The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-29 00:00:00

to admit with me Noble Friend, that the existence or the t supply of food ? And the prices might her wholly independent
posed I mean to pass any blame en ibese Geottemee who are artiele.—( Hear, hear. ) It suittecd very much when kept for
at the head of that association—far from it, I have no hesita- any great length of time; .it must, in point of fact, be dic-
tion in saying that this country, and that even those in that posed of without any delay. He could wish to have an
House, owe a debt of gratitude to
_the leaders of that party, and answer from his Noble Friend who was silting at the table—
more especially to Mr. Cobden.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) (Lord Monteagle, we believe, was the Noble Lord alluded to)
Yes, to Mr. Cobden. It is to his genius—to his indefatigable —and who would, very probably, speak on this question
energy and perseverance, and not to Sir Robert Peel that we before their Lordships went to a division. The question which
owe the present position of this measure. But to my Hon. he wished to ask his Noble Friend was this—What, in his opi.
Friend, Mr. Cobden, we are all indebted for the achievement nion, would he the conduct of foreign countries towards Eng-
of this measure, which I believe to be one of the most imeort- land when the principles of free trade came into operation ?
ant which has ever come under the consideration of a legislative Belgium, firence, and all the other countries of Europe, have
body. I say we are indebted to him for the method hitherto invariably shut their ports against the admission of
in which he has conducted his triumph by means legitimate, foreign corn when they had had an abundant harvest.—( Hear,
nay, unexcsptionable—no attempt to overawe the deliberations hear.) England was now called upon, by the promoters of
of Parliament by the assemblage of vast multitudes. this question, to admit freely all foreign grain, whilst no other
The Marquis of SALISBURY—Because he couldn't. country in Europe would imitate our example.—(Hear. hear.)
Earl GREY—I say that we are indebted to him for this If they were living amidst independent nations, who were
course of proceeding on this cccasion—a course which less been prepared to act upon the same principle, the plan of free trade
dictated to him by high constitutional feeling. He has been would be intelligible.—( Hey-, hear.) If the principles laid
able to convert the opinion of the nation—to show what the real down by those Noble Lords who had spoken in favour of this
interest of the community is upon; his subject ; and considering measure were carried, he firmly believed that the people would
• the time in which this great change of opinion has been be completely deceived and the country deluded. The princi-
effected, his success and triumph have been most miraculous. pies of political economy, as laid down by those Noble
But, nevertheless, I stiil admit that the existence of the Lords, were completely fallacious. They speak of people as
Anti-Corn-law League is an evil—it is an evil, because if they were mere machines. He would now quote the
such a body never can exist, except it has been first opinions of a writer on political economy, which he was sure
created by a sense of wrong and injury existed. And, my would be received with the greatest respect; and although
Lords, it is only a grievance which could have created so for- Noble Lords who had spoken in the course of this debate had
midable an organisation—but when once created, the removal quoted the speeches of statesmen, he was not about to do so—he
of the grievance will not remove the desire to remove the was about to quote the calm opinion of a man penned at home.
organisation.—( Hear, hear-) And I fully agree with the son- The writer to whom he had alluded was Lord John Russell.—
tlments so eloquently expressed by my Noble Friend in his able ( Hear, hear.) He knew that the opinions of that. Noble Lord
speech, that the crop of political power is too sweet, when would be received with the greatest respect.—(Hear, hear.)
