The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-27 00:00:00

AFFAIRS OF LA PLATA.

LWIRPOOL, TUESDAY.—Advices from Monte Video to
March 4 have been received to-day. Notwithstanding th
advantage gained by General Paz, much uncertainty pre-
vailed in Monte Video relative to the speedy pacification of
affairs. Commerce consequently remained in a state of de-
pression ; and we are informed that a cargo of dry good,
destined originally for the Monte Videan market, had been
reshipped for Rio Grande.
(From the Rio Journal de Comercio.)
We have received accounts from Monte Video to the 3d
inst. (March). Urqueza had invaded the province of Cor-
rientes, and on the 4th February defeated the vanguard of
Paz, at Lagoa Limpia, capturing Don Juan Madariaga, chief
of that force ; continuing to advance, he was drawn by
General Paz into the interior of the country, losing much of
his baggage in the forced marches which he made through
bad roads.

On the 10th of February General Paz halted at Ytaybiti,
an impregnable position on the banks of the Parana, near to
Paraguay. Urqueza not venturing to attack this position,
and not being able to maintain himself in that which he had
taken, commenced his retreat on the 12th, in the directio
of Entre Rios, being actively pursued by the enemy, and, it
is said, abandoning his baggage.
A convoy from Paraguay arrived at Corrientes on the
14th of February.

The French steamer Fulton bad also arrived at Corrientes
from Paraguay, conveying Senhors. D. Bernardo Govellanda
and D. Artanasia Gonzales, envoys of the Government of
Paraguay, to the Ministers of the intervening powers
(England and France), and to the Oriental Republic.
It appears, from a number of letters and dispatches, that
Urqneza's advance was very bold and rapid, and that its ob-
ject was to give battle to Paz before the arrival of the re-
inforcements from Paraguay. In this respect it failed, as Paz
had received a reinforcement of 4.000 men, which raised his
force altogether to 10,000, before Urqueza arrived in front of
his main army. After remaining there some days, be re-
treated in the night of the 12th. The last account of the
modp,eirraestsioendatoofGtehneeraarmi
pie:27.fontained in the following report,
" I have the honour to announce to your Excellency that
the enemy have fled, rapidly and shamefully, from the ridge
of Ytaybiti. Our army is hi pursuit. The enemy continues
to abandon waggons and horses.
" Amoyito, Feb. 15."

“ JUAN J. SOTO.”

POST-OFFICE NOTICE.--Yesterday a notice was posted
at the General Post-office, that on and after the let of June.-the
British and foreign rate of postage to litunburgh will be combined,
and the prepayment optional, but the British rate alone will not be
received. Letters to be sent by the direct Ilamburgh packets, MOBe
conveyed by private ship, or by way of France, Holland, or Belgium,
will be chargeable with the same rates of postage to which they have
hitherto been subject.
DANISH Si ccEssiox.--The attention of politicil
Circles is attracted to the difficulties which will sue day arise relativp
to the succession of Denmark and the Duchies of Holstein and Schles-
wig. The Prince Royal of Denmark has no children; he is now
erring for a divorce, so as to be able to contract a third marriage.
Prince-Priderick of Hesse is the next heir to the throne after the
Prince Royal; but he is a widower, and has no children by his wife,
a 'Grind Duchess of Russia. A Hamourgh paper publishes the tot-
loviing, which might put an end to the difficulties :—" The visit of tie
Royal Family of Sweden to the Court of Copenhagen has been much
talked of. This visit is not looked upon as a mere visit of ceremony.
A marriage between Prince Frederick of Hesse and the Yount
daughter of the King of Sweden may probably result from the inter-
view of the two Sovereigns."
FATAL ACCIDENT ON THE SOUTH-EASTERN RAIL-
Wax As RD, TIIESDAY.—in accordance with a notice from the
Company yesterday afternoon.
,Nl.laayjosr.
Board of Trade, received by, them
ent
circumstances attending the fear=
cute his official mini*. into the
-General
Samuelaturd anywaftwernasoon
killed.on thmerlin.
earlythe trGoavineml.iiis
inolnithnspgecfrtoorm-Gettolwerailtoofprßaftose..
e, by
a Mr. Cudworth, the locomotive ea-
ila.cailicriblehenran.ttthoet..alicettexigperenagis
namedermine-driverntreaerii:
poebrinsent,eentewiltu.
oneattendedo a
mostt he insveerisot investigation. tion.
description.T he
Taccident,he train i t srausidtpae.
veiling at the rate of nearly 40 miles an hour—the ordinary express
speed—when, from some unknown cause, the engine mounted the
rails, and dashed off the permanent road into the siding of a cutting.
dragging the tender and the whole of the carriages, most of which
were considerably shattered. The guard and stoker escaped, as did
the passengers ; the engine-driver, however, perished by the engine
turning over upon him. Having obtained sundry oasts, General
Pasley left by trJecial train for town. What conclusion he arrived
at could not be learned ; nor will it be known until his report to trus
Board of Trade is laid before the House of Lords.

morning, between one and two o'clock, great excitement prevailed
A DESPERATE EEA-P-;;;Ii1---AVTIND0 W.—Yesterday
in the vicinity of Kent-street, Southwark, in consequence of a female
named Johanna llefferan, aged twenty-eight years, the wife of a
labourer, Jumping from the second 11 or window of her residence la
a number of Irish people. It seems that her
a very dissipated life for several weeks
iihbadabibtin by
past, and had treated her in a very harsh and cruel mariner. lie
a husbandcourti
returned in a state of drunkenness, and when he entered the apart_
merit he seized her by the throat, and threatened to murder her
She, however, escaped from him, and to evade his brutal treatm i
she threw up the window and jumped out into the street. A. ea
man who was on duty near the spot ran to her, and wit en h P°ll4*-
her up he found that she had received Some injury to °rail"
the legs and
other parts of her person. She wag taken to Guy's H"P i
she was found to have sustained extensive injuries
tal'
where
feared, will cause her death. es, which, ft is
MIDDLE TEMPLE.— The Bonoursble
Society
of the
Middle Temple evinced their usual loyalty
by giving an extra bottle
of wine to each mess on Monday, to celebrate the birth of the yoeag Princess. the health of her Majesty, and the recent addition to the
members of the Royal Family was given with right good will. and
was received with the heartiest enthusiasm by a very crowded hall.
QUEEN'S MUSICIANS.—It is somewhat remarkable
that the favourite musicians of three Queens Aoll a sacrifice to suspi-
mon and vengeance within a space of thirty years in this country—.
namely, Mark Smeaton, in the service of Anne Boleyn, was executed
in 1536; Thomas Abel, who taught music and grammar to Queen
Catherine, wife of HenryVlll., who was hanged and /uartered 111
1640 ; and David 8111510, OfecrotkrY to MAx9 Quota of 6•Otti, who area

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS fay 26.
Their Lordships met at ten minutes to Fire o'clock.
CORN-LAWS.

Several Peers presented a great number of petitions for and
against the repeal of the corn-laws.
The Duke of RIC FINION D said he had a petition to present
to their Lordships on this subject, on which he wished to make
a few observations, although he did not intend to make another
speech upon the corn-laws. The petition was signed by 1,390
of the tenant-farmers, who had assembled in Willis's Rooms, a few
days ago, and who had come to Londjn, from the different
counties of England, for the purpose of showing that those who
had reported them to have changed their opinions with respect
to the corn-laws had stated what was untrue. It appeared to
him that the tenantry of this country had nut been fairly dealt
with by the advocates of free trade. Their Lordships' table
had been crowded, night after night, by petitions from the
tenant-farmers of England, all of which were in favour of the
present system of protection, and yet they had been repre-
sented to have changed their opinions on the corn-law queston.
His Grace then read the petition.

The Duke of RIJ fLAND presented a petition from the
occupiers of land in the county of Kent in favour of the
repeal of the corn-laws.
Earl FITZ WILLIAM presented a petitition to a similar
effect.

