The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-02 00:00:00

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IC La 117
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LONDON, FRIDAY, JUNE 2, 1848.

Whatever may be the ultimate consequence of the
great Reform movement, which has just commenced
under the auspices of Uuxe and COBDEN—one thing
is already certain, that the Government will endea-
vour to prevent the necessity of such sweeping
measures being forced through the Houses of Legis-
lature by precipitate but insufficient concessions.
Last evening the House of Commons had proof of this
from an announcement made by the Prime Minister.
This announcement consisted of two very important
notices of motions—one originating is the
failure of the Jewish Disabilities Bill—the other
in the strength already revealed by the new League
in favour of certain Parliamentary innovations.
" Sir," said Lord JOHN RUSSELL, " I wish to give
two notices of motions. One is, that I propose on
Mondey next to ask for leave to bring in a Bill to
alter the form of oath to be required of Members on
taking their seats in Parliament. The other is, that
on Friday I shall move for leave to bring in a Bill to
repeal so much of the existing law as makes it neces-
sary to pay the assess.A taxes in order to be on the
register as an elector in cities and boroughs." Without
question these are sufficiently remarkable intimations
from a Liberal Premier, even from a Premier like the
Noble Lord the Member for the city of London, the
statesman who had the privilege of introducing to the
Lowex House at Westminster the first comprehen-
sive Bill for the revision of our representative system
We call them remarkable intimations advisedly—in:
timations only—nothing more. And they are simply
remarkable, inasmuch as they indicate a sense, on the
part of the Administration, of a necessity for con-
ceding certain extraordinary reforms to the mul-
titude.

Against the first of Lord JOHN RUSSELL's notices
of motion we have nothing whatever to object. A
revision is absolutely needful in the wording of the
Oath of Abjuration. That is beyond all denial.
When it is notorious that the effect of this assevera-
tion is the direct exclusion from the House of Com-
mons of a large body of conscientious men, while it

offers a loophole for the admission of thos ,e unprin-
cipled persons who would lie without a I lush in the
face of earth and heaven, it is im possible to
maintain that no modification is requisite. In-
fidels and Socinians individuals who deny
the existence of a Deity, and who scorn
all credence in the divinity of CuaisT- -Atheists,
Deists, and Freethinkers, Latitudinarians, and others,
who are openly antagonistic to religion, may enter,
and have entered, Parliament, swearing :their allegi-
ance solemnly before GOD and man " ott the true
faith of a Christian !" GIBBON acted thus— derisively
no doubt—with a chuckle at the credulity of his com-
patriots and at the ingenuity of his prevarication.
There is, consequently, no obstacle whatever in the
Oath of Abjuration against the entrance of those who
are totally devoid of any sense of moral obliga-
tion ; whereas, in the instance of a conscientious
man, such as a believer in the creed of MOSES, the
" phrase" already mentioned offers an insurmountable
and certainly a most unwarrantable obstruction.
Therefore it is that Lord JOHN RUSSELL proposes to
abolish this unjustifiable distinction by erasing the
expression altogether from the formularies of Par-
liament, and by that means to worst the intentions
of a mistaken or fanatical opposition.
Against the first of these two important notices of
motion, we can, as we have already ob-
served, raise not one shadow of objection.
With the second it is altogether different.
We are, on no account, disposed to
sbalinikfaothtioe:atAters
or to glose over the reason of our dists
allis well
no e r andne
d o o
far as the innovation itself goes,
itself
i tis
good enough. As far as the notion
—of repealing so much of the existing law as makes
it necessary to pay the assessed taxes in order to be
on the register as an elector in cities and boroughs—
that notion is admirable. But the improvement is
not sufficiently great to excite in any manner our
enthusiasm. On the contrary, it is so utterly inade-
quate that we cannot but regard it with jealousy
—we cannot but look upon it as a sullen
and reluctant yielding to popular intimidation—we
cannot consider it, in fact, as otherwise than a mere
Ministerial sop to the Cerberus of Democracy. A
change, and a very comprehensive change too, is
essential in regard to the rate-paying clauses of the
Reform Bill. No doubt of it. But that is only a
segment in the vast circle of reforms which are now
becoming absolutely necessary for the maintenance
and development of the British Constitution. In
reference to the manner of the elections of our
representative legislators alone, is this the only in-
novation that is essential ? We ask common
prudence. We ask common sense. We ask common
honesty.
Look at the result of the last general
election, the election of 1847, and deny if you
can the fact that the boasted Bill of 1832 has been
very far indeed from destroying the system of
bribery, corruption, and intimidation, which were
the evil consequences of the execrable practices of
boroughmongering! Deny that deplorable fact if
you can ! Remember that Horsham was a corrupt
election—that Harwich was a corrupt election—
that Yarmouth was a corrupt election—that
Derby was a corrupt election—that Cheltenham
was a corrupt election—that Aylesbury was a corrupt
election—that Leicester was a corrupt election—that
Lancaster was a corrupt election—that Bewdley was
a corrupt election—that Walsall was a corrupt elec-
tion—that Kinsale was a corrupt election—that Lin-
coln was a corrupt election—that Carlisle was a
corrupt election. Remember that the grossest treating
was proved against an unsuccessful candidate at Lyme
Regis, and that the most shameless intimidation was re-
sorted to by another unsuccessful candidate at Stamford.
Remember all this, and then pronounce a veto against
the new movement for Parliamentary Reform—if
you can, with an untroubled conscience. Assuredly,
such a veto would " stick in the throat " of the
Sovereign as obstinately as the Amen in the throat of
the Thane of Cawdor. For these reasons we cannot
but regard with very different sentiments the two
remarkable notices of motions made last evening by
the Prime Minister in the House of Commons. We
cannot but view the first with the most unconditional
pleasure, and the second with the most positive dis-
satisfaction.

