The Sun.
London, England, 1846-09-02 00:00:00

DERBY ELECTION.

DERBY, TUESDAY AFTERNOON.—The Tories have
been very busy canvassing and publishing lying hand-
bills, and they seem to be tolerably confident of a ma-
jority of 150 votes. We must bear in mind, however,
that in trusting to the division in the ranks of the Li-
berals on the Maynooth question, they are depending on
a broken staff. Mr. Strutt has already succeeded in
smoothing away some of the rough of the opposition on
that score, and will yet succeed to a still greater extent.
The subjoined handbill has been circulated in reply to
the one put forth as from a meeting of Protestant Non-
conformists:—

" As a wrong impression is abroad relative to the
character and proceedings of the meeting of Protestant
Nonconformists, held in the Baptist Chapel, in St.
Mary's-gate, yesterday morning, it has been thought
right that a brief explanatory statement should be pub-
lished. It has been reputed, and seems to be generally
believed, that this meeting was comprised of several
hundreds of Nonconformists, that the proceedings IN ere
perfectly unanimous, and that it was resolved, if possible,
to prevent the return of Mr. Strutt, in consequence of
his vote on the Maynooth question. Neither of these
assertions is correct. The meeting consisted of about
fifty persons ; and so far from the proceedings being
unanimous, a difference of opinion was loudly expressed;
the original proposition, as published, was met by an
amendment of unqualified support to Mr. Strutt, which,
after a protracted discussion, was lost by a majority of
not more than ten or a dozen votes. Several parties did
not vote either way. No authority was given by the
meeting for the publication of its proceedings.
" W. M. COOPER.
" W. H. JONES.
" Derby, Sept. 1, 1846."
_ _

