The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

IIE SUN, LONDON riti.DAY EVEN] NG, JANUARY 23, 1846.

had, in fact, expected that his Hon. Friend, the Member
for Roscommon, would have been prepared to do his duty
on this occasion. He would at present content himself
by saying he much regretted the course taken by the
Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. MILES said he wished the public out of doors to
know that the representatives of the agricultural interest
had in Parliament offered their most decided opposition
to the Right Hon. Baronet's measure.—(Hear, hear.)
The Right Hon. Baronet had, in a speech of sarcasm,
mixed certainly with some kind words, laid his scheme
before the House, and he was glad to hear the able
speech of Mr. Disraeli, who laid bare his hypocritical
conduct on this question.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr.
Miles) wished to know whether the Conservatives,
in electing the Right Honourable Baronet in 1841 as
their leader, wished, or expected, that he would
in so brief a period reduce them to the lowest seat of
infamy which could be occupied by any body of men.—
(Hear.) What would become of the other Right Hon.
Members of the Cabinet, and the other gentlemen of the
city interested in the law, if the measure of the Right
H9n. Baronet should meet with the sanction of the Le-
gislature ?—(Hear.) Was there no public spirit, no
public enthusiasm, no recollection, he would not say of
the promises, but of the implied confidence at the hust-
ings ?—(Hear, hear.) Was everything forgotten because
the Right Hon. Baronet thought proper to bring forward
a measure which it appeared had met with the decided
opposition of the majority of the Cabinet ?—(Hear.) He
did think that the agricultural interest should bestir itself
at once and use every constitutional means within Their
power for the purpose of opposing the attempt of the
Right Hon. Baronet. The great question now to be
decided was whether there should be any or no protec-
don at all. That was the true basis on which the next
Government must be formed, and which he thought the
people had a right to call upon the Right Hon. Baronet at
once to adopt, previously to his forcing, or endeavouring
to force, his measure upon the country [Let the Prime
Minister resign his trust and appeal to the country, and he
would then see whether the people were satisfied with
his measure. He would then see whether they were
prepared to accept the measures sanctioned by the gen-
tlemen of the Anti-Corn-law League. That, in his
opinion, would be a constitutional method. Before he
sat down, he was desirous of alluding to a sentiment
which had fallen from the Noble Lord, with respect to the
failure in the potato crop. He (Mr. Miles) thought that
no man, whoever he might be, who possessed the
slightest spark of humanity, could have read the ac-
counts which had been received from Ireland in August,
September, and the beginning of October last,
without observing from those accounts that a famine
in the spring would come upon millions, he might
say, of the Irish people. It was then asked,
what might the Prime Minister constitutionally
do for the alleviation of the anticipated sufferings of
that people. He had the pleasure of meeting a large
company of tenant farmers, and he put the case to them '
as fairly as he could, He stated this, viz. : that if the
Right Hon. Baronet, the Prime Minister of the Crown,
should under such circumstances be disposed to open the
ports for a time, were they, the tenant farmers, of
opinion that he would be justified in adopting such
a measure ? He was happy to say that the
tenant-farmers received that sentiment with enthusiastic
applause.—(Hear, hear.) So little egotistical, so little
monopolist, were the tenant-farmers of England.—
(Hear, hear.) But as he understood from the expres-
sion of the Right Hon. Baronet, he proposed to the
Cabinet, on the sth of November last, that the pro-
position to open the ports should be accom-
panied by an understanding to the effect that
an alteration should take place to the corn-laws.
Now, as the most sanguine expectations of the Right
Hon. Baronet had been exceeded by the operation of his
measure of 1842, he (Mr. Miles) thought that the
House and the country had a right to call upon him to
suffer the laws relating to the importation of corn to
remain in their present condition.—(Hear, hear.) They
had a right to call upon him to permit those laws to
remain firm upon the same basis on which he found them.
Not only would the agriculturists, but all classes of
native industry in the kingdom, be taken by surprise
and filled with indignation, on hearing the intentions of
the Right Hon. Baronet with respect to this question.
(Hear, hear.) It would appear that the protection
which still remained to the people of England against
foreign traders would be rendered almost useless, and
he would therefore say that the country was en-
titled to a fair discussion on the question.—
(Hear, hear.) He would venture to say that there
were many Hon. Gentlemen connected with the present
Government, who would support his (Mr. Miles's) views
and statements.—(Hear, hear.) He would also venture
to say that the strongest constitutional opposition would
be offered against the measure of the Right Henourable
Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) Every impediment should be
thrown in the way of its passing, and he hoped
and trusted that the Right Hon. Baronet, having
now proposed his plan in most solemn and
deliberate manner, would at once appeal to that tribunal
which should decide this question—viz., the people of the
United Kingdom.—(Cheers.)
Colonel SIBTHORP was much surprised, after having
heard the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, that he
had not long ago gone over to the ranks and the tender
mercies of the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Laughter.) The
agricultural interest having placed a solemn, trust in
the hands of the Right Hon. Baronet, had a right to ex-
pect him to discharge it honestly and fairly ; but he had
betrayed them ; his conduct teemed with the greatest hy-
pocrisy, and he had now openly allied himself with that
ignominious band, theAnti-Corn-lawLeague.—(A laugh.)
He thought him at one time the man to save the corn-
try—(Laughter)—but now he must unequivocally
assert, that if there is any man more likely than another
to destroy the country, it was the Right Hon. Gentle-
man.—(Shouts of laughter.)
The Address was then agreed to, and the House ad-
journed at Half-past Ten o'clock.

THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE.
The Proprietors and Editors of this Paper are desirous, OR the
MEETING OF A PARLIAMENT

so important to the principles of
FREE TRADE,

THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET.
THIS EVENING

Will be pertbrmed ROMEO AND JULIET. Romeo, Miss Cush-
Inn, (the last night of her engagement) ; Juliet, Miss Susan
Cushman (the last night of her engagement).
To conclude with a Grand New Extravaganza, entitled THE BEE
AND THE ORANGE TREE ; or, The Four Wishes. Principal
Characters by Mr. Hudson, Mr. Jame., Bland, Mr. Caulfield, Mr.
Clark, Miss P. Hgrton, Miss Julia Bennett, Mrs. Caulfield, and Mrs.
Stanley.

THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI.
THIS EVENING

Will be performed THE CRICKET on the REARTII. John Peery-
bingle, Mr. 0. Smith; Caleb Plummer, Mr. Lambert; Tackleton,
Mr. Cullenford ; Edward, Mr. Selby; Dot, Mrs. Fitawilliam ; Bertha,
Miss Woolgar ; May Fielding, Miss Taylor.

To be follow ed by a New Farce,- entitled THE PHANTOM
BREAKFAST. Supported by Mr. Paul Bedford, Mr. Wright, Miss
Woolgar, &c.
To conclude with an entirely New and Original Christmas Pan-
tomime, called HARLEQUIN AND rooNoow INGKEEITANG-
FLIBEEDEEFLOBEEDEEBUSREEBANG ; or, The King of the
Cannibal Islands. Harlequin, Mr. T. Ireland ; Columbine, Miss
Fleming; Clown, Mr. C. J. Smith; Pantaloon, Mr. Mitchensoc

THEATRE ROYAL, LYCEUM.
UNDER THE MANAGEMENT OF MRS. KEELEY.

" The Crieket on the Hearth," and " The Enchanted Horse" every
Evening until further notice !
THIS EVENING WILL BE PERFORMED
THE CRICKET ON THE HEAETII: A FAIRY TALE
OF HOME.

The Principal Characters by Mr. and Mrs. Keeley, Mr. Emery, Mr,
I'. Vining, Mr. Meadows, and Miss Grove.

