The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-29 00:00:00

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.
NORTHERN ClRCUlT.—Liverpool, Aug. 28.
CROWN COURT.—(Before Mr. Justice CRESSWELL.

TRIAL OF DR. M'DOUALL.

Peter Murray MWouall, the Chartist, was indicted
for sedition, and endeavouring to incite others to resist
the laws, and for attending an unlawful assembly.
The AttornepGeneral stated' the case for the prose.
sution, and called evidence to establish the case.

Thomas Hollingworth, overlooker in Mr. Raynor's
factory, said he went to the meeting on the 10th July.
When there was a rush at the door, he saw what he
thought two or three pikes. He went no farther than
the door.

The note-book found on the prisoner was put in, and
notes containing prisoner's appointments for attending
many meetings at different towns in the manufacturing
districts of Lancashire and Yorkshire, and, among the
rest, that for Ashton, were read. A letter of the 6th
July, 1848, was read. It was addressed to the prisoner
from M'Kew, sending him 21., and giving him an account
of the proceedings in London at that time on the trial
of the Chartists. Another letter, dated the 14th, from
the same, in answer to an application for money, assur-
ing him they had none, and also giving an account of
the trials in London. The " Song of the SJil," was
then tendered, and objected to, but admitted, com
raencing—

"With pikes so brightly glancing, 0,
With flags so lightly dancing, 0,
As felons still,
With right good will,
To the struggle we're gaily advancing, 0."
Ib purported to be printed froml the Irish Felon of
July 8. One, of about 100 handbills, found on the pri-
soner, was read, advertising a projected periodical, to be
called "The Truth Teller," the object of which was to
advocate the People's Charter and the Repeal of the
Union.
That was the case for the prosecution.,
Mr. Sergeant WlLKiaes addressed the jury for the
prisoner, remarking on the strong prejudices just now
prevalent on the subject of the opinions professed by the
prisoner, and those who thought as he did, and on the
extreme difficulty of laying aside those prejudices, but
he entreated them, as they valued the trial by jury, to
exert themselves to decide the queln then before them
purely by the light of reason, and f from the influence
of prejudice.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL replied.
Mr. Justice CRESSWELL summed up. He said the pri-
soner was charged with intending to oppose the execu-
tion of the law, and it had been argued that it was lawful
for him to do so. To be lawful to obstruct the execution.
of the law was a contradiction in terms. Instances had
been referred to in which men, under certain circum-
stances, had resorted to arms against the Government.
But those who justified what they had done did it, not
on the ground that they had not violated the law, but
that those whom they opposed had violated it. There
could be no doubt that men had a right to form their
own opinions as to any law being good or bad, and they
might meet to declare those opinions ; but how were they-
tolproceed to get it altered ? Not by advising organi-
zation, and resorting to arms. He admitted the coinci-
dence in the evidence of the policemen was remarkable.
It was for the jury to say whether that arose from the
character of the alleged facts, or the intention of the
witness to mislead them, by deposing to that which was
not true. His Lordship then drew the attention of the
jury to the several counts of the indictment, and the evi-
dence tending to support each of them; and having ex-
plained to them what was an unlawful assembly, and
what seditious speaking, he advised them to do their
duty without fear or favour.
The jury retired, but in ten minutes returned, finding
the prisoner Guilty on all the counts.
Ho was then called on to say why sentence should not
be passed.
The prisoner said, in consequence of the conduct of
certain miscreants at Ashton-under-Lune, his witnesses,
had been prevented from attending to give evidence.
His LonDsnie said the prisoner had been convicted
on evidence which fully justified their verdict. He had
hired himself to propagate sedition, and he took the
opportunity of addressing an ignorant, and, perhaps,
suffering people, not for the purpose of proposing a
remedy for their sufferings, but to excite discontent and.
incite them to violate the law. This was the second
time he had been convicted of sedition, and he must be
severely punished. His Lordship then sentenced him to
be imprisoned in the county gaol for two years.

CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT

OLD COURT.

John Jaracs Bezer, 32, described as a labourer, was
placed in the dock, upon an indictment charging him,
with sedition.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that the speech which
the prisoner was charged with delivering was delivered
at a meeting held on the 28th of July, the day following-
the ill-founded and fated rumour of an insurrection in
Ireland, and of the disaffection of the troops, at the thea-
tre in Milton-street, Cripplegate. There were at first
about 500 or 600 present; but when the prisoner deli-
vered his speech there were nearly 1,000 present, con-
sisting chiefly of Irishmen and persons of the labouring
classes, who were highly susceptible of excitement. The
prisoner was a fish dealer—ho sold fish about the street'.
—(Laughter)—and was possessed of considerable powers
of the tongue. His speech ran as follows :
"It is not the fashion of Chartists to prevent free and
fair discussion. I love dismission. I glory in being in
a discussion, and simply because I think that
discussion, based upon fair and equitable
grounds, is the best way of arriving at tine truth..
Now, as to the resolution I hold in my
hand Resolved, that this meeting deeply sympathizes
with the struggling people of Ireland, and is resolved to
',Leta oy all aiiu every ineisua weir power; and
that we consider the physical preparations of the Go-
vernment unjustifiable without the proper remedial
measures attached thereto.' Brother Chartists! brother
Republicans! brother Democrats!—for I don't know
that I can address you by any better name than Demo-
crats, for the principle of democracy is the principle of
fair play; the principle of democracy is the principle of a
free stage to all and no favour to any ; the principle of de-
mocracy is the rights of the rich and no more; the prin-
ciple of democracy is the rights of the poor and no less;
the principle of democracy is the greatest amount of good
to the greatest number. In short, the principle of de-
mocracy is the principle of justice and of truth. DCI3IO-
- are the same in every nation. The democrats
of Russia, the democrats of Poland, the demo-
crats of Switzerland, the democrats of Ger-
many, the democrats of France, the democrats of
Ireland understand each other. They are all travelling
the same road, they have all one mind, they have all
one aim, they have all one object in view, and that ob-
ject is glorious liberty, they are all singing one song—
not in the same language, perhaps, but the same senti-
ment.

