The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-14 00:00:00

GERMANY

AND

THE NORTHERN STATES.

FRANKFORT-ON-THE-MAINE.

MANIFESTO OF THE PRINCE OF LEI•

NINGEN.

The Prince VON LEININGEN, the newly-appointed
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs under the
lteichsverweser of the German
_Empire, has issued
the following manifesto :
" Every nation has an indispensable right, under cer-
tain circumstances, of undertaking reforms in its inter-
nal affairs, even by forcible means; that is to say, through
the medium of revolution.
" It is not the object of these lines to discues what
was—first, the foundation of civil and religious liberty,
and, those circumstances are, or when the moment
arrives, in which a nation ought to have recourse to
such a right; or whether those circumstances
occurred, and whether that moment was arrived
for Germany, when a short time since she thought
proper to exercise that right. Tho fact that such
an event has actually happened is amply suffi-
cient for the purpose. The object of the German revo-
lution secondly, the restoration of one united Germany
(Eineinige Deutschland). After the great majority of
the nation had in the most unequivocal manner an-
nounced this its will by a total or partial overthrow of
the existing order of things, it was, and necessarily
must be, the grand object to regulate and establish on a
firm basis that which was attained (des errungene), and,
so far as it was exclusively ideal or theoretical, to
carry it into practical effect. Thus, as the revolution
was an outburst of the collective will of the nation,
so, consequently, the latter must also exclusively re-
serve to itself the restoration of the new order of
things. The nation, therefore, committed its full power
to a National Assembly elected by itself. Inasmuch
as the Governments of the individual states—that is
to say, tho Princes with their States' Assemblies —al-
lowed the elections to this constituent Diet to take place
in the hitherto recognized legal manner, they de facto
recognized the revolution.
"It was, then, the mission of the so elected Imperial
Assembly to carry into effect the expression of the na-
tional will—that is to say, to establish freedom and unity
on the basis of a new order of things. The somewhat

impatiently expectant delegates at length beheld the
ripening of the first fruits on the 28th of June. The
Imperial Diet appointed, and (once more) undoubtedly
with the greatest consistency in the exercise of its own
plenary power, the Provisional Regent (Reichaverweser)
with a central Government. The Germanic Confedera-
tion was dissolved, and resigned its powers into the
hands of the Imperial authority. A great event, indeed.
Not only was a German empire decreed in place of the
hitherto existing confederation of states (staatenbund),
but the German nation is hereby placed in a position to
testify by facts whether it really desires true freedom, or
whether it has suffered itself to be led by a small band of
demagogues, in mournful imitation of the course pursued
in a neighbouring state.
"Furthermore, and most especially, the nation must
also decide whether it will really have an united and
powerful Germany (' ob sic wirklich ein einiges and mulch-
tiges Deutschland haben will '). It is of the utmost im-
portance that it should elucidate this question to its own
satisfaction, and thereupon lay down its will. As there
is only one kind of real liberty which rests on law and
order, so there is but one sort of unity—an actual
(thatsiielt liche) union of all the component parts of a
whole, and that, too, in such a manner as to avert the
possibility of auy dispute or contest between the whole
and the parts. If any other course be pursued, not
singleness or unity, but discord and separation, will be
established. If the German nation, therefore, will have
unity, it must not only will the means thereto, but also
adopt the consequences thereof. There can be no more
opposition of Bavarian, Prussian, Saxon, or any other
interests to those of Germany—for the former must be
absorbed in the latter. Jealousy between individual
states, revilings of the northern by the southern parts of
the empire, or vice versa, are, therefore, mischievous
absurdities (frevelhafte absurditiiten). Opposition or
disobedience to the Imperial authority or the National
Assembly, however, is a crime against the majesty of
the nation itself—a treason to the Fatherland—which
must be speedily followed by condign punishment.
Dynastic interests, so far as they refer to the Im-
perial power, cannot, if the nation wills unity, be taken
into consideration, for the Princes are as much called
upon to conform to that will as any other German. If,
therefore, the nation would convert words into deeds it

