The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TITESDAY EVENING, AUG UST l, 1848.

This the complainant solemnly denied, and Bray, the
constable, said there were two or three witnesses who
saw the prisoner commit the act, but so desperate was
the character of herself and her associates, that they
were afraid to attend to give evidence in the case.
Mr. ELLIOTT observed that he certainly should send
the prisoner for trial, and directed the constable to take
out summonses for the attendance of the witnesses, to
which time he should remand the prisoner.

hotel, declared that they meant to pay for everything
they asked for.
It was reported in Paris on Sunday that CIIA.RLES
ALBERT had attacked the Austrians at Somma
Campagna, and completely defeated them, having
taken several pieces of cannon and 6,000 prisoners.

SIR ROBERT KANE on IRELAND.
The population of Ireland ha! been determined by the
census of 1841 to be 8,175,124 ouls, of whom four mil-
lions are males, and of these two millions and a quarter
may be considered as of the labturing age. Now, as we
have in Ireland thirteen million ,nd a half acres of arable
land, there is precisely the alocation, to every 100
acres, of 17 labouring men; bui as of the Irish popula-
tion but two-thirds are actually 3ngaged in agriculture,
it may be considered that to very 100 statute acres of
land there are 11 labourers depndent for employment;
and on those again aro dependent for support, females,
old men, and children, to the number of 29 ; and these
persons must be supported by tin land out of its produce
before profits can be reckoned, (r the value and propor-
tion of rent can be struck—in al 40 persons, of whom 20
are females, 9 are feeble old men and children, and 11
are working men. Thus for thn whole country:
Agricultural females ... 2,709,286
Old men and boys
Agricultural labourers... 1,490,107

Total
Now, if we refer.to the circumstances under which the
working of land upon the large firm system is conducted,
we shall find, as well from pracice as from the estimates
put forward by the best inforned writers, such as Pro-
fessoi Low, that on a farm d 500 acres there will be
permanently engaged the farrier, his steward, or fore-
man, and 20 workmen. Therewill be at certain seasons
extra field work done by men, vomen, and children, who,
if not of the families of the workmen, must be drawn
from some source external to tie farm, and must, except
at those short periods, live upoi means not derived from
farm labour. The staff of the farm employed upon and
living by means of it is reckoned as above. Now, let
us suppose our thirteen and E half millions of acres of
arable land in Ireland arranged and cultivated on this
plan, there will be employed twenty-two persons to each
500 acres; but we have seen, that upon 500 acres there
are dependent fifty-five working males. Employment
cannot therefore be afforded to ouf-half, indeed but to
two fifths, and there will remain—

Females 1,725,671
Old men and male children 731,518
Labourers

3,351,242
for whom the land can afford no employment; who can-
not by their labour earn in any way their share of the
produce of the land; and the question, truly important
for the landlord who has to seek for rent, as well as for
the farmer, who has to pay rent, is the manner in which
these three and one•third millions of useless and surplus
people aro to be removed or in some way provided for.
—Agricultural and Industrial Journal.

JOHN BULL'S ATELIERS
NATIONAUX.
"I say, in England, Mrs. Bull, we have no Ateliers
Nationaux."

" And I say you have," replied the dame, " only other•
wise christianed." * *

" Well then," said Mrs. Bull, "suppose, John, every
week I was to set down in the house expenses, say ten
pounds a week, for seed and sugar and toast for parrots;
when at the same time there wasn't a single bird in the
house."

" Well, then, what do you say to that precious Duke
of St. Alban's?—that precious Duke that takes in the
Nashuno 1,200/. for feeding hawks, when he hasn't a
single feather on his hands? What's that?" *

