The Sun.
London, England, 1846-09-29 00:00:00

__lllX4

LONDON, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1846.

It was on Friday our painful duty to record the
serious disturbances that have recently taken place at
Youghal and Kilkenny. The circumstances con-
nected with these riots differ materially. Great ne-
glect appears fairly chargeable against the parties
having the management of the relief funds in the
former town. Hunger, it is truly said, will break
through stone walls, and a starving multitude will be
little inclined to make allowances for negligence or
procrastination, by which themselves and families are
deprived of food, and subjected to the pangs of hun-
ger. It should be the especial care of the authorities
that the people should not be driven into the commis-
sion of acts of violence, which, if once commenced,
will inevitably proceed to a formidable extent'
and will not stop at the attainment of that
which, in the first instance, would have
been satisfactory, and the earlier conces-
sion of which would have prevented the out-
break. It is peculiarly objectionable when relief is
afforded, not on account of the miseries and sufferings
of the people, but in obedience to clamour and
violence—when it has its origin, in motives, not of
compassion or humanity, but of fear and intimidation.
The people who find the peaceable relation of their
wants treated with contumely and neglect, who per-
ceive that a far different result awaits a riotous and
illegal demonstration, will be easily led to believe that
there is a peculiar virtue in the latter method. They
will readily be induced to enter into illegal combina-
tions and organised confederacies, having for their
ohj,-Ct the regulation, extent, and manner of the em-
ployment to be afforded, and a dictation to these by
whom, or under whose orders they are to be set to
work, which if not promptly and vigorously repressed
may lead to the greatest mischief.
It appears that on Tuesday, the lath instant, a
meeting was held of the tradesmen and labourer3
the town of Youghal and its vicinity. A working
man presided. They assembled in the most peaceable
and orderly manner, for the purpose not of
intimidation, but of making their distresses
known to the Croverninent. They earnestly, but
respectfully, called on the magistrates and
gentry to procure employment for them under
the late Act, and to lay their claims befell-
the Lord-Lieutenant with the least possible
delay, as their wants were severe and awfully
urgent. A vote of thanks was unanimously
passed to the relief committee and the town com-
missioners, fur the employment they had afforded.
and soliciting their co-operation with the autho-
rities. In fact, it was evident, not merely from
the language used, but from the manner and
de I neanour of the assembled multitude, that
nothing but the dire necessity under which they
were labouring could have induced them to take
such a step. At the close of the proceedings one of
the Roman Catholic clergymen of the district ad-
dressed them ; he stated the measures of relief con-
templated ; he enforced, in the most earnest manner,
the necessity of their being patient and peace-
able, and concluded with an assurance that he
had no doubt but that in a few days the
Lord-Lieutenant's proclamation ordering the hold-
ing of the session would appear. It might
reasonably be supposed that immediate attention
would have been paid to the humble representatives
of a meeting so constituted and so conducted, to
which such fair promises were made. This expecta-
tion was rendered still more probable, by the fact
that the relief committee of the town had actually at
their disposal a sum of no less than 4001. remain
ing unexpended, which would have met the
emergency, until permanent means could have
been adopted under the provisions of the
Labour-rate Act. This hope, however, was
not realised, the authorities relapsed into a state of
torpor, and no efficient means were had recourse to
for the relief of the existing distress, or the providing
of work for _ the famishing people. Accordingly, on
Monday last, a second meeting took place, but under
very different circumstances from that of the former
Tuesday. The people, maddened and driven to
desperation by the constrained apathy of those on
whom they were dependent for food, met in a tumul-
tuous and disorderly manner ; immense numbers
flocked in from the adjoinining parishes, with
hunger and starvation depicted on their countenances;
they were no longer calmed by the promises held out
to them by a meeting of the assembled magistrates
and influential gentlemen connected with the locality;
they had already experienced their illusory nature,
and the little reliance that could be placed upon them.
Indeed, for a few hours they dispersed, so as to give
the magistrates an opportunity of at once determining
on the steps to be taken, and announcing publicly how
soon they might hope for assistance. The oppor-
tunity was, unfortunately, thrown away—the golden
moment elapsed without anything having been de-
finitively settled or decided on. Towards evening an
indiscriminate attack was made on the bakers' shops
in the town ; they were all plundered, the stocks of
bread torn out by hundreds of famishing wretches,
who devoured their booty with a greediness propor-
tioned to their previous destitution. One poor man,
who had eaten a twopenny loaf, fainted from
the effects of such an unusual abundance, and when
recovered, declared that he had not tasted food
for twenty-four hours previously. They appear to
have acted with some degree of organisation. They
raised the drawbridge, to prevent the military from
proceeding to Dungarvan, where it was said that si-
milar scenes were taking place, and threw the handles,
by which it could be lowered, into the river. Through-
out the night the surrounding country was illuminated
by bonfires lighted up on the several hills, and de-
tachments of the people were stationed at the various
thoroughfares to prevent corn from being brought
into the town. During the night and the following
day (Tuesday) the town continued in the same
fearful state,—the people in forcible occupation, the
shops closed, and all business suspended. At length
on Tuesday night the relief committee did what they
ought to have done many days before, they issued a
placard, stating that they will now give immediate
employment and sell food at a reduced price. Such
have been the fearful results of the supineness and
neglect exhibited, such the mischievous precedent
that has been established. We sincerely trust
that it will act as a warning throughout the
entire county ; that there may no longer Le
any postponement of the employment so impera-
tively demanded, so immediately necessary. The
authorities must be cautious how they tamper with
the pressing necessities of the people.
In Kilkenny also, on Monday, there was a similar
disturbance. There the parties appear to nave at-
tempted to dictate to their employers, onjecting to the
nature of the work provide], and the remuneration
therefor. The bakers' shops also were plundered,
but a very trifling resistance ; the courageous demon-
gratin made by a single constable appears to have

