad
the
wees passed last year, and he could not help think- that the agriculturists should lay out more capital on
tie, n,_, st te,i‘eehle Lord would have better served his purpose Eghem Bra,nch)
the 4 , ots complaint there. With respect to the malt- London and South Western Railway (Epsom Branch). their land in order to make it more profitable. He had
said that the agriculturists did not yet know what great
ski uork,e. "1 not follow his Noble Friend upon this branch of Staines and Richmond Junction Railway.
benefits were to be. derived by the improvements in
Of 414:1 arson He was aware that great difference of opinion Grand Junction Railway (Huy ton and Warrington
chemistry, as applied to land—that they were . yet
pro malt. gst the farmers of the country upon the subject Branch).
h4tosed toetax, but Noble Lords must remember that the Manchester and Birmingham Railway. in their infancy. He (the Hon. Member) m.,intained
deal Lasure of the Government would render this tax a Mr. W. PATTEN wished to bring under the attention that if they were in their infancy, they required protection
%.,,,quot,4"eavier than it ever had been. The Noble Lord The Secretary of State for the Home Department, in the
of the House the proceedings of Parliamentary agents
hae7,4ta, a a number of professors, and amongst them Mr. speech which he made the other night, stated that the
with respect to the in of their Bills
lot !It, to rap not very likely to take with the agricultural feelings of the whole bulk of the community were in fa-
into the House. It appeared that those gentlemen were
Of ri ettee"ow that malt was not well adapted to the fatten-
in the habit of giving the Bilks one name before the your. of a repeal of the corn-law. Now he would main-
to th 1103.4 ;Abut the farmer!. of England preferred the motto
tll, thew -agriculture Society, " The practice of science," Board of Trede, a second name when brought into the tam that the contrary -was the case, and that the great
tee,i ester;sl7 sof science. He knew a gentleman, who was a Private Bill , Office, and a, third title when introchiced feeling of the country :'was in.
.favour of protection.--
(Hear, hear.) It was his opinion that the measure of
Itosi the " farmer 'in the county of Norfolk, who hed into the House.. This.practice was attended with great
the Government was opposedon. to the wishes. oaf tphreoopfeoof.-
tea d tot teexiieriment of feeding with malt, and who inconvenience, and rendered it almost impossible for the
he r'Y O norue Noble Lord that it was infinitely superior to that Classification Committtee. properly to classify the Bills pe ; and if the Right Hon. Baronet wanted
his statement, he would only refer him to the elec-
ese:l,4et , method he had ever heard of. Before he sat down r;zetkfte‘rrseodmetoth m He trusted that the House would
tions about taking place for Gloucester, Sussex,
Von ea4a'n Protests gainst the removal of the existing pro- •
and Dorsetshire. . An Hon. Gentleman opposite men-
Istllise timative industry ; but he could not do so without at stepse ti", remedy their practice. '
Mr. G REENE moved—" That it be an instruction to
4, Lord ngratg the agricultural interest that the timed the city of Chichester ; but he would tell him
the Co. mmittee on Petitions for Private Bills, and to all
tl,o'_',,fto,. th.the late Secretary for the Colonies bad vacated his ~ . that in a canvass made by his brother for five days in
tem tt Private Bills, not to hear parties on ta,:',° of i:_ eke of principle; and was likely to bring the `-'- —al. e.es upon
tie' see i ",t'' great hereafter referred to them, which shall not that town there were net over twenty gentlemen in
eloquence and ability to the cause of any petition
yeti rile.? utsry, favour of free trade. There was a show of hands cor-
k conclusion, he could only say that if be prepared and signed in strict conformity with the
'e sit ete•unees came up to their Lordships' House he should roles and orders of this House." tamly in favour of tho measure.—(lleer, and cheers.)
e'ssse ,al st to induce their. Lordships to throw them out,
.Mr. ENTWISLE thought that people ought to comply His brother offered to go to the pol.l, but the free traders
"11,1 tie did belie le4 entail. . ve that if • these measures were passed they with the standing orders themselves before maki an refused, from the best of all possible reasons, because
r arer ruin unon
t the agricultural interest, upon the 44, % upon the Upon . p aints, and move ,as an amendment,toleave out
com 1 • d they. were certain of being beaten.—(Loud laughter.)
t anufacturers tnesttc industry, and inflict injury upon the word " hereafter." - Neither the Chancellor of the Exchequer nor the
t. I'l GRE y of the country —( Hear, hear. )
Chancellor of the Dachy of Lancaster had as yet de-
Thu House then divided, when there appeared—
e p4lote
re _ would not then -enter into a discussion which For the original motion
~. I,44ten afit:r have to be brought before them, except so far as k!,'ie,
~h concurrence in the opinion of the Noble Lord Against it
when the question was decided, it ought to be them to support the Government ? The Noble Lord
'.tteel, Tat
-Majoriry for the original motion —42
itegae be, for the partial advantage of, 'le interest, but for the CORN-LAWS. did not say that in the year 1841. He was then an advocate
lei, *at ~ fit of all classes of the community.—( Hear, hearof protection to agriculture. It was no concern to him (the
~Y wotZ,uaded that when they .o conidet ed the ' * •r" • M.
/ M T. GIBSON presented a petition from Man- Earl of March) how the Noble Lord at that time chose
-to
bject, 41
ester, in favour of the Government measure on the pledge himself to his constituents. But he (Lord Lincoln)
11,''''. Of . find that not only the interest of one, butt he in-. ('' '
10;,‘ tie„:',", vry class was concerned in the adjustment of this corn-laws, was sent to Parliament for She purpose of following and sup-
THE CONVICTS FROST,WILLIAMS, AND
W porting a party in favour of agricultural protection—(Hear)
tct4itli-i•_°.n.
.They would show that during the thirty years
Reth Int d. ''' etton had existed, it had been attended with , JONES of which the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the
Mr. T. DUNC °MBE presented. petitions pray- Government was supposed to be the head.—(Cheers and
tetl,4ll:aPpointment and they had never for five years td-
tik • do free from the pressure of extreme agricultural dis- ing the House to consider the condition of the convicts laughter from the protectionists.) That party was cer-
tainly opposed to the proposal of the Noble Lord the
tte tre for one would udertake to. show, when the proper Frost, Williams, and Jones, with a view to entreat her
Lei Prot of tor his doing so, that this had been the result of Member for the City of London; that party advocated
1, b ettie Most Gracious Majesty to mitigate their sentence.
motives
impute. to the Noble. Lord(Lord
BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. protection to agriculture in the strongest manner. He did
Id cease
trPtedallure dat different Lincoln) any impure
titer ,t 1 sted
et. , n
t o move
for
rf
uesticrn he
h a ..aec-es ; and after trying one sort of protection
q .. conceived that they were bound to consult their
'11h• 'ks - 1•' the f 2 Lord (Lord John Russell) had altered their opinions on this
• Itt, ~, armer found that none of them ever realised a Committee f
instead of moving for a
.S,-lect Cf.
Nellt,rlt.,`"' now, after having fora long series of years been •'l o. olmcneittetoe,
committed by Noble Lords, Members of constituents, and see whether they approved of the change.—
some privi e,e
0. Privilege, in re_eren .breaches
toitseta off tlreat disappointments, they had come to the con- of whom be could then (Protectionists' cheers.) Their constituents sent them to Air-
.up Ittl 'ne question.whether itwould be better that that House, the names of four
tiee,e,e_ them~
tnention.—(A laugh.) pI,E, 1,„7 eoh,_, nbe abolished altogether. As he had said were therefore in honour bound to support that in-
Lord DUNCAN gave notice of his intention to post-
'd t 1,117'n not then go into the discu,sion of the clues-.hear.) The Right Honourable 'Baronet
forest.—(Hear,
slow e I.„_ en the * • •d he should b ene his motion from the 19th to the 26th of February,
at the head of the Government, Rhea be was member for
the 3lriejset the prop..r time arrive , e. pre- • •
4 1104 ly to _ arguments of the Noble Duke. He wished its reference to, the
window duties.
University of Oxford, and chose to alter his opinions, at once
10,4441 knrnfine himself to the subject immediately before THE WAR IN INDIA. resigned his post. The Noble Lord (Lora Lincoln) in the
411 ttple3fer 1, a' this Committee is not to be considered as Sir R. INGLIS wished to put a question in reference year 1641 had addressed his constituents in different language