"-And what are you to say to that Earl of Ellen-
borough, that, as the monkey ate the cheese instead of
weighing it, takes 9,000/. arid more every year out of the
scales of Justice? 'And what do you say, then, to the
German Princes that are paid for doing nothing in our
Nashuno? And what do you say to the Six Clerks'
pensions, and the Duke of Marlborough's pension; and
Lord Campbell's pension, for wearing the Seals of Ire-
land at his watch-chain for a week; and, moreover, what
do you say to the Earl of Besborough, that takes of the
dear Queen (poor lady, how she is robbed among 'em!)
1,7001. a year for feeding the buckhounds, as if the
Crown was to be supported by dogs; and—but here—
Mr. Bull, look at the list, look, and then say, if you can,
that you have, in England here—where we're obliged to
darn stockings, when we should buy new ones—say then
that you have no Telyurs Nashuno."
" Mrs. Bull," he said, "I'm sorry to own it, but you're
quite right. We, too, in England, have our Ateliers
.Nationaux for pensioned idlers. But we must sweep
them away; we must, and no mistake about it. We,
too, must throw up our barricades—but tremble not, my
love—they shall be barricades in the House of Com-
mons."—Punch.

AUSTRALIAN MINING COMPANY.
The third annual general meeting of this company was
held yesterday at the offices in Adelaide-place, London
bridge; Mr. Home in the chair. The busines of the
meeting was to receive the report of the directors re-
specting the state of the property, to fill up the ordinary
vacancies occasioned by the rotational resignation of a
portion of the directory, as well as those arising from
the resignations of Mr. Alderman Copeland and Mr.
Edward Hogan, and to fix the remuneration of the
directors.

The substance of the report was, that since the last
general meeting the managing committee had made an
addition to the property of the company by the pur-
chase of 675 acres of mining ground, to the
north of and adjoining Wheal Rothschild Mine,
at the rate of a pound an acre. Into these
sections it was found that the veins of Wheal Rothschild
dipped, and the Colonial Committee having formerly re-
commended the purchase of this land at a much higher
price, the acquisition was deemed a very valuable
one. The company's land at Allen's Creek now
comprises one solid block of 1,400 acres, which are
said to be inlaid with some of the richest mi-
neral lodes. From Tungkill they write that they
have thirty tons of prepared ore on the surface,
which is worth 20/ a toe. At Wheal Rothschild four
new lodes have been opened. The other mines are re-
presented as promising, and a bill of lading for seventy
tons of copper by the Derwent, is daily expected.
The ore purchased in Adelaide to load the ships has
all been advantageously sold. Brevet-Major Camp-
bell, late military secretary to Sir Lionel Smith,
has been appointed superintendent in Australia,
and has been engaged for three years at an adequate
salary, including an arrangement for his passage out
and home. Mr. B. E. Lindo, Mr. H. J. Enthoven, and
Mr. H. Decastro, were the three directors who went out
by rotation, and the gentlemen who stood candidates for
the vacancies occasioned by the resignation were Mr.
C. Downes, Mr. J. P. Penny, and Mr. H. R. %Totten.
The balance-sheet showed that the amount received on
account of calls is 47,4701.; bills payable, 17,3311.75. 2d.
and proceeds of the copper ore received 4/. 15s. Bd.,
making a total of 64,806/. 2s. 10d. The contra
account showed an outlay for ore purchase. freights,
and insurance of 17,100/. 14s. 5d., leaving a ba-
lance of 16,503/. 16s. 7d., which is accounted for
in the way of interest, 894/. Bs. 3d.; preliminary ex-
penses, 854/, 17s. 11d. ; office expenses in London,
2,888/. 2s. 9d.; chartered ships. 378/. 9s. ld.; miners'
wages, 6,191/. 17s. 6d,; insurance, 100/. 2s. sd. ; com-
mittee of management, 5,144/. I ls. Bd.; and cartage,
16,503/. 16s. 7d.

The report was unanimously adopted. The three re-
tiring directors were re-elected, and the ballot was taken
for the several candidates, when Mr. Downes and Mr.
Wottoa were declared successful.

A vote of thanks was passed by acclamation
to the chairman and directors, and also one to Mr.
Joseph, the secretary, for his exertions and a very
beautiful map of the property, which he had voluntarily
supplied. The meeting then broke up.

