The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-10 00:00:00

4rYver .
nt was one that alit cted the merchant, the
;;',“ ITP.,chanic, and th.e

ceived no state so critical as that of being de-
pendent upon foreigners fur a supply of corn. What-
e..i.r tiie result of those measures might be, he thought

victories he had achieved. He had supported his Right )
Hon. Friend at the head of the Administration, f
upon agreeing with his general policy, but he
on the present question differ with him.
The Right Honourable Ba.:onet, however, should con
et-de to his supporters the right of scrutinizing his men-
eures, and judging whether they deserve his support; but
if he refuses to then the right of scrutinizing particular
measures, and by their doing so he is induced to throw
Alp the Government, why the responsibility of the ant
was upon himselt and not up en his supporters. Thank-
ing the House for their indulgence, he begged to re-
sume his scat, seconding the amendment.
Mr. LASCELLES trusted the House would extend
its indulgence whilst he stated to them the grounds
which would induce him to support the measure of the
Government. The Honourable Member who had
just concluded his address seemed to think that
the country had attained to its present eminence in
consequence of the restriction of commerce. Well, if the
.Hon. Member thought so, he confessed the Hon. Mem-
ber had read history very differently to himself, for he
found that since the establishment of the restrictive
system nothing but distress had existed in the country.
On the reconstruction. of the Conservative Cabinet, it
was very evident what thepolicy was which they intended
to pursue, and he must candidly assert that if the measure
which had been proposed by the Right lion. Baronet had
been brought forward by the Noble Lord opposite, it
would have received his unconditional support. It might
be observed, with respect to sugar and corn especially,
that the indications of the measures of the Government
were sufficiently evident, immediately after the present
Government had taken office. He had, therefore, no
pledges to break, no assertions to retract, and he had
no hesitation in giving his full adherence to the policy
which the Right Honourable Baronet had thought it
prudent to adopt. With regard to the course which
the Government intended to pursue with those m ,asures
he mus, profess his perfect ignorance, but, at the same
time. he must protest against anything like an unprin-
cipled change of policy. From the very first mo-
ment that the Government • took office, the whole
of their acts indicated the course which they
intended to pursue. The very reasons on which
the tariff was intended to be based were evi-
dent ,in the regulations laid down in its provisions.
Numerous questions had been put, session after session,
to the Right Hon. Baronet with respect to thq corn-
laws, as to whether it was his intenti.n► to alter the pro-
tective duties or not. To all these inquiries the
Right Honourable Baronet had invariably answered
that he could give no pledges, but that his conduct
must be directed by circumstances. Now, he did think
that this was a matter of cons►derable importance. He.
believed that it was not the object of the Right Hon.
Baronet to bolster up any particular system, but that
it was necessary to go to the bottom of the
system of restriction. When that Right Hon.
Gentleman propounded his policy with respect
to sugar and several other products, there was a suffi-
cient evidence given to the country of the policy which
they intended to follow There might be suffering and
distress in individual cases, but these were occurrences
which followed in all such cases ; but that was

'ng

cAmic

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treater thwtotoion in pric.,s than nag
.
nbers might expict to see the Right lion. Barcnet
head 'of the Government coining down to the
to reffulate trade.—