kt): gh, iil),,
11°_,ttioning the discussion or settlement of the to the recent outbreak in India. He wished to know if to that which he now held. He then said that free-trade was
lk,tretle'remtisn. nyhefore the country, he should not offer it the Government had received any positive intelligence all humbug—(Laughter)—and that if protection were to. be
s Nee kopesef.aving a common interest with the Noble es connected with that outbreak ; and if they had, that taken off agriculture, it shoald also be taken off every article
40"ss t that th u It, in the prosperity of the land, he greatly . •
hkw otee e Noble Lord had raised this question because It might be communicated to the House. of manufactures, to every one of which a large protection
hOld itdly 4.e tts t • . ' •',- Lord JOCELYN, in reply, stated that no official in- was at present given by the Government.—( Hear, hear.)
orde, . eonsid a if the subject was properly silted and
ti, tast, eted it would be proved that they, as land- formation had been received by Government in reference Now, he opposed the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet,
4,. , w "' of b. • ' , to that transaction.
No official dispatch had been re- because he (the Earl of March) considered the principles of
14,, es 0, ere 1,,,, ,aring a larger proportion of public.
~
free trade which were advocated for corn were equally favour-
had been received from
k i Peel t the aoSect to much less taxation than other ceived; but a elevate letter . the
'sr "lh cotutri • able and good with respect to every other article.—(Hear. )
sa (1,0
,ernotio_ unity. His Noble Friend who had Governor of Bombay, dated December 23, inclostng a
He opposed the speech of the Rightßaronet (Sir R.
leaolee:yori ia.a,". was mistaken in supposing that tithes were private communication from the Government of
~India,
Peel), because it put forward no new arguments on the sub-
tl,,tase ~en to" , His Noble Friend, however, put forward which informed them that large bodies of the Seikh ject. It was not his wish to sacrifice one class of her Majesty's
l.s '' wh! the ~,.snow that tithes were a burden upon land, erersed the Sutlej against whom the British
'1 leb h ''''',ownersubjects in the country for any other, because he thought the
us Hips S •
‘,ith set es e produced , who was charged a_ tenth of the troops advanced on the 18th of that month; but after interests of the agriculturists with those of the manufacturers
tm teed h,,„„
e for tithes; and then the Noble I march of three hours they had to give up, in con- were closely and intimately united. He thought what was in-
-I,,"te,s. ii. lea he millovvner could enter into competition
'sentience of the extreme darkness of the night jurious to one class, was equally so to the other. He found
sIN 'et t" contes‘ poor whose land was not subjected to ; s
i_ etei_ em ell -ed that this was a very plausible argument. entrenchment was tk oi on the `?lst. Since it impossible to advocate the measure before the House, from
rhe first ae. _ . .
1t!,11. ng more er the position of the mill-owner, and make it this private letter no communication had been receivedthe speechmade by the Right. Hon. Baronet himself, if there
analowere uo other reason ; but when he (the Earl of March) felt
but when the dispatches
1,0:'11, Toillme gnus to the position occupied by the by her Majesty's Government ;
* ktici h tier pu h ,that it was wrong on principle and in justice, and detrimental
wh •tlteti e agr re ased a piece of land for the site of of Sir Henry Hardinge were received, they would no
to all classes of her Majesty's subjects—Cries of " Oh, oh")
h'ths„ to t,„ eed to pay a charge of 1001. a year. Now doubt be highly satisfactory.
os . know wh
he could not sanction such a measure.—(Cheers. )
IPie au, Pala too at. difference it made to the millowner Mr. F. FRENCH wished to put a question to the
efs `•av /- a Year Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE said he did not wish
'tta et we . ear to t, to the owner of the site or whether Right Hon. the Home Secretary, as to the removal of to misrepresent the conduct of the Noble Lori,
sne_eer aO, s, tithe
__ ue owner and 101, a year to theaitheowner. the board of guardians at Titans, near Castlereagh, and that he was sure the Noble Lord would do
f% e b",arece pie r i'lvaa(is not , burthen upon land, and the land-
Ireland. He wished to know why they were removed ? him the justice of thinking so. It was stated by the Noble Lord,
l' o' clari 44d te''• and th"lright to claim compensation for this
Sir J. GRAHAM, in reply to the Bin. Member, that a certain Noble Duke stated that he would not oppose the
Iv
(I
tt,
to e tithe-own and was vested jointly in the land- had to say that the board of guardians had creation of Peers, should such be necessary; and it appears that
it, 41ro ate
el', arm the former had ne more right . . . f .
re used to open the workhouse or even to such was proposed to be done.
tho refers title n for the charge of the latter than he had ; 1"1"e'Y
ht t4tit„e°cii to 4:',13 land which did ' ' administer the poor-laws. and the consequence was, that GIBSONsaid it would be unnecessary for him to detain
Mr. . - ale
1 malt t • not belong to him. the Meuse at any great 1 h .engt.. on the. subject of the corn-taws.
' law Commissioners were forced to remove them..
etsh NIA,. 1.. e a.rt: l - ax, lie believed that barley was the I oor-f
The main object which the party with which he was connected
e e
teedin lc►e that the farmers could grow, and Mr. SHARMA.N CRANFORD had 'to request from . .
ele °old that there had in view, was the abolition of all protection, and in that re-
t4'ltie eo,, erewn
.n
te.was a demand for all the barley Sir &then Peel an answer to the followin,g quoestion:— affect he should be always happy to go with the Noble Lord,
,4 elvhit44rnsiht 4 told I them"c°"tY. But the Noble Duke Whether it is the intention of her Majesty B,G verTment with his friends around him. But the question before them
t tle,, • enlists • It is
4 ~ iperfect! of the prohibition to feed to propose to Parliament any measure on the subject of was not protection to the manufacturers, but whether
1, ,
._ have y true that all the most emi- law of landlord and tenant in Ireland? they shold resolve themselves into a Committee of the whole
kt red • Ore OrlOWn the
, kted let° 4seful t , upon scientific principles that
R PEL said that he certainly did hope that her House to take into consideration the duty which regulated
`l, that ``raft or the fatte •of ' • Sir --
4, ratt• - t 13,. • He (the rung cattle than being
' Government would be enabled to introduce a the imports, with a view to a repeal of these duties.—( Cries of
Majesty s
tee e.s Mott Duke of Richmond) had
let ei-14.,. eitlt 0,. ° e'f the Royal Agricultural• is
.measure on the subject referred to by the Hon. Member. ‘__‘_ No, no,. ")
Heaginedd. that each part of the Right Hon.
Ca,..4ee, •ile std et,',71".” Yew -he bd. Society.
Mr. COLQUeIOUN begged leave to ask a question B
t hart°
net s plant would be
them
separately, Fut he imagined
eest,'l,4riesl as repor-tcweri!nlent had
sapporetgelCle
the tto iconclusionsfor ne h
him
nf
of the. Hon. Member for Cork. He wiehed to know laws.—(athe tititeeasrellear. before h
) Heern'thwouas thethought t questionhe
o question
ioonf theo corn-‘vha t
11,,ittoed, _a t %easie_ i.ch had been presented to the Hous-onf whether it was his intention to press the motioe, of
Ministers had said at former times,g or the qrelations in which
v i';it thau: swake,,unv;an had been shown that ' h he had given notice, to-morrow (Tuesday) they stood to Hansard, was really of small moment to the
teta no if it were e s better ad barley, bruised, which
adapted for the fattening of more important question of whether it was rht or prudent to
•11ti ea ,'' boil ere converted int e evening ? .
the nett ear, it. the malt,
and o malt. Farmersif the repeal the corn-laws They told him that thepresent Parliament
Mr. O'CONNELL said he certainly :would,.. . . . .
kliShl averted
•
which they won' get all the ad,. Ilousewould permit him. was elected to maintain protection, and therefore this-Parliament
kO., . v,, attire i.
.htteo malt. Th d obtain if dried, CORN -LAWS. • - - -
could not deal with the question of protection because that
" lhe'zPeri ' e act of dry nand thing forbidden by On the ofthe day g
ei resuming the adjourned question was settled at the general election of 1841. Now it
Nth hadts
1, had be n converting it into sei order
was because the question was Settled at that election, that he
'evil that been instited by these gentlemen, , debate being read,
thougbt the present Parliament-was the best fitted to decide
it was the most e • I Mr, ASTELL presented ft petition from the parish . conemical to use upon to proposition before them. If the question

