The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY_ EVENING, JULY 17, 1846.

my Hon. I riend. It is now endeavoured to ascertain
my opinions with regard to the Protestant Church, and
with regard to the Catholic endowment. I do not think
it is necessary I should regard those opinions at the pre-
sent moment. But that what I must confess at the pre-
sent moment to be my unalterable belief is, that with
regard to what some men propose, namely, the destruc-
tion of the Protestant Church in Ireland—l believe no
worse or more fatal measure can be adopted ; or one
less calculated to better the condition of the people. I
believe it would be exceedingly injurious, because I be-
lieve that many of the most loyal in Ireland—many of
those who are not attached to the connexion with this
country—would be alienated by the destruction of that
Church to which they are fondly attached. I believe, in
a religious point of view, it would be the commence-
ment of a religious war ; that there would be that
which at present does not prevail—a most violent and
vehement attack upon the Roman Catholic reli-
gion ; and that the Roman Catholics themselves would
be the first to blame the destruction of that Church. Well.
then, Sir, can you endow the Roman Catholic Church ?
Mr. Pitt was of opinion, as is quite evident from
his speeches and from memorandums which were left to
his friends, that it was possible to endow, or to make
some provision for the Roman Catholics by the state.
Iy belief is, that if Mr. Pitt had carried that measure,
choenad'uocuilvdehatvoe car
the
iewdelafamreeaosfurelrwehlainchd.—wo(uld ueahra,ve been
hear.)
Conducive to the maintenance of the union.— (Hear,
hear.) Conducive to the peace of the United Kingdom.
—(Hear, hear.) Now, in conformity with that opinion,
I gave my vote in 1825, twenty-one years ago, in favour
of the motion of Lord F. Egerton, now Lord Ellesmere,
which was to the effect that a provision ought to be
made by law for the maintenance of the Roman Catholic
priests.—(Hear, hear.) But what do I find at this
moment? What I find at this moment is, that generally
speaking, the Church of England, the Dissenters of
England, and the Established Church of Scotland, and
the Free Church of Scotland, the Established Church
of Ireland, the Protestant Association of Ireland, and,
lastly. the Roman Catholics of Ireland themselves—
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—are all vehement in op-
position to such an endowment.—(Cheers.) Why, Sir,
I received a notice this morning—l know not whether I
have it with me—but I received a placard from Edin-
burgh, in which the Roman Catholics at Edinburgh
declared that they would resist to the utmost of
their power any plan for the payment of their
priests by the state. Why, Sir, I cannot say that
that is a meaeure which I am bound consistently
with my duty to bring under the consideration of the
House, until I see some signs of a more favourable dis-
position towards it on the part of the Roman Catholics.
—(Hear, hear.) I should say if that measure, or any
measure, were urgent, that although it were impracti-
cable, I might still be found to urge it in the counsels of
the Sovereign, and resign if I could not carry it. But
I must confess, with respect to that ecclesiastical ques-
tion of Ireland, there is not that emergency that could
induce me to propose any such measure ; and I do say
that there are measures which may be beneficial—which
may be highly beneficial to Ireland—(Hear, hear)—and
which are practicable—(Hear, hear)—and I do not see
the necessity of urging forward those which I confess to
be impracticable.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, if any Members
of this House choose to express, or feel, or act upon a
want of confidence in my Administration, on the ground
that I am not disposed, in their opinion, to deal satis-
factorily with the present condition of ecclesiastical
affairs in Ireland—that I am not disposed to say that that
Church is consistent with all justice, and must be kept
up in perpetuity on the plea of maintaining the endow-
meat principle for a Protestant minority, and the volun-
tary system for the Roman Catholics—that if any persons
are disposed to declare a want of confidence in me on
that ground, I really cannot help them forming that
conclusion. I cannot, in my mind, see that I am per-
fectly satisfied with that conviction.—(Hear, hear.) I
cannot pledge myself, if I found the people of England
and Scotland disposed to what I think a more just and
useful arrangement, I will not pledge myself to be the
opponent of such a scheme.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, my
Hon. Friend went on to ask whether I should promote
an extension of the franchise in England. He alluded
to that word which has been often thrown in my teeth,
by those who wish to diminish any reputation I might
have in the public; namely, " finality."—(Hear, hear.)
Now, the word " finality, be it remembered, was no
word of mine,—(Hear, hear.) It was a word invented
for the purpose of expressing a system to which I never
gave, I think, any countenance. What happened was
this, that my Lord Grey and my Lord Althorpe—the
one in the other House of Parliament, and the other in
this House of Parliament—had brought forward a great
measure of Parliamentary reform ; and when they were
asked by many persons, who said, we shall be ready to
support this reform, if you intend to stop here, but we
cannot support it if you mean it to be a step in some
other scheme of Parliamentary reform which this is
made to accomplish, and they said, " No, we do not
intend any other scheme than this. We consi-
der this as a final measure ; this is the only mea-
sure that we propose." (Hear, hear.) Well,
Sir, I repeat to this House that such has
been the language of my Lord Grey, and my Lord Al-
thorpe, and that I did not entirely concur with what
they then said. I sat with my Noble Friend Lord Al-
thorpe, and in consenting to his language I did not think
it would be consistent or honourable in me to support
that large scheme of Parliamentary reform, although I
did not express myself as opposed to the expression of
my Noble Friends. I never said that the whole of the
Reform Bill was perfect or practical in all its parts. I
said I could not be held to any particular scheme of re-
presentation. I said that the people of England differed
from me ; they might wish to have a new Reform Bill ;
they might wish to have household or universal suffrage ;
they might wish to have triennial Parliaments or annual
Parliaments. If that is the case, I think it far better
that that scheme should be brought forward by some
persons who think that scheme will be beneficial, and
not by me, who made no declaration on that subject.
Sir, with regard to that subject, I am of the same mind
still. I am for improvement. I am for any improvement
that can be made. I am for an improvement with regard
to such subjects, but as to intending to bring forward
any new scheme of Parliamentary representation, and of
introducing either household suffrage, or what I believe
my Hon. Friend favours—the five points of the Charter
—(Laughter)—l will give no such declaration.—(Hear,
hear.) If I lose my Hon. Friend's confidence, I am
sorry for it, but if he brings forward the five points of
the Charter, I shall think it my duty to give my decided
opposition to such a measure.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. DUNCOMBE—The extension of the franchise
—not the five points.—(Laughter.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—But my Hon. Friend says
he has alluded simply to the extension of the franchise;
but such a motion he once brought forward, founded
upon a petition called the Charter—(Hear, hear)—a
petition most numerously signed; but that was a specific
petition, which, I believe, he brought forward, and of
which he was the advocate. As to the extension of the
suffrage, that was ostensibly my Hon. Friend's proposi-
tion en that subject, but I know what it is that he pro-
poses under this very vague and indefinite phrase—for it
is a very vague and indefinite phrase—
Mr. DUNCO MBE—The extension of the franchise!
—( Laughter.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—It is a very vague and in-
definite phrase—(Continued laughter)—and while I my-
self, at the time that I made those declarations upon
which I was so much attacked, did state that
there were 'certain matters upon which I
thought it consistent with the Reform Bill
that other reforms might be introduced. I do not
say whether those schemes were wise or not, but I was
quite opposed to any new scheme of sepresentation
which was directly opposed to the Reform Bill. Sir, I
must confess myself anxious that my Honourable
Friend may take that declaration. If he looks to the
great measures that have been under the consideration
of 'Parliament—whether you speak of the Reform Act
of Lord Grey—whether you speak of the Roman
Catholic Relief Act—whether you speak of the repeal of
the corn-laws which has only passed the other day—
whether it is wise in this House, and whether it is wise
in Parliament to rest satisfied with the settlement which
has: been made after long deliberation by Parliament—
(Hear, hear) —that there is not a gain to be acquired
by the people equivalent to the stirring up of agitation,
the consequences of any revival of a subject which has
been seettled after great consideration. And now, Sir,
with respect to the factory question. I have already
stated what I think on that subject. I have given my
vote in favour of the shortening of the hours of labour.
I stated, I believe, on the last discussion on that sub-

