The Sun.
London, England, 1848-10-04 00:00:00

';',.' tvning gillt.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1848.

Ambition is one of those brilliant and meteoric
passions which defy the duplicity of man, and can no
more be concealed under the assumed garb of pa-
triotism, than a bright light can be concealed by a
gauze curtain. Whatever LOUIS NAPOLEON BONA-
PARTE may have declared in the tribune of the Na-
tional Assembly (whether under the dictation of M.
,LINGUET or of M. LIIERMINIER we know not, and
cure as little), it is most certain that republicanism
has only been adopted by him as a means to an end,
and adopted too with a reluctance and a reservation
quite as conspicuous as that which has been observ-
able in the political tergiversation of M. ODILON
BARROT. It would be ridiculous, and illogical,
and unsequential to charge us with rashness in
arriving at this conclusion as to the sincerity
of the newly-elected representative. We take his-
tory as our witness. We argue upon facts, not upon
a few honeyed words delivered in a moment of extra-
ordinary emergency. And we reason not only from
the events which transpired, first at Strasburg, and
subsequently at Boulogne, but from the pecularity of
the language employed by Citizen BONAPARTE on
the occasion of his first letter to the President of the
National Assembly (M. BucnEz), in which letter he
scrupulously avoided mentioning the name of the
young Republic. Now that he comes forward to
parade his civism, and to proclaim, in the
most elaborate manner, his acknowledgment of
the existence of the Republic, we are irresistibly
reminded of the reply transmitted to the Prussian
Ambassador by TALLEYRAIiD beginning "The Re-
public is much indebted, bcc." The whole secret is
this :—Citizen BONAPARTE has discovered that
xoyalty is impossible in France, and that the only
chance for his advancement will be through the acqui-
sition of the power of the Presidentship.
That royalty is decidedly obsolete in France, at
least for the present generation, has been demon-
strated by a number of distinct and significant oc-
currences since the day when the Provisional
Minister for Foreign Affairs proclaimed that
" Royalty is abolished!" When M. ODILON
BARROT tried to force the Count of PARIS
upon his countrymen as their child-king under the
regency of the Duchess of ORLEANS, the people dis-
dained to cry out " Down with the mock Dauphin !"
they scouted the proposition by an universal and
deafening shout of "Vice la Republique !" When,
again, the advocates of the Bourbon dynasty, to the
number of half-a- dozen enthusiasts, clad appropriately
in mourning, and decorated with white cockades,
endeavoured, on the 27th or the 28th of February,
'to incite the Parisians to a demonstration in favour
of the Duke of BORDEAUX, it can never be for-
gotten how the people received their advances,
crying out—" Poor Gentlemen : they are under-
takers. Ah ? HENRI QUATRE, say you ? How
is he ? Dead? Aha! HENRI QUATRE is dead—

