The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-14 00:00:00

he found those in England not very well managed, but those
in Scotland most effectively conducted, every person on the
estate, however, was content, and their prosperity was pa-eatc r
than for many years heretofore. The cause was set for a
special day in Westminster. But the gentleman, on arriving
in London, found that his leading counsel had returned his fee
to the attorney, and had thrown up his brief. The case came
on in Westminster, and judge of his surprise when he found
that the same counsel was arguing on the opposite side. Sir,
said he, you are mistaken, you were retained on my side.
Oh ! no, replied the other, it is quite true 1 was ore your side,
and I argued your question for a long time until I obtained the
highest position in the State, bat during your abs. nee I have
given particular attention to the subject, and I am convinced
that it is qu to impossible to maintain your else. I there-
fore give it up. He went to the other Queen's counsel, and
he said., I have also changed my mind, and i will give you
no further satisfaction.—Cheers.) He went to the
junior counsel, and he replied, Oh, my leaders have
changed their minds, it is my duty tofollow them.—( Laughter. )
But this was really trifling with the time of the House. How-
ever, as he had said before, l:e would not quote extensively
from Hansard, or search those volumes for charges of incon-
sistency. He knew the difficulty of public men, and could
make allowances for them ; but he would call atten-
tion to the opinions of some men of the greatest
talent that the country ever possess'. He would
quote the opinions delivered by Honourable Members in
this House during the last three weeks, and he would then
leave the House to judge, from his simple statement, of the
nature of the shifts to which some men could have recourse in
order to justify their measures, but which he (Mr. S. ) con-
ceived could receive no justification. On the 27th Junuary in
the present year, the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her
Majesty's Government stated in his speech—( Cries ef .‘ Order,
order")—that he congratulated the country upon its increased
preeperity—( Order, order)—and on the 9th February the
Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State
air. E. BULLER rose to order. He said the lion.
Member was quite out of order, for if, he understood the rules
of the House, he believed one of them was to this effect, that it
wonld be out of order for any Hon. Member to refer to a
speech delivered by any other Hon. Member in the same
session.—( Cries of hear, hear. ) •
Mr. SCOTT said he was sorry fur having done anything
out of order, and he Felt obliged for having been corrected.'
On the 27th of January the Right Hon. Baronet at the head
of her Majesty's Government had expressed his opinion that
the repeal of the corn-laws would in no way have the effect of
reducing high wages. On the 27th that same Right Hon.
Baronet, in a reply to the Noble Lord the Member for Newark,
had expressed his continued opinion that the effect of the alter-
ation of the corn-laws would in no way be to cause the
reduction of wages. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secre-
tary-at- War, who sat by the Right. Hon. Baronet, on the 9th of
January had expressed his firm opinion that the fallacy of
cheap bread had been exploded.—(Cheers frian the protec-
tionists.) All this showed to what serious difficulties public
men were subjected on great occasions. He was opposed to
anything like a crooked policy, for it often led to a crooked
conscience. It was then with exceeding regret he was bound
to designate the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet as tor-
tuous, crooked, and misapprehenslble in the extreme. He
had always been of opinion that to a man of upright principle.
of all things, character was of the most value.—( Loud cheer.. )
He deeply regretted that a man's difficulties should tend to in-
validate his character. When the great changes proposed by the
Right Hon. Baronet ini 1842 had excited great alarm through-
out the country, and especially in the county he had
the honour: to remesent, he himself had used the greatest
exertions, not only- not to increase, but to allay that alarm. He
had given to that measure of 1842 his most cordial support,
for he understood that that was to be a final settlement. Until
a few weeks ago he was prepared to give the same cordial '
support to the measure of 1846, if it had been at all in ac-
cordance with the declaration in the Queen's Speech, or with
the assurance of the same Right Hon. Baronet that it would
not interfere with, or injure, great interests.—( Hear. )
He, for one, would have afforded the same cordial support on
the present occasion. The present measure was very compre-
hensive, very bold ; but he doabted whether it was politic as
bold, or wise as comprehensive.—(Hear, hear.) There was
this difference between the measure of 1842 and the present
one ; they both were certainly measures for reduction of pro-
hibitory duties, but then there was this difference—that in
1842 the redactions and relaxations took place on articles of
raw produce, or articles the produce of other countries, whilst
in the present case the reduction was on articles the produce of
the country, and which consequently would come into com-
petition at a disadvantage.—( Hear, hear.) He (the Hon.
