The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-14 00:00:00

' 7 -
prod a uce coternporaneous exportatteniditarifft(diure .
The fact; 'then, was, that it W'aitii"lie't if.B.laWarent
from this statement that the traiiii of .the axiom, thlt
England was England's best cuatomer, forced itself upon
their minds, and that the great cause of their resent
l prosperity was the activity of the home markeii.
He would now say a few words upon the dis-
advantagebOs position in which free-trade laws would
place this country. He would 'ttzle would the position
of the country besuch as the Hon. Member opposite
had depicted ? Would it alter their position in respect
to France or Germany or the United States ?
They had often - evinced a disposition tower S
France to relaX the English 'tariff, but the resat
was only to make France enforce her protection
with a • still more stringent hand. The United States
would clothe same, for he would contend for it that every
President of the United States, from Washington down,
had evinced a disposition for protection ; and Mr.
Polk's last Message stated that he would be prepared
to recommend a reasonable amount of prottetiec.
He thought it was necessary ti take every precaution
before they made this great alteration—to make evi ry
trial for improving the condition of the country before
they male this Plutsge. For what were they about to
dts ? They were about to enter into a competition with •
hostile tariffs—nut with hostile tariffs, tor, indeed,
no tariff's could be hostile—but with rival tariffs.
And the effect of that competition would be to reduce
the 'products of British industry rand British labour,
which was the chief eomponent in the value of those
projects, not to the level, but above the level, of foreign
articles. The liberality was to be all on this side of the
water, for it could hardly le supposed en st foreigners
would purchase articles of British production in their
own markets, at a higher price then those of their own ,
manufactures, when of equal quality. If, instead of the
scheme now laid tiavre tbe.liouse,_ and which he could
designate in no other way that ,to say the )bast of it, as
the height of imprudence, they hasisloeked to the unlimited
resources offered to them in immense variety and exten-
sion of our foreign possessions, they would have im-
proved
and extended the market without depre-
ciating its value. But now, by entering into this
Competition, they would only prove success
ful by rendering British labour , cheaper than
it now was. It • was evident that by this reduction of
the import ditties they would be reducing the revenue of
the country, and they could only restore the equilibrium
of its finance by annual grants. He contended that it
was not of the slightest interest to lay heavy duties on
articles of importation when foreign tariffs acted in is
Ni rni la, _ ~rest__ 4,....-..a110 131"141b1I- exportations. Wtat
was the tidy:lnt:lgo he wished to know ? He
agreed with an observation which fell last night from the
Noble Lord who represented the West Riding of Yorkshire,
that it was necessary to provide food to an increasing
population. The population was increasing to a great ex.
tent, and the question then naturally arose how they
were to he fed.—( Hear.) His (Sir Howard Douglas)
conviction was that if agriculture continued to be protected
there world be no difficulty in satisfying the wants of even an
increasing population, for he was satisfied that any reduction
in the price would be followed by a corresponding reduction in
the price of wages and provisions. There was a species of free-
trade which might be introduced with great advantage amongst
ourselves.—(Hear, hear.) When he voted for the Canada
Corn Bill, he imagined that the principle on which that Bill
was founded would be carried out with respect to other articles
produced in our colonies, from which he believed the people of
this country would derive great advantage. The inhabitants of
the colonies might also derive great advantages, from which they
were now shut out, by being a market in which they could sell
their produce at the best price it could realise. He believed
that Australian corn ought to be admitted on the same prin-
ciple as the Canada corn ; and he considered that even the
Canada Corn Bill should be carried out to a greater extent—it
ought to have included Prince Edward's Island.—( Hear,
hear.) That Bill (the Canada Corn Bill) was a
solemn compact made between this country and Canada,
and when the measures proposed by her --iliajesty's Govern-
ment should be passed, it would have the effect of im-
mediately abolishing that solemn compact; and not only
—ett. The mo-
ment The colonial
;system would it act thus . towards Canada, -hut it would also
exattiein nguilaslni
nththeincgolmonnitael
thansys a
system of protection. lf.
you abolish the differential duties you release the
colonies from the necessity of dealing with the producer of
British goods, and also of our dealing with them in return.
Their glorious flag might still fly—there might be those who
,would wish to die under that flag in support of their country's
rights —that flag under which their ancestors had fallen,
but he (Sir H. Douglas) would tell them that their
:ships might guard their colonial coasts, and their troops
'might garrison the country, but their colonies would
he useless to them. This country would no longer have
any right to regulate the commerce of the colonies.
