The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-06 00:00:00

danger to her, we had a vigilant and able ambassador at
whosethe Hague, dispatches were extant. He alluded
to the Noble Lord's ancestor, Sir W. Temple. Writing
from the Hague in 1670, that gentleman, after adverting
to the state of internal affairs in Holland, said:—
"I have thought fit to say this much that so you may make
up your reports of these affairs, and it is our part to seem
the least concerned we can its them, the best we can do is to
watch the interests of the country, doing as little as we can
to interfere with their internal interests."
He (Mr. Bankes) wished the Noble Lord bad followed
the example of his great ancestor, and been satisfied
with watching vigilantly and anxiously the domestic
interests of Spain—ready to afford aid when required,
but knowing that to offer it unasked was only likely to
excite ill will.—(Cheers.) But he had another case to
cite. Nearly at the same period, in 1678, we had an
Ambassador at Madrid, Sir William Godolphin, who
had occasion to make remonstrance of a serious nature
on the part of his Government. He addressed a letter
to Don John of Austria, informing him that " the King
his master, had commanded him frequently to complain
of the ill conduct of the Spanish Ministers at his Court,
which he was directed to say had not bean amended by
the Minister now present." What was the result of this
remonstrance? It met with immediate attention. The
Spanish Minister at the Court of St. James's was
removed, showing that Spain, at the period of her most
palmy greatness, was not above receiving with courtesy
an appeal for the removal of her Ambassador. W hat
reason was there to suppose that her heart was so
broken by subsequent misfortune that she should not
rise up now in resentment when an
ee
experiment was
tried upon her patience?—(Cheers.) But he procded
with the dispatches. The following was from Viscount
Palmerston to Mr. Bulwer:—
"Foreign-office, April 20, 1848. Sir,--
your dispatch of the 11th instant, with its enclosures,
S trna -or
have rcaenivdedl
have to instruct you to state to the Duke 3
s tsatne
t,p
that her Majesty's Government entirely a
you took in making your communication o
That her Majesty's
and likewise of your note of the 12th. fppthroev7eththine
h 7th of April, or
sending back of your communication o
Government, however, are not at all offended,t either by the
th however they ma)• regret the ex-
mayor's note of the 10
by the angry tone and language of the
,Duke of Soto-
vernment, of which the language o E llllcY note
istence of those feelings in the mindst ofs the Spanish Go-
in making to the Governrpent pain the and the the return of yours were proofs. Her Majesty's Go-
vernment,givingile badvice which. your commu-
o sentiment but that
npricaesetinotnatcioonnvs,eyanedd,
of sincere friendship for Spain, and of deep interest in the
iwnere inspired yn
welfare of Queen Isabella. They felt that in making that
communication they were performing a duty, and not taking
any undue liberty ; and therefore, at all events, it is a satis-
faction to her Majesty's Government to reflect that although
their counsel has been rejected and their communication has
been returned, the note has, nevertheless, bean read, and the
counsel has been tendered, and that whatever calamity may
happen in Spain her Majesty's Government stand acquitted
of not having done what they could to prevent it. With
jeeatedavhsoretebfsyypcoaltganuaoolki
pretender;
the
eote; tonef
ntSft observe,dtaehrtros
throne
eeia it
foai
vrlt t'
Britishihshl
eaeGnwt
vuoanote,iovrfay Govern-
ment tirtihnete
had
regardrmaKiarisen
Majesty'snshnegtaao Kingdom
mauoh dt e
had
ofr hao the
dßns l
arcbyi
coet
Britannic
aunt
Governmentaenfdnie
disputed
ws contents
conflictuio3 have
Madrid to solicit the assistance of Spain, order to place her
Majesty on the throne; if that assistance had been given,
both morally by treaty engagements, and physically by mili-
tary and naval forces; if the aid thus afforded by Spain had
contributed in so essential a degree to secure the crown to
her 11, • lalesty, that it might with truth be said that without
such aid her Majesty would not now have been Queen of
England; if, moreover, there still remained a pretender,
who asserted his right and whose pretensions were backed
by a large party in the United Kingdom ; and if upon every
symptom of danger from that pretender, and that party,
the British Government was in the habit of reminding Spain
of the treaty engagements which she had entered into ; was
also in the habit of asserting that those engagements were
still in force, and was continually claiming the benefit of the
alleged existence of those engagements; if all those things
existed, and if the Government of Spain had, in a moment
of general disturbance in Europe, warned the British Govern-
ment of dangers by which, in their opinion, the security of
her Majesty's throne was menaced—l think I may confi •
dently affirm that, under such circumstances, any statesmen
who might be Ministers of the British Crown, instead of
sending back the note in which such representations were
conveyed, and instead of replying to it in discourteous terms,
would have accepted the communication in the same spirit
of friendship in which it was made; and whether they
adopted or not the advice which it contained, would at least
have considered it a proof of the continued existence of that
friendship on the part of Spain, to which in such case would
have been owing the circumstance that those British Mi-
nisters had the honour of being advisers of the Crown, in-
stead of being proscribed exiles in a foreign land. You will
transmit to the Duke of Sotomayor a copy of this dispatch.
(Signed) " PALMERSTON."
Now, certainly it was rather strong to tell the Govern-
ment of Spain that we had been tho instrument of put-
ting the crown of Spain on the head of the Queen, when
all we had purported to do was to lend our aid in confir-
mation of the claims of the person whom we considered
justly entitled to that crown. Altogether, he could not
but think that, whatever blame attached to the subse-
quent conduct of the Spanish Government towards Sir
Henry Bul.ver—and he quite agreed in censuring that
conduct as highly arbitrary and improper—there had
been in the tone observed by the Noble Lord much that
would naturally irritate and wound the feelings of the
Spanish Government and nation, and he therefore trusted
that in the explanation which the Noble Lord would, he
presumed, that night offer, the Noble Lord would admit
what he surely must feel, that he had been injudicious,
at all events in the manner and time of his interposition.
Most undoubtedly the British nation, while ever pre-
pared to vindicate its honour, would not hesitate to ex-
press its regret, if any hasty expressions on the part of
its Government had wounded the generous sensibilities
of a high-souled and friendly people.--(Hear, hear.)
Such an expression of regret on the part of the Noble
Lord would at once tend to smooth away the unfortu-
nate asperities which bad arisen. It should not be for-
gotten that the Noble Lord and his Noble Colleague at
the head of affairs were members of that same Govern-
ment of Lord Grey whose grand profession of faith was
economy, reform, and non-interference with foreign

