The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-13 00:00:00

Capt. POLHILL gave notice that on Friday next, he should
move for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into
and report upon certain railway Bills now before Parliament.
TOBACCO DUTIES.
Dr. BOWRING moved for copies of memorials on the suh-
ject of the tobacco duties, addressed to the First Lord of the
Treasury, on the 9th day of December, 1845, and the 31st day
of January, 1646, which was agreed to.
LAW OF SETTLEMENT.
Mr. T. BARING presented a petition against any alteration
in the law of settlement.
THIRD READINGS.

The following Bills were read a third time and patged :
Earl of Bleiinton's Estate ; Glasgow, Airdrie, and Monkland
Junction Railway ; Guildford, Chichester, and Portsmouth
Railway (No. 2) ; Leith Paving ; Le,mahagow Dalserf, and
Coatbridge Mineral Junction Railway; Liverpool Sanatory
Regulations; London and South Western Railway Acts Amend-
ment; Newcastle-upon-Tyne Improvement ; Portsmouth
Harbour Pier ; Sir George Dunbar's Estate ; Worcester New
Gas ; York Improvement.
REPORTS.
The reports on the following Bills were considered and
agreed to :
Glasgow Municipal, Police and Statute Labour; Newport
and Ptilgweelly aterworks ; Lough Swilly and Lough Foyle
Draining and Embanking.
The Lords' ainzmilment on the Soirhport Improvement I3ill
• was taken into consideration and rei,ted.
DROPPED ORDERS.
' The dropped orders of the day for yesterday were re-

appointed.- - -
PROTECTION OF LIFE (IRELAND) BILL.
On the motion that the order of the day for this Bill be read,
THE LATE POISONING IN NORFOLK.
An 110 N. MEIAfiER wished to ask the Right Honourable
Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department whether he
could say if any report had been received at the
Horne-office with respect to the recent cases of poison-
ill in the county of Norfolk, and also, whether
4t might not be proper that the Registrar-General should
issue instructions to the registrars of the districts not to issue
any certificate of burial in cases of sudden death where no in-
quest had been held ?
Sir J. GRAHAM said that the circumstance to which the
Roo. Gentleman referred had been the subject of investi-
Fation before the coroner, and he believed that investigation
.214 clesed, but he had not yet receive the result of it.
with reference to the registrars of death, it was their duty
t 4 obtain the certificate of the householder of the place in which
the
death occurred, containing a statement of the cause of
(teat'h. Positive instructions had been issued to the registrars
to be cautious in the performance of the duty, but still it was
not the duty of those persons to refuse to enter any death. He
,ulought, on the contrary, that the refusal of the registrar
to enter any death on his entertaining any suspicion would be
vexatious and reprehensible. He must take that opportunity
of stating to the House what he thought a very serious
cause
of complaint, arising from the infrequency of inquests
held in this country. It appeared that no less than
twenty persons had (lied as there was rea.on to believe from the
effects
of poison administered by one individual, and yet no in-
quest had been held in any case. The law with regard
to holding an inquest was, that any party having rea-
son to suspect that the death occurred under unfair
circumstances, was entitled to call upon the Coroner
to hold an inquest. It was the duty of every constable in every
parish, if he had reason to believe that the death occurred
under suspicious circumstances, to call upon the coroner to per-
form his functions. In the last Jew years, however, so much
jealousy had arisen at the quarter sessions in re-
ference to the charges of coroners, the payment of those
charges had been so much grumbled at. that inquests had not
been held in many cases in which by the law of the country they
ought to have been. The magistrates of the county of Devon
have come to the resolution not to allow coq, of any
inquest in
which the verdict 01 the jury should be " Died by
the visitation of God." This case was now under the
consideration of the Court of Queen's Bench and during that
period many representations had been made to the Home Office
with regard to cases in which inquests ought to have been held.
As soon as the magistrates came to this resolution, one of the
coroners of the county of Devon brought the case under the
consideration of the Court he had referred to. Such a resolution
Was hostile t o the performance of the duty of the coroner, and
Inquests had not been held where they should have been held.
This was a most serious grievance ; and thouih he could not
adopt the suggestion of the lion. Member with reference to the
registrar, he agreed that some alteration in the law was neces-
sary to remedy this evil.
IRISH COERCION BILL.
