The Sun.
London, England, 1870-05-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 5, 1870.

SHAR LIST.

RAILWAYS-ORDINARY SHARES AND STOCKS.

Closing Business
Paid. Name. Quotations. done.
St Bristol and Exeter lOO 78 80 80

St Cal, donian 100 731 741 734 1
St Cambrian lOO 15 20
20 Cornwall all 21 31
St Dublin and Belfast Junction-100 . . . .
St Dun, Prtb, and Aber. June 100 70 72
20 East London all 4 6
20 Do
20 1)o -
St Glasgow and S.Western 100 116 117
St Great Eastern lOO 42 421 421 1 4
St Do East Anglian, No. 2.-100 61 71
St Great North of Scotland 100 13 16
St Great Northern 100 121 122 121
St Do A 100 126 127 1261
St Do B lOO 126 128
St Gt. So. and West (Ireland) 100 98 100
St Great Western - Consolid 100 71 711 72
St Do South Wales 100 68 70
St Do West Midland—Oxford 100 44 45
St Do do Newport 100 36 38
St Lancashire and Yorkshire 100 130 131 1291
St Lond, Bright'n, and S Coast 100 43 431
St Lond, Chatham' and Dover 100 144 154 15
St Do Metrop Extension A 100 9 11
St London and North Western 100 126- 1271 1271 1
St London and South Western 100 881 891
St Manch, Shef, and Lincelnsh 100 51 511 521
St Do New. issued at £5O die 3O
St Metropolitan lOO 791 80 77
St Do Preferred... lOO ...
St Do Deferred 100
10 Do Redeemable
St Metropolitan District 100 37 38 374 4
St Midland . lOO 1241 125 1264 1
St Do Birmingham and Derbyloo 92 94 96
St North British. lOO 34 35
St Do Edin, Perth, and Duride 100 13 15
St North Eastern—Berwick lOO 1261 1271 1354
St Do Leeds 100 891 901 89
St Do York
St Do Stockton and Darlingta 100 178 180
St North London lOO 120 122
10 Do New, 1868 6l 14 1
St North Staffordshire 100 59 61
St North and So. West. Junct 100 102 105
St Rhymney lOO 52 54
St Shropshire Union 100 62 63
St South Devon 100 46 48
St South Eastern 100 764 77/ 774
St Do Preferred .lOO 1091 1101 1114 12
St Do Deferred... lOO 41 414 414 1
St Staines, Wok'ham, Jt Wok'g. all 121 131
St Taff Vale
10 Do C 6 3 6
St Waterford and Cent. Ireland 100 •••
10 Waterloo and Whitehall

MISCEL LANEOUS.

10 Anglo-Mexican Mint
25 Australian Agricultural 2Ol 16 17
25 Austn Mort Land and Fin, L 5 4d pr
10 Baugparah Tea Estate, Lim all 3 5
10 Berlin "Water Works, Lim
5 Bombay Gas, Limited all 5 54
5 Ditto, New 4 pr Ipm
50 British American Land
20 British Indian Tea, Limited all 24 34
27 Canada Company all 78 80
20 Ceylon Company, Limited lO 4 3d
20 Ditto, A shares
25 City of London Real Prop, LlO 7 6d
30 City of Milan Improvinent L all 4 5
50 City Offices, Limited
50 Colonial, Limited 2O 1d pr
50 Commercial Union (Asso)
10 Com of African Merch, L
20 Continental Union Gas, L
23 Copper Miners of England,
Prof 71 per cent all 5 7
100 Corp of London Bonds, 1877,
44 per cent all --
100 Ditto, 1879, 41 par cent
100 Ditto
10 Credit 1882, 4 per cent
Fonc o England, L all 24 34
50 Credit Fonc of Mauritius, L 10 24 14d
St Crystal Palace
St Do, Preference lOO 94 99
St Do, 6 per cent Perp Debentloo 108 113
50 E India Land Credit & Fin L 7 5 4d
32 Ebbw Vale 271 104 10d
100 Egypt 9 p et Viceroy's Loan
gua by Egyptian Goy all 1004 1014 1014 24
20 Egyptian Com and Trading L 4/ 13
3 English and Austr Copper, L 21 4 4
15 Eng and Foreign Credit 74 4 3d
10 European Gas all 17 18
.. . ..

