The Sun.
London, England, 1848-05-23 00:00:00

Pint

LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 23, 1845.

This evening an admirable motion will be sub-
mitted to the House of Commons by the Honourable
Representative of Montrose. The character of the
proposition is such as must henceforth render the
Light of May 23, 1848, an epoch in the British
Legislature. We will transcribe the entire paragraph,
word for word, from the Noticec of Motions, No. 93,
P• 785. It is a paragraph which will be the initial
of a grand innovation, the text of innumerable
orations, and the impetus of an extraordinary move-
ment. It will be perused with emotion, and the
effect of it is anticipated with no inconsiderable
curiosity throughout the United Kingdom. Here is
the paragraph :

~ Mr. Hume,—That this House, as at present con-
stituted, does not fairly
0 representh
property, or the induatry
discontent
e country; whence has
arisen great and increasing
a,, in the minds of a
large vortion of the people; !t therefore ex-
pedient, with a view to amend the'l National Represen-
tation, that the Elective Franchise shall
that shall lbe so extended
as to include Hoaseholdere;
hall be taken by
Ballot; that the :luration of Parliamentss '
fall not exceed
three year.;; and that the apportionment of Members to
population shall be made more equal."
Four comprehensive reforms, all tenditm
towardsol
the same result, the establishment of a really p
Parliament, and the organization of a true and popular
taar
sham system of representation, are here submitted to
the consideration of the Legislature. The vices, the
deficiencies, the falsities, and the delusions of the
Commc ns are here forced upon the knowledge of the
Commot X 3 themselves. To expect that a proceeding
80 peculi y,rly unwelcome will be received favourably

in the Lower House would be preposterous.
It would be to anticipate the acclamations
of a senate on the exposition of its blemishes.
No. It is impossible but that the motion of Mr.
HUME will be listened to in dudgeon, that it will be
opposed as extravagant, that it will be even derided
as ludicrous. So let it be. BURDETT was a
visionary before the diminution of boroughmonger-
ing. O'CONNELL was an Utopian before the emanci-
pation of the Catholics. America was an Atalantis
before COLUMBUS kissed the beach of San Salvador.
So has it been always. So will it be for ever. Until
a thing has been accomplished it is an illusion, and
its promoter is scouted as a charlatan. And every
innovator, Mr. HUME amongst the number, must
consequently prepare himself for the obloquy which
is the necessary antecedent to the glory of success.
Since the preliminary meeting in Albany-
street, when (to employ the cant expression
of the day) the Chartists and the Radical
Reformers fraternized, two other distinguished
Members of the House of Commons have formally
announced their adhesion to the cause of those with
whom the new movement has originated. Whatever
may be the personal susceptibilities of Sir Ds LACY
EvANs, the noble and honourable representatives o.f
Marylebone have not considered it unworthy of their
reputation to march under the banners. of the
Members for Montrose and the West Riding of
Yorkshire. Mr. Humi and Mr. COBDEN have to
welcome the accession to the ranks of the new Reform
Legion two important and notable auxiliaries,
in the persons of Lord DUDLEY STUART and Sir
BENJAMIN HALL. The fact of their adherence to
the nascent League was announced by themselves
yesterday in the speeches delivered to their consti-
tuents in the vestry-room of St. Pancras—on which
occasion the Noble Lord and his Hon. Colleague de-
clared themselves definitely for an extension of the
suffrage, for the protection of the independence of the
electors by the ballot, for the restriction of Parlia-
ment to a triennial existence, for the division of the
country into electoral districts, and subsequently—
that is when all these preliminary reforms shall have
been consummated for a reduction of the
national expenditure, and for the distribution
of taxation proportionately with the distribution of
property. Above all, Lord DUDLEY STUART and Sir
BENJAMIN HALL repudiated the notion of their being
finality men ; they premised that even these sweeping
measures of reform would be merely accepted as
instalments. Think of that, gallant representative
of Lincoln and Learned Member for the University
of Oxford, and tremble for the time-honoured insti-
tutions of Great Britain Poor Sir HARRY ! Un-
fortunate Colonel ! We shall see them, at this rate,
like a Siamese BELISARIUS, wandering about, the
realization of Mr. MAcAuLAY's vision, or seated
upon a broken archway of London-bridge, sketching
the ruins of St. Paul's Cathedral upon the tablets of
their memory
Last evening an overwhelming argument was pro-
duced in the House of Commons as to the necessity
of a comprehensive revision of our expenditure by
the Hon. Representative of Glasgow. Mr. MAC-
GREGOR could not by possibility have demonstrated
more clearly the exigency of an enormous reduction
in our annual disbursements than by the simple
enumeration of the items comprised in his motion for
returns of the services of the undermentioned re-
cipients of the following incomes from the Post-
office :

