The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-21 00:00:00

Just published, for the ilrst time in the fivo. form in 3 vols., with
Portraits, prick 365. bound, printed uniformly with the " Me-
moirs of George III."
MEMOIRS OF THE REIGN OF
KING GEORGE THE SECOND,
By HORACE WALPOLE,
Earl of Orford.
Edited, with a Preface and Notes,
By THK LATE LORD HOLLAND.
Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

Now ready at all the Libraries, in 3 vol.,
ADVENTURES of CAPT. O'SULLIVAN;
CIVIL, MILITARY, AND MATRIMONIAL,
By W. H. MAXWELL, Esq.,
Author of " Stories of Waterloo," kc.
"We do not know of any living author whose works command
more general approval than those of Mr. Maxwell ; and, in this very
lively romance of real life, the fountain of his genuine Hibernian
humour flows on as uninterruptedly as ever. Captain O'Sullivan's
career abounds with adventure, in which peril and broad fun, mirth
and mischief, run hand in hand. Never was th, light, mercurial,
rollicking, devil-may-care temperament, that it has become the
fashion to attribute to the sons of the Irish soil, better pourtrayed
than In this work."—Dublin Evening Packet.
Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

intention to give any further opposition to the measure,
Their Lordships then adjourned.

The House met at Four o'clock.
After the transaction of private business,
Mr. F. MAULE, in answer to Dr. BOWRING, explained
the circumstances attending the flogging and subsequent
death of Frederick White, late of the 7th hussars.
The House having resolved itself into a Committee of
Ways and Means,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose to state the course which
the Government proposed to pursue as regards the
Sugar Duties. Had the Government been disposed to
consult their own ease, they would not have wanted
plausible reasons for postponing the consideration of the
question of the Sugar Duties. But the public, which
spent 12,000,0001. a-year in sugar, suffered much from
the increased price of that article; the revenue also suffered,
and it was most desirable for the interests of trade and
commerce to endeavour to come to some permanent
settlement of the question. The high price of sugar in
this country had long been the subject of complaint, in-
asmuch as it rendered the consumption of sugar impos-
sible to the poorer classes, and at the same time, in con-
sequence of the diminution of supply, diminished the
revenue. The price had risen, during some
parts of last year, to 7s. above the price calcu-
lated on by the late Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, while the revenue from the sugar duties
had been actually less, by 311,529/. than the amount
estimated by the Right Hon. Gentleman; and this en-
tirely owing to the deficient supply consequent upon the
supply not having been drawn from a sufficiently exten-
sive area. The Noble Lord then proceeded to state
the prospect of the supply of sugar for the coming year,
which he estimated at 230,000 tons. An increased sup-
ply was necessary, and whence were they to look for
this increased supply ? The reduction of duties on free-
labour sugar alone would produce very little effect,
as the quantity of foreign free-labour sugar to be
obtained was of very little importance. Now, upon
the present consumption, an increase 'bf price of
6s. only would be a tax upon the public of 1,600,000/.,
which would not go to the State. He would propose,
therefore, the admission of other foreign sugars,
to supply the deficiency ; but here they were
met by the objection that the admission
of foreign sugar would encourage slavery,
and that such considera`ion should overbalance all
financial and commercial views, and all considerations
of the welfare of the people. But that ar-
gument failed of completeness while they
admitted tobacco, cotton, and other productions of slave
labour ; and therefore they did not even pretend to carry
into effect the humane views which those opposed to
the consumption of slave labour produce entertained,
The members of the Anti-Slavery Committee, however,
were consistent, for they denounced the consumption of
slave• labour cotton as most immoral ; and yet if it were
proposed before we would admit American cotton
wool to call upon the United States to solve the tre-
mendous problem of slavery it would be considered
as absolute insanity. The same argument ap•
plied to copper ore, and various other articles,
The 'policy of excluding slave-labour sugar would be
therefore incomplete; but, more than that, they were
obliged to admit slave states, with which they had trea-
ties of reciprocity, to compete with free labour
states in the market. They bad besides been obliged to
refuse to Spain the benefits of the commercial treaties
concluded with her, and that on principles not
very honourable to a great nation. He could
not help thinking that the principle contended for
by Spain was contained in the treaty of Utrecht. It
was certainly unfortunate that in their pursuit
of humanity they should be forced to evade
