The Sun.
London, England, 1833-10-03 00:00:00

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SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS•

Her most faithful Majesty arrived in the
Tagus on the 22d ult., and as the whole coast,
together with the entry into that magnificent
river, is commanded by her fleet under Admiral
Napier, there was neither difficulty nor danger
n reaching her capital. Though even in the
heat of civil war, it must have been gratifying to
her Majesty to find herself surrounded with a
loyal and devoted people,—to be hailed as the
pledge of their approaching deliverance and
future freedom,—and to think that her presence
may accelerate the restoration of order and tran-
quillity in her dominions, by convincing her
enemies of the hopelessness of their continued
resistance. The novelty of the scene, in which
she was to act so conspicuous a part, must like-
wise have had its grateful influence over her mind.
Though she has been for seven years Queen of
Portugal, she has never till now visited its shores,
and the sight of one of the most picturesque
cities in the world, pouring, forth its inhabitants
to welcome her entry, could not fail to make a
deep impression on her youthful feelings. The
enthusiasm of the people was perhaps heightened
and rendered more gratifying by the flattering
reception given her by her high officers of state,
by her naval and military commanders, and by
the diplomatic representatives of her allies. Po-
licy counselled that she should parade the streets
to show herself for the first time to her
subjects; and a regard for the religion of
the state made it advisable that she should
offer up her thanks in the Cathedral for her safe
arrival and recent triumphs. These political
and pious duties she fulfilled on her disembark-
ation on the 23d ult., to the immense satisfac-
tion of a loyal and a superstitious people. But
a fact more decisive of the success of her own
arrival is to be found in the resignation of
Bourmont. This officer, with all his French
comrades, has retired from the command of the
Usurper's forces, and is either about to pass into
Spain or to embark for England. Thus La
Vendee has separated itself from Portuguese ab-
solutism, and Don Miguel has in consequence
neither a military staff nor a Minister of War
to direct him. The immediate cause of this
sudden and unexpected resolution on the part of
the Royalist French officers remains still unex-
plained ; but the fact itself seems as undoubted
as its effect must be fatally important. It is
now known that Don Miguel's forces had sus-
tained another repulse ( n the 14th ult., and it
is stated on good authority that several thou-
sands of his troops had deserted to his brother's
standard. After such repeated defeats, and with
such uncertain forces, the French Marshal may
have seen that the cause was hopeless, and re-
solved to abandon a standard under which he
could expect to encounter nothing but disgrace.
If such was the real motive of his resignation,
his conduct gives a verdict against the suc-
cess of the Usurper, which must be consi-
dered as solemn and final ; for it is evi-
dent, that without the military talents
ich Bourmont displayed, or the confidence
which he inspired, the contest must have ended
with the capture of Lisbon, and the repulse
before Oporto, in the end of July, or at least
two months ago. Don Miguel had then evi-
dently not an officer of his own on whom he
could rely for attempting to retrieve his des-
perate fortune ; otherwise, having resisted the
employment of foreigners so long, he would
never have consented at last to intrust a French
general with the direction of his affairs as Mi-
nister of War, and with the command of his
troops in the field as Commander-in-Chief of
his army. In such circumstances, and after
Bourmont has failed, it would be madness in
any of the inexperienced native officers of Don
Miguel to hope for success. It is very possible
that seeing the hopelessness of ultimately retak-
ing Lisbon, defended as it now is on the river
and on the land side, and that refusing to renew
a fruitless attack, the French officers may have
met with such cause of mortification or disgust
on the part of their self-sufficient and ignorant
allies, as determined them to a more speedy
abandonment of their ill-disciplined camp. This,
however, is only conjecture, though it is not
rare to find in circumstances like those of the
Nliguelite faction presumption vying with im-
becility, and the jealousy of foreign assistance
as powerful as the fear of unaided defeat. Being
deserted by the French officers, whose assistance
alone has enabled him to collect his forces around
Lisbon, Don Miguel must either now capitulate
or retire into the interior, and rely for support
upon his monks. If he resolves to hold out
much longer, and to devastate the country by a
guerilla warfare, his sole dependence must be on
the " regular" troops of the convents and the
cathedrals. He might levy from among them
an army of about 25,000 men, and might reckon
upon their revenues for the supply of his mili-
tary chest. On his return to Portugal in 1828,
they hailed him as the " Archangel Michael"
(Miguel), sent to destroy "the hydra" of revo-
lution, irreligion, freedom, and freemasonry.
With what pathetic lamentations, and even
blasphemous reproaches, must their pulpits now
resound, when this said " hydra" has got the
better of their angelic champion ! In the works
of Father Vieyra, a celebrated Portuguese Jesuit,
who visited the Brazils between the years 1640
and 1654, and was present during the Dutch in-
vasion of that Portuguese colony, we find a sermon,
which, in spirit and language, will very probably
be imitated, if it is not exactly copied, by the
monkish friends of the Usurper in this their hour of
despair and tribulation. Father Vieyra, like
the present Portuguese friars, represented the
whole of the war then carrying on between the
Dutch and his countrymen as a contest between
heresy and the Catholic faith, and blasphemously
asks the Almighty if lie wishes to desert his own
true lie?leving people, and to take the part of
infidels? Ile asks, in fact, whether he wishes
to be a Dutch God, instead of the supporter of
the true religion ? If we had room, we would
quote a few passages, which we have translated,
as curious specimens of the eloquence which now
resounds in the pulpits of more than a thousand
chapels, from the Minho to the Tagus,but the
following
following must suffice :
" But since, 0 Lord, you so desire awl ordain it, do
that which is pleasing in your sight. Hand over to the
Dutch, Brazil—deliver upthe to them lndies and the
Spanish territories (for the consequences which mus•
follow the loss of Brazil are not less dangerous)—give to
them all that we hold and possesspiyou have
h alreadyd
given them so great a part)_ac (Mince
in
ti
whole of the woad—and as for 111, the Portuguese ans thea
Spanish, desert us, repudiate us, reject and abandon us
But I only wishyour Majesty to consider that the time.
may come when those whom you now reject and cast off
you may want, and not be able to find.—Times.
The revising barristers appointed annually,
in virtue of the Reform Act, to examine anti
rectify the lists of freeholders, or county voters,
are now on their circuit, or holding their courts
in every district of the kingdom. The intention
of the Legislature in making this provision of
a new temporary set of judges was avowedly to

