The Sun.
London, England, 1833-12-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

Mr. Scrope's proposition respecting poor
laws for Ireland continues, as is usual in such
cases, to draw more attention, and among his
commentators to excite stronger manifestations
of ill-will, on account of the arguments by which
that gentleman has unfortunately attempted to
justify his measure, than because of any evil
apprehended from poor laws themselves, or from
their consequences. Mr. Scrope has exposed
himself to animadversion from every intelligent
reasoner, by his gross mistake in asserting that
the absence of poor laws has enabled the Irish
grower to undersell the Englishman in the corn-
market ; because the trade between the two
islands being in all respects unfettered, the
amount of Irish rent—that is to say, for farms
of such a size as to yield crops of corn for
►narket, after satisfying the consumption of the
farmer and his family—is determined by the
average price which can be obtained for such
grain at the port whence it is shipped for this
tountry ; or, in other words, by the market
price of England. The Irish landlord, in truth,
gets a higher rent than the English, notwith-
standing the inferiority of agriculture in Ireland,
not.' ithstanding likewise the greater dis-
tance from the central market of Great Britain.
And why is this ? Merely because the Irish
cultivator contents himself, for his own use and
enjoyment, with less of the produce of the soil
which he works upon than any Englishman
would accept. The clergy in Ireland are the
only rivals of the landlord, and tithe is practically
the only tax upon his rent. This accounts for
the coolness with which the Irish gentry have
contemplated the attacks upon the Church, no
matter what quarter they proceed from. If tithe
be abolished, rent of course will be raised, and
in that case the maintenance of the clergy must
be provided for by a substitute for tithe in the
nature of a land-tax, payable by the proprietor,
or as the property-tax was in this country, by
the tenant, who might take credit for it as an
acquittance of so much rent, which is but
another mode of compelling the proprietor to
defray it. If, on the other hand, a poor-
rate were introduced into Ireland, and were
made payable in the first instance by the
farmer, the aggregate rents of the country
would be reduced by a sum equivalent to the
average aggregate of the impost levied for the
poor ; but the outgoings of the Irish farmer
would neither be increased nor diminished,
nor would he be in a condition to sell his
corn at a higher price than he does at present,
or to reserve more of it for home consumption.
His export to England would remain unaltered,
except by the regular augmentation of English
demand, and except by the increased encourage-
ment which the improved state of the Irish
peasantry might afford to men of capital to la)
out money on the improvement of the soil, and
thus to extend the growth of corn and the
amount of it, at all times ready for the British
market. But, if Mr. Poulett Scrope be mis-
taken as to the justice of the grounds on which he
would establish poor laws, we must say that some
correspondents of ours are unfair in their esti-
mate of that gentleman's feelings towards Ire-
land, when they accuse him of an unwor, by
jealousy towards her " increased powers of pro-
duction, and the improved quality of her produce."
Beyond all question, when the corn market of
England is completely open to the It ish farmer,
as much as to his British fellow subject, the
latter might have some reason to complain, if
he found that his Irish rival was unduly favoured
by circumstances within the control of the
common legislature. But we do not agree with
a respectable morning contemporary in setting up
as competitors the actual cultivators of the two
countries, because, as we have already said, the
Irish landlord is the favoured party, and not his
occupying tenant. But it seems to us quite
consistent with equity that the Irish landlord
should be put a little more nearly on a level
with the English landlord, and be compelled to
pay his quota towards the relief of that vast
pauper body, which, in so far as it obtains
relief at all, is indebted for it to the local
institutions of this island, and to the pockets
of Englishmen. A gentleman, whose name we
should consider it an unbecoming liberty to
publish, being compelled to suppress the greater
portion of a letter which he has addressed to us,
as much too long for insertion, expresses him-
self as follows, in favour of a modified, or rather
a partial poor law, and the assessment of landed
property to provide the means of employing
the industrious labourer on works of public
utility. We shall take subsequent opportu-
nities of adverting to the subjects of this
correspondent's communication, which touches
un many of deep importance to Ireland.

