The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 13, 1848.

ranee, partly from the national tendency in men's minds
to lessen the merit of the living by exaggerating the
achievements of the dead—to give BENTHAM and
ROMILLY extraordinary credit as law-reformers.
BENTHAM, however, was far from being a practical
man. He could point out defects, rather than show
how to remove them. The good which sprung from
his writings was indirect, rather than positive. He
broke down the belief that law and its administra-
tion could not be improved. He founded a school of
thinkers, who, though they have done little of them-
selves, have prepared men's minds for what the real
and practical workers have done.
Rommx, with the most amiable disposition, and
a thorough conviction of the necessity of law reform,
was but a bit-by-bit reformer after all. This arose
partly from his temperament, partly, it may be, from
the temper of the times ; for his efforts were made
during the unhappy period, when it was regarded as
a crime to be suspected of a tendency to reform of
any kind—when even the wearing of a white hat
was considered an overt act of sedition ! His efforts
were limited, and, after all, they did not very con-
siderably mitigate the then Draconian severity of our
criminal law. Yet, small and few as such reforms
were, they deserve credit, considering the antipathy
which at that time existed against anything which
was even called reform.
The next step was that taken in 1826 by Sir
ROBERT PEEL for the improvement of the Criminal
Code. It was not so very important, it is tfruken,obwunt
as it was taken by a Cabinet Minister o
caution, it was of importance as an official
admission that the law might, and ought to
be simplified and improved. Sehsourbtl
jecyaefoctefhrrwecfhoairnacrahe
BROUGHAM'S great speech on th
in the administration of the law—a speech
has been truly described as " altogether one of
the most remarkable in Parliamentary history."
Be-
tween the delivery of that magnificent
reason, a ndthe appeal
s to the
of
humanity, the feelings, the
Parliament, and the speech on the same subject, deli-
vered by Lord BROUGHAM in the House of Lords on
the 12th of last month, what a difference in the
course of time, and also in the course of events ? The
first told of reforms to be made—the second enume-
rated what had been made in the interval. Surely!
never had man more cause for individual and nations
pride. Out of seventy-four leading griehivnaaedndces in the
law,
HEN Riranßdßoirt(s,HAamdinininilsBtr2aBt,iosnix,
tyc-othnarep ela be fn
r be
3--
moved or remedied in 1848! Like CORIOLANUE, he
might almost have exclaimed—
"Alone,ee llBd2iBd imt. 'a' y
What has been donesin
be
up :—ln consequence of the address to
the
t thus summed
thenm e d
proposed by Mr. BROUGHAM, and unanimously
agreed to, the Government issued two Cominissions
—one for inquiring into the law of actions, the other
into the law of real property. These Commissions
made several reports, and, in 1833, the Lord Chan-
cellor (BROUGHAM) extended their powers to the
whole Criminal Law, on which, we believe, they have
made all their reports. The results are, the whole
law of Real Property has been changed. The Acts
which LORD BROUGHAM brought in, and passed, in
1832, upon the reports above-mentioned, have so en-
tirely altered that important branch of the law, that
if Mr. BOOTH and Mr. FEARNE were now alive, they
could scarcely believe that they were in England,

as they had known it. The whole law of pleading
and evidence has been improved. The greatest
change was in 1843, by Lord DENMAN'S Bill for car-
rying into effect the improvements which Lord
BROUGHAM had suggested in 1828. The Welsh
judicature, the anomalies of which had been exposed

in 1828, was wholly abolished in 1829 and 1830.
The Court of Delegates, attacked in 1828, has also
ceased to exist. The jurisdiction of the Privy
Council has been remodelled and rendered really
useful by the Act of 1833, constituting the Judicial
Committee for trial of all appeals. Real actions,
with one single exception, are swept away,
as well as fines and recoveries. The Statute
of Limitations has been rendered just and
impartial in its operation. The impediments
to settlements by arbitration have been removed,
arrest for debt on mesne process was abolished by
Lord COTTENHAM'S Act of 1837, and arrest for sums
under twenty pounds was abolished by Lord
BROUGHAM'S Acts of 1844-45. The Mercantile Law
has been improved by the bankruptcy statutes of 1831,
and the subsequent Bankrupt and Insolvent Acts.
The severity of the criminal code has been materially
mitigated, and prisoners have been allowed the full
benefit of counsel in all cases. The constitution of
the County Courts (although requiring many and

mportant alterations to render it really beneficial) is
- -

intended to bring justice to every man's door, cheaply
and expeditiously. Lastly, the appointment of addi-
tional Judges, and the improvements in the Masters
offices have tended much to get rid of the arrears in
Chancery.
The codification of the Criminal Law (which Lord
DftouGHAm has undertaken in his proposed and
well-arranged " Act to Consolidate and Digest into
one Statute all the Laws of England, as far as re-
lates to Indictable Offences, and the Punishment
thereof,") cannot be much longer delayed. The Law
of Evidence may be amended—the Law of Libel
may be materially improved, by allowing proof of
truth in all cases. The Law of Marriage and Divorce
should be assimilated throughout the entire of the
United Kingdom. The Law of Partnership should
be adjusted ; possibly the commandite, or limited
liability system, may be safely introduced. The
Act for the Recovery of Small Debts should be
carefully revised, its various defects remedied, and
what is really valuable suffered to remain. Above
all, the transfer, security, and registration of real
property, making what Mr. JAMES STEWART happily
terms " free trade in land," should be simplified,
secured, and rendered cheap and expeditious.
Notwithstanding these important ameliorations
which are so urgently required, what has been
effected within the last twenty years far exceeds
what still remains, and is a hundredfold more
valuable than all that had been done within five
preceding centuries.

