The Sun.
London, England, 1848-05-31 00:00:00

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

countries.
We next come to the insurrection which broke
out in Madrid on May the 7th. We cannot for a
moment suppose that Sir 11. Beewea can have taken
any part either directly or indirectly in that abortive
attempt on the part of a few misguided soldiers to
revolutionise Spain. It appears impossible to us that
any British Minister could ever so far forget himself
as to participate in so criminal an undertaking. let
euch was the discredit into which Sir H. BULWER'S
general conduct had brought him, that we find him
obliged to defend himself against a public accusation
of having aided and abetted that plot; and, ridiculous
as the charge must be, we have reason to know that
he was generally pointed at as the supplyer of the
" foreign gold" referred to in M. SARTORIUS'S official
proclamation. This, as it were, official accusation led
to a further correspondence of an unpleasant nature,
which so far from conciliating matters tended further
to embarrass the position of her MAJEszy's represen-
tative, till the insurrection at Seville, in which he
I was supposed to have had a hand (we have no doubt
with equal injustice), induced the Spanish Govern -
meat to take the bold step of ordering him to leave
Madrid within forty-eight hours.
Such are the simple facts of the compromising
question, and we ask, in all sincerity, whether there
was anything in Lord PALMERSTON'S dispatches
which was calculated to bring about such a result ?
We are far from defending the conduct of Queen
ISAUELLA's Cabinet. On the contrary, we think the
tone and matter of the Duke of SOTOMAYOR'S notes
most insolent and unjustifiable. What can be more
arrogant, for instance, than the pretension which he
puts forward in his last note as justifying his disrnis•
sal of Sir 11. PULWER, because that gentleman's
conduct had been condemned (as he is pleased to
state) by toe English press and Parliament, as well as
by her Majesty's Government, as though other than
the (mploy er had a right to rectal an agent with
whom tie might be dissatisfied ? But our limits pre-
vent us front denouncing at present the various pre-
tensions which make the Duke of Suxoataroses
notes ridiculous. Our object has been to show that,
however unjust may have been the decision of the
Spanish Cabinet to dismiss a British Minister with-
out previously applying to his Court for his recal, yet
Lord PALMERSTON cannot be considered to have as-
sisted in any way whatsoever in bringing about
this result. IV e sincerely hope and believe that Sir
[I. Buewea had no connexion with this last out-
break at Seville, which alone was the immediate
cause of his dismissal. We only regret that his
associates should have been of so low a stamp as to
permit such an idea to he for an instant entertained
with respect to a British Minister and gentleman. If
the charge is a false one, as we have already ex-
pressed our confident belief that it is, the Spanish
Government must give all the satisfaction which can
be demanded for so unparalleled an insult to the
British nation. But if the charge be true,—and it is
for the Spanish Government to prove that it is so,—it
will be the duty of the British Government at once tore-
pudiate a Minister who will have brought a disgrace
upon his country, by abetting a factious rebellion
against the SOVEREIGN to whom he was sent as a
friendly counsellor.
We have written these lines without any feeling
of party spirit, and we hope we may have shown
that, whatever course her Majesty Government may
think it best to adopt, the present embarrassing posi-
tion is not one of their own creating.

SPAIN.

Madrid journals of the 25th have arrived.

The Spanish Government had caused Colonel
BRISTOW, an English subject, many years resident in
Madrid, to be arrexted, and to be conducted under a
guard to the French frontier.
The fusion of Carlists and Progresistas, or rather
the formation of a Spanish national party, having the
Count DE MONTEMOLIN at its head as constitutional
King, becomes every day more probaLle, and it is
said that NARVAEZ himself would have no objection
to send the RIONTPENSIERS to Mexico and to proclaim
the Count DE MONTEMOLIN Prince of Asturias and
heir to the throne. The MONTPENSIERS remain on
board a steamer in the river Guadalquiver ; they have
refused to return to Alcazar.

MADRID BOLBA, MAY 25.—Three per Cents., 21i
cash ; after Bulsa, 21i cash, 21i paper; Five per
Cents., 131 paper ; Passives, 5i paper; after Bulsa,
5; cash; Bank of St. Ferdinand, 83 cash. Exchange
on London, at 30 days, 41 50.

