The Sun.
London, England, 1848-02-04 00:00:00

FEBRUARY 4, lB4B.

himself to stating shortly what the Government intended
to do, and what were their reasons for not intending
more. The elaims put forth by the Noble Lord, nod
which had previously been submitted to Government in
the statement of the West India body, amounted shortly
to this—that the present price of sugar was not sufficient
to maintain its cultivator, that that low price was caused
by the Act of 1846, and it was asserted that nothing less
than a protecting duty of 103. per cwt. would enable the
planters to maintain cultivation and to preserve their
property.—(Tlear.) He was anxious in anything he
should say to avoid giving offence to the West India
body; and if in defending the rights of the community
at large he should occasionally deal hardly with them,
he trusted that it would not lead to any inference that
he was hostile to their fair rights or interests. In the
first place, he thought it necessary to separate a tem-
porary depression of prices, arising from peculiar cir-
cumstances,
from that which was owing to the increased
quantity of sugar imported; because, when a reduction
of price had fallen upon almost every other foreign and
colonial commodity, it would be absurd to attribute the
reduced price of sugar wholly to the Act of 1846.—
(Hear, hear.) It was notorious that many articles of
colonial produce had been during the last year subjected i
to an extraordinary fall n price, as large or larger than
the fall in sugar, and that that fall was owing to the
distressing state of commerce which prevailed during
the autumn.—(Hear, hear.) He found that, comparing
the beginning of the month of January, 1847, with the
same period in 1848, the price of sugar fell from 345. 2d.
per cwt. to 235. 54d., being a fall of about 3t) per cent.
But indigo, which was not exposed to any competition
from slavesgTown produce, fell 25 per cent. during
the same period. Rice fell 25 per cent., sago 51
per cent., and the better description of tea 84 per
cent. If these falls took place from the commercial
distress, was it not fair to attribute some por-
tion of the fall in sugar to the same cause ?—(Hear.)
Again, comparing the price of sugar last year with the
price at former periods, he found that during the exist-
ence of slavery the price reached as low a point as during
subsequent periods. The average price during last year
was 28s. 5d., and in 1829 it was 28s. 7d., while in the
three consecutive years immediately preceding emanci-
pation the prices did not range so high. In 1830 it was
245. 11d.; is 1831, 235. Bd.; and in 1833, 275. Bd. Its
saying this he did not maintain that the Act of last year
had not something to do with the fall in price, be merely
contended that all was not to be attributed to the opera-
tion of that Act. Another point—if gentlemen looked
at the progress of entries of foreign sugar for home con-
sumption, they would find that at the period of greatest
entry the prices did not fall below, but generally ranged
above the average.—(Hear, hear.) In January, 1847,
when the price of sugar was 345. 2d., the importation
of colonial sugar was 22,000 tons, and that of foreign
6,900 tons. Prices rose for the next two months;
but in September, when the price had fallen
to 265. 10d., the importation of colonial rose
to 25,000 tons, while that of foreign was only 3,100 tons.
This showed that the reduction in price was not wholly
referable to the importation of foreign sugar.—(Hear.)
In November and December the importation of foreign
sugar had fallen to 1,700 and 1,900 tons, and the im-
portation of colonial was 19,000 and 20,000 tons re-
spectively. He was not standing there to prove that
large importations did not bring down prices, but he
asserted that in the months he had quoted large impor-
tations of foreign sugar were coincident with the highest
range of prices.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had
alluded to the general depression of trade, but he had
omitted to mention a main cause of that depression,
namely, the high price of cotton. He had also men-
tioned the case of the Mauritius, but he (the Chancellor
of the Exchequer) though that Mr. Ilawes was quite
justified in asserting the then prosperity of that
colony; and he begged to remind the Noble Lord that
its subsequent depression was caused by two failures
in this country not at all connected with the sugar
trade.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not equally notorious that
West Indian distress had been in a great measure caused
by the failure of the West India Bank, which, by almost
destroying the circulation of the island, had seriously
embarrassed the planters ? The Noble Lord did not
contend for the exclusion of slave-grown sugar.
