The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-28 00:00:00

•

dS~glote'l'

rNuble Lord the Member for Yorkshire (Lord Morpeth) re-
,esented his 51. note, and the Member for Stockport said that
note was wet to 5,000/., and he was right, because it gave
ficilM;a,power aehicli he had not possessed before, if the
pit, was he? He wes likeiy to undervelue the ower of
that
e League of which so much notice had been taken, when he
Bto what a position its influence and activity had reduced
party, and in what a condition the leader of that party
IMO in regard to the country. He saw that the one was
taardhilated, and the other dependent. Then again, if he turned
„eflhe elections, he would ask them to show him the place where
'three English election hail been held, ana he would show them
W Plane where a protectionist had been returned. That then
" lhe use of the •),001) votes of wich the Noble Lord opposite
had
made such a m.,guitieent boast? Ile would venture to as-
although the constitution of this country was at pre-
t't4t irk abeyance, andsa the people wou. ld.he.reafter arise to vindi-
(late its i • ta, ntegrity, ive their verdict in its favour. Let them
teZt
,lcaliea.t9d most striking instance—the cave of the Noble
Secretary for Ireland.
,That Noble Lord had
fell clown to the county of INottinghase with the
to.,.,,LePort of the Government, of which he was a
I:cuuer and an ornament. He had everything in his
lii)lr-Che had -character, ability, position, and support,
leaf ."e (Mr. B.tnkes) believed that his opponent had every
„fr,itLtrument in the county retained against hies. He
ilald not say much a'eout that—but what was the result
a St liWe Lord had gone down to the county with all the
tlhaPPort cf the Alinistry and with a greater assurance of success
1.011:as entertained even'
for the success of the measure now
! the House. He had expressed himself confidently, and
eoubt had written up to his friends in London—and yet the
e:etion turned against him. There was, however, one very
r!,aordinary circumstance about this election. It was sure
telling the, although the opponent of the Noble Lord to whom
ad referred had been elected the day before yesterday, he
oho lot yet made his appearance in the House,
Yes ug" a gentleman who had been elected only
Witht-rday had this night taken his seat. No doubt
np tot!.qual sincerity and equal confidence he wrote
thk, "i 6 friends in Lendon that nothing could be more certain
1,14 their sueeese. The freeholders were every momentfere ill their adhesions, arid the Freers do not dare to inter-
ex:th the eleeti .n.—( Hear, hear. ) And cow, with these
hnfnre them, were they asking too much when it was
raeas;;"''
that tile fate of Ireland did not depend upon these
arty foes, acid when it was conceded that there was no neces-
lt "„—r ',este, alarm, or anxiety ; were they, he would repeat
t134"1,4, 'sting too much from the Government to require
ktito":"elcl be permitted to have the opinion of the whole con-
ey of the country expressed upon the measure.—( Hear,
%it; Some members had resigned their seats upon this
Aidtii", others had retained them, and some had adopted a
eJtt' be
e eDurse and finally resigned. He considered that a ,
fr°,ll Swift seemed peculiarly applicable to the latter

tg
fi tea the halter, he traversed the cert,c~e
•ne tee_r et, id °nen touts leave, but seemed teeth depaete
lattusi tell theee Honourable Gentlemen in their seats that
°the% was upon their side, left honour seemed to be on the
1%0,1 e' ha Hon. Gentleman having cited the opinion of Al-
stlney on the conduct of Members of Parliament, cone
shes slying that the learned author proclaimed the
•a be s'"ent of defaulting Members, who betrayed their trust,
.tejse,e-ierns infamy, and hatred, and the assurance of being
sfrepr'esby their constituents when next they sought the honour
,sse era "tint; them —(Hear, hear.) However, the law was
•sterohi. and honour was the other.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon.
•Ilsasseer.fus Woleerhampton, when he spoke last night, ex-
Alto his fear at seeing such a leader at the head of the Go-
tttles! "t; and he (Mr. Bankes) should agree with him, parti-
'.tes,e,r4w:_hen he asserted that the present was a great and. cri-
:,'ae pre ", and one that strongly reminded him of the period of
Itlea; knell Revolution between the years 1789 and 1791.-
411 es e'rart ) He (Mr. Bankes) thought he could find in the
+ea iod" a learned author, who wrote most eloquently on that
14/111,' a few statement's that, in different language, would
ate his views much more happily than he could hope to
karo;4:7lft With that view he opened " Alison's Modern
Qa ' in which he found these words:—" The existing
1:14 (bas a physician would say, of the revolution
spread of innovation, which, like a dread-
tateesdy at that time overspread the earth and precipi-
. fat freall classes into a passion for changes of which they were
et* perceiving the effects, and the most ardent in the
foe Were tho ;hose rtunes were about to perish.".
• ses" these "
eePeeeoe „weeds also,
."The young nobles applauded withou,t,
e4fese
„e that they themselves would be the first victims.
~stre we" then Lord Lincolns as well as now.—(Cheers.)
