The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON', TTIES DAY Ey-ENING, MARCH 3, 1846

line and to military habits by European officers
of great skill and ability. The wish of my Hon. and Gallan
Friend was, that a Seikh Government should be established in
the Punjaub, by the establishment of a Mussulman or any
other form of Government. At the same time, although my
Gallant Friend was determined to resist every attempt at
aggres,ion, and although -I.e refused ',.0 en'erlain every pro-
posal that was made to him to interfere in the domestic affairs
of the Punjaub—and it must be remembered that a word from
him would have incited rising of the Mussubnan inhabitants of
the Punjaub against the Seikh Government—my Hon. and
Gallant Friend up to the last moment continued steadily and
determinedly to adhere to his resolution of abstaining from
all interference in the domestic affairs of the Punjaub. But
my Gallant Friend had to defend, against a licentious and
abandoned army, a ten itory extending over a distance of one
hundred miles. It was not the intention of my friend to form
anything like a connexion of forces, which would justify a
remonstrance on the part of the Lahore Government. My
Gallant Friend took that step which he thought most necessary
for the interests of this country. At Ferozepore is stationed a
force of about 8,000 men ; at Loodianah is stationase dies
European regiment, seven regiments of native infantry, ass
two regiments of native cavalry. There are twenty-four fiele
guns, and mounted in position at Ferozepore are thirty-five
guns. My Friend intended that this should be the
advanced post of the British army, and it was SO occupied
as to be capable of resisting any attack. At a distance,
easterly, of seventy-six miles higher up the Sutlej, at Loodianah,
was collected a force of 5,000 men. My Gallant Friend's
object was that these two divisions of the army, stationed
seventy-six miles from each other, should act on the sank of
any army from the Punjaub, which might be intended to in-
vade the British territory. At a distance, more in the interior
at Umballah, was stationed another force of 8,000 men, or at
least 7,500. The impression of my Gallant Friend was, that
it was improbable that any attack should be made by an army
from the Punjaub on the British forces. He knew that no
conduct on his part would justify such an attack, and he felt
every assurance which could be felt that neither justice nor
reason would sanction the inference, that an army from the
Punjaub would be mad enough to seek a conflict with the
British troops at Loodianah, or at Forozepure. There were
good reasons why my Gallant Friend did not for the last two
or three years raise an immense British and native army on
the Sutlej. Seeing within a few miles of him an army so free
from all restraint, my Gallant Friend did not consider it safe
that his troops should have constantly before their
eyes the bad examples of discipline which they offered.
But there were military reasons fur not keeping
the main body of the army on the left—( Hear)—
bank of the Sutlej, as well as political. It was impossible to
say to what point an attack, if aggression were intended,
would be directed. On the left bank of the Sutlej are many
States which belong.to the Punjaub protected by the British
Government—in these dominions, are many forts of consider-
able strength, and between the probable points of attack there
were no less than twenty fords which were constantly changing
their position, from the nature of the river. My Hon. and
Gallant Friend therefore chose to place two strong bodies to
guard the Sutlej. The one at Ferozpore, and the other at
Loodianah, and to keep the main body of the army in re-
serve. His whole force for the purpose of resisting a sudden
attack amounted to thirty regiments of native infantry; nine
regiments of European infantry ; twelve regiments of native
cavalry, and three regiments of European cavalry. I there-
fore think that the House will consider that the Government
took every measure that possibly could be taken to secure success.
At an early period of the year, the Governor-General sub-
mitted to the Council his opinion, that our relations with the
Court of Lahore became exceedingly precarious. He sub-
mitted his opinion that it would be advisable, with reference to
Indian interests, that the Governor-General should proceed to
the left bank of the Sutlej, to give the necessary directions,
which, at the distance of a thousand miles, might not be appro-
priate. The unanimous opinion of the members of the Coun-
cil was, that it was necessary for the public interests that he
should proceed to the army, and, in conformity with that opi-
nion, he proceeded in October to join the army. Up to an
early period in December, the opinion of Sir Henry Hardiuge
was, that there would not be are irruption from the right bank
of the Sutlej ; and so certain did he feel, that he cherished the
expectation that no such thing could take place ; and so far as
he could be guided by experience, my Hon. and Gallant Friend
was perfectly right. In 1843 the Lahore army left Lahore,
and went towards the Sutlej, and in 1844 returned, but again
departed. In 1844, the army, eager for prey or booty, and
instigated by the chiefs, contemplated an irruption. The ac-
counts reached my Hon. and Galland Friend towards the end
of November, which led him to look on the rumour as serious.
You will find in the papers recently presented to the House,
that a letter was written by Major Broadfoot, and addressed to
the Commander-in-Chief and the Governor-General, which
contained the following passage :—" Sir,—Since 1 had the
honour of waiting on you, I have received Lahore letters of the
18th inst., which state that on the night of the 17th, the chiefs
of that army agreed on the following plan of operations : —The
army has been divided into seven divisions, four of which
are to be employed in an attack on the British territory.
It was then determined that four divisions of the Seikh army
should make four separate attacks in various portions of the
territory. The Durbar considered that they ought not to
make an united and concentrated attack, but they ought to
cross the Sutlej at four different places, and each division,
consisting of 8,000 or 12,000 men, to make four different and
simultaneous attacks on the British possessions. It was on the 7th
October (although if the House refer to the dispatches which
had been printed, they will see how difficult it was to have
foreseen the ultimate decision of the posers at Lahore) they
will observe in the account which was written after the con-
sultation at Lahore, in a letter written by Major Broadfoot,
that of the 21st November, to the Ranee, or female regent,
one of the chiefs, declared, while the troops were retiring to
their villages, that if something was not done he might find
his way to Ferozepore. Many of the Seikh army thought
that these proceedings would come to nothing.—( The Right
Hon. Baronet then referred to other documents showing the
proceedings before the battles of Moodkee and Ferozepore.)
