The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-10 00:00:00

10, 18,18.

barley crop was a large one. Looking at the return
which had lately-been presented to that House, he found
that between the s:li July, 1845, and the sth Jan., 1846,
above a million quarters of grain, and more than a
hundred weight of leans, had been imported into this
country. This did not look much like a famine. That
there was no ground for an apprehension of a famine he
thought they had ample proof in the fact, that
at the time when the Right lion. Baronet wished
to open the ports, the price of wheat in this
country was 56e. 2d., a price which the Right Hon.
Baronet himself considered in 1842 to be a fair price.
Now; he trusted, the House would not consider that he
undervalued the responsibility of a Prime Minister; far
from it, he was fully alive to the anxiety which a Mi-
nister must 'feel at a time when a scarcity was antici-
pated, and ho was fully aware that at such a time, and
under such circumstances, a Lord Lieutenant would be
more than usually anxious to supply the Minister with
information upon a subject of a deficient potato
crop as often and as frequently as possible. lie
had no doubt that the alarming paragraphs which
the Right lion. Baronet read to them on a former occa-
sion made a great impression on his mind ; but when
the Right lion. Baronet was considering the question,
he .ought to have taken into his con dderation the state
cf the markets in this country. He believed there were
no parties who watched the progress of the nation more
closely, and a ho knew as well the probable chances of
an abundance or scarcity in the country, as the corn mer-
chants. Had it been the unanimous opinion of all parties
ou the subject that a famine might be anticipated, he was
sure the tenantsfarmers and landlords of the country
would have joined with him in asking the Government
to admit all the produce or grain which they could pos-
sibly get to drive away the famine, be the consequences
of the act what they might; but he thought they had
maple proof in the price of wheat that there was no such
famine to be anticipated, and without wishitig to impute,
he could nut help thinking, that the cause of pro-
tection had long been doomed in his mind.—(Cheers.)
,They had been called upon to look upon this question
as a whole, and he was quite prepared to take up the
matter, Lot as a thing of detail, but as a portion of a
comprehensive policy He was quite prepared to view
the subject in this light, and in doing so
he would ask whether the gentlemen sitting on
that side of the House were ready to aban-
don everything like protection, and looking upon
the matter in the way in which it had been put before
them, he would ask the Members of that House whether
they were ready to assert that in operation this measure
would prove fair and just to every class in the commu-
nity ? In putting this inquiry. he had no reference to
any particular interest, for he was equally engaged
in all. Ile knew with what ability the Right
Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government
had frequently urged the existence and preservation of
protective duties. He knew what an immense amount
of information, after thirty years' experience, that
Right lion. Gentleman must hare attained.—(Cheers.)
He knew at the same time with what readiness that
Right lion. Baronet could change his views of a sub-
ject, and with what talent he was ready to advocate
in that House the opinions he pow entertained.—(Loud
cheering.) He should wish to know whether the
Hon. Members of that House, who were now so ready to
back the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the
Government -n his present proceedings, had been moved
by their interest or their convictions to the present line
of conduct? He would wish to know how many of them
three mcnths ago were prep; rsd to abandon pro-
tective duties, and to agree with 'so much readi-
ness to vote the doctrines and practice
of free trade. Ha really thought the answer would
exhibit a curious contrast between profession and prac-
tice.—(Loud cneere.) He wished to know how many
of them at that time were prepared to vote with the
Hon. Member for Wolverhampton—(Mr. Villiers)?—how
many of them had at that tune opposed the measures of
that Gentleman and of the Honourable Member
for Stockport (Mr. Co'aden)?—(Loud cheers.) A
strange change had come over the views of these gen-
tlemen within the last three years, for there were no greater
opponents of the views of .these lime Gentlemen than
those who were now their most efficient supporters. He
thought, for his own part, that if any such great change
had come over their minds, as they now represented that
it would have been their duty to .appeal to their con-
stituents, .and imitate the example of the Noble Lord,
the late Member for. Dursetshire. They would then at
least have placed themselves in a right position—they
would have given an opportunity for the termination of
their engagements, arid can the succeeding session of
Parliament they would have . stood before the country
as men of honour, principle, and truth. But what, now
he would ask, was the position of Parliament? What
confidence could be placed in the proceedings of a public
assembly? For his ONII part, he thought that when
such tergiversation as this was practised, there was an
end of public confidence do public men. The
more he considered this question . the more he was
convinced that the propositions which had emanated
from the Government ought not to be allowed to pass
through Parliament before the deliberate opinion or the
country was taken with respect to them.—(Cheers.)
