The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-26 00:00:00

SHERIFFS' COURT, SESSIONS HOUSE,
.1-17 E tt' NG TOIV, rime 25.
(Before Mr. Under-Sheriff Arnow.)
DAW6ON AN[) ceruErts moito:sEnx.
This was a writ of inquiry to liSE3clatnagers. Plaintiffs
awe adverting agents in the City, and sought *o recover
1,172?. 6s. 61. of the defendant, who is a banker at Lewe,
and a provisional c.unmitteetnan of the proposed Brighton,
Lewes, and Wells Direct Railway.
H. Goodman, clerk to plaintiffs, proved to receiving orders
from the secretary- and clerks cf the company to advertise the
prospectus and proceedings of the railway company.
G. Phipper, clerks to plaintiffs' produced bills for advertise-
ments. They claimed 81. 6s. 8(1. per cent. as commission.
Cross-examined—The Times allowed no discount ; the
other papers allowed a discount from o per cent. up to 30
per cent.
Mr, Collirson' treasurer to the Morning Chronicle, stated
that they allowed 5 per cent. discount to agents only. Would
not allow a discount to railway companies.
John Franks, clerk in the .li-o;•n;ng Herald office, deposed
' that this journal allowed a discount of ten per cent. to agent,
only.
Mr. BFAMWRIL addressed the jury, and contended that
the claim set up was an extravagant one, and that plaintiffs
had no right to charge their commission upon sums beyond
money actually paid by them. The line was twenty-two
miles. The plaintiff's charges for advertisements only was at
the average of 551. a mile.
The UNDEa-SHERIFF summed up, and the jury returned a
verdict for the amount claimed-1,1721. 6s. 6d.

IMPERTAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, June 25.
THE CORN-LAWS.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from the
West Surrey Association for protection to agriculture and
British industry. The petitioners stated that they had heard
with great surprise that the tenant-farmers were said to be in
favour, or indifferent to the repeal of the existing corn-law, and
they begged to state to their Lordships that they sincerely be-
lieved such statements to be. utterly untrue. They stated that
the proposed measure would have the effect of compelling them
to reduce their labourers' wages. They also stated that they
believed that the hateful and impious cry of famine had been
raised for the purpose of enabling- them who raised it to carry
out their schemes of plunder, and violation of the rights of the
agricultural party.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The petition
was signed by the Chairman of the Association, and he must
say that he agreed with the prayer of the petition.—(Laughter.)
THE CORN IMPORTATION BILL.
The LORD CHANCELLOR having put the question that

this Bill be read a third time,
The Earl of WICKLOW said that, on this motion, lie
begged to trouble their Lordships with a few observations. As
their Lordships were new at the last stage of these proceedings,
and were about finally to conclude these great and enormous
changes in the financial policy of this country, he begged to
remind their Lordships, and her Majesty's Government more
especially, of two points, upon which it appeared to him n ) in-
formation whatsoever had been afforded to their Lordships in
the course of these proceedings, and upon which he thought,
both to the country, and to that House, information was due
from the Government. The first of these points that he would
allude to, and which was certainly the least important, was
with respect to the promises which were made by the First
Minister of the Crown on the introduction of the Corn Bill
into the other House, of certain equivalents or compensations,
or matters of that nature, which were promised to accompany
this measure. Their Lordships had now got to the last stage of
the measure, and yet, up to the present time, he had not been
able to ascertain that in either House of Parliament anything
like a proposal of the nature of any of these matters had been
made to, or communicated to the House. Now, although these
matters might be of themselves of trifling importance, yet they
were not, it appeared, so considered by the Government when
they proposed the measure. They were given out and pro.
posed by Government in some degree as compensation to the
landed intereJ, for the loss they would sustain from the passing
-of this measure ; hut here they had approached this pT iod of
the session and no notice had been taken of either proposition.
