The Sun.
London, England, 1846-12-29 00:00:00

THE SUN, LON.OON, TUESDAY
._MORNING, DECEMBEIt 29, 1826

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ing the trifling sum of one dollar per month
from the owner of each fast-boat plying upon the
river, the proceeds of this reasonable im-
post to be applied to the repairing of the wharves
of Macao, and the whole being accompanied with a
system of registration, whereby the honesty and re-
spectability of the boatmen would have been ensured.
instead of yielding at once to this excellent proposi-
tion, the refractory Chinese appear to have availed
themselves of the opportunity for the purpose of
evincing their animosity to the left-handed domi-
nation of Portugal. They refuse : his Excellency
forthwith captures two fast-boats with their respective
crews. A multitude collect together and assail the
Portuguese : the Governor instantly calls out the
soldiery, and disperses the insubordinate mob
killing somewhere about a dozen, burning ten
fast-boats and sinking eight others. After divers
other attempts to elude the power of the settlers,
and to quash the obnoxious edict the subjects of the
Celestial EMPEROR are subdued, and Senhor JoAo
DO AMABAL is triumphant.
Such is the rapid suppression of animosities in
India, such is the rapid excitation of hostilities in
China. While one portion of the Asiatic race is
swallowing its wrath, and bowing its neck to the
yoke of its superiors in physical power and political
knowledge, another is chafing under the sway of
its fortuitous magistracy. In both these circum-
stances are perceptible a diseased state of intelligence,
and a want of a more advanced civilisation. In both are
visible the precariousness of their quietude and the
uncertainty of their alliance. The sudden submission
of MOOLRAJ and EMAUM-00D-DEEN recals to our
recollection the proverbs about Indian duplicity.
The disturbances of the boatmen at Macao is another
testimony of the instability of Chinese friendship.

The nearer we approach to the Parliamentary
session of 1847, speculation becomes daily more rife,
not with respect to the objects of national import, to
which the new and principal measures of the Go-
vernment will be directed (on these heads the public
are already tolerably well enlightened), but every
surmise is freely canvassed as to what will be the
feelings and actual state of political parties in the
House of Commons on the 19th of next
month. The inquiry is a very natural one,
and h certainly of the highest interest, since
upon the political combinations that may be formed
out of the disorganised materials of parties, which so
peculiarly characterised the close of the past session,
will the stability of the present Government be essen-
tially determined. The various on dits appear to us
to be entitled to little or no consideration. Many of
them are based upon the assumption that Sir ROBERT
PEEL will, for a while, cease to take an active part in
St. Stephen's, if not altogether retire from public life.
Surely this is a very unreasonable supposition. If the
latter portion of it were true, there would, in
all probability, have been long since issued a
new writ fur the borough of Tamworth. Again,
that it is the intention of the ex-Premier to refrain
from prominently sharing in the deliberations of
Parliament, is another rumour to which no credence
can be justly attached. It is quite at variance with
every sentence that fell from Sir R. PEEL, when he
officially announced the resignation of his Ministry-
So far did he appear to be from meditating retirement
from public life, that he was at considerable pains to
explain to the House the spirit in which he
was prepared to act, in his private capacity as
a Member of Parliament, with respect to Ireland, the
progress of commercial reform, and other matters
likely to occupy the attention of the Senate. Since
the accession to power of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, there
has been neither, by speech nor act, any indication, on

the part of the late Prime Minister, that he contem,

plates taking a different course from that which he
sketched on the occasion to which we have alluded.
That sketch evidently implied that he meant to con-
tinue to lead his political supporters, and, in opposi-

tion, dispassionately to review any measures which his
sucessors in office might think proper to introduce. It
appears to us, therefore, that nothing is less probable
than the notion that Lord LuvcoLN will assume the
post which has hitherto been ostensibly filled by Sir
R. PEEL, when out of office.