lie could not agree in the opinion which had been ex-
pressed by the Right Hon.- Baronet. (Sir Robert Peel)
that the prosperity they bad recently enjoyed was
mainly owing to the measures he had brought forward
from time to time.—(Hear, hear.) Look at the state of
the affairs cif this country when the Noble Lord oppo-
site (Lord J. Russell) retired from office, and when the
Right Honourable Baronet was called to fill the
office he held. At his accession great confidence was
reposed in him ; he had a large majority in that lieuse;
the trade -of the country was in a critical state
—in a state of the greatest depression, the real conse-
quence of which was, in his (Mr. Miles'e) opinion, to be
attributed to bad harvests, and to the immense trade
which had taken place for years before. It was at this
period that 'the large amount of capital invested in rail-
ways was found to answer. They had Been since that
period to what extent-speculation in railways had gone.
No one could have foreseen the great increase which
had taken place in failwaYs—no one could have fore-
seen the great employment which they have given to
the labouring classes.—(Hear.) So great a as the demand
for labourers in connexion with these great works,
that in many counties in England none could be
obtained for the ordinary purposes of agriculture.
Then they must lock to the great in-
crease in the iron trade.. The price of
iron had been more than doubled .within the last two
or three years, and if he might judge from the number
of railways which would receive the assent of the
House during the present session, a relapse in that de-
partment of trade could nut be apprehended at least for
some time to come. Let them look at the increased
impetus which this increase in the iron trade would have
on the whole trade of the country. In this trade
the wages of those engaged in it had been trebled.
Now, a hen they took these things. into consideration,
when they saw the periodical fluctuation of prices which
had always taken place—when they saw the increased
consumption which must result from the great activity
in this as well as in other trades and which was quite
independent of the Right lion. Baronet's measures—that
the war in India hail terminated—that trade had been
augmented—that they had had a succession of
good harvests since the Right Honourable Baronet's
accession to office—when he knew all this
he could hardly.believe that all these advantages were
to be attributed, as the Right Hon. Baronet stated, to
the operation of. the measures a hich he had brought
forward and carried through the House.—(Cheers.)
Why many of these advantages would have taken place
if the Noble Lord opposite (Lord J. Fussell) had been
in office.—(llear.) Neither could he believe that large
commercial exportations were evidences of the country's
prosperity. They had seen. foreign markets—the
markets of India and Of China—glutted with the
cotton and other goods of this country, which
Would require some time to. be got rid of
Now, in considering the details of this measure, the first
article which he felt bound to notice was corn. He
could assure the House that it was not his intention to
quote speeches of the Right Hon. Baronet which he had
previously made on that question, so as to charge hitto
with inconsistency on that subject —(Hear.) He knew
that such a course would have no weight with the House
The Right Hon. Baronet had told them that he had
abandoned his principles, and that he now proposed to
change the law which he himself had passed in 1842.
If the Right Hon. Baronet considered that essential to
the best interests of the country, he (Mr. Miles) for one
would not blame him, but he cold not consent to follow
him, or change his opinion so suddenly.—(Cheers.) The
law of 1842, he • believed, had been admitted by all
parties to have worked well as far as the corn-laws went.
—(Cheers.) It had conduced, to. great steadiness of
price, and, as far ge human calculation could go, he
thought it had answered the Right lion. Baronet's ex-
pectations. Under that law the Right Hon. Baronet had
aimed at a price of 56e., as being a fair price fair the
farmer, and he (air. Miles) would like to ask the Right
Hon. Baronet What price he considered a fair pri, e for
the farmer now,—(Cheers.) He would to gird to know
what ptice he aimed at under a repeal of that law ?
