The Sun.
London, England, 1848-11-02 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 2, 1848.

the advantages of mathematical acquirements, or of a
thorough acquaintance with the rich stores of classical
literature, that will survive through all time and all
ages. The former exercises and matures the intellect,
and prepares the mind for future exertion of almost
any description ; the latter cultivates and refines the
taste, gives a keen perception of the sublime and
beautiful, and materially assists in developing
that natural eloquence that may afterwards be
required in the Senate, the bar, or the pulpit. But
a mere superficial knowledge will not be sufficient,
that which alone entitles its possessor to a place
among the "of iroAkoi," will be of little utility in
after life. Men uho, perhaps in their freshmen year,
aspired to academical honours, and looked forward to
taking a high degree, sunk into apathy on
the first failure, and became disgusted with
studies in which they could not hope to excel.
No other portal to distinction was, however,
open—no other branch of learning was recog-
nised by a proficiency in which they might be
enabled to attain a prominent position. All study
was then abandoned, or only followed sufficiently to
avoid the disgrace of a " plucking" or the wooden
spoon, and habits of indolence were acquired that
operated most injuriously in after life, and blighted
the prospects of many promising young men, the hopes
of many fond and anxious parents. Such were the
causes that made many a father fear to entrust his
child to the chances of a residence at either
of the eminent seats of learning. Such
were the causes that deprived a university
of its chief value, and in the great majority of cases,
rendered it of little practical utility in after life. The
mathematical problems and the Greek and Latin
authors were speedily forgotten, and nothing remained
as an equivalent for the heavy expenses and the
valuable time consumed in going through the under-
graduate course.
Henceforward, however, things will be essentially
changed. Reforms have been introduced, from which
the most satisfactory results may be anticipated—
they do not, perhaps, proceed to the extent we should
have desired, but they are steps in the right
direction, and will open the way to other and still
more important alterations. They will not be the
less acceptable either, for having been introduced
under the auspices of the illustrious Chancellor of the
University, the Prince Consort of our Most Gracious
SOYDREIGN. Within little more than one single
year from the inauguration of his Royal Highness
these reforms were proposed and, stranger still, were
carried intact by large majorities on every point.
The University has long possessed the means
of affording instruction in the different branches
of science and learning, which were neglected because
it remained optional with the students whether or
not they would avail themselves of the opportunities
within their reach, and no inducement was held out
to persuade them to enter upon pursuits that would
require a certain amount of labour and application,
without any immediate or adequate recompense from
the University. Hence the professorships were lite-
rally sinecures ; and although the most distinguished
and talented men were appointed, loud com-
plaints were made of their inefficiency and
inutility, and Parliament was repeatedly ap-
pealed to on account of the positive waste of
public money in paying their salaries. All students
for the degree of 8.A., or for the honorary degree of
M.A., who are not candidates for honours, must,
however, in addition to what is now required, have
attended, before they shall be admitted to examina-
tion for their respective degrees, the lectures deli-
vered during one term at least by some one or more
of the professors of the different sciences enumerated
in the resolution, amongst which we rejoice to see
that natural and experimental philosophy and political
economy have a place. The candidates for
the degree of 8.C.L., who do not pass
the examinations for the first class in that
faculty shall, in addition to what is now required,
also have attended the lectures of certain professors.
But the most satisfactory of all is the establishment
of the " Moral Sciences Tripos," and of the "Na-
tural Sciences Tripos," the places to which shall in
the former case be determined by an examination in
moral philosophy, political economy, modern history,
general jurisprudence, and the laws of England ; and
in the latter in anatomy, comparative anatomy, phy-
siology, chemistry, botany, and geology. If, in ad-
dition to these important branches, modern languages
were duly cultivated, and the academic portals opened
to all, without exception of creed or religion, England
would, indeed, have cause to be proud of her Univer-
sities, and the rising generation would possess many
important advantages of which their predecessors
were deprived.