Ile. Huskisson's Acts were not free-trade Acts. They had
for their object rather the protection of agriculture. He
found the colonial trade in a state of , monopoly, and he
then brought forward his Acts of 1824, for the regulation
of . colonial , trade. The object of his measures
was to allow the Colonies to have fiee-trade with other
countries that were, independent States, but all free-trade
intercourse with the mother country, either circular or
They had taken off the timber duties here.—( Hear. ) Now,
the American colonies laid a tax upon the West Indian produce
--they had a perfect system of free trade amongst themselves ;
and the German States had also a free trade amongst themselves,
but by a compact they had a protection against the foreign im-
parts. It could not be denied that the German States pros-
pered by the protection they had fenced themselves
with. We had introduced our cotton manufactures
into India, and by so doing we had ruined the
native manufactures of that country.—( Hear, hear. )
The manufacturers of this country bad superseded the manu-
facturers of India, and thereby rendered the price of manufac-
tured articles in that country mush cheaper.—(Opposition
cheers.) Mr. Huskisson,in a speech which hg delivered in that
House on the Bth April,, 1826, clearly pointed out the gre t
dangers which this coun try would render itself liable to by
snaking itself dependent upon foreigners for the supply of corn,
The Hon. Gentleman here read an extract from the speech
in question to the foregoing effect, stating that from 1%5
up to the period of the war, we had been to a considerable
extent dependent on foreigners for the supply of food—that
we had paid sixty millions of money for a scanty supply of
Corn ; and - yet, though we had parted with our gold and silver
Currencies, Europe had shut its ports against this country,
and America laid an embargo en its produce, and went to war.
The statesman to whom he (Sir H. Douglas) alluded, further
stated, that if this country was' made to depend for food on
foreign nations, improvements would stand still, inferior lands
would go to waste, and the nation be.subjected to general de-
cline. He (Sir. H. Douglas) considered they should
protect the colonies so as to provide for their safety
and defence: • - Honourable ' Members 'should never
isten to the' theory which would put an end to dalonial protec-
I)
ion, on which depended the safety and commercial ascendaney
f Great Britain ; and least of all isheuld.they listen to repre-
entations evincing disregard to the nation's security and
eace, and maritime ascendancy in war.—( Hear, hear. )
e alluded not to what other nations were now doing.
He believed.they had a sincere desire to cultivate the relations
. 13 ,
H
eace • still he was sure that those powers, though they. had
rio immediate intention of going to war with this country, had
io'la intention, whenever a a favourable opportunity occurred in
he future, of giving it a stab, their ultimate object being
deprive Great Britain of the dominion of the sea
e felt that he had trespassed long upon the House—(Cheers,
and cries of " No, no") but he hoped and expected that his .
Right Hon. Friend,Avho was as devoted to the interests of the
Ountry as his judgment and his experience enabled him to be,
Would see grounds for changing his opinion.—(Hear, hear.)
sincerely did he hope that the opinions which he
(Sit Howard Douglas) professed might turn out to
he erroneous, but under the strong conviction that this measure
cannot be carried out with advantage to the British labourer,
and that agriculture will be injured, and that manufactures or
Commerce would not be improved, he would give his vote
against the measure.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) In some
r4espects he ( Sir H. Douglas), reluctantly opposed the Bill ;
but. on the whole, he gave a confident, conscientious, and coe-
xistent vote against it, for it appeared to him that the measure
was an unnecessary and dangerous experiment. It appears it
Was a movement from which there was no retreating, and on
it depended in a great measure the prosperity, the wealth, the
honour, of this -great country or its utter
ruin
,--(The. dawn amidst loud cheers.)
Lord.—
mthat on appearing before the House
(v.rtaihnLedL.
Hi oEI the 4
sGgle said,
dl:an
qn that occasion it was his intention to express his views as
briefly as possible. - s Hear.) Was not every person in that
Mouse aware that protection would always remain a subject
rif contention, and could he conscientiously support a principle
df that character ? He would be bound to say, bat whatever
Opinions he had entertained upon this question 'at a forme]:
period had been completely changed by the experience of the
last few years.—( Hear, hear, ironical cheers,- and cries of
'r Oh, oh.") He would repeat that the experience of the last
f*w years had established beyond'a:clouht that this law was ne
longer necessary to the prosperity of the country. He, was
opposed to the opinions advanced on the last night by the
Honourable Baronet the Member' . for .:Rutlandshire,
that the prosperity of . the last ,few years and the
abundance of capital, originated not in the-measures
of the Right Honourable Baronet, but in the good
harvest and the employment afforded by railways. He (Lord
tilliers) contended that railways had, not given birth to
capital, but that capital had given rise to railways. He con-
tended further that the reduction of taxation did not
necessarily imply a fall in the revenue. They bad seen the
country rise from a condition pregnant with difficulty to a
state of comparative prosperity. He should give his most cor-
dial support to the measure.—(Cheers.) , .
