The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-30 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING-, JUNE 30, 1846.

in_
to this House that, in consequence of the '
position of her Majesty's Government, and especially in
consequence of that vote to which the House
came on the night of Thursday last, by which
the House refused to give to the Government
those powers which they deem necessary for the
repression of outrage and the protection of life in Ireland,
her Majesty's servants have felt it their duty to tender
their resignation to their most gracious Sovereign.
The resolution to tender that resignation was the unani-
mous resolution of her Majesty's servants, adopted with- I
out hesitation. Sir, if I had any complaint to prefer I
with respect to the course pursued by the House, this is
not the occasion on which I should prefer it. It is im-
possible to feel that that occasion by which a great change
r
takes place in the councils of a great empire, for weal o,
for woe, the welfare of many millions of the Queen
is
s
subjects in almost all parts of the habitable globe
impossible to feel that it is not an important, and, I might
almost say, a solemn occasion, and that it is not such an
occasion that one ought to avoid preferring any complaints,
Sir, such controversy would be ill-suited to the magni-
tude of the occasion. I must also say that a provocation
of any such controversy would be wholly at variance
with the feelings which influence me in addressing this
House.—(Hear, hear.) This feeling would rather
prompt me to acknowledge with gratitude the many
occasions on which, speaking of the great bodies in
general on this side of the House, at periods antecedent
to the present session, I and my colleagues have received
their generous and cordial support. This feeling, also,
would rather prompt me to acknowledge with gratitude
the occasion on which gentlemen opposite, in oblivion
of party differences, have accorded to her Ma-
jesty's Government, or the measures of which
they approved, a cordial support ; and I trust, Sir,
that nothing will escape from me in explaining the
course which her Majesty's Government has thought
it their duty to pursue, which would run the risk of pro-
voking those controversies which I deprecate. Sir, her
Majesty has been ple....sa to accept that tender
of resignation, and her servants now only hold
office until their successors shall have been appointed.
Sir, I said that if I had complaints to prefer, this
would not be the occasion on which I would prefer
them, but I must also say that I did not propose those
measures connected with our commercial policy at the
commencement of this session, without foreseeing the
great probability, whether those measures succeeded or
failed, of the dissolution of the Government of this realm.
Sir, I rather rejoice that.her Majesty's Government has
been relieved from any doubt, by the early decision of
this House, as to the course which it was their
duty to pursue, for I do not hesitate to say that
I would not, even if the late vote had been in our
favour—l would not, even then, have consented to hold
office by the sufferance or permission of any party—
(Loud cheers)—believing, as I do, that it is for the
public interest, that a Government remaining in power
should be enabled to give practical effect to the mea-
sures which they may believe it necessary to
I introduce for the public good ; and I do
think that, in a position in which her Majesty's
Government was placed by the withdrawal—perhaps
the natural withdrawal—of the confidenee of many of
those who had hitherto supported them—l do not
think it probable that, even if that vote had been
in our favour, her Majesty's Government would be
enabled, with credit to themselves or with advan-
tage to the interests of the country, to continue
in the administration of public affairs. (Great
cheering.) We therefore felt it our duty to ad-
vise her Majesty to accept our resignations without
adopting that alternative which might have been
adopted, namely, recommending to the Crown to exer-
cise its prerogative and to dissolve the present Parlia-
ment. We preferred the immediate tendering of our
resignations to the adoption of that course. Sir, I do
not hesitate to say, speaking with that frankness which
I am sure can offend no one, that if her Majesty's
Government had failed in carrying through Parliament,
in all their integrity, those measures of commercial policy
which it was my duty to recommend, I do not hesitate
to say that there was no exertion which I would
not have made—(Tremendous cheering)—in order, if
not to ensure their success, at least to give
the country an opportunity of pronouncing
its opinion upon them. In that case I should have felt
myself justified in advising her Majesty to the extreme
course of dissolving the present Parliament ; but there
was no necessity for such a course. Those who dissented
from these measure had withdrawn, I am bound to say,
