The Sun.
London, England, 1870-09-01 00:00:00

THE WAR.

AFFAIRS AT PARIS.

TUESDAY.

The aspect of this city becomes more warlike every day.
All that air of perennial pleasure, of being continually en
fête, which so much strikes the visitor on
his first arrival here, has vanished. Stern busi-
ness confronts us everywhere. Ordinary commerce
is greatly diminished, in some cases almost
entirely suspended, at this time of absorbing pre-occupa-
tion. Everywhere one sees traces of the approaching
siege. It cannot be denied that there is a great deal of,
warlike enthusiasm displayed ; but it is equally true that
there exists a good deal of the reverse feeling. The
workmen, especially the unmarried ones, have no objec-
tion to the expected trial. It will afford plenty of excite-
ment to a bellicose race ; and moreover the Reds cannot
deny themselves the thought that a fine chance of estab-
lishing their long looked-for Republic has come at last.
Hence there would probably be actual disappointment in
some quarters if no siege came off. But the shopkeepers
would not be displeased, on the other hand, if
the approach of the enemy were to be the
signal for coming to terms, provided always that the
position of the French armies in the field did not display
any marked improvement. The bourgeoisie have had enough
war with street rows lately. They could command more
too, if they were desirous of so doing. The expectation
of a siege is working them the utmost woe ; the reality,
they may justly anticipate, will prove their utter ruin.
Of course they do not vent their unpatriotic arguments
openly ; but there exists a good deal of whispering
to the effect just indicated, and it is exceedingly pro-
bable that some representations that a siege would be
utterly useless if MacMahon loses a great battle, and
that no siege can take place if he wins one, will find
their way to the War Minister. Beyond doubt a bom-
bardment will soon exhaust whatever little patience the
bourgeoisie may have left. Citizens seldom suffer many
days'cannonading without bringing strong pressure in
favour of capitulation to bear upon the military autho-
rities. Parisian citizens may be expected to prove even
less enduring than the average of their kind.
These disgraceful insinuations against Protestants have
been alluded to in the Chamber to-day.
The Prefect of the Aisne department, which is now be-
coming the centre of momentous deeds, has resolved not
to be dismissed for exhorting the people to keep quiet, as
was his brother of the Meu rthe. He has
issued a proclamation to his subordinates order-
ing them to incite the people to every resistance.
"Everywhere let the peopie rise and organise themselves.
A service of scouts must be established at all menaced
points. The men of neighbouring localities should .so
arrange that they can act in concert, so that the approach
of the enemy can be made known from one commune to
another by the most rapid means. His march must be
impeded in every possible way : his communications must
be cut, his supply trains seized, and all food and means of
transport must be withdrawn from his requisitions. The
chief place of the department will set the example ; it is
ready." And more to the same effect. But bow can the
people carry out these instructions, when they have no
weapons and are likely to get none ? Can they oppose
needle guns with paving stones ? The policy of the
Government in respect of these instructions to
the people is not very intelligible. If a Prefect tells
the people that they are defenceless and must make no
resistance, he is dismissed. If he tells them to do all
they can to oppose the enemy, he runs the risk of being
laughed at, for they have no means of fighting.
The Tc-mps of to-day does some sound plain-speaking.
It declares that France is at this moment in

