The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-20 00:00:00

KILLARNEY VINCTZON.

This case, which came on yesterday, was adjourned
until this day by the Committee, to consider whether they
woull entertain the objections of the opponents to the Bill.
The opinion of the CHAIRMAN was, that it depended on the
importance of the objections raised.
The petitioner was a Mr. Murrell, who is engineer to a com-
peting line, as we stated yesterday, and it was objected to
hearing his petition, on the ground that he was not a share-
holder or sufficiently interested in the case. It was also
stated that a petition could not be heard, on the ground that
ill 0, petition the public should be interested.
The Committee decided that the petition should be heard.
The abjection that widows weieiwt so designated in signing
the subscription contract was overruled, and the second ob.,
ieetiou, that all the shareholders had not signed the sub-
scription- contract with their Christian names in full length
one Lavine., signed F. Burke, was also considered invalid.
,
The Committee then decided that the standing orders were
complied with.
MZDLAND AND EASTERN COIINTZES

similar
(cAIriBRIDGE TO VrZEmp°)lot)her • '
The Committee decided, after hearing any
objections, that the standing orders had been-cornphed
CAMBRIDGE AND LINCOLN EXTENSION.
The object of the petitioners is to form a rail Way from Lin-
coln to York, with a Branch to Churchfenton.
The estimated cost was 860,000/., and the length 59 miles.
The line was opposed, on the ground that the fixed point from
which the level was taken was marked on a wooden post.
'Jhe Committee postponed their decision until to-morrow, at
twelve, after which they Ldjourned until th-t hour.

Sub-Committee No. 6.
There not being a quorum of this Committee at ti e time
appointed for its sittiv, it stood adjourned until twelve
o'clock to-morrow (Friday).

DF.ATiI OF MB. HAWES.—We regret to announce that
Mr. William Hawes, the musical professor, died at his rest-
sidence, on the Adelphi-terrace, on Wednesday morning, aged
sixty-one. Mr. Hawes was almoner and master of the boys
.of St. Paul's Cathedral. gentleman, and master of the boys at
the Chapel Royal, where he first entered as a chorister in
17:93. He composed several clever glees, and he super-
intended the bringing out of \Veber's I reischutz at the
Eui;lish Opera, where it was first performed in this country
ou the 23d of J 13
July,-1824. Mr. Hawes had ,Tn a memberof
the
Royal Society of Musicians for nearly forty years; he
wag much esteemed by his professional brethren and a nume-
rous circle of acquaintances, and has left a widow, three sons,
and. ts.hrea daughters, to lament his loss. The youngest
dsug hter is the highly talented vocalist, Miss Maria U. Hawm

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, Thursday, Feb. 19.
Their Lordships assembled at Five o'clock.
THE ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE.

Lord DACRE presented apetition from (as we un-
derstood) the county of Hertford, praying the House to
interfere in order to prevent the influence of the
Anti-Corn-law League at elections. He (Lord Dacre)
thought that this petition was deserving of the greatest
consideration. The petitioners prayed that their Lord-
ships would be pleased to institute an inquiry into the
practices of an association calling itself an Anti-Corn-law
League, in order to prevent their improper interference
at elections.
Lord KINNAIRD said that this was the second time
the Noble Lord had called their attention to the
proceedings of the Anti-Corn-law League. Those pro-
ceedings were not private ; the Anti-Corn-law League
courted inquiry, there was nothing secret about them as to
the mode, to use the common phrase, in which they got
hold of the counties ; Red he could assure the Noble
Lord that there was no danger of the 40s. freehold
electors being in any way assimilated to the 40s.
freeholders of Ireland. Men professing every shade
of politics, men belonging to every party, had bought
these freeholds, not for the purpose alone of furthering
the objects of the League, but because they wished to be-
come voters in the counties with which they were connected.
If the Noble Lord wished to go into an inquiry he would
be glad to do so. The Anti-Corn-law:League were only
acting legally and constitutionally in their present pro-
ceedings, and not like others who created votes and ex-
ercised influence in elections for far worse purposes. Was
it not notorious that Buckingham had become a nomina-
tion borough through one proprietor having purchased a
great number of houses to extend his influence ? If the
protectionists proceeded in their present course, and suc-
ceeded in getting a dissolution of Parliament, they might
succeed, through their nomination boroughs and county
influence, in obtaining a party adverse to free-
trade; but if they did, let them depend on
it, that instead of having a legal and con-
stitutional body like the Anti-Corn-law League to
contend with, they would raise into existence far worse
political bodies; and bodies that might seek to change
the constitution of the country.
MINISTERS' MONEY..

