The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-16 00:00:00

triets, ordered prosecutions before the ordinary tribunals, and
the country was restored to a state of tranquillity. Now, with
regard to the outrages in Ireland, those the Noble Lord had
mentioned to them were by nn means of an unusual or extra-
ordinary nature. In the year 1832, being then in office, he
had to consider the propriety of introducing a very severe Co-
ercion Bill for Ireland ; but he confessed that
he did not agree with all the measures relating
to Ireland, which were agreed to by the then Government.
Indeed, at one time, he was on the point of retiring from office,
but finding that his late lamented Friend ( Earl Spencer) had
come to the conclusion that remedial and conciliatory measures
were not sufficient to meet the circumstances of the day, he
consented to remain one of the Government. Accordingly a
very harsh measure was introduced for the protection of life
and property in Ireland, and for getting rid of the prevalent
disturbances, amounting almost tea civil war, which had broke
out in that country, upon the subject of the tithes. Murders
and assassinations were then daily taking place, and Parlia-
anent sanctioned the passing of the Bill ; but in the year 1834
that measure was suspended, and in 1835 a mitigated
measure was introduced, which met with the general approbation
of the House—indeed it scarcely met with any oppesit ion ; but
he must state that in the previous year of 183.3 his Noble Friend
Lord Althorp introduced several measures of conciliation. He
introduced a measure for the abolitisn of Church tests—a mea-
sure for the improvement of juries—a mea-tire for assimilating
the corporations of Ireland—and, in 18:35, Government de-
clared their intention of applying principles to Ireland which
were more congen;al to the feelings and affections of the great
body of the people. The consequence was, confidence was re-
Bposed in the Ministry, and the powers of a mitieated Coercion
ill were intrusted in their hands. That confidence, he be-
lieved, was not violated, for, from a communication which lie
had received from his Noble Friend the Marquis of Normanby
he found that the Bill was never put into 4 peration. lie had
asked his Noble Friend whether the knowledse of such a power
being in the hands of the Government had had the effect of d -
;
terrine crime and his Noble Friend had told bins that be thoughte
it had not, for the existence of the power was 30011 forgotten in
r Ireland. The Bill continued in force from Bor to 1840,
when Government determined it should not be continued.l,'chaower
p
It
was said with regard to this Bill, that placing such
as that which the present Bill gave in the hands of the Go-
vernment, would have the effect of preventing crime, but if the
Bill possessed any advantage of
this stw.t, it was lost by the
delay which had taken place. Now, wi.th regard to the state
of crime in Ireland, he thought in comparing crime with
eri.ne, it was well to take the whole crime of Ireland
and compare one year with another. The number
of homicides in ite32, before the introduction of
what was called the Coercion Bill, was 940
in 1837, 230 ; in 1840, 125; and in 1442, two years after the
Act had expired. ISO. The number of charges for tiring
houses in 1832 was 328; in 1837, 91 ; in 1812, 74 ; in 1845,
78. The number relating to the crime of attacking houses
was, in 1832, 723 ; in 1837, 606 ; in 1840, 209 ; in 1842,
337 ; in 1845, 482. The conspiracies to murder were, in
1842, 24 ; in 1845, 8. With regard to assaults with intent to
murder, in 11542, 3 ; in 1845, 9. He thought it was plain
from this, that there had been no very great increase in crime
in Ireland between the years 1842 and 1845 ; hut the Bight
Hon Bart. the Secretary for the Home Department men-
tioned five counties where he said there had been a great in-
crease in crime during the past year, as compared with former
Csears. Now the night Hon. Bart. the First Minister of the
rown made as admission on this part of the subject which
told greatly asaainst, the Bill. The Right lion. Gent. stated
thrt crime had increased in Tipperary, Limerick, Clare,
and Roscommen ; but with regard to Leitrim,
it had decreased. The total number of crimes being
in 1845. 804 ; and for the first five months in 1846,
only 106. The Right Honourable Baronet attributed this
falling off to increased vigilance of the constabulary force, and
the stipendiary magistrates, and to the fact that an overwhelm-
ing military force was stationed in that country. Why, here
was a complete answer to the whole case of the Government,
an answer which fully showed that a remedy could be found in
the existing and ordinary law of the country.—(Hear, hear.)