" I admit, Sir, that a compulsory assessment for the
sick and helpless poor is just and necessary in every coun-
try, but this would not interfere with the rate of labour.
1 anxiously desire such a provision to be established in
Ireland, supported by a tax on the landowners, and
hither class of the occupiers of the soil ; and I would also
desire that a tax should be levied off the incomes of landed
proprietors, proportioned on equirahle principles, which
being expended under the direction of a local represent i-
tive body, would act as a rate for the employment of the
industrious labourer, and be expended in nationil works
for the improvement of the country and the employment
of the population, thus affording the labouring class the
stimulus of industry to promote their comforts andim-
prove their condition, by placing it in the power of all
who are able and willing to work, to obtain employment
at a fair rate of compensation, which would regulate
itself in proportion to the demand, but would not give a
power to the idle and profligate to enforce a luxurious
support at the cost of the parish, and thus supersede the
just claims of the honest and industrious. Such poor
laws as these (if they may be so called), would, inured,
serve Ireland ; they would be the means of procuring
for all the people of Ireland a sufficiency of that
moderate diet with which they are contented, without any
forcible interference with the rate of labour, and at the
same time they would rather increase than diminish our
exports, as the reclaimed land, and the improvement in
the system of cultivation, would more than compensate
the increased consumption of the people; and the opening
of new roads, canals, and railways would facilitate the
transport of provisions to the ports. The Irish people,
sir, have been so long educated in the school of adversity,
they would be quite content if they had a sufficiency of
potatoes, meal, and pork. Our superabundant beef,
'beat, batter, and other provisions would still find its w
into your market, probably in greater quantities than be-
fore. When I say that such regulations as I have hinted at
would answer all the useful purposes of poor laws, I am
not speaking on theory; I practically know it. In the
country where I live there is ample employment for every
person able and willing to work, because the proprietors
are either resident, or a fair proportion of their incomes
is expended in the cultivation of their estates or demesnes,
and consequent employment of the population and also
p pboyr t vOorlutnhtaeryinficromntrpiobourt,io:vllicaht
establishments sustained
exist fur
the
only require the sanction of law to render them per ma
vent."—Times.

The Standard has at length substantially
abandoned the self-elect and close Corporations
to their inevitable fate. The measure of the
grossly defective constitution of the Corporation
of Liverpool, and of the corruption of the Cor-
porators of that borough, i, according to our
contemporary, the readiness of the municipal
authorities to submit to the investigation of the
King's Commission. The " truckling Corpora-

