The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-15 00:00:00

uhject as he (Earl F.) did, and who had most emphati-
cally laid down that the fears of the nation with reference
t r the supply of corn from foreign powers, however hostile,
were utterly fallacious. He could not give a greater il-
lustration of the fallacy of these fears than the fact, that
in the year 1810, a time when our liostiLty with France
was at its highest pitch, there had been a very large im-
portation of corn from that country into this—to no
less than an extent than 1,000,500 quarters. This
would show at once how visionary were all fears about
the independence of the country in this respect. As to
an internal independent supply of corn, it was a thing
and it was precisely our pros-
utterly out of the question ;
prrity that was the cause why it was impossible. If the facts.
were as he had stated, they were quite damnatory of tl e
Bill. It was utterly impossible for this country—a coun-
try studied with chive, and absorbed in mercantile arra
manufacturing pursuits--to compete with Holland or Bel-
gium in the trade of corn. Ie was impossible to buy
cheaper than at Dantzic or Bremen—nor was it desirable.
He did not wish to have our corn priced at the scale ob-
served in countries which were producers of corn. All
he wanted was, that we should observe the same scale as
those countries which, like ourselves, are only consumers.
By the enactment of a system of corn laws, they rues'
either wish to regulate or to raise the price of corn. Ir.
Lad already appeared that they did not wish to regulate the
price, but that they wished to raise it. He would ask, it
it were wise thus to raise the price ? Was it possible to
believe that it would be to the advantage of the country
genera! to raise it ? Tee argument in its favour was.
that it was necessary to keep up the price to its presets,
level, in ender to beep in cultivation some land which
would not pay the expense if the present corn laws were
abolished. He admitted that there might be some few
spots of land which would not pay the expense of cultiva-
tion if those laws were abolished ; but lie could nor
admit that they ought to tax the whole of the people
of England, in order to keep in cultivation a few sterile
furlongs.—(Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that many
spots bad been brought into cultivation, during the late
war, in consequence of the high prices—(Hear)—
hut he thought that no man in his senses would wish
to keep up the war price of corn, in order that those spots
might continue to he cultivated. If he had continued a
Member of the other Huse, he would have adopted a
different course in bringing the corn laws under their con
side, ation ; and he would have looked forward with some-
thing bordering upon hope to the adoption of a change in
the system ; but considering that in this House the subject
hod not Veen discussed for years, he would adopt the
course which he considered would be most conducive to
the interests of the country and the convenience of their
Lordships, and mere!), move that their Lordship should
enter into the consideration of the resolutions which he
had had the honour of introducing on a former evening.
He was desirous of breaking ground, and bringing those
aws under discussion, for the purpose of having them
finally set at rest. He did not mean by setting them at rest
that they should he settled in such a manner as to benefit
any particular class of the community exclusively—he
meant that they should be settled so as to benefit all classes.
And sure he was that no class was more interested in the
final settlement (and no settlement could be final but one
based on the principles of flee trade) than the
occupiers of lend. As long as the Statute-book contained a
law which held out to the owners and tenants an idea that
prices should be maintained at a greater height than was
natural, or than could be maintained at all times (as in the
instance of an exuberant harvest), so lung would tl.e oc-
cupiers of land be in difficulties. Such an unnatural state
of things deranged all the relations between landlord and
tenant. The landlord would always look to a price for
his land, according to the Corn Bill. He looked, under
the corn laws as they formerly stood, for 80s.—and under
the present laws 645. was taken as the standard by which
he valued the price of his lands. But these prices the
tenant did not realise, and he consrepiently became dis-
tressed. Whether he looked therefore to the interest of
the agriculturist (that was the cultivator), or of the
manufacturing population, or to the ultimate interest of
the proprietor of land (he said ultimate interest, because
he admitted that there might be a temporary advantage to
the proprietor in a continuance of the present system), he
would say that that House could not confer a greater benefit
upon the country, or perform a duty which would be re-
ceived with greater gratitude out of doors, than by going
into consideration of the laws which regulated the duties
upon corn. The Noble Earl concluded by begging pardon
for having detained their Lordships so long, and hoped
that the magnitude of the question would be his excuse.
The Earl of RIPON said, that having brought forward
the Bill in the other House, which had been so severely
condemned by the Noble Earl, and most inaccurately de-
scribed by him, and having been a party to the Bill
brought forward by the Noble Duke opposite, in 1828,
he felt a great anxiety to state to their Lordships the
opinion which he had formed on the resolutions proposed
011 a former evening by the Noble Earl. He (the Earl a
Ripon) admitted that the Noble Earl bad not over-stated
the importance of the subject; and he (Lord Ripon)
thought it of so much importance that it should be set at
rest, that he considered it the duty of the Government to
state, directly and unequivocally, the views which they
entertained upon the subject. Before proceeding to tde
consideration of the resolutions—resolutions which he
thought it impossible that their Lordships could pass—he
wished to advert to an expression made use of by the
Noble Earl. That Noble Earl had said, that he was
addressing an assembly which did not adequately feel the
interests of the working people of this country.
Earl FITZWILLIAM said, that be had not said so.
He had merely said, that that House did not fully appre-
ciate the importance of the subject to the manufacturing
classes.
The Earl of RIPON thought the sentiment was iden-
tically the same; and lie (the Earl of R ) would say, that
if their Lordships did not fully appreciate the importance
of the subject to the manufacturing classes, they were not
tit to appreciate the proper force of the conflicting inte-
rests which involved in the subject. The Noble Lord
had said, that they greatly deceived themselves, if they
thought that the question of corn laws was settled. He
(tire Earl of R.) would ask if any question was settled so
tar, that no change could be made in it ? All that a
seteteeman could do was, to lay down a set of principle.,
and to legislate according to those principles. Every
statesman knew that a measure could not he considered as
settled in the view stated by the Noble Earl. With regard
to the resolutiens proposed by the Noble Earl, he would
beg leave to ask what plan the Noble Earl meant to sub-
stirute for the system which he wished to abolish ? As
far as the resolutions went, or as far as he (Lord R.)
could gather from the Noele Earl's speech, he had to
plan; at least he had suggested none. He told them, in-
deed, that the question could net be settled, except upon
basis of free trade. But that was all. Now, he (Lord
R.) had often considered what free trade was, and Lad
spoken to many others nn the subject, and he never could
get an answer to the questii n. If the Noble Lord meant
that there was to be no duty, he could understand Lim ; but
be bad admitted, at the same time, that there might be
duty, and argued in favour of a fixed duty. Now, he
(ties
Earl of Ripon) would say, that if the proposal of the
.)iphle Lod were acceded to, the public opinion would
yeiy, soon eyerturn it. The Noble Earl said that this was
a proper time to take the subject into consideration, he-
es use was no clamour about it, and the subject
porelsi be taken calmly into consideration. He (Lord H.)
ediniteed the strength of that argument, if the Noble Earl
had made trot the necessity of any change ; but he denied
that a case of such necessity bad been made our, He
Would go further; Ile would say that in his premiees the
ealeble Earl was wrong, for the present was a most dan-
prong period to introduce such a subject. He thought
this, first, on account of the present situation of England;
secondly, on account of the present situation of Ireland--
(Hear, hear)—which the Noble Earl did not appear to
have taken into consideration at all; and thirdly, on
account of several possessions of this country abroad,
which were deeply interested in the subject of the corn laws.