But, he said, he had inquired into the operation of this law,
had made inquiries amongst persons familiar with its opera-
tion, and he had asked in what manner this law, when a
district was peoclaimed, was put in force in any county of Ire-
land. He was told that constables took many persons who were
out at night, that these persons were put upon their
trial, that their excuse was not taken, and their frisrels had no
weight as witnesses. If these persona had previously borne a
good charact r, they were not subjected to punishment, but if
they belonged to a suspected class, sentence of imprisonment
was passed upon them. But then it might have been trans-
portation. The House would observe what a discretion they
allowed.—( Hear. hear.) In one of the cases which he had
mentioned, the nffene.e as created by law, was one of the most
ordinary acts of men—the offence was nothing more than tra-
relling on the Queen's highway; yet for this effcnce a n an
might be brought into the presence of a judge and jury, and
if circumstances appeared suspicious, sentence of transportation
might be passed upon him. He said that to such a measure
Parliament would rightly refuse to give its sanction.—( Hear,
hear.) But there were other considerations in connexion with
this Bill which very much demanded the attention of the
House. Whenever Bills of this kind were brought before
the House, it had been always thought right to con-
sider what were the grievances of Ireland, and in
what manner these grievances might have been the
cause of these offences.—( Hear, hear. 1 The Noble Lord, the
late Secretary for Ireland (Earl St. Germans), in proposing
this Bill, denied that the majority of these offences were eon-
.fleeted with agrarian considerations. But he (Lord John
Russell) after having consulted all the evidence laid before the
House, and the report made by Lord Devon's Commission, was
convinced that the majority of these outrages were agrarian,
and connected with land, arising out of the social habits of the
people in reference to land. The Noble Lord then quoted the
opinions of Mr. Barrington, Major Shaw Kennedy, and Cap-
tain Warburton, that the majority of the outrages in Ireland
were agrarian. Here then, he said, were magistrates and
farmers, and who had been so in that country for many years,
who had given it as their opinion that alterations of the farms
affected the existence, and brought on starvation upon the pea-
santry ; and, therefore, he considered that eviction from land
was the cause of the outrages in Ireland. He said then, that
on these grounds, if it was right to iutroduce meteurea of re-
pression beyond the ordinary powers of the law, it would have
been right, at the same time, to introduce other measures, by
which the means of existence would have been in-
creased, anti brought within the reach of the peasant.
Ile knew that the Noble Lord ( Earl of Lincoln) had intro-
duced measures of an important character, within these three
'lays, but he thought that there measures ought to have been
introduced at the same time with this measure. After hearing
only the Noble Lord's annunciation of the Bill, it might, per-
haps, be difficult to say whether they would be fit for the pur-
ose. Another measure, it was true, had been proposed for
Ireland by an lion. Gentleman (Mr. Poulet Scrope), but he
<Lord J. Russell) confessed that he did not expect that measure
would remedy the ills of Ireland, but instead would, tend to
lix them deeper in their place. Another measure proposed for
the amelioration of Ireland was the cultivation of waste
lands. He thought that the cultivation of waste
and outlying lands would certainly abate the competition for
land, and would in so much tend to abate the crimes which
were being committed. Now, he had already stated, in giving
his consent to the second reading of this Bill, that he had oh-
jections to it. He objected to that clause which made it cri-
minal for a man to be out between sunset and sunrise. But if
this clause were taken out of the Bill, he slid not see hut that
it would cease to exist—it would cease to be a Coercion Bill for
Ireland. 'there was an Act passed by the ether House of
Parliament, imposing fines nn certain classes of the people ;
and the Whitt:boy? Act contained the same clauses.
Some such clauses might perhaps have been intro-
duced into this Bill, but certainly not such as lie
had seers in the Act passed by the other House of Parliament.
If they should proceed to make the people pay for the out- ,
rages done in the country, if they set about collecting in the
small sums of money for such a purpose, they would most likely
raise such an opposition that they would require to send out
the military to exact the two-pences and three-pences from the
people, to pay for the outrages that had burst out. But he
might be asked, why, if he objected to the Bill, he bad con-
sented to the first reading. He said, if he had stated his ob-
jections to the Rill, and said that he would rot consent to the
first reading;of the Bill, it would have been said that it was a
most violent. opposition, that he should not allow a Bill
to conic into that House for the protection of life in Ireland.
