The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENIiNG, AUGUST 16, 1848.

free-trade principles which they had adopted. Ho
thought no free-trader would say that its principles
were to be carried to the extent of admitting diseased
animals, should they enter this country.—(Hear.) The
Government hoped to be enabled—by the assistance of
their consols abroad, and custom-house officers at

home, to prevent the disease spreading into
this country to a greater extent than it
had more effectually than could be done by any
Act of Parliament. He believed inoculation was the
only thing that' could prevent the spreading of the
disease, except the absolute prevention of the importation

of sheep. -
In reply to Mr. HUME,
The HoN. GENTLESAN stated that there was another
Bill, which gave the Government the power of confis-
cating the sheep brought to our shores in a diseased
state.

The Bill was then read a third time.
THE SITTINGS OF THE HOUSE.

Lord J. RUSSELL intimated that it was his inten-
.ion to move Committees of Supply on Monday, Wed-
nesday, and Friday. The House would sit to-night

after five o'clock. -
THE GRANT TO SIR CHARLES TREVELYAN.
Mr. SPOONER then rose to call the attention of the
House to the grant of 2,5001. to this gentleman. He
wished to know whether any opposition would be given
by her Majesty's Government to an expression of opinion
by the House, that it was unconstitutional to make such
a grant out of the civil contingencies without a pre-
vious application to Parliament? He trusted that the
Hon. Member (Mr. Osborne) would propose a vote of
censure, if some means were not afforded of getting that

money returned.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he was of opinion that
the Government were perfectly justified in giving a
gratuity to Sir Charles Trevelyan for the extraordinary
services he had rendered, and he believed the sense of
the House was in favour of it. Sir Charles Trevelyan
had, however, expressed a desire to repay the
whole amount into the Exchequer. The sum of
100,0001. was set apart annually for civil contingencies,
and he did not see that the Government had acted un-
constitutionally in offering a portion of it in the way they
had done, but he begged to say that the Government
were prepared to meet any vote of censure that might
be proposed.
Mr. OSBORNE said he intended to propose in Supply
that the whole vote should not be allowed.
SLAVE TRADE.

Mr. URQUHART said it was not his intention to
bring forward in the Committee of Supply the following
motion, of which he had given notice:—That from the cor-
respondence laid upon the table of this House in refe-
rence to the suppression of the slave trade in MussUiman
countries, it appears that her Majesty's servants have
adopted proceedings calculated to aggravate the horrors
of the traffic, and to alienate from this country the good
will of the Governments and nations so interfered with.
The House then went into Committee.
FOREIGN POLICY.

On the first vote being proposed,
Mr. DISRAELI rose and said, that however other
members of the Government might complain of their
time, and the time of the public being taken up with
lengthened debates upon their acts and deeds, he thought
the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Department
could not, with reason or justice, complain of the length
of the criticisms which had been bestowed upon the
policy he had recommended upon transactions tha
had occurred with regard to foreign subjects. Although
this year had witnessed throughout Europe the occur-
rence of events more important, probably, that any
that had previously occurred of the kind, he
could only remember two occasions this session
on which the attention House of Commons
had been called to anything connected with
our external relations. For one of these occa-
sions he confessed he was himself responsible, but
he thought in that instance he was warranted in calling
the attention of the House of Commons to the circum-
stance of an ancient ally having claimed the fulfilment of
a guarantee from England, while the sympathy ex-
pressed by the House when he ventured to make these
observations upon the position of England, as regarded
Denmark, at least showed that, however imperfect his
advocacy of the subject might be, it was not considered
intrusive by the House. It was in the recollection
of every gentleman that a very remarkable incident oc-
curred at the capital of one of her Majesty's allies
which gave rise to the second debate. A Minister, who
might be styled the virtual representative of the Sove-
reign of England was expelled by one of her
Majesty's allies, and he did not think their con-
stituencies or her Majesty's Ministers could main-
tain that some observations upon an event so
remarkable as to be almost unprecedented were any
surplusage of discussion in that House.—(Hear, hear.)
On both of those two discussions, so far as the Govern-
ment were concerned, they were conducted in any other
spirit but that of party acerbity.—(Hear.) Notwith-
standing the important events that had occurred all over
Europe—notwithstanding the favourable opportunities
that these events afforded to the Opposition, there were
but these two occasions when subjects connected with our
external relations had been brought under the considera-
tion of the House, and certainly in both these instances
Ministers had no right to declaim against the spirit in
which these observations were made. He therefore
felt it to be his duty to call the attention of the Com-
mittee to a breach of our foreign relations of the greatest
importance, because he thought that he might be able to
show the Committee that it was incumbent upon them,
as the representatives of their constitueucies, to make
themselves acquainted with the exact state of the affairs
which in this respect existed.—(Hoar, hear.) The sub-
ject he wished to call the attention of the Committee to
was the state of Italian politics, and our relation at
this moment with the Italian states. It had been his
intention, on looking over the various items to be brought
before them in Supply, to have called the attention of
the Committee to the subject upon the vote for one of
the Ministers of the Crown, namely, the vote to the Lord
Privy Seal.—(Cheers.) He thought that would have
been the most appropriate occasion to introduce this
subject, because the Lord Privy Seal was an individual
who had figured in a conspicuous manner in transactions
of this nature, that it would be almost totally impossible
to display the circumstances to the full consideration of
the Committee without debating that vote.—(Hear,
hear.) But in order not to give to the observations which
he wished to place before the Committee and the coun
try the character of a personal and invidious attack upon
an individual, he had abstained from pursuing that
course.—(Hear, hear.) Besides, the Government
were as much responsible for these transactions as the
Lord Privy Seal himself; and it seemed to him that the
vote for defraying the expenses of the Foreign-office
afforded him a legitimate opportunity to bring the
question before the Committee.—(Hear.) At the same
time it was totally impossible, however briefly or
however condensed his observations might be, to
forget that the operations of the Lord Privy
Seal had commenced before the important changes
abroad in the interest of which the attention of
Government must lately have been in a great
degree absorbed; but still all the transactions of
the Lord Privy Seal were intimately connected and
involved with everything that has since happened. (Hear,
hear.) The Lord Privy Seal, he need hardly remind the
Committee, went out on a roving commission. He went to
teach politics to a country who was supposed to be sadly in
want of such instruction, and to advise with a Sovereign
who required some person to assist him in adjusting his
political differences.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) In fact,
it was thought necessary that the Noble Lord should
take up a decided position with respect to this Sovereign
and some of his people; and although we had a Minister
Plenipotentiary, and some other diplomatic agents of
another class, at his Court, it was thought necessary to
communicate with the Sovereign of Italy by no less a
personage than a member of the British Cabinet—one
who could not be required to wait for instructions in order
to give him a clue to the next course he should adopt—
who himself, to a certain degree, should be a portion of
that original and mysterious inspiration which guided
the movements of ordinary diplomatists—who should
be perfectly familiar with all the secrets and schemes
of her Majesty's Ministers on the question, and,
therefore, with a large discretionary power—indeed with
almost ab libitum power—the Lord Privy Seal was sent
to meet or prevent the occurrence of many ugly circum-
stances in that country, and to lay the foundation of a
future state of acknowledged prosperity in the Italian
States.—(Hear, and cheers.) It was a curious thing
to place the principal object of this important
mission, the object of this policy before the results.
Lord Minto had an important object to achieve, but in
the end it failed. There was a great apprehension on
the part of Ministers that Austria, actuated by unneces-
sary fear, would invade Sardinia, and the first
object Lord Minto had to achieve was to
prevent this invasion. So far as this object was con-
cerned, it had resulted in Lord Minto being perfectly
successful, for the only thing that happened was, Sar-
dinia invaded Austria.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Cros-
sing the Appenines, Lord Minto found himself in the
centre of Italy, delegated with a peculiar negotiation
with an eminent Potentate, but whose name,
in deference to an Hon. Friend near me, he would not
descend to mention.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The
Noble Lord was charged with the accomplishment of an
act of solid diffieulty—an act that has perplexed
the Cabinets of England from the days of Eliza-
beth down to the present moment, and the
accomplishment of which would entitle any Ca-
binet to claim the applause of the people. Lord
Minto appeared to have succeeded in this object, and at
the commencement of this session no less a person than
the Lord President of the Council, in a breathless state,
informed the House of Lords that he must immediately
introduce a Bill to establish diplomatic relations
between the Court of St. James's and the Court of the
Pope. He believed the usual forms of the House of
Lords were not observed, for he believed the Bill was
brought in without notice, and the usual lapse of time
permitted between the first and second readings was
waved in the month of February, on account of the
urgency of the case. But what had been the result?
The Bill did not pursue its course so rapidly as was at
first anticipated, ar.d for this reason, that every moment
changes were occurring abroad, and that the power of
the Pope to establish diplomatic relations had ceased to
exist. He supposed, however, by the last bulletin
from the Papal States they must consider that another
change had taken place, and the Pope would still have
the power of exercising some doubtful authority.—
(Hear, hear.) This Bill, therefore, which was
brought forward in the House of Lords in a
breathlessa state, was in August so far ad-
adlitTla ed
• as
to be again entitled to enjoy
snlative life, and they were informed that there
was a chance of its yet being introduced to their notice.
Having been eminentlyt successful in the north of Italy
J invasion of Sardinia by Austria, and in
this eminent
Italy, in establishing diplomatic relations
Pope, who might not have any diplomacy at his
there was athird
diplomatist
of Italy in which the
I
was in the uniting
Lord Minto oe were also employed,
gwaaf thTw Sicilies. It was
invited by the King
sialctwnahal 1
iben
adtPdohrcumteeehtrytnahsalhenteetnragdoettii

