The Sun.
London, England, 1848-07-11 00:00:00

CORN MARKETS (IRELAND) BILL.

The Corn Markets (Ireland) Bill then went through
Committee.
The House then adjourned till Half-past Five o'clock.

The SFEAm,:tt reamed the Chair at llalf•pa.t Five.
Lord D. STEWART presented a petition in favour
of Parliamentary reform.

Lord DUNCAN presented a petition from Aberdeen
to the same effect, and also praying for a reduction in the
national expenditure.

Mr. O'BitIEN presented a petition from Middlesex in
favour of vote by ballot.
THE RAJA OF SATTARA.
Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON then rose to bring
forward the motion of which he had given notice
with respect to the case of the late Raja of Sat-
tara, and to move for a Select Committee to inquire
into the conduct of Lieutenant Colonel Charles
Ovens (of the Bombay Army), while British Political
Resident at the Court of Sattara; and into the pro-
ceedings of the Bombay Government, and the Court
of Directors of the East India Company, in re-
lation to certain charges preferred against that
officer. The Honourable Member observed,
that he was anxious to merit the indulgence
which he ventured earnestly and respectfully to solicit at
the hands of the House, by proceeding at once, as briefly
as possible, to state the reasons which induced him to
bring forward the motion of which he had given notice.
He (Mr. Thompson) wished, at the outset, to disclaim
any personal ill-feeling towards the Gallant Officer whose
conduct was the subject of the proposed inquiry. His
private character was, as far as ho (Mr. Thompson)
knew, unreproached, and free from suspicion. He
had received no injury at his hands, nor did he
(Mr. Thompson) believe that that gentleman had
ever meditated any towards him. He had no one
cause for individual resentment against that officer,
nor was he conscious of cherishing any sentiment ap-
proaching to personal animosity. It was as a
public man, and a servant of the State, that he had
then to do with Colonel Ovens. It was on public
grounds, and on public grounds solely, that he referred
to him in the Parliament of Great Britain, and deemed
it his duty to impeach certain of the acts done by
that officer in his official and responsible cha-
racter. But it was not simply the conduct of
Colonel Ovens that he (Mr. Thompson) was there to
arraign; still less was it upon Colonel Ovens exclusively,
or even as the principal offender, that he thought the
censure of that House and of the country ought to fall,
and would fall if the inquiry sought was granted.
Through Colonel Ovens a higher and more important
duty was then endeavoured to be discharged,
namely, that of arraigning the conduct of those
to whom that officer was, and still is, immediately
amenable—whose commission he had long held, by
whose orders he was placed at Sattara, and by whom
his conduct had been repeatedly sanctioned, approved,
and rewarded. Nor was it merely to obtain an inquiry
into the acts of those under whom Colonel Ovens had
served, that the present motion was brought
forward ; although the conduct of the East
India Company, and her Majesty's Government, in
the administration of the affairs of a vast empire like
that of India, was, of necessity, a subject of the highest
importance ; but it was because that conduct was inse-
parably linked in the present case with the melancholy
fate of a distinguished Indian sovereign, with the observ-
e, ance or breach of a solemn treaty, and with the disposal
at the present time of a throne without an occupant, a
' principality without a ruler, and a numerous people with-
outist prince; and, further, because that conduct was con-
nected with whatever is valuable to the British name
and character in India, with the principles of national
honour and good faith, and with the mainte-
nance of that opinion in the minds of the
people and princes of the State, which could
alone constitute a lasting foundation for British
dominion in that distant part of the world. It was due,
however, to his (Mr. Thompson's) own feelings that he
should state that he had long cherished the hope of being
relieved from the necessity of undertaking so painful a
duty as that which he was then endeavouring to dis-
charge. That necessity be fondly trusted would have been
removed, by a reconsideration, on the part of the Indian
Government in this country, of the decision now fully
admitted to have been prematurely arrived at, in the
case of the late deposed Baja of Sattara. Iu common
with many gentlemen, whose judgments were far more
entitled to respect than his own, he had* always
felt convinced that a reconsideration of the case of
the Raja of Sattara—due weight being given to all the
facts which had been disclosed subsequently to that
Prince's deposal—would not fail to issue in the reversal
of the heavy sentence carried into execution at ainst
the accused. The hand of death having recently re-
moved both the Prince deposed in 1839 and the one
subsequently exalted in his place, the hope to
which he (Mr. Thompson) had referred, obtained fresh
vigour, from the belief that as the Raja had left an
adopted son who, besides the circumstance of his adop-
tion, stood next in succession to the vacant throne,
as the nearest in lineal descent; and as no politi-
cal or other impediment existed to render it diffi
cult or inexpedient to declare that person the Raja
of Sattara, that therefore justice would be
done, as far as the present state of the case admitted,
by the acknowledgment of the rightful heir, the re-
storation of the deposed Raja's family to their native
country, and the preservation of the territory of Sattara
to the family of Sevajee, in accordance with the
express terms of the treaty of 1819. That hope
had, however, been considerably weakened by the in-
ability of the friends of the Raja's cause to obtain,
either from the Court of Directors, during two meetings
at the India House, or from her Majesty's Minister at
the head of the Board of Control, any assurance
of an intention to recognise the claim of the
individual who, according to Hindoo law, stood towards
the deposed. Raja in a relationship as near and as sacred
as that of a child born of his own body ; and they had
even failed to obtain so much as an intimation
of the intention of those authorities to consider
favourably the claims to which reference had been
made. The treatment, too, which that Prince had
received from the agent of the Governor-General at
Benares, had, so far from furnishing any grounds of en-
couragement, been of a nature to induce his friends to
believe that the supreme authority in India was not
favourable to the recognition of the rights of the
adopted son. And there it would be necessary that
he (Mr. Thompson) should distinctly connect the
inquiry which was sought by the present motion with
the future fate of the surviving members of the de-
ceased's Raja's family, and the disposal of the titles and
territory which that Prince for so many years pos-
sessed. Within the last few days it had been
asserted, that the Raja being still held to be
guilty of the acts charged against him, was, there-
fore, incompetent to bequeath any political right to his
heir, and that consequently the adoption he had made was
null and vaid, so far as constituting any ground
for recognizing his heir. It became, therefore,
necessary to revive the question of the guilt or inno-
cence of Purtaub Sheen, so that by placing that
Prince in the position, as respects his character, which
he occupied prior to the charges brought against
him they might give validity to the Act by which
he nominated as his successor on the throne the youth
whom they were anxious to see taken into
alliance with the British Government. The inquiry
which he (Mr. Thompson) asked for, would, he believed,
fully answer that end, and be resulting in the entire vin-
dication of the late Raja's character, remove every doubt
respecting the right and title of his living son to succeed
to the state and dominion of which his father was, as he
(Mr. Thompson) firmly believed, unjustly deprived.