' Mr. F. SCOTT said, that when this measure was first
brought forward by her Majesty's Government, he had come
down to the House with the hope that he might have
given his voice and: his vote
oaflwasyhse Right Honourable Baronet,
been enabled to afford it his fullest support.—
justice to his own principles and the inferred understanding
to
olle
eratehrire t measuresteHdethaht he was now compelled to du otherwise, in
ad
with his constituents. Although he had not given any
distinct pledges to them, his principles in the year
1846 - would be the very same as those he had avowed
when he stood an unsuccessful candidate in the year 1834.
In la4l, he addressed them with more success, and he obtained
their support.
When he again entered that House he main-
tained the same course from a firm conviction of its rectitude,
and a belief that be could not follow a safer leader than the
Right Honourable Baronet, whose opinions and ideas
on the subject he knew from his childhood, and
whom he had always regarded with respect and admi-
ration. Those feelings had increased the stunning effect
which he had felt when he heard that his friend had turned
round on all his'former opinions, and had deserted the men who
had placed him in his high position.—(Bear,hear.) He (the
Right Hon. Baronet) had no doubt felt it his duty, and had
a firm conviction that it was incumbent on him, to change his
course, and to hoist another flag. He ( Mr. Scott) had, how-
ever, felt it his duty to deliberate what his own course should
be. He felt that, although he appeared very miserable when
compared to the Right Hen. Baronet in intelligence or saga-
city, yet he would yield to no man in his perception of his duty
to the country His conscience was his guide. He had no
one to look to bet himself to guide him in his political
roaftethfreom"htisthmreeemory all that
course. He gave the Right Hon. Baronet great credit
for the sincerity of his conviction in his firmer opinions, and
he gave him equal credit for the sincerity of his convictions
last 30 years. He would not
now. It would be imps Bible for him, in three days, or in
years ; and
ts r into the labyrinth of past circumstances. He
• weuhi, with the permi-sion of the House, give an instance very
he disagreed. He
attempt
thtetrsevhe
mo: utirwl dtre
etebookedsehonatnrodd take
heardin for hat md retrospect.o
tr oi n
g thel i t
1 apposi-e to the present occasion. A gentleman possessed of
extensive estates in the kingdom of England, and having large
property in the St nth of Scotland, was engaged with a commer-
ceniatierfiedrm the most
I able and distinguished counsel, both in the Courts
enyt w4ssi,tedthta,t)
'haecsotmheaypartners
I of Chancery and at Common Law, to defend his case.
oinntotheacenlitcnrsoti,t.withanwdhicehngaged
shared
largelyT he claim
i n his se
pt ruopfi tot; n,
in his firm. Counsel were engaged, and although the plea was
lacknowledged to be untenable, the question was argued before
, a special jury ; it also had a hearing in the House of
Lords. • -The-gentleman in question went 'down to his seats;'
tthheereet9onretinthe

Mr. SCOTTI with marked emphasis)—lf the Right Hon.
Baronet wi-hes to ask me a question, I have no objection. and
will resume my seat in order that he may put it to me. The
lion. Gentleman then at down. [Sir R. Peel intimated that
he did not wish .to put any other question to the Hon. Gentle-
man, who resumed his speech with much warmth.] I understand
the Right Hon. Baronet to ask me for whom I am counsel ?
lam the counsel of my own Opinions—l am no delegate in
this House.—(Cries of " Order,". and much confusion.)
believe Irm free to give my own opinions. I will yield to no
man.—( Cheers.) I repeat lam no counsel for any men, for any
party or sect—l belong 'to no party.--(Cheers and hi,ses. ) I
was proud to follow that party which was led' so worthily by
the party pledged to support the 'Constitution, and which was
fed by the Right Hon. Baronet himself;. whilst he held that
banner 1 was proud to serve under him.. I would be happy to
serve under him now, if he would hoist the flag which he has
abandoned.—( Two• or three Hon. Members here appeared to
remonstrate with the Hon. Gentleman on the warmth of his
address.) No! I have spoken too hastily--too warmly—per-
haps I misunderstood the question ; but lam the counsel of
none.
Sir R. PEEL—Hear, hear.