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVEN] NG, PRllitti AR 'V 17. 1646.

of the abolition of the corn-laws had not been
mentioned in 1841, then it might have been urged that the
question could not be entertained by the present Parliament ;
but the question of the repeal of the corn-laws was entertained
by the electors of 1841, and no Parliament could better decide
upon it than the present ; for if they went to the electors again,
he was sure a more respectable class of men could not bereturned,
nor a class in whom the electors would have more confidence.
A great many Honourable Gentlemen opposite were in a po-
sition to entertain that question. Even at the present moment
a gentleman, a candidate for Suffolk, declared to his consti-
tuents that he would leave himself open to whatever he should
consider best for the interests of his country.—( Hear, hear. )
Now that gentleman, though a protectionist at present, might,
on hearing the question discussed, be induced to give a vete
for the abolition of all protection. It happened to him (Mr.
Gibson) to know that appeals were made en behalf of the
friends of the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of
her Majesty's Government on these grounds as well
as on the grounds of protection. It had been urged
in the manufacturing districts that the Right Honourable
Baronet and his party would do more for free-trade principles
than would the Noble Lord the Member for London and his
party, were they in office; and he (the Hon. Member) was
reproached with being one of a party that could net effect so
.much as the Administration of the present Premier. The
supporters of Sir George Murray took that ground ; though
every man of common sense knew that the Right Hon. Baronet
at the head of her Majesty's Ministry professed free-trade prin-
ciples, and that he could do more for their advancement than
could Lord John Russell if in power. If there existed a charge
of deception or misleading of persons outside that House, that
charge should rest against the representatives of the agricultural
interest. They made the tenant farmer& believe that Parlia-
ment would maintain these protective laws. He could only say,
that, for himself, he had advised Hon. Members not to pursue
that course. He had advised them not to keep telling the
tenant farmers that the Right lion. Baronet would support
those laws. They did, however, pursue their own come e ; they
persevered in telling the tenant farmers that those laws would
be supported, and they were now reaping the benefit of that
perseverance. The Right Honourable Baronet had taken his
place in the Ministry on peculiar grounds. When called upon
to propose in respect to the law effecting the agriculturist,
he was asked to state his views and his reply was, " call me in,
and then I shall prescribe for you." They bad called him
in, and he had prescribed for them a draught more
bitter than they seemed inclined to swallow.—( Laughter.)
They were told that the British farmer was unable to compete
with the Polish, because he had certain expenses in
the cultivation of the soil which were not borne by
the foreign farmer—(Hear)—and that in a farm of
three parts arable land and one of pasture, labour rated
at 355. an acre, and local taxes at 25., making altogether a
tax of 375. an acre. They were also told that the average
quantity of wheat was four quarters to the acre ' • now, by
a common process of calculation, they would find that
nine shillings a quarter on wheat was the item complained
of as constituting the debility.—( Cries of " No, no," from the
Ministerial side.) Yes the other items were borne'by the
foreign farmers .as well as by them, and they had re-
uudiated with indignation any intention of preserv-
ing high rents by maintaing protection. Could it
be denied that this was a fair statement ? Agricul-
tural labour in America was much more expensive than
it was in England.—( Hear, hear.) It was very well known
,that the wages of agricultural labourers were at least double
in America as compared with agricultural wages in
England._( Hear, hear.) It was urged by the protectionists
that they lay under peculiar burdens, but the only local taxa-
tion which ho knew of was Is. per quarter on corn, and
surely that could not disable English agriculturists from com-
peting with those in foreign countries.—( Hear.) It appeared
to him a perfect mystery how they were disabled from
entering into such a competition. Why, the very fact of
the freight of Bs. or les. per quarter on wheat comieg
from the United States, together with all other ex-
penses, more than covered the amount paid by
English agriculturists in local taxation. The English
agriculturists were protected by the natural comae of things,
and they could not rightfully complain of any injustice being
done -to them by the present ministerial mea-
sure. He contended, that even if they could show that
they lay under any disabilities with regard to the price of
labour, they did not pay near as much as was paid by the foreign
agriculturist in importing his grain into this country,
and they were, therefore, entitled to no protection
from the Legislature.—( Hear, hear.) He contended that the
foreign coin trade was as good a branch of industry as the
trade in agriculture which was carried on 'in this country,
and that they were entitled to carry on their trade
free and unmolested.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
The Hon Member for Hun. ingdon talked of an arbiter com-
ing amongst us to settle this question by some compromise.—
Hear," from the protectionists.) If such an arbiter did
come amongst them, he maintained thathis decision would be un-
doubtedly in favour of the manufacturers. —( Opposition cheers. )
It was said that the repeal of the corn-laws would reduce the
value of land, but he confessed he could not see how this could
be, for ever since the corn-law question had been itated land
had fetched as good a price as it did before.—Gear hear.)
Land had been taken at the same rent also as before, and in
some cases at increased rentals, and if they bad a
better test of the value of any given produce, or another
that was likely to be effected by a Legislative measure, it was
in the willingness or unwillingness which capitalists evinced to
invest their money in that commodity. Well, then, land
fetched as good a price now, and tenants were venally as ready
to give good rents, as they were years ago. Now this could
not be because they had confidence in the protection party
maintaining the:corn-laws; for if they did they would be convinced
of the mistake they were falling into, when they remembered
that the most eminent statesmen, the Right Hon. Baronet on
one band, and the Noble Lord on the other, were arrayed
against them.—( Hear, hear.) All patties were jest as ready
as ever to invest capital in land, and he could mention an
instance which had 'occurred in the county of Suffolk within
a• recent period, and which had been communi-
cated to him •by a friend of his, where sixty-
three land tenants who were paying exceedingly
high rents, notwithstanding the rumours about the repeal of
the corn-laws, had made agreements for renewing their leases
for very long periods, and not one of these 63 tenants had
asked for a reduction of rent.—(Hear, hear.) Twenty of
them stated that the farmers had discussed the question
amongst themselves, and they had decided that they
were not justified in calling for a reduction of rent.—
(Loud cheers.) He was not prepared to mention the name
of his friend, but if any Honourable Member required,
it, he would be ready to communicate it privately to him.
Let him ask what was the meaning of all those alarms about
the repeal of the corn-laws ? were they (the protectionists) not
jealous of the advance of trade, and was not that the calve of
their resistance to the measure?—(Cheers, and cries of " No.")
He should be sorry to see any among the ancient aristocracy
of England—the high families of this country—guilty of
such unworthy feelings as to be jealous -of manufactu-
ring prosperity. But such, he feared, was the case.—
(" No, no," from the protectionists.) Was it not
a fact that it was a test of the fitness of a
manufacturer to a seat ir. the Upper House, that he .should be
the purchaser of an estate ?—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon.
Gentleman at the head of her Majesty's Government,
on a former occasion, said that he was sure the repeal
of the corn-laws would not be detrimental in any measure
to the landed interest, and would not in the slightest degree
tend to alter the value of land.—(Cheers.) That was his (Mr.
Gibson's) opinion, and he did not see any reason•why the aris-
tocracy of England should be jealous, as they. were
—(No no) —of the advance of free-trade principles.
He did not see any reason why they should entertain such
feelings ; for, after all, he very much questioned,
whether many of them were not descended from
the manufacturing classes of this country.—(Cheers. )
He contended that it had been the system of the country and
could be proved, that possession of land had led to the highest
officis in the State: He contended that the landed gentry
monopolised to a great extent the principal offices
and emoluments in society—( Hear, hear, and cheers)—for
it was a boast that they make Ministries and unmake them at
their pleasure.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Shrews-
bury had said truly, that " the aristocracy of the country was
a territorial aristocracy." All this he brought forward to show
the great advantages enjoyed by the landed proprietary of the
country. He believed that competition from so many causes
being unlimited, that they need fear nothing from the aboli-
tion of the corn-laws. He did not bring these matters for-
ward as charges against the aristocracy • but as far as his reads
ing and experience went, he was led to ;he conclusion that they
had used their functions for their private and pecuniary interests,
and for the advancement of their own political power.—
( Hear, bear.) There was one portion of the present question
to which he wished to allude, namely, that, if tee corn-laws
were to be totally abolished, why that abolition should
not take place at once ?—( Cries of " Hear, hear.")
Why should they defer to another day what
justice was said to require, and what the necessities of the
country peremptorily called for?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
Whether the emergencies of the country did not say that a repeal
of the corn-laws was called for. He believed that on entering into a
competition with foreigners, they could not do better than take
them by surprise by an immediate repeal of those
hear.) With respect to the famine which was expected to lake
place in Ireland, it appeared to him that in order to make the pre-
sent measure advantageous to the exigencies of that country, not
one farthing duty should be kept upon corn. The present argu-
ments in Savour of the measure before the House wage highly
favourable for an immediate repeal of the corn. laws. The Right
Hon. Baronet had said that about two months ago it was almost
necessary to open the ports. Nothing would do HOW but a settle
meat of this law, for while anything in the shape Of a duty on corn
was maintained, the agriculturists would be continually complain-
ing. Ile wished to settle the question by an immediate repeal, for
he was sure the agriculturists would not benefit by a continued

