The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LON DON, FRIDA FEBRUARY 18, 1846.

Noble Lord, and maintain that the logical deduction, if
attempted, would have failed the Right Hon. Baronet
on the occasion.—(Hear.) There had grownup practices
of laying on heavy and protective and prohibitory
duties ; and Mr. liuskisson, perceiving what branches
of manufacture there were which. could safely dispense
with them, and n hich were more inctunbere.d than as
cuter by such, withdrew from them the protection they
joyed. He (Mr. Co!quhoun) did not mean to
taaititain that had Mr. Huskisson lived until the
present moment he a ould have acted on thesame
systeni. The Noble Lord the Member for London took
exception to an argument put forward by the lion.
Member fur Northampton, and asked why should pro-
teetien be removed from manufacturing produce and
tillowed to remain o:t Vee soil. The Noble Lord quoted
Mum Smith, to the effect that it was•not alone the right
of a state, but was also wise and politic that a state
should impose duties on foreign commodities adequate
to the taxes which they laid on their o.vn productions.
e40,4' did that apply in the present case ? They had an
ormous taxittion resting on this country peculiarly,
because it arose from the national debt. They were in
the habit of putting a duty on foreign produce, ns an ade-
tliiate equivalent ; then
why leave manufactures out of the
etiteg°r-Y ? why, but because it had a natural and ade-
quate protection. No man could look at the soil of
htelferdehire or Lancashire without seeing an
"Meet of mineral in it that gave them an
vantage over all the rest of the world.
grieulture in this country was exposed to seasons
to e
t:llaiittu-roeirciouS, more variable, and more severe than
any other country in Europe, w.hile the manu-
tbliee
experoitt: the country had correse ending . advantages.n
43.,t1t the. Right Ilonouieble Baronet rested his case upon
lice Of the last three years, and toappea
thiAt aPPrehensiens of the agriculturist, he pointed out
th:lthe reduction which had taken place in the imperta-
-2f., fereign cattle had produced high prices, rather
how.
er f.r uepreseed the market. The Right Hon. Baronet,
eee, did not see that this argument was against him-
tnnroryte.heesrsapart of his argument he. said the
is°e rev
sen
ry to cheapen the necessaries of life
hOp'The Right Honourable Baronet was,
bithever, wrotig in supposing the tariff had produced. theea.
lieu Prices, for, when the tariff was passed,
the
impr
witt. tut abrpen oad that they .were going to flood country
frem all parts of the world, and, the conse-
,dilee ;° wa„atis the market was glutted with English pro.
in the year afterwards there was a
sthiChimited OPLY.---(llear, hear.) There was another cause
couldhe Produted these high prices, and one to which
raging refer with satisfaction, and without d p
calls gh the Right Honourable Baronet's tariff. This
hies e the !pa effect of stimulating employment andceunrna:
Ina d ••"e labouring classes of this country to _
Peelle% trore butcher's meet.— Tear, hear.) No
14ilwartc?uld urge that the great development, of
'eeigh,V, la this country depended on any commercial
amount of
%pied, un---it depended on the enormous
l'inrsue .and on that system of 1 it open to
-dem Its own. course. (Loud cheerin The
h 43 net for Inverness, himself a free) trader,
44141,1}-4111 and again called upon us to interfere.
11014;" a stop to the progress of railway enterprise.
teeth- et the Parliament abstained from such a course,
The e,eonsetpitince has been beneficial to the country.
11 lienourable Member for Sunderland (Mr.s
tetitt4en), alto has been the architect of
con-
the ter
the has contributed greatly to
uponc
e benefits of the distribution of. capitalt.anany
stll4°„,n,ntree and he deserved more praise than
%tat 'etther of the House. The Right Honourable httwete.
Ace " seemed to state that there was no connexion
i ht It wat_et•s and the price of. provisions, and
the
°t t -r • dmade allusion to the speech of
eth, „ • Friend
selhbe lietiotirable Baronet, in which he touched
bI the vtrY qnestion how the labourer would be affected
lielltfc,Nll-law. With all the talents of the Right Ilon.
thSt 111, an, and his knowledge of the tactics of debate,
Ili'leieti,;(l4ion to the Right n.a.r.m.c
.t's speech, in his
"1, ,wss lio
o mst unhappy and indiecreet, because in
l the Right lion: Baronet urged very strongl)
tit rqtal (1' the corn-law would limit the employ-
the
o t" labourer, and would shake the interests of
fs ili eourer, both agricultural and manufacturing.
tef
,hkt Honourable Friend disposed
.i y
fie ar u ts that had been urged against him._
hgav'en'ehanged my opinion, there is an en:till
411...-h,-.l"tel and continued cheers.) But
.he.
wThere
Int,
not 'nl that there was not an end of it.
t'f end.' of it because a person was a man
wilt Cher as an orator or as a poet. life mustt_at
nitkieP teluember that his words are winged shafts,
address
e,,t/r 1). .te?l,anY minds—that when urged with all the
.na
,'",,h,t,,:„'"ght lion. Friend, these thoughts an.d ern'?
tZir npil° men • and had a great share in forming
•"' sentiments ; and, therefore, w.hesiel.
-th Iggl. lion ble Baronet, having urged the
he 41,44_ °lira
li4l th 3 for many years,
.turns his back upon-
„eY eoul t conceal their surprise.—(Gheehrs.)
1",t'n4"43,:411°‘v him to remind him that his opinions an
Man in the country, they stood now very
sole oefortithe country, were admitted to be Leirdys
very rgtitrirqits at making
h
; tc'werful impression. Haeo. aeourdanynot mhelp
1411 A Chi'', as his Honourable Friend was speak-
's oh 4, these winged shafts had often transfixed
I,"vitil),:i44nts on the other side of the House. But if he
1,1111'1:4th opinions, they had not. He wished_ t
ary.
.°n• Baronet amongst them then to urge the d
slid the same opinions which he had now repu i
741;1 -";elleyrev they did not achieve victory, they
ticted tb"4,e er'
gallant contest; and in . their
-patdeY would hive the consolation of not having
-tiatti.-. their opinions. Then his Right Hon.. Friend
allew ,a
11.14,ti0n
faun to remind him that his view of
ne which nobody could deny.
pl,to„.e.,,tfi"evii,tll:rewspagecets twoatalio! speech of the Hon. Member
ecilstee3 that the rate of wages and the price of
rieho varied after a certain time. That he (Mr.
11,14/lae TO believed was true. He believed any gen-
'Flst \4.110 looked into political science would say.
t).„1/l• ‘\4g.,s did not always fall with the price
11.)eitc'evt''',1,,-4.'s• Perhaps by a repeal of the corn•laws the
It'inittee'" Country would be benefited; but whilst
.he
that • - could not help stating
„,, • the , fact, be
'le',,,"'heu market must be glutted, and conse-
4)‘ t° Price of labour would be reduced. This
e•
."(1) in Ireland at the present moment—the.
e"°3'crl:„-; that country being deficient of
.em
th,', and the population gradually increasing.
em-
it
if the argument of the Secretary of State—
; I""Ruittents of the Right Honourable Gentleman
ee'ss%ritr and sound—if it be true that by the.
"'Sri 4- Proposedwould be displaced—if
eeit4 some lands
4414 dt re would be subjected to straits, then ttn-
:t-' with the fall in the price of provisions the price
er aege' would fall also.—(ll.ear, hear.) The
"ett,,iei,',iiaLlie agricultural population would be most
eniber - ( 'tear, hear.) If the Honourable
begtp for Welverbaniptoa were in his place, he
e.th remind him that he made an ataleraiissiboun.
44lnli'le'e effect. Ile 'perfectly -recollected h
*fits et tellingcorn-laws
tte k,‘ g them that the effect
0,1, -en into cultivation one poor r t na of land
'"etwiee would be uncultivated. Now that
Right
e•‘°llo,, t'"netlY the petition of the
.111 e44lde -Gentleman. - Great as would be the
,1111 life prices, the fall in wages would be still lower,
Z'Llte'"e conditien of the co,:ntry would be greatly
141.4t°d• He would take the views of those
tpelntentled, that in proportion to the freedom Oven
ht•h' Rini agriculture, trade would be increaeed
f',Prte-en•ages of the labouring classes would be
e''dree.eo• Ile denied that such a conclusion would
What was the cafe with regard to the
',„tki- Lot labour? With all the improvements which
,44t1 of late received, had wages increased ?
itreet;'se the question he would put to. Right Iron. Gen-
ie' 11••,,,,
„lie would put it to the Right Hon. Member
Plti"inghant, whether such a result had followed,.