10 'Do, new...
6 Fairbairn Engineering 5 ld p
20 Fore-street Warehouse, L 13 31 44p
100 Foreign and Col Gov Trust
and Loan 6 per ct Bonds all 97 96 954
10 Gen Credit and Discount, L 71 4 Id
15 General Steam Navigation l4 29 31
50 Home and Col Marine Ins, L 5 ld p
20 Hudson's Bay (Governor and
Co. of Adventurers of Eng
trading into) all 12 124
50 Imperial Continental Ga 5..... 434 134 136
50 India Rub, Telg Works, L 45 49 50
10 International Finan Soc, L 5 14 14d
20 Italian Irrigation Canal. Cav all 44 41
100 Ditto, 6 per cut Bowls, red all
1:870
50 Land Securities, Limited 5 2 ld
25 London African Trading lO
50 Lond Financial Assoc, Lim 3O 18 17d
4 Loud Gen Omnibus, Limd all 21 21
50 Lond & Glasg Engie, Limd 25 18 16d
20 London and Prov Marine 2 par Ip
St Madras Irrig & Canal, guar 100
spc by India Gov lOO 103 105
50 Merchant Shipping, Limtd all 32 37
10 Natal Land and Col Co., Lim all 34 41
25 National Discount Co, Lim 5 114 11/
10 National Steamship, Limd all 131 141
1 Nerbudda Coal & In, Ld 6s 6d 4
tO New Consolidated Dis Ld 4
5 New Quebrada, Limited 4112 41 4'd
25 N Zealand Ln & Mere, &c
25 N Zealand Trust & In, Ld 5 14 14p
10 North Assam Tea, Limited 7 7 5d
10 Do, B all - d
St N British Austral, Limited 100 60 70
50 N British & Mercan lusnce 64 23 234
25 Ocean Marine Insurance 5 15 16p
5 Oriental Gas, Limited
5 Do, New
10 Otago & South Invest, Ld 2 fd fp
5 Ottoman Gas, Limited all 2 24
St. Peel Riv Dad & Min, Lim lOO 31 33
50 Peninslr & Oriental Steam all 43 45
50 Do., New, 1867 lO :31 214
50 Rhymney Iron
15 Do, New all 84
25 Rio Janeiro City Im., Lintd all 191 201
20 Rio Janeiro Gas, Limited
100 Royal Mail Steam 6O 52 54
St. Scot Aus Invest, Limited lOO
20 Societe General de l'Empire
Ottoman ... 8 24 34
25 South Australian Land
20 Tel Construe & Maintenance
(lim and red aced) all 36 36 361
20 Thames & Mers Mn Ins, L 2 21 21p
St. Tobacco (Ital 6p c Loan) all 86 88
10 Trustand Agency of Austra-
_ _ _

lasia, (Liniited)
Tr &LnCoof Up Canada 5 *fp
Union Marine Liverpool, Ld 5 6 61p
Union Steam Ship, Ld
United Dis Corpora, Lmtd ... 6 2 ld
thrive'. Mar (Ins), Lmtd 5 4f Sip
Upper Assam Tea, Lmtd all 1
Van. Diemen's Land ..... 283- 7 9
Viceroy of Egypt Mort Ln. all 854 861 841
Warrant Finance, Limited 12 8 6d
WI & P Steam, Limited ... 20 4 3d

COLONIAL GOVERNMENT SECURITIES.

Canada Government, 6 pc, Jan
and July ,1877-84 100 104 105 i
Do, 6p c, Feb and Aug lOO 102 103
1
Do, 6p c, Mar and Sept 100 105 106 f
Do, 5p c, Jan and July . .... - 100 944 95f
Do, 5p c, inscribed stock lOO 94 96
Do, 5p c, Dominion of, 1903 - 100 954 96f
Cof Good Hope, 6p c, Dec, 1873.-100 103 105
Do, 6 p c, April and Oct, 1890-
1900 lOO 111 113
Do, 6p c, April and Oct, 1880-90 100 109 111
Do, 6p c, Jan and July, 1891 - 100
Do, 5 p c, April 1i and Oct 15,
1900 100 1024 1034
Ceylon, Nov, 1878, 6p c 100 109 111
Do, 1872 lOO 103 105
Do, 1882 and 1883 100 112 114
Mauritius, 6p c, 1873, Jan & July 100 102 104
Do, 1878, Jan and July 100 106 108
Do, 1882, May 15 and Nov 15.-100 107 109
D 0,1895-6, Feb and Aug 100 111 113
Natal Gov 6p c, April & Oct 100 106 108 1064
Do, 6p c, May and Nov 100 107 109
New Brunswick Gov 6 p c, Jan and
July lOO 104 105
N. S. Wales Gov 5 p c, 1871 to
1876, Jan and July lOO 1004 1014
Do, 5 p c, 1888 to 1896, Jan and
July 100 102 103 103
Do, 5 p c' red by ann draws,
from 1867 to 1875 . la. 100 1014
Do, 2 per c, annual draws, 1872
to 1898 100 1004 1014 -
New Zealand 6p c, 1891 100 107 109
Do, 5p c 100 97 98
Do, Jan, April, July, Oct 100 974 984 964
Do., 6p c, 11+91, Mar and Septloo 108 110
Do, p ct, 1891, June and Dec 100 107 109
Nova Scotia Gov, 6 p e sterling,
1875, Jan and July lOO 102 f 103}
Do, 1886 lOO 1044 1054
Queensland 6 per ct, 1882-85, Jan
and July 100 109 110' 1094
Do, 1891, Jan and July 100 108} 1091
S Australian Government, 6 p c,
1869-77 lOO
Do, 1878-92 100
Do, 1893-1908 100 110 111
Tasmanian, 6 p c, 1895, Jan and
and July
Do, 6p c red, 1893 to 1897 lOO 108 110
Victoria Govt, 6 p c, Jan and
July, 1891 lOO 113 1141
Do, April and Oct, 1883-5 lOO 1101 111 1101
Do, 5p c, Jan. and Ju1p,1894 100 103 104 103 i

