The Sun.
London, England, 1846-08-13 00:00:00

41.ERICAN NEWS.

IRRIVAL OF THE CAMBRIA.

(FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.)
LIVERPOOL WEDNESDAY, HALF-PAST FOUR.
~,
stearn-ship Cambria, Captain Judkins, after
11,i'Csage of ten days sixteen hours, arrived here
kf:ternoon, bringing eighty-four passengers, the
fifteen
ad.a4 and United States mails, and papers
. dtls
later than those brought by the Fidelia.
li Hibernia, which sailed from Liverpool on the
NI Wt., reached Boston on the Ist., in a twelve-
-4W-days' passage; and the Great Britain
-rivm
New York in thirteen and a half days.
the,'atriblia brings intelligence of the passing of
'
arit. ff Bills by a majority of One.
teblual)3 the most important item of news brought
te;ve Cambria is the passage in the Senate of the
41414'44f Bill, brought forward by the present Ad-
titittration, reducing very materially the Whig
sf 1842. The manufacturers of New England,
th
lh, a mining and smelting districts of Penn-
keb!a, made strenuous efforts to defeat the
doss, a, and, indeed, all but succeeded in so
t4c_' as the Bill became the law by the
g Vote of Vice-President Dallas, who is
iL,telf returned by a district of Pennsylvania very
tp"Ai's' to low duties upon iron or coal. As usual,
t. • took "13' s ming question, a considerable debating
)(4 Place' and the speeches both for and against
lelon
g and numerous.
Webster spoke at great length against the
mitild the question was taken on the 28th, and
Lipimeasure was carried by the casting vote of Mr.
kis
amended only by striking out a section from
N,e441 which had received the sanction of the Re-
litatives The Lower House subsequently con-
'`zlefil •In •
kh: the amendment, so that the Bill was at last
01' Mr. Haywood, from North Carolina, re-
14"f:d his seat, in order not to be compelled to vote
i?ht'ur of the measure.
thee Warehousing Bill had not passed the House
presentatives when the steamer left, but would
,1:`:! in all Probability. It provides for the ware-
Ong of all goods under similar regulations which
t.ern the British Customs, except that the 'period
,h,.ooding is limited to a year.
kttva take the following account of the progress of the
tkeneggtiation from the Philadelphia North American.
tittoelPlanation which follows was not considered sods-
itt4lll, for it is said that the editor of the paper was
klt'aiately taken into custody under a President's war-
,for breach of privilege:—
N:4llinch as Sir Robert Peel has laid before Parliament.
V, most important articles in the. Cseovnevraelntresnp;
ecastablltse
Jtft4rtittai,a
jaavethisbeecnounitnrycor.reacstl(Turstrasd
Washington correspondent
l'holhil„d us more than a month ago with a complete
ef the treaty and correspondence ; as the. Senate
14 'ea its assent to the contract, and as the ratification
O Jah Government is now probably on its way across
Atlanticunder all these circumstances, and considering
t'te'lll:laty of the public to see the official facts, we have
Nte,!`eg to lay all the papers that were submitted to the
414 oefore our readers.
13,TnIttn,unicating this proposition, Mr. M'Lane says ex-
beret nr,_4c the proposition as now tubmitteed has lohtarvee:
it'refore.r euntenance.
Ivo , felt it my duty to discourage the expectation. that
db
'late e accepted by the President, or if submitted to the
"11C:Pproved by that body.'
bilot t,,,5, further, that in his opinion, the.offer now made
ttiovue considered as an ultimatum, and is not mtende
kl.'he fr
i,itait,d eke navigation of the Columbia, It will be seen, is
v3,-.11 any exp ess terms in the treaty, and equally so
.%"4.34 interpretitrion, as it strikes us on a hasty glance,
age used.
-4144,3
(CONFIDENTIAL.)
