The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY-

Manufacture to all parts of the world amounted to
47,000,0001. ; in 1844 they were 47,312,0001. In 1845
there was again an increase, the amount being in that
year 46,764,000/. This is the state of our commerce.
under the system we have pursued, of abolishing protec-
tion. Now I come to the question of revenue, and will
take the results of the revenue as bearing on this ques-
tion. Ought there to be a high protection on domestic
industry in a country encumbered with a heavy debt
and heavy taxes ? In 1842, it will be remembered that
I proposed a reduction in the Customs duties to the amount
of an estimated loss of 1,438,0001. In 1844 I proposed
a further reduction in the Customs duties, involving a loss
of 273,000/.; and in 1845 a further reduction to the im-
mense amount of 2,418,0001. I estimated the total loss
on those reductions would be 4,129,000/. I discarded
the revenue derived from corn from both sides of the ar-
gument.—(Hear, hear.) Now let us see whether my
expectations have been realised in this respect, and
whether 4,000,000/. have been lost to the revenue from
the changes in the Customs duty we have made or not?
I find the total loss has been 1,500,000/. only.—(Re-
newed cheering.) I dealt also with the Excise last year
—and made a reduction to the extent of 1,000,000 L in
that item of revenue by the removal of duties. We took
off) the whole of the glass duty—(Hear)—and the auc-
tion duty, and we estimated the loss to the revenue at
1,000,0001. See the result. These duties were taken off
altogether. There was no hope of recovering any part of
it—as in the case of articles upon which we merely.re-
duced the duties, and when by increased consumption we
ma/ reasonably hope to make up the loss—but we felt
that by vivifying trade the removal of those duties
would be beneficial notwithstanding. Now let us in-
quire what will have been the effect of that removal on
the sth of April next. My belief is that, notwithstand-
ing the reductions that have been made, the excise re-
venue this year will be more prosperous than it was pre-
vious to the changes.—(Hear.) Notwithstanding those
reductions and abrogations, there has arisen a silent
spring of prosperity in the industry of the country
which has supplied the void in the revenue thus created.
—(Hear.) And, with this evidence before me, is it pos-
sibl,, for me to stand up and say that, because
we have a heavy debt and high taxes, we shonld
still continue protection ? The Customs duties of
the present year amount to almost 20,000,000/. The
Customs duties of 1842, when we began this system of
reductiou, produced 19,661,0001., exclusive of corn,
which I take both ways. I have reduced tax ition to the
amount of 4,129,000/. ; and comparing the Customs re-
turns for 1845 with those for 1842, in addition to over-
coming that diminution of upwards of 4,000,0001., the
Customs of this year are better by nearly half a million
than they were in 1842, before that reduction took place.
—(Opposition cheers.) But I will now take a more
important matter into consideration—a more important
matter than either trade, commerce, or revenue, unques-
tionably important as all are. I will take the moral
state of the country, and I am happy in stating that
during the last year there has b.ien a large reduction in
the amount of crime. The number of offences has within
these 12 months been greatly reduced in the country. In
1845 the number of commitments was 24,305, that is 2,237
loss than during the preceding year, namely, 1844.
This was a decrease of 5i per cent. on the year before.
In 1842 the reduction was 51 per cent. In 1844 it was
3 7-10th ; in 1845 it was 5i- per cent. as I learn from
the communication from the several quarters ; and that
is to me a source of Brea, gratification. That is the
fact, that this reduction is chiefly observable in the chief
manufacturing districts, and in some of the chief manu-
facturing towns, while on the other hand, the reduction of
political offences has been equally great in the agricul-
tural districts. In Wales there is perfect quietude, and
not a single offence of dissaffection or sedition has been
committed throughout the whole of the Principality.
The Att Tney-General's office has been, for the last
two years a sinecure—(Hear, hear)—for daring that
period there has not been a single prosecution for
any offence against the State—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—
in the years 1840, 1841, and 1842. Now, let us listen
to this serious state of things in these three years.
There were 1,257 committed upon charges of sedition
and riotous conduct. In the years 1843, 1844, 1845,
there were 124 persons instead of 1,257. In the last
year there was not a-single one. In the year 1845 there
were 422 persons sentenced to the punishment of trans-
portation, less than in the year 1843. In the last
three years there were 1,701 less sentenced to
transportation, than in the three preceding years.
