The Sun.
London, England, 1848-12-14 00:00:00

NAOURS.
Louis Napoleon Bonaplrte about 98 in 100.
At Flixecourt, Vreely, Chilly, Roxieres, and
Corbie, Napoleon obtained the unanimity of the vot, s.

HAUTE •VIENNE-ST VICTURNIN.
Louis Napoleon Bonaparte ... 253
General Cavaignac .•• ••• 24
ORADOUR.
Louis Napoleon Bonaparte ... 372
General Cavaignac 12
VIENNE.
ST. MARTIN D'OSSILL',N.
Louis Napoleon Bonaparte ... 950
CIVRAY.
Louis Napoleon Bonaparte ... 1,028
General Cavaignac •• 53
YONNE-IST SECTION. CANTON OF COURSON.
Louis Nap.leon . . 838
General Cavaignac ". ". 62
DUNONT.
Louis Napoleon ... 655

BRIENON.

Louis Napoleon ~, •• •
Ledru Rogin
General Cavaignac
COULANGE.

:.. 659
... 130
... 76

Louis Napoleon ... ... 519
General Cavaignac 49

Raspail
The following is the latest acoount of the gross
poll :

Number of votes already ascertained 1,246,000
Of these—
Louis Napoleon ... ... 782,000
General Cavaignac ... 268,000
The rest are divided among LEDRU ROLLIN, RAs'.
PAIL, and LAMARTINE.
The Siecle thus accounts for the success of LOUIS
NAPOLEON—.

