The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-10 00:00:00

E S UN, -LON' DON, TUES LAY EVEN EN G, FEBRIJAII,I 105 1846.

tettn;:fr,,iirieir Op2l e,ls es tiiro;vn (1,-; of empli yincnt ;
Ittt,s,_-"lea h6ow the expelcl,ture and ttlreatenil;g
634,,t` coat,,reial ditfieulttea. Such was the state of
likeeer3:--to what was that state to be attributee ? It
.. 1,44 led several year:, cif un•xruil pled naanufacturing
th,, 3...1 3 e alludes; to the pi rind ccinnacncitig in 18.33.
• 411,k h
et,444.1`„, owt,ver at the present ~tare of things iu
ti... • .Litlanir.op, ratit es sere ill full ( mploylrent,
wtf!twurltin,:; on /.,;(,od tu,d sufficient, rvP,ges ;
ii,.:!ha,,PP.ter and b, tteril off tha,,, at any fio.u:er
ed.ii• ~r histery, to V. hat was this to be attributed?
1., 'ta elt wish to "take away, kold he was folly pre-
Ibitt h:justice to the tal,nt of t;:e li;git, Hon. Barb-
Oasis was nut prepared to give him t}.• sole credit
114'iege the etenitly That altered itatti, was to
le -tee to the te, *ri • , , •comment
re ti_ , nrie , gunshot 11,,, xu, t.,,
._
,s 7, did " Serer 1811.—(11thr, ilLar.) How clearly
OA,
eartm of tie se :acts deilionstrate to us
at pre, "e shou'd be to •r• serve the causes
ta, '''',e itiis - •t
r .-
? (Heel.•)
e oet h pro: pery and icesbil, ... •
t it, °Wtvc•r, hie iuteetion eIL that ocaetien to
use '" a dine u te, s , -Ltl er there were
thery tr , seon a., to a e ...
'le eet iltaey burdeus on the ngrieulturat pnrtton
e to E 17111.,,„. unity, because he thought he should be•
Ter di;
,that the agriculturists lab,ured under a
II the I. 4.lyeetage oa aceount of toe competition
dee eturelguer than from the peculiar and Leavy
ease. lead. This disadvantaee had not been duly
.1d; bit or considered in the course of these discus-
he 4,1`,, there was sno.lwr disadvantage which none
"I. 5/''tes of free trade piinciples could get
et iehale..° meant the, disadvantug-s which
er, r, 04 '...t.11ts of this country laboured
Oat :11.ecount of the inferiority of their climate
of des, ~ .utner countries, which produced a
I
. rit.tetti ,
grain. He did not think they
t m
ti et
utereaSoll to believe that the farmers of
li'ttleihe•Y were less skilful or intelligent than
Olt c r countries. He hal heard it stated that
~ he 'it Slid-he ~ . were superior io the arts of agrieul;
lainf; s believed there were many
,parts of Germany
Lets ur to our own. In Poland the wages
`4" Illeaeee • ' • i• were us much
14041 eh in agrietutura. puhste. s.
siti.e serpi:id to. those engaged in. similar ursuits in
la and the
keealisteh- soil was equally L.
Lett ;*-1 10 to 20
1 Of E,, per cent. more in the
j,llrem egland than our own.. lie knew
Ne ''s Of v; heat might ba pr.-duced in Eiscx and
11/1 ''t the southern counties of England equal to the
iklitvit in Poland, but he spoke of what constituted
q'tiliot Produce of this country, which was of a very
, ,• tleality, and varied with the seasons. This
'VIII arose from the 'rest heat of the
'gagto • h" I "
vit,..ce which ...e had al.uued, and the natural
es,anti was, that a finer quality of grain
rks ea'°,l, the 'nutks wore ,finer and yielded a
itktitestt, a011:11Y of flour. Thus the achuntage to the
2q
r, er the wheat of this country, was not less
krwiiiiiho'lieereantte.
nflNovawg,esw,hheen heenricfotrsisscu.dlerteit ttheitcliwa'acs-
Zoti 10,1';_u,neasieess that, he contemplated the cout-
siti,,,,:;:i:ath could not fail ti come, if the
lei?' to e,,,i IGovernment were adopted. Ii teemed
COMMONS SU MMARY.
s,_ 4 this ''' I-Ie that a, portion at least, of the v, heat
c4cintit ( ''`ltintrY Would b, thrown out of cult;vatien The SPEAKER tool: the Chair at Four o'clock.
ttl'lori tfribe ilneetus which would be given to the Mr. JAMES STUART WoRTLEY took the oaths, and
,:tioti the' wheat on the continent.—'hear,) The his seat fur Bute.
k?,.ittel t,:wajo,e—would it-, be a deei: ',Jae cerepetd- Leave was given to bring in several railway Bills,
Oh its _ , meh they ought to ei,coursge. It might
among which was the Windsor, Slough, and Staines
Os to ettteitted that it would be 'note advan-
le'otti pertilue • people of this country to tut n a Atmospheric.
titutheita, abr°eaatof !heir wheat land into pasture, and. to . 1%,1r.. HUDSON brought in the York and North Midland
9,44. , w,,,, qudnuty or grain Irian foreign countries, (W, hitby Extension) Railway Bill, which was read a
ledlori of ''),t; •a question of plitical ectinomy it was a first, and ordered to be read a second time.
; !ree national importance. It involved their de- Sir JOHN FtesTuor a presented several petitions from
la4iltrerZnt'reetn countries.—(Cheer,-.) lie repeated
ttlskll, (semit' to be t tete whether they would depend on Leicester favour. of the Government measure for the
fie, for ,8 for a large proportion of the food abolition of duties on food.
ke teet toeir own people. lie adln nod at A vast number of petitions were also presented for and
t the 8 large sup-1--
p y came from Poland against the measure.
iltt 4:4ll4lePitth
,of Gertnany. These countries Mr. HuDsoet presented a petition from Sunderland,
°'o and it°, g;vh them fu el, as they required
,"at ° to e, be wise or prudent for the Ministers of for the immediate repeal of the corn-laws.
111;•Iles, se Place themeelees in the power 01. C;ose Mr. BYNG presented a petition from Kensington, in
% titel,,,,
to
teat the)' might stop their supplies by pro- favour of the .Ministerial plan for the reduction of ..
4.-,et4, ht:,,,,exPortation of rain.—Cries of duties on food. The petitioners, however, stated that
II *Yee • e had hadg examples in the
Iltti° the r' from Theyrile.l • they would have preferred the total repeal of the corn-
ii h cease le tiety might draw an inference
laws to the delay of three years.
es ,4tl see cluences of trusting a Polish harvest,
keetne el 4 Mist the Russian Government had prohi- RUSSELL presented a petition from London,
Lord JOHN
I Net ' Porta ;
,14tki ~e 004 oft,e,a of the inferior grains, which consti- signed by 64,000 persons, in favour of free. trade.. .
tteetettet he! tuetrownp .00.. to this country • and (hey Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice of his intention to
Lt cilouilltitl tht•gtitetbural.so, Lad* aci'thin aver sho'rt. period move- for returns of the salaries of all persons receiving
Sh f:l2tiithe
if
:ileetson of wheat. '!'here could be
5001. a-year under the Government since 1795.
Government of this country
ti,, 13,°Itriu. 't necessary to open the ports,
kii 44
ti.countries—F-rance,_ On the motion of Mr. YOUNG, a new writ. was moved
r who
kttts, tta
theiirs, et for instance—would for Westminster, in the room of Captain eons,
"e a matter of protectitn to them- had accepted the office of one of the Lords of the
N 411 try ,8 wmild very materially have compelled Admiralty.
ltettildeaee •° dePend uaon th • an rcources. Ile
eh, es tired pen h 1 _ eir,o
tt;q,ht , welt as e;n,ow thet frhe trade had the it :answer to the following question from Sir H. Weer-
funds there are now
seoN BARRON, what amount of . .
ktes tuhtt•usted i'htt!lle brightk side.—(Hear,hear.)
te'tleite:4,llg to a deeeYi htoe.
. onsteration, available for the purpose of lending, with
,cifinteres,toi-t
iltstlksteneghte' so 11
°
st this question, its magnitude wards carrying on public works in Ireland:—Also
, i t that at once they weuld have all the is intended to propose or sanction any
.measure by
teio°4lll,l eae
n°efore, is
, teem in deciding upon the question.
kittithai evil .bat wry to take into consideration the which the Ecclesiastical Commissioners in Ireland
'ti!sinte were‘ ii.iet It'''ould if a lens, and protracted would be empowered to sell any portion of their estates,
iist:etsB(lth -4.°t4inetlenosnuethis question, on which the and thereby pay off the 60,000/. they borrowed from the
Batt tt the iiet,Reat mass of the people were opposed to Government,
"411 4'40 taCititY and gentry of the country. The
tty of the ° into They The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said there was
consideration the actual posi-
t' ' be .° nue •
Ills t ee e etton, not only in the couu- a sum of 300,0001. placed at the disposal of the Board of
t'let!ld the e that House. In the country they Works for Great Britain, upon which demands might
f
tkoli-,1,4„,113'. Pe-e°4l,tannite• into two classes who differed he made from Ireland ; and there was a further sum o
mttlitilt.sit,letie.s,anttit4essetoeiheAsted to have therepehlofallpro- 60,000/. annually voted for Ireland. There was now
it xtstence. Whater class resolved to maintain those unapplied a sum of 52,0001. As to the question with
elt‘tt stood in th e wag the position of the question.
itieBrnen en both side ee°l-le• All the great and leading respect to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, there was a
Nt," that so sidesm• of
,sum of 100,000/. lent to them, which had been paid.
IN Isla ii, rne alteratt en every party—were of
f Those wh,-, 1011 in the existing law was no- Mr. HomE moved that a humble address be presented
kite°. Protect' - "'ere anxious to maintain tansyttyhlratit I°ll were a to her MAJESTY, that she will be pleased to direct co-
ii,. In thin at tellikeih voevedle- unable to form Ad-
pies of the existing tariffs and commercial regulations
tt:Leeiths ease they likely have the confidenc of the court-
of each of the British colonies and possessions be laid
It cr to ed. no choice between two alterna-
Ili tsc'llse, o give support to the measure. before before this House, in the same manner as the tariffs and
114,t).iler)ahlini dor
out the Government which now commercial regulations of Europe and America have
*thile table Ge - Way for the Government of the been laid before the House. And also to move that
ski the,
gain ti:nen 0, .
e the, e ht, _ opposite.—(hear, hear.) I.Vhat
itti°tlest hefot,re, he
aoltrilengh such wive change—nothing— there be laid before this House, copies of the existing
ipne support to
delis'the tariffs and commercial regulations of British India and
Ptttler,stiteretilhe Uouse, :3 °llUekbi e%NphdisthsautPthe dependencies thereof, on exports and imports, in the