(LEFT SPEAKING.)

THE CHARTIST TRIALS

CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT.

OLD COURT.

(Continued from our Third Edition of last night.)

SENTENCES ON THE PRISONERS.

During the interval of the adjournment, the Court
became considerably crowded, and the utmost interest
appeared to be manifested to hear the sentences to be
passed on the prisoners.
The Lord Chief Justice Wilde entered the court at
five minutes before seven o'clock,• when the prisoners
Jones, Fussell, Vernon, Williams, Sharpe, and Looney
were placed at the bar, when
The CHIEF JUSTICE, addressing them, said they had
all been severally convicted of misdemeanour, some of
them for sedition, others for attending an unlawful meet-
ing and sedition; and Williams had, in addition, been
convicted of riot; but in that case, as the person who was
tried with him for an offence arising out of the same
transaction, and he was acquitted of the riot, which
probably would have been the case with him if he had
not pleaded guilty, the Attorney-General had requested
that judgment might not be passed upon the count
charging him with riot. The offences of the whole of
them partook of one common character. Under pre-
tence of exercising the most valuable right that an
Englishman could possess, that of public discussion,
they had made it a pretext for uttering seditious and
inflammatory speeches, for the purpose of exciting dis-
afection in the minds of their hearers, and stirring
them up to oppose the authorities of. the country, and
they would find upon referring to the circumstances
of each particular meeting, that at no one of
them was any real or supposed grievance pointed out,
and the only object appeared to be to assail the Govern-
ment and the authorities of the country with violent
and inflammatory epithets and abuse. They had by
these proceedings put in jeopardy the valuable right
and privilege of holding public meetings, for, if they
were allowed to be made the means of exciting the
people to revolution, it was quite evident that pub-
lic meetings must be done away with. It could not be
borne that large numbers of people, many of whom were
probably suffering distress and privation, should be
brought together, and that they should be told by per-
sons like the defendants, that they were entitled to share
in the wealth of the country, and that their interest
would be advanced by overthrowing the Government of
the country, for that was evidently the object and effect
of all the addresses that had formed the subject of pro-
secution. They must all be well aware of the nature
and tendeney of what they did ; and there could be no
doubt that their object ryas to inspire terror and alarm.
The meetings were, evidently, net convened for
an honest purpose. They were continually im-
puting to the Government that it was the cause
of all the misery in the country, and charging it with
some abominable act, the nature of which was never
stated, the object evidently being to excite and stir up
the multitudes to overturn it, possibly with the expecta-
tion, entertained by some of them, that the power would
be transferred to their own hands, and God only knew
how they would have exercised that power. The Learned
Judge then briefly alluded to some of the facts, and said
that the circumstance of several thousand excited men be-
ing suddenly marched about the streets of the metropolis
at midnight was calculated naturally to excite the utmost
terror and alarm, and it was quite clear that such things
could not be permitted. The public mischief that had
been done was very great, but it might have been much
greater, and it was highly important that the law had