tions" are now roundly rated by the Standard for
cowardice added to their other sins and political
weaknesses. We roust reluctantly take the part
of the Corporations against their new political
enemy of the press. The propriety of the ge-
neral submission of the Corporators and burgh
Corporators of the United Kingdom to the
inquiries of the Commissioners, and their saga-
cious observation of public opinion, will be the
only redeeming feature in their conduct when
reported to Parliament. These self-elected mu-
nicipal bodies are much more wise than the
Tory Journals who would use them for party
and political purposes. The Corporators are
well aware that they can no longer maintain their
monopoly; and that happily stript of their ma-
chinery for manufacturing Members of Parlia-
ment, they are not only deprived of the power
of self-preservation, but can no longer barter
seats in the Legislature for Church preferment,
places in Customs anti Excise, or for those
other well-known and valuable commodities
heretofore exchanged for their votes and
municipal influence. Hence, in fact, the old
Corporations have no motives for waging war
against popular opinion ; and in the country
towns the present Corporators are sensible that
they cannot outrage common sense and decency
by continuing to exclude the great majority of
the classes possessed of intelligence and property
in the boroughs from participation in the power,
interest, and influence of corporate offices.
Liberal opinions in politics, and dissent from the
Church Establishment, have been notoriously an
exclusion from municipal authority, except only
in a few boroughs where the Reformers had
stormed the Tory fortresses ; and where, very
properly under the existing system, the Liberal
party in self-defence adopted the same principle
of exclusion. The truth is, that the astounding
disclosures in the recent municipal investigation
of the Corporations of the three kingdoms have
really shamed the partisans of the self-elect ;
and we predict that no great political question
of a national and sweeping reform will meet
with more unanimous support than an entire
reorganization of the municipal government of
the old boroughs. There are some political
defects and abuses so disgusting and scan-
dalous, that their most willing and interested
apologists cannot oppose their reformation.
Liverpool and Norwich afford facts of Corporate
nuisances which no casuistry or perversion of
reasoning can withstand. We shall prove our
position by an exhibition next week of the
municipal government of two towns, par excel-
lence, the seat of " Conservative" interest and
power.—Morning Chronicle.
The Court of Mayor and Aldermen of the
City of London have awarded their thanks to
Sir Peter Laurie, the late Lord Mayor, for
the courtesy which marked his conduct in pre-
siding over the Court—for the urbanity displayed
at all tunes in his intercourse with his colleagues
in the i\lagistracy, and all classes of his fellow-
citizens, and for the hospitality with which he
sustained the ancient dignity of his important
office." We expressed our sense of the merits
of Sir Peter Laurie, as Chief Magistrate of
London, immediately on his retiring from that
office—more especially did we testify to the im-
partiality which he had displayed in affording
facilities for the Constitutional expression of
their sentiments upon public questions to his
fellow citizens of all political opinions. But we
noticed at the same time, " more in sorrow
than in anger," the innovation which he attempted
to introduce into the practice of criminal law
by his mode of examining witnesses. We speak
not of a departure from that calm dignity which
should characterise the Magistrate in the discharge
of the grave and serious duty of administering
justice ; we allude to the peremptory interroga-
tion of the prisoner, which is contrary to the law
of England, and every person in this country
accused of a crime has a right to be dealt with
according to the ancient and established practice
of the law, until it is altered by an Act of the
Legislature. If we thought the old practice
was bad we would advise an application to the
Legislature to reform it ; but we would not like
to see, even in that case, legislative powers as-
sumed by the civic Magistrate or by any other.
So far are we, however, from thinking the ex-
isting practice a bad one, that we consider it
founded in justice and wisdom, and have given
our reasons for holding that opinion. We could
wish that our criminal code were as mild as that
of France with regard to capital punishments ;
but we hope the day will never arrive when our
Judges shall be compelled to copy the French
mode of examining prisoners, notwithstanding
Sir Peter Laurie stated that although the Judges
disapproved of his practice, it had met with the
approbation of the Home Office ; thus prefer-
ring the opinion of a Secretary of State,
touching the administration of justice, to the
authority of the Constitutional Judges of
the realm, whom the law has expressly ren-
dered independent of the Crown for the
greater security of the life and liberty of the
subject. It gives us satisfaction to see that
the Court of Aldermen have thought it
their duty to notice, in terms of disapproval,
that practice, alien to our law, of examining
prisoners, which made the criminal investiga-
tions at the Mansion Rouse last year exceptions
to all others in the kingdom, and which led to
the sending several important cases to trial
under strong expressions of prejudice from
the presiding Magistrate, whose duty it should
be not only to protect the public against
crime, but the prisoner against false accusa-
tion. In reference to this subject, the Court
of Mayor and Aldermen say " that while this
Court cannot concur in the principles upon
which the late Lord Mayor acted in his
examination of prisoners brought before him on
criminal charges, they have great pleasure in
recording their opinion that i❑ all such pro-
ceedings his Lordship has acted in the exer-
cise of an honest, although, in the opinion of
this Court, of a mistaken judgment." This
we take to be a correct view of the case.
The honesty of the late Lord Mayor is above
suspicion ; it was his judgment that was in
fault ; but if the novel practice--novel, we mean,
in the Constitutional history of this country—
had not been noticed with censure, it might
have led to the repetition of an error most in-
jurious to the interests of justice. On a former
occasion, when giving our reasons for censuring
this practice, we alluded to the emphatic con-
demnation which the mode of examining at
the Mansion House received from the
Learned Judges Mr. Baron Vaughan and Mr.
Justice Parke, when presiding at an important
trial in the Old Bailey. Though we regard
the criminal laws of England as far from being
the best that could be devised, yet we cannot
help considering the administration of criminal
justice in the Courts of the superior Judges of
the land to approach as near to perfection as can
be conceived, where guilt or innocence has to
stand on its deliverance before human tribunals.

