The Sun.
London, England, 1848-02-19 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1846,

the individual consumer. I will now proceed to refer
to a paper which is in the hands of the House—the
balance-sheet of this year, presented on the 3d of
February. From that balance-sheet it will appear that
there is an excess of expenditure over income of
2,956,683/. But in reference to this apparent excess'of
expenditure, I would impress upon the Committee that
among the sums inserted on the aide of expenditure,
there is a considerable portion of the grant made to
relieve Irish distress, amounting to 1,525,000/. ; and I
would further explain that among the receipts there is
the sum of 440,0001. under the head of China money,
which amount, instead of having been received here,
was stopped, on its way to England, at the Cape of
Good Hope, and placed in the military chest for the pur-
poses of the Kafir war. Deducting these two sums from
the apparent excess of expenditure, the real excess of
expenditure over income would be only 981,6831. I will
now advert to the estimates under the different sources
of revenue, which were set forth by my Right Honour-
able Friend in his budget last year, and the sums
which, as well as we can now calculate, approxi-
mately, will be received under those heads,
taking the whole year up to the Sth April next. 'I he
revenue estimated by my Right Hon. Friend as to be
derived from the Customs was 20,000,000/ ; the sum we
now estimate to be received from these duties is
19,774,6001. The estimate in relation to the ,Excise
duties was 13,700,0001; the estimate we have new
formed is 13,340,0001.; the estimate in relation to the
stamps was 7,500,0001.; our present estimate is
7,150,0001.; the estimate of taxes was 4,270,00o1; we
now calculate that the taxes will produce 4.340,0001.;
the income-tax, it was thought, would yield 5,300,0001,
we now expect from it 5,450,0001.; the Post-office
receipts we set down at 845,0001., the present estimate is
923,0001.; the Crown lands we estimated would produce
120,000/., we now anticipate from this source 60,0001;
under the head of miscellaneotis the estimate was
3,300,0001, our present calculation is 3,250,0001.
The whole estimate from these various sources
made by my Right Honourable Friend was
52,065,000/. the estimate now formed being only
51,362,0651. This, no doubt, is a considerable
apparent felling off in the revenue ; but, at the same
time, adverting to those circumstances which I have men-
tioned, to the dreadful scarcity in Ireland, to the com-
mercial panic, to the very sudden and extreme changes
which have taken place in the course of the year, I must
confess that the falling off in the revenue appears to me
to be less than might have been expected under the pre-
sent circumstances —(Hear.) I will now take some of
the items in which there has been a falling off, and some
of those in which there has been an increase, my state-
ments in reference to which apply, of course, only to
the sth of January last past, while the more general es-
timates which I have stated refer to the year ending the
sth of April next. Of articles from which an increased
revenue has been derived there are molasses, on which
there has been an increase of 31,431/. ; sugar, on which
there has been an increase of 540,0001. ; rum,
on which there has been an increase of
64,000/ ; butter and cheese, on which there has
been an increase of 24,000/.; and tobacco, on which there
has been an increase of 111,620/. On the other hand,
there has been, as of course was to have been expected,
a decrease in the duty on corn of 705,890/. ; on timber,
of 143,7511. ; and on wines, of 133,361/ With respect
to the Excise duties, there has been the large decrease
on duties on spirits of 605,000/., and ox malt of 664,0001.
—or together, 1,359,0001. But the amount of expendi •
tare actually voted, together with the sums which
I have shown were not included in the budget, was
52,315,709/., whilst the estimated receipts were
51,362,060/., leaving a deficiency of 953,649/. I shall
now proceed to state what I calculate will be the pro-
duce of the different articles which constitute the re-
venue, during the year commencing in April, 1848, and
ending in April, 1849 ; and I take these different
items from the usual sources, and calculate
their amount in the manner always adopted on
these occasions. The following is the estimate which
I have formed of the revenue of the ensuing finan-
cial year ; Customs, 19,750,000/. ; Excise, 13,000,000/.