: 41' Member said, that whereas formerly he sold
h'llet.l4 for ;16s , he now sold it for Gs.—(llear) anhde
eeanitF' labourer. used to receive for his share in the
spa that article upwards of 75., he now. re
(41.,,e ()Fitt • . 11)1' '4'l3. Is l Non, when his
ofßitghhat
labourer,
r}e'rri,enhde
dr Q. Proving the condition..l33
to a
I*llllll' 'll'ilth",l) could not help referring hi
*n. 'finPplied by Mr. Horner and Mr. Has-
v• :`"Q year 1841. He was not going
ire
• ith lung statistical details, but
the sanetieneef the House, state just one,
rristhie'llit:e"....s,olv what had been the pressure upon
• tetet - necessary pressure, it was true,
ee-eesat-,^Y ,tompetition, which forced him, not
1-J' to testae of his own, but from positive_
I,l4o'?lrjet ll•ednett the rate of wages. The House would
'''stfe'rethetet,at the statement he would refer to was,
ripe Ives He found,then
'ijittl 1,4 -‘,l,,ll,344la'lurerstheill-se • :as had fallen in
roq'" 145,1 1828 to- 1341 fine yarns
4,11 th 31 p:r cent., and how was that met ?
nese "° t" spinner's rate of wages 29 per cent.
a . ins
ehe l3 per cent.—(Hear,
i-cele eh„ el
-,sea of workers
!qt. era oxh'ers.) What was • the benefit the manu-
-71,,t4-'4we? to derive from: a repeal of the
hat ‘‘,.,orde ort,„, (Mr. C olquhoun) would tell them
ereet eae th gent,, en.en, members of the League.
Aet,4t iron t• view which Mr. Wilson, one of
cu
25 ofth).
the
• 11" "niriesters in Scotland, took of this t
e5111(ils eeiit said, that when iron had fallen
',ate not ee" iwages had been. reduced 15, and they
Wire rho i.‘vtreil further, in consequence of the
Ireelat'n eat„ nnpertaiion of foreign corn.
cornAi
the si4 1) done that when the duty on foreignr
4ear-NI era "'a). "'a). with, he would be able to lower
't hear, by lowering the rate of wages.—
Ilt"t• Gee' 4o(1 cheers.) °What was the opinion
14.341(1 tli4V4' who Itzenerly represented Manchester?
lfe„ .to Ivitie
eh batter education, more sober habits, toga
gee,t e.al)"r food, would enable the labourer to
taei, this fset e„re Comfort. There could be no doubt of
1(.1,,e,i no onci moment, and he (Mr. Colquhoun)
did
pet: the :tne to the manufacturers because they ed
tie,;4Qd by f,,3,4t9 of wages.—(near, hear.) They were
lye; Nap coMpetition—they were obliged to beatl '
elaig.„e 'n t very means in their power—te.ry
Jew 'r te abridge their expenses to add to the
r the their
machinery, bat they were also obliged to
t:111t. ruew.,tßes of their labourers. If the effect
fed,
.sure would be to reduce the price
tt.. cvils, )Plovided there were no countervail-
tha.'t het, ifs k ileledged that it wotild.7be a bene-
nf lec)nntr•• they met the workinz classes of
t and told• them that after the repeal
thae4tcs as-clittenejleaws they would receive the same
• . they mould re, then he Colquhoun) affirmed
"n meet ti • ' '
epee en, ert„ , - them wita a eeiuslome--(Cheering.)
fii,_eh letd beta for Northampton's eloquent and able
pr'i? 41741 eentituented upon as being of an ineen-
s've." had Intended" did not think that his Hon.
he e:te,, to give it such a character. At
all
shucohpead tchhaatrgnuotltioinghe
t made
heitr"s eels Ear from treating the manufacturers
44d they
avers habit of grinding the poor, he beliel ed
itethirespri,;
ogre it sources of the vretelth
leveroe, t-E,,ngilod• If he looked to noraing
iet. shml-1 up'eoNl Vie mar ufaceoring
hr 4 19ts
,zlnr ae a large maim facturitg town,
‘4lrllity vto'vElltti
Y cryurse enhanced in value iiry its
a t°lvia• If this Pleasure 'were

calculated to have the effect of harmonising
the different clasSes of this country, then of
course it would be beneficial, and he should
heartily rejoice in it, He regretted, however, to hear
the Noble Lord the Member for London hold out a hope
to the labouring classes that this measure would im-
prove their condition. It might stimulate trade, and have
a tendency further to develop manufactures, but he was
afraid that one effect-of that would be to keep _down wages.
The lion. Member for Northamptonshire (Mr. Stafford
O'Brie.a) had said truly, in his aldress the other even-
ing, that since the national wealth had so much in-
creased, a considerable depreciation had taken place in
the condition of.the working classes ; that, though they
might have great influence among the upper and middle
auks of
,society, they would find the condition of the
labouring classes, gradually getting worse. What they
wanted was the taking of direct step , in order to cif. et
an improvement. It was not by a commercial code,
but by direct and specific ineaeures,, that the condition
of the labouring classes was to be aslvaeced. But such
was the attachment of Hon. Members on :Op opposite side
of the House to their political economy, that when the
Noble Lord the Member for Dorsctshire (Lord Ashley)
proposed his measure for
,the limitatio3 of the hours 01
employment fur the labouring classes, they reviled at
his benevolent endeavourse---(Hearehear.) If they were
asked for their support to any measure for the religious
instruetion of-th people, or to advance their moral good
and social comforts, what -was the answer ? If the
Right Hon. Baronet ah the head of the Government were
to propOse any scheme of that kind, he would be met by
a distinct le fusaLs---(Hear, hear.) The commercial code
milt do some good to the manufacturers, but would not
advance the condition .of the labouring classes. The
country, were it passed, would still be liable to those
revulsions, and that distress to which the Right Hon.
Baronet referred„in his speech of 1812. There would
be the same pericelical visitations, and though capital
might abound, without credit it would be unavailing.—
(Hear, hear.) They might expect that in years of de-
ficient harvests the labourers would. Suffer, and not being
able to purchase of the manufecturers, general distress
would prevail. Even if the corn-laws were aban-
doned they would still be as much affected by a de-
ficient harvest as before. They would find, with a good
harvest a prosperous trade, and when the harvest was
deficient, distress and decline in Lancashire and York-
shire.—(Hear.). He woeld call the attention of the
House to a circular issued by Messrs. Fergusson and
Taylor, corn merchants of America, who stated that
their experienee went to show that in years of deficient
harvest great distress pervaded in the home market.
Those gentlemen said that in September last there was
an apparent langour or disaster in the first harvest, and
that instant the home market began to decline.—(Hear.)
Buyers were scarce, and goods were left upon the owners
hands. Hon. Members proposed that corn should be
brought from abroad to remedy that evil. But if those
Hon. Gentlemen would look to the working ot
the system, he thought they would find a dif-
ference in the results in different places. The
Hon. Member for Stockport '(Mr. Cobden) had
calculated in his speeches (and he admitted that his eel-
culations woe correct) the amount of produce brought .
from the English soil to be 200,000,000. Mr. M‘Cul•
loch made a similar calculation. Now, when there came
such a year as that of 1838, in which there was a defi-
riency in the harvest of four per cent., and when there
came such a year as 1839, when the deficiency was eight
per cent., was it not perfectly clear that they would be
taking away from the exchangeable wealth o!
the country, an amount varying from 8,000,000
to 6,000,000 ?—(Hear, hear.) That must' be admitted
by all parties. Would the green corn from abroad meet
that deficiency ? He conceived that it would not. It
might aechmplish other objects, but it would certainly
not meet the deficiency which would take place after the
repeal of the corn-laws. If the aggregate manufactures
of this country expected a defence from the aggre-
gate agriculture of England equivalent to 200,600,000/
a year, there would be a failure to the extent of
8,000,0001 wdrth in the next year, and in the next year
to the extent of 16,000,0001. it was perfectly clear that
their foreign demand, greatasit might be, Would not meet
that deficiency whieh would occur in the home market. Let
them write their foreign demand as high as they chose—
assuming that after the repeal of the corn-laws they
shou'd gain such a development of trade as they antici-
pated (and which he sincerely wished for them)—still the
manufactures of this country would be greater than the
aggregate demand of both the home and the foreign
markets; and if there were a failure in any one year, as
there would be in their home market, they would have
the same languor in trade, they would have the same
dulness in prices, and the same difficulties fur their
labouring population to undergo, and the same pres
sure in the homes of the poor of this country.—(Hear.)
And, after all, he would assume that they would
gain a development of foreign trade, they would
still have the same languor and deficiency, produced
by a languid and deficient harvest—(Hear, hear)—and
that deficiency would entail upon those engaged in
nianuractures, and the labouring population generally
great privations. And he therefore frankly confessed
that he could not join with those who anticipated,
as the result of the proposed commercial re-
laxation, a larger development of manufactures. But
while he, on the one hand, did not think that they
would escape the difficulties arising from a de-
ficient harvest, he, on the other hand, did think
that they might be bringing upon the country very seri-
ous difficulties of another kind, to which their attention
did not seem to have been directed, but which ho con-
fessed deserved their best and most deliberate con-
sideration. W hat, he would ask, was to become of their
colonial farmers ? What was the amount which
at the present time went to the colonial farmer ?
