The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-31 00:00:00

E VE 1840
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IPri‘;',ree. --selesaweewieteeseesestewseseeseseesesseereowee:-aseeesesseez ossassote ttessesseseensese,..eozeo, .....-es ea.. eseeteeesses---.. __es
sajaaalaatttetlishe fratie the most hi fluep tint !of the Legislature by so large a majority, and that it should be
iloVeretel b .dies ihroueliseit the St n;ii, and read by as large ama cora) as could be obtained fur it With
ill„.th of the Lod. which. i„ („cpuml,, (.„,..„,, t ! the consent of the House. therefore, he should move for the
Tosiettagta entreated tee sloe-, s.o interpoee it eat..l:ori,y floe rea•ting of this Bile He aid this with a perfeet conviction
it ! that the Hon. alember for Limerick mieht be correct in his
, Prevent arty trot,,,..e,s,ry (I.,lity it, this MC 'it. ore.
irla'dt not in England alone that Ihis cols lay was ft• St. lie, ! ;;,s;:i•tions that in the preseirt state of parties in that House,
Majesty's aieverumeht might be left in a small minority.
a', received communheoiens from Irelautl, fro 'n
i too us,;„ •
tapreeat. ane tavourehtts to tsoe policy ef the suhjet•t.
patties . But so tong as they continued servants of the Crown, and so
long as they continued in office, there tea, hut one course
t}Lat th nig the delay that had taken place, and ht ping which they could consent to pursue. They might give place
alt,. e House would come to seine decision on the sliest- to that minority, but they had. whilst they retained the
the'eaa trade and commerce were at a stand still from power, a paramount dirty to perform in providing for the
oluelay, and stating that unless a speedy decision was public security. if it should he the opinion of that House that
,:fe to on the measure things would get worse, and the they should continue the public servants of the Crown, it was
their duty to express their impression of the course which her
d;.4l,Mereial interest of the country would be in a very
Majesty's Government might take. While, then, they fully
Oantaessed state. It was unnecessary for him to enlarge conceived the necessity of carrying the Corn Bill as early as
pailttle mischief which would be cans.,d by the post- possible, they at the same time thought it necessary to avow
a eXieot of this measure. He might be told that their concurrence in the support of the Trill Bill. He felt it
boratiisiki,ng this motion he was pursuing a ceurse necessary to press on the House that his sincerity on this ques-
t_ satiny adopted, ai.d that he should not object to t.ion was unfeigned, and he was satisfied that the House would
firstihaeT reading of the Bill when sent down to consider that it was for the interests of Ireland that the discos-
la,,,t'urds. There were casos when they were not to sion en, and the first reading of, this Bid should no Linger be
tri'an to these rules. He believed it was competent for delayed. The Right Honourable Baronet, who objected
th! Aietnb-r at any time to object to a first reading, of to his motion, regarded it only as a consideration of policy,
at 13i11. Th, Bill contained enactments of great seve- on which it was unnecessary to alter the usual course
of this House. But the Honourable Member for
j, and it suspended the Constitution of this country
, Ireland ; and if those who disapproved of the mica- Limerick had threatened a course of opposition against any
ote infringement of the rules of the House on this measure.
gra were not to have the opportunity a It would he very mischievous if any delay took place in re-
ii:en...ting from it, it weuiri be useless to send gard to this measure. He was satisfied it was for the public
Bill for the con-id ration of. the House. good to persevere in bringing forward this measure, and he
0,7 were they then called upon to discuss the ineesure, should be unworthy of the co; filence of the Members of that
wassre the Government really serious in their inteution House if he thought of entertaining such a threat. These
on
a Ille matter ?—(Hear, hoar.) Lct him call the ritten• Members of the House who, as individuals, opposed the pro-
-411, of the House to the mode and manner in which the gressing of this measure, mu the aware that the responsibility
ala Was to be brought forward He shoell ask his would rest. with them ; bet he thought the responsibility would
tta,,u)w-couritre men on the °pp, •site side ef the House is; they rest with her Majesty's Ministers to do their duty by pressing
this measure on the attention of the House by every meant; in
kflously thought that transporting a man from his family, their power, and by such facts and reasoning as they felt it, ne-
i being out of his house after a certain hour woulii cessary to adduce on the present occasion. It was necessary to
icil'`'st the arm of the noonday eseassits, or did the) infante the House of everything which would influence their
ittak that such would avail ? (" H. an, hear,"' from t'•:e decision on this measure, and that any indefinite postponement
41.iaterial b. riches) Now, as to the hill itself ; it. wits on the pa; tof her Msjesty's Government on a Bill so materi-
-04
. ii_ane 22;1 day ot .January that her most gracious ally eff..cting Ireland would hive a ntst prejudicial effect. He
itiJesty, in her speech from the throne. called die at had told them ths exact position of the case. He was aware
ninon of the House to the state of In land and the lif the position in which her Majesty's Government were
fortunate prevalence of assassitottion tint existed placed. They were sincere in their determitsation to use every
arein. Now, he wished to ask if it was tint effort to obtain a decision on the Corn Bill at the earliest. period;
but, on the other hand, they were sincere io their proceedings
!' first duty of Givernment to enact measures
in regard to. this measure. Ha had stated his views to the
7leulated to ensure satiety and proteetion for Has a—
‘ Ile. douse, and it was for them to determine what course they
ill ar, hear," from the Miiiisteri it bencbos.) Now. should adapt ; but his own judgment was unlyeken, that a re-
allaisaieg the Government to be sincere in th, it inten- fusel to entertain the proposal ot Government would be in- 1
Ws, and that they thought the present Bill would he jorious to the interests of the country.
aowetuel, ought they to have allowed a single day Mn- F. SHAW rose, for the purpose of offering a
, Pass, after the Bill bud pasted the -Lewis, few observations on the measure. Looking at the present
ii,lltilit introdueing it ?—(Wor, hear.) But what was lamentable insecurity of life, and property, and person in Ire•
t'e, eouree pr0p044.1 ? Wee the rteasteuee he,e-terbt oe le land, if her Majesty's :Ministers; brought ferward a measure
Which they deemed calculated for the protection of-life, he
i',le first week or fortnight ? Not at ..,11. We,-
should riot feel justified in taking upon himself the responsi-
brought in in three we,,lta after ? . No ; and
hility of opposing it; but he was not particularly sanguine of
elnonth nearly was allowed to pass before the Life
arotection Bill (according to the notions of he success of the le esent ne asure, as the course pursue it by
Its- • . . , :Ministers) the Government was no great earnest of their sincerity.-
4.7, Introduced tat their Lordships. And when the Bill (Cheers.) the' Hon. Baronet (Sir W. Somerville) stated
bad been introduced into the Lords, had there been ;hat, though the House met on the 29d of January, yet it was
through
particular speed or dispatch evinced in getting it near a month before the measure was introduced into the H 'use
trough ? By no moans --(Hear, hear) The mea..tir, of Lords. Now, in the case of 1833, referred to by the Right
tau introduced until the 10th of February to the Lords. Hun. Secretary for the Home Daseartmeet, the Howie met on
ba_ did not pas: it before the 13th of M arch ; and here they the 29th of January, and the measure was paased the Lords by
1,7.° at that moment, on the With of March, about to take the the 22d of February following.—(hear, hear.) Noir fore the
lirreading. Now, was it by any means uncharitable to manner in which the present Bill had been conducted through Weak,
beak, such being the circumstances, that the Government was the Lords. He should say that it came to the Corareops not
folls in bringing on the measure at all?—( Hear, hear,) The the same Bill at all that it was.—( Hear hear ) Nothing but
''c Members felt themselves called upon to interpose, as a great necessity could justify any extraordinary infringement
Reg could not consent to the first reading of the Bill; and of a constituti, nal measure. If such existed, then the Bin
Oh he wished to know, were they then called upon to enter should he adequate to such necessity; and, in his opinion, the
taras debate on this disagreeable question, and thus cause Government should not seek for more than they required, lion,
,la to the progress of a measure (the Corn Bill) in the at the same time, should they be content aides lesse—( Hear.)
edy 'enactment of which the entire people of England were He believed the original Bill was totally-altered—indeed, he
erned?..4 Hear. He wished to address a few words to might say, exchanged for another ; and he also believed that
ar guttertectionist party, and in parseiettltii tolihe Noble Lord the Government did not possess sufficient moral weight with
and G.
