The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

EVENING. JANUAR 23 1846,

I trust if I have not satisfied some of them that our
conclusions were correct, at least they will admit our
motives were honest.—(Hear, hear, and loud Opposition
cheers.) Would it not have been derogatory
to the agricultural interest, and degrading to ourselves,
had we proposed to supply the deficiency in the potato
crop in Ireland by relaxing the protective system
in respect of oats, while we could have met
the calamity in another and a better way, and
given the people of Ireland corn instead of oats?—
(Cheers.) Well, then, I trust we shall receive credit
for the honesty of our conclusions, if our
conclusions are not approved of.—(Hear, hear.)
I felt that it was impossible to come down to the House
with any partial measure, that only affected Indian corn.
I could deal with Indian corn, and not at the same time
deal with oats. If it was necessary to regulate any
portion of the food of the people, it was requisite to take
such measures as should at once and entirely set the
question at rest. Sir, after the severe, the lengthened,
and the incessant labour of the last session of
Parliament, I say I do feel it hard to be thus con-
stantly misrepresented. Ido feel it hard that, after that
labour, and when every hour of the recess has been em-
ployed in considering the large mass of evidence on this
most important subject, that I should be made the con-
stant object of misrepresentation—(Loud and continued
cheers)—and be told that I am altogether unworthy of
the confidence of the agricultural interests.—(Cheers.)
I have over and over again endeavoured to define the
position which I hold with respect to party,
the country, and myself. I have felt it neces-
sary, in justice to myself, and to every one of those
who have preceded me in the office which I hold ;
and yet, over and over again I have been told that the
same power which placed me in this position could al-
ways unseat me from it.—(Loud cheers from the Op-
position.)
I now here distinctly state that I do not
owe my personal position to any man or body of men
whatever, and in saying this, I distinctly say that I will
never rely on any particular party for that support
which I ought to receive only on the ground
of the service which I may render to the State.
For what is office, and what are the pleasures of these
official duties ? Tho pleasure does not consist in that
distribution of honours inseparable from the duties of a
Prime Minister. Believe me, that the possession of the
power of advising the Sovereign with regard to the
highest rewards and highest offices is more than com-
pensated by the invidious duty of choosing and the dis-
appointment which any selection can make. I value not
the power to the extent of one farthing fur any such pri-
vilege as that. So far as personal objects, then, are
concerned, I have none of them.—(Hear, hear.) I
have served under four Sovereigns George the
Third and his three successors. In the reign of
George the Third my office was of a very subordinate
nature. I served under George the Fourth both as
Regent and Sovereign. It has been my fate to hold
some high office under each of these sovereigns, and, as
I have served them in critical and difficult times,
they have taken a favourable view of any services which
I have rendered them. But to each of these in succes-
sion there was but one distinction—one reward—desired
by me fur all that I had it in my power to do for them
—that was, the simple assurance -that I had been to
them a loyal and faithful servant.—(Bear, hear.)
There is, Sir, that in office that it gives you great op-
portunities for rendering public service according to the
best of your judgment, that constitutes the realsvalue of
official power. I can say with trath I have not abused
that power for any unworthy object. I have always en-
deavoured to use that power for the promotion of the
public interest and the advancement of the public good,
nor can I charge myself with having acted at variance
with the principles of a true and comprehensive Conser-
vative. I cannot think it has been at variance
with Conservative honour that . I have attempted
to repair the disasters of Caubul, to infuse
into the Indian army that spirit which had been checked
by misfortune and defeat. I cannot think it incon-
sistent with a true Conservative if we have allayed that
animosity which has long prevailed between ourselves
and a great and powerful neighbour. I cannot think t
inconsistent with true Conservatism that we should
have been enabled, with truth, to hear that sentence
from her Majesty's Speech, " that our relations with
France might ever be conducive to the public interest." I
cannot think it inconsistent with the principles of
a true Conservative that we have been en-
abled, with truth, to listen to such a passage.
It is not inconsistent with the principles of a true Con-
servative, that we endeavour to extract from the recol-
lections of all our former exploits everything that can
savour of bitterness. It is not inconsistent with the
principles of a true Conservative that we are trying to
engage in rivalry—not in the field of blood, but on the
field of honourable
_negotiation— the advancement of
commerce and the improvement of the social condition.
I cannot think it inconsistent with true Conservatism
to have reduced taxation.--(Hear, hear.) I cannot think
it inconsistent with true Conservatism to have extin-
guished agitation and to have discouraged sedition, not
by coercive laws—(Hear, hear)—but by creating an
impression on the part of the great body of this kingdom,
that we, the rich and powerful, are ready to take our
share of the public burdens, and to relieve them
from oppressive measures.—(Hear, hear.) The duty
of conducting the affairs of this country is, indeed,
a most arduous undertaking.—(Hear, hear.) I may say
it without irreverence, that the ancient institutions of
our country rre like our physical frame—fearfully and
wonderfully made ; that it is no easy task to ensure the
contentment of an ancient monarchy, a proud aristo-
cracy, and a reforming public.—(Loud cries of " Hear,
bear.") I have done every thing that I could do,
consistently with Conservative policy, to reconcile
those three branches of the Legislature, and
make them harmonise in action. I thought it consis-
tent with true Conservatism to promote as much as pos-
sible content among the people—to cause the voice of
dissatisfaction to be no longer heard—to prevent any
destruction of our ancient institutions, and to give all
our fellow-countrymen an opportunity of living in peace-
ful enjoyment of their rights. These are what I have
attempted to do, and I have thought it consistent with
pure and enlarged Conservative principles. lam ready
to bear the scorn and the ridicule of the public for the
part which I have taken on this question, but I will not
do it with mutilated and shackled powers.—(Cheers from
the Opposition.) I will not stand at the helm during
the tetnpestuous nights which I have seen, if that helm
is not committed to my uncontrolled guidance.
I will not undertake to direct the course of the vessel
if I am not permitted to make my own obser-
vations and to act according.—(Cheers.) I will
reserve to myself the right of my own private judgment
as to the course which I should pursue in the govern-
ment of the country. I do not wish to be the Minister
of England ; but while I am the Minister of England I
will hold the office by no servile tenure —(Loud cheers)—
I will hold the "office unshackled by any other obligations
than the consulting of the public interest and providing
for the public safety.—(Loud and continued cheering,
in the midst of which the Right Hon. Baronet resumed
his seat.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said—Sir, I rise up at this early
period of the session, to explain the part that I have
taken in the matter to which the Right Hon. Gentleman
has referred ; and I would not have done so now, but
that the Right Hon. Gentleman was aware that such
was my intention. Before I had resolved upon adopt •
ing this course, I communicated with the Right Hon.
