The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-14 00:00:00

from its fleshly tabernacle by the announcement of the
death of Curiatius. But the body remains ; there are
convulsive movements, I:orribly convulsive movements,
of that body, which is re-anhnzted by a demon. It is
no longer Camille, but Nemesis, that speaks ; and, de-
nouncing vengeance on the Horatii and on Rome, ag-
gravates Horatius to the commission of the murder
of his seeming sister, and thus condemns him to
an eternity of remorse. Such is the idea which
the acting of Mademoiselle Rachel gives us of the con-
cluding scene, and such doubtless was the intention of
Corneille. In reading the play, the conclusion has
hitherto struck us as an anti-climax. We have always
considered that the tragedy should end with the death—
for we will call it the death—and not the swoon, of Ca-
mille, on hearing that Curiatius has fallen ; but Mdlle.
Rachel has vindicated the genius of Corneille, and made
the climax perfect. Her Camille is the most sublime
histrionic effort the world has ever seen.

ELECTION MOVEMENTS.
MANCHESTER—THE NOMINATION.
MONDAY, FOUR O'CLOCK.—The nomination of a candidate
for this borough took place at ten o'clock this morning, en
the hustings erected for the occasion in St. Ann's-square.
There was a large number of persons present.
The Mayor, accompanied by the Right Hon. Candidate,
Mr. Mark Philips, M.P., Mr. Alderman Callender, the Town
clerk, Mr. A. Prentice, Mr. E. Worthington, Mr. Alderman
BMA, Messrs. James Kershaw, John Potter, W. Curtis,
Alderman Neild, J. P. Willert, John Burd, Abel Heywood,
James Bake, Thomas Hopkins, Daniel Maude, &c. The usual
preliminaries having been gone through,
Mr. Alderman CHARLES J. S. WALKER came forward to
propose Mr. Gibson. He said he had great pleasure in so
doing. He had known Mr. Gibson as the representative of
Manchester for five years, and fully approved of his whole
conduct during that time. He had watched his votes and
read his speeches, and he believed he was but doing him
justice when he stated that he had ever found him supporting
those liberal measures that were for the benefit of the people.
He found him in the ranks of Sir Robert Peel when the
Right Hon. Baronet was carrying through the House of
Commons measures ;of free trade, of which the people had
only received an instalment. The fact of his having ac-
cepted the office of Vice-President of the Board of Trade
would enable him to render his constituents better services
than if he were a mere Member of Parliament. He con-
cluded by proposing the Right Hon. T. M. Gibson as repre-
sentative of Manchester.
Mr. Alderman JAMES KERSHAW seconded the nomination.
He said he did not entirely agree with every vote which had
been given by the Right Hon. Gentleman since he repre-
sented Manchester; but, taking him as a whole, he was sa-
tisfied with his conduct as he representative of the borough.
Mr. Gibson had, as they all knew, been the constant sup-
porter of free trade, ar.d on matters of general policy lie was
ever to be found on the side of the people. He concluded by
seconding the nomination.
The Mayon then took a show of hands, and there being no
other candidate, declared Mr. Gibson duly elected.
The Right Hon. T. M. GIBSON then came forward, and was
received with loud cheers by his friends. He said, upon an
ordinary occasion, when marks of approbation are passed upon
an individual by his fellow-countrymen, in accordance with
the courtesies of society, that individual makes use of lan-
guage stronger than might be adequate or necessary to ex-
press the gratitude he feels • but upon an occasion like this,
I do not think I can be charged with insincerity, or with
using expressions too highly coloured, in giving to you, in
the strongest language I can command, my hearty, my cor-
dial thanks for the great and distinguished honour you have
conferred upon me in electing me to represent you in Parlia-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) There can be, I imagine, no position
more gratifying to a man's feelings, no situation in life more
calculated to raise his sentiments of self-respect, than when
he finds himself chosen to represent so large and so intelli-
gent a body of his fellow-countrymen as are comprised within
the great community of Manchester. I feel deeply sensible,
electors of Manchester, of the honour you have done me,
and the more so in returning me to Parliament under the
present circumstances, because by so doing you express your
approval of the course I have taken in accepting the office
under the Crown I had offered to me. It was a distinguished
honour, unquestionably, on the part of those who advised
her Majesty to select me for so distinguished a position as the
Vice-Presidency of the Board of Trade ; but it is a higher
and more distinguished honour, I say, as a candidate for the