On the I 1 th December the British and native troops were in
I
march from Umballah to the banks of the Sutlej. think the
whole proceedings of the Governor-General and the
Commander-in-Chief on that day were characterised
by the greatest prudence. They marched on the
11th from Umballah, with 7,500 men, to Ferozepore,
where they found, through the provident forethought of the
Governor-General, abundant supplies, and effected a junction
with the troops at Loodianah. They thought- it better thus to
concentrate their forces and expose Loodianah to some risk
rather than to .divide the army. They heard then that the
whole of the army of the Seikhs, amounting to 50,000 or
60,000, men had crossed the Sutlej. The expectations of my
Hon. and Gallant Friend were justified by the result. There
was a force of 7,500 men in Ferozepore. They had but
thirty-five heavy guns in their possession at Ferozepore, with
the addition of twenty-four smaller pieces ; that was the
amount of the Ferozepore army, and it was by means of this
small army that Ferozepore was saved. The Seikh army at
Loodianah hearing that the Governor-General was advancing
with a force from Umballah, determined to direct its attention
to Ferozepore, and made a sudden attack upon the British
and native forces at Moodkee on the 18th of December, when
the men had been marching 150 miles by forced
marches, suffering extremely from want of water.
Such, however, was the discipline and gallantry of that force,
though inferior in number, they repelled the whole of the at-
tacking force of at least treble the number, and succeeded in
capturing seventy odd guns. The Seikh army at Loodianah,
thus repulsed by a division of our army which was advancing
from Umballah, retired into very formidable intrenchments,
the glacis of which extended in the form of a parallelogram of
a mile in length and half a mile in breadth. In the face of
that great army, supported by 150 guns of excellent work-
manship, his Hon. and Gallant Friend and the Commander-
in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, determined to make an attack.
They advanced to within three miles of the position of the
enemy, and after manoeuvring to the right and the left, is
consequence of a previous notice which had been sent
to Sir John Littler in the course of the 21st, they
obtained an addition of 7,500 men to their army.
The Commander-in-Chief and my Gallant Friend, who hed
previously offered his services as second in command, which.
services had been cheerfully accepted by the Commandersin-
Chief, after effecting this junction with the force of the Pun-
jaub, held a conference, and the result of that conference
was a resolution at once to attack the enemy. The result of
that attack proved the valour of the British Indian force in a
paramount degree, and the warmest acknowledgements are
due to them for their great exertions on that occasion. Sir,
I believe the night of the 21st of December was one of the
most memorable in the records of this country. The artil- -
lery of the enemy was maintained with great fortitude and
energy. The right wing of the British army was
led on by the Commander-in-Chief, and the left by my Gal-
lant Friend, who was second in command. They made the
attack during the three remaining hours of daylight, but they
had not time to complete the victory, which was afterwards
so successfully obtained when the remainder of the army of the
Lahore came up to their assistance. The details are given
by both Commanders-in-Chief with admirable clearness, but
there have been private letters received from the spot, which
speak of the action with less formality, and, perhaps, with more
force than the dipatches. Perhaps, then, the House will for-
give me for reading a letter written by my Gallant Friend the
Governor-General of India to a member of his own family.
The letter commenced by stating that the 21st of December
was the most extraordinary day in the life of the writer. He
found himself in company with a regiment which has earned
for itself immortal fame in the annals of the British army. 1
mean the 80th regiment. His answer to every man was, that
we must fight it out; we must attack the enemy vigorously at
daybreak, or die honourably in the field. It is hardly neces-
sary for me to read the letter, as it shows his desire to do jus-
tice. (Hear, hear.) The Gallant old General who
commanded with him says: " During the night 1
occasionally called to the British soldiers to get
up and punish the Seikhs when they came too close or were
impudent.—(Laughter.) In the morning we went at it in
true English style, and we drove them without a halt from one
extremity of the camp to the other. In our passage we took
about 40 guns, which were fired on us at 20 paces, and were
admirably served. The mournful part of the tale is the loss
we have sustained in officers, of whom there are a great many
killed. The fire was very heavy from 100 pieces of cannon.
The Seikhs were trained by the first French officers, and are
most warlike men.—( Hear, hear.) My friend went from re-
giment to regiment as they were lying on the ground, keepine
up their spirits and animating them. He placed his son, a
boy 18 years of age, in front of the British regiments, in order
that they might not fire, but might drive the enemy from his
guns by the force of the bayonet. My friend had two sons, one
of them was a civilian. He said that the presence of that son
disturbed him, and he ordered him to be conveyed to the rear,
while the presence of the other, who was an officer, and had a
military duty to perform, served only to give him more desperate
resolution. When the danger was over, some days after, he
took the son, who had been in the battle, and showed him to
the Sepoys, that they might see a Governor-General who h .d
lost a hand, and his son, who had lost a leg, and feel that these
casualties occurred to the highest as well as to the lowest in the
ranks. Sir, as I have stated before, the account of these mili-
tary operations are given with so much clearness by Sir Hugh
Gough and Sir Henry Hardinge, and I am sure they must have
been read with much private satisfaction by every Member of
the House, that I will not weaken the effect which they have
produced by further statements of mine. The pride and satis-
faction derived from these gallant exploits is no doubt greatly
counterbalanced by the regret which we all must experience in
reading of the loss of so many men of the highest distinction.
We have had the misfortune to lose that Gallant Officer upon
whom on many former occasions we have bestowed the highest
praise. Sir Robert Sale has closed a long career of military
glory by that death which I believe he himself foresaw—a death
in the field of battle—
" Felix etiam in opportunitate mortis ;"
and I do hope that the House will encourage me to hope, by
a unanimous expression of its regard and admiration for the
services and memory of Sir Robert Sale, that we may on a
future occasion humbly represent to her Majesty, if she shall
think fit, to record our admiration of his exploits, and regret for
his loss, by a public monument--(Cheers)—that this House will
make good the expense of that tribute to his memory.—(Cheers. )
We have also to deplore the loss of General M'Caskill and
Major Broadfoot, two of the most eminent men in the service
of the country. I will net refer to individuals of lower rank, as
it might appear invidious. I can assure their friends that this
House and the country will do justice to their memories and
their valour, and will testify their feeling at the loss of such
eminent men.—( Hear, hear.) I hope the thanks of this House
will be conveyed to every regiment and man without exception.
