The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-03 00:00:00

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have been some shadow of reason in them, though re-
ferences were needless on a subject which had been so
maturely weighed before decided on ; but the delay of
two or three days could be for no earthly purpose, but
for procrastinating matters till the hot weather came
on, or at least till the Ameers could assemble their
forces. The General had his orders to execute, and
had no power of deviating from them ; what purpose,
therefore, could delay serve, but an adverse one. If the
treaty was to bo signed without a recurrence to force, it
might just as well have been signed at first as at last. i
But the great point is it never was signed, or rather t
never was signed with any purpose of adhering to it, for
it was torn up and trampled on by the signers almost
immediately. It was signed, in short, as is now
known
to all, with no intention of holding to it,
.but simply in
the hopes by the last stratagem, of obtaining a delay
sufficient to give the Ameers time to collect an army,
with which in a few days more they would have been
capable of putting to the sword every Briton, and every
British soldier, sepoy, and follower in Sinde.
The attack on the Residency immediately followed
their tearing up the treaty ; an attack which is now as-
certained was planned by Nusseer Khan himself. That
such is the fact is undoubted. Meer Bijjar, and Meer
Ghoolam Shah have testified to it, and Meer Khan
Mahomed, G hoolam Mahomed Coombri Wallah, and all
the chiefs in Sinde, can vouch for its truth. 'lbis
alone would prove the gross delusion in which
Colonel Outrum lay. Some of his friends I
know will persist that this was a false attack merely
intended to frighten the party away ; but if this
be true what becomes of Colonel Outram's dis-
patch describing the fight—his acceptance of the
General's thanks for a battle, which Sir Charles at least
assuredly thought real—his permitting an inscription in
honour of the event to be put upon a sword given him by
the public—and a Lieutenant-Colonelcy, and C.B. ship
to be granted for the same service by the Crown. They
who would make out the attack on the Presidency as
merely a feint, make out a far worse case for Colonel
Outram than his wort opponents. The latter only
charge him with a want of sagacity to manage a negocia-
tion in which failure entailed no dishonour; the latter
would save his character for- wisdom at the expense of
every thing men hold dear.
After the battle of Meeanee, as is well known, Co-
lonel Outram proceeded to Bombay, and there pro-
fessing all the time the greatest devotion and gratitude
to Sir
.Charles, commenced that fierce struggle that has
been since maintained by him to upset the policy pur-
sued in Sinde, and to ruin the commander. What share
Colonel Outram took in the newspaper part of the busi-
ness he only can tell; but the statements that appeared
day after day in the Bombay Timer were so similar to
those attributed to Colonel Outram in society, that if he
had no connexion with the press, it was almost impos-
sible to disbelieve that those in his confidence had—and
were the authors of the libels.
Colonel Outram shortly after went home, avowedly
for the purpose of procuring a condemnation of the
policy;and consequent political ruin of his commander ;
who had, from motives of the purest generosity, placed
him in the confidential situation which alone gave
power to his efforts. The extraordinary spectacle was
thus exhibited of Sir Charles Napier's late commis-
sioner making use of confidential communications,
and of knowledge obtained under circumstances
which most men consider render secrecy in-
violable, to aid the violent endeavours of an
adverse faction, and upset his late chief ; and
strange to say, for the sole crime of carrying out the
very measure he had himself, when resident, proposed
to Lord Ellenborough, and which measure had been
adopted entirely on his own suggestion. Put Colonel
Outram and Sir Charles Napier fur the moment out of
the question, and let us ask what would be thought of
any other man who acted thus ? To change sides is not
often viewed in a favourable light in politics ; but to
carry off when doing so all that had been confiden-
tially entrusted to one in the enemy's camp, would, in
English political circles at least, put a man utterly be.
yond the pale of employment by any party whatever.
Imagine then the astonishment with which Sir Charles
Napier received notice from the Governor-General that
certain communications had been made to the court of
directors by Colonel Outram, which were so worded'
and turned as to give a most extraordinary appearance
to a portion of Sir Charles Napier's conduct—an ap-
pearance perfectly contrary to the reality. Sir Charles
afforded a most satisfactory explanation, and the result
was a most complimentary letter from the Supreme Go-
vernment ; he came pure as snow from the ordeal, and
the only effect was to confirm in the minds of the Go-
vernor-General and Council the conviction of Sir
Charles's sagacity, and the extreme want of it,
which had been displayed by Colonel Outram.
Sir Charles thus stood unharmed by Colonel Outram's
attack ; but he determined, and determined rightly, there
should be an immediate end to all semblance of friend-
ship for one who had used him so ungenerously, and not
till after this was Colonel Outram attacked in return ;
an attack which under the circumstance was justified on
every principle of self-defence. The Bombay Times was
pouring invective upon invective against Sir Charles, and
daily prophesying the effect of Colonel Outram's efforts
in London. The Colonel on the other hand was moving
heaven and earth in those circles, to which, from his
recently having been so mixed up with Sinde affairs, he
had access ; and there, as has been seen, he used weapons
to effect his object hitherto most scrupulously eschewed
by all public men of any pretensions to the world's
respect, he had thus declared open and most ungenerous
war upon his late commander, and in return could expect
no favour at his hands.
The first result of Colonel Outram's conduct, was a
belief on the part of General William Napier, that the
man who could act as Colonel Outram had done would
not hesitate to halloo on an unscrupulous paper to the
hunting down his brother ; and under that impression,
he called upon him for a distinct avowal or denial of any
connexion with the false statements and scurilities of the
Bombay Times. Scurrilities which appeared to be
written with but one object, and that one the Colonel
was himself, in a manner contrary to all the rules of
party warfare, pursuing, namely, the destruction
of Sir Charles Napier's character, and the elevation
of his own upon the ruin. The Colonel, in reply,
declined avowing either connexion, or disconnexion with
that point; said he was not answerable for what ap-
peared in tre papers ; and failed to give what there was
an opportunity of giving with grace, and what, in my
opinion, the circumstances of the case imperatively de-
manded, an assurance that he beheld the libels on Sir
Charles, which had appeared in the Times, with as great
disgust as General William Napier himself: Had he
done this all might have still been well—his single error
might have been forgotten ; and even if they had not
remained friends, Sir Charles would never have stood in,
the position of Colonel Outram's enemy.
I trust I have shown what I set out by stating, that
with Colonel Outram in reality, and not with General W,
Napier, rests the onus of having made the first attack,
and I shall in my next proceed to the second point on
which the Governor of Shade has been misrepresented,
In treating this subject, I shall, as the Colonel pro-
poses doing, abstain from disclosing official secrets, for
the best possible reason, that I have been made the de-
pository of none. I have no access to exclusive infor-
mation ; I merely repeat facts well-known to all those
who have noted with attention the occurrences of the
last three years in reference to Sinde.
(To be continued.)