.seiditre then as now, sons ranged against their fa, hers; and
lode mblic mischiefs the whole system of private
'tulto "as stroyed.—(Continued cheering.) The same
Of .
leet . wrot giving a description of the Prime
;sheMiniter
Res nese „ „
pose Ills private character was unexceptionable
s ; -"sad of immense wealth; and he made a noble use of
4e es gas 'liberal without pride or prodigality, and.he would
aesaiteerT. a Perfect private citizen had it not been for a secret
d etti. 'eh made him sacrifice everything to public popularity,
'sited 'eh broueht on unheard-of calamities. Had Turgot
liltteeta°these gr'eat and good qualities an adequate knowledge
ilaidestee" nature, he would have been a great and wise
h 't but unhappily he lacked that one great advantage,
e therefore hurried on those dangerous measures. He
ti_ etirel
1,541,4 Y ignorant of human nature, and pursued his de-
(' tote," Pout considering what effects they would produ
NeriiiPtaring these two characters, as thus described by 'he
ssei et f, he found in
;hatem a wonderful resemblance to the
, f ;Imo inister nd, ignorant though he might be of
t'il iee'ing, he yet charged the Right Hon. Baronet wi.h
sharrn'entionally not only avoided but contrived to prevent
else b 'nee to the public voice at a period when he should
,assiloneert convinced of his error. It was through that Al-
Zsped Sidney had laid down the law, as he had
s°llt of that book, but he did not contend
"est ISPtennial Parliaments, and there were many
tl!e_w !lose opinions were changed upon this particular
b(Laughter.) Where great changes took place in the
itle l Public Minister, it was advisable that her Majesty
1 boaad dvised (as tie had no doubt Lord John Russell •
•et t the s) to apeeel to the people. But then it happened
ersdnehfutProreise toek ptace between the two great parties
• Vat
ter itteie had etre:see alluded. He would now recur to that
eti!",ents as it well deserved to be called—he meant the
sctjeste the Right Hon. Baronet had addressed to her
Van (C et.
° the Sib of September list. At the very time
fettei, IC" ettesmunication was passing between the
le sr ei-S Baronet and the Queen, another one was passing
his raJesty from Lord John Russell. The opinions of both
to that inu.t have been similar, for it was impossible
)I,ltose. nta for tiny one to hold office that held other opinions
otitalthetA...od how long had the
.Noble Lord (John Russell)
ki„l, tee 'ee Consequent on the retirement of Sir R. Peel? Only
des
half, and he retired from the attempt to form a
t't;es (aith °cause he had not confidence in carrying out rnea-
NlN'y f he, along with Sir Robert Peel, considered ne-
' eirui Eolli the welfare of the country.—( Hear, hear.) In
see'_atletlf,lshs the real cause, which the Noble Lord hoes him-
. thstasee tirds was this : —He found, if he accepted office, and
ate lattere support of the Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir R. Peel),
setters,- Pile bring over with him but few of his sup-
ihttiae4Pila en the other hand, if the Right Hon. Baronet
Rh. Cal, in office, he could secure so much more support on
elle% 4,Laative side of the House to the proposed measures,
thtl'Pose 'oble Lord could guarantee all his supporters on the
IhttNol44,Side of the House. This was the real history of
klse - eased • •
•oir d. giving up the attempt to form a Ministry.
Ito ,u 1 not the Noble Lord, er the Right Hon. Baronet,
• a ?• tne people, if they considered the country was with
slt,kfainsh,eir not doing so showed that the voice of the people
tortZlie,i't‘ their proposed measures, and they were fearful of
6,,° its He (Mr. Bankes) had been told that this
Itel'alitt;" been expressed in another way—that is,
Neseetrns Presented to that House. On that point, what
lee 'd oh„red that night respecting petitions to Parliament
thkigo,w what litte weight was to be attached to them.
toe, koe`rnalent had given no reason why the Members of
Li tt,wse should not stand face to face with their consta
%ip there, if they made promises, they should take care
Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had
e49le:tainst exaction of promises, but they should restollect
st slate, age and custom of the country had been in favour of
ledateset- who sought to be returned to that House, making
lei adeybteof their political views prior to the election. They
pet tt'' nomination for the express purpose of questions
It,lPiefet ?Candidates, and for the purpose of enabling such
spieTtl,efle° explain their political principles to the electors.
sfetsbe, tubers are to become so careful and chary of their
leelare pee doubted if they would have so many supporters in
(Its ladee!!'ament.—( Hear, hear.) lie did not think voters
Ne7seett7t to take Hon. Members according tertheir looke—
• teleellt pra'aUghter.) They would still continue that incon-
zatteet to ;lice of a,king questions, and they would not only
teetallee O"eeeive answers to those questions, bat also the per-
*llo.4l of those promises. It had been stated that during the
Nees as re'ord Lincoln, an Hon. Member waited upon him,
Nee that interested in the e.airs of Ireland, and he
I'4le-elle as the result of his interview, he was
est, satisfied with the Noble Lord's opinions upon that
him tiid Would Lord Lincoln depart from what he
t to,e . the Hon. Member who had waited upon
;krie, was If bound to the performance of his promise
kb' gas o ,ne not also -bound to -the lowest man in the crowd?