Mr. SCOTT then proceeded to say that consumption ought
to be promoted as far as practicable, in order that the producer
might be able to supply his provisions at a reduced price. He
was willing to have gone to a considerable length with the
Right Honourable Baronet, and if his constituents had differed,
with him he should have abided by the result. He contended
that the present time, when there was so much railroad accom-
modation, would be the most advantageous season for a re-
duction of the protection to agriculture. He hoped the Right
Honourable Baronet would have introduced a measure relative
to corn of a different nature, both as regards time and price—
a measure which would not have offered to the foreign
grower anyadvantages over theßritish producer, and would have
averting the ruin which he believed the present measure
would bring upon the agriculturists of this country. He was
persuaded that the present measure would cause a severe blow
and discouragement to agriculture, and would tend to diminish,
rather than to increase, the price of the food of the population ;
and would also produce great distress among the labouring
classes. He had the authority of Lord Melbourne, who spoke
in terms too deeply impressed on the memories of Hon. Mem-
bers to make it necessary for him to repeat it ; and that it
would tend to diminish the necessaries of life, he needed no
better authority than the Hon. Member for Bolton (Dr. Bow-
ring), who, in the year 1842, argued that protection was ne-
cessary. At that period the Hon. Member had stated that
the consumption of sugar in France was five pounds per head,
in the German League four pounds, in other countries of Eu-
rope two pounds, and in England seventeen pounds per head.
In the Prussian League. the consumption of salt was sixteen
pounds per head, and in England twenty-two pounds;
woollen cloth in the German League was two ells one-sixth;
but in England five and a quarter. The quantity of butcher's
meat consumed in France was equal to that which would be
gained by an Englishman in three days' work, and by a French-
man in four days labour. The quantity of bread consumed in
France was equal to the quantity which could be procured in
eight days—in England, seven days. He stated also, the sum
of thirty millions sterling had left the country in the time of
war to purchase food for the country. He could not refer to a
higher authority than the Noble Lord, the Member for London,
as to the immediate sufferings, that would be the consequence of
the passing of this measure. To his mind the importation of
grain appeared one of the secondary principles of this most im •
portant measure. The relaxation of the duties on corn had
been spoken of as a mere fiscal regulation. In his opinion it
was little more than a fiscal regulation which aleniated the
United States from this country.—(Hear, hear.) He con-
sidered the proposed measure as an attempt to destroy the con-
stitution. The Right Hon. Baronet had taken up with
a new course of policy, and had decided on carrying out
the principles of free-trade. He (Mr. Scott) was de-
cidedly in favour of free-trade in •the abstract.—( Hear, hear.)
A Noble Duke in the other House is reported to have said that
he would be glad to know what was meant by a free-trade Go-
vernment. Now he (Mr. Scott) would also like to know what
it meant ? All phi'osophers and political economists in all
ages of the world, from Mentor and Telemachus down to the
present day, had spoken and Written of free-trade in the ab-
stract. If, however, it were common sense to speak of this
matter in the abstract, then free-trade was an excellent thing ;
but he would defy any person to talk sensibly about free-trade,
when our domestic affairs and our complex relations with fo.
reign countries remained in their present condition. By free
trade was to be understood the abandonment of all duties, and
the loss of all revenue. Give up the seven millions of customs'
duties and the thirteen millions of the excise, and w hat
will become of the 50,000,0001. of national income? How will
the deficiency in the revenue be made up ? By levying higher
window duties, by increasing the property-tax to 30 per cent.,ot
by what other means is the deficiency to be supplied? To
talk of free trade in the abstract might be good sense, but to
speak of it in relation to the economy of this country was, he
conceived, to utter nonsense. He had on a former occasion
' supported the removal of duties on the raw material, because
he thought such a removal would afford greater facilities for the
circulating medium to find its proper level, but he would
maintain that it was absolutely impossible to adopt
I free- trade in this country, burdened as it was
with an amount of debt exceeding 800,000,000/. From these
considerations, he thought it was less fair to expect this country
could suece'sfully enter into competition with foreign nations
than it was to engage a man with a hundred weight on his
f shoulders to enter the lists with an opponent who was perfectly
' free and unconfined. A point of very great importance in this
matter was, the maintenance of public faith. How was it to
be expected that our colonies could he maintained if the Right
Honourable Baronet's principles w th respect to them should
be allowed to pass uncanyasseid ? Mr. M'Culloch, a very high
authority, had said with respect to the colonies, that
! their commerce ought to be conducted on the prin-
ciples of the coasting trade.—( Hear, hear.) This
policy, however, was far different from that which had been
proposed by her Majesty's- Government. It was to entertain
the produce of foreign nations duty free, while our colonial
produce was being loaded with taxation. The colonies had
been sadly neglected. No 'Mention was ever made of them ;
and when any measure in which by chance they might be can-
cernecl was brought before the House, it was passed with DO

, - • - -- • - -- - -
. .
