The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-15 00:00:00

was the county representation—or, rather, such was '
the system of tyranny and oppression, miscalled
representation, under the landlord system. But that
system had been attacked by the League, and, as far
as they had gone, with great success; and though
they were threatened with being met in the most
formisesble manner, he had no doubt but that the
issue would be most triumphant for the advocates of
free trade.—(Loud cheers.) On this question the
first Minister of the Crown had been charged with
cowardice and treachery to the cause that had brought
him into power. He (Mr. Villiers) did not believe
this was a true representation. He exonerated him
from the charge of cowardice, and could not see any
treachery in doing that which, to him, appeared best
calculated to serve the interests of the country.
—(Hear, hear.) It had been said at certain protec-
tion meetings on a former occasion, where the
policy of the Premier had been reviewed, that they
(the monopolists) had made him, and could unmake
him when they pleased ; for they had given him his
place, paid him his wages, and intended him to at-
tend to their wishes, and do nothing that was con-
trary to their interests.—(Hear, hear.) When a
Member of the House brought this matter under the
consideration of the Minister at the time it was de-
clared, and asked if such was a proper representation
of his position, he did, he (Mr. Villiers) was bound to
say, repel it with a proper spirit.—(Hear, hear.)
His words, on that occasion, were as follows :
It is my intention to act upon a sense of public
duty, and to propose those measures which my own
conviction of what is requisite for the public interests
shall make me think it desirable to propose. It is
right that there should be a distinct understanding as
to the terms on which a public man holds office. The
power of circumstances and a sense of public duty
have compelled me to take upon myself the harassing
and laborious office in which I am placed. What
can be my inducement to take office, and to make the
sacrifice the acceptance of it requires ? What can be
my inducement but the hope of rendering service to
my country, and of acquiring honourable fame ? Is
it likely I would go through the labour which is daily
imposed upon me, if I could not claim for myself the
liberty of proposing to Parliament those mea-
sures which I believe to be conducive to
the public weal ? I will claim that liberty, I will
propose those measure; and I do assure
this House that no considerations of mere political
support should induce me to hold such an office as
that which I fill by a servile tenure which would
compel me to be the instrument of carrying other
men's
.opinions into effect. Ido not estimate lightly
the distinction which office gives. It is not valuable
on account of the patronage which it enables its pos-
sessor to dispense nor from the personal distinction
it confers upon him; it is only valuable to any man
fit to hold it for an hour, on account of the
opportunity it gives him of serving his country ;
and the moment I shall be convinced that the power
of doing that, according to my conscientious sense of
public duty, is denied me, then I tell every man in
the country that he has conferred no personal obliga-
tion on me, by having placed mein this office ; but, free
as the wind, I reserve to myself the power of retiring
from the discharge of onerous and harrassing duties,
which, under such circumstance, could no longer be
discharged with satisfaction to myself, or advantage
o my country."
A voice—" Three cheers tsr Sir Robert Peel."
Another voice—" No, not now; at our next meet-
ing."—(A laugh.)
Mr. Vieereas, in continuation, said, that he thought
the course proposed a very proper one.—(Hear, hear.)
He would revert to the statement made by Sir Ro-
bert Peel, in order to show that party had no claims
upon him, but that he was only bound to do his duty
to the nation at large. Sir Robert Peel showed his
disposition to perform his duty, and he (Mr.
Villiers) had no doubt that he would perform
it.—(Cries of " Hear hear.") He might say, in
justification of Sir Robert's consistency, that from the
time he made the statement he had been consistent.
Was it not seers that he had assailed the system of
protection, and, not only that, but he had assailed it
in every instance his office allowed him, and with it
the parties who thought to claim him for their humble
servant. They had had enough of public men not to
have any faith in them ; but when the party acting
had his duties and his interests combined, he would
not shrink from what his interest prompted him to
do. The gentlemen who wished Sir Robert
Peel to be a servant to them had, during
the last four or five years, been making
a noise in the country, and had been ready
to support their Minister in spite of his pur-
suing a course contrary to their inclinations—they
1141 acted as his supporters and friends, and they had
shared in the favours the Government had been able
to bestow on the Premier, but they had now become
very loud in their opposition to his measures. They
had, at one time, been opposed to a protective interest,
andprotectiou had been altogether withdrawn bythem
freen a great many, and the weakest had been treated
with the least scruple. They had been told that their
own turn must come next, and that their own
system would assail themselves; and they had answered
that they were prepared for it. They had on every
occasion, in Parliament, adopted opposite principles
from what they now adopted. Persons had gone
before them, and had said what the protectionists
are now saying. Men had had their produce destroyed
by competition, and they had claimed from Parlia-
ment what the protectionists are now claiming ; but
those men had always been disregarded, and Parlia-
ment had looked upon their sufferings with philoso-
phy. Thousands had been thrown out of employ-
ment by the introduction of machinery, and they
had gone to Parliament to ask for some pro-
tection, but they were told that individual
interest must yield to the general good.—(Hear.)
