The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-24 00:00:00

t.uh. It had been laid down by Hon. Members that it was
the duty of Parliamentary representatives to vote in unison
with the pledges they had given at the hustings, notwithstand-
ing such a course would be contrary to their honest convictions.
Bat he trusted that the gentlemen of England would do their
duty fearlessly and independently of the remonstrances of their
constituents, and for the interest of their fellow-countrymen.--
(Hear, hear.) He would quote the advice of a great states-
man, and a great asserter of popular rights—he meant
Mr. Burke, who cautioned members of the Legislature from an
abject obedience, in all instances, to the caprice of their con-
stituents. His sincere advice to them was to consult the inte-
rests of the country at large rather than those of an isolated
party of men.—( Hear, hear.) They had had an example
during the present session of the unjust operation of the doc-
trine that had been laid down as to the obstinate adherence to
pledges given at elections. If there was any other man who,
more than another, had a right to a place in that House it was
the Noble Lord, lately the Member for Dorsetshire, and yet he
had been ejected from Parliament by the exercise of the op-
pressive doctrine that had been laid down by Hon. Members
who belonged to the protectionist party. Now there was a second
alternative that had been proposed by the protectionist party,
or the removal of the present crisis. That remedy, if he
rightly understood the speeches of the Hon. Member for
Newark, and of other Hon. Members, at an early stage of this
debate, was, that there should be a compromise of a fixed
duty. Now, it appeared to him, that if there was one course
which more than any other would involve the greatest amount
of political dishonesty on the part of the Conservative party,
it was that very course of a fixed duty upon the importation of
foreign corn. When the sliding scale was brought forward, in
the year 1841, and it was proposed by the Whig party that in-
stead thereof there should be adopted a fixed duty, they were
met in the most clamorous manner by the present protec-
tion party, who declared that they would oppose any such pro-
posal, and they were prepared to stand by the sliding scale.
How, then, if they talked of political tergiversation, could the
some protectionist party come forward now, and say that they
were prepared to accept a fixed duty.—(Hear, hear.) Would
they now pledge themselves to support the proposal for such
a duty as had been proposed by the Hon. Alember for Pont
fret? If they would, they would prove themselves to be guilty
of the greatest political dishonesty upon the question of the
corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) But no, they would pledge them-
selves to nothing.—( Hear, hear.) They would only clamour
for a dissolution of the present Parliament—(Hear, hear. )
because on the return of another, they anticipated a trium-
phant majority, pledged to a more indefinite amount of inde-
finite protection.—( Hear.) But such a Parliament as that
could not exist fer one single month. Even if another Parlia-
ment were returned, they would find themselves compelled to
propose and adopt the very same measures as bad been pro-
posed by the present Government.—(Hear, hear.) He would
now take a glance at the justice of relaxing the present restric-
tions upon the freedom of commerce. Looking at the mea-
sures that were introduced in 1842, and having seen the ad-
vantages which had been derived from the relaxation then intro-
duced and passed, he confessed that his views in favour of pro-
tection had been changed, and he would cordially support the
measures now proposed for the further relaxation of com-
merce.—( Hear, hear.) But he could not but believe that the
effects of the proposed changes had been greatly exag-
gerated by the protectionists on the one hand, and
by the friends of free-trade on the other. On the
one hand there would he an increased demand for food
by the people, who would have increased employment, and
that increase in the demand would consequently lead to an
increase in the price of corn. He believed that no man
could fully estimate the effects likely to be produced by the
present measures in favour of the agricultural tenantry of this
country.—( Hear, hear.) Their feelings were estranged by
the present law from the landowners of this country, It ap-
peared to him that the strongest argument for a change in our
policy was the necessity of the social condition of the country.
He could not conceive that men who had at heart the improve-
ment of their fellow-conntr3inen would oppose these measures.
He could not but regret that in these days the science of poll •
tical economy was not studied for the purpose of developing
the industry of the country. For, according to a political au-
thority of the greatest weight, it was to that end that all politi-
cal Governments should direct their attention. A good law
must most assuredly produce a good effect upon the condition of
the labourer, and yet which of them would contend that that
condition was a prosperous or a comfortable one at the present
moment, as regarded the tillers of the soil? Why it was a
Common expression now-a-days, " It's a wonder how they live."
