The Sun.
London, England, 1848-03-07 00:00:00

T SUN, LON DON,

I was able to show you in that year that there was a
surplus of s,ooo,oool.—that the buoyancy of the revenue
was such as nearly to supply the void which had pre-
viceiely existed, and that it was then in your power, had
yon so pleased, to have repealed the tax, instead of
adopting a measure for the increase of the estimates and
the remission of duties upon other articles. It
was with a full knoe ledge of all these facts
that the House consented in 1845 to a revive'
of the tax of 1842. Now if the House regret
this, as I said before, I must obviously con-
cede their right to express that regret, and to
take a different course, but I do not want to shelter
myself under their authority. So long as I live I shall
never repent that I proposed this alteration in the com•
mercies' policy of the country—(Cheers)—and induced
the House of Commons, not by fascination, not by
smuggling, hit by a full and explicit statement of facts,
to impose and continue the dirt-et tax in question, in lieu
of the repealed and reduced taxee to which I have re-
ftirred.—(Hear, hear.) I have made this steternent in
justice to those Ni ho, however they fell off from me in
1846—(Laughter)—were my cordial supporters in 1845.
—(Hear, hear.) There is nothing further from my wish
than to revive :any of the discussions of 1846; but we
roust draw a clear lino of distinction between the com-
mercial line of policy of 1845 and tl-at of 184 G. Now,
there were some predictions made at the time of the in-
come-tax being proposed which it is not immaterial to
recall. We were told that the substitution of direct for
indirect taxation to theextent which Iproposed was most
unwise, and that, though we might receive a large sum
as income-tax, we should find a material counterbalance
in the falling off in other taxes, as, for example, in the
assessed taxes. Noe such has not been the case. In
1842, before the direct tax, the income-tax, was imposed
there was received of assessed taxes 4,190,0(10/. In
1847, after the several years' collection of the direct tax,
the income-tax, there were received, of assessed taxes,
4,334,000/., so that so far from there being a falling off
in assessed taxes on account of the simultaneous imposi-
tion of the income-tax, there was an increase of consi-
derably more than 100,0001.—(Hear, hear.) In 1842
and 1845, I meant to lay down nu principle with refer
owe to the proportion which direct taxation should boar
to indirect taxation ; I simply said then, as I say now,
that I thought the impossibility of 3 per cent., oa the
income of the country, as a substitute for the taxes
repealed or reduced, on articles of subsistence, on the
raw materials of manufactures, or articles which pecu-
liarly lead to smuggling, woud be a beneficial substi-
tute.—(Hear, hear.) I am quite aware that there are
limits to the imposition of direct taxation.—(Hear,
hear.) I do not agree with those who would substi-
tute direct for indirect taxation as a general principle.
—(Hear, hear.) In times of peace I am not at all pre-
pared to say that I could wish—except for special and
temporary purposes—to carry direct taxation to any
much greater extent than we have now carried it.—
(Hear,: hear.) I um quite ready to admit- that there
are great evils accompanying direct taxation. There is
a strong inducement, no doubt, in evil times, to derive
revenue from direct rather than from indirect
taxation—(Hear, hear)—but I am not prepared
to assent to any general rule for the substitution, though
it is one accordant, I believe, with the opinions of very
many Members of this House.—(liear, hear.) I admit
that there are many cases of individual hardship under
the income-tax, as there are under every tax that is
raised, but I do not admit the hardship of the principle
upon which we now proceed.—(Bear, hear.) I think
the tax ought to be distinctly a tax upon income. If, in-
deed, you wanted to make some great national effort,
for some distinct national purpose, then you might up
ply to capital. If you wanted, for example, by a great
national effort, to pay off all, or a part of the national
debt—l do not say this were a desirable effort—but if you
desired to make it, then you must apply to realised capital;
but I am now speaking of annual exertions to meet an-
nual demands, and the direct tax towards these an
nual demands, I say, after long consideration of the
subject, ought to be an income-tax, without any dis-
tinction between the different sources whence it in
derived.—(Hear, hear.) I would never consent to re-
lieve incomes derived from trade, or incomes derived
from professions, for the purpase of throwing an in
vidious, and. as I think, unjust, burden on what is
called realised property.—(Hear, hear.) The taxes
which had been repealed or reduced, fell, certainly, as
heavily upon the tradesman and upon the professional
man, as upon the owner of realised property. There
is no distinction made between these various classes it,
the duties upon articles of luxury, in the window du-
ties, in the assessed taxes; why, as to the income-tax.
are you to throw the whole or main onus upon real
property? To say nothing of the pledged faith ae
owe to funded property, every reason of policy is
against the oppressing that class of property with a
heavier share ut taxation than is called for from
trading or professional incomes, in the way of direct
taxation.—(llear.) In a word, I consider that no
principle can be more just, or more free from objec-
tion, than that which we have acted upon; and I should
greatly dread the introduction of any other principle.