Hentinck) the leader of-whoit party.—(Hear.) He the Irish party at that aide of the House to give the measure
iaas aware that he had laid great stress upon the peculiar effect.—( Protectionist cheers.) He (Mr Shaw) believed all
Sy
of the question of the corn-law. He knew that the Irish Members would oppose it.—(Laud cheers from
j4°Y gentlemen opposite might not be so anxious for the corn- the Opposition benches.) He observed, on the night. of the last
a as gentlemen on that side of the House, and many might great division in that. House, that not more than three or four
of eonsequence vote for any measure that would have the effect Irish independent Members votaal with Ministers ; and he sap-
o.Postponing the corn-law. A Noble Lord opposite (Lord Posed they would not have even that number on the present
1 flentinck) said that he would give every encouragement occasion.—(Cheers anti laughter.) 'He (Mr. Shaw) should
lLtne Government in carrying through the Bill if the :corn- state that if the Government had from the 'first administered
lt measure was postponed. Now, might he presume to the law with firmness and temper, the existing law
a reat the Noble Lord to see in what position he was placed • would be sufficient. —(Cheers from Irish Members on
suggested
proposal. The Government were about to do what he the Opposition benches ) He did not think they had done
4 ggested they should do, and were ready to postpone for a '0 from the commencernent of the monster meeting- and agita-
thW weeks its consideration. The party with whom nen to the present day. On the contrary, they showed a
Noble
Noble Lord was connected, if they voted with the spirit of co epromise, a spurious spirit of conciliation—a p tssing
.. able Lord, would vote, therefore, on those grounds for the by of their best men from unworthy tears, and a tampering
Zsdponement of the corn-law question. He (Sir W. Somer. with the inferior dais on the other side, from equally unworthy
ule) hoped, however, that they would look upon this measure hopes.—(Opposition cheers.) Yes, they had trailed on the
aeex, question to suloserve political convenience, and that they generosity of their friends, arid on the meanness of their nppo •
o.'uld not trifle with the feelings of the people of Ireland by nents.—( Cheers and counter cheers, ) Under these circum-
tneraading it in that light. It was possible that the Noble Lord stances they were without a party to give them support in Irts-
(al'abt have the Government of the country entrusted to him._ land. He did not blame the local and executive Government
allanghter. ) Yes< it might be so, for it was impossible to say of that country, because no independence of action was left
• shat might be the case in the future course of events, and he them, they being intrusted and directed imperatively by
eYed that they would not vote for the measure on any other the Ministry at this side of the Channel.—( Hear, hear.)
Ze°ands than the claims and merits which the Government The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary of State, would say
thu.,ll_ld put forward on its behalf. Having said thus much, he that his opposition to her Majesty's Government was owing to
ierßht it was better for him to decline making any further ob- disappointment, in not being appointed Chief Secretary for Ire-
evations at present. The discussion would create angry feel- lend. Now, if the House would allow him a few minutes
47 . and be a source of great irritation. and he was of opinion (Cheers)—if the House would indulge hitn for a short time,
14 it would be better to postpone it than to embitter the good he would reply to that most unwarrantable attack on him.—
..!ings which then prevailetl in the House. It would be bet- (Cheers.) He would have no special pleading —no quibbling
also.for the Government to pospone it. The Bill never on words —( Crites of " Order," ands' Oh. oh.")
Baldti be sanctioned by the Irish Members on his (the Opposi- The SPEAKER hoped that the Hon. Gentleman ditt-
o") side of the House.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped that the timely enders oil that he could not, without the permission of
„..*: Government would take advantase of the delay that must ot the House, allude to a former debate that had taken place an
iiieblessity occur, and he called upon them to place upon the that H. use.
/ix:of the House their other Irish measures. —( Loud cheers.) Mr. SHAW was aware that he could not do so without the
}okra was abundance of time to do so. The Government had indulgence of the tionse, but he submitted that this was an
the House that they had in preparation a landlord and occasion when the House should concede to him that privilege.
totearneant:bleßill (Hear, hear) let them place it upon —( Hear, hear, ant cheers. ) He did not wish arty quarrel
of the House. Let them also place upon the table about words, but if the attack of the Right Hon. Baronet
iii the House a Franchise Bill ; let them bring forward a mean'. any thing, it meant that. he (Mr. Shaw) wished to jets
(HI for the amendment of the municipal corporations.— the office which he held as Recorder of the City of D4hlin
ii._ear.) And in, was certain that if they al so they would for the Chief seeretereeisse a liedeed_ That was the marre,-:
s'" a better chance of getting this m .asure passed, although, of the charge. He would not quarrel about words: he would
e be had bees, said, the present severity of the Bill never give the widest latitude to his ebservetions. With regard ro
could be sanctioned by the Irish Members on his side of the the Recordership of Dublin, when the Right Hon. Baronet
Rouse. And if 'hey did so, they would also, prove to the was settled in office in 1842, he (Mr. Shaw) was in
• People of Ireland that their attention had not been directed censtant communication with him, and he submitted
, solely to the punishment of evil-doers, but that the well- at that time a proposition to the Right Ho-
biehaved, the well-condueted, and the patient., would have their eourab;e Gentleman that the office required regal:aim, ;
Itare of consideration, on the part of the Government ; and and if his suggestions with respect to the local and judieiar
that there were also Bilis in preparation, net of severity almte, officer had been adopted, there w tulil have been a saving to
out such as would tend to increase the well-being of the the country of 3,000/. per annum.—( Hear, hear.) But he
• ennntry, and produce peace and happiness throughout the admitted fully that the office would have been made more in-
whole of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He had promised to at- dependent and comfertattle than it was at present. But he
• tend to the particular merits of the Irish Assassination Bill, did not do that as a humble sueplicant for favour.—( Hoar,
‘, *NI he had scrupulously endeavoured to do so. He hail tear. ) lie felt the difference between the Right. Honourable
taleiled, as far as he could., the introduction of any irrita-ing - Baronet, the Miniver of the Crown, and an humble inotiviatual
topic.—( Hear.) He had been actuated, he could assure the like myself, but still he conferred with him upon this and all
t. Government and the House, by the sincerest motives in bring- other measures in a tone of perfect independence. lie ad-
II forward his motion. He conceived that if they pro- mitred that he did confer with. the Right 'ton. Baronet at the
eeeded with the first reading of this Bill it would be delta hs•ad of her Majesty's Government on the occasion alluded to.
• mental to the best interests of the country.—(Cheers.) He, He conferred also with the Right lion. Baronet the Secretary
' . ainerefore, begged leave to negative the motion of the Hight .4 State for the Home Department, but he did not care if he
`a°n• Baronet. publiehed upon every market-cross in Eegland everything he
Ht, Mr, SMITH O'BRIEN then proceeded to address the . had ever said during those conferences.—( Hear, hear.) He
uin a very indistinct tone of ',eke, and said, in the course had conferred also with Sir Thomas Fremantle, and the other
:' -of his observations. that if the Bill were proceeded with, it Members of tne Government, and the result was this—they
would involve a contest that would last for months, and whieh, said that considering that the judicial office which he now oc-
;hstead of bringing peace to Ireland,would only exasperate their eupied was now in the hands of the Crown, and he (Mr.
iflelings against the English Government. He would appeal Shaw), as a Member of the House of Comment, had better be
' to the Right Honourable Gentleman, whether it was well- excluded from the House, as had been the case with Dr. Lush-
' timed to bring in such a measure, when the people of Ireland ington and all the al-asters of Chancery. lie never remetistrnied
were in a state of starvation Let him remind the Right lion against their proposition, he never complained ;it never gave
t Gentleman (Sir J. Graham) that he had only 120 supporters him the slightest annoyance. But with respect to offiee, he
to that House, and he would therefore like to know how he had never in his life ventured to ask for the office of Chief
sOuld eopect to carry a Bill of this kind against the formidable Secretary for Ireland; and if he had, he felt that it wou!cl be
i. °Pleosition which was arrayed against him. He could only unworthy for a iister of the Crown, and unbecoming the
' .. 'calculate on the support of a small portion who sat on the ordinary dealing between gentlemen,that s tch communications
, same side as themselves, as he (Sir James Graham) did. should be divulged for the purpose of preduelog a temporary
' He did not think he would enter into negotiations with effect to save the ends of a perticular party, and he thought that.
raoriourable Members on his side of the House, because the the individual who would impute such unworthy proceed togs
/tight Honourable Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, had was void of generosity ; but. what would they say or think of the
' failed in that respect, and would go drawn to posterity &sale dis- mini,ter or man, when he declared that upon his word there
' avowed plenipotentiary. Then the Noble Lord the Member was noe one-word of truth in the charge that had been Ina to
; for Lyon (Lord G. Bentinek ) said —" If you introduce this against him. He would now make his appeal to the Right
I Leasuren before Easter, and defer the Corn Bill, we shall sup- Hoo. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Gowernment, for the
Pert you; but if you proceed with the Corn Bill, and pur ose of clearing himself from the eharges levelled against
p
. '• defer this Bill until after Easter, we shall oppose you" him. The history of his wommunication with Government was
'as that the support on which the Government relied this—when the Right Hon. Baronet had returned from abroad
, for carrying a measure of this kind ? If they took in the year 1e34, and resumed the reins of Government, he
the advice of the Chief Justice of England the asked him (Mr. Shaw) to accept office, but he declined, tor the
most eminent authority in criminal matters— they would pimple reason tat he hntative tar the Univedicrsity
office which should compel him to give
assist them in opposing the Pill in all its stages, and afford of Dublin, ahnd that was t
he could e represe
not accept any judicial
those who now o,•posed it, on the ground he did, an opportunity up
of exposing their present bad Government in Ireland. lint if seat in the House. For many years he was in
t they should succeed in putting the Bill on the Statute-book the habit of almost daily communicating with the Right lion.
it would give those who were in favour of the repeal of the Baronet, and he co-operated with him under very trying sar-
i union the strongest reason for continuing their agitation. cu.nstances, and in some painfel difficulties, of which he ( Air.
1 I -Under these circumstances, not wishing to say anything Shaw) believed he was not aware; and now, with confidence,
i , irritating, he should conclude by expressing his intention of he would ask it ever he hail been actuated by selfish or personal
1 supporting the motion of his; Hon. Friend. BWore, however. motives ? But be that as it might, he (Mr. Shaw) solemnly
i he resumed his seat, he wished to read an extract from the averred this, that from the conversation he hod referred to as
" Sessional Orders," to show that the Government, by the having taken place in the year I8:31, up to the present um-
.
coarse they were adopting, were violating the privileges of ment, he never did apply to the Government for any office
the House. The Hen. Gentleman then read an extract from whatsoever. He never contemplated the office of Irish Se-
. these orders, setting forth that the orders of the day should eretary, nor any other under the sun, except the office which
; . be disposed of before proceeding with any fresh litiOnt•ss, he tom, held, which was enough for him to preserve his in-
' l Now when a Minister of State called on them to set aside the dependency. It was strange that the Right Hon. Gentl,man had
orders of the House, were they not perfectly justified in moving nut before alluded to this subject. He allowed three days
to el pse, and then came down to this 'louse to
the adjournment of the Bill ?