upon the opinions which I have stated from 1841 to this
time—upon the subject of free trade or the subject of re-
strictive duties. It will be for the House to consider
whether that measure is suited to the interests of the
country.—(Hear.) It -will be for this House to con-
sider whether there are any reasons which will induce
them to withhold their approbation from that measure.
But this I am determined upon, thai I will act as I have
ever considered it my duty to do ; and this I say with-
out wishing to give the least offence, but I must say
plainly and decidedly, that I will act according to the
principles that I have professed—(Hear, hear)—accord-
ing to the principles upon which I acted when I sat On
the opposite side of the House—upon which alone I could
consent to take office in the present situation of affairs.
I am determined, whether I sit on this side. of the House
or upon the other, to act according to those principles
which I think most for the benefit of the country. I have
not sat for more than thirty years as a Member of this
House, proclaiming and declaring my opinion's upon
almost every occasion, that they now need be a secret
to the Hou,e.—(Hear, hear.) They are principles, as I
think, tending to increase the commerce and set free the
industry of tnis country, promoting a union not merely
by a legislative Act, but a union of heart and affections
between this country and Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) They
are opinions which, as I think, tend to promote the
maintenance and widening of principles of religious
liberty, which, together with its civil liberty, have made
this country conspicuous as one of the greatest nations
of the earth.--(Loud and protracted cheering, in the
midst of which the Noble Lord resumed his seat.)
Mr. OSBORNE said that although he did not
participate in the opinions of the Honourable Member
who had put these. questions to her Majesty's
Government. Yet, in his opinion, the House and the
country owed him great obligations for being the instrte
client of obtaining from the Noble Lord at the head of
the Government a declaration as to the policy which he
meant to pursue.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had
made certain declarations as to his policy. How these
declarations would be received in and out of that House
,he was not prepared to state ; but he must distinctly tell
the Noble Lord this, that if those declarations had been
made when he sat on the opposite side of the House, the
party who had retained their seats on that (the Minis-
terial) side of the House, would have preferred the Right
Hon. Baronet whom he had supplanted.--(Hear, hear.)
He (Mr. Osborne) for his own part, did not see the diffe-
rence between the " tweedle-dum " and "tweedle•dee."
The Noble Lord had said, " I will not touch the Irish
Church until the pressure from without compels me."—
(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no.") Well, then,
why did not the Noble Lord boldly come forward and
say that he intended to redress the grievances under
which the Roman Catholics of Ireland laboured? The
Irish Church, as it at present existed, he considered to
be a monstrous disgrace to this country.—(Hear, hear.)
Was the appropriation clause again to be brought for-
ward? What was the meaning of the Noble Lord pro-
posing to give office to three gentlemen of the late
Government? If he believed in the prudence and talent
of the late Government why did he n)t take office under
the late Prime Minister? It appeared that the country
was merely to expect a code of sanitary regulations.—
(Laughter.) The Noble Lord had in his opinion done
well in keeping the repeaters out of office, but he
thought that he had not acted in a very honest way with
regard to Ireland, for he had appointed to office gentle-
men who had given to the Irish Coercion Bill their
cordial support.—(Hear, hear.)
THE LORD LIEUTENANCY OF IRELAND.
Mr. HUME said with respect to the notice which
stood in his name on the paper, he wished to ask the
Noble Lord if he intended to bring forward any mea-
sure on the subject of the office of Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland. Considering, as he did, that one of the first
steps of improving the social condition of the people of
Ireland would be a complete union- with that country,
and the abolition of such useless and expensive offices as
Lord Lieutenant and all the subordinate offices ; be-