trothiction of this meastire would be the fitet that there *Mild exist
•throtighotit the coinitry a *ant of anitidetica iii the cioiffedsiOns of
pnblie men; and while it would tend to teduee the staiidald of plitille
morality, it Would deprive any Adminisrtation that her Majesty
thhee riev ar s
perfectly
f delegatesa gre with tliethmis ontli-
might hereafter fbrm of its best and surest element of strength.
o
They had been told in a triumphant tone that they did not attend
their
in
doing
statementP let
jr;
but must suggest to Honourable Members that they did not set
there as the delegates or mouth-pieces of her Majesty's
Prime Minister ; and if anything.• could justify the practice
of electors demanding pledges from new representatives, it would be
the state of things that then existed in that House. The Right Hon.
Baronet had informed them that the change in his opinions was prin-
cipally caused by the apprehension that a famine would be the con-
sequence of the partial failure of the potato crop in Ireland. Now
he did not for a moment wish to speak with levity upon a subject that
affected the lives of millions of his fellow countrymen, but he did
say that the opinions of the Right lion. Baronet were not well
founded, and he for one did not entertain apprehensions to the same
extent with him.—(Hear, hear.) There was another subject on
which he wished to call the attention of this House.—(Hear.) There
were a body of men ca'ling themselves the Anti-Corn-law League,
and the Hon. Gentleman, the First Lord of the Treasury, boasted
that he had put down all agitation in this country—(Cheers)--but
had they not collected large sums of money—had they not
distributed agents through every part of the land—had they not
made speeches, and were they not tampering in the elections of
Members for that House ?—(ilear, hear.) Had they not collected
means to influence the election of Members for that House? lie was
at a loss to know, were th se proceedings legal ?—werethey honest?
—were they just ?—were they fair? And he hoped, if they were not
legal, measures would be taken to put a stop to such improper inter-
ference as had too frequently taken place. tie hoped the Govern-
ment would bring forward a measure which would prevent such
proceedings in fUture.—(Cheers.) It was not his intention to enter
into the policy of that measure, which was supporting free trade at
the expense of the agriculturists of this country. If free trade was
beneficial in one article, he did not see why it was not beneficial in
every other article. It was well-known by the Right Hon. Baronet
that the growth of tobacco would be a most profitable crop in this
country, but this free-trade measure would not allow it to be culti-
vated here.—(Cheers.) How was that? Would the Right Honour-
able Baronet inform them ? He"said that considerationsstood in the
way. Would the Right Hon. Baronet inform that House what was
the amount of revenue which would justify free-trade principles ?
The Right Honourable Baronet had reduced the duty on foreign hops
one-half, but he had looked in vale for a reduction of those duties
which pressed so heavily on the agricultural classes. He had
hoped that some reduction would take place in the
Excise duty on hops, but he had hoped in vain—(Cheers.)
What could the Right Hon. Baronet's reason be for all that—was it
that he was afraid to carry out his own principles?—(Hear.) He
did not stand there as the advocate of free trade—(as we understood
the Hon. 3iember)—but he was there to advocate, in an humble and
honest way, equal justice and protection to all classes.—(Hear,
hear.) He was certain the House would bear him out when he said,
that if protection Should be taken from agriculture, it should not be
conth.ued towards other interests.—(Hear, hear.) There was ano-
ther matter which he wished to bring to the mind of the Right Hon.
Baronet at the head of Government. He had told them that' he
could not calculate the price of wheat on the passing of the present
measure ; now, should that crop fail to a large extent, would the
Right Hon. Baronet say on what basis he proposed to settle the
tithe commutation?—(Bear, hear.) They had been told that the
revenue would not-be effected ; but giving the Right Hon. Baronet
credit for the greatest amount of political sagacity, it would not be
too much to say that he -might be compelled to carry his measures
still flirther.— (Hear, hear.) He was aware of the little
weight that attached to his opinions ; but he should say
that, because he believed the measure to be injurious and
ruinous to the labourer and the artisan—because he believed the
measure would tend to subvert the present system of society and en-
danger there most valued InstitutiOns ; because he believed that the
time for the introduction of the measure was not suitable, as cer-
tainly was not its proposer—(A laugh)—becituse of all these rea-
sons, he should give the measure, perhaps a weak, but decidedly a
consistent, opposition.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. DICKINSON said thatpart of the speech of the last Iron. Mem-
ber was not what he could agree with. The Hon. Member had said
that if the duty on tobacco was taken off it would be of great advan-
tage. He could not agree with him, for if the duty were to be taken
off altogether he doubted if the trade could he carried on with any
I profit to the country. The Hon. Member had also alluded to many
who had spoken in support of the present measure, as having done
so because they feared that no other Ministry could be formed to
carry on the Administration of the country. He (Mr. Dickinson)
had not formed his opinion on such a ground. He supported the
measure of her Majesty's Government because he thought it a good
measure and suited to the wants of the country.—(Hear, hear.)
All persons' minds were now made up on the question ; Hon.
Members were prepared to take one course or the other.
He considered that if the "government went out upon this measure, a
great and lasting injury would be inflicted on the country. He sel-
dom trespassed upon thetime of the House ; and he now onlyrose t
tell those who hal returned him to Parliament how far he had
changed his opinions, and also to give an opportunity to the speech..
makers to smite him as they had smiled the members of the Govern-
ment.—(Laughter.) But it seemed to him that there had been seve-
ral speeches made during that detente perfectly inconsistent with that
feeling of generosity which should animate Members of that
House.—(Hear, hear.) He saw that the temper of the House
had changed ; and he, therefore, abstained from giving any
opinion at the hustings by which he might be held to vete
in that House in favour of agricultural protection. He con-
fessed that his opinions had changed, and that he was
now prepared to give his cordial vote ie favour of the present mea-
sure. —(Opposition cheers.) The reasons which in general seemed
to weigh with him most at a former period in favour of a mainte-
tents' ce of the corn-laws, were, that he feared that any change in
them would result in an injury to the poor; and he, for one, thought
that the supply of food should be as regular as possible, and that it
would be inexpedient to a country like this to be forced to depend
upon foreigners for fool.—(Protectionist cheers.) lie must now,
however, confess that those reasons had lost much of their weight.—
(Cheers from the Opposi:ion.) It seemed to him that the best way
of securing permanent and regular supplies was to give the greatest
possible facility for the supply of corn from as many quarters of the
world, and from as different places as possible.—(Opposition cheers.)
If they were deficient, or the price should rise to a famine price,
they might be sure to meet with a sufficiency of food from places
where the atmosphere was more favourable to the production of
corn than that in this country. As to the dependence upon fo-
reigners for food, it was urged that we might sometimes be at war
with foreign countries, and we should then be in a deplorable condi-
tion. But ho could not conceive that we should ever be so unfortu-
nate as to be at war with every corn-growing country in
the world.—(Hear, hear.) He considered that on the prosperity
of the higher classes of this country also depended the
prosperity of the lower, and by the passing of this measure the pros-
perity of the higher classes in this country.—(Hear, hear.) He had
heard from all sides of the House—from the Noble Lord who had
opened the debate, and the:Hen. Member for Manchester—that it would
have been better had the repeal of the corn-laws been immediate;
and, in conclusion, he begged to state that he gathered from the
communication he had had with his friends in the country, that
this feeling was very general.—(Hear, hear.)