On the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate
on this Bill being read,
Mr. o'CONN ELL expressed his regret that he was unable
to attend last night to hear the speech of the Noble Lord (the
Earl of Lincoln). He should have had great pleasure in lis-
tening to that speech, characterised as it was by atone and temper
IThich was entitled to his warmest approval. Had he been pre-
sent he should have felt it his duty to say a few words upon the
subject. He would now, however, take the liberty of saying
that his Bill was merely prospective, and was not calculated to
Meet the evils which at present existed in that country. Now,
the great object was to produce tranquillity in Ireland.
(Hear, hear.) He wished to call the attention of the Noble
Lord to the terve ht-right in Ulster, which was the source of the
Ireat prosperity and tranquillity which existed in that part of
reland. This Btil did tithing for that, an the therefore sub-
mitted to the Noble Lord that the law as it at pre-
sent stood required considerable improvement onhead.
POOR that
Mr. CHRISTIE said he wisslotllteto
for
the Right Honour-
able., 1.),
poor,
wrontil:3eore ex
Baronet the Secretary of
Depart-
ment tvho
a question relative to two
pelted from the Bakewell and
yu m
,utria
oi unions
fw. with
their their two illegitimate children, unde;;:hicbe,urer
es.x7y!,hiaisildbe
witho confined
elf,clothes
extraordinary and di,tre;sing nature.
expulsion children
in the union, and their children were
while they remained there ; but on their
answer
rmembered
t o
masters
ept
er
rt
were stripped of their clothing It would
that the Right Honourable Baronet, in
of his question. read an extract froal
addressed by the Poor-law Commi,sioners to the
union workhouses, in which they were recommended
f
that on emergencies like those he had stated to supply
*women with clothing for their infants.—( Hear.)
He would ask the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State
two questions The first was, whether he was aware of the,
existence of a letter from the Poor-law Commissioners pre-
vious to the Bth of April. directing that no clothing should be
given to infants on leaving the workhouse? The second
was, whether he was aware that, when he stated
that the Poor-law C,,nomissioners had taken a legal opinion
upon the subject of the construction of the clause in the Poor-
law Act, relating to this subject, they had not received any
opinion from any legal adviser upon the subject, except from
their Assistant-Commissioners
Sir J. GRAHANI—With reference to the first question he
would say that the whole of the correspondence had been moved
for, arid would be laid upon the table of the House in a few
• days. With reference to the second question, he would say
that tease had been submitted to the Attorney and Solicitor-
Cletterals and Mr. Clarkson, but he declined to lay such opinion
Von the table of the House.
MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.
Messengers from the Lords brought down the following Bills,
. which their Lordships had agreed to ;.---Viscount Hardiuge's
Annuity (No. 2) Bill—Bilston Gas Bill—Greenlaw Roads Bill
•-•Westrather -Road .Bill—Liverpool and Harrington Water-
works Bill—Gollon Inclosure BillwAirdrie Police

Mr. P. SCROPE observed, that her Majesty's Government
contemplated a double object in their proposed measure ; viz.,
to put an end to criminal outrage ; and, secondly, to protect
life in Ireland. It was said that disaffection in Ireland was a
chronic disease, but the disease did not exist in the outrages
but in the cause of them. These outrages, it was universally
admitted could not be ascribed to sectarian or political feelings ;
to what cause, then, were they to be ascribed? It was to the
struggle for the means of existence which was going on among
the peasantry of Ireland. They had not a right to life ; there-
fore, they endeavoured to secure that right by combinations
among themselves, which eventually led to outrage. It had
been stated that not one-sixth of the outrages were agrarian,
were not connected with land ; but it would appear by Lord
Devon's Commission that at least five-sixths were agrarian.
The evidence of Colonel Miler would not bear out the state-
ments of the Noble Lord. ( The Hon. Member here referred
to the statements of the Gallant Colonel, with reference to
outrages resultng from the enfo-cemeot of the claims of con-
acre, and which he considered as purely of an agrarian cha-
racter.) The Hon. Member con-idered, that out of the 895
crimes alluded to by the Noble Lord in the report, as com-
mitted in the counties of Leitrim, Clare, Limerick, Ros-
common, and Tipperary, 490 of them were agrarian outrages.
Lord LINCOLN—There are 1,120 case; mentioned in the
report.
