The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-14 00:00:00

GERMANY

AND

THE NORTHERN STATES.

FRANKFORT-ON-THE-MAINE.

ANIFESTO OF THE PRINCE OF LEI-
NINGEN.

-- -
The Prince VON LEININGEN, the newly-appointed
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs under the
Reichsverweser of -the German
.Empire, has issued
the following manifesto
"Every nation has an indispensable right, under cer-
tain circumstances, of undertaking reforms in its inter-
nal affairs, oven by foreible means; that is to say, through
the medium of revolution.
" It is not the object of these lines to discus what
was—first, the foundation of civil and religious liberty,
and, those circumstances are, or when the moment
arrives, in which a nation ought to have recourse to
such a right; or whether those circumstances
occurred, and whether that moment was arrived
for Germaey, when a short time since she thought
proper to exorcise that right. The fact that such
an event has actually happened is amply suffi-
cient for the purpose. The object of the German revo-
lution secondly, the restoration of one united Germany
(Eineinige Deutschland). After the great majority of
the nation had in the most unequivocal manner an-
nounced this its will by a total or partial overthrow of
the existing order of, things, it was, and necessarily
must be, the grand object to regulate and establish on a
firm basis that which was attained (etas errungene), and,
so far as it was exclusively ideal or theoretical, to
carry it into practical effect. Thus, as the revolution
was an outburst of the collective will of the nation,
so, consequently, the latter must also exclusively re-
serve to itself the restoration of the new order of
things. Tho nation, therefore, committed its full power
to a National Assembly elected by itself. Inasmuch
as the Governments of the individual states—that is
to say, the Princes with their States' Assemblies—al-
lowed the elections to this constituent Diet to take place
in the hitherto recognized legal manner, they de facto
recognized the revolution.

"It was, then,fhemission of the so elected Imperial
Assembly to carry into effect the expression of the na-
tional will—that is to say, to establish freedom and unity
on the basis of a new order of things. The somewhat
impatiently expectant delegates at length beheld the
ripening of the first fruits on the 28th of June. The
Imperial Diet appointed, and (once more) undoubtedly
with the greatest consistency in the exercise of its own
plenary power, the Provisional Regent (Reichsverweser)
with a central Government. The Germanic Confedera-