ei•Olt litt FROM THE PRESIDENT CF THE UNITED STASES,RIZIIIICATING A PROPOSITION ON THE PART OF TEM
444044 GOVERNMENT FOR THE ADJUSTMENT OF THE
quasTieri.
" (June 10, 1846—read.)
TeT
ay Is_ na SENATE OF THE UNITED STAf TES.
itll4oll ore the Senate a proposal in the orm of a con-
tbe ivt4anted to the Secretary of State on the 6th inst.,
ei(44.4tiotriZnicEuxtr.aortd*nary and Minister Plenipotentiary
Jes y,l f the adjustment of the Oregon
t thin' together protocol of this proceeding. I sub-
ZleBt t4roPosal to the consideration of the Senate, and re-
'r advice as to the action which, in their judgment,
alp In 4ProPer to take in reference to it.
ofihQeatlY periods of the Government,. the opinion and
re, `44t. .'enate were often taken in lvance upon im-
eatetlll, :ti°lls of our foreign policy. General Washington
t, to ihictsalted the Senate, and asked their previous ad-
Pri_ though he always conformed his action. This prac-
- ,gobt 0 rarel dto in later times, was, in my
tioNt ent, erainend resorted
Rise, and may on occasions of great im-
41ce, be proper?' d!
apt re Senate
y constiltisareyarebviravnech of the treaty-making power,
to "Ant ag them in advance of his own action, upon
Ole Measures of foreign policy which may ultimately
"treic,,a7ore the.m for consideration, the President secures
1,46! of action between that body and himself. The
:,1344-7e moreover a branch of the war-making power, and
" eminently proper for the Executive to take the
ttkite,4„ and advice of that body. in advanse upone
issueany
atal.eBlioll which may involve in its decision
or war. On the present occasion the magnitude of
in.uiject would. induce me, under any circumstances, to
ei•L'ae previous advice of the Senate, and that desire is
by the recent debates and proceedings in Congress,
it't tender it, in my judgment,
.not m.aly.respectful to the
SI", but necessary and proper, if not indispensable, to in-
11,9e,"4.1Monious action between that body and the Execn-
itti„,'ll conferring on the Executive the authority to give
74Ctee for the abrogation of the Convention of 1827, the
:teD,,e acted publicly so large a part, that the decision on
Ni„c'Posal now made by the British Government, without
"I.te knowledge of the views of that body in reference
A:11'0A render the question still more corhplicated and
'N4of adjustment. For these reasons I invite the con-
-104 of the Senate to the proposal of the British Go-
ktiteat for the settlement of the Oregon question, and ask
4:4 eirice on the subject.
2,11 y 4,°,,Pinions. and my action on the Oregon questiondvtehree
)44 Ceeeinkti,;e7liastto Cazigr.esesin my annual. messagesed re-
th opinions therein exp
i4tlchanged.
irt,,oald the Senate, by the constitutional majority re-
f tO for the ratification of treaties, advise the acceptance
the „ .
y oroposition, or advise it with such modifications as
rot ay upon full deliberation deem roper, I shall con-
ltctih'4y action to their advice. Should the Senate, however,
°lye by such constitutional majority tove such advice,
dtit,li)press an opinion on the subject, I shall consider it my
. to reject the offer.
,also communicate herewith an extract from a dispatch
direst.
Secretary of State to the Minister of the United
",,itt,:. at London, under the date of the 28th of April last,
,`'tt4..`ing him, in accordance with the joint resolutions of
V'3", concerning the eregon territory,' to deliver the
ye to the British Government for the abrogation of the
4k:ell.tien of August 6, 1827 ; and also a copy of the notice
ttloo4ll,te. d to him for that purpose, together with extracts
44,. dispatch of that Minister to the Secretary of State,
date,_ the 18th of May last.
Lkilogton, June 10, 1846.
" JAMES K. POLK."