This item I have estimated at a somewhat higher amount
than is shown by the returns furnished up to January
last, because the consumption of malt and spirits may
be expected to increase in the ensuing year. Stage
coaches I have estimated at 500,0001.; stamps at
7,200,0001.; taxes at 4,340,000/. The income-tax, which
in 1846 was estimated at 5,084,0001, and in 1847 at
5,464,0001, I have taken, during the ensuing year, at
5,200,000/. The Post. office, which, in the year ending
April 5,1848, will have produced 922,000/., is estimated
to realise, in 1849, 900,0001. The actual amount paid
into the exchequer on account of the Crown in 1847-2 is
estimated at 60,0001.; I have set it down at the same
amount for the ensuing year. The miscellaneous
estimates, in 1847. 8, amounted to 325,0001, which
includes a sum paid in on account of House
of Commons fees ; I have set them down at
300,000/. The whole of these different items con-
stitute a prospective revenue for the ensuing finan-
cial year of 51,250,000/. I should state to the House
that fur several years past there has been a regular
decrease in the amount received of China money, and
that now there are no hopes of any more being paid.—
(Considerable laughter.) Taking the whole amount of
the expenditure as voted last year at the estimated sum of
52,315,709/, and the receipts as already enumerated at
51,250,0001., there will be a deficiency between the
receipts and expenditure of the ensuing year of
1,065,7091. That is to say, the deficiency which I have
stated will exist, supposing the expenditure is the same
as last year. But there is also a large sum to be voted
for the excess of the navy expenditure during the year
1847, and also the sum of 1,100,0001. required to defray
the expenses of the Kafir war. Those two items con-
stitute a total amount of 1,845,5001., which, added to
the deficiency of 1,065,7001„ which will exist, supposing
we maintain our establishments on their present foot-
ing, will constitute a total deficiency in the revenue of
2,411,2001. Now, Sir, I have wished to lay the foregoing
statement of the finances before the House of Commons
at this early period, in order that the House may take
into its most deep and serious consideration the state of
the finances and the circumstances of the country, and
from those two elements to come to some resolve with
respect to the course which shall seem most befitting to the
interests and the credit of the country to pursue. There
are various courses open for us to take. All that I in-
tend doing to-night is to propose to the House that
course which the Government has deemed it best to
pursue under the circumstances, leaving it open
to the deliberation of the House whether the propo-
sitions which we bring forward are worthy of adop-
tion, or, if not, what other course will be most suit-
able to the circumstances of our financial position, and
to the future welfare of the country. And, Sir, it can-
not but strike every one who looks into the facts which
I have detailed, that there is a great question involved in
the existing state of our finances—namely, that we must
either supply the deficiency which I have pointed out,
by increasing our taxation, or else that we must come to
a resolution to the effect that we can make very great
reductions in our military and naval establishments,
whereby we shall be enabled to reduce the expenditure
of the country, and thus meet the current demand upon
the revenue, without being obliged to have recourse to
increased taxation. Those, Sir, are the subjects which
I have wished the House to take into its consideration,
and it now becomes my duty to state what views
the Government entertains upon these questions
(Hear, hear.) Sir, there have been, I think,
extreme opinions held and expressed out of
doors on the subject of our national defences. These
opinions comprise on the one hand, as it appears to me,
four different propositions. First, that we may at ally
moment of time be suddenly involved in a war ; second,
that we were liable to an invasion ; third, that the
foreign powers, and particularly France, had been mak-
ing great military preparations of late ; and, fourth,
that our defences were at the present moment totally in-
adequate to offer any effectual resistance in the event of
any attack or invasion being suddenly made. On the
other hand it has been urged that we are at this mo-
ment in a state of profound peace with the continental
powers, and that our relations with France in particular
are most friendly, so that an invasion on her part
is the most improbable occurrence that could have
been suggested.—(Hear, hear.) It has likewise been
stated that all these circumstances were argu-
ments for the reduction of the expenditure, and that
the establishments of the country were not only not upon
a low footing, but were, on the contrary, extravagantly
high. These, Sir, aro the,propositions pro and con which
have been urged out of doors upon the subject of the
national defences; and I confess and feel the difficulty,
not to say delicacy, which surrounds the subject, and
which makes me somewhat diffident in approaching it.
But, Sir, so largely and frooly haw. all these topics I.7I;CLL
discussed out of doors, that I feel I cannot refuse to
state to the House what are the views enter-
tained by the Government upon this question.
Let me, in the first place, most carefully guard myself
against the supposition that I think in our foreign
relations, and especially in respect to France, there
is the smallest reason to fear that any rupture of the
existing peace is to be anticipated.—(Hear, hear.) No
man in this House is more fully persuaded than I am of
the advantages to England, to Europe, to the whole
world in short, of the continuance of the existing peace,
and, above all, of the importance of preserving our pre-
sent friendly relations with France.—(" Hear," on all
sides.) Sir, it is my belief that these twolgreat coun-
tries, both of which possess the advantages of a repre-
sentative and a constitutional government, both of which
have earned glory enough to satisfy the most ardent
thirst for military reputation, it is, I repeat my opinion,
that on those grounds there exist no reasons why the
relations between France and England should not hence-
forth be of the most amicable nature ; and, Sir, it is my
earnest wish that our intercourse may be most intimate
in future.—(Hear, hear.) There is, however, another
point of view from which the existing relations between
France and England have been judged of, and which it is
necessary for me to bring under consideration in looking
at the present question—l find it stated in a pamphlet,
written, I -must say, in the most friendly spirit by M.
Michel Chevalier, and exclusively devoted to the subject
we are now considering, that the Duke of Wellington
had thought it necessary to make a sort of pamphleteer-
ing manifesto in answer to the Prince de Joinville.
Now, I will venture to say that nothing could have been
further from the intention of the Duko of Wellington
than to make any such communication.—(Hear, hear.)
I know well that nothing could have caused him greater
pain than the publicity which had been given to an
opinion which he expressed privately and in a confiden-
tial manner.—(Hear, hear.) The Duke. of Wellington,
Sir, has from time to time communicated to the Go-
vernment, and - does so now, that which he considers
ought to be done in respect to the defences of the
country, and he has pointed out wherein there exists any
deficiencies iu those defences. But, in doing so, nothing
could have been farther from his intention or his wish
than to make any appeal to the country or to inflame the
people cf England so as to disturb or endanger our
amicable relations with France. Nothing, Sir, can, in
my opinion, be purer than the patriotism of the Duke of
Wellington—(Hear)—and when I speak of patriotism, I

do not mean that instinctive feeling which prompts a man
to love his country above allothers. To the Duke of
Wellington's patriotism there has always been joined an
opinion which I share most cordially with him, that one
of the reasons why it was most desirable the indepen-
dence of England should be maintained was, because
that independence was a guarantee for the independence
and civilization of Europe, and of the other countries of
the world.—(Hear, hear.) No man, Sir, is justified, or
inched is able to cast blame on the Duke of \Vellington,

if he expressed his opinion in the way I state it to have
been conveyed (Hear, hear)—and I should think it
quite unnecessary to defend him, or to refer to the sun-
ject of his letter, if it had not been that I have the mis-
fortune, in the first place, to differ from some of his
opinions; in the second place, to have become cognisant
of the fact, that not only foreigners, but also many
persons in this country have mistaken his views; and,
lastly, that however strong his cause may be, ho has
always scorned to have recourse to self-defence.