of the Two Sicilies to favour him with his
counsel, and to interfere in the adjustment of
his kingdom. It was very possible that the
Noble Lord, like other eminent performers, was
starring it throughout Europe, and having been so suc-
cessful in Milan and at Rome, there came an
,invitation
that he should exhibit at Naples, but the result of his
Lordship's performance in the south of Italy was not less
successful than in the north and the centre of Italy.—
(Hear, and laughter.) He was called upon by the King
of the Two Sicilies to remove some misconception
that existed between his two kingdoms, and the Noble
Lord laboured hard to support the legislative union that
subsisted between Naples and Sicily; but the Noble
Lord's labours resulted, not only in the separation, but
in the total repeal of the political connexion between the
two states.—(Hear, and laughter.) Whatever, therefore,
might have been the intentions of the Government, and
howeverdeep might have been their sense of the respon-
sibility which the affairs of the continent imposed upon
her for diplomatic interference, it was quite clear that the
results of the Noble Lord's proceedings were more inter-
esting than successful.—(" Hear," and laughter.) And yet
he understood from the Noble Lord the Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs that, not profiting by what had
occurred, the Noble Lord was going again to mediate in
Italy, in conjunction with another country, and he thought
it was a very legitimate subject of inquiry, and he
would perform his duty to his constituents in taking
that opportunity of inviting the Governmen to give them
some information as to the object of their mediation.
Now the Noble Lord informed tnem the other night, and
since they had been so informed by every possible organ
of influence and opinion, that England and France were
going to mediate in,the affairs of Northern Italy. Now he
thought he was making a legitimate inquiry of the Noble
Lord if he asked him to inform the Committee, first, what
was to be the principle of this mediation? Secondly,
what was to be the motive of the mediation? Thirdly,
what was the end proposed to be attained by the media-
tion?—(Hear, hear.) These appeared to he three in-
quiries which it was their duty to pursue, and invite
the Minister to respond to. Now, first, with regard to
the principle of the mediation. The principle
of the mediation might be of a political
character. There might be a desire to prevent the effu-
sion of blood ; it might be a desire to prevent the occur
rence of circumstances which might inconvenience the
merchants of this country. The interests of commerce
would justify the Noble Lord to interfere to
a certain extent in particular cases ; but as re-
gards the north of Italy, there was no effu-
sion of blood ; he believed it was stopped ; nor were
there any commercial interests that required defence, or
which were sufforing from auy circumstances that were
()centring in that country. It was only left then for the
Noble Lord to mediate with the Emperor of Austria
upon the sentimental or political principle, but if the
Noble Lord intended to mediate upon the politicaliprin •
ciple, he would have a very pleasing task ; the
means at his disposal were obvious, and very
clear.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Noble
Lord, in mediating on the !political principle, would be
guided by the doctrines of the law of nations and by the
establishment of existing treaties. He would take
down from his shelf the treaties of Paris and
Vienna, and he would find that the Emperor of
Austria was in peaceable posiession of those do-
minions which those treaties secured to him
and that the kingdom of Sardinia was in possession of
those parties to whom the treaties' secured it. There-
fore, as regarded these two powers, there was a principle
of public law which the Noble Lord must observe, and
of course his mediation would be a nullity.' He
would find that he had nothing to do, and that
the interference might produce a conclusion satisfactory
to Europe, but which probably would have occurred had
the Noble Lord never mediated at all.—(Hear, hear.)
That a statesmen so able and so experienced as the
Noble Lord should announce to the Parliament of the
country that he was going to mediate in the affairs of
northern Italy, merely that he might afterwards announce
that he had done the thing, was absurd, and therefore
he apprehended that the Noble Loi d intended to me-
diate eot on a political but a sentimental principle.—
(Hear, hear.) He must therefore be allowed to express
a hope that the Noble Lord would meet with no en-
couragement in such a course; and it was the know-
ledge that the country was opposed to that policy
which had induced him to bring the affairs of Italy before
the Committee.—t Hear, hear.) If it were necessary
that Limburg should only be in the possession of Lim-
burg, that the power of Austria should not prevail there,
upon what grounds could they justify the arrangement
by which Austria retained the whole of Venice? If the
Noble Lord was to carry out the principle of nationality,
and to secure Limburg to its present possessors, upon
what principle could the Noble Lord justify the
claims of Austria to the Venetian territory?—(Hear.)
If the Committee did not take the earliest opportunity
to discourage that sentimental principle of settling the
affairs of nations, he was convinced that this country
would be involved in difficulties which it was almost
impossible to contemplate, and that the House would
at the same time support a policy which to be purely
developed would resolve Europe into its original elements
and not leave any social political principle in existence
in the form which it now assumes. Ho wished to know
upon what principle that mediation, of which they had
heard so much between France and England in the
affairs of Northern Italy, was founded, whether it was
a political mediation founded upon the law of
nations and of treaties, or whether it was founded
upon a new-fangled and sentimental principle, which he
was convinced would lead to inextricable contusion, and
to great difficulty and danger.—(Hear, hear.) Now,
he came to the second point: he wished to know by
what means this mediation was to be carried into effect?
Was it to be an armed mediation ? Because,
if an armed mediation, the Emperor of Austria,
being in possession of his estates, and the King of Sar-
dinia being in possession of his, war at that moment, as
he was :informed, not being waged between these two
Sovereigns, then the armed mediation of England and
France was an invasion, and the mode in which they
were going to secure peace was by commencing war.
If not an armed mediation, was it a mediation only of
good offices? If so, then he would leave it to the Com-
mittee to decide what prospect we had of success. So
much, therefore, as to the principle of the mediation
and as to the means by which it was to be carried into
effect. Ho now wished to ask her -Majesty's Go-
vernment what end was proposed by this media-
tion ? He could not for a moment imagine
that any Minister in any country could contemplate
such a proposition as that of swelling the territories of
the King of Sardinia in return for the nocturnal attack
which he had made, in order to increase their authority
and power. Well, what did they intend to
do with Milan in their mediation between two
powerful military neighbours, who were perpetually
quarelling with one another, and calling for foreign in-
terference? What form of Government did they mean
to establish. They could not have a King of Lombardy,
and as it to the interest of Europe that their diplomacy
should establish a republic, and if so, he would ask
what kind of republic they intended to recommend?
Was it. to be a revolutionary republic, a Conservative
republic, or a red or white republic ?—(Laughter)--a
republic with a red cap, or a republic with a white
feather?—(Continued laughter.) Those were questions
upon which this country was exceedingly anxious to re-
ceive some information from the Government. He
thought ho had ;town the Committee that there were
three points upon which they ought to require in-
formation from the Government. The principle
upon which the mediation was founded, the
means by which it was to be carried into effect, and the
end which it was proposed to attain by that mediation.—
(Hear, hear.) The object of the mediation he was in-
formed would not be announced by her Majesty's Go-
vernment, and it was the secret object of the transaction
which was perplexing to the public eye. The object
of the mediation in the affairs of Northern
Italy, where there was nobody to mediate
between, and where there was nothing to settle—
(Laughter)—was, he understood, to prevent the in-
vasion of Italy by the French. Well, he had no hesie
tation in saying that the invasion of northern Italy by
the French was much to be regretted; and if her Ma-
jesty's Ministers, with the advantage of recent expe-
rience, were able to prevent such an occurrence, no
doubt on that ground they would be considered to have
acted in a statesmanlike cnaracter. But France had no
right to interfere with Italy—it would be a violation of
every principle of international law if she were to do
so, and of every treaty which existed with reference to
the Italian states. He was of opinion himself that
Franco would not invade that country. He did not think
it would be to her interest:or her honour if she did, and he
deprecated the contingency of an event being entertained
which would be so disastrous to the world and unjusti-
fiable on the part of -France. He wished he could say
that England was not in the same position. Our own
conduct to Italy, he admitted, afforded an example to
France—not to justify her in violating the laws of
nations, or in violating existing treaties—but unfor-
tunately he believed the French Minister could rater to
a circumstance which would give a clear pretext to
France, and that was our conduct to Naples.—(Hear,
hear.) Ho would remind the House of the ultimate
result of the cordial co-operation in the case of Naples
and Sicily. The King of the Two Sicilies having ob-
tained a powerful army, exactly in the same way that
the Emperor of Austria had done, he was met by
the English fleet in the Bay of Naples, and
it was announced to him thas his rights as: sovereign as
regarded Sicily had ceased to be acknowledged by
the English Government. The English Government,
which had shown so extraordinary a desire to consoli-
date the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, had been so kind
as to approve of an independent sovereign, in violation
of the treaties which existed. Now he must say, that
France being in possession of these facts, would have a
good case if she wished to invade Northern Italy. A
case of interference was complete in the south of Italy
on our part, and what right had we to interfere with the
invasion of the north of Europe ? He did not, however,
be believe, injurious as that precedent was, that it would
be used as a pretext by France for the invasion of the
north of Italy, for this simple and satisfactory reason,
that he did not believe that there was the slightest wish
at this moment on the part of the French Government
for invasion, but nevertheless it was a precedent which
any Government might afterwards take advantage of.
All the French Government he believed at this mo-
ment desired, was to avail themselves of a forced occa
siou which had arisen, to give to Europe and
to the world, an idea of the cordial co-operation
which existed between the Cabinets of Paris and St.
James's. Some might say, " but what is the harm then
if the French Government avail themselves of this forced
The harm was that those forced occasions
tho
hca
ecd a
French
i reoee
nni ?c ' h '
used before, and they had never been used by
Government and the English Government
united, except at the expense of the rights of some third
or independent Sovereign. He did not wish that his
opinions on that important subject should be misappre-
hended. If by 'an alliance with France, or a cordial un-
derstanding with France, was meant that those great
events which periodically and gradually occurred in the
world was to be managed in concert by two of the