" Here in Paris, as well as in other great industrial
centres, the democrat socialists en masse, suddenly aban-
doning their candidate, have voted for Louis Napoleon.
What has been their calculation ? What passion, what
arriere pensee, have they obeyed ? It is not easy to
answer. According to some the attraction of the popu-
lar name of Napoleon drew them from the anarchists
—according to others they rallied to the can-
didate who presented the most chances of being
elected, in order, in the first place, to take ven-
geance on General Cavaignac for the terrible defeat
of June; and, in the next, in the hope that social order,
under a President suspected by the moderate Republi•
cans, that is to say, by a portion of the middle classes,
would be less vigorously defended. The enthusiasm of
the country people for the name of Napoleon has been
very great, but what rendered the attraction irresistible
is the animosity felt against the Republic—an animosity
caused first by suffering, and artfully stimulated by the
old Ministerialists and Legitimists."
Having declared that they will not pursue a fac-
tious course towards; the new Government, the Siecle
proceeds :
" The greater part of Ministers, if not all, will retire.
Their successors are already designated, and the list of
names handed about to-day in the Assembly was known
even weeks ago.
" The great difficulty in the way of the new Govern-
ment will be to keep within bounds the different pas-
sions which combined to make the election of the 10th
of December, and to struggle against the pressure from
without, that will try to drive them beyond the bounds
of the Constitution. If they resist, as we are persuaded
they will, then they may count on our support. We see
no safety for the country except in the maintenance of
the Constitution. We combatted with energy the coali-
tion formed under our eyes, because we saw the dis-
honest motives which held it together. Eight months
ago, it was the revolutionary party that showed itself
arrogant and exclusive. We are to-day menaced with
another sort of danger. It is the counter-revolution
that believes itself triumphant, and which will pursue
its advantages. We shall endeavour to stop it in the
same way that we opposed our best efforts to the extra-
vagances of the violent Repulrlicans."
The Ileforme seems to think it probable that the
new President may attempt a coup d'etat against the
Assembly. It says—
" If from the first day the question of brute force be
posed between the new President and the Assembly, our
choice is not doubtful—we will defend the Assembly.
Without doubt it has committed numerous and very
great faults; but these faults have rather been the result
of error than of bad intentions. The Assembly is honest,
if not very enlightened, and devoted to the Republic.
Would to God that it had as much firmness as zAtl for
the public good. We would defend the Assembly be-
cause it has a sovereign mandate, while that of the Pre-
sident is simply constitutional. We would defend it
because the brutal violation of the Constitution would
be the last blow given to the Republic. Upon this point
no sincere Republican, no frieed of the Constitution,
should hesitate a moment. But we do not doubt
that the old-fashioned dreams of coup d'etat
and of coteries shall yield to the fear of uni-
versal reprobation. Public opinion, forgetful at
least of its aim, has nevertheless, for the last fifty years
been fickle as to 'persons. How many brilliant popu-
larities annihilated since February! What sudden re-
actions! How much self-deception on the part of men
who, thinking.themselves idols, fancied that their popu-
larity was personal, instead of being addressed to ideas,
and hopes resumed by their name! Those who are
thinking of making appeals to force and to a coup d'etat,
will reflect, and will find no difficulty in recognising that
the unanimous wish of France already too misconcieved,
calls fur the regular development of institutions. In
such a situation the attitude of the friends of the revos
lution is one of reserved neutrality and of distrust to-
wards the new power about to rise, without rancorous or
systematic hostility. Our part is to await the deve-
lopment of the designs and of the forces of our enemies,
and to prepare ourselves by sustained vigilance, by fre-
quent communications, by pacific and active propagation
of the doctrines of the revolution for the events in which
we may be called to intervene. There are those who
reckon on our impatience. Let us be calm as well as
firm. Let us be above provocation, and the reactionary
policy will fall of itself before public contempt."
The National has the following, which may be
considered as the official declaration of the sup-
porters of GeneralCAvAlGNAc :
" Universal suffrage has now declared itself, and there
is every reason to suppose that M. Louis Bonaparte will
have a considerable majority. The result is contrary to
our wishes, but it does not inspire us with any feeling
of anger, nor does it in any way make us despair of the
future. We have supported with all our strength the
candidate who responded the best to our ideas, and who
appeared to present the best guarantees to the country
of order and of stability. In so doing we have fulfilled
our duties as citizens, and we have nothing to reproach
ourselves with. If the majority declares against us, we
shall respect its decision, and the man whom it shall
invest with the post of first magistrate will be no
longer anything in our eyes but the legal represen-
tative of the French people, charged to act in its
name, as the National Assembly is charged to delibe-
rate and pass laws. Not that we shall in any way
lay aside the convictions which have directed and sus-
tained us in the struggle. We have expressed our fears
that the election of M. Louis Bonaparte would expose us
to disorders, and civil discord, and we tear so still. The
majority which for this time has rallied round his name
is composed of the most heterogeneous elements, we
might go further and say of the most hostile ones. The
peasants, strangers to all political discussions, the So
masts, Royalists of all shades, Bonapartists, Orleanists,
and Legitimists, have not apparently been inspired with
the same ideas, have not been guided by the same feel-
ing, have not served the same interests. Allies during
the combat, they will necessarily dispute for the fruits
of the victory ; all these hostile feelings which for a
moment have been disguised under the common livery,
will not long delay to throw off the mask and re-
enter the lists—more active, more ardent, and more
irreconcileable than they have ever yet been. God
preserve, our;sountry from this terrible trial ; that is
our most sincere and fervent prayer. If the event falsi-
fies our prognostications, we shall heartily rejoice. If
they are confirmed—if the old parties again raise their
standards, which they have shamefully concealed for
some time—our part is very simple, and our
dtities clearly pointed out. Our standard is the
Constitution, the symbol of our political faith, the ex-
pression of our wishes and of the wants and interests of
democratic France. We shall energetically defend it
against all parties, against all attacks, and with God's
assistance we will maintain it. Hence it follows, that so
long as the Government, issuing from universal suffrage,
shall faithfully and sincerely carry out the constitution
in virtue of which it exists, we shall respect it; and we
shall regard it as the consequence of the principle which
we have proclaimed. It is not, in fact, the same with
a Republican as with a MonarcLical regime. In
the latter the principle, incarnated in one man, is sup-
ported or falls with him. Under the former men pass
away, and the principle still remains as strong and as
powerful as ever. Such will be our conduct towards
the new Government. We shall watch it with atten-
tion, even with distrust, for we have right to do so—
but without any hostile feelings. If it manages the
affairs of the country properly we shall be content. If
it comprises her interests we shall resolutely oppose it,
but only with constitutional weapons; we shall not quit
the legal ground unless it is the first to do so, and then
only to follow it and defend it from the aggression of
the principle to which it owes its present success."

The lioniteur publishes the following proclamation
against clubs and open air meetings :
" The Government in these latter times, at the ap-
proach of the election of the President, has desired that
citizens should exercise the right that the law assures
them to meet and discuss. By a respect for the law,
pushed even to scruple, at the risk of causing disquietude
to the minds of ft iends of order, the most violent clubs
and meetings in the open air have been allowed under the
title with which they were covered of electoral meet-
ings. Without doubt, our manners must be allowed to
democratise themselves, and to become habituated to a
certain degree of agitation, inseparable from the emission
of the universal vote of a great people. The calm and
dignity which, according to the accounts received, have
presided at the accomplishment of this solemn act, have
shown besides, that the populations comprehend that
there ought to be limits to electoral agitation, however
reconcilable with order. The election is now terminated
—agitation ought to cease. The pretext of electoral
meetings can no more excuse those of clubs, whose con-
ditions of existence or whose language would place them
out of the pale of the law, nor is there excuse for those
assemblages on the highway, whose least inconvenience
is to interrupt general circulation. Monsieur the Pre-
fect of Police has caused to be placarded the law upon
attroupements, and the Government is determined to en-
force its execution; and in so doing it but performs the
wish of all citizens."
The Moniteur contains notes from eleven different
members of the Assembly, protesting against the
One member
number of laws set down as organic.