,41)pet't! the ie°4, course better calculated ultimately to same manner as those laid before the House of the
`klee the `l2',reste, of the country. Many Members
tt7tia'seese measure either from a sense of duty or European and American States.
ith Y fond " eonsistenc - b • After a few words from Mr. AGLIONBY,
~,,, to _ . 3•, but resistance wou t the.-
,k„ , e!tai„."lng still greater misery on the country Mr. F. BARING recommended that the subject should
le country, the ohkct they had in be referred to the Printing Committee.
view.
111041,QtitereiFys-Zeatd be proposed addressing the House Sir R. INGLIS said that this particular report did not
Its , et et
~. n the Hon, Member who had just sat come under the cogeizance of the Printing Committee.
Ilesz lee efi. ulti not consider that this rueaeure would
tiii 4, eet of improving the condition of pourerßut when an Hoe. Member stated in his place that such
11r4!)"'-'t'ililegive satisfaction the landed • the
tt irt,itt -41 to proprietors. A a report was full of errors, he thought that some oppor-
t est ati isr had been introduced by the Hon. Baronet, tunity ought to be afforded him of substantiating his
tesesie t.Y 0,, it ge eurn of rrone •t could be borrowed, and statement.
s'%yt eete't,etit public wodes3 with a teeei to giving the In reply to Mr. EWART, Sir JALIESGRAHAM said
lleell'ined inlsive ensplopuent'. .But he did not think
IlleV hale have
that effect. In the north ef Ireland the it was not the intention.. of the Goverment to introduce
meet b thuntrivsd to
secure a large amount of emplo .- a measure for giving to parties aggrieved a right of ap-
lt cleot tau'e manufactures carried on there thouli „
)he 1,,.....l in criminal cases.
‘tiv 'll4l Yas much for other parts of that country. Certain unopposed returns having been moved for and
4itie'llitell.:;-"v seats his reasons, as an Irish rhpret:en- agreed to,
slitu d wai that
4_44 _ the et
ye .at he would give his vote in oppo- The order of the day for resuming the adjourned de-.
5 /r;c,
," eneeent measure ; and in doing su he
•,nethli to `'" upon so important a measure as this bate was read, and
3t10.al le.atte. Member :should hesitate to state his Mr. Sraaronn O'BRIEN complained that the Govern-
-Iliet tr't it might go forth that they had been led meat had not yet thought fit to consult the agriculturists
,1:,,,c41,11 ret.tisions b; party iialuenees Ile had seen the teiree: ';,;tit of theresignation of *several Ilortosura e at all on this measure. He had little hope of attracting
the attention of the gouse ; he had not changed,. and
(it'', this Howse, and in particular one Noble
therefore he had nothing to explain, but remained lathe
"et,:te. feViiele made this eacrifise rather than
'l'Ss'ttlitte,, ,11, measure which they could not same state of bigotry in which he had ever been. The
tteset h ..",„"tY behove would benefit the country. law of 1815 might have been the greatest error
tlettee;te %0 malty thinge however, in favour of the that the landed interest had ever committed,
'lllea!lere,`),T'sed to be brought forweed by the Right but he would ask who had encouraged them to persevere
Itist,iititi.,a. cti that he shrieked t;rom taking any steps in
, in that error. Year after year the Hon. Member for
tht°l)4('°•thelti,?, felt' it was a measure a such vital Alt" W 1 ,rlr- eton had given them an opportunity of re-
'4 art's,
7 the question wl-';^h we- forced home to - 'LI le 'lns
4tilirtelillitl!re'6-t•--alts:':au,ah-' west be, tts'i't, fur the good. of tiieving that error, and year after year the Right.. Hon.
il es lee° fsel it , hear.) It wee not his inclination, Gentleman had urged them to persevere in it. e
the ak II !'s• Other duty 1U 60 1...
'''' .."1114' t()
be his - e-into the subject in would not impute to the occupants of the. Treasury
if itili.iii,iLeoulii d were:better qualified to do so than
fe tomes
wet:. extr, Iltttv. ever, retrain from reterring to bench dishonesty, but this country had hitherto been
fe b, the careitil ethich must accrue in Ireland e
.1 governed by party ;
he would ask how the Government 0
s were to be broken up
and if parties
ho tat°. tattch evt.hlltto effect. They had no menu- in this • t f the
keel 44 "gotta , teeZ"a that measure, introduce menu- country was to be conducted. He had no hesitation in
lieu 41b as silt! be e 0,4 country ? He thought that avowing that he was a party
is thse with teloe.oa who would venture to make tactics fur party ends,
an opposition conducted by party
-man ; and if ever there was
ee o!eeeee,„ uodettr-ear.) He would not trouble the
If :ewe, Otlenee nes ' Ithe imports into that country,but
it 4, it (sense se, theit was the opposition of the Right Hon. Gentleman to
et „ oted , no„measurewould . .
be a diminution the late Government. It was a bitter disappointment. to
ieture.ieet 'tire a ~,` but have a most injurious effect. find him now eschewing all p .
Alrf;) Paqu, eultiNZ,tekt quantity of the land which was arty. The Right Hon.
14-111t1 not lane wm, and was aburdently productive, Gentleman who spoke last night said that the law of
1842 had failed. Had it failed to the SIDNEY HERBERT
leettletle etf that eta°,ll4l net such a result be ruinous? ,
of last year, or to the SIDNEY HERBERT Of this year ?
latisLoehtirred 0
ii,
t nt Ireland, which n-as so dos
tbe°4, be tiesesa, et 11 that Mouse by the Hon. Member If the law had failed in regard to the question of aye-
s;lililt • '441 i, satr' '3l trouble, and sorrow, and detti- rages, it must be a reason for readjusting those are-
a ,It 4 slevlteld that was
41 ttost h 'a accompaniment?—(Hear.) He rages ; and if he found the sliding-scale fail,
tic, ate never 4zardous cxperimcnt.—(l-lear, hear.)
e 1.,,,t, Upon, ' fullf)Wed a Minister, or given no reason for giving up protection—they had still the
'alete 'uncile .1%11 sliding-scale to fall back upon. If it had been merely a
il. question which he could
'the, were with
13 3, 1,0, clUEst' hi, conscience. (Hear, hear.) 1 1
( uestion of duty, why had they raised such an agitation
im-
ae, ,le h. a above compre. ensien,
11.1)°1 -4° rk "1"8 tar b his h • , and on the subj:ct? It was not on a mere question of
p, A deities of t 111'self, had not either the talent or
ett ti. nvesti • port duty that the present Government had dis-
estr et,,s,otted et the gtlting measures calculated to pro-
he 5 had 41g watch,,,e°olltry. It became him, therefore, i placed the last. If the present Government had
changed their opinions, let them avow the change,
Teat . beta , u the conduct of those public men I -
heed ". hi g" forward salutary measures for the ;
te 8 e°nutry t . and give due credit to those who had always upheld
but let them not deprive them of the
tk t4lltlon this
gro follow that leader who had thus those principles;
`)') Il'lll'abl'llres b toad he would give his support to .credit due to them by saying that this was a mere
ttrlel,,as e Baronet light forward by the Right
tie`ll)"thight be *it, ; Rlld in su oin, whatever, ,evils impending
question of import duties. He ;vas not careless of the
ti:.est a , lig elle, k _ rated as to the `st'ool's paradise,' . . . over Ireland; but a particular evil re-
a , I only a particular remedy, and althoueh the
i the " one et "e trusted that he would not be con- 1 -slim •
tit%hist! those foolish ;ports might be opened to prevent a famine, lreland yet
hides4"'d I► 'e
°f betr Sh birds who would be snared
of .:0(.1 it :,,,,t° that he ban c_r• If the Right Hon. Baronet There was no necessity for repealing the corn-laws. All
th that
eh'eht tett , changed his epinions he con- . dthat ' destructionof
tptaeeie ange
or
one
,should be informed of the reasons ;
um authorities in Ireland agree the
Nhel4. l'"'ellt circumstances he earnestly (Hear, hear.) Under the 1 aericuhure in t, at country would be its ruin. Be ad-
a,!
telt,: It Hon, hoped that mitted the existence of the potato disease, and if it had
4 tilt ti "1 that net would be founderfectly safe. ! Progress ,ed he was convinced there would not have been
qit "our. the measures introduced h the 1 a potato left in Ireland. The rot had been stayed, but had
the 4to h, Ale Baronet would be productive of be I need, and he believed that the Government
sh te.tisutl country. t - now recommenced,
He could but he denied that
!Vie]; t,, iT,,that, should it he only say rspecting ! was prepared to meet the emergency;
- tote() t, out he
woul I pass, woted bee willing to ;
ic the case of famine in Ireland would be met by the pro-
e ttis
iy sti),. y i
.. ( net by a vote take upon hilt-Ise'
le it 4,e (,t• t'."' t t its enaettm.nt. And It it was rr roved posed alteration in the :corn-law.
He believed that the
hi 4 °Pe • i'''' ‘o.. it -•,, Iresponsible for the
~s iti,,eretton, he
~,,,_,l, . ‘,-,. t•arigi!rollS :Ild destructive landowners in Ireland were greatly
iLel that a re-
,tiziete thtt‘ts:,hag,,,int
it, deeply
lei el.:Austad et heels g entered distress existing iii the country, but he den s'
s'; ttf tb ° I)3Ca'-ilre must linprc,ssed with the convic-
Ipeal of the corn-lsws would provide a remedy for the
-tee con prole fat be, rci ~,- ~, ntry.___(l/„ar-) r.l to the best inter- d.
Lord
0
,t,
..., ku.t:llEN-S '''
• what lead fallen f • m the Noble
'stress. From r
hetaill'o had ; 1 ezud that the Honourable Mem- last night, he assumed that the principle on which the
si li ~r Just sat
(i or ovt in. .down comp Lined that the measure Government was henceforward to be conducted was that
tti,
~,,,ro
p, JUrtutts to the landlords
t,t k;.41,1,,,..--,Tc, t:t-;) 1,,,•1• of Ireland. no favour was to be shown either to agriculture or
la p,i„ ~,,. ih,,,,,,,,, :
~ Ili!) , bj,erction to meet
man-.factures, but that each was to be left to find its own
booleee, g the lee tt '' t-'3' 'ha: roe'. C ..,,'e i,-it, r" '' - .1 . .
~.._ In doinga er coder the coinsith ' ‘ 'the' level. Ile twilit:a that Luc setenoes oi p,,,iii,i,i.ta ticunoili
ai,prie eraeen ot
of it ee lie did ' i not profess to and of legislation were identical. The science of p01i-
'411196 fel%l d
than those on ticia emmuy was the science of messing and algid-