tsa,_ tve :" that poor man entitled to ask his epinion, and to
Ztletilt retTintswer from the candidate ? Was there any difre-
- • `alet sfiertt jyr station which enabled a person with impunity
totaito cause nil promises and engagements ? Was there any
e.aeheell haehira to affect a feeling of contempt because these
'tees tee'esi„ ".'en made to a meaner class ?—( Hear, hear. )
liege:pit:ens-es would receive from the people of England their
rset4at, se:re. Boroughs which were renovated, as it was
itetatee"--(HPassing of the Reform Bill, would not be thus
Niles, wears hear.) They would insist that their repro
itleetrsti to mu° had changed their opinions, should appeal again
re st eeeejtain if they would be received with their altered
ries Pseset,''Y was he (Mr. Bankes) not allowed still
,t to ` the small borough which •he represented
''o the
etateo. to e passing of the . Reform
.Bill ? Was
tte!lfletlet 0e,!13 returned according to his opinion?
ta:leseegratl bel'teseti that a great deal of time and unnecessary
• lie -e"
expended in passing what has been called the
tale ties • Th,. e ,
k l,, y east now the means of ascertaining t e rea
wits respect to the present momentous ques-
eesiteei 'sat r..1:1 now see whether, in the people's opinion, the
811 it ,ttleil teatl.n' and expedient. They (the protectionists)
at this
would be far more in;urious than beneficial,
t,Ppotettla „‘ conviction that had driven them to oppose the
ert7ei s, that ,a 4 ('sand in so pertinacious a manner. For the
fie hao AY had me, as well as for other tholesreaso pur-
' o, aifhtPaer '-fsulatttl en taking the division at age
the 'night be the result, if they failed, they would
kteire aelhe countt'Y regretted to see the unien of men who
'te Y '''s e principle • whatever might be the re-
-044045ee ewe but
01 .1 be s'e here, he trusted that in another place a
444,10;11e:4,d which would afford the people en oppor-
. see,Goe ratio, 7 their feelings. Year after year, during the
Wee; a. tettntnet() by Parliament, the votes would show that
of it eeeeasuse L'Y immense majoritie_,s would not sanction
Vheir flee, thatthat now proposed. He could not for a mo-
Ltersatereg,, the other House would refuse the exercise
-Ise b •
aedlS. 4,treordiet y causing an appeal to the people against
(het Brent OTT t;asY and extravagant measure.
11k, one of ',Mid give his vote in support of the measure.
• Is-4 eletes‘u the pr7nef' in the results of the future. He though:
preset ttuheee TenstPal features connected with the measure
elfee!thtee? th a sight of in the debate, and that feature
el; plea,. If re
as that now proposed be possibly
eet_ deft (ling re °se Hon. Gentlemen who talked so much
friendsnee Of ‘l'e farmer,
'se_ pro, . s cause, who were so constant in
were -ection, and who proposed to be the far,
flue eo, .he to to tell him
erie nistee., into the truth, and say that protec-
Ae_tly maintained, they would then be acting
;',4, w„zther their character of being the farmers'
• 4,5 thpots,, suppotiJectlon that had been raised during the
thee ecie,iole se ng the question to he rieht, and that
to•ilizte the Prevent it being carried clut, the per aesNte easry • Present Gs
tote People it jeto overninent were not those who
tat,
es .
Of (hit acct. He (Mr. Estcott) believed
less.tetlkr,e pairstiee7intry were comparatively little con-
, ftie4es to e ee, , ar individuals who might carry the
had -ouduct would admit that those who had un-
teatnel e:;?ft.v, end it" measure were exposed to the charge
‘`"wh "Nt 'e had not escaped from that charge. He %t t-y 11, ,Pun by lei
p his (IA t. Hon. Member for Kneresborough
ititu the resignation of his usat, and
totoret entoetifee4oer
the, Hoe On his change of principle. He
4nishtt fee intitiet4• Gentleman that not one single
siker het vn v • to him in the silliest manner
this s) stild t at-ate his
of to (pi Nrs otcor • seat. A Noble Lord had also
estioe "n'l henc:eflve I,ow it was consist ent with his( Mr.
pe,l
gal
• lie or to suet sort the motion for goint into
hon_would th N
ohr one e e oble Lord what his re
raher of Parliament was. eras
segss

against his personal honour to tamper with his constituents. It
was his personal honour to give up his time thy and night to
srudy the interest, of Ins electors and of the country. And to
ziv,!' a Jr:oder:l instance, suppose a person came into

,^,'l ^"8 7: t

O. et poet ie.:, economy.
It was his personal hose ie.- to make him:clf master of thee quess
tions, in order to be able to know how to give his vote with
'judgement. It wan also his duty to throw over board any
degree of character for personal consistency, in order to obtain
; a much higher degree of character, as an efficient servant of
the general interests of the people. That was his idea of the
personal honour of a Member of that House. It had been
stated by the Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Dorsetshire,
that he had considered it almost impossible for any Government
tri have formed so strange and sweeping a measure of commercial
1 policy as that which was now proposed to be adopted.