Now, this has been during times of comparative abun-
dance. Is it possible, I say, then, to resist the conclusion,
that low prices and comparative abundance have con-
tributed to produce this beneficial result. Now, these
are great social benefits. I do not say they are the
necessary results of it, but I do say they are
concurrent with a diminution of protecting duties.
(Hear, hear). Well, have these advantages
been obtained by any serious detriment to that great in-
terest whose welfare should be the constant object of
our care, the agricultural ? Protection to them has been
diminished, and I have been the object of much attack for
diminishing these duties, and deeply should I regret if
these great social advantages to which I have alluded
had been accompanied with any serious injury to agri-
culture. Now, let us see what has been the effect of re-
ducing the duty upon the four great articles of
our imports. In the year 1824, the protecting
duty on film was 10/. 14s. 6d. It is now
comparatively nothing. Protection having been re-
moved, what has been the result ? What is now the
price of Irish flax ? In the year 1843 the prices of
fine flax in the market of Belfast was from 65 to 70.
In the year 1844 the prices were from 64 to 68, and in
January, 1846, the prices now are from 70 to 80. There
is no such fear from a reduction of duties on our

importations, nor indeed is there any cause for the
alarm raised by some Hon. Gentlemen who have given
expression to their feelings on the subject of protection.
'The taking off the duties from foreign cattle was pre-
dicted to be highly injurious to the agricultural interest.
Now what is the fact with respect to that prediction ?
In 1843 there were 1,019 foreign horned cattle imported,
and in 1844 there were 2,899, and in the last eleven
months there were not less than 12,000 ; but it is not
proved that this increase has been detrimental
to the agriculturist of this country, In the year 1844,
the contract for stores for the navy was 31. IBs. sd. per
tierce, and it is now 61. Bs. Bd.
~This latter price
s the one now paid for dui navy contract
and this proves beyond all doubt that, not-
withstanding the free importation of cattle, the
article has nearly doubled, or at least very considerably •
increased in cost; and this, I think, cannot be
denied as an argument against those, who ex-
pressed so much alarm on the repeal of this
duty. It cannot be denied that the price has,
not more than kept pace with the import
Now there was no article which caused so much alarm

as lard.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and great laughter.)
In 1840 there were only 97 cwt. nf foreign-lard imported
into this country. In 1842, when the duty on its im-
portationwas repealed, 48,000 cwt. were introduced ; in
1844, 76,000 cwt. ; and in 1845, I believe it will be
found that above 80,000 cwt. had been introduced. Now
what has been the price of domestic lard ? In 1844 it
was 435. per cwt. ; in 1845 it was 675. ; and in January
of the present year, notwithstanding these enormous
importations the increase in price has been from 48s.
to 625. in 1845 and 675. in this year.—(Loud cries of
" Hear, hear.") Now there is only one other article
which is of great importance and which demands the
most serious attention, and that is the article of wool.
I was persuaded in 1844 that it was expdient that the
duty on wool should be altogether repealed—that there
in tact should be no restriction on its importation. It
was more certainly in deputations than in this House that
objections were urged against the free importation of that
article. Certainly there were grievous anticipations lest,
in consequence of •the abolition of the duty on that arti-
cle, parties engaged in the wool trade, should be injured.
Well, here again there has been an enormous increase
in the importation of wool. In 1842, there were 45,8301b5.
of foreign wool imported into this country, and in 1844,
there were 5,790,0001b5., and during the last year,
I am bound to admit, that there were no less than
65,216,0001b5. of foreign wool imported into England.—
(Hear, hear.) Now what has been the cause of the e
d
bssunk re-
duction
kinfrpoornefe
eitmlh;bate!ru,t
otlyBlo4osdn:,ewaingodohltien?enlBlm4n3o
nlftrBho4:22s-tilnhlcetdpihriteceoalbhiodal
i-
tion of the duty, the price has sunk from 11 }d. to 101 d.
per lb.—(Hear, hear, and great laughter.) Now I think'
y
Sir, we have had experience for the last three ears
sufficient to show that the removal of nrotection to,
domesticindustry has been followed by an increase of
our social happiness, and the interests of the country
have been materially promoted.—(Hear, hear.) Our
morality, too, has been much improved. I could read
the most conclusive proofs that the public health
has also been much improved.—(Hear, hear)—
and that the national trade has been increased. Exportshave been increased, and this is a fact in which I rejoice.