checked the winters. In the latter case many of the
ringleaders appear to have been in a state of intoxica-
tion. Those persons, we hope, will be severely
punished, as it is manifest that they could not have
been driven on by destitution which could alone
palliate their offence. Seriously do we hope that no
similar disturbances may take place in other localities;
they can only :be avoided by prompt and active
measures being adopted for the instant relief of the
universal destitution. The matter is in the hands of
the gentry, and on the manner in which they act will
depends the peace of their districts.

Never has the necessity for the repeal of the law
which empowers any two medical practitioners, of
their own mere will and pleasure, to authorise the
incarceration of any alleged lunatic—never has the
necessity for a thorough revision of all the laws regu-
lating, or pretending to regulate the treatment of
alleged lunatics, been more clearly exemplified than
it has been during the course of the past week, in the
case of Mrs. CUMMING. This lady, who is possessed
of considerable property, was, upon the certificate of
two medical men, consigned to the care of Dr.
MILLINGEN, deprived of her personal liberty, and of
course subjected to those restraints to which, in even
the best regulated establishments, alleged lunatics
must necessarily be subjected. The Lord Chan-
cellor, an application having been made to him, sup-
ported of course by affidavits, issued a commission de
lunatico inquirendo, and Mr. Commissioner BARLow,
to whom this commission was directed, having im-
panelled a jury, proceeded to inquire into the state of
mind of Mrs. CUMMING. The parties suing out the
commission, the children we believe of Mrs. CUM-
MING, were represented at the inquiry by their
counsel and their attorneys, as was Mrs. CUMMING
herself. On the seventh day of the inquiry, before all
the witnesses in the case had been examined, it was
announced by the counsel that an arrangement had
taken place, and that the person of Mrs. CUMMING
was free.
" Dr. Millingen, however, toid that he had a claim
to retain the lady under the certificate until she was
legally discharged. •
" The Learned Commissioner replied, he would take
the responsibility on himself, and would undertake she
should appear when the Court met again.
" Mrs. Cumming was then set at liberty, and the
Commissioner, addressing the jury, said that in the
present instance, an arrangement having taken place,
the commission having been issued by the Lord High
Chancellor, a difficulty arose as to what report he could
make to his Lordship ; without first consulting him, he
could not discharge the jury.
" 0.1 the following day, the jury re-assembled to hear
the result of the conference between the Lord Chancellor
and the Commissioner, and also the terms of the ar-
rangement between the parties.
" Mr. James, for the supporters of the commission,
explained that the heads of the arrangement were, that
Mrs. Cumming be immediately discharged from custody,
and become a perfect free agent ; that a deed be exe-
cute-d vesting the property in responsible and respectable
trustees, Mrs. Cumming to have the sole use during her
life ; after her death one-third to revert to her daughter,
Mrs. Ince, or her children, free from the control of her
husband, Mr. Ince. Another third to devolve upon Mrs.
Ilooper, or to her children, also free from her husband's
control ; the remaining third to be at the free disposal
of the lady herself. The jury would be discharged from
giving a verdict, and then his Learned Fr end, Mr.
Yeteradorff and himself would have to adopt the usual
course for the supersedence of the commission."

