The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-29 00:00:00

TEA -TIN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JUNE 29, 1846

Lord BROUHAM signified his readiness to poitpone
his motion.

sure the adoption of the principle by' other countries.
Sir, I shall of course, reserve to myself the course I
shall pursue with reference to the measures which
may be proposed by her Majesty's Government
until they are stated to the House. I don't mean by this
that I shall extend my support to them on every
occasion, and that this will overrule the course I
shall adopt on any subject. I generally speak with
respect to measures having reference to the industry
and commercial policy of the country, and I trust any
step which will be taken will be towards the relaxation
of restrictions.—(Loud cheers.) I, for one, shall not
urge upon them the hasty or precipitate adop-
tion of principles, even sound in themselves,
if they are likely to injure or cause great
disarrangement of our affairs. I shall bear
in mind that great experiments have been made
under the present Administration—that the surplus
amount of revenue is small—smaller than I could
wish it to be, and less in consonance with the
permanent interests of the country ; and therefore,
while I offer my cordial support to the general
principles of commercial policy which have re-
ceived the sanction of Parliament in the
present session, I shall not urge them to any such
simultaneous and precipitate adoption of them
as may either be injurious to the interests of
the country from special circumstances entitled to
some continued protection; nor shall I urge them to
any such rash or precipitate measures as can injure or
cause a derangement of the finances of the country.
Sir, I am not aware in speaking thus—l am bound to
say that I am rather speaking with regard to
my own intentions as to the course I shall
pursue, than speaking after having had an
opportunity of conferring with the Noble Lord
as to the measures he should adopt. I can-
not doubt, however, after the course which
the Noble Lord has pursued this session,
that measures of a similar character to those proposed
by the present Government will meet with his sup-
port and acquiescence.—(Cheers.) Sir, I do not
know that it is necessary I should make any
other declaration than this . I wish to draw
no invidious distinctions. I wish to make
no unseemly boast, but I cannot surrender
power
without making at least this observation—that I
do hope, that during the five years full power has been
committed to our hands, neither the public interests
nor the honour of this country have been di-
minished.—(Loud cheers.) I think I may say
with truth, that during that period the bur-
dens of taxation have been equalised, and that
that pressure which bore unjustly and severely upon
various branches of industry has been removed.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think I may say with
truth, that many restrictions upon commerce, injuriously
affecting the trade of this country, have been removed.—
(Continued cheers.) I think I may say that this has
been done without at all interfering with legitimate
speculation, without at all paralysing or derang
ing the commerce of the country. I think I
may say with truth, that stability has been
given to the monetary system of this country.—(Hear
hear.) I allude particularly to the cordial support which
was given, without reference to party distinc-
tions, to the measures which I proposed with
regard to the Bank of England, to joint-stock
banks, and private banks of this country in 1843.
Sir, I trust also that the country has not suffered by the
reductions which have taken place. There has been
great and considerable reductions made on the
general restrictions in trade. I hope, Sir, that
these reductions will be more than compensated by the
increased consumption of the articles upon which
the reductions have taken plaee.—(Cries of "Hear,
hear.") I may say that there never was a Govern-
nment which had less occasion for using anything
like prosecutions—there has been a submission to the
laws, and that too at periods when the high price of
the necessaries of life caused great suffering to
the pour. I shall allu to to one member of the
Government, and although he has not taken a
prominent part in debate, he was one who deserved
the very highest honour which his country could con-
fer on him. That member of the Government was one,
who, with high Christian feelings, was against
resorting to war till he had exhausted every
means to preserve peace.—(Hear, hear.) He could
most consisistently carry out that principle .:with-
out at all neglecting the interests of this country, and
while he had done so, he was ever ready to maintain
the rights, and privileges, and high honour of this
country, even at the risk of a war.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir, I do hope that we leave the foreign relations of this
country in a satisfactory state—that I speak not only
~f France, but of the other great powers of Europe.
