The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-13 00:00:00

SUN, LON DON, FRI DAY. EVEN LNG., FEERUAR\ 13. 1646.

secure to the treasury a revenue of more than three millions
of francs.
The report on' the Budget of the DeTaltntent .of Justice,-
was distributed ,•rroo3 the Members yesterday, and is placed
on the order of the day 42, r Thursday.
The Prreurs:ur of Antwerp sal-5 :—" The Belp,ian steamer
Princess Victoria arrived yesterday afternoon from• London,
with a full cargo. of various goods, and twelve passengers,
among whom was the Earl of Aberdeen. The captain of
the Soho steamer brings word that the iron
steamer, built on account of the Belgian Govern-
ment, has made a trial of its • speed on the Thames.
The Captain of the 'Seto adds, that it excels in speed all
other known steamers. - It seems that Government attaches
much importance to this service. In crder to avoid the exa-
mination at the Custom-house, it has appointed M. Dubois
examiner ef our port, to
.be stationed on board this vessel,
and pet form the voyages, thus the examination of the effects
-will be made during the voyage. It is even said that this
officer will be authorised to &diver transit papers (acquits de
transit), so that passengers may be able to land immediately
on their arrival, and set out- by the railroad. Though the
Government is not interested in the steamers from Antwerp
to London, it is to be hoped that it will extend this favour
to them."

difficulties or distress existed, local remeeies should be
applied, but do not, because local distress exists, disturb
the great laws which regulate a mighty empire ; with respect
to the question of famine pervading the whole" country;
he thought it was contradicted at once, by the prices
that were obtained at present. There may be fa-
mine in the newspapers, and among her Maje:ty's Ministers,
but there was no real famine while the present prices of corn
were maintained. He would now address himself to the ques-
tion which was immediately before the House, as to the aboli-
tion of the corn-laws. The corn laws prevented low prices,
to which there was a tendency. If all regulations with regard
to price were taken away, there would always be either too'
much corn or too little. When there was a good harvest, fo=
reign nations would keep their suri•lus produce for themselves,
and this nation would go without, and be exposed to all
the disastrous consequences. In good years, on the contrary,
there would be an enormous influx of foreign corn.—(Hear.)
The serplas -which is likely to come under free trade, is ex-
tremely different from what it is under existing circumstances.
Foreign natLtis at present have a dread at the extreme uncer-
tainty of the sliding-scale, which prevents them from growing
more corn than they can dis;iose of with a profit, but when
there was no duty at all to frigh. en therm there would be a
great superfluity.
An Hon. MEMBER—Say plenty. - •
Mr. HEAT•HCOTE continued —Yes, be was for plenty,
but not for a wasteful superfluity. He had had the honour,
some time since, to represent the town of Boston in Parlia-
ment, and he found that it was much cheaper to export wheat
from Hamburg to London than it was to bring it from Boston
to London. It was cheaper, because the wheat was-conveyed
in foreign ships. He believed that the countries in the north
of Europe would undersell the United States in corn. The
consequence• would be that corn wauld be purchased from
countries who will take nothing but specie in exchange, and
ystur manufactures will be sent to a country who will not re-
ceive them because you will not take their corn. He did think
that when a great experiment Lke the present was about to be
tried, the farmers and agriculturists ought to know what they
had to expect. He would now read to the House some extracts
from tables of the prices of foreign corn which he had prepared
about four years ago. From the years 1815 to 1846, in Dant-
zic corn, during twenty-five years, the average appears to be
28s. per quarter, and during the last seven years of tnat
eriod it was 25s per quarter. During a period of seven con-
secutive years in Denmark, the price of corn averaged only
183. per quarter. Now, it might be said that this was because
Denmark was a s rail country, and that low prices would be ob-
tained when there wasan abundance. To this he would reply that
the price of Denmark was the price of all the North. Ile would
read the prices for the same average of years in different parts.
In Prussia, it was 165.; in Cologne, 165.; in Brandenburg, 175.;
in Siberia and Pomerania, 175.; in Dantzic, 225.; at St.
Petersburgh, 225.; and at Riga, 20s. per quarter. He would
ask what would be the effect of the introduction of foreign
corn at these prices ? It had been said that the corn-laws of
this country were no protection to prices, but he found that
while the price of corn at Dantzio rose only Bs., the price
during the same year in England was 575. per quarter. They
had been told, over and over again, that the corn-laws were
of no use. He would refer to the year 1822, during which
period great distress existed in the country. The price
of wheat then was 445. ; in Denmark at the same
time, it was only 18s. In 1835, when great distress
was also prevalent, the price in England was 395. ; in Den-
mark at 19s. ; so that if the corn-laws had not then beer: in
existence, the country would have been entirely overrun. He
would, in conclusion, beg of those who took upon themselves
the responsibility of the present measure, also to take upon
themselves the responsibility of its consequences. If he should
succeed in throwing out this Bill, he should think he had
achieved something to be proud of. If, on the other hand, he
should fail, he should feel satisfied that he had done all that
laid in his power in opposing the meaure, to accord with the
wi,hes of his constituents and the best interests of the country.
Mr. W. MARTIN was of opinion that the time had now
arrived when the interests of the country required that a change
should be made in the corn-laws, and that was the only
justification he could give for• abandoning protection.
What regulated the price of corn was the price of the last
bushel which they were compelled to import from abroad. He
believed the free trade would not materially reduce the price
of corn. lie did not believe that they would see, on an ave-
rage of ten years, the price of wheat imported from abroad at
less than 50s. per quarter. It might be said that improve-
ments would come by degrees, but he would remind the House
how slowly improvements came upon agriculture. It was not
so with manufactures, as improvements were continually taking
place in them. But in agriculture, if an experiment were
tried, it required a great length of time to test its efficacy.
This was an additional argument in favour of the Government
proposition. Many persons, however, expected that we should
be inundated with grain from the United States. Why, the
price of wheat in New York, for some years together, was
higher than it was in London. The lowest price he had ever
heard of in the United States was in Michigan, where
he understood that it had been grown as low as 255. a quarter,
and yet it was a notorious fact, that at the time that was the
price of corn in Michigan the price in New York was as high
as in London. On these grounds, he felt little alarm as to the
probable influx of corn to this country from the United States.
He thought it was to our interest to place our trade and com-
merce on a healthy footing, whether the United States were
disposed to follow our example or not. He believed, however,
that other rations would be quite ready to follow in our foot-
steps. He believed that, in the step they were taking, they
were laying the foundation of 'lasting prosperity for their
children.
Several Hon. Members rose, but there were loud calls for
Mr. J. BARING, who said he much regretted that he was
compelled to act in opposition to those whom he had hitherto
followed, and whose patriotism and stern sense of duty he had
always admired. He believed that the present measure was
unwise and inconsistent. The arguments upon which the
Right Hon. Gentleman rested his change of opinion was to
him (Mr. Baring) quite inconclusive.—(Cheers.) Such a
measure as the present required time for full and extensive con-
sideration. If some measure, some temporary measure, were
required for the alleviation of distress, that was no reason for
the introduction of such a measure as that which was before the
House. If the last change in the tariff had been successful,
that was an argument in favour of a gradual change, and against
such a sweeping measure as the present. He did not
believe that the prosperity of the last three years
had depended solely on the changes in the tariff.
It appeared to him that the prosperity of the country had
arisen from the activity of trade, and from the advantageous
employment of labour, It was important for him to state the
relative connexion between the price of food and the rate of
wages. He believed that wages might be high and the price
of food law, or that the price of food might be high, and the
rate of wages low. There was a large remuneration given for
labour in America, and yet fund was cheap there.—( Hear,
hear.) They had a very low rate of remuneration for
labour in Poland, and provisions were not cheap there.