once tasted, to be readily relinquished. Such a sentiment is Lord John Russell, in his treatise on political economy, stated
perfectly true, and I have no doubt that there will be a great that "political economy" was an awful expression—( Laugh-
anxi ?ty, even after the removal of the evil, to keep up this ter)—and that the Legislature was often called upon to decide
formidable organisation. I have no doubt that such will be questions which involved the immediate happiness—perhaps the
the fact. It is consistent with past experience. But what is very existence—of millions of people, by the rules of a science
the inference you ought to draw? Is it that you ought to which changed from day to day.—(Hear, hear.) Notwith-
keep up the grievance which first created this Franken- standing those awful differences of political economists, their
stein ? Do you not consider that the sense Lordships were called upon to pass this measure, and to regu-
of the injustice which they have suffered, aggravated as it will late the affairs of this great country in such a way as, in his
be by its continuance, by the feelings that their hopes in re- humble opinion, would bring thousands of its people to irre-
moving it have been disappointed, will greatly increase the trievable ruin.—( Hear, hear.) He would take the liberty of
power of such a body ? I say, on the contrary, that we ought, again quoting the printed opinions of Lord John Russell on
without the least possible delay, to repeat the law which has another part of this subject. That Noble Lord said that if all
given rise to their complaints; and that, my Lords, is my great nations were at peace, if they had the same currency, the
objection to one portion of the Bill, by which we are going to same weights and measures, it would then be easy
enact its continuance, though even for a modified time—it gave for the Legislature of this country to act upon theoretical
an excuse for the keeping alive of agitation. I should like to principles, but the frequent occurrences of war, the breaking of
do away with all that part of the measure which will give an all national treaties which have taken place from time to time,
excuse or a ground to those parties who may be desirous to render such a subject much more difficult than any problem in
keep up the organisation; and, therefore, 1 look forward to the range of mathematics. For instance, it was very easy to say
the power which is vested in this House to amend the decrees that corn ought to be admitted free, or any other articleof corn-
of the House of Commons, and I hope that we will amend it in merce, and that if our farmers could not grow corn as cheap as
this particular. But my Noble Friend, almost in the same foreigners, they ought to let it alone.—( Hear, hear, and
breath, went on to describe, in language most refilled, the laughter.) Hut the Legislature could not deal with a question
power of this House. He said that we were constituted of such vast importance, en those principles. But those were
for the purpose of placing a salutary obstacle to rash the principles on which the promoters of this measure had
and inconsiderate legislation, and that it was not the called upon the Government to act.—( Hear, hear ) They had
practice of your Lordships to liberate public opinion.— been told that many millions of capital had hcen laid out by
(Hear, hear.) That was the language his Noble Friend thousands of people in the improvement of the land of this
had expressed in his usual felicity of language—that we are country, and yet they were called upon to adopt this measure,
placed as a restriction upon hasty legislation. but that we are which would deprive those people of the benefit of all the capital
not to oppose ourselves to a continuous and deliberately formed thus expended. They had been told, too, that the taxes im-
stream of public opinion. It is, therefore, of the deepest con- posed on the proprien rs of the soil of England were heavy,
.sequence to us that we should distinguish the difference of a whilst on the other hand they were exceedinely light, and yet
hasty and inconsPerate expression of opinion, and of a calm it was contended that the British farmer should be compelled to
and deliberate conviction on the part of the public, before we compete with the foreign farmer, under such disadvantageous
set ourselves against it. It is perfectly clear in the one case circumstances as these.—( Hear, hear.) They were called
that we must give way, and by so giving way we must surely upon to oecide the fate of this country at the mere
impair cur proper authority. My Lords, in this case, there- caprice of a few speculating politicians.—( Hear hear. )
• fore, it is our duty to endeavcur to determine whether the de- As he had before said, this was not a mere question of
sire of the people—of the House of Commons—as ex- a few shillings being paid for corn eith,er less or more,
pressed by their votes, is a deliberately formed but in it were involved the happiness and the social relations
public opinion, or whether the voice of the noun- of almost every family in the United Kingdom.—( Hear, hear.)
