The Sun.
London, England, 1870-06-18 00:00:00

THE ST. DOMINGO TREATY.

The Washington correspondent of the New York,Herald
writes as follows on June 1:

" The St. Domingo question becomes more and more
mixed from day to day. President Grant has sent to the
Senate another message urging a ratification of the treaty
of annexation; but at the same time are started new
grounds of opposition, fresh reasons why our Govern-
ment should not act hastily, if at all, in negotiating with
Mr. Baez and Co. The latest information given to influ-
ential senators would lead to the conclusion that Baez is
not a man to be trusted in any sort of degree, and that
Gautier, Cazeneau, Fabens, Jerry O'Sullivan and all the
people surrounding the Dominican President or con-
nected with the annexation project including even General
Babcock, are no better than they should be. Senator
Sumner, who has all along opposed the scheme, has been
let into the secret of recent proceedings in St. Domingo
which decidedly ought to lessen confidence in the good
faith of Mr. Baez and his ministers. The sixth article of
the treaty, signed by Mr. Gautier, the Dominican Secre-
tary of State, and Mr. Raymond H. Perry, our Consul
to St. Domingo, provided that after the execution of the
convention between the two parties no land grants, min-
ing rights or other concessions should be given away by
the Dominican government. Notwithstanding this very
plain provision, it appears that Mr. Gautier approved pe-
titions of Messrs. Cazenau and Schumaker, asking for
enormous grants of land for mining, emigration and rail-
road purposes, and recommended their passage to the
Dc minican Senate. Cazenau is said to already own about
one-half the public lands of the country, and in his new
petition he modestly begged for a cession of 200,000 acres
more, with a reservation to his exclusive use and
profit of all the mining wealth that might be discovered
thereon. Mr. Schumaker's petition was for the privilege
of building a railroad between St. Domingo and Agua,
130 miles in length, with one mile of public land at each
side of the road—in other words, 200 miles of what, I am
told, constitutes some of the best land in that country.
These are both very moderate and cool requests in the
face of the unmistakable provisions of the treat. But it
is alleged that Mr. Minister Gautier viewed the scheme
with favour ; indeed, it is asserted that he was directly
interested in their scheme, and that he had arranged with
the Dominican Senate for a day and hour to meet them in
secret session and jointly consider the proposition. Three
of the Dominican Senators, feeling that to pass such
grants would be a violation of the treaty, and yet fear-
ing to oppose openly what they believed to be the de-
sires of Baez and Gautier, went to Consul Perry and
informed him what was going on, at the same
time, urging him to protest in the name of
the United States Government. Mr. Perry met Mr.
Gautier soon after, and asked if it it were true that such
schemes were before the Dominican Senate, to which
Gautier answered in the negative. This did not satisfy
Mr. Perry, however, and he wrote a note direct to Presi-
dent Baez setting forth the information he had received,
calling attention to the sixth article of the treaty, and
respectfully asking for copies of the Cazeneau and Schu-
maker petitions for the use of the United States Govern-
ment. Instead of receiving an answer from Baez himself,
he was honoured with a curt note from Gautier, 'by
direction of his Excellency the President,' in which
Gautier denies the right of Mr. Perry to demand such
information, and suggests very plainly that he (Perry)
had better mind his own business, and not presume to
address a diplomotic note to the mighty Baez President
of Dominica. Mr. Perry sharply replied to this note of
Gautier, taking the ground that his appointment as
plenipotentiary to make the treaty of annexation
gave him full power over the whole subject,
and that he felt it to be his duty to guard
jealously the interests of the United States, and
considering the schemes in question hostile to those in-
terests and in violation of the treaty, he had respectfully
asked for all information on the subject. Why it should be
denied, or why any secrecy should be observed if the
schemes were perfectly right and proper, were things that
he could not cDmprehend. About the same time Mr.
Perry had a spicy correspondence with Mr. Cazeneau on
the same subject. He asked Cazeneau to give him copies
of the petitions, but Cazeneau replied `No,' in pretty
much the same style as had Gautier. Perry replied in a
sharp and pointed letter, warning Cazeneau that he knew
all about his schemes, and that he would most certainly
expose them. He believed that improper use was being
made of President Grant's name to carry out disreputable
jobs, but he would see to it that the fair fame of the Pre-
sident would not be thus disgraced. Cazeneau sent
another reply to this, suggesting to Perry that perhaps
Grant's character did not require any protection at Perry's
hands, and hinting that he (Perry) had (by his injudicious
conduct) spoiled certain plans to which the United States
Government was privy, and which were desired by the
United States Government. That those plans should
have been kept a profound secret,but werenow made pub-
lic and ruined. No further correspondence occurred. The
protest of the consul,however, caused the Dominican Senate
to reject the Cazeneau Schumaker schemes. Further, it
appears that on the last trip made by the Tybee to St.
Domingo she carried with her a large quantity of arms
and ammunition,_ as well as 100,000 doll. in gold, from the
agents of the Hartmont loan. Mr. Perry protested
against its acceptance by the Bae Government, and in
ponsequence it was returned to New York on the voyage
back. It is alleged that Baez wanted Mr. Perry, at one
time since the treaty was signed, to receive into his house
100,000 dole. offered by the Hartmont people ; but Mr.
Perry refused. The object of Baez is supposed to have
been to have a fund on hand in case of trouble with
which he could flee to parts unknown. Now Fabens is
said tobe in the interest of these Hartmont people, and
Fabens, it is asserted, was sent here as agent of Baez at
the special request of General Babcock. Does not one
interest clash with the other? Fabens, it is said, caused
the recent load of arms and money to be sent to Baez by
the Hartmont people. Cazeneau, Gautier, Fabens, and
Babcock are said to know something about a grand emi-
gration concession from Baez, which was nipped in the
bud by Perry. Nov, if all these things be true, would it
'not be well for the President to halt a little before pro-
ceeding any further in this annexation business? It may
be some will say, that these are mere stories trumpedup by
enemies of annexation ; but I have seen and read the
corremondence, and to that extent at least I am confi-
dent there is something in it."