the opposite side of the Hen Se. During the last
six yeais .he had done his best to improve the agricul-
ture of the.county which he represented, and he con-
fessed he had no feers of the measure under the con-
sideration of the Ilouee.---(ilear, hear, and cheers.)
When he heard the arguments of his Hon. Friend the
Member fur Nortlennpton (Mr. Stafford O'Brien)
he was much startled at them. In pro-
fessing so much sympathy for the cotton
spinners and paper-shiners, whom he represented,
is likely to be ruined, he might have turnad his
attention to the condition of the labouring
clasees of In lend. If be looked at them he would see
enough to excite his mmisveration without going else-
where yet these had been living under a protective sys-
tem, and yet to ruin them further would be impossible.
Ile considered that these changes were well worthy of
the consideration of the laeded interest of the House.
He knew not what the teeliugs of the Commoue
-and the Lords might be, but of this
he was certain that unless they intended to
promote the general advantage of the people of Ire•
land, they had better let this matter alone. Yet he
ought to say that he was of opinion that nothing was
likely to advance the condition of the population which
do not go to the root of the evil. lie was aware
that the measure which he was intending to advocate
would not be favourably received by the public. He
knew there was not only a deprivation of the
necessaries ef life, but that there was a total
destitution, which existed not only in one
house, but throughout the length and breadth of the
land. lie believed that this report of deficiency
was not over-stated. By the report that had been
made by Lord IX von and the cummissioners under him
a commission which had his most hearty con-
currence. There was au evident case made
out for the consideration cf the Government.
It appeared by this report of John Duke, Eni ,
that the effects of this Commission had not been at all in
proportion to the anticipation of its advisers. There were
some facts which rendered its report nugatory. It ap-
peared hy that report that there had been no returns
respecting the state of the people within 12 miles of our
strict. He was aware that he was one of the parties
who had been instrumental in effecting a change in the
commercial position of the country, but he felt that
that ought to be no restriction on his proceeding
on this question. The Honourable Gentleman then
proce,ded to read some extracts from Lord Devon's
report taken at Boyle. The medical practitioner of
that union Wel respecting the system of dividing
lend, " that it for a man who had from two
to five acres to subdivide it, and that in consequence
there were very few large farmers in that part of
the country, and that they are now fifty per
cent. worse than they were twenty years ago.
Nothing, said he, can equal their wretched-
ness. On being asked what was the cause of their
wretchedness, he said that commodities were so reduced
in price, that they were not enabled to pay their rents
in consequence.

bating wealth, which was only one of the many
elements which entered into the science of legislation.
Equal neglect was not impartial kindness, and it was
not right to leave the labour of the poor to unprotected
competition with foreigners, or to be crushed by the
rich. They in the House were all rich, and encouraging
the doctrine that they were to buy in the cheapest
market. They were encouraging a selfish doctrine,
which would alienate from them the affections of the poor.
It was a doctrine of political economy which few
of them could understand, but the selfishness of which
they could till of them perceive. It was unwise to pro-
pound that rule, it was dangerous to act upon
it. Agriculture was salubrious and condu-
cive to health, and a wise Legislature would pro-
tect and encourage such a calling. He objected
to any change in the present corn-laws, but if any
change were to be made, he agreed with the Noble Lord
opposite that it shotild be complete, and should take
place at once. He did not believe that this was the
question of the great landed proprietors, but a tenant-
farmers' question, and fur that reason he would
not consent to alter the law. The landlord
would weather the storm, but the enterprising
manufacturer would come in, offer a higher
price for the land then the farmer, make it
bear six quarters an acre instead of three, and the tenant
farmer would be ruined, turned out of his farm, NI hich
had been held by his father and his .:randfather before
him. lie would raise his voice against the injustice of
such a proceeding, and would not assist in enabling the
Government to trample over men whose only, whose
fatal fault was, that they had trusted in them.
Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD asked how the protec-
tionists could claim a right to raise the price of food
artificially by Act of Parliament, unless they were pre-
pared at the same time to secure by Act of Parlia-
ment to the working men of this country con-
stant employment and a certain rate of wages?
In Ireland the agricultural labourer, the tenant-farmers,
and the landlords, had all been brought into a state of
the deepest distress by this system of protection,
and he considered that a system of free trade was their
only chance for a revival of prosperity. In the purely
agricultural districts of Ireland the distress was the
deepest, for in the north, where there were
manufactures, there was comparative prosperity.
One of the great causes of Irish distress was, that the
people were compelled to depend upon the potato for
subsistence, and hence they were subject to periodical
famines. Now, by reducing the price of corn, the people
where rendered independent of the potato, they would be

confidence. When the Right Hon. Baronet resigned the post
he held, the funds fell, but the instant he resumed his official
position they rose. In these times it was important to have a
Government in which the people could place confidence ; and
this should not be overlooked in a discussion like the one be-
fore the House ; but they must not forget that there were
parties in the country who bad no confidence in the Govern-
ment, or in the measures which they had brought forward.
This was ably urged by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John
Russell) in his addresss to his constituents, and said there
should be no surrender of those principles which the present
Government had pledged themselves to support. If the Hon.
Baronet, in bringing forward this measure had talked of the
clamour which had been raised against these duties which he
proposed to reduce, or abslish—had he staled that he had
given way in consequence of the agitation that had been
carried on in the country—that fact he hail
been obliged to surrender his conscientious opinions
to the pressure from without, he could have under-
stood his position, and aided in extricating from the difficulties
which environed him, but he did not state anything of the
kind. He only stated that his opinions had undergone a great
change, and teat he founded the measure he had brought for-
ward on this alteration. Let them take any person unbiassed
by party feeling or by prejudice, and if they told him that all
the wealth and greatness of this country had gown up under
three institutions, which every other country envied, but
which none had successfully imitated—if you said it had grown
up principally under the reign of Tory Ministers, all in favour
of the relaxation of commercial restrictions—under the go-
ve:nment of such men as Lord North, 111 r. Pitt, Mr, Hus-
kisson, and Mr. Canning—he could scarcely be brought to
believe that such changes had been proposed by a statesman
who had stated that he was a surporter of the principles advo-
cated by these great rr?en. Mr. Pitt, in bringing forward
his commercial treaty with France in 1787, spoke in similar
language to that used by the Right Hon. Baronet the other night.
Who could accuse a man of inconsistency because he said that
he could not see why there should not be a kindred spirit be-
tween a free commerce and a free country? When the present
measure was brought forward, in 184'2, by the Right Hon. Ba•
ronet, what he (Mr. Cochrane) said was this—that he thought
that any state in the agricultural interest was better than a
state of uncertainty. Now, he would ask the House whether
.there had been any confidence in the country since that period?
The farmers had entertained differences as to whether the
corn-laws would be repealed in five or ten year;; but on this
point they were agreed, viz., that the corn-laws could not be
maintained. Now, Hon. Gentlemen around him might say
that the reason was that the farmers had no confidence in
her Majesty's Government. —( Hear.) There had certainly been
of late a great change in the policy of the country ; but he
knew that in Scotalnd the farmers had openly said that they
were totilly indifferent about the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear. )
In Scotland they gave nineteen years leases, and he believed
if they did the same thing in England there would be much
more indifference among the English farmers than there now
was with respect to the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) In all
times of excitement, the people considered the Prime Minister
either the greatest saviour or traitor of his country ; as in
ancient times the people of Rome pronounced the chief of the
Senate to be either a lord or a tyrant. fie (Mr. Cochrane)
considered the Right lion. Baronet to be neither the one nor
the other—(Laughter)—but he did consider bins to be a Mi-
nister who had done his best for the good of his country in her
emergencies.—( Hear, hear.) In 1830 a case exactly parallel
occurred—the Right Hon. Baronet lost his office, and we had
a Whig Government. He (Mr. Cochrane) would vote for
the present measure, because he had confidence in the financial
policy of the present Government. He would vote for this
measure, on precisely the same principle as the Hon. Member
for Newcastle had laid down before the House a few nights ago
—that was, because he had confidence in her Majesty's Minis-
ters. He went for this measure, because he preferred wise
legislation to agitation, and freedom to protection. He protested
against protection to one class, in preference to another; if there
were to be protection, let there be protection to all classes and
to all interests in the British empire.—( Hear, hear.) Protec-
tion in the hours of darkness and of trouble, which he trusted
to God were far from us. He would vote for this measure
principally because in doing so he should show that he did not
entertain any partial feeling toward, or prejudice against, any
particular class. He was determined to be guided by no pri-
vate interest or prejudice or partial views, and he would do
(humble though it might be) as much as he could towards the
lowering of the burdens of the people of this great country.
He would contribute his humble mite (wrongfully it might be,
but at all events most sincerely) to increase the welfare of his
country, and especially of the poor, though not less loyal, classes
of his fellow subjects.—(Cheers.)
Mr. DEEDES was aware that in rising to address the

ed to a better class of food,. and the landlords would
be forced to improve the estates by which the produce
would be doubled. He cordially supported the proposi-

tioa of the Government.
Mr. BAILLIE felt that we should never be able to
c'aivince foreign nations of the truth of the doctrines of
free trade. Foreigners believed we could manufacture
at a cheaper rate than they could, and therefore they
had fostered their own manufactures by protective
duties. We had, by the aid of machinery, supplanted the
cotton manufacturers of India, and he doubted if any
c.mqueror had ever inflicted so much misery as we had
by supplanting their native domestic . industry.
Such had been the results of free trade to India,
and seeing that it was not to be wondered at
that foreign nations declined to try the experiment, and
the question was now should we try the experiment on
ourselves ? The prosperity of the last three years was
owing to the prosperity of agriculture during those
three years ; and it was as necessary for us to protect
our agriculturists against foreign competition, as it was
for foreigners to protect their manufacturers against our
competition. Such was the inferiority of our cli-
mate, that it was impossible: for our agricul-
turists to compete successfully with foreigners. The
greater part of the grain grown in this country was in-
ferior in quality to the grain grown in Poland, and if
good Polish wheat were admitted to the markets there
would be no sale for the inferior sorts of British wheats.
If it were a question of pounds, shillings, and pence, it
would be advantageous to turn a portion of our lands
into pasture and to purchase our wheat from abroad;
but this was a national question, and it would be most
unwise in us to depend upon foreigners for our food.
Considering, however, the position of parties in the
House and the country, he considered that they had but
the choice of two alternatives—to support the Govern-
ment measure, or to throw out the Government and let
in Hon. Gentlemen opposite. Under these circumstances
he should support the Government measure as the one
least calculated to do evil.'
Mr. LEFROY denied that tl,e measure proposed by the
Government would benefit either the labourers, the