The advocates for the present system of navigation-
laws, before they can call upon the public to consent
to a continuance of the exclusive privileges that en-
tail such extraordinary expenses upon the general
body of consumers, and operate as such grievous re-
strictions upon the legitimate extension and full
development of our commerce and our manufactures,
must clearly and unequivocally establish that the
shipowners, the parties for whose supposed advantage
the obnoxious provisions have been enforced, are
really benefited thereby; and, secondly, that there
exists some great national necessity for the
perpetuation of a system so manifestly inequitable,
and that if the stringent enactments and regulations
were relaxed to any considerable extent, it would
prove fatal to the maritime superiority so dear to the
heart of every Englishman, and so essential to the
maintenance of the national safety and the national
nonour, no slight or fancied benefits would be suf-
ficient. The simple question is, will the commercial
marine of the country be sacrificed, if the vessels of
other nations are permitted to enter into a fair corn
petition in the European carrying trade, the long
voyage trade, and the colonial trade, in all of which
it has heretofore enjoyed a practical monopoly ? To
that extent it must be carried, and nothing less would
justify the taxation of the many for the personal
advantage of the few.
Now, in the very first instance, we must be per-
mitted to doubt whether any actual benefit accrues to
the shipping interests from these exclusive privileges.
It is true that, in some instances, they may demand, and
possibly may receive, higher freights, in consequence
of sot being exposed to the competition that would
otherwise exist. But the result of these exorbitant
freights is to slacken trade, and to prevent the con-
stant and remunerating employment which they would
otherwise obtain. Produce will not be raised when
the whole profit may be taken from the grower, by
the extravagant demands of the shipowner. A fair
and reasonable facility must be afforded of sending
it at a moderate cost for carriage to the market, in
which it is ultimately to be disposed of, to encourage
the original producer. If that is withheld he will
become careless and indifferent, or perhaps wholly
withdraw from the effort, and in any event there
will be a smaller quantity to be carried, and that at a
much higher cost originally.
A. rather homely comparison may illustrate this
argument. Would it be beneficial to the omnibus
proprietors of the metropolis to enact that
no person should be carried from Charing-cross,
or from any of the suburban villages, to the Bank at
less than five shillings per head. Each omnibus that
was filled would certainly paythan those which conveyed
passengers
y a
tmtuhceh p
rbeestetne
tr
moderate fares; but
ho:terse
7 wouldlerMerchants,
abnet
scontented
tradesmen, t
pay such extravagant r
and clerks, would live in the i • mmediate vicinities of
their respective places of business •
In place of having
their families residing in pure and wh
olesome air. It
is the cheapness of the journey that • d
uces them to
make it, otherwise they would relinquish it altogether
or walk, notwithstanding the loss of time and fatigue
they would thereby suffer. The same result would
ensue if a monopoly was given to a single company
with the privilege of fixing their fares at any rate
they thought proper. Unless the directors and ma-
nagers were intelligent and clear-headed men, the)
would charge so highly as to reduce the traffic. Per-
haps, eventually, the proprietors obtain better returns,
and the public are certainly better served by having
the entire traffic thrown open to general competition,
in which everything finds its level—the carriers rea-
lising fair and moderate profits, and the passengers
being carried at reasonable rates.
It must also be borne in mind that our shipping
itself suffers from the regulations established by other
countries in consequence of the example we have
afforded. If England has her navigation-laws, so has
America, so has Germany, and, indeed, almost every
other maritime country that could be named. If we
abolish our code, and admit the vessels of the United
States to our ports, they will adopt an equally
liberal policy. The Right Honourable Gentleman
the Alember for Manchester, in the course of his
powerful speech last night, clearly pointed out the in-
jurious effects of the combined influence of the English
and American navigation-laws on English shipping,
almost the whole of the carrying trade between Eng-
land and America being in consequence thereof given

