The Sun.
London, England, 1848-11-20 00:00:00

.THE SUN, LONDON,

been brought to a conclusion, and we shall
no longer see hundreds of thousands of pounds
paid for unnecessary legal expenses. Everything re-
quired in the working department can be obtained at
more economical rates than was formerly the case, so
that there is every prospect of very considerable re-
ductions i❑ the expenditure of the several companies.
We also find that a greater number of persons are
carried over the railways in proportion to the mile-
age, and that at a much more reasonable rate than
was formerly the case. Thus we find* that in
1847 the annual number of passengers per
mile of railway was 14,806; while in 1842 there
were only 11,772 ; that the returns per mile
were in 1847, 2,5961., and in 1842, 2,4891. only,
and that in the interval between these periods there
had been a general reduction in fares—the first class
fares being reduced, on an average, 21.8 per cent.;
the second class, 23.8 per cent.; and third class, 25
per cent. At the former period there were under
2,000 miles of railway opened. These, as might
easily be imagined, were the most likely to prove
remunerative, running between the principal towns,
which, it was stated, would absorb the best
portion of the traffic, leaving the others little
that would prove beneficial, or the contrary, that they
would act as a drain on the resources of the more
prosperous undertakings. On the contrary, we find
that although the mileage was nearly doubled, and of
course less promising lines brought into operation,
there was a larger return per mile, and a very much
greater number of passengers carried in proportion,
and that although 1842 was a much more prosperous
year than 1847, which was, perhaps, the season of the
deepest gloom and depression that the country has
witnessed during the present century.
To what can this improvement be ascribed ? Is
it not in some degree accounted for by the lowering
of fares, and the greater facilities afforded to passen-
gers, and should not the system that has worked so
well be further followed out ? It would be an unwise
and shortsighted policy to return to the system of
exorbitant fares, and few trains at considerable inter-
vals, which would prove alike injurious to the inte-
rests of the shareholders and the public generally.
On the contrary, let the directors regard the extraor-
dinary increase of traffic that has taken place when-
ever fares have been very much reduced. It is ridicu-
lous to assert that the third-class passengers do not
pay the companies. Compare for a moment the rela-
tive prices charged for the much maligned third-class
passengers, and for goods or merchandise. It appears
that the former pay nearly five times the amount of
the latter—a third-class carriage on the London and
North-Western paying 251. clear profit, and a goods
truck but Si. ss. j.
We shall, on a future occasion, return to the con-
sideration of this subject, which a want of space pre-
vents us from dwelling on at greater length this day.

We have frequently denounced the system of
"enormous lying" by which the reactionary party
both in France and in this country seek to discredit
republican institutions and restore a juste milieu
monarchy, which, as it was founded in deceit and
maintained by corruption, is to be restored, as these
its supporters fondly imagine, by " evil speaking, lying,
and slandering." Our readers doubtless recollect the
fuss that the reactionaries made about a certain banquet
held some time since at Toulouse, and the manner in
which the Prefect and all the authorities were vilified
by M. DENJOT, and other partisans of the monarchy.
These authorities, they said, attended the banquet and
joined in drinking anarchical toasts, and afterwards
created a riot. We observed at the time this discussion
took place that the whole affair was a monarchical
exaggeration, brought forward solely for the purpose of
calumniating the authorities, and that the Republican
banquet of Toulouse was merely the contre coup of
the Legitimatist demonstrations which had taken place
in that city a few days before. The then Minister of
the Interior promised that an investigation should
take place. That investigation was conducted by the
present Minister of the Interior, M. DUPAURE, a
former Minister of Louis PHILIPPE, a gentleman
who had at ono time, we believe, been M. GUIZOT'S

candidate for the Presidency of the Chamber of
Deputies, to whom, at all events, M. GUIZOT had often
made overtures to join his Cabinet, and who in the
old Chamber was the frequent object of the ridi-
cule of M. TRIERS on account of the mild-

ness of his opposition. The result of this inves

tigation was that M. DUFALTE appointed
M. CAzEvas, who had been:suspended from the per.
formance of his functions as Prefect of Toulouse,
during the time the investigation was going on, to
the Prefecture of La Vendee. This appointment gave
rise to certain interpellations in the Assembly, during
the course of the sitting of Friday, addressed to the
Minister of the Interior, in the course of which M.
DUFAURII, whom no one will accuse of undue par-
tiality for republican principles, or of an undue bias
against the reactionary party, gave the following de-
scription of the banquet of Toulouse, and of the con-
duct of the republican authorities, as the result of the
official inquiries which he had caused to be insti-