Lord G. BENTINCK— What he said was, that he
did not press for the distinction of slave-grown and free-
labour sugar, because after the declarations of his Noble
Friend opposite, and those of the Noble Lord the Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs, he did not think it would be
consistent with the Queen's honour, were she to allow
such distinction to be made without dispensing with the
services of the pteseent Ministers, and he was not prepared
to run the risk of such a misfortune.—(A laugh.) He
had at the same time said that he was on principle pre-
pared to exclude slave-grown sugar, and, if necessary,
foreign free-labour sugar along with it.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER begged
the Noble Lord's pardon. After so kindly a declaration
respecting the present Government, he would not quarrel
with his words.—(Laughter.) He would now allude to
the period when the question of compensation to the
West India planters was before under consideration.
They were then in possession of a large body of slaves,
and manufactured sugar much cheaper than at present.
The Noble Lord complained of the amount of compensa-
tion then given; but on this point he would quote the
authority of another Noble Lord, now in the other
House of Parliament—an authority which he did not
think the Noble Lord opposite would be inclined to dis-
pute. Lord Stanley had quoted a number of documents
laid before the Board of Trade by the West Indians
themselves, in which it was stated that the amount of
profit derived from' the cultivation of sugar was
about 1.200,0001. annually, and on other produce
about 300,000/., making the whole net annual profit
about 1,500,0001. Then Lord Stanley stated that at the
usual rate at which estates were sold—viz., ten years pur-
chase, fifteen millions would be full and ample compen-
sation. The Noble Lord added that this country had
given the planters five millions more. Therefore, he (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not think that the
planters had any great claim, or that the consumer should
be put under heavy sacrifices for his advantage.—(Hear,
hear.) It was quite true that the apprenticeship ceased
before the time contemplated, and that some parties were
injured by its sudden termination; but it should be re-
collected that, in one or two islands, the planters abo-
li-hed it themselves. Indeed, he believed it was gene-
rally considered to be anything but beneficial.—(No,
no.) He must also state that the claim founded on
slavery did not apply to many of the cases
of hardship qnoted by the Noble- Lord. It was con-
sidered, and urged at the time of abolition, that the
Mauritius had no claim for compensation. They had
then 40,000 free labourers, and since then 20,000 more
had immigrated. They could not say either that the East
Indies had any right to compensation. Therefore he
would would ask were they, for the sake of the West
Indies, from which we only got half our supply, to
impose a tax which would amount to 101. per ton on
consumer, enl this, too, to compensate a party for a
loss which they had not sustained.—(flear, hear.) He
thought that nobody would contend that 101 per ton
should be paid on 15,000 tons to the Mauritius for the
abolition of slavery in the West Indies, which did not
affect them.—(Hear, hear.) If they had to deal with
the West Indies alone the demand of the Noble Lord
might be consistent, but the ground was cut from under
them when they considered the various sources of supply.
In 1844 a proposition was made by a Government not
unfriendly to the colonial interest, for the admission of
free labour sugar. Ile (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
had stated at the time that the distinction could not be
maintained, because we should be indirectly encouraging
slavery by withdrawing the free-labour sugar from its
usual markets, thus opening fresh vents for the slave-
grown article. The Right Hon. Member fur Oxford ad-
mitted that it would have a tendency that way. A
great supply was then expected from Java ; but the
result was, that whereas in 1840 the import was 6,090
tons, in 1847 it had fallen to 5,503 tons, showing a
decrease of 500 tons in the last seven years, in
despite of the encouragement which our admission hat!
given to its cultivation. But independently of that we
were bound to admit slave-grown sugar for manufacture.