f the

lead to

y

Colonies,
largo ni

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col

Kline Ir

N';,....''-i'led •faile-r'ej 'ir the'. ip7,t17:"0 ;rap'i.l.l‘'ir:i;;;(l:a I (Hear, hea.x.). lie belnwed that if the propos:lt ‘,.
lii -Why which no one more s;neerely deplored than Right }lon. Baro:let were. passed into. a law it wool]]
.
r,talit„.l 3e2. there was no real ground to tibia ehend a have the effect of reducing the capital of the traders o!
leaps le that country, for every report stated that the this country ; and, consequently, the amount of English
seat leroe was a large one. Looking at the return speculation and enterprise ; and turther, that the scheme
that adlitelY been pre:entel to that House, he found would be found to be of far greater advantage to the
a6o,,.between the sth July, 1545, and the sth Jan., 184 e, foreign than to our own manufacturers.—(gear;
SekTra million quarters of grain, and more than a hear.) He could not preteed to say that he had
eats" weight of beans, had been imported into this never been of a contrary opinion, but his belief at the
tare/:, This did not look much like a famine. That 1 present time.was. that it would lead to agricultural &s-
-kew, ''' no ground for an apprehension of a famine he I tress ; that it would also tend to lower wages in this
at te_ut .they had ample proof in the fact,. that country—(Hear)—and that the working classes would
to e time when the Rigorders. If
epee ht lion. Baronet wished find themselves injared before the higher .
ri, • the ports, tire price of wheat in this die proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet. passed the House
.0.- _. .
Ile. '3' "as 563. 2d., a price which the . Right Hon. tut y might henceforth consider free trade to be the ruling
Ise_."et himself considered in 1842 to be a fair price. principle of her Majesty's Government —(Opposition
litici:rih...e, trust d, the Hous, would not consider thst he i elieers)—and that sooner or later every interest must
Ilea u, Le
the responsibility ot a Prime Minister; f•rr I bow before it.—(l-.l.e.er, hear.) When they had removed
Ilitter`rit:Le was fully alive to the anxiety which a hli- i eretee ion from agricultural reduce he could not see
peted,i ,t feel at a time when a scarcity was a•eicie I Ai th what
other.—(He
House could continue 'protectiOn
Hear, hear.) He felt convinced that
Weise e and he was fully aware that at such a thee, arid i upon any he
here
than usual!
circumstances, a Lord Lieutenant wuuld be the shippingtifittree.retis(otoa.Lid all other interests must give up
iefero"ao usually anxious to supply the Minister with all claim ii (Hear.) Of what use would their
crop :I:i' il upon a Abject of a deficient potato navigationto lawsre protection.—(Hear.)
be ? The greatest interests in the
had no often and as frequently as possible. lie . country. must be neglected if this removal of agricultural
the R. doubt that the alarming paragraphs which I protection should take place. Where the sweeping
5i,,4
l'gh.t. Hon. Baronet read to them on a former octa- torrent was to
he for
when the barriers had been
tfleest.'seic a great impression on his mind ; but when I broken down,
et,
o'suihe,kit Hoe. Baronet was considering the question, 'he felt convinced that it justice were to
es theeent to have taken into his consideration the state be done to all parties, no rot, etion should
ne ie.::th arkets in this country. • He believed there wi-r,. ' continue in the eve.nt of the prrfssnt Government
ele. / 'les who e melted the progress of the nation more scheme being carried in.o effect.—(Hear, hear.) If they
tie'aeesth, sited eho knew es well the probable chances or ook the case of the Noble Lordopposite (Lord J. Rus-
the ' 1 ) I to it '
ehs,iebnance or scarcity in the country, as corn mer- se 1 --I he were come into power again, he (Mr.
uts• Had it been the unanimous opinem of all parties Miles) felt confident that the Noble Lord must Outbid
Bartle suhieet tl.at a famine might he: ant:cipated, he was tin.• Right Honourable Baroliet—(Hear, hear)—or
e., - . •
Iv, i lne tenant farmers and landlords of the country if he did not intend to do that, he (Mr. Miles)
to thil have joined with hint in asking the Government would be glad to hear from him what were his opinions
sihaiihit all the produce or grain which they could pos- upon the subject. Let him (Mr. Miles) take the case of
ori get to drive away the famine, be the consequences the Anti-Corn-law League. Would they dissolve ?
s the act whet they might; but e' thought they had Would they retire into private life ?—(Loud laughter.)
CiVle prop, in the prie, of wheat that there' was no' such W sold the Hon. Member for Stockport—would the Hon.
Le
tie_e:til(ol boeotanitileclippattehrii: an d 'without wishing to impute, :Wernher for Durham—cease to agitate ? Was he (Mr.
king, that the cause of pro- Miles) not to suppose that others would rise up in their
'4'9 had long been destined in his mind.—(Cheers.) places to agitate some other question 2—(Hear.) He
as
avY 4.4 been called mein to look upon this question thought that if those opinions were once sanctioned by
leatewr4°le, and he was quite prepared to take up the the Legislature,' others of a similar nature would quickly
e°/iPreh"t as a thing of detail, but as a portion of a meet with determined advocates.—(Hear, hear.) He
theensive policy He was quite prepared
.to view thought that the Right Hon. Baronet would find that
he .tesubdeeet in this light, and in doing so he had only fanned the flame whilst he fancied he
that side' ask whether the gentlemen sitting on was extinguishing it.—(Hear, hear.) But when we
Usel e , of the House were ready to aban- had got this free trade, as proposed by the Right Hon.
the malt's like protection, and looking upon Baronet, (which he would certainly call a one• sided
thew,
}leer
in the way in which it had been put before free trade.)—(Hear, hear)—if he rightly understood the
thseattle. would ask the Members of that House whether Right Hon. Baronet he meant this, that every
import
nit e rt'ady to assert that in oration this measure pean, every foreign, nation should be allowed to import
tita ? Prre fair and just to every class in the cOmnius their goods into this country free of duty without any
eny par4.ti. Petting this inquiry he had no reference to corresponding advantage in return—he thought that the
in a aetilar interest, for he was equally engaged manufacturers of this country would find it exceed-
Ipl:Zetilu elij:t 1 y knew with what ability the Right ingly difficult to compete with foreign nations un-
hal rr reble Baronet at the head of the Government less they reduced the wages of their labotners—
urged the existence and preservation of (Hear, hear)—for already we were successfully c_ioemr-
of ea 'u duties. He knew what an immense amount peted with by the foreign markets—by those of te . -
/tight or :
, matron, after thirt 'ears' exuerienee, that many, Switzerland, and France, in cotton goods, in
Ile il°n- Gentleman meat have attained.L-(Cheers.) hosiery, and in silks—(Hear, hear)—and unless this
knewltiht, at the same time with •what readiness that country had some additional advantage over foreign
Ject. .„1". Baronet could change his views of a sub- countries, it would be impossible for the manufacturers
in to with with what talent lie was ready to advocate ef this country successfully to compete with them.
ciaerit'L:louse the opinions he now entertained.—(Loud. We have heard, also, from the Right Hon. Baronet at
Islet:l4e) , He should , wish to know whether the the head of her Majesty's Government that the price of
"I::
tti;ihre:7l-itriflitshat House, who were now eo reasly to food does not affect the rate of 'wages—(Hear, hear)—
timer e Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the and he considered it not at all unlikely that agricultural
present proceedings, had been moved labourers would be employed upon railways, and other
Ve;)a.. interest or ►their convictions to the Present line works, at a far higher rate of wages than was now paid
th'eellier? lie would wish to know how many of them to them. The manufacturer possessed great advantages
tectise monthsi ago were prepared to abandon pro- over the agriculturist. He had an establishment much
mess .ities, and' to agree with so much readi- better adapted for the purposes of supervision, and he
of free "0 vote the doctrines and practice could look upon all his workmen at one glance—each.
exhieit-, trade. He really thought the answer would has his appointed piece, and each his allotted task. What
flee,__' "rious.contrast between profession and prac- cares the manufacturer what weather takes place? What
of th,n(i'-'0U(11 cheers.) He wished to know how many is it to him if the sun shines or the rain pours down?
Iletem, at that time were prepared to vote with the But, Sir, can we sly so of the farmer? Can he look
really
hilaberfor WolverhamPton—(Mr•Villiers)?—how with one glance upon his farm and his workmen? Is
,that them, had at that time oPPesed the measures of he subject to no vicissitudes of weather? Is he sure of
'.4r Ste Gentleman and of the Honourable Member reaping what he has sown? Dues he always
sties c4,P"rt (Mr. Cobden ?—Loud cheers.) A obtain his twelve hours' work from his la-
tlctees enange had come over the views of these gen- bourers, as these manufacturers do ? Can
withinoppone_thelast three years,forthere werenogreater he limit their labour and sternly demand ofd them
tee 'Tits of the views of the-e Hon. Gentlemen than their twelve hours' toil ?—(Hear, hear.) Or
.o t they
thau Vie were now their most efficient supporters. He sternly refuse to allow a reduction of two hoursd moil:eat;
Lee gee t, for his Own
part, that if any such great change daily labour as these manufacturers do ?—(Hear,
as,
it eoerlee over their minds as they now represented that hear.) Much might •be said to show thattherew
stit4-oh' have been their 'duty to appeal to their con- between the agricultural and the manufacturing interest
The la„t8-' and imitate the example of the Noble Lord, those differences which would not admit of their. l being
'east -.- Member for Dorsetshire. They would then at governed by the same laws and the
.same princip es.—
l'oulee Placed themselves in a right position—they (Hear, hear.) It would task the energies of the labourers
their l°;;;:e given an opportunity-for the termination of to the utmost if protection were to be 'taken from
•;:sararsioatei-Aatgetiniteeynts and in the succeeding session of them. Again, what advantages have the manufacturers over
Would have stood before the country the. agriculturist with reterence to the burdens they
he veil ?t.honolir, princi le, and truth. But what, now both had to bear ? He held in his hand a return.from
t'°efid'euilee ask, was the popsiiion of Parliament? What one of the largest manufacturers of cotton in the country.
alsititee. , e Could be placed in the proesedinees of a publtc In that return he found that the amount of the work
Such t re,,' ' tor his own part, he thought that when turned out in one year amounted to a trifle more than
e end oeversstion as this was practisee, there was an 700,0001., that the wages paid during that was 30,0001.,
more he Puhiie eenfidence in public men. The and the whole amount of the burdens amounted to the
convinced ert'Lr'd this qaestion the more he was small sum of 5501., a sum scarcely worth noticing:—
from the G
vaa the propositions which had emanated (Hear, hear) When he looked at the compensation
ethr°°ol Peer erntnent otieht not to be allowed to pass offered to the 'landed interest for this protection
eountey '
waY4lttent before the deliberate opinion ot the which they were called up en now to give
.up,
taken
',lsle could 0 - with respect to them.—(Cheers.) the consolidation of highways, the payment of medical
'ssed b°,t), ag.nree in the opinion which had been ex- officers, making together a trifling sum of some three
that they --e ee'ght Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) or four hundred thousand pounds, spread over the whole
%airily Prosperity they had recently - enjoyed was kingdom in such a manner as scarcely to be felt, he
from tiring to the measures he had brought forward considered they would have been more pleased if the
the affair'
t° time.—(Hear, hear.) Look at the state of Right Hon. Baronet had offered them nothing at alt.
Silk (I.;_r' °f this country when the Noble Lord oppo- They were told by her Majesty's Goverhment that in
fake'r'l J. Russell) retired from office, and wneg the the West India colonies free lab?ur had done much for
fake
,S honourable) Baronet was called to fill the that part of the world.—(Cheers from the Opposition.)
revoseide held. At his accession great confidence was Ile would not detain the House with contrary proofs.
the t° hie' ;he had a large majority in that Muse; They would be told that in the next year, or before
----ia trade-s of the country was in a critical state the year forty-eight, that the West India colonies would
'euenehestate of the greatest depression, the real Dense- derive benefit from tree trado—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir,
atte, of which was in his (Mr. Miles's) opinion, to be if they were to getfree trade he would ask what use were
*hieueut had
to bad harvests, and to the immense trade the coloniet?—(Hear.) He had no objection to extend the
Period Iliad taken place fir years before. It was at this principle of free trade, but the Government did not
*flys
.t"4t. the large amount of caPital invested in rail- propose to extend the principle of free trade to the
hested‘sas found to answer. They had seen since that colonies. If they did, why did they not propose to take
lie On t(-) whlt extent spedulation in railways had gone. off the duty on their corn, their maize, and their other
aki Cael could have foreseen the great increase which commodities, which they could send into this country in
%see tete', Place i's railways—no ot.e ccule have fore- abundance ?—(llear.) Why did they not give greater
the l seluseeMgrnegactleamssepslo.l7Hentara.apich they have given to advantages to the colonies than they now propose.
So great was the demand of a total repeal of protective duties were advantageous
tel,:titiurers in connexion with' these great works, to the country ?—(Loud cheers.) They gave the traders,
(Atte 1 many counties in England none could be merchants, and manufacturers of this country a decided.
TheattUd fur the ordinary purposes of agriculture, preference over the colonies.--(Hear, bear.) It• they
Via' -e
t,h'Y must look -to the great in- were to have free trade they should in justice extend it
in en e, ,in the iron trade, The price of to the colonies also. They should no longer allow the
Or le 'ae been more than doubled within the last two manufacturers of this country to have a monopoly.
re are Years, and if he might judge from the number They must enable their colonies to form a connexion
Its suways aahich would receive the assent of the independent of this country.—elicar and cheers from the
eiaste,4 during the present session, a relapse in that de- Opposition.) They had heard the system characterised
could not be apprehended at least for as pp
system of fair play, and they were told that
irane, time to come. Let them look at the increased the colonies were treated fairly, and that the pros
tcjethoralersetwii.lu:'tsntwo'hfictrhadtheis increase in the iron trade would have purity of the country depended on the measure ,
whole trade of the country. In this trade of th-e Right Honourable Baronet.—(lronical cheers.)
wages of those engaged in it had been : trebled. He feared that the manufacturers of this ccuntry were
•,,,C, when they took these things into conideration, too Much etimulated, an that it was ot safe to extend
St4n, they saw the periodical fluctuation of prides which the enterprise of indi ideals; and her was sure the pro •
es, always taken place—when they saw the increased press of trade would prove his fears were not unfounded.
ira4telraPtien which must 'result from the great activity lie felt and begged to emphatically state, that
ieeees_ its well as in other trades and which was quite he believed he was advocating the best in-
the war
of the Right lion. Baronet's measures—that terest of this country,_ both the manufacturers
kti "in India had terminated—that trade had been I and the agriculturists,
.ad every class of British sub-
ene) ,
t(k),l i`ed—that they had bad a succession of I jects, by their advocating protective duties.—(Cheers.)
eeharvests since the Right Honourable Baronet's I lie begged to move the amendment of which he had
h.ee.s4h'il to
The e seeributed,oarlisee—when he knew all this I already giving notice.
te ts'ilild hardly believe that all these advantages were
.Shr :WILLIAM HEATHCOTE would ask per-
gHon.
the Ri ht Baronet stated, to 'elision to second the amendment moved by the
t"ras‘),„P..c.rehtiur. of the measures which he had brought Honoura.ble Member who had just sat down.
Why "I ise d carried through the House.—(Cheer a.) i lie considered the measure of the Minister insufficient
ii theVY oi' these advantages would hive taken place I when takenseparatTelhheyanodverdieosotkreudettivhee oefvileaocfh
sohtahker_
se uteee ble 1 Jord opposite (Lord J. Lussell) had been 1 when combined.
ee"tn., tue .---(11% a) Neither could he believe that large itee the settlement of that.
hver,yas HooouwseheofofrePtahrlet.
ill'irsuishr_r:iti;.- ar-)
were evidences of the country's anent upon the question whic w .
toteset oe Tl-:?eay had_
osteenchifiolart n markets—the He believed that the Minister, in proposing these
;mhetai-t
glutted withsures, had the best interests of the counrtry
weir, sine
e':iii(-11. and
;Nee ' :"Li "tiler goods of this China—glutted
which , he intended to oppose them, as he be teveld them pre-
;
, ", in eesitire some time to be got rid of judicial to those very interests. He did not consider
t-ortelidie Welt-ile'2hid.reing the details of this measure, the first • the measures of the Minister a large, or liberal, or im-
quo assure eeei telt bound. to notice was corn. He partial scheme for carrying out the principles of free
1 sheee` House that it was not his intention to , trade, for he was forced to remember that • pro-
' with • -3'? ihatle Right lion. Baronet which he had I teethe duties were removed from some articles, whilst
::prbee: lett
diiii;' el h at;uorc;
limo, -on that question, so as to charge him ,on others a very inadequate reduction had been made.
that st, is sistency on that subject —(Hear ) ele knew ' But, if he did consider them impartial, he would bedisposed
eheould have no weight with the lion -e to object to them, as he believed they would be a step in
, Baronetw had told them that he had the downward course. He believed that the legislation
Vole nij'i his prin 'pt and that he now.propose'e to ', for the last twenty years had been productive of evils
'''' thJep';`le law sehieniii ells; himself had passed in 1842. ' far beyond weat were generally observed—the poison
she Ests'hilt Ilsotns.,Bwa'trhoneet consideredthe that essential to I h-id been concealed, but it was not the loss dangerous.
Lszoetilii inters (Mr. Miles) fur one
;Cut it was not impartial—it was anything but so. It
'44, tree ''°,t illatne him ebut°'hinc c(3)7.A.1cl not consent to follow was not so in appearance, and it was less so ind
ttite eit: e;laniSe his 01;iniuu so suddenly.—(Cheers.) The reality. It was not in appearance, because it di
]fir! '842, he b,etieved had been admitted by all not profess to take an adequate- ratio in the removal
Sas•
ha
`Celle, e• se" worked well as far as the corn-laws went. of protective impositions. If the
different branches
:Pries '' 8., It had condueed to geeat steadiness of of industry were to have protection in
propertion to the
.4"tiehaed' as fur as heman calculation could gO, he amount ,it manual labour employed in them, then that
ilects‘te; t had answered the Riht lin. Baronet's ex- department in which most manual labour was
hte)xo-r
aireea :trils• Under that law the night' Hon. Baronet had pended had least protection. Those branches of. a
I:at:eel:1r.
4:onletrtiev:l,ciaft 565., as being a fair price for the where machinery was employed did not
iraeterdiretoan4
the
l'eand he (Mr. Mils weuld like to ask the Right —(Hear)—and by the measure contemplated
price he considered a fair prise for brought in by the Government agriculture was left
whet reuhcr now,—(('beers.) ) would he glad to know without any protection at all. The measure contem-
ajll 'tee " aim, d at .uedsr lie
a repeal of that law ? plated was based on a misunderstanding of the whole
ehane consider that this measure' profered such great subject.—(l-lear, hear.) The farmer, in comparison withi
,441"txt%"itlgue,s. etc; tlithehf'airreer as to consPensate hire for the other persons engaged in industrial occupations in his
ih.. alto told them ]that fori.l corn, which Hon. G-n- own country, and with foreign agriculturists, was notd
kind itl_.'lPPesite suppessil ? Bat' the Hon. Gentleman in the same advantageous position. He will be foun
'es ser 'see he r te not v. , mider that
.the exposed. to a very unequal pressure cf taxation. He
ir,et.:)2,1.7, ..N.lileays)orailisdlcbethreeduced by this uesiteure- Might was obliged to submit to a large amount of local expen
Right lion. Baronet why he desire, which in foreign countries was defrayed at the
to e, „," kin: law ? And if the Right I ion. Baronet's ar- general charge.— (Hear.) At that moment also he was
. tee_ Its were
,good, might he ask what twee= of the under the pressure of the incoeue-tax—under er thef stampi
easleh's le lit of Wee. Gentlemen opposite with respect. to tl,e laws ; he will also be found under a weighto meaty
told Pse 1` a 1 ? The Right flonoutaNe Gentleman indirect taxation in the Custom!. and Excise.
()Dee se -la one etery, and Honeurable Gentlemen It will he found, too, that while the
form I n
theu
VI ',.twtis,tee told them anuther. Was he not ,ilistithel, then, lecturers are able to • have quick returns
reees,-Itttg, Parties to hesitate before they il.keel for that capital they have embarked, the agriculturisttr has. to wait
teet Jets: ss tid informing the country of. his conviction a lung time before be receives any. return.—(Hear.)
utee
,(rHeoasre.,);
itibeeut,,,,is!mrveea, wasthat ntoht,:leecesys,ity for the proposed change ? He 'Sir. W. H. referred to those details or. h
tzPueii.i.e,d:slp,)..sod uced by as a vast difference between c• ,n sidering the great questien of compensation.lle.aaer.,)l
good harvests and cheapness He could not agree with that view which wouldowerpsl
of
the importaiion of corn. He was afreid the country at the mercy of the foreign
ritieulatioli iglu Hon. Baronet had been misled in his corn. Ile could not forget that the farmersgr of this
Purity e ' aid had overestimated the pros country had for the last fifty years met the wants of the
A. 1' whi&e this country had been placed. consumers cf corn produce according to the protection
geat r
este, mate "'tete, on this subject—an authority which had been afforded them. He had supported
`• Cheal,rte'ls be .gleant Mr. Ruskisson—had said, . el inisters in their Canadian policy, but he could
dn.ot
aereedl, iese prodectel by importation of corn from support them in a m ,asure. which would work to the !s-
-and he th
t.
IS 11,Q :Ain. forerunner of scarcity, hut a bleeds' advantage of ,the interest of the country generally.
tee,i' iiPlitY is the only s-i',. c• e- il• th ' ' mate pri,,,, 5, ,• . .". :,•A A 4 1).1 Wl' stead 3 and Her i j ,y.
h:rn ilien (Al
r.
' I II hill'est 's Ministers were now about to
which
Mites was of that opinion, • pert with ati those commercial advantages
growth wer
thought
that no check should be given to the Napoleon, in the plenitude of his po
the
,
:-., this country, for he con- would have considered cheap if purchased by half h