Gentleman) was no ultra - protectionist, nor ever was.
He never was of opinion that laws should be
immutable. He never believed that it was practicable or de-
sirable that laws should be so enacted that any betnetits to the
tenantry should be determined rather by the desire of the
landlord than by the requirements of the public.—( Hear,
hear. ) He always felt that a restriction of public consumption
on food ought never to acquire the title of monopoly or class
legislation, for the purpose of benefiting one class at the ex-
pense of the other.—(lronical cheers from the Opposition. )
Believing then such, he had always considered how or why
a tax on bread was liable to he called an unjust
tax on the food of the people.—( Renewed ironical
cheers. ) It appeared to him that the amount
of taxation ought to be such as would give encouragement
to the growth of grain to the greatest extent.—( Hear, hear.)
He was aware how difficult it would bo to determine that
amount.—( Hear, hear.) In his district of the country, where
agriculture was well understood, in the last ten years, not-
withstanding the distance from markets, the high price of
coals, and badness of the roads, together with increased
prices, the rents had materially increased.—( Hear,
hear, and loud laughter from the Opposition benches. )
He gave the Right Hon. Baronet the entire benefit of this—
that notwithstanding the advancement of wages, that a remu-
nerating profit had been afforded to the landowner and to the
labourer, he was fully prepared to have gone with the Right
Hon. Baronet in the reduction of the present existing amount
of protection.—( Loud cheers.) He felt likewise that iti con-
sequence of the improvement in communication—in internal
communication—thereby facilitating the intercourse between the
farm and the market, and between different districts, thus de-
creasing the expenses in husbandry—the application of the
arts of chemistry to the soil, and the spread of intel-
ligence improvements in draining through this the
operations of farming were carried on at a reduced ex-
pense.—( Cheers. ) Entertaining these opinions (proceeded
the Hon. Gentleman), and feeling that the only object of pro-
tection is that there should be an increased amount of home
growth in this country—
Sir ROBERT PEEL—Whose counsel are you?—(Cheere,
and counter cheers.)

Mr. SCOTT (with marked emphasis)—lf the Right lion.
Baronet wishes to ask me a question, I have no objection, and
will resume my seat in order that he may put it to me. The
Hon. Gentleman then sat down. [Sir R. Peel intimated that
be did not wish to put any other question to the Hon. Gentle-
man, who resumed his speech with much warmth.] I understand
the Right Hoe. Baronet to ask me for whom I aria counsel ?
lam the counsel of my own opinions—l am no delegate in
this House.—( Cries of " Order," and much confusion.) I
believe lam free to give my own opinions. I will yield to no
man.—( Cheers.) I repeat lam no counsel for any men, for any
party or sect—l belong to no party.---( Cheers and hisses.) I
was proud to follow that party which was led so worthily by
the party pledged to support the Constitution, and which was
led by the Right Hon. Baronet himself ; whilst he held that
banner I was proud to serve under him. I would be happy to
serve under him now, if he would hoist the flag which he has
abandoned.—(Two or three Hon. Members here appeared to
remonstrate with the Hon. Gentleman on the warmth of his
address.) No! I have spoken too hastily—too warmly—per-
haps I misunderstood the question ; but I am the co,insel of
none.
Sir R. PEEL—Hear, hear.

Mr. SCOTT then proceeded to say that consumption ought
to be promoted as far as practicable, in order that the producer
might be able to supply his provisions at a reduced price. He
was willing to have gone to a considerable length with the
Right Honourable Baronet, and if his constituents had differed
with him he should have abided by the result. He contended
that the present time, when there was so much railroad accom-
modation, would be the most advantageous season for a re-
duction of the protection to agriculture. He hope I the Right
Honourable Baronet would have introduced a measure relative
to corn of a different nature, both as regards time and price—
a measure which would not have offered to the foreign
grower anyadvantages over the British producer, and would have
averting the ruin which he believed the present measure
would bring upon the agriculturists of this country. He was
persuaded that the present measure would cause a severe blow
and di-couragernent to agriculture, and would tend to diminish,
rather than to increase, the price of the food of the population ;
and would also produce great distress among the labouring
climes. He had the authority of Lord Melbourne, who spoke
in terms too deeply impressed on the memories of lion. Mem-
bers to make it necessary for him to repeat it ; and that it
would tend to diminish the necessaries of life, he needed no
better authority than the IlOn. Member for Bolton (Dr. Bow.
ring), who, in the year 18-12, argued that protection was ne-
cessary. At that period the Hon. Member had stated that
the consumption of sugar in France was five pounds per head,
in the German League four pounds, in other countries of Eu-
rope two pounds, and in England seventeen pounds per bead.
