The Sun.
London, England, 1870-06-10 00:00:00

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.

The Republican Party is now in a critical position.
Filled with impulses of progress, it finds itself with an
accomplished mission, but without any settled or affirma-
tive issues upon which to construct a new ground of
action for the future. The elements of which the party
was composed still- retain their old characteristics, and
cannot remain in perfect combination in a state of rest.
A very large section of the party requires a broader field
of action, and is unwilling to delve any longer among the
political debris of the past four years. Having wrought
out the principle of emancipation, and fortified it beyond
all possibility of harm in the future, it desires to move
forward and grapple with the political necessities
which are rapidly being developed. The negro
has ceased to be a central figure, and the
animosities and revenges of the past have to a very great
extent died out. The impulse of progress still remains as
strong as ever in the party, and it will surely find exercise
in some direction. Within the last few months a very
curious phenomenon has appeared. That section which,
five years ago, was thought to be dangerously inclined to
progress, is now clinging to past achievements: while the
Conservatives of that time are clamouring for the adop-
tion of new issues, and the enunciation of a broad national
scheme of future action. Congress affords a striking
example of this anomalous condition of the party. Both
Houses are arrayed in two factions, the one seeking to
inaugurate new and harsh measures toward the South,
and the other to secure pacification, and to construct some
wise and prudent policy independently of the old
issues of the war. There is no question how
the great body of the people stand as between
the two. They are tired of the struggle which
has so long existed with regard to the negro, and desire
to march with the times. The world does not stand still,
although the Republican Party may. We must deal with
the live questions of the hour. How this can be accom-
plished is the problem which is pressing for a solution.
Although we do not believe that the policy of a great party
can be suddenly formed, we are sure that it is the part of
wisdom promptly to grapple with all difficulties of politics
and government. It is idle to attempt to evade .or post-
pone action. It is not to be denied that the. Republican
party lacks a broad national policy with regard to finance,
taxation, and imposts. For six months Republican
leaders in Congress have been at loggerheads on those sub-
jects, and the country is apparently no nearer a solution
of any one of them than it was at the beginning of the
session. Yet the approaching campaign will probably
largely depend on these issues, and the whole nation is
anxiously waiting to have them cleared out of the way in
order that it may comprehend its true position and pros-
pects. It is to be feared that the people will refuse to wait
much longer.-IVew York, Times.

LECTURE BY WENDELL PHILLIPS ON

TEMPERANCE.