Lord CAMPBELL gave notice of his intention to
present a petition from the city of Cork in favour of the
abolition of Ministers' money.
CORN-LAWS. _

The Eni of ROSEBERY presented a petition in fa-
vour of the total and immediate abolition of the corn-

laws.
Lord REDESDA LE presented a petition from North-
umberland in favour of protection to agriculture, signed
by upwards of a thousand persons, and in doing so said
he wished to make a few remarks on what had fallen
from the Noble Lord (Lord Kinnaird) who had ad-
dressed the House. He (Lord Redesdale) was of
opinion that the Anti-Corn-law Lena° was an
unconstitutional body. Though its proceedings might
be in agreement with the letter of the law,
they were contrary to the constitution of the country in
endeavouring to return county representatives to
Parliament. Was it not unconstitutional for residents at
Manchester seeking to return Members for Cheshire?
When he saw a body in London interfering to secure
the return of a Member for Hertfordshire, he said that
was an unconstitutional interference, and unless some-
thing was done by Parliament to check this, they would
have a number of persons creating an influence in the
different counties of England, contrary to the intention
of the Legislature, and contrary to the spirit of
the constitution. He denied that the manu-
facturers of Manchester had a right to inter-
fere in the election of a Member for a county,
That this interference was going on was as notorious as
the creation by the Duke of Bedford of the faggot voters.
He subdivided his property, so as to produce a number of
votes, and that was held to be an undue influence with the
electors of Huntingdon. Suppose the manufacturers of
Manchester came forward and swamped the constituency
of Huntingdon. That constituency would not then be pro-
perly represented. If they permitted this in one case
it would ultimately extend to every constituency
in the kingdom. Unless Parliament took proper
steps—should the matter not naturally drop—the
consequence would be that Parliament would
cease to be the most important body in the country. A.
great deal that was going on in Ireland and in this court-
try had a great tendency to lower Parliament, espe-
cially the House of Commons, because that was the body
more immediately attacked. It might be said, that if
the wants of the agitators were granted, this matter
would drop of itself. But that was not the answer
that should be given to such a case as this.
It was because they knew that their constituents were
against them that they endeavoured to deprive them
of their constitutional and fair rights, and the effect
of conceding Irish measures would only be an encourage-
ment to other agitators to look for the same. For
Parliament to be influenced in such a way, and by such
a course of proceeding, was contrary to the spirit of the
constitution.
Lord KINNAIRD said that it had been the practice
for years to make votes in that way, and, in fact, the
watchword with many agitating bodies was Register !
register ! register !"—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Now
he wished to know what the Anti-Corn-law League
had done beyond that ? They attended to the
registry, and increased the voters, and the same
was done by all registration committees.—(Hear, hear.)
In Scotland it was only necessary to sell a property of
2001. value—reserving the title-deed—to make an agent
a voter ; and such was certainly done by the Peers and
ownet sof lat.d. He agreed with the Noble Lord opppesite
'hat such was an abuse that required to be reformed.
He did not think it right ; but at the same time
the parties were justified in using all constitutional
means to effect their ohject.—(Heae, hear.) However,
he thought that all such practices would terminate with
a repeal of the corn-laws ; for after that time it could
not be of use to any party.
Earl GREY concurred to a great extent in the
observations of the Noble Lord opposite, that the
existence of such a power as was eielded by
the Anti-Corn-law League was a very se. i-
ous evil ; at the same time, he should say that
he considered 'it as nothing more than the
symptom of a greater and more serious evil—
a grievance against which they had found it necessary
to take fresh measures, such as those the Noble Lord had
mentioned, in order to remedy it. The Noble Lord had
said, sad said truly, that the extent to which the
grievance complained of had been going on in
this country and in Ireland was calculated to
lower the authority of Parliament; and he (Lord
Grey) should say that he cordially agreed in much
that had fallen from the Noble Lord upon the