try has been expressed in favour of hasty legislation, Our colonies would feel the shock, and he thought that if their
and what are the symptoms which lead to the inference that Lordships revolved these facts in their minds, they would find
the desire of the nation rests upon hastily formed opinion. that the dangers with which this measure would be attended
The principles on which this Bill is founded were brought he- weree incalculable.—( Hear.) He ventured to predict that
ffore the public 80 years ago, when the petition was signed in the consequences of entire free trade would be the ruin of this
avour of a free trade in corn. Adam Smith, in his work, has country. Their present supply of corn was quite enough, and
laid down, with a force of reason which cannot be contested, it to happened that the very time when corn under this mea-
the great principle of free trade. That principle had found its sure would be imported in abundance into this country, would
way amongst the philosophers of every civilised country in the be when we least of all wanted it—when, in fact, we had
were; and it had found its way to the closet, but it was long abundant harvests.—( Hear, hear.) The price would no doubt
be statesmen and merchants would consent to its in some instances be as low as 255. per quarter, and such
validity. By degrees they began to do so. At first cheapness would, he felt convinced, be attended with
great
the authority of the principle which had been received danger to the country. He maintained that by the sliding-
es infallible by the philosophers, began also to be received scale the prices of corn had been preserved in a very steady
and admitted in a hesitating and doubtful manner; but as dis- condition. During the three years that it had been in exis-
cussion went on—as the good effects of it were experienced tence, the price of corn per quarter had been 503., 515., and
day by day, new converts came over to the justice, and to the 51s. 10(1.—( Hear, hear.) There was, therefore, no reason to
acknowledgment of the justice, of the principle. My Lords, say te
that the sliding-scale had acd reudicially to the nterests
in my own memory how great has been the change on this of •
this country. He advocated a reasonable protection to agri-
subject. Nineteen years ago, when I first voted upon this culture in 1818. Sines that period their Lordships
question in the other House of Parliament in favour of the might be aware that he had been no advocate of any
principle on which this Bill is based, I voted in minorities, extravagant or absurd system of protection to agrieul-
sometimes as small as 15, and never exceetang 50. My Lords, ture ; on the Contrary, his object had always been to
we now see year by year how great has been the progress of regulate the admission of corn into this country on
the principle of free trade ; within the last few years we have such principles as were reasonable, and calculated to further
certain evidence how deeply the sympathies of the people are the interests of the people at large. He had in fact voted for
wound up in its ultimate triumph, and we see that the prin- a mitigation of the corn-laws many years ago. He voted for
ciple of restriction cannot be much longer maintained, for we a reduction of the prohibitory duties in th year 1842. He
now see her Majesty's Ministers at last coming forward and voted for the Canadian Corn
Bill, and in fact every reasonable
manfully avowing a complete change in their opinions. relaxation and mitigation of the corn-laws had received his
I, for one, my Lords, give them credit for the manner in warmest support.—( Hear, hear.) But he could scarcely call
which they have avowed their opinions upon this question ; the present corn-laws protection to agriculture, and he could
and I regard it as an earnest, and sincere, and a candid not vote for this measure, because by it they would be over-
avowal. And when I find that that avowal has been the re- stepping the boundaries of reason and justice. The present
suit of the inability of that party to resist any longer the ex- was a case of a totally different description to those to which he
pression of public opinion in reference to this measure, Ido had just alluded.—( Hear, hear.) The object of this measure
say, my Lords, that I cannot but regard it as a strong proof of was not to regulate the affairs of this country on reasonable,
the policy and good sense of yielding to the expression of pub- prudent, and just principles ; its object was in fact to deprive
lie opinion. It may be said by some Noble Lords that there the country of that happiness which it had hitherto enjoyed
were not sufficient reasons fur some persons changing their under the system of protection. The measure militated against
opinions, and becoming advocates of this measure, or that the that which had existed at all times and in all conntries.—( Hear,
treasons which had been adduced afford anything like a fair hear. ) Their Lordships might be aware that there was no
justification for that change. Now, my Lords, I beg to say, period in the history of this country when there was not sonic
that it is not my purpose, nor is it my wish, to make any in. regulation with regard to the admission of foreign corn._
inquiry into the reasons by which others were led to hold the ( Hear, hear.) The British Legislature had always thought--
views and entertain the opinions they now do upon this qtt ts- even from the time of the conquest—proper to deal with that
Lion. I do not wish to know whether they have taken into subject ; and they must recollect that during the last 150 years
consideration what may be the consequences of this change of much capital had been invested in the great business of farming.
opinion in the year 1839, as compared with the year 1841 ; but and tbat by the aid of that capital the land of this
whatever their opinions may have been upon the subect, country had been much imiiroved. MI that capital had been
it is quite apparent that circumstances have occurred expended for the worthy purposes of fertilising the English
of late years, which render it impossible for any rational man soil ; but if this measure were passed, the thousands and thou•
to entertain the same opinion now. I can tell this House that sands of pounds that had been so expended would be rendered
this sacrifice of opinion has been well considered out of doers— useless and lost. Of all authorities on political questions in
out of doors turn are of the same opinion, in reference to the this time, he had always been mitre disposed to pay the
corn-laws, as those entertained by the majority of the other greatest respect to the opinions of Mr. Huskisson, and particu
House. There was a time when the manufacturers of this larly on the subject of free trade and protection to agriculture.