"PROTOCOL.
thdte°llference was held at the Department of State on
N of June, 1846, between the Hon. James Buchanan,
i? of State, the American Plenipotentiary, and the
ti,llll. Richard Pakenham, the British Plenipotentiary,
''ll?l4e negotiation respecting the Oregon territory was
(;lip,7* The British Plenipotentiary made a verbal expla-
toN.7l,_of the motives which had induced her Majesty's
quent to instruct him to make another proposition to
01,"vernment of the United States for the solution of
OeM-existing difficulties. The Secretary of State had
"13 satisfaction with the friendly motives had
qd the British Government in this endeavour.
t.,letar,n.ereopon the British Plenipotentiary submitted to the
Oitt•Y of State the draft of a convention (marked A),
',forth the terms which he had been instructed to pro-
joithe Government of the United States for the settle-
the Oregon question.
" JAMES BUCHANAN,
t 1,44„ "RICHARD PAKENHAM."
pr 2, follows the draught of the Convention, which is in
-'llle words of the treaty below given.]

.113:t• BIJOINANAN TO MR. DeLANTC.—(EXTRACTaq
28
"Department of State, Washington, April
of
the.
lot,eTtieWith transmit a notice for the abrogation
1(7 of August 6, 1827, between Great aßroitain and
k.its " States, in accordance with the terms prescribed
‘itkitireorld article. This paper you will deriver.to.herl
t ta,:e Majesty in person, or to her Majesty's Principe
fr,Y;)f State for Foreign Affairs, after you shall have
'::-deq which of these modes of presenting it will be most
lariernee with her Majesty's wishes. A duplicate of the
tle ansmitted, to be placed on file in the archives of
`4k4f,stiori.
4Vtaet lie abrogation of this Convention is an act cf an im-
-1 Pt toaiad solemn character, the delivery of the notice
irtiletirouyet attested with all due formality. The mode is
top;Rlit be
made ourhown d's^retion • but I would suggest that
subject of a Protocol in triplicate ; one
laiethO4 Which otuledremain with the Briti di Government,
l,t,!(1-tAwth thee
Legation in London, and the third be trans-
the tOhle department.
remarks which you may have occasion to make on
14e 'IT of the notice, the language of the preamble to
joie' "Y
concerning the Oregon territory' must
qIIII,'NY your guide. . . Congress have spoken their
14
Ills F°,1.11 the subject, in their joint resolution, and to this it
"ue President's) and your duty to conform."

k
Z
0 ~~.

-4k iktAFESTY VICTORIA, QUEEN OF THE
.UN. ITEB
~,_klNsa T. ' •_
.' wh ost of GREAT BRITAIN .
''
i • ereas, the Co ess'of the United States have.toardvop,teodi
ItilZtt, resolution ngcorncerning the Oregon tern . ,
‘,„, the following is a copy :
Ilt
13" nereas by the convention concluded the
f2oAthinedriacya
411t1 ettibr, 1818, between the United States o
li" re I"ag of the United Kingdom of Great
afterwardsßritain
imea l'land, for the period of 10 years, and
con-
NtinitelY extended and continued in force by another
14 the
of the same parties concluded the 6th day of August,
thaile Year of our Lord 1827, it was agreed that any coun
~t.
Of ktunY be claimed by either party on the north-west coast olerica westward of the Stony or Rocky Mountaihns,
With•ftilionly called the Oregon territory, shoi.ild,.toget together
liver:ta Yarbours bays and creeks, and the navigation of all
eitiz within the' same,free and open' to the vessels,
diet etns, and subjects of the two powers, but without prejut-
'3il: anY claim which either of the parties might hase o
ni teet of the said country • and with this further provision
Au second article of the' said convention of the 6th of
sairnBt, 1827, that either party might abrogate and annul
°the `novention, on giving due notice of 12 months to the
,i Lnoptracting party.
speev_u Whereas it has now become desirable that be deeclaints of the United States and Great Britain should
the, naely settled, and that said territory may no longer
ceded'Lead be remain sabject to the evil consequences of the
fai.,
-istaneS of its American and British population,