subject. But what he (Lord Grey) would say was this;
that it was Parliament itself which had in a great measure
caused the evil, and it was not by the means his Noble
Friend had suggested that it could be put an end to. It
was not by any measure of law that they could expect to
put down either the Anti-Corn-law League, or
the Catholic Association.— (Hear, hear.) The real
remedy for the evil lay in the hands of the
Legislature—by the Legislature taking the lead in pub-
lic opinion, instead of lagging behind. The Parliament
should not have waited, as it had done, to be compelled
by the voice of public opinion to afford remedial measures;
but it should have been the first to have come forward
and remove the evils complained of.—(Hear, hear.) It
was by taking timely care that all real evils should be
redressed that the Parliament need apprehend no turbu-
lence from the public. No man could feel more strongly
than he did the great increase in modern times of the
difficulties by which Parliament had been beset, but
they had drawn them upon themselves by delay, instead
of using their influence, while they had the power to do
so, to prevent their existence. Again, he would say,
that it was owing to those courses, and not to the
Anti-Corn-law League or the Catholic Association, that
the evils complained of by the Noble Lord opposite
gained existence.
Lord ASHBURTON said, that if such were the opi-
nion of the Noble Lord who had just sat down, it would
also lead to the conclusion that it was perfectly legal
and constitutional for the people to join together and
raise a great league for the purpose of disseminatiug the
opinions that body entertained. If so, then the public
were all on ono side, and if the Parliament had been
lagging behind, as the Noble Lord had stated, no harm
could result, for there was no necessity to urge upon
them to do anything while the people did it fee
themselves. According to the doctrine of the Noble Lord
the people, in doing what his Noble Friend near him
had complaiced of, were only exercising constitutional
right. But in his (Lord Ashburton's) opinion, if this
unconstitutional interference with other constituencies
by the League had not taken place, and other counties
were let alone, then the real opinion of those constitu-
encies would be known to Parliament.
VAN DIEMEN'S LAND.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE postponed the pre-
sentation of the petition (of which he had given notice)
from the inhabitants of Van Diemen's Land, respecting
convict labourers, till that day week, by which time
their Lordships would have had an opportunity of read-
ing the papers which treated of the colony.
RIO DE LA PLATA.
Lord BEAUMONT, in rising to move for the corres-
pondence which had taken place between this and other
countries, with regard to the intervention in the affairs
of Rio de la Plata, trusted that he might be allowed
to place before their Lordships the circumstances
which had led to this intervention.—(Hear, hear.)
He was induced to review the motives which had
actuated England in this instance, because he considered
that the course the Noble Earl opposite (Lord Aber-
deen) had pursued was a most impolitic one, and at
variance with the principles which the Government of
this country had ever adopted. At the termination of the
war between the Brazils and the Argentine Republic,
a convention was entered into in 1828, constituting an
independent republic, uilder. the name of Uruguay. By
the terms of that convention'
it was agreed as between the
two Powers of the Brazilsahou beand the Argentine Confede-
ration,ofthe
Brazilstheeon
shtoasteeotfThtaohteU that
mr u
ignui
Minister
conventionronlystituted an independent
names signed were
andt of Buenos Ayres.
He would now proceed to explai
T:hroceedings con-
nectedconyention took
gentainstercious
subsequent to that
the periodr
with the pending dispute.
place in 1828, but
dispute arose between two parties in
Con-
federation. A war in consequence burst out between
these two parties, the one of which were known
by the name of Unitarians, and the other
as Federalists. General Rosas was at the head
of the Federal party, and the leader of the
Unitarians was Riviera. About this time it was
well known that the President of Buenos Ayres
WAS assassinated,
when General Rosas, at the head
of the Argentine Confederation, attacked Monte
Video. Everything was done to establish order
as with Monte
in the Argentine Confederation, as well
Video, but it so happened that
a number of the
Unitarians, under the head of Genera,' Roses, collected
and made an attack on Monte Video. The Noble Lord
then proceeded to enter isle the particulars of the sub-