he found.those in England not very well managed, Int-these further observation or notice than the passing of a Bill to make
in Scotland most effectively Conducted,. every person on .the a new road would call fora In this country there Has, per-
estate, however, was content, and their prosperity was greater haps, an area extending to upwards of 120,000 square miles—
than for many years heretofore. The cause was, set -for a in our colonies there was an extent of 2,200,000 Scpssre
special day in Westminster. But the gentleman, on arriving . miles ; the population of this country was '20,000,000, and
in London, found that his leading counsel had returned his fee population of our colonies exceeded 209,0(0,009. This
to the attorney, and had thrown up his brief. The case came was a large interest to 'gamble for.—(Hear; hear.) ln' tile
on in Wertminstcr, and judge of his surprise .when he found Speech from the Threneit had been stated, that it was neces-
that the same counsel was arguing on the opposite side, Sir, ; sary that the arcs e and navy should be increased, for :the
said he, you •are mistaken, you were retained on: my side. . exigencies of the State required it ; but was this al-me to
Oh ! no, replied the other, it is quite true 1 was on yosr side, , come down to that House, when colonial trade was beingin.
and I argued your question for a long time until 1 obtained the terfered with, to ask for an: increase in th se estimates ? It
highest position in the State, but during yetis-absence I-have • was a dangerous experiment to try to alienate the affections of
given particular attention to the subject, and lam convinced the col nies from the mother
.countrye It wee not passible to
that it is qu to impossible to maintain your else.. I there- continue protection to colonial produce, and at the same time
fore give it up. He went to the other Queen's counsel, and : tell the producer that protection was unnecessary. If you
he said, I have also, changed my mind, and I will give you ' meet the English grower' r with a disadvantage when
no further satisfaction.—Cheers.) He went to the he came to sell, he . certainly ought not to be re-
junior counsel, and he replied, Oh, my leaders have received with a disadvantage when he came to purchase.
changed their minds, it is my duty tofollow them.—( Laughter-) The same principle would apply with respect to foreign
But this was really trifling with the time of the House. How- trade, as far as deferential duties were concerned. There was
ever, as he had said before, he would not quote extensively another matter to which he wished to refer. The colonist
from Hansard, or search those volumes for charges of Moon- would complain that his produce was taxed when it entered
sistency. He knew the difficulty of public men, and could our ports. He would be told it was necessary, in order to
make allowances for them ; but he would call atter,- support a revenue. The colonist would reply, you have no
tion to the opinions of some men of the greatest right to tax my produce at so high a rate, when you admit
talent that tl,e country ever
_possessed. lie would ' foreign produce duty free. Let justice be done to all.—( Hear,
quote the opinions delivered by Honourable Members in ' hear.) Leave the colonies to shift for themselves, and he
this House during the last three weeks, and he would then ! (Mr. Scott) would maintain that the policy which was being
leave the House to judge, from his simple statement, of the ; pursued by the present Government ens more likely than any-
nature of the shifts to which some men could have recourse in ' thing else to lead to the dismemberment of this empire.
order to justify their measures, but which he (Mr. S.) con_ He would tell the Right Hon. Baronet that he was counsel
ceived could receive no justification, On the 27th January in for the interests of Great Britain. The fact was, that they
the present year, the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her had been enlightened with what had been called a great moral
Majesty's Government stated in his speech—( Cries of tt Order, truth, but which was in reality a great n oral problem. The
order")—that he congratulated the _country upon its increased , abstract theory.of free trade was a beautiful thing. He ad-
prosperity—a Order, order)—and on , the 9th February the , mired and delighted in it, but he could consider it in' no other
Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State
l l
light than as a cobweb sparkling with dew drops glittering in
Mr. E. BULLER. rose to order. He said the Hon. : the sun.—( Laughter. ) He was still of the same opinion as
Member was quite, out of order, for if, he understood the rules 1 whesnupheport the
announced his rellso,lnuotiuorna,woen
Baronet.
former occasion,The m onotre
of the House, he believed one of them was to this effect. that it i to
wonid
be order for any Hon, Member to refer to a 1 hwerheeathnseirdebreedeotnhesidesruebdjetchte tqhueesgtiroenatienritasphpeared
,the
tdha7ear-.
speech delivered be any other Hon. Member in the same 1
bearings on e n
session —( Cries of hear, hear. ) I lion's interest at home or abroad,' or whether he, saw it in its
Mr. SCOTT said hehe,
was sorry for having done anything 1 relation to our colonial interests, he feared that the come-
out of order, and he felt obliged for having been corrected. 1 quences would be fraught with evil. - The enestion as to the
On the 27th of January the Right Hon. Baronet at the head settlement of the territory on the' north-west roast of America
I
of her Majesty's Government had expressed his opinion that was -a difficult one,. and its intricacy and ififtiettley would be
the repeal of the corn-laws would in no way have the effect of 1
much further increased if the propoed redaction of duties were
reducing high wages. On the 27th that same Right Hon. carried into effect. Our possessions in Canada would be in
Baronet, in a reply to the Noble Lord the Member for Newark, danger ; at the first opportunity the Canadians would revolt.