NORTH BRITISH RAILWAY.
A NOBLE LORD presented a petition in favour of this
undertaking.
Lord BEAU3IONT presented two petitions, signed by 460
and 334 of the tenant farmers in Essex, against th Corn Bill
now pending before their Lordships.
Lord ASHBURTON presented a petiticn, with 900 signa-
tures attached, the prayer of which was to a similar effect.
CORN LAWS.—ADJOURNED DEBATE.
The order of the day for the adjourned debate having been
read,
The Earl of WILTON rose and said that he wouldoceure
their Lordships' attention only for a short period,
and as
were of a
bservations which he thought it his duty to make
eneral nature, he felt that he should have little difficultyin
seeping his promise. But upon an occasion like the
pre4ent, when interests of such magnitude were in-
volved interests involving, in the opinion of many.
wise, cool, judging, and dispassionate minds, no less considera-
tions than those of a social revolution—he thought it would
best become a humble individual like himself to come forward
honestly and frankly to state the course he was about to pursue
—(Hear, hear)—and the reasons upon which he grounded
the vote he intended to give on the present occasion. He had
many years supported those principles which had influenced
the counsels of her Majesty's present advisers, and
their Lordships would believe that it was with feelings
of no common regret that he found himself in the
honest discharge of his public duties compelled to oppose
the present measure, and it was with feelings of regret that he
found himself opposed to the present Government. How
much m ire painful, how much more poessnant must be his feel-
ings when he found himself opposed, for the first time, and he
sincerely hoped the last time in his life, to vote against the
Noble and Illustrious Duke. By his counsels and opi-
nions he was not a- flamed to say that he
had been actuated during the whole of his life.
Their Lordships would give hi :n full credit for the assurance
that it was with the deepest anxiety he came to such a considera-
tion. He did not intend to eso in'o a detail of the measure ; he
would not trouble their Lordships with a lots; detail of
acts and figures. They had been so fully stated by his Noble
-iend in his eloquent and statesman- like speech that any.
ning he could say would but weaken the effect which it had
produced on their Lordships' Heuse, and he would confine
himself to the two grounds which had been urged in favour of
the measure. One of them was the operation of the tariff
of 1842, arid even if beneficial effects attended that measure
he contended that there should be a limit put to
relaxation when it was in favour of free trade.
Under the operation of the law of IS-42 they had seen com-
merce, trade, manufactures, and agriculture flourish in the
country. There had been a vast application of capital to
agricultural purposes ; but, more than all this, they had seen a
snore kindly feeling spring up between the hitherto
antagonistic classes of society. —( Hear, hear.) Under
the operation of that Bill the country had arrived
at a degree of prosperity unexampled. Why, then,
quarrel with this state of things, laying aside the great ex-
perience they had had, and breaking up a great and powerful
party ? No satisfactory reason had been given for this pro-
posed departure from the principle of the Bill of 1812.
But the only reason he could conceive for proposing it was
the destitetion and scarcity that prevailed in Ireland. They
were told by her Majesty's Government that there was a great
scarcity, and that the month of May would show the real
state of things; but May had arrived, and where was the evi-
dence promised ? Echo answered where? Certain he was that
no sufficient reason had been riven why they should
seek to change the commercial system of the country.
He could not bring himself to believe that under the operation
of this Bill the price of wheat would be lowered in the same
proportion as the wages of the labourers. Now if that were
the case—if the means of purchasing provisions on the part of
those who would be principally affected by the measure
were decreased, he woo d implore their Lordships to
pause before they proceeded further with it.
Re was unwilling to trespass upon their Lordships' time on so
trite a subject, but he must be allowed to refer to the manner
in which the measure was carried through the other House.
It was carried through the House of Commons by a eompact
entered into between those parties who entertained the most
extreme and dangerous opinions; by the Whigs, who had changed
from a fixed duty to no duty at all ; and that third party,
who had made a change even more startling.—( Hear, hear.)
He wished to address a few words to those Noble Lords who
had, like himself, supported the present Government for many
years, but who now, not like himself, proposed to continue that
support. If they were satisfied this measure was right and just—
if they considered favourable results would follow the passing of
thistineasure—if they considered by passing this measure they
were not giving a stimulus to an agitation for lowering the
position of the aristocracy, then by all means let them vote
for it. But if they considered with him, that he was
right in the view be had taken, then let them, without
fear of clamour from without, and without fear of the
imputation of being actuated by selfish motives, vote against
the second reading of this Bill, and make use of that legitimate
power which the Constitution had invested in them for the
preservation of the monarchy. He had now made the few
observation; he felt it to be his duty to address to their Lord-
ships on this important occasion, and it only remained for
him to thank the House for the indulgence they had
shown him.—( Hear, hear. )
The Duke of CAMBIIIDGE felt it to be a duty to himself
and to his owe character to state in a few words the views he
entertained, and the line of conduct he felt it to be his duty to
take upon this very important occasion. —( Hear, hear. )
He believed he was the oldest Member in that
House, having occupied his seat for forty-five years ; but he had
never voted in oprosition to the present Government, for where
he could not conscientiously vote for them, he had
always abstained from voting at all. ( dear, hear.)
He was too old to change his sentiments—(Protec-
tionists' cheers)—and now having stated what were his
cenvictiens, they would easily see that he did not intend
to vote upon this question.—(:tear, hear.) He had stated
frankly and painfully what were his opinions. He could not
vote upon this quest on, because he felt that his charalter was
at stake.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) If he did not state
frankly what he felt, he should be supposed to be lukewarm
as to this question, which he consi,lered to be the most impor-
tant that had ever been brought before the country since he had
the honour of a seat in that House. —( Hear, hear.) He
went to :he House of Commons to ascertain the opinions of the
Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government,
he went there unbiassed—he had no conversation with any-
body but himself.--( Laughter.) He listened to the reasons
which that Right Hon. Gentleman brought forward, and he
must acknowled,ge fairly that he could not approve of the
seasons which he gave. He would not pretend to add any-
thing to the speech of his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley).
Lord GRAN VILLE said a Noble Lord on the other
side complained of the great number of conversions which
bad lately been made in his party. He thought he would not
complain of that. He considered that, with reference to the
speech of the Noble Lord last night, that in matters of com-
mercial legislation, the last authority they should go to was the
wisdom of their ancestors —( Cheem ) When their Lordships
considered the g.eat changes which had taken p'ace in this
kingdom, the increase in commerce and manufactures, the
means of communication so largely increased, the increase in
the population itself, he really thought it was idle to go back to
the times of Edward IV.—( Cheers.) Much had been said of
the unanimity of the farmers upon this question. It was by
some admitted that the great excitement and unanimity upon
the subject prevailed more in the western parts of the metro-
polis than in the more rural districts. Others again
contended that this progress in free trade among
farmers was of great public importance. He did not attach
so much importance to that circumstance. He did not think
that the opinion of the farmers should have that undivided
weight with such an assembly of their Lordships' House. He
believed that they were a respectable body, but he did not
think, from their general habits and education, that they were
fully competent to give an opinion as to the laws which regu-
late the commercial policy of a great country. There were the
country gentlemen—a class more highly and more deservedly
looked up to than any other class in the country. The gene-
rality of them were well-educated men, they were generally
well ves sed in history and polite literature, and it so happened
h that body not only hated political economists but political
economy, a ow, without the study of political economy how
could such a question as this be decided upon. There
was another class, and that was the clergy of the
Established Church._( Cheers.) if the effect of this
Rill should be to reduce the price et:elergy would be
compensationa
to t
ier
the first to suffer. Ha thought, too, that that was proposed would not happen so soon
classes. Feeling that, he thought it was very creditable to the
clergy that they had abstained from all political agitation on the
subject. There were then the commercial and manufacturing
etas-es. He could not allow that class to be called turbulent,
for amongst that class were some of the most eminent men in
the country. Mention had already been made as to the rate at
which farms had been let and land sold. Now he found that,
notwithstanding this measure, poor land in the south counties
had readily been let, and placed under the plough.
.
He trusted
that their Lordships would pass this measure, feeling,
the
words of Mr. Huskisson, that the country should place her re-
liance on the sources of her wealth, on her agriculture,
and
thather
manufacture, and every branch of her vast trade ;
she need not fear the competition of other countries."—
(Hear, hear.)
The Marquis of NORMANBY sail that he was sorry to
trouble their Lordships. He would not occupy their time at
any length ; for the truth was, he felt himself very un-
well, and he was urged to take advantage of the
opportunity of addressing them, rather than wait to a later
period of the evening. And h-' would, in the first place, enter
his protest against the 'loquent conclusion of his Noble
Friend's speech list night, in which he denominated the Prime
Minister of the Crown as the greatest man of the age. In-
deed the statement was met by a solitary cheer from the Noble
Lord upon the Woolsack. himself a zealous supporter and col-
league of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and a Noble Lord who
sat near him. My Noble Friend stated his desire to avoid all
personal discussion; he fully joined in that desire. It could
be no pleasure to enter upon it. But he did wholly differ with
the Noble Lord, that the conduct of public men had no refer-
ence to such a subject as the present, and he did feel inclined to
rise last night, even at the late hour, to enter his protest
against such a statement. His own opinions on this subject
were rather peculiar. He for one did not believe that the in-
trinsic effect of the measure, whether for good or for evil,
would be quite what the conflicting parties expected. Such
was his opinion and while he listened with the respect and
attention which he was bound to show to the concluding
decla-
ration
of the. Illustrious Prince who had addressedthl e House
that night, he must express his total dissent from the statement
that the institutions of the country and the cause of religion
would be influenced by this question. He had nothing in his
opinion on this subject to regret oe recal. He had always
voted for the gradual application of the principle
of free trade in this country, and had rejoiced at every relaxa-
tion of the tariff, as he felt it would cause more amicable rela-
tion between this country and foreign powers. He avowed
that he felt it his duty, in the few words which he had to
address, to speak against one of the greatest evils which was
likely to be attendant upon this question. He regarded it as
the duty of every man who felt what was likely to be the bene-
ficial con-equenees of this measure, to assist in removing that
evil. There had been the most eewggerated references made
to the intleenee of this measure on the working claw*, and he
4101114 tie espies himself 23 to mitigate the disappointment,
44044 tuta I pass iato a law, and also to stet'kie eGn"