Mr. Stilitt has been cross-questioned by the Rev. J.
Gawthorn (Independent) on various matters. We subjoin
the discussion, as it is of public interest :
Mr. Crewel-tom; said that he quite approved of the
reasons which induced Mr. Strutt to accept the office to
which he had been appointed, and he thought the con-
stituency of the borough would be unanimous in that
respect.—(Cheers.) Mr. Strutt had referred to a gen-
tleman, who, it was said, was to be put forward as
a candidate, chiefly on the ground of dissatisfaction
with Mr. Strutt's vote on the Maynooth endowment.
The Baronet alluded to might be a very good
man, but he was not in Parliament when that grant
was made ; they had had no experience of him, and
could not certainly know how he would have voted on
that question, as not only a large body of Whigs, but a
great number of Tory Churchmen also voted for the
measure.—(Hear, hear.) But while Sir Digby Mack-
worth thought it was very unjust to tax Protestants for
the support of Popery, he had no objection to tax
Catholics and Dissenters for the support of his own sect.
—(Loud cheers.) He wished to keep up the Irish
Church in all in its extent, and Mr. Gawthorn feared,
in its enormous abuses too.—(Hear, hear.) A man of
such onesided justice was not entitled to our confidence
and support.—(Cheers.) But Mr. Gawthorn felt it
was a duty he owed to himself, to Mr. Strutt, and to no
small number of the electors, honestly to declare his
own entire disapproval of Mr. Strutt's vote on the May-
nooth endowment—a disapproval in which millions—he
repeated, in which millions coincided. But as that was
past, he thought we bad a right to make some inquiry
respecting the future ; and he took the liberty to ask, if
it was proposed to Parliament to endow the Romish
priesthood from the public finances, would Mr. Strutt
support that unjust measure?—unjust, because it would
be taxing one man to maintain the religious opinions
and observances of another.—(Hear, hear.) Govern-
ment had no money to give to the Romish priests,
without taking it out of our pockets ; was it right,
then, that we should be taxed for such a purpose ? No
man was more sensible than be was that the Irish
Catholics are shamefully oppressed.—(Cheers.) Great
injustice is done by forcing them to support a church of
which they conscientiously disapprove, and they ought
to be relieved ; but the method proposed was opposed to
religion and equity. We ought not to attempt justice to
them by doing injustice to others. The only way to do
them justice without wrong to others, was to free them
from all forced contributions to a church of which they
conscientiously disapprove.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. STRUTT was extremely obliged to his friend Mr.
Gawthorn for having given him this opportunity of ex-
plaining his vote on the Maynooth grant, and would be
happy to answer the question which Mr. Gawthorn had
put to him. The College of Maynooth had been es-
tablished about half a century ago by the Protestant
Parliament of Ireland a Parliament in which no
Roman Catholic could hold a seat, although an im-
mense majority of the Irish people were of that religion.
That Protestant Parliament having experienced the evil
arising from the Roman Catholic priests being edu-
cated abroad, where they became disaffected to
the institutions of their own country, determined
to establish a college for them in Ireland. Being Protes-
tants themselves, they would, no doubt, have been glad
to render the Irish people Protestants also ; but as this
was impossible, they wished (so far as they were able)
to render their priests good subjects. The College of
Maynooth was instituted on these grounds, and has ever
since continued to receive an endowment from the public
purse, having been supported by all the successive Go-
vernments, of all political parties, which have existed
during that time. Y In consequence of the great increase
of population of late years, and the additional number of
priests required, the sum which had been annually voted
had become quite insufficient for the pupport of the col-
lege in a state of common comfort and decency, and a Bill
was proposed by Sir Robert Peel to make the necessary
increase in the endowment, and to put the college on a
better footing. It was admitted on all sides, either that
this Bill ought to pass, or that the college should be
abolished altogether, and no choice was given but be-
tween these two alternatives. Under these circum-
stances he had to consider the effect of his vote upon
the condition of Ireland. He could not look upon the
grant as a new and detached question. He had to de-
termine whether, considering the immense revenues pos-
sessed by the Protestant Church of Ireland (revenues, be
it observed, which bad been taken away from the great
body of the people and conferred upon a small minority),
whether, considering the grants which were annually
made by Parliament for the support of Protestant Dis-
senters in Ireland, it would be just and wise to deprive
the Roman Catholics (being the great majority of the
people) of the small pittance which they had possessed
for more than half a century. He knew that those of his
friends who were attached to the voluntary system would
say that they were guilty of no injustice, inasmuch as
they are equally opposed to the endowments of the Pro-
testant Church, and that they would treat both on an
equal footing. But they must recollect that they had at
present no power of putting an end even to the grossest
abuses existing in the Irish Church ; and if he and the
rest of the Liberal party had joined Sir Robert Inglis
and ether enemies of religious liberty in defeating the
Maynooth Bill, they would afterwards have found these
men the most strenuous supporters of the endowments
of the Church.—(Cheers.) Acting on the Christian
principle of "Do as you would be done by "-
-(Loud cheers)—he would place himself in the
situation of a poor Irish Catholic, and he
could not but feel that if he were told
that a regard for, the voluntary principle required that
the small allowance made to Maynooth College should
be taken away, whilst the immense revenues of the Irish
Church and the votes to Protestant Dissenters remained
untouched, he should be treated with gross injustice.—
(Loud cheers.) Acting, therefore, on this principle, and
having a due regard to the feelings of the Irish people,
and to the maintenance of the connexion between the
two countries, he had felt it his duty to support the May-
nooth Bill.—(Hear, hear.) He came next to Mr. Gaw-
thorn's question, which he had much pleasure in answer-
ing. He wished, however, first to state, that he had al-
ways been, as Mr. Gawhorn well knew, opposed to
pledges as to particular votes. He thought that every
candidate was bound to make the fullest explanation of
his opinions to his constituents, and if they had so low
an opinion of his character as to believe that he would
be likely to change his opinions without sufficient reason,
it was their proper course not to elect such a man.—
(Loud cheers.) Without, therefore, pledging himself
on any particular vote, he entirely agreed with Mr.
Gawthorn as to the injustice of taxing one man for the
support of another man's religion—(Cheers)—and his
opinion was, like Mr. Gawthorn's, entirely adverse to
any measure for taxing the people of England for the
endowment of the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ire-
land.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. GAWTHORN—If money was to be given to May-
nooth, why was it not taken from the superfluous reve-
nues of the Irish Church, as Mr. Ward proposed? The
grant of nearly 40,0001. per annum to the Presbyterians
in Ireland is not to Protestant Dissenters; the recipients
are advocates of a church establishment. They are now
begging for further grants from the public purse—will
Mr. Strutt comply with their request ? As to what is
in England called the Regium lionuni, it is an annual
grant of about 4,000/, voted for the descendants of the
French Protestant refugees, some of the poor of St. Mar-
tin's-in-the-Fields, and Protestant Dissenting ministers.
The dissenting ministers of the Congregational order,
and the Baptists, have repeatedly protested against this
grant, and prayed that it may be discontinued. Mr.
Hume has given notice that the next time it is proposed
he will move that it be not allowed; will Mr. Strutt sup-
port that motion? No denomination has a right to re-
ceive a shilling from the national taxation. I therefore
inquire, in brief, whether Mr. Strutt will oppose all
grahis from the public purse to any religious body, and
for any religious purpose whatever?
Mr. STRIITT spoke again shortly, in reply to Mr.
Gawthorn, explaining that be had himself voted for Mr.
Ward's amendment for taking the funds for the endow-
ment of Maynooth out of the surplus revenues of the
Irish Church—(" Hear, bear, from Mr. Gawthorn),......
which he thought would have been the proper course ;
and it was only on this amendment being rejected by a
large majority that he consented to this payment being
continued to be made out of the general revenue of the
country. Mn Strutt also explained that rresbyterians
actually were Dissenters in Ireland. With respect to
Mr. Gawthorn's last question, he must repeat that he
concurred in Mr. Gawthorn's general principle, but that
(for reasons which he had already stated) he must de-
cline giving ati absolute pledge which would bind him
under circumstances which he might not at present be
able to foresee' and would send him to a deliberative as-
sembly without the power of deliberation.
Mr. Strutt's answers gave great satisfaction, and were
loudly cheered.
The nomihation Will take place at nine o'clock to-
morrow morning. The contest is expected to be a severe
one, but the result will be in Mr. Strutt's faiout,