After which will be repeated a New Grand Romantic extravaganza,
entitled THE ENCHANTED HORSE ; or, Prince Fireuz Schah of
Persia and the Princess of Bengal. Principal Characters by Messrs.
Keeley, Wigan, F. Matthews, Collier, Turner, Kinloch, &e.; Mes-
dames Keeley, Villars, Hodson, Dawson, Howard, Ardea, &c.
Stalls, ss. ; Boxes, 4s. ; Pit, 2s. ; Gallery, 6d.

ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE.
IMMENgE SUCCESS OF THE NEW BURLESQUE.
THIS EVENING

Will be performed the favourite Vaudeville of CAPTAIN CHAR-
LOTTE. In which Mr. Walter Lacey and Miss Kate Howard will
perform
To be followed by a DIVERTISSEMENT.
After which will be repeated THE CRICKET ON OUR OWN
HEARTH. In which Mr. James Browne, Mr. Romer, Mr. Cockrill.
and Miss Kate Howard will appear.
And concluding with the new Pantomime, unapproachable for glee
and grandeur, called FORTUNATUS ; or, THE MAGIC CAP.
Fortunatus, Miss Hamilton ; Prince Megrim, Mr. Cockrill ; Fairy
Queen, Miss Bromley ; Harlequin, Mr. Smythers ; Pantaloon, Mr
Tharies ; Clown. Mr. Jefferini ; Columbine, Miss Laidlaw.

ROYAL VICTORIA THEATRE.
THIS EVENING.

Will be repeated THE CRTC KET;OF TNE HEARTH. A Fairy Tale
"Dt Home. John Peerybingle, Mr. E. F. Saville ; The Stranger, Mr.
Fredericks; Taekleton, Mr. Searle; Caleb Plummer, Mr. Herbert;
Mary Peerybingle, Miss Vincent; Bertha, Mrs. Lee ; Tilly illowboy,
atlas Terry.

After which, Professor HEMMING and his SONS will jgive more
am Paralleled feats of Classical Gymnasia than ever yet has been ex-
dted, and surpassing even the celebrated Risley himself.
Co conclude with THE KING'S WAGER. Supported by Messrs.
SA. vile, Fredericks, Dale, Searle, Herbert; Miss Richards, Miss
P. rry, &e.

DIRECT SHEFFIELD ARD MACCLESFIELD RAILWAY.
wit appearssthat from some inadvertence a repetition of the
naistake made originally in the Times, and: copied by us,
v►aa inserted in our Afternoon Editicn. We have reason to
f tel convinced that the standing orders have been hitherto
8' trictly complied with, and that this is one of the bond fide
s( themes which will go to Parliament.
Lord Granville Somerset, the Earl of Lincoln, the Chancellor of
th e Exchequer, and the Right lion. Sidney Herbert, had an interview
ith the Earl of Dalhousie yesterday, at the office of the Board of
T

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is roused, is utterly hopeless ; and even the protectionists
seem aware of the fact. The violence of the Duke of ;
RICHMOND in his remarks last evening, shows that even he I
despairs of success.' A man engaged in a good cause,
and confident of success, never gets into a passion. It
is only the man who cannot listen to reason, who has no
arguments to rebut those of his opponent, and who fore-
sees that he can make no figure at all unless he blusters '
and threatens. These are the most undisputed symp-
toms of defeat. In conclusion, we may state that the
Royal Speech altogether is worthy of the occasion, that
it forms an appropriate developement of the Ministerial
crisis, and that the country has great reason to be satis-
fied with the earnest language in which it is expressed,
and the important topics which it embraces.