CHINESE LABOUR.— The Chinese of Koopman-
pchap and Co., are taken to Massachusetts as shoemakers,
of course without the consent of the numerous Knights
of St. Crispin, who control the Trades Unions of that
State. The results of the introduction of this element
there are likely to be very deplorable. Numbers of the
same race are sent by the same firm on five years contracts
to Texas and Lousiana as common labourers. The
consequences of any contract system by which the
Chinaman binds himself for a number of years cannot
but be dangerous to the society in which such system of
labour is permitted. The South Carolinians and Georgians,
are also enamoured of Chinese labour and Koopmanschap's
system of importing it. Against that system Congress
has already proposed, and ought to take early action.—
New York Tribune.

THE NEW YORK TIMES ON GOLDWIN

SMITH.
Mr. Goldwin Smith probably never did a more foolish
thing in his life than when he took home to himself the
skesch in Mr. Disraeli's " Lothair " of an " Oxford Pro.
fessor." Mr. Disraeli simply makes a fool's cap, and
labels it " For an Oxiord. Professor." Mr. Goldwin Smith
cries out, " It's mine," and puts it on his own head amid
the laughter of the spectators. The Professor supplements
his performance by writing a letter to Mr. Disraeli, call-
ing him a " coward." Well, it does not need much
courage to write a letter of that sort. Mr. Disraeli has
been fighting a battle of one man against All England for
upwards of thirty years past, and even Mr. Goldwin Smith
knows well enough that he is no coward. His letter will,
we fear, be regarded only as another proof of the identity of
the Oxford Professor—for Mr. Disraeli describes that per-
sonage as a man " unable to profit even by his limited
experience of life, from a restless. vanity and oxerflowing
conceit, which prevented him from ever observing or
thinking of anything but himself." •

PROTECTION FOR AMERICAN SHIPPING

INTERESTS.
The following is Senator Chandler's bill for the revival
of American navigation interest :

A bill to encourage the building of ships for foreign
trade, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
tives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled :—That from and after the passage of this Act,
when any imported materials are used in the construction
or equipment of iron ships, built in the United States, for
the purpose of being solely usel in foreign trade and com-
merce,
there shall be allowed and paid to the parties t
building such ships, under such regulations as the Secre- '
tary of the Treasury may prescribe, a sum of money
equal in amount to the duties which have been paid on
such materials at the time of importation, and in case
materials of domestic growth, manufacture or production,
enter into the construction and equipment of such ships,
there shall be allowed and paid to the parties building the
same, under like regulations a sum of money equal in
amount to what the duties on such materials would have
been had such materials been imported from foreign coun-
tries. Provided, however, that any ships built under the
provisions of this section shall be allowed to engage in
the coasting trade of the United States upon the repay-
ment of the moneys which have been paid by the United
States on the construction and equipment of such vessels
only.
Section 2. And be it further resolved, That all ship-
stores and coal to be used and consumed by any vessel on
its voyage from any port of the United States to any
foreign port, may, in such quantity and under such regu-
lations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe,
be taken in whole packages in bond, Ind disposed of for
such purposes, free of impost and internal duty and
tax.
Section 3. And be ft further enacted, That for and
during three years from the date of the passage of this
Act, the Secretary of the Treasury shall be authorised
and empowered to issue American registers to iron-built
ships of all kinds purchased by citizens of the United
States in foreign countries, and owned by them, with the
conditiou contained in such register, however, that such
ships shall not be used or employed in the coasting
trade.