The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-13 00:00:00

THR SUN, LON'DO-gy gA.TURDAY EVENIN'a, 3ITNE In 1846.

vtyp,' "r"St CATTILY.. 1733
hLrroTierLeLe,,,,Ndvlitoo
nacti,re• aersetdiii?enobinernlitill,fteoefinth,e,ppWosniriicgtteorstilitiisreseChaenmati..
then The CH tIRIHAN ant:on:iced that the Committee would give their
At ;the conclusbin of the Learned (7ounsel's address,
dertswn on the Bill on .11raalav next.
LONDO:a A.P.JD 7:_,T4=7:1:41.11,2 (AYLESBURY
runcriasE).
The conslaeration of this Bill, which is nnopposed, was postponed
until Monday next.
SI-ITS7Sarrvir, 031.77E9-2.11.7, A3IIIISC=MSTTIR
'JUNCTION (NORTLI NATALES TVIINV.R.AL
A:I6I.AL GAIKATION).
This Bill, which is also unopposed, was next called on.
A portion of the clauses were gone through and sanctioned, an
the Committee aJjourned until Monday next.

GROUP LXIV.
MISR crtzaT WESTZILN (POSTA2I.•
LiNGTO37 TO GILL-WAY).
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.)
Mr. Dagneß was next examined, and stated that the general
depth of the water of the Shannon where he had been employed to
bore was 27 feet, and that the deposition of the mud there was fr m
5 to 20 feet.

After hearing some further corroborative evidence, the case of
the promoters of the Bill was concluded, and the Committee ad-
journed.

STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE.
HOUSE OF LORDS.

Their Lordships met this morning in Room 1, House of Lord,
eleven o'clock, Lord Shaftesbury in the chair.
The further consideration of the
DUMBLANE, DOUNE, AND CALLANDAR
was postponed till Tuesday : as was that of the

litl PERTA L PARLIAMENT.
HorisE OF Lonns,Jmne 12.
The LORD CtraNcELLoa took his seat on the Woolsack at
Five o'clot k.

MESS IGE FROM THE COMMONS.
Messengers from the Commons brought up certain Bills.
Lord LYTTEL UON laid upon the table of the House cer-
tain papers containing information respecting the colonies of
New Zealand, Australia. and Newfoundland.
EDUCATION.
The Bishop of BANGOR presented several petitions from
different places in Wales in favour of a better and more ex-
tended system of education in Wales.
PUNISHMENT OF DEATH.
The Marquis of NORMANBY presented a numerously-
signed petition from the county of Down (Ireland) against the
punishment of death.
CRIMINAL REFORMATION.
The Bishop of OXFORD presented several petitions from the
city of Oxford, praying their Lordships would take some mea-
sures for instituting a place of refuge for erimin ils who had
been liberated. and enable them to obtain an honest living.
FORGERIES BY A CLERK IN IRELAND.
The Marquis of CL ANRICA RDE rose to draw the atten-
tion of their Lordships to the conduct of a clerk to a certaio
firm in Ireland, who had committed some very extensive for-
geries, yet who had been liberated without being brought
to trial for such a proceeding.
PROTE'YI'ION TO A GRI-ULTURE.
A Noses LORD presented several petitions from Salop and
other places praying that their Lordships would give protec-
tion to British agriculture.—( Hear, hear.)
TENANT RIGHT.
The Duke of RICHMOND gave notice that he would, in
the Committee on the Corn Bill, move for the insertion
of a clause for the purpose of allowing all tenants to vacate
their lea,es and to receive compensation fier their exhausted
crops. A Noble Lord said that he never had subscribed to the
Cheshire Agricultural Protection Society, but he had the
minutes of the Cheshire Protection Society before him, in
which be found Lord Delamere's name down as having sub-
scribed 251., and as being an annual subscriber of t wo guineas.
CORN IMPORTATION BILL.—ADJOURNED
DEBATE.
The Marquis of EXETER then opened the adjourned
debate on the Corn linrortation Bill, but in so low a tone
as to be almost wholly inaudible in the reporters' gallery. Ile
was understood to implore their Lordships not lightly to
abandon the present protection to agriculture, and asked what
sort of arguments had been adduced in support of the second
reading of this Bill.—(" Hear." from the Duke of Riehmond.)
The Noble Lord then referred to the years 1792. 1793, and
1794, when, he stated, the price of wheat was 50s. with a
protective duty of 245., but owing to the extremely low
tone in which he spoke, the tendency of his remarks
were, as we have said, inaudible in the gallery.
The Noble Lord then went into a statistical statement, for the
purpose of showing that the free-trade principle, as developed in
the late, tariff, had not worked so favourably as to justify
the deductions which had been made by the Minister—
that an entire free trade in corn would be beneficial to
the country; on the contrary, he could show that it
would have a most disastrous effect, by throwing land out of
cultivation, it would not remunerate the farmer for his labour,
in consequence of the low rate at which corn would be sold.
When the price of corn fell, rents were always found to decline
in prcportion ; and thus the landowner and the tenant
would be mutually injured, while the country would
lose the benefit of having a revenue which should
be maintained in some sort, and the only way it could be
maintained would be by laying some heavy tax upon property,
which it would not be able to pay. Under the old system
agriculture had flourished and the country prospered, and he
did not see with what real in they sought to change it ; and,
believing that the measure would be hurtful to the country and
injurious to her interests, he would give it his most decided
opposition.
Several Noble Lords rose at the conclusion of the Noble
Marquis's speech to address their Lordships, but there being
loud cries for Earl Delawarr,
Earl DELAWA RR accordingly proceeded to address their
Lordships, and said that he rose to perform a painful duty
in reference to this question. From the first moment
that these measures were announced to the public„and at the
commencement of the present year, he felt that he should be
called upon, as an humble individual, to sty aye or no to these
Measures in his place in Parliament, and he foresaw that he
should be placed in painful and difficult circumstances. On
the one hand, the question of severing himself from strong
political attachments presented itself ; and on the other hand,
stern requirements of duty and conscience. He felt that a ques-
tion of this magnitude and importance, involving fearful changes
according to his opinion, required that he should give, when
called upon to express his opinion on the subject, a solemn and
serious consideration. He had laboured hard and long with
those who had brought forward this measure, and he felt that
it was an honour to Le associated with such a name; but he
a'so felt that great as that norms might be considered, it. was
of far inferior importance with the duty of acting according
to his conscience in reference to this Bill. ( Hear, hear )
The Noble Lord, who seemed much affected, proceeded to say
that at that protracted period of the debate he would not enter
into the details of the process which brought him to the con-
clusion to which he had ultimately arrived ; suffice it to say,-
that ail the attention he could command he devoted to the
consideration of the subject, but all the arguments
advanced failed to convince him that there was anything
in the exigencies of the present time to call for the adoption of
such a measure, or that any irresistible circumstances had
suddenly come upon us—he would not say to change the cur-
rent of their legislation, for they were told that it was bat fol-
lowing in the course of their past legislation—but he held
that nothing had occurred to induce them to draw up the
flood-gates which stemmed its too sudden impetuosity.