Most sincerely do we hope that Lord BROUGHAM
may long survive to witness the final completion,
the full accomplishment of his Law teform sugges-
tions of 1828, that the good cause may yet have the
advantage of his eminently practical mind. But
if he should not, the Law Amendment So-
ciety, which he founded, and over which he
presides, will carefully watch over the changes
which are desirable. That society, comprising emi-
neat statesmen and lawyers, and many other gentle-
men of intelligence and experience, is constantly
accumulating and communicating information as to
the amendment of the law, which is of first-rate
importance. Those who have attended the ordinary
meetings of the society can bear witness to the matter- i
of-fact and common-sense nature of its discussions,
In truth it is not a place for speech-making, but for
actual head- work. Its deliberations Within the last
four years have done more good to law-reform than
the public generally may be willing to believe. We
who are well aware of the real state of facts feel
great pleasure in bearing our testimony thereto,

The names of the newly- chosen Members of the
National Assembly have excited considerable surprise
and not a little apprehension. The moderate party,
the truest friends of Republicanism and the staunch
supporters of the revolution, view with natural alarm
every movement calculated to give any preponderance
to the Royalist and the Anarchist. For this reason,
the recent elections have occasioned very great
dissatisfaction, because the choice of such representa-
tives as PROUDHON, L EROUX, LAGRANGE, and some
others of a similar character, is considered by many
as an indication of the predominance of violent and
ultra-democratic opinions. Again, the election of
ADOLPHR MIRES is regarded as another casus
as being likely to create some unfortunate schism in
the parties and principles of the Assembly—of the
Assembly of which, at the present time, the greatest
desideratum is unanimity. It is, however, the election
—the triple election of Louis NAPOLEON BONAPARTE,
which has given rise to the most general agitation
and alarm. These simultaneous elections of the heir
of the Bonapartes are naturally regarded as evi-
dences of the existence of what is called a Bonapartist
feeling. It is now a matter of doubt whether or not
the Government will prevent Prince Louis from
taking up
himself of the benefits of his election and of
up his abode in France. In either case the
alternative is embarrassing and dangerous. By ex-

eluding the Prince from his place in Parliament, and
exiling him from the country, the Executive Govern-
ment would very certainly expose themselves to the
charges of injustice and tyranny, while by suffering
him to take a conspicuous part in political life in the
present unsettled state of affairs, and thus affording
free scope to the dangerous ambition which his pecu-
liar position may excite in his own breast, and the
strong associations which his memorable name
may awaken in the excitable multitude, they
would be exposing France to a recurrence of all
those difficulties and disasters from which she has
only just emerged. The Government is thus placed
in a peculiarly embarrassing position. Apart from
those causes which render it a political difficulty,
and, perhaps, the cause of much social disorder, the
voluntary choice of NAPOLEON'S heir as their repre-
sentative by so large a body of the French people is
a matter of great historical interest. Three of the
Emperor's nephews are already Members of the
National Assembly, and a fourth is now chosen, and
in a conspicuous and honourable
lmatatearneorn.e,
wTehaersee
easspemcoiasltij" expressive marks of the
elections,inclined
oa and moreom e
undying affection of the French people for NAPOLEON
BONAPARTE. As the most truthful of popular poets
has said in his simple, but exquisite souvenirs-of the
people—

"Le people encore le revere.
Oui, le revere!"
Yes, the people still revere him. They still vene-
rate and cherish his name and his memory. This
veneration and this regard have already been em-
phatically evidenced by the anxiety with which they
desired, and the enthusiasm with which they rejoiced
in the accomplishment of their desire, that his re-
mains should repose in France ; and this veneration
and regard are now being again attested by the
spontaneous tributes of popular devotion which are
lavished upon the descendants of NAPOLEON.
Viewed in this light, as a testimony of national
regard to the memory of his illustrious uncle, the
election of Prince Louis NAPOLEON is fraught with
exceeding and very pleasurable interest. But for
other reasons this election can excite nothing but
dissatisfaction. The Prince is, without doubt, in a
very tempting and perilous position. A noble
opportunity is afforded to him of evincing his patriotism
and covering himself with true and enduring glory.
If he refuse to heed the seductive suggestions of per-
sonal ambition—if he cease to cherish the futile
dreams of his boyhood—if the intoxicating shouts of
" Viva l'Empereur" possess for him less attractions
than " Vive la France"—if he can bring himself to
consider that Citizen BONAPARTE, a chosen repre-
sentative of the French people in Parliament, would
fill a more honourable and infinitely more patriotic
position than a self-styled Emperor NAPOLEON
Lours—then, and only then, the triple election of the
young Prince and his immediate installation in the
National Assembly, may be regarded as an auspicious
event both for himself and for his country. If, how-
ever, the imperial crown be still the object of Prince
Louis' ambition, the National Assembly will do well
to exclude their new compeer from any part in their
deliberations. It has been said that the Executive
Government propose to put in force the yet unrepealed
law of the former French Parliament, which exiled the
Bonaparte family from France, and arrest the Prince
if he ventured to approach Paris. The Chateau of
Vincennes, fraught with such gloomy reminiscenses,
has eves been pointed out as the place of his deten-
tion. Such a measure as this, even though it may be
to a certain extent sanctioned by the necessity of the
time, will be, to say the least of it, a very harsh and
arbitrary exercise of their prerogative by a liberal
and Republican Administration. A far more equita-
ble, and equally prudent course, would be a formal
requisition that Prince NAPOLEON Louis should re-
nounce every imaginary claim to the imperial power,
that he should declare his entire abandonment of
every latent ambitious hope, and solemnly swear
that he entered France only as a loyal citizen
of the French Republic. Were such a declaration
publicly made by Prince Louis, he would be vir-
tually powerless ; because, were he to break his
pledge, such an act of duplicity would be little cal-
culated. to excite for him any strong popular sym-
pathy. Should the Prince hesitate to publish such a
document, then, indeed, the Government would
be fully justified in any violent measure against
him on his arrival in France. It would be but fair
that the experiment should at least be tried. It is
the only course by which they can, at the same time,
preserve themselves from the imputation of injustice,
and their country from the dangers of insurrection.
NAPOLEON Louis cannot better employ his medita-
tions under these trying circumstances than in con-
sidering the sagacious and excellent advice contained
in that eloquent exclamation of General CAVAIGNAC,
" Honour and glory to the citizen faithful to his
duties, who devotes his blood, fortune, talent, and
intellectual faculties to the happiness and service of
his country ; but shame and woe to him who would
dare to speculate on the difficulties of the times, and
the sufferings of his native land, and who would turn
a glorious name to the account of his personal am-
bition !"