The new session has opened under glorious auspices. The
events of last night are unparalleled in the annals of our
history. The leader of the Opposition and the chief of the
Government both manfully came forward and owned they
bad been wrong, both sacrificed the convictions and opinions
of long years as an expiatory offering on the altars of their
country. People of England, behold your triumph ! You
have not endured, you have not spoken in vain. Your suf-
ferings have been acknowledged even in high places, your
sentiments have been echoed by the First Minister in the land !
We have long given that Minister full eredit for his sagacity ;
we felt assured that he would at length comprehend his
position. The event has more than realised our expecta-

tions. Sir ROBERT PEEL does indeed understand his proud
position, and his conduct last night proves he is worthy to
maintain it. He spoke as became the First Minister of the
country ; casting'party considerations to the winds, rising
high above personal feelings, he proclaimed his intention of
governing the people for the people and by the people alone;
Boldly he flung the gauntlet to the " proud aristocracy,'
who lent him their support that they might make him their
slave. "If lamto be Minister of England," be exclaimed,
" it shall be on no servile tenure ; if I guide the helm, it must
answer to my touch, or I hold it no longer!" These are bold
words, honourable to the Minister who proclaimed them—
honourable to the people who will re-echo them with pride.
The Duke of Ricumosn's fury is now all in vain•
What ! did he think that the whole nation was to
be governed by his will? The Minister rules the
country, the Dukes rule the Minister; and where are the
rights of the people—where the result of our struggles and
our triumphs—our revolutions and reforms, if the mighty
multitude are to submit to the party feelings of the few?
After years of misrule and oppression, the English people
have now a Minister who boldly asserts their power. We
have been no admirers of Sir R. PEEL during his inconsistent,
Conservative career, but we gladly forget all the faults of the
past in admiration for the principles he promulgated last
night. The waters of Lethe will pass over the events of
past years, while the memory of the present shall
endure to all time ; it will endear him to that posterity whose
admiration he so prizes, but, above all, it will win for him the
approval of his country. It was no light task to relinquish
the guiding principles of his life, it was no easy
thing for him, ' once the idolized of his party,
to speak amid the silent displeasure of his friends.
He was supported by his sense of public duty, his
confidence in the justice of his cause. It now appears
that as far back as November he advocated the opening of
the ports, day and night he studied the condition of the peo-
ple, and that observation has produced these glorious results•
When, overruled by his colleagues, he was compelled to re-
sign he freely promised to support the measures of Lord
JOHN. During that embarrassing interregnum, truly deno-
minated the " Ministerial crisis," the two rival leaders
thought not of the pride of place ; each was anxious to
assume the Government himself, or strenuously to sup. 7
port his opponent, as might best accord with the
interests of the country. Both received the most
powerful assistance from the QUEEN, who, fully understand-
ing the duties of a constitutional Monarch, was only anxious
to promote the welfare of the people, and assist any Govern-
ment in performing its duty. How finely does this contrast
with the poor ambition of most sovereigns, who, identifying
themselves with the interests of a party, from being monarchs
of a nation, sink into chiefs of a faction. VICTORIA has al-
ways been dear to her people ; now their love will, if possible,
be tenfold increased. Tuesday next will inform us of the plans of
the Government, but the intentions of Sir R. PEEL were fully
explained last night; he is no longer the chief of a party.
The Conservative party is no more. Mr. DISRAELI, in one of
those eloquent and sarcastic discourses which he only can
pronounce, endeavoured to rally the last strength of the party,
yet he admitted it was " a party which could triumph no
more." The sound of wailing may now resound from the
ranks of monopoly—the funeral escutcehon may be affixed to
17, New Bond-street—the exclusives may struggle, but it is
with the death agony—
" Fatima Trees ; tuft Ilium et Invite
Gloria Teucrorum."
Sir ROBERT PEEL will fear little from the attack of the ab-
solute, arbitrary few; he trusts to the confidence and co-ope-
ration of the country; he trusts to the support of the people,
and he will not trust in vain. All ranks and classes of that
mighty body, looking at the events of the last few weeks,
will unite in proclaiming " Honour to Lord Joint RUSSELL
and Sir ROBERT PEEL ! and all praise to Queen VICTORIA !"
the patriot statesmen and truly patriot QUEEN !

THE V7EATHER.—Sus OFFICE, Jerr. 23.
TPIERMOMETER, Lowest, 40; Highest, 54; Noon, 49.
BAROMETER, 29.29.---WIND S.W., rain.