their opposition to them ; they had eventually given
these measures their consent, and they had therefore
passed into a law. -Under these circumstances. I
do not feel that I should. be justified, in
order to pass any inferior measure—l say I should
not have felt myself justified in advising the
Crown to exercise its prerogative, because I feel
strongly this, that no Administration is justified
in advising the Crown to exercise that prerogative unless
there be reason. I shall presume even a strong moral
conviction, that in the Parliament succeeding that
dissolution the Government will be able to ad-
minister the affairs of the country by the sup-
port of a party sufficiently powerful to enable them
to do so with advantage to the public.—(Hear.)
The power of dissolution is a great instrument
in the hands of a Government, which should be
only resorted to under such circumstances as I
have alluded to. I think a dissolution should
not be taken for the purpose of deciding whether
we were justified in proposing those measures of com-
mercial policy which we had proposed at
the , commencement of the session. I do
not think that a dissolution even at that
time would have been justifiable. The only ground upon
which we should have advised a dissolution would have
been, that we should have been enabled to give effect
to those measures which we brought forward. Now,
I do not mean a support founded on a feeling
of mere temporary sympathy with our situation,
or of concurrence upon the great questions of
domestic policy, however important they may be.
I think we should not dissolve without a full assurance
in our own minds that we should have the sup-
port of those who differ from us upon almost all
the questions of public policy, and who were with us
upon one question, but that we should have the
support of a powerful party, united to us by
general ties. I am bound to say, in the general
state of division of parties, that I did not
entertain that confident hope that the dissolution of
Parliament would have given us a majority. I
thought also, in common with the rest of my
Honourable Colleagues, that after all the excitement
which has taken place, after the stagnation which would
continue consequent upon our suspending the business of
the country, it did appear to us • that a dissolution
of Parliament was an evil which should not have been
allowed to take place.—(Cheers.) We were beaten on a
question connected with Ireland. I shall lament having
been beaten upon this question, not merely because
it was an Irish question, but I should deeply lament our
being beaten on a question connected with Ireland, if it
should be thought that the measure we proposed for the
repression of outrage in Ireland was an indication
that her Majesty's servants held any different opinions
as to the policy to be pursued towards Ireland
from those which I declared towards the
close of the last session of Parliament. Those
opinions which I then avowed—those opinions which
had a practical effect given to them by the Cha-
ritable Bequests Act, the additional vote for the endow-
ment of Maynooth—to those opinions both myself
and my Hon. Colleagues still subscribe. We brought
forward that measure believing that resistance
to the contagion of crime and a vigorous re-
Prestoon by law of those offences which I
Saw
alelattZ:rwY to
see disgrace some parts of
to improve, tnot a
sociall measure calculated permanently
condition of that people, but
tion witL ocher measures
calculated, if taken
f
etchtas,ohroweleart, decided
deuisiou dif-
ferently g metasures necessary for the
"ft 0 legislative measures
fopiwenfureareci:nnuttohnistijeohrau!r:hoknind;thPaatrhanleusubj
sa nothing--I deprecate only any inferen
b e i n
posed g drtahwen from some
cownidaiuccht, that befte.
mt
epenarfte pns ro-
being y ;
coercion, we call a menu' for
but which
I only deprecate,
the protection of life to Irelan
bd•
most
he
pursued
Thatany inference, which
viewsw hiacsh would ould
olic o
the
p e
y any change.
towards Ireland had undergone
Speaking of myself, I do not hesitate to say that there
ought to be established in Ireland complete equality—
(Loud cheers)—in municipal and political institu-
tions.—(Cheers.) I say complete equality, as far as
it is practicable to carry it out, in the present political
and religious aspect of the country.—(Hear, hear.)
It may not be possible to carry out complete political
and religious equality according to the letter of the
terms, but it may be done according to the spirit. But
I speak of the spirit, and not of the letter, in regard to
the franchise, in regard to municipal rights, and in regard
to other great questions relating to Ireland.—(Cheers.)
There is a strong desire in the minds of many
that the people of Ireland should be placed in
possession of the same political and religi-
ous rights as those of England and Scotland
and I admit the correctness of the principle'.
Not only do I admit the justice of the prin-
ciple, but lam of opinion that a complete assimilation