must admonish the Imperial power—that is to say, the
National Assembly and the Central Government—to
adopt with rapidity and decision, and without regard to
collateral interests, all such measures as correspond with
the object of restoring a free and united Germany, and
moreover lend its own hearty support in aid of this
work. The convocation of the plenipotentiaries of the
individual Governments, if their objects were any other
than in some degree to facilitate the conventional
(geschafilichen) transition from the old to the new order
of things, would be in the highest degree superfluous
and even injurious. Aro they, perchance, to negotiate
with the Imperial power? In that case the National
Assembly must gulp its own decisions, and the power
and influence of the Imperial Government would be
stifled in their birth. If the nation, however, now that
it is called upon to decide, is sensible that its Bavarian,
or Hanoverian, or Prussian, or other reminiscences and
sympathies, besides many collateral and co-existent
interests, are too preponderant to be sacrificed to
German unity—if the old spirit of discord and separa-
tion is still too powerfully at work—if the jealousy be-
tween race and race, between north and south, is still
too strongly felt—well, then, let the nation convince
itself of the fact, return to the old federal system, leave
the individual states to constitute themselves, recall the
General Constituent Assembly, and dismiss both Im-
perial Regent and Imperial Government. Such a Con-
federation in itself does not exclude the possibility of
restoring, if not a free and united Germany, at all events
a body of free German nations, commanding in their
collective alliance the respect of foreign Powers. But
bizeeasn inevitable contest for the supreme Bove
the individual States, to sow disunionen
to construct a new empire, and at the same time formally
rtoeigorngty between an
instead of unity, to create weakness instead of power,
to establish an empire which would combine in itself
all the defects of the old one in a far greater de-
gree ; because now, not only would Princes, as in
former times, contest the authority of the Emperor
and foment disputes amongst themselves, but State
assemblies would clash with the Imperial Parliament,
State assembles with other State assemblies, associations
with other popular assemblies with other
popular
s with clubs, that would indeed
be an unheard-of result of a revolution which has been
undertaken at the coat of great sacrifices and inconsi-
derable risks for the purpose of restoring a free and
assemblies,associ atioenlusb,
united Germany. The nation must ponder on this ques-
tion the more seriously, inasmuch as it might otherwise
easily effect the most undesirable consummation of ren-
dering itself ridiculous for ever, as by trumpeting to the
world German unity and German power, whereas in
reality it would present a spectacle the very reverse. It
is the duty of the nation to come to a clear and definite
understanding respecting its will. The decision rests
with the nation alone. As, however, every one in the
present day, whether invited or uninvited, deems it his
duty to express his opinions, the writer of these lines
will hardly be refused permission to do the same. He
entertains the conviction that the German nation must
now advance on the beaten track in order to present an
united and powerful Germany, in the most striking con-
trast to a disunited and weak federal state. Duty and
honour demand, interest and prudence suggest, such a
course.
" To retrograde to a confederation of states (staaten-
bunde), or to establish a weak federal state (bundes
stoat), by a powerfully impressed independence of the
individual states, would only create a mournful period
of transition to fresh catastrophes and new revolutions.
Great ideas, such as have now gained possession of the
German mind, although they may once more slumber
for a time, will break out afresh, notwithstanding, with
renewed force. The danger of harbouring in Germany
revolutionary movements, or perchance civil war for a
series of years, is far too great, not only to our own
country, but to Europe--saay, to civilization itself—not
to render imperative every effort to avert so dire a
calamity. It is the serious duty of the Imperial power—
that is to say, of tho Imperial Government and the
National Assembly, supported by the national will—
to devote itself with courage and decision to the
fulfilment of this great mission. The Imperial power
(reichsgewalt) must, so far as it may be necessary, ab-
sorb in itself (an sick ziehen) the sovereignty of the
individual states; it must unremittingly undertake the
thereto requisite organization of Germany.; it must,
whilst establishing the organism of the Imperial Govern-
ment, reduce that of the individual states. A perfectly es-
tablished central state, in which, again, other perfectly
established states, of larger or smaller size, were
encased, would be virtually a monstrosity (sin ending),
and at; the same time ao expensive that the
nation would not tolerate it. Experience, too, would
soon teach us that sovereignty is not divisible. The
Imperial power must, above all, abolish, as speedily as
Possible, the diplomatic intercourse of the individual
states at home and abroad, and concentrate it in its
own hands. This is a vital question. It will and
must equally honour and equally represent the interests
of every part of Germany. It must appropriate to
itself the unconditional disposal of the national forces
(streitt hriife), and take such measures respecting them
as it may deem advisable. It must advance the custom
linos (zollinie) to tbo frontiers of Germany. It must
not allow the Governments or the Constituent State
Assemblies dependent on it to occupy themselves with
matters that appertain to the National Assembly alone.
" If, however, obedience to the original power be Jo-
' fused, punishment must follow with all speed. It must
summon to its bar, and call to a strict account, all disobe-
dient Ministers, Generals, or other public functionaries.
It must dissolve state assemblies and corps d'armes if