That fact proved to him that there was no connexion between
the price of food and the price of labour.—(Hear, hear.) If
the demand for labour decreased with an increasing population,
the result would be that the wages must be regulated accord-
ing to the price of food, and the wages would therefore be
reduced to that sum of money on which a man could exist.
He could not, therefore, see anything in these three years of
prosperity, gratifying as they might be—anything to justify a
very grand experiment, which would shake the resources of the
whole agricultural country ; it would open a future of which
none could see the result. No one viewed the calamities that
might happen to Ireland with more regret than he did, and
he knew that the reports of famine and disease in that country
had given great diesatisfaction. If that report was founded on
troth, it would cause an influx of provisions there, and there-
fore they need not fear for Ireland. A special case requires a
special remedy.—( Hear, hear.) He had undoubtedly heard that
the poor Irishman lived solely on his crop of potatoss, and if
that failed, he had no means of existence. In a case like that
he would look to the land cultivators around him for relief ;
and by this measure the prosperity of those persons who could
afford him relief would be reduced. He regretted to hear the
statement of the Secretary for the Home Department—it struck
him both with surprise and sorrow.—( Hear.) If ever there
was a truly patriotic Minister, he believed that no man was more
so than the Right Hon. Baronet, and he would feel it his
duty to do all in his power for Ireland. With regard to the
scarcity in England, it did not seem to call for a great change
in the corn-laws. When the Hon. Member for the City of
London moved for a return of all the corn in the ports of this
nation, there appeared to have been about 430,003 quarters.
It struck him (the Hon. Member for London) that this was a
very imperfect supply for- this country, but there was at that
time in the country, a sufficient stock to last it for two or
three months. That fact proved to him (Mr. Baring)
that, although the stock of bonded corn might
be small, yet the real supply rested on the stacks and
granaries that were in the country. The 430,000 quarters
that were then in the ports were now increased to a million
quarters, and that showed that the first cry of alarm drew
ample supplies to this country. It had been proved to him
that the potato crop had failed, hut he found that the supply of
barley and oats had been sufficiently plentiful. They knew that
the sliding-scale had failed, because sufficient food could not be
introduced. Speculators saw that no advantage could be
taken of the sliding-scale, and therefore they had to rake ad-
vantage of the sliding-scale of Ministerial nerves.—(lm-
men- e cheering.) With regard to the alleged statement
of the exportation of foreign corn into other countries.
What was the case with regard to Holland and Belgium ?
About 100,000 quarters were sent there, and an ample supply
was still at the disposal of the country. They had been told
last year that there would not be a sound potato by Christmas.
A snsal quantity had been sent to Holland and Belgium, and
an ample supply could be commanded. The Hon. Baronet at
the head of the Government had told them that in Liverpool
and other places the price of rice had risen, but a reaction had
now taken place, and the price of rice had fallen
25 and even 30 per cent. Tho public press, or at least that
portion of it that opposed the corn-laws, spoke of the starva-
tion and distress that existed, as connected with them, as it
was their wish to cause a feeling against them—( Hear, hear)
—and even the Noble Lord who represented the City of Lon-
don had adopted that principle for a short time. From the
public press, down to a private letter, they were met with the
cries of want and distress, but he believed that the greatest
want which existed in the country, and which threatemed the
thost danger, was the want of a Ministry—(Loud cheers from
the Treasury side of the House)---and the greatest scarcity was
the scarcity of statesmen who could properly govern the affairs
of the country—(Continued cheering)—and he was not alone
in that opinion. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the
Government stated, when he introduced the measure, that the
state of the manufacturing districts required these great
changes in the landed interest. He said, in answer to a ques-
tion which had been put to him, that serious apprehensions
were entertained as to the sad results which would follow in
those districts in consequence of the deficient harvest, and it
was therefore most advisable to bring in the present measure.
The Right Hon. Baronet also referred to a document which
made a great impression upon his mind, and he (Mr. Baring)
must confess that it had a similar effect upon his own mind.
That document stated that it was probable that we should be
visited by the same calamities as this country laboured under
in 1839. The Right Hon. Baronet read one extract from that
document, which supported hls present views, but he declined
liberty of )by
that portion to which he (Mr. Baring) would now take the
of calling the attention of the House.—(Hear, hear, and
The document to which he referred was a circular
Messrs. Gibson, Ord and Co., eminent merchants
of Manchester, on the 22d of January last. They stated, in
one of the earagraphs of that document, that although great
anxiety and alarm very justly existed in the country with re-
gard to the failure of the potato crop, yet there were not grounds
for the present very serious excitement. They also stated it
to be their candid opinion that it would be a most injudicious
plan to open the ports to alleviate apprehended famine—(Mithe
material cheers)—becarise such a step would produce
greatest disarrangement in the home and foreign markets.—
Such a step, they stated, would be so extravagant and so wild,
that they would certainly protest against it.—(llear, hear.
Their goods, they said, would lie rendered unsaleable, and the
trade of the country would, for a time, be rendered com-
pletely stagnant. The cause of alarm, they believed, had been
most grossly exaggerated, and it was impossible that the de-
ficiency could be so great as anticipated. The surplus corn
that had lain over for the previous years would, in their opi-..
nearly make op for the deficiency.—(hear, hear.) 'rhe
A' til°inni'ster had several courses, they said, open to him to alle-
viate the impending distress ; but in their solemn opinion they
-believed that the opening of the ports would unquestionably be
so sudden and unexpected a transition, as to some extent to
embarrass the Government of the country.—(Ministerial
cheers.) Those Gentlemen were not in favour of the cern •
laws, but they said that it was their belief that the time had
arrived when a change shculd be made in the laws affecting
the importation of foreign corn.--(Loud Opposition chears,
and 1111 laghter. OY said that the apprehension of the

FUNDS.,-Bausms, FED. 11.
Actual Debt, 234 per Cent •••• • • • ••• • • •
nothschthrs Loan, Five per Cent •.•• • • • •
Loan of Thirty Millions, Four par Cent-. • •
Ditto Three per Cent
• Ditto Thirty-seven Millions, ditto • .
Ditto,dltto,lB4,l.. • • • • • • • ........
Ditto, ditto,lB42 .• . • 102%
Ditto, 1844. ... • • ••
Ditto, 1836.. . .. • • • • •
Ditto, 1838 .. •.•.• • • •• .
Ditto of the City, 1832 .. • • . • • •
Ditto, 1843 .• 10130
Bank oll3elgitun— • • . •• • 805.
-Brussels Papers, Feb. 12.

IMPERIAL PARLIAM NT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS; Thursday, Feb. 12.
THE CORN-LAW S.—ADJOURN ED • DEBATE. ,
Mr. W YNN said, that many of those who had ad-
dressed the House had lamented that the, nature of this
question was such as to cause very considerable differ-
ence of opinion amongst the political leaders of
this country. Although he might difFer from some
of them in his vote, and should vote for those who
held his own opinion, yet he felt himself divided
on this question, which so very much divided
the opinions of men in general. lie differed in opinion
from a most respectable meeting of his own consti-
tuents, but that was a circumstance to which many
Members of that House must necessarily be exposed.
He had bad the good fortune to enjoy for fifLy years
the confidence of his constituency, and if he had ever
departed from their opinion on any paticular question,
they had acknowledged that it might be a conscientious
matter. He was satisfied that he had performed his
duty to the country by consulting what he considered
to be its interests rather than the feelings of any parti-
cular party of the persons whom he represented. He felt
that this question put the well-being of the agriculturist
and the manufacturer in the balance, and their
interests were so much alike that they could not look at
one without considering the other. He had heard speak
of the benefit of leaving a question of this kind to the
individuals themselves rather than to the Government.