been supported, and that it wilt? now very w:Il under-
stood. He believed that they all know well that they
were offending against the law. One of them had not
scrupled to recommend the horrible expedient of
private assassination.—(Fussell here exclaimed, " I
deny it.")—lt was useless to deny it. The witnesses
had deposed to the fact, and the jury had given their
opinion. The speeches of some of the others were
equally '.bad: one of them talked of using steel pens
dipped in red ink, and another had deliberately recom-
mended the murder of the poliL e. They all appeared
to be clever, shrewd men, and perfectly conscious of
what they were doing; and there did not appear to be
any ground for supposing that they were in distress, or
that their circumstances had any share in inducing them
to adopt these proceedings. They had all been defended
most zealously and ably, and they must admit that their
several cases had been fairly left to the jury; and after
a very careful consideration, the jury had declared them
guilty. He had himself referred to different authorities
with a view to guide him as to the punishment that
ought to be pronounced. Sedition had seldom risen to
the height it had in their case, but it had al-
ways been punished very heavily ; and even in
cases where only a single sentence had been proved,
the sentence bad been very severe. He wished his
duty would allow him to look at their cases in a favour-
able light; but he must confess that he saw no pallia-
tion for their offence. When he recollected the nature
of that offence, its probable result, and that they were
probably only deterred from exciting some desperate
outbreak by the zeal and energy with which their pro-
ceedings were met by the Government and the respect-
able classes of the community, he felt that the public
safety and a warning to others required him to pass a
severe sentence. The Learned Judge then passed sen-
tence upon Fussell, whom he ordered to be imprisoned
upon the charge of sedition for two years, and for the
unlawful assembly for three months; and he was, in ad-
dition, ordered to enter into his own recognizance in
1001., with two sureties in 501. each to keep the peace
for five years.

Fussell, before he was removed begged to be allowed
to say a few words, and he then asserted in the most
solemn manner, that he never made use of the expres-
sion attributed to him, recommending private assassina-
tion. He said he was an Englishman, and had the
feelings of an Englishman, and should be ashamed of
such a diabolical expedient.
The Learned JUDCrE told him that such a denial would
have no effect. The jury had beard the evidence, and
had decided the question, and he was bound to act upon
their verdict.

Williams was the next sentenced. Before judgment
was passed he addressed the Court, and said that he was
a hard-working man, and was engaged for twenty hours
out of the twenty-four for the wretched pittance of six-
teen shillings a week. He considered he had a right to
endeavour to better his condition, and this was his only
object. He then went on to deny that Fussell had made
use of the recommendation to commit private assassina-
tion, and he said if he had heard him du so, be would
hare thrown him out of the waggon.
Chief Justice WILDS then addressed him, and said he
had taken a very prominent part in the meeting, and had
called on the pepple to fall inn, and he had marched them
about the town, causing, no doubt, great terror and
alarm. The sentence upon him was two years' impri-
sonment, on the first count, one week on the second, and
that he also should find sureties in the same amount as
Fussell to keep the peace for three years.
Sharpe was then sentenced to two years for sedition,
three months for the unlawful assembly, and find the
same amount of sureties as the others to keep the peace
for three years.
Vernon was next called forward.

Before he was sentenced he declared he had ❑othing
to do with the meeting in Clerkenwell-green, and was
merely there by accident, and he merely got into the van
to escape the pressure of the crowd. He also said that
he afterwards merely followed the crowd from curiosity,
es it was on his road home. He admitted that he was a
Chartist, and he said he was conscientiously of opinion
that the Charter would benefit the labouring classes, and
enable them to subsist by their labour.
The Learned JUDGE told him that all these circum-
stances had been brought to the attention of the jury,
and they had come to the conclusion that he was guilty,
and he had now only to pass sentence, which was, that
he be imprisoned for two years, and find the same sure-
ties as the others to keep the peace for three years.
Vernon inquired in what prison they were to be con-
fined ?

The CHIEF JUSTICE said, in the New House of Cor•
rection for Middlesex.

The defendant wished to know whether they were not
to be treated like human beings. Since they had been
in gaol they had been compelled to tear their meat to
pieces with their teeth, and to endeavour to get the peel
from the potatoes, covered with grease, in the same
manner.