sequent disputes, contending that. the French had inter-
fered in a most unjustifiable and improper
manner. General Oribe had been freely elected
the President of the Banda Oriental, and had inter-
fered in the affairs of that republic against the Unitarian
party, who had fled from Buenos Ayres ; and, along
with some foreigners, had endeavoured to regain
their footing in the Argentine Confederation.
General Riviera expected to come to terms of peace
with Buenos Ayres, but ho did net do so. He continued
to invade the Argentine Confederation. He was subse-
quently defeated, and in a short time General Oribe
succeeded in placing himself between Riviera and
Buenos Ayres. Oribe certainly invaded the
Argentine territory, but he did so for the sole
purpose of supporting the legitimate authority. It was
in this state of affairs that the Noble Earl opposite, at
the instigation of the Viscount Abrantes, thought proper
to interfere in this matter. The people of Monte
Video mere in favour of the legitimate autho-
rity. The party in the town who supported
Riviera was composed of a few French and Italians.
At one time there were only 180 of the inhabitants
armed, and shortly after that number was reduced to 50;
but then England interfered. But for this interference,
a permanent peace would have ensued. Our interference
having come too late, the result was that we had
caused more Lloody scenes than if we had eo'
stepped in at all. The object put fore art!
by the Noble Earl, amongst others, was to throw open a
certain river—the river Capava—for the benefit of com-
merce. Now this river belonged to the Argentine
Confederacy, and if this country thought proper to in-
terfere with the rights of that country, the
Americans might turn round and say that
they would come down the river St. Lawrence.
Again, he would wish to know whether there existed a
convention between England and France on the sub-
ject ? Could anything be more contrary to practice,
more dangerous than for two great and powerful States,
naturally supposed to be ambitious of conquest, to interfere
with States w here the people were led to believethat there
existed no convention ? They acted without conven-
tion, or without any positive deed which could be shown
to be an instruction from the Minister. How was
France bound by any deed that she did not possess the
same dangerous and aggressive object ? There might
be an understanding ; blit if there was, let it be
produced. Such a course of proceeding was most
ruinous to British commerce, as would be seen here-
after. He contended that such ac, ease of proceeding
was followed up for tho mere purpose of supporting a
faction—an armed and rebellious faction in Monte Vide.,,
who were getting up every kind of evil passion ; and for
them alone had the British Government interfered
against General Roses and the state of Buenos Ayres.
If they would allow him he would look into a document, the
only one that had been sent by the Governor, in explanation of
such extraordinary conduct. In the first instance, he stated
the determination of the Government to accomplish its object
by a coalition with France, with which country they would, if
necessary, unite their interests for the acomplishment of their
object. That was to say, in other words, that he had resolved
to enforce this declaration, which would in fact be a declaration
directly contrary to the laws of nations. The Noble Lord has
said that Buenos Ayres had a right to wage war if it
thought proper. No doubt it had ; but this was not
a declaration of war by one nation against another—it
was more like an individual quarrel against their Argentine
allies. It was not a war against the Argentine State, but an
effort of that State against a faction of foreigners. General
Oribe and General Riviera had been elected by the unani-
mous voice of the people, and gave every satisfaction, and
when both Governments had been established and settled, the
recommendation of the Noble Lord was, that both should be
upset, which would of course involve the removal of those
two generals, and the result would be, not to establish a better
system of government, but to re-establish in fact this faction
of foreigners, for he knew of no others that could be sub-
stituted. Then he said that he would be prepared to enforce
the free navigation of the River Plate. However, the Noble
Earl seemed to have seen the errors into which he
had fallen when writing this dispatch, and in a further
dispatch he abandoned the idea of expelling both
Governments. He had now stated, and stated very briefly, all
the circumstances which had led to the intervention of the ten
countries. He had done so without reflecting on the conduct