He would not impute any improper motives to the Right Hon.
Baronet (Sir R. Peel), and the Noble Duke (the Duke of
Wellington), or to the other Members of the Government, for
the course they had adopted had been taken, as on former oc-
casions, because they considered it would benefit the country.
He thought they were mistaken, but that never-
theless they had "!carried it out with a single-
ness and sincerity of- purpose.—(Hear, hear.) It had been
said " what was the use of resisting the measure—what would
they obtain by their opposition—public opinion was in its
favour, and if it was not carried this session it would be carried
the next ?" He begged to deny that the public were in favour
of it—( Hear, hear)—for it was well known that a great number
of Noble Lords in that House, and Members of
the other House of Parliament, who had supported
it, stated that they very much disliked the Bill
in its present shape, and that a very large number in both
Houses disliked the principle of the Bill altogether ; and there-
fore it was not fair to suppose that the public were in favour
of it, and he believed if their opinion were asked it would be
found not to be in favour of it.—( Hear, hear.) He doubted
much whether it would be found that the well disposed
portion of the community were in favour of any
change in the present state of things.—( Hear, hear. )
There was one important fact in connexion with this measure,
in the expression of their
forward as a party measure. If
wfearlessly, honestly and manfully
proposed to them, they might
feelings.tNoh
ooakbt el etdh eayto r
twdlhsete
didr ewm ane
soats
theirupa measure
el
pushed
allowed
ita
fnfoa
was
dri r
yet escape from the difficulties by which they were surrounded.
He had endeavoured thus to discharge a. painful duty, and to
declare that he could not assist in passing a Bill that would
be so detrimental to the landed interest.
The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S wished to be allowed to say a
few words on the measure before their Lordships, and he could
assure them it was not because he intended to enter into a
discussion of the general merits of this great question, which
had been already so well done by other Noble Lords, but
to state the grounds why he thought it necessary
to address the House. He must say that the subject was so
alien to his usual pursuits, that he did not put himself up as an
authority of the slightest weight, and could advance no new
facts and arguments to those which had been already stated.
It was from a different motive that he broke silence and claimed
their attention. He spoke in his own defence. It could not•
be forgotten that during the recent discussion repeated refer-
ence. was made to that portion of the House where he sat, and
those references were of such a nature, and contained charges
as to their motives and opinions on that bench which required
that he should claim, in explanation of the vote he had given,
their attention for a short time. He wished it to be under-
stood that ht he
was
which he would make he would have their' part. and he was
n
, but
in to
concurrence. Those charges, he was agreeably surprised, on),
came
the that
presumptuouscame from one party in their Lordships' [louse, and that was
the party who opposed the measure. He would not hare been
surprised had those charges come front another quarter, and
statementsa speaking simply on his own
enough to stand forth as their advocate
that it had been said that they wished to prevent the blessings
of Providence from being spread over the land. There might
have been texts of Scripture quoted against them in order to
raise the popular prejudice, but he admired the wisdom and
the forbearance of the parties who proposed the present mea-
sure in not alluding to any arguments like those. They were
fallacies; not the less so because they were brilliant and pointed,
hut because they took for granted the question in dispute.
They took for granted that these blessings would accrue from
this meusure—a question which was a mitten of the most se-
rious dispute; but he was surprised that such arguments
suould have been resorted to, as their Lordships must see that
such arguments might have been used against themselves. In
making these appeals those Noble Lords should recollect what
were the consequences likely to result from the policy which
they assumed to be the right one. They should recollect that
the question submitted to that Committee was submitted under
the supposition that the clergy were the representatives and
guardians of the interests of the labouring population. They
should recollect that other Noble Lords, in the course of their
several speeches, had emphatically thrown overboard every
consideration of this matter as a landlords' question ; that they
had given to the labouring population all the :nterests which
they themselves professed to hold, and that they had simply
considered how far the result might conduce to the general
benefit. They had allowed that the interests of the community
at large were paramount. Why, then, should they in taking
the clergy as the representatives of the interests of the labour-
ing classes—and he believed that they were right in so consi-
dering them—why, then, did they take up such a diminutive
and insignificant point as that of the interference with the
incomes of the clergy? This, at least, appeared to be unjust
in itself, and injurious to the parties of whom they spoke. He
believed the clergy themselves, in the consideration of this
question, would never condescend to consider so unimportant
a mattter as the redaction of their own incomes. It appeared
to him that they were indications (and they were the more
valuable indications because perfectly involuntary) of some-
thing which those Noble Lords were willing to conceal, not
only from their Lordships, but from themselves.—( Cheers. )
And he wished their Lordships to recollect the vehement
language in which they were addt eased by one of those Noble
Lords, who held out some vain and indefinite threat of the con-
Sequences that were to follow upon the Members of that (the
episcopal) bench ; if, as he said, their Lordships deserted a
law—not the interests of their country—not the interests of the
labouring population—not any one of those which might be ex-
pected to be dear and sacred to them (the Bishops) in the
character which they had to sustain—but the Noble Lord
said, if they deserted them, he (the Bishop of St. David's) did not
know what retribution was to follow, nor did he care, but he
wished to draw their Lordships' attention to the point
of what was uppermost in the mind of his Lordship at the
time that he snoke. Why, it was clear from what the Noble
Lord said, it was not a question of the labouring
classes—not a question even of the tenant-farmers, but a
question of the landlords.—(Cheers,) If it had bee other-
wise he was sure that the Noble Lord, would never haveor s i
ad-
dressed such an appeal to their L &h. - Lordships.—.(Hear, Hear, hear. )
Now, there was another circumstance
markable, and that was, that those Noble Lords should ex. press so mach sympathy for the interests of the clergy as to
. appear to understand their wishes and feelings better than the
clergy themselves.—(Hear, hear.) Why,
clergy, as a body, l pub]ic. y expressed no feelings on this sub-
ject.—(Hear, hear)—not had
onlythey abstained ,from ap-
proaching their Lordships' ; ns—(Hear
onse with
his
(the Bishop of
St. David's)
knowledge, in private sign:fied to them, the
members of that (the episcopal)- • h
bench, any wish as 50 the
course of conduct which they would_ de • them to pursue on
that occasion.—( Hear, hear.) He
H desire
in so doing—((beers)
l e
ad considered that the clergy
earned the approbation and.