Did he consider that this measure profered such great
advantages to the farmer as to compensate him for the
loss of lOa or 15e a quarter for corn, which Hon. Gen-
tlemen opposite supposed ? But the Hon. Gentleman
had also told them that he did not consider that the
price of corn would be reduced by this measure. Might
he (Mr. Miles) ask the- Right lion. Baronet why he
repealed this law ? And if the Right lion. Baronet's ar-
guments were good, might he ask what became of the
argument of Hon. Gentlemen oppdsite with respect to the
cheap loaf ? The Right lignourable Gentleman
told them one story, and Honourable Gentlemen
opposite told them another. Was he not justified, then,
in asking parties to hesitate before they asked for that
measure, and informing the country of his conviction
that there was no necessity for the proposed change
He believed that there was a vast difference between
cheapness produced by good harvests and cheapness
produced by the importation cf corn. He was afraid
that the Right lion. Baronet had been misled in his
calculation, and had over-estimated the pros
perity in which this country had been placed.
A great authority on this subject—an authority
often quoted, he meant Mr. Huskisson—had said,
" Cheapness produced by importation of corn from
abroad is the sure forerunner of scarcity, but a steady
home supply is the only safe foundation for steady and
moderate prices." He (Mr. Miles) was of that opinion,
and be thought that no check should be given to the
growth of corn in this country, for he con.
ceived no state so critical as that of being de-
pendent
upon foreigners for a supply of corn. What-
ever the result of those measures might be, he thought
no man could feretel. His own opinion was, that it
would lead to a greater fluctuation in prices than had ,
ever been known—(llear)—and that before long Hon.
Members might exp, ct to see the Right Hon. Baronet
at the head of the Government coining down to the
House to propose some treasures to regulate trade.—
(Hear, hear.) lie believed that if the proposal of the
Right Hon. Baronet were passed into a law it would
have the effect of reducing the cepital of the traders of
this country ; and, consequently, the amount of English

speculation and enterprise ; and further; that the scheme
would be roundlo be of far greater advantq;e to the
foreign than to our own roanulactureri.— (Ilvar,
hear.) He could not pretend to say that he had
never been of a contrary opinion, but his belief at the
presunt tine was that it would lead to agricultural dis-
tress ; thatit would also tend to lower wages in this

country—(Hear)—and that the working classes would
find themselves injared before the higher orders. If
the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet pawed the House
they might henceforth consider free trade to be the rulir•g

principle of her Majf sty's Government —(Oppositioii-
cheers)—and that sooner or later every interest must
bow before it.—(Hear, hear.) When they had removed
protec ion from agricultural produce he could not see
with what justice the House could continue ax )tection
upfoi any other.—(Hear, hear.) He felt convinced that
the shipping interest and all other interests must Rive up
. .

all claim to protection.—(Hear.) Of what use would their
navigation laws then be ? The greatest interests in the
country must be neglected if this removal of agricultural
protection should take place. Where the sweeping
torrent was to ernl, when the barriers had been
broken down, he for one could not foresee, but
he felt convinced that it justice were to
be done to all parties, no protection should
continue in the event of the present Government
scheme being carried inei effect.—(Hear, hear.) If they
took the case of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Jeßus-
sell)—if he were to come into power again, he (Mr.
Miles) felt confident that the Noble Lord must outbid
the Right Honourable Baronet—(hear, hear)—or
if he did not intend to do that, he (Mr. Miles)
would be glad to hear from him what were his opinions
upon the subject. Let him (Mr. Miles) take the case of
the Anti-Corn-law League. Would they dissolve ?
Would tt,ey retire into private life ?—(Loud laughter.)
W suld the Hon. Member for Stockport—would the Hon.
Member for Durham—cease to agitate ? Was he (Mr.