. _
and of the confusion and conflict of national jurisdiction,
dangerous to the cherished peace and good understanding of
the two countries.
" With a view, therefore, that steps be taken for the abro-
gation of the said convention of the 6th of August, 1827, in
the mode prescribed in its second article, and that the atten-
tion of the Government of both countries may be the more
earnestly directed to the adoption of all proper measures for
a speedy and amicable adjustment of the differences and dis-
putes in regard to the said territory :
"‘ Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, that
the President of the United States be, and he is hereby
authorised, at his discretion, to give to the Government of
Great Britain the notice required by the second article of the
said convention of the 6th of August, 1827, for the abroga-

tion of the same.'
" Now, therefore, after a careful consideration of the pre-
mises, J, James K. Polk, 'President of the United States, in
the exercise of the authority and discretion vested in me by
the said joint resolution concerning the Oregon territory,'
and in pursuance of the second article of the convention of
6th August, 1827, therein mentioned, do hereby, in behalf of
the United States, give notice to her Majesty, the Queen of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, that, at
the end of twelve months from and after the delivery of these
presents, by the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni-
potentiary of the United States at London, to her Britannic
Majesty, or to her Majesty's principal Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, the said convention shall be entirely annulled
and abrogated.
" In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United
States to be hereunto affixed. Given under my band
at Washington, this twenty-eighth day of April, A.D.
• eighteen hundred and forty-six, and of the Indepen-
dence of the States the seventieth.
"By the President, " JAMES K. POLK.
"James Buchanan, Secretary of State."

