The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-05 00:00:00

had made so grave a charge as that which he had just given
utterance to.

AIORR )S truved that .omet ing would be dare for
the families ut those.who had fallen in the late engagement in

Sir ROBERT PEEL thought that subject was best left in
the hands of the Crown, and he deprecated entering into a dis-
cussion of the merits of the various officers who had lately been
engaged in India. First, the name of Sir H. Smith had been
mentioned, and that had led to the mention of the names of
Sir C. Napier, General Nott, and General Pollock. He did nut
think that that was the proper place to discuss the merits of
those distinguished men. The Hon. Gentleman opposite
(Mr. Williams) had said there was no precedent for so large a
pension as 3,000/. Now there was the case of Lord Amherst,
after the conquest of Canada, and there was also the case of
Lord Rodney. Nine officers had 3,000/. a-year granted them
for their lives, 2,0001. out of the English Pension Fund, and
1,000/. out of the Irish Pension Fund. With respect to the
rewards of those officers who had been mentioned in the course
of the discussion, he would remind the House that there was
always a certain amount of patronage in the hands of the
Crown, which, of course, would be used to reward such
brilliant services as had lately been exhibited in India. Indeed
such rewards had already commenced, inasmuch as Sir Charles
Napier had been sent for to take the position, second in com-
mand, of the army. Of course the Crown would consider the
claims of the relatives of those who had fallen. Sir Robert
Sale had left a family ; and General M'Caskill, he understood,
had left seven daughters. Of course these would be objects
of consideration by the Crown, and he could say, on the part
of the Crown, that as far as the limited resources, which were at
the command of the Crown for such purposes, would permit,
those families would be provided for.
Mr. WILLIAMS explained. He said that he had only
referred to the English Pension List, and was not aware that
any pensions had been charged on the Irish list.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL quite agreed with the Right
Hon. Baronet, that this subjent ought to be left in the hands of
the Crown. With reference to what the Right Hon. Baronet
had said at the close of his address, he (Lord John Russell)
would suggest to the Right Hon. Baronet the propriety of
increasing the means at the disposal of the Crown for such
purposes as these, so that the Ministers should not have either
to refuse the claims of such cases as that of the survivors of
Sir R. Sale, or to come down to the House to ask for a sepa-
rate grant.

The resolutions were then agreed to, and were reported.
THE CORN BILL.

Mr. HUTT presented several petitions from the colonists of
Australasia, in favour of the Government measure.

On the motion that the Speaker do leave the chair for the
House to go into Committee on the Corn Importation Bill,
Lord GEORGE BENTINCK said he rose to oppose the
Speaker leaving the chair. The Right Hon. Baronet for the
last thirty years had been a supporter of the corn-laws, and
had at various periods devised means for their improvement,
and yet he told them that within the last three months he had
undergone such a change that he considered these laws were not
only inexpedient but unjust. Now before they proceeded further
he thought the Right Honourable Baronet ought to put them
in possession of the reasons which had induced him to come to
this extraordinary decision.—( Hear, hear.) It had been
urged against the protectionist party that on their heads
rested the responsibility for the present stagnation in the com-
merce of the country. How could this be, though ? They
were not responsible for this measure, which was the cause of
the stagnation. They did not propose to make a change in the
commercial laws of the country, and it was therefore only fair,
seeing that the proposal produced the stagnation, that those
who proposed it should bear the responsibility.—( Hear, hear. )
They had been told also that the farmers of England were
desirous of seeing a speedy settlement of this question. He did
not doubt that the farmers of England were desirous of seeing
a speedy settlement of this question, provided that settlement was
the rejection of the measure proposed by her Majesty's Ministry.
—( Hear, hear.) But if he were to be told that the farmers of
England expected that the price of their cern would be raised
by the introduction of 1,500,000 quarters of foreign wheat—
and such was really the fact—they would be justly liable to the
accusation which had been made against them by the Noble
Lord, the Member for the City of London, who once said the
farmers of England were as dull as the clod they broke. —( Hear.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said his Noble Friend had misap-
plied the force of his observation, when he proposed a fixed
duty of Bs. He said those who argued that such would be
injurious to the farmer, must be as dull as the clod the farmer
broke, and not that the farmers of England were as dull as
the clod they broke.—( Hear, hear. )
Lord G. BEN TICK thanked the Noble Lord for his expla-
nation, with which he was perfectly satisfied. —( Hear, hear.)