—(Bear, hear.) I come now to the question raised
by the Hon. Member opposite, whether or no it is expe
client that this tax should be continued for three years.
or only for one year. I shall give my decided support
to the Government in maintaining the tax for the period
of three years.—(Hear, hear.) The lion. Member for
Montrose says one year only ; and with his opinion that
an immense reduction may be effected in the extent of
our naval and military forces, that proposition is con
sistent enough ; but, how the Hon. Member for War
wickshire can vote for the one year amendment I do not
so well understand.—(hear, hear, and a laugh.) This
Hon. Gentleman announces that he shall give his cordial
support to Government in ineintainieg the full comple-
ment of forces they judge necessary under existing
circumstarces. Now if these forces are to be so main-
tained—and I am decidedly of opinion they should b
—(clear, hear)—l cannot foresee such a reduction in the
estimates as will enable us to dispense with the income-
tax on the nth of April, 1849.—(1-lear.) Trus the lion
Member for Warwickshire, while he said he would re-
tain the full navel and military complements, intimated
there were other items on which great reductions
could be made ; but, on coming to particulars,
we find that the Hon. Member's contemplated
retrenchments apply just to the subject of
education charities, and to money paid to the Hon.
Member for Belton for inquiring into an improved mode
of keeping the national accounts.—(Laughter.) Now,
as to the money paid to the Hon. Gentleman opposite,
that is clearly irrecieverable.--(Liiughter.) And as to
the other possible retrenchment of the lion. Member for
Warwickshire, I don't believe it would realise a saving
of 1,000/. a year, manifestly a small matter. That large
reductions may be made in the details of the naval and
military expenditure I am clearly of opinion—(Hear,
hear)—and I am equally of opinion that economy in the
details of other departments may be introduced. Nor
would I advocate the continuance of the income tax for
three years, if I thought its continuative would operate
against the most strict and searching inquiry into the
economy which may be effected in all the public depart-
ments; but, at the same time, I would hare the House
and the country feel that there is a degree of econonea
which in the end/proves anything but economical.—
(Hear, hear.) 1n'1835 the estimates, indeed, were lower
than they have been since; but, observe, we were very
shortly afterwards comp lied to raise them very mate-
rially.—(ilear, hear.) I shall support the Government
proposition, Lecause, while deeply impressed with the
necessity f economy, I am, on the other hand, as deeply
impressed with the essential necessity of insiintaining
the public credit.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen opposite,
indeed, say, " Oh, as to the public credit, there can be
no question nbi ut maintaining that; we propose to revise
the whole system of taxation, to apportion the taxes
mere equally, but we entirety concur in the universal
feeling as to the necessity of maintaining the public
credit." Yes, very true ; but I would rather have the
income- tax in reserve, before we set about considering
an amended system of taxation. If a new system of
taxation were to be proposed in February next, with
the certainty of the incotne-tax expiring on the sth of
April folio 'sing, notwithstanding the profession of your
determination to support the public credit, I should be
rather apprehensive on the subject, should the new
scheme by any possibility turn out a failure.—(Hoar,
bear.) On the other hand, should the new scheme
answer, it will be very easy to repeal the income-tax.