• We hope the Lord Chancellor will not grant this
supersedeas as a matter of course. If ever there was
a case calling for full, and ample, and public inquiry,
this is that case. Who were the two medical men
who signed the certificate authorising the incarcera-
tion of Mrs. CtimmiNG ? What inquiries did they
institute before granting- such certificate ? Who mere
the parties by whom they were authorised and em-
ployed ? Was there any appreciable difference in the
state,of Mrs. CUMMING'S mind at the time that certificate
was signed, as compared with the time she was dis-
charged from custody ? Would she have ever con-
sented to execute these settlements had not this com-
mission de lunatico inquirendo been sued out ? When
did the parties who consented to her discharge become
convinced of her sanity, and in what manner
and by what evidence was that conviction brought
home to their minds ? If Mrs. CUMMING is sane,
why was not a verdict to that effect returned ? If
she is insane, why was she set at liberty ? These
are inquiries which, before he consents to the super-
sedeas, we apprehend, the Lord Chancellor will feel
it to be his duty to institute, in order to ascertain
whether or not, in this unprecedented case, the pro-
cess of his Court has been fairly and legitimately
used. But whether the Lord Chancellor institutes
these inquiries or not—whether or not the
supersedeas be granted as a matter of course,
the case is one which ought to occupy the attention of
the Legislature as an illustration of the iniquity of the
present system of lunacy legislation. It is a case in-
volving considerations of the public safety. If Mrs.
CUMMING, being sane, has been (in conformity with
law) incarcerated as a lunatic, gross injustice has
been done that lady. If Mrs. CUMMING, being lunatic,
has been liberated as sane, gross injustice has been
done to the public, the safety of every individual com-
posing which is jeopardised by the liberation from all
restraint of an insane person. In either case the law
is unjust, as both the incarceration and the liberation
are according to law. We commend this case to the
attentive consideration of the Society for the Pro-
tection of Alleged Lunatics. It is the fulcrum for the
lever with which they will overthrow the iniquitous
lunacy-laws which at present disgrace our statute-
book.