—(Hear, hear.) The trade in those articles from which,r
protection
has been removed has been increased.
sir,ow,
th icto insvrightc tion t
whichh at I s
thholus I de
xs tpaetne. e that,n ce
anso
bt wr tuhgsht at nt do ng,
my
mind, that my decided impression was that, on other
grounds, the corn-laws should be reconsidered.
This I was firmly resolved upon. I could not
have met in this session the motion of the Hon. Gentle -
man for the reconsideration of the corn-laws. I could
not, I say, with these convictions—which, say what you
will, I cannot forget—l could not have met that motion
with a direct negative.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, let
me again repeat, that the convictions which I have come
to have been brought about by observation and experience.
With this change in my opinion, I could not have under-
taken the defence of the corn-laws upon the ground
that the country being heavily taxed the continuance
of protection was necessary, or upon the ground that
it was for the interest of the labouring classes
that high prices should be continued as a guarantee for
high wages ; nor could I have undertaken its defence on
the ground that a non-interference of the system was a
guarantee for domestic peace.—(Hear, hear.) But I have
more urgently wished fur this opportunity to explain to
those friends who have hitherto honoured me with their
confidence and support, as well as to justify to them the
course I have taken. —(Hear, hear.) I wish to assure
them that had I not taken the course I have
done, this Parliament would- have been broken up,
and the defence of their interests would have been com-
mitted to the country, and another Parliament would
have had the opportunity of reconsidertng the question
of the eorn-laws. Circumstances occurred in the last
autumn which would have precluded me from
meeting Parliament on the principles I had
previously entertained. A great calamity has mani-
fested itself, the limits of which were then, and are still,
little known—(Cheers)—and it was evident to
us that we should have great difficulty in con-
tending against that calamity. The calamity was
not confined to Ireland, but it had appeared,
not only in many other parts of Europe,
but in England itself. This calamity made the Go-
vernment aware of the fact, that the time had
arrived when a change in the corn laws became
pressingly necessary ; and it was, then, our duty
to our Sovereign. and the country to make known
the nocesaty for this skimp, which existed in the

.. ;s..i

coming danger. Now, had we pretended only that
there was apprehension of a scarcity, for the purposes
of effecting an alteration in the corn-laws, nothing would
have been more hue or dishonourable; and you shall have
the opportunity of judging of the importance of the in,-
formation Nye received upon this calamity, and to deter-
mine whether or ne that information was not sufficient
to justify the Government in warning the country
against the coming danger.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
S ) strongly, indeed, was I impressed by this information
of the necessity for a change that, in the month of No-
vember, I advised the suspension of the protective duties.
nto
arwn
ehli;c ,h
the I mpuesrt i particularlbetweeny at
ul leu d 1 es t
—(Opposition cheers.) There are two important periods
ionf
Nmoyveemxpbelarr
ItBio4ns;
and the 6th of November, 1845, and the 25th of Novem-
ber, 1845, and the 6th of December, 1848 ; but before I
do so, I propose to read, in consecutive order,
the information which we received at diffe -
rent periods from different parts of Europe,
which induce me to come to the conclusion I have
done. The R;ght Hon. Baronet then read a
series of letters from Belgium, Egypt, Poland,
France, and other countries, detailing the
great ravages of the potato disease in those places,
Now with respect to England, this is the limit of the
information which has reached us. I should mention
that the first account we had of the failure of the potato
crop was received from the Isle of Wight. A gentleman
writes us on the 10th of August that he cultivates 300
acres, and he is also a salesman in London. He was
elso engaged in the retail trade, and therefore fully com-
petent to give an opinion. Ho had examined
the crops around Sandwich and its neighbour-
hood, and they were almost entirely destroyed.