Evening .. 45 minutes after 8
6WininATnEteR.A.TrtaLOBN.ll)ON-BRIDGE TILTS DAY.

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,
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" tvid e
,„„f44
:2-Via • 4'

SECOND EDITION.

The first night of the session is, for once, no failure. The
brightest expectations must have been realised by the pro-
ceedings last night in the House of Commons. Fuller ex-
planations could not have been desired of the late Ministerial
crisis ; and Lord FRANCIS EGERTON'S and Sir ROBERT PEEL'S
speeches enunciated free. trade principles broadly enough to
satisfy a League auditory. We will not stop to
inquire how it was that Sir ROBERT PEEL having
obtained his SOVEREIGN'S permission to explain, the
Duke of WELLINGTON had neglected this precau-
tion, how indeed every one had asked and obtained
permission but the Duke of WELLINGTON—Lord J. RUSSELL,
Lord LANSDOWNE, Lord STANLEY—the Duke of WELLINGTON
alone having a padlock on his lips. It is enough that we
have Sir R. PEEL'S explanation. The Duke of RICHMOND
himself needs no more. We understand, then, that Sir R.
PEEL intends a final settlement of the corn-law question-
His plan previously to his resignation was total repeal at no
distant period, with a small duty at first to disappear gradually.
To this plan Lord J. RUSSELL refused his consent when
power devolved on him. This plan cannot and will not be sup-
ported by the leaders of the anti-corn-law agitation, while it
will be opposed as stoutly by the protectionists as a measure
of total repeal. The only alternative, then, for Sir ROBERT
PEEL is total and immediate repeal; and he who has braved
so much cannot, we believe, stickle at the trifling difference
between what he has already proposed and the measure
which he can alone carry, or which alone offers a prospect of
a peaceable and final settlement of the question.
Sir ROBERT PEEL'S proposal to the Cabinet on the Ist of
November, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S advice as to what
should be done in his letter of the 26th of November--
written necessarily in ignorance of Sir ROBERT PEEL'S sen-
timents, and in the belief, justified by circumstances, that he
intended nothing—singularly tally with and justify each
other. Sir ROBERT PEEL had proposed just what Lord
Joni,/ RussEDD censured him for not having proposed : but
tillhis the
eleeangud colleagues
the would
monthno t t
concuro
make woint he
morehim, t
randial
of
fe
his
dis-
sentients. On the Ist of November Sir ROBERT
PEELfortnight
This waited
pofoserd
theto purposecallP arloiafmeonpm
tengthe ports.
together in a
This is exactly what Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he should
have done. After last night's explanation it must be ad_
mitted on all hands that the Prime Minister at least has
f,
shown himself fully sensible of the magnitude of the crisis,
and that Lord JOHN RUSSELL was actuated by high feelings
of public duty both in forbearing to speak out before the
appearance of his letter, and in speaking out when he did.
It must be confessed that the new "county party," to
use a vulgar phrase, " made a mess of it " last night.
With such opposition as is threatened—as was distinctly
threatened last night by the Duke of RICHMOND, in one
House, and by Mr. MILES, in the other—the least.they could
have done last night was to move an amendment to the
Address. An amendment was intended. The Duke of
RICHMOND lost his opportunity in the House of Lords, and
then lost his temper, and tried to throw the blame on the
Lord Chancellor. This probably led to their being no amend-
ment in the Commons. When Sir ROBERT PEEL rose, Mr.
COLQUHOUN rose also—to move an amendment. But he did
not rise afterwards. So it was left to Mr. DISRAELI and
Mr. MILES to damage the Minister with only general abuse,
The policy of the protectionist party, it appears, is to pro-
voke a dissolution. The Duke of RICHMOND is confident that
the cry of protection will be responded to by the large con-
stituencies
of the kingdom, and they dare Sir ROBERT PEEL
to dissolve. We hope the protectionists are ready to abide
by the response of the constituencies, whatever it may be.
We suspect the Duke of RICHMOND reckons without
his host, and that the result of an appeal to the country
will be a large majority for free trade—large even
while the representation is Duke-ridden, as it is. If
the rotten and nomination boroughs were gone, and
we had none but large constituencies to appeal to, protection
would be in a sad plight indeed in the House of Commons.
We hope, then, that the Duke of RICHMOND, and the other
Peers who last night urged, as if by concert, an appeal to the
whaitdhhvaderya
country, are ready to defer to the country's voice if it should
be against them. There is, otherwise, no sense or sincerity
in the point which the county party mean to make. If they
will abide by the result of a general election, we have in the
policy of the county party a stronger assurance. of a speedy
statement, that thbeagtunhe
and peaceable settlement of the corn-law question than any
that has previously presented itself.
vehement questioning; and some one should question him
a.
believeb3lle
Ettoi
will
ithln denyl?aatt
pttpth
eyea
fit
hr
sste Chartiststpeimaect
ithslsentaadyt
eathbmee message,
s powersafgeole
message from the Duke. Is it the Chartists that are the
Duke of RICHMOND'S hope in the " large constituencies ?" Of
as Byto Atlhr.eFbiitoh ue spOu'CkeosioNf oßßl'CsilsliaOtNemi)
"gen-
tlemene
l
of England" have availed themselves of Chartist aid.
rwb courseui
ett ,h
hope
oho
pri tseha
knowledge.
waaDklt
ea,
udwNi
gs
oee
f
ferreting out the truth to the negotiations between the Duke
of RICHMOND'S emissary and Mr. FEARGUS O'CONNOR.