Last year he found there was an importation of 3,000
tons from countries where slavery prevailed, such as the
Danish colonies, which we were bound to admit under
most favoured native treaties. What was the ground
on which the admission of free-labour sugar was per-
mitted by the late Government? It was stated that we
had an inadequate supply of sugar from our own colonies,
and we were promised an extra 20,000 tons. That year
the actual import was only 4,000 tons, and after three
years it only reached 11,000 tons, in addition to 3,000
tons from foreign slave colonies. But in 1844 the S. cre-
tary for Foreign Affairs gave his opinion that, if we ad-
mitted foreign free, we should admit slave grown sugar,
and that the only country whose produce we could ex-
clude was Brazil.—(llear, hoar.) What was, then, our
position? Professing to admit free-labour sugar only,
to discourage slavery, we found that we were bound to
admit slave-grown sugar from every part of the globe
except Brazil.—(Hear, hear.) The supply of free.
labour sugar promised at the time was 100,000 tons ; he
had ventured to fix it at 75,000 tons, and the result was
a supply of 73,000 tons. If, then, the question of sla-
very were left out, the question they had to decide was
simply protection or no protection, and what they had to
consider was, whether they should continue that system.
He believed that all protective duties were an unjust tax
on the community.—(Hear, hear.) Another point to
I consider was whether they would impose a tax of 10/. per
ton on sugar, avowedly to enhance its price by that
amount.—(llear, hoar.) Why, the consumption of last
year was, in round numbers, 300,000 tons, on which the
proposed increase of tax would amount to no less a sum
than 3,000,0001. sterling.—(Hear, hear.) This was no
exaggeration. Mr. Porter stated in 1840 that protec-
tion cost us five millions ; anti in a pamphlet it was
stated that in five years preceding 1843 the country
had been taxed for protection to the amount of
sixteen millions.—(Hear, hear.) That was no light
burden on the consumer, and before they imposed it
they should seriously inquire on what grounds it
was asked. He was sorry to say that the finances
were not in the most flourishing condition, but on
sugar and molasses the duty had iecre au_
because they
had dealt with them on sound principles, abolishing dis-
criminating and protective duties.—(llear.) In 1845,
the duty was 3,500,000/ ; and in 1846, it was 4,030,000/.
Last year the duty on sugar and molasses was 4,590,000/
—(Hear, hear.) They were, as in the case of the
corn-laws, required to tax the consumer for the sake of
the producer, and that was a principle which her Ma-
jesty's Government could not admit. Their principle
was that duties should be levied for revenue alone, and
not for the purpose of enhancing the price to the con-
sumer.—(Hear, hear.) Besides, the planters had not
been suddenly dealt with in abolishing protection ;
it had been and was gradually vanishing until its final
termination in 1851.—(Hear, hear.) It had been fully
admitted, during the debates of 1846, by all parties,
except the advocates of protection, that the abolition
of protection was merely a question of time. This was
distinctly stated by Sir Robert Peel and the Member
for Leicester at that time. Therefore with re-
gard to the re-imposition of protection on the
Bill of 1846, be thought it proper here distinctly

to state that the the Government did not contemplate
any alteration.—(Bear, hear.) In the papers laid upon
the table it was stated that the restrictions to which the
West India planters were subjected since the period of
emancipation amounted, according to their own esti-
mate, to ss. 64d. per cwt. o❑ the produce. Those re-
strictions, as therein described, were, first, the necessity
of obtaining their supplies of lumber and provisions from
the North American colonies. This restriction had been
since entirely removed. The next was the differential
duty imposed on the export of goods. This, also, bad
been repealed, or it was in the power of the colonial
legislatures themselves to repeal it. The third was that
which was consequent on the operation of the navigation
laws. As his Noble Friend (Lord G. Bentinck) had
stated, the colonies had asked for the removal of this

restriction; and he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
was happy to be able to announce that it was the
intention of her Majesty's Government, ut an
early period, to submit to Parliament a measure
to remove the restrictions which those lams itu-
posecl.—(Hear, hear.) The next disadvantage to
which it was stated these colonies were subjected
was, that their produce, sugar, was not admitted into the
breweries and distilleries of this country. This disad-
vantage had been removed by the Act of last session—
an Act which had not been altogether inoperative, for he
found that during the last year no less than 73,000 cwts.