the who knew them. But what was expect of all") the ten-
dency of the appeals whichmade to them by those
Noble Lords, had been
should s, except that they (the Bishops) s
volun-
tarily and officiously inte f in this question, and so place
the clergy exactly in that eerey invidious and dangerous posi-
tion which they themselves had declined to stand in ?—( Hear,
hear, and laughter.) He should like to know, would any of
their Lordships say what would be the effect upon the public

mind if there had been a perfect unanimity in every sense
amongst the clergy concerning this ? Would there have
been two opinions in the mind of any man in the country that
the eeisco, al part of their Lordships' House at lens had been
swayed, not ty their own dispassionate and deliberate convic-
tion, but by a sense of the interests of a parr!r•otar cias. ?
( Hear, hear.) He mu 4 say that he rejoiced that there was
not that unanimity, but he njotced that there was no unani-
mity at all upon this sub ect in that part of their Lordships'
House, because every impartial person must see that they as a
body followed their own convictions, and he might be permitted
to allude to a very singular fact in respect to the division, that
two of their own body, who were united not only by their
office, but by their ties of love, went on opposite sides on the
division on this Bill.---( Hear, hear.) The Noble Duke who
spoke last night stated to the House the result of his calcula-
tions as to the effect which the measure would have upon the
interests of the clergy when it had been passed into a law, and
he had calculated the matter so exactly that he discovered it
_would produce precisely a diminution amounting to one-fourth.
Now, he did not pretend to be able to follow the Noble Duke in
these cs!cula•ions, or to ascertain whether they were without
foundaeiOn or not, but he did conceive that the Noble Duke
must have clearly overlooked and put out of account anything
in the shape of a comp,•nsation which 'he clergy might receive
in order to make up this deficiency, in consequence of the effects
anticipated by the opponents of the measure. And, moreover,
he must be permitted to say. in reference to this, that whatever
might be the consequences arising to the interests of the clergy,
and to whatever degree those anticipation.; of Noble Lords
on the cross benches might he realised, still he thought the
bad effect which had resulted and must result to the
interests of the clergy would not principally be laid on this
measure, but resulteo from one which was passed long before.
It was taking this measure in connexion with that for the
commutation of tithes that the interests of the clergy were
placed on a different footing from other classes interested in
land. But he said, although it was psssible that the clergy
might receive some loss, they certainly could not say that they
had sustained any injury from that measure, because it was
undoubtedly passed with the consent of those who represented
them in that place—and not only that, but it was passed with
the full understanding that there was a possibility it would be
followed by the measure now under their Lordships' considera-
tion. He said that some of those that took part in the dis-
cussion on that measure distinctly and expressly adverted to the
possibility that at uo distant period a repeal of the corn-laws
might take place. Now he only alluded to this circumstance
for one purpose, which was to shove the uncertainty of calcula-
tions of this nature, for those who adverted to this possibility
in connexion with this subject did so. not because they con-
ceived that in the event of a repeal of the corn-laws the
interests of the clergy would be affected, but that that repeal
would operate as a grievance upon the owners of land.
The Duke of RICHMOND—Oh, oh.
The Bi.hnp of St. DAVID'S—I do not know, proceeded
the Right Rev. Prelate, what the Noble Duke means by that
expression of dissent, but I venture to refer him to the hest
accounts that can be had of the discussion which took place on
that occasion, and I beg to assure him that that circumstartee
was adverted to for that purpose. However, he said, he
would not deal long with this part of the subject and if he had
referred to it, it was for the object he had already stated. He
was quite sure, however, that the clergy at all events did not
wish that this measure should be judged by any operation
which might happen, and if Le were to meet with any of the
clergy after this discussion, and to say them " I think I have
deserved your approbation, because the measure was one likely
to promote the general interests of the country; still because
I understood it was likely to operate injuriously to your in-
terests, I complied with the earnest exhortations which I re-
ceived from many of your best friends in the House of Lords to
vote against it." He was sure if he were guilty of such a
feeling of dishonesty, he should be far from earning the good-
will or the thanks of any of the clergy, neither should he de-
serve the good opinion of any man in the country. But he
had done with that part of the subject, and he could not say he
should not consent to piss this measure on any such paltry
and miserable grounds as on account of its effects on the parti-
cular interests of such a limited class as those with whom he
was connected. He was sure in eunonrting this measure he
was performing a public duty. He looked not to is effect nn
any particular interest, but to its iefluence on the comforts and
condition of the great body of the people —( Hear, hear.)
The measure might be a great and fearful experiment, hut it
was not a gratuitous and wanton one. With reg rd
to the interests of a few the measure might he a
perilous . xperiment, hot with regard to the interest for which
Noble Lords professed such great sympathy, he must say it
was a question of lifs and death to the people of the country.
Moreover the measure had one advantage ; it held out hope.
which was the great sweetener of adversity. But should they
resist the measure, and abide by the old system in operation.
he should like to know what prospect Noble Lords would hold
nut of improvinq the condition of the Denole.—( Hear, hear. )
One thing which ought to claim their Lordships' attention was,
the reason why. if they rejected the measure, they would create
mistrust and discontent in the public mini? That was a
subject which ought to gain their consideration, and it was
pertectly worthy of their dignity. He did not look upon the
measure as replete with a great deal of advantage. Had it been
trumpeted forth by the Government, as it had been by the
Anti Corn-ltw League, he would have looked upon it with .reat
mistrust, but his confidence in it was greatly increased by the
sobriety with which it was introduced to the House by the Mi.
nis'ry. It was stated by the Minister that one of the beneficial
effects of the measure would be to create a steadiness in the
markets. He could state to their Lordships that the poor
people-were unable to take advantage of a moral or religious
education from the low state of their physical condition. The
reason they often gave for not attending their church, or their
school, was, that they had not clothes to attend. And if this
measure gave them any facilities, if it bettered their condition
it would be no conteruptiele boon ; and even if it could be
proved to him that the measure woiald not be fraught with the
benefits to which he alluded, still he would support it, as he did
not consider that they should lay themselves open to suspicion,
which would infallibly attach itself to their Lordships if they
rejected the measure. He did trust that if there was an in-
jury inflicted on any class by the measure, that it was not out of
the reach of the legislative wisdom of Parliament to deal with
that evil and remedy it ; and in this belief he comforted him-
self that in giving his vote fur the measure he was coin-
ciding with the opinions of those eminent men who had
given their attention to the subject.