—( Hear.) With regard to this country', he thought the
disenssion at present improper, on account of the effect
whietri it would have upon the situation of the agrieuf-
'oar 1 population. It would make a complete change
in the system of the poor laws, and they had seen
from the report of the poor law commissioners how im-
penitent a subject that was, He could not allude to that
a'eport without stating that he considered it one calculated
o create the most uneasy and anxious feelings in the hearts
of those who considered it, and one which called tor the
serious consideration of all who heard him.--(Hear.)
Then, with regard to Ireland, the Noble Earl had n
even adverted to that county. He had not adverted to
the great quantity of corn derived from Ireland, or to the
eVect which the change proposed by him might have en
the state of that country. New he (Lord R.) did nut
know that the abolition of the corn laws would have the
effect of extinguishing the cultivation of wheat in Ireland,
but it might have that effect; and he would ask if they
ought even to risk such a result in the present situation of
that country?—(Hear, hear.) Then, with regard to the
interests of the colonies, were they not encouraging the
poor of this country to emigrate to those countries ; and
oven extending pecuniary aid to them to enable them to go
to those colonies ? And he would ask what prove the
people to desert their country and their friends to go to a
distant and unknown land? Was there anything but the
chance which they had of enjoying comforts there which
they had failed to obtain at home ? And en what, he
hqged to know, had they to depend for those additions

comforts? On nothing but that very wheat which the
Noble Earl wished practically to exclude, by permitting
the introduction of the wheat of all other countries.
He thought that the plan of the Noble Earl, if adopted,
would be the most deadly blow aimed at those colonies. There
was another objection to the resolutions proposed by the
Neble Earl which he wished to allude to—namely, that
the corn laws had been changed three times already within
the list eighteen years ; that, however, he (Lord R.)
would not consider a sufficient reason for not changing
them a fourth time ; but he thought that it imposed a
greater necessity on the Noble Earl to make out a neces-
sity for any additional alteration.—(Hear, hear.) He
would now call the attention of their Lordships to the re-
solutions themselves. The first resolution contained a
statement of the prices of corn at certain periods, and was
intended by the Nittrle Earl to show the great variation
of the prices of corn and the consequent inefficiency of the
present laws ; but the Noble E ill had made his calcula-
tions from the result of single weeks instead of taking the
average of six weeks, which was the system on which the
duties were regulated under those laws; and had he cal-
culated the result of every six weeks, he would have
found that the fluctuations would be much less than were
stated by him. Of all the fallacious calculations that
....mid be braught foot aol, was that of teking the ports of
Havre ant Marseilles for data to prove the small fluttua-
tions in the price of corn in France. Indeed it would
be impossible that any thing like an equalization
of prices in corn could be established in that
country, because the difficulties of transport, and many
other local and incidental difficulties, should be taken
into consideration, and they could never be calculated
fairly. Though the fluctuation of prices, taking Havre
and Marseilles as data, might be comparatively slight, the
fluctuations in the price of corn in the inland towns of
France were so great, that the Noble Lord could never
rely on those be drew from the prices in the above-men-
tioned seaport towns ; consequently, that part of the Noble
Lord's resolution was to he but very lightly dealt with. In
the spring of 1532, the prices of corn in the ports of Havre
and Marseilles were by no means immoderate, and fluctua-
tion was very little in those ports. But what was the case
in the other parts of France? He would show that the
fluctuation was great in the towns of the interior. For
stating that it was, his authority was L' Echo de la Holle
des Bles. In that pualication he found, that whilst in
the prices of corn in this country, there was but little
fluctuation, there was very considerable fluctuation in its
price at Paris, Chalon cur-Marne, Strasburg, and other
French towns. That fluctuation ranged from 595. Id. to
635. 2d., whilst in England it was little or nothing. Now
there was a corn law in France, and it might be very pro-
perly argued that it was a had one, since it was not able
to remedy evils which did really exist. But the same could
not be said of the English corn laws, because it could not
be expected to apply a remedy to evils which did not
exist. With respect to the next resolution, which
proposed a graduated scale to regulate the prices of corn,
he thought that such a plan could never be adopted with
anything like accuracy. He would now proceed to show,
from the Gazette, and from documents that were in the
hands of everybody, how the prices of corn varied within
the last twenty years. He would give the highest and
lowest prices taken every three years of that period. In
1313, 1814, 1815, the highest price was 120 s. Bd., and
the lowest 545. Bd., showing a fluctuation of 119 per
cent.—a very formidable fluctuation he confessed. In
1816, 1817, 1818, the highest price was 112 s. 3d., and
the lowest was 535. 4,1., showing a fluctuation of 111 per
cent. In 1819, 1820, 1821, the highest price was
78e. 11d., and the lowest was 48s. ld. The fluctuation
of the intervening years, up to 1827, was 76 per cent. The
fluctuation from that period, leaving out 1828, to the
year 1829, was 4.0,- per cent. In 1829, 1830, 1831, the
highest price was 755. 11d., and the lowest 555. 411.,
showing a fluctuation of 38 per cent.; and this last fluctua-
tion, it would be seen, was the lowest of the whole. Fur 1833,
the per centage fluctuation was still less. Even though
he should go so far back as the commencement of tile
eighteenth century, the result of his calculations would be
the same ; and in that long interval it would be found
that there were only two quinquennial periods in which
the fluctuation would be found to be less than within the
last five years. After these calculations he thought that
the law was tried by experience, and that, though it was
not to be considered the best in the world, still it was not
liable to the charges brought against it by his Noble
Friend. It N 39 not necessary for him to argue on the
9th, 10th, 1 1 th, and 12th resolutions, because their sub-
stance was summed up in the 13th resolution. In it was
asserted, that the effects of the corn laws were to discou-
rage the export of BritiSh commodities. He contested
the assertion of the Noble Lord, and would meet it with
the following calculation. He would take .the expors
from this country to Russia, Denmark, the Netherlands,
and the North American colonies, and would show, that
though our ports were not thrown open, and we did not
take in their corn, still our exports to those countries
were increasing, and there was a sufficient quantity
of corn for home consumpsion. He would begin with
1828. In that year, the value of our manufactured
articles exported amounted to 21,235,000/. ; in the year
1830 they amounted to 24.293,000/. ; and in the year
1831 they amounted to 27,896,0001. That was rather a
curious falling off in our exports when there was actually
an increase in three years of upwards of 6,000,0001. !