lieving that Ireland had a right to be governed on the
same principles by which England and Scotland were
governed, he thought one of the first steps towards
uniting that country would be a complete abolition of
the office in question. He had long maintained a
strong opinion—and that opinion had been justified by
many of the first Irishmen that he had had the honour
of being acquainted with—that the continuance of the
office of Lord Lieutenant made Dublin the Castle of
faction—(Laughter)—and did more mischief, and pro-
duced more differences in that country than any other
cause. He had before submitted this question to the
consideration of a former Government, and he found a
very strong opinion at that time prevailing that that
office could not long continue. He had given notice of
bringing the same subject now before the House, but
after the declaration of the Noble Lord he should be
unwilling for the present to give the House any trouble,
being anxious to give the Noble Lord full time to con-
sider the question ; and he would, therefore, with the
permission of the House, withdraw the subject, which
was to the effect that an address be presented to her
Majesty, praying her to take into consideration the pro-
priety of abolishing the office of Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland, and all the subordinate offices, as that step
would go a great way towards completing the union be-
tween the two countries. He, therefore, wished to know
from the Noble Lord whether he was prepared to take
this subject into consideration ?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL was understood to say that
he was not at present prepared to give any opinion
upon the subject, which was then allowed to drop.
Mr. B. ESCOTT said, that he had felt it his duty,
during the last two sessions of Parliament, to watch
the conduct of the Noble Lord, at the head of the
Government, and he always found that his opinions
and votes had been in accordance with the feeling of the
people, and thought his Government should have a fair
trial ; and if there was any reason more than another,
why he thought so, it was the course the Noble Lord
adopted with reference to the Coercion Bill. That Bill
was a grand blunder, and he honoured the Noble Lord
for the course he took on that occasion. He could not,
however, profess an acquiescence in all the Noble Lord
had said that night. The Noble Lord had a very diffi-
cult task to perform. He hoped that in his future con-
duct, he would conduct the affairs of that country with
that discretion which would prevent him from falling
into those errors into which other Ministers had fallen—
the error of making public their professions, and by that
means stirring up opposition to their measures. The
Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government,
which had lately seceded from power, owed his character
I as the greatest practical reformer, to his keeping his
I measures close to himself, and watching the opportunity
for introducing them, and thus secure their being car-
ried into effect. He hoped the Noble Lord would take
a lesson from him.

Mr. WAKLEY was perfectly bewildered with the
present state of affairs. His Hon. Colleague (Mr. T.
Duncombe) had asked the Noble Lord at the head of
the Government for an explanation as to the course he
intended to adopt, and he had heard in reply that the
Noble Lord intended to act upon his well-known prin-
ciples. He had been in Parliament thirty years. They
all knew his principles, and there was no necessity for
his making any declaration of what course he intended
to pursue. He (Mr. Wakley) had had some experience
of those principles. They were the principles of
old Whiggism.—(Cheers.) During part of
,the thirty
years that the Noble Lord had sat in that House, what
was the Hon. Member who last addressed the House
doing? Why, if there was one man more than another
in the west of England—if ever there was an effective
or eloquent opponent of the Whigs,. it was that Hon.
and Learned Gentleman himself. If there was ever a
meeting to be got up in opposition to the Whigs, and
the question was asked, " Who shall we send for?" the
answer invariably was, " Let us send for Escott; find out
where he is, and he will give 'em the most terrible
thrashing they ever had."—(Laughter and cheers.) He
was the lite and soul of the Anti-Whig party, and was
cordially greeted at meetings held all over the country.
Who, then, had changed their opinions? The Noble Lord
said his principles were well known; and, without stating
specifically what was to be done, said he would act ac-
cording to his principles ; and the Hon. and Learned
Member was delighted at the announcement. There
was certainly some curious change somewhere.—(Laugh-
ter and cheers.) He quite agreed with those who won-
dered why it was that the Right Hon. the Member for
Tamworth was out of office. The only answer that he
could get was—he was out of office because he brought
in the Coercion Bill. What had they done? Who had
followed him? Why, the first thing they did was to
ask the Noble Lord the late Secretary for Ireland, who
had introduced this very Coercion Bill, to join their Go-
vernment.—(Cheers.) The whole affair seemed to him
to be one of most extreme bewilderment.—(Laughter
and cheers.) The speech of the Noble Lord should have
been made a month ago ; 'if it had been he would not
have the trouble of crossing the House to his pre-
sent position.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The people
were at a great loss to know why the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet was not in his place. They said, at great personal
sacrifice, and loss of friends, and at immense personal
risk, he had carried a measure which, in his conscience,
he belie'ved good for the country. He (Sir R. Peel) could
not be charged with corrupt motives ; but in car-
rying out that measure he had lost his place. Were the
been ?
principles which were to regulate the present Govern-
ment the same as those of
mathede late Ministry ? If so,
wisrhoyblehaLdotrhdetchhaat,n
was by no means
satisfactory. If a Minister intended to carry a measure,
forge one, his speech He would tell the
he should have the boldness to announce them. He be•
the
lieved the Noble Lord had that boldness. What, then,
d
measures to be introducedcount for the benefit
of
peoplet y. This statement,
e Irish Church, would be ince tid he inferg great
from
were no ea mm his announcement ? Why, that there
witehithe reference
the
to h
unsa-
tisfactory in Ireland. What did the Hon. Gentleman,
the Secretary to the Admiralty, say to that statement.
who had so frequently brought forward the question of
the Irish Church ? Ile was of opinion that the Right
Honourable Baronet, lately at the head of the
Ministry, had retired from office, and had given his
situation to others, who were scarcely prepared to
carry out those liberal principles which he professed in
his last speech.—(Cheers.) Hon. and Learned Members
who last addressed the House thought it wrong for the
s farld opent-y, - and acting up
Ministers to make professions or promises. Why the
Baronet,ilitoiguhnetiHonh.isopini
who had left office, had by an-
to themng , made, himself then most popular Alinister
that ever conducted the affairs of this country; 11,e was
beloved, aye, even adored by the masses of the pc swle.
—(Cheers, and counter cheers.) They believed that he
had made great sacrifices on their behalf, and if the
Noble Lord would not act upon the principles he laid
down in his last speech to that House, his continua ince
in office would be but of short duration. If he v rere
content to act upon their old principles, of making very
small reforms, and to govern by their do-little pol icy,
N
he would soon share the same fate as he had previou: sly
shared, and the Right Hon. Baronet would be return ed
to power upon the shoulders of the people, and he
would then be able to hold office as long as he pleased.
Mr. NEWDEGATE said he had heard ncteomplaiar, is
*f the constitution of the present Ministry. The It