Nothing could be more simple, more straightfor-
ward, and more dignified than the brief letter addressed
to the Journal dee Debate. in which M. DE LAMARTINE
expresses his sentiments with regard to the Presiden-
tial election—sentiments worthy of Lassmerisiz
and of the high circumstances which have elicited
their expression. M. DR LADIARTINE does not solicit
the suffrages of his fellow-citizens, but neither does he
emulate the questionable humility of the Roman who
" thrice refused" the proffered honour he was but
too desirous to accept. In brief but most emphatic
terms M. DR LAMARTINE thus declares his conviction
—"To solicit the Presidency would be ridiculous ; to
desire it would be rash—to refuse it would be want-
ing to the Republic and to the country. I am
devoid of this ambition, but incapable of such an act
of cowardice." Satisfactory as this assurance is it
Nas not required. Those who in any degree appre-
ciate the character of LAMARTINE must have felt
assured that under no possible combination of circum-
stances could he hesitate when his country
summoned him to her services. He is pre-
pared Ns ith equal willingness and equal cheerfulness,
as has been already unmistakably attested, to assume
the post of dignity and danger, or to sink into insig-
nificance and political annihilation. He is ready, as
he declared the other day to the National Guards of
Cluny, to sacrifice for the Republic not his life only,
but " a thousand times more than his life—his share
in the remembrances of posterity." This entire for-
getfulness of self, which is his peculiar and most
beautiful characteristic, ceases to astonish us when we
take into consideration the fact that LAMARTINE is a
poet as well as a patriot. The patriot, that is he who
truly deserves the name, forgets himself in his
country ; his hopes and interests become identified
with hers. The poet, with a similar, or perhaps
more active devotion, surrenders himself to his ideal.
He who can give to airy nothings a local habitation
and a name, forgets his actual existence
in the ideal world which he has called
into being. He lives no longer for himself, but for
the thoughts which inspire him. Somewhat of this
nature are LAIIARTIIIR'S yearnings for Republican
France. Other patriots exult in the promised rege-
neration of their country, but LAMARTINE, while he
testifies for the interests of France all the anxious
devotion of the patriot, watches over the destinies of
republicanism as the poet cherishes the development
of his idea—of the one ruling passion of his life. The
historian of the Girondists--he who has
pondered
over the mysterious teachings of the past until
the
meaning of their mysteries became revealed to him—
he whose earnest eye discovered truth despite the
blood which disfigure and the crimes which dis-
guise her—he who could recognise the Chris-
tian philosophy which gleamed through the
stoic creed and savage cruelty of ROBESPIERRE
—he whose intellect became convinced, and whose
heart was enraptured by the excellences of Republican-
ism, of Republicanism founded by liberty, cemented
by equality, and sanctified by brotherly love—of Re-
publicanism, as its ideal virtues were discerned by him
even when shrouded by the mists of a sanguinary
revolution—the historian of the Girondists is hence-
forward as wholly and heartily devoted to this one
great idea—the development of the true principles of
Republicanism, as is the poet to the beloved creations
of his genius, the philosopher to his theory, or as was
the believing Genoese to that far-off land which
• existed for a time only in his belief. Therefore it
is that LAMARTINE makes no idle boast when
he speaks of life, and of fame even, as being less
to him than the welfare of the Republic. We

can well conceive, viewing as we do the eharacter
of LAMARTINE, that the certain consolidation
of a truly great and liberal Republic in France
would induce Lesciwrizis to regard every personal
condition, even life, wealth, celebrity, power, and
fame, not as treasures to be willingly sacrificed, but
as matters of supreme indifference. In the triumph

