The Sun.
London, England, 1848-12-15 00:00:00

[PRICE SD.

chance, if such it may be called, in favour of Louis Na-
poleon has been, that 'various interests have- thought
proper equally to confide in him as upon'the whole the
most likely to fulfil their hopes. Cavaignac had with
hitio,'as it was reasonable he should have, the suffrages
of the sincere Republicans of France, and.of those men
who are friends of the de facto Government merely be.
cause it is the Government. But our readers have heard
from us often enough that but a minority of the French
people, and not a very important minority, care a jot for
the severe simplicity of Republicanism, and its ablest
1 representative in Franee—the grim, uncompromising
General Cavaignac. They want, in their government,
energy, brilliancy, force, grace, and grandeur. They
want such a Government as that -of the Empire, without
italesolating wars and frantic ambition; which always
placed France in &Igen Louis Philippe was called the
Napoleon of Peace, but be was no such thing. There was
nothing noble, nothing grand, nothing striking in his mode
ofgovcrament. It was able government in some respects,
but it was too cunning, too mean, too self-seekihg for
-the French taste. They became-weary of him, and his
perpetual planning, and finessing, and affectation of
virtue. They wanted some one who would trust more
in the public spirit of France. The French, we say
again, no not want a Republic, nor a Monarchy sur-
roundel with Republican institutions ; but they want a
monarch who will govern upon popular princip.'es,
and adapt both his public measures and his persona.'
deportment to the prevailing national spirit of Franco
—its bravery, its brilliancy, its love of theatrical
effect. All this is hoped for in Louis Napoleon Thi
is what makes him, in a national sense, popular.
His name is much, and carries great weight with the
army. The Legitimists have voted for him as being,
upon the whole, less opposite to their hopes than
Cavaignac would have been. The Orleanist Regency
menlhave supported him as hoping to bo the actual Go-
vernment while he occupies the position of head of the
State. All these interests he had with him, and only
the sincere Republicans and the mad Revolutionists
against him. Thus has his victory been secured. But
what personal qualities has Louis Napoleon for his high
position ? We believe that his abilities are much more
considerable than the English public generally, and his
opponents in France, give him credit for. He is con-
demned for two ridiculous expeditions into France in
search of empire. But he is condemned, perhaps, too has-
tily. A political coup de thetitre is not an absurd thing in
France except when it fails. The two coups of Louis Na-
poleon did fail ; but, had they succeeded, no one would
have called them absurd, or unsuitable to France. Louis
Napoleon is not so voluble in speech as many French-
men are, but he is intelligent, and his observations are
characterised by good sense. The little book which he
published from his prison at Ham has been called
Socialist book, but is nothing of the kind. It indulges,
indeed, in views of a sort of military organization of the
people for the purpose of cultivating the ground, and
supporting the millions better than they are now sup-
ported; but the frantic licentiousness of Socialism finds
no place in his book. We are no flatterers of Louis
Napoleon, nor shall we ascribe to him higher qualities
than he has actually developed; but we contend that, so
far as the world has any means of knowing, he may be
regarded as a man of patriotic and benevolent intention,
with a mind more than usually devoted to the theories
of popular organization and graduated discipline.
HERALD.—H Tories, or thorough Conservatives,
are not in high feather to-day, they must be hard to
please. A straightforward, downright Conservative has
been walking through the largest county in England for
a fortnight past, meeting and answering the questions
of his opponents in this style:—" Will you revise the
Pension List?" " I won't cut off a single pension'"—
" Will you vote against the Queen Dowager's 100,006/.?”
" No, I won't."—" Will you vote against - the
King of Hanover's pension?" " No."—" Are you
in favour of a more Equalised system of taxation?"
" No."—Will you abolish Church-rates?" " No."
—" Will you vote for the abolition of the ecclesias-
tical courts?" " No."—" Will you vote for the aboli-
tion of the navigation-laws?" "I will not pledge my-
self." " Will you support a bill for the emancipation or
the Jews?" " No."—" On what grounds do you oppose
the endowment of the Roman Catholics?" " Solely on
the ground of the errors of their faith and doetrina."
Thus, plainly and frankly, has Mr. Denison declared
himself, to use his opponent's own words, " a thick-and-
thin Tory." He is Protectionist and "Bigot," as they
term it, all in one. Well, he has been proclaiming these
opinions for a fortnight past, through every town in the
West Riding, and the first day's poll stands thus:—
Denison ... 10,797
Eardley ••• ... 8,043
Thus realising, in one day, even more than the majority
of 2,000 which we yesterday ventured to prognosticate.
And what is still more amusing, we expect to find, this
morning, the Chronicle, the Times, and the Post, all de-
lighted at his success ! ! Surely every one can see, that
a very little more of this sort of reaction will send the
whole mass of Peelites, Whigs, and Chartists, consti-
tuting what is termed "the Liberal party," to condole
with theßed Republicans of France !

MR. BURKE'S "ANECDOTES OF TUE ARISTOCRACY,"
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to surpassivtuettnerel—uno-ug on t
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^ohnit
tmo,, uonee k,xiain ggtehraatu u
the i e
poetry --
of
history.—Evening Paper.
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