SPAIN.
Madrid journals of the 7th have arrived.
The Ministerial crisis still continues, and, not-
withstanding all the efforts of NARVAEZ, who is
exceedingly desirous to keep things as they are until
the differences with England shall be arranged,
BELTRAND ,DE Lis positively refuses to resume the
portfolio of Finance.
It is evident that the Orleanist faction perceive
they have gone too far in regard to Sir HENRY
BULWER, and that they were deceived by the repre-
sentations of the Orleanists in this country into the
idea that their strength in the British Parliament was
much greater than it really is, and now they have
discovered their mistake they are alarmed lest the con-
sequences should be serious. They have accordingly
induced or coerced poor little Queen ISABELLA to
write an autograph letter to Queen VICTORIA, as-

curing her of the friendly disposition of Spain towards
England, &c., &c., in the true Orleanist style of the
autograph letters of LOUIS PHILIPPE and the ex-
Queen APNIELIE, published in the Revue Retrospec-
tive. The consequences of this unconstitutional
practice of carrying on negotiations by means of
personal communicationsibetween Sovereigns, instead
of by official communications between responsible Mi-
nisters, is so fraught with danger, and gives an in-
triguing Sovereign (e. g., Louis PHILIPPE in the
Montpensier marriage affitir) such an advantage over
an honourable one, that we trust some measure will
be adopted by her Britannic MAJESTT to save herself
from the annoyance, and her Ministers from the in-

justice, to which they have both been so frequently
subjected in consequence of the unauthorised com-
munications a la Louis PHILIPPE, to which her
MAJESTY has of late years been subjected, and which
are:never made except for the purposes of deception.
Senor ISTURITZ, the Spanish Minister at the British
Court, sent in his resignation the moment he heard of
Count MIRASOL'S mission.

Major BACETA,' who commanded the insurgents in
the emeute of the 26th March, has been arrested.
The Espana speaks of a letter received from Ponte-
vedra, Gallicia, giving an account of a discovery of a
republican conspiracy :at Lugo, in consequence of
which various precautions had been taken, and several
persons arrested; but the letter distinctly calls it a
Realista (i. e., a Carlist) one. It says—" His Ex-
cellency the Captain-General has discovered a conspi-
racy, in a loyalist sense, in Lugo, with ramifications
in other points." The Captain-General, in conse-
quence, gave orders to arrest Don Meru's'. RODEN°,
on whom many letters were found, and another per-
son named IGLESIAS, whose papers were also seized;
they were sent off to Corunna under escort. The
garrison of Vigo was forthwith changed, and several
retired officers who were residing there were arrested,
and other measures taken.

The town of Olot, the inhabitants of which re-
fused to pay the contribution demanded of them by
the Carlists of Catalonia, has been placed in a state of
strict blockade by the Carlist bands.
MADRID Bo',se, JUNE 7.—Three per Cents., 21-1
paper; after Bolsa, 21 5.16 214 cash; Five per
Cents., 131- paper ; after Bolsa, 13k cash ; Passives,
Si paper ; after Bolsa, 5 cash ; Coupons, 7i cash ;
Bank of St. Ferdinand, 65 cash, 70 paper. Exchange
on London, at 60 days, 42 10 ; on Paris, at 90 days,
4 50.

The wages of seamen at this port are now reduced
o 555. and 31. per month, and the same for a coal voyage.
—IY ewcadle Journal.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
We have received such of the Paris papers as were
published yesterday morning, but in consequence of
the Whitsuntide holidays neither the Itioniteur, the
_Wats, nor the Constitutionnel were published. The
vote of confidence to be demanded by the Go-
vernment of the Assembly yesterday would, it was
expected, pass, but by a very narrow majority. It
will be indebted for that majority simply to the fact
that in the opinion of the Assembly more harm will
be done by changing so frequentlyfrom one Provisional
Government to another, than from retaining the pre-
sent feeble and divided Executive in power. A
great effort, however, will be made to eject LEDRU
ROLLIN, and LAMARTINE with him, if the latter
continues to pursue the course which he has
thought proper to adopt since loth May. That the
Executive feel that they themselves are to blame for
inefficiency is evident, from the defence which they
put forth in their organ, the National, which thus de-
clares the grounds on which it thinks the Assembly
should give the required vote
"In our opinion, the question is not as to the ap-
proving of all the acts of the Executive Government•
If we have been in accordance with the republican ma-
jority of the Assembly in all the important votes by
which that majority has decided in favour of the Go-
vernment, against the minority, we believe that it would
not be, any more than we are, disposed not to make any
reserve. But having to judge the whole of the results
the majority knew how to restore to the ser-
to the difficulties of the situation, their
ovtribeuteeasinpoeofds;thoefmacetniOn ; and in an equitable comparison of
that which had been done, and that which remained to
be done, it has thought that the duties accomplished,
and the obstacles overcome, compensated at least for the
duties yet to be accomplished, and the obstacles yet to
be overcome. This, then, the question of confidence,
must be on the entire policy of the Government, and not
on such and such details where that policy has appeared
to be feeble."
The effect of the measures adopted by the autho-
rities, on Friday night, to`Preserve the public peace,
by preventing the crowd at the Porte St. Denis from
dispersing until daylight, has had a most salutary
effect. There was scarcely any assemblage there on
Saturday or Sunday, and the few who were there
dispersed at the first tap of the drum. Decidedly in
all such cases the mot tf ordre should be, " They
shant go home till morning—till daylight doth
appear."

We read in the Arigeois of the 6th—
" Two foreign personages, who, according to public ru-
mour, belong to the higher classes of society, and even to
princely families, were arrested on Friday, at Foix, by
order of the Government. The mysterious veil which co.
very these travellers, their bearing and language, the irre-
gularity of their passports, and the direction in which
they were going—all unite in causing such projects to
be ascribed to them as to render it necessary for them
to be detained a vue, until precise instructions shall be
received from the Government."
BONAPARTIST OUTBREAK IN
PARIS.

Since the above was written, we have received
intelligence from Paris up to six o'clock last night.
An immense crowd had been attracted outside the
hall of the Amen*ly under the idea of seeing
Prince Louis NAPOLEON pass to take his seat. It
was with some difficulty that the troops could pre-
serve a passage for the Deputies, and no one was
permitted to approach the hall without a ticket.
At three o'clock the rappel was beat, and the Na-
tional Guard turned out at once. Various reports
were in circulation, but all agreed that the Bonapar-
fists had attempted an insurrection. According to one
report there had been fighting in the Faubourg St.
Antoine. According to another the inhabitants of
the Banlieu were preparing to march upon Paris to
force the Assembly to accept Prince LOUIS NAPO-
LEON. In the meantime the crowd in the Place de la
Concorde having raised the cry of "Vive Louis
Napole on ! Vive I'Empereur !" the General in
command ordered the National Guard and the troops
to clear the place. The crowd resisted, and some
pistol shots were fired, by which some of the officers
of the cavalry were wounded. The shots were heard
in the Assembly,: and shortly afterwards at
half-past five o'clock M. DE LAMARTINE mounted the
tribune in a state of great agitation, and announced
that a serious circumstance had just occurred in the
Place de la Concorde : blood bad been spilt—a shot
had been fired to the cry of "Vive l'Empereur
Napoleon !" The gravity of the circumstance re-
quired energetic measures. lie then announced a
Bill excluding Prince Lours NAPOLEON from France,
but allowing the rest of the Bonaparte family to
remain.