tion was dissolved, and resigned its powers into the
hands of the Imperial authority. A great event, indeed.
Not only was a German empire decreed in place of the
hitherto existing confederation of states (staatenbund),
but the German nation is hereby placed in a position to
testify by facts whether it really desires true freedom, or
whether it has suffered itself to be led by a small band of
demagogues, in mournful imitation of the course pursued
in a neighbouring state.
"Furthermore, and most especially, the nation must
also decide whether it will really have an united and
powerful Germany (sob sie wirklich ein einiges and mach-
tiges Detit6chland haben will '). It is of the utmost im-
portance that it should elucidate this question to its own
satisfaction, and thereupon lay down its will. As there
is only one kind of real liberty which rests on law and
order, so there is but one sort of unity—an actual
(thatsdch lithe) union of all the component parts of a
whole, and that, too, in such a manner as to avert the
possibility of any dispute or contest between the whole
and the parts. If any other course be pursued, not
singleness or unity, but discord and separation, will be
established. If the German nation, therefore, will have
unity, it must not only will the means thereto, but also
adopt the consequences thereof. There can be no more
opposition of Bavarian, Prussian, Saxon, or any other
interests to those of Germany—for the former must be
absorbed in the latter. Jealousy between individual
states, revilings of the northern by the southern parts of
the empire, or vice versa, are, therefore, mischievous
absurdities (freveihafte absurditiiten). Opposition or
disobedience to the Imperial authority or the National
Assembly, however, is a crime against the majesty of
the nation itself—a treason to the Fatherland—which
must be speedily followed by condign punishment.
Dynastic interests, so far as they refer to the Im-
perial power, cannot, it' the nation wills unity, be taken
into consideration, for the Princes are as much called
upon to conform to that will as any other German. If,
therefore, the nation would convert words into deeds it
must admonish the Imperial power—that is to say, the
National Assembly and the Central Government—to
adopt with rapidity and decision, and without regard to
collateral interests, all such measures as correspond with
the object of restoring a free and united Germany, and
moreover lend its own hearty support in aid of this
work. The convocation of the plenipotentiaries of the
individual
to facilitate the conventional
(yelchafilichen) transition from the old to the new order
some
degreement s, if their objects were any other
than
of things, would be in the highest degree superfluous
in Gern
and even injurious. Are they, perchance, to negotiate
with the Imperial power? In that case the National
Assembly must gulp its own decisions, and the power.
and influence of the Imperial Government would be
stifled in their birth: If the nation, however, 110,01 that
it is called upon to decide, is sensible that its Bavarian,
or Ilauoverisn, or Prussian, or other reminiscences and
sympathies, besides many collateral and co-existent
interests, are too preponderant to be sacrificed to
German unity—if the old spirit of discord and separa-
tion is still too powerfully at work—it the jealousy be-
tween race and race, between north and south, is still
too strongly felt—well, then, let the nation convince
itself of the fact, return to the old federal system, leave
the individual states to constitute themselves, recall the
General Constituent Assembly, and dismiss both Im-
perial Regent and Imperial Government. Such a Con-
federation in itself does not exclude the possibility of
restoring, if not a free and united Germany, at all events
a body of free German nations, commanding in their
collective alliance the respect of foreign Powers. But
to construct a new empire, and at the same time formally
to organize an inevitable contest for the supreme sore •
reignty between the individual States, to sow disunion
instead of unity, to create weakness instead of power,
to establish an empire which would combine in itself
all the defects of the old one in a far greater de-
gree ; because now, not only would Princes, as in
former times, contest the authority of the Emperor
and foment disputes amongst themselves, but State
assemblies would clash with the Imperial Parliament,
State assembles with other State assemblies, associations
with other associations, popular assemblies with other
popular assemblies, clubs with clubs, that would indeed
be an unheard-of result of a revolution which has been
undertaken at the cost of great sacrifices and inconsi-
derable risks for the purpose of restoring a free and
united Germany. The nation must ponder on this ques-
tion the wore seriously, inasmuch as it might otherwise
easily effect the most undesirable consummation of ren-
dering itself ridiculous for ever, as by trumpeting to the
world German unity and German power, whereas in
reality it would present a spectacle the very reverse. It
is the duty of the nation to come to a clear and definite
understanding respecting its will. The decision rests
with the nation alone. As, however, every one in the
present day, whether invited or uninvited, deems it his
duty to express his opinions, the writer of these lines
will hardly be refused permission to do the same. Me
entertains the conviction that the German nation must
now advance on the beaten track in order to present an
'united and powerful Germany, in the most striking con-
trast to a disunited and weak federal state. Duty and
honour demand, interest and prudence suggest, such a

course.
" To retrograde to a confederation df states (siaaten-
bunde), or to establish a weak federal state (bundes
stoat), by a powerfully impressed independence of the
individual states, would only create a mournful, period
of transition to fresh catastrophes and new revolutions.
Great ideas, such as have now gained possession of the
German mind, although they may once more slumber
for a time, will break out afresh, notwithstanding, with
renewed force. The danger of harbouring in Germany
revolutionary movements, or perchance civil war for a
series of years, is far too great, not only to our own
country, but to Europe--cay, to civilization itself—not
to render imperative every effort to avert so dire a
calamity. It is the serious duty of the Imperial power—
that is to say, of tho Imperial Government and the
National Assembly, supported by the national will—
to devote itself with courage and decision to the
fulfilment of this great mission. The Imperial power
(retchsgewult) must, so far as it may be necessary, ab-
sorb in itself (an sick siehen) the sovereignty of the
individual states; it must unremittingly undertake the
thereto requisite organisation of Germany.; it must,
whilst establishing the organism of the Imperial Govern-
ment, reduce that of the individual states. A perfectly es-
tablished central state, in which, again, other perfectly
established states, of larger or smaller size, were
encased, would be virtually a monstrosity (gin ending),
and at the same time so expensive that the
nation would not tolerate it. Expertenc!,. too, would
soon teach us that sovereignty is not divisible. The
Imperial power must, above all, abolish, as speedily as
possible, the diplomatic intercourse of the individual
states at home and abroad, and concentrate it in its
own hands. This is a slant question. It will and
must equally honour and equally represent the interests
of every part of Germany. It must appropriate to
itself the unconditional disposal of tho national forces
(streat knife), and take such measures respecting them
hi it may deem advisable. It must advance the custom
lines (zollinie) to the frontiers of Germany. It must
not allow the Governments or the Constituent State
Assemblies dependent on it to occupy themselves with
matters that appertain to the National Assembly alone.
" If, however, obedience to the original power be re-
fused, punishment must follow with all speed. It must
summon to its bar, and call to a strict account, all disobe-
dient Ministers, Generals, or other public functionaries.
It must dissolve stato assemblies and corps darn* if