no reason why this measure should not be
carried into law.—(Hear, hear.) He was so little
accustomed to addressing this House, that he trusted
he would be excused for having trespassed on its at-
tention so long. But he had a strong feeling upon this
subject ; and while he expressed his sentiments as he had
done, he was placed in the painful position, of
adopting a course at variance with the opinions
and wishes of his constituents ; but he could
look back upon his past connexion with them with
pride and satisfaction.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord NORREYS said that having sepported the
Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Go-
vernment in a4i his measures for this country, as
well as in all his Irish policy, it was with considerable
regret that he now rose to express his opinions upon
the proposition now before the House. He waited to
hear the Hon. Baronet's explanation before he had taken
any course in reference to them, because he did think
that to attack him before he had developed those
measures wculd be unfair and unmanly, and if he (Lord
Norreys) had done so, he would stand degraded in his
own eyes as well as in the estimation of this
House.—(Hear, hear.) No doubt, the letter of
the Noble Lord the Member for London,
as well as other events that had taken place, had caused
a necessity for some alteration in the existing state of
the laws upon this subject. He did not expect that
the Right Honourable Baronet would propose such
a measure. He was free to admit the diffi
culty with which he must have made up
his mind for any alteration in the corn-laws, but he
might have avoided the difficulty to a considerable
extent. He might have taken a course which would have
opened the eyes of the agriculturists to the position in which
they then stood. If the Right Hon. Baronet had refused
to return to power until the Noble Duke had had the
Government offered to him, he would have adopted the
proper course.—(Cheers and laughter.) That vas the
course which would have opened the eyes of the agri-
culturists, and would have enabled the Honourable
Baronet to have proposed a far different measure.
He was sorry that the course taken by the
Right Hon. Baronet was not in accordance with the
advice he gave in 1839. There was more necessity for
an alteration then than there was now. Was the con-
duct-of the Right Honourable Baronet consistent with
his measures in 1839, 41, and 42 ? lie had once objected
to a duty of Bs, per quarter, and he now came to Parlia-
ment to propose a duty of 4s. and that to be followed
by total repeal. What inference could he draw but
that the Right Honourable Baronet had been
wanting, not in political integrity, but in po-
litical foresight. He had heard his Friend, the
Right Hon. Member for Edinburgh, upbraid him with
inconsistency in his political priaciples with re-
gard to the corn-laws. Ile (the Right lion. Member
tor Edinburgh) had charged the Right Hon. Baronet
with declaring one thing out of office and another while
in office, anehad, during his remarks, used a quotation
which he (Lord Morris) thought very applicable to
the case, and which were simpy the words of
Dido, " Nusquam - tufa fides."—(Loud laughter.)
He should say, that if the measure should be carried it
would not be carried from the conviction of its wisdom
or necessity, but because, seeing that the thing was
inevitable, the supporters of. the Right Honourable
Baronet would prefer doing for him what they would
not be inclined to no for the Noble Lord opposite (Lord
John Russell). But why, supposing that the First
Minister of the Crown thought fit to change his opi-
nions, should his followers change theirs ?—(Hear, hear,
and laughter.) Whatever might be the result of the
measure, for the consequences the Right. Hon. Baronet
should be responsible.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. B. COCHRANE could not agree in the notions
of many gentlemen who preceded him ; and, looking to
the history of the corn-laws, he was compelled to say
that he did not see any violation of principle
(as we understood the Honourable Member) in
the present conduct of the Ministry. Protection existed
previous to the Revolution. An alteration took place in
the laws in the year 1773, and again in 1791. The next
alteration took place in 1822, and subsequently in 1842,
when the Bill was introduced, which they were then
called upon to overthrow altoeether.—(Hear, hear.)
In all this there was no prircipFe, or if there were, it
arose from a breach of faith. There was another point
in which he differed with the Honourable Gentleman
who had addressed the House. It had been stated that
Members of Parliament had no right to support
this measure, unless they first appealed to
their constituents. The authority. of Mr. Pitt had
been asked, and great importance was attached to his
opinion. Now, what said Mr. Pitt in 1798, when pro-
posing the legislative union with Ireland? He said
if the question of Parliamentary confidence was sepa-
rated from Parliament, on the principle
that it had no right to decide without
an appeal to the people, they would be adopting
an principleotnd oe
of all
s tma nodps
rt
isdntaiecni
hpgl eears o
puorsri
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cooi
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itheltei,.c
as
lt aHst
oeec, aemnd one t
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under
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the
Roman Catholic Relief Bill was carried by a House
returned on priuciples opposed to that measure. It
was impossible to desne the limits of Parliamentary ac-
countability. If the principles maintained by the
Honourable Gentleman who had addressed the
house in favour of protection was to be acted upon,
it would make that House a mere assembly
of delegates, instead of a deliberative and legisla-
tive asssembly, leaving gentlemen divested of
the privilege of argument and reflection.—(Hear,
hear.) It would be most dangerous and derogatory
to the character of that House, if it was to be
held that no Member should be at liberty to
alter his opinion, supposing he had seen good reason
Tor that change. The Right Hon. Gentleman at the
head of the Government had been charged with great
inconsistency in bringing forward this measure. He
(Mr. B. Cochrane) did not see that other public gentle-
men were more consistent than the Right Hon.
Baronet. Honourable Gentlemen were in the habit of
quoting Hansard to serve their purposes, but that pub-
lication would serve the purposes of others as well as
those who used it. One gentleman quoted Mr. Hus-
kisson's opinion in 1814, while another quoted his
opinion in 1828. They might refer to what Mr. Can-
ning said in 1827, in contrast with what he advanced in
1815. He might refer to Lord Ashburton, who was now
an advocate of protection, yet who in 1820 presented
a petition from the citizens of London, praying for a
total repeal of all commercial restrictions
" Facies non omnibus una."
lie could not agree that all public men were dishonest
because they changed their opinions. On
either side such a doctrine wss unfair.—(Hear.)
It was ridiculous to propose an unalterable law. Who-
ever did so was an unalterable fool—(Great laughter)—
but a public question was not like a meta-
physical question ; he would say himself, if he
might be allowed so long to trespass on the House,
that he had seen many changes, and he did lament the
necessity that drove a nation on from change to change.
Why, they had seen an entire change in their commercial
relation proposed within the last. twelve days; they
found those changes going on perpetually. They
found many changes within the last six years.
Who could say that this law was to re-
main unchanged? There was another point to which
he would wish to draw attention, and that was with re-
ference to the Reform Bill. He wished to remind them
how that Bill was passed. Who were in effice when
the Reform Bill passed? Why, the Noble Duke now
in office was at the head of the Agri-
cultural Association, when that Bill passed.
There was another Noble Lord associated with their
Majesty's Government at that period, who was now se-
parated from them. The Government ,of that day, of
which that Noble Lord was a member, threatened to
swamp the House if that Bill were not passed.
An Hos. MEMBER interrupted, but in so low a tone,
that he was quite inaudible in the gallery.
Mr. B. COCHRANE would affirm that such was the case.
But it mattered not.
.In .the Government the people had