House upon so important a subject, and at so early a period
of the debate, he was laying himself open to the charge
of great presumption. But when he considered the great im-
portance of the question with regard not only to the subject
itself, but also with reference to the interests of all classes of her
Majesty's subjects—when he considered this, nothing but an
imperative sense of duty would compel him to offer himself to
their notice at this period of the debate, and he bored that he
should be favoured with the attention of the House—( Hear,
hear)—and at the same time with a liberal portion of that in-
dulgence which was wont to be bestowed on all who, like him-
self, laboured under the disadvantage of addressing this
House for the first time.— ( Hear, hear.) He was
much tempted to offer his opinions upon a previous
night; he, however, refrained from so doing on the
ground that it appeared to him to be understood that
no discussion upon the merits of the question was to be
entered into, and also because he was desirous of removing
from himself all imputation which might be cast upon him for
having formed a too hasty opinion upon so great a subject, or
that he had arrived at a conclusion which a more mature
whichth e opportunityhe
w a
s a
m sinceemhe r a
then of
meeting, very
con-
sideration would not have warranted him in doing. He was
e
glad that he had thus abstained from speaking on a former oc-
casion,
in because
these
h countye ha
fordhad
large body of his constituents, and of hearing their opinions
upon this important subject. He was therefore at this period
fortified by the unanimous opinion of a large portion of his
constituency, who had met for the purpose of deliberating upon
the matter, and expressing their opinions upon the same.
Under these circumstances, he trusted that the opinions
he might now express would receive a more favourable reception
than if spoken only upon his own authority. —( Hear, hear.)
He assured the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Itlr. Wakley),
who was kind enough upon a former occasion to give a cau-
tion to Hon. Members upon that side of the House as to the
mode, of employing the intervenino, time between that and the
present occasion, and warning us that we should take care how
we stirred up the anger of the people, and what would be the
effects of having recourse to agitation. He was happy to
assure the Hon. Member that he would have seen, had he
been present at the meeting to which he alluded, that his
friendly advice had been followed to the utmost ; that nothing
but the most decorous conduct had been evinced, and that
there was a total absence of everything like angry feeling in
the discussion of the subject. The Hon. Member for Fins-
bury told them he never attended the meetings of the League.
He would say that he was sorry he did not, for it might have
had the effect of repressing those violent and angry
discussions which so frequently took place. His ex-
ample might have had a salutary influence on that
body in discussing a measure which he acknowledged to be of
great importance. He would venture to say that the Hon.
Gentleman opposite looked on the measure as one of the
greatest importance, and that it involved nothing more or less
than a complete and total wiping from the statute book of the
country all protection to native industry which the wisdom of
their forefathers had instituted. Sir, let it be remembered,
that under the very operation of these very laws this country
arrived at a position in the scale of nations which has been
long her glory and her pride. It was reserved for the present
rulers of this country to prove that those laws ought to be ex-
punged from the statute book, and that they were only bound
to legislate in such a manner as would do everything to open
the doors to foreigners and drive the corn of this country out
of the market. He considered that the extent of the
changes which they were now called on to make
were of a description which should only be come to once in a
hundred years; for seldom could arise circumstances which
would justify so complete a revolution as an alteration of this
law would create.—( Hear.) Now would the House think it
possible that so late as the year 1842 these very laws received
the deliberate sanction of both Houses of Parliament, and that
at that time the principles of protection were fully acknow-
ledged by the very parties who were now for removing all re-
strictions from corn imported into this country.--(Hear.)
What can be said when they found that the same gentlemen
who in 1842 sanctioned the laws which we now find
on the statute book are the same gentlemen who
in 1846 seek to erase those laws. ,It would be
for the gentlemen who now advise this measure to justify
theiechange of opinion, and he doubted not that in their own
convictions they were doing what was right. He was the lust
man to uphold the doctrine that public men were not at liberty
to change their political opinions. But that change must be
made with caution, it should be made with care, lest public
confidence would be shaken in them. He could assure the
Right Honourable Baronet that on this, as well as on every
other occasion, he believed that the Right Hon. Baronet had
been actuated in his course of public conduct by the convictions
of his own conscience. In early life he (Mr. Deedes) had
always been in the habitof looking up to the Right Hon. Baronet
as his political leader, but, in the mean time, he had never
hesitated to oppose those measures- which he brought forward,
which he believed not adapted for the interests of the country.
As long ago as 1829, when he brought forward the Catholic
Emai:cipation Act, not being able to approve of the course
taken by the Right Honourable Baronet, he, as a member of
the convocation, felt it his duty to oppose his return. In the
last session of Parliament he opposed his measure with refer-
ence to Maynooth. He mentioned these facts only, because he
desired to state that on those great public questions he never
doubted that he was actuated by any other than honest and
proper motives.—( Hear, hear.) With reference to the potato
failure in Ireland, he was of opinion that the agricultural pro-
tection meetings, though much abused, would have been ready
and willing to have assented to any measure calculated
for the relief of their fellow-subjects.—(Hear, hear.)
But he could not go further, for he could not see
why the corn-law of 1842 was to be altered.
He believed that that measure exceeded the most sanguine
expectations of even its framer. The producer got by it a
fair remuneration for his industry, while the consumer did not
pay
an extravagant price for the articles of his consumption.—
(Hear, hear.) on•
The Right H • Baronet in his speech re-
ferredof the country for the lathree
years. to the thriving state . last
it should be understood that this state of things
years. Now io iff the amended and revised law
took place under the operat
of 1842, brought on by hires—( ear, ear.) In the next
it was strange that he should call upon them
session, therefore,
that very law ; and, anxious as he (Mr. Deedes)
to exchangeent leman his su ort he could
was to give the Right Hon. pp ,
not, according to the best of his judgment, support him on the
present occasion, The Right Hon. Baronet intimated also
their manufactur ' h
es in exchange
that foreigners would time
for the corn which they would supply. Her (Mr
Deedes)
was not quite sure that such a result would follow, and he
asked the Right Hon. Baronet if the alteration was
not an experiment on the native indutry of the country—
( Hear, hear)—and supported though its might be by the influ-
ence and the arguments of the Right Hon. Gentleman, he
would not give way, from an apprehension of the danger which
would accompany it. He feared that if these measures were
adopted, the country would be made dependant on foreigners
for a supply of the very first article of their food.— ( Hear, hear.)
He deprecated such a state of things, and the very first arR-u-
-ment brought forward by the Right Hon. Gentleman a fes:
evenings inago,reference to the failure of the potato crop, con-
firmed him in such an opinion. Belgium, Sweden, and other
places, he stated,-had placed restrictions on the exportation of
that article, and prevented this country from obtaining any sup-
ply. He (Mr. D.) required no further argument to induce
him to refuse his assent to the measures brought forward by the
Rig Rht Hon. Baronet.—(
Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet
had also stated that no material change would take place in the
price of corn in the event of the contemplated measures becom-
ins, law,—(Hear, hear.) Did the Anti-Corn-law League say
so ? (Ironical cheers from the Ministerial side of the House. )
Their argument with respect to the abolition of agriculture 11
protection was quite the reverse.h They said that it would re-
dness the price of corn.—( Hear, ear.) The Hon. Gentleman
then read an extract from a letter which he had received from
one of his own friends confirmatory of the views he had ex-
pressed, and proceeded to say that the question before the
House was w her this taxation should bear entirely on the pro-
ducers or on e consumers by the present effect of the corn-
laws. He enl ely concurred as to the propriety of calling this
question a landlord question. He was of opinion that the plan
of the Right Hon. Baronet would have the effect of throwing
the poorer sort of soils entirely out of cultivation.
He would ive his best attention to the measures
before the lime, but IA could not Wok tiatt the

farmers, or the landlords of Ireland, and as an Irish
Ilerab(r he felt bound to oppose it.
Lord CLEMENTS, as one most intimately acquainted
with the wants and wishes of the agricultural popula-
tion of Ireland, declared that nothng could be more des-
titute or deplorable than this state under the present
system of protection. The miserable Etate of the Irish
population had been recently brought under public notice
by the Times commissioners, and there was not a single
statement of his that was overcharged.