they oppose its commands. Only in this way will the
Imperial power be able to carry into effect the will of
the nation, to restore a free and united Germany, sup-
posing, of course, that such is really its will ; only in
this way will it obtain the requisite power for the re-
introduction of order, the restoration of tranquillity (and
at the same time of progress) at home ; only in this
way will it succeed in the satisfactory solution of those
social questions, which neither the eloquence of oratory
nor the thunders of artillery are henceforth in a positio❑
to dispose of in perpetuity. Tbus, finally, would Ger-
many be able to assume an attitude with regard to
foreign countries which would command their respect,
without, ays hitherto, irritating them by means of empty,
menaces. Any other course which the new Imperial.
power might pursue must either lead to a weak and dis
united Germany (because the seeds of discord were•
again deposited in the soil), or gradually bring back:
Germany to the old confederation of states. It wonla,
really be unworthy of a great nation and its represen-
, tatives to deceive itself—to say one thing to will another.
Choose, therefore! (Eat weder oder!)
"(Signed) F. CARL, PRINCE OF LEININGEN.
"Frankfort-on-the-Maine, July 1548."

We have given this remarkable proclamation, or
rather manifesto, from the pen of the Minister for
Foreign Affairs of the Germanic Confederation, be-
cause of the importance of the manifesto itself as a
fact, and also from the peculiar position of the Prince-
Statesman from whom it has emanated—the repre-
sentative of a triumphant revolution, arid the half-
brother of her Britannic Majesty Queen VICTORIA.
In the National Constituent Assembly it was
officially declared on the 10th inst. that the Central
Ministry was composed as follows :—Prince Leinin-
gen, President of the Council ; Von Schmerling,
Minister of the Interior, with Bassermann and Von
Wurth, as Under-Secretaries of State ; Hecksher,
Minister of Foreign Affairs, with MM. Von Gagern
and Briegleb as Under-Secretaries; Duck witz,
Minister of Commerce, with Merissen and Fallati as
Under-Secretaries; Beckereth, Minister of Finance,
with Matty Under-Secretary; and R. Von Mohl,
Minister of Justice, with Wedenmann as Under-
Secretary.
The war in Lombardy is regarded by the majority
of the Assembly as a strictly national war, and not
as one merely involving the reputation of Austria.
One battalion of the line set out for Schleswig-
Holstein on the 9th, and met with a most solemn and
cordial welcome at Coblentz. The German flag
and colours were waving over all the houses on the
quay of Ehrenbretsteio, and the steamer which
conveyed the troops was saluted by the guns of the
fortress. The battalion will be joined at Biebrich by
a detatchment of troops from Nassau. The troops
will arrive at Minden to-day, and to-morrow at
Hamburgh.
The number of German troops which are to march
to Schleswig-Holstein is estimated at 42,000.
The Danes are seriously impeding the German
commerce by their seizure of vessels.
A letter from Frankfort, of the 9th, says—" I
have learnt from good authority that the Central
Provisional Powers granted to the Prussian Govern-
ment full powers fur concluding the armistice with
Denmark, and has, at the same time, authorised it to
open a negotiation for the definite condition of
peace."
On the other hand, the German journals state that
M. ITECKSCIIIIII, Minister of the Empire, has set out
for Schleswig, in the quality of the Plenipotentiary
of the Central Powers, to be on the spot in case any
new propositions should be made.—•L'Entancipation,
August 13.