It had been stated in that House, that they would be
doing essential service to the farmers by allowing
the importation of Foreign wheat for Home consumption,
because it would tend to assist the sale of their own produce.
Now if he looked back to all the precedents of bygone years,
he could not find a single instance in which the introduction of
large quantities of foreign wheat had raised the price of Eng-
lish wheat. He recollected, in the year 1838, when the duty
under the old sliding.scale suddenly fell •to Is., there were im-
ported, within the space of six weeks, 2,500,000 quarters of
wheat. Was the effect of that importation to raise the price of
English corn? Nothing of the sort. The effect of that .m-
-portation was to lower the price of wheat in the same six weeks
to the full extent of 12s. per quarter. In July, 1842, again,
just after the passing of the present sliding scale, the results
were a large importation into this country of foreign wheat,
for corn fell from 635. per quarter to 335, In 1843, the im-
portation of foreign wheat reduced the price of English corn
9s. per quarter ; and in 1844 and 1845, similar results fol-
lowed smaller importations.—( Hear, hear.) He thought he
had shown them very clearly that the farmers of England might
be easily deluded indeed, if they believed that the entry of
1,500,000 quarters of foreign wheat would enhance the price of
their own English produce. Well, then, was there anything in
the state of the markets, either as respected the price or the sup-
ply of food, which should induce them o forfeit the interest of the
farmer for the sake of the consumer? The price of wheat at
this time averaged from 555. to 655. per quarter, but had the
supply in the consumption been decreased in consequence of
the existing stagnation in trade ? No, it had not, for he
had taken the trouble to compare the supply and consumption
of the last four months, and he found that there was an in-
crease in the supply of wheat and consumption of 116 quarters.
He trusted, therefore, that any farmers who might have been
misled by false friends into the belief that their interest lay in
a speedy settlement of this question, would learn from experi-
ence that their interest lay in a contrary direction. Well, but
with respect to the price. They were told in this year of famine
and starvation that the prices were extremely high.
Instead, however, of this being so, he found that
every description of grain had fallen in price. Barley
had fallen I% per cent., beans 2% per cent., peas 6% per cent.
as compared with last year. He had shown, and he hoped
successfully, that the fluctuations in price had been much more
and much less in England since the passing of the Bill of 1842,
but he was told in reply to this, that the fluctuations in other
parts of Europe were occasioned by the state of the markets
in this country. Upon looking into the returns and facts,
however, he found this was not the case, and he repeated
with confidence, the assertion he had already made.
Now, when it was recollected that after the Corn Bill had once
fairly come into operation—after the first great glut which suc-
ceeded to the month of August in last year, and that the fluc-
tuations in this country of the food of the people had never
exceeded 30 per cent., he thought that those who relied upon
the opinion that free trade in corn would introduce a greater
steadiness in prices rested upon a broken reed.—( Hear, hear. )
The same, and even greater, fluctuation in prices as hitherto
prevailed would still continue. That great authority upon the
subject of free trade, Mr.fluskisson had, down to the last years
of his life, maintained that it was of far more importance to the
people of this country that prices should be steady than that
they should be either very high or very low.—( Hear, hear. )
It was a fluctuation in prices that Mr. Huskisson objected to,
as being dangerous to the interests of this country. And,
therefore, if he, ( Lord G. Bentinck,) showed that the fluctua-
tion in prices abroad were not limited to wheat, but extended
equally to rye and oats, which constituted the food of the
majority of the people of the country, and if he showed themithat
no such fluctuation occured in this country under the sliding-
scale, unless they were able to refute his statements, the ground
of the promoters of this Bill was cut from under them. They
had been :told by the Right Hon. Baronet the First Minister of
the Crown, that if they made their selection to advance they
would raise a watchword for all the nations of Europe
and America. They were told too that Prussia had
been shaken.—(Hear, hear.) They were once told, he be-
lieved, by the Hon. and Learned 1%1.-mber for Bolton, that if
we mitigated our laws with regard to the admission of foreign
corn, they would relax their laws with regard to timber and
corn—that they would, in fact, relax their tariff.—( Hear. )
Well, those countries had largely relaxed their laws both as re-
garded timber and corn—(Hear, hear)—but Prussia had not
been shaken ; Prussia had not relaxed, but had rather drawn
closer the reductions under which she bound her trade with
foreign countries. They had been told, too, that if they re-
laxedmspuecliacesey:
successfully,
tfofh.; etlhi
the
tyarhet,
ert eh
Fsetrreri
nce tefli
hoe
en
tGs
nogva
enmrdoi
Toni
dfe
sot
tho efwyFo
renal
ndo
cp
Rtreewdo
reciprocate
ab fere eeean-natobrhal
ed
dae
in
representativesthe
ft Chamberhe
territorial
of
commercialcon-
sisted
interests of that country, to obtain a law for free trade in corn,
and the relaxation of her commercial policy generally, as re-
garded foreign countries. The Right Hon. Baronet the
First Minister of the Crown had come down to the House and
stated that the Government of France was willing to relax her
laws o (Lord G.