It was a quantity of constantly growing amount, and
had at one time increased to 15,000,0001. It was not
likely either that sugar or other colonial produce would
be long allowed to survive this.—(Hear, bear.) The
Hon. Members on the opposite side looked forward with
confidence to this side of the House for the accomplish-
ment of that measure. but if that was going to be done,
he would ask how long after it should be accomplished
did they expect to keep their other colonial markets?—
(Hear.) He had not forgotten that the Hon. Member
for Taunton had said that they were likely to lose
their colonial markets. Well, then, he (Mr. C.) -would
contend that this measure would have that effect. But
then there was another and much heavier blow to be
inflicted by it. If the effect of the measure
was to depreciate agricultural produce, then there
would be• a limited demand for other articles
in the • home -markets, and the results would
be the same-as they:were in 1838, when there was a de-
ficient harvest from natural causes, and there was also a
deficient supply.—(Hear, hear.) He could not look at
this measure with that confidence with which other men
regarded it. There was another point which he con•
eeived made it still more untenable and uncertain. Now,
he would like to ask the lion. Member for Wolver-
hampton, would he go clown to his constituents, and
take this law in his hand, as a perfect
code c f free-trade laws for the year 1846 ? He
'Noted do no such thing, because it was not a perfect
free-trade code, so long as there still remained a protec-
tive 'duty upon silk, and upon lace, and upon china, and
upon metals. Why then was this done? What inter-
est was there in favour of the farmer in affording pro
tection to silk, and to china, and to lace, and to metals?
None in the world. Well, then, the argument must be
that those articles were not sufficiently strong of them-
selves to exist without protection.—(hear, hear.) And,
surely, if they were not, how much less able was agri-
cultural produce to endure without protection ?
An Hon. Member on the other side of the House said
he could conduct a farm in Buckinghamshire with as
much profit with free trade for the policy of the coun-
try as lie could with the highest protection. Well, he
heartily wished the Hon. Member would try the experi-
ment. He would promise him he should have an opportunity
of doing so, "Some of his Hon. Friends, he had no doubt,
connected with Buckinghamshire, would give him one
of their best farms on lease—(Hear and laughter)—
which might be for a term as long as the Hon. Member
pleased, as long even as in Scotland, and at the lowest
rate of rent, and with only one condition—the Hon. Mem-
ber should show them the ledger at the end of the year,
and with this lease be would undertake to say, the advice
of the Hon. Gentleman to his friends at the end of the
year would be—Close your purses, for the Bucking-
ham-fields have emptied mine.—(Laughter.) It could
nut •be questioned for a moment, that if a man
wished for a return for his capital during the existence
of free trade he must invest it in manu-
factures, and not in agriculture.—(Hear, hear.)
Before he sat down he was anxious to answer a question
respecting those laws. He had no hesitation in saying,
that although he opposed the measure generally, he gave
to some parts of the measure . his most willing
and cordial assent. His opposition to a part of
this measure was on the ground that he entertained
distrust of the policy of the Right Hon. Baronet. He
confessed he did feel distrust, not alone of that, but of
other measures introduced by the Right Hon. Gent'e-
man. He (Mr. Colquhoun) did not mean to say that it
would be in the power of any Government to maintain
the agricultural interests, and at the same time to continue
any longer the present rate of production.—(Opposition
cheers.) He (Mr. C.) confessed he should like to see, on
a great question of that kind earnest and able arguments
used by the Right Hon Gentleman. He spoke in his
absence, but he (MrhColquhoun) would say nothing in
his absence that ho would not say if he had been pre-
sent. lie would say that the Honourable Member
for Stockport (Mr. Cobden) advocated the measure
in an able, a learned, and a talented manner, but he (Mr.
Colquhoun) did not take the same view of that
measure, great as are
,the authorities against him.
He would say, if they acted on the principles of the
Reform Bill, they should meet the Reform Bill
in spirit. It was quite obvious to every-
body that they could not maintain their
institutions unless they maintained the 'Principles.
which brought about that great question.—(llear.)
Unless they can be consistent in argutnent—unless they
can appeal to great leiter: sts, they could not carry this
measure with success. They, in c'intending for mo-
derate agricultural protection, were not contending for
that which was injurious to the manufacturer of this
country.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He (Mr.
Colquhoun) -erould give, for the sake of the interests of
the country, his earnest support to agricultural pro-
tection.--(Cheers.) Why, Sir, he heard the Honour-
ebla Member for Wolverhampton say, no later than the
year 1845, that the Right Honourable Baronet was
dexterously pleying en that occasion, and that
they should take great care, for that the
question would be surrendered.—(Fleas, hear.)
It was on the ground of his feeling for these institutions
that he fehliiinself compelled togive his most earnest op-
position to the measure that the Prime Minister had
brought before the House. Now lie felt bound to
bear his testimony to the feeling and the prin-
ciple by which, on this question the Honourable
Member for Stockport had been actuated, and
which he had manifested during the whole course of the
diseu:sion.—(Cheers.) e lie was bound to say that the
feeling that that: lion. Member bacl.manifested bad
been a strong, an able, and 'an earnest feeling. Now he

felt compelled to give to this question his most earnest
and honest onosition, but in doing that he was
determined that his exposition of the fallacies
with which the question had been surrounded
should be earnest, unequivocal, and decided,
It was well known that his feeling for several Members
of the Government, of which the Right Hon. Baronet
was at the head, had been both cordial and enduring.
And notwithstanding the difference which bad
taken place in the Right Honourable Baronet's
opinions, he still professed no personal antipathy,
for his feelings were those of 4incere friendship and un-
diminished attachment ; and yet he felt bound us a man,
as a Member of that House, and, above all, as a member
of a commercial community, although it was a great
abrasion of his own personal feelings, to express his de-
termined, earnest, sincere;' open, and avowed opposi-
tion to the measure 'Which the Right llonourable
Baronet had submitted for their decion; and whilst that
Right Honourable Gentleman continued to be the master
spirit and the presiding genius of the Cabinet, he must
withhold front them anything like adhesion to
their policy, or support of any measure they
might bring forward. He did not mean to say
that this support was to be withheld simply on any
matter of tigiicultural protection, but upon those great
interests in which the whole of the welfare of the popu-
lation was involved. He could not help' feeling that
this was a matter of the Utmost importance, and he
deeply regretted that the Right Hon. Baron( t hod not
followed the example of the upright and straightforward
conduct of the Hon. Member for Stockport. For his
own part, he should give his vo`e on this question,
although it Was against the object of the party
with vvhorn he was accustomed' to act, 'with a
determinate decision, whatever the consequences might
I?., in accordance with the principles lie had always pro-
fessed, although a disregard of party ,itnight,though
futilely, be laid to his charge. (The 'llott Gentleman
sat down amid loud and prolonged cheefs7 both
sides of the lieuse.) intaioa 719;..
-
Mr. WYNN said, that many of those'4l49blatioad-
dressed the House had lamented that the 'iittititl&of this
question was such as to cause very consid'erable diffir-
ence of opinion amongst the political" leaders of
this country. Although he Might differ from'some
of them in his vote, and shenild vote for those Who
held his own opinion, yet he felt himself 'divided
on this question, which so very much divided
the opinions of men in general. lie differed in opinion
from a most sespectable meeting of his own consti-
tuents, but that was a circumstance to which many
Members of that House must necessarily be exposed.
Ile had had the good fortune to enjoy for fifty years
the confidence of his constituency, and ir he had ever
departed from their opinion on any paticular question,
they had acknowledged that it might be a conscientious
matter. Ile was satisfied that he had performed his

duty to the country I,)y consulting what lie considered
o be its interests rather than the feelings of any parti-
cular party of the pc rsons whom he represented. He felt
that this question put the well-being of the agriculturist
and the manufacturer in the balance, and their
interests were so much alike that they could not look at
one wi,hout considering the other. He had heard speak
of the benefit•of leaving a question of this kind to the
individuals themselves rather than to the Government.
Ile was aware that it had been the policy of the Govern-
ment to promote laws for the protection of the agricul
turists and the manufacturers. Much as he respected
the institutions and legislation of our forefathers, there
was no point on which he differed from them so much
as their practice of meddling with what might be easily
,nanaged by the individuals concerned. When he looked
at the regulations relative to agriculture—the limit that
was set to the quantity of land to be devoted to pasture
or tillage, he was surprised ; and when ho looked at
the fact, that the price of wheat was to be regulated
by the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Chancellor, or the
Lord Chief Justice, he entirely disapproved of it.
ft was said that every vessel which brought over wine
to this country would also bring over bowed staves.—
(Laughter.) It was said that for every butt of wine
brought over, ten bowed staves would accompany it.