popular voice this day, to find that their advice and the
Queen's adoption of it are ratified by your verdict. The
electors of Manchester are not left out of this affair. It would
want a great deal that constitutes not an unimportant con-
stitutional proceeding if your voice and your consent had
been passed over in such an appointment as the one I have
received. Had I not represented Manchester, undoubtedly it
would not have fallen to my lot to recive so distinguished
an office. If I am not competent to fulfil the duties of the
office, Manchester is responsible for having returned an in-
efficient representative ; for it was in order that your views
and your feelings, and the opinions entertained in these
districts, might be represented in the Government of the
country, that I was selected to fill the office of Vice-Presi-
dent of the Board of Trade.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, the
recent proceedings in Parliament can hardly be passed by
without one or two observations on my part. It would ap-
pear that we who acted against the Coercion Bill have acted
ungenerously towards Sir Robert Peel, after he had proved
himself so great a benefactor, in having been instrumental
in removing him from office ; but if we look at the cir
cumstances of the case we shall find that his retirement
from office was unavoidable. In bringing forward the -corn
question he lost the confidence and support of a great
portion—of a large proportion of his old followers—so large
a proportion as to render him unable to carry on the govern-
ment of the country, or to feel any confidence that those mea-
sures that might be deemed advisable could be passed into prac-
tical legislation. He acted therefore the part of a friend to his
country, when he found that he conld not give effect with any
certainty to the measures he might deem necessary, to resign
the powers that he held ; and in giving the vote we gave
against the Irish Coercion Bill, we recorded our opinion
against that measure on its own merits, and we did not by
that vote mean to pass any censure upon her Majesty's
Government. On the contrary, at the same time that vote
was passed, Mr. Cobden expressed our opinion, when he said
that we opposed the Coercion Bill ,because we thought it a
measure of great severity—a measure of an arbitrary and
tyrannical character towards the people of Ireland, and one
which the necessities of that country did not require.—
(Cheers.) We gave our vote conscientiously against the
measure, and not with the view of expressing any displeasure
at the policy which the Right Hon. Baronet, late at the bead
of her Majesty's Government, had pursued. The state of the
House of Commons was now very extraordinary. In point
of fact, things are come to this: there are now three parties
in the House. There is the party who generally support Sir
Robert Peel—the Conservative party. There is the Liberal
party, and there is what is called the Protectionist party.—
(Cheers, and cries of " Hear him out.") Now Sir Robert
Peel has retired from office, and, therefore, the Government
must be either placed in the hands of the Liberal
party, or of my Lord George Bentinck and the Duke of
Richmond, the leaders of the Protectionist party. I appeal
to you, the electors of Manchester, whether you would tole-
rate a Government, the policy of which would be that avowed
by Lord George Bentinck in the House of Commons, and the
Duke of Richmond in the House of Lords?—(No, no, and
Hear, hear.) Are you prepared to tolerate a Government
which would carry out the policy of monopoly and of pro-
tection as avowed by those noblemen ?—(No, no). Are you
then prepared to support the Government whose policy will
be to secure to industry its full reward—(Cries of " The Ten
Hours' Bill")—to give freedom to commerce, and to secure
the possession of civil and religious rights to all classes of her
Majesty's subjects.—(Partial cheers.) Those are the prin-
ciples upon which the present Government propose to act,
and it is only upon the conscientious feelings which I enter-
tain that the Government will act upon those principles that
I felt justified in accepting office under them. I believe they
will carry out the principles of commercial freedom. There
is a measure shortly to be brought forward—the measure of
the sugar duties—which will put their sincerity to the test.
We ask for free trade in sugar, just as we have carried the
question of the corn-laws. I say, as the agriculturist with
his corn is exposed to the competition of the world, there-
fore the grower of sugar ought also to face the world in fair
competition. At the present time you exclude by your
sugar duties one-half of all the sugar produced in the world;
ou exclude one-half the produce of the world from free
competition in your own markets in the sugar trade.