TEMPERANCE MEETING.—A public meeting, which,
grew out of the proceedings of the World's Temperance
Convention, took place last evening at Bishopsgate Chapel,
Bishopsgate-street. Its object was to combine the benefits of
temperance with education, and more especially with Sun-
day teaching. Several of the most eminent of the American
Tile
delegateschair
wwaieretakpreen by sent,cia,m,o. nAgttwwohoodm,
Esq.
observed Dr.
Beecher, the Rev. Mr. Patton, the Rev. Mr. Brainerd &c.

THE REGISTRATIONS.
CITY OF LONDON.
Yesterday the notices of claims and objections to the
list of voters were posted on the church doors, and it
would appear from them that the Registration Court of
the City of London is chosen as the grand arena for
political warfare for the metropolitan districts. The
claims and objections are more numerous than on any
former occasion, owing, no doubt, in a great measure, to
the belief that the new Parliament will be elected from
the next registry. The partisans and agents on either
side are busily engaged in making preparations for the
ensuing contest, and great expectations are felt for the
result. The objections are as follow .

Liberals
Conservatives

LIVERY LIST.

283
560

Total livery objections
It must be observed, however, that several of those
are objected to by both parties for misdescription, change
of residence, &c. The objections to the householders'
list are unprecedently numerous.

HOUSEHOLDERS' LIST.
Liberals
Conservatives 2,800

Total householders' objections 4,315
The claims on the livery list were never before so
small, being only two Liberals and one Conservative. On
the householders' list of claims the Liberals have made
304; the Conservatives have made none whatever.
It is believed that the revision will commence on the
earliest day allowed by law, viz., the 15th of September,
in consequence of the great mass of business to be trans-
acted.