—( Hear, hear.) If there were occasions en which the valour
of some particular regiments might be specially referred to, I
feel the present is not one ; for, considering the known repu-
tation, and the severe losses sustained by many of the
regiments on this as on former occasions, I venture

or their commanders, for the Commander-in-Chief (Sir
Hugh Gough) could not but recollect the brilliant conduct of
Sir Henry Hardinge at Albueras and he ( Sir H. Harding.)
could not but reflect that at Busaco none was more distin-
guished for heroism and valour—that no name stands more con-
spicuous in connexion with that exploit than that of the name of
Gough. They must therefore have had the utmost confidence
in each other, as well as themselves, when they led their gal-
lant men to victory. I was glad to hear the allusion
which had been made by the Right Hon. Baronet to the con-
duct of the 62d Regiment. I refuse to believe that any regiment
of British soldiers would retire from the conflict upon any
other ground save that of the great slaughter which had taken
place, and I believe that when there is any task assigned to
them which shall not be unequal to their power, they will then
maintain the high character which they have before obtained.
—( Hear, hear.) I rejoice to hear that mention has been
made by the Right Hon. Baronet of his intention to propose
an address to this House, enabling her Majesty to cause to be
erected a monument to the memory of the Gallant General Sir
Robert Sale.—(Loud cheers.) That officer, after the proud
distinction he had previously acquired, could not have had a
more glorious or more honourable death than the field of battle.
—(Loud cheers.) But it were unworthi of us if we did not
show that we appreciate such gallant and heroic conduct.—
(Continued cheering.) And therefore, with these feelings, I
ask for the honour of seconding the resolutions which the Right
Hon. Baronet has just proposed, and 'I trust, as I have already
said, that this will be an unanimous vote, and that we shall all
know that the qualities of these gallant men, the dangers they
have confronted, and the victories they have achieved, have met
with a response in the gratitude of an English House of
Commons. —( Cheers. )
Mr. HUME wished to say a few words, although he could
add nothing to what had been so ably stated by the Right
Hon. Baronet, except to say that he concurred entirely in the
statement the Right Hon. Baronet had made.—( Hear, hear. )
Sir Henry Hardinge was unwilling to throw the troops too far
forward lest he should give grounds of attack. If Hon.
Members would look at, the position in which he was, they
would see why he was unable to get all his force together.
The Sutlej at the point where the junction of the troops
should have taken place was so deep that it could not be
forded. The forts on the river were only passable in Decem-
ber and January. It did not appear to bim possible that the
tioe?s could have been placed in a better position than at Urn-
ballah, where they were placed for the protection of the stores.
He said this because he would be very sorry that it should go
abroad that any unnecessary sacrifice of life had taken place.
He felt as much as any man a disgust for war, but the circum-
stances in which the country was placed rendered it impos-
sible to avoid the horrors of war. Wherever war was there
misery and trouble must be. If they looked at the circum-
stances which took place in 1843 and 1844, they would
see that great preparations were not made in case of ;n
invasion, and it was wrong for any man in the situation of
Governor-General to give occasion for war by great prepara-
tions, and it was impossible to avoid it when it did come. He
wonld say one word more before he sat down. He hoped and
believed that the Members of the House would be unanimous,
and he hoped that the House would show due consideration to
the families of those who had fallen. He hoped that the
Government would use its influence and patronage for those
families whose protection had been taken from them. He
believed if it could be known, many of those who fell in the
battle, deserved equal honour with Sir R. Sale. He would
conclude by expressing his cordial concurrence in everything
that had fallen trem the Right Hon. Baronet.
Sir ROBERT H. INGLIS wished that the Hon. Member
for Montrose and the House would recollect that the victory
was owing to Providence; that while they thanked the
instrument, they should not forget to thank the Supreme
Dispenser of all good.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that in
the annals of the Roman empire there could be nothing found
to equal the immorality and licentiousness of the camp at La-
hore. The plain, soldierlike style in which the dispatches of
Sir Henry Hardinge were written also struck him ( Sir R.
Inglis) as falling in the wake of that griat man the Duke of
Wellington.—( Hear, hear.) For himself he felt the value of
such testimonials, and he was certain the House would unani-
mously concur in awarding it.—( Hear, bear.)
Mr. HOGG said he would not trouble the House with
more than one or two remarks, aftec the very eloquent
speeches they had just heard from the Right 'Hon. Baronet at
the head of the Government, also from the Noble Lord oppo-
site (Lord John Russell) who had seconded the motion.—
(Hear, hear.) He believed that the conflicts of the 19th,
20th, and 21st of December, were among the severest that had
ever engaged the valour of British troops; and the dreadful
carnage proved the desperation with which the troops
on both sides had fought. The British •troops did not
amount to a third, little more than a fourth, of their adver-

varies ; deficient in artillery, their guns being little more
hen half the number of the enemy's, and none of
which could be said to be of battery calibre; they
advanced under a storm of shells and shot which
literally swept away the advance—still they advanced, captured
the munitions of the enemy, and finally accomplished their
great object. The difficulties that Sir Henry Hardinge had
to encounter, as regarded his civil policy, Le would abstain
from adverting to. But he might be permitted to say, that
his course would be easy indeed, if, instead of the treachery
and unprovoked attack, the Lahore Government had openly
announced their determination.— ( Hear, hear.) No man
could read the dispatches of Sir Henry Hardinge without
feeling satisfied of his anxious desire to maintain a civil policy.
—( Hear, hoar.) He (Mr. Hogg) well recollected the words
of his Gallant Friend at the entertainment given him immedi-
ately previous to his departure. He said—" He was a soldier,
and had seen and known the risk and danger of war ; but
as he was a lover of peace, they might be sure
he would endeavour to maintain it.—( Hear, hear.)
Theytalkeedr.l
For
theb bank
nearlyof the2()o
miles on
Sutlej, but
the they
left hadbannko
of bank.the
Hear, ha
river, comprising nearly 20,000 square miles, and comprising
all kinds of people, who were principally under the protection
of the,Lahore Government, we had only two or three states.
It was absurd to talk of " the bank of the Sutlej," because
they had not a speck of land as large as the table of the House.