crle
to the entinck) wished that Right Honourable
Baronet
House some official information
Hew id produce
which would justify his having made that statement.—( Hear,
hear.) What was, in fact, the course adopted by the First
Minister of France ? The Belgian tariff, having been brought
under discussion in the Chambers of France, that groat Minis-
ter, M. Guizot, seized an opportunity of expressing his admi-
ration of the present policy of her Majesty's Government ; but
whilst he gave the highest praise to the policy of the Right
Hon. Baronet, who had introduced this measure, he frankly
told the people that France was not prepared to follow in his
steps.—( Hear, hear.) They had, therefore, found that
France had not adopted the watchword of " free trade,"
although they rejoiced in being afforded an opportunity
of enriching themselves at the expense of this country.
Were not, therefore, the people of thiscountrhye ehantditled too
grounded
askl
the Right Hon Baronet on what
foundation
hear.) The language of Mons. Guizot was remarkable—
the promise which he had made as regarded France ?—(Hear,
(Hear,
remarkable—
( Hear, hear)—and so beautiful that he wasf sAure.tlhlaatstt—he
No is a greater friend
one .
ifh a
mhe b
eread n athpeasisastgeofromphriis speech.
a( ( I Housed
r Hear.e s s woulded
hear.)to t hf forgive
r
gFAirlve.enehhim GuizotC said,
ofthis country—(Hear, hear)
of the agricultural interests
say
solid foundation
most
than I am of the influence of landed proprietors, and I will
—1 am sure that interest is baseodfotnhias
country.l, for my
for the prosperity and security
tural interests of the country. No
own part, am a most sincere and decided
one
eafnriednednyofthtahteEagnrgilcauntd-
liberties and prosperity, to her territorial
of the wisest
in particular owes all her strength,
ar i
sat
ogorrelaoty part
aristocracy."—{Hear,
ehaerr,
statesmen that ever governed any great hear.') Those were the sentiments oneoefat
country.—(Hear,
hear.) They were the sentiments, too, oMinisters, of one of the wisest Monarchs
thf
aotneevoefr
rtehier„wedi_seisnt
Europe, and they were the sentiments that
enter-
tained some time ago by the ablest and beststhaatedsmbeaenn
of this
country—( Hear, hear)—and happily, in his opinion, would it
have been for England if he had now, as Minister, been sitting
on the benches before him, who entertained the same
sentiments that had been expressed by M. Guizot in the
Chamber of France.—( Hear.) Speaking of the plan of Sir R.
Peel, that great Minister said, " It is a great and beautiful
spectacle given to us, but there is nothing in it which we
should hurry ourselves to apply to this country."--( Hear,
hear.) Monsieur Guizat also observed, that in their proceed.
ings he hoped they would not manifest the impatience and want
of prudence which had reigned elsewhere—(Hear, hear),--he-
cause the industry of France might not be in a position to sub-
mit to the trials to which the commerce of England would be
subjected. He (Lord George Bentinck) wished that Minis-
ters of this country had the same prudence as had been mani-
fested in the Chambers of France. What were the sentirr,ents
of the Minister of Commerce, Monsieur Gridaine? "Those
who think we should not hesitate to give it the example given
to us by the English Parliament, advise a prematureanddan-
gerous act." And on the division on the question whether they
should imitate our example, they rejected it by a majo-
rity of 236. We had no reason to suppose that Prussia
would reciprocate with our policy. The progress of her reve-
nue, under her restrictive laws, had not been such as to en-
courage the adoption of any free-trade measures.--( Hear,
hear.) When the Right Hon. Gentleman said that Prussia
had been shaken, he (Lord George Bentinck) thought that he
would find himself in the same critical position as that in which
his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary-at-War had found himself.