In Kent also the crop has been most seriously injured,
as appeared by a letter received from Mr. Clay. In
Yorkshire the crop has been even worse, for it appears
by a letter from Mr. Wood, from that place, that the
injury has been most extensive. Then from Scotland
I received a letter from my friend the Member
for Dumfries, in which he says that the po-
tatoes there, in many districts, were unfit for
human food. This was the nature of the accounts which
my right Hon. Friend and myself had been receiving
during the months of October and November, and which
we spent days and nights in reading. Then, as to the
accounts which came from Ireland, it would appear by
them that the people of that country chiefly subsist upon
that article of food. It would be difficult to estimate
the number that so exist ; but by the official accounts
which we have received from that country from Sir W.
Brown, Mr. Lucas, and Professor Kane, it appears that
nearly four millions of the people of that country mainly
depend upon the potato for their support. It is quite
clear, then, that we have now to contend against a cala-
mity affecting no fewer than four millions of people.—
(Hear, hear.) I will not enter into any details upon
this subject, I will merely content myself with
reading the aocounts we have received from
the Lord Lieutenant, confirmatory of them.— (Hear.)
The Lord Lieutenant stated in one of his letters that
the evil will not be felt in all its intensity until the
month of February or the beginning of spring; that is
the stock of last year's potatoes. This, be 1.. remem-
bered, is the opinion of one who was chiefly responsible
for guarding against any calamity.—(Hear, hear.) Now.
after all the accusations which have been brought against
me, I wish to place upon record what were the appre-
hensions of those who were responsible for the providing
of mea,ures in order to meet this calamity. In a letter
from the Lord-Lieutenant, he stated that the disease
was very prevalent, and that results of an alarming
nature might be anticipated, if measures wore not speedily
taken to meet the evil. This letter was fol-
lowed by another, dated the 21st of October, in
which he says that accounts still continue to pour in of
a most discouraging nature; the extent of the calamity
it would be impossible to calculate—potatoes were dry
up, apparently in an healthy state, which in a few days
presented all the appearances of decay. On the 24th Oct.
another account reached us, in which we were told that the
prices of the necessaries of life were rising, and that a
epirit of discontent seemed spreading among the people,
and urging upon us the necessity of adopting speedy
measures in ,order to allay the feeling of the people,
and wishing to know whether he should issue a proclama-
tion furbiddiog distillation from grain. This of tilt
24th was followed by another on the 29th, from Lord
Haytesbury, in which he stated that he was most
anxious to know the result of the deliberations of her
Majesty's Ministers upon the state of the potato crop in
Ireland, and that accounts from the constabulary tended
to confirm the extent of the calamity. Communications
were also received from the Lord Mayor of Dublin of
a similar tendency, and urging upon us the necessity for
prompt and effective measures. But not only had they
had the opinions of the Lord Lieutenant, but
also those of the Secretary to the Royal Agricul-
tural Association, contained in a letter of the
date of the 17th November. In the postscript to his
letter, he states that, since the letter was written,
later reports of the wide-spreading calamity had reached
him, and he could safely say that there was not a
county in Ireland but was affected with the disease.
That communication was from the Secretary of the
Royal Agricultural Society of Ireland, who was certainly
in possession of most extensive means of information.
It came to hand on the 24th of October. I hold a letter
from another gentleman, who is, perhaps, as well in-
formed as any man in the country, and he says, " that
those who best know the country are the most
puzzled to perceive a way out of the difficulty.
Formerly we could, even in times of great
scarceness, generally see some means for reliev-
ing the distress, and of carrying our people onward
through to the time when the potato season returned.
But now the case is very different, and we see no way
whatever of getting through the winter. Shortly after
this, the Duke of Leinster presided over a meeting
called in Dublin to consider the state of the country,
and there a resolution was carried, to the effect that
unless the Lord Lieutenant took immediate steps for
relieving the general distress that famine, pesti-
lence, and destitution would fill the land. He
had also a letter to the same purport
from Lord Clare. Impressed with these communica-
tions, we thought it our duty to send two, men both
eminent in their way, and quite unconnected with the
country. Professor Lindley and Dr. Playfair, who went
--c
'froth Dublin to Drogheda, passing through the severalounties.between the two, and their report ..was to the
• eflat that where the crop was not entirely destroyed, the
potato was in such a state as to be quite unfit
for human sustenance.—(Hear.) At my request
these eminent men placed their opinions npon record.