Having said thus much respecting the Duke
of Wellington's letter, I will now refer to
the four different points of view in which
I regard it. With respect to the first supposition that
has been expressed, that, namely, of the probability of our
being involved in a war, which unhappily, notwithstand-
ing the existing peace, is a contingency that ne one can
deny the existence of; since the great peace of 1515 we I
have had questions with the United States, Russia, 1
France, and other foreign ;powers, which, if they had
not been managed with the utmost forbearance on both
sides, might have led to a rupture and to a state of war.
Even so late as the year 1644, at a moment when our re-
lations with France were of the most friendly descrip-
tion, a question arose of the most deeply compromising
character to those relations. An insult was offered to
a civil officer of the British Crown at a distant station,
and some hesitation was displayed by France in making
a reparation for that insult. The Right lion. Baronet
opposite (Sir R. Peel), who was then First Lord of the
Treasury, spoke in this House respecting that trans-
action in language which was not only justi-
fiable but necessary ; and yet I have been as •
sured by French gentlemen of great judgment and poli-
tical knowledge that the language made use of by the
Right Hon. Baronet on that occasion had rendered it
difficult for the Government of France to tender the
necessary reparation. If that was the case upon the cc-
elision to which I refer, what circumstances might not
daily arise to bring about a similar difficulty, and what
a degree of susceptibility does it not show to exist on
the part both of England and France, which, possessing
great strength, are acutely alive to any oucurrence which
may tarnish their honour? When such slight accidents
as these arise to threaten the existence of peace, how
little is it in the power of the Executive Government to
foresee the moment at which that peace may not be dis-
till bed. I cannot, therefore, but admit, that however
tranquil the aspect of our foreign relations may be
there is always a possibility that a rupture may occur;
and when I recollect that Mr. Pitt, with all
his sagacity, predicted, in the year 1792, a long
peace, I cannot discover any reason why England
in the present time ought not to be on the look-out for
the contingency of a war breaking out, nor is it other
than impossible fur me to foresee the moment at which
such an event may suddenly occur. With regard to the
second point which I adverted to—namely the danger of
an invasion, although I am not one of those who either
dread or anticipate such an event, yet however irnpro
bable it may be deemed, it is one to be guarded against,
During the course of three hundred years, as any render
of history will readily recollect, there have been nume-
rous occasions on which invasions of England have been
projected and attempted. The elements on more than
one of those occasions have stood our friends, and expe-
ditions fitted out with the greatest care and equipped
most completely have been defeated by adverse winds,
and the armaments intended for our destruction
have been scattered and destroyed.—(Hear, hear.)
But the science and skill which have been exer-
cised of late years, since the general peace of
1815, have enabled our sailors to traverse the sea
against the hind and tide, and, in defiance of the
elements, to conduct a vessel across the seas. Other
nations are possessed of the same advantages; and it is
possible that a hostile force may, under such appliances,
be conducted into our harbours, or appear on our coasts.
With regard to the third point—namely, that prepara-
tions for war have been made by foreign nations, and by
France in particular—it must be recollected that of late
years, and since the revolution of IS3O, that country has
been governed by a King who is, I believe, a sincere
lover of peace, notwithstanding that .he has, during
the whole of his reign, maintained an increased
and an increasing force. That increase cannot
be said, as in our own case, to be necessary for the
defence of wide colonial possessions, or to protect an
extended commercial navy, scattered over the ocean,
and laden with vast riches. Neither the extent of
the French colonies, nor the extent of the com-

merce of that country, require such a large
in-crease in her forces as I find to have taken place
within the last few years. In the year 1833 I find
that the increase in the naval conscriptions was 101,000
men. In 1847 the conscription for the navy was 134,000
men. The effective force of marines in 1833 was 11,000,
and in 1847 it had increased to 20,000. The value of

th© annual consumption of material increased from
640,0001. in 1833 to 820,000/. in 1847. The number of
vessels at sea in 1833 amounted to 153, and in 1847 to
216.—(Hear, hear.) Of this number, 66 were steamers
at sea; the whole force of steamers in the Fveneh navy
being 111. The number of seamen increased during the
same period from 16,807 to 29,000, and the expenditure
from 2,280,000/. to 3,902,3201. The amount of stores
now afloat is 3,000,000/., and the amount in the French
arsenals, and in preparation, are in proportion. But
then, I am told that in the French estimates fir the
present year there has been a reduction. It is true
that in the natal estimates there has been a reduc-
tion or saving to the amount of 81,000/. in the wages
of seamen, but then there has been an increase of
112,000/. in stores for the fortifications and dockyards,
making altogether this year an increase of 31,0001.,
and no diminution of expense.—(Hear, hear.) I have
here another statement respecting the navy of :the
French, with which it is not worth while troubling the
House, but it shows the: whole sum voted for the army
sad navy for the year 1849 to be 3,817,107/. Now I do
not allude—and I am sure the House will hold me right
in this respect—to what may be the military forces of
foreign powers. I do not allude to what may be the
number of the standing army of France, or Austria, or
Prussia, or any other foreign country; but when I see
a great increase in the naval estimates of another coun-
try, then I think the subject requires attention, and
should be placed within the knowledge of this House
and the country.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, there are—
of course I need not say so, for every one has heard
the statement—there are eleven in number of these
French steamers which would carry twelve or
fifteen hundred men each, and which might
be prepared for the business of transport in a very
short time. I come now to the fourth point, which is
this, that while the French force has been thus increased
—while we have been exposed to this danger, which
may even ruin England, all on a sudden destroy our
castles, or lead to the occupation of the capital, there
has been no adequate naval or military preparation going
on on our part. Now I do beg the House to attend to
what has been made a matter of reproach by some Hon.