No, he hail not done so, but he had stated
his objections to the Bill—ohjectissue which went to the foun-
dation of the Bill. On the first day when it was fixed to
come on with the orders of the day, he had stated that he
would oppose it. Other grounds of opposition had been
taken. It was said by the Noble Lord (Lord G. Bentinck) en
a former night, and it had been reiterated by an Hon. Gen-
tleman to-night, that they had no confidence in the Govern-
vernment, and could not give their support to an unconstitu-
tional measure. This was a Parliamentary ground for op-
position. But, he confessed that, had he thounht this Bill
calculated to meet the necessities of the case, and that these ne-
cessities required such a Bill, he had no want of confidence
in her Majesty's Ministers and in their own measures, in re-
spect to Ireland, and therefore he would not have opposed it.
lie said it would be no novelty if he had no confidence in her
Majesty's Government ; for several years he had thought
for himself, and bad brought out his own independent mea-
sures. The practical working of the policy which had been
employed on either side showed results, and were practical
commentaries, proving that her Majesty's Government were
mistaken, and they were right.—( Cheers, and counter cheers.)
These results showed that the course which they had pur-
sued and the Government had now partly adopted was
-sitt i
notwithstanding what hail been said of that course
her Majesty's present :Ministers were out of office.
Henattempted on the ground of great increase in population to
li‘eiliamixsttheemrhadeaArticitzt. restrictive Upon all these measures the
They add
gonetheir course. They had adopted their
far beyond what they proposed in
the admission of foreign
the motives upon whiehosZ Ile-gave them every credit for
astl4, ected. It was with some
regret that Hon. slanderl zit
imeirutraduty should have been
so long the objects of
theyt had been.
pirates e
est': alt
natreatoecutsiTle
The Secretary of State for the
them when going out of being like
ship... 4 Cheers.) It appeared that now, hexing got posses.„...,
of the ship, they had lived upon the stores which the h
a—ee"
left them —( Cheers)—gbuardesdtetehrennigseleyes by the charitye" ---
h the compass theviyhir ad they deposited in the ca in— i
left on the deck. It would hardly have been too much it they
had ezpressed some regret that they have been exposed
to such charges before the country, with promoting a ten-
dency to set up a Popish ;.government in the country, and
promotiug measures tending to destroy the
anc • of these
tereats of the country.agricultural in-
He feel felt the pine
have
charges. It would have been little more than
said that they were not deserving of these attacks. II
just ih.e.,jetothml.
Member for Newcastle spoke of measures, which he said, he
( Loed John Russell) was happy to promote. fie thought
he _was
.mistaken as to the character of the measures.
To preserve the institutions of the country, the
best course to pursue was to reform. The lion. Gentleman
thought it rash that Manchester, Leeds, and all the great
towne, should be represented in that House—that it was a
serious innovation. Was it so? Would it not have been
better to have carried these measures? Would it not be more
ceuservative if, instead of carrying this Bill, they turned serious
attention to the grievanees of Ireland—the social grievances;
to consider, by some such measure as cultivating the wastes
and_ securing the lives and property of the people ? If this
was_ the case, then was not always the most conservative to
re'urt to measures of t oercion, and delay measures of reforin. lie
wished to preserve the lust ii4itions oft he country, and he should
wish to cleanse thetri in some degree from their abuses. With
regard to Ireland, the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn,
emit( net vote for the present me e, because he had no
confidence in her Majesty's at inigers. Soule Hon. Alembers
on the ether lurid ceuld vote for the measure, bovatise they
had au ovuwiielming; confidence in the commercial policy of
the .Minister. What "as the state e I the case ? There was a
large party in Ireland who thought nothing but a native Par-
liament could provide proper measures for the redress of their
grievances—a party which excited to violence, looks to violence,.
as its means, and separation as its end. If, said the Noble
Lord, you pass this Bill because it was for the benefit of
Ireland, and that you considered a ease was made
out for the measure, you can say to Ireland, we have endea-
voured to legislate according to our consciences, but if you say
any thing else tothein—if you say we thought it a bad measure,
nevertheless we allowed it to pass because there were measures
more for the benefit of England, going along with it. What
an effect will this have upon the people of Ireland. They will
say*" You have oppressed us by your laws to much an extent
that if we are found looking after a stray cow, or visiting an
afflicted parent a few miles off, after the hour of sunset, we are
liable to punishment." And you who vote for this measure be-
90aumearges catutercial attar* go Alton wits it,

will say to them, you are punished, not for the security of life,
but because other Government measures were passing through
Parliament at the same time ; and for the sake of these
measures it is that these restrictions are placed upon you.