MR. M‘LANZ TO MR. BUCHANAN.—(EXTRACTS.)
London, May 18, 1846.
I received late in the day, on the 15th instant (Friday),
your dispatch numbered 27, dated the 28th of April, 1846,
transmitting a notice for the abrogation of the Convention
of the 6th of August, 1827, between the United States and
Great Britain, in accordance with the terms prescribed in
the second article, instructing me to deliver the notice to her
Britannic Majesty in person, or to her Majesty's Principal
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, as will be most agree-
able to her Majesty's wishes, and at the same time leaving
the mode of the delivery of the notice entirely at my own
discretion.
I will of course execute your instructions at the earliest
practicable moment. As, however, I could only ascertain
her Majesty's wishes, which I am directed to consult,
through the Principal Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, sufficient time has not yet been afforded for that
purpose; and in the midst of the pieparation of my dis-
patches for the steamer to-morrow, and of my engage-
ments at the Foreign••office, connected with one of the
topics of this letter, it has not been in my power to give
to a subject of so much importance that deliberation
which I am sensible a proper exercise of the discre-
tion confided to me requires. To-morrow, however, I
propose to seek an interview with Lord Aberdeen for
this purpose, and without loss of time finally to execute your
instructions in the mode that may be deemed most effectual.
I may add, that although it is altogether probable that the
presentation of the notice to her Majesty in person will not
be admissible, and that where a treaty may be annulled upon
notice by one party, the mode of deliveiing the notice need
not be dependent upon the asent of the other; yet, in the
present instance, I do not apprehend there will be any diffi-
culty in giving and receiving the notice in a mode mutually
satisfactory and in conformity with usage in such cases.
I have now to acquaint you that after the receipt of your
dispatches on the 15th instant by the Caledonia, I had a
lengthy conference with Lord Aberdeen, on which occasion
the resumption of the negotiation for an amicable settlement
of the Oregon question, and the nature of the proposition he
contemplated submitting, for that purpose, formed the sub-
ject of a full and free conversation. I have now to state
that instructions will be transmitted to Mr. Pakenham by
the steamer of to-morrow, to submit a new and further pro-
position on the part of this Government for a partition of the
territory in dispute.
The proposition, most probably, will offer substantially-
1. To divide the territory by the extension of the line on
the parallel of 49 to the sea; that is to say, to the arm of the
sea called Birch's-bay, thence by the Canal de Arro and
Straits of Fuca to the ocean ; and confirming to the United
States, what indeed they would possess without any special
confirmation, the right freely to use and navigate the strait
throughout its extent.
2. To secure to the British subjects occupying lands, forts,
and stations, anywhere in the region north of the Columbia
and south of the 49th parallel, a perpetual title to all their
lands 'and stations of which they may be in actual occu-
pation; liable, however, in all respects, as I understand, to
the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the United States, as
citizens of the -United States. Similar privileges will be
offered to be extended to citizens of the United States who
may have settlements north of the 49th parallel; though I
presume it is pretty well understood that there are no set-
tlements upon which this nominal mutuality could ope-
rate. I have no means of accurately ascertaining the ex-
tent of the present British settlements between the Co-
lumbia and the 49th Parallel. They are not believed by
Lord Aberdeen to be numerous, however—consisting, as
he supposes, of a few private farms and two or three forts
and stationt. I have already, in a previous dispatch, taken
the liberty to remind you that by their charter the Hudson's
Bay Company are prohibited from acquiring title to lands,
and that the occupations to be effected by this reservation
have been made, either by the squatters of the company or
by the Puget's Sound Land Company, for the purpose of
evading the prohibition of the Hudson's Bay charter.—They
are, in point of fact, also, according to Captain Wilkes 's
account, cultivated and used chiefly by the persons employed
in the service of the former company, and as auxiliary to
their general business of hunting and trapping, rather than
with a view, as it has been generally supposed, of colonising
or of permanent settlement.
Lastly. The proposition will demand for the Hudson's
Bay Company the right of freely navigating the Columbia
river. It will, however, as I understand, disclaim the idea
of sovereignty, or of the right of exercising any jurisdiction
or police whatever, on the part of the Government, or of the
Company, and will contemplate only the right of navigating
the river upon the same footing, and according to the same
regulations, as may be applied to the citizens of the United
States. 1 have already acquainted you that Lord Aberdeen
has very positively and explicitly declined to treat of the
navigation of the St. Lawrence in connexion with that of the
Columbia; and that even if it were desirable to us to propose
to offer one for the other, he would on no account enter into
any negotiation in regard to the St. Lawrence.
. . ..... I have seen no cause to change the opi-
nion, that in any attempt to divide the Oregon territory, the
obligation felt by this Government to protect the rights of
their subjects, which may have been acquired or grown up
during the joint occupation, would most probably interpose
the greatest difficulty in the way of an amicable adjustment.
And it is now obvious that the proposed reservation of the
right to the Hudson's Bay Company of freely navigating the
Columbia, and that in favour of the British occupants north
of the river, proceed from this source ; although it is proba-
ble that more or less pride may be felt at giving up now,
without what they may deem an adequate equivalent, what
has been hitherto tendered by our negotiators.
Infect, except in the surrender.to the United States of the
title of the lands not occupied by British subjects between
the Columbia and the 49th parallel, and also the surrender
of the jurisdiction over the river and the country within
the same limits, I am afraid it may, with some plausibility,
be contended that there is no material difference between
the present proposition and that offered to Mr. Gallatin
by Messrs. Addington and Huskisson, the British negotia-
tors, in 1827.
It is scarcely necessary for me to state that the proposi •
tion, as now submitted, has not received my countenance.
• • • • . . I have therefore felt it my
duty to discourage the expectation that it would be accepted
by the President, or, if submitted to that body, approved by
the Senate.
I do not think there can be much doubt, however, that an
impression has been produced here that the Senate would acs
cept the proposition .now offered, at least without any mate-
rial modification, and that the President would not take the
responsibility of rejecting it without consulting the Senate.
If there be any reasonable ground to entertain such an im-
pression, however erroneous, an offer less objectionable, in the
first instance at least, could hardly be expected.
It may be considered certain, also, in my opinion, that
the offer now to be made is not to be submitted as an ulti-
matum, and is not intended as such, though I have reason
to know Mr. Pakenham will not be authorised to accept or
reject any modification that may be proposed on our part;
bat that he will, in such case, be instructed to refer the mo-
dification to his Government.

