The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-14 00:00:00

he found those in England not very well managed, but those
in Scotland most effectively conducted, every person on the
estate, however, was content, and their prosperity was greater
than for many years heretofore. The cause was set for a
special day in Westminster. But the:gentleman, on arriving
in London, found that his leading counsel had returned his fee
to the attorney, and had thrown up his brief. The case came
on in Westminster, and judge of his surprise when he found
that the same counsel was arguing on the opposite side. Sir,
said he, you are mistaken, you were retained on my side.
Oh ! no, replied the other, it is quite true 1 was on your side,
and I argued your question for a long time until I obtained the
highest position in the State, bat during your absence I have
given particular attention to the subject, and I am convinced
that it is quite impossible to maintain your case. I there-
fore give it up. lie went to the other Queen's counsel, and
he said, I have also changed my mind, and I will give you
no further 'satisfaction.—Cheers.) He went to the
junior counsel, and he replied, Oh, my leaders have
changedtheir minds, it is my duty tofollow them.—( Laughter. )
But this was really trifling with the time of the House. flow-
ever, as he had said before, he would not quote extensively
from Hansard, or search those volumes for charges of incon-
sistency. He knew the difficulty of public men, and could
make allowances for them ; but he would call atten-
tion to the opinions of some men of the greatest
talent that the country ever pasees.ed. He would
quote the opinions delivered by Honourable Members in
this House during the last three weeks, and he would then
leave the House to judge, from his simple statement, of the
nature of the shifts to which some men could have recourse in
order to justify their measures, hut which he (Mr. S.) con-
ceived could receive no justification. On the 27th Junuary in
the present year, the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her
Alajesty'e Government stated in his speech—( Cries of " Order,
order")—that he congratulated the country upon its increased
prosperity—( Order, order)—and on the 9th February the
Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State
Mr. E. BULLER rose to order. He said the Hon.
Member was quite out of order, for if, he understood the rules
of the House, he believed one of them was to this effect, that it
would be out of order for any Hon. Member to refer to a
speech delivered by any other Hon. Member in the same
session.—( Cries of hear, hear. )
Mr. SCOTT said he was sorry for having done anything
, out of order, and he felt obliged for having been corrected.'
On the 27th of January the Right Hon. Baronet at the head
of her Majesty's Government had expressed his opinion that
the repeal of the corn-laws would in no way have the effect of
reducing high wages. On the 27th that same Right Hon.
Baronet, in a rely to the Noble Lord the Member for Newark,
had expressed his continued opinion that the effect of the alter-
ation of the corn-laws would in no way be to cause the
reduction of wages. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secre-
tary-at-War, who sat by the Right Hon. Baronet, on the 9th of
January had expressed his firm opinion that the fallacy of
cheap bread had been exploded.—(Cheers from the proteca
tionists.) All this showed to what serious dlficulties public
men were subjected on great occasions. He was opposed to
anything like a crooked policy, for it often led to a crooked
conscience. It was then with exceeding regret he was bound
to designate the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet as tor-
tuous, crooked, and misapprehensible in the extreme. He
had always been of opinion that to a man of upright principle,
of all things, character was of the most value.—( Loud cheers. )
He deeply regretted that a man's difficulties should tend to in-
validate his character. When the great changes proposed by the
Right Hon. Baronet in 1842 had excited great alarm through-
out the country, and especially in the ea unty he had
the honour: to represent, he himself had used the greatest
exertions, not only- not to increase, but to allay that. alarm. Ile
had given to that measure of 1842 his most cordial support,
for ho understood that that was to be a final settlement. Until
a few weeks ago he was prepared to give the same cordial
support to the measure of 1846, if it had been at all in ac-
cordance with the declaration in the Queen's Speech, or with
the assurance of the same Right Hon. Baronet that it would
not interfere with, or injure, great interests.—( hear. )
He, for one, would have afforded the same cordial support on
the present occasion. The present measure was very co:npre-
hensive, very bold ; but he doubted whether it was politic as
bold, or wise as comprehensive.—(llear, hear.) There was
this difference between the measure of 1842 and the present
one ; they both were certainly measures for reduction of pro-
hibitory duties, but then there was this difference—that in
1842 the redactions and relaxations took place on articles of
raw produce, or articles the produce of other countries, whilst
in the present case the reduction was on articles the produce of
the country, and which consequently would come into com-
petition at a disadvantage.—( Hear, hear.) He (the Hon.