Then how did they get possession of Umballah. So long as
Runjeet Singh was on the throne the states which we possessed,
and which were under the protection of the Lahore Govern-
ment, were safe, but then we never sought any tribute for
them. Since 1826, when a great number of those possessions
were conce2ed to Runjeet Singh, on account of his services
to this country, we had had no control over either bank of the
Sutlej, or over the adjoining territory, for nearly a space of
120 miles. We had no ports but Ferozepore and Loo-
dianah ; and how did they obtain possession of Meerut
and Umballah ? But supposing they could have advanced
their station, what would have been the result? Even,
suppose that they had built stations nearer the Sutlej, at
a distance of eighty miles, the Seikhs would be at Delhi
before it was known at Ferozepore or Loodianah. In the year
1842, the year of the Affghanistan campaign, what was done ?
Fortifications were thrown round Ferozepore, the same round
Loodianah ; at Umballah barracks were built, and every pre-
cautionary measure was taken. Did the Governor-General do
nothing in the present instance ? It has not, it is ti ue, been
blazoned forth in the newspapers. All his measures have been
taken silently and noiselessly, in order that it should not attract
public attention. His object was to strengthen the forts, and
he did that at a time when the general relief of the army takes
place. He did it without giving umbrage to the Seikhs. It
was impossible for any person connected with the country to
look upon a mutinous army, close to their frontier, without
feeling considerable excitement. The Seikhs was an army in
a state of mutiny, dictating to their commanders,
and exacting from the Treasury whatever amount
they choose. It was an alarming example to set
before the face of the native army, and the House should know
that most prodigal offers had been made to them. Every
argument which could address itself to their religious prejudices
had been made use of, but in vain—( Hear, hear)—and it was
also remarkable that the Seikhs recruited their army to a con-
siderable extent from the same province as the British did. In
that army (the Seikhs) there were friends and relations of many
of the Sepoys, and yet despite these temptations, such as no
soldiers had ever before been exposed to, they still remained
faithful. He did hope that the people of this country would
acknowledge with gratitude the services of the British army in
India, and he further hoped that the native princes and the
natives at large of India, would become sensible
of the blessing of English rule, which must bring
with it the blessing of English protection.
Captain LAYARD said heroic actions were often lost to the
pages of history from the want of a post or the negligence of the
historian. But the friends of those gallant spirits who had laid
down their lives at the shrine of their country, and these gal-
lant men who remain- to maintain its honour, need not fear

respect to themselves when
rtite,Yls to ti 'A II fil; '
gether put out of recollection by the brilltaney • their. , , _ L an . earo e rvelutiful and soul-stirrindspOcli in
to say that a deficiency of,. a single. „morpens,., alto- that: such woull be the case with
former achievement3;.and the glory of their former services.— rwe lale. the Minister of England had brought under the-consi-
( Hear, hear.) Sir, I am certain that the several regiments 1 ,eration of the British House of Commons their gallant deeds.
engaged in this affair will receive their due reward at the hands , They might feel assured that their gallant deeds
, had anyoreverse taken place on that occasion, it would have de-
of their country—( Hear, hear, and cheers)—and that the I would be handed down to posterity. What was
anyur empiie in India. There nes not en our side of the
House will give to every man its willing thanks.--(Renewed , the stake we had upon the cast? He believed that
strayed-ute.
by any possibility be considered opposed to the political views !S1 .j force that cou .in a short time be brought to check
ccehneceeri.n_gz)ffeaSri,r,hleacrl.o)hoplettrhuesrte
Iwillilabyee asnaiudnannoitohionug.s
thatac.iceasn-
of any Honourable Gentleman.—(Cheers from both sides of the Ise large an army. It must be admitted that both the Native
House.) lam sure there is nothing in the resolution to which i and the British army did their duty on that hard-fought field,
any Honourable Gentleman can by possibility object.—( Re- and the names of many would go down to posterity on the bright
newed cheering.) Let us then, whatever me), be the political tablet of fame, but while the eye brightened for success, it was
feelings we entertain—let us, I say, keep them in the back I dimmed by the recollection of those who had fallen ; and he must
ground on the present occasion, and unanimously concur in Imention in terms of regret the death of Sale, and the
bearing testimony to the brilliant services of those gallant men gallant young Somerset, who had behaved with the hereditary
who have proved themselves in an eminent degree spirit of his race. He would conclude by expressing his firm
worths, of their native country.—(lmmense cheering.) belief that all the forces, both officers and men, well deserved
The lives- which have been lost would not have been sacrificed the moit cordial thanks of the House.
in vain. The army engaged in this enterprise constituted one Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS considered that the 'victory
of the greatest defenders of this nation.—( Hear, hear.) When was a happy cii cumstance, and one extremely gratifying to the
we see what was effected by discipline and by valour, on the country. It was also consolatory to consider that the
18th, 21st, and 224 of December, we fell increased confidence tremendous sacrifices which had been madetof so many eminent
in those to whom the protection of this country is intrusted. men did not result from any aggressive attaaks on the part of the
The memory of those men who fell in those engagements, Government. He should prove before he sat down that the
through devotion to their country, will long serve to animate conduct of Sir Henry Hardinge was perfectly consistent with
the British army by their example, and to make us proud of the strictest rules of tactical and stratagetical science. There
that name, which in common we bear with them—to animate was no doubt that his Gallant Friend ( Sir H. Hardinge) had
us to protect the interests of this great country. .( The Right been placed in a very difficult 'position in these engagements,
Hon Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers from both sides of because he had to contend with superior numbers, but he sue-
the House.) ceeded in vanquishing them, for his mind was well stored with
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose, and said, Sir, agreeing all those acquirements which such a position required. He
entirely as Ido in the resolution which the Right Honourable had served in the Peninsula under the Duke of Wellington,
Baronet proposes to move,sl trust the House will allow me the and was, therefore, well fitted for the position to which he was
gratification of adding my testimony to the valour of our appointed. A man, placed in a similar position, could not
radian army. I participate in those feelings which he have acted otherwise. The Honourable Baronet then
has expressed in the name of the House, and proceeded to describe the order of the engagements.