of sugar had been used in the breweries, and 20,600
cwts. in the distilleries. It was true that the fall in the
price of malt last autumn had since made it more advan-

tageous to distil from malt. and the sugar used for that
purpose had consequently fallen off; but it was neverthe-
less tin important tact, as showing the operation of the
Act in question, that nearly 94,000 cysts. had been
brought into use during the year for the purposes of
brewing and distilling. Another restriction complained
of was the high discriminating duty on rum in Ireland
and Scotland. This, too, had been altered in 1846 and
1847, when the discriminating duty was reduced from
ls. 6d. to 9d. a gallon. That this change had been at-
tended with advantage was proved by the increased
consumption. In 1845 the quantity consumed was
2,469,000 gallons, in 1846 it was 2,683,000, and in 1847,
under the reduced duty, it had risen to 3,329,000,
notwithstanding which he was happy to find that
the distilling trade in those two countries had been in
no degree injured. While upon this subject he might
state that his opinion was the same now as it had been
last year, viz., that the distillers of this country were
entitled to some differential duty, but that sixpence a
gallon was sufficient ; and if his Noble Friend (Lord G.
Bentinck) would assure him of his aid, he would bring
forward a measure to reduce it to that sum.—(Hear,
hear.) The next complaint was the want of labour.
Into those colonies where that want was greatest a large
amount of labour had been introduced last year. His
Noble Friend had spoken of the large number of slaves
formerly employed in the Mauritius. He (the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer) believed, however, that the
estimate made of the number of slaves in that
colony at the period of emancipation was 28,000.
Since the Emancipation Act the number of
labourers had been almost doubled, 23,000 had
been added, and the total number was now 60,000.
In Jamaica the number of free labourers imported was
not large about 11,500, he believed. In British
Guiana the number of slaves had been estimated at
90,000; the number of free labourers imported since
emancipatio❑ had been 40,000. In Trinidad the num-
ber of slaves had been 24,000; the number of free
labourers imported, 20,969. Thus in Guiana there had
been an increase of one-half of the whole number of
labourers, and in Trinidad the increase had been equal
to the whole number of slaves in the island at the period
of emancipation. Therefore, though he was not pre-
pared to deny that there might be a deficiency of
labourers, he believed that that deficiency had been
much exaggerated; and he would advise the colonies
rather to turn their attention to improvements in their
mode of cultivation and manufacture that to depend
altogether upon the immigration of labourers. He now
came to another question—the admission of molasses for
the purposes of brewing in this country. He was sorry
to say that this was a demand to which he could not
accede. As his Noble Friend had stated, this was
altogether a question of revenue, and it was as a ques-
tion of revenue that he treated it. The House would be
aware that the duty was paid upon malt before it went into
the brewery; with sugar it was the same, and there was
consequently no loss; but he found, on investigation, that if
molasses were allowed to be substituted, the loss to the
revenue would be equal to Bs. 6d. on every quarter of
malt which would be thus thrown out of use in this way.
