The Sun.
London, England, 1848-03-14 00:00:00

THE SUN', LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING,

monstrations, similar to those that prevented the
contemplated increase of the tax, and induced the
Minister to abandon his first proposition, and to
consent that the estimated income of the nation
should he considerably below the estimated ex-
penditure, must lead to such a revision of the pre-
sent system as to render it acceptable to the com-
munity in general. The pressure from without is
required. Honourable Gentlemen who consider
themselves firmly established in their seats for several
years to come, may slight the opinions of
those whom they nominally represent in
the Imperial Parliament, but they cannot despise
a direct application from the majority of those by
whose suffrages they were elected and placed in their
present honourable, but responsible position. Meet-
ings, therefore, should be held in every district, and
persons of every class, without distinction of creed or
party, should petition the Legislature for an imme-
diate alteration in the law, for the purpose of adopting
a more equitable adjustment of the burden, and
making all parties contribute to the national wants
and emergencies in proportion to their respective re-
sources. Every registered elector should call upon his
representative* to support the prayer of such a petition,
and intimate plainly the consequences of a refusal, viz.,
a peremptory demand for an immediate resignation—
a restoration into the hands of the people of the abused
and violated trust.

The speech of the Hon. Member for the West
Riding of Yorkshire was characterised by that sound
sense, that clear and vigorous intelligence, for which
he had so eminently distingushed himself during the
crusade against monopolies, and for the establishment
of a free and unfettered trade, of which he was the
acknowledged leader. It can no longer be asserted
that the support of the amendment implied a hostility
to the principle of direct taxation, and a
return to the obsolete financial doctrine
of raising the national revenue by indirect imposts,
which has justly been stigmatised as " the indirect
robbery of the poor." The enormous increase of
price, consequent upon the heavy Excise and Customs
duties upon articles of paramount necessity, upon
which the greater portion of the hardly-earned wages
of the industrious operatives must be expended for
the support of their families, practically occasions an
income-tax of ten or twelve shillings in the pound on
the labouring classes, while articles of mere luxury
are ,comparatively free from any burden. Such a
person contributes fully half his income to the
national exchequer. If the possessors of ac-
cumulated and realised property directly,
gave
one-fifth of their income for the same purpose,
there would be but little necessity for my
other description of taxation, and the remaining
four-fifths would produce more of the actual comforts
and necessaries of life than the entire does under
existing circumstances. The great body of the
people, those engaged in trade, in commerce, in
manufactures, in professions, do not object to the
income-tax because it gives occasion to the applica-
tion of the collector at their very doers, or because
they are called upon for a large sum at one time;
hut they object to its gross and flagrant injustice and
inequality ; they object to its inquisitorial character,
prying into receipts from varying■ and fluctuating
sources; they object because they are charged not
merely upon their actual gains, but on ►hat
the Commissioners may choose to say they ought to
have made, because no allowances are made for bad
debts and the numerous casualties to which persons
embarked in almost any description of business are
continually liable. Remedy this injustice—establish
a fair tariff of charges, carried into execution in a
fair and liberal manner, and you will remove every
reasonable objection. Reduce the expenditure to the
amount which will be sufficient for supporting the
national establishments in full efficiency, but without
waste or extravagance, and the middle classes will
readily submit to the charges that may be necessary
for that purpose, and for the maintenance of the
national honour, the national credit, and the national
safety, provided it be equitably and fairly assessed.
Mr. COBDEN truly expressed the sentiments of the
manufacturing and commercial community when he
said, " that if ever any loss should come to the
public creditor, it would not be through their instru-
mentality that they would pawn their last coat be-
fore they would allow any defalcation of the revenue
to occur."
One word as to the threat that Ministers would
resign if thwarted in their plans, or even if their own
demand was conceded for a shorter period than that
which they thought proper to ask for. We should
regret such a course on their part. It savours rather
too stron4ly of the ancient practice under Tory Go
vernments of forcing measures repugnant to the
feelings of the House and country by such coercion.
It exhibits a total disregard of public opinion. It
practically asserts the principle that Ministers
may withdraw their services from the people
who yield than a general support unless every
crotchet and fancy is submitted to. It
is not a wise or a constitutional doctrine,
and however much, for many reasons, we
might regret the retirement of the present Ministry,
far better that such should take place than that the
country should be compelled to sanction that which
was unjust in principle and oppressive in practice.