THE SUN LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, is 4

confidence. When the Right lion. Baronet resigned the post
he held, the funds fell, but the instant he resumed his official
position they rose. In these times it was important to have a
Government in which the people could place confidence; and
this should not be overlooked in a discussion like the one be-
fore the 11 ,use ; but they must not forget that there were
parties in the country who had no confidence in the Govern-
ment, or in the measures which they had brought forward.
This was ably urged by the Noble Lorkopposite (Lord John
Russell) in his addresss to his constituents, and said there
should be no surrender of those principles which the present
Government had pledged themselves to support. If the Hon.
Baronet, in bringing forward this measure had talked of the
clamour which had been raised against these duties which b.,
proposed to reduce, or abolish—had he staied that he had
given way in consequence of the agitation that had been
carried on iri the country—that fact he had
been obliged to surrender his conqt;*ntious opinions
to the pressure from without, he could have under-
stood his position, and aided in extricating from the difficulties
which environed him, but he did not state anything of the
kind. He only stated that his opinions had undergone a great
change, and that he founded the measure he had brought for-
ward on this alteration. Let them take any person unbiassed
by party feeling or by prejudice, and if they told him that all
the wealth and greatness of this country had grown up under
three institutions, which every other country envied. but
which none had successfully imitated—if you said it had grown
up principally under the reign of Tory Ministers, all in favour
of the relaxation of commercial restrictions—under the go-
vernment of such men as Lord North, Mr. Pitt, Mr, Hus-
kisson, and Mr. Canning—he could scarcely be brought to
believe that such changes had been proposed by a statesman
who had stated that he was a surporter of the principles advo-
cated by the-e great men. Mr. Pitt, in bringing forward
his commercial treaty with France in 1787, spoke in similar
language to that used by the Right Hon. Baronet the other night.
Who could accuse a man of inconsistency because he said that
he could not see why there should not be a kindred spirit be-
tween a free commerce and a free country? When the .present
measure was brought forward, in 1842, by the Right Hon. Ba•
ronet, what he ( Mr. Cochrane) said was this—that he thought
that any state in the agricultural interest was better than a
state of uncertainty. Now, he would ask the House whether
there had been any confidence in the country since that period?
The farmers had entertained differences as to whether the
corn-laws would be repealed in five or ten years; but on this
point they were agreed, vis., that the corn-laws could not be
maintainett. Now, Hon. Gentlemen around him might say