country were of the same opinion as are the protectionists at Mr. Huskisson said--( A Noble Lord—" What is the date ?")
present, and, let me ask, were not those very men amongst the 1844. He stated that nothing could be more dangerous to the
majority of those who originated this very measure? I say safeguard and tranquillity of the country than to admit foreign
that the great mistake of our commercial policy, as is apparent corn free from all regulations. Almost all had changed their
anthis corn-law, has been owing to them. When I first opinions or, this subject, and yet they were called upon to adopt
entered upon public life, so strung was the feeling in favour of 'uch a destructive measure as this at the suggestion of men
Protection that when Mr. Huskisson introduced his measure who had themselves changed their opinions on the subject of
for the repeal of the duties on foreign shipping, he was re- free trade.—( Hear, hear.) He did not know when Mr. Hus-
garded as a traitor to the interests of that branch of the com- kisson died, but he thought it was in 18:9—(A Noble Lord—
pierce of this country. Yet, strange to say, the corpora- "In 1830")=Mr. Huskisson, however, at that time advocated
lion of Liverpool, the corporation of that very town of a reduction in what was called the protective duties, and he said,
which Mr. Huskisson was the representative, are the ~ It has, I understand, been quoted against me, that I hold an
people who now come forward with an almost opinion that England ought not to depend too largely upon
"anini9ns demand for a total repeal of the corn-laws. There- other countries for its supply of corn I maintained that
fore I
do
say, in -- y
Lords, th 't the proposition for the repeal of opinion in 1815, and I maintain that opinion now."—(Cheers.)
those laws has not been the result of any rash, or inconside-
He also said, " I am anxious to render this country, corn
rate, or hasty measure of legislation, but is one which has mercially as well as politically, independent of foreigners, and I
been the result of rational and well-considered public opinion. therefore think that it is not prudent to suffer the free ad-
And that your Lordships will pass this Bill by an overwhelm- mission of foreign corn into this country." Every wise states-
ing majority is no less my firm and constant expec- man, in every nation of the world, maintained the same opi-
tation than it is my most firm, earnest and anxious hope. nions because they well knew the danger of allow-
Lord ASHBURTON said he could assure their Lordships tug '
their country ever to be dependent on
that he had not risen for the purpose of making anything like foreigners for the supply of food. -- ( Hear, hear.)
a long speech upon this most important subject, for the best Then as respects the objection of the Noble Earl, he might ask
possible reason, that though he considered it important beyond whether the cautions were at all likely to be effectual with
any other measure he had yet seen introduced into this House rts sect to the for *:,ri countries to which he had alluded, and
power of Idressing,
yet he did not feel that he possessed the
their Lordships at any length upon it ; he would,atth int cpilling in the licensinge' system of Napoleon, he thought that
endeavour to be as brief as possible in the few remarkseheefbiraeri a due regard ought to be paid to the effects of that system.
to make, and he begged to assure their Lordships that he jettedCheers.)trthaht at the period to which allusion had been made, this
this
ecyardrad_been labouring under a heavy debt, which debt
y had to pay, That system of licensing had in the
observation which should in the slightest degree partak-e
first instance been imposed for the period of three years, but
of a personal charactere . He would endeavour to confine him-
self, in the few observations with which he would trouble their it should be recollected that Napoleon had issued a command
Lordship, to what he conce"heedwould be time general political that the restriction should hold for five years.—(Cheers.)
results of the passing of this Let them only look at the variations of prices which had oe-
position of this country
The Noble Lordas twho.had just sat down, asked what curved during the several years in which this licensing system.
measure.
would become of this country or of the present Government if bad prevailed. In 1809, the prilcBeo°2f,aitquwaratse,r2osf.
