The Sun.
London, England, 1848-12-16 00:00:00

ti-evirently conceived, and developed with no ordinary
skill- Under present circumstances, the concluding_
words of that tract may have an interest which hitherto
have not excited. The Prince thus winds up his
address upon the extinction of pauperism:—
" Aujourd'hui le but de tout gouvernement habila doit
etre de tendre par ses efforts d ce qu'on puisse dire
bientOt: le triomphe du Christianisme a d‘truit l'escla-
vage, le triomphe de la revolution francaise a def,ruit le
servage; le triomphe des idees d6mocratiques a distruit
le pauperisme I"
There cans be no question that while a prisoner in the
fortress of Ham the Prince devoted his time to the study -
of the state of France, and of the means of improving
the condition of the masses of the people. There is not '
only gracefulness of expression, but excellent feeling in
the closing words of the preface, which bears date "Fort
de Ham, Mai, 1844." They arc as follow:
" Je livre toes reflexions au public Cans l'espoir quo,
develepi 6i et mites en pratique, tiles pourrout erre
utiles au soulagernent de l'humeni 6. 11 est natural Bans
le maiheur de souger a ceux qui souffrent."
As for those who seem to think that Louis Napok on
will be inclined to make what are called "commercial.ver
principles". the
eguidiTler ourprillc condolence,
ipieso lhs
for
politkal govern-
ment, n-
ae have to o think
they will be very considerably disappointed. If that
had been the sort of Government to satisfy France, Louis
Philippe would still be !daubing and intriguing at the
Tuileries. If it had been the sort of Government to sa-
tisfy by itself, and without higher aims, even the mind
of England, Sir Robert Pckl would still be balancing
and casting about shut interest he might nest be-
tray in the office of First Lord of the Treasury.
About foreign commerce, and the interest France
ought to take in it, the views of Louis Na-
poleon as published four years ago, are these—" Au
lieu d'allcr chereher des consommateurs en Chine,
qu'on augnaente done la richesse territorials ; qu'on
emploie tousles bras oisifs au profit de tomes les mielres
et de toutes les industries ; ou plutot qu'on fasse l'un
et l'autre si l'on peut, mais surtout, qu'ou n'oublie pas
qu'un pays comme la France, qui a 6.6 si richement doi6
au Cie), renferme en lui-ttecue tousles 616 mens de sa
prosperit6, et que c'est une honte pour notre civilisation
de penser qu'ou 19e siecle, le dixiCme, au moins, de la
population, est en haillons, and meurt de faim en
sence de millions de produits manutectut6e qu'on ne
peut vendre, et de millions de produits du sol qu'on ne
petit consommer." This is indeed the disgrace of
civili-
sation in more countries' than France. It is a disgrace
which " commercial principles" appear to aggravate, and
not to cure. Honour to the new, President if, by the
policy he shall pursue, that disgrace of may be
even in part removed
HERALD.—Though a Briton's first, best country
should ever be at home, yet is impossible for any pa-
triotic Englishman, however national, or however ex-
clusively insular, to look with any feelings other than
those of the liveliest concern at the contest now going on
in France—or more properly speaking, the contest con-
cluded, though not yet thus officially announced, in re-
ference to the Presidency. On such an Important ques-
tion, no well-judging Englishman can be indifferent. It
is a matter that concerns the world—Europe—and, in a
more especial sense, England. The condition of France,
the most powerful, the most civilised, and the most en-
terprising of continental kingdoms—inhabited by six-and-
thirty millions of the most active and energetic races
in Europe—excepting always the Anglo-Saxon—can
never be a matter of indifference to us, even though we
were not within a 150 minutes' sail of Calais or Bou-
logne. If France be quiet, prosperous, and contented,
her influence and her example must re-act on other con-
tinental kingdoms. If, on the contrary, she be restless,
feverish, and disturbed, not only must she be dangerous
as a neighbour, unsafe as an ally, but perilous—most pc •
rilous—to all the nations of the earth. If this were true
at any time within 180 years, or since our Revolution of
1688, how much more true must it be—in a season like
the present—when the ancient monarchy of France has
been 18 years extinguished, and the monarchy of the
barricades, the result of popular choice, with a re-
stricted electoral franchise and two Chambers, has
for ten months given place to au unmitigated democracy
and universal suffrage? It was under the pressure of
such convictions, that every day for the last three months
we elevated our voices in favour of Cavaignac. Raised
to the Presidency in a time of the utmost peril, he re-
stored order—re-established confidence--put down in-
surrection, and gave hostages to the moderate and the
good, by his selection of two of the ablest of French po-
liticians to fill vacant portfolios in his Ministry. Bat
neither his services—his moderation—his ability as a
soldier—his judgment as a politician—or his tact, ad-
dress, and eloquence as a debater—have, it appears, stmad
him in any stead with the fickle nation over which he
presides, and the man who by tongue and sword has done
as much to elevate the character of his countrymen as
any living Frenchman, is in Paris, and in many of the
provinces, considered to have less claims on his nation
than one who has nothing but a bygone name to recom-
mend him—a name which he has done as much as in
him lay to render ridiculous, if not worse than ridicu-
lous, to all sane and well-thinking men. This result
speaks little for the boasted advantages of universal suf-
frage—little for the intelligence, gratitude, or sense of
public duty appertaining to the majority of French
electors. It convinces us more than anything else could,
that the great mass of Frenchmen are unchangeable, or
at least unchanged; and that, instead of a wise, a psace-
loving, and a moderate man—instead of a Washington
er an Adams—they desire a Polk or a Cass in the person
of the most ridiculous, the most turbulent, the most
noisy, and the most notorious of the name of Bona-
parte. ft cannot be for anything he has himself done
that the great mass of electors in Paris and in many
of the provinces have voted for Louis Napoleon, fur
ho has really done nothing but to provoke either
laughter or silent contempt. It must, thefore, be from
the recollections of the name or of the epoch of the
Consulate or of the Empire—in a word, from the me-
mory of the First Consul or Emperor Napoleon—that
they have polled in such overwhelming numbers for his
nephew. Now, what do these recollections suggest but
periods of aggression, conquest, and spoliation—periods
when all Continental Europe was invaded and overrun,
to gratify the mad ambition of one man, who, being the
son of a provincial attorney, carved out for himself, by
the power of his sword and the blued of millions, a con-
sulate arid an empire?—an empire found even too small
and puny for his insatiable atubitioe. Do Frenchmen
wish to see such a reign restored again? Do French-
men again desire to disturb Europe, and destroy its ba-
lance? If so, we can understand the votes the Bona-
partist partisans have given—for such votes would be
the logical sequence of such principles of rapine and
disorder. But if this be the rigime sought to be
again established by the sword, the rest of Europe will
be confederated as one man against such desperate de-
signs, and there is not an individual—from the White
Sea to the Adriatic—from the Bay of Cadiz to the
mouths of the Scheldt and the Medway—that will not
desire, and, as far as in him lies, try to accomplish the
destruction of such an iniquitous and detestable do-
minion—a dominion subversive of the weak—threatening
even the strongest. It may be that the Bonapartists re-
pudiate such principles—it may be that Louis Napoleon
disavows such doctrines ; but if their vote mean not
this,; it means nothing at at all—it is foolish, nosen-
sical, and inexplicable; and we rather incline to think
they prefer to cloak and decently drape their hateful
purposes, than to avow them in all their nudity. As to
the candidate for whom these suffrages are given, though
he may disavow these purposes a hundred times,
he is not the less dangerous, though he may
be more despicable. He is but an instrument
in the hands of millions—and as he is driven
by them so must he go. Should he presume to have a
will of his own—should be disappoint them in the ex-
pectations of their vote, he will then become as unpo-
pular as that good General, still chief of the Executive
power, who might have won their favour by marching
into Belgium, Germany, or Italy—but who preferred the
path of honesty and honour—the path of peace—to the
gratification of his personal ambition. Some there are,
no doubt, who have voted for Louis Napoleon, actuated
by no such feelings as these. Adherents of the elder
branch—monarchists quand meme, who played the same
game under the reign of Louis Philippe—in the hope
the vain hope—of a restoration of the elder branch—
have repeated the trick under the Republic. But tlaegame
is a" underhand, a false and tricky game," to use the words
of Lord Stanley, and it will not be more successful under
the Republic then under the Monarchy of the barricades.
Some of the Orleanists also have given into this worse
tban folly—this wickedness—for Louis Napoleon is to
them as illegitimate as Louis Philippe was to Henry V.
But if tactics and shifts such as these did not succeed
with legitimacy to back them, how can they succeed in
the case of a family chosen by the people in 1830 and
dismissed by the people in 1848? Another class of po-
liticians have voted for Louis Napoleon from pure and
sheer disappointment. They have voted for him, not
that they have faith in the man—that they love his per-
son—or respect his understanding—but they have voted
for him because his rival, General Cavaignac, has been
insensible to their supposed merits and has not availed
himself of their services. Such characters aro MM.
Theirs and Bugeaud. Anything more petty—anything
more personal, false, and deceitful than the conduct of
M. Thiers in this business of the election it were im-
possible to conceive. But on this subject, as well as the
effect of Louis Napoleon's election on foreign nations,
we shall have more to say before the next week shall
have passed away.