Now added to that increase, there will be found also an
increase in the exports of raw materials, such as sugar,
cuffee, &c. &c. In the first of those years just mentioned,
the value of those latter exports was about 27,000,0001. ;
in the second period it was upwards of 29,000,0001. ;
and in the last it was 39,343,0001. Now, when he
looked at those calculations, lie was at a loss to perceive
how these frequent and sudden fluctuations in the price
of corn, so much dwelt upon, could increase the cost of
cultivating the soil, and of producing the manufactures of
the United Kingdom. A great deal had been said upon
the priees of wages. He was perfeetly convinced that the
effect of the price or corn on wages was very much exagge-
rated, and that the fall in wages was to be attributed to many
other causes besides. Another argument had been adduced
—that labourers prospered in proportion to the profits on
agriculture. Now, if that was the case, the labouring classes
in Ireland would be pre-eminently happy, since agricul-
tural profits were high in that country. Yet, on the
contrary, the labouring classes there were in a very
bad condition, and wages very low ; whereas,
if the Noble Lord's argument was good for any-
thing, they would be in a very prosperous state. Another
argument the Noble Lord had made use of was a refe-
rence to the poor rates, showing their increase in years of
high and fluctuating prices in corn. He took the poor
rates in Sussex during 1816, 1817, and ISIS. Very
well ; it the price of corn had any effect upon them. its
effect must be tremendous during those yews when corn
was excessively high. In those years there must Lave
been, according to his Noble Friend's arguments, an
aggravated amount of poor rates. Now be would look to
the amount of rates in those years of high prices, and
compare it with the rates of the present year, when corn
was far from hieing at so high a price. Of course he
took the poor rates of Sussex fur those years, In 1816
they amounted to 235,000/. ; in 1817 to 280,000/. ; arid
in ISIS to 267,000/. In 1832, of course it would be
expected to find the poor rates less in Sussex; whereas,
the fact was quite the reverse. The price of corn in 1832
was two-thirds less than in 1818, and yet the poor rates
in Sussex for 1832, amounted to 284,000/., consequently
to more than they were in any of the three years of high
prices. When the Noble Lord alluded to the state of the poor,
he quoted several authorities. He did him the honour of
mentioning hint (Lord Ripon), and also Lord Fitzgerald,
and the President of the Board of Control ; but he Mrgot
to mention another authority—that was the Noble Earl
himself. The Noble Earl wrote a very clever pamphlet
which did not at all support the theory he wished to esta-
blish at present, that toe operation of the corn laws was
oppressive to the labourer. In that pamphlet it was
stated that in 1797, the price of wages was 75. per week,
and the price of two-thirds of a bushel of wheat 3s. 4d.,
thus leaving the labourer only 2s. Sil. to pay fir rent,
clothing, &c. Now, when such was the case then, if the
effect of the corn laws was such as his Noble Friend con.
tended it was, the labourer would not be left anything of
the difference between the price of the wheat he wanted
and his weekly wages. However, in 182 S, labourers'
wages were Ils. psi- week, and the price of two-thirds of
the bushel of wheat was 55., thus leaving a difference of 6..
Now he would contend that much more of the necessaries
of life, of leather, soap, tiring, and candles, might be
bought at the present time with 6s. than in 1797 with
2s. Sd. If so, what was the strength of his Noble
Friend's argument on that point? It had not estabished
the assertion that the present law was ruining the la-
bourer. He knew that by coinciding in his view they
might be denounced as selfish, and that a popular clamour
might be raised against them ; but be considered it to be
the duty of the Government not to yield to anything like
popular clamour on this subject. For public opinion he
had the highest respect, and to enlightened public opinion
he would always bow.—(Hear, bear.) Ile concluded by
moving the previous question.
The Earl of WINCHILSEA opposed the resolutions of
the Noble Earl (Fitzwillians), and deprecated all sudden
and vtolentchanteyrnlaws, ou the faith of which men bad
been led to invest their capital in trade, whether of a corn-
therm!, manufacturing, or agricultural nature.—(Hear.)
The Earl of WICKLOW, with
regard to the last reso-
lution of the Noble Earl, would rest on his own arguments
to prove its futility. Those who agreed in favour of these

propositions certainly admitted that the consequence would
he to throw land out of cultivation, and the cultivators
of land out of employment; but they contended that other
channels would be opened to the persons so throw❑ out ;
What those channels were they did not think proper to
state, and they also seemed to forget the existing channels
of employment were already overflowing. For his own
part, be thought the ideal perfection which some persons
proposed to themselves—that of supplying all other nations
with manufactures at a cheap rate and being supplied with
cheap corn, wines, &c., in return—would only have the
effect of destroying our independence of surrounding na-
tions and making us dependent upon their caprice or ima-
gined interests for our supplies. What, too, would be the
effect of the introduction of such a system in regard to
Ireland ? Ireland might be considered in regard to Eng-
land as Sicily was to Rome—tie granary of the empire.
The only means which Ireland possessed of paying for our
manufactures was by the produce of her soil. If tbes,
resolutions were passed, she would be unable to sell as
cheap as the foreig❑ growers; site would be unable conse-
quently, to purchase on: manufactures, the country would
be driven back into its original state of barbarism, and our
manufacturers would be deprived of a numerous class of
customers. He concluded by declaring his opposition to
ti.e resolution=.

Earl FITZWILLIAM hri,fly replied.
The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question,
when the several resolutions were successively negatived
without a division.

The House adjourned at a quarter to ten till ten o'clock
this day.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, 314 y 14.,

In consequence of the House having to ballot fir Election
Committees upon petitions for Galway, Carlow, and Li-
merick, the gallery was not opened till afttr five o'clock,
before which hour every avenue was crowded with
persons anxious to witness the debate on the colonial slavery
question. We noticed several members of the society of
friends, who struggled most lustily to obtain " a good
place," and one of the natives of Africa, to whose race the
subject may truly be said to bo all-important.
On our entrance to the gallery, we found, as we un-
derstood, the Members of the Galway Committee taking
the oaths.
The following were then sworn in for the Carlow Com-
mittee :—Mr. Joseph Hume, Mr. Mark Phillips, Mr.
B. Hall, Mr. Biyntun, Mr. J. B. Rooper, Hon. George
Elliott, Mr. Jervis, Mr. James Brougham, Sir Robert
Heron, Mr. H. C. Lambert, and Sir Wm. Molesworth.
At thi, time there was so touch confusion in the House,
that it was impossible to understand what was going on,
when strangers were ordered to withdraw.
