The Sun.
London, England, 1833-12-31 00:00:00

GERMAN PAPERS.

CONSTANTINOPLE, Nov. 30.—After years of fear and
danger, hope and tranquillity have returned to us, and if we
have still some apprehensions respecting the future the
grounds of them are out of the circle in which they can
be laid to our charge. The Asiatic provinces are perfectly
tranquil; they accustom themselves to the new institu-
tions which have made great progress in the European
parts of the empire. The affairs of Servia are happily
brought to a conclusion ; the regulation of the frontiers
with Greece is settled, and the stipulated sum of eighteen
millions of piastres has just been paid into the Sultan's
treasury. The struggle between conflicting opinions
which was manifested even in the seraglio is allayed.
Edhein Effendi, the commissioner of the Porte, who was
sent to Egypt, has returned with a'present of 10,000
francs to the Sultan, and with a promise that the dreaded
vassal will pay an annual tribute of 32,000 francs, be-
ginning with the year, 1250 of the Hegira, that is from
May, 1834. Mehemet Ali has, besides, lately declared
his respect for his word given, and for the engagements
entered into at Kiutakia, and reemznized the sincere union
of all parts of the empire with each other, as well as his
own perseverance in strict obedience to the Sultan, as the
shield and protection of his own existence, While we
thus have no ground for alarm in the interior, and may
resume exertions that have been often interrupted,
and indulge in the most pleasing hopes that our
position with respect to our powerful neighbour, who has
been so many years our enemy, gives us security
far the future, without which the wounds in the interior
could not be healed, or the organization of the empire
accomplished. What Sultans who governed under far
more favourable circumstances could not attain has been
effected by Mahmoud, who changed his dreaded adversary
into a friend, and gained for the preservation of the
empire the powers that hitherto had laboured for its over-
throw. This admirable fact may effect the revival of the
prosperity of the empire ; and those who sincerely wish
it cannot but willingly assist in maintaining and
strengthening this happy union. The security which
arises from the state of our affairs both at home and
abroad has induced the Sultan to let the fleet return to
the arsenal. This confidence is fully justified by the con-
duct of Russia, which is also placing its forces on the
Black Sea on the peace establishment, and has, besides,
just given permission to his Ambassador at Constantinople
to leave his post. So far as has transpired, the lean. from
Count Nesselrode to Count Butinieff says expressly that
the state of domestic and foreign tranquillity which the
Turkish empire enjoys, and the absence of all danger, had
induced the Emperor to grant him the leave of absence
for six months, which lie had requested, to attend to fa-
mily affairs. Thus we should be in a most favourable
situation entirely conformable to the interests of Europe
itself, did not the threatened increase of the English and
French farce in the Archipelago appear as an unexpected
storm in the serene sky. We are not without an expla-
nation of this phenomena, but we endeavour in vain to
reconcile it with the principle constantly professed by the
two maritime Powers of preserving the Turkish empire.
These Powers did not protect us in 1828, when, after a
measure which was necessary, but which struck the
empire to its foundation, Russia attacked us; nor
did they protect us a year ago, when Ibrahim
was within a few marches 'of the capital and
a universally hated faction brought revolt and conflagra-
tion into our own walls. The humiliation which the Porte
then underwent led to the most important victory it
ever could obtain ; but it is certainly not indebted for
this victory to the maritime powers, from which it was
obliged to extort it. The consolatory fruits of this vic-
tory are now before us. Ail the circumstances on the
side of Russia, which were formerly dangerous to us—
the number and superiority of its forces, its diplomatic
influence, its geographical position, its vicinity to us.--
are become so many advantages. The clear terms of the
alliance secure, besides, to the Porte the choice of the
moment when it shall think fit to make use of it, and,
therefore, release it from all depere!enee on its powerful
friend. This treaty might and should be considered as the
regeneration of the Turkish empire ; and yet this i, pre-
cisely what the maritime powers envy it, though they affect
to desire the preservation of the Sultan's throne. We
will not touch on the question of right, for on this there
can be no difference of opinion; but how is the acknow-
ledged interest of the Powers compatible with the dif-
ference which their measures aim at, if they do not
obtain ? If the great European Powers, altogether in
one and the same firm language, in word and deed, ex-
press their will that the Turkish empire shall be
preserved in its present extent, it will be preserved ;
for neither from within nor from without will ambi-
tion then find a foot of ground on which to establish
itself and act against it. The new institutions will gain
strength, and the empire, which some people believe now
to be at the last gasp, will show the falsehood of this
notion for centuries to come. Instead of this interesting
union, the two maritime powers pursue selfish objects,
contrary to their own real interests, and prefer the petty and
flseting interests of the day to the great and permanent
wants of all; they speak of their apprehensions for the
Turkish empire, which they alone excite, and would oblige
the Sultan to save himself by quarrels through them ;
whereas they have but to allow him repose that he may
be able to support himself without receiving the help
of any one. They talk of the preservation of the empire,
and do everything that can bring it to ruin.
These contradictions cannot but efface, in the Divan,
the lest traces of mistrust of Russia, and attach the Sultan
more and more to that power. The reinforceinent of toe
English and French fleet, whlch is to be increased to
thirty-five sail, may compel Russia on its side again to
arm some vessels. The two maritime powers will then
not have advanced a step by their threats, but it witl be
more difficult for them to retire to a more just policy;
arid if the Port and Europe are threatened, it is by those
two powers alone which seem to be irretrievably engaged
in a system of errors.
VIENNA, DEC. 20.—Five per Cent. Metalliques, 94
13-16 ; Four per Cent-,84; ; Bank Shares, 1,229.
Agoemeine Zeitung, Dec. 25.
VIENNA, DEC. 16.—The Ministers Plenipotentiary
are successively arriving. Baron Verstolk Van Soelen, is
expected to-day. The Sittings will be held at the Imperial
Chancery.
The Chevalier Porkesch, Von Osten, who is appointed
Charge d'Affaires from Austria to the King of Greece, will
set out in the spring.—Frankfort Papers, Dec. 25.

