The Sun.
London, England, 1846-08-25 00:00:00

GLASGOW, AUGUST 21

STOCK EXCHANGE. —The sales are—Caledonian New, 295. Cale
donian Extension, Us. 9d.—Caledonian and Dumbartonshire Junc-
tion, 22a. 6d.—Direct Northern, 35s.—Dundee and Perth, 241.—Eas
Indian Railway, 15s. 3d.—Edinburgh and Northern, Newport, 18s
--Glasgow Gcneral Terminus, e%—Glasgow and Belfast Union, 455.
Glasgow, Dtunfiles. and Carlisle, 35..--Glasgow, liirmarnock, and
Ardressan, 295. 6d.— Glasgow, Airdrie, and 31onkland Junction, 435.
—Perth and Inverness, 32s.—Scottish Central and Cal, donian Junc-
tion, 34s.—South Eastern and Dover, New (issued at 15i.), No. 4,
G7s. Gd.— South Midland, 55s.—Stirling and Dunfermline, 275.

DEATH OF THE MARQUIS OF THOMOND.—We regret
to have to record the decease of the Marquis of Thomond,
who expired on Friday last, at Taplow House, near Maiden-
head, after an illness of only ten days. The deceased
William O'Bryen, Marquis of Thomond, Earl and Baron of
Inchiquin, and Baron of Barren, county Clare, in the peerage
of Ireland ; and Baron Tadcaster, of Tadcaster, county
York, in the peerage of the United Kingdom, was son of
Mr. Edward O'Bryen, brother of the first Marquis, by
Mary, daughter of Mr. Carrick. He was born in the year
1766, and was consequently in his 80th year. The late
Marquis married, in September, 1799, Elizabeth Re-
becca, only daughter and heir of Mr. Thomas Trotter, of
Dulek, county Meath, who survives her husband. The late
Marquis entered the army at a comparatively early age,
and was in the 12th Regiment of Foot, at the capture
of Guadaloupe and St.. Lucie, and subsequently proceeded
to the East Indies with that regiment in active service.
He eventually exchanged from the infantry to the 14th
Dragoons, but retired from the army. in 1800. On the
death of his uncle, the first Marquis, in February, 1808,
he succeeded to the family honours and estates in the
county of Cork. The deceased nobleman was, with the
exception of the King of Hanover, the senior knight of the
most illustrious order of St. Patrick; was a privy coun-
cillor for Ireland since 1828, colonel of the Cork City
Militia, extra aide-de-camp to the Queen, and his late
Majesty William IV., and a representative peer for Ire-
land since 1816. In default of male issue, the late Marquis
is succeeded in his title by his brother, Vice-Admiral Lord
James O'Bryen, G.C.H. (now Marquis of Thomond). Lady
Susan, married to the Hon. Captain, George F. Hotham,
R.N. ; Lady Sarah, married to Mr. William Stanhope Taylor ;
Lady Mary, married to Viscount Berehaven ; and Lady Eliza-
beth, married to Mr. George Stukeley Bucke, are daughters
of the late Marquis. He possessed valuable property in Ire-
land, but had not for many
.years past visited that country.
He was a staunch Conservative, but, from his advanced age,
hid not lately interfered in politics. By his Lordship's de-
mise a vacant ribbon of the order of St. Patrick falls into
the Gift of the Premier.
[ADVERTISE]IENT.]—THE DREADNOUGHT HOSPITAL SHIP
AND ST. THOMAS'S HOSPITAL AGAIN OUTDONE IN THE Cuss or
WOUNDS AND ULCERS :BY HOLLOWAY'S OINTMENT AND PILLS.—
John Newington, a sailor, living in Adrian-court, Dover, was a
patient on board the Dreadnought, and again at St. Thomas's Hos-
pital, for some weeks, for a very had ulcerated leg of long standing,
without obtaining the least relief at either of the above Institutions,
but was cured immediately attemards by Holloway's Pills and
Ointment. The truth of this statement can be attested by Mr. G.
Ashmore, the very respectable chemist, at Doyen—Sold by all
druggists, and at Professor Lielloway'e Estabh.lhaient, 244, Strand,
4 lealda.