corn-laws ought to be interfered with. He feared that
if we have to purchase corn from foreign countries, the specie
of this country would be carried out of it, and that this defalca-
tion in the amount of the specie which went out of the Bank
of England, combined with the limitation of the paper money
issue, would , occasion great confusion, in fact, ruin both in
commercial and agricultural pursuits. Looking with these
views on the subject, and bearing strongly in mind the lan-
guage of the Right Hon. Baronet and his colleagues in 1812
on this question, he could not consistently with his own con-
victions follow him ( Sir R. Peel) and give his support to the
measure. He desired to thank the House for their kind atten •
tion on this his first attempt at addressing them, and would
sit down trusting that Divine providence would enable them
so to shape their measures with moderation and justice that
the issue would result in benefit to the whole nation.
Sir J. WALSH thought that the party to which he was
attached must be admitted to be the organ of opinion of a
great multitude of the population of this country, and he thought
they might come forward to defend themselves from imputa-
tions of a personal character which had been showered upon
them throughout the country. The Honourable Gentlemen
opposite had held them up as the weak and impotent advocates
of a base and selfish monopoly. They bad been represented as
acting by no other method, and impelled by no other aim, than
that of maintaining the rent of the landlords. He thought that
they appeared before the House under circumstances of great
disadvantage, as they had been deprived, by the sudden change
of opinion of the Right Honourable Baronet, of the able advo-
cacy of their case, on which on former occasions they were ac-
customed to depend. The Right Honourable Gentleman had
accompanied his measure with some proposals of compensation
and alleviation to the landlords. They (the landlords) were
bound to give their opinion, and to defend their character from
the charges which had been brought against them. He would
deny that they considered this matter as a question of rent, and
of rent alone. But before he entered on that subject, he
would ask, whether, if they were to argue the question on that
narrow basis—whether, if they were to consider it on the cir-
cumscribed circle of rent—if, even on that ground, it was not
a question which might not well engage the attention of the
House ? From the return of 1843, which had been moved for,
by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, it appeared that the
amount at which the rental of land in England had been
assessed to the income-tax was 45,750,0001. This was the
amount in Great Britain alone ; and he thought a further sum
of from 15,000,00 W. to 20,000,0001. for the rental of Ireland
was only a fair average. This was a question of rent, involving
the consideration of a sum amounting to 60,000,0001. of yearly
income. He would a.k, how was this income divided? When
Hon. Gentlemen opposite talked about the rents of
the landlord, which had been published in their
addresses throughout the country, immediately nothing else
was suggested than the territorial revenue of some great pro-
prietors, of some Duke of Northumberland, Duke of Bedford or
Sutherland, or some of those wealthy commoners whose
domainsHnnse that
h ofnt theh e
rpeee we peerage itself
entirehoweverEnglandin whichremindthe Heco would
counties
there was no such thing, comparatively speaking, as an estate.
There were counties in which small plots of land were owned
and cultivated by yeomen—by farmers, to whom the lands
had descended by a long ancestry, who themselves held
and cultivated the soil. Another most numerous
class was the small retired tradesman, who with that love of
rural life which characterises an Englishman, had invested the
fruits of a life of industry, strict and successful enterprise, in the
purchase of land. Mr. M'Cullock had estimated the number
of landed proprietors, small and large, of Great Britain, at
200,000. Thus 200,000 persons, with their families and do-
mestics, dependent upon them, were interested directly in
that question of land. He would say, on that ground the
question should not be considered as a mere narrow class in-
terest. The land inte, est was one on which depended the well
being of a great proportion of the people. The question must
necessarily involve in it the interest of the tenant-farmer, and
of all connected with agriculture. The Right Hon. Baronet
who had brought forward the measure, had stated that the
great relaxation which would be given to the duties on articles
of consumption, would form a counterbalancing equivalent to
any loss which the farmer might sustain—that the greater
cheapness of many articles would bean equivalent for any dimi-
nution of rent, or for any injury that might accrue from the want
of protection. The theory of rent was a simple one. It depended on
the state of cultivation of land. Good.soils were more profit-
able than poor soils. The profits of the farmer enabled him
to pay proportionably.. But what would be the result if a
great quantity of foreign wheat were brought in, so that the
farmer's profits would be diminished. Why, his capital would
be wasted, and the poorer soil of lands would be thrown out of
cultivation. He would no longer be able to employ his capital
profitably, and the whole agricultural population would feel the
evil effect. Many causes conspired to render protection neces-
sary for the farmer. There were fluctuations in the currency
to which the farmer was exposed equally with those engaged in
commerce and trade. He had also to contend against the will
of Providence as regarded the elements; the vicissitudes of the
weather were fraught with danger to him. Since the year
1815, the population had increased by upwards of six millions,
and what had been the history of commerce and manufactures
since the year 1815 ? Hon. Gentlemen opposite said that re-
strictive laws cramped commerce, and yet, since the period he
had mentioned, a most extraordinary and rapid increase had
taken place in all our staple manufactures. It might, however,
be said that the agriculture of the country had reached its
utmost limit of improvement, and therefore they must look to
other countries for supplies. So far from that being the case,
there never was a period when agriculture was more calculated
to take a great stride in advance. Never was there a period
when capital was more ready to be applied to the improvement
of agriculture than now, if the% would but give it security.
So far from agriculture in this country having reached
its utmost limits of improvement, he believed that it
was at present only in its infancy. Much had been said about
the peculiar burdens on land. Those peculiar burdens had
been denied by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. They were first
denied by the Hon. Member for Montrose and by the Hon.
Member for Sheffield; and it had been asked by those Hon.
Members and others what the peculiar burdens upon land
were. The peculiar burdens upon land pressed as heavily
upon agricultural, as the metropolitan police-rate would upon
the shoemakers of London, if that rate were imposed upon
that body exclusively, and he considered this an apt illustration
of the position of the agriculturists. He could not but look
upon the proposed change as a leap in the dark. The
repeal of the corn-laws would cause corn to come
from quarters from which it was not now expected.
Corn would then be grown in Spain, and sent to this country.
When he was at Hamburgh, in 1813, a merchant informed
him, that it was perfectly practicable to purchase corn in any
quantity at 365. per quarter, and to freight it over to this
country at 4s. per quarter. Indeed such was the competition
between the Danish, the Hanoverian, and Hamburgh ship-
owners, that corn might be sent to Hull or London at Is. per
-quarter. If that were the case, how severely would the pro-
posed messure be felt in this country. The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman took the state of Ireland as one cause for this change.
He (Sir J. Walsh) was too well acquainted with that country,
net to be aware of the appalling consequences that would follow
a failure of the potato crop, and he was perfectly ready
to admit that there was no practicable measure
which they ought not to adopt to.alleviate such a great calamity.
But he could not conceive how a calamity of this sort, which,
however frightful, must, in its very nature, be temporary, could
be made a pound lighter for 'the proposed change. Was the
present state of Ireland a sufficient cause for a permanent alte-
ration of the law ?—( Hear, hear.) The general state of Ireland
was one of the strongest arguments that could be used in
favour of the present lase. Ireland was purely an agricultural
country. There was a denser reputation in that country than
in this, and they were entirely dependent upon agriculture.
The trade in agricultural produce between England and Ire-
land was one of the greatest links and bonds of union that
could possibly exist between the two countries. There
were two great links—one was the trade in agricultural
produce, and the other was the Protestant Church
of Ireland. They were going to destroy the one, let them
take care to defend the other. The Right Honourable
Gentleman based his measure on the experience of the
last three years. He ( Sir J. Walsh) was sure that public
opinion, and that posterity, whose suffrages the Right Hon.
Gentleman was so richly desirous of obtaining, would consider
that another cause had been in operation in England some two
years past, which had had a most powerful effect in producing
this result. He believed that the efforts and funds of the Anti-
Corn-law League had produced the change which that linuse
had been called upon to sanction. The Anti-Corn-law League
Association was the seeond joint stock agitation company which
had produced so important a change in the policy of this coun-
try. Let them read the history of the first, and then let them
solve him this problem:—How many more of these repeal asso-
ciations would it take to crush the independence of Parliament?
—(Cheeri.) This was an evil that some day or other
the Minister would have to grapple with, and this
was a system which could not long co-exist with
the representative Government, but must sooner or later prove
the distruction of its independence. He opposed this measure
because he believed it to be a dangerous experiment upon the
resources of this country, and he opposed it doubly because he
believed it had been brought about by the influence of an asso-
ciation which he considered every lover of order and a regular
Government was bound to oppose.
Mr. B. HOPE wished to say a few words upon this im-
portant measure. He would discuss the question upon the
simple ground of whether or not the present Parliament was
morally as well as equally bound to maintain protection.—
( Cries of " Oh," from the Opposition benches.) Who were
the Parliament that were elected five years ago, and who was
the party that elected them ? In 1841 there was a great
struggle—whether it was right or wrong was not the question—
the Bight Hon. Baronet led that struggle against free trade,
when the Noble Lord. the then Member for the city of Edin-
burgh, made a last effort to maintain the Whig Government
which had existed since the year 1830, and which in
the national course of events had become a great fete.
The Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, brought
forward a measure for free trade, but the opposition of the To-
ries compelled the Noble Lord to appeal to the country upon it,
and then in the teeth of the cry of " cheap bread" they were
returned to the present Parliament, pledged as protectionists,
and pledged to crush repeal. The people returned the Right
Hon. Baronet as the leader of that party, and now, in the year
1846, they were called upon to pass the very same measure—
nay, a stronger and more sweeping measure, if possible, which
they had pledged themselves to their constituents to oppose,
right or wrong. This had now become a matter of principle ;
and by what measure of political expediency any change could
be justified, he was at a loss to understand.—
(Hear, hear.) To be sure the Right Honourable Baronet
was elected in 1841 by his party, and he is still their leader,
but the Right Hon. Baronet should recollect, neither himself
nor the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, nor
the Hon. Member for Stockport, nor any. other leader of any
political party, was such by hereditary right. He was the leader
of his party simply and solely, as being she exponent of their
principles, and of course he maintained that position as long as
their principles agreed; and it could not be a matter of sur-
prise to him it his party, finding that he has altered or de-
serted the principles by which they elected hint, should again
retire to chose their own leader, or each to take his own line
for himself.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Such ought to be
the case now, for the Right Hon. Baronet has brought for-
ward a free trade measure, in a speech abounding in the
same glowing eloquence as that which he used while tram-
pling under his feet, in that House of Commons, or that
Parliament, and during the early debates of the present Par-
liament, the very principles of which this measure was to
carry
out.—( Hear, hear.) And upon what ground was this change
to be made? Last Tuesday week they were all present, and
heard the grounds, and what were they? They had a long
and very clear exposition of the Right Hon. Baronet's views ;
but what were the arguments which the Right Hon. Baronet
advanced to shoo that the measure, which in 1841 would have
been the destruction of the kingdom, should now be its salva-
tion. What'did the Right Hon. Baronet mean by true Con-
servative policy, or what was true Conservative policy ? To-
ryism was a tangible thing—Whigism was a tangible thing—
Protectionism was a tangible thing—and so was free trade.
All these things have their meanings, but what meaning was
there in the new word Conservatism?—that word which he heard
in 1832, at a time when the old Tory party, finding a difficulty
in gathering together under their old banner, ventured to rally
round and support—what? Toyrism ? no; Whigism? no;
but Conservatism. Toryism and Whigism was now no more ;
and, in his opinion, Conservatism ought long ago to have been
sent to the catacomb of all the hoaxes.—(Laughter.) The
Right Hon. Baronet came down to that House in the end of
1841, to advocate protection, and for what reason? Why, be.
because it was consistent ; and now, in the beginning of 1846,
the same Right Hon. Baronet came down to that House to
advocate Conservatism ; and what did he say was his reason
for doing so ? Why, because it was consistent with the
principles of true Conservatism. This might be true Con-
servative policy, but it was not the policy to serve the intention