secure the purity and comprehensiveness of the
roll of voters. The electoral instrument is thus
to be kept in constant repair with all its efficiency,
and is to be ready for use at any period when a
general or partial appeal to the people may require
its employment. It is, of course, not only the
qualification of the names on the existing lists
which the barristers have to determine, on the
complaint, remonstrance, or information of
hostile parties, but the rights of new claimants
to the enjoyment of electoral privileges. People
entitled to a vote, therefore, have themselves to
blame if, after due notice, they surrender their
place on the roll, and thus deprive themselves of
an important political power. A voluntary
exclusion from the register, when parties have a
right to be placed upon it, should be felt as a
disgrace—manifesting, as it does, an indifference
to the state of the country, and to the chances
of serving its best interests, by the discharge of a
political duty. The parish overseers, not yet accus-
tomed to the working of the Reform Act, may at
first he remiss or ill-informed with respect to their
functions, leaving names on the list which have
lost their title to a suffrage, and omitting others
which have acquired a new right ; but no neglect
of this kind should be allowed to create or to
disfranchise an elector ; every man entitled to a
vote should himself see that his name is regis-
tered, and every man who can lawfully dispute
the title of his neighbour to the place which he
occupies, should take care that the intrusive
name is expunged. The law of the land has
provided a legal machinery for these express
objects. Nor let indolence shelter itself under
the shallow pretence that it is unnecessary to look
after the registration this year, because a general
election is not likely to occur during the course
of the next twelve months. In the present state
of this country and of Europe, it would be
hazardous to become answerable for the result
of such an opinion. But though that opinion
were right, and though no general election
were to occur, may not death, or the Chiltern
Hundreds, render a new election necessary in
the very place where these lazy voters have
neglected to secure their privileges ? It is
wise, therefore, to guard against such a con-
tingency ; and when the requisite security can
he obtained at so small an expense of time,
labour, or money, it would be inexcusable
to neglect the (beans. We observe, that
in some districts the motives for indolence,
or the feelings of indifference to what we
have alluded, have operated to a considerable
extent in the diminution of the lists. Nothing,
we think, can be more disgraceful. Why did
the country, with united voice, demand the
Reform Bill, if the privileges which it has con-
ferred are to be treated with insulting neglect ?
Why did we destroy rotten boroughs, if we are,
by our carelessness, to allow small juntas to
govern counties ? What stronger objection was
ever made by the Conservatives to the agitation
of the reform question than that the people did
not desire, and would not exercise, the privi-
leges which it was intended to confer ? Yet, by
neglecting to register, the favoured voter proves
the reproach to be just. Though the Reform
Bill had done nothing else than dividing coun-
ties and populous towns into convenient districts
for polling, and establishing registration to se-
cure a full and a pure list of the parties entitled
to vote, it would have conferred important
benefits on the country; but these benefits can
only be secured or enjoyed by the co-operation
of the people themselves with the judges ap-
pointed to execute the law. Let us, therefore,
invite attention to the present duties of the
revising barristers, and provide a constituency
fitted to serve the country on any emergency
which shall occur within the year. Tile very
recurrence of the registration annually, is calcu-
lated to do good, by reminding the people of
their political rights, and preparing them for the
discharge of their political duties, when an
appeal is made to their sentiments or opinions
On great national questions.—Times.
Our opinion on the subject of the assessed
taxes is too well knownto allow it to be for one
moment supposed that we are not as anxious for
their repeal as any one of the members of the va-
rious associations for their abolition. We have all
along contended that the house and window taxes
were peculiarly objectionable, from the partiality
with which they were levied. The Aristocracy,
from their influence with surveyors and others,
have contrived, throughout the country, to have
their mansions rated at sums quite dispropor-
tioned to their value, while the middlp classes
in the great towns, and more especially in the
metropolis, which alone pays one-half the house
tax of the whole kingdom, are rated at the full
value of their houses and shops ; and sometimes,
when held on leases, at considerably more than
their value. The assessed taxes ought to have
been among the first repealed. We showed that
their continuation was particularly injurious to
Government, and that no iVlinistry, in a country
like this, could afford to incur the unpopularity
which persisting to raise these taxes must occa-
sion. We maintained, too, that the sort of
arguments by which the low rating of the man-
sions of the nobility and gentry were justified--
namely, that these mansions could not be let
for more than the sums at which they were rated
—was felt by the middle classes as an insult to
their understandings, and only added to their
determination to make every effort to get rid of
the house and window taxes. But Lord
Aithorp pledged the Government last session
that these obnoxious taxes should be repealed
next session. The reasons which induced the
Government to give this pledge last session have
lost none of their force, so that, the cause con-
tinuing, we have no reason whatever to despair
of the effect. We condemn the house and win
dow taxes, and they are condemned by Minis-
ters themselves ; but they still form part of the
revenue of the country, and till they are repealed
by law they must be levied. We could have
wished that, under these circumstances, the taxes
might have been borne with patience by all de-
scriptions of people till their repeal next session.
It is with deep regret, therefore, that we see
numerous associations fortned in this metropolis
to set the law at defiance. Where is this to
stop ? Among the legacies left us by the Oli-
garchical Government which has been overturned,
is the notion, that the laws being made not in
the interest of the people, the interest of the
people is not sufficient to procure the repeal,
and the only resource left to the people is passive
resistance. The Government, instead of being
identified with the people, has been too often
considered as something separate. The Govern-
ment)ep itself l
fully justified the opinion of the
people,
shamelessly avowing that it con-
sneunotuedslytomysiitsatlerrefaosrures,
morew htichlainhaad
been stre-
not because the members f that Governmenthad become convinced
boife tiloiengmeeratsourrees,sisbut h because
e°mf. the wisdom or policy
ili w
et
Duke
e iornf p\ovs,esii:
linEton and Sir Robert Peel, in holding this lan-