He was aware that it had been the policy of the Govern
ment to promote laws for the protection of the agricul
turists and the manufacturers. Much as he respected
the institutions and legislation of our forefathers, there
was no point on which he differed from them so much
as their practice of meddling with what might be easily
managed by the individuals c ncerned. When he looked
at the regulation:, relative to agriculture—the limit that
was set to the quantity of land to be devoted to pasture
or tillage, he was surprised ; and when he looked at
the fact, that the price of wheat was to be regulated
by the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Chancellor, or the
Lord Chief Justice, he entirely disapproved of it.
It was said that every vessel which brought over wine
to this country would also bring over bowed staves.—
(Laughter.) It was said that for every butt of wine
brought over, ten bowed staves would accompany it.
Let them remember that it was not till the close
of the reign of James. I. that a permanent change in
our commercial policy took place, but it was not till the
Administration of Mr. Pitt, that a more generous change
took place. About the perind,of the Union, he first pro-
pounded his commercial policy. Acting upon his usual
policy, he threw aside the prejudices of his pre-
decessors, and brought those principles into law.
The best answer he could give to those who questioned
the necessity of altering the present state of things was
that which the French merchant gave at one time to
Colby, when he inquired, "What can I do for
the encouragement of your trade and prosperity ?" the
answer was, ". to let them alone."—(Hear, and laughter.)
He hoped that the Government would carry their mea-
sures out to a still greater extent. He confessed he
should have been better pleased if they had done so.
He believed, however, that it could not be done
at present, and that so far as it could have been
with safety to the country it bad been done. The
experience, the enterprise, and the capital of this country
would, he believed, obviate the great evils of which the
Hon. Member who last addressed the House had spoken.
It had been said that the agriculturists could not assist
their husbandman as the manufacturer did his work-
men, by improved machinery. He could say that so
far as his experience and observation went, he
differed from that opinion. He thought he saw daily
the beneficial effects of the application of machinery to
agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) He saw large proprietors
erecting upon their estates machinery for the manu-
facture of drain tiles. These tiles were sold to the tenant
at prime cost. He hoped that this system would be
developed to a greater extent. It had also been said
that it was not to the interest of this country to depend
upon foreign countries for the supply of corn. He was
of opinion that was a fallacy. He considered that the
Americans would be as anxious to encourage our buy-
ing their corn as they were anxious to sell it. He thought
they would act as the old Duch merchant, who, in the
time of a war between that country and France, was
asked why he exported his merchandise there, replied,
that if he were told they were in want of sulphur in the
lower regions he would send a ship-load of that com-
modity to the mouth of Acheron, provided he could obtain
a sufficient insurance to cover the damage that might be
done by the singeing of the sails. He had also known
many members of the Anti-Jacobin Clubs who would
never refuse to take a glass or a bottle of claret, upon
the ground that it would give assistance to the French
merchant ; and such, he conceived, would be the state
of things even if this country should be dependent
for its supply of corn upon foreign countries.
He hoped to see the policy which directed those mea-
sures carried to a greater extent, and with that view he
would give the Government every support.
Mr. G. lIEATHCOTE said, in addressing himself
to the present question, ho weuld endeavour to be as brief as
possible, He did think that an appearance of consistency was
due from public men. When his Hon. Friend on this (the Oppo-
sition) side of the House brought forward measures which he
thought injurious to the agricultural interests he opposed them ;
and now, when the Government brought forward measures
which he considered infinitely more injurious, more extensive in
the injuries which they wou:d inflict, he would give
them every opposition.—(Ministerial cheers.) He begged
their ettention to the state of things which existed during the
last year. Their manufactories were prosperous, trade was
extending itself, and agriculture was beginning to recover itself
from the deep and deadly wounds inttcted by the Right Hon.
Gentleman. Well, the Governmerit,in this state of things, pro-
pose a series of measures, accompanied by a change of opinion
unparalleled in the record of political tergsrvisation. The
Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government had
turned out his Noble Friend, because he brought forward a
proposition for a fixed duty of Bs. But now he came for-
ward and proposed a fixed duty of 45., and at the end of three
years he intends to remove all protection from agriculture.
He had called this a dangerous experiment. He was justified
in so calling it, for it was an experiment that was contrary to
the experience of all countries and all time. The' Right Hon.
Baronet had told us that all history and records of events should
be expunged from the annals of England previous to the period
of his own Administration. He (Mr. Fleethcote) would ask
whether the three years' experience of the Right Hon. Baronet
would bear him out in proposing to the House the present
measure ? He (Mr. Heatheote) was quite ready to admit that
there was great prosperity, a diminution of crime and
improved condition of morals at present in the country;
22 but he thought those advantages were entirely owing to the in-
ctwor
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of railroads in various parts of the country, and thus improv-
ing the modes and facilities of conveyance. He would main-
tain that the country was more indebted to the Hon. Member
for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson) for his activity and energy in
promoting the construction of railroads, than to any free-trade
measures of the. Right Hon. Baronet.—( Hear, hear, and
cheers.) In the year 1839, the Hon. Member for Kendal came
down and told the House that the manufacturing interests
were in a preposterous condition, and yet wheat had fallen Bs.
a quarter.'there was an attempt to annihilate the interest of
protection, and the followers of the Right Hon.. Baronet would
find it out when they presented themselves on the hustings at
the next election. The Hon. Member for Wiltshire had alluded
to what had taken place in the year 1815, as if that had been
the first time when the corn-laws were to be heard of. Why,
the corn-laws and protection to agriculture had been in exist-
ence for the last two hundred yeafs, and he considered, further,
that if an error had been committed in 1815, by forcing up the
price of wheat, a still greater error would be committed in
1846 by attempting to abolish them altogether.—(Hear, hear.)
He would ask whether there was any strong cause of public
necessity to justify the present measure?—( Hear, hear.) He
meant, a strong feeling of the pubic with reference to this sub-
ject, similar to that which overrun England, previous to the
Reform Bill. As far as he knew, all was tolerably peaceable
and quiet. 'I he warfare carried on was exclusively a defen-
sive warfare. When the manufacturers put on the armour of
free trade, the agriculturists assumed the whole panoply of
protection. The history of the last five or six years, with re-
spect to elections, was a complete record of defiance of protec-
tion, and of the strongest failure of the gentlemen who support
free trade.
Mr. BRIGHT—The West Riding of Yorkshire for instance?
Mr. G. HEATH COTE resumed, that was an exception;
but, besides that, the free trade gentlemen had nothing to boast
of at the elections. Why, they had failed in the very heart of
free trade. They had failed at Birmingham, at Sunderland,
and lastly, they had failed at Wigan.—(Cheers.) His Noble
Friend, the Member for London, had admitted it, and con-
firmed it. There was no doubt whatever that a large propor-
tion of the people of this country were opposed to the
priuciples of free trade. In the year 1641, whole consti-
tuencies, at the time of the elections, passed resolutions in
favour of protection, and tow the Parliament elected under
the banner of protection, was about to decide in favour of
free trade. Looking at he whole state of the case, whether
at home or abroad, he felt satisfied that the principles of free
trade could not be adopted either with safety or with honour.