greatest nations in a wise spirit of concession and compro-
mise,he had always been a warm supporter of such a system
of alliance, and it did not involve a new principle,
although lately it had been announced to the House as
a modern view of things. In all the great treaties which
had been entered into, it would be found that hostility
with France was the exception, and not the rule—much
the exception—and that for the last two centuries and a
half more than two-thirds of that interval had been filled
by a warm understanding and a close intimacy with the
French Government. It was the principle of the Court
of Queen of Elizabeth, who managed the affairs of the
world in co-operation with the most eminent of the
Bourbons. Ile need not remind the House what
policy was pursued on a subsequent occasion,
but he might say that two of the most emi-
nent statesmen of the last century, who agreed on
not one other subject, and who were rivals in
eloquence and rivais in their career—he meant Lord Bo-
lingbroke and Sir Robert Walpole—were both cordial
supporters of an alliance and cordial understanding with
France. as the basis of our policy. As far as he was
concerned, it was not his intention to oppose Mini-
sters, because they were the advocates of a cordial under-
standing with the French Government, as abstractedly
considered as a question of politics. The Noble Lord
(Lord Palmerston) had told the House that it was for
peace of the world that there should be a cor-
dial co-operation between the powerful governments
of England, Russia. and France. He helieved the
the Government of France was a strong Government,
for one simple and single reason, that the Government
of Algiers had been transferred to the streets of Basis.
—(Hear, hear.) But if the Noble Lord, under the plea
of a cordial understanding with that Government, was
going to repeat those steps which, unfortunately the
Government of England, under similar circumstances
with France, had taken of late years, he was sure the
result would be that their proceedings would end in dis-
appointment and discomfiture. It was not an under-
standing and an alliance arising out of circumstances
which had occurred in Europe, but an understanding
and an alliance which was founded on a forced occasion
and forced opportunities—occasions invited, and oppor-
tunities desired, in order to show to the world that
there was a cordial co-operation between the
two governments, instead of that co-operation
arising out of the natural production of events.
It was an understanding and an alliance which
before had occasioned the greatest evils, and which in the
present case would lead to the greatest possible disasters.
He protested against the joint mediation of England and
France with respect to Northern Italy, where, as he
had said before, there was nothing to mediate about,
merely for the purpose of showing that thcro was a
cordial co-operation between France and England.
The result of this would be, that instead of the alliance
between France and England leading to peace, it would
lead to war.—(Hear, hear.) What he would ask, was
the Government of England doing all this for? Why,
to put down a bugbear of their own, the invasion of
Italy by France. France, he maintained, had no right
to do so, and the very day they crossed the Alps
with 100,000 men, she must advance an army not
less numerous to the banks of the Rhine, to meet the
indignant spirit of Germany.—(Hear, hear.) He must
do more—he must meet Russia, at this moment not so
powerful from her armies as from her moderation, her
wisdom, and her justice.—(Hear, hear.) How was
France, he would ask, to send out these armies
to engage in a quarrel without law, justice or
equity ?—(Hear, hear.) What was the state
of France at this moment ; she had 50,000 men to
guard her metropolis. I (Hear, hear.) She had achieved
her freedom on paper, and it:was obliged to be supported
by her troops in her metropolis.—(Hear, hear.) Where
then, he would ask, could she find troops to meet her
German foes ? And it was for all this that the Noble
Noble Lord was going to mediate between Austria and
Italy. Why the truth was, that if France removed
the army they now had from her capital the suburban
population would be in revolt.—(Hear, hear.) Why
therefore, was it to be supposed that France was going
to conquer the world? —(Elear, hear.) Such a system
of motile mediation was that which the Government of
a country like England ought never to have anything to
do with.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, in my
opinion, had only one course to pursue—
let him tell the world that, under his coun-
cils, England would maintain the ?principles of
national law, observe existingireaties; and not authorise
any outrage of the rights of 'liationsi or counsel her
allies to yield their interests' Ili order to satisfy the
vanity of any one.—(Hear, heitr:) If the Noble Lord
would adopt such a course, he would obtain for him-
self the hopes and trusts of suffering nations—
( I ear, hear)—but if he pursued a different
course, it might not be a course fatal to his Govern-
ment, that was of but little importance, but it would be
fatal to his honour and his reputation.—(Hear, hear.)
It was useless to act in the management of these affairs
with the Jacobin party.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble
Lord had it in his power even now to act in a
manner that would add to the power and the
reputation of his country.—(Hear, hear.) He might
assert the principle of public justice in a manner that be-
' came a public Minister, and then he would find that no
bandit would cross any mountain or invade any town.
When they fonnd that England' was prepared to main-
tain public law and order, ndthing could, he was per-
suaded, withstand the majesty of the law, the force of
truth, or the inspiration of honour. The lion. Gentlemen
sat down amid much cheering.
Lord PALMERSTON said, he did not rise to com-
plain, that the House had, during the present session,
shewn any desire to impede the march of her Majesty's