['here is a confidence in the intention of this country,
4nd a real desire on the part of their Governments to co-
operate with us in the maintenance of peace. It is that
mutual confidence in the honour and intentions of public
men which so much facilitates the preserving of the
public tranquillity. We come in contact with them
—for instance, with France in distant parts of Europe,
where hi ated partizans are naturally jealous, and per-
haps justly jealous of the honour of their respective
countries. Partizans, who must be warmed with the
spirit of jealousy, would, in their anxiety to
maintain the national honour, be the cause of
war desolating nations, unless the councils of the great
powers of Europe were presided over by those who feel
peace to be the true interest of a civilised Go-
vernment, and who are determined that the
heated passions of angry partisans shall
not involve the respective countries.—(Hear, hear.) If
anything could have induced me to get a decision on
the part of this House prematurely, to determine the
anxiety of Government, it would have been the re-
ceipt of the intelligence we have lately had from the
United States. That gives the result of our last act.
You know that there had been such difference between
the countries, that unless they were speedily determined,
they would have been the cause of war. The House will
probably recollect that after we had offered to the United
States conditions which were rejected, the President of
the United States sent a message to the House of Con-
gress of that country, which led to a discussion with re-
gard to that convention which provided for the temporary
adjustment of our differences, at least for the temp Tary
avoidance of war, and to enable the two coun-
tries jointly to occupy the territory which is
called the Oregon territory. We did not hesitate,
therefore, to do that which in the present state
of that question was most expedient. We did
not hesitate to decline renewing any lengthened
or protracted negotiation, but to propose at once to bring
the proceedings to a termination. A definite proposal was
consequently made by us to the President of the United
States; and however strongly he might be committed to a
contrary policy, he proposed at once to refer our pro-
posal to the Senate of the United States, and the
Senate, acting in the same spirit with which it had been
proposed, at once announced the adoption of the terms
offered.—(Loud Cheers,) Perhaps from the importance
of the subject, as well as from the circumstance that this
may be the last day of my addressing you as
a Minister, I may be permitted to go into a
little detail with respect to the negotiations between the
two Governments on this subject.—(llear, hear.) (The
Right Hon. Baronet here read the first article of the
convention which was sent over from this Goverament,
and which specified that the 49th parallel of north lati-
tude should be continued as the boundary between the
territory of this country and that of the United States.)
The second condition of this engagement related to the
navigation of the Columbia river, and in endeavouring
to obtain for this country all the rights to which it was
justly entitled, they had endeavoured to secure for Great
Britain all the benefits of that river, where its course
flowed above the 49th parallel ; but in assenting to
the regulation which provided for this, the Ministry
had intimated to Mr. Pakenham that it was not their
intention or desire in any way to interfere with the
Government of the United States, either as respected
their interests, or in their regulation of the navigation
of that river. And this they did in a spirit of frankness
and fair dealing, and in a way that should at once
assure the Government of the United States of
their good faith and support of the honour of this country.
(Cheers.) On the very day when he was addressing
that House as a Minister, and when he was stating the
resignation of the Ministry who had succeeded in ef-
fecting this agreement, he had the satisfaction of
receiving the official letter from Mr. Pakenham,
which contained the dispatch confirming the agreement.
(Cheers.) Mr. Pakenham, writing on June 13, says
to my Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
My Lord,—ln consequence of your instructions, which
came to hand on the 7th, I lost no time in submitting
f
the conditions which they contained, to the Secretary r
be
rtaorug t
State of the United States, and which we
under the consideration of the Senate
:InitehaechloBfththoef
May. After a few hours' deliberation,
three days, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, during
which it was discussed, that assembly
votes,ssembly of recommending cametoa dechicn
by a majority of seventy-eight
accept of the terms proposed
by her Muses
to the President, to
On the next morning
Mr. Packenham says that Mr. Buchanan sent for him,
and stated that the President had acceded to the wish
of the Senate, and had accepted the proposition of her
majesty's Government without the limitation or altera-
tion of a single word. Thus, by the intervention of

not to ensure their success, at least to giro
the country an opportunity of pronouncing
its opinion upon them. In that case I should have Mt
myself justified in advising her Majesty to the extreme
course of dissolving the present Parliament ; but there
was no necessity for such a course. Those who dissented
from these measure had withdrawn, I am bound to say,
their opposition to them ; they had eventually giren
these measures their consent, and they had therefore
passed into a law. Under these circumstances, I
do not feel that I should bo justified in
order to pass any inferior measure, I say I should
not have felt myself justified in advising the
Crown to exercise its prerogative, because I feel
strongly this, that no Administration is justified
in advising the Crown to issue that prerogative unless
there be reason ; I shall presume even a strong moral
conviction, that in the Parliament succeeding that
dissolution the Government will be able to ad-
minister the affairs of the country by the sup-
port of a party sufficiently powerful to enable them
to do so with advantage to the public.—(Hear.)