that the reason was that the farmers had no confidence in
Ler Majesty's Government. —( Hear,) There had certainly been
of late a great change in the policy of the country • but he
keew that in Scotalnd the farmers had openly said that they
were totally indifferent about the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.)
In Scotland they gave nineteen years leases, and he believed
if thcj did the same thing in England there would be much
more indifference among the English farmers than there now
was with respect to the corn-laws. —( Hear, hear.) In all
times of excitement, the people considered the Prime Minister
either the greatest saviour or traitor of his country; as in
ancient times the people of Rome pronounced the chief of the
Senate to be either a lord or a tyrant. He ( Mr. Cochrane)
considered the Right Hon. Baronet to be neither the one nor
the other—(Laughter)—but he slid consider him to be a Mi-
nister who had done his best for the gorid of his country in her
emergencies.—( Hear, hear.) In 1830 a case exactly parallel
occurred—the Right Hon. Baronet lost his office, and we had
a Whig Government. He ( Mr. Cochrane) would vote for
the present measure, because he had confidence in the financial
policy of the present Government. He would vote for this
measure, on precisely the same principle as the Hon. Member
for Newcastle had laid down before the House a few nights ago
—that was, because he had confidence in her Majesty's Minis-
ters. He went for this measure, because he preferred wise
legislation to agitation, and freedom to protection. He protested
against protection to one class, in preference to another; if there
and
were to be protection, let there be protecitir,ieoantboeaalrl.
) classes
to all interests in the British empire._(
Protec-
tion in the hours of darkness and of trouble, which he trusted
to God were far from us. He would vote for this measure
principally because in doing so he should show that he did not
entertain any partial feeling toward, or prejudice against, any
particular class. He was determined to be guided by no pri-
vate interest or prejudice or partial views, and he would do
(humble though it might be) as much as he could towards the
lowering of the burdens of the people of this great country.
He would contribute his humble mite (wrongfully it might be,
but at all events most sincerely) to increase the welfare of his
country, and especially of the poor, though net less loyal, classes
of his fellow subjects.—(Cheers. )
Mr. DEEDES was aware that in rising to address the
House upon so important a subject, and at so early a period
of the debate, he was laying himself open to the charge
of great presumption. But when he considered the great im-
portance of the question with regard not only to the subject
itself, but also with reference to the interests of all classes of her
Majesty's subjects—when he considered this, nothing but an
imperative sense of duty would compel him to offer himself to
their notice at this period of the debate, and he hoped that he
should be favoured with the attention of the House— (Hear;
bear)—and at the same time with a liberal portion of that in-
dulgence which was wont to be bestowed on all who, like him-
self, laboured under the disadvantage of addressing this
House for the first time.—( Hear, hear.) He was
much tempted to offer his opinions upon a previous
night; he, however, refrained from so doing on the
ground that it appeared to him to be understood that
no discussion upon the merits of the question was to be
entered into, and also because he was desirous of removing
from himself all imputation which might be cast upon him for
having formed a too hasty opinion upon so great a subject, or
that he had arrived at a conclusion which a more mature con-
sideration would not have warranted him in doing. He was
glad that he had thus abstained from speaking on a former oc-
casion, because he had had the opportunity since then of
meeting, in the county for which he was a Member, a very
large body of his constituents, and of hearing their opinions
upon this important subject. He was therefore at this period
fortified by the unanimous opinion of a large portion of his
constituency, who had met for the purpose of deliberating upon
the matter, and expressing ti eir opinions upon the same.
Under these circumstance., he trusted that the opinions
he might now express would receive a more favourable reception
than if spoken only upon his own authority. —( Hear, hear.)
He assured the lion. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley),
who was kind enough upon a former occasion to give a cau-
tion to lion. Members upon that side of the House as to the
mode of employing the intervening time between that and the
present occasion, and warning us that we should take care how
we stirred up the anger of the people, and what would be the
effects of having recourse to agitation. He was happy to
assure the Hon. Member that he would have seen, had he
been present at the meeting to which he alluded, that his
friendly advice had been followed to the utmost ; that nothing
but the most decorous conduct had been evinced, and that
there was a total absence of everything like angry feeling in
the discussion of the subject. The Hon. Member for Fins-
bury told them he never attended the meetings of the League.
He would say that he was sorry he did not, for it might have
had the effect of repressing those violent and angry
discussions which so frequently took place. His ex-
ample might have hart a salutary influence on that
body in discussing a measure which he acknowledged to be of
great importance. He would venture to say that the Hon.
Gentleman opposite looked on the measure as one of the
greatest importance, and that it involved nothing more or less
than a complete and total wiping from tle statute book of the
country all protection to native industry which the wisdom of
their forefathers had instituted. Sir, let it be remembered,
that under the very operation of these very laws this country
arrived at a position in the scale of nations which has been
long her glory and her pride. It was reserved for the present
rulers of this country to prove that those laws ought to be ex-
punged from the statute book, and that they were only bound
to legislate in such a manner as would do everything to open
the doors to foreigners and drive the corn of this country out
of the market. He considered that the extent of the
changes which they were now called on to make
were of a description which should only be come to once in a
hundred years; for seldom could arise circumstances which
would justify so complete a revolution as an alteration of this
law would create.—( Hear.) Now would the House think it
possible that so late as the year 1842 these very laws received
the deliberate sanction of both Houses of Parliament, and that
at that time the principles of protection were fully acknow-
ledged by the very parties who were now for removing all re-
strictions from corn imported into this country.—(Hear.)
What can be said when they found that the same gentlemen
who in 1842 sanctioned the laws which we now find
on, the statute book are the same gentlemen who
in 1846 seek to erase those laws. It would be
for the gentlemen who now advise this measure to justify
their change of opinion, and he doubted not that in their own
convictions they were doing what was right. He was the last
man to uphold the doctrine that public men were not at liberty
to change their political opinions. But that change must be
made with caution, it should be made with care, lest public
confidence would be shaken in them Pie could assure the
Right Honourable Baronet that on this, as well as on every
other occasion, he believed that the Right Hen. Baronet had
been actuated in his course of public conduct by the convictions
of his own conscience. In early, life he (Mr. Deedes) had
always been in the habitof looking up to the Right Hon. Baronet
as his political leader, but, in the mean time, he had never
hesitated to oppose those measures which he brought forward,
which he believed not adapted for the interests of the country.
As long ago as 1829, when he brought forward the Catholic
Ernaucipatlon Act, not being able to approve of the course
taken by the Right Honourable Baronet, he, as a member of
the convocation, felt it his duty to oppose his return. In the
las 4, session of Parliament he opposed his measure with refer-
ence to Maynooth. He mentioned these facts only, because be
desired to state that on those great public questions he never
doubted that he was actuated by any other than honest and
proper motives.—(Hear, hear.) With reference to the potato
failure in Ireland, he was of opinion that the agricultural pro-
tection meetings, though much abused, would have been ready
and willing to have assented to any measure calculated
for the relief of their fellow-subjects.—(Hear, hear.)
But he could not go further, for he could not see
why the corn-law of 1842 was to be altered.
He believed that that measure exceeded the most sanguine
expectations of even its framer. The producer got by it a
hthisis
c os
tnastuemopft itohni.n—a s
fair remuneration for hei.satiendoufsttrhye, wcohuilnetrtyhefocrontshuemelarsdtitdhnreoet
hear.) state
Right Hon. Baronet in his speech re-
( Hear,
pay an extravagantnupglrdicbeefourndtheersatrotoidcletshoaft
took place under the operation of the amended and revised law
f 1842, brought on by himself.—( Hear, hear.) In the next
herefore,
session, therefore, it was strange that he should call upon them
to exchange that very law ; and, anxious as he (Mr. Deedes)
was to give the Right lion. Gentleman his support, he could
faired to
Ntehwe thriving
rsihv
not, according to the best of his judgment, support him on the
present occasion, The g Hon. Baronet intimated also
that foreigners would time their manufactures in exchange
for the corn which they would supply. He (Mr. Deedes)
was not quite sure that such a result would follow, and he
asked the Right Hon. Baronet if the alteration was
heee)—and supported though it might be by the influ-
not an experiment on the native industry of the country—
would not give way, from an apprehension of the danger which
(enHceearand the arguments of the Right Hon. Gentleman, be
would accompany it. He feared that if these measures were
adopted, the country would be made dependant on foreigners
for a supply of the very first article of their food.- ( Hear, hear.)
argu-
ment brought forward by the Right lion. Gentleman a few
eliveendienPerse(a' agtoe,di such a
reference
toe of
the things,
failure and the very first
of the potato crop, con-
firmed him in such an opinion. Belgium, Sweden, and other
places, he stated, had placed restrictions on the exportation of
that article, and prevented this country from obtaining any sup-
ply. lie (Mr. 1) ) required no further argument to induce
him to refute his assent to the measures brought forward by the
Right 1-14 n. Baronet.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet
had also stated that no material change would take place in the
price of corn in the event of the contemplated measures becom-
in law. —(Hear, hear. ) Did the Anti-Corn-law League say
so 2 (Ironical cheers from the Ministerial side of the House. )
Their argument with respect to , the abolition of agricultural
protection was quite the reverse. They said that it would re-
duce the price of corn. ( Hear, hen..) The Ilan. Gentleman
then wad an extract from a letter which he had received from
one of his own friends confirmatory of the views he had ex-
pressed, and proceeded to say that the question before the
House was whether this taxation should bear entirely on the pro-
ducers or on the consumers by the present effect of the corn-
laws. He entirely concurred as to the propriety of calling this
question a landlord question. He was of opinion that the plan
of the Right Hon. Baronet would have the effect of throwing
the poorer sort of soils entirely out of cultivation.
He would give his best attention to the measures
before the House, but he could not think that the