At all events, the fact of this reserve against necessity
will give the opportunity for more mature consideration
of the subject, without shaking the confidence of the
public creditor.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot conceive it
possible that there will be such a reduction in the public
expenditure, as will enable us to dispense with five
millions of revenue; nor do I think it likely that you
will be prepared, by next February, with any scheme
which will produce you such an amount at so little cost
in the collection, and so little onerous in itself, as is the
tax now before us. Had the Government found it abso-
lutely necessary to persevere in the larger taxation they
at first proposed, in order to avoid debt in time of peace,
so great is my dread of the incurrence of such a debt, I
would hale supported them; but at the same time I am
far frees blaming them that after the decided expression
of public opinions on the subject they withdrew the addi-
tional 2 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) With reference to the
probability of an increase in the customs revenue, there
was certainly never such a combination of circumstances
affecting that revenue as that combination of circum-
stances which has existed during the past two years,
and by which the trailing and commercial energies of
this country have been paralysed.—(Hear.) I find it,
therefore, my duty, in this period of commercial de-
pression, to assert my continued adherence to the prin-
ciples on which the remissions I effected took place.—
(Cheers.) I have the firmest confidence in the justice of
those principles.—(hear.) Their operation has been
impeded by that combination of circumstances to which
I have referred, the necessity of supporting the people of
one of these islands by ten millions of loan, raised here,
the necessity of importing enormous quantities of foreign
corn for the consumption of our own people, the,derange-
meats, commercial and monetary, which affected our
whole commercial and trading community; but taese
facts, to far from making me regret the proposals which
I made respecting the improvement of our commercial
policy—so fez- from making me distrust the princi-
ples on which those proposals were made, however dis-
heartening the facts may seem in some respects, have led
me to a totally opposite conclusion—have made me
rejoice that when the relaxations were proposed they
were adopted.—(Hear, hear.) I still retain a confident
expectation that the energit s of this country will rise
superior to its present commercial depression, and that
we shall live to are the time when the revenue of the
country shall flourish as it did in 1845, and even-with
increase.—(llear, hear.) And here let me observe,
that one of my reasons for assenting to the renewal
of the income tax for thrt e years, is precisely the re-
collection that it was immediately after the year of pros-
perity to which I refer that the heavy debt and the
paralyzing circumstances under which we now suffer
were thrown upon us.—(hear.) I must own further,
that I am influenced in my support of the tax's continu-
ance for three years very materially by reference to the
wonderful events which have taken place within a very

recent period in a neighbouring country.—(Hear, hear.)
I regard them as amply justifying this country in not
consenting to incur any risk of a large debt in this
period of three years. I should feel it to be utterly in-
consistent with sound policy, with my sense of duty, to
make any detailed reference to events which must have
fluted all here present with utter astonishment.—(Hear.)
Of this, let me say, I am perfectly coefident, that the
true policy of this country will consist in the most
complete, the most absolute abstinence from all interfer-
ence whatever in the internal affairs of the country in
which such a wonderful revolution has taken place.
I hope we shall continue to be enabled to exercise the
rites of hospitality.—([fear, hear.) I think it is of the
utmost importance that this country should always be
enabled to offer a refuge to the victims of political con-
valsions.—(llear, hear.) England has been such in other
times, and I trust it will long continue to be so. When
the hospitality of this country has been taken advantage
of to diturb the peace of ether monarchies, I have al-
ways protested against such an abuse being permitted to
exist; and I am equally ready to take the sense course
with respect to a Republic.—(Hear, hear.) I earnestly
trust that this place of refuge, and that the hospitality
accorded to fugitives in this country, will not be abused;
and that all parties will set their faces against any in-
trigues that may be set on foot; for I hold that the same
rule which applied to a monarchy is equally good with
respect to a Republic. I confess that I heard with the
greatest satisfaction the declaration from her Ma-
jesty's Government that they were resolved to
abstain from all interference in the internal
affairs of France.—(Hear, hear.) If this determination
be carefully and strictly observed, it will discou-
rage all other nations from any attempts at inter-
ference. I cannot but bear it in my mind whilst regard-
ing the present state of things, that France is at this
moment enduring the throes of a great experiment; and
I therefore am not disposed to attach any importance to
the heats which manifest themselves in the journals of
that country. I look with considerable interest at the
position of the Provisional Government that is estab-
lished, and I cannot refrain from expressing my most
earnest hopes that those who may be called upon to
govern the destinies of the French people will content
themselves with directing their efforts to their own social
condition. I sincerely hope that they may succeed in
constituting a Government which shall be strong and
permanent in itself; and that whilst they endeavour to
reconcile the perfect independence of their country with
the rights secured by existing treaties, they will not set
an example of aggression, or of that desire for territorial
aggrandisement which will, if manifested, peril the
peace of Europe, and inflict an irreparable injury on the
whole of the civilised world.—(Cheers.)