guage, plainly told the people that they who
governed were inclined to evil, and would only
do good as Balaatn spoke the truth of compul-
sion. This open avowal of the Duke of Wel-
lington, that the people must expect no good but
from a demonstration of their force, in opposi-
tion to the Oligarchy, was quite sufficient to
introduce universal anarchy, The Irish Catholics
were told a religion must be imposed on them—
not for their advantage, but as a mark of their
subjection to an ascendancy of Protestants. The
Irish Catholics in consequence resisted tithes.
Before the Duke of Wellington's insulting de-
claration against Parliamentary Reform had
roused the nation against him, all the symptoms
of the most destructive anarchy were manifesting
themselves. The peasantry of the home counties
had risen en masse, and Sir Robert Peel told
the alarmed owners and occupiers of the soil,
that they must protect themselves as they best
could, as Government could afford them no as-
sistance. l'he Magistrates, intimidated by the
mobs, themselves recommended to the farmers
to destroy their thrashing machines. The inha-
bitants of towns were looking out for political
storms. People had a presentiment of danger,
and began to purchase arms. The rumour of an
intended attempt on the Duke of Wellington led
to the advising his Majesty not to be present at
the City festival. This state of things could not
last, and we obtained a Reform Ministry. But
here again the people could only attain their ends
by a demonstration of physical force. The oligarchy
of this country refused every thing to justice, and
yielded every thing to fear. At last we obtained
Parliamentary Reform, and in Parliamentary
Reform a secure guarantee that henceforth the
laws must be in the interest of the people. But
the people cannot so soon forget the pernicious
lessons taught them by the oligarchical govern-
ment which has been destroyed. They retain
under a reformed Parliament, the principle
of action, which destroyed, it is true, the
unreformed Parliament, but which, if per-
sisted in, must equally destroy all Parliaments
whatever. The principle of associating to
resist the law, instead of endeavouring to obtain
the repeal of the law through the means pointed
out by the Constitution, is at once proclaiming
anarchy. They who associate to resist one tax
levied by law, may associate to resist all other
' taxes levied by law. We at once boldly and
unhesitatingly proclaim that the whole property
of the country is at this moment in imminent
peril. What security has the State annuitant
that his interest shall not be arbitrarily withheld ?
The taxes of the country are mortgaged to large
classes of the people, and constitute a large share
of the available assets of these classes. Where
are we to stop if we allow individuals to orga-
nise themselves in this open manner to resist the
law ? He who at a time like this is not for us
is against us—there is no middle course. These
associations must be met by counter associa-
tions of men determined to support the law, or
we may be assured that we shall soon have no law
but the law of the strongest shoulders and arms.
The Government must be supported. We call,
therefore, on every man who does not wish to
see all confidence shaken, and open violence the
order of the day, to rouse himself to a due sense
of the danger with which we are threatened by
those anarchical associations. Let the enemy
be at once met at the threshold. If he be
allowed to enter one step we are ruined. This
is not a time for standing with our arms folded.
If men will be such Sybarites as to shrink from
all difficulties in times of crisis, they are doomed.
The Government of this country has no force
independent of public support, and that support
it is entitled to claim at a time like the present.
Arouse, then, men of influence and property,
and prepare at once, by combining in support
of law, to crush this monster in its cradle.
Many weak and silly people, not aware of the
extent of the danger, have been thoughtlessly
led to take part in these associations; but when
they see the spirit and force opposed to them,
they will return to a sense of their duty. We
have used strong language; but the time calls
for it ; and we have no idea of trifling with duty.
Nero fiddled when Rome was burning; but let
us trust that Englishmen know that serious
times demand to be met by a serious and deter-
mined spirit. What is easy to-day, may to-
morrow defy all our efforts. We shall be ready
to support the people in their just claims, and to
impress upon those who govern the necessity
of consulting in the laws the feelings and wishes
of those through whom alone they can receive
force; but we must in the mean time insist on
putting down all attempts at anarchy.—Morning
Chronicle.