With regard to distillation, the duty was paid when the
spirit was produced. Last year he had stated that if
further experience should justify him in doing so, he
should be happy to extend any further indulgence to the
West India body in his power, and he was now happy
to say, that after the experience of the working of the
Act of last year, the Excise did not object to the admis-
sion of molasses for the purposes of distillation.—(Hear,
hear.) Therefore he proposed shortly to intreduce a
Bill to permit the use of molasses into distilleries, under
similar regulations to those on which sugar was now
admitted. It had also been urged that cane juice might,
without any injury to the revenue, be admitted for the
same purposes. That was a proposition to which he
had never objected, provided that the revenue could be
guaranteed against loss, and since he was called on last

year to fix the rate of duty at which cane juice should
be admitted, he had caused an analysis to be made, so as
to ascertain the quantity of sugar contained in the juice,
the result of which was, that I Is. 4d. per cwt. was found
to be the lowest duty which in justice to the revenue
could be imposed. He had been told that this would
amount to prohibition, anti he had been asked to name a
lower duty. It was true that it was difficult to obtain quan-
tities of the article sufficient to make experiments upon for
the purpose of arriving at a satisfactory result, but from the
produce of the small quantity which had been furnished to
the Excise, this was the lowest rate of duty he should
be justified in naming ; but if a larger supply of cane
juice was supplied, he should have no objection to fix a
lower amount, provided the result of the analysis he
would cause to be made would enable him to do so. It
must, however, be understood that he could not admit
cane juice at a duty lower in proportion than that which
was paid on sugar and molasses. With regard to the
other question—the supply of labour—at present the
supply of labour to the colonies was derived partly from
fete immigration and partly from re-captured slaves.
The free immigrants were partly co,lies and partly
negroes from the coast of Africa. His own impres-
sion was that the immigration of the coolies had not
answered—(Hear, hear)—but he believed a certan and
valuable supply of labourers might always be had from
the African coast. It was quite true that many of the
liroornen had turned out valuable labourers, had accu-
mulated large sums of money, and had by their repre-
sentations on returning to their own country, induced
others to emigrate ; and others had declined to return
when offered a free passage, preferring to remain in order
to accumulate more money. The means of carrying
on this immigration was provided by loans raised in the
colonies. De was not prepared to say that that was a
profitable system as far as those colonies were concerned;
but when his Noble Friend (Lord Grey) entered office
as Colonial Secretary he found the system established,
and that it had been acted upon by his two immediate
predecessors; he did not, therefore, feel justified in dis-
turbing it, though lie might not have been disposed to
sanction it had it been proposed for adoption for the
first time. Neither Guiana nor Trinidad had, however
been able last year to borrow the money authorised by
their respective legislatures to be raised for defraying
the expense of the immigration now in progress. Under
these circumstances, he thought it was only fair and right
that this country should step in and assist them. He
should, therefore, feel it to be his duty to propose to the
House, during the present session, an advance of a sum
not exceeding 200,000/. for the purpose of promoting
emigration to our West India colonies.—(Hear.) It had
been suggested that it would be an act of humanity
to take the negroes by force, and transport them to
the West Indies to be there employed as labourers—
this was a coarse to which he must decidedly
object.—(Cries of " Hear.") lie must insist in what-
ever arrangement might be made that the negroes
should go of their own free will—that they should not
be forced.--(Bear.) Then, with regard to the liberated
Africans who were set free under the adjudication of
the mixed commissions at the Havannah, stio, and St.