The Bishop of EXETER said he did not agree with many
statements of the Ri4ht Rev. Prelate who had last addressed
the House, and he considered that the clergy were bound not
to look on in silence when the interests of the• clergy were at
steie—interests which it was their especial and bounden duty
to protect. It was the custom of their Lordships, whenever
their interests were invaded, to call upon them tosupport them.
That had been the invariable practice of their Lordships, and
he thanked them for appealing to them upon the present ques-
tion. He considered that the measure would depreciate the
moral and physical condition of the people, and that it would
also lessen the property of the church. Was cheapness of pro-
vision the great point a ught by the ministerial measure? He
considered that cheapness was not of such moment to labourers
as high wages.—(Bear bear.) To raise the wages of the
agriculturist or mechanist, the more you would better his con-
ditions morally and physically ; and he considered that it was an
unanswerable proposition that the more they introduced foreign
manufactures the more they would 'uteri re with and depreciate
the labour of the home manufacturer. His experience taught hire
so, and he believed that the measure would not be attended
with any of the benefits which it was alleged would accompany
it; and, impressed with that opinion, he gave the measure his
opposition. And he would conjure their Lordships to give
their vote upon this subject as they would do utton a judicial
case—that they would lay their hands upon their hearts, and
say, "Not content, upon my honour."—( Hear, hear. )
The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S explained.
The Earl of WARWICK and the Bishop of OXFORD
rose together,
And after a few observations from Lord BROUGHAM, Earl
Sraseerore, and the Duke of Ftictim.wo, as to who should be
heard first,

The Earl of WARWICK was allowed to address the House.
He gave her Majesty's Government credit fur the best inten-
tions in bringing forward this measure, hat lie could not help
entertaining the opinion that no necessity whatever exisied for
such echanme as it contemplated. He would ground his ob-
jections to it in the words of Lord Bacon, who said, "It is not
good to try experiments in states unless good grouncis
exist for the change." He denied there was any necessity
whatever for the present Bill. A great deal was said about
the agitation for it, but the agitation was greatly over-rated, and
was confined to one class. It was the most blasphemous and
di.gusting agitation that ever disgraced the land. The
Noble Earl then qnoted the circulars of the Anti-Corn-law
League, and an address to the electors of the country, which
contained the most inflammatory and exciting remarks. For
his part, he would say " Nut content" to the Bill in all its
future stages.

The Bishep of OX FORD said he would wish to explain the
1 reasons which influenced him to vote as he intended upon this
question. A Noble Lord had said that the House looked to
the Right Reverend Prelate on the bench he occupied for les-
sons in morality and religion ; but he did not think that the
appeal of the Noble Ma, gels who commenced this deb2te was
at all calculated to promote the cause of either religion or mo-
rality. He did not think that he and other Rev. Prelates sat
in that Howe merely for the purpose of benefiting the clergy,
brat for the purpose .of the general benefit of the country.—
( Hear, hear.) It was not without the deepest convictim, and
the most painful reflection, that he voted as he had tone open
this question, and should vote in the same way upon a 1 fu.ure
stages of the Bill. He was aware that this Bill was a great
experiment ; and he would aelc, what were all great legi,lative
measures but experiments? And they had the authority of
Lord Bacon for saying that all such experiments were only to
be justified by the exigency of the occasion that called for
them. He would contend for it that all legislation was
only an interference with the operations of nature ;
and where it was so, or where it acted so inju-
riously it should not be permitted to exist. He
had heard a cheer from a Noble Lord; but he would ask him
did not this fact suggest itself to his mind, that in proportion
as the labourer he employed gave him value for the wages he
paid him, so did the labourer compete with the foreign
labourer, and keep him out of the market. The Noble Lord
might laugh; but he (the Bishop of Oxford) would still con-
tinue to maintain this argument, even though the Noble Lord
should laugh to the highest pitch of coneatination.—
(Laughter. ) He had now heard the Noble Duke on the
cross benches speak upon the subject of the protection of
agriculture, and he argued that protection to agriculture would
not be the result of this measure.
The Duke of RICHMOND said that all his life he had been
devoted to the protection of agriculture.
The Bishop of OXFORD said he might have misunderstood
the Noble Duke's principles ; but he regretted that the Noble
Duke had not been so clear in his arguments as to have pre.
vented 'him from being misunderstood. But it had been
said that all those who supported this measure were giving ay
to agitation and clamour. and to the claims of the League;
be' he would ask, was the House of Lords to be deterred by
such a body as the League ? He had a different opinion of
the august assembly he was now addressing.—(Hear, hear.)
He was aware that a great agitation had been got up in favour
of this Bill, but he would ask was that a reason why the clergy
should be deprived, not deny of their luxuries of life, but of
many of its necessaries ?—Hear, hear.) Had the clergy been
silent on a measure when they knew that the Bill for the union
of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor was an especial favourite
with many leading Members of the Government? Ilad the
knowledge of that fact hindered the expres,ionleoeft?
It
ir
opin'ons? And, in this case, why-had they been
was becauie they could have no just ground for opposition
this measure. They had refused to joined clamour ps nto
t whicho
tht
they might most ingeniously have swelled.
They had
there
ad set to
all classes of the community
valuable than money,ah examp
was something still more
and they would receive a
'
greater reward for it
than the reward of their annual income. There could
be no doubt that the I eergy
would Fuller by this
ey would be included in that com-
extended to other classes. It had
measure, and no doubthe they
pensation which would
been said that one of Vie effects of this measure would be to
induce the farmer to outlayt a larger proportion of capital on
his farm in order to improve it, and enable them to compete
with
the foreign grower. The Noble Earl who had spoken
the other evening (the tf.arl of Stanhope) had anticipated him
in the question which he was about to ask. The Noble Earl
had, with a simplicity of language which he would not attempt
to imitate, put the case of a man whose property was mort-
gaged to the deepest extent, and had asked, in a time of sepul-
chral demand, " Where is the money to come from ?"