Wendell Philips lately delivered a lecture at Boston on
the subject of Temperanco. A large audience was pre-
sent. There is one singularity about the temperance
movement, Mr. Phillips said, and it is this : All that class
which arrogates to itself the name distinctively of the
educated class, the rich, or upper and influential class,
looks down on the temperance movement as something
not only vulgar and narrow, but as confined to the very
warm zeal of a few unthinking men and women ; rather
ignorant than otherwise of the limits of legislation ;
presuming that law can do a great•deal more than it ever
did or can effect,—men and women that never studied
science ; have no acquaintance with the human body, it-
weakness or its needs, and altogether the children os
their own excited imagination, who exaggerate a superfif
cial evil into a great social disease; alarming themselves
with an overdrawn picture of its strength, and of its evil
results. You can hardly probe what we call the rich or
book educated men without detecting this flavour of con-
temptuous indifference. On the other hand there never
was a cause, probably,—certainly I know none in the last
fifty years, full as they have been of all sorts of agitation
—which has gathered behind it the endorsement of so
many different types of public authority ; so full and
perfect testimony to its far reaching importance as
the same temperance movement. From all sides, in one
unbroken channel ; from the scholar in his study, the
judge on the bench, the philosopher in his speculation,
there comes the same unvarying testimony that the grave
social evil which threatens the civilisation of great cities,
when you reduce it down to its ultimate analysis, is more
nearly intemperance than anything else. In considering
the cause of this we must take into account two elements ;
one is fashion, and the other is habit. That fashion which
is stronger than literature, than the church, than com-
merce ; stronger even than the money power of the com-
munity, inpalpable, indescribable, not to be located, filling
the air, flavouring the intellect, touching here and there
apparently only at outside points of life, yet it governs all,
grapples; undermines, and makes a tool of all. Then
habit, that second nature that not only binds the physical
appetite in its chains, but dulls the intellect, shuts up the
eyes, changes the aspect of affairs, turns argument inside
out:defeats logic. Considered from the one point of
social condition, the temperance question is the most ter-
ribly important of all questions we have to discuss, be-
cause it is the dry rot in the timber of State; it is that
which underlies the possibility of free governments. We
live in a country whose absolute superstructure, security,
and progress depends on the virtue, the self-control, and
self-respect of the masses. In England and France the
masses are governed by the magistrates of the land ;
but in America we have nothing that answers
to that description. We have no fulcrum outside
of the million where power can plant itself, and by inde-
pendent vigour in its own attitude hold back the passion of
the hour. The first thing for an American to understand
in dealing with social questions is to know the institutions
under which we live. Here when the magistrate is
brought in opposition to the masses the magistracy dis-
solves like a dream. In ordinary times we do not feel
this power of the masses, but when the strain comes on
the chain we call government, when angry and conflict-
ing- parties defy the Government, then the question is,
how much strength we have to fall back upon. For thirty
years, on this belt of continent we call the United States,
it has been the sneer of Europe, and the sad confession of
students at home, that we never yet ruled a great city on
the theory of universal suffrage. Why is it that univer-
sal suffrage cannot rule great cities ; that with a million of
men massed together in a community, the theory of the
Declaration of Independence falls powerless? Let us
analyse it. In the city of Boston there are about 200,000
inhabitants. In such a mass of men there are two classes
of minds. God seems always to mingle two inevitable
and indispensable elements in governing the world ; one
a curb and the other a spur • one conservative, the other
progressive ; one timid and the other over bold. Both
are loyal to their ideas ; honest servants of conviction.
In the midst of that mass in Boston, according to the
chief of police, seventy millions of dollars are invested in
the manufacture and traffic in intoxicating drink. That
is a frightful element in a Yankee community where the
sin of not being rich is only atoned for by a life devoted to
getting rich. In front of that mass stand three thousand
open places for the sale of liquor, every one of which re-
presents a man and a vote. Should I exaggerate if I said
the three thousand places of sale represented five thou-
sand votes ? Call it four thousand. Four thousand taken
from one side and put into the other, and you have eight
thousand votes, which would and have governed in every
political crisis in our city. It is impossible that it should
be otherwise. The politicians in either party seek to
obtain the support of these voters and they have recourse
to compromise, which is the devil of American political
gospel, and availability follows close at its heels. The
result of this during the last twenty years is that the
mayor and aldermen of our city, which does not stand at
the bottom of the list of cities, have been nothing less
than a standing committee appointed by the liquor shops
of the peninsula. (Applause, and one hiss.) It is not the
individual fault of this matt or the other ; with the
present arrangement of civil elements it could
not be otherwise. In New York there are two
millions of dollars invested in the liquor traffic,
and from five to nine thousand places of sale. The
facility which this immense power has for manipulating
the weak, and marshalling them together at any critical
moment, enables it to overweigh the State. To destroy
this power is not the exclusive business of temperance
societies, it should be the effort of all good citizens to
bring it to grief. If prohibition fails at the State House
the present year you are not to sneer and say the narrow
minds are bought ; but on the contrary you are to
remember that this great evil of intemperance has been
recognised as such so long that a license law was
placed on the first volume of the Statutes of Massachusetts
and it has been followed by more than one hundred
children. Recollect that mankind have tried license for
two thousand years, and at the end of that time the judge
on the bench says four-fifths of the crime in the com-
munity is the result of intemperance ; social science says
four-fifths of the pauperism comes from intemperance ;
the student of insanity says one-third and perhaps one-
half of the insanity of the world is traceable to intemper-
ance. License has failed and every man acknowledges its
failure, now let us try prohibition, mid if that fails, I think
the Yankee race will be equal to the emergency, and will
invent some other way of grappling with this social evil.
We are a race whose central temptation is the love of
animal stimulant. Every race has its peculiar weakness
or vice, and the normal weakness of the race to which
we belong is intemperance. License claims that we have
the right to regulate this evil ; the human race has de-
cided it cannot be left without chains ' • the only question
is how much and how efficiently shall it be curbed ?
The evil lies not so much in the liquor seller as in the
community at large ; in those strong men who, being able
to resist temptation themselves, do not set a good ex-
ample to their weaker brothers. Who can expect the
police to execute a law which the judiciary of the State
pours contempt upon by its'example ? The cure for the
evil lies in special education; men are to be taught the
terrible significance of this vice. Then there should
be associated example to stem public opinion, and to
strengthen legislation. We should broaden our views,
and enlarge our feeling of responsibility, and all obstacles
in the way of reform will be overcome.