The retrains of Mr. James Brougham were
on Saturday list rerrrived from Brougham-hail, and dei).
kited in the family vault at Skelton, in the county of
Cumberland. The funeral was strictly private, being
atieuded only by the Lord Chancellor and Air. Brougham,
31 P. for Southwark, the sole surviving brothers of the
deceased.

LONDON,
TUESDAY EVENING, DECENIBER 31, 1833.

The year, which is now within a few hours
of its close, though in the course of its progress
it has given rise to many heart burnings and
some disappointments, yet has, upon the whole,
been a satisfactory one. Its commencement,
however, was less auspicious than its close. The
Irish Coercion Bill was a sad damper to public
expectation : it seemed to indicate a return to
the old systems of government, and even threat-
ened, at one period, to hurl Ministers from their
" pride of place." Fortunately, however, they
were persuaded to soften down some of the most
offensive clauses of the Bill ; and thus it passed
in a mitigated shape ; though still quite uncon-
stitutional enough to justify distrust and appre-
imension. The Irish Church Reform Bill was
the next measure. This was intended to act as
the lump of sugar to reconcile Ireland to her
coercive black-draught ; but the sweet bore about
as fair a proportion to the sour, as Falstcthrs
halfpenny-worth of bread did to his tavern bill
for sack. Of course, therefore, it has been ac-
cepted by the country only as an earnest of
something better. The Irish Church cannot
remain in its present state. Its luxuriances must
be still more rigidly pruned, or the outcry against
it will continue as loud as ever. The remaining
ministerial measures are such as may be looked
back on with satisfaction. The formal Abolition
of Slavery, the arrangement of the East India
Question, and that with the Bank of England—
of this last provision we cannot speak in such
terms of praise as of the two former—restored
to Government much of the popularity which it
had lost by the Coercion Bill. The Corpora-
tion Inquiry was another favourite measure,
which has been actively going forward during
the recess, and will produce its fruit in due
season. The year 1833 then may, we repeat,
be pronounced o❑ the whole, satisfactory to the
great cause of social and political improvement.
It has given several sturdy blows to the wedge
of Reform, which 1831 must drive in still
deeper. It has given us cause for hope—
for confidence ; shown us our strength, and
taught us how legitimately to exercise it.
Above all, it has removed us still further
from all chance of Tory misrule, stranded
the WELLINGTON party, and taught Sir
ROBERT and his discreet clique, that we can go
on very well without them. As a voucher for
the future, therefore, we have no reason to be
otherwise than contented with the past. We
cannot, however, extend this admission to our
Foreign policy. Here the year 1833 has proved
but one long bitter disappointment. Russia
pursues her tortuous line of policy, un-
thwarted, and apparently unheeded ; Turkey,
our old ally Turkey, nods to her fall, and
not one Christian Power puts forth an arm to
save her. It is perfectly astonishing to witness
the gigantic strides which Russia has made
during the last year. She has crushed out
the last sparks of opposition in Poland ; para-
lyzed all the councils of the SULTAN ; strength-
ened her interest in Persia ; bribed or bullied
Austria and Prussia into silence; and reduced
France and England to time melancholy condi-
tion of mere helpless lookers-on. Here then
the year 1833 has been sadly defective. It
might have strengthened all the chances of
European tranquillity,—it has diminished them
one half; for so long as Russia is permitted to

continue her present subtle manoeuvres, peace
can be at best but problematical.

We have received the Paris papers of Sunday.
They state that the Spanish Government had
been compelled to contract a loan for 44 millions
of reals with the bank of San Fernando and four
commercial houses, to cover the public expendi-
ture for the last half year. The Captains-General
and the Bishops of all the provinces had been
pkifdered to Madrid, to receive orders, or give an
em of the way in which they had performed
their diitiest Paris continued tranquil.