I trust that the resolution will meet 'f he ordinary establishment of a regiment in India lit as 1,000
with the unanimous sense of the House—(Cheers)—that we men. Now the 62d Regiment went into action with only
may offer this tribute to the valour of those who have defended 700 men; and when they came within range of the guns of the
our possessions in India, in order that it may be a source of enemy, in less than ten minutes half the regiment, with seven-
pride to the survivors of those who took part in the en- teen out of twenty-one officers, were shot down, and the regi-
gagetnent, and -some consolation to their afflicted relations. ment therefore literally broken. Now, he should say, that the
Sir, with respect to the first part of the Right Hon, Baronet's reserve troops in the rear should not have been so distant, and
speech, I certainly cannot pretend to follow it, but I felt that greater care, and more caution should have been observed
assured, when Sir Henry Hardinge accepted the office of Go- in the details of these arrangements. The glorious acts and
yernor-General of India—when he abandoned the honourable successes of that day, ought to obliterate for ever the remem-
position he held in the councils of his Sovereign—when he brance of any temporary misfortune that might have befallen
left the enjoyment and happiness of his home, and from. the their arms. He would most cordially give his entire concur-
highest motives—(Cheers)—l felt that the country could rence to the proposed vote of thanks, which he hoped would
place the utmost confidence in him. With respect to the be carried with the highest acclamation, as a small acknow-
policy of Sir Henry Hardinge, as the Governor-General, ledgement of those brilliant successes which had been obtained
with regard to the subject of the Punjsub, it was highly at the sacrifice of so many gAlant lives.
interesting to hear the Right Hon. Gentleman's statements Lord EBRINGTON regretted that, on the present occa-
in reference to it ; but as the papers have only been recently sion, the Right Hon. mover, and the Hon. seconder of the
published, I think it will be more becoming my position not motion, bad altogether omitted all mention of the policy which
to refer to it. This I know, if the utmost forbearance is • the Governor-General had pursued previously to his recent
shown, as the utmost forbearance has been shown on distinguished successes. He should, however, most cordially
this occasion, I may say that the imputation of wanton out- concur in the proposed vote of thanks. The chief purpose for
rage cannot be applied to—(Cheers)—Sir Henry Hardinge. which he had risen was to ask a question of the Right Hon.
His fame in war was already established, and his policy, to the Secretary-at-War, or in his absence, of any other member
give no cause of animosity to the neighbouring states was of the Government, whether any measures had been taken to
highly honourable to his character ; that policy, however, has acquaint the relations of those privates and non-commissioned
exposed the British army in very disproportionate numbers to officers who had been killed in India, with the extent of their
contests with the army of Lahore. I can but admire the spirit loss ? He had had painful experience of the anxiety with
of the Governor-General and the troops employed under him. which the news from India was looked forward to by the re-
They, so far from quailing at the sight of the force, were only lotions of the officers engaged in the recent conflicts, and being
fired with a spirit of martial ardour and patriotic enthusiasm. aware that similar anxious feelings must exist in the breasts
I believe there was not a man of that gallant army who wished of the relations of the private soldiers, he had been induced to
for more men from England. Sir, in the subsequent battle inquire whether means could not be adopted at once to allay
of which the Right Hon. Baronet has given so affecting an all anxiety on the subject.
account from the letter of Sir H. Hardinge, I must say I fol- Lord JOCELYN stated that the usual custom after a battle
low with delight the troops of our army on that occasion—that was to have the names of the privates and non-commissioned
occasion where the victory was not obtained through any ad- officers who had been killed carefully recorded, and the lists
vantage which we havemade in civilization, from no superiority prepared and kept at the Horse Guards ,• by referring to which
of numbers which we haave brought into the field, but it Place every information would be afforded.
was„lsy the reliance upon the bearing and the gallantry of the Lord EBRINGTON wished to know whether a list of the
British army, directed by heart and determination so peculiar killed would not be published in the Gazette, or in some other
to the British troops, arid to the valour of the native Indian public paper ?
army, which has been so faithful and courageous upon all occa- Sir ROBERT PEEL observed that it had never been the
:ions. It was by such an army that this victory was achieved. custom to publish a printed list of the privates and non-com-
They had the proud satisfaction of knowing that these gallant rnissioned officers who had fallen in battle.
men could have no hesitation or distrust either in themselves Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE believed that such a course was not

customary. He did not see, however, any objection to such a
course being adopted. It would, in his opinion, be a great
consolation to the survivors of the private soldiers to hive their
names publicly recorded. The names of the officers were
published, and why not those of the privates ? The same feel-
ing among the relations must naturally prevail. It would be
unnecessary for him to say a word after the admirable address
of the Right Hon. Baronet. This was one -of the great deeds
which they had to acknowledge, and in doing honour to the
brave men who were participators in the gallant act, they were
doing honour to themselves. He was afraid that these deeds
were but the commencing struggles of a destructive war,
and therefore it would be a great encouragement to the men
who were engaged in these actions, and also to those who had
the conducting of those difficult affairs, when they found that
the Parliament of England to 1 every available means of
encouraging them in the arduous career which they had to
pursue.
Mr MANGLES would most cordially concur in the pro-
posed vote of thanks. He would do so with the greater cheer-
fulness, from the successes not having been terminated with a
war of aggression or extermination.
Mr. WYNN was most anxious that the names of the
whole of the British troops should be published. He had al-
ways thought that they had been deficient in that respect. He
had the honour, after the battle of Waterloo, when it was
proposed to erect a monument to commemorate
that event, to suggest that the name of every
man who had fallen in that glorious victory should be re-
corded. The suggestion was received with universal appro-
bation. Irrespective of modern times, they had the precedent
of antiquity for such a course. In ancient days, after the battle
of Masanthon, the conflict of Thermopylae, the names of the
conquerors, the dead as well as the living, were recorded in
marble, and engraved on enduring brass. The victories which
the trrops had obtained in India were an honourable testimo-
nial to the general conduct of the British troops, and of the
attachment of the native troops to their coadjutors ; and he
should support the vote of thanks with the greatest cordiality.