of Ireland to England and Scotland, in political and religi-
ous privileges, should not be defeated by any jealousy and
suspicion on our part. With regard to any question
involving the rights and privileges of the people of Ire-
land, I say distinctly that I think there ought not to be a
different rule applied to Ireland to that which is applied to
the people of this country.—(Cheers.) It is impossible
for me to say that there should be submitted with
regard to Ireland a different rule of action to
that which is applied to England.—(Cheers.) Re-
garding the Executive Administration in Ireland,
I think the powers of the Crown should not
be exercised so as to occasion any real ground
of complaint in regard to religious distinctions.
It may be that we may have given of-
fence in some instances in availing ourselves of
the opportunity of appointing Roman Catholics
to office—it may be said that we should have taken
different means to carry out our policy ; but to
that I will answer, that I hold it to be
the best and wisest policy to carry on the affairs
of Government without reference to any differences
on religious questions, and that it should
make its appointments accordingly. (Cheers.)
With regard to the spirit in which legislation must
be directed, I must say, for one, I am prepared
to co-operate with those who feel for the
present social condition of the people of Ire-
land in respect to the tenure of land, and the rela-
tions of landlord and tenant, and are anxious to remedy
the existing state of things.—(Hear, hear.) It may be
impossible by legislative enactments to apply an im-
mediate remedy to the state of things which
now exists ; but even if the benefit to be derived
from legislation be extremely remote, yet if the
benefit be of a permanent character, then I shall
feel it to be my duty to support them.—(Hear, hear.)
What I have now said applies to the tenure of
land ; and, again, with respect to legislation
upon matters connected with the relations which
at present exist between landlords and tenants. While
upholding the rights of property •It ought to be our ob-
ject to direct our immediate attention to the consi-
deration of that most important subject.—(Cheers.) There
is no determination on our part to consider that
question in any other manner than that which
is calculated to produce beneficial effects, and in
that spirit, and with the hope of accomplishing
that object, I shall be leady to support the Govern-
ment whieh is to succeed us.—(Loud cheering.) Sir,
I have reason to believe the Noble Lord, the Mem-
ber for the City of London, has been commanded by
her Majesty to repair to her Majesty's presence for the
purpose of hearing her Majesty's commands upon the
subject of forming that Government.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir, I presume that the general principle upon
which the Government to be formed by the Noble Lord,
will—that is as far as its commercial policy is concerned
—be to continue the application of those principles,
which tend to give us a clear and unrestricted
commercial intercourse with other countries. I presume
I may confidently expect that that will be their com-
mercial policy, and, Sir, if it is, I shall feel it to
be my duty to give to the Government, with the
view of carrying out the execution of that great
principle, my most cordial support.—(Cheers.) Sir, I
presume her Majesty's Government, acting upon the ex-
perience of the past, will act upon those principles,
notwithstanding that other countries may choose to
buy in the dearest market. (Hear, hear.) I
hope the knowledge of such a fact' will prove
no discouragement to them to promote the
great principle of buying in the cheapest and selling
in the dearest market. I hope, too, Sir, they will not
for a single moment think of returning to that principle
which both they and we have felt the baneful effects of,
namely, of haggling with foreign countries, but that
they will act in the spirit of independence,
and take that course which they believe
will be conducive to the welfare of the country.—
(Hear.) I hope, rather than return to such a system,
they will trust in the influence of public opinion on
other countries, and they may rely upon it our example,
added to the benefit which we derive from acting
upon the opposite principle, will at no remote period in-
sure the adoption of the principle by other countries.
Sir, I shall of course, reserve to myself the course I
shall pursue with reference to the measures which
may be proposed by her Majesty's Government
until they are stated to the House. I don't mean by this
that I shall extend my support to them on every
occasion, and that this will overrule the course I
shall adopt on any subject. I generally speak with
respect to measures having reference to the industry
n.liev of the country, and I trust any
step which will be taken will be towards the relaxation