Gentleman, and I stated to him that, if it would create
any inconvenience to the public service, I would be
ready to postpone my explanation to a later period of
the session. In answer to that the Right Honourable
Gentleman stated, that not only would it be quite in
accordance with the wishes of her Majesty, but also con-
sistent with the convenience of the public service that I
should enter upon this explanation now. I shall there-
fore proceed to do so, with the understanding that I shall
be excused for doing so, by reason of the willingness the
Right Hon. Gentleman has expressed that I should do so.
Before I do so, however, I think it necessary to refer to a
letter he has mentioned, detailing the circumstances
which led to his resignation. Early in the month of No-
vember the Lord Provost of Edinburgh invited me to re-
ceive the freedom of that city, and to be present at a
public dinner. In accepting that invitation I took
especial care not to make any reference whatever to the
measures then under consideration ; and the Lord
Provost expressed his regret that I did not state my
opinion in reference to the corn-laws. I said that I
was unwilling to do so, entertaining as I did very strong
opinions in respect to those laws, an expression of which
might have the effect of embarrassing the public coun-
cils, as well as myself. But I saw by the public prints,
and the London Garotte, the state of the rublic mind on
this question, as well as the manner in which it had been
dealt with by the Government ; and, finally, after many
discussions, I saw an announcement of a further proro-
gation of Parliament. Under those circumstances, I
did think that her Majesty's Ministers had not been per-
forming their duty to their Sovereign or to the country,
and I did entertain the opinion that it would be advisable
to call the Parliament together at an early period to
consider the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) I also had
seen announcements of the failure of the potato crop in
Ireland. The Right Honourable Gentleman has stated
to-night that the Government Commissioners reported
that the food of five millions of the people of that co n-
try was the potato ; that one-half of that crop .had
failed ; that one-eighth of it would -be necessary for
seed, and that therefore only three-eighths of it re-
mained for food.—(Hear.) I did consider that such
a state of things was most alarming, and demanded im-
mediate consideration, and it would appear that s stood
not alone in this opinion.—(Hear.) It appearsa d fo r nowm
e d
that the Right Hon. Gentleman himself h
and three
the same opinion, and that
he
of his colleagues had expressed as much in the
Cabinet Council. In this state of ciroumstanees pub-
lished a letter on the 26th of November,ls vhich the
Right Hon. Gentleman has alluded. That otter did,
certainly, state very strongly my opinion_ that the pre-
sent Government were not as active as the circumstances
demanded, and I suggested that the public should ex-
press constitutionally its opinion as to the remedy that
should be deemed necessary. I cannot but think I was
right in adopting this course ; and from what has trans-
pired, it would now appear that the Right Honourable
Gentleman concurs with me in that opinion.—(Cheers.) I
know that there are some men of low minds who have
said that that letter was nothing more than advertising
myself for office.--(Hear, hear.) But I trust I need
scarcely say, that nothing could be further from my
thoughts.—(Cheers.) I did it only for the purpose of
placing upon record the expression of my opinion, that
the Government should yield to the pressure of circum-
stances, and save the confusion and accumulation of
serious evils.—(Hear, hear.) On the 26th of No-
vember, the Right Honourable Gentleman again
nrged that the ports should still be opened for the
admission of grain, and that the corn-laws should be
considered ; but unfortunately the Cabinet did not agree
with him, and difficulties to so great an extent followed,
as to lead the Right Hon. Gentleman to believe he
could not carry on the Government, and on the 6th of
December he resigned office. On the Bth or 9th of the
same month, I had the honour to receive her Majesty's
command to wait upon her at the Isle of Wight, and I

did so upon the 11th. It could not but be apparent
to me that her Majesty had received the resignation of her
Government, and had sent for me for the purpose of
consulting me as to the formation of a new Administra-
tion. I felt that the only course left me was to decline
doing so, because I was aware that the party who usually
concur with my views upon public questions were in a
Minority of about ninety in this House, and therefore I
did not think I would be warranted in exposing her Ma-
jesty and the country to the chances of a dissolution
of a Government almost as soon as it was
formed.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Ido not think it
necessary to enter into any explanation here of the rea-
sons why the party who support me in this House are
so inferior in number ; but I must say that during the

time we were in the Administration, our motives were
never fairly comprehended, and our measures never re-
ceived a fair consideration from our political opponents.
—(Hear, hear.) Be that as it may, we were in a mino-
rity, and, therefore, under these considerations I did not
think I would be warranted in f,rrning an Adminis-
tration. Her Majesty having stated to me that
she had sent for me for the purpose of
forming an administration, I asked if the present
Government were aware of her having done so, and
she answered me by placing a paper in my hands, con-
taining the resignation of the Right Honourable Gen-
tleman, his reason for doing so, and expressing his will-
ingness to afford every assistance in his power to the
new Ministry, for the adoption of measures for the
settlement of the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) I then
stated to her Majeaty that that document altered
the state of the question, and that with her
d on i n forfo
r nt thatahet
i Secretaryopurpose,
could
fpermission, I would consult with a few of those with
London
I had been in the habit of acting. I came to
aonr d:h require
eH
I f
oroi mustnme sptahyeep,
aßlritgmrheetcnent, ivoeinnd
.
all Gentleman, o
the
reference to the causes
which led to the resignation of
the Right Hon. Gentleman. I then called my friends
together, with a view of framing a measure for the set-
lement of the corn-law question, a measure which I con-
sidered would be of the greatest possible advantage to
the country, inasmuch as it would net only tend to put
an end to present grievances, but would be attended
by much future good.—(Cheers.) But there was another
question for consideration, if he was to undertake the
settlement of the corn-law question. Whether was he
to attempt to effect the object by endeavouring to obtain
a majority in the House, or was he to propose to her
Majesty a dissolution of Parliament in order to ascertain
the strength of the popular opinion.—(Hear, hear.)
He confessed it appeared to him that if it could
be possible to obtain a settlement of the question
without having recourse to a general election—without
putting in collision the manufacturing and 'commer-
cial interests against the larded and agricultural
interest, it would be unquestionably for the benefit
of the country at large.—(Hear, hear.) But it was im-
possible for him to expect such an amount of confidence
from the House, if he could not secure the support of
those who agreed with him in the measures he had in
view—of those who were in the habit of supporting him
in absolute free trade principles, but also of the support
of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, and those who had
been his supporters when he proposed a relaxation of the
protective duties. The Right Hot. fiantleman, for
potent reasons, which it was unnecessary for him to go
into, thought it not right that a person not in the ser-
vice of the Crown should be consulted upon measures
that might be brought forward not upon his own respon-
sibility. He (Lord John Russell) had to consider what
were the kind of measures which, if he were successful
in forming a Government, it would be his duty to pro-
pose.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, he
thought it necessary to have a consultation with those
who had been his colleagues ; for the letter to
which he had adverted, had been written from a strong
feeling of public duty. and the apprehension of public
danger, and two persons only had been cognisant of his
intention to write it. He had consulted with them, and
with persons dispersed in different parts of the country,
in order to ascertain how far they might agree, before
he undertook the settlement of the corn law question, or
endangered the public convenience by proposing a mea-
sure which might not meet with public approval. The
grounds upon which he stated that the corn-law question
ought to be settled were : fist, that he thought the im-
position of any duty at present, without a provision for
an ultimate extension, would but be prolonging a contest
which ought, upon many accounts, to be discontinued.