The Earl of HOME, in a short speech, moved the Ad-
dress .n the Lords, which was as usual an echo to the
Speech.
Lord DE Ros seconded it.

The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question, and,
having waited for some short time without any Peer
rising, declared that the Contents, had it, whereupon
The Duke of RICHMOND rose and said he was not at

all surprised at the desire which was evinced to suppress
discussion. He was interrupted by
The LORD CHANCELLOR, who said I beg the Noble
Duke will not state that. I waited deliberately for a few
minutes, and finding that the Noble Duke was not in-
clined to rise, I put the question, and put it slowly.
The Duke of RICHMOND continued. He knew from
that Address that the Minister intended to withdraw
protection, and he should like to have heard a more
manly speech, declaring the intention of the Minister to
get rid of the corn-laws at once. It was a violation of
the compact entered into with the agriculturists in 1842
There we. no cause for this alteration. The potato
disease had been assigned as a cause by the Anti-
Corn-law League, and adopted by the Government.
lie eew no difference between the Government and the
Anti-Cora ,late. League, or why Mr. Cobden should
not be created a Peer.—(Cheers.) The Anti Corn-law
League had done all the mischief, but he trusted the
House would never succumb to that body or its money.
If they got rid of protection at all, they must getrid of it
altogether. He would not move any amendment, but lie
entered his protest against that clause in the Speech which
related to the relaxation of protective duties. Confidence
iti .I.r B. Peel might exist in some quarters, but not
among the generality of the middle classes. Why did
not Sir Robert Peel its the present question appeal to
the country that wtie, all the agricultural body.
He trusted they would not be intimidated by the un-
constitutional proceedings of the Anti• Corn-law League,
and contrasted the arguments used by Sir ROBERT
PuEn, when he sought the assistance of the agricul-
turalists to obtain office with thtrn, which he had used
after office had been obtained. He would ask if a single
institution—nay I if a single salary in this country
would remain, if they abolished the protective duties.
lie would not propose an amendment, but he would
enter his solemn protest against that portion of the
Speech which was contrary to every principle which
the present Government had ever brought forward. He
thought the House entitled to know the reasons of
the late Ministerial changes, and he solemnly
protested against any diminution of protection.
The Duke of WELLINGTON begged the House to con-
sider whether it would be right in him to make any
statement as to the measures which the Government in-
tended to propose, seeing that those measures would be
presented to the House in the course of a very few days.
He intreated them to adopt the address, and leave ex-
planations to another time. He could not state what had
passed in the Council without his previously obtaining
permission of the SOVEREIGN ; and his Noble Friend,
who was a Privy Councillor, ought to have been aware
of this.
The Duke of RICHMOND gave notice that he would ask
the question to-morrow ; but, subsequently, at the re-
quest of the Duke of WELLINGTON, he postponed it until
Monday.
Lord STANLEY stated that the reason why he had
separated himself from his colleagues was, that while his
opinions on the subject of the protection due to the
Agricultural interest had undergone no change, the
opinions of his colleagues on that point had undergone
a great change. That was the only point of difference
among them, but on that point he telt it his duty to
separate from them.
Their Lordships were subsequently addressed by the
Earl of HARDWICKE, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, Lord
BROUGHAM, the Earl of MALMESBL'RY, the Earl of RAD-
NOR, the Marquis of SALISBURY, and some other Noble
Peers, after which the Address was agreed to, and the
House adjourned to Saturday, when their Lordships will
attend to present the address to her Majesty.