viction, that if it did pan, its effect would not be what was an-
ticipated, and a more gradual, but not the less certain, disap-
pointment would be the n suit. Still he thought that the
balance of good was in favour of the Bill, and that it would
tend to diminish the pressure of misery upon a large portion
of their fellow-subjects. He did not mean to say that the Bill
would do away with the evils attendant on the necessary lot
of nature regarding those who laboured ; but he felt it would
be a great means of arresting that degradation which affected
a large body of the community, and which could not continue
consistent with the safety and credit of the state.—(Hear,
hear.) His attention had been principally directed to the
condition of the labouring classes during the two years
that he administered the internal affairs of the country,
and the result of his examination was not to
convince him that the corn-laws would do away
with these evils, and at any rate that the measure would not he
of much importance in itself to diminish those evils. A great
authority, sir. Adam Smith, had stated, that when the rewa. d
,
of the labourers was ample, it was the greatest proof that could
b affordedun e r ti oof
wasth e
moderate,prosperit oft
wasth e
a countryproof
t; h that a
the
h e wheneou
country
r,
was stationery ; and that when starvation existed to
d any large
extent, it was an evidence that the country was goingown
In reference to the working classes, the same authority said,
that their remuneration, at his time, was sufficient for their
comfortable maintenance and the education of their children.
He also stated that a corn-law then existed, amounting almost
to prohibition. What use could he make of this ? He was not
eoing to state that the present evils were produced by the corn-
laws, but to direct their attention to the causes of the change.
It must be admitted, that whatever benefits and advantages
machinery might hereafter produce, there was no doubt that
since its introduction, it had operated to a great extent on the
labour market, and had influenced the condition of the labourers.
Do not let them suppose that he wished machinery bad
not been invented. All he did say was that from that time up
till now the Government should hare watched the transition
state arising from the extensive application of mechanical
power. What had been one of the effects of this change ?
Why, it caused a considerable emigration of their labourers
from different districts of the country. Manufacture had now
become an abuse of the term, for it was not by strength of
hand that these fabrics of England were created ; women and
children were called to aid machinery, and consequently the
demand for labour in the manufacturing districts was for the
very cheapest kind, while the more complicated and arduous
and high-priced labours formed exceptions. He contended,
then, that the effect of all this had beer: to establish what
might be termed a monopoly price. In a report on the con-
dition of the people, which bore the name of Mr. Chadwick,
it was stated that a cottage in Rutlandshire might be had for
50s. per annum while for a miserable apartment in Man-
chester he would pay 71. Ilya. He cnly adduced
this to show that these changes ought to have been
considered by Government at the time, because they
affected the people of this country more than he expected the
present measure would do. What were the statements made
in the last sanatory report? Why, it was said that. the cost of
preventing disease in 31anchester amounted to 300,e001. per
annum, or 1/. per head, if they merely took the population.
But it must be remembered that there was a considerable class
in that town who were wholly exempted from the diseases which
afflicted the lower classes, and therefore in this way the cost
was much more than 1/. per head. Now, he would look to
another article which pressed ht avily upon the working man.
They heard much of the cry of cheap bread, he would just in-
quire how the labouring man would be affected by it ? An
Ss. duty upon corn, according to the report of Mr. Senior,
would only be a tax of lid. upon the working man. But what
use did he make of this? hy, he was considering the con-
duct of the Government, and he told the House that it was
clear from these reports that three or four years
ago they had ample opportunities, without rupturing parties
in
troducing
measures rendering themselves liable to reproaches, for
measures which would have proved of more advantage to the
poor man than the present Bill. His Noble Friend behind aim
read a report last night from Mr. Greg, who, he believed, was
a member of the Anti-Corn-law League, and an extensive ma-
nufacturer, and who gave a melancholy account of the pros-
pects of the manufacturing districts. He stated that foreign
countries were rapidly increasing their power of underselling
them, but he (the Marquis of Normanby) could assure their
Lordships that while on the continent, a short time ago, he
made inquiries of his friends into this. and, to a certain extent,
he found that the apprehensions of Mr. Greg were right; but
they gave a very different reason for it to that of Mr. Greg
himself.—( Hear, hear. ) He said that in the spirit of the
utmost kindness to those gentlemen ; it would be better if
those gentlemen would apply some part of that ingenuity which
they had hitherto exclusively directed in the pursuit of agri-
culture, in the improvement of land, to their own manufactures.
If they would take that advice in good part ( in which spirit he
wished to give it), he could assure them, as far as
his humble knowledge went, that the danger to be apprehended
by the foreign marked was not that they were
able to sell cheaper, but that the colour and texture of
the cloths was of a very inferior description. He was com-
pelled, in answer to the observation of his Noble Friend on the
preceeding evening, to remark that the present veneration in
the manufacturing districts was much more deteriorated, and
that the value of their life had diminished five pt r cent. He
felt bound to make a few observations with respect to the con-
duct of the Government on this question. He felt that they
had a right to complain when they found themselves thus unex-
pectedly fogged to come to a decision one way or the other upon
a question presented to them, and which they had no right to
anticipate. —( Hear, hear.) He complained that the Govern-
ment had, in bringing forward this measure, aggravated the
difficulties, in the peaceable and quiet settlement of this question.
—( Hear, hear.) He considered that much higher questions
were at stake than merely whether or not these results were
likely to be realised. He thought that in all constitutional
countries, public character was a sort of common stock ;
and that where there was a wanton waste of it, he
thought every one interested in the maintenanc of
the constitution would suffer considerable loss. They
had heard at one time a great deal of that sentiment which
once roused the glorious sensibilities of the country. They
now heard of nothing but buying in the cheapest and selling
in the dearest market. To those who stuck this opinion on
their banner, he admitted that there might be some merit in
having a cheap minister, upon whose fears they could traffic.
They could go into the market, watch his turnings, and deal
accordingly. He felt assured that there still existed a strong
feeling in the country in favour of the sacredness of the
pledges of public men. He thought it would be better for
those who wished to make an alteration in Committee to vote
at once against the second reading of the Bill. He had a great
wish to maintain the legitimale authority of that House ; but
he hoped that no unusual course would be taken to support
that authority : for he did not think that, after the majority
with which this Bill had come up from the other House,
they could now successfully interfere with it. He did not
attribute vast importance to this measure; and, if it were
passed, he should not look upon it as irrevocable. If the evils
which some anticipated should result from the measure, their
Lordships would have no difficulty in revoking their previous
decision. He thought, however, that this measure was-a step
in the right direction, and would be attended with much gond,
although it had been purchased at the suicidal price of public
character.

The Earl of CARDIGAN apologised for trespassing on the
time of the House so early, but having supported the Govern-
ment now in office for a period of 25 years, he was anxious to
state the reasons why he could not support them on the pre-
sent occasion. He could not say that he had always been con-
sistent in every vote which he had given, but this he could say,
that he had always voted conscientiously. What, he would ask,
had occurred which could justify her Majesty's Government :n
proposing such a measure as this ? It was true that temporary
distress had existed, but a temporary remedy Was all that was
required. The calamity which hr.d occurred in Ireland could
not be considered as a sufficient ground for the abolition of all
protection to agriculture in this country. Such a cause ought
never to have produced such a measure as this. By such a
measure as this they would stultify all their former proceedings.
e did not pretend to have any greater discernment than others,
but he considered the course proposed for them to adopt was
most pernicious, and which he considered as derogatory to their
character. Their Lordships were shortly coming to a vote
upon the subject, and he would ask them, if they were going to
reverse all their former votes, what would be the opinion of the
country and of the yeomen of England— a fine and gallant
rare, who loved honesty and sincerity? And he asked them,
would there be any sincerity in adopting a measure which they
hod form, rly rejected? He trusted that they would not yield
the question without a serious consideration.
Lord WINCHELSEA said he did not think he would he
doing justice to the great body of the people, who called upon
him to represent their opinions in that House, by giving a
silent vote upon the question. He would refer there to Scrip-
ture, in which it was written that when the rulers of a country
were found wanting it would be removed from amongst the na-
tions of the earth. Would they allow the Government of this
country to act in such a degrading manner as to give a pre-
mium to one of the most revolutionary bodies that had ever ex,
isted in this Gauntry ? The measure of 1829 was, he regretted
to say, arr:ed by treachery and perfidy. If their Lordships
sanctioned a principle so subversive of the constitution, they
would live to rue the day. If their Lordships gave way to the
cries of the members of that seditious body, the Anti-Corn-law
League, they would lose the affections and esteem of the sober
and intelligent people of this country. No man could be a
greater advocate for cheap bread than himself, but if they were
to be obliged to depend upon the produce of foreign nations,
this country would be ultimately destroyed. This country grew
sufficient food for its own people.—( Hear, hear.) It might
appear a strange statement to some of their Lordships, but he
could state as a fact that had come under his own
personal observation, that in the very county men-
tioned the Noble Earl who opened this debate—Lincoln---
there were produced in the year, 1845, hundreds of
bushels more wheat than the people of that county could ex-
pend ; the plentiful supply of that article so reduced the price
in the last year that the cattle of the cultivators of the land
there were fed with the beg t wheat. Some might ask what
corn
growing countries were we to fear if this measure were
passed into a law, but he had no hesitation in saying that
America alone could afford to
, supply the inhabitants of the whole of as much corn as would
e nllit
States, O 00,00.0 f
quarters of wheat had been grown in the
Ameri-ta last year. He, therefore, maintainedTt7
ttteland of
this country must go out of cultivation. Sir Robert
self had admitted that where the farm was small, and the
1,11;
amount of capital and skill was trifling, the land might go out
of cultivation. He implored their Lordships not to give a
vote contrary to their consciences. Several Noble Lords had,
however, done so when the Reform Bill was before them, and
it had been a matter of sincere regret to them ever since. The
Noble Lord concluded by stating that he should give his most
determined opposition to the measure.
The Earl of CLARENDON believed and hoped that this
measure would at once and for ever destroy the protective
system. Whether the potato blight produced the conversion,
of the members of her Majesty's Government in
n d
a greeliagthmteaatsuthree
he knew not, but he must express his unfeigned
introduction of so great a measure.—( Hear, hear.) There was
scarcely any man wliose mind had not undergone some change
on the question cfpr ecti.durin,g the last thirty years, and he
it on
would ask those of their Lordship; who were in favour of pro_
tection, whether they would venture to reject this Bill? He
much regretted the delay that had occurred in demonstrating
that this measure was by no mean! a party one. He firmly be-
lieved that Sir Robert Peel was influenced by none other than
conscientious and upright motives. Some of their Lordships
might ridicule the argument about the potato failure in Ireland,
but he defied them much longer to treat the sad reports.whicl;
arrived from that country with such levity.—( Hear, hear.
They would be compelled to adopt such a measure as this.
The Noble Duke on the cross benches, and others, declare that
they were taken by surprise in this measue. He could only
Sir
R. that if they were deaf and blind to the intentions of
R. Peel, the country was not.—( Hear, hear.) Upon all ques-
tions affecting the great interests of the country, we have had
a Government strong enough to carry out its measures, and an
Opposition unable to thwart it.—( Hear, hear. ) It was not
to be supposed 'hat Sir R. Peel threw wide open the gates of
free trade merely for the purpose of letting in asses, gums, and
other things, and that he intended to keep out the most import-
ant of all, the food of the people.—(Hear, hear.) Nora; ith-
standing all the statements of Sir J. Graham of the effects of
the high price of provisions on the morals and condition of the
people, the protectionists, deaf to all his statements, raised the
cry of protection to native industry. Real native industry re-
quired no protection ; they needed not their new-born
sympathies or their worn-out legislation. The manufacturers
had as great an interest in. the quiet and welfare of the country
as any Noble Lord in the House.—( Hear, hear.) All the in-
dignation against freedom of trade must therefore return to its
source. Ile defied any one to show that the labourers had
been better off than they would have been had there been none
of these protecting lama. •A Noble Lord had described
?cr.?. chase air and tha biz) sky