of restrictions.—(Loud cheers.) I, for one, shall not
urge upon them the hasty or precipitate adop-
tion of principles, even sound in themselves,
if they are likely to injure or cause great
disarrangement of our affairs. I shall bear
in mind that great experiments have been made
under the present Administration—that the surplus
amount of revenue is small—smaller than I could
wish it to be, and less in consonance with the
permanent interests of the country ; and therefore,
while I offer my cordial support to the general
principles of commercial policy which have re.
ceived the sanction of Parliament in the
present session, I shall not urge them to any such
simultaneous and precipitate adoption of them
as may either be injurious to the interests of
the country, from special circumstances entitled to
some continued protection; nor shall I urge them to
any such rash or precipitate measures as can injure or
cause a derangement of the finances of the country.
Sir, lam not aware in speaking thus—l am bound to
say that I am rather speaking with regard to
my own intentions as to the course I shall
pursue, than speaking after having had an
opportunity of conferring with the Noble Lord
as to the measures he should adopt. I can-
not doubt, however, after the course which
the Noble Lord has pursued this session,
that measures of a similar character to those proposed
by the present Government will meet with his sup-
port and acquiescence.—(Cheers.) Sir, I do not
know that it is necessary I should make any
other declaration than this. I wish to draw
no invidious distinctions. I wish to make
no unseemly boast, but I cannot surrender
power without making at least this observation—that 1
do hope, that during the five years full power has been
committed to our hands, neither the public interests
nor the honour of this country have been di-
minished.—(Loud cheers.) I think I may say
with truth, that during that period the bur-
dens of taxation have been equalised, and that
that pressure which bore unjustly and severely upon
various branches of industry has been removed.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think I may say with
truth, that many restrictions upon commerce, injuriously
affecting the trade of this country, have been removed.—
(Continued cheers.) I think I may say that this has
been done without at all interfering with legitimate
speculation, without at all paralysing or derang-
ing the commerce of the country. I think I
may say with truth, that stability has been
given to the monetary system of this country.—(Hear,
hear.) I allude particularly to the cordial support which
was given, without reference to party distinc-
tions, to the measures which I proposed with
regard to the Bank of England, to joint-stock
banks, and private banks of this country in 1843.
Sir, I trust also that the country has not suffered by the
reductions which have taken place. There has been
great and considerable reductions made on the
general restrictions in trade. I hope, Sir, that
these reductions will be more than compensated by the
increased consumption of the articles upon which
the reductions have taken place.—(Cries of "Hear,
hear.") I may say that there never was a Govern-
nment which had less occasion for using anything
like prosecutions—there has been a submission to the
laws, and that too at periods when the high price of
the necessaries of life caused great suffering to
the poor. I shall allude to one member of the
Government, and although he has not taken a
prominent part in debate, he was one who deserved
the very highest honour which his country could con-
fer on him. That member of the:Government was one,
high Christian
feelings,who, with
resorting exhauwsated was
againstevery
to w a
rtill
he
had
means to preserve p eace(
most consistently carry peace.—(Hear,
out
eha hear.) He could
out at all neglecting th: interests otf this country, and
principle with-
while he had done so, he was ever ready
the rights, and privileges, and high honour
maintain
the
country, even at the risk of a war.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir, Ido hope that we leave the foreign relations of this
country in a satisfactory state—l speak not only
of France, but of the other great powers of Europe.
There is a confidence in the intention of this country,
and a real desire on the part of their Governments to co-
operate with us in the maintenance of peace. It is that
mutual confidence in the honour and intentions of public
men which so much facilitates the preserving of the
public tranquillity. We come in contact with them
—for instance, with France—in distant parts of Europe,
where heated partizans are naturally jealous, and per-
haps justly jealous of the honour of their respective
countries. Partizans, who must be warmed with the
spirit of jealousy, would, in their anxiety to
maintain the national honour, be the cause of