Let them remember that it was not till the close
of the reign of James 1. that a permanent change in
our commercial policy took place, but it was not till the
Administration of Mr. Pitt, that a more generous change
took place. About the period of the Union, he first pro-
pounded his commercial policy. Acting upon his usual
policy, he threw aside the prejudices of his pre-
•lecessors, and brought those principles into law.
The best answer he could give to those who questioned
the necessity of altering the present state of things was
that which the French merchant gave at one time to
Colby, when lie inquired, " What can I do for
the encouragement of your trade and prosperity ?" the
answer was, " to let them alone."—(Hear, and laughter.)
He hoped that the Government would carry their mea-
sures out to a still greater extent. He confessed he
should have been better pleased if they had done so.
He believed, however, that it could not be done
at present, and that so far as it could have been
with safety to the country it had been done. The
experience, the enterprise, anal the capital of this country
would, he believed, obviate the great evils of which the
Hon. Member who last addressed the House had spoken.
It had been said that the agriculturists could not assist

their husbandman as the Manufacturer did his work-
men, by improved machinery. He could say that so
far as his experience and observation went, he
differed from that opinion. He thought he saw daily
the beneficial iffects of the application of machinery to
agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) He saw large proprietors
erecting upon their estates machinery for the manu-
facture of drain tiles. These tiles were sold to the tenant

it prime cost. He hoped that this system would be
developed to a greater extent. It had also been said
that it was not to the interest of this country to depend
upon foreign countries fur the supply of c•wn. He was
of opinion that was a fallacy. He considered that the
Americans would be as anxious to encourage our buy-
ing their corn as they were anxious to sell it. He thought
they would act as the old Dutch merchant, who, in the
time of a war between that country and France, was
asked why he exported his merchandise there,
that if he were told they were in want of sulphur in the
lower regions he would send a ship-load of that com-
modity to the mouth of Acheron, provided he could obtain
a sufficient insurance to cover the damage that might be
done by the singeing of the sails. He had also known
many members of the Anti-Jacobin Clubs who would
never refuse to take a glass or a bottle of claret, upon
the ground that it would give assistance to the French
merchant ; and such, he conceived, would be the state
of things even if this country should be dependent
for its supply of corn upon foreign countries.
He hoped to see the policy which directed those mea-
sures carried to a greater extent, and with that view he
would give the Government every support.
Mr. G. HEATHCOTE said, in addressing himself
to the present question, be would endeavour to be as brief as
possible, He did think that an appearance of consistency was
due from public men. When his Hon. Frirnd on this (the Oppo.
*Rion) side of the House brought forward measures which he
thought injuriousto the agricultural interests he opposed them ;
and row, when the Government brought forward measures
which he considered iefinitely more injurious, more extensive in
the injuries which they wou'd 'abet, he would give
them every oppositicn. —(Ministerial cheers.) He begged
their attention to the state of thjngs which existed during the
last year.. Their manufactories were prosperous, trade was
extending itself, and agriculture was beginning to recover itself
from the deep and deadly wounds inflicted by the Right Hon.
Gentleman. Well, the Government,in this state of things, pro-
pose a series of measures, accompanied by a change of opinion
unparalleled in the record of political terg-rvisation. The
Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government had
turned out his Noble Friend, because he brought forward a
propositien for a fixed duty of 83. But now he came for-
ward and proposed a fixed duty of 45., and at the end of three
years he intends to remove all 'protection from agriculture.
He had called this a dangerous experiment. He was justified
in so calling it, for it was an experiment that was contrary to
the experience of all countries and all time. The Right Hon.
Baronet had told us that all history and records of events should
be expunged from the annals of England previous to the period
of his own Administration. He (Sir. Heathcote) would ask
whether the three years' experience of the Right Hon. Baronet
would bear him out in proposing to the House the present
measure ? He (Mr. Heathcote) was quite ready to admit that
there was great prosperity, a diminution of crime and
improved condition of morals at present in the country;
but he thought those advantages were entirely owing to the in-
creased employment of labour. l'he cause of this was owing
to the nation having expended its capital in a variety of sources
where labour was necessary, and especially in the construction
of railroads in various parts of the country, and thus improv-
ing the modes and facilities of conveyance: He would main-
tain that the country was more indebted to the Hon. Member
for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson) for his activity and energy in
promoting the construction of railroads, than to any free-trade
measures of the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) In the year 1839, the Hon. Member for Kendal
down and told the House that the manufacturing interests
were in a preposterous condition, and yet wheat had fallen Bs.
a quarter. There was an attempt to annihilate the interest of
protection, and the followers of the Right Hon. Baronet would
find it out when they presented themselves on the hustings at
the next election. The Hon. Member for Wiltshire had alluded
to what bad taken place in the year 1815, as if that had been
the first time. when the corn-laws were to be heard of. Why,
the corn-laws and protection to agriculture had been in exist-
ence for the last two hundred years, and he considered, further,
that if an error had been committed in 1815, by forcing up the
price of wheat, a still greater error would be committed in
1846 by attempting to abolish them altogether.—(Hear, hear.)
He would ask whether there was any strong cause of public
necessity to justify the present measure?—(Hear, hear.) He
meant, a strong feeling of the public with reference to this sub-
ject, similar to that which overrun England, previous to the
Reform Bill. As far as he knew, all was tolerably peaceable
and quiet. The warfare carried on was exclusively a defen-
sive warfare. When the manufacturers put on the armour of
free trade, the agriculturists assumed the whole panoply of
protection. The history of the last five or six years, with re-
spect to elections, was a complete record of defiance of protec-
tion, and of the strongest failure of the gentlemen who support
free trade.
Sir. BRIGHT—The West Riding of Yorkshire for instance?
Mr. G. HEATH COTE resumed, that was an exception
but, besides that, the free trade gentlemen had nothing to boast
of at the elections. Why, they had failed in the very heart of
free trade. They had failed at Birmingham, at Sunderland,
and lastly, they had failed at Wigan.—(Cheers.) His Noble
Friend, the Member for London, had admitted it, and con-
firmed it. There was no doubt whatever that a large propor-
tion of the people of this country were opposed to the
principles of fr, e trade. In the year 1841, whole consti-
tuencies, at the time of the elections, passed resolutions in
favour of-protection, and now the Parliament elected under
the banner of protection, was about to decide in favour of
free trade. Looking at the whole state of the case, whether
at home or abroad, he felt sati,fied that the principles of free
trade could not be adopted either with safety or with honour.
—t Hear.) Neither could foreign nations be anode to alter
their tariffs until three-fifths of the people of England had
been induced to change their opinions. lie would now speak
a few words with respect to the famine that was said to
threaten the country. As regarded Ireland, he should be
happy to render that unhappy country every means
of rescuing itself from the portending distress. At a
meeting of his own constituents, which had recently
been held, he had told them at once that if any measure for the
relief of the people of Ireland should be brought forward, he
hoped they would allow him to give it his support.—( The pro.
posit ion was received with simultaneous cheers of assent.) If,
}weepier, a measure were to be adopted for the relief of Ire-
hind, why was it not carried into effect at once? When peo-
ple, here starvirtg, delap were cruel and dangerous, If local

difficulties or distress existed, local remedies should be
applied, but do not, because local distress exists, disturb
the great laws which regulate a mighty empire ; with respect
to the question of famine pervading the whole country,
he thought it was contradicted at once, by the prices
that were obtained at present. There may be fa-
mine in the newspapers, and among her Majesty's Ministers,
but there was no real famine while the present prices of corn
were maintained. ile would now address himself to the ques-
tion which was immediately before the House, as to the aboli-
tion of the corn-laws. The corn-laws prevented low prices,
to which there was a tendency. If all regulations with regard
to price were taken away, there would always be either too
much corn or too little. When there was a good harvest, fo-
reign nations would keep their surplus produce for themselves,
and this nation would go without, and be exposed to all
the disastrous consequences. In good years, on the contrary,
there would be an enormous influx of foreign corn.--(Hear.)
The surplus which is l.kely to come under free trade, is ex-
tremely different from what it is under existing circumstances.
Foreign nations at present have a dread at the extreme uncer-
tainty of the sliding-scale, which prevents them from growing
more corn than they can dis:unse of with a profit, but when
there was no duty at all to frighten them, there would be a
great superfluity.
An Hose. MEMBER—Say plenty.