Helena—these were universally carried to the West
Indies, but the expense of sending them there was r ow
defrayed by the colonies to which they were sent. The
Government thought it right that, for a time at least,
the expense should be mainly (not altogether, for obvious
reasons,) borne by this country. Looking at the present
condition of the West India colonies, Government were
prepared to take on themselves almost the whole of that
charge—a small portion only would remain to be paid
by the colonies as a security that they really required
the labour. The majority of the liberated negroes were
now set free at Sierra Leone--recently they had shown
a greater disposition than they formerly did to proceed
to the West Indies, and it was thought measures might
be taken to facilitate their immigration with advantage
to themselves, the West Indies, and Sierra Leone. A
Committee of the House which sat some years ago had, in
its report, said that the effect of the constant introduc-
tion of large bodies of these captured negroes into the
colony was to retard the progress of civilisation, and
bring back to a state of barbarism those who had adopted
civilised habits. Dr. Madden had also said if the system
was continued the colony must be enlarged, or means
devised for removing the population. He believed it
would be advantageous to remove those persons from a
place where they were relapsing into a state of barbar-
ism to the West India colonies, where their labour was
wanted, and where after a time they would be free men,
in a position of independence and comfort. The expense
of removing these persons, the Government were dis-
posed to recommend, should be borne by this country.— 1,
Ficar, hear.) Another suggestion had been made—
viz., that the repayment of the hurricane loan should be
still further postponed. The colonies had already had
ten years in which to repay that advance, and Govern-
ment was disposed to recommend that the period should
be extended five years further, interest being paid in the
mean time. When an application was lately made on
the pa! t of Tobago for assistance, in consequence of the
earthquake, a grant was immediately made to relieve
the immediate distresses of the sufferers, and Ministers
would be prepared to snake a further loan, so soon as
they should have received the necessary information as
to the amount required. These, then, were the mea-
sures the Government proposed—first, the admission of
molasses for the purposes of distillation in this country
—to admit cane juice provided a rate of duty can be
fixed by which the revenue should be guaranteed against
loss—a loan for the purpose of promoting free emigra-
tion—the removal to the West India colonies of cap-
tured negroes almost wholly at the expense of this
country—the postponement of the period of paying the
hurricane loan—and an advance to the island of Tobago.
He hoped that the West India body would consider
that this would be sufficient—as far as this country
could promote that end—to restore those colonies to
prosperity. If he were asked if he considered this suffi-
vient, he would reply that it was not, unless acooinpa-

nied by a total change in the process both of cultivation
and manufacture. Without tha exercise of a much
greater amount of energy in the process of agriculture,
no measure could secure the permanent prosperity of
the West Indies. Although the wages of fieldwork had
no doubt fallen in St. Kitts and Antigua from 103. to 6d.
a day, and was partly the cause of the present distress,
he believed that ultimately no inconvenience would arise
from it, as the negro would be thereby induced to work
for a longer period of time, and thus in the end realise as
much as when wages were high. In a dispatch re-
cently received from the Governor of Antigua, he stated
that the working classes would suffer no serious incon-
venience from the reduced rate of wages, and would
only be obliged to work more regularly, instead of only
three days a week, in order to support their families in
the stein ease and comfort. He was happy to find that
the reduction in the price of labour had been well met
by the labourers themselves. They had submitted to it
cheerfully, hoping that in time their wages would again
be raised. It was proposed in Antigua to reduce the
import duties and impose a land tax, and he believed
the result would be to induce the negro to expend more
work upon sugar plantation. This was most essential.
There was universal testimony to show that since the
abolition of slavery there had not been that amount of
improvement in the process of cultivating and manufac-
turing sugar which had taken place in the agriculture
and manufactures of this and other countries. In
what state would this country now be if there had
been no improvement in these respects within the
last twenty or thirty years? He alluded to manufactures
as well us agriculture ; for the West Indies con-
sidered that they were as much manufacturing
as agricultural countries. Mr. Price, speaking be-
fore the House of Assembly iu Jamaica, said that al-
most every process of bath was very generally ne-
glected throughout the island either for want of capital,
want of attention, or want of proper energy. He found
statements to the same effect in the " Sugar Planters'
Manual," a book published by Dr. Evans. He could
not, therefore, admit that the present losses and distress
of the West Indian interest were to be attributed to
the Act of 1846 for admitting foreign slave-grown
sugar, or to the doctrines of free trade. He found it
stated in a report of the Select Committee of the Assem-
bly of Jamaica, that of 653 sugar estates 140 had been
abandoned ; and this he attributed more to the Act of
1836 than that of 1846. Going back to the period of
slavery, and when the slave trade was most flourishing,
he found it stated by Mr. B. Edwards, in his History
of the 'West Indies, that in the course of twenty years,
ending in 1791, no less than 177 sugar plantations had
been sold for the payment of debts, fifty-five had
been abandoned by the proprietors, and ninety-two
had still remained in the hands of the creditors.