—( Hear.) Neither could foreign nations be made to alter
their tariffs until three-fifths of the people of England had
been induced to change their opinions. He would now speak
a few words with respect to the famine that was said to
threatim the country. As regarded Ireland, he should be
happy to render that unhappy country every means
of rescuing itself from the portending distress. At a
meeting of his own constituent*, which had recently
been held, he had told them at once that if any measure for the
relief of the people of Ireland should be brought forward, he
hoped they would allow him to give it his support.—(The pro•
position was received with simultaneous cheers of assent.) If,
however, a measure were to be adopted for the relief of Ire-
land* why was it not carried into effect at once ? When peo-
ple were starving, delays wet, cruel and dangerous. If local

present scarcity had prepared the minds of all men for it.—
(Cheers and laughter.) They believed that provision should
be made to the utmost possible extent for the apprehended
Calainify.—( Continued Opposition cheers and laughter.) They
said, however, that they did not advocate a total and ineme.;
diate repeal of the corn-laws, hut they were afraid that the
existing alarm in the minds of men might make the present a
proper time for a great reform in those laws. —(Cheers.) They
stated, however, that it would be unjust to the landed interest
to create such a revolution in the agricultural policy of the
Government as might paralyse the energies and in-
dustry of the country. They recommended that a I
moderate fixed duty should be imposed in the
first instance, with a progression to an enitre abolition of all.
duties.—( Loud laughter and cheers from the Opposition side
of the House.) Those parties, therefore. who, be it remem-
bered, were enemies to the present corn-laws, recommended-
not immediate repeal, but a fixed duty. They also stated that
the present alarm about the failure of the late harvests had been
much exaggerated, and further, they did not believe that
the present circumstances of the country called for 'such a
step R 3 the opening of the ports by her Majesty's
Government. He (Mr. Baring) referred to the document
from which he had read these extracts, because the Right Hon.
Baronet at the head of the Government had given the stamp
of his approbation to it by reading extracts from it when. he
introduced the present measure. That document showed that
the Right Horn Baronet would not have been justified in
opening the ports, a course which he had proposed to his col-
leagues in the Cabinet, but which step they, of course,
deprecated. (Hear, hear.) For his (Mr. Baring's)
own part, he would ray, that in his humble
opinion it would have been most isjudicious to have opened
the ports at that period. This country would, in such an
event, have exposed itself to the mercies of foreign powers ; it
would have increased the prosperity -Of other countries by
putting an end to its own.--(Heare' hear.) Considering the
recent relaxation in the tariff, he confessed that he did not see
how the Right Honourable 'Brinoect was justified
in bringing forward the preen:re-proposal ; which was
nothing less than a most suctelen nand sweeping mea-
sure.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps he might 'be all Owed to say a
word or two upon the general measure; tifiticularly in reference
to the stmtsg opinion which had been formerly expressed by the
Right Honfßaronet, as to the importance of a great reserve in
the revenue and expenditure. It seemed to him
(Mr. Baring), although .she... Aid ;- not pretend to any
accuracy with respect to the finances of the country,
that when the Right Hon. Baronet proposed an
augmentation in the expenditure on the charges of the Con-
solidated Fund—being more than half a million—he should re-
collect that a great loss would arise to the revenue by tie abo-
lition of the duties on the importation of foreign corn,which most
necessarily be made up by the imposition of new taxes, for he
could not expect that the loss would be made up by
the duties to be received on the anticipated inerewe
of foreign goods hereafter to be imported into this country in
consequence of the repeal ot the corn-laws. He was afraid he
had trespassed too long upon the attention of the House—
( Cheers)—but he was anxious to say that he was not one of
those who thought that protection ought to be indiscriminately
applied to all articles; he conceived that if protection
was claimed for any article of industry, a case
should be made out to justify its protection. Each
interest in his opinion should be treated according to its
peculiar circumstances. He believed that in every step the
Legislature. in dealing with subjects of this sort, should adopt
the principle which had been long ago laid down by Dr. Adam
Smith, and which doctrine had ben quoted by the Noble Lord
the Member for the City of London at some length.
The doctrine to which he (Mr. Baring) alluded,
was that Government, in legislating in matters of trade,
should take care that the abolition of protective duties be made
slowly and by gradations. As regarded the corn-law of 1815,
he (Mr. Baring) was not one who looked to the present as a
final measure—he could not believe in finality in any matters
of legislation.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But still he
thought that there was an understanding that that law had
worked well, and that it would not be changed by its own
authors.—(llear, hear.) He would not go into the workings
of that law, but he would only say that the Government, in
questions of this sort, should, in the words used by the Right
Honourable Baronet at the head of the llevernment
the other night, " act most cautiously and delibe-
rately." lie hoped, too, that the present measure
of the Government would ultimately prove beneficial to this
country, but he really could not. see why Government should
put a check to the confidence of those concerned in the culti-
vation of the land. It was impossible to say what would be
the result of the present measure. There was nobody to in-
form the House what would be the amount of foreign corn
that would be imported into this country under the proposed
measure, and it was also impossible for anybody to protect the
price of corn.—( Hear, hear.) In his humble opinion great
injury would arise from the sudden change; it would
affect a ' great interest.--(Flear, hear.) It would shock the
confidence of the agriculturists, and destroy stability, in every-
thing connected with the land.-,( Hear, hear.) Now, what
were the advantages proposed by this measure ? Some said
that it Would uheapen thennice:of bread ; and if it would not,
why bring. ,it leeward ?•—( Hear, hear.) He believed that
every article of consumption was by increase of consumption
made cheaper. This bad been the case with respect to the
articles of cotton; coffee, tea, and. tobacco. - The Hon. Baronet
had shown himself that the price of wheat tad cheapened pro-
portionably with the increase of consumption and population.
Such, be could show by a document which he then held in
his hand, had been the effect in the Western States' of Ame-
rica, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for War
also showed that a similar result had followed in Ohio. But
statements on this head were always very uncertain. He,
however, held a document in his hind which was generally
believed to be correct, although, for his own part,
he did not attach much importance to it fhat
document stated that .vhile the population of that country was
600,000 in 1844, the amount of cern consumed was 3,280,000
quarters; and the amount consumed in 1845 was 6,000,001)
quarters, whilst the population was 7,000,000. So that the
tendency in those countries of an increase in the population
was to prodnee an increased eonsumption of corn. The forma-
tion of railroads, however, would almost answer the purpose of
the present measure, because those means of transit would con-
siderably decrease the price of corn. If we depended on
foreign supplies of corn, it seemed to him that we should be
liable to a great rise in the price. They would find that cotton
was subject to great fluctuation in price without the opera-
tion of free trade. In 1836 the price of cotton at Liverpool
was 9nel., and at the end of March it had risen to 111 d., and
in the December of that year it was mid. In the commence-
ment of 1834 it was 100., and at the close of that year it was
Bd. The whole of those fluctuations showed that the varia-
tions were equivalent to 70 per cent. It was sometimes said
that the rate of freight .was quite sufficient to serve as a
guarantee for the protection of corn. Now, what was the
case with regard to freight? Freight might be taken at 9'.
from Odessa, 2s. from Hamburgh, 4s. from the Baltic, and 6s.
from New York to Liverpool, with the addition of two or three
shillings to London. It was Bs. from New Orleans. and a
further charge of 2s. upon the home producer. From Norfolk
the freight was Is. 6d., and Boston 95., and the effect was
that corn shipped at Boston would have to pay the same
freight as that shipped from Hamburgh. He had to apologise
to the House for occupying their attention so long—(Cheers)
—but he would solicit the indulgence of the House whilst he
stated, that in his opinion there was a strong feeling on the
part of many connected with trade that a moderate duty was
far preferable to a total abolition of the corn-laws.---(Cheers.)