The first duty of a ration is ever to afford full pro-
tection to all its citizens ; that protection is their
clear and undoubted right ; it is the equivalent that
they receive in exchange for the submission they
yield to the laws of their country, the taxation to
which they contribute, the burdens they assume. To
go back to first principles, a state is but a confederacy
of individuals, banded together for the purpose of
mutual defence from dangers of every description.
To this we owe all our civil institutions ; from this
source the executive, the legislative, and the judicial
authorities have their origin. The general good of
the people is the first grand principle of government;
individual rights are respected because it is for the
public benefit that they should be sustained, and
because the persons entitled thereto have purchased
for themselves that security by the duties they render
themselves liable to as subjects of the State.
This protection is no less their right when residing
in the dominions and within the jurisdiction of the
laws of their native or adopted country than when,
in the course of their commercial pursuits; they take
up their residence in a foreign land, or, for any other
cause whatsoever, they may become the inhabitants of
another country ; indeed the best test of the strength
and power of any nation is the manner in which the
rights of her people are respected in distant climes.
Hitherto it is but justice to say that England has
been peculiarly sensitive on this point. She has
fully and efficiently protected her people, and has
ever looked upon an insult or an injury offered to
the humblest of her subjects in as serious a light as if
it was to the nation itself. Such a proceeding is not
only just in itself, but wise and politic in the highest
degree. We are essentially a trading people. It is
to the extent of our commerce, the magnitude of our
transactions with all parts of the civilised world, that
England owes her greatness, the proud position which
she has assumed amongst the nations of the earth.
She has gained for herself respect by the equity, the
high mercantile honour and integrity, exhibited by her
children in all their dealings. She gives no offence
to any, nor will she permit such offence with
im-
punity to be offered to her in the persons of any of
her subjects. Such a course is absolutely necessary
for the maintenance and extension of her trade and
commerce. The British name has afforded a shield
and safeguard, wherever it has been known, to all
having a just claim to adopt it. It is essentially
necessary that those rights should be guarded with
peculiar jealousy in any locality in which we are in
the earlier stages of commercial intercourse. A pro-
longed acquaintance' will teach other Governments to
respect them, and not in anywise to attempt their
infringement. But at first many temptations will
exist, many efforts may be made, to overreach or
treat us w ith injustice or contumely. Any such
attempt must be vigilantly guarded against, and
promptly and vigorously repressed. Where thc: native
power has not sufficient control over its inhabitants
to keep them in subjection, to protect the British
inhabitants, immediate steps should be taken by our
Executive for that purpose, and an ade-
quate British force should be so stationed
as to be ready to act with all convenient
speed for the repression of outrage or disturbance,
and to demand immediate reiparatiort for any

grievance. This is peculiarly necessary in '
The entire population, from the lowest to the highest,
have been imbued with prejudices, of the most ex-
traordinary character, and the most decided
and hostility towards our country. It is unnecessary
here to allude to the circumstances by which the
late Chinese war was occasioned and rendered neces-
sary—they must he familiar to all our readers. Suffice
it to say, that England was true to itself, and that
the British ensign again waved in triumph ; that full
amends were obtained, and that hostilities were ter-
minated by an honourable peace, by which the future
protection, the equitable treatment of the British re-
sidents and traders in China, was fully guaranteed.