Ministers by pressihg upon them too hardly to explain
the course they had pursued or intended to pursue. He
acknowledged with thankfulness, on the part of the Go-
vernment, thejudicious forbearance the House had shewn
with all respect. Ho was far also from complaining of
the course pursued on the present occasion by the Hon.
Gentleman.—(Hear, hear.) He was prepared to admit
that, at the close of the session, and when events of
great importance had convutsed Europe, that it was per-
fectly right and competent Air' Hon. Members to express,
as the Hon. Gentleman had dotie;'their opinion on the acts
of the Government. The Min. Gentleman had done
rightly, in his opinion, in appending his observations
upon the affairs of Italy upon the vote with respect to
the foreign department. The Hon. Gentleman seemed
to be better informed than he chose to tell of the grounds
upon which his Noble Friend had gone out upon his mis-
sion. The facts were these c—lt was well known that in
consequence of the altered policy of the head of the Ro-
man Government, the spreading of reform principles over
the whole surface of the territory difficulties were expe-
rienced between the Governmeanntdanndn tphleanpeenaopnlree atshatno
information had been sent to
that the British Govern-
mentan Government in the
Rome.ht
me
,m ae mar
From
rur
eool
sfdms
agho sadet a principles,coh
theuorpteßom
course that was being adopted. It was said
that there might be legal difficulties, and
that if there were Great Britain would be
conferring a great favour on the Government of Rome
if they would send an individual there possessing the
confidence of her Majesty's Government, and one having
great diplomatic qualifications. Lord Minto was at
that time thinking of passing a short time in Rome, and
he (Lord Palmerston) thought he could not do better to
fulfil the intentions expressed,_ than by advising her Ma-
jesty to authorize the Earl of Minto to go there. A similar
wished was expressed by other parts of Italy, and his
Noble Friend the Earl of Minto was instructed to take
Turin and Florence on his way. The Hon. Gentleman
wished to know what what were the objects his (Lord
Palmerston's) Noble Friend Lord Minto had in view
in this uncalled-for interference. Now, with re-
spect to this, be had only to say that the
interference was not uncalled for, for his Noble
Friend was not to force his advice upon any
body, but to give his counsel when asked, and endeavour
to remove the difficulties pointed out to him, and that
mission he (Lord Palmerston) would state unhesitatingly
had been most effectually accomplished. His Noble
Friend had pointed out to all the duty of supporting
their present form of Government, and to had suc-
ceded most effectually in Turin and ilorence in
his mission. In his Noble Friend's progress
he had been received with open arms, and his labours
had been attended with success everywhere. His Noble
Friend had not received any commission to the Court of
Naples, but when his Noble Friend was at Rome a
communication was made to him (Lord Palmerston)
that the Sovereign- of Naples would feel it an honous if
his Noble Friend would call, there on his way, to which
he had answered that he might do so if he pleased.
and credentials were sent to him to make use of. During
this period the unfortunate disputes that were so well-
known, now took place between Naples and Sardinia;
the mediation of England was called for, and Lord
Be (Lord Palmerston) would not
same
eto
footing.endeav endeavoured, by mediation, to maintain the
Crown of the two countries, upon one and the
go into the character of those negotiations, but
at the period when those negotiations were brought to
nearly a satisfactory conclusion, the news came of the
revolution of Paris. That led to difficulties on the one
side, which were not met by concessions on the other,
and the result was the people of Sicily declined to ac-
knowledge the King of Naples as their sovereign, and
on the other hand the King of Naples declined to
confer the crown of - Sicily on his son. The
choice was made by the Sicilians entirely as a sponta-
neous act, and the choice they made they believed to be
for their own good. Her Majesty's Government, ac-
cepting as they did the acts and events that had
taken place, had signified that they would accept
the Sovereign the Sicilians chose when that
Sovereign was in the possession of Sicily. Now
the Honourable Gentleman wanted to know what
intention the Government had with respect to employ-
ing the naval forces of this country now stationed in the
Meditteranean relative to any expedition the Govern-
ment of Naples might think proper to fit out; with re-
spect to that he (Lord Palmerston) could only say that
it was not the practice of the Government of this coun-
try to announce to Parliament what the intentions of
acted
the Government were—(Hear, hear)—but this he
would assure the Hon. Member, that whatever
might be the course the Government should think it
pir
ti
rgowhpateurt
loav pn
oue
rr
fsonur eo
tt th. y(i wouldt
hear
be
se a
ar pyo r enFhTaerhtehe ion de
r tmo
mission
s of Lordustihfya dit n
H
, ne
they
Minto was disinterested and not base or sordid, it was
intended to forward the progress of civilisation and im-
prove the condition and happiness of other countries.
The Hon. Gentleman had alluded next to the northern
states of Italy, and the mediation of this country there,
and he seemed to think that it was an unfortunate inter-
ference on the part of this country, and had no result.
Now he could assure the Hon. Gentleman that that me-
diation was the result. not of a desire on the part of the
Government of this country to meddle with
matters with which they had no concern, but it was the
result of the entreaties of all the parties concerned ; it
was the result of a wish expressed by Austria at
the outset, and repeated not three days ago ;
Under these circumstances—under all the treaties so
expressed—what would have been the consequences
if we had doggedly refused to interfere ? The