—( Hear, hear.) The case at the agricultural labourers of tins
country was at the present moment similar to that of
the .peasantry of France in 1789, and he would
ask whether it was patriotic, wise, or statesmanlike to
oppose measures which had for their object the allev.ation
of their present sufferings? What oas the (Alert of the
present restrictive laws upon the peasantry of England ? In
the month of July, 1844, the then Bishop of Ely, in a letter
to the clergymen of his diocese, stated that the agricultural
labourers of Suffolk had arrived to such a state of hatred to
their employers that they set fire to their corn-stacks and
dwelling-houses, anl even the women and childr.tn jeered those
who attempted to save the wreck, and loudly cheered as the
burning roofs of their employers' houses fell to the earth.
Nothine- but the great r, spect which he entertained for
the su2erior wisdom of the 12 iellt Hon. Gentleman at
the heal of the Government could.' have induced him to giVe
his support to the present measure, fir he believed him when
he said that they would have a tendency to put a stop to such a
frightful spirit amongst the labouring classes of this country.
That the present system of protection had not benefited the
farmers was acknowledged by the farmers themselves. He
would conclude by expressing his mo;t earnest hope that when
these great measures had passed —and pass he trusted they
would—( Hear, hear)—they would proceed to other measures,
having fur their objeet the improvement of the moral and in-
tellectual condition of the great b.idy of the people of this
country.—( Hear, hear.) And he could not but think that the
vast sums of money, which it appeared had been raised by
the Anti-Corn-law League, would be handed over to themem-
bers of the Government for that most laudable purpose.
There was a great fund belonging to the Anti-Corn-law
League, which he hoped would be applied to the raising of some
peaceful trophy for the benefit of the poor, and which he trusted
would not be employed in carrying out a most questionable,
and for themselves a most perilous agitation. He would merely
state in conclusion, that he would give a most cordial and dis-
interested support to the measures of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, convinced that they would tend to pramote the interests
of all classes, and that it would place the prosperity of the
eountry on a sure and proper basis, namely, on the loyal af-
fections of a united people.
Mr. PACKS observed that the League fund was raised
for the purposes of agitation. and for no other purposes would
it ever be applied. ie did not consider that he had heard one
single argument from the Right Hon. Gentleman in the whole
course of the debate which would induce him to alter his
opinions. One reason which hart been assigned was the
distress in Ireland, hut in his mind the returns laid upon the
table would not bear out the statements which had been made
respecting the scarcity existing in th-it country. lion. Gentle-
men opposite seemed to imagine that corn was to be produced
in the same manner in which wool was woven, and that by the
application of some power at present unknown a greater
quantity than at present existed might be produced ;
hut he could tell them that farming might be pushed too far,
and that land may be so highly cultivated as to yield more
straw than at present, while the quantity of corn would be
greatly diminished. He had attended a very influential meet-
ing of farmers and gentlemen in Nottingham, and one of the
resolutions adopted by them was in these terms—" That an
entire abolition of the corn -laws, in the teeth of the most
powerful arguments made in their support by the Prime Minis-
ter and Secretary of State for the Home Department when
in opposition, would have the effect of diminishing the confi-
dence of the people in public men." Now he entirely agreed with
the sentiments embodied in that resolution, and that the pre-
sent conduct of her Majesty's Ministers must for the future
diminish the confidence of people in any Government what-
soever.—( Hear, hear.) He objected to this measure, because
he had heard no kind of reason for its adoption—because
he believed it would inflict a lasting evil on
the best interests of the country and, because
it was a breach of faith ; and; to adopt the words of a late
Noble Member of the Cabinet, " Because I cannot support the
Government in it without a violation of consistency and of
honour."
Mr. F. MAULE said that he considered it right for Hon.