The peace so obtained, when the Chinese were fully
awakened to the extent of the British power, the
force of the British arms, was not valuable solely
because it obtained the full value of the commodities
of which our merchants were unjustly deprived,
because the honour of the British name
was vindicated, a full apology enforced, and
the full expenses of the war, we were compelled
to declare, defrayed by our opponents. It was not
the sum of money paid by the Chinese Government
as compensation, however large (and we believe that
so accurate an estimate was formed, that the balance
which found its way to the exchequer, after payment
of all charges incidental to the war, or fairly appli-
cable thereto, was something between 301. and 401.
only), that bore testimony to the importance
of our victories. No, by far the greatest
results thereof were, the opening so wide
a field for our commerce, the facilities
afforded to our merchants, the security they would
have in all their dealings. These were objects of the
value of which it is impossible to form a due esti-
mate, and it would indeed be lamentable if any negli-
gence, or undlito parsimony on our part, should hazard
the permanency of these results. The Chinese Go-
vernment will not directly attack our people ; they
have too recently received a sharp lesson, have tasted
the bitter fruits ofsuch a course ; but their object may be
attained by other and more tortuous means,by fostering
and exciting the national animosity, by leaving un-
punished outrages, which, if attempted towards na-
tives of the country, would be instantly repressed
and severely avenged. Something of this description
would appear to be going on at this moment from the
accounts of the serious riot at Canton, where our
people were left unprotected for several hours,
while their factories were besieged by a fero-
cious mob, and their lives and properties ex-
posed to the most imminent danger. Fortu-
nately they were not wanting to themselves, but,
with that indomitable courage and energy that dis-
tinguishes the British character, and ably aided and
assisted by the other European and American in-
habitants (whose conduct on the occasion appears
deserving of the highest praise), they succeeded in
defending themselves and in quelling the disturbance,
before tardy aid was afforded by the native authori-
ties. In the necessary resistance several of the
assailants lost their lives, or were severely
wounded. It was manifestly impossible for so
formidable an attack to be repelled with-
out some such casualties; and yet a pro-
clamation, or as it is termed a "chop," was im-
mediately posted in the most conspicuous places,
calculated still further to inflame the multitude, by
casting the blame thereof on our people ; stating
" that the English were certainly in the wrong," and
that the magistrate issuing the chop " had instructed
the consular authorities to search out and punish the
murderers according to law." This proceeding
from, and signed by no less a person than Li,
the acting magistrate of the district, must natu-
rally have had a great effect on so excitable a
population, and must be regarded with the greatest
alarm by the residents. They have, accordingly,
communicated with their Consul, urging on hia► that
a British vessel of war should be permanently sta-
tioned off the foreign factories, so as to afford that in-
stant protection which otherwise may be looked for
in vain, and to secure those privileges, afforded to
them by treaty, but which they are unable to enjoy
from the want of a sufficient controlling power to
restrain the malignity of the lower orders. This mo-
derate request we sincerely hope may be at once
acceded to ; indeed, a provision for that purpose
was made in the arrangement entered into by Sir
HENRY POTTINGER, and we find the Captain of the
Vestal, the senior naval officer in China, expressing
his concurrence in the opinion of the absolute neces-
sity of such a course, expressed in the resolution of
the British subjects forwarded to him. By this
means the possibility of a similar occurrence will be
prevented, and perhaps a formidable and expensive
war avoided.
Madrid papers of the 21st have arrived.

A formal protest was on that day presented to the
Spanish Government by Mr. BuLwan, on the part of
the English Government, against the marriage of the
INFANTA with the Due DR MONTPENSIER.

On the 20th the Chamber of Deputies waited on
the different members of the Royal Family to con-
gratulate them en the approaching marriages. In his
reply to the President's address, Don FRANCISCO
D'AsSIS expressed himself as holding very liberal po-
litical opinions. On the 19th the Senate voted
unanimously the congratulatory address, although the
Marquis of PENNA FLORIDA and General SERRANO
had, in the course of the debate, spoken with con-
siderable energy against the marriage of the IN-
FANTA.

NARVAEZ arrived in Madrid on the 19th, after ,the
address had been voted. It is said he purposely de-
layed hii arrival, in order to be able to watch the
course of events without compromising himself by
taking part in the discussion on the address. The
address was presented to the QUEEN on the 20th, and
the following is her MAJESTY'S reply :
" The consoling hopes which my heart founded on the
marriage I am about to contract, and on that of my be-
loved sister, are converted into infallible certainty when
I see you around me, and congratulating me in the name
of the country which you so lawfully represent. I
thank you, gentlemen, for the solicitude with which you
express to me your devotedness ; and I trust that the
Almighty will bless these two marriages by vouchsafing
the happiness I demand for myself and sister, and peace
and felicity to my people."

On the 21st the Bill authorising the Government
to collect taxes until the Ist January, 1847, was in-
troduced into the Chamber of Deputies. A tele-
graphic dispatch of the 23d has been received in
Paris, announcing that it had been agreed to by a
majority of 134 to 13.
MADRID Boum, SEPT. 21.—Th• Three per Cents.
declined , having closed at 36 ; the Four per Cents.
were done at 22 ; the Five per Cents. at 22i ; the
Debt without interest, at 6i; and the Coupons at 20.