He also said that no Government, or legislative body,
could satisfactorily regulate the corn-laws.—(Hear.)
He also stated in his letter, very clearly, the objects to
be obtained ; but he suggested, farther on, that the
Minister should propose such a revision of the
taxes as would tend to equalize the public
burdens, and that he should add, also, such other
measures as scrupulous forbearance might suggest.
These were his general principles. He did consult with
his colleagues, and the result of his deliberation could
best be given in a letter which he addressed to her Ma-
jesty. Part of that letter had reference to the Right
Hon. Baronet opposite. He (Lord J. Russell) could not
read it, without referring to the measures the Right
Hon. Gentleman said he had in contemplation, which,
with his permission, I will read to the House:—
"Chesnam-place, Dee. 16, 1845.
" Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has the honour to submit to your Majesty the following considera-
tions :
" Sir Robert Peel's letter to your Majesty, communicated to Lord
John Russell at Osborne House, offers the support of Sir Robert Peel
to his successors, provided their measures should be founded on cer-
tain principles, which are there explained, and framed in a spirit of
caution and forbearance towards the interests to be effected.
" The measures which Sir Robert Peel had in contemplation appear
to have been—a present suspension of the duties on corn ; a repeal of
the corn-laws at no remote period, preceded by a diminution of du-
ties ; relief to the occupiers of land from burdens by which they are
peculiarly affected, so far as it may be practicable.
" Upon full consideration of these proposals, Lord John Rnssell is
prepared to assent to the opening of the ports, and to the fiscal relief
which it was intended to afford. .

"But upon maturely weighing the second proposal, namely, that
by which duties would, after a suspension or temporary repeal, be
re-imposed and again diminished, there appear to film to be grave
objections to such a measure. _ _

" The advantage given thereby to the land appears to him more
apparent than real ; the uncertainty of prices in future years would
be aggravated, and the prospect of a complete free trade would be
still kept in the distance ; the prospect alarming the farmer, and the
distance irritating the merchant and manufacturer.
" In this view he finds that many persons deeply engaged in the
maintenance and support of the agricultural class entirely partici-
pate.
" So great an object as the settlement of this question, might in-
deed be held sufficient to justify the support of Sir Robert Peel's Ad-
ministration, had they proposed such a measure. Rut, as Lord John
Russell is placed at present, he could not himself propose a measure
against which the weight of argument, as well as public opinion, ap-
pears to him to preponderate.
" Had the harvest been plentiful, and corn cheap, it might have
been very advisable to have diminished the duties gradually ; but the
restoration of a duty after suspension has all the appearance of a
protective law.
" Lord John Russell humbly submits to your Majesty, that should
the proposal of an immediate repeal, instead of immediate saspen-
sion and ultimate repeal of the corn-law, preclude Sir Robert Peel
from affording that support to the new Government which he so
spontaneously and handsomely offered in his letter of the 13th of
December, Lord John Russell must humbly decline the task so gra-
ciously confided to him by your Majesty.
" Lord John Russell concurs with the reasoning of Sir Robert Peel,
which shows the inexpediency of pledging him to the outline of a
series of measures.
" The measures for fiscal purposes, therefore, would have to be
considered in detail by those alone who may be in your Majesty's
service.
" Lord John Russell treats that your Majesty will attribute the re-
luctance which he feels to undertake the Government, without a
previous knowledge of the opinion of Sir Robert Peel, M kis very
deep sense of the injury the country may sustain from the rejection
of a measure of such vital importance, and not to a desire to obtain
a security for those who may be in power."
The Nobler Lord proceeded to say, her Majesty
had been graciously pleased to answer his letter
on the same evening, stating that she had for-
warded it to Sir Robert Peel, and that she fully under-
stood the motives by which he had been guided in endea-
vouring to secure the greatest possible support for the
measures he wished to propose.—(Hear, hear.) It would
be necessaay for him to say, in the position he at present
occupied, that he had been unable to bring those who
consulted him to an agreement on the question of the
corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) All those whom he had
consulted had at a previous period belonged to her
Majesty's Privy Council. Her Majesty, on the following
day, desired that he should attend her at Windsor
Castle, and when he arrrived she handed him a letter
from Sir Robert Peel, dated the 11th December:—
" Whitehall, Dee. 17. 1545.
" Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
takes the earliest opportunity of acknowledging the receipt of your
Majesty's letter of yesterday, which reached him at a late hodr last
night.
" Sir Robert Peel feels assured that your Majesty will permit him
humbly to refer to the communications he has addressed to your
Majesty since his tender of his resignation, and as an evidence won t
of
earnest desire to co-operate in a private capacity in the adjustmen
the question of the corn-laws.
"In the letter of Lord John Russell to year Majesty, he expresses
inexpediency, of pledging Sir
his concurrence in the reationiungobeofreSirpeeßlebt.V.l.P.
oln chat
a series of
,measures connected with the settlement of that question.
" Lord John Russell requires, at the same time, that Sir Robert
eeuwhie
Peel should give assurances which amount substantially to a pledge,
shosth
that he will support one of those measures, namely, the immediate
and total repeal of the corn-laws.
" Sir Rober Peel humbly expresses to your Majesty his regret
that he does net feel it to be consistent with his duty to enter upon
the consideration of this important question in Parliament, Being fet-
tered by a previous engagement of the nature of that required from
him."
And now he (Lord John Russell) must say that the
Right Hon. Baronet had somewhat misunderstood the
meaning of what he wished to convey in that first letter.
What e
(Lordgom the Rightjolinßussel wished was, not a pre-
vious pledge Hon. Baronet, but he
h
thought, as he had stated the general nature of the
measures they should propose, that if they should
him, or go to a greater length, they would incur
afterwards propose a different measure without inform-
ingthe evil to which he had alluded. The letter he had
read seemed to him to amount substantially, that he
should be quite ready, and would not be precluded
from concurring in such a measure, and supporting it if
he thought right, if it were proposed by a Minister of
the Crown. He (Lord John Russell) was of opinion,
that the task was subject to risk, and full of danger and
peril, yet placed as they were, they should meet it
boldly, and assure her Majesty they were ready to un-
der take it.--(Hear, hear.) He was not, when he came
to the determination, blind to his heavy responsibility.
He had already said he wished the question
'of the corn-laws settled without any violent struggle
between different interests. He was aware—he hardly
knew how he could express the opinion—but he knew
many persons thought both agriculturists and those in-
terested in manufactures, and a portion of the liberal
party, while they would support a repeal of the corn-
Isere, if brought forward by him (Lord J. Russell),
would like better to support it if brought forward by
the, Right Honourable Baronet opposie.—(Oh, oh !)