Sir JANIES GR AHA NI said that he thought it would be open this adjoerned debate, at a hoe h,air &
Toe,t, eouvenient to the House if he would submit to the con- the nieht, . remeditatedlycharge againet
:rider anon of the Ma. Members the eu,5,„,,,,,,e, "der him (Mr. Shaw) vshich had not the slightest foundation
• I
hich her Majesty s Government sousht the introduction of in truth, It was a low vulgarism, and a mere talk of local
the present measure, in direct opposition to the standing newspeper. He challenged him to produce a seintilla, o, tee
Orders of the House. The present Bill had; been sent &nen slightest tittle of evidence to prove the charge. The Right 11
from the
Rouse of Lords, and it was competent for that House ilion. Baronet had also said, that seeing the Government ab out 1
(the Hcuse of Commons),uponsuch Ilillsbeingsentdown,atonce to fall, he (Mr. Shaw) sitting behipd ham, had thought proper
to the first reading, without any preliminary pr.. to kick them. But if he meant that they, because they sat
to refer them
seeding. In the other House it was open to lie upon the table 01 behind the Gevernment, were to support the Government.
the House any Bill which any Noble Lord might think proper of the Right Hon. Baronet, they were greatly mistaken. The
to introduce. No leave was required for the introauction of Government were fallen ; yes, he lamented to say, they were
the Hal, and as a matter of course it was read a first time. The fallen both in power and e
ins the character Home D . He
abelieve
wt
ashethe e Rightl
standing orders of the House of Commons were, however, dif- Hon. Secretary
of Staeepvi
ferent, as it was necessary to obtain leave of the House be- genius of the Government, and fully realieed the prophecy th t
• fore any Bill would be
itsintrodued. But when a Bill came was made some years since, that no Caitinet of which the Right
•down from the Upper House, was a general rule to read it a Hon. Baronet was a member weuld last leng in Englan I. He
first time without any preliminary motion. All the tither ( Mr. Shaw) felt no resentment against her Majesty's Minis-
days for motions had been anticipated, and he could assure the taws. He felt the greatest respect antl esteem tor the Right
Reuse that after the long and protracted discussions upon the lion• Baronet at the head oe the Government, and only re-
late Government measure, he really thought the time bed gretted that he had fallen into the hands rf the Right Hon.
arrived when, with reference to the security of life and property Secretary of State. The opinion he had of that Right Hon. ,
to Ireland, it was necessary that the opinion of Parliament Barnryt he could not express in) anguaee whieh would be core
tshould he given upon the principle of the measure introduced sect in the Pare of the House, and it would therefore bethe
Iby her Majesty's Government. It would be vain to dissemble better plan I a him to refrain of giving any; opinion of cries*sem the House the extreme difficulty of the position in which racier. ( The lion. Gentleman sat down amidst loud of
the Government was then placed. They did think it was .. O, der, order.")
• . Peraenount, and of the first importance with reference to Sir JAMES GRAHAM said the. Learned Recorder of
... the condition of Ireland, that at the commencement of Dublin had complained of the manner in which he had alluded
• the aes. sloe the policy of her Majesty's Government to him on aformer occasion. There were two charges of which
elieuld tsos announced as regarded an immediate alteration he had been accused of having brought against him. He (Sir
in the es orn-laws. The effect of that - announcement James Graham) had no objection to make any explanation.
' certainly was the derangement of the Irish Government as re- The allusion which he had first made with respect to the Irish
garded he pewsons charged with the conduct of affairs there. Secreiaryshp, was made prospectively with reference to the
whech it was not necessary for him to relate, he had formation of a protectien Government. With reference to the
lostnr reasons
ble :assistance of the Secretary for Ireland. He second charge, the House would recollect that, in the course
bad also been t'llsai,:tiointed of the assistance of the Earl of Lin- of the last Session, he had stated that he had never been his
coin. and though he would not lay much stress on that. eircum. (Sir Jame* Graham's) friend—that he had only a political and
stance, yet at the saeue time he thought it rove him some claim parliamentary acquaintance with him ; and he drew a distina-
, •• o f the House, in taking the consideration Lion between him and the Right Him. Gentleman at the head
*Pon the consiceration a
01 a measure of so mui 4i
impertance, the Bill for which had of the Government. No confidential cornmuttication had ever
been sent down from the other House of Parliament, by as lorge taken place between them. He was perfectly justifies! in act-
tied passed it. The question then ing as he had done, with respect to the transactions which had
4 majority as that which
Ras, how far the usual P
einciple of the House should taken place within three months of his acceptance of office.
not hesitate to say, and her An application was made to him,
that the office of Recorder of
be adhered to? He did
erfectl sincere in the declara- Dublin should be endowed with a retiring pension of 2 0001
Majesty's Government were Py
tion, that the decision on the ; Corn Bill should be come to as a-year. He returned an answer that he could
;net be a party to
*Peedily as possible ; yet, wl tilst expressing this opinion, he any such agreement, and if the -Right Hon. Gentleman referred
;would not conceal the impressi on terhich they entertained, that to the Session of 1842, he found in the letter stated, why he
It was necessary to carry on the measure which had come could not agree to that proposition. He therefore considered,
down from the -other House, • withoui the least. possible delay, that being a public matter, he was fully justified in reverting
in Ireland, lie con- to it.
for the protection of life and p roperty
erred that the moral effect of a weedy declaration of the tin- Sir BENJAMIN HALL made a few observations, which
iPle of the Hilt would be to le rev
much disorder, and were quite inauilible in the gallery, in consequence of the
Possibly the sacrifice of life in that country ; while then, it was
exceedingly desirable that the Cm 'n Bill should be pas-ed as
a Peedily as possible, it was also ire -cessary, on the other bend,
that the sanction of the House shoe mid be given to the measure
which been Ilea
-••• sent down to that Mouse from the other branch

noise.
Mr. O'CONNELL would oppose the motion of the
Right Honeurable Gentle,nm. He was actually calling
upon the House to trample upon one of its own
sessional orders. That sessional order had been made for

the benefit of the public, in order that they might not be
taker. by sudden surprd'e. The Right efon. Gentleman had
talked of the moral effect on Ireland by the majority of that
lieuse. Did be not. think that the I. ish people would be much
mere affected by the suseension of teeir orders than by a ma-
jority of the House? They were aceustodied to hear of majo-
rities of that House on measures resurrected with their own in-
terests. He hoped that the motion would not be persevered
in; he would say that no advantage would be gained by pressing
this irregular motto'.
Mr. CALEB POWELL believed that the real opinion of
the people of England was that the Corn Bill should rake pre-
cedence of any other measure. He should like to ask the Noble
Lord the Momber for Lynn, what was the opinion of his
party connected witlethis matter?
Lord GEORGE BENTINCK had no objec' ion to state the
feelings of the party with whom he was connected. He would
only say that if the day should come when his party should be-
come reoronsible for the government of Ireland, protection
would never be extended to the broad day murderer or the
midnight assassin. Tnen protection would be given to the poor
and honest man in discharge of his lawful duties and proper avo-
cation. %Then he looked at t he statements made bya Minister ofthe
Crown in the other Boast., and when he saw that in ten
counties offences against the person, offences against the pro-
perty, and offences against the public peace, amounted to
4.782, he should state that he concurred with the Marquis
of Clanricarde, in the necessity for pressing on the present
measure.—( Hear.) He alas concurred with the Marquis of
Lansdowne. in thinking that a measure for the protection of
life should be the precursor of every measure of benefit. He
concurred with that Noble Lord, that it was of no use to pro-
pose measures of improvement so long as no nr,n was suffered
to pursue the occupation of his industry without being assailed
by the hand of the midnight. assassin and noon-day murderer.
—( Hear, hear_) For these reasons it was the intention of
Hon. Members with whom he acted to give their hearty and
honest sit rport to the measure of her Majesty's Minister.. The
Flight Hon. the First Lend of the treasury had told the.
House that the Bill was one for the suppression of assassina-
tion; and he ( Lord- G. Bentinck) believed, that the blood of
every murdered creature, and of every creature that would be
murdered, would rest on the heads of her Majesty's Ministers.
did they assent to further delay.—( Loud cries of " No, no,"
from the Opposition b nches.) What was the state of things
existing in Ireland? Why, it was not alone these who had
given offence that were assessinated. but also pregnant women
were shot from behind better's.— ( Cries of " Oh, oh ") He
repeated the statement.—(Cries of " Name, name.") Yes, •
he would name. There was the instance of Fanny M.Erreli,
the wile of a woodranger, shot for no other offence than th it ,
her husband was sit, posed to be over active in arresting tres-
eassers upon the estate of his master —(Cneers from the Mi-
nisterial benches, with cries of "Where ?" from the Deposition )
'tie could name the place—it was in the county of Tyrone.