Mr. P. SCROPE had perhaps omitted a page, or by mis-
take turned over two at once. It would not, however, affect
his argument, the mistake would be as gond for one side as the
other.—(Laughter.) The Hon. Member went on to say that
he considered a considerable number of outrages, contained in
the report under the head of " cause unknown," arose
from the present high price of provisions ; indeed, he
thought that nine-tenths of them could be included under
that head. Extracts were read by the Hon. Member from
the minutes of the evidence taken before Lord Devon's Com-
mission tending tosshow the large majority of the cases of
agrarian outrage over every ocher form of outrage, and the in-
disposition of persons to give evidence against any persons
committing these outrages. He (Mr. P. Scrope) contended
that the proposed measure would not stop these outrages. The
Bill was called " Protection to Life " Bill. The Government
should remember that life in Ireland Was destroyed by other
means than that of the assassin. The system of effecting
wholesale clearances such as those which had lately been made
upon Mr. Gerard's estate was literally a sentence of death
upon these poor persons. They bad nowhere to go, they
could not be on the highways nor lie in the ditches. Dr. Doyle
had traced thirty families, who had been ejected by this means,
who had been compelled to crowd together in a small hovel,
where the foul air generated fever and other fatal diseases, and
in a short time only twenty-one of the thirty families were left
alive. He did not blame the landlords for making use of the
power which the present law gave them. He blamed the law
which gave such power to the landlords, and did not afford any
protection to the helpless evicted tenantry. Landlords thought
the,vselv, justified, and were entitled by the law to do so, if
they thought it beneficial to their interests, to clear their
estates of a number of their tenantry, and leave them, in con-
sequence of that Act, to starve or perish for want. It was not
to the interest of the landlord himself that he should do so.
Such was the state of things in Ireland ; and he maintained that
while the people of that country pail their rents, and cultivated
their farms, it was most improper that they should be driven
off in the manner which had been the case with so many. As
an: illustration of how the landlords of Ireland ought to conduct
themselves, he would refer to the case of a landlord in the
county of Kildare, who, finding that the tenants on his estate
could not meet their engagements or pay their rents under
their old arrangements, set about to make a new at ran.ement.
He did not drive the poor creatures forth, but inst e d of doing so,
he remodelled and consolidated his farms, and set those that were
disposed, to work on the waste lands. Not a single person
din he evict. A gentleman who visited the locality last year,
described the parties set to labour on these waste lands as in a
very flourishing condition. Another gentleman, in the county
of Galway, in the management r f his estate, had acted in
at
the sliamnidialorrds moarn
Irelandner. This
ought
was
to
cothneductwatyheminselvve'hs.i—eh
( Hear, bear.) The land of Ireland could not only support
the present population, but five times the number.
Professor
Kane and Mr. Blacker had shown, that Its the present system
of agriculture it could sup t forty of
por millions pe pie. The
land, therefore, was useful for the maintenance of the people,
and the landowners ought
to be coerced to allow the people to,
cultivate the toil. instead of driving them forth. He had
spoken strongly on the subject, but he considered it was ne-
cessary that correct opinions should be placed before the
House on the question of the state of Ireland. The labours
of the Devon Commission, as well as all other inquiries, had
shown that the contest for subsistence, and the mode in which
property was employed, were at the bottom of nearly all the
outrages that prevailed. He was satisfied that before long
publ:c opinion would operate to bring about a healthy and
proper state of feeling on the important question on which he
had occupied. the attention of the House.
Lord BERNARD protested against the reflections employed
against the landlords of Ireland as proceeding from ignorance
of the real state of things in that country.—(Cheers.) He
was quite persuaded that the landlords of education and stand.
ing in Ireland were quite as well disposed to act humanely
and considerately towards their tenantry as any landlords of the
same class in this country. To showtheheinflrce for good of
(Cork ), he
the gentry of the larger ounty in which
resided
.1 Burton,
ge
would refer to a charge of the late venerable
jury on the peaceable nature
it complimented the grand
who in
which he attributed to the character con-
of the county, w •
in it.—( Hear, bear. ) bandp-
duct of the landlords residing
uch as the Hon. Member
the d of Irelarn were s
posing t
for Stroud (Mr. Scrope) had described them, still that was no
valid objection to this Bill.
Bill because he
He supported the
honestly believed it necessary
for the protection of life and pro-
perty in Ireland, and calculated to prevent the outrages of the
the pea eabl
tede and
five counties complained of extending to
Hsupprr the
well-disposed counties o • f that country. e .
measure as an Irish Member, and he put it to the Noble Lord
the Member for Lynn, to consider it calmly, and not be led
away from any feeling of hostility to the policy of the _
Govern-
ment on another question, to deny protection to the people of
Ireland. The Noble Lord had said that, crime had reduced in
Ireland since the Bill was introduced, and that the
Bill was no
y longer necessar but to that
;
he (Lord Bernard) would say was not that improvement
the result of the moral
the House of Lords ?__(Hear, passed
(influenceHea of the measure • passed
the hear.) If it were not required
to be put into full effect, it
such an Act being in
exisctould not be denied that the fact of
salutary influence over the mindsee olvotti exercise a moral and
to diminish the amount of outrage andeorople, and do much
in that country.