The report of the Earl of DEVON bore testimony to
the extreme wretchedness of the Irish peasantry, and
the Earl himself bore witness to the truth of the state-

ments therein contained. He had hardly ever known a
summer in Ireland without a scarcity in consequence of
failures of the potato crop, and although during the present
year many had provided against the impending famine by
lying in stocks of oatmeal, yet there were many thou-
sands too poor to do so ; and what, he would ask, had
been the benefit of protection to these poor persons. It
had not provided them either with food or employment.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.
MANSION-ROUSE.
A young man, named Louis Phillips, who was stated to
be known in very respectable society, was brought before
Alderman Farebrother, charged with haviug forged the ac-
ceptaece to a bill of exchange for 97/.
Mr. Menem', of the firm of Bush and Mullens, solicitors to
the Committee of Bankers fur Protection against Forgeries
and Frauds, attended for the prosecution.
Mr. F. Boston, clerk to Messrs. Prescott and Grote,
bankers, produced the bill of exchange, which purported to
be the acceptance of Messrs. Grayhurst and Co., of 128, Re-
gent-street, and stated that Mr. Prescott discounted it for
Mr. Aaron Lyon Michael, a gentleman who cashed at the
house. The bill appeared noted, and was marked as a
forgery. It was drawn by the prisoner.
Mr. A. L. Michael stated that the prisoner gave him the
hill, and that it was discounted at the banking-house; that
he had seen the prisoner write, and was convinced that the
name of the drawer was written by the prisoner.
Mr. James Harvey, the younger, of the firm of Harvey
and Co., goldsmiths, of No 128, Regent-street, stated that the
firm was formerly Graychurst, Harvey, and Co., but it was
now Harvey and Co., and there was no longer such a firm as
the former; that on Saturday last the bill was presented fur
payment, and pronounced to be a forgery, not being the ac-
ceptance of any member of the firm, and that he did not be-
lieve there was any other firm of the name in Regent-street.
Mr. Mulleus produced a second bill of exchange, which
was also pronounced to be a forgery. It was for 50/., pur-
ported to be the acceptance of Mr. Clark, pawnbroker, of
Mr.
Clark,and Go
fr oLtoe'n
Long-acre, and was received from the prisoner by Mr. Aaron
sgb. aanc
Long-acre,
g-house.
Lyon, merchant, for whom it was discounted at Blessrs.
Prescott
pawnbroker,e. stated that he knew
nothing of the acceptances, and had never authorised the
prisoner to accept the bill in his name, neither had he ever
accepted a bill for the prisoner.
Mr. Yates, a solicitor, asked Mr. Clark whether he did not
know that the prisoner moved in a respectable rank in life?
Mr. Clark—Certainly.
Mr. Mathews produced a third bill, which was likewise
pronounced to be a forgery. It purported to be accepted by
Mr. Clark, whose name was forged upon the last bill, was for
501., and had been cashed at the same banking-house for
Mr. Aaron Lyon, merchant.
Mr. Yates said that his client was very respectable, and
that his friends hoped the Alderman would accept bail,
which could be given to any amount, for his appearance to
answer the charges.
Alderman FAREBROTHER said he could not think of taking
hail for a person, however respectable he might have been,
against whom there were such accusations.
The prisoner, against whom, it was stated, there were
charges of having obtained valuable goods at the west end
of the town, and pawned them immediately afterwards, was
then remanded till this day week.
SINGULAR CASE OF INSANITY.—A young woman, named
Louisa Turner, who has been frequently within the last
four or five years sent to prison for various periods for
having broken the windows of a very industrious old couple
(Mr. Prentis and his wife), and threatened to destroy them,
was for the seventh time brought up.
Alderman FAREBROTHER—SO you are here again? Why
do you persecute this gentleman and his wife? Defendant
(laughing)—Why do. they lock me up? I'd be glad to
know that.
Alderman FAREBROTHER—If you proceed in this way you
will be sent to prison.
Mr. Prentis—She comes to me the moment she leaves
prison, breaks my windows, and threatens to destroy me and
my wife, so that we are vale our lives are in imminent
danger from her.
Alderman FAREBROTHER—Has there been any cause for
all this? Mr. Prentis—Net the least; she does not even
know me. lam sure she could not pick me out of a dozen
strangers.
The defendant here burst into laughter, and said she would
give it to the complainant and his wife, and no mistake
whatever. She would teach them how to put her into
prison.
Mr. Prentis—l have lived in my house these thirty years,
and I never received the least annoyance from any one ex-
cept this woman, and I never dreamt of doing her an injury.
The defendant—Oh, wont I give it you when I come out.
I am only sorry your window was not plate-glass, old fellow.
Oh, wouldn't I shatter it.
Alderman FAREBROTIIER—You must go back to prison.
The defendant-I'll do for them as sure as ever they were
born.
Alderman FAREBTZOTHER—You must procure good bail
before you have the opportunity of doing anything more to
them.—Committed.
The unfortunate woman went away laughing.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF (;OMMONS, Monday, Feb. 9.
TkiE CO2TIMILIZCIAL__V:)LICI: OF THY.

COUNTRY.

Mr. B. COCHRANE would affirm that such was the cue.
But it metWred nets .the Geyerumeut the people bad