The unfortunate woman lingered for a few days. miscarried in
child-birth, and then died of her wounds.—( Renewed Minis-
terial cries of " Hear. In ar.") Was that a state of things to
be endured?—(Cries of " No, no." from the Ministerial
party.) But was that a eoleary instance? How many days
age was,it since Sir David Roche had been shot at, for no
ta her crime than that of refusing one tenant to eject the widow
of that tenant's brother, while yet her husband's remains were
Iting in the. House net quite cold ?—( Hear, hear.) Nor we-
that all, for the state of Ireland appeared to be that no man or
aged lady could go to church without risk of being shot at
(Oh, oh.) Yes, there was the case of Mrs. Bennett., an aged
lady of eighty, who was stopped on her way to church by two
cowardly ruffians, one armed with is wattle and the other with
a pistol, which was twice snapped in her face, and that be-
cause she refused to turn off two faithful servants, one of whom
had been shot at and wounded desperately on a former occasion.
feed they not the statement of Lord Farnham. made in the
other House of Parliament, to show that Mr. Bell 800 he,while
emnine .from church with. his two children, was murdered in
the broad day, in the presence of hundreds, yet the murderers
were suffered to escape?—( Hear.) They were told that the
murderers were still in the country ; the houses they visited
were well • knowO, .yet no person dared to arrest them.—
( Hear, hear. ) Tnen there was the last account of the 7th of
the present month, where they were shown how Mr. Ryan. his
wife, ten children, and five servants, while on their knees at
prayer,had a loaded blunderbuss discharged into the room, the
assassin tt inking that toe best opportunity of making the shot
more effective ?—( Hear, hear.) Were they then to be t
that, when they supported Ministers in puttine down such an
infamous system, they were acting from factious or
party motives?—(" No, no," from the Ministerial side.) He
should say, that for himself, as also for tine Hon. Gentlemen
who acted with him, they were determined that liberty and
freedom should not be mockeries, but that every man should
enjoy them, unawed by the vengeance of the midnight assassin
and the b. oad day murderer.—( Hear.)
Mr. C. POWELL said he had been informed that the
minutes of a conversation between the Noble Lord who had
just sat down arid an accredited Government agent was in the
possession of that Noble Lord, and he merely wished to knew
if it was his intention to produce it 2—( Cries of " Order ")
Lord G. BENTINCK, in reply, stated that his letter was
in the hands of Ministers, and ne had no objection to its pro-
duction. —( Hear, hear. )
Sir G. G EY' hoped the House would not be led into a
premature discussion on the question to the prejudice of the
great and important measure (the Corn Bill t previously before
their House.—( Hear, hear. ) Doubtless the time would come
when the Right lion. Gentlemen opposite would have to state
the reasons that induced them to bring in such a measure, and
also when the Hun. Members at large should decide whether or
not the measure met the remedy which it proposed to redress.
He was of opinion that the question put by way of amendment—
whether the Corn Bill should have precedence of the Coercion
Bill—was that on which they were called upon to decide.
And for his own part he was prepared to press for a divisors on
the mat er, as he was decidedly of opinion that the Corn Bill
shoutd have precedence.—( Hear, hear ) He assured the
House that in adopting that course he did not do so with a view
to obstruct the measures. of the zdinistry ; but, finding a Bill, the
debate on which had exceeded the time occupied in
debate by all others, then likely to be postponed, thou sh within
a stage or so of its final settlement, he could not act otherwise
than in opposing that postponement, remembering the vast
number, agricultural, m„nufacturing, and mercantile, who
were anxious to have a final decision pronounced by Parliament
on the question introduced by its leaders.—( Hear, hear.)
Did they postpone the measure at present, it eould not be re-
sumed till after Easter, when it would come on in the shape of
a iie.w question, and be again debated at increased length
Under these circumstances, then, and looking to the great
importance of putting an end to the uncertainty that existed,
and the stagnation and paralysation under which trade and
commerce laboured, because of the indecision of that Haute, he
( Sir G. Grey) would feel hims :it compelled to support the
asnendment proposed by his Hon. Friend, to the effect that the
Corn Bill should take precedence of all other measures
( Hear, hear. )
Mr. H. GRATTAN said that, in giving his support to
the amendment of h s Hen. Friend, he would at the saute time
do everything in his power to put down the spirit of outrage
and insubordination that existed in some parts of Ireland.
FIB
would do so, not alone as he was a Member of that House, but
as he was a resident country gentleman in Ireland ; and not
merely as landlord, but also as a pros ..ctor of the tenant, the
labourer, and the peasant. At the same time, be was not
going to censure her .qajesty's Ministers for their tardiness its
introducing the measure, though he should say that such mea-
sures had been found useless during a period that ex-
tended from 1810 to Is36.—(Hear, hear.) Knowing that
the measure would fail, and feeling that anwher and a diffe-
rent one was needed, he should give it his decided opposition.
—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet a' the head of the
Ministry ttiok care, in October last, to provide food for the
people, and, at the same t•rne, he might have provided also for
the protection of life and property. He said that to show that,
even should the Bill be delayed, there existed powers to enable
the authorities to put down these outrages, without the inter-
vention of that libellous Bill.—( Hear, hear.) The sherriff
had the command of the entire p,sse in every county in Ire-
land ; and if they. aided by the gentry of the county who were
resident, and not absentees, aided that officer in the repression
of crime, there woul.l, in his opinion, soon be an end of all
disturbance. But when gentlemen absented themselves, aban-
cloned their duty, and rendered themselves unpopular
by ,uch conduct, they then came forward and united in a cry
for the proclamation of a district, wnere nothing save their
own conduct made them unpopular.—( Hear, hear.) Let the
gentlemen of Ireland but. do their duty, wh' ch they did not
do, and there would be an end of all disturbance. It was idle
for them to look for power, and police, and military, to pro-
tect them from the ebullitions of an unpopularity which they
brouttht on themselves. Moreover, he would not stiematis
his country by voting for the enactment of a measure which
branded thirty-two counties with infamy, when only five or six
were affected by the mania.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. S. HERBERT(whose opening observations were in-
audible in the gallery) was understood to say. that though he
fully agreed in the paramount importance of the corn measure,
still, at the same time, he should say, Beet no man who had
watched the state of society ie Ireland c )uld entertain
a noubt of the necessity that existed for instantly press-
ing on the measure introduced by the Ministry for
the better protection of life in Ireland.—( Hear, hear).
The Noble Lord mede a statement with regard to the state of
crime in heisted, and if the House disbelieved the truth of the
statements it should go into a discussion upon them. and say
whether they were or were not true. He must say, looking at
the statements that were made elsewhere, that nothing was so
horrible as the state of soc-al disquietude in Ireland Nothing
was so complete as the abrogation of legal authority in some
spuarr
et :
ofa and
hwaaus it; possible
pfoorro
nMinistershe to allow
t other,
emile,ar,-.
and riot to postsone them until a decision was taken
upon the principle of the measure which proposed to arrest
this state of things in Ireland. There was a feeling in
that House, that this measure was not required, or that other
measures should precede it, so as to more certainly interfere
with the commission of crime. He trusted that the House
would oat confirm the motion of his Hon. Friend. It was not
true that Government had attempted to suspend, or give the
right of suspending, the order of the day with a view to take an
unfair advantage. The Right Hon. Baronet himself, said that
it was a most 'difficult case, and the course he proposed to take
was the most legal and the most ordinary course that ceu'd be
preposed. He did not attempt to take the House by surprise;
he merely prop sett that the orders of the day should be post-
poned by the consent of the House, after having been read, and
that the discussion on this question should be taken it
the House was willing to accede to the proposition. the course
the Hon. Gentleman had taken was a very unusual one. He
trusted that the House would refuse to sanction the motion of
his Hon. Friend ; and without in the least degree undervaluing
or underrating the importance of the measure before the
House, he trusted they would see the necessity of passing the
measure which proposed to give security to life and property
in Ireland ; and those persons who could he attacked by the
Bill hid a right to demand from that House that the subject
should he taken into their earliest consideration.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—With regard to the general
question of the precedence of the Hon. Member's motion, or
of the orders of the day for the Importation of Corn,
I should be satisfied to rest it on the state-
ment made by the Honourable Member for Devon,
but there are one or two circumstances which have
occurred in this debate, of which I feel myself compelled to
take notice before going to a division on the subject. I will
not interfere, one way or the other, with the charge made by
my
Hon. Friend, the Member for Lynn ; or the defence made
by the Hon. Gentleman opposite, with regard to the delay
said to have occurred in bringing forward this Bill. I trust
that my Hon. Friend, who disclaims the name of a leader,
anti yet does attempt to speak the sentiments of tho majority
of this House on frequent occasions, will not do so rash a
thing as to make any accusation, whether against the party
in possession of power or the party which has long differed
from the opinion: of her Nlejesty's Ministers, or to expect that
this question will peas off without some great opposition. With
regard to the question before the House, I must say that
the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the
Home Department and the Right Hon. Gentleman who has
last spoken have placed it on a different ground from that on
which it ought to be placed. The other evening, he
was saying that he wished the principle of this Bill to be af-
firmed by the House, considering the moral effect it would
have on parties in Ireland. Sir, I cannot consider the ques-
tion before the House, as my Right Hon. Friend justly placed
it, as a motion for any unusual purpose. It was to prevent
the time of the Haute being oceupied; and to affirm that the
more convenient course that the House could pursue for the
sake of the public is to proceed with the dismission of a Bill which
has hten long under the consideration of the House, and to post-
pane until a future time a subject which has not been under coo-
sideretion My Right Horn Friend is justified in saying
that the case would be altered if Government said that they
wished to advance this Bill through several stages for the im-
mediate protection of life in Ireland, but they say that they

will resume the -discussion on the corn question, and that the
second reading of the protection to Life and Property in Ire.