On these grounds he supported the Bi
The Noble Lord opposite had failed in his •
before the House.
policy towards Ire-
land mainly because he and his party truckled to the Hon. and
Learned Ithraber for Cork._( Hear, hear. ) That party failed
because they abandoned the principles which the people
of England had expected them to carry nut ; td
although Honourable Gentlemen opposite might deny
the fact, he believed it was indisputable that the
late Government failed because they abandoned the
Protestant principles—( Cheers, end laughter)—because they
brought f irward measures most destructive to the church
of Ireland —(Hear) —they brought forward measures which
were considered as detrimental to the interests of the Pro-
testants of this country. (Hear, hear.) And he would
ask Hon. Gentlemen opposite whether they were prepared

to transfer the Government sti this country to other partiesthan
those who at present inherited the Crown of this country—were
they prepared to transfer the Government in accordance with
the wishes of Rte enemies of the Protestant Church in this
country ?—( Hear, hear.) One of the Hon. Gentlemen who
!poke the other evening the Hon. Member for Kerry—
alluded to a case which was merely of a local nature. The'
Hon. Member alluded to a case which he alleged had taken
place in the county of Cork, on the subject of the Arms Bill
and he said that the magistrates there had, in that in Mime,
proved themselves guilty of political partisasnhip. Now,
a statement more utterly unfounded was never uttered
in that House. The simple fact of the case
was that a session of that county was held, and out of 700 ap-
plicants for licence to possess arms, only four were denied their
-request, and of that number a few were members of the Repeal
Aesociatioa—they were mostactive members of that dengerou
organkation. They might say that such a measure was no
necessary, but he could not forget what had occurred a few
years ago in the county in which he resided. He could not
forget the monster meetings that were held in that part of the
country—meetings which were sanctioned and aided by the
clergy of the Church of Rome residing in that county which
showed that they had either lost the influence which they
formerly pofeessed of restraining the people, or that they must
have urged them on in their clamour for repeal. And he
would here beg to read an extract from the address of the ma-
gistrates of that county, addressed to the Lord-Lieutenant
en the subject of those monster meetings. The \
stated that if such a state of things were to be per-
mitted they should not have any security far their lives
or property, and that as many of them as could do so would b
oblige a to leave the country, for the most slant ing demonstra
tions had been continually made. Signal fires were frequently
to be seen beroing on the top of the hills, and the peaceabit
and loyal portion of the people might well be alarmed. No,
it was said that similar outrages to those committed in Irelan
were also perpetrated in this country,
.but Hon. Gentlemet
who said so forgot the circumstances that made the outrage•
in Ireland of a far more appalling character. There was
fearful mystery connected with outrages perpetrated in Ireland ;
they were of that description of crimes which had been terme
agrarian. They were not mere party fights, they were no
suuden impulses of revengeful feelings, but they were plottea
by midnight ;egislators—tney were the results of an organise,.
system of ribbon conspiracies in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Ile
solemnly believed that it was the ribbon conspiracy that pro-
duced all these frig:nful outrages in Ireland, that conspiracy
was at the bottom of every one of them.—( Hear.) They
might talk of the relations of landlord and tenant, but if the.,
were wrong let them alter it by aproper mode of legisiation—
( Hear, hear)—and not deceive the I euple by holding out tc
them assurances as to remedial measure, which they never in-
tended to fulfil. Let them first vindicate the law—( Hear,
hear)—and then, he trusted, they would follow up thei.
coercive policy by the introduction of remedial measures fnt
Ireland—remedial measures not of a political character, white,
would only be followed by fresh detuands—(Cheers sue
counter-cheeis)—each political concession had had that effect.
Let them look at what had been said by the Hun. Member fur
Kerry, when his lsiobie Friend, the Secretary for Ireland.
alluded to a measure which he (Lord Bernard)
deplored, and which he had opposed in that House
—he meant the grant to Maynooth.—( Loud cheers aria
laughter.) Hon. Gentlemen opposite said that they.did nut
thank the Government for it.—( Hear, hear.) Well, he knee
that that was the case—he knew that no political measure what-
ever would have any value whatever in Ireland. All previous
concessions had signally failed. The lion. Memher fur
Drogheda said, would they adopt a similar course if Yorkshire
were in the same state as Ireland ? But if Yorkshire were in
that state would not the terms of that House be suspended for
the pnrpose of passing wi la all haste such a Bill as that which
was then before the Holke?—( Hear, hear.) Would any tierce
opposition be given to it ?—( Hear, hear.) Would there bs
any coalition of party to endeavour to upset the Government?