Members on his side of the House to state the grounds on
which they supported the proposition of her Majesty's
Government ; and he would, in the first place, state that that
proposition had not his entire approbation, because it did not
go to the entire extent of his wishes, and because it
fell short of that which he considered the remedy
of the difficulties which then existed, but, nevertheless,
he, for one, would accept it with gratitude, and he
would endeavour to give it his most cordial support.
He felt it his duty to investigate what were the
feelings of the farmers in the country upon the measure,
and he had no hesitation in saying publicly, that there was no
panic among the landlords, nor amongst the farmers ; and, in
spite of all that had been said, agricultural energy was proceed-
ing with an increased prosperity from day to day—( Hear, hear)
—and notwithstanding the dissent expressed by gentlemen
below the gangway, he could produce practical examples of
what he stated. When the proposition was first made, there
was a document laid before the public, emanating from an Hon.
Member, and from the nature of the advice which he gave, and
the method in which he placed the question, he cen-
sidered the country owed; him a deep debt of gra-
titude; he meant the Member for Stockport.—( Hear, hear.)
Within ten days after the publication of his letter, in ich he
had developed the nature of this measure, the farmers in many
of the largest market-towns came to the conclusion that, in-
stead of being benefited by the three years, their interests
would have been best consulted by an immediate abolition.
This was their conclusion, and such also his (Mr. F. Maule's)
conclusion. He looked with regret at the fact that the
repeal of these laws should be put off for three years. He
could not forget that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
her Majesty's Government had said, that so great was the
distress of the country as to incline him to open the ports in
last November. He (Mr. Fox Mauls) had hoped that before
he Easter recess this measure would have passed. But he must
regret that there was another measure connected with Ireland,
which, judging from the length of Irish debates in that House
they would be prevented from taking the third reading of the'
Bill tillafter the recess. He believed that the landlords of his
country would be as „fe •
h after the passing of the measure as
ar.)
they are no w.—( Hear
county where they He was acquainted with one
takenhad hear.)
support from the Govern-
ment and given it to a Duke in the other House, who
Govern-
here ledthe opposition against this measure.f He knew two farms,
belonging to that Noble Duke, one of
eta
had been let, since
the introduction of this measure, nadtrinced rent of 90/.,
and there was an especial agreement thatproofthat this rent was to be
paid in money. Now, this was a
no such injury as
was anticipated to the landed interest would result._(
farm, he
.rcnraldr say,
bear.) As to the exact increase of the Hear,
where was not so well informed; but this he
that it had materially advanced upon the
From one and all of the farmers, ho learned that,
f arm was to let, the rent had increased most materially. In ethae
county of Hadditigton, a meeting was called for the purpose of
opposing the measure brought in by her Majesty's Govern.
ment, and for upholding the protection to agriculture. A
friend of his, who had taken a leading part at that meeting, had
not only asserted that no injury would accrue to the landed

interest by the measure, but he had since stated that he
had gained an advanced rent for two leases, and it was said
by him that all leases of land werc sought after with
avidity at a very high increase of rent.—(" near, hear,"
from Sir 119bert Peel.) A farm in Scotland which was to
let had been taken at five guineas an aere, which had for-
merly been at a much lower rental. Many a sensible farmer
had complained to him of the bad spirit which had grown up
between them and the manufacturing districts. They re-
gretted that such an evil spirit prevailed, and expressed
their wish that the discussion on the corn-laws was at
an end. They said they could not make all
their sons farmers, and if the interests of the
country generally were not looked to they would not be able to
give their families the means of maintaining themselves.
—( Hear, ear. He was sue, afte the measue had pssed,
the Honourhable) Gent!emen who hadr opposed itr would, aafte
r
the turmoil of this discussion had passed away, give her
Majesty's Ministers credit fir the great advantages they had
conferred upon the country by the repeal of these laws.
Looking at America, what was it that caused so friendly
a feeling in that country, and so great a desire to preserve
their friendly relations with us, but the advantages which
they, in common with ourselves, would derive from the results
of this great commercial question. He was of opinion that this
measure would meet the exigencies of the country, and that
it would pupport the full interest of the people generally, and
or this reason he would give it his most cordial support.
Mr. CHOLMONDELY would allude to a portion of the