land Bill shall not take 'Place foi' 'Some weeks hence—until after
the Cairn Bill, the Cuetoins' Bill, and the Poor's Removel Bill
have bail the consideration of this House. I ask, what can
be the moral effnit of taking the fist. r ading of 13th? I ask,
whether the Irish will commit less owl-sees—whether the
murderer will be deterred by' knowing that a Bill has been
read for the first time? I ask, whether there is not consider-
able danger—when we are to have the reading of a Bill, and
the discussion consequent upon it, without the benefit of en-
eactment—if all the virtue to be given to the existing
.powers
by the Bill are to be. suspended, and an exciting effect caused
upon the population? These are the rersons which the Right
Hon. Baronet has given for proceeding with the Bill, and they
are reasons which tell entirely the other way, and entirely in
favour of proceeding the other way. Let him say that he does
not consider himself justified in voting for the motion of my
Hon. Friend the Member for Drogheda. It will be the part
of the Right Hen. Gentleman to show the state of outrage
existing in Ireland—to show what are the crimes that. have
been commit ted—eaud to show that the Bill will
have the effect of preventing them. That will be
the case the Right Hon. Gentlemen will have to make
out, and if the House should refuse to sanction the motion of
my Hon. Friend, it will consider it necessary that some case
for the first, reading of the Bill should he mati.e out. I hope
the House will not consent to the proposition, and will post-
pone this Bill until some future time, even though it should be
carried in its present rash shape—so as to give the Government
an opportunity of proposirg more remedial mea-urea. I ask
for no ,neasure beyond those on which the Government has
declared its intention to legislate—namely, to alter the law as
regarded la, silent and tenant, and the Municipal. Corporation
Bill. I wish that the list of Irish grievances could be summed
up in these topics, but they are more extensive. Ido not ask
the Government to propose any other measures, bet to proceed
when it is time for proceeding, and to obtain peace. When we
come to consider the crimes cif which the Hon. Member for
Lynn has given a sample, we are bound to consider whether or
not the measure might in some degree remove the cause of
them. I bee leave to say, with regard to newspaper accounts
whi h the Right Hon. Gentleman has referred to, I also have
read an account in a newspaper of a whole village. containing
275 houses, having been rased to the ground, and the irshe-
bitants sent adrift in the high road to seek a shelter, and even
not allowed to remain under the hedges or the ruins of their
houses to !soil their pots of potatoes. I saw that in a Dublin ,
newspaper, in the statement made by a gentleman, a re-
porter of the paper ; and in that statement he
said that the circumstances were pee serially known
to him. It is necessary to take up these sula;ects
together, after the consideration of the Corn Bill has
been disposed of. as the condition of landlord and tenant is
not improved, and to give the Executive Government power
to check the progress of murder and assassination. Without
these powers I say that there will not be any great moral ad-
vantage or any limit to outrage, unless you are determined to
use force fully against assassination, and have a feeling of de-
termination to stop the causes of these outrages by some other
measure as well as this Bill. The present Bill may be en-
forced, and a foundation laid, so that fer ever after a necessity
for these Bills may be avoided.
Sir R. PEEL—In determining the course which the Go-
vernment will adopt with respect to these Bills, to which I
attach great impor anee, Government is m a situation of pe-
culiar diffieulty, on account of its present position. 1 certainly
did not expect to hear, whatever might have been the discus-
sion, any doubt expressed as to the sincerity of her Majesty's
Government with regard to the Corn Bill. I must refer to the
circumstances under which it has been brought forward —to the
less which I have sustained of the confidence of Hen. \leathers.
When the time does come, the Hon. Gentlemen shall see
whether her Majesty's Government are sincere with regard to
the Corn Bill, even in the event of a failure. The
accusation with regard to this case I have always
denied. With respect to discussion, as to whethsr power
should be given with regard to this Bill, let the House look at
the facts of the case. Certainly, with regard to the full de-
claration I have made before, in answer to a qtiestion addressed
to me by the Noble Lord on Friday night last, I feel no dis-
position to alter it. I said that the course her Majesty's
Government felt it necessary to pursue was to confider whether
it was possible to obtain the first reading of the Bill for the pur-
pose of obtaining a division upon it. No man can feel more than I
do the extreme important of the agricultural interest—sif a de-
cision being taken on the Corn Bill. I said that I would take this
Coercion Bill after the second reading of the Corn Bill; and, as-
sumirg that the division would take place on Friday night, I
intended to propose this first reading, If the divsion of the
House was in favour of the first renting, I intended to proceed
with the Corn Bill, permitting no Government measure what-
ever to interfere with its; progress. I said that for the in-
f rrmation of all parties, in answer to the question of the Noble
Lord, and to that declaration I must still adhere. I feel
it my duty to ask the decision of the House with regard to
the first reading of this 80. It has been on the table
of the House since the 16th, and I supposed that the 6 s,
resting would be a matter of course. 1 say. that. so far from
the Hon. Gentleman wishing te proceed with undue precim•
tangy, with regard to this Bill for Ireland, he proposed. that
for the first time the Bill should be read at once, and after
that, that you should have a delay given to you. If you con-
sented to take no steps whatever, my Right Honourable
Friend must have another opportunity of laying his
Bill before the House. What other reasons induced him
on the part of the Government to propose such extraordinary
precautions against assassination in Ireland? what a ould be the
inference that would be drawn, if he had departed from the
course which he had adopted? Although the House of Lords
had passed the Bill, and although her Majes, in her
speech from the throne, have reminded the -louse that
eels was a subject for their consideration, w
not, for the first time, consent to the first reading of
the Bill, without any discussion, but with a disregard
to the common courtesy to the House, hail endeaveeted to
postpone it. The decision of the House on the first reading
would not-be conclusive. The discussion might not lead to
any particular result. but what would be the inferences that
would be drawn from any departure from the uniform and esta-
blished rules? But the Government were indifferent to this
subject. With respect to the course Hon. Gentlemen may pur-
sue on this subject, I can assure them that they are free to deal
with the case. They are under no obligation to give their
support to this measure. I know that the. Government is
situated in a peculiar situation. The Noble Lord the Member
for Lynn said that we are responsible for every murder com-
mitted in Iceland, and for the death of every person that might
die of starvation. After a mature 41,•liberation, we could no
consent to a definite proposal. We wished that the House
might be bound to adhere to the first reading of the Bill
Every species of delay had been thrown in the way
of Government. The course they wished to pursue was, that
Hon. Members might propose measures. We wish to leave it
to the representatives of the Common. of Et-inland to dispose
of this measure. I know the power individuals g, alenerly os
p-
ses% of causing (IA •ulties, and of the power they had of con-
tinuine the debele by resorting to the extreme measure of ad-
journieg. That. does not relieve the Government from the re-
sponsib lily of proposing such measures as they might deem
necessary. I should be unworthy of being a Membe,
rf the Government, were 1 to permit the abuse
of the powers possessed by individuals, to vary the
mFriday
coursedeliberatcly come to on the part of the Government.
last we stated the course we intended to take, anti
than we should a k you to take the first reading to-night. I
steeply regret the course that some • Hon. Members purpose to
pursue, of procrastinating the passing of the Bill, b. off -ring
opposition to it in every stage of its progress. This is not
acting i t a worthy way by the measure.—( Hear, hear.) I
will admit of every fair delay and opposition., but in doing this
I wish to uphold the authority of the Ileums, acid that respect
which is due to this the popular and democratic branch of the
Legislature.—( Hear, hear.) Depend upon it, if a small body
of Members set themselves up in opp •si ion to the majority of
this House, and set at bought the usual riles that regulate its
proeeedings—depend upon it, in doing so, they are taking a
course which is most unwise, and opposed to the advancement
of the very objects they seek to serve.—( Hear, hear.) Ido
hope tilt you will submit to a decision at once, and that my
Right lion. Friend (Sir J. Graham) will be allowed to make
:is statement to the House. The N ble Lord the Member
for Lynn has given a not unfair statement as to the injustice
of the motion to leave the consideration of the present Bill.
and take the other orders of the slay that follow. This would
not be seemly in the present- state of Irel Mil. But while I
wish the Bill to be taken in the course I propose, and while I
do not wish any opportunity of stating objections to its pro-
visions, I must protest against inetions of the present kind,
wl hi
have
naorewi,,ohn
s
"'chief' so much strong feeling exists already ; still I mint ask
nghrynicftlelianngd
ofnrivtohloisusqucenstairoanc.teorn.
what is the question before the House ? It. is a tampering with
Ito eoxfeirae atec
its forms fur a particular purpose, aed one on which the mea-
sure to be considered cannot be debated conducive wiiis the
rules of the House. The Hon. Gentlemen has moved that the
first reading of the preset'. Bill be waved, and :hat the other
orders of the slay be proceeded with. Bur to that 1 will answer,
that I cannot take the other business, under present circum-
stances, and if the amendment is agreed to, and the motion
rcj cted, I do net feel at liberty to persevere with the other
orders of the day. Under these circumstances, considering
the importance of the Bill, and that no unfair advantage had
been taken in its introduction, I da hop. that my Right Hon.
Friend ( Sir James Graham) will be allowed or make his state-
ment. Ido hope this course will be agreed in, and that any
discussion on the subject, will be taken atter that statement has
been made,—( Hear, hear.)