of one great object of his ambition all else would be
valueless to him. If there be any truth in our sup-
position—and that there is not who that has conned
well the events of the last twelve months will dare to
say P—then to whom could the consolidation of the
Republic be so fittingly entrusted as to him who has
the well-being of Republicanism so warmly at heart ?
From him could neither be apprehended the dangers
of a BONAPARTE or a General Moral.. What allure-
ments could personal ambition have for one all
whose aspirations are concentrated in the well-being
of the Republic ? Who, again, would be so fitted to
render France respected among foreign nations as he
who in the hour of supreme difficulty and danger—
when all Europe looked on the young Republic with
alarm and almost abhorrence—converted mistreat
into confidence and abhorrence into admiration ?
Who would be so likely to still the clamours of the
factious as he whose solemn eloquence has already in
the moment of agitation acted with the stilling in-
fluence of oil on troubled waters ? The French
people, notwithstanding recent tokens to the con-
tray, have confidence in LAMARTINE. His unswerving
faith in the principles which he advocates has not been
without effect. Men always believe those who be-
lieve themselves. It is to LAMARTINE the people al
most involuntarily turn in the moment of doubt and
apprehension. " Every day since my return here,"
he said in his address to the National Guard at
Cluny, "I have been accosted, questioned, and inter-
rogated, What think you of the Republic—will it
endure—will it become regulated ? Will it bring
forth the happiness and welfare of the people ?
Citizens, this is the answer I give to all,
as I have given to myself frequently when
reflecting upon our futurity. If the people
do not comprehend the meaning of the word
Republic'—if they confound Republic with
revolution in permanence (a signification too often
attached to this word)—if they confound it with
agitation of classes against classes, of the rich against
the poor—if outcries be raised for war without
enemies, violence without pretext, blood without
thirst, then indeed the Republic will perish—for
scandals are net institutions and last only a very
short time." Contrasted with this gloomy view M.
LAMARTINB then drew a picture of what the Republic
would be if Frenchmen united to do their duty, and
although he did not say it, it requires little sagacity
to declare that the first step towards the realization of
such a picture would be the confiding the destinies
of the Republic to him who has been hitherto its
guardian genius.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The discussion on the Budget, and the probability
of the Minister of Finance being enabled to carry out
his scheme of proposed reductions, are the subjects .of
comment in many of the journals. Among other
alterations, the Minister of Finance proposes to sub-
stitute an income-tax and a legacy duty for the tax of
45 centimes. In observing on the various proposi-
tions of the Minister of Finance, the Journal deo
Debuts says--

"He includes in the calculation of his budget of re-
ceipts the legacy duty and tax on revenue for a sum of
from 150 to 170 millions. The produce of these taxes
replaces that of the 45 centimes. In the second place,
he supposes that the Rentes belonging to the Sinking
Fund, dotation, and reserve will be applied entirely to the
wants of the Treasury, as was done last year; and, as a
third hypothesis, he calculates on a reduction in the
expenses equal to the deficit of 1848—viz., from 300
to 350 millions. On these three conditions, in fact,
the estimate of 1849 will add nothing to the deficit
of 1848. Let as now examine these three hypotheses.
" We will admit that the Income and Legacy Duty
Bills are adopted by the Assembly, but they will be far
from being equivalent to the tax of 45c.—viz., 170 mil-
lions, the former in this season of distress cannot be es-
timated at more than 80 millions, and the latter at from
19 to 20 millions. Suppose the two to realise 100 mil-
lions, that will leave a deficiency of 70 millions. But
is t certain that the Assembly will vote these two Bills?
Can the country, already exhausted by the payment of
the 45 centimes tax, bear 100 millions of extraordinary
taxes? If those are the conditions oa which the Minister
proposes to establish the equilibrium, the country will
tind them very onerous.
" As to the use to be made of the Rentes of the Sink-
ing Fund, that also requires reflection. We are not
fanatical in our ideas of the Sinking Fund; in our opi-
nion it does not merit either all the praise or all the
dispraise that has been wasted on it. The Chamber may,
however, a4ree to what has been proposed by M. Goud•
chaux on the subject.
" 'The third hypothesis is the most serious and the
least admissible. A saving of 343 millions is to be
effected in the expenses! We entreat the Minister to
hasten the presentation of his budget if it will prove that
this saving is possible. Nothing could be more calcu-
lated to calm the uneasiness of the country. In the
meantime we will remind him, that if the budget of 1849
does not have to support certain charges which hay(
weighed on that of 1848, it will have others and fur
heavier ones.