The announcement was received with acclama-

Lions,

The friends of the Republic, at the time the post
left, had been everywhere victorious, and the streets
were in possession of the troops and of the National
rbaaPni3CreeshedUiri°inngs' however, enter-
tainedenviegru,t.weTrehe Ar-
tillery G uard .
of
Gdri
se
taut
has been sent for from Vincennes.
It will be seen from the following report of the pro-
ceedings of the Assembly, that the debate on the
demand of the Executive Committee for a credit of
100,000 f. (the vote of confidence debate) was proceed-
ing at the time the• interruption took place. The
expose of the financial state of France, by which
the Minister of Finance opened the discussion, is
most important.
The Assembly met at one o'clock, and immediately
after the President had taken the chair,
Prince Napoleon Bonaparte ascended the tribune,
amidst marks of great interest. He had not been pre-
sent on Saturday during the last quarter of an hour,
when General Cavaignac had spoken noble and energe-
tic words, and treated as a calumny a rumour which
related to a name that had been unfortunately
already brought forward before the public—that of
Louis Napoleon.—(Hear, hear.) Every one was
aware that, far some days past the name of that
person had been in his
every mouth. As
friend and cousin, he came forward, not to make
any apology for his relative, for none was required; and
if he (Louis) had attempted anything of what was attri-
buted to him, he (Napoleon) would be the first to blame
him; but to state what was the real case relative to that
citizen, certain parties, who were opposed to the Re-
public, had seized on Louis Napoleon's name, and made
use of it for their own purposes ; namely, to excite dis.
turbance, and produce disorder in the country. This
Louis Napoleon was altogether a stranger, too. He
could declare that neither Louis Napoleon nor any of
the rest of the Bonaparte family had ever distributed
money to persons in France to injure the Republic—he
could declare that on his honour. Louis Napoleon had
come to Paris after the revolution of February, and had,
when asked by the Provisional Government, withdrawn
for a while from Paris, in consequence of the disturbed
state of the public mied. In ordinary times the Provisional
Government declares this could not be necessary, but
then it was a safer coarse to pursue. He at once re-
turned to London. "-There he remained over since, and
when asked by his friends if he would stand as candidate
for the National Assembly, had absolutely refused.
When the second elections came on, his name was put
up without his knowledge, and he had been returned, as
the Assembly knew,' for more than one place. It was
reported that he was engaged in a conspiracy against the
Republic, which it was almost unnecessary to deny. The
rumour now ran that the Government intended to bring
in a decree against Louis Napoleon, which, however,
he (Prince Napoleon) found it difficult to believe, since
the Minister of the Interior and the Prefect of Police
had assured him of the contrary. He now called on the
Government to come forward and state clearly what was
their intention in this matter.--(Hear, hear.)
M. Flocon, Minister of Commerce, said that the ex-
planations which had just been given by the citizen Na-
poleon Bonaparte would have come better from another
person.—(oh, oh.)
Prince apoleon Bonaparte must declare that. he did
N
not think he in any way merited the reproach just
thrown out against him.—(Agitation.)
The Minister of Commerce—The Government taking
into consideration the extreme gravity of the present
situation, and being determined not to allow the safety
of the Republic to
be compromised, had adopted a mea-
sure which it thought the conjuncture demanded. The
Government was ready, if the Assembly required it, to
state at once what was the purport of the decree which
it had determined to present. .13ut the Government did
not ask, however, to have the order of the day changed, '
and unless the House absolutely called for a different
course, it would allow the proceedings to go on in the
regular manner without interruption.—(Yes, yes.)
The Assembly unanimously decided that the order of
the day should be proceeded with regulaily.
A number of reports on elections were presented.
The order of the day was the discussion on the Bill,
demanding a credit of 100,000 f. for office expenses of
the Executive Committee.
The Minister of Finance wished to state what was
the present state of the financial position of the country.
A large deficit had been left by the late Government,
but still the situation was by no means as unfavourable
as had been stated. The extraordinary tax of 45e.
was being got in regularly. The indirect taxes also
led the Government to good expectations. During the
month after the Revolution, they had fallen fourteen
millions ; and the month of April still a larger one,
of not less than seventeen millions. The month of
May had been more favourable, as the diminution
was only eleven millions ; and this reduction was
particularly remarkable in the fortnight after the '
attempt of May 15. Two sources of indirect, revenue
were in particular unproductive, viz., the customs and
the registration dues; andyet it was these which usually,
when affairs Were active, yielded the largest produce.

Thd Hon. Minister then referred to the plan for taking
possession of the railways, and which (he said) the
weakness of the former Government had alienated in
favour of financial companies. What charges would it
throw on the Treasury; and how were these charges to
be provided for? If, as he hoped, the Assembly passed
the Bill which had been presented, the Government
would at once prepare to open such parts of the lines as
could, by most active measures, be completed, but which,
in the hands of the companies, would be long unproduc-
tive. These portions of lines and the expenses to open
them to the public were—
Paris to Tonnerre 3O millions.
Paris to Epernay 2O ~
Paris to Chartres
8 If
Tours to Angers. 2
Calais to Dunkirk lO 'fDieppe to Rouen 2
All the companies he maintained were, without excep-
tion, powerless to provide for these expenses; the State,
on its side, to support them. Leaving aside the disas-
trous idea of paper money, or the intention of effecting a
loan, the Government bad effected with the Bank of
Fracce a grand operation, which had been conducted
with perfect secresy, and was now concluded. The
Bank was to advance to the Treasury 150 millions, of
which 75 millions were to be paid in 1848, and 75 in
1849. In guarantee of this loan, the State transferred
to the Bank rentes belonging to the Caisse d'Amortisse-
ment, which should be delivered at the rate and
on the conditions determined by the ordonuance of the
15th June, 1834, for a sum of 75 millions; for the other
75 millions the State yielded up and sold to the Bank
timber from the State woods to that amount, with faculty
to the Bank to re-sell them by adjudication and public
competition. The interest of the loan was fixed at four
per cent. per annum. The amount of the circulation of
the notes of the Bank should bo agreed to between the
Minister of Finance and the Bank, subject to the rati-
fication of the Government. The Hon. Minister then
declared that it was quite possible to obtain resources
by having recourse to public credit. The departments
were in the habit of purchasing rente in Paris, by means
of the receivers general; he proposed to place the State
in the place of the agents de change, and to give rentes
at the price of the day. The whole resources which the
State considered it could have at is disposal at presen
were as follow:
Loan from the Bank ... ... 150 millions
Issue of Rente for the purchasers of the
departments in 1848
Ditto in 1849
Thining of certain State woods

... ... ... 25 1,
... ••• 75 „
... ... 14 2,
... ... 25 91
... •• • 86 ft
... ... 7 71,
... ... ... 45 •,,

Exchanges with the Hospice
Cuttings in the state forests
Money to be reserved
Money of the railways
Revenues of ditto, 1848 ...
Ditto ditto, 1849 ...