had expressed his continued opinion that the effect of the alter- He would read an extract from a letter which he had re-
ation of the corn-laws would in no way be to cause the ceived from Mr. Buchanan, a gentleman who had ' held a
reduction of wages. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Seers- high situation in her Majesty's Council at Toronto. He says,
tary-at- War, who sat by the Right" Hon. Baronet, on the 9th of that no one will doubt for a moment that as soon as it is
January had expressed his firm opinion that the fallsny ,If Irnnw. th.t. Cauaillau wheat has no longer any protection in
cheap Ineed no been exploded.—(Cheers from the protece England, the Canadians will at once demand a repeal of the
tionists. ) All this showed to what serious difficulties public land tax, and their corn will h.. transmitted immediately to the
men were subjected on great occasions. He was opposed to United States. Any hint from England for a desire of separa-
anything like a crooked policy, for it often led to a crooked time will be cheerfully responded to by the Canadian people.
conscience. It was then with exceeding regret he was bound If the present protective duties are further interfered with, they
to designate the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet as tor- will immediately think that the British Government had un-
tuous, crooked, and misapprehensible in the extreme. He scrupulously broken faith with them with respect to the
bad always been of opinion that to a man of upright principle, protection guaranteed to their corn and timber produce.
of all things, character was of the most value.—( Loud cheers.) He begged pardon for having so long occupied the time of the
He deeply regretted that a man's difficulties should tend to in- House, but the document was more important than any words
validate his character. When the great changes proposed by the he could address to the House. Did arse gentleman in that
Right Hon. Baronet inl 1842 had excited great alarm through- House suppose that if they lost Canada' t heir lo.ses•wouli
out the country, and especially in. the county he had end there ? Surely not. If they did not stand to Canada,
the honour; to represent, he himself had used the greatest Canada would not adhere to ihem. The West India colonies
exertions, not only not to increase, but to allay that alarm. He would follow, and the East Indies—that immense country.
had given to that' measure of 1842 his most cordial support, which might be said to comprise eight Englands—would imi-
for he understood that that was to lee a final settlement. Until tate the example.-- (Cheers.) Was the Right Hon. Baronet
a few weeks ago he was prepared to give the same cordial so much ef a free- trader that he would willingly abandon those
support to the measure of 1846, if it had been at all in ac- colonies? He doubted whether, although the Right
cordance with the declaration in the Queen's Speech, or with Honourable Baronet was a free-trader in the abstract,
the assurance of the same Right Hon. Baronet that it would he would practise the principle to the same length as
not interfere whh, or injure, great interests.—( Hear.) those be had lately followed. The Noble Lord, who was
He, for one, would have afforded the same cordial support on so lately an ornament in that House, and who was now equally
the present occasion. The present measure was very cseepre- an ornament in the other—he tneant Earl Grey—that
hensive, very bold ; but he doubted whether it was politic as nobleman was a consistent politician. " He disapproved
bold, or wise as comprehensive.—(Hear, hear.) There was ~f the corn-laws, but he equally disapproved of the procrasti-
this difference between the measure of 1842. and the present nation exhibited by the Right Hon. Baronet. if the Right'
one ; they both were certainly measures for reduction of pro-• Hon. Baronet had been brought to the opinion that the corn-
hibitory duties, but then there was this difference—that in laws were no longer desirable, he hada right to avow his opinion;
1842 the reductions and relaxations took place on articles of but then he should have deine so 'in time.--( Great cheering.")
raw produce, or articles the produce of other countries, whilst He ought not to have led on his supporters to a certain point,
in the present case the reduction was on articles the produce of and then to desert them.—(Confinued cheering.) For what
the country, and which consequently would come into corn. reason, he should like to ask, was it that the Right Hon.
petition at a disadvantage.—( Hear, hear.) He (the Hon. Baronet so strenuously opposed the motion introduced -by an
Gentleman) was no ultra - protectionist, nor ever was. Hon. Member in the early part of last summer: for the intro-
He never was of opinion that laws should be duction of Australian wheat ?—( Hear, hear.) If' he had any
immutable. lie never believed that it was practicable or de- wish to introduce wheat from foreign countries, surely it was
sirable that laws should be so enacted that any benefits to the but fair to introduce the wheat of those countries, which were
tenantry should be determined rather by the desire of the not only the allies, but might be stated to be the offspring of
landlord than by the requirements of the public.—( Hear, England. However that might be, they knew that in the
hear.) He always felt that a restriction of public consumption summer of 1845 the Right Hon. Baronet, not only opposed the
on food ought never to acquire the title of monopoly or class measure of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, but he
legislation, for the purpose of benefiting one class at the ex- equally strongly opposed the motion of the Hon. Member for
pease of the other.-(lronical cheers from the Opposition.) Gateshead to bring from a colony sixteen hundred miles off that
Believing then such, he had always considered how or why wheat which was now sought to be Obtained in countries
a tax on bread was' liable to be called an unjust not distant two hundred miles.--( Hear, heat.) For what
tax on. the food of the people.—(Renewed ironical purpose was this?—if it were intended to introduce the pro-
cheers.) It appeared to him that the seamount duce of foreign powers, where was the equivalent to this
of taxation ought to be such as would give encouragement country ? Whenever they had 1 nvered the duty on foreign pro-
to the growth of grain to the greatest extent.--,( Hear, hear.) dnce the foreign powers bad as' invariably raised the duty on
He was aware how difficult it would be to determine that the produce of England. It seemed to be that in proportion
amount.—( Hear, hear.) In his district of the country, where as they lowered the 'duty upon imports their exports were
agriculture was well understood, in the last ten years, not- charged higher duty. What was the case as regarded Prussia?