ELECTION COMMITTEES.
,(YESTERDAY.)
DUBLIN.
The scrutiny into the validity of Mr. Reynolds's ma-
jority was resumed, but the petitioners did not succeed
in striking off any additional votes to-day.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, July 31.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat upon the Wool.
sack at Five o'clock.

TRUSTEES RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL.
The Trustees Relief (Ireland) Bill was read a third
;ime and passed.

- HIGHLANDS ROAD BILL.
This Bill was read a third time and passed.
DECLARATORY SUITS BILL.
This Bill was passed through Committee.
CORN-MARKETS (IRELAND) BILL.

The Marquis' of CLANRICARDE moved the second
reading of the Corn-Markets (Ireland) Bill.

COPYHOLDB BILL.

The Bishop of LONDON suggested the propriety of
posponing this Bill until next session. He thought that
measures of this nature ought to be submitted to their
Lordships at an earlier period of the session.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said the Bill had been
altered in order to meet the wishes of the House, and he
was not, therefore, inclined to postpone it to another
session.

The Bishop of LONDON hoped that at this late
period of the session the Noble and Learned Lord would
consent to postpone the Bill.
Lord STANLEY hoped, considering the amount of
business pressing upon the House, that this measure
would not be pressed forward by the Government during
the present session. He deprecated the course which
the Government had pursued of delaying the considera-
tion of important measures in that House until the
month of August. He trusted that the measure would
be postponed to an early period of next session.
Lord WIIARNCLIFFE said that the fault of the
delay of this Bill did not rest upon the Noble and Learned
Lord on the Woolsack, who had introduced it at
an early period of the session, but upon those who had
originally opposed the Bill, at whose request the consi-
deration of it had been postponed, in order to give time
for the introduction of certain alterations calculated to
meet their objections.
After a few words from the Marquis of SALISBURY,
The LORD CHANCELLOR said he should press the
measure.

Lord STANLEY reiterated his objections to the Bill.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said the Noble Lord ob-
jected to the whole Bill. Ho knew not whether or no
the Noble Lord was acquainted with the provisions of
the Bill, but he very much suspected that he was not.
There were many matters in the Bill on which all par-
ties were agreed, and those portions of the Bill he should
certainly press.
Lord STANLEY explained.
After a few words from Lord REDESDALE, the sub-
ject dropped.