ject, thsit I should be in favour of shortening the time of
labour in factories to eleven hours a day by law.
—(Hear, hear.) Sir, if that measure was intro-
duced again, I should give my vote in con-
formity with the votes that I have previously
given.—(Hear, hear.) My Right Hon. Friend the Se-
cretary of State f,s)r the Home Department (Sir G. Grey)
is, I believe, of the same opinion. Every statement I
have ever heard from him agrees with my opinion on
that subject.—(Hear, hear.) My Right Hon. Friend
who sits near me, the Chief Secretary for Ireland (Mr.
Labouchere), has studied this subject likewise, and he
has studied it very attentively.—(Hear, hear.) He has
formed a deliberate and conscientious opinion that such
a law would be injurious.—(Hear, hear.) I do think
that an Administration can be carried on usefully with
regard to the general interests of the country—usefully
with regard to the many topics an Administration has to
deal with, although every member of it does not hold
identical views on every question.—(Hear, hear.) I
mean to give my vote in favour of such a Bill, if intro-
duced. I shall net expect my Right Hon. Friend who
sits near me, or others who differ from me, to vote with
me on that subject.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I have now
stated what are my opinions with regard to the questions
that the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Finsbury ad-
verted to. He has mixed a great deal of pleasantries
with those questions, in which I certainly have been un-
able to follow him. I consider that I have undertaken
a very grave and deep responsibility.—(Hear, hear.) I
consider that I was bound, not being able to make up my
mind that the Protection of Life Bill, introduced by the
late Government, would be efficient for its purpose, or
that it would contribute to the protection of life in Ireland—
I felt myself compelled, being asked whether I would
agree to that Bill, to answer " no," upon the second
reading of that Bill. I was compelled to decide one way
or the other upon that subject. It was brought forward
by the late Government. They considered it was their
duty to bring it forward. I could not avoid my duty
in forming an opinion upon it, and I opposed it accord-
ingly, to the best of my ability. Well, Sir, the Right
Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government resigned;
and after having given that vote—after being a party to
that opposition—her Majesty called upon me to endeavour
to form a Government in the place of that which had re-
signed their power into her Majesty's hands ; and I con-
ceive that it was my duty to endeavour to see if, in con-
junction with others, we could carry on the public mea-
sures for the benefit of the country. On Monday next
I shall have an opportunity of stating to this House the
measure that we propose to introduce with respect to a
very important subject—that measure that is founded

interest had learned so•bitter a lesson that they had

determined to attend to their own interests.

Mr. WARD said, that as he had been pointedly al-
luded to by the- Hon. Member for Finsbury, he would
state that no visions of office had blinded his views, or

induced him to alter his opinions upon the Irish Church
question. It had been arranged with several Hon. Mem-
bers, who held similar views with him on the Irish

Church question, that he would not bring forward the
question again that session. When that question should
be brought under the notice of the House again, he
should be prepared to act perfectly consistent with the
opinions he had always expressed on the question.
Mr. HORSMAN could not reconcile to his sense of
justice the speeehes which had been made in the course
of this debate. He thought the Noble Lord had given a
statement quite satisfactory to nine-tenths of the House,
and to the public at large. The Noble Lord had not
sought office by any factious vote, or course of conduct.
He had been, if he might use the expression, forced into
office.

Lord LINCOLN desired to know whether it was the
intention of the Government to press the progress of the
Bill which he had introduced, with respect to rateable
property in Ireland ?
Mr. LABOUCHERE said the Government intended
to proceed with the Bill, which they considered most
valuable.
Mr. GOULBURN wished to know what was the
course which would be adopted in reference to the Joint-

stock Bill.
Sir GEORGE GREY said, it was the intention of
the Government to proceed with the measure.
Mr. BORTHWICK said, he would very much desire
to see the Poor-law Removal Bill entirely remoddled