On our re-admission we were informed that there bad
been a division on the Black D,g (Bath and Warminster)
Road Bill, and that the numbers were—
For the third reading of the Bill I2S?
Against the Bill . 40
Majority . —69
On re-entering the Gallery, the SPEAKER was putting
the question upon the passing of the Bill, which was
agreed to.
A great deal of confusion took place from the re-entrance
of strangers, which prevented the business that was going
on from being heard for some time.
NEGRO EMANCIPATION.
At the suggestion of the SPEAKER, supported by
Lord AI:THORP, it was agreed that before the com-
mencement of the debate on this subject, Members who
were in possession of petitions for the abolition of slavery
should be allowed to present them; with the understand-
ing that they were to abstain from all observations.
Petitions were accordingly presented, by Mr. Benett,
from Warminster and two other places; by Sir C. Bur-
rell, from Steyning; by Mr. J. Broughatn, from Kendal;
by Mr. Phillpotts, from Gloucester, and fifteen places in
the county; by Mr. A'l,llllS, front several places in Car-
narvonshire ; by Mr. Beauclerk, from Croydon ; by Mr.
Blamire, from Henley; by Sir F. Johnstone, from Wey-
mouth ; by Mr. Sinclair, from Strowness; by Mr. R.
Wason, from Hadhigh and Wigan; by Mr. Peters,
from York, and six places in Yorkshire; by Mr. Tar-
rent, from Pomeroy; by Lord Clive, from Bishop's
Castle, and other places ; by Sir J. Astley, from twenty-
one places in Wilts; by Mr. Tynte, from Martlock,
Chard, Yeovil, Bishop's-Lydiard, Hatch, Beauchamp,
Taunton, Houth, Currey, Alorksilver, and Currey-Rivell;
by Mr. Whitney, from Brighton ; by Mr. Townley, from
Royston and other places; by Captain Dundas, from four
hundred ladies at Greenwich—(A laugh)—by Lord J.
Russell, from the Protestant Dissenters about the city of
London; by Mr. Hume, from Harrow ; by Lord Gros-
venor, from twenty-nine places in Cheshire ; by Sir G.
Staunton, from Gosport and fourteen other places ; by
Colonel Wood, from Pill ; by Mr. Buckingham, from
Sheffield and other places ; by Mr. Owen, from places in
the county of Pembroke ; by Mr. Haliburton, from Kil-
inure ; by Mr. Guest, from Merthyr-Tidvil; by Mr.
Plumtre, front forty-six places in Kent; by Mr. Roebuck,
from Bath; by Mr. Hanley, frcm three parishes in Lin-
colnshire; by Mr. Labouchere, from Taunton; by Ad-
miral Fleming, from Stirling and Clackmannan ; by Mr.
Shaw Lefevre, from several places in the county of North.
ampton ; by Mr. Bolton Clive, from fourteen hundred
females of Hereford—(A laugh)—by Colonel Perceval,
from Wexford and other places ; by Mr. Hill, front Hull;
by Lord Morpeth, from the females of Oldham--(A laugh)
—and Dencaster; by:Mr.Hawes, from Lambeth ; by Me.
O'Connell, from the Catholic congregation of St. Peter's,
Birmingham ; by Mr. Wedgwood, from places in Staf-
fordshire; by Mr. Leicester, from Wareham ; by Mr.
Denison, from Epsom ; by Mr. Scott, from Southampton;
by Mr. Shaw, from 5,000 ladies of laugh)_
by Colonel Evans, from Westminster; by the Solieitor-
General, from Brackley and Hales-oven; by Dr. Lush-
ingion (upwards of 100), from the Tower Hamlets and
other places; by Mr. Fowell Buxton (upwards of SOO),
from various parts of the kingdom, &c. &c.
PETITION FROM THE FEMALES OF GREAT
BRITAIN.
Mr. FOWELL BUXTON said he had a petition to
present from 187,000 of the females of Great Britain,
against elevely. Ten days back no such thing was
thought of, and it had miginaten, he believed, from the
plan of Ministers getting abroad, and exciting general
dissatisfaction. The petitioners had all subscribed their
names without any solicitation whatever. The only dif-
ficulty he had was how to get the petition `here—he
really could not tell in what way to introduce it to the
House.—(Cheers, and loud laughter.) Several Hon.
&leathers here rose and volunteered their services, and,
amidst loud peals of laughter, a roost tremendous petition
was borne into the House, and, with several others pre-
viously presented, laid upon the table.
The SPEAKER then put the question, " That they
do lie upon the table," which, amidst loud cheering and
hearty laughter, was unanimously agreed to.
Fifteen petitions on the same subject were presented
by Mr. Secretary STANLEY, who moved that the order
of the day be then read.

MINISTERIAL PROPOSITION FOR THE EMAN-
C!PATION OF SLAVES.