ACCIDENTS ON THE SHREWSBURY AND CHESTER
RAILWAY.— We regret to state that two accidents, in
both cases attended with fatal consequences, have oc-
curred on this line of railway. On Tuesday last a guard
met his death at the Wrexham station, under the follow-
ing circumstances:—His name is William Stokes, and it
appears that he left the Chester station with a coal train,
and on its arrival at Wrexham, soon after one o'clock,
he got down for the purpose of unhooking several of the
waggons, with the view of leaving them at the Wrexham
station. Having effected his object he was in the act of
passing from between the waggons, when he was acci-
dentally caught between the buffers, and crushed in a
fearful manner. He was immediately extricated, and
carried to the infirmary, where, in a short time, he died.
The other accident occurred a few days previously to a
man named John Evans, a timekeeper on the Oswestry
branch, who, it appears, had been run over by a train
near the Rednal station. The deceased had been drink-
ing, and it is supposed had fallen down and gone to
sleep, as his body lay across the line. When the train
came up the engineer saw and immediately tried to stop
the train, but did not succeed until the whole had passed
over the deceased. Ho was conveyed to the Salop Infir-
mary, where it was ascertained that he had sustained
two compound fractures of the legs, the limbs being
nearly separated from his body, a fracture of the right
earn, and a fracture of each of his bladeboues. He died
in an hour and a half after hisadmission.

SOUTH AMERICA.—By the arrival of the Dyson
from Pernambuco at Liverpool we are in possession of
advices from that place to the 7th of November. Ex.
change on England, 25d. per milrea; money plentiful.
Cotton in good supply at 4 dolls. per arroba. There is
no news of nay importance by this arrival.