£ s. d.
His Grace the Duke of Marlborough 4,000 0 0
His Grace the Duke of Grafton 3,407 10 0
The heirs of his Grace the Duke of
Schomberg

2,900 0 0

10,307 10 0
inquiring especially as to the names of the heirs of his
Grace the Duke of SCHOMBERG : returns of the ser-
vices and duties of the under. mentioned recipients of
the following sums from the Excise Office :
£ s. d.
His Grace the Duke of Grafton ..... 7,191 12 0
Earl Cowper
Assignees of the late Charles Burn ... 1,200 0 0

9,987 8 0
and returns of the services for which the following
sums are paid out of the revenue in Ireland :
X s. d.

His SereNe Highness the Prince of
Mecklenburgh Strelitz
Viscount Duncan, now Earl of Cam-
perdown .•

1,778 4 4

997 9 0

2,775 13 4
besides other similar returns of the services performed
by the recipients of pensions amounting in the aggre-
gate to about 50,0001. per annum. Sir PHILIP
FRANCIS never wrote more crushingly of the blunders
of our present system of Government than Mr. Mic-
GREGOR has done in the mere jotting down of these
items among the Parliamentary notices of motions.
An equally powerful case has recently been made
out as to the inequality of the existing scheme of
representation, in a pamphlet written by Mr.
ALEXANDER MACKAY, barrister-at-law of the
Middle Temple.• The statistics accumulated in
this remarkable pamphlet are too important
to be slurred over in an incidental allusion. We
shall, therefore, defer our observations upon the
numeral logic of Mr. MAcRAY to an opportunity on
which we can devote to it a more deliberate consi-
deration. It will be sufficient to remark that from
the aggregate estimate of the population, as made in
his pamphlet, he considers that in England (500
Members being returned by a population of
16,000,000), there is one Member for every 32,000
persons; that in Scotland (lifry-three Members being
returned by a population of 2,500,000), there is one
Member for every 48,000; and that in Ireland (105
Members being returned by a population of
8,500,000), there is one Member for every 81,000
persons ; whereas, in order to equalise the repre-
sentation of the United Kingdom proportionately to
its inhabitants, there should be 392 Members for
England and Wales, 59 for Scotland, and 207 for
Ireland. With such facts to enforce the the clamour
for reform, we cannot doubt for an instant the
triumphant close of the movement upon which the
Radical Reformers of England are adventuring.

We have heretofore had occasion to direct the atten-
tion of our readers to certain active intrigues going
on in London, in Paris, in Berlin, and in Vienna, to
produce a reactionary movement, and eventually a re-
storation of the Guizot-Metternich regime, either
by direct action against the moderate Liberal party,
as has recently been attempted at Berlin, or by the
more circuitous but not less certain method of en-
couraging the Communists and other anarchists, who
would fain drive liberty mad in order to disgust the
over i
eoevrrel
da with h
n. iGneur.z oWe s
England,
T w asa td m
and een, d
etaoov roseueoreviunerrge, ttthhoa we be-
e t r
actreturn
u nB4too
power of his head clerk, cet excellent ABERDEEN; as,
while Lord PALMERSTON continued in office, the
Orleanist intrigues will most assuredly be d 'one.
The recent attacks upon Lord P.s.x.saußSTOX one ac-
count of the Spanish correspondence were part and
parcel of this notable scheme of reaction, and were
intended to secure the supremacy of Orleanist influ-
ence in the Peninsula, in order to make Spain a
point d'appui from which to act upon France; while
at the sane time they might, by damaging the posi-
tion of the English Foreign Minister in the eyes of
his countrymen, prepare for the return to power of
that excellent gentleman who was in the habit of
submitting his dispatches to the approval of the god-
son of LOUIS PHILIPPE, the Charge d'Affaires of M.
GUIZOT, before transmitting them to his own diplo-
matic agents at foreign courts. The attempted recal
of the Prince of PRUSiIi was a part of the same plan
(that however was a coup nzanqui), and we now
direct our readers' attention to the first direct overt
act of the Orleanists in the direction of France.