of the officers and those who were engaged in those matters.
He had no doubt that they had acted according to the in-
structions received from the Noble Earl, and his remarks,
therefore, only referred to the Government at home. Ile re-
peated that he did not wish to infer anything against the infe-
rior diplomatic corps or the officers of the fleet. Before he
concluded, their Lordships would allow him to state that he
was not a mere epologist for General Rosas. His sanguinary
disposition he (Lo-d Beaumont) believed had been enormously
exaggerated, and if the judgment of Rosas were measured ac-
cording to the scale of morals and opinions in that country, he
would stand fence d far superior to the mass of those who had
risen to power. If the Noble Earl would call to recollection
what had taken place in Mexico and other republics, he would
see that General Roses did not alone revel in those sanguinary
habits which were attributed to him by a publication printed in
Monte Video, and purporting to be the life of General Relies.
The Noble Lord concluded by moving for the pipers for which
he had given notice.
The Earl of ABERDEEN said that the attention of his
Noble Friend opposite had been so often directed to the affairs
of the Turkish empire, that he trusted this diversion to the
western world signified that he had left things there in a
satisfac'ory condition. The Noble Lord had described the in-
terference of England and France in the affairs of La Plata as
unnecessary and unjust. He ventured to say, that if there
ever was a case in which proceedings of this
kind were justifiable, it was that which had taken
place with regard to La Plata.—(Hear, hear.) The
war had been carried on in a manner revolting to hu-
manity—a war which, is truth, had no national object what-
ever, was carried on on no intelligible or public grounds, but
was founded entirely on personal hatred and party rancour.
It was rare, indeed, that any war in his mind was just or
wise ; but this war in the river Plate was not only wicked,
but was the most senseless that had ever occurred. It had
been during the whole course of this war an object of Great
Britain to arrest, if possible, its ; regress. In 1841 the Noble
Lord who preceeded him (the Earl of Aberdeen), in the office
which he had the honour to hold, directed her Majesty's
Minister at Buenos Ayres to press the mediation of Great
Britain on that Government, with a view of putting an end to
the hostilities which existed. That offer was refused. In the
following year an opportunity had arisen in which the united
proposal of England and France to mediate between the parties
would be attended with some success. That joint mediation
was strongly represented to the contending parties. It was
accepted readily by Monte Video, but was rejected by Buenos
Ayres. That was in the autumn of 184, and the efforts of
this country were unsuccessful. For two years nothing was done.
Petitions had been presented to both the Governments of
France and England to interfere in order to effect a settlement
of the dispute between the two countries. The Noble Lord
thought they had gone out of their way to interfere in this
matter, but when it was considered how the state of things in-
terfered with the neighbouring States and settlements and af-
fected the commerce of that part of the world, he thought it
was right that some endeavour should be made to effect a set-
tlement. In 1844 the Governments of France and England
were again implored to mediate, and the two Governments
agreed fro offer their mediatiation a third time, and arranged
that if the parties would not agree to a peaceable settlement,
and if such was refused, then to coerce them into that step.
The attempt was in vain, and accordingly instructions on the
part of the two Governments were sent out but those instruc-
tions evinced no hostile views towards General Rosas or to-
wards Buenos Ayres. The instructions were to act in a fair
and impartial spirit towards both countries, and to use every
means to induce the Government of Buenos Ayres to
listen to their mediation. The offer was refused
and the ulterior steps complained of were then taken.
The people of that country thought that the interference of
England and France was not sincere in the matter. They had
since found that this union was established for no other object
than the bringing about of a lasting peace. He was happy to
be able to state, that whatever were the opinions of certain
parties in the United States, the Government of that country
had disavowed the acts of their agents in South America.
Although the Noble Lord had said that this country was not a