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-WEDNESDAY.

I.lhe Speaker took the chair at 20 minutes past twelve.
METROPOLITAN AND ST. JOHN'S WOOD
RAILWAY BILL.

This bill was further considered, and ordered to be read
a third time.

WOMAN'S DISABILITIES BILL.

Mr. JACOB BRIGHT moved the second reading of this
bill, which he said was one for removing the political
disabilities of women. If the bill passed women would
become voters for boroughs, whose name was on the
burgess roll, or who were householders, and in counties
they would become entitled to vote for members
of Parliament if they were householders, and
rated at £l2 and upwards, or if in possession
of property- similar to that which gave a vote to men.
With respect to the number of women who would become
enfranchised, it appeared from a return that the, largest
number of women on the municipal burgess roll was in
Bath, where there was one woman to every 3.08 men, and
the smallest in Walsall, where it was one to 22.09. The
average number of women who would be affected
by the bill as regarded votes would be—ln
Bristol one to seven, Manchester one to six, in
Newcastle, 1 in 18; in Northampton, 1 in 13 ; and in
York, 1 in 7 ; and if he was asked on what ground he ad-
vocated the measure, he would say he did it on the
principle of justice, With respect to a man, if he was ever
so bad, if he were a thief, a drunkard, or a returned
convict, if he only got his name -on the list
of voters, he thus obtained his parliamentary pri-
vilege, he was able in some degree to influence the
proceedings of the House. It did seem to him an anomaly
that women having all the qualifications of men, and the
same intelligence, should be excluded from the privilege
to which he contended they had a right. If it was said
that women escaped from certain burdens that were im-
posed on men, and that, therefore, they were not entitled
to that privilege for which he contended, he denied
the proposition. The only one he had ever
heard of any iinpartance was that women took no part in
the defence of the country, but then those who did defend
it were paid, and women contributed to the charge. There
was not a single tax paid by men which was not paid by
women, and with respect to taxation, that fell far heavies
on women, because they worked longer and were
paid much less than men, and yet they were
called upon to pay the quota of taxation without any
regard to their mode of income. There was no law im-
posing restrictions of even a penal nature on men from
which women escaped, but the hardship did not end there,
as there had been laws passed with regard to women
which had • called forth the greatest indignation.
The bill did not propose to give votes to mar-
ried women, but it would entitle those who had
been married, or were spinsters, to the elective franchise,
and therefore he contended that such a proposition would
give security to the whole class. This was, he thought,
the first proposal for the extension of the suffrage that
could be said to be free from party conflict, and it was

something in its favour to know that five of the
hon. members who voted in favour of the bill when first
brought forward by Mr. Mill were now members of the
present Government, and he could but regret the absence
of the right hon, gentleman the member for Buckingham-
shire, because had he been present he felt he would have
supported the bill. He did not that day ask for
anything for women on the ground of liberality ;
but that for which he did ask the House was
justice. It had been said that women were

politically ignorant, but he might as well be told
that grass was not green, or that they had no care for
the welfare of their families or the greatness of their
country. One of the great objections against the bill
was that it was said the women did not care for
the elective franchise, and would not use it if they
got it, but those who made such statements were
lamentably ignorant of the real facts of the case. He had
inquired into the matter in Lancashire, and found that
where they had the right on occasions of municipal elec-
tions the women always exercised their right. If they
passed the bill that would not compel women to vote, but
it would give them a right to which they
were entitled, and which now they did not pos-
sess. He had been told that the hon. member who was
to follow him in opposition was to move the previous
question, but he wished he had taken a more manly
course, and that he had framed his motion so as to call
upon the House to give a distinct "No " to his (Mr. J.
Bright's) proposition. His bill would in fact be the only
one that would give real household suffrage, and on that
ground and the higher ground of justice, he asked the
House to assent to its second reading.
Colonel SYKES in supporting the bill asked the House to