Total... ... 472 millions.
Out of the reserves of the sinking fund applied to pay
the deficiency of the budget, the Hon. Minister hoped
to realise a sum of 83 millions, which would raise the
resources of the State to 555 millions, being the whole
of the extraordinary resources which will be at the dis-
posal of the State from Jan. 1, 1848, to Dec. 31, 1849.
If, however, the private domain of the ex-King should
be allowed by the Assembly, should bear the debts
of the Royal Family, that would give 25 millions
more to the State, or in all 580 millions. In order
to give more regularity and firmness to the public
funds, the Ministers proposed to diminish the Coupons
of Rente from 10E, at which they had been, to
51. The following is the manner in which the
Minister presented the situation for 1848 : For
the public Works, the sum to be expended would
be 140 millions, to be defrayed from the ordinary re-
sources. The repurchase of the railways would
impose on the Treasury 100 millions, to be paid from
the extraordinary resources. The public works would,
in consequence, cost 240 millions. For 1849, the ex-
pense would be 300 millions, of which 50 millions only
would be set down to the ordinary resources. Thus the
extraordinary resources would have to pay 100 millions
in 1848, and 250 in 1849, or in all 350 millions, the
extraordinary resources being 580 millions ; there
would still remain 230 millions over. As to the
Bons du Tresor, the Minister declared that the
plan of the Finance Committee was an unfor-
tunate one. This is his plan, the Bonds du Tresor
created before February 24, 1848, should be re-
newed in conformity with the decree of March 16,
1848, and should be repaid by series of 1,500,0001:
each, per month, from November the Ist, 1848. The
interest should be at six per cent. per annum, to be paid
every half-year until all was paid otf. The savings'
banks should receive 1001. additional for each depositor;
the interest should be raised to four per cent. The
Honourable Minister concluded by declaring that the
Government had done all it could to ward off the evils
that had threatened the country; and he hoped, firmly'
to be able, by perseverance and zeal, to arrange satisfac-
torily everything in the finances of the country.
The President then read the order of the day, for the
consideration of the decree of the Government, demand-
ing 100,000 francs for the expenses of the Executive
Government.
M. Dupart read the report. It stated that the Com-
mittee had called upon the members of the Executive
Government to give explanations, and that the result of
these explanations was, that one-fourth of the sum de-
manded was for the expenses of the office of secretary,
and the rest for that of the general security, or, in other
words, for an additional police. The Committee did not
find the sum demanded for the office of secretary exces-
sive. The report concluded by recommending the adop-
tion of a decree to the following effect:—Art. 1. There
is granted to the Executive Power a credit of 25,0001.
towards the expense of the secretariat and the archives
of the Government. Art. 2. A sum of 75,0001. is
granted to the Executive Government, to be applied to
the general security, and of which the Executive Go-
vernment will be required to give an account to a Com-
mittee of eight members to be nominated by the National
Assembly.
A Member then ascended the tribune and made a
violent attack upon the administration of the Govern-
ment, which was leading to nothing less than anarchy.
M. Baraud Saribiere then rose and said that the As-
sembly ought to remember that the question was one
not of money but of confidence. The Executive Go-
vernment would be dissolved. He warned the Assembly
that in these critical times the Executive Government
could not be changed. They had been accused of not
taking the initiative in useful measures, but he con-
tended that they had done all that the circumstances
allowed them.

After a few words from M. Laussat, strongly agains
the Bill,

General Bedeau ascended the tribune and took a sort
of middle course, not absolutely opposing the Bill, but
demanding to have it modified.
The noise of the drums outside the Chamber here be-
came considerably louder.
M. de Lamartine referred at considerable length, and
in somewhat in the same manner as on a former occa-
sion, to the whole of the circumstances connected with
the conduct of the Provisional Government and the
Executive Committee, from February 24. He showed
the great difficulties they had had to encounter, and
complained that the parties who inveighed against
the conduct of the Government did not make
sufficient allowances for the exceptional character
of the situation. He argued that the Republic,
such as it bad been established, would never please
the persons who were now endeavouring to sow
discord in the country; they wanted to see it turned
away from the object of its institution, and to have it
mutilated and emasculated, in place of beholding it great
and powerful. He alluded to the numerous publications
which had started up in Paris, as a proof of the turbu-
lent spirit of the times, and the desire which existed to
prevent the Republic from taking root in France.
Intelligence was here brought up to the reporters'
gallery, that the cavalry were charging the people on the
Place de la Concorde.
The sitting the moment afterwards was suspended.
Five Minutes to Five.

M. de Lamartine returned to the tribune in great agi-
tation, and said—Blood has just been shed—shots have
been fired here close by, and the cry is raised, " Vive
l'Empereur Napoleon."—(Tremendous agitation.) A
law ought to be forthwith passed to put a stop to this.
A Member—Let us vote it by acclamation.—(Unani-
mous cries of " Yes, yes.")
The greatest agitation arose here.
M. de Lamartine—l have it here drawn up on the in-
stant. The Honourable Gentleman then read it. It de-
clares that, considering that peace had been troubled
and civil war bad been commenced, though, perhaps,
involuntarily, by Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, and that
he had already twice made attempts for his own per-
sonal ambition ; considering that the Executive Com-
mittee could not take the responsibility of the disturb- '
ances caused, or the attempts made now for a similar
purpose, declares the Bill of 1816 against the Bonaparte
family remaining in force against Louis Napoleon Bona-
parte.—(Tremendous applause.) The whole Assembly
rose with shouts of " Vive la li‘publique !" and in the
tumult the question was put to pass, and at once loud
acclamations arose.