Mr. HEATHCOTE continued—Yes, he was for plenty,
but not for a wasteful superfluity. He had had the honour,
some time since, to represent the town of Boston in Parlia-
ment, and he found that it was much cheaper to export wheat
from Hamburg to London than it was to bring it from Boston
to London. It was cheaper, because the wheat was conveyed
in foreign ships. He believed that the countries in the north
of Europe would undersell the United States in corn. The
consequence would be that corn would be purchased from
countries who will take nothing but specie in exchange, and
your manufactures will be sent to a country who will not re-
ceive them because you will not take their corn. He did think
that when a great experiment Ike the present was about to be
tried, the farmers ar.d agriculturists ought to know what they
had to expect. He would now read to the House some extracts
from tables of the prices of foreign corn which he had prepared
about four years ago. From the years 1815 to 1846, in Dant-
zic c, rn, during twenty-five years, the average appears to be
2es. per quarter, and during the last seven years of tnat
1 eried it was 25s per qnarter. During a period of seven con-
secutive years in Denmark, the price of corn averaged only
lets. per quarter. Now, it might be said that this was because
Denmark was a stall country, anti that low prices would be ob-
tained when there was an abundance. To this he would reply that
the price of Denmark was the price of all the North. He would
read the prices for the same average of years in different parts.
In Prussia, it was 165.; in Cologne, 165.; in Brandenburg, 175.;
in Siberia and Pomerania, 175.; in Dardzic, 225.; at St.
Petersburgh, 225.; and at Riga, 20s. per quarter. lie would
ask what would be the effect of the introduction of foreign
corn at these prices? It had been said that the corn-laws of
this country were no protection to prices, but he found that
while the price of corn at Dantzie 'rose only Bs., the price
during the same year in Eng'and was 575. per quarter. They
had been told, over and over again, that the corn-laws were
of no use. He would refer to the year 1822, during which
period great distress existed in the country. The price
of wheat then was 445. ; in Denmark at the same
time, it was only 18s. In •1835, when great distress
was also prevalent, the price in England was 395. ; in Den-
mark at 19s. ; so that if the corn-laws had not then beer. in
existence, the country would have been entirely overrun. He
would, in conclusion, beg of those whe took upon ,themselves
the responsibility of the present measure, also to take upon
themselves the responsibility of its consequences. If he should
succeed in throwing out this Bill, ho should think he had
achieved something to be proud of. If, on the other hand, he
should fail, he should feel satisfied that he had done all that
laid in his power in opposing the meaure, to accord with the
wishes of his constituents and the best interests of the country.
Mr. W. MARTIN was of opinion that the time had now
arrived when the interests of the country required that a change
should be made in the corn-laws, and that was the only
justification he could give for abandoning protection.
What regulated the price of corn was the price of the last
bushel which they were compelled to import from abroad. He
believed that free trade would not materially reduce the price
of corn. lie did not believe that they would see, on an ave-
rage of ten years, the price of wheat imported from abroad at
less than 50s. per quarter. It might be said that improve-
ments would come by degrees, but he would remind the House
how slowly improvements came upon agriculture. It was nut
so with manufactures, as improvements were continually taking
place in them. But in agriculture, if an experiment were
tried, it required a great length of time to test its efficacy.
This was an additional argument in favour of the Government
proposition. Many persons, however, expected that we should
be inundated with grain from the United States. Why, the
price of wheat in New York, for some years together, was
higher than it was in London. The lowest price he had ever
heard of in ,the United States was in Michigan, where
he understood that it had been grown as low as 255. a quarter,
and yet it was a notorious fact, that at the time that was the
price of corn in Michigan the price in New York was as high
as in London. On these grounds, he felt little alarm as to the
probable influx of corn to this country from the United States.
He thought it was to our interest to place our trade and com-
merce on a healthy footing, whether the United States were
disposed to follow our example or not. He believed, however,
that other nations would be quite ready to follow in our foot-
steps. He believed that, in the step they were taking, they
were laying the foundation of lasting prosperity for their
children.
Several Hon. Members rose, but there were loud calls for
Mr. T. BARING, who said he much regretted that he was
compelled to act in opposition to those whom he had hitherto
followed, and whose patriotism and stern sense of duty he had
always admired. He believed that the present measure was
unwise and inconsistent. The arguments upon which the
Right Hon. Gentleman rested his change of opinion was to
him (Mr. Baring) quite inconclusive.—(Cheers.) Such a
measure as the present required time for full and extensive con-
sideration. If some measure, some temporary measure, were
required for the alleviation of distress, that was no reason for
the introduction of such a measure as that which was before the
House. If the last change in the tariff had been successful,
that was an argument in favour of a gradual change, and against
such a creeping measure as the present. He did not
believe that the prosperity of the last three years
had depended solely on the changes in the tariff.
It appeared to him that the prosperity of the country had
arisen from the activity of trade, and from the advantageous
employment of labour, It was important for him to state the
relative connexion between the price of food and the rate of
wages. He believed that wages might be high and the pri, e
of food law, or that the price of ford might be high, and the
rate of wages low. There was a large remuneration given for
labour in America, and yet food was cheap there.—( Hear,
hear.) They had a very low rate of remuneration for
labour in Poland, and provisions were not cheap there.
That fact proved to him that there was no connexion between
the price of food and the price of labour.—(Hear, hear.) If
the demand for labour decreased with an increasing population,
the result would be that the wages must be regulated accord.
ing to the price of food, and the wages would therefore be
reduced to that sum of money on which a man could exist.
He could not, therefore, see anything in these three years of
prosperity, gratifying as they might be—anything to justify a
very grand experiment, which would shake the resources of the
whole agricultural country ; it would open a future of which
none could see the result. No one viewed the calamities that
might happen to Ireland with more regret than he did, and
he knew that the reports of famine and disease in that country
had given great dissatisfaction. If that report was founded on
truth, it would cause an influx of provisions there, and there-
fore they need not fear for Ireland. A special case requires a
special remedy--( Hear, hear.) He had undoubtedly heard that
the poor Irishman lived solely on Isis crop of potatoes, and if
that failed, he had no means of existence. In a case like that
he would look to the land cultivators around him for relief ;
and by this measure the prosperity of those persons who could
afford him relief would be reduced. He regretted to hear the
statement of the Secretary for the Home Department—it struck
him both with surprise and sorrow.—( Hear.) If ever there
was a truly patriotic Minister, he believed that no man was more
so than the Right Hon. Baronet, and he would feel it his
duty to do all in his power for Ireland. With regard to the
scarcity in England", it did not seem to call for a great change
in the corn-laws. When the lion. Member for the City of
London moved for a return of all the corn in the ports of this
nation, there appeared to have been about 430,000 quarters.
It struck him (the Hun. Member for London) that this was a
very imperfect supply for this country.;but there was at that
time in the country, a sufficient stock to last it for two or
three months. That fact proved to him (Mr. Baring)
that, although the stock • of bonded corn might
be small, yet the real supply rested on the stacks and
granaries that were in the country. The 430,000 quarters
that were then in the ports were now increased to a million
quarters, and that showed that the first cry of alarm drew
ample supp!ies to this country. It had been proved to him
that the potato crop had failed, but he found that the supply of
barley and oats had been sufficiently plentiful. They knew that
the sliding-scale had failed, because sufficient food could not be
introduced. Speculators saw that no advantage could be
taken of the sliding-scale, and therefore they had to take ad-
vantage of the sliding-scale of Ministerial nerves.—(lm-
mense cheering.) With regard to the alleged statement
of the exportation of foreign corn into other countries.
What was the case with regard to Holland and Belgium ?
About 100,000 quarters were sent there, and an ample supply
was still at the disposal of the country. They had been told
last year that there would not be a sound potato by Christmas.
A small quantity had been sent to Holland and Belgium, and
an ample supply could be commanded. The Hon. Baronet at
the head of the Government had told them that in Liverpool
and other places the price of rice had risen, but a reaction had
now taken place, and the price of rice had fallen
25 and even 30 per cent. The public press, or at least that
portion of it that opposed the corn-laws, spoke of the starva-
tion and distress that existed, as connected with them, as it
wag their wish to cause a feeling against them—( Hear, hear)
—and even the Noble Lord who represented the City of Lon-
don had adopted that principle for a short time. From the
public press, down to a private letter, they were met with the
cries of want and distress, but he believed that the greatest
want which existed in the country, anti which threatened the
most danger, was the want of a Ministry—(Loud cheers from
the Treasury side of the house)—and the greatest scarcity was
the scarcity of statesmen who could properly govern the affairs
of the country—(Continued cheering)—and he was not alone
in that opinion. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the
on
fm Government
districts
reeads u
thesere , that
t he
agreat
changes in the landed interest. He said, in answer to a ques-
sGt
oo
itleewr
which had been put to him, that serious apprehensions
were entertained as to the sad results which would follow in
those districts in consequence of the deficient harvest, and it
was therefore most advisable to bring in the present measure.
The Right Hon. Baronet also referred to a document which
made a great impression upon his mind, and he (Mr. Baring)
must confess that it had a similar effect upon his own mind.