Dr. BOWRING did not exactly approve of the manner in
which the Right Hon. Baronet had spoken of the exclusive
military policy of the Governor-General. Our political, civil,
and commercial interests in India were intimately connected,
and he earnestly wished that the principle of encouraging one
more than another should not be carried to so great an extent.
Sir ROBERT PEEL was understood to say that he had no
intention that that principle should be carried to so great an
extent.
After a few words from Sir C. COLEBROOKE and Sir
HOWARD DOUGLAS,
Sir DE LACY EVANS thought the names of the officers
who had fallen should be recorded in some manner, as should
seem most desirable to the House. On reading the resolution
proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, he found that the names
of the distinguished officers who had fallen would not appear in
the proceedings of the House. He had prepared a resolution
to be attached to the original motion, which provided for that
omission, and he would now submit it. It was to the following
effect :—" That this House does also highly approve and ac-
knowledge the distinguished and energetic exertions displayed
by the late lamented and gallant officers, General Sir Robert
Sale, Major-General Sir John M'Caskill, and the other officers,
non-commissioned officers, and privates, who received their
deaths, gloriously failing in these honourable actions." He
conceived it would be a mark of respect to the memory of the
gallant men who had fallen in these actions, that their names
should be transmitted throughout the army in the only public
record of the transactions which would appear. If his motion
should be seconded, he would then appeal to the House, but if
it should not be seconded, he trusted that some means should be
devised in which the gallant deaths of these brave men might be
publicly recorded.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he had himself prepared a
resolution similar in effect to that which had been proposed by
the Hon. and Gallant Officer, but on referring to former occa-
sions he had found that no example of a precedent for such a
resolution could be found. In the cases of Trafalgar and
Waterloo there existed no such precedent. He thought that it
was highly desirable that the usual course should be followed.
It would be a matter of deep regret for the survivors of those
who had fallen on former occasions, that their names hail not
been recorded in a similar manner. He hoped, therefore,
the Gallant Officer for these reasons would not press his reso-
lution.
Lord EBRINGTON merely wished to observe that it was
desirable for a list containing the names of the noncommis-
sioned officers and privates to be prepared as soon as possible.
Sir DE LACY EVANS' having withdrawn his resolution,
The resolutions, which will be found in another column, after
a few words from Mr. HOME and Mr. WYNN, were put from
the chair and carried with acelamation.
CUSTOMS AND CORN IMPORTATION ACT.

Upon the order of the day for the House going into Com-
mittee on the Customs and Corn Importation Act being read,
Mr. VILIJERS rose, and stated that it was not his wish
to oppose the progress of the present Bill. It was his intention
to have proposed his amendment at a later period of the session,
and had it not been for various statements which he had heard
in the course of the last debate, he would have done so. The
House was perfectly aware of the mode in which her Majesty's
Government intended to give effect to the measure which it
had introduced. The motion of which he had given notice hart
reference to the mode Only. Her Majesty's Ministers have
acknowledged the policy of allowing a perfect free trade in all
articles of provision, but they have postponed the full
application of that principle until the Ist of
February, 1849. He believed that those advantages
might be extended to the community immediately without
danger or inconvenience.—( Hear, hear.) He hail moved the
present arnendurnt in consistency with the practice of his
having done so for a number of years past. It was an amend-
ment on the preposition of the Government for a total and im-
mediate repeal of the duties on the importation of foreign corn.
There had been ever since the corn-laws had been enacted a
large party who had complained of their injustice, and who
have been anxious to have those laws repealed. Fut the ques-
tion has always been, could these laws be removed immediately
without some danger to the country ? It had been urged that
there would be much alarm caused to those who had invested
their capital on the soil, and who might be alarmed by the con-
sequences of free trade ; it was feared that they might withdraw
their capital, and the community would be injured by a
deficient supply. These considerations had great weight
with him at first, and had he not had the views of many
practical people os the subject, he would not have been the
instrument of proposing an immediate abolition of the corn-
laws. In the year 1843, when he first brought forward his
motion, he quoted from a publication, in which it was stated,
that if the legislature should abolish these protective laws, it
would be to th interest of the farmer that that abolition should
be immediate. He was fortified in making the present propo-
:luiltieed to Lord n of an immediate
ewho stated that if the law was at
once abolished the effect would be that wheat would rise in
price both in this country and abroad, and he did not think
an immediate abolition would cause any
Spencer, repeal by a person of high rauk. He
injury to the farmers.
The Earls of Ducie and Radnor had also expressed their
opinion that it was the interest of the farmer that the repeal should
alo
be immediate, for if the laws were not immediately repealed
the landed proprietors would still maintain the hope that those
laws might not be finally carried into effect ; and while this
state of uncertainty existed with regard to the home
producer, the foreign grower would s„
a time when
wed e
jdrepare large supplies make his prepara-
tionst the trade r
according,atl i n
r investwou his capital
h 1 b e free he
n
for exportation into this country, while the grower would not
he prepared for them.—( Hear, hear.) The present Govern-
ment had most wisely considered it expedient that the trade in
corn should be free, and if there has been any subject upon
which there has been unity of opinion, it has been, that if the
corn-laws should be repealed, that that repeal should
be total and immediate. Members on the Opposition
side have volunteered their opinion on the subject. Very
particular friends of the existing corn-laws had lost no
time, immediately after the meeting of Parliament to proclaim
that an immediate abolition would be to the interest of the
farmer. A Noble Duke in the Upper House, who was inti-
mately acquainted with the interest of the farmer, had lost no
time in volunteering his opinion, in favor of a total and imme-
diate repeal. The Hon. Member:, ;'or Somersetshire (Mr.
Miles) whose pride and ,whose boast it was that he was the
farmer's friend —although there was no notice on the book —no-
thing had been said upon the question by Members on that side
of the House, yet all would remember the manner in which he
declared his desire of the farmers that the repeal should be im-
mediate. Now he (Mr. Miles) had lived among them, and
when I. made . that statement, he it,ked Hon. Members
who ;sat behind him, if it was not true ; they gave him
an unanimous cheer. There was no county which had
watched with more jealousy the progress of free trade than

that of Lincoln ; but three months since its Venom-able
Aletnber deClared in'. favoiir of an immediate rkpial, arid
he (Mr. Villiers) had been expecting hint- to - bring
forward some measure in accordance with his opinions.