It is from the 25th of November that I am re-
sponsible. On the let of November there was
no agitation on the question, there was no
petition, but the report received by the country
fully and clearly showed to me the course which I
ought to.take. The news from Belgium, and the state
of the niarket at Liverpool fully- justifies 'the course of
the-Gtivernnient ; and it was the knowlettge.of the fact
that a great measure, such as- I now speak in 'fa-
vour of, being necessary, that I acted as I did. I
was perfectly prepared to issue an order in Coun-
cil to throw open the ports. I was prepared to
take the responsibility of that act, but I was overruled,
and then it only remained for me to act as I subse-
quently did. I advised my colleagues to adopt the
course of taking off the restrictions on foreign corn.
On the 25th November it became necessary to consider
what instructions should be issued. Those instructions
were determined on, and we reserved to ourselves the
option of acting as circumstances might determine.
I however stated at that time that it appeared to me
that the prescriptions issued were at variance
with the information received from the Com-
missioners. On the Ist of September our position
was entirely changed. I have no hesitation in saying
that the agitation going forward in the country affected
my own position. I had been overruled in the earlier
part of our proceedings, when investigation would have
been the more natural proceeding, and I admitted at once
that the letter of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John
Russell) aided also to materially alter my position.
It was wholly impossible for me, or those with whom I
acted, to know whether there would be all this calami-
tous failure in the potato crop. I had felt on the 26th of
November that there was no chance of bringing
this matter to a successful issuse. I should
have adopted precisely the same plan as that
which was recommended in the letter of
the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), and I had hoped
that my views would have met with the unanimous con-
currence of the members of the Cabinet. I thought that
there was a justification for extraordinary measures,
and that such extraordinary measures would have been
supported by the other aiembers of the Cabinet.—(Hear.)
That was my conviction. But, finding that my feelings
on this question were not similar to the rest of the Go-
vernment, I felt it my duty to resign the situation which I
held. I felt it to be my duty, not being supported by
the unanimous voice of the Cabinet—l felt it my duty
humbly to tender my resignation to her Majesty. That
resignation was accepted by her Majesty. Her Majesty
then sent for the Noble Lord, the Member for London.
The Noble Lord undertook to form a Ministry, and for
a short period I was in the situation of a private Member
of this House; and I do not hesitate to say that I would
have done all in my power to promote a settlement of
slpliowcwhoeuarldcituouensftdacioerniliastaustctehhi tsesettlement of the question. Loud cheers.) I repeat it, that
circumstances have done all in my
Government
of
December,
e els m
be wasr,
capacity as first Minister of the
then at an end in my
I remained under the impression that my services were
Crown, and that I was to return to this House
had, in
the Noble Lord opposite the mean-
had
the Beth
to form an
as a private Member of Parliament. Whether
on the 19th, the next day, I
athe
it was then intimated to me that the Noble Lord,
when
received a gracious intimation from her Majesty, to the
mean-
time, e , a
ware undertaken
until
Ttobuifsodramy,
effect that she would wish to see me previous to taking
a final farewell. I waited upon
Noble
Majesty accordingly,
athdemMiniesmtrbaetrionfo. r
HLoowndeovner,,
o eL d
told that the N cr opposite had and I then was
de-
clined to form an administration, and her Majesty was
desire that I should withdraw my
hear.) ow, Ido not
offer of resignation.—( ,
hesitate to say that as it was intimated to me that the
Noble Lord had failed to form an administration, I con-
sented to withdraw my resignation, after a moment's
consideration, and to ask my colleagues in office
to cooperate with me in complying with the
wishes of , her Majesty.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I
notice of
have already given n my intention, on the
t on an early day, to submit the
part of the Governmen ,
measures we intend to propose for meeting the exigen-
cies of the time, and I shall leave the justification of
those measures for that occasion. My explanation,
therefore, for the present rests here ; and I do hope,
that after hearing the evidence in possession of the
Government upon the anticipated calamity, it will be
deemed sufficient for the present. Some may think
that the conclusions I and others have come to are erro-
neous ; but I warn those who think so, that even
now the extent of the calamity is not fully known.
I
Let them pause, therefo re,
d
before they at
atpress a con-
fident opinion upon our con uot. But, all events,