" It will thus be seen how uncertain and imaginary is
the equilibrium of 1849. A considerable deficit may be
calculated on, to which will have to be added the deficit

of 90 millions of the previous estimates. This is the real
state of the case, and it would be childish to dissimulate;
it is a serious one, but we may look at it without dismay.
The floating debt has, by the consolidations which were
effected in the month of July, been brought to remit pro-
portions which wi►l, it may be hoped, permit it to sup-
port-a portion of the new deficits, and then there remains
the last resource of fresh consolidations and new loans.
We shall thus appear to get over the crisis, but God
knows how much It will have cost us and for what a lung
time we shall have to suffer from its effects.

The Constitutioanel has at length hinted that it
is probable that M. THIERS may give a quasi support
to the candidateship of Prince Louis NAPOLEON for
the Presidency, and. if the expression of popular
opinion in Paris may be taken as an index of the
popular opinion of France, Prince Louis NAPOLEON
Will probably be the future President of the Re-
public ; but in the provinces of France, more parti-
cularly in the southern and eastern provinces, the
popularity of General CAVAIONAC i 3 very great. The
inhabitants of the south are in general Legitimatists,
but they feel that the time for the restoration of the
Duc DB BOHRDEAUX is not arrived, and they prefer
the continuance of the Republic to either the restor-
ation of the Orleans or the Bonaparte dynasty.
Admiring and esteeming M. DE LAMARTINE, they
yet feel the necessity of having for the first President
of the Republic a man of energy and ability, a
man who possesses the will and the power to
settle the moderate Republic on a firm foundation.
They, therefore, support General CAYAIGNAC on this
occasion, and it is probable that the exertions of the '
provinces will more than counterbalance the efforts
of the capital, and that General CAYAIGNAC will be
returned by a con sideradle majority.
A remonstrance signed by all the principal inhabi-
tants of Perpignan has been addressed to the French
Government, complaining of the arbitrary and illegal
conduct of the French police of that town, in arresting
and imprisoning in the citadel of the city Don PA-
TRICIO Escosuns and other natives of Spain residing
at Perpignan. These police, it would appear, acted
without orders from the Central Government, and,
according to the Indicateur of Bordeaux, were bribed
by NARYAEZ to make the arrest. The same journal
says that the French police authorities along the
frontier are all in the pay of NARYABZ and CHRISTINA,
a circumstance well worthy the immediate attention
of the Government of the Republic, as the partisans
of CHRISTINA are also partisans of the Orleans dy-
nasty. It is, in fact, " one concern."
The report of the Committee of Revision of the Con-
stitution was yesterday distributed to the members of
the National Assembly. The alterations proposed are,
in general, of little importance. The most important
are the following :—The 26th Article, which stated
that all Frenchmen were eligible as representatives, is
altered to the extent that it is all electors who are
eligible. The object of this is to exclude bankrupts
and persons who have been convicted of crimes im-
plying infamy, who, by the clause as it originally
stood, were eligible, like other persons. The
most important addition, however, is the follow-
' ing, which is added to the 68th Article
0 Every measure by which the President of the
Republic dissolves or prorogues the National As-
sembly is a crime of high treason." It is fur-
ther declared that by this act alone the Pre-
sident ceases his functions ; the citizens are held to
refuse him obedience; the judges of the High Court
of Justice are instructed to meet immediately, in
places pointed out for that purpose, under pain of
forfeiture; and they are to convoke a jury, to apply
Palms
National nveral days.
has
to the President and his accomplices the punishment
awarded by the law. It is probable that the revision
of the
The
Club
Constitutionof the will occupy
adopted
General CAYAIGNAC as its candidate for the Presi-
dency of the Republic. On this subject the Bien
Ibublic says—
"lt way bo remembered with what a strong expres-