The House then adjourned, at half-past three, until
five o'clock.

The SPEAKER resumed the chair at Five o'clock.
SECULAR EDUCATION. •
Dr. BOWRING presented a petition from a place near
Manchester, praying for a general system of secular
education, unaccompanied with the embarrassments of
public instruction.
CHARITABLE TRUSTS.
Mr. SPOONER presented a petition from Warwick,
against the Cjharitable Trnsts Bill.
ARMY REGULATIONS.
Sir DE LACY EVANS wished to ask the Right
Hon. the Secretary-at-War whether officers who had
distinguished themselves in the army, but who had since
sold out, would be allowed to wear their uniforms upon
public occasions?
Mr. FOX MAULE said the privilege applied only to
majors and lieutenant-colones who had received the
honour of being made Knights Commanders of the
Bath, and its extension to other officers rested entirely
with her Majesty.
EDUCATION IN IRELAND.
Mr. GROGAN said about two years ago a con-
siderable sum of money was voted by the House for
the erection of colleges in Ireland, for the education of
the middle classes of that country. These colleges were
in a very forward state, and he believed some of them
would be opened early next year. Now it was obvious
that any improvement iu the social condition of the
people would depend upon the education to be given in
these colleges, and the Noble Lord at the head of the
Government would readily understand the anxiety which
prevailed in Ireland to know the nature of the discipline
and system of education that would be pursued in these
colleges.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it was the opinion of
the Government that the object which Parliament had
in view in making a grant for those colleges would not
be accomplished unless they were open to Roman Ca-
tholics and Presbyterians, as well as to persona belong-
ing to the Established Church. At present, the statutes
were not considered altogether perfect, but they were
now under consideration, and as soon as they were
finally settled he should have no objection to lay them
before the House.