We have received the French papers of Friday and
Saturday. The Montpensier marriage is the theme
of comment in all of them, and reports the most con.
tradictory were in circulation on the subject. The
following, in the Journal des Debate, is to be taken,
we suppose, as an official contradiction of the assertion
that coercion was used towards the Queen of SPAIN
and her sister by the Afrencesado party, in order to
bring about the marriages :
" An English journal appears to have imposed on itself
the not very honourable task of propagating the most
base reports as to the manner in which the young Queen
of Spain and her sister had been led to take the deter-
mination which at present occupies the attention of the
political world. We should have wished to have con-
signed to silence and the contempt which they merit
those renewed scandalous chronicles of another age, and
which the press of a free country ought to blush at bor-
rowing from the secret memoirs with which the history of
former times was made up. This reserve, which we
could have wished to have maintained, we owe to the
Queen of Spain and to her mother; we owe it to her Go-
vernment, to her country, and to all those persons who
have been mixed up with these shameful fables. But
when we see these insinuations repeated with so much
boldness and with so much cynicism, we consider it ne-
cessary to reply to them by the most direct and the
most formal contradiction. The Ministers of the Queen
of Spain have already answered for themselves. They
have declared in the Congress that the resolution of
their Sovereign was entirely free and spontaneous, and
that they had only obeyed it with that deference a hick
was their duty. This respect, of which Isabella was the
object, was as scrupulously observed both by every mem-
ber of her family and by those persons who might be
supposed to exercise a certain degree of influence on her
mind and on her determination. This nocturnal phantas-
magoria, which has been made to pass before the eyes
of the public, has never existed but in_ the
depraved imaginations of those who invented it. The
young Queen has never been approached by her cousin,
except und,r the most natural circumstances ; at the
dinners at which all the family were assembled, and at
the concerts at which the Court was present. We should
consider ourselves as wanting in respect towards the
Queen were we to seek to justify her from the odious
imputations directed against her. It will suffice to say,
as was formerly done in the case of a greater and more
the deepest repugnance that we allude to these am-
' I appeal to all mothers.' It is with
unfortunate Queen,

did calumnies. We' know from whence they come ; we
would point out their source ; we do not do it from
consideration for those whose responsibility has been
so rashly compromised, evidently without their know-
ledge and to their great regret. It would not be, more-
over, for us to complain of the effect which such reprisals
might produce in Spain. We are much deceived, or the
Spanish people will properly appreciate both the respect
testified for their Sovereign, and the view that is taken
of their national habits. Circumstances which have re-
cently occurred in the Congress may also teach them
from what side come those attacks on their independence,
and the attempts made to interfere with the resolutions
of their Legislature. These are instructive leesons of
which they will profit, and it is not we, at least, who will
have given them.

The same journal, when speaking of the protests
presented by the representatives of the English Go-
vernment at the Courts of France and Spain, says—
"lt has never been doubted, and all the reports
spread relative to the protests or declarations of this or
that Government, or the pretended measures that may
have interfered with the free action of the Spanish Go-
vernment and people, can be but wholly unfounded."
The National says,—
" We are informed that this morning (Friday) at about
eleven, Lord Normauby delivered to M. Guizot, in the
name of his Government, a note conformable to the one
presented by Mr. Bulwer at Madrid. This note is, like
the other, drawn up in the most moderate terms, but it
stipulates the same terms—the renunciation by the In-
fanta, for herself and her children, of all eventual rights
to the crown of Spain. M. Guiaot, who expected that
the note would be of a brutal nature, was astonished at
Lord Palmerston's gentle, polite, and reserved tone.
From London we hear that the late Ministers and the
Tory party quite agree on the question with the
Whig Cabinet. It appears to be decided that, if the
marriage be persevered in without the aforesaid stipula-
tions, Mr. Bulwer will recal the English squadron to
Gibraltar, and will repair thither in order to await
events, and act according to circumstances."

The Constitutionxel has also the following para-
graph :
" We persist in considering it certain that an official
note of the English Cabinet was delivered by Mr. Bulwer
to the Spanish Government of the 21st inst. It is said
to-day that a note to the same effect has been delivered
by Lord Normanby to M. Guizot."