The attempt to conjecture, at this moment, what
will be the probable position, or combination of par.
ties, in the popular branch of the Legislature, is alto-
gether futile. It may certainly be predicated that
the angry feelings of the agricultural representatives,
as exhibited during the course of the last session, will
be found to be considerably mollified, seeing that,
since the rising of Parliament both corn and land
have obtained high and remunerating prices, to the
utter contradiction of their gloomy and oft-reiterated
prophecies. But the benefit of this improved feeling
will, in a party sense, be shared not less—indeed,
perhaps more—by Lord JOHN than by Sir ROBERT
PEEL. For, if the change in the corn-laws is to work
well for the landed interest, as we have all along
contended it would, Lord J. RUSSELL has a stronger
claim than his political rival upon the gratitude and
confidence of the agricultural Members, by rea-
son of the earlier conversion to which his
mind was brought to the policy of abolish-
ing duties upon the importation of grain, the
produce of foreign countries. The futility of reason-
ing further, as to the continued division of parties on
the one hand, or their possible amalgamation on the
other, will be best rendered clear, by reflecting upon
what are the points which will have the directest in-
fluence in causing them repectively to decide whether
they will uphold, or resist the Government. These
points resolve themselves under two heads ;—First,
the mode in which the Cabinet have administered the
affairs, external and internal, of the empire since the
prorogation of Parliament ; and next, the nature and
tendency of the measures which the Government
shall have prepared for future legislation.
Upon the latter point all opposition (if any of im-
portance should be offered) must necessarily remain
in abeyance, or, rather, cannot be legitimately
kindled, till the schemes shall have been formally
expounded to the Legislature. In regard to the
former, and especially as relates to foreign policy
and Ireland, very much will necessarily depend upon
the views which Sir R. PEEL and the Stanleyites may
severally embrace. Until, therefore, their opinions
shall have been respectively revealed within the walls
of Parliament, the curious and the anxious, con-
cerning the future consolidation, or the continued
disruption of political parties, must, for the present,
be content to remain unsatisfied and unrelieved.

It has often been our painful duty to invite the
public attention to statements of misery and destitu-
tion, to sufferings of the most fearful character.
Within the last few weeks scarcoly a day has elapsed
that a paragraph headed "Death from Starvation" hai
not met the eye in the columns of the public journals,
but never has it fallen to our lot to peruse a detail so
harrowing and revolting to every feeling of hu-
manity as that which has been put forward by Mr.
N.M. CUMMINS, a gentleman of respectability, a magis-
trate of the county of Cork, who, in a letter to his
Grace the Duke of WELLINGTON, has depicted scenes
cf which he has been an eye-witness within the last
week. Truth, it is said, is stranger than fiction, and
it is indeed almost impossible to conceive a more
horrible exhibitions of the effect of combined pestilence
and famine than that presented to our notice by this
gentleman. Lamentable accounts have from time to
time appeared of the extraordinary severity of the
distress in the western districts of the county of Cork,
and Mr. CUMMINS, who possessed some small property
in that part of the country, determined personally to
investigate the truth of the statements as to the
appalling misery to which that locality was said to
be reduced. In pursuance of this praiseworthy ob-
ject, and it would appear also with the view of afford-
ing some relief to the sufferers, Mr. CUMMINS went
to Skib'oereen on the 15th instant, and visited different
parts of the surrounding country; and he cites as an
example of the state of the entire coast district what
he witnessed on one townland. We shall give it in
Mr. CUMMINS' own simple but forcible language. It
would be impossible to condense or abridge, to
strengthen or add to the awful description. It is not
of a strange or distant land he is speaking, nor is he
dealing in vague generalities. The locality is fully
and accurately described, so that if he has been guilty
of any exaggeration, or has in any degree drawn on
his imagination, the statement is capable of immediate
contradiction. The scene of wretchedness is named
South Reen, in the parish of Myross, and it is
situated on the eastern side of Castlehaven harbour-
Mr. CUMMINS says---
" Being aware that I should have to witness scenes of