And that on the other hand there were many who fol-
lowed the Right Hon. Gentleman who would give him
thtiir confidence if they saw him in office and power, but
wl to would not vote for the same measures if ho (Lord
John Russell) had proposed them. That was a fact, and
it was an opinion conveyed to him by many persons
whom he knew, by others whom he bad never spoken
to,, and by many others who, at Manchester
and at other places, were anxious for the
settlement of the corn-law question. It would
have been a hazardous task for him to undertake such a
measure ; but while he thought the Right Moe
Geantla il
We opposite and his colleagues would give
therehlealre
wirer:
:support upon the question, be thoughtthe Noble Lord who
that
many—for instance such persons as

moved the Address—who would support him if th S tr N
_.,
..„.._
thought the measures were really required by the exi A:)./(4..714rr----
~...
geneies of the country.—(Bear.) But he would have bee V ..,k
taking a great risk upon himself ; and if he and his c ed,,C4b.::;i1::;";04-4;0;‘, 0
leagues should have failed in that endeavour—if th y-::,:l-rsz;=7-:'; 1h1.''.,-. I--
should have been defeated in 'she House—after encou Li..\:,.1,c,`_;1:;,,,5-A1,(47,7:1,"c..,,,4
tering a protracted struggle—or if some new Admini f:;,.`,•.;11.< =',.!-,----,...->/t-.-1
tratlon should have been formed it° make a new settle- Z-1 ri.„,...A.L i
rnent ,
doubtedly
upon
hateh imfsael llefnantdhehbisiamcoelleoafgrs would most X-
an, L T 1 .
irelvt
wing attempted to ;.Z.4.;47
perform that which they could not accoCuplish.—(Hear.)
I did consider that all the parties ought: to be of one
mind; that they should all bear the risk, ,:nd be pre-
pared to encounter the opposition, and to give their
cordial co-operation and advice as official Minis Or- I
must say of those with whom I concerted generally, :hat
I have to bear my testimony that they looked only te
the national good; they did not consider whether it
would be advantageous to their pretty or to themselves
should the administration be formed, but upon all the
great questions called upon to decide there was entire
unanimity. It was on the 18th of December that he
undertook to form a ministry. But, Sir, on the follow-
ing morning, after I had made some arrangements, I
found that one of those with •whom I was to act
had an objection to join me, w.ijch I found impossible to
overcome, and, consequently, the, I should lose his as-
sistance in the Administration. Ido not think it neces-
sary to state the nature of the ground of his objection-
-1 it is enough to say that it would have deprived me of hie
assistance in the Government ; nor do I think it scarcely
necessary, as his name has so often been men-
tioned, to inform you that the - individual was
L-Rd Grey. With the highest respect for that
Noble Lord, considering his great talents, taking
into account his great courage and honesty.—(Hear,
bear)—l should nevertheless have thought that upou
a common occasion the loss of an individual even
of his importance would have prevented me from
attempting the formation of a Ministry. When I saw
the great risk we were incurring, and the necessity there
was that we should all hold together upon these questions.
When I considered, also, that my Noble Friend was the
first among those who were acting with him in a
measure which contemplated free trade in corn and who
considered it desirable for the country in its present;
state. When I put these things together I thought that
the task of forming a Government without my Noble Friend
interpretationww were
reseoault a,alsskennot htt a
from
oluv
would
shouldo:tl
hd atconsider nbe Ministry,
thatbn
pei
suttry, ifni
up justified in undertaking.
I
Nobleahlils
kai
kinds of
Considering, therefore, the absolutetohynantecessity, as I
thought there was, for complete agreement—
considering the importance of the person who could not
take a part in the Administration—l came to the con-
clusion that it was necessary for me to give up the task
which her Majesty had graciously imposed upon me.
When I considered that for eight days the country had
been in expectation, and that the want of a Government
was very serious, I could not-but think, whatever col-
league might leave me, that it would be impossible to at-
tempt the settlement of those great questions • which agi,
tated the public mind. It was, Sir, in this mind that I
waited upon her Majesty, on the 20th of December, with
the following letter, which I will now read to the
House:—

" Chesham-place, Dee. 20, 1845.
" Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to yen Majesty, and
has the honour to state that he has found it impossible to form as
Administration.
" Lord John Russell was aware from the first moment when yotur
Majesty was pleased to propose to him this commission, that theret
were very groat difficulties in the way, which it required the most,
cordial co-operation on the part of his friends, and the firm support
of a large portion of those who followed Sir Robert Peel, to sur-
mount.

" Lord John Russell has had solely in view the settlement of the
question of corn-laws by which the country is so much agitated.
" Those who have served your Majesty and your royal predecessor
in cabinet offices during the administrations of Lord Grey and Lord
Melbourne, who were now in political connexion with Lord John
Russell, were consulted by him. They agreed on the principles by
which they would be guided in framing a measure for the repeal of
the corn-laws. Thus one great diffieulty was surmounted. But as
the party which acts with Lord John Russell is in a minority in both
Houses of Parliament, it was necessary to ascertain how far they
were likely to obtain the support of Sir Robert Peel.
" Your Majesty is acquainted with all that has passed-on this
subject. Lord John Russell is quite ready to admit that Sir Robert.
Peel has been willing from the commencement to the end to di-
minish the difficulties in the course of a new Government, prepared
to attempt the settlement of the corn-laws. But Sir Robert Peel
could not, of course, rely on the support of his political friends
should the proposed measure be in their eyes dangerous and Unwise
" In this uncertainty of obtaining a majority in the House of
Commons, it was absolutely necessary that all those who were pre-
inthent in the political party to which Lord John Russell is at-
tached should give their zealous aid, and act in concert in the new
Administration.

" Lord John Russell has, in one Instance, been unable to obtain
this concert, and he must now consider that task as hopeless, which
has been from the beginning hazardous.
"Lord John Russell is deeply sensible of the embarrassment caused
by the present state of public affairs. He will be ready, therefore,
to do all in his power, as a member of Parliament, to promete the
settlement of that question, which, in present circumstances, is Use
source of so much danger, especially to the welfare and peach o
Ireland.
" Lord John Russell would have formed his ministry on the bails
of a complete free trade in corn, to be established at once without
gradation er delay. Ile would have accompanied that proposal wit& _
measures of relief to a considerable extent, of the occupiers of land,
fromdispostedhe
tbou
irdn
seilaist, taos wa hmi cohmthheery
olfirpe
ars ulbji
a emc teeni. But
t,
on h
what
e maywil b l
seem l i t ttloe
your Majesty's advisers an impracticable course. The country re-
quires, above all things, an early and peaceable settlement of a
question, which if not so settled, may In an adverse state of affairs
cause a fearful convulsion."