Members, and which ought to be a source of consolation
to those who are so fearful that our forces can never be
made sufficiently great. I shall tell both the increase of
force we have made since 1835, or, rather, I should say,
in two particular years. My Right Honourable Friend
the Chancellor of the Exchequer stated in 1836, that
in one 3ear there was an increase of 5,000 seamen.
The Right honourable Gentleman opposite, when he
came into office in 1845, further increased the number
by 4,500. The whole increase in seamen, boys,
and marines, has been from 15,500 seamen in 1835
to 27,500 in 1448, boys to 18,000, and marines from
9,000 to 13,500, making an increase in all from 26,500
in 1835 to 43,000 in 1848. The army has been increased
from 100,991 to 138,769, making an increase of 37,778.
The ordnance has been increased from 8,262 men in
1835 to 14,294, being an increase of 6,072. So that the
whole of our regular force, army, navy, and ordnance
has been increased from 135,742 men in 1835 to 196,063
in 1848, being an increase of 60,321 in that period of
time. I have now stated every item of increase. I
think that our force was inadequate in 1835, and that
therefore those items of increase have been very pro-
perly voted by this House ; but, at all events, it can-
not be said that there has been any neglect or unwill-
ingness on the part of this House to vote what were
deemed necessary estimates.—(Hear, hear.) There
have been also of late years other kinds of forces which
kayo boen drilled and organized, and which, I believe,
will be found, iricase of the necessity arising, most useful
and effectual. Under the late Government 15,000 old
soldiers of the lino were organised as pensioners. Under
the present Government there have been enrolled dock-
yard battalions, a very efficient force I believe, and
amounting to 18,900 men thus composed:—Artillery,
2,843; boat battalions, 2,016; infantry, 3,428; sappers
and miners, 586. The number of guns allotted to this
force is—field pieces, 168; ship guns, 144; battery guns,
336, worked by the artillery; and 432 worked by the
infantry; making in all 1,080 guns. A great part of
this force could at any time be sent to another part of
the kingdom with their field pieces, supposing that part
in which they are stationed not to be threatened. There
has likewise been a plan for organising and drilling the
coast guard, and in adding to that force other men who,
for a certain small amount of pay attend on certain
days for drill, and will make, as I believe, a very efficient
Force 6,000
supplementalon
6th,oeoocoarnstong.uarld
dob
that
the ground of the number of men, there has bean any
e going
t 2" think,ooo aed
therefore,the
part of the Governments of
unwillingnessthe
different
onp theeriods to which I have alluded, or
on the part of this House, to make adequate
provision for the national defence.—(Hear, hear.) The
amounts voted have increased at least in proportion to
the number of men I have stated ; so much so that, con-
fining myself to the various items of army, navy, and
ordnance, the estimates have increased from 11,730,073/.
in 1835, to 17,340,096/. in 1848. The question then to
which I come is this, whether we should now make a
very great reduction in our forces, whether we should,
taking the opposite view, make a very large increase, or
whether we should continue adding from time to time
to such parts of that force as may seem to the Govern-
ment and the country to require increase, resting satisfied
with such additions and alterations as may be suited to
circumstances. Our view is, that, in the first place,
considering the position of this country, considering her
immense empire, the number of colonies which have been
added to that empire, the various great changes in our
military force, the possibility of war, the duty of this
coimtry to defend herself, and to maintain our indepen-
deuce, it would not be wise to endeavour to make our ex- 1
penditure equal to our income by any large reductions.
On the other hand, we are no less of opinion that there
is no reason for sudden alarm or precipitate preparation.
Our belief is, that, taking the different forces you have of
navy, army, and ordnance, with moderate additions to
certait, parts of these services, this country will be in a

fit state of defence, and thereby obtain the best security
for peace.—(Hear.) I say security for peace, because I
consider that the object of all these armaments is to ob•
tain that security.—(Hear.) Let any one consider
what would be the effect, in case there was such an ac-

cicL•nt a 3 I have alluded to in 1844,. concurrently with

such an unfortunate state of relations between this
country and a foreign power as existed in 1840.