and recast.
POOR-LAW REMOVAL BILL.
On the motion that the orders of the day be read,
Sir GEORGE GREY said, that he was quite willing
to go into Committee pro forma on the Poor-law Removal
Bill, as it seemed to be the wish of the House —(Hear,
hear.) He considered that the general im-
pression now was, that a material change in
the Poor-law was rendered intlispensthly necessary.
The Bill brought in by the late Government, stated that
a five years settlement gave a title to relief, so that the
principle of irremovability was established in the first
clause. The part of the Bill which was introduced when
it went into Committee was that of union settlement.
The present Government how took the matter up, and,
looking at the differences-:which prevailed with regard
to the law of settlement,and of union settlement, and also
to the lateness of the isessien, they proposed to abandon
that portion of it which related to the law of settle-
ment, his Noble Friend having announced his intention
to .move, next session, for a Select Committee to con-
sider that subject. With regard to the remainder of the
Bill, the Government did not censider, looking to the
expectation raised on the question at the beginning of
the session—icoking to the great benefit which some
portions of it would confer—they did not think it right
to abandon the clause relating to irremovability.
With regard to the sth, 6th, 7th, and Bth clauses, they
did not think it right to abandon them. The effect of
the alteration therefore would be not to leave the law of
settlement untouched, but to suspend the question of
settlement for the present With regard to the trial of
appeals, and the orders for removal, he did not purpose
to propose their adoption, as it would involve protracted
discussions and complicated considerations, which it
would be better to avoid at present. He resolved to
postpone their consideration. There were two clauses,
however, with which they proposed to proceed. The
11th clause, with regard to fraudulent attempts for
removal of the poor, so as to deprive them of the
benefit of their residence ' - and the 13th clause, would be
retained. He now stated generally, and as briefly as he
could, the alterations which the Government proposed
to make in the Bill. He was not aware that he omitted
any alteration which the Government proposed to make.
He was aware that the Bill did not go so far as some
desired, but he hoped that as it bore directly on the in-
terests of a large class of the community which had pe-
culiar claims on their regard, the House would re-
ceive the Bill in the spirit in -which it was brought for-
ward.—(Hear, hear.) He prop osed, therefore, with the
consent of the House, that they should now go into
Committee pro forma, that the clauses might be re-

vised. -
On the question that the House should go into Com-

mittee, -
Mr. J. PAKINGTON said, that looking into the
difficulties which beset the question of settlement, and
at the late period of the session, the Government acted
wisely in postponing the consideration of the question of
settlement, as else; the complex proceedings relating to
removal. He hoped, however:, they would not
be lost sight of, but that every exertion would be
made to simplify the law, particularly as regarded irre-
movability. He must, say that he thanlffully accepted
the period of five years' residence asst giving a claim to
relief. His opinion Was, that it should be limited to
three years, or even to one. He would refer to the
ninth annual report of the Poor•law Commissioners,
pointing out three years as the neceslsary time, and they
subsequently, on their own authority, recommended the
same period. There was another clause in this Bill to
which he would call the attention of the Right Hon.
Baronet. He meant the fifth clause, which related to
the removal of widows. On the notice- paper of the day
he would find a notice of his own (Mx. J. Pakington),
for an amendment to make widows irremovable. In the
parish in which the woman was made a widow, she had
the benefit of being known, and also the chance of em-
ployment; but if she were to be removed to a distant
parish, she would have simply to depend upon the pit-
tance given to her by the poor-laws. That law was a
harsh one, and he appealed to the House to make it more
free from that harshness, and less calculated to do injus-
tice to the poor.
Mr. PACKE said that he had listened with great at-
tention to the Secretary for the Home Department, with
regard to this Bill. This measure was brought forward
by the late Government as a sort of compensation for
the passing of the Corn Bill. In the county in which
he resided there were many people who came from town
and who had work, and the whole benefit of that work
went into, town. He should say that, with respect to
the counties of Leicester, Derby, and Nottingham, it
would be absolute ruin to many villages in them if this
Bill were passed. There was no law which afforded so
many opportunities for quibbles, for in one case a short
interruption might arise during the five years, and that
circumstance might afterwards give rise to a great deal
of diQcussion and trouble. There were an hundred
ways in which injustice might be done to the poor.
Mr. SPOONER said that lie did not at all regard this
Bill as; the one to be given to the landlords as a sort of
compensation for the Corn Bill. Justice to the- poor
ought to he the first object of such a Bill. It was very
hard that any man, who might be attached to a distant
parish by any peculiar trade, should, after he had
lived the best of his life there, be sent back to his old
parish when he was incapable of work. He was sure
that the manufacturers did not dissent from the Bill, for
they were of opinion that it was only just that a man
ghould have a claim upon the place where he had spent
his life in labour. But there was one fact to which he
wished to call attention, as one of peculiar hardship,
namely; the removal of widows. In case of the death of
her husband a widow was removed, not to her own
parish—not to the parish where her friends and connec-
tions were, but to a parish which, perhaps, she never
saw before, and where she was not known, merely be-
cause it happened to be the parish in which her husband
was barn. He wished to call the attention of the Right
Hon. Baronet to the clause, as it was one calculated to
do considerable injustice to many of the poor.
Mr. VERNON SMITH quite agreed with his lion.
Friend opposite, but he was sure that he would be doing
him no injustice in intreating him to give up the
Bill for the present session.—(Hear.) He said, with
those 'difficulties before them it was proposed to go
into the subject this session. The question of residence
seemed to be argued as one -between agriculture and
mai ufacture—for such a tendency had grown up in the
House, that all matters were argued in that view. He
might tell them, however, that the measure would very
much affect the agricultural parishes, for there were
close parisl tes and open parishes, and he was certain
that those in: the one would throw in their poor upon the
other. He believed that no greater curse afflicted any
country th an the law of settlement. He asked them
what woul.d be the advantage of proceeding with the
Bill? Th, e Hon. Member for Dorchester tbought that
the poor i man would receive benefit from it, but in this,
he (Mr. Smith) thought he would be disappointed.
What th ey wanted was industrial settlements. But this
was left 4.,ut of the Bill proposed, by. the Right Hon.
Baronet, who moreover had changed the principles of
his Bills on this subject, oftener than once.