Now, Sir, I should state, that I owe the greatest
gratitude to her Majesty for the very gracious manner
in which, in her communications, she entrusted me with
this task, and for the facilities which she always afforded
me in orderto lessen the difficulties of the task Died under-
taken. Her Majestyhas imposed on me a sacred obligation,
which I shall feel to the end of my days. Also, to the
Right Hon. Gentleman, that the offers made were en-
tirely spontaneous upon his part ; and with regard to
his after communications, there was nothing in them
which tended at all to make my task more difficult than
before. With reference to my Noble Friend Lord Grey,
I am sorry that I was not able to overcome his objec-
tions, but in justice to him he must say that his objec-
tions were not of a personal nature, but were founded
upon what he considered to be for the public good. As
to the question that is now agitated, the settlement of
the corn-laws, I do hope that we may be able to come to
such an agreement as may afford the country hope of its
peaceable settlement. I saw with no inconsiderable sur-
prise that at a meeting of the agricultural interest it was
stated that the danger had been exaggerated, and that
the great scarcity does not exist, and that the prospect of
famine is chimerical. Therefore, leave the pro-
tective laws as they are at present. But do these gentle-
men never carry their thoughts forward ? do they never
consider that if it has pleased Providence to visit us
with an affliction which is lighter than we at first dreaded,
do they never think that they may not always
have this consolation ?—(Hear, hear.) Do they
never think that a time may come when the scarcity will
be undoubted?—when it will come home to the eyes and
understandings, and feelings of every man ?—when the
near prospect of a nation's famine may be too real and
too near, not to appal the stoutest heart among us ? Do
they wish to wait for such a time ?—(Heer, bear.) Do
they think it desirable that the settlement of the corn-
laws should be delayed until we have a year of famine,
when there will be no power of choice, no discretion;
when there shall be nothing left to them but a humiliat-
ing capitulation to the multitude who will then demand,
sternly demand, the instant repeal of this odious tax,
which limit the supply of food.—(Hear, hear.) Do
any of them say that in a season of scarcity the law of
1842 is sufficient to provide for the food of the people
better than the free, full, and entire admission of
foreign corn ? The House had heard this evening what
were the opinions of the minister who proposed that law
in 1842—what lie considered to be the result of his ob-
servations and his experience. He, with all his natural
talents, his acquired experience, he, placed at the head
of the affairs of the country, having to watch over
them, and feeling the responsibility which he had
so truly described, and which, although
the highest post of trust and honour to which a subject
can attain, is at the same time the most grave, if not the
most alarming station.—(Hear, hear.) I do t_ trust,t,
therefore, that we are about to see a sett
the
eaelelnoevntrof 1 I I.
great, this important question. When etir,
s, hiive"
shall bring forward their measures, I may, p p
..
accompany it, and as to th- e:I of the law of 1842 ; for
nisoemsesuor
eb sietsr veal
ft: own s twoelml aa
sk e..,
t, both
o to
ethhe as
peri
Itoocryis the
io nnwsaa
wti t It
hirpiecgho tenvtoehwne
to the present time for a aepe
of such ques-
tions.itshepresent
people
always I
of s nur
Ireland.—(Hear,
uppermostit,a
nh refraindtote.owo_aeeot(vhffi Ministerl
ieronoerlfe, mGrmar eephroly:afavt hoesnehmprenideemi to,
hear.)
n. r
e hai)
gnnawott discussionomtlhohlpt when
a sepns another subject,
uruyutt
el bhncd:
boii etneuuichkentp
oasp, t
vroowtenyhsf hs,bti
Inbhchealhieenlds
elithneaavtbellefhtodeor
to Prime
tthheae p ppsult
yar p
subject. But I will not deny that I do think, with refe-
rencel
succeeded in forming the Ministry, by placing the Go-
vernment of that country in the hands of a person who,
by means of conciliation and firmness, would have
allayed many of the evils under which the people of
Ireland are now suffering. I do think that if I were to
succeed in carrying the Bill with reference to taking the
restrictive and prohibitory duties off corn, and many of
the more essential articles of manufactures, I do think
that I should be able to propose a large and comprehen-
sive plan for the amelioration of the condition of the
people of Ireland, which should be the foundation for
future Governments to act upon. I did certainly indulge
such a dream with respect to the people of Ireland, that
I regret my expectation of forming a Government was
disappointed. I cannot assent to any opinion in favour
of the wisdom of the conduct of the present Govern-
ment, from the time they first came into office up to the
present time. I see at the present time, according to the
Queen's Speech,:that dreadful acts of premeditated assas-
sination have occurred lately in that country. But
there are in Ireland two violent parties bound to-
gether by associations. The one asking that dangerous,
and, as I consider, fatal measure, the repeal of the
Union ; the other issuing addresses, from which it is
obvious that they consider partiality still to be the rule,
and that their Roman Catholic fellow-subjects are not en-
titled to the same favour from the Legislature as the
favoured Protestant part of the community. While I
see Ireland divided between these two parties—while I
see each of them so firmly bound together, I cannot ()or
sider that there is a prospect, either of that peace.o WI 118
Ireland, or of that affection to this country hi
oughtsay, thtaot wainsyhthtiongptrheavtaihl.as Ib cannot
een done,
:. It
taan doing,wl sorryffecjir il
establish that peace, and procure f
- leerated he reason why I was
sSwtihgrr,
when
hwweirhl lamntoa
Majesty
entereesrtye further
wthaesp transactions into to
libeiwrshuets.pcuohbnj
a Government. h
I haveave
stated my views shortly with
unable to do so. others ; and I
policy
artehaftoisr tphersbeuendefibtyofo
that, whether in office or
office,
thesat
itorwesratm
isdesstsi
loudon
I shall be ready to give my hearty assent to met-
urea which I think
of Parliament.—
(The I trust that the freedom of industry and commerce
LoAmErdLI next rose to address the House, but,
rhearce not: otnhley so say .
t may
th Mr.e date
NDoibSlefilr
commencement, he was extremely indistinct, in
consequence of the noise caused by Members leaving the
House. He said—lt is only sine I entered the House
emt
ou t'eoockrot
oulonuhlttaa er forcevyoef;

that I have had the advantage of Hearin her
I her
Maeesty's Speech ; and it is only now that
n'a've learnt that the real quest eon which has
agitated the country was not tr.* be discussed ;
and—except perhaps in a kind of protest—we should
address her Majesty without any 'attempt at a difference
of opinion. Sir, I am not now --after the indication of
the Right Hon. Gentleman,„ the first Minister, that
an early day is to be appoitecsei
for the discussion of that
question—l am left now, 944 tee so formal an announcement
from so high a quartez, presuming myself to introduce
that question to tie
"e notice of the house. Not even the
allusion made to P: by the Noble Lord who has just sat
down, or even lte details entered into by the Right Hon.