(Laughter.) It happened to him the other day to be inquiring
into the moral condition of a certain parish, and the answer
given by the clergy was, that it was in a state of the lowest
moral degradation. He asked the reason why the principal
landowner did not interfere—net only on the higher ground of

eivy.bu' on the lesser one cf expediency—and the reply was,
that he had net got the stoney. These duties were the great
resTeiosibilitfes attendant upon the posseasian of land. The
pees intr.. of the country saw their own Mine and the state of
their child,. n before them day after day, and they naturally
laulced retied them for a remedy, stud the only tort sly that
reonieed itself was an itneroved condition of the country. But
Noble Lords said that the measure was not calculated to im-
preve the condition cc the country ; that the home market was
the best field of operation, and that would be totally destroyed
by this measure. If the agricultural and manufacturing
interest was redly on the verge cf destruction, and the erect
of the measure would be such as was stated, what would be
the consequence? Why, their Lordships would have to re-
trace their steps, and that would be the worst evil it would
draw upon them. 1 here was one fear, and the only one of
which he thought their Lordships capable, and that was the
fear of being thought afraid. They were afraid that they
should be thought to have changed their minds with regard to
this measure through a fear which they did not wish even to
seem to feel. When Mr. Burke said at Bristal that lie would
raise the woollen manufacture to supply the world by admit-
tMg foreign competition. lie was almost hooted off the stage
with that sort of marked dissent, to which many in that House
were not strangers.--( Laueliter.) He hoped that they would
nut be misled by that eloquence which of late had tickled their
ears, and by arguments which painted over facts, which had
been proved to be nothing but rottenness and delusion.
He did believe that there was in the minds of the English
people a deep- seated conviction that their Lordships would
act in the question for the good of the majority, and he en-
treated their Lordships not to disappoint that feeling. It was
said, it would have been better had this question been first
submitted to the electoral body of the country; but, in his
opinion, such a course would have been fatal, if not. disgrace-
ful, to the character of a great statesman. Besides, it would
have been unfair, because the masses would have been led
away by rppeals to feelings rather than to sense. Class
would have been iet'ed against class, and the whole country
would have been thrown into a state of wild exehernent and
commotion, without removing the difficulties or evils this mea-
sure was proposed to meet. Let their Lordships remember, that
the labouring classes of this country —who had
long borne continued suffering with a poient endurance of
which no (ether nation in the world ;drooled an example—looked
to them to do something to remove the evi's under which they
were cuff-ring. He besought their Lordships not to disappoint
these expeetafiens—expectatien; rowed by the vast wisdom.
ability, sod known justice of their Lordships He entreated
them not to mistake the quietness of the endurance of the penile
for anything like apathy ot unconcern, Such quietness was a
sign of the times in which they lived. The people had never
evinced so little of anything like a turbulent spirit of dissatis-
faction as they flit' at the present moment ; but it was not
because there was no suffering—it was [tot because the pre-
valent misery was confined to a few classes only, hut bees t!S3
the people teat : that those wha were in power had mani-
! felted a disposition to do all they could to relieve their
sufferings. —( Hear, hear.) He besought their Lord-
ships, then, not to attempt to stem the
torrent of universal conviction, but, to he guided by wise and
equitable principles. Do not, he implored them, let the people
trunk that. they had the power and the wealth of an ancient
aristocracy without its virtues, but. by the division, ot that
night, show the country that the wisdom, justice. and impar-
tiality of their Lord-hips' mighty House still remained as great.
as ever.—( Cheers )
Lord STIBURTON said in the course of the whole of
this discussion he had heard nothing so personal, nothing so
eloquently admonitory, as the speech of the Right Rev. Prelate;
but he must confess, eloquent though the speech was, it
ap-
t-eared to him to be totally devoid of all argument. It was
something like a speech made during the French revolution,
in which the speaker recommended his auditors to "respect
property, but change its proprietors "—( Hear, hear, and
laugOter. ) The Right. Rev. Prelate told them, in the
same breath, that their labourers and tenantry were
in great distress, and the ones means of removing it
was for them to sae.rifiee half their property.—( H ar, hear,)
He confessed he could not see wisdom in the force or applica-
bility of such a recommendation ; and he, for one, trusted
their- Loolships would not he influenced by the eloquence of
the language, or the rhetorical figures in which the advice was
conveyed.—( Hear, here.) The Right Reverend Prelate had
raid them that the corn-laws were unnatural, and hid ven-
tured to propound the prineiple, -that the less they Moe fered
with the laws of nature the mere wise and efficacious their
legislation would be. Why he hail always heard it said that
self-preservation was one of the first laws of nature; and
nothing, he thought, could be more in favour of protection
than this brooch of the Itieht Reverend Prelate's areument.
Fie then weet on to say how- much thelat.d might be improved.
But at the same time it was an unfair reproach to say that the
English farmer wets b :hind-hand in the science of agriculture.
Far otherwise—for the fact was that. he produced fully double
the quarnity from the same port'on of land than the farmer of
any other country in the world. It was true that the British
agriculturist went to the end of the world in search of artificial
manures. But even if they passed this measure, they would
ruin and take away his capital, and then could they call en him
to improve his land ? What might be the fate of the British
farmer he could not say, but it was quite clear that the great
mass of them must be ruined. Not only under the present
system is the land made to produce more, but we have it on the
best authority, that of the Lea suers themselves, that one
English lab curer was worth two of any other country. But
they did not went those incitements to promote native industry
when her own p'op'e were so much bey und any other country.
And then his Right Reverend Friend had observed that it
was wise in the Minister to make a series of experiments.