The presentation of the congratulatory Address
from the British residents in Paris to the Provisional
Government is, in many respects, one of the most
interesting of the ninny interesting events which
have recently transpired in the French metropolis.
Simple and unostentatious as was the manner of its
presentation, and brief as were the terms of which
the Address itself was composed, the interview be-
tween the Deputation and the Ministers is become an
historic event, and the document then presented is to
be preserved in the archives of the French Republic.
It is to be there preserved, said LAMARTINB, in order
to show to the children of the Republicans what had
been the conduct of their fathers—how they had been
not only intrepid in combat, but patient, moderate, and
humane after victory. lie might have added, that it
would also serve to demonstrate to the future genera-
tions of France with what intense sympathy England
had responded to the high aspirations of their ances-
tors, and how readily, and even eagerly, Englishmen
had come forward to congratulate and encourage
them in the very outset of their glorious but arduous
undertaking. The following is a copy of the Address
which was presented by Colonel FLETCkIER, and
other English gentlemen residing in Paris :
" We, the undersigned British residents in Paris,
are desirous of making known to the French nation
our sincere admiration of the great forbearance and
moderation shown by the people of Paris during a
time of the highest excitement, and of the admir-
able conduct of the National Guards of the capital
in re-establishing order, tranquillity, and confidence.
We cannot too highly praise, nor too warmly appre
ciate the courage and judgment displayed by the
Provisional Government in the midst of tumult and
danger ; and as liberty, social order, and peace, are
essential to the happiness and prosperity of all na-
tions, whatever be their form of government, we
earnestly hope that the people of France and Eng-
land may live in friendship, and in that honourable
rivalry with each other which will best conduce to
the interests of both, and to the maintenance of peace
throughout the world."
The deputation was received at the Hotel de Ville,
by three members of the New Government, MAR-
RAST, LOUIS BLANC, and LAMARTINR—men whose
genius has long since been made manifest by their
writings, but who have now happily availed them-
selves of a glorious opportunity of showing them-
selves to be men of action as well as men of thought,
and of carrying into execution those sublime concep-
tions
already shadowed forth in their writings, and of
which the bare outline has excited an almost uni-
versal admiration and enthusiasm. These were
the men to whom, as fitting representatives
of the glory and moderation of the French
Republic, the deputation, as representatives
of the English in Paris (and may we not add of the
English throughout the world ?) tendered their
hearty congratulations on the great forbearance and
moderation recently evinced by the people of Paris.
It is this forbearance and moderation that has
especially gained for the new Revolution the approval
and sympathy of the English people. With all our
national love for liberty, we have an invincible anti-
pathy to violence and bloodshed. It was this feeling
which caused England—liberal England—to regard
with abhorrence the first French Revolution. The
sympathy with which at first she was disposed to
greet the dawning spirit of French independence
was converted into horror and indignation at the sight
of the blood, so unmercifully and unnecessarily shed.