From the year 1842, when the Right Hon. Baronet at
head of the Treasuey, and the late Vice-President of the
Board of Trade, made their speeches on the Corn Bill which
was introduced into the House, he (Mr. Eseott) not only
anticipated some such measure as the present, but he told every
man who thought proper to ask his opinion, that some such
measure must be the inevitable consequence of the Bill that
was then introduced. There were some persons of distin-
guished station, to whom he was under some obligations for
many acts of condescension, who had done him the honour to
consult him on matters of public affairs. He told those indi-
viduals, distinctly and freely, that the total repeal of
taxes on imports would be necessary in consequence
of th 3 principles which had been laid down
by the Right lion. Baronet and the late Vice-President, of the
Board of Trade. The occurrences since 1842 had only ren-
dered it more apparent that some such change as the present
must be introduced. Year after year, up to the present time,
they had heard debates on the corn-laws, but he had never
heard during the whole of that time one single argument
brought forward in defence of the principle of the corn-laws
from that bench. (The Hon. Gentleman then pointed to the
Ministerial bench, and was interrupted with cries of" No, no.")
He had heard very clever speeches to avoid the question alto-
gether, but certainly had not heard the principle ad-
vocated. The Hon. Member for Somersetshire
Lim-
s-lf, without the aid of the Anti-Corn-law League, would
have upset any corn-law that might have been made.
His Hon. Friend the Member for Somersetshire had said, that
he never rose to speak of the corn-laws without the horror of
abundance before his eyes. Whatever was before him horrible
in form and aspect was sure to have a cornucopia in his hand.
But while his Hon. Friend had such a horror of plenty, he
could tell him that the people in his own county, ix his own
immediate vicinity, were obliged to depend upon turnips for
their daily subsistence, and on the products which the mildness
of the season and the kindness of Providence had allowed to
come forth. It would not do to talk to him of speeches that
had been spoken five years ago. He had never given
a vote in that House, but in favour of relaxing protective
duties.—( Hear, hear.) He had seen his Hon. Friend the
Member for Somersetshire present 110 petitions against the
corn-laws, and every one of those petitions stated that the
corn-laws and the tariff were the destruction of agriculture.
He told the farmers that the very corn-law which last year
threatened their entire ruin, was this year the only thing that
would save them. Now, what must the farmers think ? They
were persons of as much intelligence as any of the middling
classes in this country, and could tell as well as most persons
what faith to put in the representations of others. And the
most honest way of acting would be at once to tell them
that the existing corn-laws will shortly exist no longer.
He would now come to the great question of all. which was—
" What is to become of the land?" Now, the principal argu-
ment which he had heard repeated over and over again—and it
was stated first in order by the Hon. Member for the Univer-
sity of Oxford, and not more strongly by any Hon. Member
since, but it had been refuted a great number of times during
the debate—that argument was this, that such a treasure as this
should not be carried, for if it should be, it would ruin the in-
stitutions of the country. He (Mr. Escott) owned that he
was perfectly astonished on hearing that argument used by
Hon. Members ; for what were the institutions of the country ?
The Church ? The courts of law ? The Houses of Parlia-
ment? Did they mean to put the preservation of the institu-
tions of the country upon the maintenance of a restriction on
the importation of food in the time of scarcity, or of appre-
hended scarcity? Because, if they did, he woulditell them plainly
that never were the institutions in any free country ever
defended by such an argument, and never could they be de-
fended by such an argument. What did Pitt say about appre-
hension of scarcity? Did he get up and talk about protection,
and the danger of injuring the institutions of the country? No;
ee endeavoured to ab dish every vestige of protection. Ile
said that the first duty of a Minister of the Crown was to take
care that the people should be fed.—( Cheers.) He (Mr.