war desolating nations, unless the coumils "of the great
powers of Europe were presided over by those who feel
peace to be the true interest of a civilised Go-
vernment, and who are deterrsined that the
heated passions of angry partisans shall
not involve the respective countries.—(Hear, hear.) If
anything could have induced me to get a decision on
the part of this House prematurely, to determine the

anxiety of Government, it would have been the re-
ceipt of the intelligence we have lately had from the

United States. That gives the result of our last act.

You know that there had been such difference between

the countries, that unless they were speedily determined,
they would have been the cause of war. The House will
probably recollect that after we had offered to the United
States conditions which were rejected, the President of
the United States sent a message to the House of Con-

gress of that country, which led to a discussion with re-
gard to that convention which provided for the temporary

adjustment of our differences, at least for the tempurary
avoidance of war, and to enable the two coun-

;ries jointly to occupy the territory which is called

the Oregon territory. The two Houses of American
Congress advised the President to signify to this country,
as they were empowered to do, the conclusion of the
existing convention by giving a year's notice, and to add
to that advice, which might perhaps have been consi-

dered of an unsatisfactory, if not a hostile character, the
declaration that they wished the notice of the termina-
tion of the convention to be given, in order that it
might facilitate an amicable adjustment of the question
in dispute. We thought that the addition of these
words, and the expression of a hope that the termination
of the convention might more strongly impress on the
two countries the necessity for an amicable adjustment—

we thought those expressions removed every barrier
to a renewal by either country of the attempt to settle
this question.—(Hear, hear.) We did not hesitate,
therefore, to do that which in the present state
of that question was most expedient. We did
not hesitate to decline renewing any lengthened
vr nezotiation, but to propose at once to bring
the proceedings to a termination. A definite proposal was
consequently made by us to the President of the United
States; and however strongly he might be committed to a
contrary policy, he proposed at once to refer our pro-
posal to the Senate of the United States, and the
Senate, acting in the same spirit with which it had been
proposed, at once announced the adoption of the terms
offered.—(Loud Cheers,) Perhaps from the importance
of the subject, as well as from the circumstance that this
may be the last day of my addressing you as
a Minister, I may be permitted to go into a
little detail with respect to the negotiations between the
two Governments on this subject.—(Hear, hear.) (The
Right Hon. Baronet here read the first article of the
convention which was sent over from this Government,
and which specified that the 49th parallel of north lati-
tude should be continued as the boundary between the
territory of this country and that of the United States.)
The second condition of this engagement related to the
navigation of the Columbia river, and in endeavouring
to obtain for this country all the rights to which it was
justly entitled, they had endeavoured to secure for Great
Britain all the benefits of that river, where its course
flowed above the 49th parallel ; but in assenting to
the regulation which provided for this, the Ministry
had intimated to Mr. Pakenham that it was not their
intention or desire in any way to interfere with the
Government of the United States, either as respected
their interests, or in their regulation of the navigation
of that river. And this they did in a spirit of frankness
and fair dealing, and in a way that should at once
assure the Government of the United States of
their good faith and support of the honour of this country.
(Cheers.) On the very day when he was addressing
that House as a Minister, and when he was stating the
resignation of the Ministry who had succeeded in ef-
fecting this agreement, he had the satisfaction of
receiving the official letter from Mr. Pakenham,
which contained the dispatch confirming the agreement.
(Cheers.) Mr. Pakenham, writing on June 13, says
to my Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs—
" Washington, June 13, 1846.
" My Lord,—ln conformity with what I had the honour to
state in my dispatch, No. 68, of the 7th instant, the Presi-
dent sent a message on Wednesday last to the Senate, sub-
mitting for the opinion of that-bOtly the draught of a -con-
vention for the settlement of the Oregon question, which I
was instructed by your Lordship's dispatch, No. 19, of the
18th of May, to propose for the acceptance of the United
States.
" After a few hours' deliberation on each of the three days,
Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, the Senate, by a majo-
rity of 38 votes to 12, adopted yesterday evening a resolu-
tion advising the President to accept the terms proposed by
her Majesty's Government. The President did not hesitate
to act on this advice, and Mr. Buchanan accordingly sent