M. de Lamartine then addressed the Chamber on the
enormity of the act just attempted outside.
(Left sitting.)
Outside, the troops and National Guards are in pos-
session of the whole of the Place de la Concorde as far
as the Rue de Riveli. They are in immense numbers.
BOURSE—PARIS, MONDAY, JUNE 12.
TIME O'CLOC/L—Business was entirely stagnant to-
day, in consequence of the different rumours afloat ;
and the prices
.given below, though quoted, are little
more than nominal. Bons du Ttitor are at 22 dis.
The Vielle Montague Shares have risen to 1,975. The
Haiti Debt was quoted to-day at 102 f. 50c. The pre-
vious quotation of this species of stock was on the 4th
of February, when it was at 295 f.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, JUNE 12.
Boulogne and Amiens, 61/8.

IMPROMPTU ON HEARING BALFE'S NEW
ARIA FROM HIS OPERA OF " FALSTAFF."
BY MRS. H. J. bT. LEGER.
When the Genius of Music o'er Europe was straying,
Conferring her favours around,
She roam'd through the gree❑ little island called Erin,
Was enchanted when Balfe she had found.
Inspiring him still with true melody's charm,
Her trumpet Balfe's triumphs proclaim;
For his strains are so sweet when he joins in her choir,
That they reach to the Temple of Fame.
June 8, 1848.

RESIGNATION OF TILE REV. SIR H. R. DUKEN•
FIELD, VICAR OF ST. MARTIN-IN THE-FIELDS.—The
inhabitants of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, have within the
last few days receivedfrom the Rev. Sir Henry Duken-
geld, the intelligence that, in consequence of his con-
tinued ill-health, he has come to the determiqation of
resigning the vicarage of this parish, which he has held
for many years.

GE lAA NY
AND

THE NORTHERN STATES.

PRUSSIA.

In the Constituent Assembly on the Bth of June,
M. BEHRENDS brought forward the following pro-
position :
" Whereas the revolution which has taken place at
Berlin has been lately wrongly interpreted, and its re-
sults have not been duly recognised, and as the Berlin
people have bee❑ exposed to the basest calumny
for having accomplished the said revolution, the
Constituent Assembly, acknowledging the said revolu-
tion, declare that those who fought on the 18th and 19th
of March have merited well of the country."
This proposition was opposed by the Ministers,
who have become more bold in their re-actionary
proceedings since the return of the Prince of
PRUSSIA.

During the debate the Prince of PRUSSIA entered
the House. On his entering the House some Mem-
bers of the Conversative party rose, but cries of
"Sit down," obliged them to resume their places.
After having sat some moments on one of the benches
on the right side of the House, the PRINCE ascended
the tribune, and spoke as follows :
" Gentlemen,—Called cn by the will of the electors to
sit among you, I would have hastened to assist yester-.
day at your sitting, if I had not been impeded by a sacred
and filial duty. I thank you for the confidence you have
shown to me, and I feel myself happy in coming among
you. We are to complete together, and in common con-
cert with the Crown, the important work of the organic
constitution of the country. What a beautiful task!
The constitutional monarchy is the form of Goverment
pointed out to us by the King. To it I will devote all
my efforts, as I did before. My personal character is
know❑ to you; the course I am resolved to pursue shall
be open to the eyes of every one. May this feeling be
shared in by every one of us. May we see the work
completed, with all the developments it is susceptible of.
The multiplicity of business which will occupy me will
not permit me to participate in your deliberations, and
I beg your honourable President to call upon my sub-
stitute. I repeat, lam happy to find myself among you.
I hope to see the success of our common undertaking,
and look for it in the patriotism by which you and I
are animated. This success is certain, it we remain in
variably attached to the motto—For God, King, and
Fatherland."

At the conclusion of this speech, which was re-
ceived with the most chilling silence, the PRINCE
left the Assembly, and the debate was resumed by
BEHRENDS, who praised the valour, discretion, and
exemplary good conduct of the people who fought on
the 18th and 19th of March, and attributed to them
alone, and not to the KING, the liberties resulting
from the conflict.

BREHMEIt then moved an amendment (afterwards
withdrawn), to the effect that the merits of the
March combatants should be admitted, but that the
revolution had not changed the position of the KING
and dynasty, and that the Crown reigned in the
hearts of the people.

Scnurrzn perfectly adhered to the propdsition of
BEHRENDS ; but as the conduct of the people, after
the combat, had been as praiseworthy as it was
during the struggle, he desired to add, after the
words 18th and 19th March, " as well as the people
of Berlin," and terminated with a glowing eulogium
on the temperate conduct of the Berlin population.
The President of the Council then rose to express
his dissent to the proposition, which he declared to be
a plagiary of similar proceedings in England and
France in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
He was far from disavowing, or intending to disavow,
the consequences of the conflict ; but he would con-
test with all his might the form and principle of the
proposition in the name of the whole nation, in the name
of the people of Berlin, under whose protection the RING
had placed himself ; that he would protest against any
principle which tended to prove that existing institu-
tions were overturned, or that the re-establishment
of order could only he obtained through the medium
of streams of blood, of a murderous civil war, or
through the hands of a dictatorship. The adoption
of the proposition, in its present form could not fail
to give rise to fresh agitation, and then reconciliation
would, perhaps, become impossible. The number and
variety of amendments proved that conflicting
opinions existed, and it would, therefore, be more
prudent to refer the question to the different Com-
mittees, and thus obtain their opinions, at least as to
the form of the motion.