The Commons, after leaving the bar of the House of
Peers, adjourned to a quarter to 4 o'clock.
Several new Member,' took the oaths and their seats,
and new writs were ordered for Selkirk, Newark, the
County of Bute (in the room of Mr. James Stuart
Wortley, who had accepted the office of Judge Advo-
cate General), the West Ridit'g of Yorkshire, Cork (in
the room of Sergeant Murphy), Cashel (in the room of
Dr. Stock), East Sussex (in the room of Mr. Darby)
and Midhurst (in the room of Sir Horace Seymour.)
Sir R. PEEL gave notice that on Monday he should
move for a Committe of the whole House, for the pur-
pose of considering what course the House should
pursue with regard to the Railway Bills, and that on
Tuesday he should move for a Committee of the whole
House to consider the commercial policy of the country.
Various other notices of motion having been given,
and the Speaker having read her MAJESTY'S Speech,
Lord FRANCIS EGERTON moved the Address, and in
the course of his speech his Lordship took occasion to
observe, that his opinions on the subject of protection had
undergone a great change, and that he thought the time
had arrived when it was necessary seriously and delibe-
rately to reconsider the whole of our commercial policy
with a view to the removal of restrictions,
Mr. BECKETT DENISON having seconded the address,
Sirs R., PEEL rose to explain the motives on which
he had acted, and which had governed his con-
duct. He felt it unjust to be condemned without
a hearing. He said nothing on that head ; if a
feeling of momentary indignation had been raised, he
felt that he had been trusted with confidence formerly,
but if he did not ask for a reversal of the sentence, he
wished to be beard after condemnation, in explanation
of the grounds which had induced him to tender his re-
signation, and also the grounds on which that trust had
been:re-assumed. The cause of the breaking:,up of the
Government was that great mysterious calamity which
had destroyed the article of food on which so many
of the poor in this and the sister kingdom
depended for their subsistence. It was a subject requiring
immediate decision as to the laws regulating the impor-
tation of food, but though that was the immediate cause,
he would not deny that his opinions on the subject of pro-
tection had previously undergone a change. He would
assert his right to act on enlarged experience. He did
not consider there was any reason to feel humiliated or
abashed in avowing this change, but he should feel
humiliated if those opinions, having undergone a
change, he had shrunk from the avowal of it
by the fear of the charge of inconsistency.--(Cheers.)
His opinions on the subject of protection had
been modified by the experience of the last three years,
and he had no wish to deprive those who had before been by
mere reasoning brought to a conclusion against the policy
of protection of any of the credit due to them. The ex-
perience of the last three years proved that abundance
and cheapness of provisions would rather alleviate than
increase the burden of taxation. During the three
years preceding October there was comparative cheapnes
with high wages, and during the preceding three years
there were high prices and low wages, and he could not
resist the conclusion that wages do not vary with the
price of provisions, but with the demand for la-
bour. He had estimated the loss from the
removal of the Customs' duties at four millions, the
actual loss had been one million. He had estimated
the loss from the removal of the Excise duties on glass
and other articles at one million, but ho believed
that the loss to the Excise this year would be nothing—
that the void would be absolutely filled up_ How could
he stand up for high protective duties after this, when
he saw that all his own estimates had been falsified.
Then with regard to morality, his Right Hon. Friend
at the head of the Home Department bad stated the great
decreaie in committals in 1843 and 44—that had continued
in 1845 ; this was 2,237 less than in the preceding year.
With regard to sedition, the office of Attorney-