That document stated that it was probable that we should be
visited 4y the same calamities as this country laboured under
in 183 P The Right Hon. Baronet read one extract from that
whichto whichsuppo rbtee d(hAtisr
.p rue saerni
nt
gy)teww
that portiont would
now
e tclaekcel i nthe
liberty of calling the attention of the House.—( Hear, hear, and
laughter.) The document to which he referred was a circular
; published by Messrs. Gibson, Ord and Co., eminent merchants
e
of Manchester, on the 22d of January last. They stated, in
one paragraphe of that document, that although great
xi
gard to the failure of the potato croloyet there were not grounds
an ofety the
and alarm very justly existed in the country with re-
for the present very serious excitement. They also stated it
to be their candid opinion that it would be a most injudicious
plan to open the ports to alleviate apprehended famine—(
Mi-
ntsterial cheers)—because such a step would produce the
greatest disarrangement in the home and foreign markets.
Such a step, they stated, would be so extravagant and so will,
that they would certainly protest against it. —( Hear, hear. )
they said, would he rendered unsaleable, and the
trade Their
of t'lie country would, for a time, be rendered com-
pletely stagnant. The cause of alarm, they believed, had been
most grossly exaggerated, and it was impossible that the de-
ficiency could be so great as anticipated. The surplus corn
that had lain over for the previous years would, in their opi-
nion, nearly make up for the deficiency.--( Hear, hear.) The
Minister had several courses, they said, open to him to alle-
viate the impending distress ; but in their solemn opinion they
believedud
openingof the ports would unquestionably be
sounexpected a transition, as to some extent to
thatt i e
embarrass the Government of the country.—(Ministerial
cheer;.) Those Gentlemen were not in favour of the corn •
d en
and
laws, but they said that it was their belief that the time had
arrived when a change should be mule in the laws affecting
the importation of foreign corn.—(Loud Opposition cheers,
and much laughter.) They said that the apprehension of the

present scarcity had prepared the minds of all men for it.—
( Cheers and laughter.) They believed that provision should
be made to the utmost possible extent for the apprehended
calamity.—( Continued Opposition cheers and laughter.) They
said, however, that they did not advocate a total and imme-
diate repeal of the corn-laws, but they were afraid that the
existing alarm in the minds of men might make the present a
proper time for a great reform in those laws. —( Cheers. ) They
stated, however, that it would be unjust to the landed interest
to create such a revolution in the agricultural policy of the
Government as might paralyse the energies and in-
dustry of the country. They recommended that a
moderate fixed duty should be imposed in the
first, instance, with a progression to an enitre abolition of all
duties.—(Loud laughter and cheers from the Opposition side
of the House.) Those parties, therefore, who, be it remem-
bered, were enemies to the present co.n-laws, recommended
not immediate repeal, but a fixed duty. They also stated that
the present alarm about the failure of the late harvests had been
much exaggerated, and further, they did not believe that
the present circumstances of the country called for such a
step as the opening of the ports by her Majesty's
Government. He (Mr. Baring) referred to the document
from which he had read these extracts, because the right Hon.
Baronet at the head of the Government had given the stamp
of his approbation to it by reading extracts from it when he
introduced the present measure. That document showed that
the Right Hoe. Baronet would not have been justified in
opening the port!, a course which he had proposed to his col-
leagues in the Cabinet, but which step they, of course,
deprecated. (Hear, hear.) For his (Mr. Baring's)
own part, he would say, that in his humble
opinion it would have been most injudicious to have ()pencil
the ports at that period. This country would, in such an
event, have exposed itself to the mercies of foreign powers; it
would have increased the prosperity .of other countries by
putting an end to its own.—( Hear, bear.) Considering the
recent relaxation in the tariff, ,he confessed that he did not see
how the Right lionourahle eßaronet was justified
in bringing forward the present.
,proposal ; which was
nothihg less than a most .suddeno and sweeping mea-
sure.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps he roighis be allowed to say a
word or two upon the general measure, particularly in reference
to the strong opinion which had been formerly expressed by the
Right Hon. Baronet, as to the importance of a great reserve in
the revenue and expenditure. It seemed to him
(Mr. Baring), although he did not pretend to any
accuracy with respect to the finances of the country,
that when the Right Hon. Baronet proposed an
augmentation in the expenditure on the charges of the Con-
solidated Fund—being more than half a million—he should re-
collect that a great loss wonld arise to the revenue by the abo-
lition of the duties on the importation of foreigu corn,which must
necessarily be made up by the imposition of new taxes, for he
could not expect that the loss would be made up by
the duties to be received on the anticipated increase
of foreign goods hereafter to be imported into this country in
censequ nee of the repeal of the corn-laws. He was afraid he
had trespassed too long upon the attention of the House—
( Cheers)—but he was anxious to say that he was not one of
those who thought that protection ought to be indiscriminately
applied to all articles; he conceived that if protection
was claimed for any article of industry, a case
should be made out to justify its protection. Each
interest in his opinion should be treated according to its
peculiar circumstances. He believed that in every step the
Legislature, in dealing with subjects of this sort, should adopt
the principle which had been long ago laid down by Dr. Adam
Smith, and which doctrine had been quoted by the Noble Lord
the Member for the City of London at some length.
The doctrine to which he (Mr. Baring) alluded,
was that Government, in legislating in matters of trade,
should take care that the abolition of protective duties be made
slowly and by gradations: As regarded the corn-law of 1815,
he (Mr. Baring) was not one who looked to the present as a
final measure—he could not believe in finality in any matters
of legislation.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) But still he
thought that there was an understanding that that law had
worked well, and that it would not be changed by its own
authors.—(Hear, hear.) He would not go into the workings
of that law, but he would only say that the Government, in
questions of this sort, should, in the words used by the Right
Honourable Baronet at the head of the (Government
the other night, " act most cautiously and delibe-
rately." He hoped, too, that the present . measure
of the Government would ultimately prove beneficial to this
country, but he really could not see why Government should
put a check to the confidence of those concerned in the culti-
ration'of the land. It was impossible to say what would be
the result of the present measure. There was nobody to in-
form the House what would be the amount of foreign corn
that would be imported into this country under the proposed
measure, and it was also impossible for anybody to protect the
price of corn.—( Hear, hear.) In his humble opinion great
injury would arise from the sudden change ; it would
affect a great interest.—( Hear, hear.) It would shock the
confidence of the agriculturists, and destroy stability in every-
thing connected with the land.—( Hear, hear.) Now, what
were the advantages proposed by this measure? Some said
that it would cheapen the price of bread ; and if it would not,
why bring it' forward ?—( Hear, hear.) He believed that
every article Of consumption was by increase of consumption
made cheaper. This ,had been the case with respect to the
articles of cotton, coffee, tea, and tobacco. The Hon. Baronet
had shown himself that the price of wheat had cheapened pro-
portionally with the increase of consumption and population.
Such, he could show by a document which he then held in
his band, had been the effect in the 'Western States of Ame-
rica, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for War
also showed that a similar result had followed in Ohio. But
statements on this head were always very uncertain. He,
however, held a document in his hind which was generally
believed to be correct, although, for his own part,
he did not attach much importance to it That
document stated that while the population of that country was
600,000 in 1844, the amount of corn consumed was 3,280,000
quarters; and the amount consumed in 1845 was 6,000,000
quarters, whilst the population: was 7,000,000. So that the
tendency in those countries of an increase in the population
was to produce an increased consumption of corn. The forma-
tion of railroads, however, would almost answer the purpose of
the present measure, because those means of transit would con-
siderably decrease the price of corn. If we depended on
foreign supplies of corn, it seemed to him that we should be
liable to a great rise in the price. They would find that cotton
was subject to great fluctuation in price without the opera-
tion of free trade. In 1836 the price of cotton at Liverpool
was 9d., and at the end of March it had risen to Il d., and
in the December of that year it was 10Ad. In the commence-
ment of 1834 it was 10{-,d., and at the close of that year it was
Bd. The whole of those fluctuations showed that the varia-
tions were equivalent to 70 per cent. It was sometimes said
that the rate of freight was quite suffic:ent to serve as a
guarantee for the protection of corn. Now, what was the
case with regard to freight? Freight might be taken at 9s.
from Odessa, 2s. from Hamburgh, 4s. from the Baltic, and 6s.
from New York to Liverpool, with the addition of two or three
shillings to London. It was Bs. from New Orleans, and a
further charge of 2s. upon the home producer. From Norfolk
the freight was Is. 6d., and Boston 95., and the effect was
that corn shipped at Boston would have to pay the same
freight as that stripped from Hamburgh. He had to apologise
to the House for occupying their attention so long—(Cheers)
—but he would solicit the indulgence of the House whilst he
stated, that in his opinion there was a strong feeling on the
part of many connected with trade that a moderate duty was
far preferable to a total abolition of the corn-laws.—( Cheers. )
It was not, however, for him to enter into the truth of such
a position, but he must say that their opinions were deserving
of attention at the present moment.—( Hear, hear.) If
the Government ever intended making a satisfactory
settlement of this matter, now was the time for
doing so. He should certainly see to tranquillity
in the country, but he had no desire to see the tranquillity of
content.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) This measure would
produce a great shock in the country, and the people could have
no confidence in those who took part in public affairs. Na-
tional blessings were dearly bought at such a lamentable cost
as that offered by the Right Hon. Baronet.—( Hear, hear.)