their want
hear.
o)f
under which the labourers lived. He did not say
Peur.r—er,(
awhweonrdheablootoakt,,dtheat wthageesstaotfe tohfethleabolaubi
education, their hopeless life of toil, their struggles for exist-
ence, he did not think they could sink any lower than their
present situation.— Hear, hear.) With regard to the tenant-
farmers, he believed that the man who possessed the know-
!edge of cultivating his ground, who would adopt the new
discoveries,' and not adhere lo the old-fashioned implements
of their ancestors, would hare nothing to fear, even if the
country were to become inundated by that immense supply of
food, which one would really think was to be borne on the
waves of the ocean, and delivered gratis at every man's door.
—.( Laughter.) Suppose that this inundation were to take
place, and that hundreds of thousands of people were to be all
at once cursed with an abundant supply of food, he did not
hank that even that was a very serious evil. He believed
that this question was made entirely a landlord's question, and
that all the objection to the measure aro.e from that quarter,
There was nothing of this outcry when the du y was touched
on cotton, hats, wool, silk, or other things; it was only when
wheat, oats, cattle, oxen, and apples were touched, that they
heard these bitter complain's against the Government, and
heard of men deserting their colours, and deceiving their friends.
--(Hear. hear.) All the opposition to this measure had been
-n abortion, whether arising, from speeches, newspapers, or
even from that central focus of protectionist wisdom, No. 17,
Bond-street—(Laughter)—or whether arising from that grave
assemblage lately held in Willis's rooms, when all the expenses
were liberally paid of those who wished to spend a day in Lon-
lon.—( No, no, and Hear, hear.) He did not believe that
farmers had generally been seized with the panic to such a de-
gree, that they immediately disposed of their farms. The con-
trary had taken place, and if any of their Lordships who now
opposed the Bill, were to come forward and say that they would
he willing to sell their estates for two years' less purchase than
the general value, he thought their only difficulty would be in
selecting a purchaser from among the numerous applicants.-
1 Hear, hear.) The present corn-laws, he believed, imposed a
tax of 10,000,0061. on the people of this country, not one
farthing of which found its way into the Treasury, or even into
the pockets of the landowners; if it did, they would ocr ainly
have more reason for supporting the present system.
He had always exceeded the limits which he proposed to him-
self, yet he would beg that they would bear with him, while
he would advert to the system of meeting hostile tariffs with
hostility. The only safe policy for any country to pursue was
that of each nation pursuing the course which appeared the best
adapted to their own interests, and if England did that they
would give an example which other countries must follow.
He knew that it would be urged that nations
would send their goods to U 3 and demand bullion
in return ; but was that possible? Could such
a thing continue ?—( Hear, hear.) No; certainly they might
send their corn, but they should keep it if they did not choose
to adopt an equitable system of exchange. The speeches
delivered in the French Chambers might also be quoted, but
he would say these speeches were quite right, delivered as
they were on the eve of a general election. They did net
create any apprehension in his mind, as a nation so en-
lightened as the French would not be long in discovering that
face trade was for their interest. They were about to adopt a
policy which would extend their intercourse among nations,
and which would shower upon them the blessings of peace.
Lord CA RNA RVON said there was never a time when the
present measure was likely to inflict such permanent evil upon
the country. He could see no indication in any cauntry
Europe pointing to free trade. Those countries which had
adopted the principle were only minor states. like Naples or
Sardinia. The Noble Lord opposite appeared to think that
for the period contemplated the vitali'y of the nation was at
stake, and that it could only be saved by the opening of the
ports. That Noble Lord also was in favour of the fixed duty
in 1841, but he admitted at the same time that in a period of
scarcity it would be necessary to remove that restriction. But
he (Lord Carnarvon) could not understand how, under all the
circumstances, any British Minister could propose to a British
Parliament such a proposition as the repeal of the corn-laws,
under the circumstances he had been describing; and if such a
man there were, he did not think they could brand him with
sufficient censure ; and it was such a measure as in such a state
of things would, he thought, command the sympathies of the
people of this country with the people of Ireland for a repeal of
the union. With regard to the price of labour, he need not
tell their Lordships that the demand was regulated by the sup-
ply, and if they should take a great quantity of land out of
cultivation, the wages of the labouring population would be
proportionably reduced ; and whilst the independent farmer
might be enabled to withstand the shock, the poor farmer
would fall under it. He had heard it said that more tears had
been shed over the currency measure of 1819 than had ever
flowed from the consequences of the bloodiest field of battle ;
but his opinion was that this measure would cause more flow of
tears than either. They had heard of lands going out of cul-