n
o f
tcorn-lawsmhonein egssorlcfacfoinotauldhlinjoetawurenßgyoh(hiim‘gi
vtmheba
agricultural
combined
(odeiHsedbujorbwlente,ic.
tarhar.ißrnl
iaptheperedeoruenfolrel
eisu)rmutet
aidai
totnnsaf
t.dti
iitoghwith.give
Looking
Ineeaeasgt
paper
aiuhf:ppeevi
easosi
trrr: feared that
defalca-
tion
nteehlsy2e
if we have to purchase corn from foreign countries, the specie
is
in the amount of the specie which went out of the Bank
issue, would occasion great confusion, in fact, ruin both in
lan-
guage oifuernatEgi
views on the subject, and bearing strongly in mind the lan-
on this question, he could not consistently with his own cone
measure. He desired to thank the House for their kind atten-
tion on this his first attempt at addressing them, and would
sit down trusting that Divine Providence would enable them
so to shape their measures with moderation and justice that
the issue would result in benefit to the whole nation.
Sir J. WA LSII thought that the party to which he was
attached must be admitted to be the organ of opinion of a
great multitude of the population of this country, and he thought
they might come forward to defend themselves from
imputa-
tions of a personal character which had been showered() upon
u
them throughout the country. The Honourable Gentlemen
opposite had held them up as the weak and impotent advocates
of a base and selfish monopoly. They bad been represented as
acting by no other method, and impelled by no other aim, than
that of maintaining the rent of the landlords. He thought that
they appeared before the House under circumstances of great
disadvantage, as they had been deprived, by the sudden change
of opinion of the Right Honourable Baronet, of the able advo-
cacy of their case, on which on former occasions they were ac-
customed to depend. The Right Honourable Gentleman had
accompanied his measure with some proposals of compensation
and alleviation to the landlords. They (the landlords) were
bound to give their opinion, and to defend their character from
the charges which had been brought against them. He would
deny that they considered this matter as a question of rent, and
of rent alone. But before he entered on that subject, he
would ask, whether, if they were to argue the question on that
narrow basis—whether, if they were to consider it on the cir-
cumscribed circle of rent—if, even on that ground, it was not
a question which might not well engage the attention of the
House ? From the return of 18-13, which had been moved for,
by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, it appeared that the
amount at which the rental of land in England had been
a-sessed to the income-tax was 45,7A,000/. This was the
amount in Great Britain alone ; and he thought a further sum
of from 15,000,000 n to 20,000,000/. for the rental of Ireland
aas only a fair average. Tnis was a question of rent, involvine-
the consideration of a sum amounting to 60,000,0001. of yearly
income. income. He would ask, how was this income divided? When
Hon. Gentlemen opposite talked about the rents of
the landlord, which had been published in their
addresses throughout the country, immediately nothing else
was suggested than the territorial revenue of some great pro-
prietors, of some Duke of Northumberland, Duke of Bedford or
Sutherland, or some of those wealthy commoners whose
estates and possessions rivalled the most ancient and extensive
domains of the peerage itself He would however remind the
House that there were entire counties in England in which
there was no such thing, comparatively speaking, as an estate.
There were counties in which small plots of land were owned
and cultivated by yeomen—by farmers, to whom the lands
had descended by a long ancestry, who themselves held
and cultivated the soil. Another most numerous
class was the small retired tradesman, who with that love of
rural life which characterises an Englishman, had invested the
fruits of a life of inctstry, strict and successful enterprise, in the
purchase of land. Mr. M'Cullock had estimated the number
of landed proprietors, small and large, of Great Britain, at
200,000. Thus 200,000 persons, with their families and do-
mestics, dependent upon them, were interested directly in
that question of land. He would say, on that ground the
question should not be considered as a mere narrow class in-
terest. The land interest was one on which depended the well
being of a great proportion of the people. The question must
necessarily involve in it the interest of the tenant-farmer, and
of all connected with agriculture. The Right Hcn. Baronet
who had brought forward the measure, had stated that the
great relaxation which would be given to the duties on articles
of consumption, would form a counterbalancing equivalent to
any loss which the farmer might sustain—that the greater
cheapness of many articles would be an equivalent for any dimi-
nution of rent, or for any injury that might accrue from the want
of protection. The theory of rent was a simple one. Itdepended on
the state of cultivation of land. Good soils were more profit-
able than poor soils. The profits of the farmer enabled him
to pay proportionably. But what would be the result if a
great quantity of foreign wheat were brought in, so that the
farmer's profits would be diminished. Why, his capital would
be wasted, and the poorer soil of lands would be thrown out of
cultivation. He would no longer be able to employ his capital
profitably, and the whole agricultural population would feel the
evil effect. Many causes conspired to render protection neces-
sary for the farmer. There were fluctuations in the currency
to which the farmer was exposed equally with those engaged in
commerce and trade. He had also to contend against the will
of Providence as regarded the elements; the vicissitudes of the
weather were fraught with danger to him. Since the year
1815, the population had increased by upwards of six millions,
and what had been the history of commerce and manufactures
since the year 1815 ? Hon. Gentlemen opposite said that re-
strictive laws cramped commerce, and yet, since the period he
had mentioned, a most extraordinary and rapid increase had
taken place in all our staple manufactures. It might, however,
be said that the agriculture of the country had reached its
utmost limit of improvement, and therefore they must look to
other countries for supplies. So far from that being the case,
there never was a period when agriculture was more calculated
to take a great stride in advance. Never was there a period
when capital was more ready to be applied to the improvement
of agriculture than now, if they would but give it security.
So far from agriculture in this country having reached
its utmost limits of improvement, he believed that it
was at present only in its infancy. Much had been said about
the peculiar burdens on land. Those peculiar burdens had
been denied by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. They were first
denied by the Hon. Member for Montrose and by the Hon.
Member for Sheffield; and it had been asked by those Hon.
Members and others what the peculiar burdens upon land
were. The peculiar burdens upon land pressed as heavily
upon agricultural, as the metropolitan police-rate would upon
the shoemakers of London, if that rate were imposed upon
that body exclusively, and he considered this an apt illustration
of the position of the agriculturists. lie could not but look
upon the proposed change as a leap in the dark. The
repeal of the corn-laws would cease corn to come
from quarters from which it was not now expected.
Corn would then be grown in Spain, and sent to this country.
When he was at Hamburgh, in 1813, a merchant informed
him, that it was perfectly practicable to purchase corn in any
quantity at 365. per quarter, and to freight it over to this
country at 4s. per quarter. Indeed such was the competition
between the Danish, the Hanoverian, and Hamburgh ship-
owners, that corn might be sent to Hull or London at Is. per
quarter. If that were the case, how severely would the pro-
posed messure he felt in this country. The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman took the state of Ireland as one cause for this change.
He (Sir J. Walsh) was too well acquainted with that country,
net to be aware of the appalling consequences that would follow
a failure of the potato crop, and he was perfectly ready
to admit that there was no practicable measure
which they ought not to adopt to alleviate such a great calamity.
But he could not conceive how a calamity of this sort, which,
permanentstate of
Ireland
alte-
ration
however frightful, must, in its very nature, be temporary, could
be made a pound lighter for the proposed change. Was the
uld
pfwarave
sos
favour
oh
present
not
oaff the stateoef
the o
lawpf
present
Ireland
?—(Hear,onnldagwea. strongest
Irelandhffis arguments
was
eci r.) ent
Th cause
e hp tfaoutrr purely general
alcyo be used in
an agricultural
country. There was a denser population in that country than
in this, and they. were entirely dependent upon agriculture.
The trade in agricultural produce between England and Ire-
land was one of the greatest links and bonds of union that
could possibly Blinks between the two countries. There
were two great on was the trade in agricultural
produce, and the other was the Protestant Church
of Ireland. They were going to destroy the one, let them
take care to defend the other. The Right Honourable
Gentleman based his measure on the experience of the
last three years. He (Sir J. Walsh) was sure that public
opinion, and that posterita,v, whose suffrages the Right Hon.
Gentleman was so richly desirous of obtaining, would consider
that another cause had been in operation in England some two
years past, which had had a most powerful effect in producing
this result. He believed that the efforts and funds of the Anti-
Corn-law League had produced the change which that House
had been called upon to sanction. The Ati-Corn-law League
Association was the second joint stock agitation company which
had produced so important a change in the policy of this coun-
try. Let them read the history of the first, and then let them
solve him this problem:—How many more of these repeal asso-
ciations would it take to crush the independence of Parliament?
—(Cheers.) This was an evil that some day or other
the Minister would have to grapple with, and this
was a system which could not long co-exist with
the representative Government, but must sooner or later prove
the distraction of its independence. He opposed this measure
because he believed it to be a dangerous experiment upon the
resources of this country, and he opposed it doubly because he
believed it had been brought about by the influence of an asso-
ciation which he considered every lover of order and a regular
Government was bound to appose.
Mr. B. HOPE wished to say a few words upon this im-
portant measure. He would discuss the question upon the
simple ground of whether or not the present Parliament was
morally as well as equally bound to maintain protection.—
( Cries of " Oh," from the Opposition benches.) Who were
the Parliament that were elected five years ago, and who was
the party that elected them ? In 1841 there was a great
struggle—whether it was right or wrong was not the question—
the Right Hon. Baronet led that struggle against free trade,
when the Noble Lord. the then Member for the city of Edin-
burgh, made a last effort to maintain the Whig Government
which, had existed since the year 183 and which in
the national course of events bad become a great fete.
The Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, brought
forward a measure ter free trade, but the opposition of the To-
ries compelled the Noble Lord to appeal to the country upon it,
and then in the teeth of the cry of " cheap bread" they were
returned to the present Parliament, pledged as protectionists,
and pledged to crush repeal, The people returned the Right
Hon. Baronet as the leader of that party, and now, in the year
1846, they were called upon to pass the very same measure—
nay, a stronger and more sweeping measure, if possible, which
they had pledged themselves to their constituents to oppose,
right or wrong. This bad now become a matter of principle ,•
and by what measure of political expediency any change could
be justified, he was at a. less to understand.—
(Hear, hear.) To be sure the Right Honourable Baronet
was elected in 1841 by his party, and he is still their leader,
but the Right Hon. Baronet should recollect, neither himself
nor the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, nor
the Hon. Member for Stockport,. nor any other leader of any
political party, was such by hereditary right. He was the leader
of his party simply and solely, as being she expunant of their
principles, and of course he maintained that position as long as
their principles agreed; and it could not be a matter of sur-
prise to him if his party, finding that he has altered or de-
serted the principles by which they elected him, should again
retire to chose their own leader, or each to take his own line
for hinvelf.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Such ought to be
the case now, for the Right Him. Baronet has brought for-
ward a free trade measure, iri a speech abounding in the
same glowing eloquence as that which he used while tram-
pling under his feet, in that ;House of. Commons, or that
Parliament, and during the early debates of the present Par-
liament, the very principles of which this measure was to carry
out.—( Hear, hear.) And upon wrhat ground was this change
to be made ? Last Tuesday week they were all present, and
heard the grounds, and what were they? They had a long
,:nd very clear exposition of the Right Hon. Baronet's views ;
but what were the arguments which the Right Hon. Baronet
adv. need to show that the measure, which in 1841 would have
been ,the destruction of the kingdom, should now be its salva-
tion. !hat did the Right Hon. Baronet mean by true Con-
servative policy, or what was true Conservative policy ? To-
ryism was a tan gible thing—Whigism was a tangible thing—
Protectionism -was a tangible thing—and so was free trade.
All these things I have their meanings, but what meaning was
there in the new word Conservatism?—that word which he heard
in 1832, at a tim e when the old Tory party, finding a difficulty
in gathering toge they under their old banner, ventured to rally
round and suppc .rt—what ? Toyrism ? no ; Whigism? no ;
but Conservatism,. Toryism and Whigism was now no more ;
and, in his opihicm, Conservatism ought long ago to have been
sent to the eAtr,, tomb of all the hoaxes.—( Laughter.) The
Right Hon. Throviet came down to that House in the end of
1841, to advocitte protection, and for what reason ? Why, be-
becauselnsistent ; and now, in the beginning of 1846,
lon. Baronet came down to that House to
advocate Conserves `ism ; and what did he say was his reason
for doing so ? because it was consistent with the
principles m v
laservatism. This
to mighteery ebothetrinuetenCtioonn.
tervative policy, but it
%.71t5 not the
policy
t sa ei tßight was
f