In answer to this, the people of Ireland will turn round and, in
a tone of triumph, exclaim, " Tell us, is the Parliament com-
posed of English and of Scotch Members fit to legislate for
Ireland ?" "ill they (continued the Noble Lord) not seek
for a domestic Legislature? Will they not use their utmost
endeavours to obtain a repeal of the union? What answer
would there be to such an appeal ? The unanimous voice of a
generous country would join in the declaration, that we have
not justice, that we are determined to obtain justice, and,
as it is now proved to us that that justice is not to be obtained
from an English Parliament, we are determined to have a
Legislature which will represent our feelings and our interests.a
Beware (said the Noble Lord) in giving such arguments
n to s
these, if you wish, as I do most heartily, to maintaianntz
bles-
sing the union, and make it a source of happiness
sstinrege
togt
ht the people
the
tieroi
of lreland,
kindness a well
and
goodas a
fee sourcefeeling
o tf
o increased
Ireland,
beware, lest you in any way
thieDgolinknowhich
t
hind the two countries.—(Hear,wehakaern)
s.
°fie,
ire apartof Irt
ehleand governorsbelieve andtha
tthyeognovheareenee governed. Do o
aym
sympathy
lety
with
theith
.
their feelings, and no careforthhieeihr
twhaenyths,avthe no part.atyoua I
are Intentsat.,
only upon other measures in which
if you are persuaded that this measure is right pass its second
reading, and pass it through Committee; but if you are not so
persuaded give no sanction to it. Let it at once be rejected;
let it not be said that such was your conduct, and such your
maxim with reference to this measure. The consequence of
passing such a measure would not be temporary, it would not
be repaired in a year, or five years. or ten sears. It would be
an ierevocablelo,s. ( Loud cheerirg.)
et, B. DISRAELI—If the Noble Lord had felt keenly
the unjust attack of those who supplanted him in power, the
Noble Lord had at least this consolation—he had received a noble
revenge.--( Cheers.) And he was sure that each time his
pupils rose before hint, before that red box—(Laughter)—to
whose authority they succeeded, the Noble Lord, he
was sure, must have felt, although they had not yet received
that expression of Ppontaneous feeling which his generous
sympathising character expected— ( Cheers)—the Noble
Lord must have been receiving from those Right Hon.
Gentlemen and Noble Lords opposite ample compensation for
the injustice which he is nationally and universally acknow-
ledged to have suffered from their hands.—( Cheers.) The
Noble Lord had treated them that night with the eloquence
that was habitual to him whenever he touched upon the
affairs of Ireland. He (Mr. Disraeli) was one of those who
regretted, and would not refrain from the expression of his
regret, that the fate of Ministers should be supposed to de-
pend, after all that had occurred this session, upon an Irish
subject. It was not, however, to any Honourable Gentle-
man who sat on the benches near him that this circum-
stance had occurred. They had shown themselves ready
upon the earliest occasion to discuss the question ; and he
thought that whatever might have been the policy of the Go-
vernment upon other questions—however irritating he might
say that it had been to the outraged feelings of many Hon.
Members upon that side of the House, still he thought that,
from the first and earliest occasion, they had been ready to dis-
cuss the matter. It was impossible for the House to forget the
circumstances under which this measure hail been brought
forward. It was an unconstitutional measure, framed for a
country which required to be treated with consideration and
delicacy. lie would remind the House of the manner in
which the subject was first broeght before their considera-
tion. The measure was then brought bef..re the
consideration of lion. Members—it was recommended to them
on account of its temporary character—on account of the exigen
cies which called it into being, and then studiouslyconcealed from
their notice till it was at length almost forgotten. He had no
wish to speak of h s own feelings upon the subject more than
was actually necessary, in order to defend his individual vote
which he should give upon this measure. If he saw the present
measure recommended by Irish Members, or a majority upon
whatever side of the House they might sit, be should come to
the consideration of the question with feelings differen t to
those which he should hare embraced when he found all the
Irish Members denouncing the measure as futile.—( Hear.)
This was not the first measure of the sort which had been
forced upon Ireland. He was not, however, prepared to say
that occasions might not yet arrive when extraordinary powers
would be required by the Legislature of the United Kingdom.