He found that in 1804 several British merchants had
filed bills in Chancery, but that even when they
obtained decrees they declined to execute them. In 1807
things were no better. In 1811 it was observed that
the ruin of the original possessors had been gradual, and
that estate after estate had passed into the hands of
mortgagees. In 1832 a Committee cf that House re-
ported to the same effect; and in 1844 the agent of the
West Indies represented that the abandonment of estates
was continuing. Surely it was not possible to attribute
that state of things which continued from 1791 to 1844
either to the abolition of the slave trade or to foreign
competition. He feared it should rather be attributed
to that baneful want of energy and exertion which prin-
cipally arose out of a reliance upon protection. As for
the distress which prevailed, it would be found to exist
as well in colonies where slavery was still continued;
the produce of the West Indies was greater than that
of either Cuba or Java, and that being so he did not see
any ground for despair, or any reason for apprehending
that with free labour properly directed, and the aid of
machinery, the West Indies should not produce as
cheap an article as could be had by slave labour.
There was much testimony to favour that belief.
Ia Trinidad, even before slavery was abolished,
a considerable portion of the labour was haii
from gangs of free men. Mr. Scotland, a member
of the assembly of Jamaica, and a resident
planter, stated that in his opinion free labour was a
shade less expensive than slave labour. lie attributed
their inability to compete with slave growers to the want
of a resident proprietary and proper management; and,
contrasting Cuba with Jamaica, he observed that in the
former the proprietor was resident, well skilled in the
cultivation of his estate, managing it with a strict regard
to economy, and on the spot to correct all abuses; while
in the latter he was not only hundreds of miles away,
but his estate left to the mercy and management of
mortgagees. Still more decisive evidence was given by
Mr. Prince, who went out some years ago to manage an
estate in Jamaica, and which he had done most satisfac-
torily to the owners. He stated that in 1843 it produced
190 hogsheads, in 1844, 290 hogsheads, in 1845, 400
tuns, and in 1846, 700 tons, while, by constructing a
new tramway, he had effected an economy of eight
labourers and 142 head of cattle, and was of opinion
that, by machinery and an improved process of cultiva-
tion, he could produce sugar cheaper than any slave owner.
But there was one remarkable circumstance to which he
must call the attention of the House, as showing that the
sugar grown in the French West India colonies, where
slave labour prevailed and continued to the present mo-
ment, could not compete with the beet-root sugar culti-
vated in France. In 1843 a duty was imposed by the
French Government of 5 francs per kilogramme on beet-
root sugar, which was to continue until 1848, when an
equality in the duties was to take place. In Mr.
11I'Culloch's " Commercial Dictionary" it was laid down
that this duty upon beet-root sugar would annihilate its
growth and cultivation in France ; but so far from this
being the case, the cultivation had increased in a most
remarkable degree. At this moment the duty was in
course of diminution, and in August next there would
be a perfect equality of the duty on beet-root sugar and
upon French colonial sugar iin poi ted into France. And yet
this cheap slave-grown sugar could nut now compete with
free labour sugar made in France, and the French colo-
nial slave-owning sugar growers were now making re-
presentations to the French Government claiming
the imposition of a protecting duty against bet t-root
sugar. He believed, however, that it was capable of
proof, by a mere reference to admitted facts, that the
system of free lrbour, by the aid of pt ()per and improved
process, may render tree-labour sugar as cheap, if not
cheaper, than slave grown sugar. He (the Chancellor
of the Exchequer), therefore, did not despair that, if
improvements in machinery and in the mode of cultiva-
tion were carried,out in the British Vest India colo-
nies, as they had been at the Mauritius and elsewhere,
those colonies would still continue sugar-producing
colonies, and might be restored, by a different system
of management on the part of the resident proprietors,
to a comparative state of prosperity. He hoped that
such would be the case, and if any propositions beyond
those which the Government was now prepared to con-
cede were made in a Select Committee moved fur by the
Noble Lord opposite (Lord G. Bentinck), they should be
considered; but he must repeat, that the Government