We cannot take leave of this subject, for the
present, without bearing tecitimony to tha judi-
cious, impartial, and humane manner in which
the present Lord Mayor, Alderman Farebrother,
discharges the painful office of investigating
criminal charges. To every man of well-con-
stituted mind, the state even of convicted
criminals is one rather to excite feeling of pain
for human degradation than one of triumph
but to decide upon a charge of crime until the
whole of it is heard, or to use expressions
towards the prisoner, as some Magistrates do,
which indicate a passionate determination only
to look to one side of the case, betokens a mind
unqualified to preside on the humblest seat in
the temple of justice. The present Lord
Mayor is not a man who surrenders himself to

first impressions, which are always against the
prisoner, inasmuch as the prosecutor has the
first word. He holds the scales of justice even
—he is considerate and passionless. He does
not consider accusatio❑ to be tantamount to
proof ; but seems to think that justice and the
public interests require of him as much care to
protect innocence as to convict crime.—Allorning
Herald.

We were amused the other day by an article
in one of the Whig papers recommending Mr.
Blackburne to the electors of Huddersfield, on
the ground of his holding a valuable place under
Government as Captain of the " Rovers ;"in
other words, as chief of the Corporation Com-
mission. At first sight this novel recommenda-
tion of a placeman, on the especial ground that
he is a placeman, to a seat in the " People's
House," struck us as a little startling : nor was
our innocent surprise diminished by the circum-
stance that a seat in Parliament was thus confi-
dently claimed for a servant of the Crown, in
his capacity of servant of the Crown, by the very
party which had long ago voted that " the in-
fluence of the Crown had increased, was in-
creasing, and ought to be diminished." On re-
flection, however, our astonishment gradually
subsided, and at last gave way to a conviction that
the claim thus courageously put forward was,
whether with reference to the faction by which
it was asserted, or the ground on which it was
urged, the very thing which might, under
" existing circumstances," be expected, and by
the same circumstances be justified. For what
is the character of the Whig faction ? We feel
our own incapacity to do justice to their
merits ; but, upon the authority of the Times,
whose opportunities of judging can scarcely be
questioned, we may perhaps be permitted to
call them " noisy Democrats when out of office,
insolent Aristocrats when in power ;" and for
such men nothing can be more natural than to rail
at the number of Parliamentary placemen one
day, and do their best to augment it the next.
Nor is the fact of Mr. Blackburne being a Cor-
poration Commissioner without its due weight
in persuading us that a seat in Parliament must
be every way desirable for him at the present
juncture. The Royal Commission which he now
directs, and which (according to the Chronicle)
he ought forthwith to represent, has of late
encountered so many untoward obstacles, has
incurred so many unpleasant rebuffs, and under-
gone so much of public derision, that it is no
longer matter of amazement to witness the
anxiety of its patrons to count as many votes as
they can muster in its behalf; whenever the
day of reckoning comes. Besides,' the
Commission is represented by Air. Sergeant
Perrin, the Scotch by Mr. Abercrotnby" (not
only a Whig placeman, but a Whig pensioner
at the rate of 3,0001. a year), and if the actual
presence in the popular Council of two newly
erected annuitants be not a sufficient title for the
admission of a third, we must be altogether igno-
rant of the pliability of' Whig principles and the
liberality of Whig logic. To Mr. Blackburne
himself in our regard fir his private character,
in which we yield to none of his partisans, we
are induced to whisper some words of caution
ere he undertakes the onerous task with which
his friends are so desirous of investing him
Let him well reflect what the nature of that
task may be. He must present himself at the
table in the invidious position of chief at once,
and champion, of an illegal body. Its illegality
he cannot deny, for he is too good a lawyer to
doubt it, and too honest a man to dispute
where he does not question. But indepen-
dent of this his fundamental difficulty, he
must be prepared to vindicate the mode in which
his brethren have thought fit to execute the
illegal office they have assumed. He must be
ever on the alert to support the untenable pro-
position that their demeanour has not been
insolent, their inquiries impertinent, and their
conduct partial. He must be ready to maintain
that it was a part of their functions to inquire
into the origin and extent of the various elec-
tioneering influences in each borough. As the
representative of Huddersfield, which belongs
(with the exception of one house) to a single
family, he must of course be filled with a noble
indignation against the Wynns and Foresters at
Wenlock, and an equally noble contempt of
any insinuations of the existence of similar
influence in the Dundasses at Richmond, or the
Ransdens a trifle nearer his own constituency.
There is one caution we would earnestly press upon
his own and his brethren's consideration. Let them
be careful how they sanction the publication
of the slanderous trash which they have been
busied in collecting. It may be safe to invite
the scandal of loquacious agitators, but no
barrister needs to be reminded of the perils of a
published libel. There can be no doubt that
the publication of the evidence taken before the
Commissioners, if it reflects upon individuals or
communities, is a libel cognizable by law, for it
can derive no protection from a tribunal un-
known and repugnant to the law. Let these
gentlemen, then, bethink themselves of the
inconveniences which may beset their tour, and
before they rush into the folly of printing their
pedlar's pack of defamation, let them recollect
that there be still such weapons as criminal
informations, and still such a fair field as that
Court whose prerogatives they have usurped—
Morning Post.
the Court of King's Bench.—