A number of Hon. Members rime to addre'ss the House on the last
speaker's resuming his seat, but there being loud cries for the new
Member,

Lord A. CHURCHILL (who was almost inaudible in the gallery)
rose and said, that it was not his intention to detain the House at
any length on that important occasion, as there were many others
who could more ably point out the injury which that measure would
do the agricultural classes in this country.—(Hear.) Still he felt ke
was right in saying that it was a measure of *vast injury to the
classes who were depending for subsistence on land.—(Cheers. / The
measure would throw out of cultivation the greater quantity of the
poor land in this country, and would have the effect of depriving
thousands of employment who were now' depending on agriculture
for their sole subsistence.

Sir WILLIAM CLAY should say, that in the course of the present
debate he had been often reminded of an anecdote which was re-
.

lated of a defendant in an action, wbo, not having a case to make,
informed his agent that " there were no merits, but abuse the
plaintiff's attorney." The question they had then before them
was one of vast importance, not alone to that country, but to the
world ; and it was not enough for Gentlemen in the discussion of it
to indulge in party or personal recrimination.—(Hear, hear.) To be
sure, such was very amusing—there was nothing more so, or nothing
that called forth louder cheers ; and whenever he heard
a cheer, when entering the House, and Inquired what called it forth,

he was certain to be informed that it was a happy hit made by one
Hon. Gentleman at another.—(Hear and laughter.) But however
amusing that might be to Hen. Members, he could assure them that
parties out of doors cared less than they supposed for their recriming-

tion.—(Bear, hear.) One single argument, one important fact, to
show that the corn-laws should be maintained, would he worth all
the torrents of invective that hadbeen_showered.—(Hear, hear.)

The Gentlemen who attacked the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
her Majesty's Government had overdone the thing completely.
They had proved too much against the Right Hon. Gentleman.—

(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Somersetshire,
had stated very fairly the question before the House. He undertook
to defend protection., He quoted statistics and the " Blue Book'
to make out kis arguments. He defended protection generally. In
his (Mr. Clay's) *pinion, the Hon. Member had not succeeded. He
had failed where his reasoning powers and his eloquence were called
into play. He stated that the community at large were prosperous,
that all were doing well ; that blessings in fact were showered down,
and that all those blessings had been showered down under protec-
tion. The Hon. Member said that the House was about to take
away that protection by which the country had become so prosper-
ous. For some there was not protection at all ; for others there
was a little, and for the landlords there was too much. Now, for
the last twenty or thirty years, even before the time of Huskisson,
protection had been changing to a gradual' reduction.
Would the Hon. Gentleman restore the East India monopoly ? Would
he alter Mr. Huskisson's measures ? Would he retrace his steps with
regard to wool and sugar? If not, with what show of consistency
could he call upon them to proceed no further? Or did he mean to
oppose his individual capacity to the tide of public opinion, and say
" Thus far shalt thou go, and ne farther ?" What, he would ask,
was protection ? Stated shortly, it was-everybody assisting every-
body to pay a little more than they were able; it was everybody
assisting everybody to misapply their time and capital, or everybody
assisting everybody to do something that could net be accomplished,
—(Hear, hear.) All the great interests of the community
_ .

were outside of protection, and he did not believe th;t

the cry of protection to native industry found an echo out of
that House, for the principles of free trade had taken too strong a

. .
hold upon the country.—(Hear, hear.), It was only by the promo-
tion of industry, by giving labour and capital a fair field, and by

unfettering the. restrictions of commerce, that the blessings of

abundance could be obtained; and the best and highest duty of any

Government would be the endeavour to obtain tlio3e benefits.

Hon. Baronet had Insisted very much OR the competitieM which had

been springing up of late years among the manufacturers. It
would be most important to throw still more widely open the door

of commerce, and thus enable the manufacturers is increase their

trade. All the principal manufacturers export a great portion of
their manufactures, which would only bear the same proportional
value abroad as at home. For instance, if a single bale of cloth
were carried abroad for sale, it would only obtain a similar price to
what it would have realised in the home market. Was it to be sup-

posed that, absolutely of necessity, the wages• of labour should al-
ways fall in order to enable the manufacturer to meet the reduced

priCe of his produce? The question wa., how was the manufacturer

to be best 'enabled to compete with foreign markets at the lowest

price, and how was the lahourer to be beet provided for at a low

-, -
amount of wages. The Hon. Gentleman opposite had admitted
that the present prosperity of the country was considerable, but had

. .
ascribed it to the circulation of money and • employment,
of labour, by the impulse which had been given to the construction of
railroads. There could be no doubt that the employment of capital

and labour in the construction of railroads had done much towards

duty. Those who were looked to by the country in'this house to
get rid of those laws, would certainly take the sense of the House

exciting that feeling of prosperity; but that prosperity was only
temporary, and there could he no doubt that when the excitement
in the railway world had subsided, which it would in a very short
time, and when labour and capital were no longer necessary, a con-
siderable reaction would take place, and this temporary prosperity
would subside. The measure of the Right Hon. Baronet would then

on an immediate repeal. The question was now before the country,
it had forced itself into this House in the teeth ofan adverse:majority.
The question was there in spite of them, and It never would have been