Esentt) should like to know whether the Hen. Member for the
University of Oxford would like to close the ports against the :t
importation of food ? —( Cheers.) He (Mr. Escott) did not see
the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury in his place, and he regretted •
that he was not, because he spoke very eloquently on that
point. He said that the carrying of this measure would ruin
the valuable institutions of the country, and he said that the
party that had proposed this measure had no right to do any
such thing. He ( Mr. Escott) remembered that Hon. Member
delivered a very able lecture in that House some time agto
on the political history of the country, and he remembered hiiaa
.raying in very vigorous language to the Noble Lord ( J. Russet k)
and the' Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, who constituted tleie
great Whig party, " You Whigs have no right to claim fr e e
trade, whatever else may be your merits; it was Pitt that pr oi-
pagated the great doctrine ofifree trade." Pitt, the great Tor y
Minister, he said, had done that. And yet the Hon. Memb t
for Shrewsbury had said to the Right Hon. Baronet at the het d
of the Government, "You are a traitor to your party, for espote s-
ing principles of this kind, whatever be the necessities of tme
country, because your party should necessarily keep up a to t-
strict ice policy." He would notdetain the House much longer
upon this subject. , lie for his own part thought that
the institutions of the country could not be injured by any thic ig
so much as the restriction of the supply of the people 's
food in times of scarcity. Honourable Gentlemen had sa.:id
that the present scarcity, or the apprehension of that scarci t y,
had been greatly exaggerated. It was exaggerated, or it wsas
not. Now, the Right Honourable Gentleman the Recordler
of Dublin and the Member for the University of Dublin weent
-so far as to say that in the greater number of the counties :in
Ireland, there was actually no necessity at all—that there was
an average supply of potatoes at the present time. Now, ion
inquiry, he found persons coming from Ireland who stated 'to
him—he would say it with every respect for the statements of
the Right Hon. Gentleman—that there was no foandatiiion
whatever in the Right Honourable Gentleman's statement) s.
The question then came to this—which was to be believed ?
Was he to believe the Right Hon. Gentleman the limped er
for Dublin, or was he to believe the papers that were on t:ue
table of the House, and which were the accounts of
Roman Catholic clergymen and clergymen of the Eat a
blished Church, and of all other excellent persons who we re
sending to this country from day to day accounts of the dread
of the scarcity that was coming upon them in a very- snort
space of time.—( Hear, hear.) Was it then false that they
went to the potato-pits and found them one mass of rettrereness?
He certainly would confess, that with all the respect duel to the
statements of the Right Honourable Gentleman, he was
prepared to believe the statements of such a numerous body
rather than that of the Right Hon. Gentleman, who he 'believed
was misinformed on the matter. But Hon. Members, came to
that House for the purpose of stating the results of their own
experience. He would state what was going on in certain
parts of England where he resided. The people there found
that at least one-half of the potato crop had been d.estroyed,
and the potato, he was sorry to say, was the greater; portion of
the subsistence of the people. The wheat crop was also very
deficient in that district, and it was very much to be leered that
the crops of the next summer would be deficierat.—(Hear,
hear.) lie would then ask them whether in order to pre-
serve the institutions of the country it was necessary to keep
up a restriction on the importation of food, when. in Ireland
perhaps more than one-fourth, and when in England at least
one-fourth of the food of the people was destroyed ?
His Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Oxford
hid used certain expressions lin his speech which he (Mr.
Escott) wished he had not heard. Ile said, " Do not disturb the
iieaceable and prosperous state of things." (Protectionist
cheers.) Quieta non movere.--( Hear, hear.) He believed
in his conscience that within three short mon this from this
time, around his own dwelling, the quiet whi,cli the Hon.
Member would not disturb would be a cry fro trig the grave
complaining of the deficiency of the food of the seer rple, and he
believed that in two-thirds of Ireland there would be a similar
cry. What did the? Hon. Member mean by sayiiay Quieta non
movere? Did he mean to say that in order ter support the
institutions of the country it was necessai .ee to restrict
the food of the people? If he (Mr. Eseott) would'. :look back into
past times he would find that with the present scorn-laws we
have had distress even in the agricu!tural distri,:ta ; and if he
would go further back he would find that even w kb the former
corn-law, we have had the most severe agric rittural distres.
And yet, this was the state of things that Horn.. Gentlemen
would protect. What he wanted to know w as. whether in
maintaining the corn-laws Hon. Gentlemen wished to keep the
price of corn high or not? If they did not meeer to raise the
price of corn, how was protection good for agri-
culturists. If they mean to raise the price of corn, then
they wished to keep the food of the people dear and scarce.