Lord G. BENTINCK said he had been misunderstood by
the Noble Lord ( Lord J. Russell), the Right Hon. Gentleman
the Secretary at War, and the Right Hon. Baronet at the head
of the Government. What he did say was, that her Majesty's
Government and that House were responsible for every mur-
der- committed in Ireland, owing to any unnecessary delay in
the passing of the measure that her Msj••sty's Ministers had
introduced fogs the protection of life in Ireland.—( Hear. )
Sir R. H. INGLIS said that the Noble Lord, the Member
for the city of London t, Lent J. Russell), had stated that, inde-
pendent of the decision of the House on the present measure,
there should he no time lost in forwarding the remedial mea-
sures for the state of Ireland. But what was the object of tht
present Bill? It was to repress outrage ; and if so. it could
not be passed too soon. He agreed with the Noble Lord
( Bentiock), that ha did not find fault with the Government in
introducing the Bill, bur. that they had not introduced it some
time ago. Her Majesty's Government ought to have intro•
(laced it some months since, instead of alloying the evils to
continue without a remedy.
Lord WORSLEY wished to explain the vete he was about
to give on this question. On the question of the corn-laws he
had diffstred with the party on that side of the House with
whom he usually' acted; therefore he wished to explain why it
was he would now support the proposition in favour of the
Government. Since November last great alarm had prevailed
among the agriculturists reseecting the ex,•ected alteration in
the Custems, and the consequence was that trade and aericul-
nue suffered. Any delay in the settlement of the corn ques-
tion would perpetuate the state of uncertainty and alarm, ant,
therefore, he would vote for the first reading of the Bill, re-
serving to himself the right of voting against it in any of its
future stages.
Colonel RAWDON considered that the Irish Members
who objected to the present Bill might very well speak, when
they had been blamed with the death of the unfortunate men
who had been killed in Ireland. He utterly disclaimed the
imputation. The Noble Lord who made it had shown himself
a good tactician, as he would be able now to make two speeches
on the measure, having gone somewhat into it in the one he
had just made. He (Colonel Rawdon) would advise the I ish
Members not to expend their amtnunition at present, but, at
the proper time, to use it against. the measure. His feelingshad
been roused by a speech which had been made in another House
of Parliament by the Duke of Wellington, on this Bid, which
he (Cetoriel Rawden),•as an Irishman. repudiated.
The SPEAKER c tiled the Him. Member to order, for re-
ferring, to a speech of a member isf the other House.
Colonel RAWDON said that the Noble Lord who had just
spoken ( Lord'G Bentinek) had referred to the speeches of
the Marquis of Clanricarde and the Earl of Lansdowne, and
therefore he (Colonel Rawdon) thought he had a right to refer
to the speech of the Duke of Wellington.—(Cries of " No.")
The SPEAKER—The Hon. and Gallant Member is out of
order in alluding to any speech made in a debate in the other
House of Parliament.
Colonel RAWDON—Then he would allude to no debate
whatever, but only say that the Duke of Wellington had ex-
pressed himself in terms which he (Co'. Rawdon) altogether
rejected. He could net agree that the union between Ireland
and this country was a I:gitimate compact. or that the obliga-
tions were such as had been represented. It was a union to
which the people of I. stand had not been a party, and of which
he did not approve.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL rose to ad,iress the House, amidst
loud cries of " Divide, divide," He said that no answer had

been given by the Government, and flon. Members on the I reflections whicii were consolatory in proposing this reessure.
othsr side of the House, .o the strong representations of the ' He would not make a sweeping. accusation against the hist.
Irish Members against this measure. He knew the reason, and 1 peop'e genera:4a . This Bill was only required for certain dis-
the people of Ireland else knew the reason. The Right Hon. i tricts in Ireland. They had been accused of bringing the
Gentleman the Secretary at War (Mr. Sidney Herbert) had 1 measure forward abruptly and prematurely. He might b
spoken in a deer, catory manner of. the opposition promised by l permitted to waw that. ter nearly five years the Governmee
Irish alembers to every stage of the Bill, and by every form of • bait conducted the affairs of the country in difficult times, an
the House. But•he would tell that Right Hon• Member that 'in adverse circumstances ; and they bad never had recourse a
they did not choose to allow the law remnant of liberty left extraordinary powers. Until that moment they had di'
them to be taken away without a resolute struggle, and he charged their duty relying on the execution of the existii
would further tell him that by passing tdat measure, the. Go- law. In more than rue instance they had relinquished ti
vernrnent would trample out in the minds of the Irish people existing laws. They had not felt it their duty to apply to Par
whatever little feeling might yet remain in favour of the le,gis. liament for the renewal of the enaetment with respeet to I. e
lative union.—(
Me bear
)) ) He would inform him that land of an aggressive charecter. Oa some occasions they ha
they (the Irish Members) would fight the battle firmly, removed some which were of an aggressive character. Let
stoutly, and openly, even though they were a small party, them, for instance, look to the Unlawful Oatt s Bill. Thew
They were a small party, and of that they had complained for were provisions in that Bill liable to be abused, and the
the last forty-five years—ever since they hid carried out the were removed. With respect to the Arms Rif th
en;
execrable union against the people of Ireland. He complained clause requiring blackstni.hs to be licensed ban been withdrass4
they were a small party ; but to that they g ere indebted to the He must also be permitted to remind .he House, that the vat,
union, and that was one matter which, with many others., they taus measures wi ich had been brought forward by the Govern
sought to redress. Solemn promises hart been made to hem, ment in the course of the last two years had been received in ..
but which had never been fulfilled. They had been promised spirit of unfriendly feeling by the great majority of the pea pl.
that Ireland should have given to her ail those constitutienal ef Ireland. Isle knew that a great difference existed as to the
privileges which England possessed. But this bad never been lwactical effect of these measures, which were intended as peact
fulfilled, and hence it was that they sought to have their own offerings. He would more particularly refer to the Beques
Parliament back again, and a repeal of the legislative union. Bill, which afforded great facilities for the endues.
The promises made to Ireland had been most bountifully broken, ment of the Roman Catholic clergy, and for provelins
and not the slightest disposition shown to do juetice to that for religious houses and sites for chapels.—( Hear, hear. '
country. But, if the Irish Members in that House were a He would also refer particularly to the Bill whicl
small party, he could say they were strong in the affections of he had the honour to propose wi.h reference to the provisior
the pee; le. They now came forward and taunted them with for tbe education of Roman Catholics in the College of May•
being a small party. True, they were a small party; but they nnoth, which gave great offence, and which, he was sorry t.
had eight millions of Irish hearts at their backs, and they feared say, gave great offence to his supporters on his own side of tha
not for the issue. The only answer that hail been that night House. That measure he, in unison with his colleagues it
drawn from the Treasury Bench was one in answer to the office, thought it his duty to bring for ward. The bringing for-
Noble Lord at the head of the protection party. who seemed— ward of those Bills yeas, to his mind, a conclusive proof the
if his own speech that night were to be taken into account the Go those
enter-it:Lined no hostile fee logs whatever t,, the
imagine that he was to be the future Minister of England, Irish people.—( Hear.) The Board of Education in !relent
and already determined to rnisleeislate for the Irish people. had also been made more eff. ctual during the last year, an,
He was elso the leader of a very small party, which would there were at the present moauentbetwe. ri 400,000 and 500,00
in time be still less, because they were orposed to receiving a good education w)der the superintendence of the
made for the thorough educe
the policy of giving cheap fond to the people. They were board. Provision had also been'
told by the Noble Lord that the course adopted by the Right Lion of the children of the middle' and higher classes. Then
Hon. Baronet that evening was aco',MOtt practice. He thought again, the Government had introdeved a Bill fur the purpoe
that something more than a merely common practice might be of regulating the laws rebating to lan:Words and tenants.
Bill
-
Bill was one of eitreme difficulty,
introduced when the liberties of a nation were to be infringed and the other House re
on. But what did the Right Hon. Gentleman ask? The Parliament considered that, in the state it; which it was tenderer.
Right Hon. Gentleman who was leaving the House now—(Mr. to them, not sufficiently matured, and tileY therefore did ua
Sidney Herbert, who wa- passing the bar at the moment, re- extend to •it their sanction. During the .zees the Govern
ment haThey ham
d bestowed much consideration up wa the question ra
turned to his seat on the Treasury Bench. )—( Loud cries of rovidi
+. Question, all i Question, question.") If it were the pleasure of the House n a better law for the tenants of Irel:wid.
to adjourn, he was ver to do So. The ight H, dg n their power fur the purpose of co-opea 'sting with th
Gentleman—and he was y veryready sorry that he had beenß oblieedon to Commission over which Lord Devon had presided, and of whist
detain him—told the House that they were
_liable, by their four Members of the House formed a constituent 1, art, amid lit
conduct, to the charge of sanctioning crime in Ireland. was authorised to say that either he or some other aftembers at
To that imputation, he with the same strength with which the the Government would have the honour very shortly o.' intro
assertion had been made. threw it back on the party who ads cueing a measure foundeit upon the recommendations a I that
vanced it. He charged them instead with sanctioning crime in board. Then he must observe that with reference to this .`nee.