The power of dissolution is a great instrument
in the hands of a Government which should be
only resorted to under such circumstances as I
have alluded to. I think a dissolution • should
not be taken for the purpose of deciding whether
we were justified in proposing those measures of cem-
mercial policy which we had proposed at
the commencement of the session. I do
not think that a dissolution even ut that
time would have been justifiable. The only ground upon
which we should have advised a dissolution weuld have
been, that we should have been enabled to give effect
to those measures which we brought forward. Now,
I do not mean a support founded on a feeling
of mere temporary sympathy with our situation,
or of concurrence upon the great questions of
domestic policy, however important they may be,
I think we should not dissolve without a full assurance
iu our own minds, that we should have the sup-
port of those who differ from us upon almost all
the questions of public policy, and who were with us
upon one question, but that we should have the
support of a powerful party, united to us by
general ties. I am bound to say, in the general
state of division of parties, that I did not
entertain that confident hope that the dissolution of
Parliament would have given us a majority. I
thought also, in common with the rest of my
Honourable Collagues, that after all the excitement
which has taken place, after the stagnation which would
continne consequent upon our suspending the business of
the country, it did appear to us that a dissolution
of Parliament /was an evil which should not have been
allowed to take place.—(Cheers.) We were beaten on a
question connected with Ireland. I shall lament having
been beaten upon this question, not merely because
it was an Irish question, but I should deeply lament our
being beaten on a question connected with Ireland, if it
should be thought that the measure we proposed for the
repression of outrrge in Ireland, was an indication
that her Majesty's servants held any different opinions
as to the policy to be pursued towards Ireland
from that which I declared towards the
close of the last session of Parliament. These
opinions which I then avowed—those opinions which
had a practical effect given to them by the Cha-
ritable Bequests Act, the additional vote for the endow-
ment of Maynouth. To these opinions both myself
and my Hon. Colleagues still subscribe. We brought
forward that measure believing that resistance
to the contagion of crime and a vigorous re-
pression by law of those offences which I
am sorry to see disgrace some parts of
Ireland, was not a measure calculated permanently
to improve the social condition of that people, but
we thought it was a measure calculated, if taken
in conjunction' with other measures necessary for the
liar the purpose of giving effect to Legislative measures
of another kind, Parliament has, however, decided dif-
ferently on that subject. Of that decision I
say nothing. I deprecate only any inference
being drawn from our conduct, that because we pro-
posed the measure which some persons call
coercion, but which we call a measure for
the protection of life to Ireland. I only deprecate
any inference, which would be most unjustifiable
That our views as to the policy to be pursued
towards Ireland bad undergone any change
Speaking of myself, I do not hesitate to say that there
ought to be established in Ireland, complete equality—
(Loud cheers)—in municipal and political institu-
tions.—(Cheers.) I say complete equality, as far as
it is practicable to carry it out, in the present political
and religious aspect of the country.—(Hear, hear.)
It may not be possible to carry out complete political
and religious equality according to the letter of the
terms but it may be done according to the spirit. Bu:
I speak of the spirit, and not of the letter, in regard to
the franchise, in regard to municipal rights, and in regard
to other great questions relating to Ireland.—(Cheers.)
There is a strong desire in the minds of many,
that the people of Ireland should be placed in
possession of the same political and religi-
ous rights, as those of England and Scotland,
and I admit the correctness of the principle.