sion of repulsion was received the project of sending
commissioners into the departments. Why was that
repulsion? It was not, certainly, against the men—all
perfectly honourable—it was against the secret idea
of the measure. The departments suspected thee e
commissioners to be election agents, who were coming
to direct and discipline the public mind; and their in-
dependence was indignant at that appearance of moral
oppression which was about to invest itself with the
scarf of representative. Will not the solemn de-
claration of the Palais National produce the same re-
sult? That appears to us probable. The departments
regard Paris with distrust—they are France, and they
are determined to be a voice—the voice of France, and
not any longer the echo of a single city. There is ano-
ther inconvenience in this designation—that it will im-
part too exclusive a character to the candidateship of
General Cavaignac. The Club of the Rue Taitbout has
adopted M. Ledru Rollin; that of the Institute has not
yet pronounced; that of the Rue de Poitiers hesitates,
and will hesitate for a long time still. Here, then, is
General Cavaignac the exclusive candidate of a fraction
of the Assembly. In this way, the struggle is narrowed.
A party candidate is proposed at the very moment when
coteries ought to be set aside, and sentiments of pa-
triotism, liberalism, arid conservatism be appealed to, in
order to concentrate on a single name the votes of those
who mingle together the cause of the Republic with that
of society."
While the Constitutionne/ gives a sort of half-
support to Prince Louis NAPJLEON, the Siecle, the
organ of M. ODILON BARROT, gives its warm and
cordial support to General CAVAIGNAC, as does Count
MOLE, who has expressed his opinion openly and in
no very measured terms on the impolicy of General
CHANGARNIER and of Marshal BUGEAUD offering
themselves as candidates for the Presidentship. M.
LEDRU ROLLIN is very sanguine as to his own suc-
cess, and in consequence of these divisions among the
friends of the moderate Republic, it is not improbable
but that he may slip in.
We read in the .3foniteur:—" The Breslau Gazette
announced a few days ago that a Frenchman, named
Marchand, had been condemned at Warsaw, in the
course of last month, by a military commission, to
1,000 strokes of a rod, and that the consul of the
Republic in that town had refused to interfere with
the authorities in favour of the unfortunate
man. The same journal added that Marchand
had succumbed in consequence of the punishment.
The Government of the Republic hastened to invite
our consul to send it information respecting these
facts, and it yesterday received a letter from that
functionary, which allows the facts to be re-esta-
blished in all their exactitude. In the first place, Mar-
chand did rot succumb, and half of the punishment
mentioned above was remitted. In the second place,
the criminal proceedings respecting the affair in
which this individual was compromised (seducing
oldiers from their duty) having been secret,
our consul did not learn his arrest and trial until
the punishment had taken place. Finally, Marchand,
who was born in Russia, it is true of French
parents, had never set forth his nationality at the
consulate of France at Warsaw, and was not inscribed
on the matricular register. The consul, in conse-
quence, was ignorant of his presence in that place,
However that may be, as soon as the facts in question
were known to M. Thiers, the consul, he at once
hastened to make to Prince Paskewicz all the repre-
sentations which the gravity of the affair required,
and demanded with energy that the condemnation to
hard labour in Siberia pronounced also against Mar-
chand should be altered by
a pardon."
Yesterday being All Saints Day, the Bourse was
closed.
A few transactions were done at the Passage de
l'Opera in the Five per Cents., first at 67f. 90c., and
afterwards at 68f. At this last-named price the
Five per Cents. were more offered than demanded.

evil-minded men, befare these men be disarmed, without
immediately causing a bloody engagement in the streets?
I ask whether those who offer me peace—who call uron
me unhesitatingly to enter Vienna, even it they are sin-
cere with me, whether, I say, they would be able to
command moderation and tolerance to those who have for
weeks, with arms in their hands, terrorised the city?
"It is my duty to inform the well-disposed portion
of the inhabitants of Vienna of what has taken place
since the short time of my appearance here, and pre-
vious to it.