E 0 had it not been backed by the opinion of the country.—(Hear.) lie
believed that if any motion of theirs could endanger it, it would be
thrown out by the House of Lords. The measure was not carried

show itself as a valuable resource to till np the void ; and to employ

by the present Parliament, it was not carried by any politicians

on the one hand the capital for which there was no longer any call,
and on the other hand the labour for the employment of which there
existed no use. He believed that the colonies would also be bene-

either in or out of the House ; it was carried by the voice of the
country if it were carried at all—(llear, hear)--and unless it re te4
on that substantial base it would fail. Did they wish to know what

fited by the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet. The increase in the
c mmercial intercourse to be carried on between the mother country
and the colonies would be quite sufficient, without having resource to
any system of monopolising protection. With respect to the magni-
ficent colony of India, he should bitterly regret to see and allow

—(Hear.
public opinion was ? There was no better barometer of that opinion
than the Right Hon. Gentleman.—(Bear, hear.) If they wanted to
and cheers)
know what great measures were agitating the public mind,
they should
let them look to his conduct, for he had measured
and
dd
speak of that confidence they ruld not set themselves in opposition
justlymiiel appreciated et iaal tkegcld public lei co
noflpgienni oc
en
to, or resist the changes which inquiry would prove to be neces•
sary. That was the way for public men to acquire that confidence,
and not by the inanceuverings of party. Latterly public men had
pursued this course; they sought not so much for the old party words
of Whig and Tory, and the consequences were extremely beneficial.
He did conjure tire House not to raise the feelings of the working
classes into, action upon this question. He conjured them not to
prolong the conflict which could not be defended with credit
and which could only heap them with defeat and disgrace,'
He should think that they would not be discharging their ,'uty to the
country if they allowed any length of time to elapse before they pro-
vided some remedy Mr those awful deficiencies which they saw
staring them in the face, and which were stated to the House the
other night by the Secretary of State for the Home Department.
That Right Hon. Gentleman had told them that he expected nothing
less than a famine he Ireland during the coming summer.—(Hear,
hear.) That, therefore, was a most urgent reason why they should
not consent to a dissolution of Parliament at the present time.—
(Cheers.) Hon. Members on his side of the House supported the Go-
vernment on the present question, not because they be-
lieved it was based on public opinion, but simply be-
cause they believed the present Parliament was bound
to provide a remedy for the present national emergency by the in
troduction of a national measure, and they believed that that remedy
should be provided quickly.—(Cheers) Ile implored Hon. Gentle-
Melt opposite to abandon their present futile opposition to the carry-
ing of this measure.—(Bear, hear.) Ho called }Mon them once more
before he sat down to consider that they really had no right what-
ever under the sun to lay down the conditions under which the
manufacturers and merchants of this country should
carry on their
trade. Foreign corn had as much right to importation into this
country free of all let or hindrance as they themselves
had a right to .cultivate their own estates. He implored
them, therefore, .not to press their present antiquated
feudal pretension, that they were entitled to say under what condi-
tions the trade of this country should be carried on. Ile called upon
them to be satisfied with tire possibility of a quiet enjoyment of their
own estates and to let trade and commerce flourish in freedom.
Mr. HALSEY said he felt himself bound to vote against the
present measure. Certain Hon. Members on the opposite side of the
House had imputed improper motives to those oil his own side, but
he would ask, with what justice ? (Hear, hear.) If Noble Lords
would attend to the details, they would find that the diffletilties of
the question would be materially reduced. Those burdens which
were alleged to be peculiar to land were amply compensated for by
the protection which was afforded by the law as it now stood;
and if that protection were to be lowered, and the capital
invested in laud were to he reduced in value, an ample compensation
would_be made -by the remission of that • portion of taxation which
particularly pressed upon it. Whilst there was protection Mire was
no peculiar burdens; when the protection was removed, and in the
event of xi total repeal, it would be necessary ee, eelieve real property
from some of the impositions under which it now laboured. He
considered that. one of the greatest evils that would follow the in.

•
any monopoly of the sugar interest of that colony, in which a very
large quantity of sugar might be produced. They had seen enough
of monopoly in the West Indies, and he should be sorry to see its
constringing effects in the East. As regarded the general question,
he was of opinion that If there were any single interest in the country
which was concerned more than any other in the question of the
corn-laws, it was the interest of the manufacturers.—(Hear, hear.)
They wished their capital both at home and abroad—the landowners'
were always at home.—(Hear, hear.) It was because he considered
that the corn-laws were injurious to the commercial and manufac-
turing interest that he wished to see them abrogated. Ile believed
that the landed interest would not be at all injured by the proposed
measure, nor did he think that rents wool I be diminished,agriculture
lessened, or land thrown out ofcultivation. The fanners would not have
to enter into competition with France, with Holland, with Spain,
with Italy, or with any other great nation; for it appeared to him
that the chief competition would be with a few small distriets in the
north of Germany. Those were the only places to be dreaded, and
shall the English farmer, the cultivator of English soil, with the best
markets in the world, with markets for his green crop, his eggs, his
cattle, his butter, at the highest prices, with all those advantages,
be unable to compote with the poor serfs of Russia? It appeared to
him to be most absurd. The English farmer is two thousand miles
away from the farmer of Poland—separated from him by long rivers,
by difficult navigation, and by all the disadvantages which would be
experienced in bringing down the produce to the port, where it
would then have t 3 be placed on board and exported. The popula-
lion of Great Britain and Ireland approximated very near to thirty
millions, and this number was annually increasing three or four
hundred thousand, who had to be fed. He believed that the repeal
of the corn-lava would not produce any very great dintinution_in the
price of corn. The advantages which would result would be a more
steady price—a continued impulse given to labour, and a much
sounder and firmer basis for commerce and manufactures in all parts
of the world. These benefits would.be the result of the abrogation of
the corn-laws, and not any material diminution in the price of corn.
He believed that the landed interest might rest thoroughly satisfied
that their welfare was not in danger. He should like to be informed
how it happened that 1,0( 0 acres of English soil was announced as
valuable as 5,000, or even as 10,000 acres in Poland or Silesia ?

(77uidany other answer be given to this, than that the increased value
was owing to the exuberant wealth of this country? The landed

interest, when the great change should occur, need have no appre-
sion. He felt satisfied that Hon. Gentlemen opposite knew that
they were opposing Without hope of suecess.—Loud cries of
" No, no," from the Protectionists.) lie would repeat, he believed
that the Hon. Gentlemen opposite knew that they were opposing
this measure without any hopes of success. Let the landowner lay
out his capital in Improving the land; or let the tenant, by having a

sufficient bolding, hive an inducement to convert his labour and ca•

pital in improving the cultivation of the soil at a sufficient remune-
ration. If these things were to be done, there would be little to fear

for the prosperity of the landed intorest.—(Hear.) He had been all
along a sincere and consistent advocate for the repeal
_ _

of tire corn laws ; it w2S, therefore, unnecessary for him
to enter into any personal explanations with regard
to the proposed measure. He was glad to see it brought tirward
triumphantly_ now by those who hitherto had pertinac