It was atatud, too, that America would relax her duties with re-

gard to this country, but he believed that the last news from
America displayed no symptoms of that sort. The last news
thst he received ttom America was, that there was no great
probability of any such step being taken. And where was the
potato famine, which they were first told would occur in the
month of February, and was then postponed till March, and
then again till the month of Msy, and which had been still
further postponed till the month of July I Had that po-
tato famine arrived ? He believed that the price
of potatoes in Ireland had fallen rather than risen within the
last few weeks, and certainly, except as regarded a few lo-
calities, they need entertain no apprehensions as to a famine in
Ireland. Scarcity there might be; but scarcity and famine
were not synonymous terms. It had been stated that the
city of Cork was one among the most affected districts; and I
learn from one of the public journals that the corporation of
that cit. received revenues amounting to 7,0001. or 8,0(101.
per annum, and yet they had subscribed no more than 1001. to
relieve a starving people. But he was sure that if the cor-
poration of the city of Cork had been convinced that destitution
did exist in their city to the extent represented by her Ma-
jesty's Ministers, they would have come forward with a mere
liberal sub,cription than 10il. The Noble Lord proceeded to
read an address from Mr. Browne to Lord Stanley, in
which it was stated that the markets of Westport' and
Castlebar had suddenly become very excited, but that the two
last markets had been supplied with potatoes and meal at
a less price than has beets known at this period
of the year for many years past. A number of letters to the
same effect, from persons residing in Ireland, were also read by
the Noble Lord. Extracts were also read from a Sligo paper,
of the first of May, stating that the markets were completely
over-stocked with potatoes, and that there had never been known
at the present season of the year each an abundant supply of
that edible. The Noble Lord went on to say that in the South
Riding of Tipperary the labourers refused to work under
Is. 4d. per day. A letter was also read from the Earl Glen-
gall, who stated that the insurrections which had lately taken
place in Clonmell did not arise from the destitution of the
people. The disturbances which took place in Carrick-on-Scour, ,
were not attributable to distress. In the Newry 7'eleyraph it
was stated that potatoes were now to be had at reduced prices,
and that sales were difficult to be effected. He thought it in
vain for her Majesty's Ministers to pretend to say, in the face of
this state of things, that there was any necessity for now going
into committee on the subject of the repeal of the corn-laws.
lie had now shown, in the most satisfactory manner, that so far
as Prussia was concerned—so far as France and America were
concerned—our adoption of free trade principles did not induce
them to meet us in a reciprocal spirit, and our expectations had,
consequently, ended in disappointment. Ile thanked the
House for the patience and attention with which they heard
the statements which he had felt it his duty to make on this
great question.
Sir ROBERT PEEL—Sir, I shall, in the first place, notice
that part—the concluding part of the Noble Lord's apeech,
where he refers to the present condition of Ireland. And I
did certainly expect that, after the reports laid upon the table
in reference to the subject, the Noble Lord would not have
made an unfair selection from them, but a full and entire re-
presentation of the statements contained in them. I did not
expect that the Noble Lord would have adopted such a
mode of selection. Sir, I know that scarcity is net uni-
versal throughout Ireland. I know that in many parts of the
country it does not exist at all. I know that in some parts it
does not exist to the same extent that it does in others, and
gentlemen may therefore write with perfect accuracy from some
localities that there is no scarcity or famine among the popula-
tion, but it cannot be denied that there does exist disease—
disease existing out of scarcity—( Hear, hear )—and the remedy
which her Majesty's Government have thought proper to apply
to meet the case is to purchase food.—( Hear, hear.) From
what sources have the money come from to enable them to do
so ? Is there a large fund at their disposal for such a purpose ?
No ; the source they have had to depend on is taxation. The
Noble Lord says that sixty tons of potatoes have been recently
imported into Liverpool and Bristol from Ireland, and he asks
us why we did not go into the market and buy up this food. for
the supply of the deficiency produced by the scarcity? What
is the remedy which he proposes ? Why, that we should buy
up this food, which was intended for the consumption of the
people of this country ; and because we have not done so, he
turns round upon us and accuses us of supineness or neglect.
