The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-27 00:00:00

under which the labourers lived. He did not say
a word about the wages of the labourer.—(Hear, hear.)
When he looked at the state of the labourer, their want of
education, their hopeless life of toil, their struggles for exist-
ence, he did not think they could sink any lower than their
present situation.— Hear, hear.) With regard to the tenant-
farmers, he believed that the man who possessed the know-
ledge of cultivating his ground, who would adopt the new
discoveries, and not adhere to the old-fashioned implements
of their ancestors, would have nothing to fear, even if the
country were to become inundated by that immense supply of
food, which one would really think was to be borne on the
waves of the ocean, and delivered gratis at every man's door.
—(Laughter.) Suppose that this inundation were to take
place, and that hundreds of thousands of people were to be all
at once cursed with au abundant supply of food, he did not
think that even that was a very serious evil. He believed
that this question was made entirely a landlord's question, and
that all the ohjeetion to the measure aro'e from that quarter,
There was nothing of this outcry when the du-y was touched
on cotton, hats, wool, silk, or other things; it was only when
wheat, oats, cattle, oxen, and apples were touched, that they
heard these bitter complain' s against the Government, and
heard of men deserting their colours, and deceiving their friends.
—( Hear, hear.) All t'.e opposition to this measure had been
in abortion, whether arising from speeches, newspapers, or
even from that central focus of protectionist wisdom, No. 17,
Bend-street—(Laughter)—or whether arising from that grave
assemblage lately held in Willis's rooms, when all the expenses
were liberally paid of those who wished to spend a day in Lon-
don.—( No, no, and Hear, hear.) He did not believe that
farmers had generally been seized with the panic to such a de-
gree, that they immediately disposed of their farms. The con-
trary bad taken place, and if any of their Lqrdships who now
opposed the Bill, were to come forward and say that they would
be willing to sell their estates for years' less purchase than
the general value, he thought their only difficulty would be in
selecting a purchaser from among the numerous applicants.—
( Hear, hear.) The present corn-laws, he believed, imposed a
tax of 10,000,000/. on the people of this country, not one
farthing of which found its way into the Treasury, or even into
the pockets of the landowners; if it did, they would ter ainly
have more reason for supporting the present system.
He had always exceeded the limits which he proposed to him-
self, yet he would beg that they would bear with him, while
be would advert to the system of meeting hostile tariffs with
hostility. The only safe policy for any country to pursue was
that of each nation pursuing the course which appeared the best
adapted to their own interests, and if England did that they
would give an example which other countries must follow.
He knew that it would be urged that nations
would send their goods to us and demand bullion
in return ; but was that possible? Could such
a thing continue?—(Hear, hear.) No; certainly they might
send their corn, but they should keep it if they did not choose
to adopt an egnitahle system of exchange. The spopelleg
delivered in the French Chambers might also be quoted, but
he would say these speeches were quite right, delivered as
they were on the eve of a general election. They did net
create any apprehension in his mind, as a nation so en-
lightened as the French would not be long in discovering that
free trade was for their interest. They were about to adopt a
policy which would extend their intercourse among nations,
and which would shower upon them the blessings of peace.
Lord CARNARVON said there was never a time when the
present measure was likely to inflict such permanent evil upon
the country. He could see no indication in any country in
Europe pointing to free trade. Those eountries which had
adopted the principle were only minor states, like Naples or
Sardinia. The Noble Lord opposite appeared to think that
for the period contemplated the vitality of the nation was at
stake, and that it could only be saved by the opening of the
ports. That Noble Lord also was in favour of the fixed duty
in 1841, but he admitted at the same time that in a period of
scarcity it would be necessary to remove that restriction. But
he (Lord Carnarvon) could not understand how, under all the
circumstances, any British Minister could propose to a British
Parliament such a proposition as the repeal of the corn-laws,
under the circumstances he had been describing ; and if such a
man there were, he did not think they could brand him with
sufficient censure ' • and it was such a measure as in such a state
of things would, he thought, command the sympathies of the
people of this country with the people of Ireland for a repeal of
the union. With regard to the price of labour, he need not
tell their Lordships that the demand was regulated by the sup-
ply, and if they should take a great quantity of land out of
cultivation, the wages of the labouring population would be
proportionably reduced ; and whilst the independent farmer
might be enabled to withstand the shock, the poor farmer
would fall under it. He had heard it said that more tears had
been shed over the currency measure of 1819 than had ever
flowed from the consequences of the bloodiest field of battle ;
but his opinion was that this measure would cause more flow of
tears than either. They had heard of lands going out of cul-
tivation. His Noble Friend who introduced the Bill last night
had spoken of such a circumstance. It had been stated, and
confidently stated no later than .Tune last, that in the event of
the abolition of the corn-laws, no less than 2,000,000
of acres of the best land in England would be thrown cut of
cultivation, and 1,000,000 people thrown out of employment.