Obsta principiis is a sound maxim in morals
as well as in medicine. We have not spoken
unadvisedly in saying that symptoms of the
revival of bubble speculation are observable.
One fact alone, which the Courier has stated,
would justify the apprehension that, notwith-
standing the instructive lessons of 1825 and
1826, there is still sufficient public credulity to
offer the prospect of a fresh harvest of plunder
to the enterprising contrivers of daring and in-
genious frauds. We have seen things peeping
forth in prospectuses and paragraphs which bear
too strong a family likeness to the bubble pro.
jects of seven or eight years ago, not to be re-
cognised as being the offspring of the same
prolific genius that covered this island at the
time we mention with the locust brood of schemes
which were more destructive to the fruits of the
regular industry of man than any of the plagues
of Egypt. Prevention is better than cure, and
we are determined that, as far as in us lies, the
return of the epidemic fraud, which scandalised
the commercial character of England, shall be
averted, and the public shall be put upon their
guard against the recurrence of those schemes
of enormous robbery for which the law has pro-
vided no punishment whatever. We do not
desire to see great or little thieves hanged ; but
if the latter are, the former ought to be. Our
legislation is too exclusively against the lower
classes of offenders. A child breaks a pane
of glass in a shop window after nightfall—he
steals a cake--the offence is called burglary, a
word of alarming import ; lie is sentenced
expiate his offence on the gallows I A
set of legislators who pass such laws, con-
spire together with some needy projectors to cheat
the public out of hundreds of thousands by
means of a joint-stock scheme ; they issue a
prospectus, concocted in fraud, and obtain
insertion for paragraphs in venal newspapers to
assict the delusion—they get up the shares to a
large premium, sell out, and leave their dupes to
w rue the day that they were ensnared, by the
charm of lofty names, into the moonshine
speculation. For this crime there is no gallows
—no hulks—no treadmill—magisterial indigna-
tion visits it not with its displeasure—it does
not prevent the delinquents from enjoying or
rising to high offices in the State—or being
dispensers of justice. Such a state of things is
characteristic of a land where the poet Goldsmith,