His Royal highness Prince 'Albert last evening
paid au especial visit to the "li-spital fur Consumption
and Diseases of the Chest" at Brompton. His 11,,yai
.-iigliness having passed through the several wards and
offices of the establishment, expressed hitnselt highly
satisfied with the progress wade, of which but a few
3 ears since he had laid the foundation-stone. The very
marked and considerate attention of the Prince will
doubtless stimulate the friends and supporters of the
institution to yet (if poseibli) warmer exertions in the
cause of so truly mitional a charity.
We are authorised to state that in consequence of
the lamented death of her Royal Highness the Princess
Sophia, the Lor.: Mayor and the Lady ,layoress have
pus, paned their harper to her Majesty's Ministers,
which was to have taken place on Saturday, June 3, to
Saturday, June 17.
SIGNS OF THE TIMES.—Some idea may be formed
c.l the present depressed state of affairs, from the start-
ling tact, that on Tharsday last Baron Rothschild could
not get a Bill done, although drawn by Lord John Rus-
sell :I—Puppet how.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
We have received the Paris papers of yesterday. -
Everything was quiet in Paris, although the
National Guard still continued under arms, and the
workmen in the Ateliers Nationaux remained undis-
persed, and it is feared that in order to compel them
to do so recourse must be had to force. There are
among the persons who obtained admission to
the Ateliers Nationaux during the first days of the
revolution several convicted thieves, who found it
more comfortable to be maintained by the State in
luxury and idleness than even to pursue their dis-
honest calling. These men are desperate, and are
doing their best to render the other pauper aristocrats
as desperate as themselves. It is generally considered
that a colli-don must soon take place between the coy-
riers and the National Guard, and when it does take
place it will he sanguinary but final. The conclusion of
;he Monday's sitting of the Assembly was occupie.l
n discussing the Bill settling the relations between
the Executive Committee and the Government.
The debate which was exceedingly stormy, was ad..
journed.
The following is a resume of the proceedings :
After the speech of M. Pere 6.., on the Bill relative to
the relations to exist between the Committee of the
Executive Bayer and the National Assembly, the general
discussioa was then pronounced to be closed, and the
articles were brought forward.
Art 1 declares that " although the Members of the
Executive Committee are in general exempted from
being present at the sittings of the National Assembly,
still they are always to attend when summoned by a mes-
sage from the President, or when forty Members re-
quire it.
M. Amiable J)ubas proposed the following amend-
ment:—" The Executive Committee shall be represented
at each sitting by at least one Member."
Not being seconded, it fell to the ground.
M. Flandrin proposed another amendment, declaring
that " though the M.embsrs of the Executive Committee
should be allowed to exempt themselves generally, still
the% should attend when their lubours would permit
thern.—(Disapprobation.) On some certain day they
should he present to answer questions."—Rejected.
119. Bouchier de l'Ecluse proposed that the Executive
Committee shall not be obliged to attend the sittings of
the National Assembly it the iuterest of the state de-
mands their absence.
Not being seconded, it fell to the graund.
The President--As there is no turther amendment
proposed, the discussion on Art. 1 will commence.
M. Bernard observed that he considered the article
useless. The Executive Committee was the confidential
agent of the Assembly, and it now wished to place it-
self without the jurisdiction of that Assembly.—(Cries
of" Yes, yes," No, no.") In that case there would be two
Governments, one a responsible Ministerial Government,
which consented to come amongst them, and an irre-
sponsible Executive Committee, which would not do so.
It had been said that the Executive Committee was in.
cessantly occupied; but, in that case, he would ask
what was there left for the Ministers to do? He objected
both to the decrees of the Committee and that of the
Assembly, and should propose to let things go on as
they had done up to that time.
M. Lsbordere defended the article of the COmmittee.
M. Ledru Rollin declared his acceptance et the word-
ing of the Bill as brought forward by the Committee,
because he considered it the same as that of the Govern-
inent; and without that he could not consent to remain
in office.—(Murmurs.) " For my part," said the Hoe.
Member, "in my political career, if I have strongly
opposed the men in power. I have always respected the
Government itself. The Government must be strong
both at home and abroad. How can you have your
Ambassadors received with respect abroad, if they are
named by a Government which you place in a derisory
position?— (Muni urs.) The Government must be dis-
tinguished by its unity; beware of dividing it:"
A Voice—No one thinks of dividing it.
M. Ledru kollin—We do not look on toe new wording
proposed by the Committee as a check, but as a guarantee.
We consider that it assures the Executive Committee
that it shall not be taken unawares on any questions
whatever, and that it shall always have full time to
deliberate before it appears before you. I have, there-
fore, again to declare that I support the view taken by
the Committee.—(Hear.)
The article was then adopted.
Art. 2, which states that the Executive Committee
should always have a right to be heard by the Assembly,
was adopted without discussion.
Art. 3, relative to the measures of defence conceded
to the President, was then brought forward.
M. Guiehard proposed an amendment to the effect
that the care of the do'ence of the Chamber should be
confided to the President, in conjunction with the Mem-
bers of the Executive Committee.—(Dtsepprobation.)
The Minister of NVar—article 3, as at present
drawn up, raises a variety of questions, but I shall only
treat that of your safety in a military point of view. It
your sittings took piece in a locality where the whole