", Oh, liberty, will men resign thee,
Once having felt thy glorious flame?
Shall locks or bars or bolts confine thee,
Or whips thy noble spirit tame?'
That is part of the Marseillaise Hymn. Tyranny
has not tamed John Mitchel yet, I will be
bound. It has not yet tamed Ernest Jones, I will be
bound. Did it tame the men of old when they were
burned at the stake? No, it did not; it actually pro-
gressed their principles more than they would have pro-
gressed. And let tyrants beware. You had better shut
up shop; you had better put up your swords and cut
and run, for democracy is spreading, depend upon it,
and sooner or later will overwhelm you all. We have
seen lords and dukes and princes, and all the rest
of the mob in different nations cut and run.
Louis Philippe had to change his clothes and his
whiskers, and to take his umbrella, and run away. Wo
shall live to see greater changes yet. As a democrat, I
hope so. Every man that works for his living honestly,
either by his head or hands, is a respectable man, though
by bad laws he may be badly clothed and badly housed
and badly fed ; and those who do not work for their
living, but who fatten upon the labour of others, are
not respectable people, but, on the contrary, are
thieves and rogues and vagabonds, though they may
wear fine linen and fare sumptuously every day—though
they may wear crowns upon their heads and have swords
hanging at their tails—though they may be called Lords,
and Dukes, and Marquises, and Viscounts, and Right
Rev. Fathers in God, and Knights of the Garter, and
Grooms of the Stole, and Lords of the Bedchamber, and
all the other flummery, and mummery, and humbuggery.
I therefore will address you as respectable people,—for
I presume that with the exception of a sprinkling there
and a sprinkling here, and a few of these despi-
cable wretches who have hired themselves for
blood money—with the exception of those creatures we
are all respectable people. If Lord John Russell
wants to know what I am—l am a merchant
in ttie city of London, and though perhaps
I have not much 'rhino,' I am perhaps more
respectable than many other merchants, for I market
with ready money. I sell fish about the streete.
If we perform our duty well, generations yet unborn will
bless us, if we perform our duty ill, generations yet
unborn will curse us. What is that duty? The Northern
Star of last week says, our duty is to sympathise with
Ireland. Well, is our duty to end there ? Our duty is
to help Ireland, and I will tell you how we will
help her. lam not going to say, in God's name,
geil arms,' for that is sedition : I am not
fe going to say, in God's name get pikes,' for that is
lony; but I am going to say, g
in God's name get
umbrellas,' 'in God's name get great coats.' lam not
going to tell you:?1, opinion of the Government of this
country; but I
else, and as this give you the opinion of somebody
man is a long way off I don't think
that the Governmentthwill be able to catch him—and
that is the editor of
nowe New York Herald. lam read-
ing from a stamped er, the most loyal paper in
the world, and therefore is uo treason in that.
This is what Brothsearo
we
are
thinks of the British
Government. They
groevaelillangtioinn
' we area nation,' say they,
'a
—you—.'
There is a shame. A narrow
masses of our population to it rules, taxes, and
powdegrarc.hy is grinding the
plunders the State for its own lucre and ambition. The
church, the law, the navy, the army, and the Crown are
kept up only to satiate its hungry maw and
aggrandise
its power. The middle classes, says BrotherJ athan
—I don't say so—' are either slaves or toadies—the
lower classes only slaves." Chartism is the natural
ahe
true expression of the popular feeling. The unconcealed
wish of the majority of the people is for a republic, and
they are only kept in check by the terrors of military
force.' And now, something to the point that has called
us together this night. We will quote Brother Jonathan
again, because they cannot catch him If ever there
was a people,' says the .New York Herald (which, mark
you, is the organ of the war party, and the war party in
.America is now getting the ascendancy, and that is
another significant fact), ' if ever there was a people who
had cause to rise and strike their tyrants, the Irish are
that people. If there ever was a time to do it, the pre-
sent is it. The crisis may be delayed until after harvest,
but we are inclined to think that it will come then beyond
all peradventure. They will gain an accession to their I