Ireland with the measures they were then proposing, The sure, painful as it was, and unconstitutional as he admittewl it
Noble Lord on the one side accused them of sanctioning the to be, be fur one, foreseeing the necessity of the introduction Of
crime of assassination by postponin r the Bill, while on that side some such measure in the early part of the present session, he
they were charged with the crime of adding to the present telt that it was a matter of primary importance that provisior.
miseries of the Irish people by delesing in any way the passing should however be first made for the physical wants of the
of the Corn Bill. He charged the Noble Lord with doing people of Ireland, so far as those wants could be relieved by the
both ; and now he accused the Right Hon. Baronet and his Government ; and he certainly could not be a party to the
(Wends in the Treasury Bench of being accessory to the crimes introduction of this measure unless it had also obtained th
of the peasantry. Only two years ago they, the Irish Members, sanction of his colleagues, and unless some rnea-ure had bee
came over to this House. an the occesion of the Landlord and I
eeviously introduced, for the purpose of affording the peopl
Tenant Comesission in Ireland, and their languege on that of that country food at the cheapest possible Tare. Now, In
occasion was not of supplicating men ; their language wee this must also be allowed to observe that the off of of eh measun
w Mind what you are tieing for us, and for Heaven's sake take of last season were already perceptible in Ireland. He was re
care what you are doing with this Commission; you are rousing joiced to be enabled to state that the admiseion of maize, r
ot.
the most sanguine hopes in the minds of the desperate reasantry of duty. had already state
t the most beneficiel effects
of Ireland; you are exciting hopes in their minds, hopes which Ireiand.-- t t Hear.lt hear.as ( )bee The
dem
an a
nds for that articie opersf fe
ee
ar.
shall not be afterwards realwed, and it is no use telling us here was very greal
:and the effect pof its introduction into Irelan ~ i.
ewr th ameal ; it was sui
that you are only sending out that Commission to ask for in- in oatmea
formation." They told the Right Hon. Baronet then 'hat he confidently believed, would have the effect, if not in agreat, a
could not reason with starvation—that he could not reason with least in some measure, of superseding the use of the potato
madness. They told him to go on, if he so liked, till some among the pearole of that eountry, and gradually, but surely, a.
fortunate chance occurred, when he might el aim the merit of he hoped, of giving the people a better means of subsistenc+
wisdom, instead of by that course adopting measures which than they at present possessed. The Government had al
would only lead to disappointing the minds of desperate men, brought forward measures for the purpose of encouraging publi.
the wild hopes they had by theee measures been led to conceive. works in Ireland ; and the demand for loans was great, an.
1-las not their words come true? He did not blame the Corn- the effects. he believed, moat beneficial to the people of la elan
missioners; for, to the honour an I credit of those gentlemen whose And the beneficial effects would be still further increased by t.
names appeared upon it, they represented things in Ireland judaci .us exoeuditure of the moneys lent by the Government
had. fairly ; but he maintained that their words ought to have The moral effect, and the social improvement, produced by tie
had. some effect on the mind of the Right Hon. Beronet, encouragement of public works in Ireland were mest pilpable.
The Right. Hon. Baronet had used some expressions The people who lived in these oistrivs where those works
towards Ireland with which they had some right to be were carried on, would have better and mere permanent em-
offended. But, as he had given an apoloey. he would not ployment, and they w.eild in a short. time be enabled to instal ,
again refer to them further than to say that it was an apology the independent position of the working classes of this country
which was justly due to them. But he had an oblecti an of his Then he might ask, what would be the effects of the edueatioe
own to the present Bill.—(Cries of w Oh, oh." '• Question, of 400,00(1 or 500.000 children by the officers of the Govern
question.") A deputation of persons—he could not call them ment ?On all these grounds he was therefore confident ill f i
gentlemen, because he thought them undeserving of the name anticipations. that the future position of Ir 'fend would be •
of men—went up to the. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, en the most prosperous oee. The effect of their social improvemm•
subject of the disturbances in that country, and he understood would be recognised by the Legislature, and the Legislator •
that they prayed of the Lord Lieutenant to oblige them by would with g.eat confidence briog forward measures tor e
taking the blood of a mar, whom his countrymen believed to people who had fortunately become mueli happier an.
be innocent—he meant the unfortunate man Seery. He (Mr. elevated than they now were. There could lo
John O'Connell) had placed a notice on the books of that no doubt that in a few sears the Legislature would h.
House, giving to the deputation what he believed was their guired by a more c aleulg and kindly spirit with regard ta
proper title, but he was remonstrated with in private in a Ireland. In the mean time they had to deal with a case at ur
quarter from which he had always received the utmost kind- gent and pressing necessity, to which he could scarcely find any
ncss and courtesy. He marked his sense of their kindness, by parallel ca -e in the history of these kingdom,. He had befit,
wlthdrawine and not repeating the expression. The sheet on said, and he then wished to state, in the most distinct manner,
which his motion had been placed was altogether cancelled, on that he did not stand there to impugn the character
the of the Wish
the ground that it pledged the House to an expression of opt-people generally. Quite the contrary. He pleasure
nion, before it bad given its vote on the matter. Now, what of stating that in the 32 counties of Ireland—in the nujerity of
was the case here. This Bill was presented to the House these he believed that it would be found, by statistical ac-
with a false and calumnious title.—(Hear, hear.) It was counts. that life and property were as secure as in any
stated to be a Bill for the more effectual preservation portion of Great Britain.—( Hear, hear.) He was happy to
of life and property is Ireland. It was not so. Property say that, in at least 18 out of those 32 counties, crime had eon-
would not be better protected by the bill ;—life would not he siderably decreased within the last year.—(Cheers.) He thought
AO well protected—because the measure itself would it would not be necessary to staind the House by going into a
aggravate the cause of discontent in Ireland. Why, then, specific detail of the amotuat ecrease of crime, or of the
should the Bill be introduced before the Home with this title? names of the particular counties. Suffice it to say, that in 18 ou
—a false title, because it stated itself as for the better preserve- of the 32, there had been a considerabb. decrease of crime withit:
tion of life and property in Ireland. It had been said that the last year, 1845.—(i1r. O'Connell, " County Tyrone" ?)
night that theirs was a factious oppositioo, because they v ere In the County Tyrone, there hadbene a very large decrease of
determined, by every form of the House, to defeat the Bill. erime.—(ilear he Ir.) The crim f, according to the
They were justified by their consciences in doing so. They reports of the 'Constabulary force, had decreased in the :ast year
did it with the sanction of the people of Ireland, and their from 108 to 40. He would go still fur
ther,the ant say, t
hath if it
constituencies approved of it. They would persevere in their were not for the present state of five of ie fl
opposit on to the last moment. It this was a factious opposi- he cfruld not conscientiously propose this Bill.—(Hear, hear.)
Won they gloried in it, because they were opposed to the den He wotiat vete at once the names of those five ceuraties. al.
struetic,n of the last liberties of the Irish people. It was an though he was afraid he shonld have to trespass upon the ireful
opposition carried on with the view of defending their country- genes` f the House for a short time—tflear, hear)--for i
men from a measure of mere wanton and useless tyranny. preposine a measure of se tuaconetitutMnal a character—( Hr
There was another charge trumped up against them. out it wa hear)—he felt it to be his bounden duty to bring befe n
re the Hous‘
almost too trivial to be alluded to. It was that they (the re- the grounds on which ha
proposed it —( Hear, hear. ) No
\waters of Ireland) were anxious for the repeal of the five counties to which he hard alluded were,
Tipperary.
--ern-lase- because it was one of the few advan- Clare, Roscommon, Lima rick, and Meath.
aid- In
bl te
hose five
• - t extent.

counties crime had increased to a considera..
There were also five other counties in which crime ha,
been fearfully progressing during the last year, and the names
of those counties were Cavan, Fermanagh, King's County,
Longford, and Westmeath ; so that it appeared that at present
there were, out of the 32 counties of Ireland, ten in which un-
lawful doings and crim,s of the most frightful character were
being regularly carried on. In the county of Cavan, crime
hid increased within the last year from 44 to 109, in Roscom-
mon from 264 to 716, Limerick from 321 to 460, and Tipperary
from 908 to 992. But he thought he could present this mattet
to the House in a light which appeared to him to be most con-
clusive, and which would show that crime was raging in die-
trios of Ireland to a most alarming extent.—( Hear.) By ter
last return which had been made to the Government, it ap
peered that the whole population of fret-int-I was 8,175.000, and
the population of the five counties to which he had n ore par-
ticularly referred, viz. Tipperary, Clare. Roscommon, Limerick.
and Leitrim, was 1,412,000. The population of those fire coun-
ties therefore, was a little more than one-sixth of the whole of
Ireland. Now the crimes to which he would direct the atten-
tion of the House were of a most insurrectionary character :
they co.nprised crimes of murder, and the destruction of pro-
perty. He had made a selection of those particular crimes
The crimes had been arraneed as follows—homicides, violetter
to the person, aggravated assault, assaults endangering life, in
cendiarism, killing or maiming cattle, demandingand robbery
arms, appearing armed, administering unlawful oath:, sending
threa•ening natiees. malicious injury to property, and 6. it:p
into dwelling-houses. New the number of homicides com-
mitted in 1845 througheut the whole of Ire'and was 92, and
the whole of those committed in the five counties ei which he had
more particularly directed their attention was 47, b ins one-
third ef the homicides committed in the whole of Ireland.