He could not agree in such a doctrine. Much as he admired
his talents and his eloquence, he consider- d it much better for
churchmen to keep to their church ; for if they advocated such
doctrines,- and if they real such lectures on political eco-
nomy, they should not advance much in the science of
legisla-
tion. The Learned Prelate had said that he considered this
measure worhy of support, as it would tend to produce a
steadiness of price in the markets. But he contended that,
under the present system, as great a steadiness was obtained
as possible, even if they legislated on the subject. and fixed a
stated price. For even when the markets of other countries
were disturbed—when the markets of France, of Spain, and of
Holland rose, no fluctuation occurred, though it might be ex-
pected in this country. But if he considered this measure of
the greatest possible advantage—if he were favourable to the
principle, and if he thotieht it desirable to remove protection,
he could nor support the measure, as he believed it calculated
to defeat iis own ohject. and fatal to the end it proposed to ac-
complish. And as the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Monteagle)
was fond of authorities, he would quote some. M Huskisson,
in the year 1825, in the month of hay. tore.aw an approach •
ing bad harms'. There were then 400,000 quarters of wheat
in bond. acid he proposed to let them on' at a lOs, duty, the
price being then 755. per quarter, hut so cautious was lie in
not letting it out hastily upon the market that he let it out in
the proportion of thirds every month. He adverted to this to
show the caution which was requisite upon matters of such a
nature, and he wished to contrast it with what they were
about to do: They were going to let out two millions of
quarters, and that not in the proportion of thirds, but at once—
not at a lOs. duty, but a 4s. dut.y per miarter—at a sernon ton
when On-re was the prospect of a toot and an early harvest.
The market would necessarily be swamped. tie, therefore,
believed that this measure was not suited in any degree what-
ever 'o accompli.h its own object; and neither slid he believe
that its principle was good, he would, therefore, oppose it. They
talked of free trade—it was a very fine expression, but was that
free trade in which they opened their ports to every one, and
no one opened to them ? Was that the principle of mutuality ?
Was that the principle of reciprocity? Or did it prove that
the principles of I'l-Yet-rade were the just ones? He would rather
say that they were the principles ot uncommon nonsense. They
were about to open their ports to the rest of the world. The
consequence would be that whon there was a scarcity they
would not receive any advantage from so doing—they would
receive no favour. Other countries would be equ Ally benefited,
and the only advantage which would remain to England would
be that when she had a plentiful harvest, Franre. and Spain,
and Danteee would help to drug her markets, and send their
wheat when it ;vas not wanted. And now lie wished to offer
one or two ohiervafions on a very important question. fie
meant the colonies. And he begged to recall to their Lord-
ships' recollection what had been stated with respect to the
feelings with which the Canadians would receive the inti-
maaion of this legislative measure. They were all aware
that Lord Cathcart wrote a very urgent letter to
the Government, stating that it would create feel-
ings of distrust and disaffection amongst the Canadians;
and is hat mud have been his conviction upan this sutsject
when he was so urgent in his remonstrances? It was seldom
that Governors-General had the hardihood to tell the whole
truth to their masters ; and the Noble Lord who last night
wide:-sled them did not make any explanation but his speech ;
showed them how little explanation he had to offer on the sub-
jet t, and that the feelings of the Canadians were in opposition
to the measure. They could not, he was sure, think of these
alternatives w thout being sensible of the care with which it
was their duty to examine the question, and of the fiemness
with which they should act upon the determination to which
they should come.
Lord MONTEAGLE said, in matters of trade, as well as of
liberty, the great point rested upon individual action. He
would not follow the Nob'e Lord who had just spoken on the
burdens of land. The Noble Lord had again referred to the
tithe being a binder on the land. He (Lord Monteanle)
thought that this was a question so completely settled that no
rational man would have attempted for one moment to re-pro-
duce that statement. The late Mr. Sidney Smith, who was
more distinguished for his strong practical good sense than
h-s wit, put this question in a clear light.—( The Noble
Lord here quoted an extract from a p imphlet written
by the Reverend Gentleman about the time the great
excitement existed about tithes some years ago.
The Noble Lord then proceeded to read extracts from docu-
ments he held in his hand, to show the difference between the
agricultural and the manufacturing population, which he con-
tended exhibited a decreasing per centage of the agricultural
population, and an increasing per centage of the manufacturing
population. lie next quoted from the work of a Mr. Jones,
to the same effect. He then went on to say that he would
prove to his Noble Friend (the Duke of Richmond)
that protection to all- -not protection to agriculture
merely, but to all articles, was the greatest fallacy
that he had ever heard of.—( Hear.) He had heard
it said that general protection was general robbery. Now he
did not wish to use bail language, anti therefore he would call
it general nonsense. The Noble Lord then quoted the opi-
nions of several persons who had written against the corn-
laws, in order to illustrate his argument. He said he had
heard much said about the changes which had taken place in
the opinions of the Government ; but he would ask howamant.Y
Noble Lords in that House were there whose b 4 not
also undergone a change upon the sauna subject? His
Friend had objected to this new corn-law as an
eiLerin.gmieinnta;l
but he ( Lord Monteagle) would ask whatwe
tt original
but he (Lord Monteagle) would asic what?Wejear hear.
corn-laws but ?
a series of experiments (
The last Bill on this subject to which thetiyatewdetr:beeall,emilicutolaatet
here was, by his Noble Friend in 1845,0fs
to lead to the result that the tenantry ; England would be in
-0 but at that time they
future in a more prosperous c
were in distress, and had ex)tue.nriTencil,etrh:i‘rvac,apaitnaolt„haerridsauvbo
jueledtreto-
quire some time to realise. d
which he would refer, as it had often been referred to before—
he alluded to our dependency on foreign countries. That de-
pendency existed note, and by this law it would he removed.
In the present state of the law that dependency existed, and it
was for them to alter it by rendering the law more certain,
and less a vehicle of fraud:Ad specula-ion. His Noble Friend
had said, that for the la t two or three years there had been
scarcely any imputation that was an assertion against the main. argument which which had been used, for if they required the
reigner to produce corn for this country, it was necessary to
encourage him, and the people of this country would then be
looked upon as customers; but if corn was only taken now and
c‘,then,oul d whenhe l
oo
ki
dmueid) exigencies.. required it, our corn trade
and we might ba at fault
when we most enquired a suspicion,
ussul7piloyn. He would apologise to
their Lordships
interfered with
trespassed so long, but he under,
stood that he in no one, as it had been arranged
that there should be no divisiont that evenintr. He would call
the attention of the House to the effects of IC; present proposed
Rile upon Ireland. He did not think that perfect
mPoTtrade
would be prejudicial to Ireland. He would not tread upon the
unstable ground of fixing prices, for that would not be
warranted by the results of former predictions on the subject.
He believed that the effect of the measure would not be so
much to diminish the general average of prices as to diminish
the fluctuation in Ireland within a year, or front year to year.