;whinealtBLas,
this measure should be rejected,
.but
that (Lord Ashburton) Mtn ; in 1800, it was 1003. ; in
begged to remind their Lordships,
_it was not deal it was 106 s. per quarter. The average of those years was
3s. 10d. a bushel. What then was the object of this sty
Was it to put money into the pockets of the Frenchme'r;
the result to any Government that) It
tiws
astionuostethweabsustthoesdseoalf
with this measure.—(Hear, hear.
change, or what change such thing, for it was evident that notwithstanding all theses?teruN o?
this House to consider whethers
eefhrhffi,restrictions,er7 , i
chequer,
nit
the b
e, ,
rF cornarnseenfiet
hheavideei
odrbureeilnedt
otnri
e sbt. continuedhe at
Nwi.i
.hootanout
gbhteht
tpehoneufs poured into
was t
hisetrhmeEsn
object,gla nnx do
anyhe result of the passing or the
was to take place in any party, a.
rejection of this measure, and therefore the
h e would a snayy
suchtbat theircon.
Lordships would disposed of it, irrespectivei
the the case? Wh
q er. But on the announcement of thegitifetaosctow,f what was.
siderations.—( Hear,. hear.) This B 1 had come before their
humble t
to regulate
en d had
supply
of
corn
wyo,ulhderheeweaqs.aalgtroeattheoulticercyesas heththeetrimthee.
Lordships in what he should calla
hvaenry a
Bill
been designated as nothing- more t
The manufacturers were.sion uin ars. His Noble Friend must
trade in corn ; but when it came to be wheiellhcoanesuidheireeffde,ethevbeery
lieved it would be found to be one
remember the discutook place when they were both
speech of his Memters of the House which
tr the
great chaages in this country. After all the attention he had
of Commons The motion was met
been able to give it, particularly aft
Noble Friend on Tuesday night—tonsil eying also the present with a cry of universal laughter.—(Laughter.) He would
position of this comatry, and the power it possessed of paying merely show the state of feeling which existed at that period,
to the
its debts, he should say that nothing but. eulty and dangerto am:(the
ofm etzelycoaudndtureyedatthe insta.ncde, taohdshoofwshvovwhiantgwas the
him as the result of the passing of this measure. that perm
' opinion •what was likely appeared to
hear.) He might be mistaken in the ;Sob,e Lord
the country.—(Hear,
. . effect o an views he lied taken, but, as he had said before, the result of the present period, and what would be the f
ante of foreign countries to introduce their corn free of duty
allow-
all the attention he had been able to give it was, that he had an •
been compelled to come to no other conclusion than that he into this country. But, did they suppose that this would be a
had already mentioced- His views upon this question were safe scheme ? In his opinion this could not be the case, and
the result of forty years' experience, during which time he he believed that his Noble Friend would be totally wrong in
that the supply of foreign • had ample oppornanities of judging of the results of great legis tne supposition
'alive experiments. In the year 1815 he was a strenuous op- all satisfy the
.necessities of this country. They were going to
Pthe population, and to reduce the returns
ponent of any great alteration in the corn-laws, _ .
at a time diminish the righis of
He in the production of future years. Whether they did this con-
when the protectino price of corn was at 80s.
then opposed it 'because he considered it as a stantly or not all was not the consideration. Let them
wild and ill-considered measure • and it was rather remark- look to the case of America, for in whatever way they looked
able that his Noble Friend,
to the House, wash who had ' introduced this measure upon the statesmen of the present day, they would have,etpeci-
dvocat es the ally to look to the condition of the country.—(Cheers.) I hen if '
had,
of the most strenuous a
Opposition then matterstate ooff the finance,co country
house had actually beer tuendered by the mob.—(
andl the result of which was
hear.)that hip they were to look
what was nth
Now just let them exam'
Hear'
during the war, when the country, to a great extent, was de-
this measure had been a, wohat the grounds were upon which
_.
dof foreign supplies. He might, indeed, adduce the in-
stated that the passing of "°'
thiscamted. Some Noble Lords had price
of the state of the corn trade during last September.
dispensable by reason of the ensure had been rendered in- stance
but right to adduce this example, because it had a
Ireland, but he should
saygreat distress
that that that prevailed in It was
to the question in hand, and because it was
d—i Hear 11 distress had been very material reference
greatly aggravate, e , ear).—agg should
of showin what was really the case as
conviction that tbis was not a measure hitch
confess his own an important means
adduce the case of Spain as a ctn.
for that ev and he might
thing like a remedy il.--c Hear, ,
ewaoruld afford any- respects corn, .