it, on every occasion Of fig ilitihdactlon to the attention of the
libuie. He had the greatest filSasfrre in, pronouncing his entire ap-
prolittilliel ,if* Meade of the Right rich. Baroftea. At present
he could only- ilnit he belieVed the measure was likalf to open
up to this country a greater end rbbi€ enduring prosperity than it
had ever yet enjoyed, and that he &U hl be happy to give it his
most cordial and sincere support.—(Hear, hear.)
Mt. BUCK, as the representative of one of the most influential
districts in England, cotild net allow the present opportunity to
pass without addressing a few vettitie t 9 the House. His constituents
were of opinion that the measure of the flight lloh, Baronet was
both uncalled fiar and unjust, and were no longer willing to pities any
confidence in a Goveinmetit which had so betrayed them.— (Hear.)
For his own part he considered that the measure would not influence
the agricultural interests more than any ether. It was a measure
whose effect would be felt by every class in this country.—(Hear.)
It was no question with them (the protectionists) whether they
should have a sliding scale or a -fixed duty.— (Hear.) He believed
that the measure would be a most severe blow on the industry of the
country. It would be a compulsory competition on the part of title'
country with the cheaper countries of Poland and Russia. When-
ever wheat had been high, pauperism had beeri low, and on the other
hand, whenever wheat had been low priced, pauperism had increased.
In fact such was already the result, and those mho were
acquainted with the state of the country in the agricultural
districts could testify as to the increase of pauperism of late.
He (the Hon. Member) believed that the measure, if carried, would
benefit the manufacturer at the same time that it would ruin the
agriculturist—(llear, hear)—and therefore it was that• they, before
giving support to the measure, should appeal to the constituency of
the country. He did not hesitate to tell the Right Hon. Baronet at
the head of her Majesty's Government,. that the period from 1829
to 1839, he did not enjoy the confidence Of the landed proprietary or
the Conservatives of the country. But in 1839 the Right Hon. Gentle-
man raised a cry of danger, urged the necessity of attending to the
registry ; he rallied a party ; they placed confidence in him, implicit
confidence in his sincerity ; and shortly after, when the Noble Lord,
the Member for London, brought in his free-trade principles, that
party turned him out of office, and restored the reins of Government
to the Right Hon. Baronet, with a full majority of ninety.—(Hear,
hear.) But he defied that Right Hon. Gentleman to say that, if he
had declared himself a supporter of measures similar to those on
which the Noble Lord, the Member for London was defeated, he
would then have been elected.—(Hear, hear.) 'Rut they nbw had,
that Right Hon. Gentleman coming forward with free-trade principles,
and he (the lion. Member) would venture to assert that at least one- •
third or one-fourth of the farmers of the kingdom would be ruined by
the passing of these measures.—(Hear, hear, and " No, no.") In the
statements of the present Minister, made in 1841, the utmost cent'.
decce was reposed, and on the faith of their sincerity the landholders
expended every farthing of their capital in the improvement of their
land ; and what was the result? Why, that they had every year
since, and in the present year particularly, nearly doubled the quan-
tity of produce; notwithstanding which the Right Hon. Gentleman
came forward and introduced his measures of free trade.—(A laugh.)
lion. Gentlemen might laugh ; but if they had been at great expense
in the improvement of their lands, and were then turned upon in
such a manner, at so extraordinary a time as the present, when there
existed no recipioeity between them and any one of the continental
countries, he doubted if they would treat so serious and important a
subject.with such levity.—(Hear, hear.) He had a conversation that
morning with a farmer from near Exeter, who cultivated about 500
acres of land, and on his asking him his opinion as to the result of
the present measure, he stated that he might on every acre lose a
pound and gain a shilling ; and further, that the result would be that
he would be compelled to convert his arable land into pasture, and
of course deprive a number of labourers of the means of subsistence.
—(Hear, hear.) Now, they certainly had a right to ask what was to
become of all these persons ? It was a very serious consideration ;
and he hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the
Ministry would give them some explanation on that point.—(Hear.)
He hoped the present measure would not pass—(Hear)—and he need
not say that, if he could help it, it should not pass.—(Laughter, and
hear, hear.) Should it pass, it would be but the commencement of a
series of the greatest possible difficulties that ever any Ministry had
to contend against. The First Lord of the Treasury told them that
they (the agriculturists) were no longer to have protection. Ile (the
Hon. Member) called on the Ministry to remove the burdens that
pressed on them, and which were acknowledged to be most grievous.
The duty had been relaxed on articles of manufacture—why not act
similarly by articles of agriculture, and let them grow their tobacco
and sugar, ?—(llear, hear.) The Ministry might depend on it that
the measure would not allay the spirit that existed in the country
until they had conceded every act of justice that the landed interest
conceived they were entitled to; for ke did not believe that any
'Government, yielding to the clamour of one of the most unconstitu-
tional societies that ever,extsted, was entitled to the least commise-
ration front the landed proprietary. He called the body an unconsti-
tutional one. Could it be otherwise than so, when in its ranks were
hired alarmists, travelling through the country, and drawing the
most appalling pictures of famine at a moment that Provi-
dence had blessed them with an abundance, save in the potato crop ;
and could he, he repeated, call it other than unconstitutional ?
(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He sit tad say that the measure would
get a decided negative from him; and he hoped and trusted that
every landed proprietor would reflect seriously before he gave his
support to her Majesty's Government.
Lord HARRY VANE (who was quite inaudible in the gal-
lery) was understood to say that, although formerly an
advocate for reduction of duty on agricultural produce,
yet he did not advocate the entire removal of all duty.
The Noble Lord then went on to say, that notwithstanding thehostile
tariffs imposed by other countries, the experts of manufactured
articles into those countries had considerably increased. He put it
to Hon. Gentlemen whether they. really believed that they would be
furthering the interests of this country by continuing their opposi-
tion to the present measure. He put it to them whether, taking
Into account the conversion of many sober-minded men—(Derisive
cheers from the protectionists)—men whose direct and immediate in-
terests might be supposed to lie in the maintenance of agricultural
protection, they thought that they were justified in protracting
the present struggle ? (Hear, hear.) He did not mean to impute to
Hon. Gentlemen opposite any unjust motives in their opposition to
the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet, but he submitted that
every Member of that House should take into account the general
feelings of the country.—(Hear, hear.) When Hon. Gentlemen on
the opposite side of the House saw that the most eminent men in
the country had declared themselves in favour of this great change,
they ought to be convinced that there would be danger in
opposing the present measure. The agriculturists of this country
ought to look to the manufacturers: as their best customers.
Concurrent with the prosperity of manufactures would be the pros-
perity of agriculture. lie was anxious thus briefly to state the
grounds of his opinions to favour of the present proposal of her Ma-
jesty's Government. He felt himself bound to vote in opposition to
his Hon. Friends on the opposite side of the House, although it would
have given him much more pleasure to have given them his support.
—(Hear, hear)—and lie was determined to vete for the measure,
despite the charges of inconsistency which might be brought against
him. lie believed that the measure was called for by the circum-
stances of the country, that it would bring into united action all
hostile parties, and that it would conduce to the peace, contentment,
and order of the people of this country.—(Cheers.)
Sir .TOHN TYRRELL said, feeling as he did that this question
had been debated to death—(Laughter) was with the greatest
reluctance that he ventured to trespass upon the indulgence of the
House. But he congratulated tile House that, at the expiration
of this six nights' debate, the Anti-Corn-law League
should have thought proper at last to come to the rescue
of this debate; and it was also a matter of congratulation to him that
they had not been able, as far as he could ascertain, to show any new
arguments or state any new case that had not been over and over
again brought forward at Covent-garden Theatre.—(Cheers.) But
he ascertained from the Hon. Member for Manchester that some
friend of his in the country, when he applied to him about getting
over the difficulty of arranging with his landlord, the Hon. Member
assured him that the price of corn would not be very materially al-
tered in consequence of the proposed measure.—(Laughter from the