the obligations of treaties. But there was a
further defect in these attempts to exclude
slave-labour sugar. The merchants sent this sugar to
other markets, and thence obtained supplies which they
might dispose of in the English market ; and thus
obtain English manufactures for the supply of the slave
employer ; and thus they foiled to prevent the slave-
owner from getting a market for his produce. For these
reasons he held that the ground which had been
hitherto taken was not tenable, and that pro-
ceeding upon the principle which they had adopted with
regard to other commodities, they must admit the sugar
of the world to the markets of the United King-
dom. He must admit, however, that there
were reasons forbidding that immediate equalisation
The West India body most justly urged the great change
produced by the emancipation of their slaves, and the
losses they had sustained in consequence, and the inter-
ference of this country to prevent their obtaining a
supply of free labour, as reasons against this immediate
equalization ; and these reasons were entitled to
great consideration. There were likewise finan-
cial reasons against any sudden and ab-
rupt change. He should, therefore, propose a
complete withdrawal of the present prohibitory
Aetv on slave-labour sugar reellose; at once, to
rtArnee rrrG auty on all foreign Muscovado sugar to 218,
per cwt., to be diminished from sth July 1847, to sth July
1848, to 20s. ; from sth July, 1849, to 18s. 6d.; from 1850,
to 17s. ; from 1851, to 15s. 6d.; and that from the sth July,
1852, the duty on all sugars, foreign and colonial, should
be 14s. The reduction of a clayed and refined sugar
would be in similar proportion, and would be diminished
likewise from year to year. The West Indians
complained of the interference of the Government in
preventing the immigration of Hill Coolies. Now he
proposed that the Coolies should have permission to emi-
grate on certain conditions. He also proposed to
diminish the differential duties on rum from Is. 6d. to
ls. The West Indians also asked that molasses
should be permitted to be used in breweries and
distilleries, but there were such practical difficulties in
the way of acceding to that request that he could not
comply with it. He also proposed to enable the colonists
to procure the provisions and timber in the cheapest market
and to do away with differential duties in favour of Bri-
tish produce imported into the colonies. The whole
system of protection was vicious ; that system had been
broken in upon and nearly destroyed, and he thought
that Members could hardly be enabled to reconcile their
constituents to the maintenance of protection in this in-
stance, and to forcing the farmer, now exposed to com-
petition, to pay a dearer rate for his sugar than he ought
to pay. According to the statement of the late Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, there was every probability of
a financial deficiency in the year 1847-48, and it
was, therefore, extremely
more desirabelsepeetioalliyncriefasiet thebe
income of the country,
done without increasing the burdens of the
people. With regard to the supply, not more
than from 8,000 to 10,000 tons of the foreign sugar now
in bond would be admissible on account of the navigation
laws. Taking the whole revenue to be derived from
sugar, according to his plan, during the next year
at 4,2oo,oooL—being 725,509/. more than the revenue
which would arise under the present system—this would
at once turn the apprehended deficiency into a surplus.
If the proposed duties should pass in Committee, he
should propose to make the settlement a permanent
one by introducing a Bill making the duties permanent;
and would propose some ether source of revenue to be

made the subject of an annual vote instead of the

sugar duties, so as not to depart from the
great constitutional principle of making a great part of
the revenue dependant upon an annual vote of the House.
He believed that the time was come when it was neces-
sary to alter our colonial system, to relax restrictions, and
to open the colonies to the spirit of commercial enterprise.
If this were done, the connexien between the colonies
and the mother country would be one of mutual benefit,
inasmuch as both would flourish the more from the re-
moval of useless restrictions. The Noble Lord
concluded by proposing a resolution for the

temporary continuance of the present duties for
one month, at the same time laying on the table the

resolution which he should propose for the permanen

settlement of the question, to which, if the House should

agree, her Majesty's Ministers, however short might be

their term of office, would not have administered the

affairs of the nation in vain.

Mr. GOULBURN would not go into the discussion until
he had considered the plan proposed. The Bight Hon.
Gentleman having put some questions as to the details
of the plan,

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he did not propose to
alter the navigation laws at all.

