The Sun.
London, England, 1870-07-26 00:00:00

THE ALLEGED SECRET TREATY.

In referring to the treaty, the Standard says :—" At
first sight the ' treaty' looked like a poor squib— the work
of some Englishman unaccustomed to the employment
of the French language, utterly ignorant of what we
may be excused for calling the literature of treaties. It
looks to us so still, and we have not the slightest
hesitation in saying that no such document could
ever have emanated from the French Foreign Office.
The diplomatic traditions which were its glory may have
died out; the bright, clear, sharp, yet delicate style,
may have been lost as completely as the Rose Du Barry,
at Sevres, but it is impossible that any French diplo-
matist could draw up a treaty so incorrect in form and
expression as that which the Times published yesterday.
But our contemporary pledged its reputation to the au-
thenticity of this apparent invention, and, naturally
enough, the public and many eminent members of
Parliament, confiding in the declaration of the con-
ductors of a leading English newspaper, sup-
pressed their doubts and assumed its correctness.
The journal quoted believes that the Times published the
treaty to stimulate hatred of France in England, to
give fuel to a flame which has already flared but too
much, and, what is worse, to hurry England in actual
hostility against France. There is but one motive
that could impel England to intervene in this contest,
and that is the maintenance of the independence and
neutrality of Belgium. Both belligerents had protested
their resolve to respect that independence and neutrality;
the English Government declared itself satisfied on that
point. All this hubbub and virtuous indignation because
our contemprary could not get the Emperor to aid it in a
trade speculation.
The Post would like to arrive at the King of the Bel-
gian's estimate of this ridiculous document. He is a
statesman of great acuteness, and it would be interesting
to learn, after his experience of the conduct of France,
what he thinks of this doggerel treaty with its absurd
provisions. The Post does not hesitate to say that
he would not think it worth the paper it was printed on.
If, indeed, it had foundation in fact the course of Eng-
land is marked out unmistakably. This country would
go to war for the obserbance of its Treaty guarantees
towards Belgium and for the preservation of Antwerp
from French occupation. But this fact is known to a
neighbour who has ever shown himself solicitous not
to woudd our susceptibilities. We might, therefore, be
somewhat careful reciprocally to spare his sense of honour.
It is unworthy of us to assume that this clumsily-phrased
treaty, which starts by setting forth the King of Prussia
as the first contracting party, and which, therefore, ac-
cording to diplomatic usage, is of Prussian origin, which is
written " in the oriental language," in French that will not
stand the scrutiny of any scholar, has had its birth and
inception in the Frenco Foreign-office. The Times may
ultimately regret the haste with which in this age of
sensation-mongering it has pledged its reputation to the
authenticity of thia trash ; but, what is of far more im-
portance, such evil proceedings as these and this ready
belief in the dishonour of a friend must tend to disseven
those ties of cordial trust and friendship which up to this
time have proved of such mutual advantages to France
and England.

The Daily News considers that the treaty so completely
expresses what everybody believes to be the favourite
policy and cherished design of the French Empe-
ror, that its invention would involve no exertion of the
imagination, and any scribbler could draw it up. It is
worthy of observation that ' neither Eall Granville nor
Mr. Gladstone ventured an opinion about it. The
Foreign Secretary went a little further than the Prime
Minister, by saying that he had seen it for the first time
yesterday morning. The public may be asked to
suspend their judgment, for, as Mr. Gladstone
and. Earl Granville tell us, the two Govern-
ments named in it will be compelled to speak
But even while suspending judgment we may note
that if the English public was to hear of this proposal
at all it must have been by one party to the secret reveal-
ing it to the world. That party was only likely to be
Prussia, and the document before us has this much evi-
dence on its surface of being the Prussian copy—that the
King of Prussia is named first in it, and the Emperor of
the French second. It may, too, be noted that the
actual declaration of war would liberate Prussia
from obligation to keep the secret any longer.
But then comes the difficulty of the medium. If Prussia
made it known at all, why was it not made known to the
Government ' • and why is it not included in the docu-
ments which were laid on the table of Parliament on
Friday night ? It may be, of course, that Prussia pre-
ferred to wink at its surreptitious publication, and that it
was communicated to our contemporory the Times for the
sake of making a strong, sudden, and startling impression.
If this were the object of its publication in such a manner
the object has certainly been attained.