THE

to American vessels. As the Right Hon. Gentleman
said, "it was all Europe against Et.gland in favour
of American ships, and the American ship had al-
ways a good opportunity of getting a full freight in
coming from America to England, because the pro-
duce she brought was the raw produce, cotton and
corn." Well might he add, " that under the two laws
the American shipping had a decided advantage over
the English shipping, and that if the House
rejected the present proposition of the Govern-
ment, it would be inflicting a great blow on
the English shipping, and depriving that interest
of the great advantages now within their
reach." Germany toe, and other lands, will also be
lost to us, by their endeavouring to carry out our
own principle, in fact our shipowners would be serious
losers in place of gainers by the system, so far as the
traffic of the world is concerned. Under these cir-
cumstances there is a failure of the case on the very
first point. The shipowners would not be injured,
but, on the contrary, materially served by the re-
laxation of the law ; and it becomes unnecessary to
argue the second part of the case. The interests of
the shipowners and of the community at large are
not conflicting, so that it is unnecessary to decide
which should give way to the other.

SPAIN.

Madrid papers of the 27th ultimo have arrived.

BERTRAND DE Lis has resigned the post of Fi-
nance Minister, because NARVAEZ, during the month
of April, expended on the army just double the sum
voted in the Budget. The post has been offered to
Mori, who, however, declines the responsibility of
furnishing supplies from an empty treasury. The
post has also been offered to ORLANDO and CARRASCO.

MADRID BOLSA, MAT 27.—Three per Cents.,
21i paper ; Five per Cents., 13 1 paper ; Passives,
5i- paper; Bank of St. Ferdinand, 82 cash. Ex-
change on London, at 30 days, 41 50-100.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.

. _
A Committee of eighteen (one for each bureau)
has been appointed to consider the propriety of im-
peaching Louis BLANC.
The Assembly did not sit yesterday. It is said
that the Executive Committee intend to present a
Bill to prohibit the collecting together of large assem
blages, and to punish those who print, post, or di4tri-
bate incendiary placards. The printer and writer of
the placard proposing the Prince DE JOIN VILLE as a
candidate for Paris arc to be prosecuted.
Prince Louis NAPOLEON, who visited Paris incog.
about three days ,since, has received orders to quit
Paris.

M. EMILE T uomAs has arrived at Bordeaux.
The Committee on Labour has decided that it
would devote Tuesday and Friday in each week to
the inquiry ordered by the Assemblee Nationale.
The delegates, masters and workmen of each branch,
with the authors of plans and systems, are to be
heard in order, as they may apply in writing to the
Committee. At its last sitting, the Committee heard
a report from M. WALDECK ROUSSEAU upon several
papers sent in, and it acceded to the conclusions of
that report--that is to say, to form three Sub-Com-
mittees, to suggest the resolutions to be submitted to
the Assembly on the three following questions, viz.-
1. The commandite, in manufacturing, agricultural,
and other undertakings, where capitalists advance
money, to have an interest in the undertaking. 2.
Association of workmen. 3. Benefit Societies for
their use. On the motion of one of the members,
the Committee referred to the first Sub• Committee a
plan for the establishing a bank at Paris, to furnish
tools and implements, and to make advances to such
workmen as may have been domiciled in Paris more
than six months.

