The Sun.
London, England, 1846-08-25 00:00:00

tatior,. Ppei, pith no patty, carried his point in the
presence of all parties. Relinquishing office in the hour
of sictory, he took his second step in the no-party direc-
tion. lie made that memorable declaration of Irish
policy. The House lard with amazement the lan-
guage of political equality and universal justice..--n Wag
again felt that the Minister had become-titian. He
was declaring truths, not beating up for recruits. Our
drilled politicians cannot comprehend it yet. For the
people, it is a great lesson. Can we not do without
party ? It little matters by whom the mere routine of
Governmental business is conducted. The clerks in the
offices really do that, though Peers are put it over them '2 ,'
to take the credit and the money; and where great prin-
ciples and needful reforms areconcerned, what has party
ever done but impair and compromise them? The his-
tory of party in power is the history of compromises ;
its history nut of power is that of large promises, to be
followed by small performances. It is the "madness of
many for the gain of a few." A statesman who disre-
cards it is a treasure to a nation. We should learn to
disregard it too. Neither Whigs nor Conservatives are
wanted; but men who will claim the redress of grievances,
whoever may be in or out. We should seek the triumph
of principles, not of persons. Towards this common
sense in politics, Sir Robert Peel has made himself the
nation's leadee. This is the moral of the session; it can
only be thrown away through our own folly.
In the Bentinck and Disraeli corps the session pre-
sents the counterpart of this picture. Here is a new
party; it aspires to the Government. It has neither
political theory nor practical statesmanship —it is
banded together for the support of no one institution—
it aims at no one reform—it simply seeks place and
power for its own profit. The profits to some of hand
some salaries, and to others of pai tial laws. Its means
are unscrupulous as its ends are selfish. It has stretched
the forms of the House to their utmost extent of
vexatiousness. It supported and opposed the Irish
Coercion Bill, just as the division could be made subser-
vient to its purposes. It will vote white one day, and
black the next. It deals in vituperation and insolence.
Lo king to an election, it recommends the coercion of
voters. It is destitute even of the old cant of party,
and disregards the old decencies and conventionalisms of
party. It would bully itself into office, and ride rough-
shod over the community.
These corn and game law gentry are now exhibited
in their true dolours. They hold a creed yet more
monstrous than " the monstrous faith of millions made
for one." According to them, all things were made
for a squirearchy. Corn grows for the partridges first,
and the people afterwards. Manufacturers work, not
for the world's market, but for hsme consumption;
e.,
for the few in robes, while the many have only
Talent in Parliament is an impertinence, unless irtatre
subservient. They are feudalism without its superior
enterprise, and aristocracy without its superior vehe-
ment. For them to rule, would be more d.iskraeeful
than the Norman Conquest. Peel has felled them to the
earth. It only remains fur the constituencies to trample
out the rest of their proud and sordid existence.
The Whigs are bewildered. They have been tumbled
into power by events, and know not what to do with it.
They are a piny, and cannot join to extinguish party.
They follow Sir Robert Peel on the corn laws, to their
little utmost ; always keeping rather in thc.,. rear. They
helped to turn him nut on the Irish Coercion Bill, and
then brought in the Irish Arms' Bill, and then threw it
up again. Sir Robert Peel gave the corn monopoly three
years, in the face of a fierce opposition ; so they have
given the sugar monopoly five years, in the face of a
feeble opposition. •
•
The dying session bequeaths political power to the
people, if they have but nerve enough to take the legacy.
If the Whigs know not what to be at, it is far the peo-
ple to teach, and to command them. If Sir Robert Peel
have no party to realise his polioy, it is for the people to
make him one for the oceaeion. If monopoly continue
to rave, and threaten mischief; it is for the people to
apply the straitwaistcoat to the obstreperous patient.
The " social revolution," as it has been truly called,
which this session has accomplished, is a transference
of power to the industrial classes and to public opinion.
It is tur own fault should that power go hack to an olie
garchy. Sir Robert Peel, at present, is the great repree
sentative of the British nation. He can only remain so
by the action of public opinion, telling Lord John
sell it will not put up with inertness or compromise; and
Lord G. Bentinck that it will not be bullied. By pub-
lic opinion we shall represent ourselves. Let it be alive
and alert, and Great Britain is, for the future, the mo-
narchy of the industrial classes.