There was one measure promised, and which ought to have
been brought forward irrespective of this Bill, because it was
founded in, ustice, and strongly recommended by the Landlord
and Tenant Commissioners of Ireland. It was promised that
the expense of the, constabulary force of that country should
he thrown upon the Consolidated Fund; but here they were
approaclking the end of the session, and no notice had been
taken of it in either House of Parliament. Before, therefore,
they read this Bill, they ought to have some explanation upon
this point.—( Hear, hear.) He now came to the second
point, but he must first go into a short state-
ment to make himself understood. It would be remembered
that Sir Robert Peel obtained a continuance of the income-tax
to enable him to try a particular financial experiment. The
Right Hon. Baronet stated that under the change, the customs
duties would so increase as to render the continuance of the in-
come-to x unnecessary, and before they passed this Bill they
ought to have some explanation upon this point too.—( Hear,
hear.) At that time the revenues were increasing in every de-
partment, and the country was in a state of prosperity. But,
most unfortunately, at the beginning of the present session,
on account of the happy state of the revenues, and the
ncrease which he had predicted, the first Minister of the
Crown, not, satisfied with the alterations which he had already
made, introduced thosemeasures which their Lorelsh ips had
been considering, for the past two cr three weeks. ThersToble
Lord, the President of the Board of Trade, who most ably in-
troduced the measure--for he (the Earl of Wicklow )
would give him credit for being a most able Minister and an
accomplished debater—never held out to their Lordships that
the customs duties, after these alterations, would gain the
point which they reached previous to the reduction. But he
bad swept away these sources of revenue, and all that he offered
to your Lordships in their stead, was what might be drawn in
the course of years from tho buoyancy of trade.—( Hear.)
But the Government must have taken these things into con-
sideration, and they must have seen their position in the pre-
sent circumstances of the country- No direct income-tax
would make up the deficiency. The First Minister of the
Crown, in his budget during the present session, held out no
surplus whatever. The whole surplus, including the I—mit-
tance from China, which would not continuo more than the
present year, was only ster,oooe ins, o hea whet}.r the country
had not a right, and whether their' Lordships had no right,
that their Ministers should state, what their expecations were
in reference to the future income of the country ? Had t leir
Lordships not a right to loicitv whether they meant to bring in
a substitute for this fix, 'or whether they inter ded to renew
the income-tax ? if they did not Mean to renew it, ths:n
what was-to bit the Substitute ? 'But if they intended to renew
that tax, why, he askes.', did they not announce
it fairly. 'He said a new Parliament would be in existence
before the expiry of the present tax ; and slid they I elieve that
a new Parliament would sanction that tax- He did not be-
lieve that a new Parliament would sanction, to any Govern-
ment, an income-tax as a permanent tax on the country. Ile
certainly did not believe, if such were made permanent. that
the country would suffer it to remain permanent, and least of
all at the present moment. If the Government should with-
draw that indirect taxation, to which the country had long
been accustomed, and if they sub4titued, instead of that, a
direct taxation, it was an impossibility to suppose that the
country would suffer it to continue. The Cabinet Ministers
must have considered these matters fully, and he asked
whether it was fair to the country or to their Lordships not
to make known what their intentions were? Tne Chancellor
of the Exchequer, with his long experience, and his great
ability, and holding an office in which he must acquaint him-
self on these subjects, and the Noble Lord the President of the
Board of Trade, were both of them capable of giving an an-
swer, but they (kennel, arid the country would
take
opportunity of calling upon his Noble Friend for an expla-
nation.
The Earl of RIPON said that the Noble Lord had a per-
fect right to ask these questions. He would not, for indeed he
had no right to, find fault with the manner in which they were
put by his Noble Friend. The first question was, whether the
Government had taken into consideration the means of carry-
ing on the affairs of the country under the reduced revenue
ca,
which would take place through the reduction in the duties,
and more especially those reductions which affected agriculture'
The Government felt now as they did in the beginning of the
session of Parliament, that they were bound to carry out the
measures alluded to by the Noble Lord. His Noble Friend
wished to know what was the intention of the Government
with respect to the question of the property-tax. This tax
was proposed to last for three years, but it would be impru-
dent of any Government to answer such a question before the
proper time. It world he found, perhaps, at the expiration of
the period of three years necessary or unnecessary to continue
this tax, as the case might be, and therefore to express a de-
cided opinion upon this question would be very impolitic.