With regard to the allusions made to the reductions in 'he price
of potatoes, I will ask why is the price reduced? It has been
reduced, because we have made extensive purchases of Indian
meal, and this food has, to a very great extent, supplanted po-
tatoes.—(Hear, hear.) Why, I will refer to the reports laid
before us. Are the people of Ireland bound together in a con-
spiracy, for the purpose of inducing us to believe that they are
suffering under famine? The reports were laid before you.—
( Hear, hear.) No concealment was attempted with regard to
them. They were open to contradiction, if any one was able
to prove their falsity ; but no one ever attempted to do so.
Now, what did the Noble Lord assent to for the purpose of
meeting this state of things ?—( Hear, hear.) Why,
he agreed to suspend the operation of the corn-laws,
and to permit the importation of foreign corn into Ireland for
three years.—(" Hear, hear," from Lord Bentinck. ) Now he,
( Sir R. Peel) believed that if the Noble Lord imagined that
there was no foundation whatever for the cry of famine which
prevailed, such consent was a most extraordinary act on the li
part of the Noble Lord.—( Loud ironical cheers.) If the
Noble Lord believed that there was no famine, then what
could have induced him to concede to the suspension of
the corn-laws. (Loud ironical cheers.) If the duty of
legislators be to discourage all unfounded outcries and agitation,
then I cannot understand by what motives the Noble Lord was
influenced in encouraging by his concession what he believed
to be unfounded in fact.—( Loud cheers, and " Hear, hear," from
Lord Bentinck. ) I protest, Sir, I do not understand the
Noble Lord.—(lronical cheers.) The Noble Lord says that he
will allow the free importation of foreign corn into
Ireland for three years, and in the same breath denies
that there is any scarcity in that country.--( Loud ironical
cheers.) If the Noble Lord manifested such a feeling out of
deference to the Irish Members, in regard to the corn-laws, it
would not be too much to assume that the same feeling would
have actuated him with regard to the Coercion Bill. He acted
differently, however, and he thought there was a necessity for
the passing of the Coercioii Bill. Now, if he thinks there is
no necessity for the free importation of foreign corn into Ire-
land, why does he countenance that delusion which he says is
calculated to raise the price of food, and to aggravate the evils
which exist in that country. Sir, you would find that a tem-
porary suspension of the corn-laws in Ireland, will not meet the
requirements of that country. You will find that there is
this year even a smaller quantity of land set apart for potatoes,
than for some years past. This arises partly from the circum-
stances of the farmer being able to get no remuneration
from the con-acre system formerly adopted, and partly from a
disinclination on the part of the cottiers to cultivate potatoes,
from an apprehension that the rot would still continue. If
this be the case, the consequence will be that the period of
scarcity will extend to even a longer period than August, and
a greater supply of food will be necessary to meet the defi-
ciency. I therefore deny that there is an exaggeration on the
part of the Government with respect to the scarcity in Ireland.
If we neglected any necessary precaution which we might
have adopted for the purpose of meeting this calamity,
and if any evils resulted which might have been
warded off by timely measures, one universal condemnation
would have burst upon us, and the censure you now lavish
upon us for superfluous precaution would be levelled against
us for supineness and neglect.—(Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord
says I stated the other night that in the course of this discussion
the opinion which I had entertained upon the subject had un-
dergone a change, and that those restrictions which I some
time since thought impolitic I now believe to be unjust. Sir,
I adopt, and deliberately repeat that statement. Ido believe
the restrictions upon the importation of food to be inconsistent
with justice and sound policy.—(Great cheering from the
free-traders.) The Noble Lord may have a right to blame me
for making that discovery at so late a period, and may say that
I ought to have seen this injustice at least three or four years
ago.—( Hear, hear, from the Country party.) I admit it, Sir,
I admire those who have intuitive perception to tell them that
ehich is right in respect to matters relating to commercial
policy—l say, Sir, I admire those who, after patient and deli-
berate consideration, adopt at once the right course. I admit
that those are much more entitled to the credit attending such
a course of policy than others, who, at a later period of life,
adopt their sentiments.—( Hear, hear.) But it is the duty of
those who have reason to change their opinions to have the
manliness to come forward and own their convictions. Sir, I
think it is dishonest for a man, after being convinced in his
own mind upon a particular subject, and yet endeavouring to
gain credit for consistency, to be either unwilling or afraid to
admit the change.—( Hear.) I admit that this alteration in my
opinions may disentitle me to the Noble Lord's confidence, but
yet I must recollect that the question for the country is not a
personal one.—(Hear, hear.) It is not a question as to what
period a man ought to undergo a change in his political opinions.