frightful _hunger, I provided myself with as much bread
2.,; five men c aild carry, and on reaching the spot I was
surprised to lind,the wretched hamlet apparently d. set mi.
I entered some of the hovels to ascertain the cause, and
the scenes that pre tilted themselves were such as no
tongue or pen can convey the slightest idea of. In the
first, six famished and ghastly skeletons, to all appear-
ance dead, were huddled in a corner on some filthy
straw, their sole covering what seemed a ragged hosre-
cloth, their wretched logs hanging about, naked above
the knees. I approached with horror, and found by a
low moaning they were alive—they were in fever, four
children, a woman, and what had once been a man. It
is impossible to go through the detail. Suffice it to say,
that in a few minutes I was surrounded by at least 200
of such phantoms, such frightful spectres as no words
can describe. By far the greater number were delirious,
either from famine or from fever. The demoniac yells
are still ringing in my ears, and their horrible images
are fixed upon my brain. My heart sickens at the
recital, but I must go on.
" In another case, decency would forbid what follows,
but it must be told My clothes were nearly torn off in
my endeavour to escape from the throng of pestilence
around, when my neckcloth was seized from behind by a
gripe which compelled mu to turn. I found myself
grasped by a woman with an infant just born in her
arms, and the remains of a filthy sack across her loins—
the sole covering of herself and babe. The same morn-
ing the police opened a
,bouse on the adjoining lands,
which was observed shut for many days, and two frozen
corpses were found, lying upon the mud floor, half de-
voured by the rats.
" A mother, herself in a fever, was seen the same day
to drag oat the corpse of her child, a girl about 12, per-
fectly naked, and leave it half covered with stones. In
another house, within 500 yards of the cavalry station
st bkibbereen, the dispensary doctor found seven
wretches lying, unable to move, under the same cloak.
One had been dead many hours, but the others were
unable to move either themselves or the corpse."
Gracious Heaven, can such things be possible in
a Christian land ? Can civilised men see their fel-
low-creatures suffering the agonies of hunger, endur-
ing more than the inhabitants of a beleagured city
have ever been subjected to ? Are there no ministers cf
the Gospel, no relief committees, no persons in any
the slightest degree removed from such a state who
were capable of telling the sad tale, of demanding
instant relief and assistance for the sufferers ? Some
time must have elapsed before the unhappy creatures
could have been reduced to such extremities. A
fearful responsibility rests on all who were acquainted
with the facts and did not make them public, when
the aid that could be obtained in the neighbourhood
was found to be inadequate to meet the crisis. We
are aware that two clergymen have been in constant
communication-- with the Home Secretary within
the last few weeks, and that they laid a
melancholy statement before the Right Hon. Baronet
that awakened the deepest sympathies for the suffer-
ings described. His answer to their application has
been published within a few days, and most sincerely
do we trust that the recommendation contained
therein may be adopted. And we cannot doubt but
that our own countrymen will nobly respond to the
call made upon them. It is no time for inquiring by
whose default this frightful suffering has been oc-
casioned. It is no thrie to speak of existing laws, or
of those which may be enacted hereafter, or at whose
expense the people should be fed : there are human
beings perishing at this moment, without food or
clothing ; there is an opportunity to feed the hungry
and to clothe the naked, who, without speedy assist-
ance, must perish by a lingering and painful death.
Sir GEORGe GREY has truly stated that
it is impossible for the Government, by any
means, to meet all the cases of severe privation and
distress which are to be found under existing circum-
stances in Ireland ; much must be done by individual
owners of property and by private charity. Sir GEORGE
suggests that means should be taken for raising
among the wealthier classes in Ireland, as well as in
England, contributions fur the relief of extreme cases
of want and destitution, not capable of being met
by the existing poor-law, or by the works in pro
gress, or to be hereafter sanctioned, and states that
he entertains no doubt that if due precautions were
taken for securing the proper application of such con-
tributions to the relief of urgent and severe distress
through the local agency which can alone be com-
petent to the duty, " liberal aid would be afforded by
private benevolence in this country," and such will
undoubtedly be the case. Englishmen have never
withheld their assitance from the sick and needy,
they have afforded succour to the destitute in what-
ever clime or country they may be situated. There
is no tale of real distress that has ever been told
them in vain. We have assisted the stranger, shall
we suMr those speaking our language, united to us
by many ties that should prompt a ready response to
any demand for assistance, to call in vain ? We have
often held out the hand of fellowship in periods o`,
lighter trial than the present. Large sums have been
remitted in former years, and many lives were pre-
served by the timely aid so afforded ; but never was
there a call so urgent and pressing as that now made.
The very season should awaken sentiments of benefi-
cence in every breast. This is the time of joy and
festivity, of feasting and merriment. Families
that are separated for the rest of the year are re-
united at this happy time. Loftier and higher thoughts
will arise in many hearts. We commemorate a ;pe-
riod of glad tidings and great joy to mankind. Suffer
not our brethren to be cut off from amongst us. We
pray to be delivered from pestilence and famine ; let
us strive by- all means to alleviate the afflictions of
those who are suffering under their baleful influence.
No time is to be lost. Let not the day pass before a sincere
resolution is formed by each to do something accord-
ing to his means, to give up some trifling object, to
restrict himself (if necessary) in some particular, and
to devote the amount to mitigate the wretchedness we
have detailed. We venture to say, a more pure de-
light has never been enjoyed than that which will fol-
low such a course. What is to be done must
be done at once ; a single hour should not
be lost. Englishmen, you have never hitherto
been found wanting, and never has there
been a greater necessity for universal exertion,
"Bus date cite dat,"—a small sum given promptly
and readily will be more valuable than a far larger
amount if delayed. Expedition is everything; there
will be many channels discovered through which
your bounty will be faithfully distributed, and make
glad the hearts of the unhappy and miserable. Recol•
lest, too, that the calamity is not restricted to a
single locality, the case of South 'teen is but an
example of that which is daily taking place in the
less cultivated and poorer districts. A single provin-
cial paper, th-e Mayo Constitution, contains the ac-
count of no less than eight coroners' inquests, in all
of which the verdi,e.t, of death from starvation or from
want of sufficient Aod has peen returned. And one
of the coroners of th e county has addressed a letter to
the Lord-Lieutenant, stating that seven more human
beings (different (from those to whom we have
alluded) had fallen: victims to hunger 'since his last
report, and yet this county Mayo contains no less
than 800,000 acres e waste land, of which, according
to the report of Mr- :RICHARD GRIFFITH, the eminent
civil engineer, published in 1845, no less than 170,000
acres might be improved for cultivation to produce
corn and green crops, and 300,000 acres might be
drained for pasture. Indeed, Mr. GRIFFITH says of
the waste land in thi3 county, that a large portion of
it presents unusual ff.:edifies for reclamation and cul-
tivation; and, be it .rQmembered, that his report is
made with reference i;o the provisions of the Ist and
2d William IV., c. 33:, which requires a certificate
of a skilful engineer or surveyor that the improve-
ment, when complete d, would increase the value of
the lands in the propor lion of at least 10 per cent. per
annum on the sum propc,sed to be expended thereon.