That fluctuation was most prejudicial to Ireland, for the greater
the amount of filet ion the more it caused a greater amount
of tendered rents. He was sorry to hear it stated that the dis-
tresses of Ireland had been spoken of with some degree of ridi-
cule ; but he wished to say, that, in his opinion, there had not
been one Peer who had spoken without the deepest feelings on

the subject, but some levity might have been caused by the
long continuance of a debate calculated to excite so much
deep fie line, seed, in their cooler moments, they were, there-
fore, more re:Too-el to listen to stories about the humbug of
loch famine, One word before he sat down, thanking their
Laze'ships for having given him so much of their attention. It
wa, said that conces.ions of trade were all on one side, and this
country got nothing in return from foreign nations. But the
gustier, for them to consider was whether their example would
not produce its effects on foreign states in inducing them to make
concessions on their part. Now, the experience of the pagt
proved to them that it did, hi 1824 the corn-laws stood in
the way of concessions, which the United States were ready to
make to this country about that time. Again, in the case of
Prussia, the corn and timber duties were the only obstacles in
the way of amicable commercial arrangements between filet
country and this ; and these obstacles always would exist so
long as a petty protective system prevailed in England. He
had already stated he did not anticipate any great reduction
in prices from the adoption of this measure, and many great
and eminent authorities agreed with him in this opinion
The effect he anticipated it would have would be to regulate
the trade of this country- eith all the world, but more par-
ticularly to regulate the corn trade. But then it might be
asked what goad the measure could do if it did not reduce
prices? Why, it would have the great good of placing the
trade of this country on a sure and safe footing, and protect
it from those distinctions which the disputes of nations had of
late so often thrown in its way.—( Hear, hear.)
Lord STANLEY said, having intruded on a former occasion
at an extreme length on their Lordships' attention, he did not
again intend to present himself before their Lordships, but
after the pointed manner in which the Noble Lord who had
just sat clown had addressed some of his observations to
him, he felt it to be his duty to offer a few words in
reply.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") And in the outset he
might remark, that this was the first time an attempt had been
made to reply to a speech he delivered a fortnight ago, but for
his own part he did not feel that he should be justified In allow-
ing a single moment to pass by without pointing out some of the
inconsistencies which the Noble Lord's reply presented. In
the first place the Noble Lord argued as if he rested the de-
fence of the protective system upon the wisdom of their an-
cestors, and to some extent he admitted that he did. But the
Noble Lord brought forward a particular Act of the reign ,•f
Edward IV., by which protection, which existed even at thatl
time, was abolished. The Bill, however, to which his Noble
Friend had alluded, related to the internal, and not to the
foreign trade of the country. It related to parties who were
subject to their own legislation, and under their own control,
and it was rather too bad that his Noble Friend should have
sul•pressed that fact.---( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord bad
said free trade ought to be the rule, and protection the
exception ; while a Right Reverend Prelate had remarked that
the nearer their legislation approximated to a state of natures
the more perfect it became. But, unfortunately, in this' world
they could not always reach a state of nature, and before
they could establish free-trade upon this principle, all men and
all na• ions must come under the same control. It was a eel
good theory, he admitted, but in legislating upon it they must
take into consideration the difficulties which were in the via/
of its being put in practice. Arguing in this way was just the
same as a man saying he had discovered or invented an inge-
nious system of perpetual motion, without taking into considers-
tioa the action of the air and atmosphere on his invention.
The Noble Lord then proceeded to express his astonishment,
that he had defended the sliding-scale, but he did not impugn
his arguments, which proved that the sliding-scale had pre-
served a sliding in the market ; he did not prove that his argu-
ments were false.—( Hear, hear.) Could it be shown that
Prussia had reduced her duties on English cotton when they
reduced their timber duties ? She had not, and they had no
reason to suppose that if they reduced their duties on cores
that it would lead to a reciprocation from other countries. He;
was much surprised to hear from his Noble Friend, the under-
Secretary of State for the Colonies, that they were to be eon;
sidered more as an outlet for the overflow of the population of
the country. But if he looked upon the colonies in such ai
light he would tell them that they were useless. Nay, they
were less so, they were a burden. But they were not so. They
were for the purpose of extending their commercial cone
flexions. The Noble Lord said he was addressing
the House under disadvantages because th,e_
were not received from Canada.—(Hear, hear.) 11"Y' bea
would weih nothing better than that they should wait--and
that they should wait until the country had declared upon the
measure.—(Loud cheers.) Had they consulted Lord Met-
calf ? He believed that they had not. He was notaware what.
his opinions sere respecting the measure, but he did not think
that. they were favourable to the measure. Let them look to
the feelings of the Canadian Legislature—let them see, the
opinions of the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General of.
Canada, and they would see how they received the
they would find that they declared that it was fraught
utt.ttft
ruin to the Canadas, and left no resource to them b
to
throw themselves into the arms of the United States.—(Hear.)
The distress in Ireland did not arise from want of food,
sun,
from the want of employment. The want of employe!
measure.,
begot mutiny, which prevented the introduction of callita!!
and the consequent circulation of money which.
bad
11
would produce.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") They "_.
in Ireland an im They
were landed proprietary, with hee •leteily
mortgaged estates ; and what were they about to do?
were about to reduce, at least temporarily, the price ofcern;
for he believed that their one-sided free trade would produce
the greatest fluctuation, sometimes causing great temporarytraa.
diminution of price, and at other times raising it to an extrava-
gant could
gent height. Such would be the greatest evil the labourer
endure, as their wages were fixed generally by
an average, and
would
not by a fluctuation. And he believed that the landlordss
it
was
not be affected by the measure in so great a degree a
imagined by some. He considered that it would press heavier
_
upon the labouring classes, and, with that feeling, he opposed
it. This measure was not only injurious from its tendency en
the price of corn, but it was also injurious on the grounds of its
interference withl the incomes of the clergy. The church
would have been better provided for had not the Commutation
Act passed into a law, for then they would have had an lee
terest in the improvement of the land. There was a vast dif-
ference between the parochial clergy and the Right Reverend
Bench.—( Hear, hear.) The parochial clergy were dependent
on the price of corn, while, on the other hand, the 'eight
Rev. Bishops had their incomes fixed.—( Hear, hear, and e No,
no.") There was one interest which would derive a benefit
from this Bill, namely, that it would increafe the price of
money one-fifth, and the effect of this would be to increase the
national burdens of the country in connexion with the
national debt.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
One Right Rev. Prelate said that this Bill would have the
result of keeping alive the hopes of the people. He warned
their Lordships against any such fallacious course as this.--•
( Hear, hear. ) Hope long deferred maketh the heart sick.--
( Hear, hear.) It was a dangerous thing to feed up the hopes
of the people. It was a most pernicious thing to feed ffn
people with sweetened hopes, which, when disappointed, would
be found to be worse than any evils which might other-
wise
_
arise, even supposing those evils to exist,
ha contended did net exist.—(Bear, hear.)