If it be true with reference to the state of Ireland—as he be-
lieved it was admitted to be true by all parties with reference
to the :tate of England, namely, that while they had been dis-
cussing the principal and political measures of England—the
Constitution of the people of Ireland had been neglected.
He would not weary the House with the memoranda which he
could in a moment give to them. This Coercion Bill was pro-
posed on the 22d of January ; it was ordered to be printed on
the loth of March ; it was read a first time on the Ist of May,
and ordered to be read a second time in June. This was the
temporary measure which the Government seemed to make
eternal. Let them look at the early adjournments of the House
while this measure was under discussion, and they would see
the importance attached to this measure. On the 20th of
April there was no House, and on other days other measures
were taken before the Coercion Bill, although it was first on the
order of the day. It was evident that there had not been an
earnest, even if there were a serious, intention on the part of
Government to bring forward this measure. He could call the
statistics in this measure the statistics of shuffling.—(Hear,
hear.) It was net his intention to enter into the merits of the
Bill itself, although he could point out many details • but one
circumstance was very remarkable, viz., that the Bill of her
Majesty's Ministers did not apply-4 Hear, hear)—to the dis-
turbances which had been brought forward by the Secretary for
the Home Department. It was very satisfactory to find at the I
present moment that there were any circumstances of a kindly
feeling in Ireland, even in the wilds of Munster, though it
was only with regard to the introduction of Indian maize. It
was unfortunate that this intelligence, which was communicated
through a very influential organ—which was generally favour-
able to her Majesty's Ministers,although not personally favourable
to her Majesty's Ministers themselves—he meant the Times,
was at the same time accompanied by a report in the same
journal of a mutiny in Limerick gaol in consequence of the
substitution of Indian Maize for their ordinary food.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter.) There never was any individual who had
acted more fairly to any Government than the Noble Lord
near him (Lord G. lientinek). There never was any indivi-
dual who had given a more full and fair intimation of the
course which he and his friends intended to pursue than the
Noble Lord, and he could not therefore admit that any argu-
ment against the consistency of the Noble Lord was proved,
for no person could deny that the Noble Lord had fulfilled his
engagement in a just and complete spirit. He was not pre-
pared to admit that the accusation brought forward against the
Nob le Lord with regard to the Factory Bill was at all better
founded. Two years age, when that measure was brought for-
ward, the Noble Lord had voted for the Government measure,
but did that preclude the Noble Lord from voting for the mea-
sure of another after that lapse of time? This was called
by her Majesty's Government inconsistency.—(Laughter.)
The Right Hon. Gentleman said—l have changed
nay policy, but are you, the Member for Lynn, the person to
reproach me ? You, who changed on a Coercion Bill—who
voted for a first reading, when you slid not intend to vote for a
second; and who have changed your opinion on the Factory
Bill. 'rhe Noble Lord had violated no confidence, nor betrayed
any trust.—(Hear, hear.) It could not be said that the Noble
Lord got into Parliament by promising to vote differently for
the Factory Bill. It could not be said that the Noble Lord,
with practised duplicity, supplanted a candidate on the bust-
inge, by professing opinions, which he meant to oppose when
he got into Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had
not turned the Noble Lord (the Member for London) and his
Friends out of offitte, for attempting to carry a measure, which
they were now themselves promoting.—( Hear, hear.) This
was the charge they brought ageing her Majesty's Ministers.
They were not to be met by paltry charges, when they opposed
such a Bill as the present one—a great national Bill, and not a
mere subject of quarrel between parties and Members of
Parliament. He would give an instance from the speech
of the Right Honourable Gentleman of the con-
spiracy practising against the Parliament of England,
and if he or any of his friends could explain them, he would
not only be glad, but surprised. It was used when the Right
Hon. Gentleman was vindicating himself and his principles, in
that high-flying tone which he so well knew how to assume
when occasion required—(Laughter.) He wanted that an•
swered—he asked it before, he asked it again and again, and
the Right Hon. Gentleman called it bandying personality.—
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) But a few weeks afterwards, how-
ever, the Right Hon. Gentleman informed the House that he
was going to explain the whole circumstance. He (Mr.
Dipraeli) was sitting opeosite to him, and was listening atten-
tively to every syllable that fell from his lips—he could have
said nothing that could have escaped his observation. Twice
he. told them, and dazzled the eyes and ears of all, that he was
about to give an explanation. Instead, however, of doing so
he read some confidential communication, which bad no refe-
rence to the subject in question. That explanation he had
never given, and that they required.—( Hear, and cheers.)