Last session he took the liberty of making a motion, which had
been alluded to by the Right Hon. Baronet at the is sad of the
Government three times since the commencement of the pre •
sent debate, and that motion related to the introil'uction of
maize duty free. At that time he did think the introduction
of maize would be very beneficial to the agricult mists, as
well as the country at . large, for he thought that it would be
a means of accelerating the repeal of the co rreslaws,
as, indeed, that object had, in this instance, been accoderated
by the failure of the potato and wheat crops. He did not
anticipate that failure; but he believed that the introdvic lion
of maize, duty free, would enable farmers to feed their st ock
without having recourse to the food of the people. But he
never for one moment imagined that, the importation of n taize
alone would make up for the deficiency of a bad harvest ; all
the object he had in view in making that motion was the ac-
celeration of the repeal of the corn-laws. If the farmers t had
maize they would be enabled to feed more cattle, an( 1 we
should consequently have more buteher's meat At the
time that he gave notice of his motion, he 1 nade
inquiries from several farmers and cattle dealers, 'who
tiaversed a district of country twenty miles long and lift een
wide, comprising all kinds of land and all species of rural or :ea-
pation. Ile asked one of the farmers of that district, whether
he did not think that in the course of last winter he would have
saved a great deal of money had he been able to purchase
maize duty free; and his reply was, that he certainly would,
and that one out of every twenty of his cattle died freers sheer
starvation. Now it so happened that in that very elirstrict an
enterprising man lived, who had an immense quantity of maize,
which he had imported from the United States, but, twhieh, in
; consequence of the high duty upon it no one could prxrchase it;
so that the present system of protection, instead of holing bene-
cial, was injurious to the farmers.—( Hear.) It was said that
this measure would ruin the small farmers. Now he lived in a
county abounding with small farmers, and he was; on intimate
terms with many of them, and he was informed by them that
they would be much benefited if they could purchase maize
and other such articles free of duty. One of those- small farmers
had told him that he bad Inst at least 10/. is the. shape of duty
paid on maize. He (Mr. Escott) did not believer -that the pass-
ing of this measure would cause so much ruin, or,. on the other
hand, so much happiness to this country, as appeared to be
anticipated. Did Honourable Gentlemen who bad spoken
think that they could govern the country with the
Duke of Richmond as their leader ? He beliewed that even
the Duke of Buckingham would fill the office of Prime Mi-
nister better. The Duke of Richmond had aid affection for
two sayings—one was his prophecy about wool,. which they all
knew to be entirely fallacious ; and the other vra s his saying to
the effect, that in Sussex they did net grow glass, but timber.
He did riot believe that the country could be governed by
a Government of which that Noble Duke; was a member.
They wished to find some leader in whom they could repose,
and who would stand between them and their opponents, area
lead them to a successful victory. About five' years ago they
found such a man ; and now, when he refuses 'to lead them to
battle against the interests of the people, they were determined
to dismiss him from his command.
Mr. CHRIS TOPHER—No, no.
Mr. B. ESCOTT— l'he Hon. Member for Lincolnshire
dissents from that. He (Mr. Escott) however believed that
it. was not the interest of the leader of a great party to lead
that party against the people. They (the protectionists) had
had such a leader and they had now discarded Kim. Now he
sueposed that they meant to do the battle of errotection on
their own account. —(" Hear, hear," and cheers from the
Protectionists.) He hoped, in order to avoid el eceiving the
farmer, that they would at once tell him what. they thought
would be the probable issue of this struggle, and. whether it
would end in victory or defeat.—( Hear, hear.;) If they

thought—as he thought they must—that the issue would be
defeat, had they not better give up the contest at once, and
Isubmit to the fate which they could not avoid —(" Hear,
Ihear," and " No, )—when they consider that the people
-r- Pi-,eriv in 9:rev wfrst (‘• No no," from Mr. Ales end
thr isrole•_theiesls.) The lion. Member for Somersetshire sass
lba' the people ::re not in want.—(Hear, hear.) He wished
the Hon. Member had been in the House when he stated the
condition of the people in the county of which be (Mr. Miles)
was Member. If the Hon. Member would read the returns
which had been laid on the table of the House, they
would tell him whether the people were in want or
not. He said, " they were not in want. " He was the
first person he had heard who had the hardihood
to deny that there was any wait?—(Hear, hear.) He would
like to know whether he thought that—in the case of a parish in
his (Mr. Nines's) county, where the people are kept alive by
subscription, where peas'and pulse are sent up to keep them
alive—that Nat an indication of prosperity.—( Hear, hear. )
Mr. MILES did not know that such a state existed in any
parish in his county.
Mr. B. ESCOTT—The Hon. Member says he does not
know it. He ( Mr. Escott) was aware of that; he knew that
he :lid not—if he did, he would not have expressed such an
horror of the coming mountain of corn.—( Hear, hear.) He
would not have made such a speech as he did a few nights since,
had he been aware of those facts ; he was possessed of too good,
too intelligent, and too generous a mind.—( Hear, hear. )
Mr. MILES was not aware that he had ever expressed any
feeling of horror upon the subject of the importation of corn.
Mr. 8. ESCOTT had never heard the Hon. Member make
a speech without it. It was his staple article. —(Hear, hear. )
He alway dreaded the overflow of foreign corn. He was al-
ways dolorous upon the subject, and he had helped them to
the position which they now occupied, more than any other
Hon. Member connected with that House, or even with the
League, by greasing the wheels of the cart ; although he
(Mr. Miles) would not allow the grease to be imported, until
he was assured by the Government that tar should be mixed
with the grease, to prevent its being sold for butter.— ( Hear,
hear.) He ( Mr. Escett) believed that no person would be
more anxious for the ruccess of the present measure, if he
thought it conducive to the interests of the people, than would
the Hon. Member for Somersetshire.
Captain GLADSTONE should briefly state the reasons
which induced him to give his vote in favour of the Hon.