MR. COBDEN AND THE FREE
TRADERS IN FRANCE.
(From the Times)
It is not the least pleasing part of the honours which
have attended Mr?. Gluten's successful career, that he
should have been received in Paris, not as the represent
ative of any exclusive interest, or even as a distinguished
member of the English Legislature. but as the active
promoter of principles which are destined to confer their
neficest results upon every civilised community in the
world. Few men who have been so ardently engaged in a
treat party contest have suffered so little as Mr. Cobden
has done from the narrowing ell; eta of all such centro-
versy. On the contrary, his conceptions seem gradually
to have enlarged as the object of his exertions drew
nearer to his grasp. The visvrs which he originally
adopted as a Manchester manufacturer, for the espe-
ial advantage of that class of the population of
Eneland with which he was himself connected, ra-
pidly expanded, until they embraced the general vi el
fare of this ceuntry in the cause of free trade ; and
no sooner had they received the sanction of England
thin the truth and wisdom of these principles en-
ured their recognition and adoption in other parts
of the world. The whole spirit of this great change has
tended more to union than to division. Mr. Cobden
may claim the credit of never having sought to set
one class of the community against another class,
but rather of endeavouring to remove those errors
of legislation and opinion which had su long been
a ground of contention between agriculture and
inanufectures, the two great limbs of the nation.
And the same auspicious influence may be extended
to the union of other countries, in the relations of
commercial interchange, and to the removal of those
barriers and custom-house troops who is age an incessant
warfare on the intercourse of mankind. We are very-
well aware that in the present constitution of political
society in France, there is hardly any country in Europe
(except Spain arid Portugal) from which less is to be
expected in the way of commercial reform. But this fact
is so inconsistent with the position of the French', nation
in the world that it cannot be perpetual. The names
of Turgot and Say deserve to be quoted by the side of
Adam Smith and Ricardo in the annals of political
economy; and nowhere have the scientific principles of
free trade been demonstrated by more rigorous argu-
ment or illustrated with keener ingenuity. The in-
terests of land, and of almost all its products, are, in
France, unequivocally on the side of free trade. It is
a mere pretence and a delusion to suppose that they
are not. French agriculture sufleis far more than it
gains by the protective system, although that same sys-
t.em excludes the necessary supply of live-stock, and
interferes with the import of raw material under various
forms. Lastly, some of the members of the present
Government, and especially M. Duchatel, who, as
?thruster of the Interior, deservedly occupies the
second place amongst them, are, in theory at least,
partisans of that system of' commercial freedom of which
several other countries have now given such striking
examples. France has then as clear an exposition
of the sound principles of trade as has been
given by any writers ; she has a vaht and prepon-
derating national interest, with nothing to fear, arid
everything to gain from freedom of trade; and she
has Ministers perfectly competent to advance, by
gradual steps, in the right direction. The Journal des
Debuts, speaking the language of some of the must en-
lightened men connected with the Government, has
taken the opportunity of Mr. Cobden's reception in
Paris, to declare itself most forcibly and decidedly
in favour of commercial reform ; and there is
no doubt that the late changes in England
and in the United States have already proved
a heavy blow and great discouragement to
the doctrines of protection all over the world. Yet, in
spite of all these circumstances we do not anticipate a
speedy triumph of free-trade principles in France, and
this not so ranch for commercial as for political reasons.
The comparatively small class of 220,000 electors who
return the Chamber of Deputies are in the main a pro-
tectionist class. The Chamb,r of Deputies is protec-
tionist—even more so than the Chamber of Peers,
%%here men like the Duc D'Hercourt, M. Anisson Duper-
ron, and M. Rossi have taken a leading part in favour of
tree-trade. And until the great mass of the consumers
in the country have been taught to know what a burden
of indirect taxation they really bear, under the form of
protection, we have little hope that public opinion would
support a Minister in a seriesuf bold and effectual comtner-
cial reforms. Mr. Cobden'a address to the Economists Club
in Paris was distinguished by the tact and propriety
with which he avoided anything that might have savoured
of undue interference in the public affairs of a foreign
state. The cause he represents is fortunately one which
has as much to hope from the ukases of the Emperor
Nicholas, or the infallible decrees of the Roman Pontiff,
es from the impulses of the American democracy.
It is, in short, the cause of the wealth of nations rightly
understood ; and, although we have scarcely a right
to complain if' others hold back upon the road on which
we oursels es have lingered so long, yet the conviction
with which we look forward to the ultimate practical
terminstion of these discussions, falls in no degree' short
of absolute moral certainty. It will deserve to be no-
tics d by those who may hereafter investigate and describe
the phenomena of our age, that the English, who are
rightly Is garded es a practical rather than a speculative
or theorizing people, have, neveriheleee, within the last
quarter of a century, undertaken on theoretical prin-
ciples, some of the greatest experiments in science and in
legislation which the world has ever witnessed ; whilst
the French, on the contrary, who are certainly our equals
in the theory of the sciences, whether material or moral,
have,since their great revolution, shown the greatest dis-
trust of all theory, anti the utmost reluctance to try innova
tions not folly sanctioned by experience. Thus our
extraordinary system of credit and currency, our.
immense expenditure for railroads, our reform of
the Post-office, our emancipation of slaves, and our
free-trade system, are based upon theories cau-
tiously and carefully formed by the method of in-
duction, but which nothing but actual experiment
could demonstrate to be practical benefits. No
other nation in the world, except perhaps the people of
the United States, would have dared „to make such ex-
periments ; and as for the states of continental Europe,
they are still shivering on one shore, ere they
venture to cross the flood, when we have al-
most emerged upon the other. Upon the whole,
this conservative dread of change is the safer
tendency of the two ; and more is to be risked in
seeking to lead the age than in consenting to follow
it. But no accident can permanently place a nation like
that of France behind the vanguard of civilisation and
improvement; and we sincerely hope, that when the
new Chamber of Deputies meets for the dispatch of
business, a party will not be wanting of sufficient
strength and importance to encourage the Government
to enter upon the removal of commercial restrictions.