The Opposition papers, we have no doubt, in this
instance furnish the more correct information of the
two. A protest has been presented against the mar-
riage by the Marquis of Normmisty to M. GursoT,
because, first, such marriage is contrary to the treaty
of Utrecht ; and, secondly, it is in violation of an
agreement entered into between the French and
English Ministers at the Chateau d'Eu, which agree-
ment was sanctioned by their respective • Sovereigns,
in whose presence it was made.
The following from the .Presse, albeit written ,in
somewhat a bullying tone of defiance, apls6ri,lb-.4.41'
to indicate a feeling of uncertainty on the' part of the
French Court. It is a feeler to see if England will be
content with a renunciation of all right to the' throne
of France on the part of the decendants of the Duc DE
MONTPENSIER should they succeed to the throne of
Spain.
" Pretended letters from Madrid, pUbliehed this morn-
ing, by the journals, announce that Mr. Bulwer pre-
sented, in the name of his Government, to the Spanish
Cabinet an official note, in which the British Ministry
protests, in the most formal manner, against the
marriage of the Infanta Luisa with the Duke ds
Montpensier. It is added that England will not per-
mit this marriage until it ceases to interest the politics
of Europe by assuming the character of a purely private
union by the formal renunciation of the Infanta, the
presumptive heiress to the crown of Spain, of all rights,
present or eventual. England requires, moreover, that
this renunciation be guaranteed by the Cortes. We
know from an authentic source that there is no foui:da-
tion for these reports, which were circulated yesterday
in Paris, and which are contradicted by the ordinary
correspondence from Madrid. It is possible, in fact, that
England may protest, but we cannot comprehend i.ny
other protest on her part in the name of the politics
of Europe than that whose object would be to reserve
the principles established by treaties to maintain the
separation of France and Spain. We could conceive,
consequently, that she should protest against any ac-
cession of the descendants of the Duke de Montpensier
to the throne of Spain, which would not be preceded
by a renunciation made by them, or for them, of
all their eventual rights on the crown of France.
We could conceive, in a word, that England should
claim the guarantees which
,she obtained at
Utrecht, but we do rot sec upon what foundation she
should claim more. We can scarcely believe, above all,
that she dare ever set forth in form the demands attri-
buted to her by the n ports to which we have alluded.
To demand the renunciation of the Infanta to her
eventual rights, to demand such a renunciation for the
Infanta and her children, would be to demand the
violation of the Spanish Constitution, it would be to de-
mand an act void in itself; kir it does not depend on the
Infanta to deprive her descendants of the rights which
their hit th and the Spanish Constitution reserve for
them. It would be to renew the comedy of the renun-
ciation of Anne of Austria and of Maria Theresa, which
neither •prevented the war of succession nor the acces-
sion of Philip V."

We find the following in the Courrier Francais :

" The following is the information that we have col-
lected as to the cubes which led to the fall at the Bourse
yesterday. An official note, based on the stipulation of
the treaty of Utrecht, has been addressed by the English
Government to that of Spain ; this note is a formal
protest against the marriage of the Infanta, the
heir presumptive to the throne of Spain, with
any member of the Orleans family—a casus Belli
if the objections made to it are disregarded (si l'on
passe outre). England, nevertheless, leaves a door open
to the consummation of the Montpensier marriage,
namely, the formal and express renunciation by the
Infanta of her rights to the throne of Spain, the
said renunciation to be guaranteed by the Cortes.
This note will be communicated to the Cabinet
of the Tuileries. The exactitude of these particulars is
guaranteed to us. The condition is well laid, as may
be seen—the renunciation of the Infanta guaranteed
by the legislative power l But this condition is hard;
we know not whether the Spanish Government will show
itself as docile on the subject as the French Government;
it has not by way of consolation the perspective pros-
pect of a dowry of thirty-two millions of francs. Under
any circumstances, the renunciation of the Infanta will
not, we think, be accepted by the Spanish people, and
this, it is said, is what the English Government reckons
upon."
The same journal states that it is authorised to
contradict the statement which had appeared in some
of the papers, that CABRERA had dined with ESPAR-
TERO in London. On the contrary, no interview
whatever took place between the Duke of VICTORY
and CABRERA.