In the Prussian Leagus the consumption of salt was sixteen
pounds per head, and in England twenty-two pounds;
woollen cloth in the German League was two ells one-sixth;
but in England five and a quarter. The quantity of butcher's
meat consumed in France was equal to that is hich would be
gained by an Englishman in three days' work, and by a Fre.nch-
man in four slays' labour. The quantity of bread coosumed in
France was equal to the quantity which could be preeered in
eight slays—in England, seven days. He stated also, the sum
of thirty millions sterling had left the country in the time of
war to purchase food for the country. Hs- could not refer to a
higher authority than the Noble Lord, the Member for London,
as to the immediate sufferings, that would be the consequence of
the passing of this measure. To his mind the importation of
gram appeared one of the secondary principles of this most ini•
portant measure. The relaxation of the duties on corn had
been spoken of as a mere fiscal regulation. In his opinion it
was little more than a fiscal regulation which aleniated the
United States from this country.—( Hear, hear.) He con-
sidered thu proposed measure as an attempt to destroy the eon-
!tnnuetlan- The Right lion. Baronet had taken up with
a_ e w course of policy, and had decides! on carrying out
of free-trade. He (Mr. Scott) was de-
othisicg u nci-Ples yin favour of free-trade in the abstract.—( Hear, hear.)
A. Noble Duke in the other House is reported to have said that
he would be
LOn,,
as,,so lie (Iknol7
what was meant by a fr‘e-trade Go-
vernment. N
iie Scott)
r would also like to know what
it meant ? All phi'oso
Mesntannrd political economists in all
nges of the world, frorni)
present day, had spoken and it
nsvoratintekdn Telemachus down to the
onof free-trade in the ab-
matter in the abstract,
stract. If, however, ithent were
hsihain excellenths,u thing ;
sLose to speak of this
free-intrade sv
yt free-trade,
but he would defy any person to talk se
w'yth fo-
free_
when our domestic affairs and our complex
reign countries remained in their present condition.a relations
By
trade was to be understood the abandonment of all duties, and
the loss of all revenue. Give up the seven millions of customs'
duties arid the thirteen millions of the excise, and what
will become of the 50,000,0001. of national income? How will
the deficiency in the revenue be made up ? By levying higher
window duties, by increasing the property-tax to 3() per cent.,or
by what other means is the deficiency to be supplied ? To
talk of free trade in the abstract might be good sense, but to
speak of it in relation to the economy of this country was, he
conceived, to utter nonsense. Ile had on a former occasion
supported the removal of duties on the raw material, because
he thought such a removal would afford greater (sallies for the
' circulating medium to find its proper level, but he would
maintain that it was absolutely impossible to adopt '
free. trade in this country, burdened as it was
with an amount of debt exceeding 800,000,0001. From these
considerations, he thought it was less fair to expect this country
could successfully enter into competition with foreign nations
than it was to engage a man with a hundred weight on his
shoulders to enter the lists with an opponent who was perfectly
free and unconfined. A point of very great importance in this
matter was, the maintenance of public faith. How was it to
be expected that our colonies could be maintained if the Right
-Honourable Baronet's principles with respect to them should
be allowed to pass uncanva
cd ? Mr. M‘Culloch, a very high
authority, had said witith respect to the colonies, that
commerce comerce ought be conducted on the prin-
ciples of tie cotatingdiffentrreade.—( Hear, hear.) This
policy, however, was far different
Govgr:rnnferom that which had been
ro pposed by her Majesty's
r,t. It was to entertain
fen
Lb* produce of foreign nations duty
while our colonial
The n
produce was being loaded with taxation.o o n haditehse
been sadly neglected. No mention was ever made of
and when any measure in which by chance they might be con-
cerned was brought before the House, it was passed with no