peril of being dishonoured, and perhaps ensanguined, by
folly and fanaticism. While our soldiers, it says, are
giving the most splendid proofs of heroism, the tremblers
form a spectacle which would be ridiculous if it were not
odious. They cannot content themselves with the natural
explanation of events. They do not understand that a
Government without power and a routine administra-
tion must end by leading us into an abyss. They seek
for mysterious reasons for our reverses, and can see
nothing but spies in our streets, nothing but treason in
our camp. Terror-stricken, they are ready to do justice
on the culprits themselves, and the first corner is likely in
their hands to become the victim of an imprudence or a
mistake. This would matter comparatively little if fear
—hideous fear—did not join with passions more hideous
still. Would it be believed that religious hatreds find the
present moment favourable for development? Correspon-
dents from all quarters write to tell us of the danger
incurred by the Protestants, especially in the central
provinces and in Alsace. The people are assured that a
Protestant must necessarily be a Prussian at
heart, and this at the very moment when Strasbourg
with its Protestants is making an heroic defence. The
movement of which we are speaking has assumed the
aspect of a clerical conspiracy, and the party journals,
L'Univers and LelllondeJaave not missed the opportunity
of turning the misfortunes of France to the profit of the
priesthood. Blind that they are to forget that fanati-
cism is a double-edged sword, that irreligion has also its
furies, and that the mob has before now destroyed the
dwellings and threatened the lives of priests and monks.
We are not yet at the end of these mournful exhi-
bitions of fear and hatred. While the fanatics wish
to drive the people to a religious war, there are politicians
who wish to drive them to a jacquerie. The letters which
we receive from the provinces and the alarm exhibited in
the local journals leavesno doubt in this respect. It is not
difficult to see the object of its instigators. They wish to
transfer the blame from the guilty to,,,the innocent, and to
make it appear that the Empire has been betrayed by the
old political parties and Radicals, and every prominent
man in the Opposition becomes a traitor. There is a
great danger to be apprehended --nothing less than a civil
war and a religious war in the heart of the country,
while our armies are shedding their blood on the frontier!
A Government inquiry is imperatively demanded, or else
the threatened citizens will have to defend themselves.

M. About, in the Soir, expresses the opinion that after
all the result of the war is not so much to be deplored.
All is, perhaps, for the best. If the Imperial forces
had triumphed, what would have become of France?
"If the supporters of the personal power had been
acquainted with the first elements of the military
art ; if Marshal Lebceuf had had a plan ; if we had
been ready ; if we had had 500,000 effective troops
instead of 200,000 ; if the millions destined for
armament had not for years been wasted or turned
to other uses, we should heat the Prussians and free the
Rhine Provinces. We should take Saarbruck and Saar-
louis, Mayence, and Coblentz ; we should light tapers in
the cathedrals of Treves and of Cologne, the Prince Impe-
rial might collect enongh spent balls to form a chaplet for
his godfather, the gentle Pius IX.—and after ?"
It would appear that the Prussian spy—so-called---who
was shot on Saturday, was not called Harth, as he repre-
sented. He belonged to a'very good family, of whom three
brothers and two sisters still remain. He entrusted the
secret of his name to the Protestant pastor, whom he
charged with the transmission of a letter to his family.
The Government organs say that this soi-disant Harth
was charged with a special mission from the Prussian
Government ; but there really appears to be great reason
to doubt his being a spy at all. Some say he was mad.
He was unquestionably destitute.

The sitting of the Corps lAgislatif to-day does not
promise any very striking liveliness. There is, as usual,
no news, and nobody expects any information from
Ministers. There are further signs that the Government,
with the assistance of the large majority in the Chamber
obeying its behests, will tolerate no arming of the people.
M. Marion's proposal that departmental battalions of
National Gardes should be mobilised has been
rejected by the commission to which it was
referred. M. Picard now comes forward with
another scheme : to revive part of a law passed in
1831, which provides for establishing detached corps in
the Garde National Sedentaire, and to place these corps
at the disposition of the Minister of War for any service
of defence whatsoever.

The trial of the conspirators who took part in the enzeute
at La Villette secures a little attention in the midst of th
siege excitement. Two were condemned to death to-day.
Neither attempted, like some of those previously tried
to prove that they were not on the ground at
the time that the assassinations took place. They confessed
that they were present, but denied that they had any
thought of assassination. They made no secret of their
design—which was to arouse the people to take up arms
against the invader. It does not appear that making an
attack upon a fireman's station and killing a policeman
and a little child are at all calculated to fill a
nation with patriotism ; but these young nie,,
had really no disreputable antecedents. One
was a shorthand writer, and the other an engraver,