(Hear, hear.) In every country the people aro in
such cases divided into two parties. One party is for
the maintenance of peace ; while there is another
for rushing at once into war..-(Hear.) If the party
which is for war can say, "Look ; your neighbour is
totally defenceless. Now is the moment for a de-
cisive blow, which she will never recover." I say that,
under such circumstances, the war party would have a .
great advantage in discussion,—(Hear. hear.) On the
other band, if the peacerparty can say, "You are mis-
taken in that view : look at the preparations she has
made, all her forces quite ready. Any attempt by sud-
den surprise to overpower that country must be met by
signal defeat." I say that with just foundation for such
an answer the peace party would gain an immediate
victory.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, what is our state
So far as regards the navy, we propose in the navy
estimates of this year an increase of 164,0001. Of this,
94,0001. is for services not strictly naval, leaving
70,0001. only for the increase of our naval expenses. I
have-in my hand a privateletterolLord Auckland's :vs it-
ten to me in consequence of my desire that he should
pay every attention both to the estimates he had of the
French navy, and those which were to be laid before the
House of Commons. Without troubling the House with
the early details of his letter, Lord Auckland says :
[The substance of the letter, which the Noble Lord read
in a low and rapid tone of voice, was a statement of the
present force of the French navy in commission, consist-
ing (as we understood) of six ships of the line in com-
mission de rade, and four in commission de force. Against
this it was proposed that we should have eleven ships in
commission, six with Admiral Packer, and five with
Admiral Napier. In addition to ail, the Bellerophon
would soon be completed, making twelve ships of the
line. But by reducing ono we could maintain three
guardships, in a condition equivalent to the French
commission de rade. If these later were required for
sudden service they could be fitted np with marines, and
if required for ordinary service they could be fitted up
in the usual manner, and sent to a. !foreign station. The
writer further proposed a reserve of steamers, first at
Portsmouth, consisting of 3,386 ! to:se-power; a small
cquadron at Cork, and another at Sheerness, five at each
place. As the new steamers were brought into active
service the old ones were to be adtepted to harbour:de-
fence, and to be manned with a ishort complement of
officers and men. The expense of keeping their boilers
in order would be considerable, but not hing like so great
as the expense of sea-going steames.] The Noble
Lord continued—l think that is a wise precaution. It
refers to that which must be our first defence in case of
war; and let it not be forgotten that if there be advan-
tages in the invention of steam for the purposes of
conveying troops rapidly across the sea, there are other
advantages attached to the invention :for the purposes of
blockade, and of watching ports, of which, with the skill
and science of British seamen, this country would not be
slow to take advantage of.—(Hear, hear.) I should
hold, therefore, that with the present votes we should
be fully prepared, so far as naval preparations are
concerned. I do not wi>le to enter more particularly
into details, nor do I think it would be de-
sirable.—(Hear, hear.) I should state, however, that its
the naval estimates of this year we propose, in confor-
mity with the declaration of last year, to increase the
marines by 3,000, that is to say, to add 1,500 to the
1,500 which were voted last year. Then with regard to
another point to which I have not been immediately
alluding now, to the estimates of tlee present year, with
regard to what created a great deal of alarm at ono time
—namely, the defence of the dockyards and ports, I
should state that that subject attra eted the most serious
attentioit of the late Government, lead was most carefully
examined, and when examined was attended to, a thing
I must say which had for some years been greatly
neglected. In looking over what hat I been spent during
the last few years since 1844, he fo and that on Ports-
mouth was spent 101,210/4 Plymosith and Devonport,
57,000/.; Pembroke, 33,6331.; Sheern-ass. 70,8761.; making
a total of 262,7961., of which 54.,0001. was for the
purchase of land. I believe thae, the fortifications
which have been erected were ma tde by skilful engi
veers. I know that the Commander -in- Chief, the Duke
of Wellington, and the Master-Gene sal of the Ordnance
inspected them last year, and the Duke of Wellington
assured me that he was perfectly satisfied with what
was doing. With regard to the army it should be
stated that, although we do not pr-epose the increase of a
single man in the estimates, and attlueugh there appears
a diminution, yet the number of men in the United
Kingdom will be very materially increased by the
number of regiments returning l:rom India. I cannot
put down the number that will ariive during the present
spring and summer at less than • 5,e300, and it may pos-
sibly be snore than that. The reduotion of the army in
India has been accoMplished by the care and economy
of Sir Henry Hardinge, who, after terminating the
conflict by his skill and courage, determined, e hen
peace had been restored, to place the finances in
such a condition as to secure the credit of the Go-
vernment, and ho therefore took upon himself
the unpopular task of retrenchment.—(Hear, hear,
and cheers.) I may state perhaps in this place, that
with all this reduction, the peace of India was never so
well secured. We have there, after all these returns, an
army of 240,000 men, of whom 28,000 are Europeans;
and this, too, after having reduced the expenditure by
the amount of a million sterling.—(Hear, hear.) The
effect of all this will be considerably to increase the
number of men in this country during the present year,
so that the number of rank and file in the United King-
dom, being at present 55,000, will be /increased, I ex-
pect, to 60,000 in the course of the summer. I believe
it is a long time since there was so large a force in the
United Kingdom, It is not produced fey proposing au
increased vote, but partly by bringing men home from
the colonies,—a regiment from the West Indies, and
some others,—and it will, no doubt, be increased by a
regiment from the Cape, as Sir Harry Smith has pro-
mised that the return regiment, which was lately detained
there, should be immediately sent home. The number. of
men in the United Kingdom has been increased by more
than 20,000 since the year I mentioned, 1835. I
will not detain the House with details, as on the army
estimates the Secretary at War will explain them fully.