Miles) not to suppose that others would rise up in their
places to agitate some other question ?—(Hear.) He
thought that if those opinions were once sanctioned by
the Legislature, others of a similar nature would quickly
meet with determined .advocates.—(Hear, hear.) He
thought that the Right Hon. Baronet would find that
he had only fanned the flame whilst he fancied he
was extinguishing it.—(Hear, hear.) But when we
had got this free trade, as proposed by the Right Hon.
Baronet, (which he would certainly call a one sided
free trade.)—(Hear, hear)—if he rightly understood the
Right Hone Baronet he meant this, that every Euro-
pean, every foreign, nation should be allowed to import
their goods into this country free of duty without any
corn:soon:Eng advantage in return—he thought that the
manufacturers of this country would find it exceed-
ingly difficult to compete with foreign nations un-
less they reduced the wages of their labouiers—
(Hear, hear)—for already we were successfully com-
peted with by the foreign markets—by those of Ger-
many, Swi:zerlaial, and France, in cotton goods, in
hosiery, and in silk;—(Hear, hear)--and unless this
country had some additional advantage over foreign
countries, it would be impossible for the realufacturers
of this country successfully to compete with them.
We have heard, also, from the Right Hon. Baronet at
the head of her Majesty's Government that the price of.
fetid does not elf -et the rate of wages—(Hear, hear)—
and he considered it not at all unlikely that agricultural
labourers would be employed upon railways, and other
works, at a far higher rate of wages than was now paid
to them. The manufacturer posiessed great advantages
over the agriculturist. lie had an establishment much
better adapted for the purposes of supervision, and he
could look upon all his workmen at one glance—each
has his appointed place, and each his allotted task. What
cares the manufacturer what weather takes place? What,
is it to him if the sun shines or the rain pours down?
But, Sir, can we say so of the farmer? Can he look
with one glance upon his farm and his workmen? Is
he subject to no vicissitudes of weather? Is he sure of
reaping what he has sown? Dees he always
obtain his twelve hours' work from his la
bourers, as these manufacturers do ? Can
he limit their labour and sternly demand of them
their twelve 'hours' toil ?—(Hear, hear.) Or do they
sternly refuse to allow a reduction of two hours in their
daily labour as . these manufacturers do ?—(llear,
hear.) Much might be said to show that there was
betwen the agricultural and the manufacturing interest
those differences which would not admit of their being
governed by the same laws and the same principles.—
( Hear, hear.) It would task the energies of the labourers
to the utmost if protection were to be taken from
them. Again, what advantages.have the manufacturers over
the agriculturist with reference to the burdens they
both had to bear ? He held in his hand a return from
one of the largest manufacturers of cotton in the country.
In that 'return he found that the amount of the work
turned out in one year amounted to a trifle more than
700,000/., that the wages paid during that was 30,000/.,
and the whole amount of the burdens amounted to the
small sum of 5501., a sum scarcely worth noticing.—
(Hear, hear) When he looked at the compensation
offered to the landed interest for this protestion
which they were called upon now to give up,
the consolidation of highways, the payment of medical
officers, making together a trifling sum of some three
or four hundred thousand pounds, spread over the whole
kingdom in such a manner as scarcely to be felt, he
considered they would have been more pleased if the
Right lion. Baronet had offered them nothing at all.
They were told by her Majesty's Goverhment that in
the West India colonies free labour had done much for
that part of the world.—(Cheers from the Opposition.)
He would not detain the House with contrary proofs.
They would be told that in the next year, or before
the year forty-eigle, that the West India colonies would
derive benefit from free trade.—(Haar, hear.) But, Sir,
if they were to get free trade he would ask what use were
the colonies ?—(Hear.) Ile had no objection to extend the
principle of free trade, but the Government did not
propose to extend the principle of free trade to the
colonies: It' they did, why did they not propose to take
off the duty on their corn, their m ,ize, and their other
commodities, which they could send into this country in
abundance ?—(1-lear.) Why did they not give greater
advantages to the colonies than they now propose.
of a total repeal of protective duties were advantageous
to the country?—(Loud cheers.) They gave the traders,
merchants, and manufacturers of this country a decided
preference over the colonies.—(Hear, hear.) If they
were to have free. trade they should in justice extend it
to the colonies also. They should no longer anew the
Inanteactarers of this country to have a monopoly.