look at the matter as a practical question, and he would
ask what entitled persons to vote for members of Parlia-
ment but payment of rates, therefore the privilege was
clearly a question of money and had nothing to do with
sex. It seems to him on that ground ' quite im-
material whether the taxpayer wore a petticoat or a
pair of breeches. (Laughter.) It was but fair
that those who fulfilled all the duties imposed upon them
by the State should have the right the bill would give

them. There was one strong argument in favour of the
measure with which he was acquainted, it was the
fact that in the great East India Company
women were allowed to vote for twenty-four
men, who at one time governed a great empire
with over 200,000,000 of people, and yet it was here ob-
jected to give her the privilege of voting for 1 of the 658
persons who legislated for about a tithe of that number of
people, and considering that nearly 95,000 persons had peti-
tioned in favour of the bill, he hoped the house would read

it a second time.
Mr. SCOURFIELD moved the previous question. He con-
tended that an extension of privileges increased responsi-
bility, and argued that if the political influence of women
were increased, they would lose much of their social
influence. He spoke of the annoyance to which women
would be subjected at a contested election.
Mr. W. FOWLER seconded the previous question,
while he had the strongest possible feeling with regard to
the injustice which had been done to women by the laws
of this country, he was not prepared to say that they
were to enter into political life. He objected to the title
of the bill. Instead of being a disability, he con-
sidered that having no vote was a privilege
as far as women were concerned. He believed
that they had considerable political influence as expe-
rience had shown ; but he held that their sphere of in-
fluence was at home. Where was the thing to stop ? It
appeared to him that the argument on the other side went
to show that there was no reason why women should not
occupy seats in that house. (Hear, hear.) Much had been
said about the neglect of women's rights, and he agreed
with hon. members on that part. For instance, he
regarded the law as to married women's property as a
scandal. At the same time there was no reason for grant-
ing women such political power as was asked for them.
The real point at issue was whether or no women should
enter into political strife.

Sir CHARLES DILKE pointed out that the bill did not
apply to a woman who had a husband, and it might as
well be argued that widowers with children should be dis-
franchised on the ground that they should stay at
home and instruct them, as to argue that a
woman should confine herself to domestic matters.
He denied that any act of vi&ence had
been committed during the election so far as the women
voters are concerned. With regard to the admission of
women into Parliament, that was a matter which was in
the hands of the constituencies. He believed that if the
bill was rejected they could not resist the demand which
would be made for universal suffrage.
MX. BERESFORD HOPE declined to support so frag-
mentary a bill. Unless it were a measure for the enfran-
chisement of all persons with a certain state, be they
married or unmarried, it was a fragmentary piece of
illogical legislation. His chief opposition to the bill was
grounded on the fact that the male was logical and
judicial, whilst the female was instinctive and emotional.
Dr, LYON PLAYFAIR said that in the speeches against
the bill there was a great tendency to make the question
an abstract one instead of a purely limited and practical
one. The law regarded a woman as a capable citizen,
and all that the advocates of the bill now
asked was, that she should be taken out
of the only list of incapables known to the
the law, idiots, lunatics, criminals, and minors. He main-
tained that their rirrht to the elective franchise was Per-
tectly clear, and he proceeded to discuss tne question
whether it would be to the interest of that class of women
themselves to have political representation, and whether
in the second place it would be expedient in the interest of
the State to admit them to the franchise. The responsibility
of power was soon followed by fitness to exercise it, and
he followed up this declaration by saying that it would be
beneficial both to the interests of the women and the
State, were they invested with political power, It had

been argued that the mass of women had not demanded
the power. He admitted that they had not assembled
in force, and pulled down the park railings ; but 100,000
women had petitioned for it in a constitutional way, and
all such movements were initiated by the higher and more
educated portion of the people.

Sir GEORGE JENKINSON supported the bill, because it
simply contained the principle of giving a vote to women
who had property. He did not fear that a female voter
keeping a shop would be persecuted with regard to her
vote any more than a male shopkeeper.
Mr. MUNTZ could not see why a lady should not be able
to vote whilst her tenants and servants were.
Sir H. CROFT opposed the bill. He did not like the
idea of women going about lecturing on women's rights.
He agreed with Mr. Punch that those who wanted
women's rights wanted woman's charms.