though of Tory politics, long ago described the
equal spirit of legislation by the line
" Laws grind the poor, and rich men rule the law."
There was a punishment once, as we stated
yesterday. The enormous evils produced by the
South Sea scheme caused the passing of the
Statute called the Bubble Act, which rendered
the guilty parties in joint stock frauds liable to
the penalties of a prentunire. Those penalties
are, according to Sir Edward Coke, " that, from
the conviction, the defendant shall be cut of the
King's protection, and his lands and tenements
goods and chattels, forfeited to the King, and
that his body shall remain in prison during the
King's pleasure." These were as severe penalties
as well could be, short of taking life—a punish-
ment which we always deprecate as irrational,
barbarous, and ineffective. Great difficulty
did we experience, however, in endeavouring
to procure the repeal of some of the statutes
inflicting the punishment of death for minor
offences against property. Serious obstacles had
enlightened legislators, like Mr. Attorney-
General Denman, Mr. Ewart, Lord Suffield,
Mr. Lennard, and a few others, to encounter in
procuring the repeal of some of our capital
statutes, under which petty knaves most usually
suffered. But as to the Bubble Act, which did
not touch life, but made great and rich offenders
liable in their personal freedom and property for
their acts of sweeping robbery, it was repealed
without hesitation by the Government itself at
the commencement of the era, which a kw years
ago brought back the national disgrace and
misery of the South Sea scheme. The Standard
says," The Bubble Act was repealed in defiance
of the strong remonstrance of Lord Eldon, who
has so often stood in the gap to stay the
plague of frantic innovation." We are not of
that class who allow our political opinions to
influence our estimate of moral character—we
do not limit the existence of public virtue to a
particular circle, and seeing nothing outside of
it but reprobate qualities of mind and heart.
Opposition to the political principles of Lord
Eldon does not make us less disposed to honour
him for the honest and manly resistance which
he gave on that occasion to those members of
Government who were opening the sluices by
which the tide of joint-stock fraud overflowed
the land. We well recollect his prophetic
denunciations, in his place in Parliament,
of those ruinous schemes, which both Mr.
Canning and Lord Goderich, but especially
the latter, described as the pouring forth
of a current of prosperity on the nation which
was to saturate it with riches. We recollect
also that Lord Eldon declared he would oppose
every Bill for a joint-stock scheme of which a
certain portion of the necessary funds, we
believe three-fourths, was not actually paid
down. If his warning voice had then been
listened to there would not have been so many
viciims of those nefarious contrivances in which
no small portion of persons moving in the higher
circles of society were implicated, who enriched
themselves with the portion of the widow and
the orphan, and drove numbers to beggary,
desperation, and suicide. Having such an ex-
perience of the bitter consequences of those
schemes before our eyes, we wish never to
allow such things to get to a head again. We
would crush the cockatrice in the shell. It is
enough for us to see that the act of incuba-
tion is going on without waiting for the brood
to be hatched. The Standard seems to think
that the very act of putting the public on their
guard against joint-stock bubbles might create a
panic. Our object is to prevent a panic by
removing its cause. The panic of 1826 was
caused not because those schemeS were crushed
in the beginning, but because they were allowed
to grow to that magnitude that their bursting
inevitably spread tremendous ruin and confusion
on all sides. While the public confine their
enterprises within the limits of sober and regular
industry, and enter into no projects but those of
solid utility and needful improvement, there
will be no material for panic—but we must qualify
this by saying that a rage even for things sub-
stantial and useful in themselves may be carried
too far. Houses are useful and substantial
things as well as rail-roads and joint-stock banks;
and yet towns may be over-built, and a rage for
building may be, and has been, as London
itself, and some of our watering-places, can
testify, the ruin of the speculators. Among the
multitude of rail-ways projected some will be a
good investment, and some, as in the case of
canals, will be miserable failures. The Standard
is also of opinion that it is impossible a spirit of
vicious speculation can be revived so soon after
the memorable scenes of 1826, and that such
speculation is not necessarily connected with a
change in the currency. With the latter pro-
position we perfectly agree. The instance of
the South Sea scheme, as the Standard itself
shows, affords a practical refutation of a change
in the currency, and a spirit of fraudulent specu-
lation being connected, as cause and effect.
Wherever society is in a diseased state of morals
from inordinate cupidity, and the vices which
extravagance and luxury brine in their train,
there will always be the predisposing causes to
dishonest speculation whatever may be the state
of the currency; but we do not assent to the
other proposition, that it requires a great
number of years to resuscitate a spirit of
wild and fraudulent enterprise after it has
brought about some great explosion. It
was within a few years after the great South Sea
bubble—namely, in 1731, that the British
public were gulled and plundered by the Chari-
table Corporation bubble, which was something
in the nature of an equitable loan company.
The Directors of that Company robbed the
unfortunate purchasers of shares of half a mil-
lion sterling. " Many persons of rank and qua-
lity," says the historian, " were concerned in this
infamous conspiracy, and even some of the first
characters in the nation did not escape censure."
Geo. Robinson, then Member of Parliament for
Marlow, was a principal in the fraud into which
a Secret Committee was appointed to inquire;
and the result was, the discovery of a most ini-
quitous scene of fraud which had been carried
on by that person and other Directors, for em•
bezzling the property of the shareholders. Was
this infamous robbery of the public caused by a
change in the currency ? No such thing—
there was no change had taken place ; but it is
accounted for by the historian, not on the ground
about this time. Noweklrieei
„f• the abundance of the circulating medium
amongamtohielgpetobpeleh, theas
wiealclkasofthmorality
r
celvaesnses. He says, " A spirit of avarice and
rapacity had infected every rank of life
Sir It. Sutton, and George Ro-
binson
aralicats»zenotf
s as veert yxb —paenlSlesidrix fAoMrrcethhniel
frauds in the management of
bbt
dss t
Goisfrooa sordid i,Ptdheir
the charitable corporation scheme ; Dennis
Bond and Sergeant Birch for a fraudulent sale
of the late unfortunate Earl of Derwentwater's
large estate ; and, lastly, John Ward, of Hack- ,