We have received Frankfort Papers to the
25th inst. The Allgemeine Zeitung contains a
very long, and apparently semi-official, article
from Constantinople, dated the 31st ult., which
is worthy of attention. The writer, after drawing
a very glowing picture of the present happiness
and tranquillity of the Turkish empire, which
he attributes entirely to the alliance with Russia,
in obtaining which the SULTAN is represented
to have used admirable tact in uniting a dreaded
enemy into a cordial ally, proceeds to utter a
violent diatribe against Great Britain and France
for disturbing the harmony whichsubsists between
Russia and the Porte, under a pretence of de-
siring the welfare and integrity of the Turkish
empire. It is asserted that the SULTAN has no
mistrust of the Emperor of RUSSIA ; that whilst
he was disniantling hi-s" fleet, the Emperor was
(Ado- pinc.itlg ol..:Fo isl aic the Black
Sea on the peace establishment ; and that
naval preparations of Great Britain and France
will alone prompt similar actijk9n the part of
Russia ; and, finally, that ta SUbTAN is re-
solved to cling to Russia, as the onb) ally whose
support he ought to receive in the present
emergency.

The article to which we have alluded, although
dated from Constantinople, was evidently dic-
tated by the Russian agents in that capital. It

is an adroit way of launching a manifesto against
Great Britain and France, and there are really
some points about it which are unanswerable.
For instance, the SULTAN is made to say that
when his empire was threatened by Russia no
assistance was given to him by those Powers
who now profess so much anxiety for his welfare,
and, therefore, that they have no claim upon
him against the influence of Russia which has
become his protectress. It is quite true that we
did not interfere to preserve Turkey from
the fangs of Russia. It is quite true that
we have no claim upon the goodwill or
friendship of the SULTAN; but it should be
remembered that if we have hitherto neglected
the appeals made by the SULTAN to us
for support, we at the same time committed an
act of folly, as regarded our own interest, from
the effects of which we are now endeavouring
to extricate ourselves. We are not increasing
our naval force in. the Mediterranean, and con-
templating some positive demonstrations against
Russian influence in Turkey from any attachment
to the SULTAN, or any dread of the overthrow
of his power from personal considerations. The
events of the last few months have shown that
the SULTAN has become the mere vassal
of the Emperor of RUSSIA, of whose views
upon Turkey no doubt can be entertained.
The only questions with which the Cabinets
of Great Britain and France have to do, are,
Ist. Is Turkey under the influence of Rus-
sia? 2dly, Would the extension of the Rus-
sian dominion in Turkey, whether the
Turkish Empire be actually incorporated with
Russia, or the SULTAN be the vassal of the
EMPEROR, be injurious to us, either as regards
our mercantile interests, or as connected with
the balance of political power in Europe ? These
are the only points for us to consider, and if
they be answered in the affirmative, as they must
be, the sooner we show our determination to
check the growing power of Russia, the sooner
will the peace of Europe, and our own interests,
be placed on a permanent basis.

The abstract of and copious extracts from
the speech of the PRESIDENT of the United
States of America, delivered on the 3d Decem-
ber, which we yesterday gave, render it unne-
cessary for us to do more at present than notice
one or two points, which seem particularly
worthy of attention. As regards ourselves, the
PRESIDENT annotinces that he has made over-
tures to the British Government, with respect to
the disputed boundary on the Canada frontier,
which he hopes will lead to a settlement of the
question, and that the negotiations. opened some
years ago with us for the erection of lighthouses
on the Bahamas, had been successful. Upon
this subject the PRESIDENT says,

" These works, when completed, together with some
which the United States have constructed on the
western side of the Gulf of Florida, will contribute essen-

tially to the safety of navigation in tbat sea. This joint
participation in establishments interesting to humanity
and beneficial to commerce is worthy of two enlightened
nations, and indicates feelings which cannot fail to have a
happy influence upon their political relations. It is gra-
tifying to the friends of both to perceive that the inter-
course between the two people is becoming daily more
extensive, and that sentiments of mutual good have grown
up befitting their common origin, justifying the hope
that by wise counsels on each side, not only unsettled
questions may be satisfactorily terminated, but new causes
of misunderstanding prevented."

We heartily concur in the sentiments here
expressed, and doubt not that they will be reci-
procated by our Government. A part of the
statement of the PRESIDENT, with respect to the
relations of the Republic with Spain, will be read
with great interest by all the friends of free
trade in this country. It runs thus—

" By the first section of an Act of Congress passed on
the 13th of July, 1832, the tonnage duty on Spanish
ships artiving from the ports of Spain was limited to the
duty payable on American vessels in the ports of Spain,
previous to the 20th of October, 1817, being five cents
per ton. The Act was intended to give effect, on our
side, to an arrangement made with the Spanish Govern-
ment, by which discriminating duties of tonnage were to
be abolished in the ports of the United States and Spain,
on the vessels of the two nations.

" Pursuant to that arrangement, which was carried into
effect, on the part of Spain, on the 20th of May, 1832,
by a Royal order, dated the 29th of April, 1832, American
vessels in the ports of Spain have paid five cents per ton,
which rate of duty is also paid in those ports by Spanish
vessels ; but as American vessels pry no tonnage duty in
the parts of the United States, the duty of five cents payable
in our pelts by Spanish vessels, under the Act above-men-
tioned, is really a di.criminating duty, operating to the
disadvantage of Spain. Though no complaint has yet
been made on the part of Spain, we are not the less bound
by the obligations of good faiths to tvuove the discrimina.