of his own party. There was a minister once of great power, has last spoken. I confess that I do not think these grey
who lived before the days of the House of Commons, and when transcissions can be made without incurring risk at least, and
the power of England was exercised by the Crown, and not by considerable suffering.—( Hear. hear.) Ihe circumstances of
the people. This minister ruled with strength for a time, but the country may be so far so fortunate that suffering may be
he became a little too arrogant, and adopted as his motto, avoided, but I certainly think that if you wish to get rid of
" Ego et rex teens," lit tection you will run the risk of some hazard, and incur
and it ultimately proVed his downfall. Let other ministers considerable suffering.—( Hear, hear.) This, Sir, is a
beware lest they meet their fall in the cry of " I and my confession and admission that is made by all persons
i arty."—( Hear and laughter.) Honourable members who olio have reflected on the subject. Some speak of fa-
were elected strong protectionists, were, upon this principle of mine, others speak as the Noble Lord has
following their leader, brought down to the house of Core- spoken, of the difficulty of arrangements between the different
mons on last Tuesday week without the common courtesy, classes of persons who are concerned in trade, but all admit
which in former days was resorted to in measures of minor im- that there is considerable danger of losing capital and diminu-
portance, and called upon to do that, which in 1841, they had thin of trade.—( Hear, hear.) But, Sir, I come to the plan
pledged themselves not do. In 1841 lie knew some- of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the first Minister
thing of what was going to take place. The West of the Crown. I agree with the Noble Lord that Ido not
India Sugar Bill was then an important question, and think he has laid down the grounds of it. largely enough or ex-
the Conservative party was called together to consider what tensively enough in point of time.—(Hear, hear.) He has
might be its effect and operation, but now when the old emu- alluded to measures about which he would have no difficulty,
mercial system of the country was to be revolutiowizeil, they were because I believe he is the Member of the Cabinet by whom
not called together to consult on the subject—that would have those measures were introduced. I mean, Sir, the measures
been contrary to the principles of true Conservative policy. of Mr. Iluskisson—(llear, hear)—which measures might
This would have been a bold measure for the consideration of a have been quoted by him to show the advantage of moderating
new Parliament, but now they were going to consider it in a duties, and the doing away in a great extent of prohibitory
Parliament which was nearly extinct. Protectionism had duties. I will not make any statement in figures, but I can
been the policy of England fur upwards of' a century, but now say that I think, in consequence of the reduction of the duties
they were going to do away with it, and when the measure on silk, the importation of the raw material during the years
reached the House of Lords, it would be moved by the Lord 1837 and 1838 had increased over the tears 1835 and
Chancellor from that memorable emblem of Protection to 1836 (during the existence of prohibitory duties)
British Industry, the Woolsack ; which, ever since the more than one hundred per cent. In the article
time of Edward the Third, had been placed in the et wool -a reduction of one penny in the pound,
House of Lords as the seat of its highest and most produced an immense increase in the price of that article,
honoured officer of the state, and probably as a foreign wool was then introduced at a low rate of duty, and the
memento to warn the Parliament ef England of what exports increased to a great extent. These, Sir, are instances
and
in what its true policy should be.—( Hear, hear, and much of many others, which show the benefit at least of reducing
laughter.) Whether that policy was tight or wrong, it, does duties. But, then, the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of
seem strange that they should be called upon by a Minister, her Majesty's Government, has proposed a plan which goes
,
who, in 1841, advocated it in the strongest terms, to abandon it beyond tne mere reduction of duty to a moderate amount, and
altogether.—(Hear, hear.) But the Right Hon. Baronet might thereby increasing the imports and prices. Ile has proposed
say there was no other course open to
he had done on former occasion's that there ere were two or three of three years, the duty upon that article shall altogether
courses open to him.—__( Hear, hear and laughter.) '[lie Right cease. Now, Sir, lam of opinion, that if the Government had
Honourable Baronet might have dissolved the Parliament, and undertaken this task in 1812, and had made far greater reduc-
that, in his opinion, would have been one and a better course • tion titan they
hthen slid, it would have been better for the agri-
or the Right on. Baronet might have come boldly forward, culturists as a body, and for the country at large. As the
and told them, as the Noble Lord the Member fur the City of matter now stands, lam ready to say, seeing the contest now
London—whose great openness and straightforwardne,s, he was going on, and the struggle that would continue to go on if no
willing to admit, entitled the Noble Lord to great credit—had attempt is made to stop it between the intermediate steps of the
done from the city of Edinburgh—that he had supported pro- sliding scale or a small fixed duty. I am prepared to repeat
tection till he could do so no longer, and that as he was now what I have before stated in public, that the struggle will con-
satisfied that the principles of all his former life were erroneous tiring unless some efficient measures are taken by her Majesty's
he was prepared to give up the Government, and tender the Government to prevent it.—( Hear, hear. ) I must say, I
Opposition his warmest support in carrying free trade.—. consider the plan of the Right Hon. Baronet as a great measure
(Loud Opposition cheers.) That would have been a policy —a measure which will lay the foundation of a complete new
which they would have commended, whatever their erinciple as to commercial legislation—a principle which will
private views might have been, and looked upon it as a have the effect of leaving both agriculture and manufactures
magnanimous attempt on the part of the Right Hon. Baronet entirely to the energies and skill of the British people. I must
for the well-being of his country.—(Cheers.) The Noble say, Sir, believing those principles to be sound principles, lam
Lord and his supporters opposite had a right to have the credit prepared to give every support to the plan brought forward by
of passing their own measure. They had a right to demand her Majesty's Government. —( Hear, hear.) But I think it it
that the conduct of a measure in which they spent all their iocumbent on me to say that, with reference to the mode he
lives should be left to them, and the Right Hon. Baronet having has admitted of introducing a new system of corn duties for three
been placed in power in 1041 by protectionists,he called on him years, that the opinion which I had formed in my own mind in
to give it up to them. These were the views which had the month of December last, has been more and more strength-
led] him to the determination of supporting the amendment, cried by everything I have seen or heard since the Right Hon.
but he supported it the more, because, by doing so, he recorded Baronet made known his plans.—( Loud cries of " Hear,
his protest against a system and policy which he was sorry to hear.") I have heard from all parts—from Devonshire,
see being adopted as being one that must diminish the expedi- from various parts of Scotland, from the midland counties, and
ency, if any, and add no lustre to the very best system of ab- from various other parts of England, that the opinion of the
street legislation.—( Cheers.) farmers was to the effect " That if we are to have a system of
Lord SANDON was one of those who would support the treeltrade instead of protection, let us know what that system
measure, although it did not meet with his approbation._ is to be at once—(lean hear,)—let the duties be repealed at
(Laughter.) He was sorry that the arguments of the Right Hon. once." I consider there was great reason in that remark.
Baronet in its favour were so flimsy, and thought those argu- In the first place I think the farmer will be better able to
ments would not justify a sudden changing of opinion which arrange with his landlord as to the particular sums he has to
had prevailed for Yearn—Mean hear.) He insisted that pay, and the sums he will have to pay, if he knows at once the
the wages of the- labourer depended on the price of corn, state of the law, and has not to wait until the end of the
and declared that experience both at home and abroad proved mouth of February, 1849, and take the chance of what tray
that the rate was varied by the fluctuation in the prices oh then be the price of corn. I think also there is some danger
' grain. He had yet to learn that it was an established to the farmer in adopting the proposed plan. In 1848 the
principle of political economy that increased consumption pro- prices may be low, there may be a considerable accumulation
duced high prices, and protested that the experience of of corn in the country, the glut which would not happen in
three years in some minor articles of commerce the spring of 1848, may happen if there is a sudden reduction of
did hardly justify so extensive an experiment as the present. the duty from ten .sh illings to one shilling per quarter in the spring
During the present state of uncertainty the farmers were in a ef Its 49, not owing to the price of corn, but to the effect of the
most helpless state.—( hear, hear.) He knew lie should be previous legislation. I think, Sir, that the danger will be
told by Hon. Members on the other side of the House that greater after the lapse of two or three years, than it would be
this was not the farmers but really the landlord's question.— if the alteration were total and immediate.—(Hear, hear.)
(Hear, hear.) Abstractedly speaking that was no doubt true. The present would be a favourable time for removing these
If there was a bad harvest farmers would expect the landlords restrictions, for in consequence of deficient harvests in most
to make abatements in their rents; abatements were made, of the countries of Europe, there is now little stock remaining
and consequently so far the landlords suffered. All their capital on hand in Dantzic or liamburgh. There is no reason to
was embarked in land, and year by year they found that that suppose that there is any great stock in the United States of
capital wee dwindling away, till at. last they were compelled to America ; there is no apprehension on the part of the farmer,
take refuge in some other profession. But he would lastly with reference to a reduction of the duties upon corn, and I
take the case of the farmer and his labourers. Those of ,-,insider these together as forming a pretty conclusive proof
all others suffered the most in times of agricultural that there is actually no danger at the present time.—( Hear,
distress.—( Hear, hear.) The first struggle which the farmer hear.) If they had any danger to encounter, it was when on
made to meet the distress was by diminishing the number of the continent of Europe and in the United States, prepare-
his laborers. That step of course added to the number Of tions had been meths, the ground had been oultivated, and the
paupers in the country. Those were the reasons then why be seed sown with a view to send large supplies of corn to Eng-
would vote for the measure of the Right lion. Baronet at the land. I consider, Sir, that the policy of the Government is
head of the Government, although he disapproved of it. like furnishing a farmer with a great coat to wear only
Though he (Lord Sandon) disapproved of his proposal, still he in the summer, and which he was to take off when
felt that the Right Hon. Baronet must be supported, because the winter arrived.--(Hear hear.) But, having said this
he felt convinced that by the Right Hon. Baronet the country much, I put it to the Right Hon. Baronet if he will not re-
must be governed. He felt that unless questions of this consider that part of his plan which hail reference to the corn-
nature, were settled by very great masses of enlightened opinion, laws.—( Hear, hear.) The Right. Hon. Baronet has often
a cuuntry ike England could not long be properly governed. He alleged, in bringing forward his measures for the reduction of
felt that when opinions hostile to protection had been enun • duties upon subjects of much less importance than the one now
elated by the great leaders on both sides of the House—(Heart limier consideration, that it was almost impossible to know the
—they ought to be supported by the greet body of the people- effect of such duties till they had been tested by experience.
He had now arrived at this position—viz., that all the Now, Sir, it does appear to me, that oith reference to the
members of her Majesty's Government, with the exception, he proposed measure, we shall be labouring under this disadvan-
believed, of two, had expressed themselves in favour of free 'age. I hope that the Hots. Baronet will reconsider that part
trade—all, with the exception of the two Hon. Members to of his subject. I wish that his plans may succeed. I wish to
whom he had alluded, had given their sanction to the proposal see this measure successful, not only in this House, but also in
then before the House. lie confessed that the question the other House, and I would not be one to oppose the progyese
seemed to him to be no longer a matter of discussion—it was of that measure.—( Hear, hear.) When, therefore, this sub-
merely a question of time. For his own part, be believed ject comes into Committee, if the Right Hon. Baronet tells me
that the sooner the measure of the Right lion. Baronet was that he has reconsidered the subject, and that he still considers
passed into a law, so much the better would it be for the court- the three years duty to be an essential part of his plan,
try at large.—( Hear, hear.) The measure, he confessed, I will then support him to the utmost of my abilities.
would entail some difficulties upon those concerned in Sir, I have stated thus much with reference to the plan as it
the agriculture of the country; but their difficul- affects the article of corn ; it is not necessary that I should say
ties could not last more than a few months— much as to the other parts of the plan. With reference to the
certainly not more than twelve. But it was better that the article of sugar, it will not be necessary for me to make any
question should be decided without further delay, for it was observation ; as regards the articles of manufactures, and the