The order of the day having been read for the House
going into Committee,
Mr. Secretary STANLEY rose, and spoke nearly as
follows :—Sir, I am confident when I state to the House
that it ever a Minister of the Crown, in bringing forward
any measure on behalf of the Government to which be
belonged —more especially affecting a question of such
vital import as this—one which touches so directly and
immediately the interests of many, and I may say, com-
mands the attention of all—l s,y, Sir, if ever a Member of
this House, or Minister of the Crown, had a fair claim on
the kindness and indulgence of those about him—that
claim I can now honestly make, assured that what I ask
will not be refused—(Hear, hear)—and the more confident
I am in advancing it, from the circumstance, which is
wed known to all, of the very short period which has
chapel since I have been called upon to act as the organ of
Government in these matters, and from my having during
that brief and limited period to discharge the duties of an
office, one of the many of which is connected with a ques-
tion of unparalleled importance involving a greater
amount of property—affecting the happiness and the well-
being of a larger portion of individuals than ever was be-
fore brought lot ward, and which to mature and bring
successfully to a conclusion, is now rendered peculiarly
difficult by the time, and also from the circum-
' stances under which it is introduced.—(Hear.) Sit, I
feel anxiously on the responsibility
which devolves upon
me. I feel not only that our maritime commerce is here
concerned—that 250,000 tons of British shipping are here
affected—not only that a revenue of five millions is to be
dealt with and legislated for; but I feel that if possible
higher interests are involved _that the interests, the
comforts, the plo,perity, perhaps I might say the very
existence of a large population in the West India colonies
depended upon us for support, hang upon the decision on
those resolutions which it will be nay duty to submit to
the House. Nay, Sir, I cannot narrow the question
even to this-1 cannot deny to myself that the happiness
of the descendants of those for whom I now propose to
legislate—that generations yet unborn are to be affected
fur good or for evil by the course this House may think
proper to adopt.—(Hear, hear.) Nor can I conceal from
myself, or from this House, the immense influence on the
population of foreign countries which must arise from the
result of the mighty experiment which we now propose to
make.—.(Hear, Lear.) Besides all these things, there is
enot:gh to wake any Inan.—tbe etronsest, the boldest, and

the hest shrink in some degree under the weight
of so great a responsibility ; for the question is now in such
a state, that deal with it as you will, you can only have a
choice of difficulties.—(Cheers.) Those difficulties, I
assert, are all but insurmountable. They leave us hut
the choice of doing some good at the least risk of effect-
ing evil. In this matter there are two conflicting parties
to legislate between—one deeply involved by pecuniary
interests—involved, moreover, in difficult es of the most
pressing character—difficulties which are present, and
constantly increasing ; and the other also deeply involved,
as far as their feelings and their opinions are concerned,
which represents a growing determination of opinion on
the part of the people of this country, which no one could
truly deny or wisely despise--a determination the more
absolute, and the less resistible, from its being founded in
sincere religious feelings, and in a solemn conviction that
these things were wrong in principle, and therefore could
not be good in practice; and that in a voice so potential,
that no Minister could venture to disregard. The time is
indeed gone by when the question can be for a moment
entertained as to the perpetuity or not of this system : the
only point we can discuss—the only point we shall discuss,
is the safest, speediest, happiest way in which to effect its
final and entire abolition.—(Cneers.) And let me say,
that they who char icterize this as a mere ebullition of
popular feeling—as transient in its character—as fleeting
or unsubstantial—the mere expression of yesterday—are
hut deceiving themselves—(Hear, hear)--for it is not of
late or of momentary birth, but springs from the deep-
settled and long-entertained convictions of reflecting men,
from that same spirit of lasting enthusiasm, which, fifty
years ago, pressed on the Parliament of that day ; and
which, in defiance of arguments about its bad effects on
our trade and commerce, in defiance of opposition from
many quarters, compelled it to abolish for ever that ini-
quitous and disgraceful trade, by which supplies of human
flesh we'reobtained front the shores of Africa.—(Cheers.) If
there are, Sir, any here who can doubt that the authors of
that politic and humane and just abolition looked upon it
as the primary necessary step to the measure which I now
propose—that they did not treat it as a question insepara-
bly connected with this, necessarily preliminary to its
fu-
ture successful issue, I would only beg them to attend to
certain extracts from speeches of departed statesmen,
which it is my intention, in the course of the discussion,
to read to the House. [The Hon. Member here read
some extracts from speeches of Mr. Canning, Mr. Burke,
Mr. Fox, and Grenville, stating that the two questions
must "go hand in hand,' and sad in complete emanci-
pation—that " when the supply ceased, the first step
was taken to destroy the system altogether."] I trouble
the House, continued the Right Honourable Secretary,
with extracts to prove that this is no new feeling,
but that the people of this country have long considered
it expedient—have long held it a duty, on the ground of
religion and of justice, to advance any measure which
might tend to the early abolition of this disgraceful sys-
tem. This House has also frequently assented to, and
confirmed the propriety of, that feeling—frequently ap-
proved the principle, and only looked to its adoption as a
question of time.—(Hear, hear.) Ire 1823 the House
sanctioned a part of the plan which it Is now my intention
to bring forward, and declared that the adoption of mea-
sures of amelioration was preliminary to the final emanci-
pation of the slave. That warning—that admonitory
voice—has gone forth, and for years and years been un-
heeded and disregarded by all the Colonial Legislatures—
(Hear, heer)—they have allowed it to be lost upon them
—they have done nothing to further and accomplish that
great measure, which the mother country eleven years
ago declared to be so just and so desired. But the voice
of warning has been found to speak in vain—the tongue
of honest and affectionate counsel has not been heeded. I
will not deny, that if we look to the measures agreed
upon by the Colonial Legislatures since the period I have
alluded to, some improvements can be found in points
affecting the physical condition of the slaves ; but
I do assert boldly, and without fear of contra-
diction even from themselves, that nothing has been
done of that nature, extent, or character, which may
fairly he characterised as a step to the ultimate
object which I now propose to the House to take
at once into its own hands.—(Hear, hear.) [The
Right Hon. Secretary here read a passage from a speech
delivered by Mr. Burke in 1792, stating that it was
" arrant trifling to do anything in these matters which
did not carry along with it an executory principle."]
Now, Sir (he continued), it will he my duty to show—and
I will clearly show it—that up to this day every measure
resolved upon by the Colonial Legislatures has been utterly
destitute of this principle—utterly destitute of anything
like an executory provision—utterly destitute of anything
which might give to their enactments the remotest possi-
bility of being calculated to work out the freedom of a
single slave.—(Hear, hear.) In 1823, Lord Bathurst
forwarded to those islands directly governed by this coun-
try certain directions, which pointed out several modifica-
tions; desirable to he adopted as the groundwork for an
altered state of society. The main principles were the
abolition of Sunday labour and Sunday markets, the sa-
credness of the marriage contract, the placing restrictions
ott the punishment of the slaves, the establishment of
savings' banks, and other regulations calculated to prepare
the slave for that station and the performance of those
duties and obligations which civilized life imposed. In
1824 and 1826, Orders in Council were issued, to which
the strongest resistance was openly made. These orders
went to acknowledge the right of a slave to pro-
perty, and the power of effecting his own manumis-
sion by the payment of a stipulated sum. These
several orders were subsequently amended (in the year
1830) by others. Sir, these salutary regulations
have lain uncared for and despised by those to
whom their ready enforcement shnuld have been consi-
dered a matter of duty, as it assuredly was of policy; but
time has rolled ou, .I,ltl no effort is made by these Colonial
Legislatures; but, on the contrary, every effort of the mo-
ther country has by them been defeated.--(Hear, hear.)