Lord G. BENTINCK reminded the House that when
the Right Hon. Baronet who had just sat down passed so
high an eulogy upon his sagacity and foresight in respect
to his commercial policy, he had totally omitted to state
that in May, 1841, he had supported two resolutions, on
the first of which Lord Melbourne's Government was
defeated in the proposition for admitting foreign slave
sugar at a fixed duty of 12s. The Right Hon. Baronet
then said that not only the interests but the honour of
England demanded the continued exclusion of slave-
srown sugars, whereas in 1846 the House and the nation
learned from the Right Hon. Baronet's lips that neither
the House nor the interest of England required any
such exclusion to be kept up.--(Cheers.) But then
came another resolution affecting the duty on foreign
corn, which the Government of Lord Melbourne pro-
posed to fix permanently at Ba., and the Right Hon.
Baronet opposed that proposition successfully, whilst
lie now asserted that he never should repent of having
finally abolished all duty on foreign corn. He (Lord
G. Bentinck) might truly say that the Honourable
Members around him would never cease to repent
their misplaced confidence in the Rignt Hon. Baronet.
—(Cheers from the benches near the Noble Lord.) The
Right Hon. Baronet had endeavoured to prevail on the
House to believe that he had introduced the income-tax,
in 1842, with a view to the commercial reforms in the
tariff to which he had referred. But when the Right
Hon. Baronet brought in the tax, he stated moat dis-
tinctly, that whilst he did certainly contemplate fixing
the duration of the tax for five years, yet, as ho did not
intend it to produce more than was absolutely necessary
to cover the deficiencies in the revenue, he should only
ask the House to confirm the tax for three years. Then
again, in 1845, the Right Hon. Baronet told the House
that he had 5,000,0001. of taxes at his disposal, and it
was for them to say whether they would maintain the
national defences, and the troops and seamen required,
as shown by the estimates. It was then in the com-
petence of the House to reject the income-tax altogether,
but the Right Hon. Baronet never gave any intimation
of his intention to let foreign corn in free of duty.—
( Loud cries of " Divide.") The Right Hon. Baronet gave
no intimation in 1845 of his intention to revoke that
protection which he came into power to maintain, and
the protection party supported the re-imposition of the
income-tax in that year, because they were befooled and
beguiled by the Hon. Member for Tamworth. The
Noble Lord here entered into a general review of the
sugar-duty question and its results, comparing the
latter with the prophecies of commercial prosperity
uttered by the Right Hon. Baronet at Tamworth, in
1847.—(Loud cries of " Question.") He had supported
l‘naigdnitli intte propertywai
sy
avant
I la
g 1 ° i r e ' "
the property-tax in 1845, because by its aid large excise
imposts were done away with, and • with them a great
number of excise officers ; but the duty on cotton was a
tax which would cost nothing in the collecting, because
the tide-waiters who were put on board the ships to
prevent the smuggling of tobacco could collect the
cotton duties. His argument was that the taxes we
had remitted were taxes on the industry of the
oreigner, and that their remission had produced no
corresponding relief to the home consumer. Such
lad been the case with tallow ; and on brandy,
which previous to the reduction was to be had for
Is. 91. the gallon in bond, had in 1847 risen to ss. 11d.
tie v. ould also ask the Hon. Member for Liverpool
elo ther the increase in the consumption of brandy, en
which that Hon. Member had congratulated himself, had
(nut been met by a corresponding decrease in the con-
ounption of British spirits and malt liquor ? In the
article of timber a similar result might be traced ; the
price, which was 48s. the load before the reduction of
duty, had since then risen to 59e .40., and the foreigner
nail pocketed 421,000/. by the change.—(Hear, hear.)
the consequence of the alteration in the sugar duties
had been, that while foreign slave-grown sugar went up
101. a ton British colonial went down 71. There was also
:he corn duty, which in the last two years had produced
850,0001. a year, and if they had preserved them last
year they would have produced 1,747,0001. His propo-
sitions did not tend to the reduction of the revenue. No
ine in that House was more ready in times like the
~resent to keep unimpaired the resources of the country.
At the same time be was no advocate of aggression
,n France, for there was no gentleman in that House
who had looked with greater admiration on the
moderation recently displayed by the French
He did not believe that history
of conduct so magnanimous and so
displayed by the entire people of
only changes
express
th were
h proveif
moderation so"r,
a atah se
o
chivalrousFp
recordedero France.—(Loud
1 c et.. - —.