ivation. His Noble Friend who introduced the Bill last night
had spoken of such a circumstance. It had been stated, and
confidently stated no later than June last. that in the event of
the abolition of the corn-laws, no less than 2,000,000
of acres of the best land in England would be thrown out of
cultivation, and 1.000,000 people thrown out of employment.
They were now informed that foreign competition would
stimulate domestic industry and improve the condition of the
country. So far would it be from improving the condition of
the country that a friend of his, who before the proposal of the
present measure had been prepared to lay out 120,0001. in
agricultural pursuits, now paused, stating that although he had
not any great apprehension of the ultimate effect of the mea-
sure, he should feel it his duty to watch the course of the
present Bill. There were nuraerous instances of a similar
nature, in which gentlemen, who had been prepared to invest
considerable sums of money in the cultivation of land, now
declined, and with a caution by no means blameable
risking any money until the present Bill was decided one way
or the other. He did not think that the people of England
would be likely to be benefited by free trade at the time when
they needed it the most, for in case of any sudden demand for
corn being made on the United States, those states might not
be prepared to meet it, and of course the high prices would be
continued in the time of scarcity. During the last thirty years
there hadbeen an increasing demand for corn, yet the price had
gradually decreased. During the last 30 years the fall in price
had been as much as 34 per cent. In all other instances in
which an increased demand for a particular article had taken
place, that demand was followed by a slow but sure fall in
price. His Noble Friend who introduced the Bill had alluded to
the great increase which had taken place in the prosperity of the
agricultural interest ; but he ascribed it to the influence of
some such measure as he was then introducing. He (Lord
Carnarvon) should rather have ascribed it to the influence of
the system of protection then existing, and which in his
opinion was the only one calculated to benefit the agricultural
interest. There was another point to which he had not yet
alluded, that was the dependence which the measure would
cause on foreign grain. He admitted that during the heaviest
war in which England was ever engaged the disturbances did
not entirely prevent the importation of foreign eorn into
England; but when his friend went into particulars, and referred
to the year 1810, he felt it necessary to remark that at that
time there happened to an extremely abundant harvest in France.
There was also a very scarce harvest in England, and the ut-
most vigilance could not prevent the surplus provision from
find•ng its way into England. Did it not occur to those who so
-trenuoitsly supported the present measure, that the same argu-
ments which existed in its iavour in 1841 existed in 1811) and
1814. and could have been as easily then as now brought for-
ward in support of any measui e like the present one. He very
much regretted that no penalty attached itself to sudden and
violent departure from long upheld principles.—( Hear, hear. )
The Government had gone to the battle-field of election under
the banner of protection, and they now suddenly changed their
opinions, and came forward and proposed a reduction of duty
which was virtually no protection at all.—( Hear, hear-) If
his Noble Friend had professed the principles which he had so
lately and so suddenly professed, on going before his agricul-
tural constituency, they never would have wielded their fran-
chises to return a candidate in avowed opposition to their own
opinions. There never w a a Government so well able to do
good, or possessed the power of being so really useful
as the present Government, and how had they exercised that
power? Had the counsels of his Friend, the Noble Duke, and
his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies, been listened
to in November last, how much better would it have been for
the country at the present moment, and how much better
would it be for it in future. Were such principles as the
present of long growth ? No ; for not very long since the
(louse of Commons had decided by a very large majority
against such principles as the present ; and now they had
decided, by a majority equally large, in favour of these prin-
ciples—the majority being called by his Noble Friend a
mark of the strong sense of the country. Ought not her
Majesty's Government, instead of leading the Commons into
such a measure as the present, to have said to them at once,
that they had changed their opinions, and have asked them if
their constituences had changed theirs ? Ought not such a
measure as this to have been referred to the decision of the
English people in general, whose interests were so deeply
concerned in it? Did not they hear the voices
and opinions of the yeomanry who had existed for so many
centuries under their families? No, they let that cry come to
them in vain, and they only prayed that they might not be
virtually blotted out of the representation of their country.
They did not ask them to come to any final decision on this
mensure, they only asked that they might not be suddenly ex.
posed to the operation of a law which was likely to involve to
so enormous an extent their lands, and the lands of every man
in the country. A Noble Earl at the conclusion of his speech
had said that no prolonged discussion ought to interfere with
the speedy passing of this measure. If a measure were to he
considered as passed before it came to their Lordships House
they had better not discuss it at all, but throw away the mask
of debate ; and they would better consult their
own dignity by hereafter standing aside in humble
and obedient silence to the edicts that came to them.
Were they prepared to show to the country that they could
scornfully reject at the hand of one set of men that which they
would unwillingly accept at the hands of another ? Would they
show that they were to legislate by party measures, and in
deference to party ? If they did so their day of strength was
passed, and they would prove to the world, and to their new
masters, the League, that they were only fit to encumber with
with useless splendour the land which they no longer benefited.
Several Noble Lords here started up, and a scene of some
confusion ensued, in the midst of which,
Lord NIALNISBURY commenced speaking in a loud tone
o'rt
111 iveriori; ee;boslreod Lordships rpedffse..eastidually to surmount the clamour which sur-
rounded him. After much laughter, order was restored.
ad-
dressed their Lordshipsstehl
datotcheeeas
timesh possible,&d r
during
gibt
but
tha
ehra lastlien
having
four
uorna address
raersss,
he
d dense
eswoulde
the ventureet
he
atrespass oinnttoheams
smnoawll,aacnodmphaesswaosuplodsscibolne-.
He would answer the observations of the Noble Earl who had
called the present Bill a landlords' question. In his own parish,
which consisted of 42,000 acres, there were only five proprie-
tors be,ide himself who possessed more than 500 acres, and
there were 246 who possessed only 15 acres, and on those poor
men the fatal consequences of the measure would fall. He
would not remind their Lordships of the sentiments of Adam
Smith,ti
Ile Ricardo,bg g e andt to or
remind
Sired
the Robert
Right Peel
Rev.in 111 ;1:21
aoticinneesatntirtoh:hni
that
tonnqtdtuhttehhetsocey-
dl2lfiHix: fromeceuder:eeobdrtneo to
trthnh:
ditheirThenncgoemrcel
tes.rgbo Nobley Ltaohpone;
itdrrhe
then
eenpnr
apprehended
tlw.l
were dependent
incomes were
hmdeeepa
oettfne
the treaty concluded in the time of Queen
rick the Great. The latter monarch closed the port of D antzie
of corn.
dishonest
against the English, and deprived thishon
emoofutrhable
e su
ie anyster introducing
yeatrolisei,she measure
should.
mfleetidvieds notfe tae
ei
rtiomp
meiiiunt
But it was strange that after the lapse of
discover for that period the country had been misgoverned.
Was that the minister for whom they would sacrifice
their feelings and their consciences?—( Hear, hear.) The
Bill had been sent up to that House by a majority of the
House of Commons, but he denied that it was a clear majority.
He should feel it his duty as an English Peer to bow to the un-
disputed majority.
of his countrymen.
Earl of H A DDl..'s GTOS said his anxiety to address the
of the
LI
of the subject. e could assure the House
general nature
te .t reluctance he rose o
House did not arise from. the feeling that he had
n the present
expediency, and in.
, that public opinion and co *se
Earl who hail just sat down,
be
preserved together. Asnstihe
occasion. He entirely concurred in the opinion of the Nobl
that it was with the area .
tency of character shou d
voleed no moral or political _
question was merely
avowing a change of opinion.
difficulty or disgrace in
before the formation of the
He had for a number of years, even. fevolution, he felt no
a matter or
present Government, been of opinion
11 upon the subject of the
g
that there was a great
deal of exaggerated feeling prevail:
depended upon protec-
that he had net er goue so
corn:laws, and never, he assured their Lordships,lead he
thought that the interests of agriculture
t ion. (Hear, hear.) It was true
witi,
far as *4 vi.y he hold opir.lol in