he felt the necessity for some measure on this subject, he
could not be a consenting party to alterations which so
seriously affected the character of the Bill their Lord-
ships had unanimously carried. He had over and over
again complained of Bills being altered in the 'louse of
Commons when sent from the House of Lords, but he
never recollected a case where alterations had taken
place so extensive as in the present instance. The
proper course would have been, had such alteratio9s
been deemed necessary, to have withdrawn the Bill in
the House of Commons, and allowed a new one to be
brought in that House. That was what was due to the
House of Lords, and it was the course which should have
been adopted, but he considered it unfair to discuss these
amendments in the absence of so many Irish Peers, who
were so much interested in their enactment. In respect to
the proposal of the Noble Lord opposite (Stanley), which
no doubt was made in good faith, all he proposed was
that they should refer these amendments of the Com-
mons to a Select Committee. If he thought that course
would defeat the Bill, he would oppose it; but he
thought that proper inquiry was their first duty, in order
to ascertain properly what was wanted, and then they
could legislate on the facts and circumstances which such
inquiry divulged.
The Earl of DEVON said, as the principle of the mea-
sure was to facilitate the sale of incumbered estates in
Ireland, he thought that was a principle which it was
most necessary should be carried out. In regard to the
amendments of the Commons, these had been well consi•
dered, and they had found that the object of the Bill
could be efficiently carried out by other means than
through the machinery of the Court of Chancery. The
number of amendments was complained of, but those
were required from the view the House of Cornieons had
taken on the subject, as when it was determined not to go
to the Court of Chancery in certain cases, a great many
clauses were required to regulate the giving of notices to
the various parties interested. Wishing, therefore, to
see the Bill pass this session, he could not consent to a
Select Committee, as it was of the greatest importance it
should become law as early as possible.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said, while the
principle of the measure introduced by the Lord Chan-
cellor was to give all reasonable facilities to the sale of
incumbered estates, the principle of the present Bill was
to give all unreasonable powers for that purpose. The
course of their present legislation was to get rid of a
certain class of Irish landlords; but, he would put it to
English landlords, whether the system adopted for that
purpose was a right or a just one? - eAt all events, he
conceived that before certain powers had been taken
from the Court of Chancery and given to another
body, inquiry was necessary, in order that it might
have been ascertained to what other body such pothers
shou:d have been confided. Under the operation of the
Act, as now amended, property would be disposed cf
at so low a rate that the mortgages upon it could not be
liquidated, and therefore the parties could reap no
benefit from it. A person having a mortgage of
2001. upon an estate could put this Act in
motion; one having 1,0001, on five estates could
force a sale of all those, and thus, by bringing
all those estates simultaneously into the market, a
proper value could not be expected for the properties,
and the real owners would, therefore, be unfairly dealt
with. Should they agree that such estates should not be
sold at less than twenty years' purchase, then that might
be some security to the owners; but, unless they gave
some security to the incumbrancers against fraud, they
would commit the greatest wrong on the owners of pro-
perty by passing the present measure.
The Earl of GLENGALL agreed with the Noble
Lord (Lord Stanley) that it was most necessary the
Bill should be referred to a Select Committee, as there
were so many technicalities connected with the case, that
inquiry was much wanted. He had a great many amend-
ments himself to propose, which he would persist in
doing, although he might be called factious in so doing.
Considering as he did that this Bill was a Bill of rob-
bery, faction was good against robbery any day in the
week.—(Hear, hear.) If they adopted the Bill they
would run a great risk of losing the support of those
who were at present standing by the Government
and tho Crown, as there would be no security to
parties getting proper value for their properties. It
was well known that there were companies formed for
the purpose of lending money on Irish estates, and he
happened to know the secret history of one forming by
six English Quakers, who had concocted a scheme for
the purpose of purchasing Irish estates, when, by their
plan, they had driven a great quantity of land into the
market at a price far below its real value. It was not to
be supposed that these Quakers intended to go to Ireland
and reside there; no, they would again resell the land at
a profit, in small parcels, to other parties. This was the
game they were at. The facts were well known in the
offices at the east end of London, and it was from parties
such as these that this plan emanated, and who support
the Bill with that view. He asked their Lordships whe-
ther they would pass this Bill under these circum-
stances? It was not that the great body of Quakers are
engaged in this plan, but these half dozen had taken
advantage of the benevolence of their sect, and pro-
poied it under pretence of doing good. This Bill was
neither more nor less than a confiscation of pro-
perty. He asked their Lordships to mark his words.
If this Bill came into operation (said the Noble Lord)
you will do more than Mr. O'Connell was able to do, you
will repeal the union, because you will confiscate the
landed property of the Protestant proprietors, and when
once their property is taken from them, the English
Church in Ireland will not be long in following the
alienation of that property.—(Hear, hear.) Under the
poor-law there were four unions that were now paying
from 12s. to 17s. 9d. in the pound for poor-rates, and if