Yesterday, being Ascension• day, was kept as a
holiday. The Bourse, National Assembly, and all
the public offices were closed, and there was no busi-
ness doing of any kind.
We read in the Messager

" A new association of deputies, amounting to up-
wards of 200, has been formed, and will assemble at
the Academie de Medicine, in the Rue de Poitiers. The
object is said to be to establish an honest, moderate re-
public, such a one as we hope and believe the country
almost unanimously desires, and which will exercise a
salutary influence over the proceedings and decisions of
the Assembly. At its first sitting General Baraguay
d'ililliers was elected President, M. Baz4 Vice-Presi-
ient, and MM. Berard and Granger de la Mariniere,
secretaries. We have already noticed the meeting of
the Palais National, under the presidency of M. Dupont
de l'Eurc, that held at M. 13uchez's, and another assem-
bling daily at a house in the Chausbet, d'Antin. So
that it appears the National Assembly is divided into
four camps."
At the meeting of the representatives in the
bureaux yesterday to examine the demand made for
authorisation to proceed against M. Louis BLANC for
being concerned in the affair of May 15, very little
discussion took place. It was rumoured amongst
the members that the law-officers of the Republic had
for several days been applying to the Executive
Committee for the authorisation, but that it had been
always retused. It was only that morning, it was
said, that after the law-officers had declared that it
would be impossible to go on with the case if the
authorisation was refused, that the Executive Corn•
tnittee consented. In the bureaux, some of the
members declared themselves to be decidedly opposed
to the authorisation, but in general the bureaux con-
fined themselves to recommending the persons nomi-
nated to the Committee to pay the most scrupulous
attention to every part of the case, and to demand ex •
planations from the Procureur-General. In some
bureaux also the members of the Committee were
directed to ascertain if the prisoners were to be tried
before the ordinary tribunals or before a special court.
MM. BAZE and FROISSARD abstained from voting,
because they were witnesses in the case ; and M. DE
CORMENIN, on account of his old intimacy with M.
Louis BLANC. Amongst the persons appointed to
the Committee are several who gave no opinion on the
matter.

The Executive Government has sent the following
communications to the journals :

Prosecutions are ordered against the author and
printer of a placard posted on the walls of Paris, propos-
ing the Prince de Joinville as a candidate for the Na-
tional Assembly. This placard is seditious, because, by
the terms of the decree recently rendered by the Assem-
bly, the French territory is interdicted to all the mem-
bers of the ex-Royal Family."
M. ALPHONSE ADAM, a carpenter, living in the
Rue de l'Ouest, a candidate for one of the vacancies
in the representation at the National Assembly for
Paris, has published in the journals a letter which
says—" I am only a workman, but I can certify
that all true workmen, fathers of families, are greatly
surprised at seeing several journals attempting to
make use of the workmen to serve their own ends.
We wish for nothing but order and employment, and
will always support the National Guard, of which
every one has a right to form part."

The Orleanist reactionnaireB have put forward the
Prince DE JOINVILLE as a candidate for Paris. Verily
the intrigue progresses. M. GUIZOT seeks to rule
France from Brompton•squire as he already rules
Spain, and hopes soon to rule England. The Reforme
thus remarks on this audacious proceeding :
" We shall not to-day speak of the Chamber and of its
labours. The political question ot the moment is
to be seen posted up on the walls, in large
yellow placards, bearing a signature, and all Paris
is convoked to nominate at the next elections the
sailor Joinville, Prince of Orleans, and a fits de France.
we have seen those placards on the walls of the
Chateau d'Eu ; on those walls from whence were tits
charged the bullets which slaughtered the people on the
24th of February. Pretenders proceed rapidly now-a-
days ; formerly, the princes of Cobleetz were less
bold. It is true that there was then a, .eoe,aoveoronr-
inent, and a revolution. Our philanthropists,
will say,
academicians, our able men, both diplomatic en lite-
rary,months after the barricades the dynasty placards itself
in
nn thethe walls.oa m Tohte
toyinvoilfle itshedempaenodpeled.
Youinthvseee
e
Behold our strength.' Yes, you are strong, like
those of the Directory, who allowed ambitious men to
rise, and who destroyed the Republic. You are strong,
like those who sleep in the illusions of another re-
storation. You will, perhaps, say that we are wrong
setisthouovrweeroesitfgroujng we are I Three
in attaching any value to inoffensive placards, puerile
demonstrations, or ridiculous idolatries.. You de-
ceive yourselves ; the interests which live on
privilege are no longer under the fear ot balls—they
now conspire ; aristocracies form their coteries ; mono-
polists dream of the old reign ; and society, which a
flash of victory had illuminated, again falls back to its
former state. Count the pretenders; they are all citi-
zens: they write to claim their rights from the bosom
of that old England from whence all our defeats
have proceeded. They have here statesmen who
caress and journals which defend them, even
to the length of insulting the people. They are
banished by the National Assembly, and their midi.