withstanding the distance from markets, the high price of That country, in the years 1837 and 1834; sent them ore-halfcoals,
coals, and badness of the roads, together with increased of the corn consumed, and in 1840 ,they had sent one-third.
prices, the • tents had materially increased.—( Hear, How much did she receive of the exported manufactures of
hear, and loud laughter from the Opposition benches.) England and Ireland during these years ? ' Why, the whole
He gave the Right Hon. Baronet the entire benefit of this-- amount was only. some 125th part of the total exports of this 1
that notwithstanding the advaneement of wages, that a remu- country. He could, in the same way, enter into long details
aerating profit had been afforded to the landowner and to the with respect to other continental nations; 'but he was -afraid
labourer, he was fully prepared to have gone with the Right that he had already wearied the House.—( Cheers from the
Hon. Baronet in the reduction of the present existing amount protectionists.) But he would wish to ask one question more—
of protection.—( Loud cheer;.) He felt likewise that in con- for what purpose was it that they were to lower the duty en
sequence of the improvement in communication—in internal grain imported from North America, when they received no
communication—thereby facilitating the intercourse between the reciprocal advantages? The Right Hon. Baronet said that his
farm and the market, and between different districts, thus de- object was to strengthen the bonds of amity existing between,
creasing the expenses in husbandry—the application of the the countries. If the Right Hon. Baronet did not expect by
arts of chemistry to the soil, and the spread of intel- this measure to introduce their manufactures 'into foreign
ligence improvements in draining through this the countries, by what means, he should like.to know, were they to
operations of farming were carried or, at a reduced ex- gain admittance? He (Mr. Scott) knew toely of one way.
pense.—(Cheers.) . Entertaining , these opinions (proceeded and that was by an extensive trade in smuggling. He had
the Hon. Gentleman), and feeling that the only object of pro- himself seen vessels passing under the guns of Gibraltar, and
tection is that there should be an increased amount of home stealing along the shores of the Mediterranean, in spite of
growth in this county— . every effort of the Guarda Costa. Did this Right Hon.
Sir ROBERT PEEL—Whose counsel are you?—(Cheers, Baronet avow that his object was to gain admittance into those
and counter cheers.) . countries by smuggling?- Did he exeect to increase morality
• -•-• • _ . _
____

at home by acting illegally abroad ? Yet such would seem to
be the course that the Right Fidh. Baronet iotended. • This
measure appeared to him to be in effect an irritating 'blister
which would create a fever at home and weaken the whole
system. There was another point en which he •Would touch
but very lightly—he meant the different manners in which the
great interests of this country had been dealt with. He found
that those who had invested the largest amount of capital were
the most hardly used—whilst those • who. had invested the
smallest amount were the most liberally dealt with. Those
Who had property in land, irremovable property, suffered the
os,,st, whilst those who had property which could
be easily turned into .other channels escaped these. There
Was a protection to them of ten or fifteen per cent. He no*
addresed himself to the House as a British representative, and
he thought that in fairness and justice he ought to give to the
agriculturists the same protection that was given to
Ore colonies, and to the mannfacturers. They gave the manu-
facturers a protection duty of ten per cent., whilst they gave
the agriculturist a mockery of protection, Which seemed to him
intended only to add insolence to injury. In his own district of Rox-
burgirshire the tenants were:eomparatively•wealthy and intelli-
gent. They had abundance of capital, and they would not,
therefore, suffer so much as others: Those who resided in the
Clay lands of the south of England would suffer severely, for,
although they were equally honest, equally worthy, they were,
Perhaps, less wealthy and less, intelligent. , It 'had been stated
that they had unnecessarily whined to the • Right Hon. Baro-
net, but was that any reason why theywhould be sent to whine
in earnest? But this measure was but a part of a system--a
bone-crushing system, which had been going on for the last
three or four years. Why, the dealers in leather, the dealers
in metals and in hardware had just reason to complain, for the
Right Honourable Baronet now admitted comparatively duty
free the manufactured article, instead-of as formerly con-
fining himself to the raw material. He (Mr. Scott) had
Supported the Right Hon. Baronet's measure of 1842, but he
would not give him the credit for the prosperity of the coun-
try since the passing of that measure. There was an Hon.