They were the hereditary lords of a guod deal of pro-
perty, and they had been allowed to enjoy it freely,
but were they now to maintain that exclusive in-
terest to the annoyance of the community? Were
they able to point out any good result of their system
in the condition of their own people, and the general
condition of the country? One of the members of
that meeting had made an allusion to a meeting in
Ile county of Wilts; and would the protectionists
refer to the condition of the people who composed
that meeting as they appeared in the moon-
light? What had been said at Goatacre was
no novelty, for the protection system had existed
for a long time, and the condition of the people had
been the same for the last 23 years. In 1824 an in-
quiry was made by the House of Commons as to the
state of wages and labour, and by referring to the
report made they would find that the state of the
peasantry was such that it could not be worse, and
that any change must be for the better; and the wit-
nesses examined had given it as their belief that it
was the wretched condition of the people that had
tempted them to crime. It was quite conformable to
those inquiries that these people should be almost the
last in the scale of society. Some years ago some
commissioners were appointed by Government to
form a scale of society, and the agricultural labourer
was literally at the bottom of the scale—below the
felon in gaol. It was 12 years ago that a gentleman,
the Member for Bedford, and a Conservative, made a
personal inquiry into the cause of the condition of all
labourers who were confined in gaol in many of the
agricultural counties for causing riots and incen-
diarism—(Hear, hear)—and, although a Conservative
in policy, declared that the condition of these unfor-
tunates arose from the low state of their
wages leading them into the commission of
. their employers—(
crimes against Hear, hear.)
How could they prove anything in favour of their
system, by saying that when the price of provision
was high that wages increased in proportion, and that
if foreign competition were introduced into the mar-
ket the land would go uncultivated? Why, the poor
men at that meeting in Wiltshire had declared that
during forty years, whenever the price of provisions
had increased, the wages had not been increased in
proportion, mid that if the food or the means of getting
it were secured to them, they would take care that the
land_ would not go to waste.—(Loud cheering.)
_
they could not point to these people as a specimen
of the benefit of the system of protection, how
could they
" How have even answer the question of
you supplied them with food ?"—(Loud
(411)erug.) Had these men been supplied with food—
(No, no.) gad •
rzyt, the last four or five years
shown them the•fttu
estsibed that the country of their system ? They had
of itself produced enough to
support the whole of
hear.)people, but let them prove it
if they could.—(Reart!le
mTe. They brought scien-
tifie men to their protection meetings, who told the
farmers what they " could, would, might, and should
measures
do," if they adopted the recommended to
them, and that a public improvement would be the
result of those measures. What they all said
very
was
true, but they should let the land under circumstances
that would enable them to go to the trouble and ex-
panse of making these improvements. Lord Stanley
.once said in the House that the agriculture of
this country required a great improvement, but no
man could be expected to improve laud unless a secu-
rity was given for the duration of his interest on that
land by means of a long lease, as the extent of their
improvements would depend very much on the time
they would have to occupy the land.—(Hear, hear.)
He would ask if they had any prospect at
present of leases being more generally
Piven? At the meeting of the Agricultural
rotection Society, last Monda they had said that"
it was necessary for them to increase their influence
..
in the counties; but mild they do so by giving
leases to the farmers?—(No, no, and loud cheers.)
The fact was, that the farwould never be allowed
leases. A committee of inquiry uirbeen asked for
in the House of Commons foritvehneje.as. had
tthree years by Mr.
g
Cobden, but one was never although
ugh he had asked
over and over again, and they woulwaenreot grant one
at all if more active measures
Well, the fermers, too, had had their meetings upon
this question of free trade as well as others. The
farmers felt thiat they had their grievances to complain