Lord G. BENTINCK would support the motion for a
temporary renewal of the duties; but the protectionist
party would not support any measure for taking from
the East and West Indian interests the protection
which they at present enjoyed.
After a desultory debate,
The CHAIRMAN put the resolution, which was carried,
and ordered to be reported on Wednesday next.
The House afterwards went into a Committee of
Supply ; several sums were voted, and the House ad-
journed at Two o'clock.

moment with the circumstances of the present : the
hopefulness of victory with the achievement of victory,
the yearning for the prize with the possession of
the prize. It is in these re-elections of the
Ministerial candidates that we are enabled without
any appearance of affectation torevert to that glorious
and peaceful revolution from the excitement conse-
quent upon the consummation of which we are only
now recovering. And it is because we are so
earnestly impressed with the conviction that this
same revolution will confer an infinitely greater
amount of social happiness upon the community than
even its sanguine admirers have hitherto anticipated
in their most flattering visions of the future,
that we are the more prepared to listen again and
again to congratulations upon its completion, and to
eulogiums upon its principal leaders. Until the com-
merce of Great Britain be annihilated, and until its
industrious population cease to exist, the praises of
COBDEN, and PEEL, and "VILLIERS, and BRIGHT, will
never become tedious to the popular ear, will never
cease to animate the popular enthusiasm. Neverthe-
less, it would be insanity so far to deliver ourselves
up to sentiments of self-gratulation as to conceive
that the reformatory labours of legislation axe
altogether completed, or to forget that we have only
breasted a portion of that terrible acclivity. The ex-
pressions employed on Saturday by the Noble Lord the
First Commissioner of Woods and Forests, in appealing
to the electors of Yorkshire for their suffrages, were
in this particular both elevated and lucid ; they were
eminently calculated to impress their hearers with an
accurate perception of the political position of this
empire. By a poetical symbol Lord 11loarent
beautifully idealised the condition of the English
Legislature, he represented the movement which
had already been made towards the modification of
the commercial system of this country as the attain-
ment of a table land upon the side of a mountain—
many dangers passed, many obstacles overcome, but
above us other dangers and other obstacles to be
passed and vanquished in like manner. There are
Alps upon Alps to be surmounted ; nevertheless,
having accomplished so much already, and having,
moreover, accomplished it so decisively, we are not
to be discouraged by dangers, however threatening)
or obstacles, however enormous. Conscious that the
popular Winn cannot, by any human machination,
be frustrated, when enforced by justice and impelled
by a peaceful spirit of determination, we can yield
ourselves up to the most sanguine anticipations without
any dread of disappointment. For the purpose of
confirming his assertion as to the fact that Government
could not be expected to remain inactive after the
recent proceedings in Parliament, Lord Moarrrn
adduced a " proof positive," in the shape of the
Sugar Duties—those obnoxious vestiges of monopoly
which still blur the commercial code of this country,
and which must be utterly erased therefrom before
we can enter upon the full enjoyment of the bless-
ings of free trade. Heartily rejoiced are we to find
that a man of such undoubted abilities, of such a
wholesome liberality, and of such an un-
flawed judgment as Lord Viscount MORPETII, has
at length beheld this specious but villanous
abuse in its true colours, that he has discovered how
consistently a man can proclaim himself hostile t(
the " blood-red flag of the slave trade," and yet
" commit himself without reserve to the general and
universal principles of free trade." No human being
can abhor with a more intense and unextinguishable
abhorrence than ourselves the atrocious and damnable
system of slavery a system alike opposed
to the pleading voice of Nature, and the
solemn mandates of Revelation. No human being
can yearn more ardently than ourselves, for the
burning of the last rag of that " blood-red flag " upon
the altar of Freedom ; and it is because of the depth of
our reverence for the sacred cause of universal liberty
that we are (like Lord MORBETLI and a thousand
others) so desirous of the cessation of the differential
duties upon slave-grown and free-grown sugar. To
speak plainer, it is because we are indignant that the
holy cause of the emancipation of our fellow-beings
is thus advanced as a mask for hypocrisy and a plea
for avarice. We are indignant at this wanton degra-
dation of a divine watchword to serve such vile and
mtrodu
sordid purposes. As perhaps the most glaring instance
of this miserable hypocrisy, we may direct attention
to the protest signed by twenty-five acknowledged
""'"" • • was presented
nvDisoibtlehe?se "signers
protest"
efp,a,srg, ;itn ieest—thfaoatriti ;0,
aAnwintshs
invisible
religious
'veil
to the Prime: Minister, previous to the
single moment that the
fict-ai:tintcearonferyt hthoeefi‘mtlh eeniilirmvs
is sufficiently dense to screen their real
under-motives ? Plainly and honestly we confes•
ourselves pained by this tragical kind of mock-
e anxietywould
the
e remindai
maintenance
t thoseenan ewe who
noisy
y in; a
tnhde sr-
pahreilasont
the differential duties, because they pretend to regard
those duties as a discouragement to the
we would remind those people that Christianityis
opposed to the principle of slavery, not to the work •
ing of slavery. We would remind them, moreover,
that the black slaves in the sugar plantations are more
to be envied than the white slaves nearer home, who
have to drudge so arduously for their livelihood, and
to pay so extortionately for the profit of
those whose
colonial possessions happen to be devoted to the culti-
vation of the sugar-cane !It is not difficult to si • mu-
late benevolence when the pocket can be filled by pre-
tending the principle, or to assume generosity and
' philanthropy when the public can be plundered by
the pretence !