mr me this morning. ar d informed me that the conditions
offered by her Majesty s Governmentwere accepted by (lie
Government of the United States, without the addition or
alteration of a single word.—l have the honour to be, &c.,
"R. PAKENHAM.
"The Right Hon. the Earl of Aberdeen, K.T., &c."
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Thus two great nations,
impelled, I believe, by that public opinion which ought
to guide and influence all great countries, and urged
on by the force of public opinion, have brought
this great dispute to a close without, I believe, the com-
promise of the slightest point of honour, and which, if it
had been continued, might have involved these two great
nations, 'Which have sprung from the same race, in a war
that would have involved the whole of the civilised world
in its horrors—a war which in the course of two months,
nay, of one month, would have proved more expensive
than the worth of the whole of the district for which
the contention would have been excited. Thus, then,
have we brought, without the slightest compromise of
interest or honour either on the part of the American
Government or of her Majesty's Ministers, to a close
this great cause of dissension ; and this was
done at a time when it was anticipated by
the Government of this country that the dis-
pute in which the Government of the United
States were at that time engaged would, in all pro-
babilty, lead to a war with Mexico. Notwithstanding this
anticipation, instructions were sent out to Mr. Paken-
ham stating that her Majesty's Government had not
changed their intention in the slightest degree, and that
their desire for the settlement of the dispute was not in
the slightest degree altered. Mr. Pakenham was fully
in possession of the sense of his Government, and know-
ing their sentiments, he had persevered in the
spirit in which her Majesty's Ministers had always
acted, in bringing this dispute to a termination.
Yet he wisely thought that an occurrence of a
war with Mexico was not one of those cases to
which we had adverted, and therefore most wisely
did he tender this offer of peace on his own dis-
cretion. (Hear, hear.) And let me observe that
before we were aware of these hostilities between
the United States and Mexico—before we were aware
of the reception which this offer on our part would
meet with, we tendered to the United States
our good offices for the purpose of mediating
between them. Sir, I do rejoice that I had the
opportunity before surrendering power—(Hear, hear)
—that I had the power of giving them the formal
assurance that every cause of quarrel between two great
and powerful countries is terminated with honour to the
British people.—(Cheers.) Sir, I think I have exe-
cuted the task which my public duty imposed, upon
me. I hope I have said nothing which can be
misconstrued.—(Hear, hear.) I can say with truth
that her Majesty's Government, in proposing those mea-
sures of commercial policy which have disentitled them
to the 'confidence of many of those who formerly
coincided with them, were influenced by no
other desire than to consult the interests of
the country.—(Hear, hear.) Our object was to
avert dangers which we thought were imminent,
and to prevent a conflict which would have placed in
hostile position two powerful classes. The love of
power was not an object, for, as I have said before, I have
had not a doubt but the carrying of these measures
would be the termination of the existence of the Ministry.
Sir, I am not sure that it is an advantage to
the public that there should be such a with-
drawal of confidence from the Government for the time
being. I admit that the withdrawal of confidence by
many of our friends was the natural result of these
measures, and I do think that in proposing measures
of that nature, and under such circumstances, it is but
natural that Ministers should be charged with incon-
sistency. I believe, upon the whole, it is advantageous
for this country, and for the general character of public
men, that the proposal of measures of that kind under
such circumstances should entail that which is supposed
to be "a heavy blow and a great discouragement."
—(Laughter.) Sir, Ido not complain ; I think that it
would be impossible to continue to maintain office under
such circumstances.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I said before,
and I said truly, that in proposing these measures I had
no wish to rob others of the credit which is justly
dne to them, and I must say, with reference to Hon.
Gentlemen opposite, as I say to ourselves, that
neither of us is the party which is justly entitled
to the credit of these measures.—(Hear, hear.)
There has been a combination of parties, and
that combination and the influence of the Government
have led to their ultimate success, but the name which
ought to be associated with the success of these mea-
sures is not the name either of the Noble Lord the
organ of that party opposite—(Hear)—nor is it to mine.
The name which ought to be and will be associated with
the success of these measures is the name of a man who,
acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested motives—
(Cheers)—has with untiring energy, by appeals to reason