Why he (Mr. Disraeli) reminded the House of this was
in consequence of the observation made a few nights ago at the
conclusion of the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech, when he
said that " the accusation of his (Sir R. Peel) wishing to oust
the Noble Lord (J. Russell) from settling that question, was
the foulest calumny which the most vindictive imagination
ever dictated to a virulent tongue."—(Tremendous cheers.)
He who described this as the most vindictive calumny, was
describing the conduct which he himself practised.—( Great
cheering.) He ventured to allude to this, in order to explain
the attack which he made on the Noble Lord with regard to
his political consistency.—( Cheers ) As for consistency he
(Mr. Disraeli) thought that the Noble Lord might be ready
at any time to put it against that of the Right Hon. Gentle-
men.—(Tremendous cheers.) But he (Mr. Disraeli)
did not wish the constitutional principles of the
country to be left to political squabbles.—(Cheers.)
The Right Hon. Gentleman, in order to put an end to the am-
bition of the Noble Lord, made another attack upon him. He
said that the Noble Lord had assumed a license in debate
which exceeded its legitimate bounds ; and the Secretary-at-
War also admonished the Noble Lord, and reminded the House
that they had been addressed by him in language which had
never been used to them before, and which, he trusted, would
never be used to them again. It appeared that the Noble
Lard used strorg language, and his having addressed them as
Janissaries had excited their strong indignation. He (Mr.
?iszaeli) saw that the Speaker did not interfere on that occa-
ri.e4anslthwatteetunehnetisianwc
the on.
men, the most eminent of their
time, had l'ho "ad stung language in that House, he was not
dile i
hailco t appear to knowtheils Gentleman did not interfere.
gentleman ofthis new generation
B..euitteedzbythiseeiNyob.ralecheauLuitohrueeddi
take the liberty, however tstoye of their time. He would
of a Gentleman, who was much A Passage from the speech
tunes,t 3leimt Member
lford be
wLondon;eu en
to d
how
ponents of Ministers occasionally exprem,d7h :Invd:srtehilee.,;pteo
in
reference
adeq„at e
Hon. Gent. here read an extract from a speech of Mr. Fox hon
the Indian Bill, in which that gentleman.f implored thee
Iliobyaannoitzearmiralsatgegio:beer tor
not
" work of the Preto'?
theje .(niisn'sspal,aoi Janissaries;"
sieti ntodof again,rh.iitisnm ciPpupaordnse.n,!s,
kdoesailgsonarnteidee intseasef the
"work of the Pretorian Guards. Burke also made U of the
to his opponents. on one
strongest language
place he said that
" In another
aocacoarsdiotrierhmessasidokheajeti:t,ityhe whole cotnolpdaessscorfibleangthueagneondtidemnpott
with which lie regarded them.t
atlnledirbac.oendut ofat
hie' r
had never been used in
Was, and told them of language thatsVeueciee.d.,,thrA,mndtothetnhecaltenveelthoef
steheeremtareyan-aets!
Parliament befere, and w
him to get
a gain. Ile (Mr. D.) would stronly recommend
and he would
Fox's speeches, and to study them day and night,
hich he hoped would
.ncivernr.
tat:
ye
ivasne
.d
promise him that if he did his knowledge of Pathan 8
gouge would lie improved, and he would find it;hattiiheis
perusal.nervou
and masculine eloquence would riot suffer y
He confessed that it was one to which he could not allude

without unaffected pain.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was
very possible for Gentlemen to treat with derision the memory
of a great man ; but he confessed that whatever might be his
feelings on the conduct of any individual who had been a dis-
tinguished citizen in this country, and particularly an illustious
Member of that Senate—if he had left them for ever he could

not have received an allusion to the subjeet with the miserable

derision which he had just experienced.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) It seemed that after his Noble Friend the other
night had used that language, which though Parliamentary,
and authorised by the greatest authorities, appeared to astonish
their minds, and to astound the Secretary-at-War, being im-
pelled by no common warmth, made another allusion which
touched a secret sore. The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn
—he said so in his presence because he knew him to be
superior to any petty offence on the subject—the Noble
Member for Lynn, if he had any characteristic more than another,
it was the total iti7/011C9 913/19Ctiti9U and proem, The Noble