The Learned JUDGE said, he had nothing to do with
the regulations of the gaol, but they must of course
abide by them, whatever they were.
Looney was then called up. He also addressed the
Court, and said they had called him an Irishman on
Saturday. lie told them now that he was an Irishman,
and, more than that, he would tell the Attorney-General
that he was so pressed with the manner in which he and
his Government treated his country, that they might do
what they liked with him.

lle was sentenced to two years' imprisonment upon
the count for sedition, two months for the unlawful as-
sembly, and to find the same amount of sureties as the
last defendant to keep the peace for two years.
When the sentence was passed Looney laughed, and
said, " Very well, that will do."
Jones was then brought forward. He bad evidently
made up his mind to give a political address, and be
commenced by asking permission to make a few obser-
vations to the Court.

The CHIEF JUSTIOE told him that, if he could direct
his attention to any circumstances that might tend to in-
duce him to review the decision he had come to, he
would willingly listen to him, but he must confine him-
self to that point.
The defendant then proceeded to make a long state-
ment of his political views, declaring that he was a
Chartist from conviction, that the Charter was the only
thing that would save the country, and relieve the middle
classes from the burdens under which they laboured.
He was going on at great length, when he was stopped by
The CHIEF JUSTICE, who said he did not sit there to
discuss political questions with him. If he could suggest
anything likely to induce him to re-consider his decision,
he would willingly listen to him, but it was useless for
him to enter into matters that were totally irrelevant.
The Learned Judge then sentenced him to be impri-
soned for two years, to find two sureties in 1501. each,
and to enter into his own recognizance of 2004 to keep
the peace for five years.
When the sentence was pronounced, Jones addressed
the Court, and said, "I wish your Lordship good night,
and may you sleep with the motto of the Charter round
your neck and no surrender."
This closed the business of the Session, and the Court
then adjourned to Monday, August 21.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 10.
SUGAR DUTIES.

The House then went into Committee on the sugar
duties. _

--Mr. HUME repeated that it was the duty of the
House not to make any alteration in the existing sugar
duties, unless the House were satisfied that the change
would improve the colonies. The West Indies
had never had an opportunity of testing the
experiment of using free labour, and he must,
therefore, protest against this being a question
of free trade. This was a question of justice
to the colonies, and if they hoped ever to see the colo-
nies prospering again, they must allow the colonies to
legislate for themselves, and not leave them under the
management of the Colonial-office. The colonies were
placed in their present deplorable condition through the
misconduct of the Colonial-office, and the misconduct of
the House, and the only reparation they could make was
to place the colonies under such a free and fair system
as would enable free labour to compete with slave labour.
All he asked, therefore, of the House was to put the
colonies in a condition to compete with slave labour.
He was convinced that the Act of 1846, as proposed
to be continued by the Noble Lord, would not have that
effect. He thought it would be better to leave the Act
as it was, or give to those interested i❑ the colonies suf-
ficient time to regain confidence. He was of opinion
that if free labour was properly dealt with it would be able
to compete with slave labour in any part of the world.
The colonies, he considered, had been grievously used.
He read a memorial of the Assembly of Jamaica, agreed
to the 7th of June, complaining of the mismanagement
of the Colonial-office, to show that this was so. The
colonies would never prosper until they left them to con-
duct their own affairs, and to employ free instead of
slave labour.

Lord G. BENTINCK, who entered the House while
the Hon. Member for Montrose was addressing the Com-
mittee, proceeded to observe that the question for con-
sideration then was, not whether they should afford ad-
ditional protection and some relief to the West India
Colonies and the sugar-planting interest, but what would
be the degree and amount of that relief. They were, in
point of fact, to decide whether the Act of 1846 was to
be abandoned or abided by. Only thirty Members of
the House of Commons could be found last week to
maintain that Act. The question for decision was which
of all the propositions made to the Committee was most
worthy of attention. With respect to the amendment
of the Hon. Member for Leominster, he was bound to
say it was a proposal that he very little approved of, but
at the same time the question which he had to deter-
mine was, whether in the main it was not better than
the proposition of her Majesty's Government. He
found that the sum total of protection offered by the
Hon. Member for Leominster, if the period of six
years be taken, amounted to 453., or about 7s. 7d. a year.
He would, therefore, give a preference to the amend-
ment before the House, rather than take the Government
measure as it. stood, considering that it would afford a
greater relief to the suffering parties. But, on giving
his preference to the amendment, he felt it his duty, in
justice to the West India interests, to the interests of the
Mauritius, and the other great interests it would affect,
to state the reasons which induced him to do so. The
Government measure would not give satisfaction to the
West India, the East India, or the Mauritian interest,
and it would be very far from giving satisfaction to the
Members of the Committee appointed by that House to
deliberate upon the West Indian question, and who had
spent so much time and labour in doing so.—(Hear,
hear.) It had not received the sanction of those great
and influential interests who had assembled in London
in May last; and in Liverpool in the month following;
neither had it received the sanction of the East India
Company. It certainly, therefore, militated much
against the measure, that it had been condemned
by all these interests, and even, although the reso-
lutions of the Committee did not go all the length 1,
of what the West Indian and Mauritian interests