Had it been a satisfactory measure he would have had much
pleasure in tendering to the Government his cordial support.
It was riot a measure calculated to give that satisfaction to the
country which ought to be looked for in a measure proposed by
the Prune Minister of the Crown. Was it a wise, a politic, or
a statesmanlike thing to send a great interest, like the landed
interest, from that louse without any confidence in any Go-
vernment ?—( Hear, hear.) 'Who could doubt that their interest
would, by the proposed measure, be seriously injured and their
very existence jeopardistel.—(Hear, hear.) Humble as he
was, he would venture to say, that while he was in favour of all
fair concessions for the freedom of trade, he still thought it both
nec-ssary and politic to maintain a moderate protection to agri-
culture. —( Cheers.)
Lord MORPETH said, if the question had been a less im-
portant one Ile would have hesitated, at so short a period after
having resumed his seat in that House, from presenting him-
self again to their notice, especially when he rose to take that
view of the question which, in his judgment, had received
nearly all the illustration of which it is capable—everything
which the most consummate ability, the most industrious re-
search, the greatest amount of official authority, and a pro-
tracted discussion could possibly bring to elucidate the
subject. The question had also received many very illustrious
additions. The Hon. Member who hail just sat down he knew
before to be a friend to free trade in the abstract.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But he thought, after his speech
of to-night, it would be difficult to discover if, either in
abstract, or in detail, he was favouraby disposed to a general
relaxation of restrictive duties. Ile has not told us how far he
would go, or where he would stop. He (Lord Morpeth)
thought that a great interest which had been brought forward
in the debate, like the agricultural interest of the country, if
there was one course more than another which he deprecated,
it was that of being subjected to this constant changing,
gradual system of experiments.—( Hear, heir.) The lion.
Member has told us that the great want in the preceding
autumn was the want of a Minister. Now I think, said the
Noble Lord, that want is most sensibly felt by that great and
important party of which the Hon. Member is so distinguished
an ornament. They have contested every vacant seat in the
country, but even still they seemed to be lament-
ably deficient of a leader and a head.—( No, no, and hear,
hear.) If such is not the case, we shall shortly see, when
they have displayed their full force anti numbers, anti made the
echo of their own opinions responded to in the country, we
shall then see a successful, stable Government formed—( Hear)—
upon the principles of unditninished protection to agriculture.
The Hon. Member for Huntingdon (Mr. Baring) had stated,
that the present would be a favourable time to effect a com-
promise on this subject. I do not know whether he comes
down here as the bearer of any overttfres upon the principles of
compromise. I can tell the Hon. Member that the opinion,
both in the country and in this House is, that the time for a
compromise is gone by.—( Hear, hear.) A compromise was
once offered—( Hear, hear)—by the party with whose leader
I have the proud satisfaction of acting. The Hon. Member
must not forget, that at that period the party who now hail
him as their honourable ally, rejected all notion of compromise.
I feel that the best excuse I can have for offering myself to
the attention of the House upon this long discussed arid wide
stretching question, which has, as I have already stated, re-
ceived nearly all the illustration it is capable of, would be to
confine my observations to what is special and peculiar in my
own opportunities that I have had, and the position which I
her!d with respect to it. Since I last had the honour of ad-
dressing this House I have been a traveller on the North
American Continent. I have for two years lived in agricul-
tural districts in that country, and I have hest and re.
gained the representation of the West Riding of Yorkshire,
And I consider that the effect of my return as a member
for this House, from so large and pepulorts a district as the
West Riding c f Yorkshire—as one of the most significant awl
signal verdicts which could be given—which has been submitted
to the country in the sessions of 1846. But there is only one cir-
cumstance which seems to me, to require remark with reference
to the opinion of the large body of constituents whom I have the
honour to represent. 'fhe question which has been brought
b.fure them—the projects of the Right. Hon. Baronet at the
Bead of her Majesty's G wernment— concerns, as we all know,
an iiilini te Variety of articles, besides corn and other
previsions.—( hear. ) It ineaai, almost as much
with manufactures as with agriculture.—( No, no, and hear.)
Members say " No, no ;" I maintain that it meddles as
much with many leading branches of manufactures as it does
with agriculture. —(No, no.) Well, it meddles as much as it
possibly could.—( Hear, hear.) The abolition of protection in
one instance is the same, but in another unlike. The repeal of
the duties on manufacture is immediate, and upon corn is gra-
dual.—(hear, hear.) 1 was proceeding to say that. the con-
stituents, by whese choice, I have the honour to represent, com-
prise amongst them the largest woollen, worsted, and steel ma-
nufacturers in the country. It comprises, also, the largest
linen manufacturers in the kingdom. It has also
large iron and considerable cotton manufacturere. Now, as I

have just said, the withdrawal of protection to most of these
articles is total and immediate, and, with reference to some
other of them, the protection is merely nominal. I might men-
tion that in the case of the cutlery of Sheffield, knives, scissors,
razors, and other articles, for which it has acquired such cele-
brity, that these articles havebeen imitated on the continent of
Europe—the Sheffield mark has been forged, and they have
then been introduced andisold in this country as genuine Sheffield
manufacture. However this may be, certain it is that
not one of these interests—all of them directly affected—
yet not one of them, in the whole interval of the
fortnight which was allowed for the consideration of
this measure—not even in the excitement of some vehement
appeals which have been made in the principal cities and manu-
facturing towns— ( Hear, hear)—not when all the represen-
tatives of these manufactures were assembled in large numbers
before the hustings at Wakefield—not a murmur, not a whisper,
or a demur, or a single feeling of disapprobati-n at this re-
moval of protection was heard to proceed.—( Hear, hear.)
The general feeling and the expression was, competition may
come, we are prepared to meet it; all we ask is, a fair field and
no favour. And why, let me ask, why may not
that interest which so often plumes itself as being the
most important, the .noblest, and the most English-like occu •
pation in the country—why should not that interest take a leaf
out of the book of these manufacturers, and consent to be no
longer the only interest dependent upon a nation's industry?
Now, Sir, with reference to my agricultural residence, and the
impressious I have derived from it We have now to learn for
the first time during the course of this debate, that
,the land-
owner pretends to himself, or rather endeavours to persuade
himself, that he has not been induced to take the: side he has
done for ...Inv eeascn connected vvithshis own:interest—he consi-
ders himselionly on a par with the manufacturer. He endea-
vours to persuade himself that be is not induced to take his part
u:ser which he against the corn-laws by any consideration of his own interest,
but. it is the interest of his tenants and the agricultural la-
bboret,s has at heart. It is through the labourer's
and by the wound that is inflicted upon him, that be
thinks he shall bleed. Now, valuable as I admit the services
of tin, agricultural labourer to be, and immense as I consider
the obligation on the part of these individuals to assert and to
cherish them, I think it, however; neither more nor less
thanoserlectaa
sn
any atcht e
yo fi jiaoersreiet
interest
v t e n
oats
a injusticesah to
o
am ashamed
the
d special
community
o'ot
beemct
iotfat , f largeavou tfavour—
or,
protec-
tion.—( Hear, hear.) In the next place, I ques-
tion if the protection you wish to preserve is not miscalled
and misplaced. The Hon. Member for Northamptonshire
(Mr. Stafford O'Brien) presented, in his own picturesque
and pathetic style, an interview between a landlord and a
farmer, whom he represents as being turned off his land and
compelled to leave h's farm and home, endeared to him by so
many pleasing recollections, because be could not give the same
rent as someenterprising ineroter of the Anti-corn-law League.
—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN.—No, no.
Lord MORPET LI --I thought i understood the Hon.
Member to represent the case of a person with more capital,
energy, and ability.
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN.—I did say so; but he would
not necessarily be a Leaguer.--( Hear, hear.)
Lord MORPETH.— This argument would not apply,
for where they could hitherto buy six quarters of wheat
they could now only buy three quarters. The peo-
ple—the commercial people of this country and the agricul-
tural labourer, I consider have identical interests, and I say,
therefore, that this measure will be a benefit to both. It will
hardly be disputed that the real interests and well-being of the
agriculturist must defer d on the general prosperity of the
country, which has such an effect on the working classes, that
with the advance of commercial prosperity, their condition in a
like ratio became improved.—(Cheers.) Now, had not the
demand for labour always existed in a greater degree in years
when corn was cheap than in years when corn was dear?
Had it not always been found, that with cheapness of bread,
there was an instant demand for labour.—(Cheers.) An lion.
Gent. on the opposite side of the House, said, in talking of the
three years experience which they have had, that the prospe-
rity of that time did not arise from the working of the tariff,
but that it arose from the activity in railway speculation.