uted into the matter. After having complained that
no previous notice had been given to him of the inten-
tion to put to him questions on the subject of the
appointment of M. CAZRVAN to the Prefecture of La
Vendee, M. DUFUARE thus proceeded :
" When I came into the office I now hold the remem-
brance of what had taken place at the banquet at Tou-
louse was fresh in every one's mind. My predecessor
had ordered an administrative inquiry, and the Minister
of Justice, on his side, ordered a judicial one. I con-
sidered it my tl,ity to ascertain precisely what had been
the conduct of the Prefect of the Haute Garonne in the
events which led to the interpellations from this tribune.
I wished to come to an impartial resolution by studying
the inquiry. I have examined it with the greatest care,
and I am decidedly convinced that the facts stated from
this tribune on the faith of what was published in the
journals were greatly exaggerated.
" M. Denjoy—By the journals ?—(Noise.)
" A Voice on the Left—By you.
"The Minister of the Interior—Exaggerated by the
journals is what I meant to say. I admit that a move-
ment took place at Toulouse, which is much to bo re-
gretted, and that blameable expressions had been made
use of; that at the end of the banquet a nocturnal pro-
menade, equally blameable, took place. I was desirous to
know what part the Prefect might have taken in these
proceedings. I learnt that on the day of the banquet,
before the assembled National Guard, the Prefect '
delivered a speech perfectly unobjectionable, with
a view to order and union. I ascertained
that during the banquet nothing took place
which could incriminate the conduct of that
functionary ; some cries were raised against the Na-
tional Assembly and against the Chief of the Execu-
tive Government ; they were immediately suppressed,
and one of the persons who had got them up was
turned out. The Prefect has been reproached with not
having immediately retired, .but I have not found any
sufficient reason for his so doing. I find, on the con-
trary, that nothing afterwards occurred to disturb
order at the banquet, and that the authorities withdrew
in the midst of the greatest respect on the part of the
guests. It has, however, appeared to me that in the
evening the authorities did not do all that they ought to
have done to maintain tranquillity. What course had
the Minister of the Interior to adopt in this case ?
These scenes of disorder had. been followed by the as-
sembling of the council general. A conflict, which was
to be regretted, arose between the council and the Pre-
fect, which threatened to impede the progress of public
business. In presence of these facts, I asked myself
what step I should take. Should I maintain the Prefect
at Toulouse, or dismiss him, or remove him to another
department ? My conviction was that there was not
sufficient cause for his absolute dismissal, neither did I
consider it proper to allow him to remain at Toulouse.
There remained, therefore, the third alternative—to
place him in another department. That is the course I
decided on. In my opinion, people have allowed them-
selves to be led away by false impressions relative to the
events at Toulouse."

Thus, then, the truth has been elicited, and the or-
ganized system of calumny and slander, by which the
reactionary party are in all countries endeavouring to
stop the march of progress, has been exposed by one
to whose truthfulness the conspirators themselves
must bear witness ; by M. DUPAURE, who, however
much he may desire the restoration of monarchical
institutions, is far too high-minded and honourable to
have recourse to the means to which the reactionary
party throughout Europe now habitually resort in or-
ddmt
eeesabrtdatetoaeagetfiltrih.ir:yAt
tsoitTiuhnAtee7tpthhrix ceoaoi retnefitevhrdiemei
nwbegdass.ntqhoulefensttthawt
eltaleesmicme,doneeu:rrieNst‘leiy,
hmioacafht
srt.stvhosee:
M. AsTAtx said—

" I maintain that the banquet of Toulouse was impe-
ratively called for, to put down the white
flag which had
shown itself. I declare that the manifestation which
took place was called for to impose silence on the mo-
bnarchy—a feat which the Government itself had not
een able to achieve.—(On the Left loud cries of 'Bravo.
braver) Did that manifestation go too far? I cannot
say, for Ido not know the details. But did the men,

• " Facts bearing on the pi•oThThress of the atiway
System in Great Britain." By Windham Harding.
f Letter to George Carr Glyn, Esq., M.P., by John
Whitehead,

who are always ready to struggle against the progress of
the Republic, come hire to state that the white flog bad
been exhibited find carried a week before in tho haute
Garonne ?—(A gitation.)
" A Voice—Where?
" Another Voice—At Mazares.