pass.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, as law-adviser of the
Crown, he had introduced several alterations in the Bill,
which would not however, interfere with the principle of
the Bill. He proposed to strike out the two first sections of
the Bill altogether. Residence was well understood now.
Ole of forty days was the recognisable period, and had
beEn acted upon by the magistrates throughout the
country. In conclusion, he would call upon the House
to adopt the common-sense principle, and there would
be then no difficulty in dealing with the question.
Mr. B. ESCOTT—The uncertainty of the present
law was one of the crreateit evils of the present system.
The grossest blunders were every day committed
through an ignorance of the law, by those who admi-
nistered it ; and, notwithstanding everything which he
had heard upon either side of the House, he had failed
to perceive that the Bill before the House contained any
beneficial alterations.—(Hear. hear.)
Mr. P. BORTHWICK—Was gratified in the extreme
that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government
was willing to bring the whole question before a Com-
mitte of the House. It was the principle of the law which
had generated those hideous circumstances which so-
often came under their notice, and it was therefore the'
principle of the Bill which they should attack. Ile'
agreed in the main with the principle of the measUre,
but reserved to himself the right to move the anie6d-
ments of which he had given notice in Committee'.
Mr. BODKIN thought the present Bill one-of the
greatest boons ever offered to the working
classes of the country, and he gladly‘ accepted
it, subject to a slight modification .be would
propose. He had been much pleased with the clear de-
finition of the term " residence" given by likAttorney •
General, and thought it entirely satisfactory. No diffi-
culty, he apprehended, would arise in the interpretation
of the clause which dealt with the question of industrial
residence. He would much rather take the Bill in its
present shape than wait for a more..ainnprehensive mea-
sure at a future time. He was opposed to any step"that
would tend to break up the present parochial subdivi-
sions, or make union settlementigeneral, and therefore
he thought a middle course advisable. In lien of the
proposition for a union settlement, he had given notice
of a clause that would meet all that was required. It
was, that all relief given to persons who, under the pro-
visions of the Bill, may beeome irremovable, shall, in
parishes forming part of a union, be charged to the genel.
ral fund of such union. This, he believed, would be a
satisfactory arrangement.
Captain PEC HELL could not agree with the Hon.
Member that had just sat down as to' their being no dif-
ficulty whatever in regard to the definition of residen-
tial settlement. Considering the lateness of the session,
and the number of amendmentS proposed, he did not
think the measure could be satisfactorily settled. It was
a question of great importance, and it ought to be. care-
fully considered. Above all things, before passing such
a measure, theishould consider who was to administer
the law. The- Poor-law Commissioners should not be
entrusted with it, as they were now on their trial before
the country for their administration of the new poor-law.
Mr. R. PALMER, thought it would be more expe-
dient if the Right Hon. Baronet postponed' the conside-
ration of the present measure till the Committee which
the Noble 'Lord would appoint early next session
had made its report. He, however, thought that
the details which were at present proposed would, if
carried out, give rise to a number of appeals and legal
discussions, and tend very much to perplex and compli-
cate the workings of the law. Instead of obviating, they
would increase the difficulties which at present existed.
He did not wish, however, to throw any obstacles in the
way "of the Government with regard to the present mea-
sure ; but, under all the circumstances, he considered
that it ought to be postponed till the Special Committee
referred to made its report. -
Mr. E. WODEHOUSE also advocated postponement.
The present was a crude measure, and would be found
not to give general satisfaction.
Captain EGERTON did not agree with the Hon.
Gentleman who had just sat down. On the contrary,
he thought the Government were quite right in pro-
ceeding with the present measure. The public mind
was very 'much agitated with regard to it, and he was
of opinion that something ought to be done :before next
session to meet the public expectation.
The Bill was then "passed through Committee pro
forma, and was ordered to be printed.
The Service of Heirs (Scotland) Bill was then read a
third time and passed.
The Exclusive Privilege of Trading Abolition Bill
' -
was then read a second time.
The Death by Accidents Compensation Bill was then
read a second time.
The Bankruptcy and' Insolvency Bill was postponed
until Wednesday next.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE BILL.
On the motion for going into Committee on this Bill,
Sir G. GREY said that the Bill was read a second
time only the previous day, and he had several altera-
tions to propose. He would therefore suggest that the
further proceedings on the Bill be postponed until
Monday next.
The Bill was, accordingly, postponed.
BELFAST ACADEMICAL INSTITUTION.
Mr. HUME moved that an h4lmble address be pre-
sented to her Majesty " for copies of any correspon-
dence between the General Aseembly of the Protestant
Church in Ireland and the Irish Government or her
Majesty's Government, respecting any increase to the
salaries of the four theological professors, in the Belfast
Academical Institution, in this or any previous year.
Agreed to.
IMPROVEMENT OF THE SHANNON.

Lord 11. VANE did not expect but that very little
objection: would have been made to the proposal of his
Hon. Friend—modified as it had been—forhe had modi
fied it, a .nd introduced it this session to Parliament with
a view o f going into the law of settlement next session.
He thozught, that to defer the whole question to next
session 'would be most unfortunate, after so much ex-
pectation had been excited throughout the country by
the Administration which lately quitted office. Indeed,
the objections made were so few and frivolous, that he
hoped his Hon. Friends would not persevere in their
opposition... On the matter of open and close parishes
he admitted there were difficulties, and with thcisebefore
thera he expected that the House would :yet have to
consider the entire abolition of union settlements al-
together, with a view 'of having "a uniform rate for the
support of the poor.
Mr. STRUTT understood that the Hon. Member for
Dorchester had said the other night that he considered
a ny Bill, unaccompanied with a law of settlement, would
be prejudicial to . those whom it would affect,
•and yet the Honourable Baronet said he was
prepared to support the present Bill, modified as
vt was. He certainly did not expect that any
s uch Bill should be brought in at this period of the sea-
talon. The Noble Lord who last spoke referred to an
is ttention to go into the whole question of the tenor of
settlement next session, and yet he urged his Hon.
Friend to go on with his present Bill, introducing an
entirely new principle just upon the eve of going into a
large inquiry into the whole question. He (Mr. Strutt)
was opposed to doing anything at this period of the ses-
sion, as they might only regret that they bad at all in-
terfered with the question.
Mr. HENLEY said he would not be induced, by any
cry for the poor, to jump into a measure which, in his
conscience, he believed would be injurious to them. It
had been said that night, that if the . word residence
were defined, it would throw great difficulty in the way
of the measure. There were already three different
definitions of what was meant by resitlehce, in as many
different Acts of Parliament; there was the forty nights
residence, under the Law of Settlement Act—there was
residence, as connected with the franchise of towns—and
there was residence under the Poor-law Unions Act. If
they could not agree then upon the meaning of the word
residence, it would but embarrass the poor to insert it
into this Bill, if it should pass. As long as the Irish
poor were treated as they were by the English Govern-
went, he did not wonder that so many of them wandered