party to the construction of that state, still it was carried by
the friendly interference of this country. It would be a most
unfortunate thing if General Rosas were allowed to take pos-
session of both sides of the River Plate.- The Government had
no objection to General Riviera or General Roses, provided
they had the support of the people, hut this they
had not. General Riviera was the Lieutenant of General
Rosas, and the troops were entirely under their control.
He wished to say a word as regarded the opening of the tri-
butary rivers—that would be accomplished lawfully and peace-
ably ; and he agreed with the Noble Lord, and had only to re-
peat the sentiments which he had often before uttered in that
House, namely, that to the navigation of the river referred to
by the Noble Lord, they cannot pretend to exercise any claim.
Such could not be established as long as they were negotiating
with Buenos Ayres, with which state he hoped they would
long maintain friendly relations. Very recently Genera! Rosas
had made a proposal for a settlement, on grounds which were
then not admissible, but which, he hoped, would soon be ac-
ceptable. He hoped the Noble Lord would nut think it neces.
sary to press his motion for the papers referred to ; and he
hoped also that the House would understacd his ( the Noble
Lord's) discretion in not entering into a defence of the conduct
of the Government, or of the character of the individual at its
head. Again, under the circumstances, he hoped the Noble
Lord would not press his motion.
Lord COLCHESTER would wish to say a few words on
this discussion. He cordially concurred in the intentions of
the Government of the country to close the warfare that had
been going on in the River Plate. The Noble Lord had stated
that he had two reasons for recommending this course, the one
was, the restoration of peace, and the other was, to provide for
the independence of that stale. But he ( Lord Colchester) was
of opinion that the means which the Noble Lord proposed for
accomplishing those objects was not such as, in his opinion,
would be likely to succeed. The Noble Lord had stated that
this was a war without an object, but he (Lord"Colchester) did
not think that that was quite a correct description of it. He
would not trouble the House by going over again the details of
the Noble Lord ; but it was quite apparent from what
he had heard the Noble Lord state that the object of
General Rosas was to restore a friendly understanding
The Noble Lord then referred to a pamphlet he held in his
hand, from which he quoted the amount of the population of
Monte Video, and the other states, and then continued—lf
the war had been brought to an end by the interference of
Great Britain, it would, no doubt, have been a desirable object;
but the result had only been, that a great falling off had taken
place in their trade with that country. The speech of the
Noble Earl that night might do much good; for, of course, it
would be known over the world. The Noble Lord then went
into an exposition of General Resat' character, stating that he
belonged to a highly respectable family, and that he believed
the character of that General was as good and respectable as
many in this country employed in the most important offices.
When they considered what barbarities characterised civil wars
in all countries, and especially in Spain, they would view in a
different light the proceedings of General Rosas.
Lord BEAUMONT said, after the explanation of the Noble
Lord (the Earl of Aberdeen) he would withdraw his moti in.
He hoped that the explanation he had given would go out to
South America, as it was calculated to do a great amount of
good.
The Duke of WELLINGTON wished to ask the Noble
Lord a question. The Noble Lord had said that Oribe was
the first president. If he (the Duke of Wellington) recollected
aright, General Riviera was the first president.
Lord BEAUMONT replied that General Riviera served
his regular term of office, and then a new president was elected
irni)etiriaieorsdsi:mwilhar manlier to the President of the United States.
General Oribe
o throughwer
etwh was elected,
interventionel
opposede et e
to him,
hbimu t
of
hbefore
was expelled.
French
hex
p el hadparty,
ei fulfilled
.a
s s
Hi
shelter in Buenos Ayres, where 1 was persued, the war being
cwaarsr itehdu es vi ennv
atdoml.,h:n sdv Visi‘carfs
itnh att c ity. et ed
tookhbi;
An independent state
Lavelle lost his life. retreat from this place that

The motion was then withdrawn.
messengers from the Commons brought up the Grand Jury
Presentment (Ireland) Bill and the Drainage (Ireland) Bill.
SELECT COMMITTEES.
Earl GREY gave notice that he would next week move a