Member for Somersetshire's amendment. He considered it a
painful duty to oppose the Government on the present question,
but he trusted that, upon a future occasion, he should be able
io afford him his wonted support. He would have been quite
reedy to support Ministers on the present measure, provided
those measure had been proposed upon the same principle as
they had previously acted—namely, a gradual reduction of the
duty on raw materials. He considered that when protection
to agriculture was remeved,all protection must cease.— (Hear. )
The Anti-Corn-law League seemed aware of this fact, and
it was for this reason they attacked the corn question first—
they knew that they would then have an easy victory over the
other interests.—(" Hear, hear," from the protectionists. )
It had beeen said, however, that they were only following up
the tariff of 1842. If so, where then was the necessity for
the declaration on the part of the Government that they had
changed their opinion.—( Protectionist cheers.) It was not the
failure of the potato crop alone which gave rise to these measures.
The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Go-
verment had admitted that his experience of the last three '
years had tended to impress upon his mind the policy of a
still greater reduction. He (Captain Gladstone) did not
held ultra views on the subject of protection, but he must
confess that he was an advocate of a moderate protection.—
( Hear, hear.) The different interests of this country had
been protected. Under this protection the country had flou-
'ished.; and the most able writers on the subject of political
economy had given it as their opinion that protection to
agriculture should not be suddenly withdrawn. He did not
think that the present measure accorded with the principles
laid down by those writers. He did not think it a gradual
reduction to protection. The cotton manufacturers of this
country had grown up to their present proud position
mace a system of protection against the cotton manufacturers
of India.—( Hear, hear.) The Gallant Member then re-
ferre d to the speech of the Hon. Member for Sunderland
( Mae Hudson.) He ( Mr. Hudson) had stated in his speech,
theet the removal of protection to agriculture would not
affect the large landed proprietors so much as the
tenant farmers, and that this question was emphatically
a tenant-farmer question. The occupiers of small farms would.
no doubt, under the influence of competition, ultimately cease
to exist. Such were the opinions of the Honourable Mem-
be r for Sunderland. Now, he (Captain Gladstone) believed
that four-fifths of the farmers of England were small farmers,
and in Ireland there was a much larger proportion. If, then,
'the Noble Member should be :correct in his statements,
• -4' the effects of the abolishment of protection, what a fearful
result would it produce upon this class?--( Hear, hear.) He
had made many inquiries upon the subject of the distress in
Ireland, and he should be glad if the present measures would
he likely to afford them any relief. The Hon. Member for
Wolverhampton ( Mr. Villiers) had made an admission to the
effect that if the ports were immediately to be thrown open
'here was no corn to come in. Of what conse-
quence, then, could it be to the poor of Ireland
to open the ports if there was no corn ? It
would not in the least alleviate their distresses.
Previous to 1842 trade was in a very depressed state. Since
then they have had not alone good, but abundant harvests, and
the great revival of trade in the United States caused in his
opinion the prosperity of the country, and not the changes
which had taken place in the commercial policy of the country.
—( Cheers. ) There was another important circumstance also,
which was not, he believed, noticed during the discussion of
that question ; it was the abundant supply of cotton in America,
and the low price of that article here.—(Cheers.) But even
if it could be proved that the pro,perous state of the country
was owing to the commercial changes which had taken place,
that he (Mr. Gladstone) considered was no good reason ,
why they should sweep away altogether the duties on
raw material—it was no proof, because a reduction
had taken place with good effect, that a total abolition would
have a similar tendency.—( Cheers.) He considered that if the
measure was to be proposed by any Minister of her Majesty's
Government, it should not be by one who came into office on
protectionist principles, and if they were to have free trade, let
the measure be proposed by the pa ty who always advocated
it.—( Cheers from protectionists.) It was said that that was
to be a settlement of the question, but how could it be ex-
pscted that it would be a settlement when they were aware that
Parliament would be-shoi tly dissolved ; and he considered that
there was much more danger in setting one class against
another than there would he if the measure was not agitated.
But he feared it would have another effect, of a more
lasting nature; it would shake the confidence that
people would have in public men.—( Loud cheers
from the protectionists.) He might be wrong in that opinion,
but he thought that if there was any mind among the agricul
tural classes, it would have that effect ; and if the House looked
to the result of the elections in agricultural districts, it would
appear that such a feeling was entertained. The Hon. Gen-
tleman concluded by thanking the House for the very kind and
fair manner in which they had listened to him, and said, should it
he their wish to go into Committee on the question, he consi-
dered it important that the public should know as early as pos-
sible what was to be their fate on that important subject.