" M. Astaix—NO, they said nothing about it; they
prefer coming hero to denounce the functionaries t f the
Republic."

As a proof of the existence of a wide-spread re-
actionary conspiracy to restore, per fas aut nefas, the
old regime in every country of Europe, and of the
complicity of the English Tory aristocracy in the
plot, we quote the following extract from a letter,
writtten by 11. GUIZOT, to a person in Paris, in sup-
port of the candidateship of Louis NAPOLEON, and
which appears in the Petrie of Thursday :—" The
revolutionary policy," says M. GUIZOT, " has failed
in Italy, Poland has not risen, Germany is escaping
from the Propaganda. In three months," he continues,
" a coalition, if not as hostile to the full as powerful
as that of 1815, will be formed against France. The
Government of the Republic," he adds, " trusts to the
English alliance. This alliance has no chance
of lasting. The British aristocracy permits Lord
Palmerston to remain for a time in the Foreign-
dice,' in order not to break officially with France
for the present- They wait until the Republic
sufficiently weakened within by the faults of those who
direct its affairs, and without by the combined influ-
ence of all Royalists, shall be tottering to its fall
Then they will eject PALMERSTON, as an instrument
used up,' and a purely Tory Ministry will be in-
stalled in office." We thank M. GUIZOT for this
warning, and in return warn him not to trust too im-
plicitly to the British aristocrcy. The British people
will never again suffer themselves to be hurried into
a war with France in support of aristocratic or ab-
solutist principles, and the British aristocracy, what-
ever may be their promises to M. GUIZOT, have too
prudent a regard for =their own self-preservation
(which would inevitably be compromised by any
endeavour to play 1798 over again) to make the
attempt.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of Saturday and
Sunday.
The Journal des Pthats has the following on the
state of the account between the Treasury and the
Bank

" This account current amounted to 22,579,000 f. on
the 9th of November; it has now fallen to 19,305,000 f.
This is a farther diminution of 2,374,000 f. on the re-
sources which the Bank has placed at the disposal of the
State. These resources amount now to only 44,274,000 f.,
since there only remains 25 millions to be raised from
the Bank, which, added to the amount at the Treasury
account, gives 44,274,000 f. But M. Goudchaux ad-
mitted in the Chamber that the expenses exceed the
ordinary receipts by a million per day. At this rate,
with our 44 millions we will reach the end of the year.
But at the end of December we have the six months'
interest on the Three per cents to pay. This
interest was not very heavy a year ago, but it
has become so since. The Three per Cents.:figure
in the Budget of 1848, which was voted in 1847, for
only 68 millions and some thousands of francs. To-day
it exceeds 84 millions, which makes 42 millions for the
,
half year's interest. This is not all. There is, bes'cles,
the pensions, of which three months fall due in Decem-
ber, and which require an additional sum of 15 millions.
In short, about 60 millions are wanted by the end of the
year over and above the daily expenses, which are co-
vered not without difficulty by the receipts from the
imposts, and the 44 millions remaining unexpended of
the loan from the Bank. What have we to meet that 60
millions? We have the instalment of the loairand the
portfolio of the 'Treasury. This shows, in the first place,
how important it is that the subscribers to the loan
should continue paying theirinstalments, which will not
be the case if the Five per Cents. fall sf. more; but, be-
sides this, the loan will not give 60 millions, which we
require, and we must, therefore, have recourse to the
portfolio of the Treasury."
The Debats then proceeds to examine in what the
portfolio of the Treasury consists, and comes to the
conclusion that its amount as an available fund
has been greatly exaggerated, and: concludes by
calling on the Minister of Finance to state explicitly
the exact nature of the capital and the securities
which it contains.
In the same journal we find the following on the
subject of the Anglo-French mediation in the La
Plata affair :
" Whatever may be the intentions of the English
Cabinet, the following, according to the information we
receive, will be the conduct of the French Government.
At the earnest request of several members of the Na-
tional Assembly, it has decided upon taking an imme-
diate and energetic determination. Convinced as it is
that any further delay, by necessitating the fall of Monte
Video, would produce the gravest misfortunes to our
fellow-countrymen, it has, by telegraphic dispatch, sent
for one of the most distinguished officers of our navy,
and is on the point of incrusting him with the means
necessary for the defence of the interests of our com-
merce and our policy, and for the consolidation of our
influence, which is shaken in that country."
A note has been published in the public journals,
signed by Messrs. GenmEit PAGES, PAGNERRE, Du-
CLERC, and BARTHELEMY ST. HILAIRE, setting forth
their views on the approaching election for Presi-
dent. It commences by declaring that a number of
false reports render it imperative on them to declare
their sentiments. Universal suffrage, they say, is the
life itself of the Republic, and everything that tends
to impede its free and uncontrolled exercise they
, consider of a nature to compromise the Republic
itself. The dangers which the Republic may have
to run, they consider to be of three kinds—coups-detut,
usurpations, and excesses, and these they are firmly
determined to oppose by every means in their power.
They then speak in strong terms aga'nst any inter-
ference with the people in the election of President, and
particularly by the members of the National Assembly,
who by any declaration on their part, or mark of
sympathy in favour of any particular candidate,
would thus, they say, enter into yngagements which
might in advance bind them to a certain line of con-
duct with respect to the President who might be
elected, and might thus injure the interests of the
State. In consequence, they think it incumbent on
them to refrain moat care-fully from offering any
name to the public, as that of the person whom they
would wish to support; but they do not, they say,
conceal from any of their fellow-citizens, who indi-
vidually demand it, what their sympathies and re-
pugnances really are. " The only engagements,"
they say in conclusion, " that we ought to take be-
fore our country, are those which we have during
our whole life taken with ourselves : —Love for the
Republic and its defence, and the most sincere respect
for the will of the people, when the people shall have
manifested its will."