The amount of increase for the army is 43,000 L, but
with regard to the ordnance we propose a more consi-
derable increase. It has appeared to us that with respect
to the infantry of an army you may make rapid increase,
but that with respect to the artillery and the corps of
sappers and miners, they form a description of force
which you oould hardly make efficient under a training
of eighteen months or two years. Taking that view of
the question we' proposed last year, and we propose again
in the present year, an increase in the number of the
artillery and the sappers and miners. The increase we
propose to make in the first vote is 90,0001., which will
give an increase of 400 sappers and miners, and 1,451
royal artillerymen the total increase being 1,902.
We also propose to make an increase, and a consider-
able one, in the ordnance estimates, under the head
of stores. From the statement of the Master-
General of the Ordnance, who I desired to lay
fully before the House all the particulars of the charges
connected with his department, it appears that an
increased supply of small arms, and au additional stock
of gunpowder will be absolutely necessary during the
present year—these being articles which, in case of war
suddenly breaking out, we could not depend upon ob-
taining an adequate supply of immediately, and there-
fore it is necessary we should make provision before-
hand. The increase in the estimates will be, therefore,
in the Ordnance 245,0001.—in the Navy Estimates, for
naval purposes, 70,0001., and in the army the increase
will be 43,000/4 making a total addition of' 358,000/.
There is another species of force with respect to which
we propose to lay a measure before the House in the
course of the present session, and with regard to which
I also propose to take a vote for a sum of money in the
estimates I am now laying before you. However effi-
cient that amount of force connected with the three ser-
vices I have named is, it is to be considered—amongst
the chances of a war, the remote chances if you will—
but it is always to be considered possible that an enemy
might land on our shores, and you would then have to
garrison Portsmouth, Plymouth, and the other dock-
yards, and places of defence on our coasts. It does
not appear that your number of 60,000—large as that
number is as compared with the force you have had at
your command in former years—would altogether suffice
for the purpose of garrisoning those places, and at the
Dame timoloavc you a sufficient di3pocable force for the
general defence of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Now,
Sir, the force to which the country has in former times
been in the habit of looking in aid of the regular army i
for the purposes of internal defence—and t has always
been stated to be the constitutional force of this country
—(Hear, hear)—and one that has been kept up in former
times in periods of peace—a force, too, which was the
favourite one of perhaps the greatest man this country
ever produced—Lord Chatham—(Hear)—is the militia
force.—(Cheers.) I am aware that difficulties attach to
this subject now which did not formerly exist. The
habits of the country are so changed that in dealing
with this question you find yourselves placed between
these two difficulties, If you take substitutes, such are
the migratory habits of the lower classes that you could
not depend upon having them when wanted, while, on the
other hand, it you refused substitutes you would be im-
posing on the people a hardship in respect to military
service to which they have never been accustomed,
and which would be galling and distasteful to them.—
(Hear.) Such are the difficulties with which this ques-
tion is beset. We shalVpropose such a measure, how-
ever, as appears to us to be best calculated to meet these
difficulties.; and I am most anxious that that measure
should be considered by the House, and, should it be
approve d of on ;the second reading, that its provisions
should be fully discussed in Committee as to whether the
measure is one which is in every way fitted for the pre-
sent circumstances of the country. It will be for the
House to decide whether a militia force is one that can
and ought to be raised under their present circumstances.
It you can make it practicable, I believe it is correct in
principle, as it is, I know, useful in a national point of
view, to have a portion of the
.people trained to the use
of arms, who, in case of hostilities, might be brought
together, and marched at once to any spot that might be
threatened. And, though there are many reasons in favour
of such h a force, still, should the House nut at once conclude
that it would be desirable now to establish a militia
force, that measure might, nevertheless, afford the means
next year, or in future years, of providing such au ex-
tension of the regular military force of the country as
should ensure us at all times a sufficient force to oppose
against any enemy who threatened to invade us.—(Hear,
hear.) I propose, therefore, to take a vote of 150,0001.
in the estimates of the present year for the purpose of
laying the foundation of this military force. I have
stated what are the difficulties of the ease, and I have
only to add that 1 shall be most happy to have the
assistance of the House in coming to such a conclusion

a ...as/.
- ..
ea---
as shall be most to the advantage of the Co altar ~ ,
(Hear, hear.) I will now state what will be tl ie eiht
expenditure under the different heads for the y ear from:
the sth April, 1348, to the sth April, 1849. ' neelierr
for the funded debt is 27,778,000/.; unfi ye ded de,"..