From every quarter, then, they had it sand expres-
sions in favour of its immediate repeal. He did not see why
any person should object to the motion which he proposed.
VS-hat was the opinion of her Majesty's Government? He
(Mr. Villiers) did not wish to provoke any unnecessary hos-
tility to the measure proposed, but he must call the Lttention
of the House to a statement which the Right Hon. Baronet
had made. He could gather from that statement that he (Sir
Robert Peel) did not entertain much fear from the abolition
of the corn-laws. On the Ist of November -he stated that
there was a considerable deficiency of food, and he con-
sidered it necessary in order to remedy it, to abolish the
existing corn-laws. He did not rt collect, however, hearing
from him that his fears were less at the present time than they
were on the Ist of November. He considered then that the
suspension of the laws were a remedy for those evils; his fears
were now, however, as great as et that period. He has satis-
fied himself that the time has come when the trade in corn
should be entirely free; and if the Right Hon. Baronet would
look around him, he would see friends on all sides. If he
looked to Hon. Members on his side of the Flisuse, he won d
obtain from them their sanction and support. They would
tell him there was no ground for alarm ; they have said, as far
as im nediate abolition was concerned that they are ready
ftr it, and that it might be done safely ; so that
they had it on the best authority that the removal
of these laws would he attended with no evil. If
the night Hon. Baronet looks to the party on the Opposition
side of the House, at ti e head of which is the Noble Lord the
Member for the city of London, upon whom he may rely for
support, upon the question for an immediate repeal—he has
expressed his opinion upon the subject. What, then, has the
Right Hon. Baronet to fear? Upon which side soever he
looks, he may count his supporters. He stated that he was
fearful that if some time were not given to the farmer, a
sudden removal would be productive of injury. The Hon.
Member for Somersetshire (Mr. Miles) had, however, allayed
his fears upon that point. He had told them that there was
no ground for fear—that the farmers were ready—that they had
no need of his caution. There could be no doubt, that the Right
Hon. Baronet himself was in favour of a total and immediate
repeal. But having shown that there were no difficulties in
the way of his resolution, he would ask if there were no ad-
vantages to be derived in the immediate repeal. The present
year was a peculiar year in its ,supply of food throughout
Europe and this country; this was a point it was impassible to
consider. We could not dispense with any supply of food which
should be imported into this country. We have notoriously a
scarcity in consequence, of a deficiency in the harvest, and at
the same time a considerable increase in the consumption of
food in this country ; and there is also a failure of an important
article of consumption of food in the country. Under these
circumstances it was his opinion that the proposed
duty of 4s. might almost amount to a prohibition.
Since the present measure had been under discussion,
there have been several cargoes of wheat destined for this
country which have gone to a neighbouring country ; several
cargoes from Odessa, not disposed to wait for the 4s. duty, had
gone to Antwerp, for the corn-laws are repealed there, tin
Belgium and in Holland ; and this country was always
liable to lose its supply of food during the continuance of these
laws in times of scarcity. Since Parliament has met, corn had
been exported from this country for the Rhenish provinces,
where they send their corn down the Rhine to Holland where
it is stored at Rotterdam. Now, however, corn was sent from
Rotterdam to those places beyond the Rhine which had for-
merly supplied both Belgium and Holland with corn.
'They had, therefore, reason to fear that there would
be a general scarcity felt in the month of April.
that being the month in which the largest importation into this
country invariably takes place. He did not know who would
be most benefited, or who ought to be most interested, after
ail, in the abolition of the corn-laws ; but he did think it was
not worth while that the people should be exposed to the
danger of deficiencies in the supply of corn. —( Hear, hear. )
He thought it would not be just to ov srlook that part of the
question, for he presumed he stated enough to show that the
measure would have such a tendency. The Government have
secured a certain amount of support for the measure which
they had proposed, but it seemed to him that for a similar
measure withdrawing all immediate protection, they would
win merit and support also. He believed that some of the
supporters of the Right Hon. Baronet were giving their sup-
port to that measure, because they believed that they would
relieve themselves from the danger which would be
incurred to the measure by their non-adhesion to
him.; but he (Mr. Villiers) thought it just to the
country to bring forward his amendment, in the hope that an
immediate repeal might take place, for he thought that his amend-
ment would have most important advantages. Before he sat
down, he begged the attention of the House to the considera-
tion of one effect likely to be produced—he referred to a state-
ment made by the Hon. Member for Stockport. He stated—
and no man, he ( Mr. Villiers) believed, doubted that state-
ment—that hey had funds sufficient to procure a repeal of those
laws, and that the day they saw those laws abolished—the very
day afterit the League would be dissolved. Now he (Mr. Villiers)
thought he was not substracting in the least from the great
importance—that society had been to the country if he said its
disssolution would be of great advantage.—(Loud cheers. )
He believed that society would be long indebted to the grati-
tude and admiration of the country for the great benefits it
had produced. He considered they had done infinite service
to the country, and: that they had gathered round them great
moral talent from coviction alone, without ever giving offence
to any of the classes which they felt it their duty to oppose.—
(Cheers.) But, notwithstanding, he believed there was some
danger in such an irregular power existing in any country—
(Loud cheers from the protectionists)—and he thought that
that power should cease ; considering their talent, their great
energy, their unceasing perseverance, it was well worth the
attention of the House whether they should not cease to
give cause for the continuation of their agitation,
for it may be turned to objects that at present were not con-
templated. His Hon. Friends the Members for Stockport
and Durham were pledged in honour not to cease their ex-
ertions, and not to give up a single portion of that energy and
talent which they possessed, until this object was fully achieved.