"Jamais"—says LAMARTINE, the panegyrist of the
Revolution—"Jamais it n'y eut tout de sang sur la
verite." Never was truth defiled with so much blood.
This bloodshed it was that caused for the time the
universal reaction in England. Even the passionate
denunciations of EDMUND BURKE found a responsive
echo among a people which were just before thrilled
with exultation and enthusiasm at the shout of
"Liberty !" resounding across the water. All
sympathy was forgotten in the horror of
violence and murder. But now—now, happily, it is
otherwise. Now the Liberal Revolution is remarkable
chiefly for its forbearance. Its first act was to de-
prive itself of the power of shedding blood! Hence
it is that England may freely acknowledge her sym-
pathy, and hence it was that, on Friday last, the
deputation of Englishmen offered their earnest con-
gratulations to the new Government, and expressed
an anxious desire that the two nations might co-
operate in advancing their mutual interests, and
maintaining peace throughout the world. LAMAR-
TINE responded to these sentiments with a warmth
and enthusiasm well in accordance both with his
public position and his individual character. In the
name of the Government he thanked the Englishmen
for their expressions of sympathy and approbation,
and in return he bore witness to the liberal institu-
tions of their native country, declaring that inter-
view to be glorious for France and for the English
nation also, as it bore testimony to the virtues
which the use of liberty had given to Eng-
land. But it was after the conclusion of his official
reply to the address, and in answer to a remark from
one of the members of the deputation, that LAMAR..
TINE gave utterance to a most beautiful and hopeful
sentiment, which alone would be sufficient to
rescue the remembrance of the scene from
oblivion. Alluding to his official title of Mi-
nister of Foreign Affairs, he declared with an
almost audacious confidence in the amicable senti-
ments of France and England, that henceforth that
title was not necessary for the maintenance of har-
mony between the two people. " The true Minister
of Foreign Affairs between France and England,"
he exclaimed, "is the invincible spirit which unites
them in the religious sentiment of fraternity."
To our thinking, this unostentatious interview in the
chamber of the Hotel de Ville is invested with no
common interest and no trivial importance. It is a
type of the feelings of the day. It is an evidence
that our long aspirations are approaching their
fulfilment. Among the stored up archives, whe-
ther of England or of France, how much
more truly noble will be the record of such
an incident as this than pompous chronicles
which blazon forth some " glorious victory over the
French !" One such scene, one such an honest,
hearty interchange of friendly sentiments, is
" Worth a hundred Agincourts I"
It may, perhaps, be objected that, after all, there was
nothing very extraordinary in the visit of the deputa-
tion, and nothing very remarkable in the words of
the address. So much the better. We rejoice the
more; we rejoice that there is nothing extraordinary
or remarkable in the matter. We rejoice that it is
no longer extraordinary for England to sym-
pathise with and co-operate with France,
and that it is no longer remarkable for Englishmen
to give free utterance to the interest and admiration
with which they regard their former enemies, and to
evince an earnest anxiety for the interchange of mu-
tual friendship and assistance.
It is not the interview in the Hotel de Ville which,
of itself, excites our interest and exultation, but the
state of feeling of which that interview is the token.
As the straws floating on the surface show the di-
rection of the current, so do such casual and appa-
rently trivial incidents serve to indicate the state of
popular feeling, and show us whither we are advancing.
Hence it is that we are disposed to hail with satis-
faction such an incident as the one in question, be-
cause, however unimportant in itself, it bears witness
to the rapid spread of amicable and charitable senti-
ments, and it induces us to hope that the day is not
far distant when, according to the concluding words
of the address, " the people of England and France
may live in friendship and in that honourable rivalry
with each other which will best conduce to the in-
terests of both, and to the maintenance of peace
throughout the world."

We have advice* from Oporto to the 7th instant,
by the Eider, arrived at Poole on Sunday, cattle laden.
A holiday was kept on the 7th in Oporto; all quite
tranquil, and but little affected by the revolution in
France.

Rates of exchange, 53fri. per milreis.
Her llpjesty's ship Comet, Commander RIGGR ; her
Maje•ty's ship St. Vincent, bearing the flag of Rear-
Admiral Sir CHARLES NArtga, K.C.8.; the Howe,
120 guns, Captain 6ir JAMES STERLING, Knt.; the
Queen, 11.0 guns, Captain W. 11, BRUCE; the Ca-
nopus, 84, Captain J. 111oRssnv, C.B. ; the steam
frigate Amphion, 36 guns, Captain W. H. WILLIAMS ;
the steam frigate Dragon, Captain HALL; and the
bomb steamer Scourge, Commander WINGROVE, toge-
ther with the dispatch boat Jackal, Lieutenant
WESTON, comprising the British squadron under Sir
CHARLES NAPIER'S orders, were all moored in the
Tagus at the above date, but expected to move daily
towards England.