Gentleneaß 'shall tempt me, or I might say would even
autho;ise me, to touch at such a moment upon such a
city,stion. At the same time I am bound, in fairness to
t rte House—rising with their indulgence, at this enoneeeit
ter the debate—l am bound not to conceal 'what my
opinions are on the general question, ehreugh
-shall not attempt to express them, txcept in
giving the result. I am not one of those
who are converts to the new opinion. 1 am, perhaps, a
member of a iallen party. Those O;':inions that I have
feebly some times attempted to tespress in this House
in rayon.; t.,/ protection, i adhev, to, and I sincerely in-
tend t‘ya.ao so. They sent use to this House, and if I re-
line eished them I should relinquish my seat—(Cheers)
and I should not have appeared here. I give that
'etemk expression of my opinion. I will now attempt,
with the indulgence of tbn House, to give the reasons
by I rise at this moruent., I confess that the tone of
the Right lion. 13arenet vas hardly fair to the House ;
for while he stotsped discussion on the great question on
Pie present occasion, he entered into some details, and
gave N ent to his feelings with a fervency quite unusual.
Sir, I admire a Minister of this country who has the
couele
ge to say that he holds authority; in order to vindi-
crate; his opinion, and to give expression to the conviction
of his intellect and conscience. Sir, there is hardly
tiny man in this House, who will rise and say they are
not the feelings of a very great and courageous spirit,
which should at all times, and under all circumstances,
be respected. Unfortunate, indeed, will be the position
of this eountry, when its destinies are regulated by a
Minister who recommends a policy adverse to the con-
viction of his mind. But, Sir, while the Right Hon.
Bironet has touched on the subject of such high deli-
cacy, we may be permitted to ask ourselves what are
the causes, and what are the circumstances, that ren-
;tiered it necessary for one so able, and one so eminent,
occupying a position so high—at least of so great a re-
sponsibility—to enter into these apologies, to enter into
theso vindications, and rising in the House amid the
cheers of former opponents, to place himself in a posi-
tion of such an apologetic character to those who
once were his party ?—(Cheers.) Sir, I hale no
doubt that the Right Honourable Baronet has
arrived at conscientious conclusions upon this great
subject.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman
says that it is not so much through the force of argument
as the cogency of observation that he has arrived at
these conclusions. But, Sir, the observation which the
Bight Hon. Gentleman. has made must have been made
'by him at a' period when he filled in this House a post
acaroely less eminent, andin which he exercised scarcely
less control than he does now. I want to know how is it
that the Right Hon. Gentleman who certainly is in the
enjoyment of the full maturity of manhood, should
have arrived at this change of opinion—no doubt con-
scientiously—should have arrived at this state of opinion,
when, after a long opposition, this question was argued
in all its bearings, a Goeernment was formed in oppo-
sition to the very opinions he now advocates? I think,
myself, not only is a Minister bound to advocate that
policy which he believes to be necessary to the welfare
of the State, but he is bound, under all circumstances,
and at any sacrifice, to announce his opinions. But what
are we to think and say of an eminent statesman, who
-having served—as he has informed us—under four
Sovereigns-- who cannot want - experience any
more than- he can royal confidence—who was
called to steer the ship on so many occasions
and under such perilous circumstances—what are we to
say cif that Minister, our greatest and most renowned
statesman, who, by the observation of three years, has
found it necessary utterly to change his conviction on
an important topic, which must have presented itself fir
more than twenty years to his observation, and which
has been debated in this House, under every variety of
circumstance. Sir, I will Say, of such a Minister, that
he may be conscientious, but he is unfortunate. But
this I will, say of him, he is the last man who should
turn round and upbraid his'party in the tone of menace.
--e(Cheers.) Sir, I must say that I find a difficulty in
paralleling the position which the Right Hon. Gentle-
man now occupies with anything which history or
experience - affords us. The only circumstance,
the only incident which occurs to me as bearing any
parallel to it is in an event which occurred in that late
war in the Levant, whi -h was terminated by the policy
of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Palmerston). I re-
member when that great struggle was taking place
which affected the existence of the Turkish empire—when
the Sultan of that day, a man of great energy and great
resources, determined to make a last effort for his em-
pire, fitted out an immense armada. It consisted of
many of the finest ships that were ever built. Its crews
were picked, and its officers were chosen with discretion
and rewarded before they fonght.—(Laugh ter.) Never
did Rich an armada pass the Dardanells since the days of
Solyman the Great. The Sultan embraced the Admiral
—all the muftis prayed for the success of the expedition,
as the muftis hero did at the last election. Away went
the armada, but what was the astonishment
and consterna'ion of the Sultan, when the Lord Fligh
Admiral steered at once into the enemies' port. —(Cheers
and laughter.) Now, Sir, the Lord High Admiral in
that instance was much misrepresented. He too was
called a traitor, but he vindicated himself. He said
" True it is, I did place myself at the head of ,the valiant
armada—true it is-my Sovereign embraced me, and that
all the muftis of the kingdom offered up prayers for the
success of the expedition, but I have an objection to war ;
I see no use of prolonging the struggle, and the only
reason I accepted my high office was that I might termi
nate the contest by betraying my master." And, Sir,
these reasons, offered by a man of great plausibility and
great power of discussion, and adroit in debate, have had
their effect, and whgt is still more surprising is the fact
which the Hon. andallant Admiral opposite (Sir C. Na-
pier) will bear witness to, that at this moment that manis
First Lord of the Admiralty at Constantinople under the
new reign.—(Sir Ckailes Napier made some observation
which we could not hear.) Well, I am convinced at all
events that he remains a very influential personage in
the Ottoman world. Now, the Right Hon. Gentleman
has turned upon us and said, " A certain power made me
Minister, and a certain power can prevent me from be-
ing Minister." I protest against such an authority : I
never will acknowledge such a servile position. Sir, the
sympathy of all sides of the House must be with the
Hon. Gentleman ; but, like his former adhesion to free
trade, it must be sympathy in the abstract
because no person has a right to fill the position of
the Right Hon. Gentleman, and give utterance to senti-
ments so magnanimous, without some reference to
that understanding which placed the Right llon.
Gentlenian at the head of the Government,
and which, after ell, should not be lost sight of in esti-
mating the position the Right Hon. Gentleman now
occupies. It is all very well for the Right lion. Gen-
tleman td say, I am the first Minister of the country—
and, by the by, I think; the Right Hon. Gentleman
might as well adopt the phraseology of Sir Robert
Walpole, and call himself sole - Minister, for his speech
to-night is rich in egotistic rhetoric—l think he is per,
fectly justified in such a course, as almost all his Cabinet
voted against him, and so I think he is quite right not to
notice them. It is all very well for the Right lion.
Baronet to advance to that table, and say I am thinking
of posterity—l am certainly doing that which is exactly
contrary to what I counselled on the other side of the
table; but I am appealing to posterity, and therefore I
care neither for your disapprobation nor your cheers.
But then we might ask ourselves, as Members, of the
House of Cornmons—ss subjects of a popular Government
—we might ask ourselves, what are the measures by which
the Right Hon. Gentleman has attained this position ?
The Right Hon. Gentleman has supported a different
policy fur a number of years. He (continued the lion.