Why, the Hun. Member for Rutlandshire, said, that in the
year 1839, great prosperity existed (he alluded to the late
lamented Member for Kendal), but it must be remembered
that 1839 was only the beginning of that activity. What
do we find in that very year which we are told was so
remarkable for the prosperity of their manufacturers?—why,
that part of 33 to 35, and 39 to 41, the amount of employment
proves a decrease of 33 per cent., while the price of meat rose
to an enormous extent. Why it is so plain a principle that no
one now will deny it, that when corn is dear the food of the
working class must be proportionally entrenched upon. —( Hear,
hear.) I want you to take the most excessive view of this
matter—let them bring fewer bags of cotton, and even fewer
skins from the farmer, but still they r the protectionists) must
bring "grist to their mill." The demands of the working
classes are, that they be enabled to buy in the cheapest
market , the food which is necessary for their support.
But I have no hesitation in saying, that these laws are no pro-
tection to the agricultural farmer or the agricultural labourer.
—(Cheers.) I deny that they arc protected by those legislative
enactments. The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool
(Lc rd Sandon) said, that wages varied with the price of bread,
whilst the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the
Home Department, said that they never varied in anything
like the same proportion—that the rate of wages never rose
or fell in the same proportion as the price of provisions. But
in my own neighbourhood and district, in the memory of the
living race, wages have never varied at all—they have al-
ways been as high as 12s. a week there, as in Northampton-
shire, and more in harvest.—( Hear, hear.) Well, then, if the
agricultural labourer receives fixed wages of 12s. a week, with-
out its varying according to the price of corn, does it not
follow that if, instead of paying Is. Bd. for a stone of flour, he
has to pay, as he does now, 2s. 6d. for it—does it not follow,
I say, that his weekly earnings must command less of the
necessaries and co •s of life—that they must be materially
abridged ?—( He(t; •liifir.) Now a difference of 10d. a stone
in the price of flour makes a difference to the working man,
taking his family at an average of six persons, of 2s. 6d. a week,
or 61. 10s. a year—a whole fifth of his income. Now I put it
to the House whether we the rich men—we the gentlemen of
two meals a day, as the Hon. Member for Northamptonshire
puts it—( Hear and a laugh)—should not think a whole fifth of
our income a grievous addition to the income-tax.—(Hear,
hear.) I feel that the time is come in reference to this question
when we have done with papers and figures, and I will not
trouble the House but with one more. I have had access to a
paper, not drawn up for the purpose of the corn-law, or any ques-
tion connected with it, but for the purpose of a statistical inquiry
in reference to the small agricultural town near which I reside
This table shows the proportionate expenditure in the articles
of food in three families—the family of the tradesman, the
family of the professional- man, and the family cf the working
man. I will not trouble the House with the items for butcher's
meat, milk, or butter. I will confine myself to flour alone, and
I find that this computation was made when flour was 2s. 6d. the
stone. I find that the Bill of the tradesman's family was 121.135.
being 15 per cent. of the whole expenditure in the year for food.
The annual charge of the professional man's family for flour
was B'. 18s., being 10 per cent, of his expenditure for food,
while the charge of the working man's family, kept with the
greatest economy, is 131.45., being a per centage, not of 15 per
cent. as in the case of the traesman's family, nor of 10 per cent.,
as in the case of the professional man'sfamily, but at 48 per cents—
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, how much mcs,e,,,heavy to
him is such a deduction from the amount which hesresis lay out
on food, than to the class immediately above him, aril& to the
class immediately above him, in an infinitely greater degree
more heavy than to the more easy circumstanced member of
society.—( Hear, hear.) But again, I find that the professional
man, living in an economical manner, spends upon every ar-
ticle of food consumed by his family but one-third of his total
income. The food of the tradesman is about one-half of his
income. The food of the working labourer is about three-
fourths of his total income.—( Hear, hear.) What he actually
spends on food is 73 per cent., and only 27 per cent. remains
for rent, schooling, clubs, and shoes. Therefore, I put it to
the House, whether this increase of, 2s. 6d. in his weekly bill
for flour does not tend to deprive him, in an inordinate degree,
of all the luxuries of life, and of a greater command of meats
for the education of his children.--( Hear, and cheers.) There
is riot more than a sufficient- quantity of food grown in this
country for our present supply—(l think he would be a hardy
man who denied that)--it has been computed that there
is an addition of 1,060 a days or 365,000 a year, to our
present population ; and I also make bold to assert that
there is not, year by year, an addition of 365,000 quar-
ters of wheat of our native growth. Does it not, then follow
that it is most important to procure an additional supply from
abroad ; and, considering the condition of the poor, ought not
this to be done at the cheapest possible rate?—(Bear, hear.)
I do not agree with those who impute it as blame to her Ma-
jesty's Government, that there has been the exercise of sliding-
scale on the Ministerial nerves—that they were appalled by
the events of last autumn.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Mem-
.aher for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring) said, the proposal of the
total abolition of the corn-laws had been founded on the neces-
sity of giving an additional supply of food to Ireland, and he
asked—" Has the House ever shown a reluctance to grant relief
to that country ? Whatever its Saxon feelings may be,
has it ever manifested an indisposition to afford assistance ?"
No, it has not ; but I ask, is it fair to tax the generosity of
England because it shows a readiness, and is in fact ready, to
fly to the relief of Ireland ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) This
is in contravention of that maxim which I hold to be sound in
political as well as in daily life, " Be just before you are gene-
rous."--( Hear, hear.) Be just to the people cf Ireland, hut
he just also to the collective commuriity of the people of Eng-
land.— ( Cheers.) The Honourable Member fur H ntingdon
let t,e says—" You ought not to apply a pernitinent remedy
Ito a t err
porary evil. When the evil is temporary and Rica
remedy be temporary and local."—( Hear, hear.) But I say
that the peculiarity of the evil in question is this, that it may
arise in any year, and that it has arisen repeatedy ; and are
WC always to be mocked with these delusions of sliding-scales
which do not slide, and restrictive laws which, according to the
varying course of the seasons, must be constantly modified or
repealed ?—( Loud cheers.) I think it is no reproach to the
Right Honourable Gentleman that he has been influenced, in
the course which be has adopted, by the state of the seasons.—
(Hear, hear.) Finding that his anticipations had been disap.
pointed, and 'his calculations baffled, lie was led by the result
to change his mind ; but can any one justly be reproached
for being disappointed and baffled by that which he can
neither counteract nor control ?—(llear, hear, and cheers.)
I think it no disparagement to free trade, 1 think it the strong-
est confirmation of the truth of the principle on which it rests,
that it follows the law of nature, arid bends to the rules which
regulate the courses of the seasons. I may not improperly
say of such operation as the poet said of the Roman Emperor,
--(I shall endeavour, sir, to quote my Latin somewhat mere
correctly than the Hon. Member for Newcastle quoted his)—
'Loud laughter)..

" Tibi mittat ab antris
N.°lus iratas hyemes tibi militat mther
Et congregati veniant in prmlia Tenth"
Yes, Sir, 1 think it rather a confirmation of the truth of the.
principle that the stars do not fight against it, but that their
combinationsargument, would seem to be in its favour. But with respect
to this
I believe it is established by those who give
their special attention to the variations of the weather that the
same circumstances of cold or ho!, wet or dry,*.weather arc not
found generally to prevail over or to affect the produce of a
large surface, se that bread in season, when prices are high in
London, may be cheaper in Paris or Vienna ; but, on the con-
trary, I believe it will be found that a wet or dry season in this
country, is compensated for by a season of an opposite cha-
racter in other pasts of the world, for instance, upon the con-
tinent of North America. Every one will recollect, for ex-
ample, that, the season of 1842 was remarkable in England for a
warm and even temperature. Now, (luring that year, I hap-
pened to travel on the eentinent of North America; and we
hut weather of the most variable character. Much as 1 had
heard of the extreme heat of an American summer, I scarcely
experienced " a hot day ;" and every cue told me that it was
the coldest season almost ever experienced in the United
.Mates; the very reverse of this occurred last year. Last
summer, it will be remembered was peculiarly wet and
unseasonable in England, whilst on the continent of Ame-
rica it was, I understand, peculiarly lint —so much so, that
I remember reading, in one paper, of a man who died in
one of the large cities, from the effects of the excessive heat.
li
Now what is the inference to be derived from this? That
nut merely the periods of sunset and of sunrise are different
same
in different parts of our globe, but that there is itsh eon
the
system and compensation as to the season, as h
returno
reid f (if
sa r kanfficiscst
eadn dwoi
tf
hl i gohnt timelys thatn s wehtre enoroelodu, r
apnadr t t
hoef
attendant bad harvests, we may take comfort in the r, flee-
ae tie
denied
moment t
cufs
need,
e
ripened distant harvests, Vow, if we repeal the corn-laws and open our polls to
foreigni
produce, that the rays
awohdieh
that iuhave b
lost t e
the superfluity of their growth Rill be vatted over the oars