• principles of the Bill, but he had frequently expressed in private
to many of his friends, that a repeal of the corn-laws would not
prove very injurious to agriculture, were it not for the panic
which must necessarily follow the adoption of such a measure.
( Hear, hear.) Entertaining such opinions then years ago,
he had no diflicul' y in November last, under
he then existing circumstances, in agreeing to
a proposal for opening the ports, but he 'seed not
go into the details of what occurred about that period,
and it was only necessary for him to confirm the statement of
' his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) with respect to what passed
in the then existing Cabinet.—( Hear, hear.) He must
admit, however, that the state of Ireland alone was not a suffi-
cient justification for so extensive a measure as throwing open
the ports ; but his real opinions upon this question had been
such, thdt had his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the
Government stated, some years ago, that his opinion ul on this
matter had undergone a change, he should have been ready
then to have gone fully into the question —(Hear, Lear. )
But their Lordships must remember that. this Bill was not
brought forward solely for the purpose of relieving
Ireland, for there were other, and, if possible, mera
pressing circumstances which called for its adoption.
There were strong apprehensions of a stagnation
prevailing amongst the many manufactures of the country, in-
deed strong symptoms of such a stagnation had in November
last already exhibited themselves, and the question for the then
Government to consider was, whether this Bill should be in-
troduced with the view of reviving the trade of the country by
parties who had always eutertainted free trade opinions, or by
the Ministry who were then in office. He, amongst others,
thought it would have been much better for the party with
high the Noble Earl opposite k Earl Grey) was connected, to
introduce the measure, and the consequence was, Sir Robert
Peel's Government was broken up. An attempt was
then made, as their Lordships must be well aware,
to form a Whig Administration, but the attempt failed, and the
former Government were compelled to collect their forces to-
gether and form a new Ministry. Under these circumstances
and in the then state of the country, he readily consented to
, take office again with his Right Hon. Friend, the First Lord of
• the Treasury, but he most solemnly protested that it was for the
sake of office, but because he felt and sincerely so that in rejoining
the Government he was aiding others in benefiting his country.
No office that he could be appointed to would compensate for
the loss he would sustain if the predictions of his Noble
Friends on the cross benches were realised. He considered,
however, that the evils anticipated would not happen, nor
would the anarchy and ruin prophesied ever come to pass.
The Noble Duke ( Richmond) prophesied that the most dis-
astrous results would follow. The Noble Duke was followed
by the Noble Duke beside him, and also by a Noble Lord
( Stanley) who made a speech of great parliamentary talent.
It was a speech which displayed great conservative principles.
—( Laughter.) The Liverpool correspondent of the Noble
Lord talked great nonsens.e.—(Loud laughter.) If he
( Lord Haddington) considered the course proposed
, to be pursued by his Noble Friends, was as he stated
from a desire to yield to the clamour and agitation of the
Anti-Corn law League, he would not acquiesce in it. But he
t bought it was not. He believed the country was favourable to free
trade principles, and he believed also that a large portion of
the landed interest concurred in that opinion. They were told,
however, to appeal to the country.—( Hear, hear.) ft was all
very well for irresponsible men to talk of that. appeal ; but such
questions as those which related to the food of the people were
not fit subjects for popular appeals.—( Hear, hear.) It had
been said, also, that the Ministers had misled the people in
1841, in not telling them what they intended to do.—( Hear,
hear.) But he denied the charge. What had the originator
of these great changes in view in proposing them? He was
not a man to be accused of want of caution or preeipitancy. His
conduct could have proceeded, as his Noble Friend (Lord
Brougham) said last night, from no other motive than the
strongest sense of public duty and the most conscientious con-
viction.—( Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend, stung by the
eloquent eulogium of his Noble and Learned Friend on the
previous evening, addressed himself particularly to the Noble
Lord on the cross benches. He thought it would have been
more becoming had he strictly adhered to the resolution which
he had previously formed, as to avoiding all penonaiities. Cer-
tain Noble Lords had said that they would prefer total and imme-
diate repeal ; and if that were so, he conceived that it was the
duty of such Noble Lords to give their support to this measure.
—( Hear, hear. ) He conceived that the great object of the
cot n-law was to prevent fluctuation, and to secure steadiness in
prices, make us independent of foreign countries. Now,
rich all the attention that he had been able to pay to this
question, he could not find that the corn-law had answered any
one II those results. He did formerly believe that the corn-
law did, to a certain degree, contribute to the improvement of
the land, and that opinion he still retained.—( Hear, hear. )
But he did maintain that the change which was now proposed
was much more likely to produce steadiness in prices, and pre-
vent fluctuation in the present law. It was utterly impossible,
as long as they depend on the weather for their harvests, to se-
cure equal and unfluctuating prices in corn. It was the ten-
dency of the sliding-scale, and "Weed of all protection. to accu-
mulate a vast quantity of cot ri in this country ; and then, at the
most inconvenient moment to the farmers ; the prices were
reduced by the great impot Winn He believed that in one year
alone 12 000,000 quarters of corn were admitted into the mar-
ket. His Noble Friend who had last spoken instanced the
conduct of Frederick the Great about the closing of the port of
Dant zic in the year 1770, but lie (the Earl of Haddington)
firmly believed that not the slightest fear should be entertained
by the people of this country as to the closing of the foreign
ports. For the last 49 years this country had enormous impor-
tations of grain. His Noble Friend who had so distinguished
himself last, went hack to the olden times, and quoted the pre-
amble of an Act of Edward IV. It was true they had always
some protection, but they had never been able to keep any one
system of protection long. The great increase of the popula-
tion of the country, and various other causes, had rendered
these changes necessary from time to time. He considered that
if this Bill were to pass, every benevolent heart would rejoice
at seeing the poor supplied with corn at a low price.
He did not think that the property of the farmer depended on
the high price of corn. A Noble Lord on the other side
said this measure would not be passed by their Lordships
without taking the sense of the country upon the subject. The
times and circumstances under which this Bill was brought
before their Lordships must not be lost sight of. He believed
their Lordships would be entering into a hopeless conflict if
they strove to maintain their present corn-laws. If they could
appeal to the sense of the country he believed that there would
' be an immense majority in favour of the corn-laws. The Go-
vernment had been accused of acting under the influence of the
League—they had done no such thing. He disliked as much
as any Noble Lord any system of organised agitation ;
but he still considered that the great power of that
body should net be overlooked by any party in the country.
The thousands and thousands of pounds subscribed to the Anti
Corn-law League for the•purpose of obtaining a repeal of the
measure, might be taken as a mass of evidence denoting the
feelings of the people upon the subject before them, and he
trusted their Lordships would not refuse to weigh it when they
came to a vote. And now with respect to the Right Hon.
Btranet, he would say there never was a Minister at the head of
affairs more interested for the public weal, and there certainly
never was a more upright and incorruptable man placed at the
helm of the state than Sir Robert Peel. It was objected to
them that they had not explained to the House what were the
views which they entertained of the effect of these measures.
Now he considered a more preposterous assertion was never
made to the House.— ( I fear, hear). They could not be ex-
pected to name what would be the exact price of corn. They
did not pretend to do so. Their Lordships had the conse •
quinces of the measure fully before them. They were even
detailed by the very fact of its introduction to their House ;
and he would conclude by thanking their Lordships for the
favour with which they had heard him, and he would record
his vote in favour of the measure, convinced as he was of the
benefits which would arise to the country from it._( Hear. )
Lord NORMAN BY said his Nab', Friend had completely
misrepresented him, and had imputed to him motives which
would be most dishonouralye. What he did say was, that he
preferred a fixed duty, and that was the only thing in which
he differed from his party. He also said, that being stung by
some observations which were made by the Noble Lord last
night, that he (Lord Normanby) had become most personal in
his observations.
The EARL of HARDWICKE said, he would begin his
address to the House in the same manner that many of his
Noble Friends had done, namely, by expressing the regret he
felt at being compelled to address them at that late hour of the
night, but that he had been driven to do so by circumstances
of the last importance, over which he could exercise no control;
and that nothing hut the deep sense of the duty he owed to his
could compel him to enter upon. He had no doubt
but those
,)se Noble Lords who had preceded him in addressing
their Lordships against this measure, had done so from a feel-
ing that they were doing that which was most conducive to the
best interests of the country ; with those observations he
would now proceed to address himself to the subject
matter of the debate. He did not believe that any of their
Lordships were more interested in the passing of this measure
than the humblest man in the kingdom. Nay, more, he would
go so far as to say that he did think that the lower in the scale
of society those were who sought for this measure the more
were they interested, and that the rich men would be the least
affected by it. He would ask, were not the parties who were
urging on this measure the aristocracy of the country? And
were not the opinions of those men in accordance with the opi-
nions of the most democratic countries in the world ? The
Noble Lord then read an extract from the American Times
newspaper in justification of his argument. He then went on to say,
Had this country flourished eider the protection system ? His
Noble Friend who spoke last bag given them merely speculative
points, but he did not adrenal ice point in support of the posi-
tion taken by the Government. Now they on that side of the
House had one thing to look to in evidence of the good that had
accrued under the protection system. They had raised the
character of the country, they had increased her exports, and
give a facilities for introducing imports to a greater extent than
had ever been known before. The produce of the country had
been proved times and oft to have kept pace with the prosperity
of her Majesty's subjects, and he cone ended that the revenue
had in the same way kept pace with tife produce and prosperity
of the empire. He could show their Lordships that the prices
of the necessaries of life, other than bread, had preserved a
fair proportion with the articles he had referred to. The Noble
Lord then adverted to the contracts taken with Chelsea Hospital,
at different periods, and argued therefrom that very low prices
calved at present in respect to every necessary of life. In ad-
dition to everything else, the capital employed in agriculture,
hail employed, as his Noble Friend stated on the previous
evening, a very considerable fleet, with a great number of sea-
men—he meant in the guano trade. He hail taken great pains to
ascertain the condition of the people residing in his neighbour-
hood, as to their circumstances in former times, an he found
that in those days the poor never saw wheaten bread, and they
spun their own clothes. A great improvement had taken
place, they were now better housed, fed and clothed than they
were then. Great quantities of wheat were now raised that
had no existence then. He begged to impress on the minds of
their Lordships that there was no calling in which the
profits were less than in agriculture, and he believed
them to be such as to render it impossible
to pay higher wages than were now paid. He believed in the
agricultural districts wages oscillated with the price of food,
which was not so to the same extent in the manufacturing dis-
tricts. He was certain that if this measure passed, it would
affect in a serious degree the agricultural interests of the
Country, and lead to most deplorable results ; and that it would
operate injuaiously upon the labouring classes.—( Hear, hear.)
chefHluaeedrai
r,o, couldlnnys
ptohrnoereverefaedit
tret
hwot to
at
stanothern,aartnthadeli
tt
price
r.aitceuv
fn:
wouldwot
hfheet ahtri this
atrek e thsubject,te phr leaveei andc price
to
00 rfacitpanuv
trtryney
decreased,
aai pamphletd, and
ui
is fa fact written
t eq
equally
yAhlre.tdßaorkdeari.nostehThe e
ing as in the agricultural districts. Heg good
not
gd,eapntPrauaoifmsnateirilhtret
tLhoorntiv,shhtipsheamtigthhtat
ellaaitme honoeur
thing,of thethaetventhine but their
of this country had greatly increased under a protective policy.Y
necessity
s tayd heardfor
the
their
rf
1,
Lordships
d faminesh Itroeal adrveelrtastoa
ireason
he whyN Noble
et
Lord
referred
freerrsehdoutnldstbateistpicasssteodshinotp ta.haltatwh,,,
ebxupt,,Srtisr
fßnonnberltrePlaenedlmhheaaadd-
greatlyread y
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the
thise position,imports
it andtha
that
thereforecou country,
try h:nrtel
twash e r
e littlefnr e
o
hNßaroobaulliegl
hal:a:ant:nide; tiLhemoilfpadorhtnrgbit,::(nnit
et
,a sitfir as the argument advanced by his
NobleuA and Learners Friend, Friend on the previous evening ( Lord
'completely fell to the ground. He
th
sliding, scale
hear.) Besides, in the read this opinion in favour of the
iend, whose opinions,
owing to his
brilliant talents, were c h had distinctly
declared of great w
declared last night that Foble and Learned Friend, because his
Immense number
Noble and Learned Friend had made, and the large am• unt of
13t1 loess he roust have transacted
he was always a freeiee-tt;ader.— (Hear,..y
9 mat ban fogcttes titi3 &p00h...04110w.) This Isis
in the course of long life,

Noble and Learned Friend gave them the price of wheat in
Dantzic, and the rates of freight charged for bringing it to this
coutyry.