The Duke of SERA CAPRIOLA, who has resigned
the office of President of the Council of the Kingdom
of Naples, has published a manifesto stating the
reasons which have induced him to adopt this course.
It appears that it was in consequence of the Sicilians
persisting in what the Duke considered an exorbitant
demand. After enumerating the several demands of
the Sicilians, which the Government had already
taken into consideration and devised means of satisfy-
ing, the Duke declares that the point on which the
Ministry could not consent to yield was that which
the Sicilians absolutely insisted on—namely, that no
Neapolitan troops should be sent to the island, to co-
operate with the Sicilian regiments in the defence of
the country and in the preservation of order. Neapo-
litan troops were thus odiously assimilated to foreign
troops, and the island must inevitably be left open to the
attacks of any enemy that thought fit to invade it.
This pretension of the Sicilians would in fact prevent
the KING from defending the island if attacked, and
as the inhabitants could only furnish a body of men
in proportion to their population of two millions, the
kingdom of Naples would in fact be left defenceless.
Under these circumstances, the Ministry, not
being able to effect anything, deemed it advisable to
resign.

An electoral law has been proclaimed at Naples.
The qualification of the electors is fixed at twenty-
four ducats (1001.) of imposable revenue, and of
the Deputies at 240 ducats (1,000 f.) The number of
Deputies for the kingdom of Naples alone is 164,
divided amongst the different districts according to
the population. Sicily will have a separate represen-
tation.
The Gaszetta di Roma of the 3d March contains
an official proclamation of the Treasurer-General and
Minister of Finance, announcing the introduction
Into the Papal states of the decimal system of eurreney
and monetary unity which obtains in France, and
has already been established in Sardinia and the
Duchy of Parma.
In accordance with this decree, it is arranged that
five-franc pieces of silver coinage, and twenty-franc
pieces of gold coinage, current in the Republic of
France, the Kingdom of Sardinia, and the Grand
Duchy of Parma, shall circulate in the States of the
Church—the first, at the rate of 93 bajocchi, and
the second, at the rate of 3 scudi 72 bajocchi, and
their multiples in gold in the same ratio.
This arrangement was to take effect in Rome from
the data of the proclamation, viz., the 3d of March,
in the provinces of the Mediterranean and the
" marches," and in the legation of Urbino and
Pesaro, from the sth March, and in the legations of
Bologna, Ferrara, Forli, and Ravenna from the 6th
March. The Treasurer and Minister of Finance will,
in the interim, take measures for the coinage of the
new currency.

The intelligence from Germany is important.
A second edition of the Cologne Gazelle, published
on Saturday afternoon, contains the following letter,
announcing a great event in Prussia :
" BERLIN.--Joyful tidings, the commencement of a
new era, form the subject of this communication. The
King has granted unlimited liberty of the press through-
out his dominions. Instructions to the various Pro-
vincial Governments were forwarded yesterday; and the
royal decree on this important subject_ will be made
publio so soon as it shall be known that the instructions
have reached their destination."

The Berlin Gazette states that the Icing of PRUSSIA
has signed an act of amnesty in favour of the Poles
implicated in the insurrection of Posen. By virtue
of this act, the thirty-three prisoners sentenced to
death will only undergo five years' imprisonment in
some Prussian fortress, and such as were condemned
to imprisonment, whether for long or short periods,
are at once to be set at liberty, and furnished with
the means of returning to their homes.

It was generally understood in Berlin that Baron
ALICIANDIta VON HUMBOLDT is about to proceed
forthwith to Paris, on a confidential mission from
his Sovereign.
The KING had consented to receive, in person,
an address agreed to by seven or eight hundred
young men of Berlin, of whom the principal portion
were students and operatives.