Mr. COBDEN (who was loudly cheered on rising)—l can
assure the House that it is impossible for nae under present cir-
cnmstances to speak as I should wish, and I will not in conse-
quence detain the House for any great length of time.—
( Cheers.) I have not been able to attend to the present debate,
but I have had the merit of reading every word of it, and al-
though I have had occasion to complain on very many former
occasions of the way in which Honourable Gentlemen
spoke on every subject but the one under discussion,
much as I have had to complain, I do think that on
the present occasion every person went far more into
extraneous matter than I had ever known before. It appeared
to me, that the question was not the abrogation or continuance
If the corn-laws, but the conduct of the Minister, the First
Lord of the Treasury. Now, Sir, there may be grounds, and
I will not say but there are just grounds, for the Honourable
Gentlemen opposite to complain of the Ministry for the course
they have pursued ; but, Sir, the country will not sympathise
with them, for, on former occasions, they the (protectionists)
did everything in their power to evade the question. When
this measure was introduced by the Whigs in the year 1841,
you opposed the measure then that is now advauced by your
own leader. But, I must say, when the corn-law measure
was introduced into the House first, we were as much the
objects of vituperation as we are now, and I will not for one
sympathise with you. if Hon. Gentlemen have any fear
that their present leader contemplates, not only repealing
the corn-laws, but going much further (and I think they
ought), I beg to assure them that they are taking the most
effectual means of arming the Minister with power to do so,
for the more you attack him, the more the country will
sympathise with him out of doors.—(Cheers.) Why, you are
making the present Prime Minister the most popular man in
the country, anti should he go down into any of the manufac-
turing districts the Right Hon. Baronet's journey would be
one continued triumph. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Se-
(rotary for Home Affairs, in advocating this measure, has also
won much for himself on this occasion; the magnifieent contri-
bution which he has given in his able statement, and still more
in the martyrdom in which you are inflicting on him, has
made him so popular, that in any of the towns in the north of
England, say Manchester or Liverpool, he would receive more
respect and honour than the greatest merchant.—(Cheers and
laughter.) Ido not think the Hon. Gentlemen who are op-
posed to this measure are pursuingia wise party scheme.
That is the first great fact that I will allege ; the second topic
to which I will call your attention is one of more importance.
If I understand your position rightly, you consider that this I
House is the proper place where the question of free trade is
to he decided, without knowing what is the decision
of the country. I tell you, if you believe in the justice
of such principles, you are unworthy of the advocacy of them
ionn
laBn4yl7lchmegtroyunnudws.ithWa hiny, h
a,
jnwriteynnfl came into
idinltebetghis then that
the corn-law should be only changed? No; but I stated I
would never cease my exertions until I abrogated that law, and
you should also if you are honest and consistent, use the
same language, if You believe they are essential to the prosperity
of the country. You should say, if we are thrown to the
ground, we will be ready to spring up again. This should be
your course, if you are conscientiously of opinion that the cause
is good which you are advocating. Assuming now, that
you can carry out your purpose—and this is a point which
I wish to draw your attention—for it is most important to the
public in other places— whatdo youexpect to gain? Now, where
there are no middle classes, where there are no merchants
—no manufacturers—no farmers, probably what I say, may
be read. You want a dissolution— you want the opinion
of the country Have you ever considered what
the opinion of the country is? Do you want to
know what the country thinks of your opinions? You say you
will be able to get, by a dissolution, a numerical majority in
this House, but I tell you that if you consider for a moment,
you will not have that majority if you dissolve the Par-
liament. I think lam some authority on the registration of
this country.—(Cheers.) Well, then, I tell you that a
change has taken place, and that you will not
gain by such a dissolution. I would not have said
so three months ago, but, on the contrary, I would
have agreed with you; but now your party is broken up.
(Cries of " No, no.") It shows that you have not weighed
these subjects as you ought. Do not be led away by these men
shouting around you, like the manner in which schoolboys
whistle in a churchyard to keep up their courage.—(Cheers
and laughter.) Examine these facts because your former
leaders have done so, and you have none amongst you deserv-
ing to be your leaders unless they well consider them. You
cannotsihy,a:a pocket
couldtt ahbrna aodtnr
oydkut:gupa crieshe tinsload,wa,vfnenf
and your
arn, u
majorityNtmh eb, ennrro numbering gn, r
n 250, Of oao inhabitantsp r
n teetins ton which
wipe i h
cleikl Well,
nt
ut
boroughs,
ote
irneo,s4gyahonsud,
and
na
dwv your
will
is
)oinfatp\iVno
allow that that majority may possibly amount to twenty or
thirty, what would be your position then? You would have
on this side of the House the Members for London, Lancaster,
Yorkshire, Cheshire, and every member of every town in
Scotland.—( heers.) Why, you would shrink aghast at your
position, and there would be more defections in your camp,
and more adhesions to our ranks than ever.—( Hear, hear. )
In spite of all pledges, nay, if you were steeped to the line in
pledges, you would Coale across this floor, for there would be
no safety without it, and the very men who came here to vote for
protection, would vote otherwise when they found that the
country was determined to have the corn-laws repealed.—
( Hear, hear.) Now, is not that public opinion? Why, we
have a sufficient amount of public opinion to do anything in
this country. The dynasty of the Stuarts would be now sitting
upon tlle throne, had they the same amount of public opinion
expressed in their favour as was now declared for a repeal of
the corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) That amount of public opinion
is sufficient to change the forge of Government, and anything