Five la Republique !" It was the requiem of the
house of CA PET travestied. It was a ridicule as cut-
ting and destructive as the greeting of the announce-
ment made in the last sitting of the old Chamber of
Deputies, to the effect that Louis PHILIPPE had just
escaped from the back entrance of the Tuileries in a
back cabriolet, when an ouvrier in one of the
galleries called out at the pitch of his voice " Bon
voyage I" Besides this, the different dynastic
pretenders failed one after another in striving to ex-
cite a certain degree of sympathy in the hearts
of the French multitude. When M. EsiiLE DE
GIRARDIN became pathetic in the columns of La
Presse about the pretended indisposition of the hero
of Morocco, the " dodge" turned out a miserable
failure. No one cared, politically speaking, for the
convalescent of Claremont. When, moreover, the
walls of Paris were covered with posters, announcing
the Prince DE JOINVILLE as a candidate for the me-
tropolitan department, the paucity of votes contained
in the urns of election showed, in a very remarkable
manner, the depreciation of his once powerful popu-
larity. When in like manner the Prince Louis NAPOLEON
hurried from London with a change of linen and his
valet de chambre, he was politely hurried back from
Paris as quickly as he arrived there, by the direction
of the Provisional Government. One by one the
Pretenders to the crown of France have plunged their
hands into the lottery of public opinion and have
drawn forth blanks. LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE
amongst the number !
Therefore it is that the Presidency has become at
last the object of his ambition. And to attain the chair
of the Presidency it is necessary to assume, at least, the
appearance of Republicanism. Citizen BONAPARTE
is consequently a Republican ; and his republicanism,
we doubt not, has been singularly confirmed and
developed by the recent decision of the Committee
on the Constitution that members of the Napoleonian,
the Bourbonite, and the Orleanist families are not
excluded from the candidateship. The decision is, in
effect, one of vast and momentous importance, seeing
that it complicates, in a wonderful manner, the
already complicated question as to who may be
elected as the first President of the Republic. Among
the candidates whose names were until very recently
mentioned throughout France was the ex-Minister
of the Interior of the Provisional Government.
Fortunately, however, M. LEDRU Roma' has un-
masked himself in time to prevent the possibility of
such a catastrophe. His Communist speech at the
Chalet, in the Champs Elysees, has for ever dis-
qualified him for the supreme office, anti has branded
his forehead permanently with the brand of Red
Republicanism. Latterly, another dangerous man,
of a very different character, has been spoken of for
the dignity of the Presidency a man dangerous
from the very suspicious procrastination of his adhe-
sion to Republicanism as a system of government—we
mean Citizen (once the Count) MOLE. We say that
MOLE is spoken of—nothing more ; for we do
not regard the French as so utterly and
desperately insane, as to accept this very re-
spectable old gentleman after the revealed insig-
nificance of his power, and his reputation in the great
crisis of February. Louis NAPOLEON BONAPATE is,
as we have already intimated, one of the foremost
aspirants for the inaugurative Presidency. And
surely after what we have already observed, it is un-
necessary to add that, to our thinking, the French
Republic would be hazarding everything by electing
this rather ominous citizen in preference to a man of
undisputed sincerity and incorruptible honesty of
purpose and disposition. Two other candidates there
are, and the names of those two candidates are suffi-
ciently illustrious—they are no other than
EUGENE CAVAIGNAC and ALPHONSE DE LAM A RTINE•
France will have to make her selection between these
citizens very speedily, either by universal suffrage or
by a vote of the National Assembly. She will have
to choose between BONAPARTE, CAVAIGNAC, or
LA MARTINE. If she fears not the perils resulting
from dynastic sousa2its, she will elect BONAPARTE.
If she have not an instinctive suspicion of the sword
she will choose CAVAIGNAC. If she follow the
example of the United States by selecting the founder
of the Republic as her first President, she will decide
at once and unanimously for L AMARTINE. The two
last names are the only ones that appeal to
her for her confidence; they are the names of men
who have both merited well of their country ; tney
are covered with the glory of a patriotism w!llich has
been proved and not found wanting ; they art's, names
unsullied by crime, and not only unsullied by' crime,
but untarnished by even the most shadowy imputa-
tion. Let France pause and meditate profoundly
before she arrives at a decision : let her scrutinise
well the calm and stalwart repute of CAVAIGNAC,
the soldier—and the world-wide glory and incor-
ruptible patriotism of LAMARTINE the orator, poet,
historian, diplomatist, and statesman.