____(a:naLoi :i:;s;ti
cheers.)daheebeaeere.
n
And so far as their internal
sovernment was concerned, he would not have the
impertinence to pass an opinion as to whether recent
heartfeltad betterrwains
advantageous
that(
,ou tgthheetr
ow republicani otherwise.
that
t Hocwinhot
surt)lt.d:
subdivided, as they had to our
rivals.—(Hear,
to anticipate Hear, hear.) But while he ad-
miredand chivalrous courage of the
itt4
rat
eri o
ooha u
.voids,
ne s
r i;e
lit t might
French, he could not forget that the latter virtue was
often accompanied by a thirst for military glory. He
could not but remember how efficiently the spirit-stirring
pbaeteenwuhseadt
ambitious
hNitaihpuoa-
leaders might arise out of the present struggle to assert
the right of France to the Rhenish bouudary.—(Hear.)
Chat boundary England was bound to preserve by
treaties from which her honour would not permit her to
swerve.—(ol), oh.) To maintain the frontier of Prussia
we might be dragged'into a war, and for that reason he,
for one, would not consent to leave the military and
naval defences of the country in a weak or inefficient
state. The secret of being safe was to be brave, and to
preserve without ostentation a dignified attitude of de-
;once. But to come back to the question of taxation, he
was prepared to support the motion of the Hon. Member
for Montrose. If they would only retain the duty which
Unitedbt following
which
had
laid cot
an cotton
adwould
valo-
rem came in force that day (the corn duty) it would produce
850,000 L, and a duty on Baltic timber, which would
only affect the foreigner, would be worth 700,0001. Cot-
ton, without injury to manufacturers, might produce
650,0001.; and, besides, a tax on American
foster its production in India. In laying on this duty
ire
practice
a modest distance the
only follow them at a modest distance, , for while these
duties were 28 per cent., he did not propose to exceed
ten or twelve per cent. on the value. Tallow was one
should
duty
of onlyth
2eper
cent.a States,
on at
our exorts. He would
of the articles on which he would impose a duty of 10
per cent. Foreign wool was another. He would tax
nothing colonial—(Hear, hear)--and on all the other
great articles of import be would impose the same rate
of duty.—(Hear, hear.) On the foreign manufactures
he would impose a duty of 30 per cent.; and there were
few of our articles of manufacture upon which the United
States imposed so low a duty as 30 per cent—
(Hear,
hear.) What would be the result of an import duty of
30 per cent. on foreign silks might be judged of from
what had been the result of the reductions of duty made
by the Right Hon. Baronet. In 1836 there were 14,000
looms going in Spitalfiulds. In 1845, when the trade
hat"; been ruined by the foreign competition the Right
lion. Baronet had by his laws encouraged, there were
10,000—(Hear, hear)--and at this moment there were
but 3,500 of these working. By those changes in the
law, not only had 169,0001. a year of revenue been lost
in this article, but the operatives had beers robbed of
150,0001, or the means of employing 7,000 families. The
same disastrous result had followed the reduction of du-
ties on shoes and other articles of manufacture; and yet,
with these facts before him—with the knowledge that
thousands of the hard-working operatives of this country
had been reduced to a state of ruin and destitution by
his acts, ho had the heart to toll them that he did not
repent the policy which had entailed upon his country-
men so much distress and suffering.—(Hear, hear.) He
remembered well when the Right Hon. Baronet told the
Cornish miners, when they c„replained of his bringing
in foreign competion against them, that they must con-
sider the advantage ho gave them in admitting goose
feathers duty free—(Hear, and a laugh.)—that they
would be enabled to sleep on down beds.—(Laughter.)
What were the down beds on which they were now Cornwalre-
posing ? He need nut go so far as I—he would
take Staffordshire; and there he found that out of 160
furnaces 60 were out of blast, and the miners who were
to have enjoyed such unheard-of luxury found that they
were either thrown out of work altogether or their
wages were reduced fifteen per cent.—.(Hear, hear.)
Except the usurers—the representatives of the money-
bags—he knew of no trade that had prospered under the
operation of the Right Hon. Baronet's free-trade policy.
—(Cries of " Divide.") The country was in the last
gasp before the Chancellor of the Exchequer would