- -
The Presse publishes the following letters from
the Prince DE JoINYILLE to a friend in Paris :
" Claremont, May 5, 1848.
" I stated to on that for the present wo had re-
nounced quitting-England—first, to avoid causing our-
selves to be spoken of, and next, from motives of eco-
nomy. We remain, therefore, vegetating as quietly as
possible in the country. Wo live an idle life—no in-
terest animates us. I at present read a good deal. In
my opinion the political situation is this ; there has

* " Electoral Districts ; or the apportionment of the
Representatives of the Country upon the basis of its Po-
pulation, &c. By Akxand,rliackay, Esq., of the Middle
Temple, Barrister-at-law." Pp. 40. Charles Gilpin,
London, 1846.

been a trnee struck up between the two parties until the
meeting of the Assembly; one party wished to see the
result of universal suffrage, the others said to them-
selves that to overthrow one or several Provisional
Governments would be of no use, since in the end the
Assembly would have to
be faced, and which they
would have to get rid of if it were a bad one. It was,
therefore, better to wait and do everything all at once.
re the midst of all the faults of the Provisional
tiev« rnmenr, of the hatred and the ridicule which
they excited, the Assembly has been eleeted—it is
republican and moderate. I think that it has been
clearly proved that . the experiment of universal suf-
frage is favourable to order and property. But what
will now take place ? This Assembly, accused of mode..
ration, will aim at popularity ; but the part of the popu-
lation whose noisy acclamations give the pleasures of
popularity are not the m st discreet. The Assembly
will be forced to give pledges to this mob, who will
accuse it of a reactionary spirit, and it is we who will he
first offered up. as a sacrifice. That being done, the
question will arise to know whether the Assembly will
serve as a dyke, or will allow itself to be swept away by
the torrent of disorder. If it attempts to arrest the
movement there will be fighting in Paris. If the Go-
vernment, the National Guard, the troops are beaten in
Paris, if the Assembly is forced to jump out of the
windows, erif they are forced, by intimidation, to vote
as the others please, we shall have saturnalia of blood
throughout the whole of France. The best thing to be
done is that case would be to select some town,
such as Amiens, Bourges, or Alen con, and there to call
together all the Assembly that was dispersed, to collect
veranthdat then
would marchbe
es
there all the troops and all the National Guards. The
members of the Assembly could there vote what they
pleased,nm t
raelaseilvethae Go-enotaribPlisahreiscßat,would c
bap-
tism of blood; it is only by the extermination of its
enemies that it would be able to exist. Such an idea
strikes me with horror! lam actuated in this moment
by two interests, by two passions—my country and my
family. These passions are the mainspring of my
actions. When I was in France, I laboured for both;
now they are separated. Were lan unmarried man, I
should naturally devote myself to my country for ever.
But at present, if I foresee that I shall not be able to
return to my country unless at al uncertain and distant
time, I ask myself if I ought not to give up the idea at
once, whatever may be my regret, whatever the ohances
of the future, in order to prepare for my children some
certain provision? If I wait indefinitely until my
country opens to me its door, I may die and leave my
children poor, withoutcountry, and invested with that title
of Prince which is more and more difficult to bear. If, on
the contrary, I take a decisive part, I can employ my
remaining years of vigour and energy in forming in the
United States an establishment, and making a little
fortune for my children. In dying, I should leave them
a country to know and to love, and suitable means of
existence. It is only in the' far west' that I can throw off
the old man. I should there, in fine, be able to satisfy a
part of my tastes, and have before me an object to
attain, towards which all my thoughts would tend. My
projects as to the future will depend on the turn thr,
Assembly will take. I hope to be decided before long.
Claremont, May 11.
"I have excellent hopes of the Assembly; its prelimi-
nary sittings are a little disorderly, but that is inevitable
in so numerous a meeting. Its spirit appears to me
good. I believe that it really has the intention of
founding a grand and powerful republic. God grant that
it may be so! The country yearns after order, and that
will facilitate the commencement of the new Govern-
ment. If they have the courage to effect economy,
so as to restore order to the finances, they will get on
quick and well. We, who know our country, are aware
how strong will be an authority which speaks in the
name of universal suffrage—it must be allowed that it
is the only authority that can save the country. Why,
the faults of the past Government did not prevent its
lasting seventeen years, so that it is not so difficult to
govern France. For us, personally, we always think of
returning to France. Once that the Republic is consti-
tuted, we cann.it be refused the title and quality of
French citizens. The weather is delightful. I take ad•
vantage of it to pass my days in the open air. Stretched
on the grass I read an immensity, whilst our wives work.
f hey make all their own dresses, berna-te, &e., and I can
assure you that they could earn their living. As to me,
t company in London has off red me the command of a
vessel destined for India, so that you see that we can
battle against want. My health continues to be not very
good—there is always something wrong—sometimes one
:hing, sometimes another. Happily my wife and my dear
ittle ones are well. May we again behold our native
[and !"