Lord BROUGHAM begged pardon for interrupting his
Noble Friend, but perhaps he would he saving him a
good dal of trouble by stating that the figures he gave were
the calculations of others and not of himself.—( Hear, hear.
What he said was in this sense, " You who oppose the Bill
say the prices of wheat in Danteic and the rates of freight are
so and so" and not in the sense of the F. gures being his own
conclusions or his own calculations.—( Hear, hear.)
The Earl of HARDWICK under these circumstances would
pass on to another part of his Noble and Learned Friend's
speech.—( Hear, hear.) The variations of the fluetuation in
this price of corn in i'hilade phia arid other countries as com-
pared with England were far greater, and showed that the
effect of protection eas not injurious. It was said that re-
ducing the rents would he accomplishing the whole matter.
He would sty, in reference to that proposit ism, that if the income
of their Lordships were reduced only one-fourth,
the consequences to this country, and even to the manufcctss -
ing intere to, would be most disastrous. He would quote a
letter from a political economist, with the view of showing the
pernicious effects of such a doctrine. (The Noble Lord then
quoted a letter written by Col .net Torrens to Mr. Seymour. in
which he stated that the Anti-Corn-law Leaeue were well
aware that the reduction of rents would not produce any cor-
responding benefits, but the reverse, upon the agricultural or
manufac•uring classes.) That, continued the Noble lord, was
the opinion of a great political economist, and it was one in
which he perfectly concurred, that upon the working, classes
a reduction in rents would necessarily entail a pro-
portionate fall in the value of their industry.
It was said that its pendenee on foreign countries
for their supplies was of no importance. His Noble Friend
near him ( Lord Stanley) had cut the ground from under him
so completely on this point that nothing was left to him to add
to it. He must say, however, that ht- hart still some confi-
dence in the wisdom of their ancestors; and though their opi-
nion might not be considered of much value in these days, he
must say that the independence of this country from foreign
influence and foreign assistance formed a most important fea-
ture in every statesman's consideration. This was the case
with regard to corn, as well as every other matter. In the set-
tlement of the great question relative to the Pretender, in
the last century it was thought right to carry out this prin-
ciple as far as possible, and to put no monarch on the throne
who belonged to any foreign or Popish country. In the sen-
tence pronounced at that time by Lord Hardwick on Lord
Lovat, that opinion was very strongly expressed. He alluded
to those things merely for the purpose of showing the
anxiety felt by their ancestors with regard to keep-
ing this country independent of foreign influence.
It seemed to him that the question of dependence on foreigners
was, of all others, the most important in the discussion on this
measure. He would ask their Lordships to consider the great.
cost and expense to which this country had been subjected in
consequence of the interference of foreign powers. He would
entreat their Lordships to take into consideration the inter-
ference of Hanover, for in,tance and when he sw.ke of flan-
over, he believed that no greater political blessing had been con-
ferred on this country by that Illustrious Princess that now
reigned over us, than that through her instrumentality the king-
dom of Hanover had been severed from us. He mentioned
Hanover for the purpose of showing that this country had always
suffered from the interferenca of foreign powers with the affairs
of this country. In 1688 we had not ational debt. In 1697
we had a sic btof 21,500,0001. In 1714 the debt was 34,000,000/
In 1736 it was 50,000,000/. In 1748 we had a debt of 78,000,090/.
In 1756, the commencement of the seven years' war, it. was
75,000,010/. In 1763 we had a war. and the debt amounted
to 193,000,0001. From 1777 to 1815 it increased to
828,000,0001. In consequence of the war into which we were
drawn by our connexion with Hanover, the debt. was raised
from 75,00-t,OOOl. to 139.000,001)1. The national deist had
been created by continental wars and continental interfe-
rence. And was the condition of this country altered sir,
the period when the debt was created ? He contend d that
the whole of the condition of England was totally changed.
He had now done. He believed he had touched upon every
part of the subject which was of any importance, and he should
be sorry to be the instrument of unnecessarily protracting this
debate, but he must be permitted to conclude the observations
which he had to make in the same way as other Noble Lords
who had taken part in this debate—that was
by calling their Lordships' attention to the great humility of the
state and position of their Lordships' Howe under the existing
circumstances of the country. He would say that their Lerd-
ships were now placed in a very curious and important position
in reference to this question. It was pet tectly notorious, awl
he would repeat it over and over again, that the present Par-
liament was assembled under the Government of the Noble
Lords opposite, upon a special and particular question. It had
bet-n returned for the purpose of protecting the agricultural
interests of this country. He for his own part had given his
most hearty support to the Conservative Government, and he
was prepared to vindicate the character of himself, and those
with whom he had acted. It was understood and believed that

no measure would be brought forward by trie present Gevern-
ment which would have for its object the alteration of the
present system of protection to agriculture. Sir Rooert Peel,
on the first of January, 1840, used these words—" Agriculture
is imaroved since 1834—d0 you take credit for the improve-
ment? It is owing to your fostering hand, and to the manly
and decided tone on the corn-laws." Sir Robert Peel said
that when addressing those gentlemen who acted with his
Noble Friend opposite. He said in the same speech—:." I did
previously, and I repeat it, that I now consider a liberal pro-
tection to domestic legislature indispensable." Now those
were the speeches which Sir Robert Peel did not contemplate
would be quoted against him in so brief a period. Sir Robert
Peel a few years ago had said that he considered protection
necessary to the preservation of the interests of the country at
large as well as of those engaged in agriculture. That Right
Hon. Gentleman had said, at the commencement of this ses.
sion, that it would not be prudent to appeal to the country
until the great question of Ireland was set at rest—( No, no)—
and he called upon their Lordships to compel the Government
to appeal to the country.—(Cheers). He had no hesitation in
saying that it became the imperative ditty of their Lordships'
House to let this question go to the people of England
tr the purpose of deciding whether they were to have
this new system palmed upon the country.—( Hear, hear.)
It became their Lordships' duty to exercise the power which
they possessed for protecting the interests of the poor people of
this country who would be the most affected by the changes
which were proposed to take place. It would be most im-
portant for their Lordships to preserve the good opinion of the
people of this country in their Lordships' House, and that they
should dismiss this measure upon the second reading, for the
purpose of permitting the people of this country to express their
opinion upon it.—(Cheers.) He could assure their Lordships
as an humble individual of that House, that in his opinion, the
only manner in which he could perform his public duty would
be by voting against the second reading-of this Bill.—( The
Noble Lord concluded amid loud cries of " Adjourn," from all
parts of the House.)
Lord BROUGHAM rose to explain—He said, your Lord-
ships will certainly allow me an explanation. lam quite aware
that nothing can be more wearisome to your Lordships than
explanations generally are. I can assure you, however, that
this shall be a short one. Nothing could be more ridiculous
than for me to be ashamed of having changed my opinions,
with reference to the sliding-scale, during a period of 19 years.
I wish just to state that I thought there was something ominous
in my much esteemed Friend, bearing such an authoritative
Part, as though he were stalking the quarter deck, and I were
under his command, or perhaps I must rather say, treating rite
as though I were an enemy under his guns.—( Laughter.) But
when the Noble Lord began to read, what was it that he read ?
It was that I was interrupted in what I was going to say, and
that I said nothing.—(Laughter.) I was curious enough to
inquire as to what this interruption arose from, and looked ac-
cordingly in these documents ( Hansard). The debate to which
the Noble Lord referred me, was a debate of the 21st of
March, 1827. My much-esteemed Friend, Lord Althorp, gave
his support to the proposition of Mr. Canning, and said that
it was a measure which, so far from producing mischusvous re-
sults. would produce great and lasting benefits to the country.
both as e•garded its commerce, its trade, and its agriculture.
He ( Lord Althorp) then proceeded to defend the proposed
measure, and considered it as an improvement on the measure
of 1815, and then proceeded to say, that a more
general arrangement upon a higher and more per •
manent footing would he desirable for the nation.
" You must," said he, " see the n• cessity of placing the corn-
laws upon a more permanent footing." Some persons may
think that Lord Althorn referee d at the time to an alteration
in the then existing sliding-scale,but. I happen to know that his
opinion was, that a more enlarged measure was desired ; and
here I must say to your Lordships, that these reports arts not so
full and accurate as the reports now are. The nonsense and
ridicule which is here printed, some of it my own, is
scarcely conceivable. In several instances tte word
" oat " is kept out, and in another case the word "not " is
inserted where it shonld not be. My Noble Friend Lord
Wilton, on that occasion, rose to express his approbation of
the me sure then before the Committee, without considering
it perfect in its then present shape, or that it could be made
better by inserting some amendments in Committee. This is
quite consistent with the present conduct of my Noble Lords
in this House, who might say, We would, in fact, rather not
have the Bill, but we may, perhaps, introduce same amend-
ments in Committee. In reference to this proposition itself,
I differed from some Hon. Gentlemen who had gone
before me. These were agricultural Members. There
were Lord Western, Colonel Wood, Mr. Port man, and
others. Upon that occasion I said—now these are my words:—
Although I would not now pledge myself to any opinion
either of approval or disapproval, still there was one observation
which I wished to make for the purpose of administering some
alight comfort to those Honourable Gentlemen (ag-
ricultural Members) who had upon all occasions
shown themselves at all times ready to take alarm
at anything which they considered innovation." Then
came the debate of March 9, and the whole of the
argument was in favour of free trade, and I said (continued the
Noble and Learned Lord, reading from Hansard) that whas-
ever were my sentiments concerning free trade, I should
confine them to my own bosom, in order to
escape the hostility of those who were opposed
to its principle. Now was that an argument against
the principle of free trade ?—( Hear, hear.) And it was not
until I went farther in my advocacy of the advantages to be
derived from free trade that I was interrupted by the coughing
of which the reporter speaks. It was not without some diffi-
culties that I afterwards obtained a hearing, and I then ex-
pressed my hearty concurrence in the sliding-scale as a step in
the right direction, and being founded on the principle of com-
mercial reform, for the Government had recently entered then
upon an advocacy of the principles of free trade.—( Hear,
hear.) And now what becomes of the Noble Lord's state-
ment ?—( Hear, hear.)
The Earl of WICKLOW and Earl GREY rose at the same
time.

The Earl of WICKLOW moved the adjoarnmeat of the
debate to Thursday next. _

Earl GREY moved the simple adjournment of the debate.
A dispute here arose as to the precedency of the motion.
The Earl of WICKLOW said he would persevere in his
motion, and would take the sense of the House upon the point.
Lord BROUGHAM said, I must move an amendment.
The House, on this important matter, ought to sit on 'Wednes-
day. I will make this proposition, however, that the debate be
concluded on Thursday. What will prevent us from sitting up
till six o'clock in the morning.
The Earl of WICKLOW said that he did not see anything
to prevent their concluding the debate on Thursday night, or
rather on Friday morning.
Earl GREY said he believed that their practice was first to
move that a debate be adjourned, and then to ascertain to what
day it was to be adjourned. But considering the great import;
anie of this debate, and the anxiety with which the
result of it was looked forward to by the country,
ho slid think it would not be fitting to let
_the country
have it to say that this Hottse preferred m
) to
and a mere amusement, (for it w_
Wednesday was not
i.t;rn this debate for mere
nooth Grant Dkbate.bui
f
t
e
e
oh ') Yes, he would say, it
arrtwehenagmedsaigtrnldeodanettdet
usualhr:aneals
inlnost
feeu:rhsr,
efst
tthahseenaaosti
td,h,ohumafestuet chrwon:au:si‘nds.
taar
dyyoe.inb,
r:Wtlceatte.sidc,,. hade nothingbd ey ne:r
ysba,
atd
thdha:tmei
posse•sion of the
liseioofirfitit/!:),(s/ the
to
add.iem until it had determined.
and to
nsthing wore. But if this debate were
agtwtoinilesbuclelane:namwkdueijeldorhe'utmwtr:noeleundl;t:itCsoic;uirhitrsday, and riot end on that day, then it
should be adjourned over the Whitsuntide holy days.
The Marquis of CLANRICA RDE understood that the
reason his Nob'e Frisnd ( Earl Grey) had moved the adjourn-
ment, was b"cau'e he wished to b, in the
House on resumiug the debate. He could not Ste why they
should not on Friday, after havir.g 4ttended the divine
PrVieL

The Duke of WELLINGTON said he could Fee no ob-
jection to the House Aitting• on Wednesday if they wshed to
do so; but it had al, ays been the practice of the. Howe not
to sit. on Friday, which was the anniversary of the restoration.
Lord ASHBURTON was anxious to say a few words be-
fore this discuss,on shou.d close; but he had no objection to its
to vninating on Thtusdly.