only, as he had before said, a matter of time ; postpone the taking off the duties uponthem, I consider that you are bound
matter as the might, they would have to come to the same result to do so, you are bound to show that you abandon protection
at last.--( Hear, hear.) He believed he had spoken at some altogether as a principle, vic'ous and injurious, and not for the
length of the peril of the experiment, but he could not say that sake of subjecting them to any experiment to which you would
peril would extend so far as was apprehended by Hon. Mem- not expose the manufacturer.—(hear, hear.) There is
hers opposed to the measure. For the sake of the millions of another part of the subject, and one which I certainly cannot
the country, he believed that it would be well that the present approach with great satisfaction, I allude to the question or
uncertainty on the question of food should be removed. But burdens upon agriculture. The Right Hon. Baronet has pro-
be could not see the process by which those advantages antici- posed to make certain relief as to local burdens, the expenses of
pated by Hoeourable Members who advocated free prisons and prosecutions; these amendments in the law I con-
trade would be realised. He had seen in the course sitter to be just, and they are improvements in the existing
of his life the price of corn down as low law. These measures are offered as compensation to the landed in-
as 555., and that was termed by the agriculturists a paying terest. Ido not think any compensation could be properly offered.
price. If the present proposal were carried into a law, he 'Tall) lam not sure that as regards the general burdens of the
believed that instead of land going out of cultivation, it would country, that the occupiers of land have not more than the
be much more cultivated, and, of course, more labourers would share which belongs to them.—(Hear.) It is a point upon
be employed. He could not think that Hon. Members need anti- which I feel a difficulty; because I have found that whenever
cipate the risk, which they appeared to do, of the land going out a proposition was made by the lion. Member for Sheffield (Mr.
of cultivation. He did entertain a hope that, although much Ward), to snake a statement adverse to that opinion, and ask for
individual misery would have to be Bone through in the event a Committee to inquire into this point, none were so ready as
of this measure being passed into a law, the vessel of England those agricultural gentlemen to oppose that inquiry.—(Hear,
would sail much more safely and smoothly than it did at pre- hear.) The lion. Member for Radnorshire (Sir John
sent.—( Hear, hear.) Those were the general reasons why he Walsh) had draw a comparison, of shoemakers, who were alone
bad determined to support the Right Hon. Baronet's proposi- compelled to pay the police rates. They might complain that
tion. He saw in that measure great wisdom, and although they could not sell their articles so cheap as others who were
there was involved in it a perilous experiment, at the same not so taxed—they would complain of the injustice practised
time he did not share in the amount of apprehension that was upon them. But if the shoemakers, who formed the majority
entertained by Hon. Members in favour of protection. Under in this House, had always strenuously resisted the proposal to
those circumstances, he felt bound to give his support to the inquire into the subject of their grievances, I certainly
measure, - nd he conceived he was right in doing so. should suspect the shoemakers of thinking there was something
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose and said, I believe, Sir, in their case which would not hear to be sifted.—( Hear,
lam about the first to speak, upon this side, upon the impor- hear.) There is another difficulty in the question. When about
Cant question before the Honse.—( Hear, hear.) And while two or three years since there was a large surplus of about
I shall give my vote on the same side with the Noble Lord three millions in the Exchequer, I thought it might be worth
who has just addressed the House, I cannot help saying that 1 oleos to the agricultural interest, with a view to their obtaining
shall do so with better heart and hope.—( Hear, hear, and some relief from their burdens, to remove the taxes of several
laughter.) Sir, I will not attempt to deny the importance of articles—the malt tax far instance. They would not hear of
this question. Hon. Gentlemen en the other side of the House, such a proposition, and when the Right Hon. Baronet dis-
whom I have heard, and who assent to the preposition of her tributed this large sum of three millions and a hair, he did not
Majesty's Ministers, say what is quite true, when they say seem to have any particular regard for this interest. I freely
that the system of protection has been a system of legislation state that Ido not feel any sympathy with this class.—( Hear,
adopted for one particular class.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, lam hear.) Nor can 1 see why any relaxation of burdens should
not at all terrified by that enunciation.—( Hear, hear.) I be made towards those whose burdens were shared equally by
know very well that for centuries religious disability was the their fellow countrymen. I do not consider that that they
system of this country.—( Hear.) I know that for centuries the have any claims to a relaxation of their, burdens.—( Hear,
want of security and liberty of the person was the system of hear.) Had 1 brought forward any scheme of commercial
the Legislature of this country. But lam happy to acknow- policy, although it would have differed in some respects from
ledge that great benefits have flown from the destruction of the plan brought forward by the Right Hon. Baronet. I do
the system, and I hope we arc now at the commencement of not think that I should have given them so much
the destruction of another system which has been injurious to relief as he has done. I do not think I would
the country, and that we shall hereafter be proud of having have given so much as 500,000/. or 600,0001.—d
participated it, the foundation of a new and a better order of Were they to lay burdens on the commerce of the country, athn
things.—( Cheers. ) It appears, sir, that the question withand
respect to the corn laws, which in former years had been to propose ass increase of taxation which wouldit? eespoese,
Government to great and to deserved unpopuartity
almost confined, has been of late, but especially in meetings
and discussions in the country, widened to the whole principle for these reasons I will therefore say at onceb thel it
11:e Government scheme as proposed RilghcotneHurnnin.
of protection, but those who have defended the present corn-mr nemd
ieant
et ~ —b(uLt
,o ui
in
laws wish in maintaining them to avoid all appearance of set- Baronet.heers. ) a
it the
wish lit
, ndeat he strong desire that exists for,
fishness or legislation for a particular class, and they the present state of
that will accrue by, getting rid of the come
senGynimva
have said that they wish all native
.industry and the advantage, head
then iraieepr illialijaedl:
to be protected. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, . the mercial systeni
an advantage
respect to corn, even at a remote period,
advantage to the people of this country gene-
Honorable Gentleman who seconded the amendment to-night it is too greatot supporta the measure.—(Hear, hear, and cheers. )
mt
ahne Memberstated
(andfor
seemed to confess—or at least appeared to have said so—that rallylttit not to
I cannot forbear from taking notice of one remark
lavnaktieiTiourTabhlee
lion. Gentleman
all native industry was not entitled to protection. at
come to the question of protection of native industr
various branches of Industry—the great cotton manufactures,
factureset i
the woollen manufactures, and the great linen mann _
o. he thought he had no particular motive for doing so) that he
yw.efind p"s'ilnlisebhurreyil (froTru.
• hare sent abroad to compete with the prthe Right
thought Honourable Baronet at the head of her
this country, which . .
ductions of nations at the greatest distance
from this country— Majesty's Government o• as more able to.carry this measure
such as America and Asia. These interests are not benefited successfully than I was That is an observation that compels
by any protection which yet .emains upon your me to state, that a measure of the same kind would be equally
statute books.--( Hear, hear.) It is obvious their successful, if I had received the same support from my political
that the protection you now seek to maintain opponents which they now receive from me.—(Great
for agriculture is a protection for one particular class of indus- cheering.) This measure of free trade the protee-
try—(Hear, hear)—and an advantage for them alone. We tionists say, anti they say what is correct, was loudly
find, Sir, a great argument, which is the argument of all opposed by the Right Hon. Baronet. When Mr. Huskisson
writers on political economy, applies to that particular protec- brought forward, in his place in Parliament, a measure of free.
tion ; that, in the first place, it is an interferenee with the due trade, many of us gave him our support; but the Right Hon.
' current of trade and labour, and is in behalf ofone particular Gentleman opposite, the Secretary for the Home Department,.
class. In the next place, that it is a tax upon the rest of the stated, when he was in Opposition, that he could not give him.
'ty for the benefit of that class. In the third place,
community his support. In 1839 the Secretaryof State and the Chancellor
that the class which you seek to benefit loses by the pretended of the Exchequer proposed going into Committee on the corn-
protection that you afford it.—(hear, hear.) Sir, these are laws, but they were met then by the party in Opposition.o—
the propositions which are so true that they have become axioms (Cheers.) In 1841, when we came forward to propose a re—
in political economy.—(Bear.) I was induced the other day duction on the importation of corn, of sugar, awl
by the Honourable Itlember for Norfolk to read a pamphlet of timber, we were met by a party, many.
which has been published on this question, and also of whom represented commercial constituencies.—(Hear.)
another pamphlet by Martin and Co. on the subject But, Sir, lam bound to say the Hon. Member for Wakefield was
of protection. These gentlemen state that a quarter of corn is an honourable exception—(Great cheering)—and he did not
raised 1 7s. in price by the protection which is afforded to it.— join the then opposition, nor did my Hon. Friend the Member
(Hear.) I thought as I read that statement, and I now believe for Wolverhampton. But, Sir, I think that the Right Hon. Ba-
it, to be a great exaggeration ; but if that were so, if the price ronet, and those who have introduced such a sound principle of
of corn had risen to such an enormous amount by that pro- commercial policy as that which is proposed respecting the
tection which you give to agriculture; supposing there were corn-laws, could not be ignorant of those principles; and it is
20,000,000 quarters of wheat consumed in this country, and to be lamented that they did not manfully come forward and
that on each of those quarters there was a tax of 17s , there propose them. My opinion is, that if they then did so, they
would be some millions sterling imposed on the food of the would not be defeated.—(Hear. ) 'I he Hon: Gentleman
people of this country. I believe the statement is most would have avoided, for himself and his party, much of that:
egregiously exaggerated, but still I believe that while you give odium and reproach which is now very gerieralll:
protection such as is afforded by the present law to a cast upon him by somebody or other.—(Cheers and laughter.c :
particular class, which I believe to be an apparent How inconsistent it was when they compared the course as
I benefit to it, that protection is an injury to the rest of the cone- Right Hon. Baronet had now taken, with thHaotnember fur he
which.munity.—( Hear, hear. ) The Hon. Gentleman the Member sued in 1841.—(Cheers.) But, Sir, the H. lu
the head o:
for Hampshire, who seconded the amendment, and who did so Wakefield tells me, that the Right Hon. Baronet at
successful in carrying •
in terms as temperate as could be desired—( Laughter )—the her Majesty's Government would be more a
e.e,
__, it is with
H.Q. Gentleman stated that a difference was to be made be- this measure than I would be. I tellegemer.ggi. rna'
) And it is in
tween those occupations in which mere manual labour was em• our aid that he can do 50.—(6.7h at
we
Sh na
ao pursue that the
ployed, and those in which machinery was brought into requisi- consequence of the conduct
shallwhl. be attended with success.---
tion. Now I cannot see the value of that argument, I cannot progress of these measuresyethat
I am bound to say so.
see what are the grounds of that argument. Suppose there are ( Renewed cheers.)
I
belieyends( Hear, hear)—and if thee
five millions of people employed in works of machinery, and much in justicee
tGeenretleman has the glory of having adopte.
others in which little machinery is employed, I cannot see any Right Honourabl
mmial freedom, which will hay—
good ground why the one should have the protection of the
and carried
eutomanferring g plan of co
reate b rc
enefits on the country-1
Legislature, and the other should not enjoy that protection. the effect
of coor an would get a better reward for his labour-
Well then, Sir, if it be the case that the system of protection is whh chicktte all branches of the trade and commerce of th S..
so, then the question comes—What is the course you ought to by would be extended, and the interests of all classy -
take in order to get rid of this particular protection? And here countrywonid
be promoted—l trust that while it thus operates thati•
I must say that those writers who have written upon political
will be made instrumental to the moral improvement of th.-
d Mr. Bus-
science, even Mr. Adam Smith, Mr. Ricardo,
anused in dealing people of this country, which the want of adequate means c
kisson, all speak of the caution that ought to be
particular mea- providing for their physical wants has hitherto prevented
with this question. But what should be. the
system
in these (Hear, hear)—sad if the Right Honourable Gentleman
sure, and what should be the protective
the question has the glory of introducing and
deal with carrying measures leading t
matters ? and what way should youe
really
have very little such beneficial results, let us have the satisfaction of feelioe
that is not a subject upon which
wlight from theoretical that we, although out of office,
much have mainly assisted in produes'
light, and it is impossible to have
with the Noble Lord, who ing this triumph fth
I confesso eminister of the Crown,—(Loud
writers.—(Hear, hear.)coutimod clieeriug• )