They must enable their colonies to form a connexion
indspenden,, of this country.—(Hear and cheers from the
Opposition.) . They had heard the system charasterised
as a system of fair ploy, a 7 ;d they were told that
the colonies were treated• fairly, and that the pros-
perity of the country depended on the measure
of the Right Honourable Baronet.—(lronical cheers.)
He feared that the manufacturers of this country were
too much timulated, and that it was not safe to extend
the enterprise of individuals; and he was sure the pro-
gress of trade would prove his fears were not unfounded.
He felt and begged to emphatically state, that
he believed he was advocating. the best in-
terest of this country, both the manufacturers
and the agriculturists. and every class of British sub-
' jests, by their advocating protective duties.—(Cheers.)
He begged to move the amendment of which he bad
already giving notice.
Sir WILLIAM HEATHCOTE would ask per-
mission to second the amendment moved by the
Honourable Member who had just set down.
He considered, the measure of the Minister insufficient
when taken separately, and destructive of each other
when combined. They overlooked the evil of shak-
ing the
.settlement of that very House of Parlia-
ment upon the question which was now before them.
He believed that the Minister, in proposing these mea-
sures, had the best interests of the country in siew; but
he intended to oppose them, as he believed them pre-
judicial to those very interests. He did not consider
the measures of the Minister a large, or liberal, or im-
partial scheme for carrying out the principles of free
trade, for he was forced to remember that pro-
festive duties were removed from some articles, whilst
on others a very inadequate reduction had been made.
But, if he did consider them impartial, he would be disposed
to object to th. m, as he believed they would be a step in
the downward course. He believed that the legislation
for the last twenty years had been productive of evils
far beyond wuas were generally observed—the poison
had been concealed, but it was not the less danget ous.
But it was not impartial—it was anything but so. It
appearance, and it was less so in
reality. It sl oin
t Nvastiot in appearance, because it did
not profess to take an adequat-ii; ratio in the removal
of protective impositions. 1.1: the different branches
of industry were to hese protection in proportion to the
amount of manual labour employed in them, then that
department in which most manual labour was ex-
pended had least protection. Those branches of labour
where machinery was employed did not require any
—(Hear)—and by the measure c mtemplated to be
brought in by the Government agriculture was left
without any protection at all. The measure contem-
plated was based on a misunderstanding of. the whole
subject.—(Hear, hear.) The farmer, in comparison with
ether persons engaged in industrial occupations in his
own country,.and with foreign agriculturists, was not
in the same advantageous position. Ile will be found
exposed to a very unequal pressure cf taxation. He
was obliged to submit to a large amount of local expen
diture, which in foreign countties was defrayed at the
general charge.— (Hear.) At that moment also he was
under the pressure of the income-tax—under the stamp
laws ; he wi I also be found under a weight of heavy
indirect taxation in the Customs and Excise.
It will be found, too, that while the manu-
facturers are able to have quick returns for the
capital they have embarked, the agriculturist has to watt
a long time before he receives any reture.—(Hear.)i
He (Sir. W. H.) referred to those details for the purpose o
censidering the great question of compensation.—(Hear.)
He could not agree with that view which would place
the country at the mercy of the foreign growers of
corn. He could not forget that the farmers of' this
country had for the last fifty years met the wants of the
consumers cf corn produce according to the protection
which had been afforded them. He had supported
Ministers in their Canadian policy, but he could not
support them in a measure which would work to the dis-
i advantage of the interest of the country generally.
Her Majesty's Ministers were now about to
pia with all those commercial advantages which
Napoleon, in the plenitude of his power,
would have considered the ip if purchased by half the
victories he had achieved. He had supported his Right
Hon. rrieni at the head of the Administration,
upon agreeing with his general policy, but he
must on the press nt question differ with him.