Several amendments were then read, and after a
few words in praise of the army from VOIGIIT, and
renewed praise of Berlins inhabitants from Sc rituazE,
Count SCHWERIN, Minister of Justice, stated, in allu-
sion to the subversive tendency of BEHREND'S motion
and SCHULTZE'S amendment, that the acknowledg-
ment of a constitutional monarchy was the sole basis
on which he accepted office. A long captandum
vulgus conversation then took place between REIS-
SENBACH, SCHULTZE, JACOB, and others, after which
the Minister of Finance stated that "the events of
March were not a revolution but a transaction be-
tween the Crown and people ;" and that, as the ques-
tion before the House merited mature deliberation, he
should move that the debate be adjourned. This was
eventually agreed to by a large majority, and the
House rose amidst great agitation.
The debate was resumed on the 9th, when the
Vice-President read two amendments, the one of
Wialmioirris, proposing to postpone the discussion of
the question until after the Constitution had been
voted; and the other from ZACIIARIE, to the effect
that as the merits of the March combatants was uni-
versally admitted, and as the Assembly was hot con-
voked to utter verdicts, but to draw up a Constitu-
tion, it was resolved to pass to the order of the day.
A long and angry debate then ensued; several
orators followed each other in succession for and
against ZACHARIE's proposition. Among others, M.
HAUSEMANN, who implored the Chamber not to lose
its time in discussing irrelevant matter, whilst agri-
culture, industry, commerce, and trade, were sinking
to the ground, and could not recover until the des-
tinies of the nation were determined. The
most important question for this House to consider,
added M. HAUSEMANN, is, 'whether the results of a
proposition will produce benefit or injury to the
country. From this time the debate was constantly
interrupted by noises of various kinds and cries for
division, amidst which ESSLER declared in reply to
HausEmaNN, that injury to the country could not
arise from accepting, but from rejecting BEHREND'S
and SCHULTZE'S proposition ; and not only injury but
a most dangerous schism. At length the cries for a
division on ZACHARIE'S amendment became so loud,
that the President directed it to be read by a secre-
tary, and the House proceeded to ballot. This ter.
minated in 196 Meilabers voting for, and 177 against
it; thus BEHREND'S proposition was lost by a ma-
jority of 19 votes only out of 373 present. The an-
nouncement of the result produced an extraordinary
commotion in the Chamber; the Members rose from
their seats amid violent gesticulations and mutual
apostrophes, which continued until Member after
Member quitted the House, and the President rose.
'Whilst this was passing in doors, a scene of greater
agitation occurred without, where the news of what
was and is considered a disavowal of the revolution
was soon spread among the crowd, and produced the
most violent outcries, especially against MM. CAMP-
HAUSEN and HAUSEMANN. Up to the hour the post
left tranquillity continued undisturbed

FRANKFORT-ON-THE-MAINE.
FIFTEENTH SITTING OF THE GERMAN NA-
TIONAL ASSEMBLY, FRIDAY, JUNE 9.

The House met at nine A.M., as usual.
The Schleswig-Holstein question was the great buil•
ness of the day.
The President brought the Schleswig affair before
the House for discussion, and conceiving it unnecessary
to read the report of the Committee again—(Cries of
"No, no")—he said he would content himself with
simply reading the motion--
"'t'he Oerman National Assembly declares that the
affair of Schleswig, as the concern of the German nation
at large, comes within the sphere of their operations, and
demands that on the conclusion of peace with the Crown
of Denmark, the right of the dukedoms, Schleswig and
Holstein, as also the honour of Germany, may be pre-
served entire (protected).
Moreover, the German National Assembly ex-
presses a confident expectation that, in the supposition
that the retreat of the troops of the German Contedera-
seeorth in
Northern
r n
tion towards the south is to be attributed to strategic
reasons, speedy and effectual measures be taken for the
requisite recruitments
alsoof for
re
the Confederate urity o farmy
Schleswig-Holstein, as
Schleswig against the hostile incursions to which,
through the afore-mentioned retreat, it might possibly
be exposed.
A number of speakers followed, but there was nothing
in the course of the debate that threw any new light
upon the question.
Various new motions were brought forward; but all
suggestion of
ofth ethParte soi
mcoemliareplyuilliciempwoirthtanat
f
the Committee.
doefntht,esweerien
The motion of the Committee
was negatived, though
not by a large majority.

That of Weiss was then put, which was to the follow
ing effect--" That the German National Assembly caul
energetic messures to be adopted for putting an end to
the war, and that on the conclusion of peace the honour
of Germany, and the rights of the dukedoms, &c."
The President then put the question.
-
The motion was carried by a large majority.
Riestr's motion was the next, and here -a singular
scene ensued. It had bee❑ proposed by the President
to make two parts of this motion, and to take the sense
of the House separately on each. The first part was
consonant with that of Weiss. The second was—" That
the approval of the treaty be, before the conclusion of
peace, reserved to the National Assembly."
The question being put by the President, and the
sense of the House being taken in the usual way of"
"rising or sitting," the Members of the "left"talled

loudly for verbal suffrage.
Fllty-seven Members supported the motion for verbal
voting, and accordingly the names of the Members were
called over. The result was—Noes, 27.5; ayes, 209.
The motion was negatived, therefore, by
of 75.
a majority

The next sitting is on Wednesday, at eleven A. m., the
Whitsuntide vacation intervening.

AUSTRIA AND HUNGARY.

- -
VIENNA, JUNE 7.—The EMPEROR has addressed
the inhabitants of Vienna in a communication dated
Inspruck, June 3, in which, alluding to the sin;
cerity of his motives in granting the constitution 0
the 25th of April, he says—
" That the city of Vienna was the first to return
thanks for this boon, an example which was followed by
the delegates throughout the empire that in some pro-
vitices, however, the plenary execution of the conatittr
lion was doubted or misunderstood, and his MajeeSts
fond expectations were fearfully disappointed by the
occurrences of the 15th of May, therefore," continua!
his Majesty. "I did not refuse to declare that the no?,
Diet should be a constituent, but the manner in whie"
I was induced to do this has wounded me deeply. Tile
public opinion of all Europe has pronounced itself de:.
cidedly, and with the greatest disappointment on shin
point. I am, however, ready to abide by what I 1)3"
promised
"It is my earnest desire, and I am convinced thal.
shall not speak in vain, that the speedy opening of this
Diet may take place in Vienna, the seat of my geverni
meat. If, however, this Diet is to meet speedily, tind.
at no other place, it is indispensable that peace
reign within the walls of Vienna, that order ellih:•
regularity should be firmly established, and that tu-
delegates of the provinces should be
guaranteed „
feet security and freedom of discussion. .I there' •
tore expect from the inhabitants of Vienna that they •
will do all in their power to effect the re-establietr
went of legal order. I expect that all personal
mosity shall cease, and that the sp 0t
irit of recoociliatz°
and pease will prevail among all the inhabitants 0
Vienna. I make these demands, and I depend in_
their accomplishment ; for I shall hail the day, '''
with the opening of the Diet, I can celebrate 0114"
happy return to my faithful and ever dearly bekiv
Viennese.

(Signed)
(Countersigned)

" FzRDINAYIN
" WEssENBEB?;
" DOBELHOII.

—Wiener Zeitung, June 7.
Official intelligence has reached the Hilagaris°,
Ministry from the Viceroy, Archduke STstain
dated Inspruck, that the EMPEROR has annouaoro
his positive determination to proceed to reathii.
order to open in person the Hungarian rgr'rls
ment upon the second of July. This intelhge
has produced the best effect in the capital of
Magyars,

BELGIUM.
BRUSSELS, JUNE 10.—OFFICIAL.—Several foreign
journals have spoken of an incident which lass c°n;
pelted the Count nu HAMAL, Charge d'Affaires
Belgium, to quit Madrid on the morning of the 98
of May.
The Government has not up to this inomeot_ll;
ceived any official information whatever, eitber
or indirect, on this subject. Count HAMAL
his own request, obtained his cove on the ig
May, was still in Madrid on the 3d of June'
ltloniteur Beige, June 10.