It was not, however, for him to enter into the truth of such
a position, but he must say that their opinions were deserving
of attention at the present moment.—(Hear, hear.) If
the Government ever intended making a satisfactory
settlement of this matter, now was the time for
doing so. He should certainly see to tranquillity
in the country, but he hod no deslre to see the tranquillity of
content.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) This measure would
produce a great shock in the country, and the people could have
no confidence in those who took part in public affairs. Na-
tional blessings were dearly bought at such a lamentable cost
as that offered by the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, bear.)
Had it been a satisfactory measure he would have had much
pleasure in tendering to the Government his cordial support.
It was not a measure calculated to give that satisfaction to the
country which ought to be looked'tor in a measure proposed by
the Prime Minister of the Crown. Was it a wise, a politic, or
a statesmanlike thing to semi a:great interest, like the landed
interest, from that House without any confidence in any Go-
vernment ?—( Hear, hear.) Who could doubt that their interest
would, by the proposed measure, be seriously injured and their
very existence joopardised.—(Hear hear.) Humble as he
was, he would venture to say, that while he was in favour of all
fair concessions for the freedom of trade, he still thought it both
necessary and politic to maintain a moderate protection to agri-
culture. ( Cheers.)
Lord MORPETH said, if the question had been a less im-
portant onelienvould have hesitated, at so short a period after
having resumed his seat in that House, from presenting him-
self again' to their notice, especially when he rose to take that
view cf the question which, in his judgment, had received
nearly all the illustration of which it is capable—everything
which the most consummate ability, tie most industrious re-
search, the greatest amount of official authority, and a pro-
tracted discussion could possibly bring to elucidate the
subject. The question had also received many very illustrious
additions. The Hon. Member who had just sat down he knew
before to be a friend to free trade in the abstract.—
(Cries of "Hear, hear.") But he thought, after his speech
of to-night, it would be difficult to discover if, either its
abstract, or in detail, he was favouraby disposed to a general
relaxation of restrictive duties. He has not told us how far he
would go, or where he would stop. He (Lord Morpeth)
thought that a great interest which had been brought forward
in the debate, like the annicultural interest of the country, if
there was one course more than another which he deprecated,
it was that of being subjected to this constant changing,
gradual system of experiments.—(Hear, he-r.) The Hon.
Member has told us- that the great want in the preceding
autumn was the want of a Minister. Now I think, said the
Noble Lord, that Rant is most sensibly felt by that great and
important party of which the lion. Member is so distinguished
an ornament. They have contested every vacant seat in the
country, but even still they seemed to be lament-
ably deficient of a leader and a head.—(No, no, and hear,
hear.) If such is not the case, we shall shortly see, when
they have displayed their full force and numbers, and made the
echo of their own opinions responded to in the country, we
shall then see a successful, stable Government formed—( Hear)—
upon the principles of undiminished protection to agriculture.
The Hon. Member for Huntingdon (Mr. Baring) had stated,
that the present would be a favourable time to effect a com-
promise on this subject. I do not know whether he comes
down here as the bearer of any overtures upon the principles of
compromise. I can tell the Hon. Member that the opinion,
both in the country and in this House is, that the time for a
compromise is gone by.—( Hear, hear.) A compromise was
once offered—( Hear, hear)—by the party with whose leader
I have the proud satisfaction of acting. The Hon. Member
must not forget, that at that period the party who now hail
him as their honourable ally, rejected all notion of compromise.
I. feel that the best excuse I can have for offering myself to
the attention of the House upon this long discussed and wide
stretching question, which has, as I have already stated, re-
ceived nearly all the illustration it is capable of, would be to
confine my observations to what is special and peculiar in my
ewn opportunities that I have had, and the position which I
heed with respect to it. Since I last had the honour of ad-
dressing this House I have been a traveller on the North
American Continent. I have for two yews lived in agricul-
tural districts in that country, and I have lost and re-
gained the representation of the West Riding of Yorkshire.
And I consider that the effect of my return as a member
for this House, from so large and populous a district as the
\Vest. Riding of Yorkshire—as one of the most significant and
signal verdicts which could be given—which has been submitted
to the country in the sessions of 1846. But there is only one cir-
cumstance which seems to use to require remark with reference
to the opinion of the large body of constituents whom I have the
honour to represent.. The question which has been brought
before them—the projects ot the Right Hon. Baronet at the
head of her Majesty's Government—concerns, as we all know,
an infinite variety of articles, besides corn and other
provisions.—( Hear, hear.) It meddles almost as much
with manufactures as with agriculture.—(No, no, and hear.)
Hon. Members say " No, no ;" I maintain that it meddles as
touch with many leading branches of manufactures as it does
with agriculture. —(No, no.) Well, it meddles as much as it
possibly could.—( Hear, hear.) The abolition of protection in
one instance is the same, but in another unlike. The repeal of
the duties on manufacture is immediate, and upon corn is gra-
duel. —(lean hear.) 1 was proceeding to say that the con-
stituents, by whose choice, I have the honour to represtnt, cote-
peise amongst them the largest woollen, worsted, and steel ma-
nufacturers in the country. It comprises, also, the largest
linen manufacturers in the kingdain. h has • also
laign 40 and considerable cotton Alanufacturen. Now, as I

" Tibi mittat ab antrts
/Ecilus iratas hyemes tibi militat ether
Et congregati veniant in prmlia venti."
Yes, Sir, 1 think it rather a confirmation of the truth of that
principle that the stars do not fight against it, but that their
combinations would seem to be in its favour. But with respect
to this argument, I believe it is established by those who give
their special attention to the variations of the weather that the
same circumstances of cold or hot, wet or dry,' weather arc not
found generally to prevail over or to affect the produce of a
large surface, so that bread in season, when prices are high in
London, may be cheaper in Paris or Vienna ; but, on the con-
trary, 1 believe it will be found that a wet or dry season in this
country, is compensated for by a season of an opposite cha-
racter in other parts of the world, for instance, upon the con-
tinent of North America. Every one will recollect, for ex-
ample, that the season of 1842 was remarkable in England for a
warm and even temperature. Now, during that year, I hap-
pened to travel on the continent of North America; and we
hid weather of the most variable character. Much as I had
heard of the extreme heat of an American summer, I scarcely
experienced "a hot day ;" and every one told me that it was
the coldest season almost ever experienced in the United
States ; the very reverse of this occurred last year. Last
summer, it will be remembered was peculiarly wet and
unseasonable in England, whilst on the continent of Ame-
rica it was, I understand, peculiarly hot —to much so, that
I remember reading, in one paper, of a man who died int
oue of the large cities, from the effects of the excessive heat.