SLAVE TRADE.
Mr. URQUHART rose to move, " That from the
correspondence laid upon the table of this House in re-
ference to the suppression of the slave trade in Mus-
sulmun countries, it appears that her Majesty's servants
have adopted proceedings calculated to ag-
gravate the horrors of the traffic, and to
alienate from this country the tgood will of
the Governments and nations so interfered with.
It was the bounden duty of the Government, to the best
of its ability, to put an end to the traffic in slaves. Now,
he was prepared to show, in the words of his motion,
that " the proceedings of the Government had aggravated
the horrors of the traffic." The Hon. Gentleman quoted
several documents to show that this was so.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

ELECTION COMMITTEES.
(THIS DAY.)
CHELTENHAM.
This Committee was engaged the whole day with evid-
ence of bribery and tresting on the part of the sitting
Member, Mr. Craven Berkeley.

HORSHAM.
This Committee was also engaged the whole day with
evidence of bribery and treating, on the part of the sit-
ting Member, Mr. Fitzgerald.

DUBLIN.
The Committee was occupied the whole day with
legal arguments upon the insufficiency of the sitting
Member's qualification.

ARREST OF CHARTIST AND
CONFEDERATE LEADERS.
(From the Manchester Courier of Wednesday.)
We are enabled exclusively to state that last night
a decisive blow was struck at the hotbeds of Chartism
and Repeal in this city, by the arrest of a number of
those persons who have figured as the leaders in the re-
bellious movements of the last few months.
Between te❑ and eleven o'clock a simultaneous move-
ment of an imposing force of armed police and military,
both cavalry and infantry, was made upon the clubs, and
nine of the leaders were at once arrested !Afore the
alarm could be given.
On Monday night simultanoous meetings were held
throughout the manufacturing districts, and it was ex-
pected that another would take place last night. The
authorities therefore issued warrants for the apprehen-
sion of several persons, and the police were ordered
to concentrate at the Oldham-road station. Captain
Willis and Mr. Beswick went up about ten o'clock.
and soon after, the force, comprising about 300 men,
were marched off in five divisions, one under the com-
mand of Captain Willis, Mr. Beswick, and Mr. Leary;
another under the command of Mr. Sawley; a third
under Mr. Taylor, a fourth under Mr. Sayner, and
the fifth undez Inspector M•Millan. So well were the
times arranged, that each party arrived at its ground
within a minute or so of the others, and several clubs
were swept. Amongst others that held at Whit-
taker's Temperance Hotel, Ancoats-street. About
the time the search commenced two troops of the 4th
Royal Irish Dragoons, under the command of Colonel
Chatterton, and two companies of the 30th Regiment,
arrived at the Ancoats end of Port-street, there to be in
reserve for the support of the police, were their ser-
vices needed. So quietly, however, was the whole con-
ductled, and so imposing the display of force, that not
the slightest resistance was offered by any party, and
the police succeeded in capturing the following indivi-
duals:—
James Leach, printer, Rockdale-road.
Thomas Whitaker, Temperance Hotel, Great Ancoats.
Henry Ellis, driller, celler, Great Jersey-street.
Daniel Donovan, weaver, Back Osborne-street, Oldham•
road.

John Joseph Finnigan, weaver, Meadow-street, Roch-
dale-road.
Patrick Devlin, glazier, German-street, Oldham-road.
Michael Carrigan, groom, Cheetham-hill.
Geo. Rodgers, nail maker, Narrow Marsha, Nottingham.
Thomas Rankin, engraver, Newton.
Joshua Lemon, weaver, Gas-street.
Henry Williams, wool-comber, Great Ancoats.
George Webber, labourer, no residence, supposed to be
from Bradford, Yorkshire.
George White, editor of pamphlet, but really a wool-
comber, Bradford.
Joseph Dowlan, labourer, Longsight.
Having made these captures, the police concentrated
in Ancoats-street, and escorted their prisoners to the
Town hall, where descriptions were taken. White
at first denied his name, but afterwards admitted
it. At the Town-hall the military formed across the
streets, and remained until the whole of the prisoners
were raf'ely lodged. The magistrates accompa-
nying the troops were—Mr. Joseph Peel, Mr.
Daniel Lee, and 'Mr. M. Kennedy. The prisoners
appeared much chop fallen at finding themselves so
summarily made captive. The magistrates were
meeting at the Town Hall at the moment they
were brought in. There were present the Mayor, Mr.
Maude, Mr. Trafford, Mr. Mcrray, Mr. F. Ilodgson, and
Mr. 1). Price. Mr. Higson, clerk to the. justices, was
also in conference with them, and Captain Sheppard, of
the county constabulary, was in attendance with a
number of his men to lend assistance were it necessary.
The duties of the magistrates are at present exceed-
ingly harrassing. Since Saturday they have been in
readiness both night and day.
In addition to our information as to home, we may
add that a meeting of Oldham Chartists was held in
their room last night, when about 100 attended. They
dispersed peaceably about half-past ten o'clock, and at
elevencast night there was no appearance of
any dis-
te.

STATE OF TRADE.
MANCHESTER, TUESDAY.—There has been, upon tne
whole, a better feeling in the market to-day ; and
though the extent of business has not been great, prices
have been very firmly supported, with a tendency to
advance in the lower counts of yarn, which, as we
have previously stated, are relatively scarce. In the
higher counts of yarn no advance can be noted; but the
rates paid previously to the commencement of the trou-
bles in Ireland, and the temporary breaking off of the
negotiation between Germany and Denmark, have been
more readily obtained than at any time during the last
fortnight. In goods there is no sensible change of price;
the market is perfectly steady, prices firm, and the stocks
generally recuced to so low a point as to give great con-
fidence to the manufacturers.
Some apprehensions have been expressed lest the in-
creased imports of food, which may be expected from the
apprehensions respecting the potato disease, and from
the recent advance of prices in this country, should
cause a large export of the precious metals. It seems
probable, however, that any moderate import which
may be expected under existing circumstances, will
not draw specie from England as on former occasions.
For some months past, strong efforts have been
making in various parts of Europe to send specie to this
country, not so much for the purpose balancing mercan-
tile operations in the export and import of merchandise, as
with the view of providing funds here to meet bills
drawn for the purpose of making payments elas-
where. Within! a few days:past, large sums in gold
have arrived from Russia and Turkey, which
nobody can suppose to be necessary, especially after
the large imports which have previously taken
place, to pay any balance due on an excess of exports
from this country. For some months past, merchants
have found great difficulty in negotiating bills drawn,
as heretofore, on Paris, Frankfort, or Vienna, whilst
good English bills have been readily negotiable in all
parts of the Continent. We have no doubt that
that the efforts making to place funds in England
will continue for some time to come; and we therefore
think it highly probable that a considerable number of
bills may be drawn against grain purchased in the ports
of the Baltic, the Black Sea, or the Mediterranean,
without sensibly influencing the amount of bullion in
the Bank of England, as the proceeds of the bills, when
due, will most probably be held here for the credit of
the foreign bankers who send them over here for col-
lection.