752,600/ ; making together 28,536,6001. ' El le consols.
dated fund charges I take at 2,750,000/. •th ee xpensesW_.o
have to pay for the Kafir war, 1,100,0001.; travel eseT:
for the year before last, 245,5001.; c' ,urge for th
navy for this year, 7,726,6101.; army, 7,' 162,996 L; e!`t„
nance, 2,924,835/. ; miscellaneous, 4,006 ,000/.-msillht
in all, including navy, army, ordnanc g, and Iliad_
laneous, 54,446,500/. I add to this 1 JO,OOOl. for the
militia, and we have a total of 54,59 ea,500/.-(Hesroof
hear.) It is evident, therefore, if her . , Majesty's G. _
1-eminent are correct in the view they has .e taken of tr.
necessities of the country-if they are ' righ tin belier !
that, looking at those necessiaiese it its not expediect.!
make large reductions, but that it is texpeder eat rather lg.
go on maintaining and improving the for as s we havrei
it is obvious that nut only must I propose a reneleal:;,
the income tax, which will expire this y. tat ', but diet;
will be necessary, supposing the House should ger%
of our estimates, or anything like the f !Rtimates of tola
past year-it will be necessary that adi liberalwatt
.1!
be imposed.-(Murmurs.) In advertii ig to this gut
cion 1 am specking of that which I thin k are the races;
sities of the time to conic. It is obvi. ma that a grey
portion of the deficiency to which I alluded 0
the commencement of my statement, is dependent o°,l,
state of the country, afflicted with sea: !city, and e°llDna
quent commercial and manufacturing • distress; 110
though it would be idle and presumptuo' as to say that 0
are at once to return to a state of prt asperity, Yet 00
may, I think, look forward, within no x !cry long 00eeed
of years, to an improved condition of ,commerce T'ai
manufactures.-(Hear, hear.) If we are blessed !deb
bountiful harvests, the effects of that si :ar city of lit 1,
we have had to speak will in time be no, do übt retnorli
and, as regards the income of the cotintrt C, we 031Y;54
-4 10
no very distant period, look for improver iente.
hear.) And, with respect to the statement I have al so
as to the expenditure, it must be remenibe red that, ~
less than 1,100,000.1. is required for the TO to for dell,
ing the express's of the Kafir war, a rid the last cif
i pitches we have from the Cape contain a Letter been to
; :arry Smith, in which he states that, ft eta the soot,
fore erect' to him, lie has every reason to leselieve thetTo
war is at ae end. I cannot, however, sa. 7 that there Co
conseqeently, an end of the bill-s (A laugh
I pre erne the next vote we shall have to take for ~.--a
purpese V. ill be considerably less than t lie present•dlly
that tae war being ended, we may tool t to the spc-.0
termination of this source of expense.-( 'An observe°,
was here made by the Chancellor of the Eeteheeee' i
0001
My Right lion. Friend says truly, that This 1,100, des it'
is fel- two years, therefore we must not expect, linos
any circumstances, a charge of the like .amount hie,
estimates of next year. Oa both these ger( 'unds, tile
first, en the ground of future inaproveuxe et in the 1,
2,„
venue-though I will not be so sanguine :as to estiar4
in the present budget to what extent that improveta%
may be in the ceurse of the ensuing year- -and 001 !
ground of diminished expense on account of the Jr,',"
~
war, we may, I think, fairly hope that on'ey a tempoTe,
increase will be required in our esti; nates.---(11,1
hear.) In saying on what, in any view e the incre;
of taxation should be, I shall consider the present ett!e,
of the country, together with the g. teat reduce."
made by the late Government and by n irmer Goer!:
merits on articles of general consumption . I think aid l
attempt to impure a per tentage on those . taxable artiot
would tail in giving you the revenue req aired.-(b1.
50;
hear.) Any new tax on those articles elf consumo4
woule in my opinion, be very unwise at This moln!",
and much more so if you thought such ins Tease of let
would not last beyond a short period. .49 .nd for 0'
reason, that you would have all the diffical ties and e,.
barrassments consequent upon the prepare. tions for efx
lectiog and the expense of bringing into co llectionee,
which woulai be imposed only fur a short period; ther 0
tore the propes.ticn we have to make is, a ad I ineYea
well now state it at once-(!ber, hear)-the propositity
we have to make is to renew the presont incor;•
tax from April next, when it would other
expire, for a period of five years-(Clies of
oh")-and that the House should rote an ibe
crease of that tax from 7d. to ls. in t o
pound, or from three to five per cent. fo 5 4
period of two years.- (Murmurs of dissent if";
various parts of the House.) And now, Si.-, I will stags
without going into the argument on the subject, wee
considering the very great distress which for the i
two years has prevailed in Ireland-considering too,
you did not originally in 1842 impose this tax ur;
Ireland-taking into account also the very great still
glen now =kite., iu order to adapt the social conditl
of Ireland to the great changes which have taken Ks
in that country, and that all classes-landlords in woof
improvement of laud, and farmers in the payment_,
wages-are required to take part in that great chaogri,
taking these things into,eonsideration, we theink-ehoeg,
fully admitting in the abstract the justice of impel
this tax upon Ireland, as well as upon England-(l4s
hear)-1 say, though fully admitting the justice of tPog
proposition-(llear, hear) -we consider that this is.h.°o
the moment for extending the income-tax to P:0
country.-(Cheers from the Irish Members, and en
of " Oh, oh," from other parts of the House.),os
must beg Gentlemen, when . they come to
no
argument, a little to consider that we have not 014,4
deliberate on what may be abstractedly fair and 74
with regard to the imposition of taxes in England 01
Ireland, but that we have likewise to take into acconlied
the fact that the prosperity of the whole of the Unite
Kingdom is bound up together, and that if you cbevf
the exertions Ireland is making to place herself in
state of future prosperity, you in fact place a check uruP,'
the prosperity of the United Kingdom generalljt:.