Not only do I admit the justice of the prin-
ciple, but I am of opinion that a complete assimilation
of Ireland to England and Fe eland in political and religi-
ous privileges, should not be defeated by any jealousy and
suspicion on our part. With regard to any question
involving the rights and privileges of the people of Ire-
land, I say distinctly that I think there ought not to be a
different rule applied to Ireland to that which is applied to
the people of this country--(Cheers.) It is impossible
for me to say that there should be submitted with
regard to Ireland a different rule of action tr.
that which is applied to England.—(Cheers.) Re-
garding the Executive Administration in Ireland.
1 think the powers of the Crown should no;
be exercised so as to occasion any real ground
of complaint in regard to religious distinctions.
It may be that we may have given offence
in some some instances in availing ourselves of
the opportunity of appointing Roman Catholics
to office. It may be said that we should have taken
different means to carry out our policy ; but to
that 1 will answer, that I hold. it to br
the best and wisest policy to carry on the affairs'
of Government without reference to any differences
on religious questions, and that it should
make its appointments accordingly. (Cheers.)
With regard to the spirit in which legislation must
be directed, I must say for one, I am prepared
to co• operate with those who feel that the
present social condition of the people of Ire-
land in respect to the tenure of land, and the rela-
tions of landlord and tenant, and are anxious to remedy
the existing state of things.—(Hear, hear.) It may be
impossible by legislative enactments to apply an im-
mediate remedy to the state of things which
now exists ; but even if the benefit to be derived
from legislation be extremely remote, yet if the
benefit be of a permanent character, then I shall
feel it to be my duty to support them.—(Hear, hear.)
What I have now said applies to the tenure of
land ; and, again, with respect to legislation
upon matters connected with the relations which
at present exist between landlords and tenants. While
upholding the rights of property it ought to be our ob-
ject to direct our immediate attention to the consi•
deration of that most important subject.—(Cheers.) There
is no determination on our part to consider that
question in any other manner than that which
is calculated to produce beneficial effects, and in
that spirit, and with the hope of accomplishing
that object, I shall be ready to support the Govern-
ment whieh is to succeed us.—(Loud cheering.) Sir,
I have reason to believe the Noble Lord, the Mem-
ber for the City of London, has been commanded by
her Majesty to repair to her Majesty's presence for the
purpose of hearing her Majesty's commands upon the
subject of forming that Government.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir, I presume that the general principle upon
which the Government to be formed by the Noble Lord,
will—that is as far as its commercial policy is concerned
—be to continue the application of those principles,
which tend to give us a clear and unrestricted
commercial intercourse with other countries. I presume
I may confidently exprct that that will be their com-
mercial policy, and, Sir, if it is, I shall feel it to
be my duty to give to the Government, with the
view of carrying out the execution of that great
principle, my most cordial support.—(Cheers.) Sir, 1
presume her Majesty's Government, acting upon the ex-
perience of the past, will act upon those principles,
notwithstanding that other countries may choose to
buy in the dearest market. (Hear, hear.) I
hope the knowledge of such a fact will prove
no discouragement to them to promote the
great principle of buying in the cheapest, and selling
in the dearest market. I hope, too, Sir, they will not
for a single moment think of returning to that principle
which both they and we have felt the baneful effects of
namely, of haggling with foreign countries, but that
they will act in the spirit of independence,
and take that course which they believe
will be conducive to the welfare of the country.—
(Hear.) I hope, rather than return to such a system,
they will trust in the influence of public opinion on
other countries, and they may rely upon it our example,
added to the benefit which we derive from acting
upon the opposite principle, will at no remote period in-

The Earl of POWIS also signified a similar inten-
tion.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE entirely subscribe d
to the propriety of the course proposed by the Noble
Duke, of postponing for the present all business
likely to involve public discussion, .and hg
thought that the Parliament was indebted to
her Majesty's Government for keeping in office
till the measure respecting the sugar duties be passed.
He would suggest also to the Noble Duke the propriety
of dispensing with the standing orders for the purpose of
expediting the passing of the measure.