The real question is, are these measures consistent with justice
the
thathori
eleslintuneohnsetiidesdesesesprcijotr.aylepi policy yoml ? That, Sir, is the only question we have now
trf ysteauo
circumstance
such
blame
necessity
i e r
measure, me f
toi
tf
ea ger n r
arguing
smuit oenhtge havingttophri
youres s
question—are
h
t
and
discoveredf sooner
yo
confidence,
tuh
yse
oa uye
restrictions politic and just? I have no hesitation in
yadiningten,,t,aiosn
prtooposegtoi,
but
tto
asthias
fgqustutiurged
goeet
:esquestion
considerationodoifn ttuhht
was l wned
saying I do not think they are consistent with ju3-
1
e
eaamdrvreeiabiotni
mature
tsrooee7irdtag.enui hesitation
arguments
deliberation—after
Sir,eearn:tt
orlntb7w_ now,haieti af
speeches
astrehs:ai ieges
hncebeaaestrreheol
been
toy
tfeelhteni
the Noble Lord, I consider that these restrictions are based
upon injustice. Ido not think you can maintain the restrictions
upon the supply of food by legislative interference, unless for
some great public reason, or to accomplish some greatpublic
good. The application of the principle with regard to other
articles is a strong presumption why we should apply it also to
food ; and it is because I see no difference between the two
course
utwubshtrhaest
oeoce
fhtto nott
r
cases—because I cannot see that the removal of these restric-
tions would make you a whit more dependent on foreign coun-
tries--because I believe that the price of wages is not
regulated by the price of food—because I understand, from
the most intelligent farmers, that their maintenance
is not necessary for agricultural purposes. For these
reasons I consider that their maintenance is repugnant
to that natural order which should prevail, and, therefore,
that they are unjust.—(Loud and continued cheering.)
I listen to the arguments of those who say that there is a ne-
cessity for the continuation of the duties
on corn because the
country is under a very heavy taxation. I believe
it to be
most illogical to contend that, because the t m
population is heavily taxed for the necessary great mass
oo ff thete
Government of this country, it is also necessary to tax them
in the same rate for corn.—(Hear, hear.) I believe that by
importing corn for foreign markets, and by being able to
show that there is no sliding-scale to operate against them,
we shall inspire them with a confidence which will not be in-
jurious to the supply of that article. I cannot say, with some
lion. Members, that there is anything like dependence on
foreign nations. There will be a mutual exchange of the pro-
duce of other nations for the manufactures of this country ;
and that, I think, must answer the charge of dependence.
Well, now look at oar manufacturing population ; can you say
that the great body of the people employed in the manufacturing
districts are or can be interested in the maintenance of these
laws of taxation on cern ? When I was told that the removal
of these laws would affect the Tithe Computation Act, I said, and
I now repeat it, that there cannot be any alarm as to that Act.
Now, with respect to the great manufacturing class, when we
for a moment see that they are not half employed, and that this
arises from the want of a principle of exchange of their manu-
factures for the corn of other countries, I cannot but think
they must be anything but injured by
hear.) I believe, therefore, that the great mass of
the manufacturing class will be very greatly benefited
by the removal of these laws.—( Hear, hear.) By increasine
the demand for their labour, and by giving them a greater
value for that labour, we shall confer a lasting benefit upon
them.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the argument, that
the introauction of maize will lessen the demand for wheat, I
am of opinion • that such an argument does not stand good, for
the consumption of maize will decrease when corn is sent in. If
you were to draw a line from Inverness to Southampton, you
would sec how many are interested in maintaining these re-
strictive laws. I do not think Lancashire is interested in
keeping up this taxation, and it would be very difficult to show
that the agricultural portion is interested in keeping up the
price of food.' Now with regard to Ireland? The Noble
Lord informed us that Lord Essex said the farmers who had
capital and skill would be able to contend against these laws,
but not otherwise. There are 588,000 farmers in Ireland, and
Lord Essex also said that these farmers were without capital
end skill. Well, then, what has agricultural protection done
for
them 1—( Hear, hear. ) If, then, it can be said that this
is the e • "
case with respect to these farmers, can it, on the other
hand, be" said that protection has been for their interest?—
(Cheers.)
-With respect, to the agricultural labourer,