The king of liitcovEn, received en the 7th of
March a deputation from the magistrates and con-
seil communal of the capital, who presented him with
an address, to which he caused the following reply
to be given :
" I am charged by his Majesty to make the following
statements with reference to the address presented
yesterday
1. The resolution adopted by the Diet on the 3d
of this month, with respect to the press, ran thus :
"Each State of the Confederation is left at liberty
to abolish the censure, and to establish liberty of the
press.
" Provided always that this shall be done under gua-
rantees that shall protect to the utmost the other states
of the Confederation and the whole Confederation itself
against all abuse of the liberty of the press. These
guarantees it is necessary to fix before the abolition of
the censure. His Majesty will not refuse to join in
those resolutions which shall be adopted with respect
to this subject by the majority of the states of the Con-
federation.
" 2. No one, on reflection, could fail to see that to
admit the deputies of German states to a participation
in the deliberations and the resolutions of the Germanic
Diet, resolutions to which the Sovereigns themselves
are bound by the federal treaty, is not reconcileable
with monarchical government. _ .

" 3. With respect to an early convocation of the
Estates of the kingdom, his Majesty's own resolution
had anticipated the expressions of the address. The
Estates are convoked for the 28th of this month.—By
special command,
(Signed) " DE FALCKE.
" Hanover, March 1848."

Great rejoicings have taken place at Munich, in
honour of the announcement by the KING of his
intention to convoke the States of Bavaria imme-
diately.

Some manifestations of discontent had been made
at Stuttgardt, on the 7th of this month, in conse-
quence of the nomination of a new Cabinet, in which
M. DE LXNDENS was to hold the appointment of
Minister of the Interior. Tranquillity had, how-
ever, been restored by a promise from the KING that
he would make some alterations in his intended
arrangements.

From the Austrian capital we have received the
following intelligence, which, under existing circum-
stances, possesses peculiar interest :

" VIENNA, MARCIE{ 6.—The arrival of the mail from
Hungary this morning has caused great excitement.
Daum's coffee-house was crowded to excess, and a gen-
tleman was at once placed on one of the billiard tables
for the purpose of reading aloud the Preskurg Gazette,
which had just been received. Events in Hungary have
taken a serious turn, so much so, that the Lk rchduke
Stephen has arrived here to ask for new instructions
suited to the extraordinary and unexpected circum-
stances.

"An address has been forwarded by the States of
Hungary to the Emperor of so unusual a character, that
the sensation it has created cannot be matter of surprise.
It demands the strict maintenance of the ancient Hun•
garian constitution, and the appointment of a separate
Ministry, the members of which shall be responsible to
the people of Hungary.
" Vienna, nevertheless, remains quiet, and popular
attention seems exclusively directed to the Exchange, as
the great decline in the public funds and other State
securities, as well as the difficulty of obtaining change
for bank-notes, have caused much uneasiness. The Bunk
of Austria has, in consequence, somewhat anticipated
the usual period for the publication of its quarterly ac-
count, by putting forth a statement from which it appears
that there aro at present no fewer than 6,000,000 florins
in specie in its coffers."

We have fortunately obtained an official copy of
the important document referred to in the foregoing
letter, and we subjoin a translation of it :

authorises by his conduct such violent dispositions.
The best defence of the throne is the law. With
them, and by satisfying the wants of the epoch, public
tranquillity is preserved, and the prestige of the
Sovereign increased."
The Quam replied as follows :
"It is very well ; I thank you, and will take proper
measures."

MARIA CHRISTINA and NARVAEZ, unwarned by
the fate of Louts PHILIPPE and GUIZOT, seem de-
termined to continue their attempts to govern by
force. Large sums of money were distributed among
the troops on the 6th by NARVAEZ, but this system
cannot long continue. There is no M. GUIZOT, with
a large secret service fund, to apply to now, to uphold
dynastic interests.
The Senate have reported in favour of the Bill
granting to the Government additional powers.
MADRID BOLSA, MARCH 6.—Three per Cents.
234 4 buyers ; I sellers ; Five per Cents., 134 buyers,
14 sellers ; Passive Debt, 54 sellers ; Coupons, 10
buyers. Exchange on London, 47 60.