Sir, I can quote the language used by Mr. Canning in
1826, to show that all the Government then did was as
an encouragement to those local legislations—was as an
index of the conduct it was desirable they should pursue,
and that though the mother country would not then
think of asserting her authority, and vindicating it by the
power she could command, she would not hesitate in a
moment to do so, if all other means and ail other efforts
f,,led in attaining the object which I now advocate.—
(Loud cheers.) But, Sir, he begged for time—he en-
treated for a little delay ; not that the matter might be
lost sight of, but that its final triumph might be more
strongly assured. That lamented Statesman wished the
Colonial Legislator(a to have the time and the means for
consideration—for truly ascertaining in what position they
stood, in regard to their own population—(Hear, hear)_
between the Government here and the people there. That
Right Hon. Gentleman always asserted that the time
must come when, if these local legislatures would not act
in accordance with the feelings and expressed wishes of the
Government and the inhabitants of the mother country,
Parliament niust interfere; but he asked for time that the
sincerity of the planters might be put to the test. " There
are three possible modes in which Parliament might deal with
the people of Jamaica ; first, as I have said, it might crush
them by the application of direct force ;- secondly, it
might harass arm by fiscal regulations, and enactments
restraining their navigation ; and, thirdly, it may pursue
the slow and silent course of temperate, but authoritative
admonition." Now, Mr. Speaker, if I am asked which
course I would advise, I am for first trying that which I
have last mentioned ; I trust we shall never he driven to
the second; and with respect to the first, I will only now
say that no feeling of wounded pride, no motive of ques-
tionable expediency, nothing short of real and demonstrable
necessity, shall induce me to moot the awful question of
the transcendental potter of Parliament over every de-
pendency of the British Crown. That transcendental
power is an arcanum of empire, which ought to be kept
back viithin the penetrulia of the Constitution. It exists,
but it should be veilea. It should not be produced upon
trifling occasions, or in cases of petty refractoriness and
temporary misconduct. It should be brought forward only
in the utmost extremity of the State, where other reme-
dies have tailed to stay the raging of some moral or poli-
tical pestilence." Every thing, resumed Mr. Stanley,
rsit:aassiotnaileldia.s failedt—Bmonitiont
ohuats
Laisledn—owrernfoartilsetdra—nrP:
some time since by the Government, have been con-
tumeliously stigmatixed, and treated as an interfe-
rence uncalled for, arid unauthorized. Up to this
time no step towards a definite amelioration has been
adopted. Undoubtedly some of the colonies have been
engaged on plans—or rather shadows and outlines of
pans—but none of them have been founded in truth or
justice, least of all on those recommendetions forwarded
from the Government at home. But with regard to any
real effort—to any substantial improvement—to that which
could alone lead to any substantial and positive improve-
ment—to the institution of an officer as protector of the
slaves—an officer appointed by the crown—really and
truly their guardian and counsel—one independent of the
elanters—of all local influence and all local friendships—
in no one colony has such a tiling been attempted—in no
one colony, Sir, has this efficient protector been appointed.
—(Hear.) Undoubtedly, there have been councils of pro-
tection7-any two magistrates might act as a council of
protection. Means have been afforded of facilitating the
acquisition of legal rights; but to whom have the trusts in
such cases been delegated? To those who had an interest
in suppressing slavery ? No, but to those who were
themselves the possessors of elates, and who hod an un-

equivocal interest in the avatem of slavery, and who were
involved in the feelings and prejudices of the Colonial Legis-
latures. It may be said that this is compliance. So it
is—but it is a species of compliance worse than amockery.
It gives the shadow, but lets slip the substance ; and it
was only done to afford a pretext for saying, " You have
no right to interfere; we have not exactly appointed pro-
tectors of slaves, but we have put the slaves under a pro-
tection in reality as effectual and as advantageous."—
(Hear, hear, hear.) I must admit, with regard to the
observance of the Sabbath, and Sunday markets,
that the Colonial Legislatures have shown greater
readiness to comply with the wishes of Parliament than
on any other point. They are yet far from having done
what is necessary ; but there is hardly a colony that has
not done something towards the establishment of Sunday
markets and the abolition of Sunday labour. As to
punishments, it is impossible on the present occasion for
me to go in detail into the colonial enactments, and into
the deficiencies of those enactments ; but if any gentle-
man will take the trouble to compare what has been
done with what has not been done, he will see how far
the local legislatures are behind the recommendations of
the mother country as respects domestic punishments.
The Order in Council directs that no more than a certain
number of lashes shall he inflicted, that females shall not
be flogged, that witnesses shall be present at the infliction,
and that the dates, times, and circumstances shall be sent
to the protector of slaves, and by him sent to the Governor.
But if there were any sincere corresponding desire, what,
in manliness and humanity, should be the first step, against
which no voice would be raised ?—that of the abolition of
the punishment of females.—(Much cheering.) But
what will the Committee think of the readiness of the
Colonial Legislatures (I speak, God knows, not in bitter-
ness, but in sorrow), when I say that, up to this hour,
no one colony has abolished the practice of inflicting corporeal
punishment upon females. They have, indeed, in some
degree restrained it ; but by restraining they recog-
nise the principle ; they have guarded against inde-
cency, but they have not yet carried into effect that
which in all the nations of the world has been the first
step towards civilization, the raising of the female sex from
a state of degradatio❑ to that of equality and a sense of
delicacy. Talk of preparing the slave for freedom! of
ripening his moral faculties, to render him capable of en-
joying it, and yet show him that all his dearest and do-
mestic ties may be violated—that his wife, his daughter,
or his sister, may be subjected to corporeal punishment at
the pleasure of an overseer—it is a mockery and an insult!
—(Cheers.) But there are limitations ae to the number
of stripes in Jamaica, and I take the example of Jamaica
as fair to all the rest. Thirty-nine stripes, and not more,
may be given on the authority of the overseer or owner to
any slave on any one day. And for what, let me ask ?
A slave proprietor, who was examined before the
Cutn-
mittee last year (I forget his name), told us, that if a
slave only looked his master in the face, he might order
him to receive thirty-nine lashes.—(Hear.) In 1801
Mr. Canning talked of the dignity of man—jussus erectus
ad sidera tollere vultus—but can you talk of hopes, en-
couragenaent—preparation for individual freedom, and
general emancipation, when even at this moment the slave
dare not raise the eyes of his body to his master's face
without the risk of receiving thirty-nine lashes ?—(Hear.)
I do not speak of the exercise of any such power—l
do not believe it could be exercised—but that such a
power exists there can be no doubt. In case of
unjust infliction, the slave must go before two Magi-
strates, themselves slave-masters; and if he could per-
suade them to believe him, the master is to be prosecuted,
and if found guilty by a jury, subjected to fine and im-
prisonment; hut if the Magistrates think the evidence
insufficient, without any malicious motive on the part of
the slave, he is to be subjected to a second flogging for
having male the complaint.—(Hear, hear.) This is the
practical working in Jamaica of the law in favour of the
slave. But there is a farther punishment—in case aggra-
vated, overwhelming cruelty be proved against a master,
if a jury find that it had been atrocious, then an addition
is to be made to the fine and imprisonment, and what is
it? That the slave may be sold, and the money handed
over to the criminal master.—(Hear.) Another most
important consideration is property. The Order in
Council specifies that all the property of slaves, excepting
in slaves, arms, or ammunition, shall be held sacred.
What has the local legislature done? It has, indeed, re-
cognised the right of property in the slave, but it has
fenced it round with all sorts of limitations and restric-
tions, so as to render it ineffectual and nugatory. I
omitted one point on which the colonists have shown a
degree of consent—l allude to the institution of marriage.