We ask that our market shall be thrown open to
the sugar of the world, and in so doing we are
not actuated by any feelings of animosity towards
the sugar planters and colonial proprietors. No, on
the contrary, we believe we ardently desire that those colonies
should prosper. But what we say is this, that our first con-
sideration is to secure that our system of taxation should be
more equal and fair to all classes of her Majesty's subjects,
and that we will extend to the colonial proprietors the same
principles of free trade which we are about to give the
people of this country. We are not actuated by any of those
feelings of hostility of which we have been accused. And
now, I think, that long as we have been called the enemies
of the British farmer, I may say we are the farmer's friend
when we advocate the cause of freedom of the sugar trade,
which will give him a better market for his agricultural pro-
duce in the manufacturing districts, which will increase the
revenue of the country without adding to the taxes which
you all have to bear, and which will cheapen for the great
body of the consumers of this country that most necessary
article of consumption and of comfort—namely, the article
of sugar.—(Cheers.). I am well aware that many gentle-
men who contend against the alteration of the sugar duties
do so from a feeling that by letting in slave-grown sugar
we shall encourage the slave trade. Our answer is, that the
slave trade is not to be put down by hostile tariffs—that
slavery is supported because public opinion in the Brazils
and in Cuba has not advanced so far as our opinions have
advanced on that subject; but that, acting towards those
countries in a friendly spirit, and extending our commer-
cial intercourse with those nations, we shall have a far bet-
ter chance of infusing our feelings into the population of
those countries than if we give rise to their resentment,
and cause the feeling of hostility, which will make them
adhere to slavery under a sort of feeling that the honour
of the nation is bound up in it, and that they will not
abandon it or be dictated to by another country. Let us,
then, act in a friendly manner towards them—let us encou-
rage friendly intercourse. Oppose slavery, and the slave
trade will steadily advance over the world. We held opinions
in this country very lately in favour of slavery and the slave
has happily been abolished for ever in
trade. That feeling
England, and I have no doubt that the freedom of man
which gave rise to that opinion will be gradually extended,
and that as that opinion spreads throughout the world, na-
tions will find it to their own interest to abolish that most
odious system—that system of keeping fellow-creatures in a
state of slavery. Ido not give the credit entirely of perfect
sincerity to all those who have professed an unwillingness to
eat sugar because it is produced by slaves. They may be
sincere ; but somehow it is difficult to believe in their sin-
cerity when we see a man very placidly smoking a Havannah
cigar, or carrying in his pocket gold and silver, all of which
are the produce of slaves, and yet professing to be so
extremely qualmish about putting a lump of slave-grown
sugar into his tea. That is a species of philosophy which
I do not yet understand.—(Laughter.) I should be sorry
to impute motives to any one ; but when I find that
feeling Is expressed in Jamaica itself—Jamaica long aban-
doned to the slave system, and persisting to the last in
slavery—when they are professing to have qualms of con-
science in eating a bit of slave-grown sugar, I must say
Ido not give them credit for perfect sincerity. I was
reading lately, in an account of the proceedings of the
[rouse of Assembly in Jamaica, of a proposition to put a
higher duty upon slave•grown sugar, on coming into that
port, and one of the old members of that assembly,
long accustomed to the slavery system, and knowing the
real opinion of his fellow-senators, when he heard them
expressing such qualms of conscience at eating slave-grown
sugar, said, " Well, I never expected to see the day when
Jamaica men would turn up their nose at a lump of Cuba
sugar."—(Laughter.) There are other questions of vast im-
portance which the present Government, I believe, are pre-
pared to grapple with. There is the question of education
of the people.—(Cheers.) I know not what plans may be in
agitation, but I sincerely hope, that whatever plan may be
adopted of advancing the cause of education amongst the
people, and for securing the moral training of tho young,
that- it will be consistent with the true principles of religious
liberty.—(Applause.) I believe that it is only on those
Principlee that any system of education can be ewooespful,

and lam quite certain, that if we are to give, in any form -
or shape, the public money, for the purposes of education,
we are bound to give such a system as all can partici-
pate in,—(Cheering.) We are bound to give a system .
of education that will not be placed under the exausive
control of any religious society.—(Hear, hear.) Whilst
we say we respect the religious feelings of all sects
whilst we do nothing to shock their sentiments of faith—
yet, of the same time, the civil Government of the country - •
must take care in disponsing the money that is collected
from the pockets of all eLssses of the people, that that
money is expended fairly and ;'mpartially upon principles of 's!,
justice. and that no one sect shah be deemed the favoured
sect which is to have an exclusive privilege.—(Loud cheers.);
All governments have been favourers of the power of educes-
tion being placed in their hands. I know' that that is a tenet -
held by many gentlemen in the English (,church; but I am
happy to say that different opinions are beginning to - .
pervade our Church. I believe there is a more liberal feeling
on this subject spreading itself amongst the members of the
Church of England. Unquestionably any system of educa-
tion that violates the principles of religious liberty must in-
variably fail, as it ought to fail. The Church of England
has endeavoured to draw a distinction between itself and the
Church of Rome, as not arrogating to itself that infallibility
which has long been stated as appertaining to the Church of
Rome. For my part, 1 have generally observed that there is
a tendency amongst all men, whether as individuals or com-
bined in sects, to take to themselves the pleasant conceit of
infallibility—it is a pleasant feeling to believe oneself always
tight. Mr. Steel, an emi net Protestant writer, I recollect, says,
in one of his vorks, that there is only one difference in respect
of this matter, Oeat he has observed between the Church of
Rome and the Chs:rch of England ; for the Church of ROMA
appeared to be infalliZ.4e, and the Church of England never
in the wrong.—(Laughtor.) Now the fact is there are good
men and liberal men in all churches, and to be found in all
religiouS sects; and There are
also in all churches, and in all
religious sects, men who stain:
upon the opinion of their
own infallibility, and who are m:
re determined to maintain
that ground than many of their %.-.°adi
utors.-
be a safe rule, if it could be carried oils' by the civil But it would-
ment of this country, that it should no
,t
t endeavour to con-
trol or interfere in the slightest degree 'w.lth the religious
feelings of any portion of her Majesty's sts. hjects ; and I
in
have to close my remarks on the subject of 'es.ination
these few words—that my feelings are in favour Ss` a gene-
ral unsectarian system of education ; that I would Cat,gi,7,
my consent to anything of an exclusive privilege on tbk. P"'"
of any religious society in the education of the peoPlt.