The result of the recent trial at Winchester, the
immediate and unhesitating acquittal of Lieutenant
HAWKEY for the murder of Mr. SETON in the un-
fortunate duel which took place at Gosport last year,
and the applause with which the verdict of the jury
was received by a crowded court, does not occasion
us the slightest degree of surprise or astonish-
ment. It fully bears out and confirms the
observations we offered on the occasion of
the acquittal of Mr. PTM, in the month of March
last, for his participation in the fatal transaction. It'
the present trial the accused was unable to obtain the
benefit of the testimony of his wife, Mrs. HAWKEY
who was not a competent witness on his behalf, owing
to the policy of the law, which provides that husband
or wife cannot be evidence for or against each
other, except in cases of high treason, or
where either is indicted for a personal in-
jury inflicted on the other; he therefore labouree
under the serious disadvantage of being unable t(
prove clearly to the jury the real cause of the un-
happy quarrel, and the serious nature of the injury
attempted to be inflicted on him. The jury, however,
again interposed themselves between the law and the
accused, and pronounced an acquittal, although ne
reasonable person could for a moment enter-
tain a doubt that his was the hand by
which the death-wound was inflicted, although
it was clearly explained to them that they
ddthseatbhhlareydvsaiipous points as
ctmouul
theasrt de
ai
policyssme i ssso
of rfeoltomhqeut
lheanewitrl
yann)aidnn
of
expatiatedthe
epnarbt3i-‘
the counsel for the prisoner ; that they were bound by
their solemn oaths to pronounce a verdict according to
the evidence, that was according to so much of what
they had heard sworn before them as they believed,
and the only questions for their consideration were—
' Did the prisoner at the bar deliberately, by shoot-
ing at Mr. SETON with a pistol loaded with gun-
powder and bullet, inflict upon Mr. SETON a wound ?"
and " was that wound the cause of his death ?" They
could not have been influenced in this acquittal by
the ingenious point raised by Mr. COCKBURN, that in
this case the cause of death was a state of things super-
vening on the treatment, and not on the original wound,
that, in fact, it was the result of the operation which
had been performed, and not of the wound itself.
The Judge had most properly overruled the point,
and reserved the benefit, if any, that might result to
the accused therefrom, for an appeal to all the Judges,
in the event of a conviction. We can, therefore,
only ascribe it to the unwillingness of the jury to
make a person who had a reasonable
ground of offence, where there was nothing
unfair in the conduct or management of
the duel, a victim to the unwillingness of the Legis-
lature to grapple with the acknowledged evil, and to
subject him to all the pains and penalties of a con-
viction for murder, the most severe sanctioned by the
law. If it is seriously resolved by our Government
that the practice of duelling shall be put a stop to,
that the nuisance shall be abated, and that juriee