It is not to be disguised, since the President's annual mes
sage, and the public discussion that has subsequently taken
place in the Senate, it will be difficult, if not impossible, to
conduct the negotiation in its future stages, without refer-
ence to the opinion of senators, or free from speculation as
to any degree of control they may exercise over the result.
Whatever, therefore, might be prudent and regular in the
ordinary course of things, I think it is of the utmost import-
ance, upon the present occasion, if the President should think
proper to propose any modification of the offer to be made by
Mr. Pakenham, that the modification should be understood as
possessing the concurrence of the co-ordinate branch of the
treaty power.
It is not easy to conjecture with any certainty the extent
to which this Government might be induced to modify the
proposition, even if they should be assured that the Senate,
no less than the President, demanded it. It must not
escape observation that during the preceding Administra-
tion of our Government, the extension of the line on the
49th parallel to the Straits of Fuca, as now proposed bv
Lord Aberdeen, was actually suggested by my immediate
predecessor as one he thought his Government might ac-
cept; and that, in regard to those English subjects who
would be left within American jurisdiction by adopting that
boundary, he considered the provisions of the second article
of Jay's Treaty as a precedent for a convenient mode of deal-
ing with them.
By the second article of Jay's Treaty, however, British
subjects would not only be secured in the absolute title of
all their lands and effects, as fully as by Lord Aberdeen's
proposition, but would be allowed the option to continue as
British subjects, and without any allegiance to the Govern-
ment of the United States, which, according to Lord Aber-
deen's offer, as I understand it, they would not possess. In
point of fact, therefore, the substantial points of the present
offer, and those which may be expected to be regarded as
most objectionable, are little more than the embodiment of
the various offers and suggestions which at different times
have, in some form or other, proceeded from our own nego-
tiations.
I have myself always believed, if the extension of the line
of boundary on the 49th parallel by the Straits of Fuca to the
sea would be acceptable to our Government, that the demand
of a right freely to navigate the Columbia river could be
comprised upon a point of time by conceding it for such a
period as might be necessary for the trade of the Hud-
son's Bay Company, north and south of the 49th parallel.
Entertaining great confidence in that opinion, and deeming
it only reasonable, I confess that, from an early period, I
have used every argument and persuasion in my power to re-
concile Lord Aberdeen to such a limitation ; and although I
am quite aware that, with a portion of the British public, an
importance it by no means deserves is attached to the navi-
gation of the Columbia river, and that in others it is unde-
servedly regarded as a point of pride, I have been disap-
pointed by the pertinacity with which it has been, at so
much risk, insisted upon. Feeling very sure, however, that
the present offer is not made or intended as an ultimatum, I
think it only reasonable to infer an expectation on the part
of those who are offering it, not only that modifications may
be suggested, but that they may be reasonably required. And,
therefore, I still entertain the opinion that, although from a
variety of causes—in part, perhaps, from an expectation that
in the United States this point may not be absolutely insisted
upon, and part from deference to interests and impressions at
home—they could not be induced in the first instance to
make an offer with such a qualification; yet, if the adjust-
ment of the question should be found to depend upon this
point only, they would yield the demand to the permanent na-
vigation of the river, and be content to accept it for such a
number of years as would afford all the substantial advantages
of those interests they have particularly in view that could be
reasonably desired. Ifthe only question upon which the adjust-
ment of the Oregon question depended should be whether the