We find the followirrg in the Augsburg Gazette, o
the 20th, under the head' of Silesia :

" We learn from a source worthy of credit that the
application made to Austi in. by Prussia, on the subject
of the trade of Prussia wits Cracow, has met with in-
surmountable difficulties. M. de Kamptz had several
conferences with the Pres:eent of the Aulic Chamber,
but it appears that he employed so disagreeable a form
of discussion, that the arfai.sr took a decisive turn. The
demands of Prussia had fer object to exclude Cracow
and its territory from the operation of the Austrian cus-
toms, and to leave them tier ancient privileges; but
that was impossible. Ever 3 tLing that is possible, how-
ever, will be done in favour of Prussia. The tariff of
transit will be maintained, :and an entrepot at Cracow
for Prussian commerce will b, tolerated."

A letter from Posen of thE. 16th, in the Post Anipt
Gazette of Frankfort, has t'ie following
66 The Austrian police has ji tst suffered a strange mys-
tification. It was announced' that the Polish emissary,
Rymaskiewieg, had been are ested and given up to the
Prussian authorities as beim.: a Prussian subject. On
the arrival of the prisoner at this place, the president of
the police visited him in pri son, and discovered that it
was anther person, who had assumed the name of

Ityrnaskiewieg, in order that be might not be given up
to the Russian authorities. It has not yet been decided
what is to be done with the prisoner, but hopes are en-
tertained that he will be libe rated."