The Earl of WICKLOW said he had put the motion in the
way he did, because he learned that day that it was the in-
tention of the Noble Earl ( Earl Grey) to move that night at
the dose of the debate, that the House do sit on Wednesday.
He ( Lord Wicklow) therefore determined to have pre-
cedence of the Nole Earl, and therefore he thought
it list to make he motion he had done. Having been put in
posses‘Aon of the llou,ei he would not consent to give way to
the Noble Earl, or waive the usual practice of the House unless
they decided according to the suggestion of the Noble Marquis
opposite. Should the motion he carried, he ( Lord Wicklow )
would claim his right to open the debate on Thursday.
The D.ike of RICHMOND slid, perhaps the Noble Earl
would go en now, and his Noble Friend could open the cl.iikte
od Thursday evening.
Earl GREY would give precedence now to the Noble Earl,
and open the debate then.—( Laughter. )
Loid BROUGHAM hoped, if they adjourned till Thursday,
they would endeavour to finish the debate that night.
But as that might prove fallacious, he would iroimate, in
order that it might be perfectly understood, that should the
debate not he brought to a close he should move the adjourn-
mint till the day after. That would require them to attend
church. But he could not see what harm attending the sermon
could do them, and there was no reason why Noble Lords
should have any objection on that account.
Lord CAMPBELL said it appeared 'hat the present dis-
pute was a struggle between 'iwo parties, which could only be
determined by the majority of the Peers ; and as the settle-
ment of precedence might be attended by some difficulty, he
would, in order to get rid of it, move that the Noble Lord,
Ear 1 Grey, be now heard.—( Loud cheers.)
The Earl of WICKLOW rose in a very excited state, and
with violent gesticulation protested against the course now
taken. He was proceeding to address the House when, from
the cries of " Order, order," and noise that prevailed, he was
obliged to sit down. .

The LORD CHANCELLOR put Lord Campbell's amend-
ment, which was agreed to.
Earl GREY then, amidst considerable laughter and cheers,
moved that the debate be adjourned.
The Earl of WICKLOW—UntiI Thursday next.

The motion, with the addition of Lord Wicklow, was then
pnt and agreed to, and the House adjourned at Two o'Clock
till Thursday next.

HOUSE OF COILUVIONS, May 26.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.
MORAYSHIRE RAILWAY.
The report on this Bill was brought up and agreed to, and
the Bill ordered to be engrossed.
GREAT NORTH OF SCOTLAND RAILWAY.
The report on this Bill including the Fasten. Extension,
was brought up and agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be
engrossed.
EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN RAILWAY.
'The report on this Bill (Branches from the Dundee and
Arbroath Railway and Tay Ferry Improvement) was brought
up, and the Bit ordered to be engrossed.
NORTH KENT RAILWAY.

Mr. RICE, on the further consideration of the report of
the South Eastern Railway ( Greenwich Railway to Chilhain,
near Canterbury with branches, No. 2,) Bill, moved that the
Bill, together with the North Kent Railway Bill, be re-com-
mitted to the full Committee as orkinally constructed. The
North Kent Railway had been condemned before its merits
had been thoroughly investigated by the Committee ; and the
South Eastern Company, which was the only company that
could properly carry out the line, would be perfectly jostified,
under the present circumstances, in studying their own in-
terests in preference to the convenience of the public, by not
cart ying out the contemplated extension of their line.
Mr. PROT EROE defended the decision of the Committee,
of which he was chairman, on the North Kent Railway. As
chairman, he had felt it his painful duty to give a casting vote
against the further progress of the Bill, as it contemplated the
construction of a railwa% through part of Greenwich Park.
Upon this instance. as upon many others, be found the benefit
of the reports of the Beard of Trade; and the Committee
considered that the South-Eastern line was far preferable to
the North Kent. The Committee hail been sitting from the
middle of March to the middle of May, and they had given
the whole scheme their utmost attention ; and he deprecated
the investigation of such subjects in the House, as it would
tend very much to weaken the au.hority of the Committee.
Mr. BAILLIE supported the motion. The Committee
had passed a Bill which gave power to the Admiralty to stop
the progress of the railway at whatever point they chose. He
did not know what the shareholders would say to such a Bill.
Sir ROBERT INGLIS said he was aware of the inconve-
nience which would arise from a serut ny of the decisions of
Committees, but unless it could be proved that Committees
were immaculate, he considered that the House was the last
tribunal of appeal. He believed that a cisturbance sufficient
to destroy the accuracy of an astronomical observation would
be produced by the passing of railway trains. He thought the
Bill, if recommitted, should be referred to another Committee.
He grounded his objections against the Bill, not beciuse it
did not afford a direct communication to the coast, but the in-
jury it would cause to science in passing so close to the Ob:er-
vatory.
Sir JOHN RAE REID presented a petition from Dover,
signed by the mayor and burgesses, in favour of the line.
Fir GEORGE COCKBURN said that an application had
been made by the North Kent Railway Company to the Admi-
ralty to ascertain whether they had any objection to the railway
passing through the park. Vast powers had been given to
the Admiralty to regulate the trains, or to step
them altogether. The Admiralty had no objection to allow
the line to pass through Greenwich Park, provided the interests
and the observations of the Observatory were not affected.
The Company had assented to make such regulations as would
prevent this mischief,sand the Admiralty had accordingly with-
drawn their opposition.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE—The fact- was that this matter had
passed through the Committee by every small majority, consist-
ing in fact of himself, who it was well known was able to act in a
double capacity, and it was on the faith of his statement that
this decision had been come to.(Laughter.) The Hon.
Gentleman it appeared had a very great taste for the pic-
turesque, and had accordingly proposed the carrying of this
line through Greenwich Park. He had accordingly gone
down to survey the line himself, and had no doubt
dined there—(Laughter)—with all the appliances of
a gentlemanly entertainment. ( Continued laughter.)
On his return he had waited upon the Admiralty to give the
results of his observations, and it was upon his representation,
and he might say, that of the South Eastern Company,
that the Honourable and Gallant Admiral's report was
founded. The truth was, that the Smith Eastern Company
were at the bottom of this decision of the Admiralty ;
for they were themselves desirous of making this line. Now,
it should be observed that Professor Airy had not been called
before the Committee at all, but he had expre-sed his
opinion that in the experiments he had made the
transit of the trains would in no way affect the observa-
tions of the Observatory. The North Kent Company had
employed Professor Robinson and another gentleman to make
experiments, and they had given it in as their decided opinion
that no public inconvenience would ensue. The North Kent
Company, therefore, had decided upon running their trains
through the park by means of a tunnel.
Lord EMLYN was a member of the Committee, and he
had art ived at his decision on public grounds solely. He could
not see any reason why the Bill should be committed again.
They had not refused to hear any evidence, nor had any alle-
gation been made that such was the case. In fine, he con-
sidered a recommitment of the Bill would not lead to any
public good, and he would, in consequence, object to it.
Mr. HUME considered that the members of the Committee
had not acted wisely or properly in their conduct, and he would
therefore vote for the motion.
Mr. PLUMPTRE said that the Astronomer Royal had satis
fled himself that no injury would result to the Observatory if
the line were constructed, and at any rate the South-Eastern
Company had a"ceded to the conditions required from them,
being satisfied that the danger apprehended would not arise.
Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET moved that the debate
he adjauraed for a fortnight, in order that the Aemiralty might
have further time to consider.
Mr. C. Wt 4)0 seconded the motion.
Mr. J. 0 CONNELL protes'ed againe some observations
that had been made in consequence of the Hon. Chairman
having consulted the Admiralty on the subject. He did so at
the especial request of the Committee.
Mr. JER VI S did not object to the adjournment of the debate.
This matter ought not unquestionably to be left open be-
tween the North Kent and S•iuth- Eastern. The whole matter,
including the North Kent Bill, should be again remitted to the
Committee, in order that the discrepancy complained of might
be explained and got rid of.
After a short discussion the further consideration of the
subject was deferred for a fortnight.
NORTH KENT RAILWAY.
Mr. REID presented a petition from Dover, in favour of
this Bill.
Several Reports of Railway Committees were brought up.
CALEDONIAN INSURANCE COMPANY.
This Bill was read a third time and na.sed.
BRISTOL WATER WORKS.
This Bill was also read a third time and passed.
Mr. H. BERKELEY moved that the petition of George
Whieldon, Esq., be referred to the Committee to whom the
London and Birmingham Railway (Coventry to Nuneaton)
Bill stands referred, and that the petitioner be heard by his
counsel, agents,and witnesses, notwithstanding his petition was
not presented three clear days before the day appointed for
the first meeting o the Committee.
EAST AND WEST YORKSHIRE JUNCTION RAIL-