of his own party. There was a minister once of great power, has last spoken. I confess that I do not think these grea
who lived before the days of the House of Common!, and when ! transcissions can he made without incurring risk at least, and
the power of England was exercised by the Crown, and not by 1 considerable suffering. ( Hear. hear.) The circumstances of
the people. This minister ruled with strength for a time, but • the country may be so far so fortunate that suffering may be
he became a little too arrogant, and adopted as his reset°, avoided, but I certainly think that if you wish to get rid of
" Ego et rex meus," i protection you wilt run the risk of some hazard, and incur
and it ultimately proved his downfall. Let other ministers considerable suffering.--( Hear, hear.) This, Sir, is a
beware lest they meet their fall in the cry of " 1 and my confession and admission that is made by all persons
party."—( Hear and laughter.) Honourable members who I who have reflected on the subject. Some speak of fa-
were elected strong protectionists, were, upon this principle of mine, others speak as the Noble Lord has
following their leader, brought down to the House of Corn- I spoken, of the difficulty of arrangements between the different
moos on last Tuesday week without the common courtesy, classes of persons who ore concerned in trade, but all admit
which in former days was resorted to in measures of minor im- that there is considerable danger of losing, capital and diminu-
portance, and called upon to do that, which in 1841, they had tion of trade.—( Hear, hear.) But, Sir, I come to the plan
pledged themselves riot do. In 1841 he knew some- of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the first Minister
thing of what was going to take place. The West of the Crown. I agree with the a Lord that Ido not
India Sugar Bill was then an important question, and think he has laid down the grounds of it largely enough or ex-
the Conservative party was called together to consider what tensively enough in point of time.—(Hear, hear.) He has
might be its effect and operation, but now when the old corn- alluded to measures about which he would have no difficulty,
mercial system of the country was to be revolutionized, they were because I believe he is the Member of the Cabinet by whom
not called together to consult on the subject—this would have those measures were introduced. I mean, Sir, the measures
been contrary to the principles of true Conservative policy. of Mr. Huskisson --( Hear, hear)—which measures might
This would have been a bold measure for the consideration of a have been quoted by him to show the advantage of moderating
new Parliament, but now they were going to consider it in a duties, and the doing away in a great extent of prohibitory
Parliament which was nearly extinct. Protectionism had duties. I will not make any statement in figures, but I can
been the police of England for upwards of a century, hut now say that I think, in consequence of the reduction of the duties
they were suing to do away with it, and when the measure on silk, tt e importation of the raw material during the years
reached the House of Lords, it would be moved by the. Lord 1837 and 1838 had increased over the years 18.35 and
Chancellor from that memorable emblem of Protection to 1+3'35 (during the existence of prohibitory duties)
British Industry, the Woolsack ; which, ever since the mere than one hundred per cent. In the article
time of Edward the Third, had been placed in the of wool a reduction of one penny in the pound,
House of Lords as the seat of its highest and most r-r.-ozT.,:.eed an immense increase in the price of that article,
honoured officer of the state, and probably as a foreign :Tool was then introduced at a low rate of duty, and the
memento to warn the Parliament of England of what exports increased to a great extent. These, Sir, are instances
and in what its true policy should be.—( Hear, hear, and mush of many others, which show the benefit at least of reducing
laughter.) Whether that policy was right cr wrong, it does duties. But, then, the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of
seem strange that the •• should be called upon by a Minister, her Majesty's Government, has proposed a plan which goes
who, in 1841, advocatey dit in the strongest terms, to abandon it beyond the mere reduction of duty to a moderate amount, and
altogether.—(Hear, hear.) But the Right Hon. Baronet might thereby increasing the imports and prices. He has proposed
say there was no other course Open to him ; but he thought,- as with reference to the duties upon corn that after the expiration
be had done on former occasions, that there were two or three of three years, the duty upon that article shall altogether
courses open to him.--( Hear, hear and laughter.) The Right cease. Now, Sir, lam of opinion, that if the Government had
Honourable Baronet might have dissolved the Parliament, and undertaken this task in 1812, and had made far greater redue-
that, in his opinion, would have been one and a better course ; non than they then did, it would have been better for the agri-
or the Right lion. Baronet might have come boldly forward. culturists as a body, and for the country at large. As the
and toad them, as the Noble Lord the Member for the City of matter now stands, lam ready to say, seeing the contest now
London—whose great openness and straightforwardness, he was going on, and the struggle that would continue to go on if no
willing to admit, entitled the Noble Lord to great credit—had attempt is made to stop it between the intermediate steps of the
dune from the city of Edinburgh—that he had supported pro- sliding scale or a small fixed duty. I am prepared to• repeat
tection till he could do so no longer, and that as he was now what I have before stated in public, that the struggle will con-
satisfied that the principles of all his former life were erroneous tinue unless some efficient measures are taken by her Majesty's
he was prepared to give up the Government, and tender the Government to prevent it.—( Hear, hear. ) I must say, I
Opposition his warmest support in carrying free trade.— consider the plan of the Right Hon. Baronet as a great measure
(Loud Opposition cheers.) That would have been a policy —a measure which will lay the foundation of a complete new
which they would have commended, whatever their principle as to commercial legislation—a principle which will
private views might have been, and looked upon it as a have the effect of leaving both agriculture and manufactures
magnanimous attempt on the hart of the Right Hon. Baronet entirely to the energies and skill of the British people. I must
for the well-being of his country.—(Cheers.) The Noble say, Sir, believing those principles to be sound principles, lam
Lord and his supporters opposite had a right to have the credit prepared to give every support to the plan brought forward by
of passing their own measure. They had a right to demand her Majesty's Government. —( Hear, hear. ) But I think it is
that the conduct of a measure in which they spent -all their incumbent on me to say that, with reference to the mode he
lives should be left to them, and the Right Hon. Baronet having has adopted of introducing a new system of corn duties for three
been placed in power in Id4l by protectionists, he called on him years, that the opinion which I bad formed in my own mind in
to give it up to them. These were the views which had the month of December last, has been more and more strength-
ledi him to the determination of supporting the amendment, tined by everything I have seen or heard since the Right Hon.
but he supported it the more, because, by doing so, he recorded Baronet made kno.vn his plans.—( Loud cries of ,‘ Hear,
his protest against a system and policy which he was sorry to hear.") I have heard from all parts—from Devonshire,
see being adopted as being one that must diminish the expedi. from various parts of Scotland, from the midland counties, and
ency, if any, and add no lustre to the very best system of ab- from various other parts of England, that the opinion of the
stract legislation.—(Cheers.) farmers was to the effect "That if we are to have a system of
Lord SANDON was one of those who would support the treeltrade instead of protection, let us know what that system
measure, although it did not meet with his approbation.— is to he at once—( Hear. hear,)—let the duties be repealed at
( Laughter.) He was sorry that the arguments of the Right Hon, once." I consider there was great reason in that remark.
Baronet in its favour were so flimsy, and thought those argu- In the first place I think the farmer will be better able to
meets would not justify a sudden changing of opinion which arrange with his landlord as to the partieular sums he has to
had prevailed for years.—(Hear, hear.) He insisted that pay. and the sums he will have to pay, if he knows at once the
the wages of the labourer depended on the price of corn, state of the law, and has not to wait until the end of the
and declared that experience both at home and abroad proved month of February, 1849, and take the chance of what may
that the rate was varied by the fluctuation in the prices of then be the price of corn. I think also there is some danger
grain. He had yet to learn that it was an established to the farmer in adopting the proposed plan. In 1848 the
principle of political economy that increased consumption pro- prices may be low, there may be a considerable accumulation
duced high prices, and protested that. the experience of of corn in the country, the glut which would not happen in
three years in some minor articles of commerce the spring of Isl4B, may happen if there is a sudden reduction of
did hardly justify so extensive an experiment as the present. the duty from ten *billings to one shilling per quarter in the spring
I luring the present state of uncertainty the farmers were in a of 1849, not owing to the price of corn, but to the effect of the
most helpless srate.--( Hear., hear. ) He knew he should be previous legislation. I think, Sir, that the danger will be
told by lion. Members on the other side of the House that greater after the lapse of two or three year., than it would be
this was not the farmers but really the landlord's question.— if the alteration were total and immediate.—(Hear, hear. )
( Hear, hear.) Abstractedly speaking that was no doubt true. The present would be a favourable time for removing these
If there was a bad harvest farmers would expect the landlords restrictions, for in consequence of deficient harvests in most
to make abatements in their rents; abatements were made, of the countries of Europe. there is now little stock remaining
and consequently so far the landlords suffered. All their capital on hand in Darezic or Hsmburgh. There is no reason to
was embarked in land, and year by year they found that that suppose that there is any great stock in the United States of
capital was dwindling away, till at last they were compelled to America ; there is no apprehension on the part of the farmer,
take refuge in some other profession. But he would lastly with reference to a reduction of the duties upon corn, and I
take the case of the farmer and his labourers. Those of comdder these together as forming a pretty conclusive proof
all others suffered the most in times of agricultural that there is actually no danger at the present time.—( Hear,
distress.—( Hear, hear.) The first struggle which the farmer hear.) If they had any danger to encounter, it was when on
made to meet the distress was by diannishinn, the number of the continent of Europe and in the United States. prepare-
his laborers. That step of course added to the number of tions had been made, the ground had been oultivated, and the
paupers in the country. Those were the reasons then why he seed sown with a view to send large supplies of corn to F.ng-
would vote for the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet at the land. I consider, Sir, that the policy of the Government is
head of the Government, although he disapproved of it. like furnishing a farmer with a great coat to wear only
Though he (Lord Sandon) disapproved of his proposal, still he in the summer, and which he was to take off when
felt that the Right Hon. Baronet must be supported, because the winter arrived.--( Hear hear.) But, having, said this
he felt convinced that by the Right Hon. Baronet the county much, I put it to the Right Hon. Baronet if he will not re-
must he governed. He felt that unless questions of this consider that part of his plan which had reference to the corn-
nature, were settled by very great masses of enlightened opinion, laws.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet has often
a country ike England could not long be proyerly governed. He alleged, is bringing forward his measures for the reduction of
felt that when opinions hostile to protection had been enun • duties upon subjects of much less importance than the one now
elated by the great leaders on both sides of the House—( Hear) under consideration, that it was almost impossible to know the
—'hey ought to be supported by th , great body of the people. effect of such duties till they had been tested by experience.
He had now arrived at this position—viz., that all the now, Sir, it does appear to me, that wieh reference to the
members of her Majesty's Government, with the exception, he proposed measure, we shall be labouring under this disadvan.
believed, of two, had expressed themselves in favour of free tage. I hope that the Hon. Baronet will reconsider that part
trade—all, with the exception of the two Hon. Members to of his subject. I wish that his plans may succeed. I wish to
whom lie had alluded, had given their sanction to the proposal see this measure successful, not only in this House, but also in
then before the House. He confessed that the question the other House, and I would not be one to oppose the progress
seemed to him to be no longer a matter of discussion—it was of that measure.—( Hear, hear.) When, therefore, this sub-
merely a question of time. For his own part, he believed sect cornea into Committee, if the Right Hon. Baronet tells me
that the sooner the measure of the Right lien Baronet was that he has reconsidered the subject, and that he still considers
passed into a law, se much the better would it be for the coup- the three years' duty to be an essential part of his plan,
try at large.—(Hear, hear.) The measure, he confessed. I will then support him to the utmost of my abilities.
would entail some difficulties upon those concerned in Sir, I have stated thus much with reference to the plan as it
the agriculture of the country; but their tlifficul- affects the article of corn ; it is not necessary that I should say
ties could not last more than a few months— much as to the other parts of the plan. With reference to the