TRAIN GIVES FIVE DOLLARS.—George Francis
Train has come forth to claim, no doubt, all the honour of
the Fenian plan of campaign ; for of course he must have
made it. He has also announced his readiness to give
five dollars towards °rushing the British empire—and
he can afford it, as he is supposed to be worth several
millions.

How IT LOOKS I/sl LONDON.—In London General
Grant's proclamation to the Fenians " seems to be satis-
factory." This expression of opinion is less remarkable
for anything in itself than for the indication it gives that
the Londoners were reading the, President's proclamation
at the same time that people here had it at their break-
fast tables. 'When man has thus overcome the obstacles
of time and space how long will it be before he shall so
overcome the difficulties in the way of good government
as to make Fenianism unnecessary?

THE FENLA.N FLURRY NUMBER THREE.
This is the third Fenian invasion of her Britannic
Majesty's North American possessions. The first was at
Campo Bello, a sea-coast island on the line between New
Brunswick and Maine. The second was at Ridg-
way, below Buffalo, across the river, near Fort Erie
(where they had the fight at Limestone Ridge), and the
third, on a far more extensive. scale than either of the
others, appears to comprehend a plan of invasion extend-
ing from Minnesota and the Red River of the North, or
Winnipeg basin, eastward along the frontier to Vermont
and even to Maine. In the points chosen this time for a
lodgment on British soil, however, the Fenians at
St. Albans and at Huntington have avoided the
difficulty of putting a river or an arm of the sea
between them and the soil of the United States,
so that in the event of an attack and repulse
by the enemy they could have a convenient
line of retreat to the safe side of the line. The
results of the operations of these fighting Fenians, so far
, have shewn the wisdom of this precaution and the wisdom,
too, of the old couplet, that
" He who fights and runs away,
• May live to fight another day."
, According to the reports of the Fenian gatherings along
, the whole line of the frontier, from Red River to Maine,
the sum total of their able-bodied men moving upon the
Canadians, or preparing to move, is about six thousand,
distributed as follows :—Around Huntington, two thou-
. sand ; about St. Albans, five hundred; along the border,
near Buffalo' fifteen hundred; between Detroit and Chi-
cago, fifteen hundred ; and on the Minnesota border, Red
River, five hundred ; and there are said to be from five to
ten thousand fighting Fenians in the interior cities of our
Northern States awaiting an outfit and transportation.
If the managers of this invasion of Canada have been
guided by anything like a plan of operations
we presume it was this :—To make a lodgment in the
enemy's country at some convenient point and to en-
, trench and hold their position till sufficiently reinforced
from other points to make an advance upon some con-
venient town, the capture of which would furnish sup-
plies and reinforcements for another forward movement.
We supose, too, that, like Lopez, when he invaded Cuba
these Ii enian leaders counted upon a rising of a host of
allies in the enemy's country, and though, like Lopez,
they have failed, it is still probable that, with the con-
tinuance of these annual forays, Canada, like Cuba, may
become a hotbed of rebellion. It is probable, however,
that the miserable collapse of this latest Fenian ascent
upon Canada for the independence of Ireland will
result in drying up the streams which so far
have supplied the Fenian treasury, and that
accordingly more than a year will elapse before
there will be another Fenian army put . in
motion heading for Montreal. In fact, it must now be
evident to the
,most hopeful of the Fenian leaders and to
the mass of their followers that they can do nothing in
Canada without the support of the United States, and
that only " England's difficulty is Ireland's opportunity."
They see that General Grant, in good faith and in down-
right earnest, is enforcing and will enforce our neutrality
obligations ; that he will not even wink at their violation
in any way, and that, as he says in his warning proclama-
tion, he will leave all hostile invaders of a friendly neigh-
bour's territory to the consequences of their own acts.
While General Grant is thus effectively acting for the
suppression of these warlike Fenian movements, the Cana-
dian and the British journals appear virtuously indignant
that he has permitted these troublesome Fenians to gather
on the border and has failed to guard the outraged Canadians
with a standing army on the frontier sufficiently strong to
keep the peace. These reflections and suggestions are
very refreshing, considering the active sympathy of these