protectionist benches,) The Noble Lord the Member for London, in
an early part of the debate, gloated over (which he had every right
to do) the motion of the Hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward)
about the peculiar burdens of land having been rejected on his (Sir
John Tyrrell's) side of the house. The Noble Lord was pleased to
impute the most unfair views to Hon. Gentlemen who had resisted
that motion. He understood the Noble Lord to say that Hon. Gen-
tlemen opposed the notion because they were ashamed of their case
and statistics, and that they sheltered themselves under the cry that
it was merely a clap-trap motion. Now lie (Sir J. Tyrrell) did think
it right that the House should be aware ofthe early history of that case ;
and in these days of confession and explanations—(Laughter)—and
of political tergiversation—(Continued laughter)—he also should, in
his opinion, be permitted to make his confession and explanation.—
(Laughter.) It was perfectly well understood in that House that the
motion in question was called a clap-trap motion.—(Several Hon.
Members of the Opposition, "No, no.") The Hon. Member who then
had the confidence of the party to which he alluded, felt the force
and intention of the motion. The Right Hon. Baronet, now at the
the head of the Government, when Hon. Gentlemen en the same side
of the House had his confidence, called thirty or forty Members of
the agricultural interest together, and it was then resolved that the
motiln should be opposcd.—(Langhter.) The Right Hon. Baronet
urged an opposition to the motion, on the grounds that it would dis-
turb the social relations and happiness of the country. He (Sir J .
Tyrrell), however, held a different opinion.—(llear, hear.) The
Government. in bringing forward the present measure, thought that
they could administer doses of opium into the mouths of Hon. Mem •
hers, and delude them into a support of the scheme. The lion.
Member then proceeded to complain of the alleged dictation and im-
perious conduct of those Hon. Members who sat on the same side of
the House, who lie asserted were scarcely permitted by the Right
Hon. Baronet to express their opinions on any subject whilst be was
their supposed leader. One would think (said the Hon. Member)
that they were as much entitled to express their opinions as the
Right Hon. Baronet. Hon. Members on his side of the House had
also a right to complain that the Hon. Member for Wiltshire (Mr.
Sidney Herbert) had been put forward to speak in support of the
measure, whilst other Right Hon. Members, who were Members of
the Government, and much more experienced, had as yet been silent
upon the question. —(Hear, hear.) He could perfectly well under-
stand the policy of the Government in putting forward that as-
piring young statesman.—(Laughter.) The policy in his opinion
was this, that, as he was a deserter it was advisable to put him in the

front ranks. It had been said that the present proposal was offered
as a great settlement. Now he confessed that it was quite unreasonable

to expect that the agriculturists should accept it as such, for the
terms of it were less advantageous than those offered by the Hon.
Member for Stockport, who, he was sorry to hear, was unable from
indisposition to occupy his seat in the Hbuse.—(Hear, hear.) Did
net Hon. Members expect that if this wieasure was passed, the Noble
Lord, the Member for the City of London, would come forward with
a_proposal to abolish the differential dutleslon sugar ?—(Cheers.) Had
the Hon. Member for Stockport accepted the reins of office which
were offered to bins a few months ago, he would not have had the
courage to propose so bold a scheme as that of the Right Honourable
Baronet. He would have been seized with the delirium tremens.
(Laughter.) The Noble Lord the Member for the City of London,
who took high ground in Scotland, but was obliged to take occasion-
ally to occupy a mole-hill, was also frightened to form an Adminis-

tration.—(Laughter.) He (8i; fbr one regretted much
that the lion. Member for Stockport had not taken office—(Hear,
hear)—because the plan that he would have proposed wOuhl have
been far more conaprelien,ive than the present ; it would also have
been more intelligible.—(Hear, hear.) Having prophesieg that the
sugar duties would fall on the passing of this measure, he would ven-
ture to make another prophecy.—(Derisive cheers.) He would rather,
he would say, beg to allude to a most extraornary prophecy which
had been made by that amiable and talented Divine, the late 1)r.
Arnold. That Divine said that the Right Honourable Baronet kad a
great idea about the currency, but about the matter of the
Church he had no idea at all.— (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
That learned divine also said that the Right Hon, Baronet was also
one who would always yield to clamour. The Right Hon. Baronet
had stated that he was anxious to have the approbation of posteity?
Now he (Sir J. Tyrrell) confessed his wish to be that posterity might
have the opportunity—(Loud laughter from all sides of the House)—
that posterity, he repeated, might soon have the on portunit y of
expressing their opinion of the RUM Hon. Baronet.—(Continued
laughter.) He wished that the Noble Lord, the Member for the
City of London /11141 the Right Hon. Baronet, in conspiring with the
Anti-Corn-law League to abolish protection to agriculture, would
recollect a passage in ancient history, which ho would take the
liberty of quoting. When Cassius—(Laughter)—contemplated the
betrayal of thesar, he did not dare to do so until he had first gained
over Brutus to his cause—(Laughter)—and so he (Sir J. Tyrrell)
would say that the Right Hon. Baronet would not have dared
to propose the present measure until he had first gained the
support of the Duke of Wellington.—(Laughter.) It was his sincere
conviction that if the House of Commons should proceed to abolish
the corn-laws—if the House of Lords should also proceed to register
a verdict in favour of the present measure, the lower, rural, and
upper classes of this country would be rendered miserable indeed ;
and in carrying it Parliament would show that they were ready to
',cede any measure which the lawlessness of anarchists might &c-
-rate. Such a state of things would be produced that neither the
present lior any future Government would be able to remedy before
the counti'y had suffered incalculable injury.—(Cheers.)
Mr. JAMES said that he should support the present measure, and
that he had always voted in favour of freedom of trade. Re had,
therefore never changed on this question. With respect, however,
to those Hon. Members on the ether (Ministerial) side of the House,
wNo had recently become .converts to free trade, it might well be
said—

Tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur in ills."
The Hon. Member who had last addressed the House had said
that the House might expect an abolition of the sugar , duties if
this measure' passed; but concerning the sugar question, Mr.
M`Gref or had brought forward many able statements, and he
clearly showed that the sugar duties and slavery ought to be placed in
the same category.—(Hear, hear.) The sooner, therefore, that those
duties were aboWhed the better, for the credit of the country.
Me was rather desirous, if the House would favour him with their
attention, to refer to the progress of public opinion upon this question.
In the year, 1831, he had the honour of seconding a motion for the
total repeal :of the corn-Law, and he found on reference to Hansard
that he had the good fortune to make use of several of the arguments
which had been so lately used at Manchester, and which were now
become so popular. The moticu was brought forward by the Mon.
Member for Preston, and he had but one solitary Member supporting
him, the late Member for Bohm.. They were opposed by almost
every other Member of the souse, and the question was
carried against them by a anajority of 194 to 6.—(Hear.)
But let them look now at the position of the questiofr; it would be
carried by hundrets. Ho did not blame the changes of opinion which
had taken place ; he believed those changes to he occasioned by sin-
cere conviction, but he heartily rejoiced that he was of the same
opinion now that he was when he first entered that House, twenty-
six years ago.—(Hear, hear.) He could not agree in the opinion that
the agricultural interests would suffer by the passing of this measure.
He believed those sufferings, if there were any, had been greatly
exagzerated, and he believed that the abolition of the corn-law
would be conducive to the well-being of the struggling
masses of this densely-populated country.—(Vcar, hear.) It
was gratifying, however, for a public man, and more especially
for so hum'slean individual as himself, to know that he had been able
" The applause of listening senators to command."
—(Great laughter, in which the intervening line was lost.)

,
"To scatter plenty o'er a smiling land, .
And read their history in a nation's eyes."
—(Great laughter and cheers.) What, could it be believed that fif-
teen short years ago, this great question could only obtain ono mover,
one seconder, and five supporters? He should sit dawn with stating
that he would not support any amendment which would endanger
Ita
the safet
al y of the meure.
Severnibers here rose to address the House, but gave wry to
Sir ROBERT PEEt—Mr.. Speaker, two subjects of great import-
auce have occupied the attention of the House durini; the present de-
bate, The one, the Manner in which a party should be con-
ducted ; the other, the measures by which the contingencies
of a great public calitipity should be nutigated, and pri4-