certainly not more than twelve. But it seas better that the article of sugar, it will not be necessary for me to make any
question should be decided without further delay, for it was observation; as regards the articles of manufactures, and the
only, as he had before said, a matter of time ; postpone the taking off the duties upon them, I consider that you are bound
matter as the might, they would have to come to the same result to do s', yoe are hound to show that you abandon protection
at last.—( Hear, hear. ) He believed he had spoken at some altogether as a principle, vie ous and injurious, and not for the
length of the peril of the experiment, but he could not say that sane of subjecting tl:em to any experiment to which you would
peril would extend. so far as was apprehended by lion. diem- not expose tri•., manufacturer.—( Hear, hear.) There is
bee= opposed to the measure. For the sake of' the millions of another part cr zl,e, subject, and one which I certainly cannot
the country, he believed that it would be well that the present approach wi`l 4,e.,.. satisfaction, I allude to the question of
uncertainty on the question of food should be removed. But burdens Thin agriculture. The Right Hon. Baronet has pro-
be could not see the process by which those advantages antici- posed to tsehe certain relief as to local burden., the expenses of
pati' by Honourable Members who advocated free prisons anst prosecutions ; these amendments in the law I con-
trade would be realised. He hail seen in the course sides to Le just, and they are improvements in the existing
of his life the price of corn down as low law. These measures are offered as compensation to the landed in-
as 555., and that was termed by the agriculturists a paying terest. I -_ie not think any compensation could be properly offered.
price. If the present proposal were carried into a law, he really lam r,?t sure that as regards the general 'burdens of the
believed that instead of land going out of cultivation, it would country, thee the occupiers of land have not more than the
he much more cultivated, and, of course, more labourers would share wheels belongs to them.—( Hear.) It is a point upon
be employed. He could not think that Hon. Members need anti- which I feel a difficulty, because I have found that whenever
cilia' e the risk, which they appeared to do, of the land going out a propositiee was made by the Hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr.
of cultivation. He did ent, rtain a hope that, although much Vt'ard), to make a statement adverse to that opinion, and ask for
individual misery would have to be gone through in the event a Committee to inquire into this point, none were so ready as
of this measure being passed into a law, the vessel of England those agricultural gentlemen to oppose that inquiry.—( Hear,
would sail much more safely and smoothly than it did at pre- hear.) The Hon. Member for Radnorshire (Sir John
sent. —( Hear, hear.) Those were the general reasons why he Walsh) had draw a comparison, of shoemakers, who were alone
had determined to support the Right Hon. Baronet's proposi- compelled to pay the police rates. They might complain that
thin. He saw in that measure great wisdom, and although they could not sell their articles so cheap as others who were
there was involved in it a perilous experiment, at the same not so taxed—they would complain of the injustice practised
time he did not share in the amount of apprehension that was ueon them. But if the shoemakers, who formed the majority
entertained by Hon. Members in favour of protection. Under in this House, hid always strenuously resisted the proposal to
those circumstances, he felt bound to give his support to the inquire into the subject of their grievances, I certainly
measure, • nd he conceived he was right in doing so. should suspect the shoemakers of thinking there was something
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose and said, I believe, Sir, in their case which would not hear to be sifted.—(Hear,
lam about the first to speak, upon this side, upon the impor- hear.) There is another difficulty in the question. When about
tant question before the flonse.—( Hear, hear. ) And while two or three years since there was a large surplus of about
1 shall give my vote on the same side with the Noble Lord three millions in the Exchequer, I thought it might be worth
who has just addressed the House, I cannot help saying that I while to the agricultural interest, with a view to their obtaining
shall do so with better heart and hope.—( Hear; hear, and some relief from their burdens, to remove the taxes of several
laughter.) Sir, I will not attempt to deny the importance of articles—the malt tax ler instance. They would not hear of
this question. Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House, such a proposition, and when the Right Hon. Baronet dis-
whom I have heard, and who assent to the preposition of her tributed this large sum of three millions and a hall, he did not
Majesty's Ministers, say what is quite true, when they say seem to have any particular regard for this interest. I freely
that the system of protection has bet n a system of legislation state that Ido not teel any sympathy with this class.—( Hear,
adopted for one particular class.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, 1 am hear.) Nor can I see why any relaxation of bnrdens should
not at all terrified by that enunciation.—(Hear, hear.) 1 be made towards those whose burdens were shared equally by
know very well that for centuries religious disability was the -their fellow countrymen. I do not consider that that they
system of this country.—( Hear.) I know that for centuries the have any claims to a relaxation of their burdens.—( Bear,
want of security and liberty of the person was the system of hear.) Had I brought forward any scheme of commercial
the Legislature of this country. But I em happy to ackriow- policy, although it would have differed in some respetcts
Ifrodreo.
ledge that great benefits late flown front the destruction of the plan brought forward by much
she system, and I hope we are now at the commencement Of not think that I should have given
tteneikm 1
the Right. Hon.
them so
I wouht
the destruction of another system which has been injurious to relief as he has done, I
sdo
onolt.. hi
or 600,0001.
participated the country, and that we shall hereafter be proud of having have given so much ash
commercet of the country, and
participated in the foundation of a new and a better order 01 Were they to lay burdens orl
things.—( Cheers.) It appears, sir, that the question with to propose an increase of ttaXeation which would expose the
to deserved unpopularity ? No ! and
respect to the corn.laws, which in former years had been Government to greatw e
scheme
wit therefore rae,foprerostaL
proposed
dt obnyc et
btehatßilgbcotncHuronin.
almost confined, has been of late, hut especially in meetings for these reasoennstls.
and discussions in the country, widened to the whole principle the Government i
nnthe head of her Majesty's Government.—(Loud
of protection, but those who have defendod the present corn-set-
Bhaerornset• )
I wish that the repeal had been immediate, but, in
laws wish in maintaining them to avoid all appearanenedo 1
they -e
the epresent state of affairs,
tn
getting
remoteit
dh aotf existsth
period,
eerofi
or
no
dr
..,,
fishness or legislation for a particular class,
antawgeiththraetsiwwicilt atocccr
e(oHpelearo,f this country gene_
have said that they , wish all native ahindustry and the advantage
But, Sir, the mercial system
to be protected. (Hear, hear.)
the amendms:in.t
so—thatto iglit
ritalilsy toon,,t gtroe at an advantage
the e
at
sou ther e. .!
Honorable Gentleman who seconded
seemed to confess—or at least appeared to have a
When we - I support hear, and cheers.)
all native industry was not entitled to protection.
find But, Sir, cannot forbear from taking notice of one remark
come to the question of protection of native industry we which fell from an Honourable Gentleman, the Memlier for
various branches of industry—the great cotton manufactures, Finsbury (Mr. Wakley). The Hon. Gentleman stated (and
the woollen manufactures, and the great linen manufactures of he thought he had no particular motive for doing so) that he
this country, which are sent abroad to compete with the pro • thought the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her
ductions of nations at the greatest distance from this country_ Majesty's Government was more able to carry this measure
such as America and Asia. These interests are not benefited successfully than I was That is an observation that compels
by any protection which yet remains upon your me to state, that a measure of the same kind would be equally
statute books.—( Hear, hear.) It is obvious then successful, if 1 had received the Arne support from my political
that the protection you now seek to maintain opponents which they now receive from me.—( Great
for agriculture is a protection for one particular class of indus- cheering.) This measure of free trade the protec-
try—( Hear, hear)—and an advantage for them alone. We tionists say, and they say what is correct, was loudly
find, Sir, a great argument, which is the argument of all oppos, dby the Right Hon. Baronet. When Mr. Huskisson
writers on political economy, applies to that particular protec- brought forward, in
Lion ; that, in the first place, it is an interference with the duetrade,
current of trade and labour, and is in behalf of oneparticulargave hi
many of us
Gentleman opposite, the . mSecretaryfor the Home Department,
class. In the next place, that it is a tax upon the of that tie could give
rest the stated, when he was in Opposition,
community for the benefit of that class. In the •
third place,. his support. In 1839 the Secretary of State and the Chancellor
that the class which you seek to benefit loses by the
pretended of the Exchequer proposed going into Committee on the corn-
protection that you afford it.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, these are law•s, but they were met then by the party in Opposition.—
the propoiitiona which are so true that they have become axioms (Cheers.) In 1841, when we came forward to propose a re-
in political economy.—( Hear.) I was induced the other day duction on the importation of corn, of sugar, and
by the Honourable Member fur Norfolk to read a pamphlet of timber, we were met by a party, many
which has been published on this question, and also of whom represented commercial constituencies.—( Hear.)
another pamphlet by Martin and Co. on the subject But, Sir, lam bound to say the Hon. Member for Wakefield was
of protection. These gentlemen state that a quarter of corn is an noxourtibie exception—(Great cheering)—and he did not
raised 17s. in price by the protection which is afforded to it.— join the then opposition, nor did my Hon. Friend the Member
( Hear.) I thought as I read that statement, and I now believe for Wolverhampton. But, Sir, I think that the Right Hon. Ba-
it, to be a great exaggeration ; but if that were so, if the price ronet, and those who have introduced such a sound principle of
of corn had risen to such an enormous amount by that pro- commercial policy as that which is proposed respecting the
tection which you give to agriculture; supposing there were corn-laws, could not be ignorant of those renciples; an it 1!
20,000,000 quarters of wheat consumed in this country, and to be lamented that they did riot manfully come forward
they
would be some millions sterling imposed on the food of the would not be defeated.—( Hear. ) The Hon.
G
much of that
people of this country. I believe the statement is most would have avoided, for himself and his
o party,ve generally
egregiously exaggerated, but still I believe that while you give odium and reproach which is
nCwheers and laughter. )
protection such as is afforded by the present law to a cast upon him by somebody or other.—(m
pared the course the
particular class, which I believe to be an apparent How inconsistent it was when they ewnit h that which he pur-
benefit to it, that protection is an injury to the rest of the com- Right Hon. Baronet had now taken,
the
Hon. Member for
munity.—( Hear, hear.) The lion. Gentleman the Member sued in 1841.—(Cheers.) B e
eoutht Hon. Baronet at the bead of
for Hampshire, who seconded the amendment, and who did so Wakefield tells me, that the g
i be more successful in cat rying
in terms as temperate as could be desired—( Laughter)—the her Nlajesty's Governmentu would
be.
I tell him again, that it is with
Hen. Gentleman stated that a difference was to be made be- this measure than I %owlet._
(Great cheering.) it
it is it
twerp those occupations in which mere manual labour was em- our aid that he can d
of h conduet which we shall pursue that the
ployed, and those in which machinery was brought into rcquisi- consequeoneethes,
measures shall be attended with success.—
lion. Now I cannot see the value of that, argument, I cannot progressedf
cheers. .
e believe that lam bound to say so
see what are the grounds of that argument. Suppose there are
(Renewin justice to imy friends—(l-lear, hear )—and if the
five millions of people employed in works of machinery, and much
Riht Honourable Gentleman has the glory of having adopted
others in which little machinery is employed, I cannot see
of athny e
and carried out a
plan of commercial freedom, which will have
good ground why the one should have the protectionrotectien. the effect of conferring great benefits on the country—by
Legislature, and the other should not enjoy that
protectionP is which the poor man would get a better reward for his labour—
Well I hen, Sir, if it be the case that the system of N
ought to by which all branchesof tha
e, ,trade art commerce of the
so, then the question comes—NVhat i' the "re you
d ere ou tr would b •
protecoone exteded,. awl ehe interests of all classes
take in order to get rid of this particularl written uponpoliticl would be intrustpromoted-- that I 1 • v•
w ii e it. thus operates that it
I must say that those writers who dave.
rd o, Mr. tins- will be made
Smith' Mr. [bear 0, instrumental to the moral improvement of the
science, even Mr. Adam
lit to be used in dealing people i
that oug. o this country, which the want of adequate means of
kisson, all speak of the cautionhat should be the particular Inca- -r •i•
p ovn tug for their physical -wants has hitherto prevented—
with this question. Bute: the protective system in these (Hear, '
hear)—and limiourable Gentleman
if. the Right-
...
.„. .
sure, and what should .
should you deal with the question
and what wat.
matters?
on which we really
that is not a subject up
i• d it is impossible to have much light trim theoretical . that we, although out of office, have •mainly assisted in produo-
,i,io. an
' (Hear, hear. 1 I confess with the Noble Lord, who ing this triumph
writers.-- , of the Minister ,of.tthe Crown.—(Loud
continued cheering.)