(Hear, hear)—but, at the same time, I hope that all melt
will be allowed, whilst they may obtain secular instruction
in any schools that may be established, ,fully and freely,
without any check or control, to train up their children in
those religious feelings which they themselves may deem
best for their present and eternal welfare.—(Loud ap-,
plause.) These are flays for practical legislation ; the
days of mere party ate gone by for ever, let us hope. It
would not do for me now to stand before the body of the
electors of Manchester to talk in a vague manner of the
blessings of our glorious Constitution, and the great advan-,
tages of the wooden walls of Old England.—(Laughter.y
No, you want to hear the opinions of your representative_
upon practical measures, and, I think the day is conne when-
the Ministers of the Crown will find themselves oblioed, its
deference to public opinion, to advance—that they will find
it impossible to stand still—that, if they stand still, tifey
will begin to retrograde, and the nation will place others in'
their situation who will carry out good and practical mea-
sures.—(Cheers.) I was glad to see, from the announce-
ment in Lord John Russell's speech, that he intends to deal
with the question of the sanatory condition of the people.
I think great benefits are to be conferred on our town
population by some arrangements which would secure better
drainage and better ventilation, so as to contribute not
only to the physical comforts of the people, but also pro- •
mote their moral welfare. I know not the practical plans
it is intended to adopt; no doubt they will be based on
those reports which have been made by learned men and
Commissioners who have inquired into the subject; but all
I can say is, I shall be glad to give my hearty support to
any measure which will have the tendency to improve thrp
health and physical condition of her Majesty's subjects; also
to raise their moral position and to increase their happinesi.
—(Cheers.) I Will not, electors of Manchester, detain yon.
longer ;we shall scion have a general election—you will then
have it in your power, if you do not approve ot my conduct
•
as a member of the Government, to signify your disapprobae
tion by not returning me to another Parliament. My earnest
endeavour shall be conscientiously to aischarge the ime
portant duties that are imposed upon me, 411 d to promote
by every means in my power those principles of freedom oti
trade which I have advocated in Manchester; and it will be'
my earnest desire to merit by my conduct the confidence and
approbation that you have been pleased to bestow upon me.
The Right Hon. -Gentleman sat down amidst much cheer-
ing from the gentlemen on the hustings, and a part of the
crowd.
The Rev. J. F.CIIOLFIELD said be had been requested by
the operative cotton-spinners of Manchester and the factory
hands generally, to ask Mr. Gibson whether he would sup-
port a Ten Hours' Bill, if brought into Parliament ?
Mr. GIBSON said he would give a candid answer, which
was, that he did not wish to interfere between master and
man ; he would rather see such an arrangement brou"ht
about between them and their employers.—(Cries of "
We
cannot.") He did not like to cut off at one blow one-sixth
of the labouring man's capital, and therefo.re he would not
vote for the Ten flours' Bill.—(Groans, hisses, and cheers./
The ' electors were subsequently addressed by Mr. IC.
Pitturs ; and after thanks having been voted to till° Mayor,
the proceedings terminated about half-past eleven o'c..leek,
e
In the course of the afternoon, a deputation fron.' te
factory workers waited on the Right Hon. Gentleman on ;he
subject of the Ten Hours' Bill.

LISKEARD.
LISKEARD, SATURDAY.—Mr. C. Buller arrived at Liskeard
on Friday. The writ was read on that day, and the nomina-
tion will take place on Monday. Should the borough be
contested, the election will take place on Wednesday.

KIRKCUDBRIGHT.
The election for this place is appointed far the 17th inst.

DUBLIN, JULY 12.
DUNGARVAN ELECTION. RETURN OF MR. Snrai..—The
election for this borough, rendered necessary by the appoint.-
ment of the Right Hon. R. L. Sheil to the office of Master of
the Mint, took place yesterday, at eleven o'clock. A letter
was received in town this day, announcing the return of Mr.
Sheil without opposition.