THE CLOSING SESSION.
• (From the Weekly Dispatch.)
Mr. Editor,—A few days must send the Parliamentry
gentlemen about their business—that is to say, about
their pleasure. Some will be off to the country, and
some to the coast ; some to the moors, and some to tt e
Continent. The parting speech which prorogues them
will thank them for their generosity (at our expense) ;
and admonish them to set a 'good example to their
tenantry, which doubtless they will do, in the same style
as heretofore. It is astonishing how immoral the rustics
would he, if the aristocracy did not sometimes reside a
little while at their seats. Hence the blessing of game-
laws and game preserves. No partridge, no landlord ;
and no landlord, no morality nor religion. Our civilisa-
tion hangs upon hares, and pheasants are the cause of
piety in peasants. Were it not for the shooting months,
we should have no good manners ; as, if they lasted
through the year, we should have no law-making. Every
thing in its season. Most people are heartily glad the
Parliamentary season is over.
The closing session will be remembered in history.
And the popular triumph, in the repeal of the corn-laws,
by which it is distinguished, will be even less remarkable
than the new light it has thrown on the character of Sir
Robert Peel, and the new position in which it has placed
him. At the beginning, or a brief time previously, he
was apparently the permanent Premier, with a stronger
parts at his back than ever before supported a Minister ;
at its close, he is a private gentleman, without office,
power, or party. At its commencement, he was the ob-
ject of public distrust ; at its close, he commands the na-
tional respect and gratitude. For the first time in poli-
tical history, we have beheld a statesman in the plenitude
of authority and influence, making a deliberate sacrifice
of power and patronage to the rights and wants of the
people—sacrificing even his own character in the estima-
tion of those by whom he had been raised to the summit
of his ambition. We have seen the man whoso course
had been the crookedest made an outcast from his party
on account of his integrity, and exposed to the bitterest
vituperation. Sir Robert Peel has fallen from pewer,
and risen to greatness. He has lost a faction, and gained
a nation. Accusations of treachery evince his integrity.
Scornful assaults illustrate his dignity. Desertion only
leaves him in unapproached grandeur. There is no
similar instance on record of a party leader, and the tool
of au aristocracy, foregoing all the advantages and re-
sisting all the temptations of his position to become the
man of the people, and work out their deliverance from
the most oppressive and pernicious monopoly ever de-
vised, and upheld by the sinister interests of class legis-
lation.

This appeal from party to the people must produce
important results. Sir Robert Peel did not leave the
Tories to join the Whigs. He has not demolished his
own party to strengthen that of Lord John Russell. He
is under no compact. His stand is taken upon the prin-
ciples of commercial freedom and equal justice. He has
'no further occasion for tactics • no need of suppressions
or concessions. By him, and by the public, a new and
grand experiment is in course of trial. That reforms
should be gained, and the country governed without
party organisation, has always been pronounced an im-
possibility by political quidnuncs. The monkey without
a tail has been held less ridiculous than a statesman
without a tail. A thousand times we have been told
that " when bad men conspire good men must combine."
The first step in a different direction was that of Sir
Robert Peel in abolishing the corn-laws. He may bs
said to have done it alone. From the night when he
announced his plan, party was, as to that question,
abolished. Truth, justice, and public opinion, were
arrayed against monopoly in the House of Com-
mons, as the/ had been in the arena of popular agi-