enforced by an eloquence—(Hear, hear)—the morelto

be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned.

(Hear, hear)—that name which ought to be associated

with the success of these measures is the name of

Richard Cobden.—(Tremendous cheering.) Sir, I now
close the address which it has been my duty to make to
the House, thanking them sincerely for the favour

which they have shown to this last act
of my official career. Without repining that
the power which I have held for the period of five

years will be surrendered into the hands of another
without complaint, nay, with a more lively recollection of
the support and confidence I received from Hon. Members
on both sides of the House, I shall leave office I fear
with a name severely censured by many Hon. Members
who, on public principle, deeply regret the severance
of party men—who deeply regret that severance, not

from any interested or personal motives—(Hear, hear)—
but because they believe that the existence of a great
party is necessary to the maintenance of a powerful and
influential Government in this country.—(Hear, hear.)
I shall certainly retire severely censured by many ho-
nourable men, who, from no interested motives, have ad-
hered to the principle of protection, as important to the
welfare and interests of the country. (Hear.) I shall
leave a name execrated by every monopolist who, from
less honourable motives maintains protection for hes

own individual ends—but it may be that I shall leave a
name sometimes remembered with expressions of good-
will in those dwellings which are the abodes of men

whose lot it is to labour and to earn their daily
bread by the sweat of their brows ; that is, a name re-
membered with expressions of good will when they shall
recruit their strength with abundant and untaxed food—
(Cheers)—the sweeter, because it is no longer leavened

by a sense of injustice.—(The Right Hon. Baronet then
sat down amidst immense cheering which lasted for
several minutes.) The cheering having subsided,
Sir R. PEEL again rose, and said that he had re-
ceived a communication from the Noble Lord who was

charged with the formation of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, and he hoped the House would unanimously agree
_ _

With "I"4..l"Le'b "" -•znressed by that Noble Lord,
that the House at its rising do adjourn until Friday next.
Lord PALMERSTON rose, but from the number of
Members leaving the House his opening observations
were but indistinctly heard. He said—Sir, I

will abstain from entering upon any discus-
sion bearing on party differences, or referring
to party disputes ; but still I must be allowed to say,
that, therefore, it is not to be understood:that I subscribe

to everything the Right Hon. Baronet has stated in
the course of his address.—(Hear.) The Right Hon.
Baronet must not be led away by the feeling
which has been manifested by this House to-night, or