DENMARK AND THE DUCH°.
ANOTIIER VICTORY BY THE IMO'S. 1.1
The war is still carried on as vigorously as thlo
no negotiations for peace were pending; and °,i,,nes
15th another battle was fought between the —or
and Germans, in which the former, who were n,c(ini
mended by General WRANGEL in person, sec(i;
nied by General HALKETT, were defeated with gam;
nteM•
loss, and compelled to retreat. The Danes ciecic
menced the attack near Nubel, about twelve °,-;cbel,
on Monday, the sth, retiring slowly upon co. ld
where they were so well entrenched that WAY— a Pin ~
defy the whole combined army, contain:l rid
person by General WRANGEL in chief, and "—litebey
HALKETT for the Hanoverians. Three tirlitlhnut
attempted to storm the entrenchment, but $114,1;
the least success, and their loss was Jreath;d''
several battalions were completely cut to Pleee6',soo
it is said upwards of 1,000 men have been lost des
this occasion on the side of the Germans, hesisiid
sume thirty or forty officers. Monday evening
ere
Tuesday morning upwards of 500 wounded Woo
brought into Flensburg; the loss- on the part of
en
Danes was comparatively trifling, the men being lithe
protected by the entrenchment, heavy guns cloing94.
butcher work, against which the Germans had °.
their small field pieces, their heavy artillery bet de; na
left behind. The troops are quite dispirited, and d
Clare they will not advance again upon Alsen, be:
is now generally supposed no further attempt will ift
made upon this place again. The Danes remain
LA
their position by Dubel. The Prussians are post?
in Sunderwittsch, having relieved the army of
Diet, who retired upon Flensburg, which place tii"
Danes threaten with bombardment.

POLAND.

We request the attention of our readers to the fol'
lowing documents, which officially contradict the
calumnies which the partisans of Prussia have of Wel
been circulating against the unfortunate Poles
4.0
LETTER OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF POSEN pRzirLuSIO
THE MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR V. ALTERSWALI7;ty
After the sanguinary events of Berlin, his bli3JeWe
was pleased to declare " the Prussian provinces, hittle'be
not belonging to the Germanic Confederation, are tu
be
incorporated with it—if such be their wish, 06dto.
last,vinc iwa la
sDi Diet for
summoned Posene
Germanic Union consent to it." Accordingly the prod
daescselanirebl without
t6er,
regard for the approval of his Majesty, whether it 1., of
ferde
ealty
and without
in ,i'rof
tamed such a wish with respect to the Grand Duchy
Posen?" Whether the provincial Diet was compete..
for for making such a declaration, binding the whose Poie
vince, is certainly very doubtful. In order to usuerbefe
the wishes of the province, its inhabitants ought t?t of
voted individually. However, the provincial Me hes
Posen declared itself competent, and its comPetericYoritf
in no way been contested. It decided with a lirod
of 26 to 17 votes, " that it does NOT wish the_ ,mio
Duchy of Posen to be incorporated with the Llet'":ec.
Union." Supposing the competency of the n r_ieoje
knowledged already de facto, its resolution u;„ of
thereby legitimate and unassailable. Yet, the minui. fe 0
the Diet was of a different opinion. It assembleohe
full
private, illegal manner, declared the resolution of gs'
Diet as null and void, and decided " in favour of 6n
nexation to the Germanic Union."
This private decision of a few individual nier°7o of
the Diet is unlawful and void ; yet, on the frotti
this illegal private resolution, and a few petilionreseo;
individual inhabitants of the Grand Duchy o',:es
obtained by the dishonest intrigues and macbints
an-
officials, the greater part of the Grand Duchy 7,0 00
nexed to Germany. I prophecy, that " whocvr seta
rfie
regard for the rights of another, will not be fit 1( Y., he':
his own !" This proceeding is contrary to ev_tre, low 01
contrary to the treaty of Vienna—contrary to neptilo;
nations. The Grand Duchy contains, among saber 0'
tion of 1,200,000 souls, 800,000 Poles ; the nuf,,,,000;
Polish and German Catholics amounts to about rtsvipieg
the sacramental rubrics for the year 1848 con there-
-834,000 Catholic communicants. There retco,l.'e'lvie de'
fore, about 300,000 non-Catholics and Jews. I`,h
duct from these the migratory host of officials volLuet
families and dependents, who ought not to be e_vetbsrt
among the population, there will remain little more
200,000 German and Jewish inhabitants, 00,005sistieg
the pseudo-German enemies to Poland, mostly con oust Od
of recent settlers and countryless Jews, will 6nif river
so • s;
little more than 100,000 souls. I beg leave 000 e
to your Excellency four scrolls, with protestsatubro
that unjust measure. They contain 60,323 signdistriett
heads of Catholic families, mostly from thosectestoil
that were so arbitrarily torn away. The Proms and
would have been much more numerous if uo_ogiberg'
authorities, especially in the department of P. Never'
had not forcibly opposed their being drawn, tiPhe meso;
theless, many will still be sent forward ;* n :hoe set
time, besides the separate protests which have
es__7,joes
prOtr.."l`wrecle;
from Posen, eflpecially to Berlin, the
•
mined to your Exceliency from the district 0f to' t
show with what perfidy the intrigues for u Luis'e 1
alone contain 31,922 signatures. These protests
,Par,°..t,ensvtape:ti;
Excellency to have the inhabitants of t
ur
Whether tbeY
tions were carried on. I, therefore, humbly
hersi
judrpticit3
of Posen questioned individually' " 7„- by cos°,
to belong to the German Union or not
this province—for those that are
heni_
oCCOrdie,g to the
sion, composed of Poles and Germaliiivs.:rtnibotngt;tesn'ssirei
justly abhorred. Of course, that
P or
in
majority; else the Germans resident
rules of right—the minority
well ask to be 11351,150
Moscow, and Warsaw might as What is there' aSiS 0
porated in the German Union. f rosen
Duchy °
here inadm ssible? The Grand
000 eir
willthave to 5ub034,10.0,
with " t tb6
Minister; s° yr lOW
natures, have been forwarded to the ino'wroele
number of signatures, beside* those tram+
C Since that, additional protests, coveredm I tha A
Posen, =COI, 120,000.