The Noble Earl then read statistical documents to prove
that the reductions which had taken place since 1842
in the import duties had not been unfavourable. He was
happy to state that the demands upon the country were very
much less than they were, and it was satisfactory to find that a
reduction in the national debt had amounted, vvithirethe last
year, to upwards of one million.
Lord FEVERSHAM said that he could not but agree
with the agriculturists of this country that the measures of her
Majesty's Government were calculated to be of the greatest
injury to the landed interests. The tenant-farmers had held
meetings in various parts of the country, where resolutions
were passed condemnatory of the measure for a repeal of the
corn-laws, as a measure fraught with the greatest evil to the
landed interest. They had no statistical information from her
Majesty's Government to prove a case for the passing of the
Bill. He had met with a very intelligent American
gentleman, who saint that this question would be of the greatest
advantage to America, inasmuch as it would bring much of
the waste land of that country into cultivatiou. This was very
true, but how much would not that injure the agriculturists of
this country. The increase of the supply from foreign coun-
tries es - —tier of course, be the means of a ruinous
competition with this. It he thought the weasutr VV, Uhl be
conducive to the happiness of the people, or tend to promote
the morals of the people, he would at once forego his objection
to the measure, but he did not believe it would have that effect.
On the contrary, he thought it would retard rather than ad-
vance the happiness of the people, and it was on that ground
he opposed it. He would cot detain their Lordships further
than to remark that he thought that, in respect of this measure,
the constitution had been violated, inasmuch as the sense of
the people had not been taken upon it.—(Cheers.)
The Duke of CLEVE!, A.ND said, as this was the last stage
of this memorable Bill, upon which he should have an opportu-
nity of addressing their Lordships, lie wished to say a word or
two, not with the view of delaying the further progress of the
Bill, but simply to protest in the strongest manner against the
Bill.—( Hear, hear.) After listening attentively to all the de.
bates upon the subject, he must confess he still remained of the
same opinion as he did when the Bill was first introduced, and
be could not help thinking that many parties had sacrificed their
own private opinion in favour of party feeling. He must admit,
at the same time, that although the Whig party had hitherto
been favourable to a fixed duty, they had pursued a consistent
and proper course in supporting this measure, because they
were on the threshold of coming into office, and it would have
been unwise in them had they hampered themselves with the
difficulties of the question —(Hear, hear.) He claimed credit
for his own party, for having been actuated in their opposition
to the Bill by no other than sincere and purelydisinterested mo-
tives, while with regard to the question of voting by proxy, be
was ready to admit that, although it was
distasteful to
the public mind, yet, nevertheless, it was instanced by old and
long-established usage, and upon that ground alone he should
be prepared to oppose any motion that might hereafter be
brought forward for its abolition. He thought, however, if
they had any wish to keels up the privilegeNotheyin the
thought ought
to take (rare that it was not
,ill-used.
. had h
Now,
ease of the-present Bill, heiut
for many 'Noble Lords who had entrusted thei;elpiroaxbiessetdo,
members of the Government were in distant parts of the globe,
and must he still quite ignorant, of the introduction of the mea-
sure.—(Hear, hear.) The most lamentable part of this mea-
sure, he thought, was the effect it would have in breaking off
all confidence in the Minister. Up to the passing of the Re
form Bill, which he opposed, he had regularly voted with the
Whigs, but after
always
periodl he had followed Sir Robert Peel,
in whom he had etire confidence, and for
whose abilities he entertained thehighesteasily respect.e—(Hear,
hear.) Their Lordships, then, might
feel-
ings upon being now compelled to declare that, hereafter, lie
could place no confidence in that Right lion. Baronet, but the
pain attending that conviction was in some respects aleviated,
by the knowledge that the protectionist party had still an able,
talented, and distinguished leader, in whom he bad the utmost
confidence. Hereafter he should consider the Noble Lord
(Lord Stauley) not as hi, friend, but
as lib polar Mr...