the land of these unions was thrown into the market he
asked who on earth would give a single shilling for it.
It was the opinion of the Master of the Rolls in Ireland
that this Bill was one that ought not to pass in its pre-
sent shape, and there was no man in either country to
whose opinion more respect was due, because of late
years he had paid great attention to the subject, and had
experienced great difficulty in placing property under
receivers. For the reasons he had given, he hoped their
Lordships would allow the Bill to go into a Select Com-
mittee, where all these details would be argued impar-
tially and at leisure, and that it would not go back to
Ireland that their Lordships had passed a Bill for the
confiscation of Irish estates.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE felt called upon to
offer a few observations, in reply to the Noble Earl who
had just sat down, because that Noble Lord had argued
as if the Government which introduced this Bill, and the
Parliament which had passed it, had been actuated by
a desire to confiscate the property of the landlords of
Ireland. He said, on the contrary, that they were most
anxious to promote the prosperity of the landed pro-
prietors, and that the Bill had been introduced with
that object as one mode by which they could be relieved
from their difficulties. But when they talked of the
landlords of Ireland as being affected by this Bill. Who
were they? and in what capacity would they be affected
by it? It was admitted, when ho brought forward this
subject two years ago, not in that, but in the other
House of Lords, that there was a great proportion of the
landed property of Ireland in which all the duties of
property were neglected, and all the evils of poverty
endured; their Lordships said at that time that
such a state of things should be altered.—
(Hear.) They:said that estates instead of remaining,
in the hands of those wbo had not the means of employ-
ing labour and improving cultivation, but on the um-
trary. who, by the difficulties in which they were in-
volved, retarded both these desirable objects, should be
dealt with in some way for the public benefit.—(Hear.)
Hence the Bill. The Noble Earl (Ellenhorough) in the
course of his speech, had attacked the Bill severely, and
had thrown out two amendments, which so far from im-
proving the condition of the proprietors, would in his
opinion injure them. One of these amendments was,
that the proprietor should not be allowed to sell, in order
to pay off a part of his debts, unless he sold off enough
to pay for the whole of his incumbrances. Why, did not
that impose a limit which would be extremely injurious
to the proprietors ?—(Hear, hear.) The plan of the
Government would enable him to bring a part of the es-
tate to sale, to give more labour, and to improve in many
ways the remainder, thus increasing its productiveness
and its value. Then again, the Noble Earl suggested
that no sale should be allowed which did not
realise twenty years' purchase. What would be
the effect of that suggestion if it was adopted ? Why,
that if a proprietor was compelled by any circumstances
to make a sale, he would be compelled to sell at twenty
years' purchase the best parts of his estate for that
price instead of the worst. There could not be a more
injurious restriction than that. He might, therefore, dis-
miss these two suggestions at once from consideration.
He was not able any more than other Noble Lords to
pass an opinion as to what would be the technical bear-
ing of certain clauses, but at all events he was entitled
to say that there never was a Bill which came into their
Lordships' House with a greater weight and authority.
It had been carefully considered, not by Noble and
Learned Lords who held office with different Govern-
ments, but also by Noble and Learned Lords whose
impartiality was vouched for by their judicial habits,
and he might, therefore, say that this part of the
subject had been duly considered by parties much
more competent to decide upon it than the Noble
Earl. As to the statement that the Bill had been too
short a time before their Lordships in its present shape,
he would remind them that it had been tient up last
Tuesday, and had thus been six days in their LoLordship:;"House. But even before the Bill came up, their Lord-
ships were not to be supposed to be so completely bound
by forms as to be ignorant of what was passing in the
other House, more especially when they had the votes of
that House sent up to them daily.—(Hear, hear.) Tli
Bill had been under discussion in the other House since
the 11th of June, and it could not be supposed that
their Lordships had shut their eyes. and.. ears, and
were quite ignorant of what had been doing in this
matter. On these grounds he contended that Noble
Lords were not entitled to ask for more time or to cause
greater delay in passing a measure of such importance
as this.—(Hear.) Again, with regaad to the stress that
had been laid on the necessity for obtaining the opinions
of Noble and Learned Lords. All the Noble and Learned
Lords in that House were in favour of the Bill, and
those who were absent must be supposed either to be
in favour of it, or to consider that any defects in the
measure were of so trifling a character as not to be
worth their attendance.—(hear, hear.) He would not
object to any amendments which were proposed by
parties friendly to the Bill, but he must object to delay
for the mere purpose of retarding the passing of the
measure. As the Noble Earl (Earl Devon) had shown,
the amendments were not new additions to the Bill ; on
the contrary, they were intended and calculated to carry
out its objects more effectually, and to remove all un-
necessary obstructions to its beneficial operation. One
of the objections urged to this Bill was, that a person
bolding a mortgage of 2001. might compel a sale ; but a
person with only that amount must give at least six
months' notice of foreclosure ; and surely in that time,
if any general attempt like that supposed was made, the
landlords would have time to prepare for it. It was said
that these estates should not be brought to sale under
the present circumstances of the country ; but he