( Hear, hear.) There was one subject incidentally brought
forward by the Hon.• Member for Limerick, in his address to
the House late on the last evening of this debate, when ht
taunted the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary-at-War ft))
attributing to a Member of his party the imputatior
of attempting to dismember the empire. Now to that
Honourable Gentleman, or to any of the Repeat
Association, he • need not for a moment impute any but
the most perfectly loyal feelings towards the Sovereign
of this empire. But would any one connected with Ireland,
or any one who had read her former history, say that the pro-
Tgress of repeal would gradually lead to the dismembering of
he empire.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then proceeded,
am,dst cries of " Question, question," to complain of certain
corporate officers in Ireland attending in their robes for th,
purpose of paying honour to the Hon. and Learned Member
for Cork, whilst he was underpiog a sentence pronouncec
upon him by the highest judicial" court in Ireland, for having
attempted to separate the two countries. He also chargen
those individuals with having abused their trusts by handing:
over a portion of the corporate funds to the purposes
of the Repeal Association. He then proceeded to defend
the judicial appointments of the present Government, and
particularly eulogised the conduct of Mr. Justice Jackson.
Another Hon. Gentleman bad alluded to the dismissal of ma-
gistrates in Ireland ;. he did not believe that the administration
of justice had suffered from that consequence in Ireland.—
( Hear.) There was another question to which allusion had been
made in that House, and on which he wished to offer a few ob-
servations—viz., the Church in Ireland. He had the evidence
of the Hon. Member of Cork, and other Members, as to the
eligibility of admating the Catholic claims with respect to reli-
gion, and this opinion% as concurred in by Lord Monteagle, when
Mr. Spring Rice. Tha Church of Ireland, they had been
told, was the great grievance in that country. He could speak
from personal knowledge, that the Protestant Church was in-
creasing in Ireland ; and clergy, though they did not preach
politics from the altar, were fully efficient to discharge the du-
ties tit their office. A great deal of blame had been verb
justly thrown upon the absentees of Ireland, and the ill effects
had been endeavoured to be met by laying a tax on the absen
tees, but a greater fallacy never existed than to attempt a re-
medy by such unequal measures. 'there were other evils
which no law affecting the land would .ver remedy—namely,
the absence of tho-e in possession of funded property. A suf-
ficient remedy might be found, if the good feelings of thosf.
who abetted themselves from the country were appealed to.
Their patriotism would be found the best resource, after all.
He would ask,

" Lives there a man with_soul so dead,
Who never to himself has said,
When coming trout a foreign strand,
This is my own, my native bind ;
Whose heart has ne'er within him burned,

As home his footsteps he has turned ?"
Coercive measures would not suit the genius or the people of
Ireland. He would implore the House to develope the native
resources of that country, to cultivate the great moral maxim,
" Know thysed," and render the social soil more amenable to
a social system. He could not but hope that the day was not
far distant, when there should be on'y one common danger and
one common safety in that country, and that union should pre-
vail throughout.

Mr. REDINGTON wished to know what there was in the
speech of the Noble Lord which had to do with the question
before the House? He would advert to the very few points
which bore upon the question. The Noble Lord had said there
was a conspiracy throughout the land. He would maintain
that no conspiracy existed, but merely the natural desire to be
protected from oppression. He had been informed that the
Land Commission had moved for certain returns which would
show that the great major,ty of the crimes in Ireland were
agrarian. He believed it to be so ; but he did not think that
that new idea could be justified when every little pickpocket
offence was included in the category. In his opinion, the
Ministers were fully justified in pressing their proposed mea-
sure. The returns upon which Hon. Members were called
upon to pass the present Bill were not at all correct. (The
Honourable Member here pointed out several dis-
crepancies.) He (Mr. Redington) had had a note
sent him, threatening to shoot him, but subsequently
he received another offering, upon payment of the sum of 305.,
to withdraw carrying the threat into effect. He would call
the attention of the House to some of the outrages detailed in
the return. One of these outrages, called an outrage on pro-
perty, was on a house, the owner of which refused to illuminate
the house on the liberation of Mr. W. S. O'Brien.