Objections have been removed ; but as I can see there
has been no discouragement of a different course either
on the part of the legislature or the planters ; no means
have been taken to impress on the minds of the
Slaves the sanctity of the ceremony or the sacred-
ness of the obligation. A little has been done to re-
move formal and local obstacles, and to allow marriages
to be contracted; but they are suhject to the will of the
owner, and in some cases a certificate of a clergyman of
the church of England or of a Dissenting minister is also
necessary. I will now advert to the point of slave evidence.
Perhaps, in going through these points, the House thinks
I am entering more at length into the subject than is re-
; but when I am recommending to Parliament to
take a step of so much importance, I feel it my duty to
show that all these local enactments have snore of shadow
than substance, and that there has been little or no dispo-
sition to fill up the outline chalked out by the mother country.
What says the Order in Council as to slave evidence? It
lays down this broad and intelligible principle—that on ac-
count of his servile condition, no man shall be disqualified
from giving evidence in a Court of Justice—(Hear, hear)
—that the slave, like sn infant, may be subjected to an
examination of his competency, and of his understanding
of the obligation of an oath, but the onus of proving his
incompetence shall rest on the party objecting to his testi-
mony. flow has this been acted upon? Slave evidence
has been restricted by requiring the certificate of the mas-
ter, and sometimes of a clergyman; and this extraordinary
principle has peen adopted in the colonies : that after all re-
strictions and limitations—when it has been shown that he
is competent to take an oath—that he understands the
nature of the obligation, and that he is a man of good cha-
racter, still his evidence shall be of no avail, excepting
against a slave.—(Cheers.) In no case shall it be gool
against h's owner, nor good in any capital case that affects
the life of a white man. But if his testimony is to be
taken in a case off cling the He of a black man, let me ask,
why is it not to be taken in a case affecting the life of a
white man ?—(Much cheering.) Why are the colonists
to be allowed to give this damning proof of their partiali-
ties and prejudices, that a negro may be taken to the
scaffold ou evidence on which you would not convict a
white man in a civil action ?—(Hear, hear.) There is,
however, one exception, proving most strongly that which
is the invariable rule, anti establishing the jealousy and
prejudices that actuate the legislation of the colonies. It
is this :—That the evidence of a negro shall be received
against a w bite accomplice—that if a white degrade him-
self below his caste by mixing with nagrues, and commit.
ting crimes in conceit with them, he is deprived of his
privilege, and may be convicted on their testimony. The
last point to which I shall refer is the principle of manu-
mission, by which the negro, though in a state of suffer-
ing, shall not be in a state of despair—by which lie may
look forward to his liberation, when standing upright in
the possession of freedom, he may take his place among his
fellow men. That principle of manumission is distinctly
recognised in the Order in Council : even against the
will of the master the slave may obtain his freedom—an
appraisement by competent persons may take place; and,
upon payment of a certain sum, to be settled by
at bitration, the slave may be restored to the inestimable
blessings of liberty. All the colonies will say that
they have passed laws favouring manumission—
that they have removed legal difficulties—and that
there is a case where the slave, having paid the
stipulated price, may obtain the right to his own body. I
admit that they have removed some obstacles; but in no
colony, with the single exception of the Bahamas, has the
slave a tight to go to his master, and, tendering his price,
say, " I sin no longer a slave—l am a free man." In every
other instance, the power of refusal rests with the masters.
I have now gone through the various heads included in the
Ordets in Council of 1824—in the speech of Mr. Canning
in 1826, when he put the Colonial Legislatures to the test,
in the circulars of Sir George Murray in 1828, which
were entirely disregarded—and in the Order in Council of
1830, which was not carried into effect in a single colony.
I have detailed the Parliamentary proceedings, and the
the
t
be
iphao
teul measurese:ede
otppon:voefolti
rein,
legislative
its
Apianscus
I,pai
iltoate(an.
.I;_stuvni
ebvtitl
ichee,aoajgvonninueil
assemblies, legislation
gpaynf;temgvui
inur edielni
iyhg7aiig nneo,b(gt
idw.9temaiehl:i
oralyfelaeratnvdt_gri
(sea,
ujianai.
ncernviodi
odnie,aiaoiitzi ioi
only
pi it
el(
e,aygns,tsegvosoeudaz
tiitxrnsysgeesoy
anti determination of this country, as regards slaves, o ill
h
r
in
be carried into effect.—(Cheers.) If; then, there be a
case in which the intervention of Parliament ca❑ be justi-
r-
ifilsdies—tthhienis case, in which all means have been exhausted--
en
in vain. All attempts i❑ this country have been met by the
frenrioemsr;
asd uesgtielgererensetihinenbilyn:
it
is, I shall take the liberty of reading; because it shows
how naturally and how strongly the ardent feelings of his
mind were then directed to this subject, which still (teen
pied his most anxious thoughts when lie became the great
ornament of the Senate, I feel fully persuaded that the

'loll,di

House will not think I am wasting it4:ie,
It was delivered in a debate on ti)el°bti;
trade; and I entreat the House, in fe° isve,;
atitute for alive trade the system of od'
syllable will be applicable to the preset]c
question :—(' The question is, whether, o 1
done towards alleviating and finally estni.
rora of the slave trade, the proper sgen
House of Commons or the Colonial d
Hon. Baronet contended that the Co°
and not the British House of Cointruld
most proper to be employed. But
Baronet's argument? ' Trust not tee mr
acei,
in what concerns legislation for
ds10,0;
specious their laws may appear, deP" jp
be ineffectual in their application. It I'd,
things that they should be eo.' Grantee
British House of Commons do their Psro,
them not delegate the trust of doing
.
cording to the Hon. Baronet's testuncinYet'
that trust fairly. Let the evils of the slaa;
died by an assembly of freemen, by the ot;
free people, and not by those whom
Baronet represents as utterly unquah"e
taking—not by the masters of slaves.
vete
Hon. Baronet bail avowed, could
never cure, the evil. So that, acs ti
Baronet's argument, if there had even rtbet'
the face of the papers upon the table °
tion of the colonial assemblies to carry '0
country into effect; if there had been °to if;
termination of the trade was the obJect•nteo',
gulations (such as they may be) were
had been no doubt that these regulatiotl, at?,
culated for the purpose; if the A 0052010.:
professed as distinctly its anxiety to t.erw..4.ls,
as in point of fact it had expressed sts;';oo,e'
tinue it ; still, according to the Hone 13',/,
no. trust could be reposed in these aPra'seet,'„'
mons. There was something in the nand°
authority in the relation between inaster-vir,
made despotism, in all cases, and under leo'
an incompetent and unsure executor
of P.;
provisions in favour of the objeou'uoti:
As I before remarked, let any gentle or
" Abolition of Slavery" for " Abolitioy
Trade," and there is not an argur°e:3le
Mr. Canning, in 1799, that may ne,' g
double force now to justify the interf,-o,'',
liament, if it ever has the right to intefroli
carry into effect objects so dearly prized! 0)1
Importance. Ido not pretend to enter!nuti)
cussion, or to argue that grave coost't
which affects to settle where the Pnlr(e'epiii
over colonial assemblies terminate.
thority of Parliament itself, I know ot • "le Oi;
tion ; and if there be those who vinds°,o.