The Right Honourable Baronet, however, should con
cede to his supporters the right of scrutinizing his mea-
sures, and judging whether they deserve'ihis eupp ; but
if lie refuses to them the right of scrutinizing particular
measures, and by their (Icing so he is induced to throw
up the Government, why the responsibility of the act
was upon himself end not upon his supporters. Thank-
ing the House for their indulgence, he begged 'to re-
sume his seat, seconding the amendment.

Mr. L.A.O
sated. ELLES trusted the House weuld extend
its indulgettoe whilst he to
_them the grouras
which would induct him .to support the measure of the
Government. The • Honourable Member who had
just concluded his address seemed to think that
the country had attained to its present eminence in
consequence of the restriction of commerce. Well, if the
Hon. Member thought so, he confessed the Hon. Mem-
bt r had read history very dift rently to himself, for he
found that since the establishment of the restrictive
system nothing bet distress had existed in the country.
,On the reconstruction of the Conservative Cabinet, it
was very evident what the policy was which they intended
to pursue, and he must candidly assert that if the measure
which' had been proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet had
been brought forward by the Noble Lord opposite, it
would have received his unconditional support. It might
be observed, with respect to sugar and corn especially,
that the indications of the measures of the Government
were sufficiently evident, immediately after the preeent
Government had taken office. He had, therefore, no
pledges to break, no assertions to retract, and be bad
no hesitation in giving his full adherence to the police' ,
which the Right Honourable Baronet had thought it
prudent to adopt. With regard to the ccurse which
the Govethment intended to pursue with those measures
he mus profess his perfect ignorance, but, at the same ,
time. tie must protest against anything like an unprin-
cipled change of policy. From the very first In°,-
ment that the Government took office, the whole
of their acts inlicated the course ehich they
intended to pursue. The very reasons on which
the tariff was intended to be based were evi-
dent in the regulations laid down in its provisions.
Numerous questions had been put, session after session,
to the Right Hon. Baronet with respect to the corn-
laws, as to whether it was his intention to alter the pro-
tective duties or not. To all these inquiries the
Right Honourable Baronet had invariably answered
that he could give no pledges, but that h"s conduct
must be directed by circumstances. Now, he did think e:
that this was a matter of considerable importance. He
believed that it was not the object of the Right not'
Baroact to bolster up any particular system, but that
it was necessary to go to the bottom of the
system if restriction. When that Eight H°°'
Gentleman propounded his policy with resplt'
to sugar and several other products, there was a sow"
cient evidence given to the country of the poicy ghee
ti.ey intended to follow There might be suffering an
distress in individual cases, but these were occurrence!.
which followed in all such cases ; but that vve!
no le aon why this measure should not '
carried into law.—(Hear, hear.) He ca: so little,
accustomel to addressing this House, that he trus
he would be exeuied for having trespassed. on its at'
tention so long. Bat he had a strong feeling upon thit
subject ; ant hile he expressed his sentime. t as he hal
done, he was placed in the painful po iti'n
adopting a course at varia, ice with the opini°ll
and wishes of his constituents ; but h coal
look back upon his past comae xi in with the a with:
pride and saiisfiction.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord NORREYS said that having sepported the
Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's G 9
vernment in all his measures for this country,
well as in all his Irish policy, it was with considerable
regret that he now rose to express his opinions nil°
the proposition now before the House. He waited t'
hear the Hon. Baronet's explanation before he had tel'
any course in reference to them, because he did thin
that to attack him before he had developed thol
measures see uld be unfair and unmanly, and if he (Leg
Norreys) lied done so, he would stand degraded in
own eyes as well as in the estimation of t'i
House.—(Hear, hear.) No doubt, the letter f
the Nook Lord the Member for ledil°l3d
as well as other events that had taken place, bad caused
a necessity for s nne alteration in the existing stafetot
the laws upon this subject. He did not expect 011
the Right Honourable Baronet would propose 6.'1,
a measure. He was free to admit the d'",
culty with which he must have made 1;11,
his mind for any alteration in the cornlaes, but ~,
might have avoided the difficulty to a consider: 01'e
extent. He might have taken a course wl ica would b
opened the eyes of the agriculturists to the pos,tion in niu,epj
they then stood. If the Right Hen. Baronet had rele:i4,
' to return to power until the Noble Duke had bad tbs
Government offered to him, he would have adopted the
proper course.—(Cheers and laughter.) That n 5 t
course which would have opened the eyes of the slirio
culturiste, and would have enabled the Honours;,.