Gentleman) remembered When the Right lion. Gentle-
man was in 'a different position, and was a little more
bashful.—(A laugh.) The Right Hon. Gentleman calls
upon the Queen, but Would the, Queen call upon the
Right Hon. Gentleman ?—(Hear, hear, cheers, and
great laughter.) In 1821 he would not place himself in
opposition to the then Government of England. It was
all very well for the Right Hon. Gentleman to take this
highflowingcourse, andif he could maintain it may be for
the benefit of the country. He-thought and said with .
great respectr-for he belonged to that party which he
believed could now triumph no more—( A laugh)—and
that they bad nothing at their side except the Constitu-
tion—the duty 'of a great statesman was to represent
great ideas, that may lead to great events, as well as
lead- hint to power. He did not care whether he was a
teatinfactiirer or a Manufacturer's son.—(Hear, hear.)
He cared not what may be the position of a man who
never originated an idea, who watches the atmosphere,
and takes big observations, and when he finds the wind
in a eeetainpoint, sails in that way. The man who does
soTaY.be 'powerful Minister, but never can be a great
statesman.' He is as much agreat statesman as a man
who gets up behind' a cai.tiage
laughter and cheering.): Bo 's a great whip.—(Great
h
--( A Taugh).:--both get good t are disciples of progress.
laughter)—
but hoW far Vs the cfrigLPlaces---(Great
powtw-----(eheeis.) The 'Righteeunotnum indebted to their
himself' m thin position. He tells " Gentleman places
offices tolder four sovereigns, aasetxheart
.h e held high
those 'high offices. This is the reputationcised power in
this
man of ability and experience-- that
aof
truete(l, t and that a Conservative sovereign
!ng
Mal
trusteUhilii. He tells you this as a recemmendat,ion
to follow him. But is this the way for a great statesman
to win the proud aristocracy ?—(Heatelear, and cheers.)
It would never reconcile him to be dragged upon a
wheel. He had not arrived at that conclusion, and the
majority of the House he hoped would, be
opinion of the
the smile. He is the only man who, coming forward and
devoting himself to the country, says he sacrifices him-
self to hisS Sirovereign's deliverance. the Right Hon.
Gentleman tells us he is still purely Conservative,
and sap his Conservative Administration is determined
to put " (lien agitation. He confessed when he heard
this, gfeat is was the power of Parliamentary faces, he
was thunderstruck.—(Hear.) He felt that men who
appeared to speak the truth were most likely to mislead.
A man who differs from him, however, may be permit-
ted to speak in a popular assembly. But when he said
ne w§tild put, down agitation—when he said this in the
free or the 'Hon. Member for Stockport, and the Hon.
Al ember , for , Dinham—when he said
face of • &eat ro n
ht thoug'Right Gaaetal and attempted it, he
enftleman would achieve
one of
,Sher; great 'qualities
making iiiiineaseileneeellioeLet statesman, that of
He will when he induces the Noble 'der
''sgitation
South Lancashire to come forward and stand
of ,
(A laugh.) He remembered, when in the
tat Iltisobfail.—
Tovolutlons, hemming of the inconvenience of the pgrrod

aristocracy, and the necessity of inventing some means
of managing reform constituencies—he remembered
when a great mind delivered itself like an oracle, who
ought to be ranked with the Seven Wise Men of Greece,
for saying register ! register ! register ! Register to
save the Constitution—register to save the corn-laws
and the Church. This was the way the Bight Hon.
Gentleman went on before the green table. The states-
man who opposed emancipation against argument, may
now be said, Gentlemen, to be a member of the League—
ho who over and over again opposed political ex-
pedients one thousand times more urgent.—(Hear.)
There was the Right lion. Gentleman now trying to prove
himself right, who had proved himself false ten thou-
sand times. A Learned Member for some county, the
name of which he could not then remember, said he was
ashamed any longer to resist those claims, but had not
the. courage to propose their abolition. The moment he
heard South Lancashire was invaded, the moment he
heard Yorkshire was in danger, he deserts the principles
of protection, and having arrived at an opposite conclu-
sion, he comes to Parliament to convince them with ar-
enments thee, had heard for thirty years. He gave hint
c''re dit, however, for extremely singular conj,etures— as
a Minister who tells them, it was not intellect, it was not
great talent, but it was the state of the registrars they
should appeal to, although, when he was in opposition, he
read them a very different lesson, and gave them very
different counsel. But he comes forward, and says he
was acting for posterity. What a blessing it was for
the country to have a Minieter who was only thinking
of posterity—(Great laughter)—not thinking of tar
poor, but of posterity; and not thinking at all about the
present constitution. Ono feature of the present Cabinet
was to support peace, and in the history of parties he
would defy any man, even the Honourable Gentleman
the Member for Edinburgh himself—(A laugh)—to
show any instance to equal the present in this or any
other country where Ministers were more determined to
keep their places; but "coming events cast their shadows
before," and he saw in the element of the Government
shadows that no gentleman could possibly doubt. They
would resist a moderate proposal—(Hear, heir)
—by men who could make such gross and
palpable blunders as they had seen. The Whigs
will be the chief mourners ; they weep over an abortion,
but which still excited all the kindest feelings of maternity
—(Laughter.) They (the protectionists) follow, mourn
ing over an offeeiring that had been assassinated ; and
the nurse they engaged had done it all.—(Loud laughter.)
They saw her fondling it, and exclaiming " What a
darling 1 Did you ever see anything of its age equal to
it ?"—(Renewed laughter.) But immediately after the
purse, in a fit of patriotic frenzy, dashes its brains out,
and comes down to give to the master and mistress an
account oft a terrible murder.—(Laughter.) Never had
the House oconnOns, even in the most strong times of the
country, been placed in a similar position by a Minister.
Never had it been tried to carry out a similar policy.
And what had produced this ? A Minister had lost a
valuable colleague. He had not been present in the
other House when the Noble Lord to whom he referred
had made a speech, and therefore he had not 'had an
opportunity of hearing hid explanation of the reasons
why he had withdrawn from the Ministry ; but from what
he (Mr. Disraeli) had learned, that Noble Lord stated
the reason of his withdrawal. They all knew where
Lord Stanley had been ; he would ask them where was
Lord Stanley now ?—(Hear, hear.) As he said, lie
had not bathe satisfaction of hearing the Noble Lord's
speech ; but he understood he had told them that he had
withdrawinhecause he did not agree with the Govere
ment on the question on which they had been called
into power, on which they had derived their official ex-
istence, and on the operation of which they had gained
the confidence of the house of Parliament.—
(Hear, hear.) Ile said the confidence of Parliament,
for he was not one to sacrifice party, or the confidence
of Parliament, by such a course as the Right Hon.
Gentleman pursued.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon.
Gentleman talked of being independent of party ; but
could he reconcile his policy with the constitution of the
country? Who, on either side of the House, had
gained any important or commanding position, without
receiving the confidence of Parliament? The Right
Hon. Gentleman might say that he had obtained the
confidence of the Sovereign, but he (Mr. Disraeli)
maintained that without the confidence of the House of
Commons—without the confidence of that House, no
' commanding position could be obtained.—',Hear, hear.)