They were now informed that foreign competition would
stimulate domestic industry and improve the condition of the
country. So far would it be from improving the condition of
the country that a friend of his, who before the proposal of the
present measure had been prepared to lay out 120,000/, in
agricultural pursuits, now paused, stating that although he had
not any great apprehension of the ultimate effect of the mea-
sure, he should feel it his duty to watch the course of the
present Bill. There were numerous instances of a similar
nature, in which gentlemen, who had been prepared to invest
considerable sums of money in the cultivation of land, now
declined, and with a caution by no means blameable
risking any money until the present Bill was decided one way
or the other. He did not think that the people of England
would be likely to be benefited by free trade at the time when
they needed it the most, for in case of any sudden demand for
corn being made on the United States, those states might not
be prepared to meet it, and of course the high prices would be
continued in the time of scarcity. During the last thirty years
there hadbeen an increasing demand for corn, yet the price had
gradually decreased. During the last 30 years the fall in price
had been as much as 34 per cent. In all other instances in
which an increased demand for a particular article had taken
place, that demand was followed by a slow but sure fall in
price. His Noble Friend who introduced the Bill had alluded to
the great increase which had taken place in the prosperity of the
agricultural interest; but he ascribed it to the influence of
some such measure as he was then introducing. He (Lord
Carnarvon) should rather have ascribed it to the influence of
the system of protection then existing, and which in his
opinion was the only one calculated to benefit the agricultural
interest. There was another point to which he had not yet
alluded, that was the dependence which the measure would
cause on foreign grain. He admitted that during the heaviest
war in which England was ever engaged the disturbances did
not entirely prevent the importation of foreign eorn into
England; but when his friend went intoparticulars, and referred
to the year 1810, he felt it necessary to remark that at that
time there happened to an extremely abundant harvest in France.
There was also a very scarce harvest in England, and the ut-
most vigilance could not prevent the surplus provision from
finding its way into England. Did it not occur to those who so
strenuously supported the present measure. that the same argu-
ments which existed in its favour in 1841 existed in 1810 and
1814, and could have been as easily then as now brought for-
ward in support of any measure like the present one. He very
much regretted that no penalty attached itself to sudden and
violent departure from long upheld principles.—( Hear, hear.)
The Government had gone to the battle-field of election under
the banner of protection, and they now suddenly changed their
opinions, and came forward and proposed a reduction of duty
which was virtually no protection at all.—( Hear, hear.) If
his Noble Friend had professed the principles which he had so
lately and so suddenly professed, on going before his agricul-
tural constitusncy, they never would have wielded their fran-
chises to return a candidate in avowed opposition to their own
opinions. There never w s a Government so well able to do
good, er possessed the power of being so really useful
as the present Government, and how had they exercised that
power ? Had the counsels of his Friend, the Noble Duke, and
his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies, been listened
to in November last, how much better would it have been for

the country at the present moment, and how much better
would it be for it in future. Were such principles as the
present of long growth ? No ; for not very long since the
House of Commons had decided by a very large majority
against such principles as the present ; and now they had
decided, by a majority equally large, in favour of these prin-
ciples—the majority b"ing called by his Noble Friend a
mark of the strong sense of the country. Ought not her
Majesty's Government, instead of leading the Commons into
such a measure as the present, to have said to them at once,
that they bad changed their opinions, and have asked them if
their censtitstences had changed theirs ? Ought not such a
measure as this to have been referred to the decision of the
English people in general, whose interests were so deeply
concerned in it? Did not they hear the voices
and opinions of the yeomanry who had existed for so many
centuries under their families? No, they let that cry come to
them in vain, and they only prayed that they might not be
virtually blotted out of the representation of their country.
