The Sun.
London, England, 1870-05-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 23, 1870.

education, to simplify the administrative machinery,
to carry activity from the centre where it superabounds
to the extremities where it is wanting, to introduce
into our codes of law, which are monuments, the im-
provements justified by experience, to multiply the
general agencies of productions and riches, to pro-
mote agriculture and the development of public
works, and, finally, to consecrate our labour to this
problem, always resolute, and always seeking to find
the best repartition of the burthens which press upon
the taxpayers. Such," he exclaims, "is our pro-
gramme !" Finally, the EMPEROR, addressing himself
to the great dignitaries of the State, and through
them to the whole population of France, impressively
remarks, " We must now more than ever look fear-
lessly forward to the future"—exclaiming, with a
noble confidence in conclusion, " Who indeed could
be opposed to the progressive march of a dynasty
founded by a great people in the midst of political
disturbances, and which is fortified by Liberty ?"
Liberty ! It is his last word in responding to the
proclamation of the Plebiscite. Well, in truth,
almost wittily, did the President of the Legislative
Body, M. SCHNEIDER remind his auditory that, from
the beginning, the EMPEROR had declared that
Liberty should Crown the Edifice. By the Plebiscite
of the Bth of May, 1870, and by its formal proclama-
tion of the 21st, the Edifice is Crowned.

IT is such a relief to think that in a few hours the
Irish Land Bill will have passed through committee,
that few persons will be disposed to examine very
minutely the means by which that result has bee n
attained. Careful investigation will, however,
somewhat damp the general satisfaction. The
bill will in all probability will become law very
much in its present shape. Nevertheless
it cannot be considered to approach perfection. Nor
will it meet with anything like universal approval.
The main principles upon which the measure is
founded are thoroughly sound. So soon as it becomes
law capricious evictions will cease, because the penalty
for them will be so heavy that no landlord will care to
pay it ; and the tenant, on surrendering his holding,
will be repaid the value of his permanent improve-
ments. These two provisions should suffice to make
farming in Ireland a business in which a prudent man
may engage, and to establish friendly, because well
defined, relations between the landlord and the
tenant. So far the bill is admirable. We have less
confidence in the second part of it. In theory Mr.
Bright's scheme for the establishment of a peasant
proprietary is good ; but in practice we fear the State
will find some difficulty in enforcing payment of
interest upon money advanced to peasant purchasers
of estates. We sincerely trust that no such difficulty
will arise. If it do not Mr. Bright will
have proved himself to be a statesman of the first
rank as well as that which we have long known him
to be an orator of unsurpassed, eloquence. Our
chief regret with regard to this measure is that
Government having been bold enough to adopt two
principles which five years ago some Liberals would
have thought revolutionary, should have shrunk
from admitting that permissive perpetuity of tenure,
which was advocated by Sir John Gray and Mr.
Morrison, and which has the sanction of so high an
authority as Judge Longfield. Strictly speaking,
there is more than one form of this permissive per-
petual tenure ; but in substance the two forms
are the same. The principle is simply the
creation of a statutory tenant-right by the
mutual conssnt of both parties, the rent to be agreed
on between them and to be revised at the end of
every seven years. If the -tenant prefers to go out
rather than pay an increased rent, he would be en-
titled to seven years' purchase of his holding, and
also to the same compensation if the landlord declines
to lower the rent, the compensation to be based
upon the reduced rental demanded by the tenant.
That Ministers should object to this plan is
the more remarkable because they have all along,
deprecated a government valuation. But govern-
ment valuation is inevitable under the Act
as it now stands. Every case that is brought
before the Judges means a valuation by
the executive. Judge Longfield's scheme would
simply take the existing rent as the basis
of valuation. If the landlord thinks the rent in-
sufficiently high, he can raise it; and if the tenant
objects to pay it, the latter can demand to be
bought out at a price equal to seven years' present
rental. If the tenant thinks it too high, and the
landlord refuses to lower it, the landlord may buy
out the tenant at seven years' purchase of the reduced
rental. This is simplicity itself compared with the
Government measure, excellent, though that may be.
There is, as the Times has pointed out, another and
grave reason for regret that Government has refused
to entertain Sir John Gray's and Mr. Morrison's pro-
proposals. They would apply to twenty-three
counties outside Ulster, and the representatives of
twenty two of them have signed a declaration in favour
of the proposals. Surely this is not governing Ireland
according to Irish ideas. Ireland wanted one thing,
England has given another; Ireland well know what
it wanted and why it was wanted ; England had no
reason for refusal, except that Ministers did not want
to have their bill altered. In truth England was
weary of the matter, and did whatever it was
told without understanding the question at
issue. It is this ignorant legislation and
ndifference to local wishes, which gives force to the
demand of the Nationalist party for anational legisla-
ture. For our own part we see nothing disloyal,
nothing unpatriotic in the demand, and we
discover no reason why Parliamentary candidates,
whether Liberal or Conservative, should not
declare themselves in favour of it. To say that the
safety or the honour of the empire depends upon the
question whether Irish politics shall be discussed in
St. Stephen's-green or Palace-yard is nothing less
than childish. We are quite certain that English
legislation would fare much better if the Legislative
Assembly at Westminster were not compelled to dis-
cuss Irish measures. Already for two sessions
almost every great Imperial question has had to be
postponed because Ireland has stopped the way.
We rejoice that the whole kingdom has united in
performing those two acts of justice to Ireland which
are embodied in the Land and the Church bills, but it
would be a serious sacrifice, and an altogether in-
tolerable state of things, if the suspension of Eng-
lish legislation were to continue much longer.
Now that every small colony is getting its
own legislature, there is at least no a priori
reason why Ireland (which already offers one point
of similarity to the colonies in the presence of a
lieutenant-governor) should not enjoy the same
privilege. The only room for doubt lies in the
uncertainty as to how far two different races and
religions would be able to co-operate. It is probable
that they would not have co-operated with regard to
the great reforms of the last and the present session,
that there was need of a powerful English majority
to overcome the antagonism of the Orange party and
the territorial interest ; but now that these sources
of controversy have been removed out of the way
there seems no reason why all parties, classes, and
interz•sts should not work harmoniously together. If
they would do so, and settle Irish matters in their
own -,\-ay, it would be difficult to decide if Ireland or
England would be the greater gainer.