Assaults in those five counties 190 and in the whole of Ireland
350, being two-fifths of the whole number. Assaults endan-
gering life 110 in those five counties, and in the whole of Ire-
land 127. Incendiarism in those five ceunties 139. and in the
rest. of Ireland 329, being two-sevenths of the while number
Killing or maiming cattle in those counties 108. in the rest re
Ireland 164, being two-fiths of the whole. Demanding anti
robbing re arms in the five counties referred to—and this wa
a crime of the most malicious and fearful kind-420, and in the
rest of Ireland 131, being four-fifths of the aggregate. Appear-
ing armed in those counties 66. and in the rest of bet end 25,
being two-thirds of the whole. Administering unlawful oaths
in the same districts 191, and in the rest of Ireland only 33,
being six-sevenths of the whet". 7 hreatening notices in the
same 1,1 43, and in the rest of Ireland only 901, being eleven-
twentieths of the whole number of crimes of a similar number
committed in Ireland during the year 1845. Malicious injury
to property 104 in the five counties, and 306 in the rest of
Ireland. Now he would observe that one crime particularly
had been greatly on the increase during the last eienteen
m whs. The dreadful crime of firing into dwelling-houses at
night, for the purpose of wounding promiscuously any member
of a family, had been, during that period, in those five coun-
ties to which he had called their attention, 93, and in the rest
of Ireland only 45 —( Hear, hear)—being seven-tamths
of the whole number. He had in his possessior
rep irts which showed the state of these flee counties
during the months of January and February of the present
year. The number of homicides in that period, it appeared.
ea, 8 ; robberies of arms, 18 ; setting fire to dwelling-houses,
69; sending threatening notices, 69 ; and malicious it.jury to
property, 14. And in Limerick (exclusive of the city of that
county ), 3 murders, 12 incendiaries, 25 robberies of arms, 50
threatening notices, and 18 attacks on property. In the
• county of Clare there had been 1 murder, 7 incendiaries, 20
robberies of arms, and 17 threatening notices. And in the
ceunty of Roscommon within the same period (the last two
months), there had been 1 murder. 3 incendiaries, 31 robberies
of arms, 6 threatening notices, and 42 administrAtoniof un-
lawful oaths. Now, it was his painful duty to bring under
their immediate notice seine mere facts relating to the dis-
turbed portions of Ireland. It would be impossible for him to
give the House anything like general statements, but it ap-
peered that these crimes were not of a sectarian or political
character. Roman Catholics and Protestants, Orangemen and
Repeaters, had alike become the victims of the lawless men of
the disturbed counties. And he must also state that the crimes
which he had mentioned were by no means new in the par-
ticular districts to which be had alluded. Unhappily, they had
prevailed for several years past; and it now re rained fur the
Legislature to exert itself, for the purpose of eradicating the
species of crime to which he had referred. It was true, that
much had been done, butte l their effarts had, as yet, signally
failed. Crime, of t species referred to, had
been more, during the last eighteen months, than
during many years previously. He implored the
House to consider seriously the disgrace to which those crimes
subjected the people of these realms. They were crimes dis-
graceful to this country, this age, and the Government under
which we lived. They
betawee equally disgraceful to our l
polity. Ours was said to
trs, and yet crimes were daily committed itt the ewer country
which were a disgrace to any country on the ace of the earth.
e and a civilised COUII-
In order to illustrate whit he had b..tore srat.d, he woul I read
to the House a number of cases, whichhe had prepared and
classified according to the principies he had ju-t sated. The
first class to which he would Kier were cases of murder, or in-
juries inflicted upon
person in consequence of themselves
or their relatioes having
taken, or refusing to give up,
land. He would refer first to Tipperary. On the 24th of
May the friends of the deceased wife of a party who occupied a
few acres of land in Tipperary wished to obtain possession of
the property. Notice had been served by the ruffians to give
up possession of the property. Notice not being attended to,
the unfortunate man was waylaid while returning from Done-
gal to his own home, and brutally murdered. Another person,
quite unconnected wi h either party, was also knocked down
his head was fractured, and he died from the effects of the
injury received. In another case in the same neighbourhood,
four men, with their faces tlackened ant otherwise disguised,
entered the house of a person occupying land, and presented
pistols to the heads of the peaceable inmates, and asked them
way they did not obey the summons which had been sent, and
after committing gross acts of barbarity they went iwty.
He
would also allude to another cue, which also took _pia" in,

the corn-caws
tages' which the union had given to Ireland. The charge
did not require to be refuted. A few words more to the Noble
Lord opposite, the future Minister of England. The Noble
Lord had endeavoured to influence the judgment of Members
in that House by his speech on the motion for reading the
order of the day. But he would ask the Noble Lord, if he
had supported a Coercion —er if he had said one word in favour
of a Coercion Bill, at the period of the riots in Wales? Unt.l
a poor woman had been murdered, no extrao-dinary powers
were asked for. He had never supported strong measures then.
He had never adverted tO that case then, but he had brought
forward the case here. Was this the kind of chivalry which
was to distinguish the opposite party —that the Door man's
foetid should be taxed, in order to uphold the power
and wealth of a pampered aristocracy. Every form of the
House should be used to stop the Bill; and he told that iltg'at
Hon. Baronet, that the consequences of the delay of the Corn
Bill would be upon him aline.
Mr. COBDEN—From the remares which fell from the
Right lion. Baronet, I was left in some doubt whether the
proposed statement, which is to be made by the Right Hon.
Baronet, the Home Secretary. shall be gone on with to-
night, or whether it is the intention of the Government to press
a division on this question?
Sir R. PEEL— We shall proceed with the first reading of
the Bill. My Right Hon. Friend will make his statement,
then we shall leave it to the House to judge what course they
wit: pursue. When I said that my Right Hon. Friend would
have an opportunity of melting his statement, I did no mean
to imply that that was sufficient, and that there we should stop.
Mr. COBDEN—Be ore we go to a division, I cannot help
elpressine ens sincere regret at the course adopted by her Ma-
jesty's Government. I think it will he a great calamity both
to England and to Ireland; for although the Government bring
his measure of coercion forward, as a measure which will
pacify Ireland or contribute to the peace of Ireland, we must
bear in mind that those who represent the Irish feelii'g in this
House—those who have the greatest influence in Ireland—have
a distinctly contrary opinion ; whereas, on the subject of corn,
that great question of giving food to the people of England and
Ireland, no difference of opinion exists. If I understand
rightly. the Hos. and Learned Gentleman who, I may say,
represents Ireland, came over expre,sly to surtain her Ma-
jesty's Ministers in their wish to give increased subsistence to
the people of England. That question. I think, should have
taken precedence of the coercive measure, inasmuela as those
who understand the interest of Ireland Know that the best way
to pacify Ireland is by giving the people food. But have the
Government considered what will be the delay that will be
caused by proceeding with tho Bill ntw ? If you go into the
discussion to-night, the Honourable Member for Li-
merick county has told you that the Irish Members
themselves are prepred to sustain their opposition to
the first reading for three nights. This might he a Govern-
ment night ; Friday and Monday following are Government
nights, and these three w 11 be occupied in the discussion. You
cannot reckon upon those nights occupied by private members
—you cannot reckon upon these for the debate on the Coercion
Bill You must have Thursday night in Committee—you
must have the following Tuesday night in Committee.
Private Members will not give asp their notices in order to ac-
commodate the Govrnment on this subject. You therefore,
cannot take another step on the Corn Bill before Laster The
Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Devonport stated most
truly Oat Hon. Gentlemen opposite would come up again
after Easter, trusting that we shall have forgotten all their
tedious arguments, and repeat the same thing over again.—
( Laughter.) In all human probability that Corn Bill will not
reech the House of Lords before the beginning or the
middle of May, and when it shall pass out
of that House heaven only knows.—( Hear, hear.)
I think this is a great calamity. I do nut attribute any motives,
such as those which have been hazarded against the Right
Hon. Baronet and the conduct of the Government. But there
is something which actuates them which I cannot understand.
Their reasons have not been explained in this Howe. We
have had no reason to warrant the course they are pursuing.
I believe there is no compact between the Government and
certain Hon. Gentlemen, and do not believe those conversa-
tions which are published in to-day's paper, and which ought
not to have been published. even if :hey had, taken place. Ido
not believe there is any such compact. The Right Honourable
Baronet at the head of the Government has acted upon the
decision which he gave four or five days ago, before any Irish
Member had' spoken upon the subject. He new knows what
will be the feelings of those Members should he
press this Coercion Bill before the Corn Bill. He
does not, in my opinion, impeach the sincerity
at all of his ' determination to carry this measure
I rejoice, anti the country will rejoice, that the Right Honour-
able Baronet has this night declared, that nothing shall prevent
him showing his sincerity in resisting any obatruc.ion or Mu-
tilation of the Corn Bill ; and I have a full conviction, a most
earnest conviction, that he will deeply regret the course he is
now taking, because I think the present state of the country—
the manufacturing districts, from which we hear every day—
the agricultural districts, the inhabitants of which, as the Noble
Lord the Member for Lincolshire has stated, are anxi .us
have a settlement and -do not care fir the amount of the
settlement so much as for a speedy eettlement of the Corn
question. Under these circumstances I d 'eply regret having
to go into a lobby to vote against the Government on such a
question as this.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House
divided—
For the amendment ..
For the first reading ............................. 147
Majority for Ministers
Sir J. GRAH AII then rose and said that, in the absence of
any member of her Majesty's Government more immediately
connected with Ireland, it was his painful duty, on that occa-
sion, to repose to the House the first reading of the Bill
which came down from the other House of Parliament. The
Hon. Member for Stockport had said that there was some mys-
terious motive in pressing this Bill. He hoped the House
would indulge him wi h a ratient hear ng, while he eiittea•
soured to state to them cogent reasons, which, in his judg
ment at least, appeared conclusive that no time was to be lost
in passing such a measure >i sthis. There were, however, some