It would really appear as if no amount of experi-
ence, no practical lesson, could open the eyes of the
Irish people to the real causes of the misery and dis-
tress that exist around them on every side. Nothing
can convince them that it would be well for a time to
lay by the agitation by which the national mind has
been excited, and drawn from the sober paths of
peaceful improvement to follow the delusive councils
of some would-be democrats. There is, perhaps, no
country in the world for which nature has done so
much, and man so little, as Ireland. It possesses a
soil of the richest fertility, with every facility that
could be devised for its complete cultivation, and yet it
is suffered to remain comparatively idle and
unproductive, not yielding one-fourth of the produce
which might be obtained under a better system of
agriculture. If labour could only be obtained at an
exorbitant rate of wages, there might be some pos-
sible excuse for the criminal negligence thus exhibited
by the owners and occupiers of land ; but at the very
time when this negligence is thus painfully apparent
there are myriads of active men, able and willing to
work, and ready to accept the lowest rate of remu-
neration by which existence could be sustained in
return for their labour. The lands remain untilled, or
perhaps barely half cultivated, in consequence
of an adequate amount of labour not being employed
thereon, while an enormous amount of labour is ac-
tually suffered to remain rusting in useless idle-
ness for want of that very employment. All
classes suffer equally from this untoward state of
affairs. The landed proprietor complains, and with
too much justice, that while he is unable to obtain
punctual payments of his rents, he is crushed with
the amount of poor-rates levied for the purpose,
perhaps, of affording out-door relief to a host of
able-bodied paupers. The farmer in like manner
grumbles at the shortness of his crops, the badness
of the harvest, the exhausted condition of his lands,
and his participation with the landlord in the burden
of the poor-rate ; while the pauper, with greater
justice—for the remedy is not altogether
within his power—complains that his only capital is
kept dormant, that he is compelled to be a recipient
of the public charity, while he could obtain an inde-
pendent support for himself by his own honest in-
dustry, if only that, which is asserted to be the right of
the poor man, sufficient employment for his labour,
was afforded. Thus, then, on every side we find the
same cause in operation, producing the most ruinous
results to all, and yet no combined or organized effort
is made to put the wheels of industry in motion, to
supply the first great want of the country—full and
adequate employment for its labouring population.
On the contrary, when there has been a partial lull
of that agitation which has so injuriously affected
the entire nation, when the exhausted country
might by quietude and repose recover from the
depression under which it has laboured, a body of
gentlemen, actuated, we believe, by good intentions,
commence a new agitation calculated to excite the
feeble patient, and to occasion a relapse of the dange-
rous disease which it was fondly hoped had been era-
dicated from the system, or at least banished for a
considerable period, so as to allow the Government
to introduce measures for the gradual development of
the natural resources of the country, which we be-
lieve they aro the most anxious to attempt whenever
they may be permitted to do so by the Irish people.

The new agitation at present is restricted to a dQ-
mand that the Imperial Parliament should, from
time to time, assemble in Dublin, for the
dispatch of business connected with Ireland.
An Association has - been formed, styled
" The Society for promoting the Periodical Sittings of
the Imperial Parliament in Dublin, for transacting
Irish business," which meets occasionally for the pur-
pose of receiving subscriptions and putting forward

arguments in support of the views advocated, in the
shape of reports of its sub-committee. The proposi-
tion is, to a certain extent, calculated to gratify the
vanity of the people. It also tends to keep up the
idea that there is and should be a separate nationality,
and to prevent that complete and entire union of in-
terests that is so desir able for both countries. If at
once conceded to the fullest extent desired by its
most sanguine sui porters, no practical result
of any importance could follow. There would
either be an atten dance of the representatives
of English constitv,encies, at the sittings in
the Irish metropolis, or there would not. If the
former, it is absurd to. suppose that the same persons
would legislate differ erttly in different localities, or
.that the air of Dublin would create impressions re-
spectin g Irish affairs varying from those that would
be received at Westvninster. The only possible
benefit that could follow would be the increased ex-
penditure that might take place for a short period, by
which the interests of the Dublin shopkeeper might,
perhaps, be promoted, but which could confer no
advantage whatsoever or, the landed proprietors, the
occupiers, or the peasantry of Munster or of Con-
naught, the classes who chiefly require aid and assist-
ance at the present time.

If, however, the great body of the English Members
so far neglected their duty as not to attend in their
places, then indeed the re would be a practical hand-
ing over of Irish legislation to the Irish representa-
tives, who would exclas.ively deal with questions
relating to their own country, while they participated
to the fullest extent in all relating to England, and
assumed the right of taxing the English people for
the exclusive benefit of Ireland. This assumption
could not long be tolerated ; a total repeal of the
Union would be far more ,desirable, and indeed to that
it would come if the poin t of the wedge were so far
inserted. In whatever point of view, then, the
question be regarded, it should be resisted to the
utmost. Its adoption would lead to considerable
expense and great practice I inconvenience. It would
stimulate the exertions of those who will never
be contented without art entire repeal of the Union
and a separate Parlinmient—who have expressed
their determination not to accept of such a compro-
mise ; and it would create and keep up an agitation
similar to that which has beady proved so injurious
to the country.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the -French papers of yesterday.
The Assembly on Mc nday proceeded to elect the
Presidents and Secretarii ,s of its respective bureaux for
the month of October, The following were the re-
sults :