Colonial Assemblies to set themselves
ist
laws, regulations, and avowed deteroll°soo4l
meat, I call upon them to show in the cua",et;
.assemblies, as well as in reason and argur%c,
possible that a delegated authority should
es
thority of the body from which it re°%entr•
(Cheers.) In 1778, undoubtedly, or
Parh'-,
declaratory Act which limited its own P°
bet r
then, not denying or abandonin its righ,„4,lo;'.
and declaring that in the singles ase of '-eert,
Parliament would not snake a claim
,„°ll riePi
which had assemblies of their own. 414,00
hating matters of trade no man will deny ;" 00,
of internal regulations some Hon. Merahergok
doubt. I know not when tjiat right of 01,eefisife
was abandoned, or by what authority the
dependent colony can declare itself inder°lol;";
gislature of the soother country. Let
dents. In 1700 I find an Act on the sulict,'",
which gives exclusive power to a partieuipe
and supersedes the authority of the local trtr;
penalty for denying the right to make th:',.,5P.,,,r;
feiture of the charter of the colony. In dinette
still more memorable example, having ""treire
diate bearing not only on the principle; hu'oe'r.
matter of this discussion. Io that Year.„ete°.
trading to the colonies presented a Pen-reir"
ing that in Virginia and Jamaica theeb, 01
claimed to exempt lands and negroe4h
cases, from being seized in execution f de
Parliament ? The Board of Trade nace
Assemblies of those co'onies could not be '0 pri° ,
themselves, by any act of their own, of the
possessed ; accordingly an Act was pas'',
11. c. 7, by which all land,, houses, and
tations, are declared assets for the payment "eie''
there is one authority to which, on this ill e
witted to appeal, because, at all events, it fidtlf,
pected. It is not an English but an Ainerie4:oo
br
that of Mr. Otis, who, in 1765
Ives at.,
large body of his countrymen, and was ~
by Masstichusets to resist encroachments °1300;',
gislature : among other things he laid it d''W.
that "the mother country justly asserts lief
her colonies where she thinks it necessary, °°i,ee'
the supreme judge, Irons whose final deter:l'o4,l
is no appeal."—(Cheers.) I say that 00 nev;
Parliament does not interfere, there is no heurritlf •
it to a final issue. It has been very
more particularly on the part of the West 'Lied
there really is no just and substantial groo".reic€.
—that no case has been made out for integer lei',
way, and least of all an imperious necessity
shoos
" (say they) you only leave the colon%eie°
go well, all will be happy : all our d' t°
Ny7rmian.teii:poinsoitrieons,enasnisblieof
tresses are the necessary and' inevitable e'itseo,
thanthat Ipaeurspeoluallbee!stt:::::;
injures the title to property, and reelOce-del*,
tress prevailing in the West Indies, or of
(I d o not say snore strong than true) 'l3 jitioai
lonial legislatures have p..inted the "%oil;
planters. 1 hold in my hand a deelafp-LebsPb!
which points on' the extreme distress and te
of the West Indies, from which I beg 10 ,sdye
tract.—(The Right Hon. Gentleman here
from the document, and then proceeded.) tl'ev'r"
language of persons speaking of the state "he st'F'
property, and 1 do not doubt the truth of 1.:101,,je'
but I will ask the House to consider under "01)1,1
stances, and at what time, this frightful., of
ii,/,
ut er ruin has been made.—(Cheers.) Is of
1813 that I am drawing this picture?
1007, Wakes some attempts were made t• %yetllsi It's'
bust of the high and palmy days of what i 9
a°;•01,,)/1
India interest; of the high 'and palmy te;
trade,
.in the year 180-4—(Hear, bear)---ics4
according to the House of Assembly in .1030(11,41
tical agitation of the question in Parliament ,
a taint to West In tia property. That proPetAt);ote:ei
would seem that no injury had ever oecurre":3 sl',4"
to the celebrated proceedings in the yearlgz' ;11,17;
is a matter of the must perfect notorietY,'„u:eoher;
property had been at all times liable to sud%
fluctuations, arising from the wreeklessrie'iel
men were ready at all times to embark Cil "iisiv
must hazardous species of speculation, a 0 o.lf 1:.th1,1
various periods many of them have must “e, (of)
I find it necessary before I proceed further tbleej
tention of the House to a few statements, rehbel ea'pereri
prove dry and uninteresting, I trust I tnnY wgibles'nfer;
for I shall endeavour to avoid as much as P°';t
which does not appear to be of the highe-tedri.
In the year 1823 the export of sugar re°°:ed
die
.colonies amounted to 1,430,000 eurc:' veal' Id
period, in the eight following years to
advanced to 3,787,000 cwts. Though the, °.riiethl
aessed the undisputed monopoly of the ni.,-tif frreiV
country, they went on increasing the ext ogP fOi
duce until they far outdid the demand '°retate°,ioi
markets of Europe. Now that is surely iaou,je,°A'
not arising horn any proceedings in this lof
country. By such conduct oa the Part, tree 14'd P
,4
putably there is nothing
they have rendered the monopoly a dead 'eiieve
Vi
India interest in a commercial point
of sug'ir ' e
wise than by reducing the amount •.et eories;
can be done to re kris

by calling into existence fresh markets for it 9

New land has been brought into cultivations
have been added to our possessions, the 01Riv3,1
modes
land have been compelled to adopt new beir
odes of increasing the productive powere 0' ' tOist
and ail tOr the purpose of contributing t° '7;10
amount of excessive production which, beY`'nis tiof
the great source ut the present ditlicul,-
a
Indiail
interest. The owners of property pi I'll
Indies proc,ed with enterprises not warranted routilj
curnstances of the colonies, or the demand 11.3
the European markets; they find thern,eitvbe:ge:oltili.ls:'?,,,
difficulties, and they seek to escape from
by:means which only involve them in fresh etil)ti;e,o;l
and then they turn round and impute all
fanatical proceedings which it is said 113 d "--h
this 'louse in the year 1823. have not test po/
difficulty in saying that those difficultiselsavhe;:ieret;iil:
occasioned by the thbrts to get rid of
ill-judged efforts to push it to extremity
has be
. en -
ioajt,
condition of the West India planters get vtl
nut by the effor ts of those tvlio sought t° 011
slavery, nor perhaps by the will of the phrotel, 00;6
,ent age thmiselves, but by a concurrence /4
0
circumstances and unwise counsels, for orbi's:ll
men now alive can be held responsible. 1 the
that the agitation so often referred to has be