ROCHDALE, AloNnAv.—We have had another good
market to-day. There has been a fair demand for
prices, and many have been sold, but without much
change in prices. In the wool market there is very
little to report; prices are firm, but there is very little
business going on.
HUDDERSFIELD, TUESDAY.—The market to-day has
been attended by several buyers, and, a considerable
amount of goods has changed hands. There is a great
scarcity of better kinds of woollens, which are princi-
pally i,:dght after. In low fancy goods, there is not
much doing.
HALIFAX, SATURDAY.—The improvement which is
reported to have been experienced in the worsted trade

has not manifested itself in our Piece Hall, being
more in the light fancy goods peculiar to the Bradford
market, than in the heavier goods of this district.
Scarcely any business has been done in the Hall to-day,
but there is more doing in the warehouses, and some
of the largor manufacturers are now working full time.
Tarn is in rather better demand, and the spinners aro
more fully employed, but the quantity produced is
much below the power of production, and prices have
not advanced. Rather more doing in wool, at late
rates, and the staplers complain of its being harder lo
buy in the country.
LEEDS, TIIESDAY.-Our market to-day has been with.
out any alteration ; the paucity of stock exhibited at the
Cloth Halls, limits the extent of purchases, but con-
tinues to keep our mills well employed to order.—Man-
el est:a. Guardian .

POLICE INTELLIGENCE,
MANSION-HOUSE.
Andrew Baskerville was brought before the Lord
Mayor, charged with having committed a burglary and
robbery in the house of his uncle, Mr. Russell, of No.
52, Fenehurch-street.
Mr. Russell stated that at about a quarter to six
o'clock on the morning of the 2d of August, he was
awoke by the ringing of the bell, and upon going down
stairs, a policeman told him that he had found the door
open. The window on the landing-place was also open,
and they diseovered that robbers had entered the house,
and plundered it. The sitting-room was in great dis-
order, and the locks of the chiffonier, and a cupboard,
and other depositories were broken open. Plate, con-
sisting of a tea-pot, sugar-basin, cream-jug, &c., of the
value of about 254, was stolen, and amongst the plun-
dered property was the bowl of a meerschaum pipe,
which the prosecutor's son had given to him a short time
before, and which was produced in evidence against
the prisoner. The prisoner had not been seen by the
prosecutor for twelve months, and was not received at
the house. He was perfectly acquainted with the house,
and knew where the plate was deposited and where tho
cash-box was kept in the day-time. Luckily, the latter
had been taken up to the prosecutor's bed-room, as was
the custom, on the previous night. The prosecutor went
to bed at a quarter past eleven o'clock, at which Limo
everything was in a safe and undisturbed condition.
The window was found to have been broken, and the
bolt to have been pulled back. They stem of the boll of
the pipe was left behind by the thieves, who must have
been in the house for some time. They had thrown the
bottles of the silver cruet-stand on the floor. A drawer
over the chiffonier was undistured ; but, no doubt, if the
thieves had not been alarmed, they would have done
more mischief.
The prisoner—The complainant says that I knew
where the cash-box was kept, and if •I
knew as I did
that he took it up to his bed-room every night, why
should I break open the cupboard, where it was kept in
the day-time ?
The prosecutor—lt was fortunate that I had removed
it that night at any rate.
Mr. George T. Russell, son of the prosecutor, and re-
siding at No. 93, Cheapside, stated that he had gives
the meerschaum bowl to his father, after having
coloured it.
W. Romaine, a policeman of the Metropolitan division,
stated that in consequence of information which be
had received he apprehended the prisoner on Saturday
last, at two o'clock, in Lambeth. He called the pri-
soner by name, and said there was a charge against
him in the City, and that he must go to the station-
house to know the particulars. In the prisoner's pocket
was found the bowl of the pipe which had been identi-
fied by the prosecutor and his son.
The prisoner said he had purchased the ticket of tile
pipe-bowl, and released it before the Ist of August.
It was stated by the policeman that the prisoner had
been convicted as a rogue and vagabond, having been
discovered under suspicious circumstances, and in pos-
session of several house-breaking implements.
Remanded till Friday.
A person of excellent character, who had held the
situation of parochial schoolmaster, at a short (listen ce
from town, was brought before the Lord Mayor, chail ed
with having taken a quantity of laudanum, with intt!nt
to destroy himself.
The unhappy man had been discharged from his oc-
cupation in consequence of the operation of the new
educational system in which the establishment he sup er-
intended was not included. The support of six of
family of nine was thus thrown upon the poor afflicted
mother, whose " stitching " from morning till night -her
partner could no longer endure, and was determined
never to witness more. lle purchased as much
laudanum as would have destroyed half-a-domen
persons, and stepping into a public-house, emptied
the bottle in a pint pot in which there was
some beer, and drank off the potion. He was soon
affected by the dose, and having acknowledged that an
accumulation of 'miseries and horrors, arising from the
dismal prospects of his family, had provoked him to the
attempt upon his life, a medical man was immediately
employed, and the stomach-pump was applied with eftzbct.
It was, however, necessary to send the poor patient to
the hospital, and to detain him there for several days, the
condition of the body having become as unhealthy as that
of his mind.
A gentleman stepped forward and said that the de-
fendant was a man of unimpeachable character, aced
perfect example to the young persons who had been un-
der his care.
Alderman Finnis soon after entered the justice-room,
and recognised the defendant as a person deserving of the
high character which had been given of him.
The LORD MAYOR—What could have induced ouch
man as you to make this dreadful attempt?---The de-
fendant, after some hesitation, said I have been in the
habit of taking laudanum to correct the want of sleep,
which has, no doubt, been produced by the distructed
state of my mind, but I am not aware that I had any
intention to commit the crime of self-destruction, If I
had God forgive me.
The LORD MAYOR said he should not discharge the
defendant without receiving something like security that
there would be no repetition of the offence.
The gentleman who had spoken in such warm 'terms
of the defendant at once proposed to be bail for the good
behaviour of the defendant, whose case excited. the
warmest sympathy, and Alderman Finnis raid b e ex-
pected to be able to render him permanent service.

RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS.
BRISTOL, Aim. 15.
STocic EXCHANGE.—The share market continued dull,
with scarcely anything doing. Great Western Q uarter
Shares closed at 2f4 dis.

LIVERPOOL, AUG. 15.
STOCK EXCHANGH.—The market has been rather better
to-day, but prices are not any higher. The sales are— . Cale'
donian, Preference. 7 per cent., % p.—Great No] then'
9/. ss. 9d. dis.—Leeds and Thirsk, c.—London and :Sorth
Western, 1141,4—Ditto, New Quarters, 6s. 3d. ie. P.";
London Brighton, and South Coast, New Si. Shares,. 6s. 3"'
p.—Midland Stock, 981k—Ditto, New Halves, 63
Shrewsbury and Chester (late N. W. M.), New 13/.. Third
Shares, dis.—Ditto (Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and CI ester)!
73 Ui3.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, Thirds, 38. 9cl"
c. dis.

MANCHESTER, AVG. 15.
STOCK Exciltawam—The sales are—Leeds, Prolbrencs,
11-16 p.—Sheffield, Preference, par—Grimsby, 201. Share*
9 3-16 dis.—North Staffordshire, 3% dis.—South.-3Easterli
and Dover, No. 1, 6 13-16 dis.—Ditto, No. 4, 3 :13-16 ca
dis. —Caledonian, Preference, 7-16 p.—Edinburg h an
Glasgow, 37.

BIRMINGHAM, Aug. 15.
STOCK EXCNANGE. —The sales are—Birmingham tvol.
verharrrpton, and Dudley, 4 p.—Birmingham,
hampton, and Stour Valley, 4 dis.—North Staffordshire
dis. x. d.—Shrewsbury and Birmingham (A), ;
Ditto (B), 3% dis.—South Staffordshire, 314 dis.
YORK, AUG. 14.
STOCK EXCHANGE.—The buain.ess transacted to-elay
as follows : -Great Northern, 71.14s.—Ditto, New, 6,64 az a"'
North British, Thirds, 21. ss. 6d.
GLASGOW, Aug. 14.
STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Aberdeen, 21 —Cele'
donian, Preference, 57s.—Dunblane, Doune, and CI; Wander'
13s.—Glasgow General Terminus, 6a/—Glasgow, Kilnit:
nock, and Ayr, 67—Ditto, Halves, No 1, 71. 3a.
Ditto, Halves, No. 2, 71.—Great Northern, 7N.—Noro'
British, Thirds, 455. 9d.

DEATH Or AN OMNIBUS-DRIVER ON THE j30%.--:
On Sunday evening last, as George Norman, for iner.lY;
crack coachman on the Brighton road, but vrho 5111',1
the four-in-hands have been thrown into the s h Ade 11174,
turned his attention to omnibus-driving, was proccediva
with his omnibus, which runs between the Eleph act 6,n"he
Castle and Lisson-grove, he was observed, Iv heu
omnibus was passing through Baker-street, to I`s.ll 'Acrid
wards, and on assistance being procured life IVIIS f 011,0,.
to be extinct. Fortunately, Mr. Lane, one of the P.n"o,
prietors of the omnibus, was a passenger on the c ccus,lb-ot
and remarking when passing through Regent-cit cos `„,tt
Norman seemed ill, had taken his seat beside him 115$
the box, otherwise the suddenness of the OM it l'altibe
have been attended with serious consequence s to L
passengers.
st 4
HOLYHEAD HARBOUR.—The Government tinte,r,,,„e
and those of the Chester and Holyhead Railway L'" ;it tt°
pony having come somewhat into collision,. Cti„P; to
Fraser, RN.. in charge there, has been orders I 11--ao
allow of any assumption of authority, but to take " •
of tb
keep in his command all the arrangements the". bor
outer and inner harbour; the railway compailY with
ever, are to be allowed every facility consistently
the public service.

MIRTH.% On the 12th inst., at Weymouth, the lady of EkbertA•
Cochrane, F.sq., of a daughter. ~,, OP
On the 12th inst., at Fitzroy-square, the wife of L- '''-ii
Ewl, of a daughter. bite,,_
On the 12th inst., at Odsall-house, Bradford, Y°:`l"
the wife of C. Hardy, Esq., of a sox. .0,1 C•
On the 12th inst., at Stanhope-lodge, Greenford, -e"--
B. Bingley, of a daughter. r tll°
At the Rectory, Solihull, on the 13th inst., the Wire °-
Rev. P. M. Smythe, of a daughter. .hiii Ole
On the 13th inst., at Ladbroke-square, Notting-',''
lady of G. H. Ullathorne, Esq., of a daughter. rs g •
On the 13th inst., at Eastbourne-terrace, Hyde-Nl7k '
Meyrick, of a daughter. .....---•".

DMA
On the 12th inst., at his residence, Tapton-houses Pe: j;
shire, George Stephenson, Civil Engineer, Sniglet'
Order of Leopold, in the 68th year of his age.
„welter
On the 4th inst., at Greenwich, aged 21, Cecilia,
of the late John Buyers, Esq., R.N. the ReV.
On the 10th inst., at Montrose, Scotland, aged 0 se.
Leonard Morse, 8.A., incumbent of St. Mary's, Moral Bed.
On the 12th inst., at Ramsgate, T. Stooks,E °
ford. place, Russell-square, aged 69. 50411.
On the 12th inst., suddenly, at Whilton Rectorfl, wicb,
amptonshire, H. F. Cubitt, Esq., of Catton, near P"
late of the Royal Artillery, aged 59. Eliga beat,
At Greenham, Berks, on the 12th inst., Laura
the eldest daughter of Mr. G. Barnes, of NewburY• „too
On the 12th inst., at Kensington-gardens-terrace,
Eliza, wife of Dr. Markham. Olen'
the 13th inst., at Guildford, Surrey, Mr. Thozas
ham, aged 83

,
______------------- - 7-' ~:: ec
n vi )11.m" g, t
London: Printed and Published by MURD,‘; -:' No, 11 of 1 c
No. 112, Strand. ?tinter, at the Sun `nueer' coati' g \ t
Strand, in the Precinct •f the Savoy. in the t
Middlesex, Wednesday, Asst IG, fe4B.
14
. .IU