Graz )t, at the expense of a public functionary represent-
eur etatiory, ;see who had himself been gravely
insulted. We were entitl, d to draw the conclusion
that Lord Palmerston was seeking for all occasions
to annoy the dsp'onaatic agents of France, and that
M. Guizot, following a wretched system, was receiving
the law from England now that she was in bad
humour, just as he had received it from her when our
ally. But is it M. Guizot alone who serves as an instru-
ment to this system ? He once overturned, would France
resume her full freedom of action, the authority of her
power, and that firm attitude which imposes respect
even on those persons whose sympathies she does not ob-
tain ? What matters the absence of this secondary
idea, if the general and superior idea still lords it over
public affairs, and maintains the policy of the Govern-
ment in that order of ideas and effects in which
it has been sa long dragging on ? It is not, there-
fore, any particular man or men that ought to be at-
tacked, but the ideas, the direction, the ensemble of
the policy—in a word, the system itself. This system,
being detestable, selfish, and anti-national, is com-
batted by a constant opposition in the Chambers,
in the press, amongst the electors, in the muni-
cipal councils, in the National Guard ; wherever, in fact,
a more popular sentiment animates men's hearts—wher-
ever it is desired that the Revolution of July should not
be lost in a wretched abortion. It is, therefore, the
sentiment that ought to be opposed and overturned, in
order to substitute a totally different order of ideas and
facts—another system of policy for that which we have
a right to declare not only narrow and insufficie .t, but
hostile to all the principles of the revolution, disastrous
to the country, and degradieg to its nationality. This
is what we desired to say, and what we said ; and this is
what we now repeat ; because if discussion cannot go to
such a length, no discussion is possible. What was in-
criminated the other day, we have written a thousand
times, and heard a thousand times in the Chamber, and
there is not a single Opposition journal that is not as guilty
as we. But do our readers wish to know what M. Hebert
pretends ? He says that the system is the King—that
to say that the system is odious is to offend the King's
person—to declare that the system ought to be attacked
and thrown down, is to say that the King ought to be
overturned—and that is, besides, to adhere to another
form of Government ! This pretension of M. Hebert
does appear to us at least strange, and we complain in
particular that it supposes that we do not know how to
write our language. The King is not a system ; the
term system is necessarily a collective term ; if we, by
chance, attacked the system of the law officers of the
Crown, relative to the press, that would not mean that
we attacked M. Hebert personally ; and if we offended
against that system, M. Hebert would not be entitled to
consider himself ample enough to take the offence to
himself alone."
On the subject of the recal of M. BARBET DE Jour
we find the following sensible observations in the
Epoque, and we believe the version of the affair here
given to be the correct one
Our readers will remember that we were the first to
give details on the affair of M. Barbet de Jouy, the
French Consul at the Mauritius. The particulars since
received have made no change in our statements, and,
consequently, we have but little occasion to answer the
Opposition journals, who have treated the removal of
the Consul to another post as an act of culpable weak-
ness. It is already known that M. Barbet de Jouy did not
pay the visit to Admiral Dacres on his arrival at the
island, although such was the cheer and formal rule of
etiquette. The officers of the English frigate, w hick bore
the Admirers flag, gave a ball, and sent an invitation to
the Consul. After waiting 24 hours in the expectation
that M. Barbet de Jouy would perform some act of po-
liteness to the Admiral, either by a personal visit or by
letter, two officers went to his residence and withdrew the
invitation ; whereupon our Consul, who had not yet had
any intercourse with Aemiral nacres, wrote the letter
which has been the sole cause of his removal. It has
been sail that there were anterior circumstances at
which M. Barbet Joay took offence, and which in
duced him net to make the official visit clue from him.
We admit this; we even admit that the Consul felt
sensibly the vviehdrawal of the invitation he had re-
ceived; and regretting these coolnesses, which are inju-
rious to public affairs, we could have well conceived that
M. Barbet de Jouy, if he had reason to believe that he
was in the right, should have laid an explanation before