General had been almost a sinecure, not because
the Government had been more lenient, but because
the people had been more contented and happy.
It was clear, therefore, that employment, low prices, and
comparative abundance contributed to 'he public peace,
and these advantages were concurrent with the diminu-
tion of protection. Had the agricultural interest been in-
jured ? Protection to them had been diminished on four
great articles ; foreign flax was admitted duty free. In
1844 the duty on flax was 101. per ton ; it was now
removed, yet the price of flax in Belfast mar-
ket was in January, 1846, higher than it was in 1844.
The permission to import foreign cattle had given rise
to great alarm. Had any injury been inflicted ? A low
duty had been substituted for absolute prohibi-
tion—there had been a gradual increase of importation,
and with increased importation there had been increased
prices, as was proved by a comparison of the contract
prices for the navy during the years 1842, 43, 44, and 45.
There was no article he had touched on with so much
alarm last year as lard. A division had absolutely been
taken on it. Since 1842 the importation of lard had in-
creased to an immense extent, and yet the price had
risen from 48s. in 1844 to 625. in 1846. Then there was
the article of wool. In 1844 it was proposed
to remove the duty from foreign wool. The
importation of foreign wool had increased annually
in consequence of the removal of the duty,
and yet the price of South-down wool had increased
from 14d. in 1842, to ls. 4id in 1845, so that experi-
ence proved that, by the removal of protection,
the welfare, the health, and the morality of the
people had been improved, concurrent with an in-
crease of price in those articles from which pro-
tection had been withdrawn. He felt that, with these
opinions he could not have met Mr. Villiers's motion
with a direct negative. He could not defend the corn-
law, either on the ground that in consequence of high
taxation protection was necessary, or that on the ground
of keeping up the wages of the labouring classes protec-
tion was necessary. He could continue the conflict no
longer. He must decline it. Others must defend protection.
At the same time he should have wished to have
committed the judgment of this case to another
Parliament, but during the course of the last autumn
a great calamity lead happened, the consequences of
which it was difficult to calculate ; and he felt it
his duty, early in November, to provide against this
calamity by advising the suspension of the
duties payable on the importation of foreign corn
The period between Ist November, 1845, and 6th No-
vember, and that between 25th November and 6th De-
cember following, were periods of importance during the
late Ministerial crisis, and he would read to the House
the communications which he had received
during these intervals, and which had induced
him to offer the advice to which he had alluded.
( The Right Hon. Gentleman here read various commu-
nications which he had received from foreign countries,
and from persons in England, relative to the
failure of the harvest throughout Europe, and
to the prohibition of exports from foreign countries.)
The pressure was great in England and in Scotland,
but it was greatest in Ireland, and in the report pre-
sented by the Commission on that subject,
among the members of which were Mr. Lucas
and Professor Kane, it was stated that 4,000,000
of persons depended upon the potato crop, so
that the Government found itself called upon to provide
for the subsistence of 4,000,000 of people in that country.
The Government had sent over Professor Linley and Dr.
Playfair to inquire into the subject. Dr. Linley had given
to him in an interview the most alarming accounts, and
these accounts had been confirtn.d by th,, er+o,
of tb, ~t ,
on the 31st of October, auto wan) _ t wcle
held between that and the 6th of November. On
the let of November there was no deliberation ; it
appeared to him that there was the full juatifi-
gation for the CieTeriamen4 either by Order is cQlinc 1. or