navigation of the Columbia river should be granted for a pe-
riod sufficient to serve. all the purposes of British subjects
within the disputed territory, or whether the right should be
extended indefinitely to a particular class of British subjects,
I must believe that no English statesman in the face of his
denial of a similar privilege to American citizens in regard to
the St. Lawrence, would take the hazard, upon this point alone,
of distnrbing the peace of the world. Indeed, if the same
Ministry from whom the present offer proceeds should con-
tinue masters of their own proposition by remaining in office
until the qualification am adverting to would have to be
dealt with, I should feel entire confidence in the belief I have
now expressed.
I regret to say, however, that I have not the least expecta-
tion that a less reservation, if proposed in favour of the
occupants of land between the Columbia and the 49th
parallel, would be assented to. I may repeat my conyiction,
founded upon all the discussions in which I have .been
engaged here, that in making partition of the Oregon terri-
tory the protection of those interests which have grown up
during the joint occupation is regarded as an indispensable
obligation on the score of honour, and as one im-
possible to be neglected. I am quite sure that it
was at one time in contemplation to insist upon the free
na-
vigation of the Columbia river for :British subjects and Bri-
tish commerce generally, and that it has been ultimately
confined to the Hudson's Company after groat resistance,
and in the end most reluctantly. Being so confined, how-
ever, it would be only reasonable to limit the employment of
the right to a period beyond which the company might have
no great object to use the river for the purposes of trade.
But the interests of the British subjects who have settled
upon and are occupying lands nortb, of the 49th degree are
considered as permanent, and entitled, when passing under a
new jurisdiction, to have their possession secured. This, at
least, is the view taken of the subject by this Government,
and not at all likely, in my opinion, to be changed.
I may add, too, that I have not the least reason to suppose
it would be possible to obtain the extension of the 49th pa-
rallel to the sea; so as to give up the Southern Cape of Van-
couver's Island to the United States.

It may not be amiss, before leaving this subject, to call
your attention to the position of the present Ministry. The
success of their measures respecting the proposed commercial
relaxations is quite certain, and the Corn Bill, having now
finally passed the House of Commons, may be expected at no
remote day to pass the Lords by a majority no less decisive.
From that time, however, the tie which has hitherto kept
the \Vhig party in support of Sir Robert Peel, will be dis-
solved ; and the determination of the protectionist party,
who suppose themselves to have been betrayed, to drive him
from office, has lost none of its vigour or power. Indeed, it
is confidently reported, in quarters entitled to great respect,
that they have even offered to the leader of the Whig party
to select his own time, and that when he is ready they will
be no less prepared to force Ministers to resign. I have rea-
son:to know that at present Ministers themselves believe a
change to be inevitable, and are considering only the mode
and the time in which it will most likely happen. It
will not be long after the success of the measures for the
repeal of the corn-law before opportunities enough for the
accomplishment of this object will occur.
The Factory Bill, regulating the hours of labour, will afford
one, and most probably that on which the change, sooner or
later, must be unavoidable, and that the offer has been made
to the probable head of a new Ministry to select his own
time, may it not be expected that, instead of waiting quietly
to allow the Whig leader to select the time of coming in, the
present Minister will rather select his own time and mode of
going out, and with his usual sagacity, so regulate his retire-
ment as to leave as few obstacles as possible to his restora-
tion to power ? In that case it is not very unlikely he would
prefer going out upon the Factory Bill, before taking ground
upon more important measures—and if so, it will not sur-
prise me to witness the coming in of a new Ministry at the
end of June, or earlier. With a knowledge of the proposition
now to be made, I am not prepared to say that one more ob-
jectionable might have been apprehended from a Whig
Ministry, unless, indeed, the present Government may be
supposed to be prepared to accept the qualifications, when
proposed by the President, which it was unwilling at first to
offer. Upon that supposition, it might be desirable that the
modifications should be offered before the coming in of a new
Minister, who, finding only the acts of his predecessors, with-
out a knowledge of his intentions, might not be so ready to
take the responsibility of assenting to a change.