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.)

WE have for many months past been in periodical
receipt of unfavourable news from Portugal—her
indebtedness, her misgovernment, the dissatisfaction
of the people and the troops; but we were scarcely
prepared for the extraordinary events which
took place in Lisbon on Thursday. One of the most
singular revolutions recorded in this revolutionary
age occurred on that day. The Marquis de
Loul6 has lately been Prime Minister of
Portugal ; but Marshal Saldanha took it into
his head that he ought to have the place,
and forthwith proceeded to make arrangements to
obtain it. The old machinery of securing a majo-
rity in the Legislature was scorned by this enter-
prising politician, and, indeed, very justly,
for the Legislature is of but little account in
Portugal compared with the soldier-statesmen who
pull the wires. Marshal Saldanha took a more
direct and much more efficacious course. With six
battalions he marched off to the royal palace. The
King's Guard resisted this violent method
of redistributing political good things ; but
in the encounter which followed the Mar-
shal and his six battalions prevailed. Busi-
ness commenced at one, and "at four o'clock
Marshal Saldanha entered the Royal Palace, and had
a long interview with the King, who summoned the
Prime Minister, the Marquis de Louie, to
his presence. The latter at once tendered
his resignation, which was accepted." This
three hours' revolution terminated in the
the most admirable style of art. The King was
trampled upon and insulted in his own palace, his
guards were slain before his door, the Premier
turned out of his position, and a bloodstained revo-
lutionist installed, without any more ado than the
creation of a moderate quantity of excitement.
It is difficult to decide which of the actors in this
affair affords material for most astonishment.
It is amazing that a King should have
tolerated such an insult, even to save
his life; it seems strange that the Minister could
find no one to stand by him; and it is certainly in-
explicable that the worthy Marshal, after such a
success, should have contented himself with
anything less than the Crown itself. The
affair is a fine commentary on the interpretation put
upon constitutional doctrines in many parts of
Europe. These nations copy constitutional forms,
and ape constitutional manners; they make a parade
of responsible ministries, legislatures, bills, and
budgets ; but their doings in times of trouble are
scarcely a whit more civilised than in the dark ages.

Another week, it is hoped. will see the Irish Land
Bill fairly through the House of Commons. It
stands on the paper for this evening as the first order
of the day after the University Tests Bill. To-mor-
row night it may be sufficiently well passed
through Committee to admit of its being reported
on Thursday, in which case the third reading
will be " down " for this day (Monday) se'nnight.
And upon the third reading there may just possibly be
a division. Wherefore it behoves the Liberal
members to be upon the alert upon the next four
nights set apart for the business of the Government.

''(ub. Minn 31 t
J.,

HER MAJESTY.

BALbIORAL CASTLE, May 21.

The Queen arrived at Balmoral yesterday afternoon at a
a quarter three o'clock, accompanied by Princess Louise and
Priucesd Beatrice, and attended by the Duchess Dowager of
Athole, the Hon. Harriet Phipps, Mdlle. Norale, Sir
Thomas Biddulph, Lord Charles Fitzroy, Mr Sahl, and Dr.
Heffmeister.

The Princess of Wales drove out on Saturday.
In the evening the Prince and Princess of Wales, at-
tended by the Countess of Morton and Lieutenant-Colonel
Teesdale, went to the Royal Italian Opera, Covent-garden.
The 1 rince and Princess of Wales, with the Countess of
Morton and Lieutenant-Colonel Teesdale in waiting, at-
tended Divine servica yesterday at the Chapel Royal, St.
James's.
The service was performed by the Rev. he Sub-D an,
the Hon. and Rev. R. C. Boyle, and the Rev. T. Helmore.
The sermon was preached by the Hon. and Rev. R. C.
Boyle, from St. Matthew, chap. 12, v. 37.