MM. BONNIN, BARTHELEMY, BOVRBEAU, BEREN-
GER, and PLEIGNANT, representatives of the people
for the department of thelrienne, have declared them-
selves in favour of General CAVAIGNAC for the Presi-
dency of the Republie, as offering every guarantee
for the stability of the Republic, for the maintenance
of order, for the respect of family ties, and for pro-
perty.
The representatives of the department of the Two
Sevres have formally adopted General CAVAIGNAC as
the candidate they shall support for the Presidency.
A few days ago a deputation of the electors of
Macon waited upon M. DH LAMARTINE, at his coun-
try-house, to invite him to preside at a banquet. M.
Ds LAMARTINE addressed the deputation in a speech
of some length, thanking them for the honour that
they proposed, but requesting that, in the present
state of things, the banquet might be postponed,
which was acceded to, and the month of May fixed.
In the course of his speech M. DE LAMARTINE, allud-
ing to the approaching election for the Presidency of
the Republic, said :
" You are aware that conversation turns on my very
involuntary candidateship to the office of first magis-
trate of the Republic. Ido not seek that post; I would
rather refuse it, were it not a desertion and an act of
cowardice to refuse any post whatever, when the Re-
public may be defended and served. I should not, there-
fore, refuse this honour if imposed on me by the tree
and voluntary suffrages of France. But I have not the
presumption to think myself necessary, not even the
confidence that I could be more useful than another in
that high post of the Republic. I should think it un-
worthy of France to endeavour to influence
her by acts or words. I should think it un•
worthy of myself to endeavour to exalt myself in the
face of my country. lam what I am, what God has
made me, neither more nor less. It is for my country to
judge if I can or not still serve it in any way. It is not
for me to plead for my pride, or to humiliate myself by
begging for confidence and votes, which are of value only
when voluntary, conscientious, and maturely reflected. It
would be said, besides, that I seize on this opportunity, or
that I have contrived it to publish here a manifesto, a
programme for myself, as candidate for the place of
President. What is the necessity of a manifesto for a
man whom France beheld for three months at the Hotel-
de Ville, or at the Hotel of Foreign Affairs ? For a
man who spoke for three months of the Republic, and of
the moderate, honest, constitutional, progressive, and
conservative sense, which he attached to that word? My
name is a manifesto ; my life during those three months
is a programme—or if not, there are no manifestoes or
programmes intelligible to the mind and to the eyes of
the people. I cannot, therefore, consent to falsify my
position, in appearing to desire what I dread. If I am
elected, I will accept, and I will be devoted to my duty.
—(Applause.) It I am not elected, I shall be well
pleased, and I will realise the word of an orator in our
first assemblies The Republic would be possible, if
some one would consent to be the second.' I will be the
second, the third, the last • no matter what, provided
the Republic be well served well defended 1" ,
A letter was received on Saturday by the Syndi-