ney, for forgery." He then emphatically adds
—" Luxury had given birth to prodigality, and
that was the parent of the mean arts of pecula-
tion." Thus, it appears, such frauds are the
result of corrupt morals in the higher classes of
society, whose example has so much influence
on the public, whether for good or for evil.
Wherever similar depravity exists, and the sordid
passions are too strong for the feeling of honour
or the sense of shame, such frauds will occur
or he attempted. The gambling-table has more
to do with their production than the state of
the currency. Parliament, however, as a col-
lective body, had more regard to its character
in 1731 than in 1826—the boasted nineteenth
century. It, in the former year, expelled six of
its fraudulent Members ; in the latter it did not
expel a single one, though several richly deserved
expulsiori, and something worse, if justice were
impartially dealt out to the rich and the poor.—
Morning Herald.

The African steamer, Lieutenant Harvey,
arrived at Falmouth on Tuesday morning. She
has brought Lisbon Papers, describing the land-
ing of Donna Maria and her mother, and
asserting that they had been enthusiastically
received. The official account of the affair
given in the Chronica Constitutional will be
found amongst our foreign intelligence. Besides
this news, our Contemporaries and their Fal-
mouth correspondents report " private" accounts
of the surrender of Marshal Bourmont and 160
of his officers. Our readers will not have for-
gotten that similar private accounts brought by
the Echo last week treated them to the " capi-
tulation" of the whole Royalist army, with the
King at their head. The papers received are of
the same date as these accounts, and no men-
tion is :nade in them of any such event
having occurred—an omission they are not very
likely to have made either by accident or design.
With the experience we have had of the means
by which this ccntest haS been carried on, we
must venture to doubt that it has come to so
brilliant a termination for the Pedroites without
the knowledge of their official organ, until we
have some better foundation for the facts than
that on which the " capitulation" of Marshal
Bourmont and his army rested upon the previous
occasion. Amongst the hundred other reports,
it is still asserted that the Royalist army was
defeated in an attack on the lines on the 14th
ult. If these matters have any truth in them,
the conductors of the Pedroite press must be all
too much employed in fighting to find time to
record their own victories.—Morning Post.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSIO N-H O USE.

PREPARATION OF BRITISH LEAF.—Yesterday
being the day appointed by the LORD MAYOR for
hearing arguments and evidence upon the question
whether or not the immense quantity of British leaf
which had been seized by the Excise upon the pre-
mises of Mr. Heale, the British leaf manufacturer,
should be burnt, a multitude of people collected
about the gates of the Mansion-house, and the
LORD MAYOR was obliged to station officers in all
the avenues to the Justice-room to prevent the in-
convenience which would have been otherwise felt.

Mr. Adolphus attended upon the part of the Ex-
cise, and Mr. Sergeant Bompas and Mr. C. Phil-
lips came to argue against the proposition to burn
the " British Leaf." There were several scientific
men present ; and Mr. Phillips stated, that persons
extremely well qualified to judge of the nature and
quality of the article to which he laid claim as the
property of Mr. Heale, were in attendance, to give
evidence that there was nothing noxious in the pre-
paration. It was even asserted, that ever since the
publication of the case, Dr. Birkbeck had drunk an
infusion of the British leaf, and derived great benefit
from it.