states.
Viscount PALMERSTON—Peace, retrenchment, and

reform.

Mr. BANKES—These were the same things in other
words; peace was non-intervention, and non-intervention
peace. This profession of faith had reference to the
contrary policy of former Governments— of one or more
of which, very possibly, the Noble Viscount had himself
formed part.—(A laugh.) And the Noble Viscount
would have done well had he adhered to it in the present
matter. Among the papers delivered to Members that
morning, there was one in particular, from Sir H. Bul-
wer, which he would beg to quote. And here let him
observe that he had throughout considered Sir Henry
Balwer's conduct required no vindication.—(Hear.)
That functionary had on no apparent occasion exceeded
or fallen short of his instructions, but had, it would
seem, exactly carried out the views of the Noble Via-
count. There were vlrious points to which he (Mr.
Bankes) desired to direct the Noble Viscount's reply:-
Ist. Whether any other cause or causes than those al-
ready made known had been assigned by the Spanish Go-
vernment for dismissing Sir H. Bulwer? 2d, As to the
degree of approbation, whether more or less complete,
which the British Government gave to Sir H.Bulwer's pro-
ceedings? Next, as to the precise nature and extent of the
hold which the British Government assumed to have
upon the Crown and Government of Spain; for instance,
whether the Noble Viscount really assumed that we had
placed Donna Isabella on the throne, not from any claim
of right on her part, but because of the peculiar prin-
ciples which she and her adherents professed, in con-
tradistinction to those advocated by other pretenders
to the throne? In the note of Sir 11. Bulwer to the
Duke of Sotomayor, dated April 16th, we find this pas-
sage:—
" There are cases, indeed, in which mere advice from one
Government to another would be a questionable act of pro-
priety and interference; but where it so happens that the
former Government has received particular support from
another, and this on account of particular principles ; and
more especially where it so happens that the former Govern-
ment may still entertain the hope that if the struggle in
which it has once been victorious were to be renewed, it
would again receive similar assistance from its late auxiliary ;
hers exists one of those peculiar cases in which, without
any attempt at dictation, a State which has proved an
useful ally may say to that State which it has served, " Take
care, you are in a moment of danger; beware that you do
not separate yourself from those principles which were the
original feature of your cause; in this manner you may
lose the throne you desire to maintain; in this manner you
may forfeit the support of your best friends both at home
and abroad; let me beseech you, even if your intentions
are good, to avoid arraying, if possible, appearances against
you."

Such were some of the points to which he desired to di-
rect the Noble Viscount's reply. There was yet another:
It appeared very singular that among the papers already
produced there were no instructions from the Noble Lord
subsequent to the 20th of April. He should wish to
know whether there had been any instructions issued
posterior to that date? Probably, and it might be at no
distant period, when this matter should be settled, as ho
trusted it would be settled in an amicable way between
the two countries, the Noble Lord, in making a state-
ment to that effect to the House, would feel it, necessary
to call upon the House for an opinion as to the whole of
these proceedings. Meanwhile, he would remark, that he
had brought forward thepresent resolution because he had
heard from the Noble Lord that its discussion would in no
degree embarrass the existing negotiations. Had the
Noble Lord given any other intimation, he should of course
have delayed the proposition. Should the resolution
he was now about to submit to the House give to the
Noble Lord an opportunity for making any explanatory
or conciliatory statement, tending to heal the wound
which had been inflicted on the honest pride of the
Spanish nation, he should rejoice in the part he had
taken towards removing the sore feeling which had
arisen between the two countries hitherto so friendly.
The resolution having been put from the chair,
Mr. SHELL said—The Hon. Gentleman on the 10th
of May gave notice of a motion, in relation to a para-
graph in one of Sir 11. Bulwer's letters, for the purpose
of information. lie has now changed his ground, and
proposes for the adoption of the House a resolution of
censure on my Noble :Friend. lam very far from
saying that this change in his tactics is not deserv-
ing of commendation. My Noble Friend is clearly re-
sponsible for all that has been said or done by Sir 11.
Bulwer, and I therefore think the lion. Gentleman
quite right in saying that by his motion he is conferring
an obligation on my Noble Friend ; my Noble Friend is
equally indebted to the Honourable Gentleman for his
motion and for his speech, for both will serve him.—
(Hear, hear.) The true question is—l purposely avoid
any prefatory prolixity—the true question is, whether
the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs was justified in interfering in the internal affairs
of Spain, by the peculiar relations in which we stand to-
wards that country ?—(Hear, hear.) What are those
relations ? It will be necessary to take a retrospect,
which I promise you shall be a rapid one. In 1834, the
Spanish Government solicited the assistance of England
L —a special negotiator, the Marquis Mirafitores, was sent