Baronet to have proposed a far different seas the
fie was sorry that the course taken 1)7 the
Right Hon. Baronet was not in accoriiauce with for
advice he gave in 1839. There was more necessit.Yo.
an alteration then than there was now. Was the n.tb
duct of the Right Honourable Baronet consistent sled
his measures in 1839, 41, and 42 ? Lk had once ohilie-
to a duty of Bs, per quarter, and he new came to r°r.l
ment to propose a ditty of 4s. and that to be folleb-ut
by total repeal. What inference could he draw,„,,,e
that the Right Honourable Baronet had "00.
wanting, not in political integrity, hut in the
Racal foresight. He had heard his Friend. tit
Right Hun. Member fur Edinburgh, upbraid hint
inconsistency in his political principles with bo•
gard to the cora-laws. Ile (the Right [[on.
for Eeinburgh) had charged the Right Hon. paro.:lB
with declaring one thing out of office and anther .OTIOO
in office, and had, during his remarks, used a quota to
which he (Lord Morris) thought very appliedbje of
the case, and which were simper the w'id'er.)
Dido, " .Nusquani tufa fides. "—(Loud laugh .t 1 it
He should say that if the measure should be carrios.o
would not be carried from tie conviction of its wissss
or necessity, but b cause, seeing ;het the thiag- ble
inevitable, the sii, porters or the Right Honoursto
Baronet weal prefer doing for him what they we rdnot be inclined to i'o for the Noble Lerd opposite (Fro
John Russell). But why, supposing tnat the opi.
Minister of the Crown thought fit to change his beer,
niuns, should his followers change theirs ? (Hear,the
and laughter.) Whatever might be the result t'T °
sot
measure, for the col s-quenees the Right. flon.l3°
should responsible.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. B. COCHRANE could net acres in the n°
s, to
of many gentlemen who preceded him ; and, I,ol=A;by
the histoly of the corn-laws, he was compelled toil,lo .
that he did not see any violation of pull is
(as we understood the Honourable Metriber4,stei
the present conduct of the Ministry. Protection e,l‘es in
previous to the Revolution. An alteration took Pitineel
the laws in the year 1773, and again in 1791. T°llB4l,
alteration took place in 1822, and subsequently ill then
when the Bill was introduced, which th werehoe)
called upon to overthrew altogether.—( Hear,it
In all this there was no principle, or it there wereoo
arose from a breach of faith. There was another'
e
in which lie differed with the Honourable Gent:1;01
who had ad tressed the House. It had bean stets u pet;
Members of reel' tment had no right to sop t(),,
this measure, uailess they first app,..''le,
their constituents. The authority of Mr. I-I'w I,'
been asked, and great importance was attached pi.s
opinion. N tvv, what said Mr. Pitt in 1798, whicei",
posing the legislative union with Irelend? P'stsc°:,
if the question of Parliamentary confidence w°s;,,cil'',
rated from Parliament, on the Pr•iihtsl;
that it had no right to decide Aso.ptin°
an appeal to the people, they would be ar,-,1 per
a principle most dangerous to the state, and onfei:essor
version of all principles of political society. 14 be
not understand such a principle. Ho mieht
~ro°,l4,wede
an answer to it—that the Septennial Act was
a House elected wrier a three years' system; tbll%of°l
Ronan Catholic Relief Bill was carried by t'
•
returned on priuciples opposed to that ineassr'or
oe
was impossible to define the limits of Perlianiet,
nountability. If the principles maintained "sr, t'Y
Honourable Gentleman who had addresse",
House in favour of protection was to be acts 01'11
it would make that House a mete
of delegates, instead of a delib Tative and gte_J,
live ass& mhly, leaving gentlemen dive..(fir;of
the privilege of argument and reflectiolo roe be
hear.) It would be most dangerous and des to to
to the character of that House, if it wilerti .01
held that no Member should be at lid rele
alter his opinion, supposing he had seen goo at ;
for that change. The Right lion. Gentleinsoo4o •
head of the Government had been charged WlO. de;
inconsistency in bringing forward this mealy gistOos.