Now what is the inference to be derived from this?. That
not merely.the periods of sunset and of sunrise are
..deiffesre_n_t
in different parts of our globe, but that tbehreeret
.tsn
on a.Tee
system end coMpensation as to the season, ass,
_tun
ouri ,art
return of darkness and of light; so th:itn, h
the world is affilcted with cinoldt,heanrd,
tile?.
attendant bad harvests,
vice
malnd open our ports to foreign
fon, if we repeal the coraw-hlacws
i h have been denied to us have
'produce, that the Y uutimtealyke rot=
comfort
._.„,_.,,La.-ts,, and that just at the moment of nted,
ripened distanr .-:- '' _— ts. will be wafted over the ocean
the superfluity of thou. grvr u

have just said, the withdrawal of protection to most of these to gate for our deficiency.—(Cheers.) With reference
articles is total and immediate, and, with reference to some the continent of America, on whieh I just now found my-
other of them, the protection is merely nominal. I might men- self, n do not wish to allude so much to any statistical deduc-
tion that in the'case of the cutlery of Sheffield, knives, scissors, tions which my residence there may have induced and
razors, and other articles, for which it has acquired such cele- enabled me to make, because these have been subjects of
brity, that these articles have been imitated on the continent of frequent discussion, and can be calculated as closely and
Europe—the Sheffield mark has been forged, and they have appreciated as clearly at a distance as on the actual spot;
then been introduced andlsoldin this country as genuine Sheffield though I have felt sometimes that the real site, the actual -
reanefacture. However this may be, certain it is that ' presence of our own faithful eyes, bring the truth better home
not one of these interests—all of 'them directly affected— to one, than the most laborious collection of documents.—
yet . not one of them, in the whole interval of the ( Hear, hear.) I have felt this most emphatically when
fortnight which was allowed for the consideration of placed in full view of those mighty prairies of the
this measure—not.. even in the excitement of some vehement west, which, almost totally without an inhabitant, served
appeals which have been made in the principal cities and mann- in their luxuriant fertility, imploringly to invite the agricul-
factoring towns— ( Hear, hear)—not when all the represen- culturist, when, in view of those vast forests above the prairies,
tatives of these manufactures were assembled in large numbers which promised (and all experience had verified the promise)
before the hustings at Wakefield—not a murmur, not a whisper, that as soon as the axe of the woodman had once rung among
or adt mum or a siugle feeling .of disapprobaticn at this re- them, as soon as the log-cutter had put up his cabin, and the
moval of protection was heard to proceed.—(hear, hear.) smoke from its chimney curled up into the air, fertile crops
The general feeling and the expression was, competition may would take the place of tall trees.—( Hear, hear.) I have felt •
come, we are prepared to meet it ; all we ask is, a fair field and this in sight of the immense and wonderful valley of the Mil-
no favour. Awl why, let me ask, why may not sissippi—that valley which the accomplished De Begueville has
that interest which so often plumes itself as being the described as the most magnificent abode ever formed by nature
most important, the noblest, and the most English-like occu • ' for man; I have felt this, on the St. Laerence, that mightier
Winn in the country—why should no that interest take a leaf volume of fertilising waters than the whole world else pre-
out..of fire bo;nlt. cf these manufacturers, and consent to be-no sents. In all these grand scenes, I have felt that while the
longerehenuly interest dependent upon a nation's industry? distance between them and us roust necessarily prevent those
'ow, Sir, with reference to my agricultural residence, and the extraordinary imports which' the panic in the breasts of our
irnpressiocs I have derived from it. We have now to learn for protectionists anticipates, yet that still, as a very long time
the first time during the course of this debate, that the land; must elapse before that same valley of the Mississippi can
owner, pretends to himself, or rather endedvours to persuade number the 200,000,0(0 of inhabitants, of which it said to be
himself, that he has not, been induced to take the', side he has capable, as a. very long time must elapse ere those woods can
done for any reason connected with his ownlinterest—he consi- be cleared for the cultivation of what they are susceptible.
ders himself only, on.a par with the manufacturer. He endea- I wish for a moment to mention to the House, before I cease to
yours to persuade himself that he is not induced to take his.part trespass on its attention, that notwithstanding much that I
against the corn-laws by any consideration of his own interest, have heard, and much that 1 have seen, I have not returned
but it is the interest of his tenants and the agricultural la- from that country with any favourable impressioon- of their
bourers which he has at heart. It is through 'the labourer's moderate tendencies, or their scrupulous attention to good
breast, and by the wound that is inflicted itizon him, that he faith.—( Hear, hear.) Nor do I return to my home with
th inks he shall bleed. Now, valuable as I admit the services any increased repugnance.—(Loud Ministerial cheers.)* By
of
thegricultural labourer to be, and immense as' IS consider which I mean to say any diminished attachment to the
the obligation on the part of these individuals to assert and to aristocratic, or mixed monarchial principles, which were the
cherish them, I think it, however, neither more nor less elements of our own Constitution.--(Loud cheers.) But I
than an act of positive injustice to the community at large to feel that we cannot confront the example of general ease and
any interest as a special ebject 'of favour— comfort which prevails among the American people.—( Hear,
or, as they are not ashamed to term it, protec- hear.) We all know the story of the Irish labourer, who re-
tion.—( Hear, hear.) In the next place, I ques- fused to write home that he had meat three times a day, be-
tion if the protection you wish to preserve is not miscalled cause nobody would believe him. We cannot confront the
and misplaced. The Hon. Member fnr Northamptonshire growing aspirations of our own people—we cannot confront the
(Mr. Stafford O'Brien) presented, in his own picturesque onward tendencies of the age in which we live, if we do not
and pathetic style, an interview between a landlord and a consent to administer and to work out our aristocratic notions
farmer, %shorn he represents as being turned off his land and in a more democratic spirit.—(Cheers.) Notwithstanding that
compelled to leave his farm and home, endeared to him by so implied dissent, I contend that no aristocratic institutions
mane pleasing recollections, because he could not give the same which rest on exclusive privileges will be able to stem the
rent as some enterprising member of the Anti-corn-law League. current of the age. —(Cheers. ) I contend that there is no
—( Hear, hear.) aristocratical body which rests on especial interests will escape
111 r. STAFFORD O'BRIEN.—No, no. their certain downfal—(Cheers)—and that no aristocracy, no
Lord MORPETH —I thought i understood the Hon. matter how long descended, can exist with the corn-law
Member to represent the case of a person with more capital, when the pressure will come, and that corn-law will be pro-
energy, and ability. hibitory. I think that that will be too hard a strain for any
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN.—I did say so; but he would title deed, re, matter how ancient to resist. lam not imputing
not necessarily be a Leaguer.—( Her, bear.) to the great bulk of the aristocratic party, that any of their
Lord MORPETH.— This argument would no\ apply, members should have a disposition to come out to promote any
for where they could hitherto buy six quarters of wheat personal interest that may affect them individually, or to sup-
they could now only buy three quarters. The peo- port measures for their.exclu,ive benefit. Still they are the
plc—the commercial people of this country and the aericul- interests not of individuals, but of a class which they have
tural labourer, I consider have identical interests, and 'I
say, been in the habit of keeping prominent in their view.
therefore, that this measure will be a bvneflt to both. It will There is a concealed esprit de corps amongst them, and a re-
hardly be disputed that the real interests and well-being of the fined degree of selfishness which merges itself into generosity,
agriculturist must depot d on the general prosperity of the arid is easily mistaken for it. When we think that a party
country, which has such, an effect on the working classes, that with whom we have long acted is likely to be outnumbered in
with the advance of commercial prosperity, their condition in a these circumstances, monopoly itself, when it has neared its
like ratio became improved.—(Cheers.) Vow, had not the downfal, will be invested in a kind of se mpathy, such as that
demand for labour always existed in a greater degree in years we feel for the culprit when he stands at bay. But we cannot
when corn was cheap than in years when corn was dear ? be permitted, when the general interests of the country are at
Had it not always been found, that with cheapness of bread, stake, to indulge in any such misplaced and morbid sympathy.
there was an instant demand for labour.— (Cheers.) An lion. It is part of true patrioti-m, as well as philosophy, to put the
Gent. on the opposite side of the house, said, in talking of the universal, in preference, over the particular. I would, there-
three years experience which they have had, that the prospe- fore, conjure those who belong to the aristocracy of the
rity of that time did not arise from the working of the tariff, country, whether connected by hereditary right or
but that it arose from the activity in railway speculation. landed property, to rise auove any of the especial interests.