Gentleman) was no ultra - protectionist, nor ever was.
He never was •of opinion that laws should be
immutable. He never believed that it was practicable or de-
sirable that laws should be so enacted that any benefits to the
tenantry should be determined rather by the desire of the
landlord than by the requirements of the public.—(Hear,
hear.) He always felt that a restriction of public consumption
on food ought never to acquire the title of monopoly or class
legislation, for the purpose of benefiting one class at the ex-
pense of the other.—(lronical cheers from the Opposition. )
Believing then such, he had always considered how or why
a tax on bread was liable to be called an unjust
tax on the food of the people.—( Renewed ironical
cheers.) It appeared to him that the amount
of taxation ought to be such as would give encouragement
to the growth of grain to the greatest extent.—( Hear, hear.)
He was aware how difficult it would be to determine that
amount.—( Hear, hear.) In his district of the country, where
agriculture was well understood, in the last ten years, not-
withstanding the distance from markets, the high price of
coals, and badness of the roads, together with increased
prices, the rents had materially increased.—( Hear,
hear; and loud laughter from the Opposition benches. )
He gave the Right Hon. Baronet the entire benefit of this—
that notwithstanding the advancement of wages, that a remu-
nerating profit had been afforded to the landowner and to the
labourer, he was fully prepared to have gone with the Right
Hon. Baronet in the reduction of the present existing amount
of protection.—(Loud cheers.) He felt likewise that in con-
sequence of the improvement in communication—in internal
communication—thereby facilitating the intercourse between the
farm and the market, and between different districts, thus de-
creasing the expenses in husbandry—the application of the
arts of chemistry to the soil, and the spread of intel-
ligence improvements in draining —through this the
operations of farming were carried on at a reduced ex-
pense. —( Cheers. ) Entertaining these opinions (proceeded
the Hon. Gentleman), and feeling that the only object of pro-
tection is that there should be an increased amount of home
growth in this country—
Sir ROBERT PEEL—Whose counsel are you ?—(Cheers,
and counter cheers.)

Mr. SCOTT (with marked emphasis)—lf the Right Hon.
Baronet wishel to ask me a question, I have no objection, and
will resume my seat in order that he may put it to me. The
Hon. Gentleman then sat down. [Sir R. Peel intimated that
he did not wish to put any other question to the Hon. Gentle-
man, who resumed his speech with much warmth.] I understand
the Right Hon. Baronet to ask me for whom 1 am counsel ?
lam the counsel of my own opinions—l am no delegate in
this House.—(Cries of " Order," and much confusion.) I
believe lem free to give my own opinions. I will yield to no
man.—( Cheers.) I repeat lam no counsel for any men, for any
party or sect—l belong to no party.—(Cheers and hises. ) I
was proud to follow that party which was led so worthily by
the party pledged to support the Constitution, and which was
led by the Right Hon. Baronet himself ; whilst he held that
banner I was proud to serve under him. I would be happy to
serve under htm now, if he would hoist the flag which he has
abandoned.—( Two or three lion. Members here appeared to
remonstrate with the Hon. Gentleman on the warmth of his
address.) No! I have spoken too hastily—too warmly—per-
haps I misunderstood the question ; hut I am the counsel of
none.
Sir R. PEEL—Hear, hear.

Mr. SCOTT then proceeded to say that consumption ought
to be promoted as far as practicable, in order that the producer
might be able to supply his provisions at a reduced price. He
was willing to have gone to a considerable length with the
Right Honourable Baronet, and if his constituents had differed
with him he should have abided by the result. He contended
that the present time, when there was so much railroad accom-
modation, would be the most advantageous season for a re-
duction of the protection to agriculture. He hope I the Right
Honourable Baronet would have introduced a measure relative
to corn of a different nature, both as regards time and price—
s measure which would not have offered to the foreign
grower any advantages over the British producer, and would have
averting tha ruin which he believed the present measure
would bring upon the agriculturists of this country. He was
persuaded that the present measure would cause a severe blow
and discouragement to agriculture, and would tend to diminish,
rather than to increase, the price of the food of the population ;
and would also produce great distress among the labouring
classes. He had the authority of Lord Melbourne, who spoke
in terms too deeply impressed-on the memories of Hon. Mem-
bers to make it necessary for him to repeat it ; and that it
would tend to diminish the necessaries of life, he needed no
better authority than the Hon. Member for Bolton (Dr. Bow.