same Canadians for Jeff Davis in our terrible struggle to
maintain our national existence ; and the advice from the
leading British journals to our government is exceedingly
cool, considering the disastrous consequences to our com-
merce resulting from the piratical depredations of those
Anglo-rebel privateers, such as the Alabama and Shenan-
doah. Absurd and ludicrous as these Fenian forays may
appear, however, they will serve, perhaps, to teach some
wholesome lessons to the Fenians themselves, to the
Canadians, and to England—first, to those honest,
credulous, Irishmen and Irish women who
have furnished the funds for these Fenian enterprises in
Canada, that money for such senseless forays is money
thrown away ; the Canadians ought to learn that one
good turn from a friendly neighbour deserves another
from them, and England will be apt to see that
so long as the United States on a thirty days'
notice can muster two hundred and fifty thousand Irish
volunteers for the invasion of Canada or Ireland peace
with this country, on such reasonable terms, Alabama
claims included, as our Government may propose, is the
only alternative of safety for the British empire.—New
York Herald.
The seat of war on the Canadian border is transferred
from the scene of inglorious failure at Franklin, to the
west side of Lake Champlain. The forces of General
O'Neil have been scattered in every direction, and now
beg their way homeward. Their arms, sold to the country
people, have been seized and gathered up by the Govern-
ment troops, of whom two companies preserve the peace
on the border at Franklin. Further west General
Gleason, with 2,000 men, is four miles across the border
at Trout River, a short distance north-east of Malone,
and has intrenched his position to await, instead of moving
forward in search of, an enemy. What is to
be the result of this inaction is not difficult to
imagine. The failure of Gleason may not prove as absurd
as that of O'Neil, but it seems certain to be as complete.
Reinforcements hurry forward to Malone only to augment
the inevitable disaster, not to prevent it. It was evi-
dently the design of General O'Neil to seize the two rail-
roads to Montreal. What the plan now is cannot be con-
jectured from the reported movements.--New York
Tribune.
The Fenian raid appears to be as destitute of cohesion
as of success. At St. Albans the men who were lately
under fire are crowding the roads homeward, weary,
hungry, and footsore," according to the testimony of our
correspondent. Arms are being disposed of at a heavy
discount, and the short-lived fighting ardour is thoroughly
damped. But at Buffalo bombastic proclamations have
been issued, and the organisation, not having passed
through the disenchanting ordeal of the bullet,
sees things through rose-coloured media. In the
West there is the same absence of concerted plans of even
a common purpose. The Chippewan Indians, of whom
reports speak, appear to have owed their existence to an
over-fertile imagination, and there is no proof as yet that
the Winnipeg expedition is either more formidable or
better planned than the others. Hitherto the only people
who appear to have profited by the movement are the
farmers, who have let out their teams at very good prices,
and have, it is to be presumed, been paid in advance. The
Administration has taken a very prudent method of
getting the dispirited campaigners, whom sheer hardship
might drive into fighting, out of the way, by ordering a
free passage homewards for them on the Vermont Central
Railway. The sanguinary disposition of the Canadians,
to allow a partial advance for the purpose of taking a con-
clusive revenge, will cause the fugitives to appreciate the
ready means of retreat placed at their disposal. —New York
Times.

A Board of Trade inquiry was opened at New-
castle on Wednesday respecting the collision of the Earl
of Elgin and the Jasmond, off the Yorkshire coast, by
which eight of the crew were drowned. Some witnesses
were examined, and the inquiry was adjourned.
The Government Bill relating to the Jewish
United Synagogues, prepared and brought in by Mr'
Foster and Mr. Bruce, was published yesterday. The
preamble refers to the scheme set. forth by the -Charity
Commissioners last year, and the Act consists of the
words :—" The said scheme shall be confirmed, and take
effect."

THE WISCONSIN.—The Wisconsin, built at Jarrow
by Palmers Shipbuilding and Iron Company (Limited)
for the Guion Line, left the Tyne on Saturday to take ber
station between Liverpool and New York. This splendid
vessel has arrived at Liverpool after a most successful
passage, her average speed for a considerable portion of
the distance being 14 knots per hour. The working of the
machinery gave every satisfaction.
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