Cheers()—but thus much he might
eerfectly absurd t h ) He would roboration of his views—
also say that it was i . n 0 suppose that the • erfectly correct in stating that
bave afforded the oening say, that the calculator was pof the ports would necess this exclusive
•llings a quarter during
other hand it b I d h had Ili state tat the result of the
are, relief. On tlthe avers
,e average was 105 shi .
Id excuse his being
Lordships would of the ports would be a very great alarm ;
mi the gantry system. He trusted their .
nestion try • . he introduced this q . .
that was met by tho advocates of the Government , desultory in the way in which
measure c attend to was another
declaring that the po•rts would be opened for a very silo t • ( Cheers. ) The first thing that he would
r time.
heel went on the as
Now, let him ask s.vliat reasons had been adduced against such theory of the Noble Earl. The Noble
• ? The experiment of opening the ports had beenfallacy prosperity
sumption that there was truth in the that
a proceeding
always attended had states! that
tried half-a-dozen times before, and he would state one occa • nded on low prices of food. He
when
•which th at measure had been resorted to, namely, were there were high prices of food the labouring population mon upon
uskisson. He (Lord Ashburton) •re generally in a state Ofprosperity. This reminded
under the auspices ,ef Mr. II hi.
in theyear 1825, mof the state of things .
was now speaking of what took place ,
mi want of innsne during the war, when the
that year a stroll, apprehension was entertained that there the de of
of pY was
alleged as a sufficieut reason for
would have been a see arcity of provisions, and corn then was at the money borioruwveidi°d". 'But it should be recollected that
725. ; and the result of this apprehension MS. that Mr. Huse the prices of the war weruring the war had to be paid when
kisson brought ins Bill by which to enable the Government solutely obliterated from tehneot only reduced in name, hut ab-
to let out the corn then in bond free of duty, and he believed him of the railway schemes
wc,ir,titnziercial code. This reminded
it would not be disputed that that statesman was one of the or public attention ; he meant the railways
lately engaged so much
le railways in which
wisest, ablest, and best of those England ever possessed. In skilled labor
enjoy
of the country was to
the least
the month of May. 1825, there were 400,0(0 quarters of wheat protection, and to enjoy a full share of thethe full benefit of
in bond, and Mr.. Huskisson proposed to let that quan- been reaped by the other classes. But, psreoespfoerity which had
City into consumpti.a a to meet the apprehended scarcity, but prosperity arose, and what were the
symptoms of
sof twhhatat this
of limey on se ich
in duinc, so lire had adopted the precaution h .
the country was so earnestly con pros.
it was like the . • gratulated?
letting it out onl vin such tuantities as would meet the appre- In his opinion prosperity of the railw - aman:a 1 mischief would be sensibly felt as to of the present day, when many men made their B,t 00s.
"tended s •'t . wit :lc n'
cal ci y ,
the result. But winat was the present Government going to or 10,0001. a year—when many whe mere new enjot ing the
do ? They had ninv nearly 2,000,0.:0 of quarters of' corn in comforts ard the luxuries of life . hem their direction of
bond, and the r, taint of this passing of this measure would lie railways, and advancing an artificial ei asperity which had no
to let that enorn ions quantity of grain in upon the count, y, at soundness ie it, notwithstanding the report of the Noble Lord.
e lime too when there was a fair prospect of an abundant gar- It appeared, then, that there were three cases in which this
ve't•----( Hear, hi tar.) The Noble Lord then proceeded to question might be considered. There was, firstly, the case of
reads extracts fron a the evidence of a Mr. Banfiehil, in reference the protection of native intluM;y ; there was, secondly, the
"3, the present sitien of the agriculture of this country, in protection of home-grown corn against foreign countries ; and
which the Npo'h. In Lord contended that there were strong there was, thirdly, the protection of the cotton manufactures.
14"fs of the impolic of this measure.—( Hear, hear. ) Then, again, there were three charges on the land. There
Bust now as t . • future.- Ythey 'the coursecmt the charges on land which had a particular refer-
of
th o the
Suppose came, m
'n charges which
th• ree years, to a system of entire free trade—must not ence to this question. Now, there were certain
is country the: 1, be dependent upon foreign countries for its particularly affected the land, the truth of which could only be