They did not ask them to come to any final decision on this
mensure, they only asked that they might not be suddenly ex-
posed to the operation of a law which was likely to involve to
so enormous an extent their lands, and the lands of every man
in the country. A Noble Earl at the conclusion of his speech
had said that no prolonged discussion ought to interfere with
the speedy passing of this measure. If a measure were to be
considered as passed before it came to their Lordships' House
they had better not discuss it at all, but throw away the mask
of debate ; and they would better consult their
own dignity by hereafter standing aside in humble
and obedient silence to the edicts that came to them.
Were they prepared to show to the country that they could
scornfully reject at the hand of one set of men that which they
would unwillingly accept at the hands of another ? Would they
show that they were to legislate by party measures, and in
deference to party? If they did so their day of strength was
passed, and they would prove to the world, and to their new
masters, the League, that they were only fit to encumber with
with useless splendour the land which they no longer benefited.
Several Noble Lords here started up, and a scene of some
confusion ensued, in the midst of which,
Lord MALMSBURY commenced speaking in a loud tone
of voice, so as effectually to surmount the clamour which sur-
rounded him. After ranch laughter, order was restored.
tThybei
rrd
sh
NobleLordi
ps a
said d
i selthatnin as
he had made it a rule to address
possible, but having only ad-
dressed their Lordships three times during the last four years,
he would venture to trespass on them now, and he would con-
dense the little he hail to say into as small a compass as possible.
He would answer the observations of the Noble Earl who had
called the present Bill a landlords' question. In his own parish,
which consisted of 42,000 acres, there were only five prie
tors beside himself who possessed more than 500 acres,i'° and
there were 246 who possessed only 15 acres, and on those poor
men the fatal consequences of the measure would fall. He
would not remind their Lordships of the sentiments of Adam
Smith, Ricardo, and of Sir Robert Peel in 1842 on this ques-
tion. He beggeti to remind the Right Rev. Prelates that they
differed from their clergy on this point. Their incomes were
fixed, but the incomes of their clergy were dependent on the
price of corn. The Noble Lord thencalle:l the attention of the
House to the danger to be apprehended in time of war, and to
t e treatythe
G concludedreat.
The inlae
thetr time of Queen Anne with Frede-
rickmonarch closed the port of Dantzic
against the English, and deprived them of the supply of corn.
He did not wish to impute any dishonourable or dishonest
motives to the Prime Minister in introducing,a this measure.
But it was strange that
Fit scover for that period afterthe country
the laps
re
be 30 years, he should
counts
been
would,
airt
.y) of
sacrifice misgoverned.
Was that the minister for whoym theil
ar
eoer
their feelings and their consciences ?
(Bill had been sent up to that House by a majority
Ilouse of Commons, but he denied that it was
a _ a
clear majority.
Thethe
He should feel it his duty as an English Peer to bow to the un-
disputed majority of his countrymen.
Earl of H ADDINGTON said his anxiety to address the
House did not arise from the feeling that he had of the
general nature of the subject. Ho could assure the House
that it was with the greatest reluctance he rose on the present
occasion. He entirely concurred in the opinion of the Noble
Earl who
oaeeneer ande thei
question was merely
had just sat down, that public opinion and consis,
or
tency of character shouldaolitical revolution,
mh
vol ved no moral paetteprre sefrvead
todgieth he;
f e A t
no
difficu:ty or disgrace
in avowing a change of opinion.
He
s had t
fe
even before the formation of the
pen Government, opinion that there was a great
present anumber
deal of exaggerated feeling prevaio
beenf years,
of
ling upon the subject of the
corn-laws, and never, he assured their Lordships, had he
agriculture depended upon
thought that the interests of
protec-
tion.—( Hear, hear.) It was true that he had never gone so
far as to say in public he held opinions in accordance with the