" For several days continued attacks are made upon
my troops, who are under orders to answer them only in
case of the most urgent need, which has in fact already
occurred at several places.
" The party who are the authors of that unexampled
deed of crime, which was perpetrated on the Minister of
War, Count Latour, and was even perpetrated on his
corpse—who demanded an amnesty of his Majesty and
the withdrawal of the troops, which had been so scandal-
ously attacked—who made a proposition for the banish-
ment of several members of the Imperial House, and
who lately protested against the full powers confided
to me by his Majesty the Emperor, and even declared
the whole of my mission illegal—this party sends to
me an embassage of peace, for the purpose of enticing
me to enter the city with all my troops without any
guarantee.
"Far from me be the thought of employing unneces-
sary compulsory measures. My heart is filled with
grief that I am compelled to act hostilely against the
capital of the monarchy ; but I again ask the right-
minded inhabitants of that city Is mediation pos-
sible in the form proposed to me, and under such
auspices ?
(Signed) " Prince WINDISCHGRATZ.
" Hkadquarters, Hetsdorf, Oct. 25, 1848,"
—Prussian Stoats Anseiger, Oct. 30.
The Prague Gazette of the 26th ult. publishes the
following imperial decree, transferring the sittings
of the Diet to Kremsir

" We, Ferdinand, first constitutional Emperor of
Austria and King of Hungary, &c.
" The painful events which hays taken place in the
capital of our monarchy, and the continuance of this
anarchical state, have reduced us to the sad necessity.
for the security of our throne and the weal of our
people, to suppress this rebellion by, force of arm, as
we have already announced to our people in our mani-
festoes of the 16th and 19th of October this year. _ _

" From the disturbed state of legal order in the capital,
and the impending intervention of military measures, it
is impossible for the Diet there to continue its delibera-
tions. We are, therefore, induced to command that the
Diet shall forthwith suspend its sittings at Vienna, and
we convoke the same to meet on the 15th of November,
in our city of Kremsir, where it will be able, without
disturbance or interference, to devote itself exclusively
to its important work, the framing of a constitution com-
mensurate with the interests of our States.

" Therefore all elective representatives of the people,
elected for the Constituent Diet, are by these presents
commanded to appear without fail on the 15th of No-
vember, in the city of Kremsir, for the purpose of there
continuing the interrupted discussions in reference to the
constitution, and of setting aside all secondary business,
to bring it speedily to a happy conclusion.
" We feel persuaded that all representatives of the
people who have been elected to the Constituent Diet,
anxious to do their duty to their country, will consider
it incumbent upon them to appear at the above-named
time, at the temporary prescribed seat of the Diet, for
the purpose of their seriously employing themselves, in.
stonier, in the mighty work imposed upon them.
" Ohnutz, Oct. 22, 1848.

" FERDINAND.
" WESSEN BERG."

" This Imperial manifesto, which I received this day
from the Imperial President Wessenberg, is hereby made
generally public.
" The Royal Imperial Prasidium,
Prague, Oct. 26, 1848.
(Signed) " MERSERG,
" Royal Imperial Government President."
_ _ _ .

In the sitting of the Hungarian Diet at Pesth, on
the 21st tilt., the President informed the Diet that
there had been an engagement of the advanced posts
of the Hungarian troops and those of JELLACHIIH'
and that Colonel P➢RzZZL bad taken 800 Croats pri-
soners, and all their officers, in the environs of
Kanischa. 600 Croats were also destroyed or put to
flight near Eisenbourg, by the Landsturm, just as
they were escaping into Styria. P.BREZEL intends to
proceed into Croatia, and to seize on the port of
Fiume. Arad and Temeswar are besieged.
The fortress of Carlsburg is occupied by the Saxo-
Valakes of Transylvania, who held a numerous meet-
ing at Pesth, on the 22d ult., in concert with the re-
gular troops. The regular troops occupy all the Hun.
garian towns of Transylvania.

MALEL KAMM MIRSA, uncle to the late and grand
uncle to the present KING, has been appointed to the
vacant governorship of Azerbi:lgan.