by the assistance he has received in the carrying of the
measures he has recently submitted, that we agree with
the policy his Government has previously pursued.—
(Hear, hear.) A different opportunity will be afforded
to the present one, when I will enter upon that dis-
cussion. For the present, I wish to state to the House
that if I abstain from following the Right Hon. Baronet
into the consideration of all the topics connected with his
five years' administration, I must not be understood as
agreeing with him in the policy he has pursued.—(Hear,
hear.) There are many parts of the policy of the Go-
vernment with which I cannot agree, though I acquiesce
with the general recommendation of the House that the
discussion of them should be postponed.—(Hear, hear.)
But there is one thing in which I do agree. I agree
that the Right Hon. Baronet has shown a proper and be-
coming deference to constitutional principles.—(Cheers.)
I think the Right Hon. Baronet is right in his opinion,
that the present would not have been the proper occa-
sion to have advised her Majesty to exercise her prero-
gative in dissolving the House. I quite agree with
him, that where a Government stands so divided in
its party, that it rests only on a small majority
in Parliament, and when there is no rational probability
that a dissolution er general election would give a majo-
rity, I say I quite agree with him in the opinion that it
is more fitting to pursue the course which her Majesty's
Government have pursued. Sir, there are some parts
of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech which gave
me the greatest pleasure. I was glad, Sir, to hear the
principles which he announced as those on which the
government- Or Ireland ought to be oarried-out*(Hear,
hear.) I was glad, indeed, to hear from the Right Hon.
Baronet that the same rights and privileges—civil, po-
litical, and municipal—ought to be accorded to Ireland,
as conferred to England, except only in cases where they
must unavoidably be different.—(Hear, hear.) I was glad
also to hear the Right Hon. Baronet say that a dif-
ference of religious opinions ought not to be a bar to
the employment of men in political situations for which
they are quallfied.—(Hear.) Were I disposed to treat the
speech of the Right Hon. Baronet in a different manner,
I might make a few passing remarks, or express my
regret that these opinions and sentiments had not been
acted on by him in his administration of the affairs of
Ireland. Upon the reasons I have stated, I shall not go
into the question of the policy of the Government of the
Right Hon. Baronet with reference to the Indian em-
pire, and whether it has, or has not, received the unequi-
vocal approbation, in all its parts, of Parliament. I will
not touch upon another topic alluded to in the speech of
the Right Hon. Baronet; but I must be allowed to say
that I think the Right Hon. Gentleman did not quite
execute the purpose which he announced at the outset
of his speech, and that he did not altogether so shape all
he had to say as not to afford any ground for difference
of opinion. I should have been sorry indeed to have
allowed one of the latter topics of the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet's speech to pass unnoticed without an expression
of cordial approbation on my part. The announcement
he then made will be received with satisfaction, not only
by all Honourable Members of this House, but even in
the remotest corners of the empire. I refer to the an-
nouncement that those unfortunate differences which
have sprung up between this country and the United
States have been brought to an amicable adjustment.
It would, indeed, be the greatest calamity that could
befal the civilised world if two great nations, like Eng-
land and the United States, should be at enmity with
each other—two nations whose interests are identical,
and whose people stand in the relation of brothers. I
am therefore glad to avail myself of this opportunity
of stating the degree of satisfaction I experienced
when listening to that portion of the Right Hon.
Baronet's speech which touched upon the Oregon ques-
tion.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the Right Hon. Baronet well
said, in conclusion, that the merits of the great com-
mercial measure which he has succeeded in carrying is
not so much due to gentlemen on this side of the House,
or to gentlemen who at present occupy the Treasury
benches, as to the talent, the ability, the perseverance,
the enterprise, and the untiring energy of my
Honourable Friend the Member for Stockport.—
(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet has paid a just
and deserved compliment to Richard Cobden ; and I
think the House and the country will look on beyond
the point to which the Right Hon. Baronet has directed
attention, and see in Richard Cobden, not merely the
zealous and enlightened advocate of a great improve
ment in our commercial code, but will see in him one of
the most distinguished results of that great measure of Par-
liamentary reform carried by this side of the House, and
which, in truth, has been the means by which the Right
Hon. Baronet has been enabled to carry his own great
measure of commercial reform. I was particulary
anxious, to express my concurrence in the general senti-
ment of the Right Hon. Baronet, however I may differ
with him on some points, and to take this, the earliest
opportunity, of protesting against its being
supposed, by my silence, that I was opposed to the policy
which the Right Hon. Baronet had latterly pursued.
Mr. HUME said, as an humble Member of that House,
he could not allow that opportunity to pass without say-
ing a word or two upon the policy and speech of the
Right Hon. Baronet, with whose opinions upon two
important points of policy he had long differed.
He thought the Right Hon. Baronet had accomplished
that which would redound for ever to his character. It
would be a source of great gratification to him, in his
retirement, to know that he found the country on his
coming to power in a state of war, and that he
left it in peace—with peace at home and abroad,
with the industry of the country freed from
commercial restrictions.—(Hear, hear.) He had done
as much—nay, he had done more than any of his pre-
decessors had been able to accomplish. He (Mr. Hume)
said, with the most unfeigned delight, that be had con-
ferred the greatest benefits on his country and on the
civilised world. It was on these grounds that he
expressed his most unfeigned regret that circum-
stances should compel him to leave the helm at
that hour. He was sure he would retiro from power
with the regret of millions of his countrymen.—(Cheers
from both sides of the House.) He believed no Mi-
nister ever left office favoured with so much sympathy
on the part of the people ; and he would venture to pre-
dict that those Hon. Members who had consistently op-
posed the measures of the Right Hon. Baronet—who
had felt themselves obliged to offer resistance to them,
would, before many years had passed over their heads,
regret
,the course they had adopted, for there could
be no doubt be had done all in his ,power to
promote the happiness and comfort of the people.
He himself felt that he deserved the greatest credit
for the patience and for the perseverance he had
evinced in his capacity of Minister of the Crown, and
he believed the same opinion was entertained by millions
of his countrymen. •
Sir ROBERT INGLIS rose to speak to the motion
that the House, at its rising, should adjournin anti l
e
Friday next. There were some 2. ones which
speech of the Right HonourablearPyaaro
in the perora-
he might desire to reply to, particeul
wished to address
lf abstainto
th e from
technicieayi
tion, but in the few words which hi
TenlYsewhether it should
to the House he should Purr
reference to them, andbeli'ituhs
till Friday next.—(Flear.)
question then before t
or should not adjourn
He was of • opinion that would be very inconve-
nientthe private business of
to the House,
rni de d
otherefore,
ou.rnmei?t took
apdui bile business coulpdiabeee'cara
if such an
although no
the formation of the new Ministry, he saw no reason
why the private business before the House should be