It is evident that these letters were written with a
view to publication, and for the furtherance of some
ulterior object. It is not difficult to discover what
that ulterior object is. We have reason for believing
that among those engaged in these intrigues it has
been matter of serious consideration whether or no
it would not be ad►isable to pass over altogether the
claims of the Count DE PARIS and of the Duchess of
ORLEANS, and to endeavour to bring about the resto-
ration in the person of one of the Princes. The
Due DE NEMOURS had by his aristocratic hauteur
rendered himself so unpopular that he was clearly out
of the question, and it was determined that the Prince
DE JOINVILLE, as the most popular of the Princes,
should be the person put forward to bring about the
restoration of the Orleans dynasty. "He will have
but to present himself to be at once accepted as King,"
are the words that have been used by more than one
Frenchman resident in London. Whether or not the
Prince himself is aware of these matters we know
not; but if he is ignorant of these intrigues, it is a
strange coincidence that he should write these letters
just at the time when their appearance is so admirably
calculated to serve the purpose's of the intriguers.
In the meantime the authorities of the French Re-
public will be on their guard, and as they have done
their duty in putting down the anarchists, so, we
doubt not, they will also know how to deal with the
reaclionaires, while we trust, as we said yesterday,
the British Government will apply the Alien Act
with strict impartiality, and keep as sharp a look-out
on Brompton, as on Leicester-square. Claremont,
being a royal palace, is perhaps exempt from sur-
veillance.

The Bordeaux mail, which arrived in Paris on
Monday (yesterday), did not bring the Madrid mail.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY•

---
We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The conclusion of the Fete de la. Concorde on Sun-
day
was in perfect keeping with its commencement.
The illuminations in the evening were magnificent,
and the display of fireworks on the grandest scale
ever exhibited. The grand avenue of the Champs
Ely ees had the appearance of a ball-room; on each
side of it were suspended continuous festoons of
lamps, and over the centre a series of handsome
chandeliers of various colours. The exhibition of
fireworks at the Barriere de l'Etoile, which was
brilliantly illuminated, commenced at nine o'clock,
and lasted more than half an hour ; at the same time
there was a grand pyrotechnic display on the Place
de la Bastile, representing the destruction of the old
feudal prison which, until 1789, occupied the Place.
The Champ de Mars was brilliantly illuminated, and
the Ecole Militaire was richly studded with Venetian
lamps. It hooked a fairy palace of light. There was
not the least attempt at disturbance throughout the
day ; indeed, the presence of such a number of mili-
tary as was that day reviewed in the Champ de Mars
was sufficient to render any attempt of the sort
hopeless. The troops in Paris under arms were
upwards of 35,000.
The journals of Monday are so filled with accounts
of the f'e'te that they have scarcely room for anything
else. We, however, extract from the Journal des
Debate the following just observations on the breach
of faith of which the Government contemplates the
commission against the foreign railway shareholders:—
" The principal cause of the suspension of labour,"
says the Debate, " has been the alarm spread by the
doctrines relative to property. 'Whilst property was an
essential attribute of man, a primitive institution of
society which the law makes respected, it was imagined
that it was a pure fiction which the law had invented,
and which the law might undo. Hence all the various
ideas of communism with which we are assailed—which
have been enthroned at the Luxembourg for the last two
months, and which on the 15th inst. made an irruption
into the National Assembly. Hence has arisen all the
systems which have trampled contracts under
foot, and tend to invest the Government with
the power of revising them according to its
ideas, of interfering between private individuals
by confiscating the liberty of conventions, and of
converting a citizen into an automaton. What will the
Provisional Government effect by its law on the rail-
roads ? Its ideas on the subject are made evident by its
numerous decrees relative to labour. As to the railroads,
it appears to be of opinion that the contracts entered
into are nothing more than so many bits of waste
paper, which may be thrown into the fire or torn up,
Capitalists have been induced, under the protection of
laws and of contracts, to invest their money is railroads.
Both French and foreign capitalists have entered into
this speculation, the State having guaranteed to them
that they shall be scrupulously respected. The con-
ditions under which the State might repurchase the
various lines were laid down in the most explicit man-
ner; it was agreed that it should not take place until
declaredfath,
what null
after a certain period, and on established bases. These
contracts were signed and sealed with the seal of the
iisai notat,,r an
anaittathcke
and
Government of which he is the agent endeavour to ne-
gotiate 11'; e'en'‘eVaenefdoarsntkoh:vtle
theyilatwill
become are about t o
of
b e
public
feeling entertained of our national ho •
nour? We now behold a Minister of Finance who under-
takeso n the
credit t proveo
of
that
the an
State! act
of
Lettii this
this kiwi
N i
a loan, after maintaining such ideas! He will
see the credit in which he stands. The fact is, that if