Why, the Hen. Member for Rutlandshire, said, that in the and to bear their part in the progressive spirit of the age. I
year 1839, great prosperity existed (he alluded to the late grudge to the other side the adhesion of the names of the
lamented Member for Kendal); but it must be remembered Marquis of Granby and Lord Clive, for I feel that our axis-
that 1639 was only the beginning of that activity. What tocracy has ever marched with that progress, and identified
do we find in that very year which we are told was to itself with every glorious period recorded in our history. Let
remarkable for the prosperity of their manufacturers ?—why, them not refuse to bear their part in a settlement which, if
that part of 33 to 35, and .?.9 to 41, the amount of employment not adjusted with them, must be adjusted in spite of them.—
proves a decrease of 33 per cent., while the price of meat rose ( clear, hear.) 1 believe they continue to make it an esteemed
to an enormous extent. Why it is so plain a principle that no and honoured party—let them make it as much their pride,
one now will deny it, that when corn is dear the food of the as it is their duty, as well as their safety, to be the leaders
working class must be proportionally entrenched upon.—( Hear, and not the laggers in the onward march of the British
hear.) I want you to take the most excessive view of this people.—(Loud cheers. )
matter—let them bring fewer bags of cotton, and even fewer Mr. G A SKELL said that he considered that it was the dutgof
skins from the farmer, but still they i the protectionists) must a public man to maintain a character for consistency.—(Hear.)
bring "grist to their mill." The demands. of tLe working Perhaps, without presumption, he might call him his Right
classes are, that they be enabled to buy in the cheapest lion. Friend.—( Hear, hear.) During the last fourteen years
market , the food which is necessary for their support. he had supported him, and he would be glad to support him on
But I have no hesitation in saying, that these laws are no pro- the present occasion. if he could reconcile it to his idea of duty,
tection to the agricultural farmer or the agricultural labourer. but he felt it to be impossible for him to run counter to his
--(Cheers.) I deny that they are protected by those legislative own implied engagements, and to his recorded votes.—( Loud
enactments. The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool cheers.) Notwithstanding the eloquent speeches of the Right
(Lent Sandon) said, that wages varied with the price of bread, lion. Gentlemen the Secretary of State and the Secretary at
whilst the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the War, he had yet to learn that this Parliament was elected for
Home Department, said that they never varied in anything the purpose of demolishing all protection to agriculture. In his
like the same proportion—that the rate of wages never rose opinion they had been elected, not only to entertain a
or fell in the same proportion as the price of provisions. But total departure from those principles, but even the smallest
in my own neighbourhood and district, in the memory of the suspension of that protection which the corn-laws conferred.
living race, wages have never varied at all—they have al- —(Loud cheers.) He would not enter into the general ques-
ways been as high as 12s. a week there, as in Nerthampton- tion. The state of indisposition under which he laboured pre-
shire, and more in harvest.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, if the vented him from doing so, and he would not detain the House
agricultural labourer receives fixed wages of 12s. a week, with- much longer. He would, however, briefly explain the grounds
out its varying according to the price of corn, does it not of the principles which he intended to influence his conduct with
follew that if, instead of paying Is. Bd. for a stone of flour, he regard to this great question. During the last four years, in
has to pay, as he does now, 2s. 6d. for it—does it not follow, which he had occupied a seat in that House he had invariably
I say, that his weekly earnings must command less of the opposed all measures of a similar nature which had been
necessaries and comforts of life—that they must be materially brought forward by the Noble Lord the Member for London,
abridged ?—(HealOhear.) Now a difference of 10d. a stone and the Hots. Member for Wolverhampton; and he did so
in the price of flour makes a difference to the working mass, under the guidance of those Members who were now bringing
taking his family at an average of six persons, of 2s. 6d. a week, forward measures precisely similar in their tendency. He was
or 61. 10s. a year—a whole fifth of his income. Now I put it always of opinion that Parliament was bound to give a mode-
to the House whether we the rich men—we the gentlemen of rate protection to agriculture, and he was supporting it in that
two meals a day, as the Hon. Member for Northamptonshire opinion, with some of the greatest men of the present and past
puts it—( Hear and a laugh)—should not think a whole fifth of generation.—(Loud cheers.) He was supported by Canning,
our income a grievous addition to the income-tax.—(Hear, by Huskisson, by Earl Grey, by the Right Hon. Baronet—
hear.) I feel that the time is come in reference to this question ( tisar, hear)—by the Noble Lord opposite (Russell), by Lord
when we have done with papers and figures, and I will not Ashburton, and others.—(Loud cheers.) He must be for-
trouble the House but with one more. I have had access to a given, therefore, if he said that the impressions
paper, not drawn up for the purpose of the corn-law, or any ques- made upon it by the Right Honourable Gentleman himself
tion connected with it, but for the purpose of a statistical inquiry and others were too strong to be outweighed by the arguments
in reference to the small agricultural town near which I reside which were now advanced in support of a policy directly the
This table shows the proportionate expenditure in the articles reverse. —(Cheers.) There where other objections which he
of food in three families—the family of the tradesman, the considered were equally weighty against this measure. He
family of the professional man, and the family of the working could not help thinking that the Right Hon. Baronet was not
man. I will not trouble the House with the items for butcher's the individual to prepose, nor the present House of Commons
meat, milk, nr butter. I will confine myself to flour alone, and the body to sanction, such an alteration.—( Cheer.) He was
I find that this computation was made when flour was 2s. 6d. the ready, however, to artnnt that the Right Hon. Baronet was
store. I find that the Bill of the tradesman's family was 121. 13s. actuated by a sense of public interest in the proposition which
being 15 per cent. of the whole expenditure in theycar for food. he had made, and that he had made sacrifices in bringing it
The annual charge of the professional man's family for flour forward ; but he had made sacrifices on a former occasion, and
was 8. 18s., being 10 per cent. of his expenditure for food, the greatest was that in 1829. The present one was the next
while the charge of the working man's family, kept with the in importance. With regard to the first, he lost the represen-
greatest economy, is 131.45., being a per tentage, not of 15 per tation t f the college of Oxford—(Cheers)—and the confidence
cent. as in the case of the tradesman's family, nor of 10 per cent., of his party. This confidence,however, was afterwards bestowed
as in the case of the professional man'sfamily, but at 48 per cent.-- upon him, hut now he has sacrificed that party which he had
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, how much more heavy to ever declared to be his own pride.—( Loud cheers.) Nobody
bins is such a deduction from the amount which be can lay out could doubt but the great majority of the present Parliament
on food, than to the class immediately above him, andllf to the had been elected for the purpose of maintaining the principle of
class immediately above him, in an infinitely greater degree protection to agriculture. He would say, notwithstanding
more heavy than to the more easy circumstanced member of the speech of the Hon. Member for Wakefield, that it appeared
society.—( Hear, hear.) But again, I find that the professional to him impossible for a Parliament so constituted, unless com-
mit, 'living in an economical manner, spends upon every ar- pelted by the strongest, the most cogent, and the most conclu-
tide of food consumed by his family but one-third of his total sive reasoning, to concur in the proposal of her Majesty's Go-
income. The food of the tradesman is about one-half of his vernment.—(Loud cheers.) It was not the change of the
income. The food of the working labourer is about three. Right Hon. Baronet that filled his mind with apprehension,
fourths of his total income.—( Hear, hear.) What he actually but it was the change of so large a body in that House
spends on food is 73 per cent., and only 27 per cent. remains as would follow in the wake of the Right Hon. Gentle-
for rent, schooling, clubs, and shoes. Therefore, I put it to man. And he confessed that such a change was calculated
the House, whether this increase of 2s. 6d. in his weekly bill to lead the public to a complete distrust in public men.—( Loud
for flour does not tend to deprive him, in an inordinate degree, cheers.) It might be asked, why were they not tied down by
of all the luxuries of life, and of a nreater command of mears pledges? Why did they net give pledges ? The reason why
for the education of his hildren.—( Hear, and cheers.) These they were not delegates was because they were trusted.—
is not more than a sufficient quantity of food grown in this (Loud cheers.) For himself, he could say with truth, highly
country for our present supply—(l think he would be a hardy as he valued the dignity of a Parliamentary representative,
man who denied that)—it has been computed that there much as he prized the sphere of usefulness which that position
is an addition of 1,660 a day, or 365,000 a year, to our conferred upon them, he would rather forfeit his seat to-mor-
present population ; and I also make bold to assert that row than be obliged to give pledges as to the course which on
there is not, year by year,. an addition of 365,000 guar- ordinary occasions he should pursue on public questions. But
ters of wheat of our native growth. Does it not, then follow there were implied engagements from which any
that it is most important to procure an additional supply from representative could not deviate without total abandon-
abroad ; and, considering the condition of the poor, ought not meat of eentidence and a complete forfeiture :of all claims
this to be done at the cheapest possible rate?—(Hear, hear.) tolneconsidered as the representative of his constituency.—
Ido not agree with those who impute it as blame to her Ma- (Cheers.) His Right Hon. Friend the Member for Wiltshire,
jesty's Government, that there has been the exercise of sliding- said that they were not to be considered as mere ambassadors
scale on the Ministerial nerves—that they were appalled by and delegates of local bodies.—(Cheers.) Let that lion.