Ist bureau MM. Oda on Barrot, Guichard.
2d MM. Lan drin, Richard (du Cantal).
3d MM. Lio nde Maleville, de la Rochette
4th MM. Mole, Leblond.
sth MM. Tillers, Bauchard
6th MM. Lacrosse, Toupet-Desvignes.
7th MM. de Remusat, Barthe.
Bth MM. Dttfaure, Emile Lenglet.
9th MM. Fritngois Arago, Degeorge.
10th MM. de Tracy, Blavoyer.
11th MM. Gla is-Bizoin, Ceyras.
12th MM. Blim de Bourdon, Fayelle.
13th MM. Duv ergier de Ilauranne, L. Fau
cher.
14th

MM. Dupont (de l'Eure), Pascal Du-
prat.
MM. Leyrauc), Ferdinand de Lasteyrie

M. DE LAMARTINE has, through the medium of the
Bien Public, given the following sensible advice to
those enthusiastic Republicans who suffer their feel-
ings of indignation at the intrigues of the reactionary
party to overcome their reason. The Bien Public
says—

"The sitting of Saturday has left in men's minds a
profound and afflicting impression. All good citizens
are grieved at these scenes of violence, which revive
evil passions, disquiet the country, and recal to the
mind sinister reminiscences. The National Assembly,
since May 4, has been admirable for patriotism, wis•
dom, and firmness ; it resuraes all the forces of the
democracy, all the elements of order, liberty, conser-
vatism, and progress that France contains—it is, at
the same time, the instrument of civilization and the
shield of society. The greatest interest is, that the
Assembly may preserve its moral authority, in order
that if—which God forbid I—new perils should me•
nace the Republic, France , protected by its own so-
ractions the will of the
whole people, personified 'in the national repi.enta-
tion. A sitting like that of Saturday is a check to
the dignity and moral a• uthority of the Assembly.
It is necessary to go be ck to the evil days of '93
to find in history anything analagous. The first
duty of those who me .ke the law is to respect
it themselves—on that condition alone can they
obtain for themselves and their acts the re-
spect of history. VVe are anxious that the
most advanced fraction -of the Assembly, which we do
not wish to designate ui ider any name that can assign
to it a relationship with the past, should comprehend
the immense responsibility which it would take on
itself, in bringing to the discussion the passions, vio-
lence, and ostracisms of .another period. We render
full justice to the Republicans who sit on the highest
benches of the Chamber : •we know well,that they have
neither the anger nor hatreds of '9B ; but why, then,
should they affect its language ? Royalist plots are
much spoken of, and persons seem to fear to behold
the white flag rise up in th e face of the colours of the
Republic. But the Republic has for army the whole
people ; it has for allies in the world millions of
men whom the spirit of democracy at present draw
along in an irresistible movement. We do not
therefore fear the phantoms of the past which ap-
pear to issue from the dus t to menace the work of
God and of time. But do you know what would
give force to the Royalists ? The excesses of de-
mocracy ! The Republic, therefore, would not have
more cruel enemies than ;the active Republicans of
whom M. Germain Sarrut spoke on Saturday, and re-
lative to whom it is opportune to recal to mind the
words of M. de Talleyrand in 1814—` Above all,
gentlemen, point de zek I' Reason and prudence suf-
fice for the truth. Passion and fury ought to be left
to powerless and vanquished parties. We ought to
be moderate precisely because we are strong. Our
fathers have struggled. More fortunate than they,
we ought to organize and pacify."
The Committee charged to' examine the Greek
Loan Bill met on Monday morning. In presence of
the precarious situation in which the finances of
Greece are placed, the Committee has decided that
again, for the present year, France will pay the
interest of the sum which she had guaranteed in
concert with England and France.
The salary to be allowed to the Ambassador of
the Republic in London is 150,000 f. in place of
300,000 f. The Ambassador tc► St. Petersburgh is to
be reduced from 300,000 f. to 120,000 f.; the one at
Vienna from 200,000 f. to 90,000 f.; the one at
Madrid from 170,000 f. to 80,000 f, and so on in
proportion.
In the sitting of the National Assembly yesterday,
M. BERRYER laid before the Finance Committee his
report on the property of the Orleans family. The
report recommends that the creditors of the Civil
List should be paid the money due 'to them without
further delay.