(Mr. B. Cochrane) did not see that other pubi'bct Pool
men were more consistent than the Pg hAvor
Baronet. Honourable Gentlemen were in thetset 11 0
quoting Hansard to serve. their purposes, but ode
lication would serve the purposes of other, ally, Phil
those who used it. One gentleman quoteJ st„tetle,
kisson's opinion "in 1814, while another (1131 r.
opinion in 1828. They might refer to whet, ~tiee„o4
ning said in 1827, in contrast with what he ad
1815.. He might refer to Lord Ashburton, w„ ~-
„
ht)eesel't 0
an advocate of protection, yet who in 182"
a petition from the citizens of London, Prey
total repeal of all commercial restrictions oses;
f• Facies non omnibus tuna" 0 diS'
He could not agree that all public men wer,:',,eedeeei
because they changed their
either side such a docts ine was tint°,-;e. .4)/
It was ridiculous to propose an unalteratle sit %ht.' tle
ever did so was an unalterable fool— Great
but a public question was not likes,of, 400.4 es
physical question ; he would seer hia)the '„t the
might b. allowed so long to trespass 0° 1,00-oge;
that he had seen many changes, told he di cl'ersief
necessity that drove a nation on from ehaq, eon° their,
Why, they had seen an entire change in thei• dos; The;
relation proposed within the last twelve 015 r, 'est+
found those changes going on perrtlit si% y to
found many changes within the lasvos !sic'"
Who could say that this law oiot rt.', re'
main unchanged? There was another vitis II tiey
he would wish to draw attention, and Os'
..efriou oticv
fererice to the Relorm Bill. lie wished tn..: office 01,
how that Bill was passed. Who weres_l: DuheAgtii:
the Reform Bill passed? Why, the N°' the wise'
of p elf
in office was at the head Oil' • h tb,e'
cultural . Association, when that d soteois •of
There was another Noble Lord assoents."o was "lap
.0
Majesty's Governmint at that period, wPof thatteusied
pwahriaethedthfartomntbhieemL.
rmTdhewGasovaerinninemenbteristsherr
9tofie,
swamp the House if that Bill were not so 10
e.
An HON. MEMBER interrupte,
that he was quite inaudible in thesetl:l I elirsi3ueb *fasetphleel::it
Mr. B COCFIRANE would affirm that the Pe, tee hill
But it mattered not. In the Governmente resigeqii, ode`.
confidence. When the Right Hon. Barnne
s'oteed, °so hav_ed
he held, the funds fell, but the instant tts iiinportaier.se; ;se
position they rose. In these times it
" e"nnthe eneects
Government in which the people could P‘ion like there vern-
this should not be overlooked in a discus- that Go 03,
t forge' , the preb,.,
fore the House ; but they must no ~e ee get si JO
parties in the country who bad no conna,_!, bre.u.e. „.or
ment, or in the measures which they
rndr0,,,,,0t
This
Russell) in his was ably ur
address ed by the Noble
his con t ueno4l,eh .1i( the I"th
sGh
oo
vu
el dr n bme enn ot
hsuadrrepnietgreodfthts:eitvirertS..sirboarti.t,.;:lewebicb pe
Baronet, in bringing forward this I.loe_llieleo
clamour which had been raised aganiP