Mr. LABOUCHERE moved for leave to bring in a
Bill for the repayment of sums due by the county of the
city of Limerick, for advances of public money for the
improvement of the river Shannon.
Leave was then granted, and the Bill was brought in
and read a first time.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of,
and the House adjourned at Half-past Eleven o'clock.

PROPOSED FREE TRADE BANQUET AT WOLVER.
rumFrow.—A public dinner is to take place at the theatre
about the end of the present month, to which the Hon. C.
P. Villiers, M.P. for the borough, is to be invited, in honour
of the successful issue of his labours in the free-trade cause.
Mr. Bright, 'and several distinguished advocates of free-
trade principles, intend to honour Mr. Villiers with their
Presence,--Worcester Chronicle.

to England.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that it was COURT CIROJi:A.R.
impossible to define the settlements of the poor ; and if j The Queen and Prince Albert took a carriage drive 04
the Noble Lord persisted in a clause to define settle- Wednesday afternoon, in the vicinity of Osborne House,
meat's, he felt confident that the Bill would not' be al-
and the royal children took airings.
lowed to pass through Parliament. If it were passed Earl Spencer took his departure from Osborne Hodse
with such a clause, every settlement would no doubt be
appealed against.—(Hear, hear.) They would lay the - yesterdHer . . e ,
Majesty and her Royal Consort took an early walk
foundation of continual expense and litigation. On the yesterday in the pleasuregrounds.
11th clause he wished to make a few remarks. It was Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prirwe
that on the imposing of a penalty on overseers who Alfred, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice,
ventured to relieve casual poor. Now, for his own part, went out in a carriage yesterday forenoon, to the beach.
he really believed that the practical effect of that clause"- The Countess of Desert is the Lady in Waiting to her
ejy
would be the withholding of all relief from the casual Mest .
poor, because the overseers would do so for tho purpose Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge
of self-protection.—(Hear, hear.) and the Hereditary Grand Duke and Grand Duchess of
Mr. WAKLEY said that the late Administration were Mecklenburgh Streliur, attended by Mr. Edmond Mild-
entitled to the gratitude of the public for having grappled
with this subject in the manner in which they had ; and may, honoured the Dowager Dochess of Bedford with.%
visit yesterday afternoon, at her residence Campdee shil,l,
also for having introduced this measure. How absurd Kenaington. In the evening- their Royal Highnetlses
would it be to object to the Bill because there was one , honoured the Earl and Countess of Jersey with thOr
clause in it which involved some doubt in the minds of ' company at dinner at their residence in Berkdey-squeve-
ignorant readers of it ; but the Government, in drawing The Duchess of Cambridge and the Hereditary Gra'nd
up the Bill, of course assumed that the magistrates to
Duke and Grand Duchess of Mecklenburgh Strelite,
whom it would be left to carry out the Bill, were men
attended by Lady Augusta Cadogan and Mr. Edreeind
of common sense and understanding. It was perfectly
clear to him that if this Bill were milled it would benefit
Mildniay, honoured the Marquis and Marchioness of
thousands Clenricarde with their:company on Wednesday evening,
of the poor of this country.—(Hear, hear.)
at their residence on Carlton House-terrace.
And if the Government, who were entitled to great gra-
titude foway of
r having taken it up, only persevered in this A deputation of the merchants tradi gto the Cape
Good Hope had an interview ee sterday with EV
with their public measures, they would hear very little Grey at the Colonial-office, to represent the alarming
from him about pledges and promises.—(Hear, hear.) state of the Cape of Good Hope, arising from the Kaffir
This Bill gave the poor people the privilege of remain- eruption into the eastern part of the colony. The ciera-
ing in that 'district where they had spent their strength, tation was introduced by Mr. john Masterman, M. P.;
and the best part of their lives, in honest labour. It was Messrs. W. Greig and George Greig, Mr. W. D:c'zson,
becoming more evident every day that the subject of the Mr. Joseph Blackburn, Mr. Francis Collison, Messrs.
e J.
poor was henceforth to be considered as a national quei - R. Thomson, and H. Watson, Mr.- Patrick Home, arid
tion.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not monstrous that honest Mr. James tie
artizans who had spent their strength in a particular lo- Howse, merchant, from the localise of -
war.
cality, should, when past labour, be obliged to be torn A meeting of the Commissioners of the Metropolitan
from all their connexions, and hurried off to the places of Improvements was held yesterday, There were present
their birth, but where in fact they knew perhaps scarcely Viscount Canning, the Lord Mayor, Sir C. Lemon, the
a single soul? It was inhumane and impolitic. The Hon. C. A. Gore, Sir It. Inglis, Mr. H. T. Hope, and
question of Ireland and Scotland must also Mr. A. Milne.
be brought forward. Why should England The Right Hon. Fox Maule had an interview with the
have better laws than its sister countries ? Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday at his official
A poor. Scotchman, or an Irishman, came, perhaps, to residence in Downing-street.
London to look for work—he could find none—he ep- Mr. Cayley had an interview with Earl Grey yester-
plied for relief; being able-bodied he was told that he , day.
was consequently not entitled to relief, and not until he Mr. Henry Ashworth, Mr. J. B. Smith, and Mr. Eval,
was actually starving was cold charity doled out from bad an interview with the Right Hon. T. Milner Geb-
the union workhouses.—(Hear, hear.) At present he son yesterday at the office of the Board of Trade. .
would say nothing further than tendering his heartfelt Deputations were sent off last evening from the
thanks to the Right Hon. Gentleman who had introduced Colonial-office for the Govermors of the West India
the Bill, and expressing his earnest regret that he would Colonies.
persevere with it until it was triumphantly passed. ....----
Mr. P. SCROPE said every poor man was entitled to
relief as long as he continued in a particular parish for
five years, and that parish was, therefore, liable to be
saddled with any Scotchman or Irishman who chose to
stay there for that period, and became entitled to relief.
Now he scarcely considered such a principle to be a just
one, and he requested the Goverment to postpone this
question until the next session of Parliament. The Hon.
Member for Finsbury alluded to certain parishes in
London which were poor, and the support of whose
poor should be provied by the rich parishes. The pre-
sent Bill would have an effect directly the contrary
to this. This would, he thought, be an act of
injustice, more especially as the whole was to be revised
again next year. As soon as this Bill was passed, the
poor-law officers would commence pulling down the
cottages which were in their parish, for the purpose of
preventing the occupiers from having any claim upon
them, and thus driving the poor to other parishes. This
would also be an act of great injustice in a Bill which
was only to be in force for six months. For these
causes he said, do nottamper with the law by the passing
of such a measure as the present, which would create an
immense amount of confusion. He believed that settle-
ment and removability should be both united in one Bill.
He hoped, therefore, that her Majesty's Government
would not pass the Bill in its present incomplete form.
Colonel WOOD hoped the Government would not
accede to the request of the Hon. Member who last
addressed the House. The advantages in passing this
Bill would be to prevent persons being passed from one
end of the kingdom to another, and being left to wear
out their days in a parish which they had left for a
number of years. He had so much confidence in the
opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State,
and so much desire to see the Bill passed, that he would
himself withdraw the amendment of which he had given
notice, for reducing the time mentioned in the Bill from
five to three years. He thought that the seventh clause
required some alteration; that clause enacted that the
magistrate should certify that the sickness or illness of
the pauper was incurable. He (Colonel Wood) did not
know how the magistrate should be able to deternaine
when sickness was incurable. HO hoped that the Bill,
with a few necessary alterations, would be allowed to

HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.

Last evening her Majesty's theatre was crowded to
suffocation. Long before the doors were opened an im-
mense crowd of well•dressed persons assembled, anxious
for admittance. The crush was terrific, and by a
quarter after seven o'clock there was not a place in the
theatre, from which a view of the stage could be pro-
cured, unoccupied. The opera was IZBarbiere, between
he acts of which we had the last scene of Lalla Rookh,
with Cerito, who, as if conscious of what was to follow,
surpassed herself in the celebrated Pas de Neuf. She
was rapturously applauded, and -was called before
the curtain at the conclusion. After 'the last act
of the Opera came the great attraction of the c vening—
Taglioni—La Gitana. Never was there such a recep-
tion as that given to the deesse last evening. Round
after round of applause greeted her appearance. It'
seemed as though her adorers would never tiro in the
enthusiasm of their worship. At length the ballet was
suffered to proceed, and her first pas seul brought down
renewed plaudits. Then came the mazurka, which was
a perfect triumph ; and the wonderful pas de deux
in the last act, with St. Leon. This pas is, perhaps,
the chef d'auvre of Taglioni, and never did she dance
more exquisitely, or look better than she did last night.
Why is it that she is determined to leave the stage ?
The public cannot spare her. The world has produced
one Shakspere—one Garrick—one Mozart—one Cate-
lani—one Taglioni. The last alone is left to us. Why
does she quit the scene of her triumphs so soon ? Bat
it is useless to inquire. She is without rival, and, like
all monopolists, her will must be obeyed. All we.
can do is to express our gratitude to Mr. Lumley
for having secured to us the presence of, the deesse for
a few more nights. But we must not forget her Con-
cluding triumph, La Gitana, the exquisite Spanish pas
with which the ballet concludes. She gives this pas
with an energy, a decision, a perfection, that stamps it
as a pas de caractere• in the strictest sense of
the phrase, for there is cbaraoter about the pas
as danced by Taglioni. It is truly a national
pas. Coquetish, yet haughty—fascinating, yet com-
manding engaging, yet proud the Gitana -as
danced by Taglioni is an epitome of the Spanish national
character—but an idealised epitome—Par Taglioni is a-
' poetess, and throws a halo of poetr,y)Around every thing
that she touches. She was called•for at the conclusion
of every scene, and received the worship of a theatre,
which to use the words of Vitter Hugo, was overflowing
with applause, light, and ,ewers; but while rendering
homage to the deesse par excellence, we must
not forget the minor divinities. She Was admirably
supported by St. ~,Lgort in the pus de deux ;
and her cousin Louise Taglioni in a pas with Madlis.
Demelisse and Cajon, proved that she was not unworthy,
of the name sh'bbars. She is a true Ta,lioni. - The
last scene of the, Sonnambula, with Castellan as Maine,
followed La Pitana, and the grand Pus de Masque from
La Catarina,..viith Lucile Grahn as the heroine, con-
cluded the,' entertainments of this, the greatest "long
Thursday=' of the season.