Mr. BRUCE observed that the Government had not had
an opportunity of giving the subject that consideration
which it deserved. It was a very large question and re-
quired mature consideration. It was an extension of
political power in an entirely new direction, and it re-
quired the greatest deliberation as to the manner of the
extension, and the consequences which would flow from it.
If they gave women a right to vote,for the election of a
member of Parliament, they could scarcely deny them
admission into that House.

Mr. JACOB BRIGHT said he had just received a telegram
stating that the Town Council of Manchester had agreed
to petition in favour of the bill by a majority of 102
to 12.

The House then divided on the proposition " that the
question be now put."
The following is the result of the division :

Ayes...
Noes ...

Majority
The bill was then read a second time.
PUBLIC PROSECUTORS' BILL.

Mr. EYKYN moved the second reading of the above bill,
urging the importance of public prosecutors, and alluding
to the miscarriages of justice which had occurred in con-
sequence of there not having been such officials.
Mr. RATHBONE seconded the motion. He hoped the
right hon. gentleman at the head of the Government
would take the matter up, and carry the measure to a
successful issue. It would greatly add to the many bene-
fits he had already conferred on the community at
large.
Mr. WEST said he had had experience of the working of
the system of having a public prosecutor at both Man-
chester and Leeds, and also at other places where
the system was not adopted, and the result was
that he thought justice was not administered where there
was not such an officer. But the officer proposed to be
appointed by the bill would be a very different one from
that of the public prosecutor at Liverpool, Manchester,
and Leeds, and he must strenususly object to the uncon-
stitutional powers which the measure put into the hands
of the person to be so appointed. The House
ought to be very cautious in their proceedings in the
matter, while he was bound to say that he had great
objection to the bill as it stood, and he would therefore
suggest that it should be referred to a select committee
as the matter was not urgent. If this course was adopted
he would vote for the second reading, but if not he could
not give his vote in favour of the bill.

Mr. CROSS objected to the bill as it would give too
great power to the Home Secretary over the person
to be appointed, on the ground of expense it would en-
tail, and farther as he thought it would destroy the in-
dependence of the bar, and promote the system of
centralisation, to which there was so much objection.
Mr. HENLEY thought that a bill of the important
nature then under discussion ought to be in the hands of
the Government. He thought the proposal to send the
bill to a select committee was the wisest course that the
House could adopt, and that the interests of the public
would not suffer by such a course being adopted.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said he was quite of opinion
that a bill of such magnitude as that under discussion
ought to have been in the hands of the Government, but
he was sure that under present circumstances the Govern-
ment would not be blamed for not bringing in the bill, as it
was thought they had brought in too many already. He
was authorised on the part of the Government to say that
they approved of the principle of the bill but by that
it must not be supposed that they were to be committed
to all the details of the bill, which he thought could be
best considered if it was referred to a select committee.
Mr. EYKYN said, under the circumstances that had been
urged, he should offer no objection to the bill being re-
ferred to a select committee.

After some remarks from Mr. Cousurs,
The bill was read a second time, and referred to a select
committee.

EDUCATITON OF THE BLIND BILL.

Mr. WHEELHOUSE, in moving the second reading of this
bill, explained the nature of the measure. It provided
that wherever a board of guardians were asked by the
parent of an indigent child, such child, were he blind or
deaf or dumb, should be sent to schooL
Mr. ASSHETON moved that the bill be read a second
timethat day six months. The question which the hon.
gentleman wanted to raise for the consideration of the
House was as to whether it was the duty of the State to
provide at a large expense for the education and main-
tenance of all those poor children who were not, as he
might say, ablebodied. If the bill became law, there
would be no need for private charitable institutions.
Mr. APLAREN approved of the object of the
Bill, although he was afraid it welt too far in the way of
doing good. He thought a distinction should be drawn
between the blind and the deaf and dumb.
Mr. W. JOHNSON supported the bill. He thought it
was the duty of the State to educate the children, and to
step in against the cupidity of the parents.
Mr. SYNAN approved of the principle of the bill, but
thought the machinery it set out quite inefficient to carry
out its provisions. If it was read a second time he should
be in favour of its being referred to a select committee.
Mr. DICKINSON objected to the power the bill gave to
the Poor-law Guardians.

Mr. A. PEEL hoped the House would refuse to give the
bill a second reading. It contained many proposals that
were highly objectionable, and it would, if passed, be
another load on the already heavily taxed ratepayer.
The cost of maintenance of the children was set down at
too low a figure, and altogether the bill abounded in such
objectionable enactments that it would fail to carry out
the humane intentions of its promoters.
At a quarter to six o'clock the debate on the bill stopped
in accordance with the standing order.