BOURSE—PARIS, THESDAY, OCT, 3.
THREE O'CLOCK.—The result of yesterday's debate
on the affairs of Italy, and a rumour that the Minister
of Finances had determined to oppose the proposition
for the issuing of paper-money under the name of Bons
llypothecaires had a very favourable effect upon this
day's Bourse, and the Rentes rose considerably. The
rumour with respect to the Bons Hypothicaires was
given as coming from good sources of information,
and was generally believed. The rise in the Railway
Shares was not so marked as in the Rentes, but they
also partook in the general steadiness of the
market. Bank Shares have greatly improved. For the
Account, the French Three per Cents. have risen 50e.;
Five per Cents. have risen 20c.; and the Loan 40c.
For money, the Three per Cents. have risen 40c. ; Five
per Cents. have risen 50c.; and the Loan 40c.; Bons
du Tr6sor are at 23 per cent, dis.; Bank of France
Shares have risen 5f.; Belgian Bank Shares not quoted;
Four-and-a-Half per Cents. are quoted at 724 f.; Spanish
Funds not quoted; Roman are the same as yesterday;
Rothschild's Receipts not quoted;
.Exchange on London
(thirty days), 25f. 37ic. ; ditto (ninety days), 25f. 174 c.
Railway Shares for the account, Settling of 15th Oct.:—
Marseilles are quoted at 185, and Northern, 370, the
prices of yesterday. For money, Versailles (Right
Bank) have risen If. 25c.; Rouens, 2f. 50e. ; and Nor-
thorns, If. 25c.; Orleans have fallen lf. 25c.; and Vier-
zons, lf. 25c. The Llavres, Marseilles, Bales, and
Strasburgs remain as yesterday.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, Ow. 3.
Northern of France, 64—Orleans and Bordeaux, A-
Paris and Rouen, 154—Paris and Strasbourg, 114.

The Era newspaper, of October 1' and 8, will
contain a full exposure of " The Monster Racing
SweQps—their Rise and Fall—their Honesty and Dis-
honesty—their Legality and Illegality"—with the Era's
opinions concerning them. Order of all newsmen, or
send six postage stamps to the office, 3, Catherine-street,
Strand.

A correspondent of the Lancet reports a case of
successful treatment of hydrophobia by chloroform.

SPAIN

ME.drid journals of the 28th ult. have arrived.

The grasping avarice of CHRISTINA is, it is said,
to I e gratified by a public declaration and endow-
ment of the children of herself and MuNoz as Infants
of. S pain. This is worse than a crime—it is a blunder,
mina if anything can rouse the Espanolismo feeling
against the present tyrannical Government, it will
be the insult offered to Castilian honour and dignity by
this measure. It is said that the Carlist movement is
spreading in every part of Spain, and we certainly
are not surprised at it.

Moil has adopted a strange method of dimin-
ishing the run on the Bank of San Fernando. A
decree has been published ordering that all who
change and discount the notes of the bank shall be
rated to the commercial subsidy for a quota of 801.
a year as capitalists, bankers, or merchants.

MADRID, BOLSA, SEPT. 28.—Three per Cents., 19i
paper; after Bolsa, 19i 3-16 cash. rive per Cents.,
paper ; after Bolsa, 101 cash. Passives, 3i paper;
after Bolsa, 3f cash. Coupons, 6 paper. Bank Of
St. Ferdinand, 46 paper. Exchange on London, 90
days, 48.h5 cash.