tie warned their Lordships against the measure before
the House.—( Hear, hear.) Many of their Lordships were in-
clined to 1 ,ok upon this measure as one which should not call
for their opposition, because it was to be passed whether they.
should vote or not. He should be sorry to say that they should.e
not bow to the decision of the Legislature, but theyrti
should
bear in mind that they would, by voting for the measure, be
voting against their conseienees.—( Hear, hear.) If this was
a measure which was necessary to the preservation or wen-
being of the country, why was not the opinion of the country
taken upon it ?—( Hear. hear.) In a short time it would be
necessary to take the voice of. the people, and why not wait
for that ?—(Hear, hear.) If it were demanded by
the country at large, it would then be high
time to answer that demand—but even if the whole
voice of the people declared in favour of it, he questioned whe-
ther they could then leave the agriculture of this country
without protection.—(Hear, hear.) If, however, it was to
become the law of this country, if they were to pass that law,
after the voice of the country was taken upon it--( Hear, hear)
—they could then bow to that demand of the country with 6
good grace.—( Hear, hear.) He warned them, however,
against passing the present measure without being backed by
the demands o the people. It was not asked for by the nation
at large, but, on the contrary, it was opposed; and, if it was
desired, let the question be tried at once.—(Loud cheers.)
Earl GREY, amidst considerable cries of adjourn, en;
much confusion, rose to address the House. After order
bad
been restored the Noble Lord proceeded. The Noble Lord
who had last addressed the House commenced his speed' by
alluding to that side of the House, and charging the Noble
Lords who were in favour of the measure with not having
answered the arguments advanced by the Noble Lord
former occasion. He (Earl Grey) considered that the IN ;t!
7
Lord's speech had been answered by and
Learned Noble and Learned
Friend (Lord Brougham). It was true his Noble
Learned Friend had not gone into all the arguments advancedt
(Ear[
by the Noble Lord, but those which he did follow he E
Grey) was of opinion that he had succeeded in tearing the
Noble Lord's arguments to tatters. He would not - at that
late hour follow his Noble briend through all the details of
.u.
his
speech. Hhad is Noble Friend however referred to one
ion
s
which he would just glance at. He said that the late li
Grey)
denied had been productive of steady prices. He (Lord )
denied that such was the fact the
, for in contrasting
prices of this country with foreign countries,
took the Gezotee price for wheat in this country and
market price for corn abroad.—( Hear, hear.) This made
very material difference, and operated most injuriously
foreign prices, as compared with prices in this country. His
Noble Friend had also referred to Ireland, His arguments
however, on this head was very untenable, for they had no
right to keep up the price of land in Ireland by a continu_
king
of these protective duties. If there was one part of the. el
dom more than another which would be benefited by the
one
re-
moval of these restrictions, that part was Ireland. EveatrYbaue
eimitted that excessiavithoewmr:puisenutabitsjion in land was the great
evilof
w Ireland,eui
would
band
abatedi re
biyr required
the
o repealargumentf t.h
ato c
u shown, a
wthats, .9usgreat
nd s (Lord ed .
Lord BROUGHAM hoped
Stanley) would no longer say
that
made by his Noble Friend (Earl
thathihsisspeNecohblewasFriu:an
After the excellent reply just re
Id be no longeeverrded as having
Grey), that brilliant effortpart of that
di
ieyu
ss
1.0
n.
sight
had been most satisfactorily refuted.
eplaasbsoerrlate withoutbara harangue
irregular and absurd blunders he had ever
subject hamedcutbeehuennadcseormmitted that *At
. of the Hoe Well, let them admit it •
by the Noble Lord
• there was to be a fall in the •
rti,ceb of corn after
hOenaerdoft,othmerwmiottsetdizocetny
Noble Lord said
ddeo that with thethe of corn
the passing,
ofe
Lord a
all other cam' modities would fall, with the exception of bul-
lion ; and this falling of prices and rising in the value of money
cwoounil add
ddaay at
hfii
nft to all the
gh
be
more a
bp
suubrl
di c
than burd et
this—he
h(
el (Hear, ears, hear.)geing toN rot
argument—but argument it could not be called?—( Hear.)
Lord STANLEY explained that he meant that the money
t
of those who had fixed incom would' rise in value, and...l,
having fallen, a The prices of corn and commodities
would do so in this wa
money double whaptehneoyen:Owtibthefoareti.xed income could get for hte
. Lord BROUGHAM replied that he took it in that light,
but how could the falling of prices add to the burdehs of the
man who had a fixed income? Here was the absurdity, and he
was glad the [louse perceived it with him. He rejoiced that
they lived in the times of a representative Government, while
lie denounced the unconstitutional principle of those who were
represereed interposing, after they had delegated their trust to
the Ministry to settle particular questions, not only for thee"
selves, but fur those whom they had elected as their represen;
tatives.—( Hear, hear.) This, in his opinion, was the rear_
evil that could fall on a country governed by a representateve
Government, and he felt it his duty to warn the protection!!!
party that they were by their present course generating the evil'
Nell, then, it was said that an appeal was to be made to the
people by dissolving the Parliament; and it would be said
that appeal was to be made upon a most important gaesthen;
but the intrigues of party made the most trumpery ettes.estith
a question of " paramount importance." The ItlaPrgut
grant was made a question of " paramount importance k.
few.
though there was no dissolution of Parliament, many!Leir
hers resigned their seats, and when they
constituents they were not sent back to Parliament.--(ale,l
hear.) The speech of his Noble Friend, Lord I‘llllogble
went down to.,,iesr_
had been mentioned, not as an answer to that of th
Lord opposite, but only as an attempt at an allusion t
(Laughter)—and still it was a speech in defence of those who
had changed their opinions.
eo
Lord STANLEY—No ; but who had changed their vote'.
Lord BROUGHAM—WeII, then, he would adopt the 4 e
tinction, but it reminded him of that which en old maid one
insisted on, who did not wish to be called an old maid, but
ad
elderly unmarried lady.—( Laughter.) The reason for
"Pelee
re
ferring the total repeal of the corn-laws, against which he
fully aware there were several arguments—among others the
extent of the experiment, for he genii* 00 Os°
th