(Hear, hear.) But if, on the other hand, you ref
from imposing upon Ireland burdens which she n3letli
at the moment be unable to meet, reserving them un,.
she is more equal to bear them-(Laughter)-you do
provide for the prosperity of England and Se'Z's
land, as well as Ireland.-(Hear, hear.) 11,
propose, therefore, to take the income-tax exactly?'
it has been imposed in past years ; on the same PO;
'
ciple on which it was originally proposed and defended
by Mr. Pitt • on the same principle on which
it was afterwards increased by Lord Grenville and 14
Lord Lansdowne-(Cheers and laughter)-and °l/4
the name principle on which it was again imposed 0
defended by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir la
Peel).-(Derisive cheers.) I am aware that I voted
against that tax when it was proposed by the Right 11l
Gentleman-(lmmense cheering)-and I hold that ,
was, perfectly right in so doing.-(Hear, and a log"
I know, too, that I voted for it in 1845-(Hear, hette)l
and I neither regret the vote I gave in 1842, nor te
which I afterwards gave in 1845.-(Hear, hear.) I
Right Hon. Friend the Member for Portsmouth (Mr- .'
T. Baring) said, in the discussion upon the questionl
1845, " The question in 1842 was, whether you w°lll,
continue other taxes-whether you would diminli"l,
protective duties, or impose an income-tax. you ball
taken your course, and now, in 1845, it would be,
think, inexpedient to repeal that tax, or allow it te°
fall, for the purpose of imposing other taxes." I thin"'
my Right Honourable Friend was right in that view'
and that was the principle on which I eupported the
measure of 1845. and on which I now bring nervier('
the present proposition. On looking at this question'
may I ask for a short time the attention of the
House to the great reductions which have been made
from time to time in the duties on such articles as 00010
into the consumption of the great body of the people.
Adam Smith said there were three or four taxes on the
necessaries of life, and he mentioned candles, leather,
coals, and soap; the duties on these four articles hal
been taken off. He stated also that the taxes on Mir'
and beer were equal to about twenty-five or twenty
per cent. on the malt. That that tax has beenconsiderabl
reduced is well known. The tax on salt amounted yearlYte
1,490,0001.; on candles, 482,0001.; coals (brought coast'
wise), 958,0001.; leather, 600,000/; beer and
cyder,
3,080,000/.; glass, :647,0004; sugar, 2,300,000 L; butter
and cheese, 112,0001.; and you may add, taking the
average of the last five years, the duties on grain 110"
meal, which will be taken off next February, 862,00014
the whole amounting to 10,543,0001. of yearly taol
removed from articles entering into consumption
by the great body of the people. .In addition to this, it
must not be forgotten that there are very many artialee
now admitted which were formerly prohibited, and
which I have omitted. I have, therefore. in this estimate
understated the amount. The tdole amount of taxes
taken off since the peace, deducting the income-tax and
all other taxes which have been imposed during that
time, arc equal to a reduction of taxation of not less
than 39,705,341/. a year. I do not think, therefore•
when such has been the diminution of taxation, that II
are now asking too much of the House when we °sell
upon them for a temporary increase of the present ele.
rect taxation, in the face of the circumstances of almostunparalleled difficulty which have occurred during the
past year, and with a view of keeping up our establish'
ments, I trust not extravagantly, not inordinately, but
with a view to the permanent maintenance and defence,
of the country. The result would be an expenditure Sdset
have stated, of 54,596,5001., and an income of 51,250,000"
increased by the income-tax, which I take at an amen!!t
less than I might take it if there bad not been so much
commercial distress, namely, at 0,500,000/., so as to
make the total income 54,750,000/. There is one ta%
which presses very severely upon one species of industrit
which sins against those principles you have of late
years adopted, and which might be taken off without
that great diminution of revenue which the reduction of
the duty on tea, or the removal of the window-OX.
would inflict. I allude to the tax upon copper ore io'
posed in 1842 upon the ground that it was to be ad'
;flitted at a small duty, instead of smelting in bond,
and that that duty would not produce any serious effect'
Now although the duty was considered small, the effect
of it, or if not the effect of it, the concomitant effe°4
had been that smelting has been performed in Chin's
where it had not been used before, and the smelting
establishments in this country have in consequence,
greatly suffered. I do not think that the :owners °'
copper mines would be injured if we took off this small
duty, while by
doing so we would remove those oh"
stacks whien impede the prospects of smelting fr°l2/
resuming their favourable aspect. Repealing that Mat
which I take at 41,000/, the amount it was last year;
we should have 34,750,000/. of revenue and 54,637,0';
as the expenditure, leaving a surplus of 113,000/. That
surplus, I must again observe, would be considerablt
'eager but for the extraordinary expenditure "
1,100 000/., and would have enabled us to take off ()ther
taxes wlech press heavily on the people. Althoun
I stated that I should confine myself to an outline, 4
have La en obliged to enter considerably into degree
b all as regards the diminution of revenue, and the
estimates we propose for meeting it. I have done. !('
with the view of laving those estimates faitl.y
before the House, that the House might make UP I,!*,
mind calmly rind deliberately upon the subject. We wig;
have asked for the navy and army estimates,
ter
a small inerease, and postponed our statement atshr la
period; nut I think it is due to the House of Comi
that they should know fully what is the question before