The Sun.
London, England, 1870-11-16 00:00:00

OUR COTEMPORARIES—This Morning

THE EASTERN QUESTION.
We fail to discover, says the Times, in the circular of
Prince Gortschakoff any reason for reconsidering the pro-
visions of the settlement of 1856. If such reasons exist,
they must be found outside his despatch. At the same time,
we repeat it, if Russia has any good grounds for revising
the Treaty of 1856, let her produce them in a proper man-
ner. She will find Europe ready to listen to argument, but
combined against her if she is rude and arrogant. We
cannot, of course, pretend that a Treaty once made
can never be revised. Time passss and circumstances
change, and the arrangement that may be judicious
and politic to-day may become pernicious in
after years. Nay, it has sometimes happened
that later men have found that their predecessors in
public life have agreed to Treaties that could
not be defended, because they contravened es-
sential principles of national life. Belgium was sepa-
rated from Holland, Lombardy and Venice have reverted
to Italy, and we have approved, and even. assisted at,
those changes, in spite of the settlements of 1815,
because we were obliged to confess that those settle-
ments override in an arbitrary fashion the liberties of
nations. But at present we can find no excuse for
patting aside the settlement of 1856. Its essential
principles are principles of peace, and no cir-
cumstances have arisen to warrant a departure from them.
If Turkey declines to accept the freedom from the obliga-
tions of the Treaty of Paris which the Czar offers the
Sultan, and insists upon holding the Empeior bound
to observe the stipulations to which he agreed,
we shall not be able to forget our own obligations
as parties to the settlement. The prospect is
grave, and while we face it without shrinking we do not
face it with a light heart ; but, in spite of the gravity of
the prospect, we protest that our sharpest feeling at the
moment is pain at the apparent faithlessness of the Czar,
and at the rudeness with which he has denounced the Treaty.
What trust can be reposed in Treaties when the first hour of
disquiet is seized for the repudiation of any obligation that ;
may be deemed unpleasant ? Public opinion in Russia has
supported us in recommending peace between Prussia and
France on the basis of stipulations for the dismantlement
of fortresses and the like as sureties of peace; but how
can we hope that Prussia would accept such guarantees
when she sees the Emperor of Russia denouncing similar
engagements at the first moment he vainly thinks he may
escape from them ?

The Telegraph says : If Russia deemed a revision of the
Treaty to be desirable for her interests, any representa-
tions that she might have made at a proper time, and in
an amicable tone, with a due regard to the obligations
which she had contracted towards Turkey and the other
Powers parties to that instrument, would pro-
bably have met with full consideration. It
would be only courteous to a great Power that her
allied co-signitaries should examine what weight
attached to the facts and arguments advanced in favour of /
a modification of the objectionable clauses. But it is im-
possible to avoid judging those claims by the time chosen
for advancing them, and the tone with which they
are put forward. The time is so manifestly un-
suitable that the common sense of Englishmen
at once detects some reason for the demand which
it is not thought expedient to avow. It seems as
if Russia had chosen the present moment because she
imagines that England is isolated and relatively
powerless, France stricken down, and unable,
even if willing, to vindicate the sanctity of treaty
stipulations, and Austria held in check by
Prussia. The tone employed in the communica.
tions from Prince Gortschakoff does, indeed,
throw strong light on the intentions of that
able diplomatist. The representations made do
not suggest changes, but demand them ; and the demands
are of a categorical character, and are couched in a tone
which, though eminently courteous, is unmistakably im-
perious. Despite, therefore, the conciliatory phraseology
introduced here and there, as if to soften the harshness of
the avowal made, it will be difficult to convince English-
men that the most sinister interpretation of Russia's
motive is not as sound as it is obvious. The
general conviction will unquestionably be that the Em-
peror
Alexander's advisers are endeavouring to avail
themselves of a moment of European disturbance to put
forward clainis which could not be supported by argument
at a more fitting season. We need not dwell on the
gravity of such an incident. It remains to be seen whether
fuller explanations may not lessen the most un-
pleasant characteristics of the diplomatic difficulty thus
raised, and whether a timely frankness on both sides may
not, by clearly indicating possible consequences, remove
the topic from the list of delicate questions ere ani-
mated discussion has aggravated the points of difference
and converted tnem into a serious danger to European
peace.

Concerning the notification of Russia's wish to have the
Treaty of 1856 revised, the Standard observes : Although
such an announcement must have been expected before
long by all who have followed Russian diplomacy eince
1856, and noted the relations between the Russian and
Prussian Governments since the commencement of the
present war, it has arisen much earlier than
could . have been anticipated, and in our
opinion very prematurely in the interests of Russia her-
self. The Russian statesmen have indeed some good
reasons for the assumption that their demand will meet
with no resistance of any importance. They are
assured of the support of Prussia. France, let fortune
be ever so favourable to her, will for a long time be unable
to devote attention or sacrifice men and money to
general questions of European policy. Austria without
an ally on the Continent, and torn by the hatreds of the
different nationalities, is hopelessly hemmed in between
Russia and Prussia. Italy has too much to do at home.
There remain England and Turkey. The Turkish Go-
vernment cannot alone resist the pressure Russia and
Prussia can exert, and the Russians calculate that the
present English Government has no heart to stand out
against them ; and that—thanks to its policy—
England, if the .nation should shew the concern for its
honour which the Government is wanting in, would find
herself in such a weak position that common prudence
would dictate to her the inexpediency of engaging in a
war which must be long and costly. It would be
impossible to deny the justice of these calculations.
England and France are the two Powers with whom
Russia made the bargain contained in the Treaty of Paris,
who-imposed, in protection of interests of the highest
importance, the conditions to which she acceded
in ordei to obtain the peace she needed. If England
and France will not fight to maintain the stipulations of
the treaty, Russia may treat that great European act as
waste. paper.

The Manchester °Owlet., alluding to the Eastern ques-
tion, says :—Whether Prussia is successful or unsuccessful
in the present war, there is no reason for supposing
that she will ever tamely submit to the advance of
RusiiauponConstantinople and the consequent promotion of
that Power to the first rank amongst the nations of Europe,
unless indeed compensation in some form or other were
offered to herself. What such compensation is to be can
hardly'now be specified. it is, however, by no means
improbable that it implies the more or less active
support tof ltrussia,. in the present conflict, and the
assistance, whether active or passive, of the only
ally who can help to blot out th. memory of General
Aurelles de Paladine's victory in front of Orleans—A vic-
tory which, however highly it may have been Coloured,
and however much it may have been over-estimated, is,
after all, one of the most serious events of the present
ghastly struggle.