HE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.

The Charge d'Affaires of Spain has communicated
to the Minister of Ft.reign Affairs the desire of the
Spanish Government to maintain with the Provisional
Government of France, the same amicable relations
which have hitherto subsisted between the two
countries.

A colossal bust of Liberty, presented by
CLBSINGER, the sculptor, to the Provisional Govern-
ment, was on Sunday paraded through the streets of
Paris, by a body of 300 sculptors. The parish priest
of the Petits Fires, came out at the head of his
clergy, and blessed the bust:
The Swiss residents in Paris walked on Sunday in
procession to the Hotel de Ville, to present an address
to the Provisional Government. Each wore the
Federal armlet, consisting of a red band, with a
white cross. They sang the " Rana des Vacbes" as
they passed along the streets. The effect is said to
have been very beautiful.

The Provisional Government have, it is said, sent a
person to London to obtain information as to the
organization of the Metropolitan Police force, it being
their intention to organize a similar force for the pro-
tection of Paris.

The failures of bankers still continue; to the list
already announced, we have now to add the firms of
BAUDIN and Co., Place Vendome ; of ESTIENNB
DBL....calms[]; and Co., 25, Rue St. George; and of
FOURCHON and Co., 41, Rue de Provence. The
connexion of ESTIINNA and Co. was • principally
among builders, and their failure will have the effect
of throwing a great number of workmen out of em-
ployment. The house of BAUDIN was largely con-
nected with railways; M. BAUDIN himself was a
regent of the bank of France. Several bankers have
declined entering into any new engagements. It ap-
pears that the rich capitalists hang back from aiding
the Provisional Government in its efforts to mitigate
the effects of the financial crisis. Their subscriptions
to the National Discount Bank have in many in-
stances been ridiculously small. The following
article in the National may, perhaps, have the effect
of inducing them to become more liberal :
" The subscription for the national discount bank
is already filled with a long list of names ; but we
cannot forbear from expressing our painful astonish
ment at the sums put down by most of the great
banking houses of Paris. At a moment when it is
necessary to enlarge credit, when the citizens of all
classes are imposing upon themselves the greatest sacri-
fices to ensure to the State the resources of which it is
in need, it is, to say the least, unaccountable that men,
notoriously he possessors of colossal fortunes, should
not come more generously to the succour of that com-
merce from which they are derived. It would cost us a
severe pang were we to expose to the public opinion the
names of the subscribers and the amounts of their sub-
scriptions. However, if we are driven to it, we must
make up our minds to the task. Not that we pretend to
constrain any person to tax himself—we only wish that
a true judgment may be passed upon the sincerity of
certain declarations by the manner in which they have
been acted up to. The apparent enthusiasm and reality
of the adhesions avowed are proved by the produce of
francs and centimes. on the lists of which we have
spoken. It. is the unquestionable right of every man to
remain master of his own fortune; but the Republic has
an equal right to refuse to accept as alms that which is
only given through fear. It demands voluntary sacri-
fices, no doubt, but they should be serious and efficacious.
Now the sums subscribed are absolutely derisive. It
there be any doubt of this we shall call upon the public
to decide. Will that be agreeable to these gentlemen?"