Member lately introduced into that House, 'sitting on the
same bench with him, he meant the Hon. Member for Sunder-
land—he considered that Hon. Member, although' not a
Minister of the Crown, the representative of a great
system, which had contributed in no small' degree
to the prosperity of this country, and which had enabled
the Right Hon. Baronet to take credit to himself for much
of that prosperity. They were -aware that at that time a
sum of twenty-three millions was circulating throughout the
country—a sum much greater than was usually afloat. Did
not that circulation give employment to a vast number of the
population ? and was not that very circumstance enough to
limit crime? He thought that the Right Honourable
Baronet was not justified in comparing the flood-tide which
had taken place since his accession to power with the
ebb that had occurred shortly. before. He would not enter
into any comparison of former years, with respect to prices of
fOod and quantity of produce exported. but. he might be,
heis
perhaps, allowed to refer to one 'instance in support of-his
f h
argument. He ':found in the year 1837 wheat at a. sum of
i
about 555., and the exports were 42,000,000 ; whilst n 1839,
When wheat was 70s. 9d., the exports amounted to 53,000,000,
giving exactly the same advantage of eleven millions which
had taken place between the years 1842 and 1842. He did
not urge as an argument that wheat should be 70s. a quarter ;
he thought that wheat should be as cheap as possible, but he
thought also that it should be the produce of their own
country.—( Hear, hear.) By extending protection to agricul-
ture they were extending also the production of the country.
The Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home
Department, said that the time was come for admitting foreign
corn, because the population outstripped the productiveness of
the country. At the commencement of this century, however,
they found that 970 out of every I,ooo' were fed on home
corn. Within the last five years they would find also
that 969 and a fraction out of the 1,000 were fed
upon home corn; clearly showing that 'he productiveness
of the soil had kept pace with the population. His objections
to the measure of 1846, as compared with the measure of 182
swuht
dissented,fi aacmdcintaautdsersu reesidnatrtl
ayebor,detf
tietheraooleeurt_i;h:i egtb,
tnewefierrheaseoiutiri:luß:st,ithhirleewi•—edifslo:hitri.eetinhTdeet dissented
to
ilsesßaetnwiftiotelaer
mrsodnhi
etly
it:nb:otecrdr
oeosuuede
emrcua
gocdanenedtdih: tedh
domestic
IHareeena
er
is
sincere conviction ; he hoped that it would be found erroneous.
He might be wrong, but he etsuld not go with the Right Hon.
Baronet's atmospheric speed of legislation. The Hon. Mem-
ber for Finsbury had spoken of this measure as one to be
admired—less for the abolition of the corn-laws on its own
account than that it would lead to ulterior results.
What were those ulterior results ? There was a
feeling abroad against the law of primogeniture—against
the Church—against the Protestant succession.—( Hear.) He
lamented this measure for the consequences it would produce at
home—he lamented it for the c"nsequences it would produce in
their colonies— he lamented it for the eff et it would have upon
society—he lamented it more for the injury it would cause to
public character. The Right Hon. Baronet looked not to this
age, but to posterity for his reward. He would remind him
of the saying. that the faults of public men were
doubly culpable, because they committed not only
an offence against their own time, but set a had
example to posterity.—( Loud and long continued cheering,
amidst which the Hon. Member resumed his seat. )
Mr. WARD then rose, and said, that the Hon. Member
who had just addressed the House was an exceedingly diffi-
cult man to follow.—( Laughter.) He did not mean any-
' thing offensive, but the Honourable Member called himself
the Counsel for the British Empire=-( Continued laughter)—hut
he had not confined himself to this country, for he took in the
whole world in his wanderings. He ( Mr. Ward) would allow
the one. half of the lion. Member's speech' to dispose of the
other. There was no single proposition that her had advanced
t
in one sentence that he did not as readily demolish latthee
sac-
-no single principle that he 'did nes-controveitta.renction
t,,ts )
ceeding minute,—( Cries of " No, no,
He bid voted 'for the
He had attacked the. Right Hon.
measures, yet he had voted for them.
p ed in most vivid colours the
measure of 1842, but yet he aintwhich had emanated from it.
”Itir;_omettrelfecause of his
evils of the bone-crushing y
again.. Hon. Gentlerhen
contradicted hiroself,over.t an it
who had supported the Rig'-
._.
The Hon. Gentleman who bad d:vlzervt addressed the House had
on the other side of the House,