garrison of the place was at your disposal, certainly the
President of the Assembly, or the Assembly itself,
I might provide fur its defence ; but Paris is net such u
place, and what bait once happened Isere may be again
renewed. Who could say beforehand, that factious
teen might not attack at the sante time the Tuileries,
the Louvre, and any other point ? Well, then, while
the President was ordering the reppel to be beaten for
the defence of the Assembly, the Executive Committee
might order it to be done for other places, and thus
great confusion and hesitation might arise, and the re-
sult would be dishonour for the military commanders—
(Marks of dissent.) Yes, I repeat, dishonour, because
they would not be masters of their action; because there
would be no unity of command, without which success
was impossible. I certainly have no wish to take front
the power of your President, but I would wish that that
power should be exercised by calling on the Executive
Committee to take care of the Assembly. The Hon.
Minister concluded by presenting another version of the
at ticlo proposed by the Executive Committee, the object
of his proposition being, that when it became necessary
to provide for the safety of the Assembly, the President
might order the Executive Committee to adopt the ne-
cessary measures. In case of extreme urgency, the
measures might be taken by the President himself.
M. I3ureaux de Puzy—No Member had the slightest
idea of giving the President a right to constitute himself
commissary-general of police or general of the army.
All that was intended was to delegate to him a power
which each could not use individually. On May 14 the
['resident showed perfectly well that he was quite aware
of what he ought to do. He, on that day, wrote to
lains rt
attackaia waswarning him
intended
nn
thetlie mostAssem be xl
yp licit
thatsti3terernteara3l e
~ and that it eas absolutely necessary' to take
the most decided measures to be prepared to withstand
it, and to hinder the deliberations of the legislative body
from being troutiled either by noise, crowds, or actual
force. " You have," said the President, at the conclu-
sion of his note to the General, "you have complained
to me that I had sometimes given orders di
rectly; but I renounce doing so to-day, unless
circumstances shall arise to render such a course
Presidentta did still
thedecree
c d
necessary." General Courtais replied that all the
stii m"e
requisite measures had been taken to bring at
aChamber. But ny given mement an imposing force round the
he
wei ht he id
dret'sed a letter of the same nature to the Prelect et:
i'olice. All this w
originally proposed by the Government just as the As-
sembly intended he should. But, if the decree of May
11 was calculated to attenuate the consideration of the
Executive Committee, ns had been said by some, why
understood a
had not something been said against it by that body tip
to the present time? Was it necessary for it to wait for
a fortnight to fled out that its authority was menaced by
it? Thedanger was not for the Executive power, but
for the Assembly itself. When the attack was made on
the Government, was it against the Executive Committee
the insurgents directed their efforts? No, but against
the National Assembly.—(Hear, hear.) The reason
was obvious—because it was in that body that lay the
sovereign power. It was in consequence of the necessity
which existed to defend the Assembly at every risk, that.
he must call on the lion. Members before him to vote for
the Bill as ampnled by the Cemmittee.
M. Marie—What you have abOve all to look to, is
that no conflict arise between the Assembly- and me
Executive Committee. No one can think of placing
himself above the Assembly, and the Executive Com-
mittee by no means loses sight of the fact that its ap-
pointmentb at time revoked. What is it we
candefended, if
all desire? That the anyAssembly shall be
attacked; but that cannot be defended if theh power to
defend be divided. General Cavaignae whoassesrwean
experience renders his opinion a
hnen the authority,
toslitv of
to you that he could not comphre
t unit of command.
defending the Assembly wit ou
view of the
For what occurred on May 15?—in my
wanting, but
matter, it was not orders which were
) It is because we
unity of command.—(lnterruption.)
all felt that conviction that we presented the decree.
W hat did we do on the 14th of sissy We knew that a ma-
day, and
be made on the following
eifestation was to
the Executive Committee did not remain inactive.
o Garde
The Commandant of the Natile.msal Guard, of the
r sunsmned to the
Mobile, and the Prefect of
wwat ae held. From the
Luxembourg, where a g Fou Po
incand
measures adopted.—
(Murmurs.) Those orders
morning, orders were
given
were not executed. When
rom wted
the Assembly bad been inva d(I e, f
From th ehom eman
cooties
the order to beat the rappel ?
At ore o'clock those
Committee.—(General devenials )y it._
(Fresh denials.)
orders were certainly gi
If the force placed at the disposal of the Assembly did
not succeed in securing it from attack, it was not that
was a want of
the force was insutfiei*nt, but that th ere
unity in the command of it--
" Y(lt Jen? d interruption.)
that canot be
Facts are facts.—(Cries of
"';
denied.") The first duty of the Executive Committee.
Assembly from which
it is well aware, is to defend the
it emanates ; but it can only be done on has not thrown tine condition—
on
that it has the means, and that it
ds it has net the direr
responsibility of acts of whit th
lion.—(Cries of " Divide, divide," and " Order of the
day,")
had just been said that what
lii. Bonjean said that it
lootplace on the 15:h was because there 7/9.14 a want of
unity in the command ; what, therefore, the Executive
t
Coninsittets was unable to do on the 15 h of May, it
h ence.—
vvoul.4 not be able to do any more
a fortnight
" The orders given by the
(Renewed cries of " Divide. )
itt n to those of the Exc.
President were not in oPP"s. °r President had named a
entive Committee. Besides, the
rnd himself take the
chief who would obey his orders, a.
for the dill •
eeramand of the troops.--(The cries division
were now renewed, and the Lion. Deputy's concluding
moss tees (Jac/vita by the tumult which prevailed.)