Sergeant Bompts said that Mr. Heale had ap.
plied at the Excise Board for samples of the British
leaf which had been seized, in order that scientific
men might examine its nature and quality by anali-
zation. It appeared, from a communication made
by Mr. Daniels, of King's College, that, as the
samples had not been got till Monday last, the ex-
periments could not be properly made for some
days. It was therefore necessary that the case
should be postponed, as the Lord Mayor's object
was, if the article proved to be pernicious, to de-
stroy it, but if it was proved to be innoxious, to
restore it to the manufacturers.

Mr. Adolphus said that, in the present case, the
proceeding was not against the person, but against
the thing. The question was whether the article
should be destroyed, and he had evidence to show
that his Lordship's decision should be, that the
British leaf should be destroyed. He did riot care
whether the stuff was pernicious or not. That
formed no part of the inquiry. All he cared about
establishing was, that the British leaf was manufac-
ture(' in imitation of tea. If that fact were demon-
strated, the Lord Mayor had, according to the Act
of Parliament, no alternative than an immediate
consignment of the articles to the flames. The case
was to be illustrated by the supposition that Dr.
Solander's sanative leaf was made in imitation of
foreign tea. If that were the case, and the doctor
proved that his tea had all the sanative properties
ascribed to it, that it was as beneficial in its effects
upon the system as common report declared it to be,
still the imitation would be an injurious violation of
the law, and the Excise Board would most un-
doubtedly prosecute.
Sergeant Bompas expressed some surprise at
hearing that it was not material to the inquiry that
the article was pernicious or otherwise. It was to
be inferred, from the course taken by Mr. Adol-
phus, on the first hearing of the information against
Mr. Heale, that the great point sought to be esta-
blished was the pernicious quality of the ingredients
of the British leaf beverage. 'Why, if that were
not the case, had a chymist been called and asked
hii opinion ? The palpable object was to create a
prejudice in the public mind in favour of the pro-
ceedings of the Excise Board, by exciting a suspi-
cion of the injurious nature of the British leaf.

The Loin MAYOR—It was I that called Mr.
Faraday, with whose skill the world is well ac-
quainted, and my motive was certainly to benefit
the public by an exposure, if I found that the ingre-
dients were noxious.
Mr. Phillips could prove by a great variety of
witnesses that the British leaf was not in the
slightest degree injurious; that, on the contrary, it
was serviceable to the constitution.

The LORD MAYOR—I have interested myself
very much about this question, and I have never
been able to find out any place in which it is sold.
Mr. Phillips—lndeed. ft is, notwithstanding, a
fact, that it is sold in a great many shops in the me-
tropolis.

Sergeant Bompas said the article was sold as
Bi itish leaf, and was extensively used by persons
who preferred it to foreign tea, as a more wholesome
beverage. He thought the Excise could not in fair-
ness refuse to postpone the case until the samples
shoul.l be properly analysed.
Mr. Adolphus-7 You might have had the samples
long before you applied for them. However, wo
have no wish to go on, if you are not quite pre-
pared. You shall have t►me to make the best de-
fence you can.
Mr. Mayow, the solicitor to the Excise—Will
Mr. Heale acknowledge his writing on a certain do-
cument which I have here ?

Mr. Heale—Most certainly, I shall acknowledge
any writing of mine; no doubt of that.
Here the document was produced, and Mr. Heale,
without hesitation,admitted that the writing was his.
The LORD MAYOR-4 can have no objection to