It was impossible to carry on the business of the coun-
try, it was impossible to achieve any great benefit for
the peoplewithout parties.—(Hear, hear.) There must be
distinct principles enunciated and maintained.—(Hear)
Whether it was my Lord John this or that, or whoever
it might be that was called on to form a Ministry, this
was a feature in the construction of the Government
of England. If a Government is to be constructed,
there must be principles on which it must declare to pro-
ceed, and a party to give it their support. A Govern-
ment ought not to recommend measures which it did not
approve of at one time, which it considered essential to
the welfare of the country at another.—(Hear, hear.)
Was this not committing a great party connexion to a
false policy, and which might bring down on them great
evils ?—(Hear, hear.) That House of Commons existed
on the principles of party. If they destroyed the Go-
vernment of parties—of definite ideas of sympathy with
straightforward and honest policy—what would be their
position ? Six hundred individuals—men at the direc-
tion of the Sovereign, under the will of the Govern-
ment—to be used for the purposes of corruption, and
not employed for the benefit of the people.—(Cheers.)
Who could doubt that such would be the result of the
policy of a Government without a party ? Had it
not been so in a neighbouring country,, which was
as yet in the infancy of the representative system. They
knew that such was the case.—(Hear, hear.) There was
no Parliamentary party in France, and they knew the
state of things there. They knew that whatever might
be said of danger from Bonapartists, and the supporters
of the Napoleon dynasty, that the real danger to that
country'was the-corruption of the servants of the State
—of the Government—the whole power of which was at
the command_ and under the direction of a single indi-
vidual.—(Hear, hear.) Would it not be so here? Nay,
was th4e riot, a danger of its being so if a Government
withouti a prrty were to be considered a Parliamentary
principle.—(Hear, hear.) But such, if attempted now,
had never, lieretofore, been endured. That which had
not beep submitted to from Walpole and other Ministers
of eminence.in the pistory of the English 'Government,
would not be endured, ho was persuaded, raieve-L(Hear.)
The Right Hon. Gentleman says ho will rule and exercise
authority without respect to party, and will leave his
character to posterity. He would • beg' leave to
inform 'him that very few were the names that reached.
that goal—that a place in the future was a boon vouch-
safed to fevi—that those who reached Poiterity were not
much more 'numerous than the planets,—(Loud laughter
and cheers.) And he was going to commit his fame to
posterity on the principle of relaxed protection.—
(near, hear.) But he advised the Right Honourable
Gentleman ef the danger with which that course was
fraught., (Mr, Disraeli's) declaration was; that
whatever, opinions, whether of protection or free trade;
were advocated in that House, he, at least, would op-
pose , free politiese—(Hear, hear.) He would say
to every man who had obtained a position in that' House,
to stand by the principles by which he had risen, whether
those principles were right or wrong. If right, carry
them • into operation, but if satisfied they are wrong,
retire, and let those who have consistently advocated an
opposite course carry them out.—(Hear, hear.) Though
the Nbble Lord who had endeavoured to form a Ministry
had n6t succeeded in that endeavour, it did not declare
whetter ho was right or wrong in the policy he was
seeking to carry but ; but he (Mr. Disraeli) did not
think it was'right that a Parliament elected on the prin-
ciple of protection, and a Minister who had obtained a
large Majority on the faith of that principle, should now
turn his back oti that which had brought him into power.
hear.) He admitted that notwithstanding the
great. talent •of 'the. Minister, and however much the
exercise of that 'Might have operated in bringing the
Conservadie 'Tarty into power, it was not fair to the
people of England to propose such a measure as 'that he
was about to do.--(Hear, hear.) :He was a great party
leader no . doubt, and had achieved a victory ; but
how had he done 'so ? He had obtained 'a grand
victory, of •course, judging from his present policy,
the impolioy of which, not to use any harsher lan-
guage, was clearly apparent. Such was the case. If
the Right Hon:* Baronet had not come forward at the
time lie obtained his Parliamentary majority, and with
the greatest_ frankness responded to the call of the
country, he would nethave been placed in the comeaan-
ing position he then occupied.—(Hear.), Did not men
say that he made speeches to suit the occasion, accorao-
dating addresses in order to appeal to the sympathies of
the people, so as to Carry his majority and"elevate him-
self into power ? He recognised a Parliamentary Go-
vernment, because he promised to support the views of
the party which had carried him into power, and who
he had 'urged forward with his cheers and ad-
ulation.--(Hear, hear.) They (the. Coaservative
party) might use him to secure the success
of their Parliamentary number, but how they coull.d
be expected to-support the principles advocated by quo
men theyrferreally opposed, he could not understand.—.
(Hear, beef.) The- Ministry they were now called- om
to Support was not the Ministry who should interferes E
with those laws relating to protection. That feeling; „
was not confined to this House, but prevailed eaten-.
sively out of doors.— (Hear, hear.) He said this as an
advocate of protection, as one who, while he would not;
shrink from maintaining his opinion, would listen. with_
patience to any refutation of them that might be offered: a
from any other Member of the House.—(Heare hear.) I
He: vrould impress it on their consideration, that whether
a Whig or Conservative Administration was in power,:
whether the Noble Lord on the Opposition, , or the,
Right Hon. Gentleman on this side was .at the head
of i.the°4l/dinirtistration, that they should nratisact
theer business and conduct their policy ,on the:
principle that Parliamentary party had been ,
an institution, and was still to continue an,
an instieetion of this country.—(Hear.) The character
of the Ministry much depended: on Parliamentary con-
sisiency arid 'the support of party. Let them not, there- r
f'tohreye„
ceonuciodn ralooligefdei disclaimeenpoliticalintegrity
ntyct
ehi
inost
feprsgiv
denunciatione rs at o a ,ofbuptardtoy wheat
toonrtlyto
tfeaoratth,oeei
üblic ma e party,ei and butth e fo,
Tnt honourbou
and popular character of the British Parliament
Hon.Gentlemansat down amidst long-continuedehe' ghe
Lord NORTHLAND said that he protested ijarLutli2
name of the people of Ireland against the ineaaureeif the.
Right Hon. Baronet at' the head of the Goverment, If,
he wished tie satisfy the people of Ireland,' he would not
have proposed anything of the, sort. Ile , (the Noble
Lord) represented a great county is , and he
could coafid9ntly assert that this measure would entail
the sister country --
incalculable evil upon the people of
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") What would
become of gentry and
agricultural labourers if
He manufac-
turers were to be appeased ? was notiprepared on
the present occasion to enter into_d
fully a scussion of
-
the question, for he did expect that some Hon. Gentle-
man on his (the Opposition) side of the House, would
have risen on the part of the Irish ae,
Baronetv
to oppose the measures of the Bight aricultural interest
9