was not prepared to restore the system of protection
hich had so lately been abandoned.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. G. R. ROBINSON said, that though he differed
altogether from the views of her Majesty's Government,
he still gave them credit for the declaration made by,
the Right lion. Baronet the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, to the effect that in consenting to the appointment
of a Select Committee, he would be no party to the
creation thereby of a delusion that they would in any
degree depart from the Act of 1846. It the West India
colonists were not to look for any relief other than that
contained in the measures propounded by the Right
Hon. Baronet, the sooner they knew it the better, in
order that they might be prepared to meet the conse-
quences which must ensue, viz., the eventual ruin, if not
the entire loss, of the colonies. His argument was, that
protection was absolutely necessary for the interests of
these colonies. When he coneurred in the measure for
the abolition of slavery, he little thought that those who
had carried that glorious measure would ever be the
parties to advocate the admission of slave-grown sugar
of other colonies to compete with the free labour sugar
of' the British colonies. The effect of the measure
of 1846, when it came to abolish the existing differ-
ential duties, would be to throw open the market in this
country to all parts of the world ? This would be the
result of the free trade principles which already had
been adopted ; and he must remind the Noble Lord that
it would be easier now to retrace the steps which had
been erroneously taken than after a farther onward
course ; at all events, if the Noble Lord would not
retrace the steps taken, he ought to pause before he
went farther. He was aware it was hopeless now to
expect a renewal of protection generally, but if asked
what he would do, he would tell the Government that he
would restore the protection of sugar to the extent of ten
shillings per cwt., and, if consistent with existing trea-
ties, he would exclude slave-grown sugar altogether. He
warned the Government that, although the revenue
might not immediately feel the effects of the falsely.
called free-trade measures, yet the state of the revenue,
embarrassed as it was now admitted to be, would become
more and more embarrassed, and the consequence would
be that the income-tax, so unpopular in this country,
would not only become perpetual, but there would be
a necessity for increasing its amount every year.
In that case what was to become of the masses of the
population, crippled as they would be by the transfer
from their hands of their trade to the hands of fo-
reigners ? Why the result would be, a vast increase to
the pauperised population, already subsisting upon pa-
rochial rates, and a still further increase to the criminal
records of the country. The repeal of the navigation-
laws was now called for by the free-traders in their dis-
tress ; and thus it was that when the protection was
removed from one interest, those who suffered sought
to take it away from others. Whatever palliative the
Committee now proposed might devise for the sufferings
of the West India colonies, unless protection were
restored, those colonies must be ultimately lost to the
mother country. For where would be the advantage of
retaining them if their trade and navigation were to be
given up to other countries ? In such case, the sooner
we set about negotiating with the
United States ifor tho
disposal colonies the better.—(Laughter.) Of
course, he f these
hoedidnot mean this seriously, but he was con-
vinced that our free-trade legislation was producing such
a feeling of alienation in these colonies, that, in the event
of a war, their support and attachment would be very
little to tae relied on.
Mr. HUME said the Noble Lord (Lord G. Bentinck)
'fiad laid the foundation for an inquiry into everything
relating to these colonies; but as the Chancellor of the
Exchequer had declared that, whatever conclusion the
committee might conic to, the Government would not
go beyond a certain point, and would not recede from
the measures that had been passed, he thought it would
be better not to appoint a Committee at all, lest false
hopes might be excited in the West India colonists.—
(Hear, hear.) He hoped the Noble Lord would not
accept the Committee to be so appointed, but would leave
all the responsibility to Government. Many of the sug-
gestions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer were good,
as far as they went, and he agreed in thinking that
much of the colonial distress now existing was attribu-
table to the want of free labourers in the islands. Had
they been properly
.introduced at first, much of the ex•