--- -
LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, WEDNES-
DAY.—The demand for cotton has been unusually
animated to-day. The sales amount to not 1 ss than
10,000 bags, 2,000 of which have been taken on specu-
lation. Toe prices of the lower and middling qualities of
American and Brazil mly be quoted id. to -ad. higher
than the priers of Friday.

The Antibilious Pills prepared by Mr.
Cockle, apothecary, New Ormond street, London, and
which have been found so extremely efficacious in all dis •
orders arising from a morbid conditition of the Stomach,
the Liver, and Bowels, are likely to excel every medicine
of the kind hitherto discovered. In fact, we need not
express any surprise Oat this medicine should have risen
so high in public estimation, since it is compounded on
principles so admirably advocated, and acted upon, for
such a number of years by the celebrated Mr. Abernethy.
In the most obstinate cases of diseased liver and bilious
affections, several eminent physicians have afforded the
most unequivocal testimony of the efficacy of Mr. Cockle's
Pills, which have long been honoured with the patronage
of many noble and distinguished personages,--Standard.

FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE.

FOREIGNMFFICE, DEC.. 3.

Extracts of Despatches from Thomas Cartwright, Esq., his Ma-
jesty's Minister Plenipotentiary to the Germanic Confedera-
tion, to Viscount Palmerston, dated Hanover, November
27, 1E33.

I have the honour to inform your Lordship, that her Royal
Highness the Duchess of Cambridge was safely delivered of a
Princess.

Her Royal Highness and the infant are considered to be
doing as well as can be expected.
In addition to the gentlemen whom his Royal Highness the
Duke of Cambridge was pleased to appoint to act with me upon
this •ccasion, the following persons were in attendance, via.—

Dr. Kaufmann, Physician and Accoucheur to the Court; Dr.
Stieglitz, Physician to the Court ; Mrs. Radecker, Nurse; Mrs.
Page, Attendant upon Princess Augusta of Cambridge; Miss
Alsfeldt and Miss Loyd, Dressers to her Royal Highness the
Duchess of Cambridge; Miss Queiser, Wardrobe Maid ; and
Miss Hauinann, Dresser to her Royal Highness the Grand
Duchess of Mecklenburg.Strelitz.