In the same journal (which is the organ of the
Provisional Government) we rejoice to find the fol-
lowing on the subject of the English alliance:—
" The Journal des Debuts expresses an apprehension
that a phrase in the report of the Minister of Finance
may offend England. That journal may be reassured:
peace will not be compromised for such a trifle, and
Great Britain will show herself less susceptible than the
Journal des Debuts. Under the monarchy of Louis
Philippe England was long flattered. Then, when the
alliance appeared a necessity for the dynasty, it was
considered worth purchasing at any price. At a later
period, it is true, another interest commanded a different
language; but at bottom, in both cases, the Government
and its organs were wanting in sincerity. The case is
quite different at present; an alliance is formed on the
common interests of nations, and not with a view to the
personal advantage of a family. Henceforward there is
no more need of flattery or abuse: between two great
nations all that is required is truth. The Debuts, which
is at present somewhat put out by the late events, will
soon perceive that the policy of the French Republic
does not exist by lying tricks; and it will soon see that
it is not diplomatic rouerie and royal finesse that are
suited to the austere frankness of a Government, saying
all that it thinks, and doing all that it says."
All parties are preparing for the elections. The
Journal des Dibols puts forth the following, which
may be considered as the programme of the wreck of
the Guizot party :
"We owe to our readers, to the public, to the Go-
vernment—a frank declaration. If we said that we were
exceedingly in favour of the new form of government,
and that a sudden inspiration had changed and renewed
our ideas, no one would believe us. Such a profession of
faith on our parts would justly inspire only contempt or
distrust. It would be supposed that we were afraid, or
that we conceal under such eagerness, which could not
but excite suspicion, a secret hostility. Such is not the
position which we have taken up, and which we wish to
guard. We admit the fact—we are the conquered of
February. That word we pronounce without any feel-
ing of vengeance or of hatred. Our ideas relative to the
form of government have fallen; others have triumphed.
We sincerely wish that they may be more fortunate than
ours, and that, putting an end to the long era of intes-
tine discords, they may ensure the happiness and liberty
of France. But the question of the Provisional Go•
vernment is far, in our opinion, from being the only
question which men of sense have to devote themselves
to. What has France been seeking for the last
sixty years ? Her predominant want has no doubt
changed according to the period. In 1789 the country
sought above all for liberty. After the great storms of
the revolution, it sought for civil security, the end of
proscriptions ; and France, so to speak, ran to meet the
despotism which presented itself as the restorer of
society. For the last thirty years it is the conciliation
of order and liberty that France wishes for. This it
was supposed at first was found in the alliance of the
old legitimacy with a charter accorded to the fundamen-
tal principles of the revolution. That is what we our
selves thought was founded in the contract of 1830.
The conciliation of order and liberty, that is the problem;
and the form of government which shall resolve it will
be the best. Under all forms of government France hae
a right to demand security of persona and respect of
property, a regular and impartial justice, humane and
moderate laws, a liberty more or less extended—a true
liberty—liberty of thought, liberty of worship,
liberty of election, combined in such a manner as that
the majority may have the power and the minority be
not oppressed. France, for the last sixty years, only
asks for that. These principles may be defended under
the Republic as under the Monarchy, and it is one's duty
to do so—the form of government is only the means.
These means are imperfect, and we cannot suppose that
any sincere republican can persuade himself that the
republican form answers for everything, decides every-
thing, is everything. Passions exist under the republic
as under the monarchy: there are factions—there are
ardent, immoderate, uneasy minds, which contradiction
irritates, which know no liberty but their own, and
which never once consider that to impose their
ideas on others is to be tyrannical. Under the
Imperial Government, France had order without
liberty. At present, she desires to have liberty with-
out order. There is, therefore, always for good citi-
zens, no matter to what party they may have previously
belonged, an honourable part to play in political life.
The principles of order and liberty will not defend them-
,elves. We say to our friends, Go to the election,'
as vie said to them a few days back, Lend your co-
operation to the Provisional Government.' What we
recommend them to do, we shall do ourselves by the
press—no systematic hostility, no despair, a frank co-
operation in all that is good, alliance with the moderate
men who wish to have order and liberty under all
regimes—no opposition to a simple form of goverment.
Such is our programme, without any concealment.
We have ourselves adopted it, and we recommend our
friends to do so. We have not hesitated to praise in
the acts of the Provisional Government what appeared
to us to be well intentioned. We praise it above all for
having sought the abolition of the pain of death in poli-
tical matters, to inaugurate into the new Republic a
new spirit of mildness and humanity I Such acts shall
always receive our approbation ; we shall be silent
only,on what may shock our habits, owl personal