the events of last autumn.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Alem- Gentlernan take care that the course which he pursued was a
ber for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring) said, the proposal of the course which must inevitably lead to that local delegation,
total abolition of the corn-laws had been founded on the neces- which he repudiated—(Load cheers)—and to_ erhgreaterb
had been
of giving an additional supply of food to Ireland, and he tension of that principle. Another doctrine hi
asked—" Has the House ever shown a reluctance togrant relief broached was one calculated to fill he
to that country ? 4 Whatever its Saxon feelings may be, astonishment and alarm—a docdterr isw nhreehdw' with b
rtohaec seali d tne sat
has it ever manifested an indisposition to afford assistance ?" quarter which was usually reegz., dlnhwaitthatththeeghreeaatdeset
fdethfeereaneee-
No, it has not ; but I ask, is it fair to tax the generosity of and respect. That
.dtorcotnriny.
g I advocated a measure from
England because it shows a readiness, and is in fact ready, to vernment
ndeissseenatmede dissented; that t
ot that
opinion,
must, unless
fly to the relief of Ireland?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) This which a portiwonaof
Govern-
is in contravention of that maxim which I hold to be sound in gent
Ibroken u
)._
1 (Cheers.) In the speech of the Hon. Member
political as well as in daily life, "Be just before you are gene- be
foi. Liverpool, and in that of the lion. Member for Inverness,
htilisocs°eliceoliflueaesg
tous."—( Hear, hear.) Be just to the people ot Ireland,_obut
this doctrine appeared to be sanctioned, but if it were generally
be just also to the collective community of the people of Log- this he considered that it was a doctrine which would be
giteswwouhlideithavethe Parliamenteff htave alwas
utterly fatal to the independence of Parliamentary men—utterly
land.—(Cheers.) The Honourable Member for Itutnetiangeclmogni
says —" You ought not to apply a permanent remedy
e , t
may them mere agents and local delegates, and be totally at rani-
ec of making
remedy be temporary and local.: —(H a
porary evil. When the evil is
,temporaryhasnard culutlelt
say
ve
bineceonnilisoteeenntevie
dithbyt—hethautsa
d that it has arisen repeatedy • and arc th tl •• f h
ance wile spirit o t e onstitut(Loud cheers.)
arise in any year, an , a that the peculiarity of the evil in question.er' is' this, that it
we always to be mocked with these delusions of slidineescales There was one other point to which he would call the attention
which do not slide, and restrictive laws which, according to the of the Ilouse. If those gentlemen who were returned to vote
varying course of the seasons, must be constantly modified or against Use principles of the Right Ilms. Baronet should again
repealed ?—( Loud cheers.) I think it is no reproach to the present themselves to their constituencies, afterbaving voted
Right Honourable Gentleman that he has been influenced, in contrary to their promises, what shall they have to offer for
the course which he has adopted, by the state of the seasons.— their breach of trust ?-e( Hear, hear. ) When the agricultural
(Hear, hear.) Finding that Isis anticipations had been dis,ap portion of the country shall be called upon to teaser their
pointed, and his calculations baffled, Ito was led by the result votes at the hustings, how would they respond to that call?—
to change his mind; but can any one justly be reproached (near, hear.) Would they not reply to that call with feelings
for being disappointed and baffled by that which he can of indifference? would they not say that they
neither counteract nor control?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) had no cause to represent —no interest to
I think it no disparagement to free trade, 1 think it the strong- protect?—(Hear, hear.) It was no light thing to show the
est confirmation of the truth of the principle on which it rests, constituency—it was no light thing to show to the people—that
that it follows the law of nature, and bends to the rules which their representatives advocated one set of principles at the
regulate the courses of the seasons. I may not improperly hustings, and voted otherwise in the Legislature.—( Cheers.)
say of such operation as the poet said of the' Roman Emperor, He had given this subject his most serious consideration—he
—( I shall endeavour, Sir, to quote my Latin somewhat more had given it his most serious consideration independent. of party
correctly than the Hon. Member for Newcastle quoted his)— feelings, and lie bad come to the conclusion that this was a
'Loud laughter)— measure fraught rich the utmost danger to the agricultural in-
terests of the country.—(hear, hear.) He regretted that he
was compelled to differ in the most important measure of mo-
dern times with the Right lion. Baronet, but it was with a
clear conscience he should vote against the measure. —( Cheers. )
Mr. ROEBUCK—The Honourable Member, who was for
sonic time most inaudible to the gallery, was understood to say,
that considering the various and conflicting opinions expressed
by many Honourable Members en the question before the
House, he naturally approached it with great difficulty. Theta
was a remark made by the Honourable Gentleman who had just
sat down which called for some answer. It might be very
proper for those elm had made pledges to their constituents
(I be
recommend the giving up of those scats.
It
hwieh they
well for those lion. Members to give up the seats, 'hvo„ever, a
had retained on such promises.
Ithoww"that the people
matter of consideration for Parliament to
fser
of
the measures
were properly represented by the characo.
oat
question in the
which were brought forward.
it at on 'lle wished to know
debate as to the character of. dellaiat
he vrisbed to- know was
if the delegation was nothingtingW
as be did a large constituency
the representative. Repreren
ht )-he may have represented
(Ceat lang er
in his own PerS°n— - singular mariner, so as to excite the laegliter
himself in a very but he was the representative of a large
of Hon. alembersife,
but if he were to have thrown up his seat
portion of the peop
en,c:ent
owly
compelled to differ from his
in that House, when c , , • i
constuen .ri he would have had to do so long since, for
t. ,
it WOUid be remembered, that he had many biases voted con-
trary to their wishes. It was not the country that called upon
Hon. Members to resign their seats, it was the clue bon ughs.
._-(Loud cries of " No, no," " Name, name.") He hoped
that lion. Members would not cry out " Name," for it so hap-
pened that lie could yut his fingers on the names of those.
places. Ile would say that those who should hereafter read
the discussion
of this measure, would be surprised at the senti-
ments exprewed by mane • e The practical statesman who
shall came hereafter, will take the. practical philosophy of
legislation and would not be prejudiced by party views. It
was a remarkable thing that the Hon. Baronet who bad
brought forward the principles embraced in the