a postponement. Whatever he the result, the
public can sustain no injury ; and as I sit here tti
represent the public, I shall adjourn the case. I
should wish to know whether the Learned Counsel
mean to plead their patent?
Sergeant Bompas—Most certainly we do. a
It was then determined that the case should fit°
over till next week.
STREET MUSIC AND DANCING.-IViffia7n Bony;
flein and John Clarke, the one a violin player, file
other a horn blower, were charged under the fallow'
ing circumstances :
A police officer stated, that as he was undit'rig
in Moorfields, the defendants, who were acc°riv
panied by two other musicians (a bass violoneell°'
player and a flute-player) stopped to perform. 1.23de
moment they struck up, a crowd collected ;
1-d
two Irish labourers, who were half drunk, Iti",,,ef
off k
their brogues, and began to due. The danc; —7
caused a greater crowd, and at length the s'tee,
was completely blocked up. The witness, thintl;
it would be less dangerous to attempt to check`,.
nuisance by expelling the musicians than by ipr
fering with the Irishmen, requested that the fornl-;
would shift their quarters, or at least play some ela 0
tune that would not be so likely to inoculate penrt„
heels. This request, however, seemed to inalli;
the sons of Orpheus with greater spirit and enerP,'
and they scraped and blew in such a manlier tl9l
the whole crowd, men, women, and children, sertE)
" shuffling and shaking their dirty duds." As th"Ne
horn-blower made the most noise, the policettle't
went up to expostulate with him seriously; be
instead of making any impression upon him of t"hu
right kind, he received such a salute as convincri;
him that there were more ways than one of son°
ing the horn. On receiving the blow, he of cool'
laid hold of his assailant, and both defendants re
upon him and tore his coat. The music, therefore,
suddenly stopped, and the Irishmen danced off t°
the next public-house.
The LORD MAYOR---Did they positively cause
an obstruction ? for if they did not, you were wr°44
in preventing them from playing, as it is their 01/
of getting bread, and keeping themselves from the
lazy ignominy of a poor-house.
The officer said that the obstruction caused Di
the Irishmen, who certainly would not have danced
but for the music, was very great. Nobody could
pass without getting a kick on the shins at leant,
or perhaps in the face, they capered so high.--('
laugh.)
The horn blower declared that the officer Ita"
saulted him first, arid assured the Lord Mayor that
there was no obstruction caused. It was true tilti
the people began to dance, but that he considered to
be a good effect of his music, which never failed t°
enliven arid invigorate even those who had hungrf
bellies. He had travelled through France, and ores
convinced that music made all the difference be-
tween that lively people and stupid John Bull."'
(A laugh.)
The LORD MAYOR—HOW long are you that'
musician ? Horriblower--Ten years, my Lord, b°
we pick up very little; although we are able t 0
t
make a crowd shake their heels till they oil
ground, we can very seldom shake anything e°
of their pockets.—(Laughter.) fo
The LORD MAYOR—You must get this officer
coat mended.
6
The Horriblower—l offered to mend it mr.e"l4
•but he wouldn't consent; and I think his 01'3'4'
was to get the very thing, he refused to let us
out of us—money.
The officer declared that he would not t",1,i.,e5
money from an itinerary musician, who, in ",
opinion, was very little above a ballad singer or
beggarman.
The Hornblower—That's because you have no etif
for music. I've often blown men into good hurnoet:°c
but whatever way you give him the horn I
doesn't signify, he's dissatisfied —(Laughter.) ,t
The LORD MAYOR, finding that the officer thought
nothing of the awkward manner in which he vies
l
made to contribute to the sound of the horn, desire;
the defendants to get the man's coat mended lo
proper manner, and discharged them.

BOW-STREET.
INDECENT EXPOSURE OF THE PEESON.---TVit°,
men of dirty appearance, who stated their names `-
be Alexander and Leslie, were placed at the bat
before T. HALLS, Esq , charged with indecendY
posing their persons to two young women in Exeter'
street, Strand, on the previous evening.
Correction d e
fo l
f e rdr three
antswemreonctohs.mmitted to the House o
f

MARYLER ONE. n Of
SIIOPLIFTING.—Last night a young womu-h,
very lady-like appearance, splendidly attired, witale
beautiful infant in her arms, who gave her 1111-
Elizabeth Dazes, was charged with shoplifting. t.
Thomas Baugh, shopman to Mrs. Elizabeth er,
ter, linen-draper, of Rathboue-place, Oxford-streii;
stated, that about six o'clock that evening the Pel
soner entered the shop, and requested to look
some ladies' fur boas; she went away without btjd 1,
ing any, and on her departure a boa was misgeo;
the defendant was followed, and the article feuin,bor
her. She then went on her knees, and begged
she might not be exposed.
The defendant, who said she was in affluentd if)
cumstances, and that she lived with her hush°
Duke-street, Bloomsbury, was remanded. eof
A distressing scene took place, in consequelle-tof
the infant being, according to the rules, taken s'
from the defendant.

UNION-HALL. od'
Yesterday John Wood, alias James Under°
id
•iiij
alias Charlotte Ritchie, the accomplished 1)1,101
Inter-writer, whose first examination took pal--„0,
Bow-street, was brought to this office, and C
mitted for three months to the House of Correct t‘ir
for having endeavoured to obtain money from
Herbert Taylor by means of a pathetic letter, Peo
porting to be written by a young lady who had I)
seduced and deserted by her betrayer.

state,
Letters received in Paris from Frankfort tbe
that instead of returning directly to St. Pctersburr, to
Emperor Nicholas had proceeded from Munciaengr3! be 3
Berlin. The Russian Minister at Dresden has Pubil: ot
the names of 83 inhabitants of the Govern'peni tic°
Minsk, found guilty of participation bit the late rev°pueill
of Poland—they are principally nobles, whose P 1 e?o
has been confiscated by the Autocrat. Some 'le per
victims of imperial vengeance are, however, sito 111°
sante. The Second Chamber of S irony adopted °
16th, the Prussian law of customs for Germany