ring), who, it, the year 1842, argued that protection was ne-
cessary. At that period the Hon. Member had stated that
the consumption of sugar in France was five pounds per head,
in the German League four pounds, in other countries of Eu-
rope two pounds, and in England seventeen pounds per head.
In the Prussian Leagua the consumption of salt was sixteen
pounds per head, and in England twenty-two pounds ;
woollen cloth in the German League was two ells one-sixth;
but in England five and a quarter. The quantity of butcher's
meat consumed in France was equal to that which would be
gained by an Englishman in three days' work, and by a French-
man in four days labour. The quantity of bread consumed in
France was equal to the quantity which could be procured in
eight days—in England, seven days. He stated also, the sum
of thirty millions sterling had left the country in the time of
war to purchase food for the country. He could not refer to a
higher authority than the Noble Lord, the Member for London,
as to the immediate sufferings, that would be the consequence of
the passing of this measure. To his mind the importation of
grain appeared one of the secondary principles of this most im•
portant measure. The relaxation of the duties on corn bad
been spoken of as a mere fiscal regulation. In his opinion it
was little more than a fiscal regulation which aleniated the
tjuited States front this country.—( Hear, hear.) He con-
sideredu the proposed measure as an attempt to destroy the con-
non- The Right Hon. Baronet had taken up with
a new course of policy, and had decided on carrying out
the principles of free-trade.He(Mr. Scott)
wasde-
cidedly in favour of tree-trade' the abstract --(Hear, hear.)
A Noble Duke in the other House is reported *to have said that
he would be glad to know what was meant by a free-trade Go-
vernment. Nowphhero(Asolprh.
eSrcß detatn)would also like to know what
it meant ? All
economists in all
ages of the world, from Mentor and Telemachus clown to the
present day, had spoken and written of free-tto7ade in the ab-
stract. If, however, it were common sense
matter in the abstract, thee free-trade was an excellentetohtfinthgis;
but he would defy any person to talk sensibly about
when our domestic affairs and our complex relations withadfoe'
reign countries remained in their present condition. By free--
trade was to be understood the abandonment of all duties, and
the loss of all revenue. Give up the seven millions of customs'
duties and the thirteen millions of the excise, and what
will become of the 50,000,0001. of national income? How will
the deficiency in the revenue be made up ? By levying higher
window duties, by increasing the property-tax to 30 per cent., or
by what other means is the deficiency to be supplied ? To
talk of free trade in the abstract might be good sense, but to
speak of it in relation to the economy of this country was, he
conceived, to utter nonsense. lie had on a former occasion
opprted the removal of duties on the raw material, because
he thought such a removal would afford greater facilities for the
circulating medium to find its petper level, but he would
maintain that it was absolutely impossible to adopt
free• trade in this country, burdened as it was
with an amount of debt exceeding 800,000,000/. From there
considerations, he thought it was less fair to expect this country
could successfully enter into competition with foreign nations
than it was to engage a man with a hundred weight on his
shoulders to enter the lists with an opponent who was perfectly
free and unconfined. A point of very great importance in this
matter was, the maintenance of public faith. How was it to
be expected that our colonies could be maintained if the Right
Honourable Baronet's principles with respect to them should
be allowed to pass uncanvaised Mr. M'Culloch, a very high
authority, had said with respecte •,o the colonies, that
their commerce ought to conducted on the prin.
ciples of die coasting trade
policy, however, was far different Fro , hear.) This
which had been
proposed by her Majesty's Gdvernment. it was to entertain
the produce of foreign nations= duty free, while our colonial
produce was being loaded with taxation. The colonies had
d
been sadly neglected. No ?mention was ever made of them ;
and when any measure in which by chance they might be con-
cerned was brought before the House, it was passed with no