He (Mr. Redington) did not know how far
the House would sympathise with such an at-
tack. It certainly was not of the nature
to call for a Coercion Bill. He considered that the present ill
feeling which existed in Ireland between the landlord and
tenant arose from the confiscations which had originally taken
place. In the province of Ulster, for instance, there was
scarcely one landowner who was not of foreign origin. He
thought this was a point worthy of observation in making a
comparison between England and that country in the relation
of these parties. To justify himself for referring to these
facts, he would take the liberty of reading the evidence of a
Conservative gentleman with reference to agrarian outrages.
( The Hon. 'Weather here referred to the evidence of this
gentleman, from which it appeared, that in his opinion, the
struggle which was going on between the tenants and the
small proprietors for the possession of the land, added to the
circumstance that both these parties were of different religions,
eteatly contributed to produce this unhappy result.) The
Hon. Member went on to say that he thought Parliament
owed something to Ireland for allowing a continuance of such
a system of things. He considered that the humane motives of
some Hon. Members could not be carried out always by the
landlord with reference to removing the occupiers of land
from one portion of his estate and locating them upon other
portions of the estate. He would not for a moment defend
those wholesale ejectments which had lately taken place. He
thought it was the most difficult position for a humane person
to be placed in who wished to remove from his estate a number
of individuals and interests which had grown up around him
He did not deny that much evil and crime existed in Ireland.
but he dented that any such a Coercion Bill as the present
would cure them. The law ought to be vigorously exerted to
meet the disease, and they ought not to be continually calling
in the aid of special measures. Mr. Valentine, the .Crown
Solicitor of Munster, gave it as his opinion that the best mode
of dealing with the outrages in Ireland was by a stringent ap-
plication of the present laws. That, opinion was entertained
by every well-informed person in Ireland? If they attempted
to enforce the provisions of the present measure, they would
find they could not succeed, and that it would generally prove
a failure. Let them prove that the existing law was insuffi-
cient, before having recourse to these extraordinary powers.
Special Commissions had already been tried in Roscommon
and elsewhere, and they had not been complained of, but
were found successful. Let them enforce the existing laws
vigorously, and lie had no doubt but they would be found sua-
ces-ful.—( Hear, hear. )
The Earl of LINCOLN wished to make an explanation re-
garding something that had fallen from the Hon Illember as to
what he (Lord Lincoln) had said the other evening respecting
him, as a member of Lord Devon's Commissionof the
last things he should think of doing, was to imply One
that he or
any of the members of the Commission were actuated by a feel-
ing
of partiality. What he did say was that he had a precon-
ceived opinion on the question involved in the inquiry, and
therefore leant in a particular direction in this matter.
Mr. SHAW wished to explain th e vote he was about to
give, as, if the division did not take place that night, he would
not have an opportunity of speaking on anfothheer
l. Seeing
evening. He
intended to vote for the second reading o
the disorganised state of Ireland, he was bound
w
t h etotakSethnagt
course. If report spoke truly, the Noble Lord
would be in office, esti who had been in office perhaps abort timesOO soon
last November. Had he succeeded in forming a Ministry, e
would have proposed a much more stringent measure. (Hear,
hear.) For the sake of the peaceable and well-disposed people
of Ireland he must support the measure; still he was hound to
say he did not think that the Bill would he really effective._
( Hear, hear.) The great defect which he saw in the 13111
was the want of a competent tribunal to sit in the disturbed
districts, and take cognizance of cases
for which the ordinary
_means were not competent. He tncught if the Bill did not
pass—if it was defeated—the Government would have them-
selves to blame. It was introduced at the beginning of the
session into the Muse of Lords,. where
a.airived at its pre
it was
entwas much diluted,
,
and after a very slow progress, it h
stage. The Government had in fact shown no desire to push
forward the Bill, else it miht have been the law of the land
f
two monthsago. (Hear, hear.)
doing so had, forwarded the CoTrnhe with the greatest
139;)lvern Government, instead o
possible speed, while this Bill had been kept in the back-
ground. The Government, in fact, had not shown any
real disposition to carry the Bill. He did not
vote for the Bill from any confidence in the
Ministry; he ha,: no confidence in it, hut because the state of
Ireland required some measure of the kind. He did not care
whether the Ministry went out upon the Bill, or the Noble
Lord the Member for the city of London came in. He had no
predilection for the Whig policy, still, if Whig policy was to
I prevail, he would much rather have it openly from the Noble