He did not say that such a resolution ought to be conclusive
evidence to induce the Legislature to adopt their opinions, hut
he thought there were sufficient grounds to do so in the promised
prosperity which it would afford. He (Mr. Villiers) therefore,
the word proposed wordsn,leftvefoorutthaellpupthreoseof aiding inthineo.firtshnt rseesov,luntri(oisn,
as
sftaenr
amendment, that " all duties on imported° corn do now cease
and determine "

The SPEAKER then put the question, when,
Colonel SIBTHORP rose, and said that it was his in-
tention at an earlier period to have occupied the House if he
had an opportunity of doing so, but after what had occurred he
should feel it unnecessary to occupy their attention for any
length of time on the present occasion. It was very
well known what opinion he etertained—(Hear, hear)—
with regard to the measure, and he also thought it was very
well known what opinion he entertained of those gentlemen at
the head of her Majesty's Government, who have dared in
the manner they did—the deceitful manner he would add—te
venture to bring forward such a measure.—(Loud cheers from
the protectionists.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Wolverhampton, he (Colonel Sibthorp) lied no hesitation in
saying, had, during the whole course of his conduct, acted a
straightforward, honest, and consistent part in comparison
with that of her Majesty's Ministers.—(Cheers.) He never
deceived his party—(Cheers)—he had been straightforward in
his declaration—he has persevered in his course, and he was
bound to say that he gave him credit for the manly course he
had pursued, and he wished he could say the same for those who
were once his (Col. Sibthorp's) supporters.—( Loud cheers.)
If it was his good fortune to have spoken on this question at
an earlier period, he would have produced to the notice of the
House some of the speeches made by certain Gentlemen on
protection principles, who now seemed to have altered their
opinions. In the year 1838 at a dinner which was called the
" Peel Banquet," the Right Hon. Baronet thought it right to
treat with ridicule the conduct of the Noble Lord the Member
for the city of London. At that meeting, among other gen-
tlemen, the Marquis of Chandos, a leading man and a farmers'
friend (then an honourable appellation let him tell them), was
in the chair, and there were present Sir R. Peel, Lord Francis
Egerton, Lord Lowther, Sir Robert Inglis (and, mark this
Gentlemen), Sir James Graham—( Laughter)— Mr. Harris,
and Lord G. Somerset. The Right Hon. Baronet then enter-
tained very different opinions to those which he entertains now,
with his 313 supporters.—(Cheers.) Here the Gallant
Officers read several portions of the speech delivered by the
Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, wherein he stated that it was pleasant that the rugged
pafh which led to political fame did not prevent him in his
journeys of making many friends, and that for some years past
he had chiefly laboured for the purpose of forming a great Con-
servative party for the purpose of arresting revolutionary
measures.—( Loud cheers from the protectionists ) Such was
the language, continued the Gallant Officer, which was used by
the Right lion. Baronet in the year 1838, when he was enter-
tained, but perhaps it may be raid most truly on this occasion,
in vino veritas.--( Laughter.) He (Col. Sibthorp) had en-
tained ; an opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet of a very different
nature to what he entertained at preseht. Perhaps he wanted
(with great emphasis) moral courage, and thought it was not
expedient to retain those principles— Tempora inutantur.
He himself had at one time the most implicit confidence in the
Right Hon. Baronet.—( Cries of " Question, question.")
" Oh," continued the Hon. Member, pointing towards the
door, " if you are tired you may just walk out."—(Great
laughter.) '1 he Secretary for the Home Department had also
been once a protectionist. He (C, 1. Sibthorp) did not know
how many departments he had been in ; he was in fact a Pro-
teus, a chamelion, ever varying its colour, and he would serve
any Government that would receive him.—( Laughter. )
His expression would be. Any port in a storm.—( Laughter. )
He ( Colonel Sibthorp) would wish to know on what grounds
the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Ministry had
changed his opinions. If he did so on the belief that there
was a deficiency of food, he might not be altogether culpable ;
but he considered he had no such reason for changing his
opinions.—(Cries of " Question.") He understood there
would be a division on the present question, and with regard
to which he should say, that though he might be compelled to
go into the same lobby with the Right Hon. Baronet, the First
Lord of the Treasury, to oppose the amendment of the Hon.
Member for Wolverhampton, yet it was through no regard,
affection, or respect for him, or any Gentleman on the Trea-
sury bench, that he did so.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
But of two evils he should choose the lesser.—(Renewed
laughter.) He could not conclude without cautioning the
Right Hon. Gentleman as to his associates; and again ex-
pressing his regret that he should break up the party which
was prepared to go with him through fire and water in up-
holding the institutions of the country, the supremacy of the
Throne, and the integrity of their own Protestant Church.—
(Great laughter.)
Lord WORSLEY trusted that the House would allow him
a few minutes space while he stated the grounds on which he
intended to vote on the present occasion. It had been proposed
by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton that all duty on
corn should immediately cease; whilst the Government were
in favour of a sliding scale until the year 1849. Now his im-
pression was, that if it rested solely between the motion pro-
posed by the Government and that of the Hon. Member for
Wolverhampton, it would be much better that the House
should decide in favour of the total and immediate repeal of
the corn-laws than that the country should be kept in a
state of suspense. If the simple question weere that, he should
be inclined to vote for the amendment of the Hon. Member
for Wolverhampton; but then, if he were to vote at that side
on the present occasion, and if the amendment were
carried, he felt he would be precluding himself from
the consideration of other amendments which were to
be proposed by Honourable Gentlemen —( Hear, hear. )
He thought that the proposition of the Right Hoe. Baronet of
a sliding scale from 10s. to 4s. would not answer the expecta-
tions of the people, but he was satisfied that if they were to
have a low fixed duty of ss. on wheat, and 2s. on barley, and
2s. on oats, as proposed by an Hon. Member—this he thought,
wouid meet the wishes of all. He conld not support the
amendment of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, though
if it were a question between him and the Right Hon. Baronet,
he would rather support an immediate repeal of those laws.
He did not think there was the least ehance of carrying the
proposition of the Honourable Member for Wolverhampton,
but he could not' vote f that q•estion, as it would
preclude him voting for the following amendment :
That in lieu of the deties now payable on the importation of
corn, grain, meal, or flour, the product of foreign countries,
there shall be paid a fixed duty of five shillings per quarter
upon wheat, two shillings and sixpence on barley, and two slid-
lings on oafs; meal and flour in proportion. This amendment
he thought far preferable to either the Right Hon. Baronet's
measure or the proposition of his Hon. Friend the !Member fo}•
WolverharnptQn.