Admiral Dacres with all possible dignity and firmness.
Unfortunately he did not do this. Instead of a firm and
consistent letter, he addressed to the Admiral one filled
with insults. Instead of maintaining his rights as Consul,
he personally provoked the Admiral in terms unworthy
of them both; insomuch that two men between whom
such a letter has passed could not meet without collaring
each other, or cntting each other's throats. M. Barbet
de Joey, therefore, has been wanting in due discretion.
Some may believe him to have been only firm; these are
in error, for we think he entirely forgot himself, and are
fully convinced that he now regrets the exprcs-ions he
used, which were inconsistent with his character as
much as with the character of an Admiral. After
having written such a letter, M. Barbet de Jouy could
no longer remain at the Mauritius without
exposing himself to circumstances which must
have brought on a personal conflict. He seems
to have felt this hiinelf, from his retiring to the
Island of Bourbon. What could the Government do in
Such a case? Support its agent? Impossible !
No official or private intercourse could exist between
him and the English authorities. It, therefore, became
necessary to remove him to another post. We have
reason to believe that in this instance Lord Palmerston
has been more moderate than could have been expected
from his reputation and situation, and that Lord Aber-
deen could not have conducted himself otherwise. We
cannot sufficiently repeat that Governments ought never
to hold themselves enoagad, without examination, by the
acts of its agents, and that a dispute about etiquette
paseing ut a distance of 4,000 miles never can affect the
general situation of Europe. France is governed by her
King and Clambers, arid these great powers cannot
always be guiding Consuls in leading-strings. Let their
agents be energetically supported when they are in the
right ; this is indispensable ; but they must repudiate
their acts when they are in the wrong."
The Constitutionnel, after long hesitating between
the free-traders and the monopolists, has at length
taken its stand as the champion of monopoly. The
Journal des Debats, on the contrary, has declared
itself the advocate of free-trade principles, but in so
doing, it states expressly that it is not to be under-
stood as speaking the sentiments of the Government,
which is not to be considered as at all pledged to
free-trade principles, because it has authorised the
existence of the Association des Libres _Echangistes,
its only object in such authorisation being to enable
each party to discuss their principles before the
public. It is, however, satisfactory to know that it is
the intention of the French Government to modify
the Customs' tariff. The following is the article of
the Debats :
" The question of the Customs' tariff excites at this
moment a certain degree of interest in the country. A
report is in circulation that the Government was
preparing to revive a tariff the principal provisions of
which date back as far as 1822, or even as the imperial
d trees of those of the Convention. Nothing more
could be necessary than this to cause a real or factitious
alarm to spread through many of the manufacturing
centres. Nothing could be, however, more natural,
than the belief that a regime which might have been
good when our manufactures were in their infancy would
not be suitable now that such admirable progress has
been made, and that the perfection of our products is
so striking; nothing can be more simple than to admit
when one has been enlightened by longexperience,
what certain exaggerations costs the country—the
producer as well as the consumer. The Government
might, therefore, in conscience think that the time was
come to revise the customs' tariff, without any one being
surprised
or moved at it. But what foundation is there
for the supposition that the new customs law will
be subversive, and that the Government contemplates
sinister projects against our manufacturing interests ?
Up to this time the customs laws which the present
Government have proposed have not been rash ones.
Many persons who support the Ministry have even found
that they rather tend to a contrary excess, and have
declared their opinion that they appear too timid. If
the Ministry, which is not fond of adventurous conduct
of any kind, were to propose a hazardous customs'
tariff. the Chambers have the remedy in their hands.
Those who in 1845 voted, for the benefit of what was
called national labour, the exorbitant duties which
now press on oleaginous seeds, are still very numerous in
the elective Chamber, and those who with success in 1841
and 1842 made their deplorable levy of bucklers against
the, Belgian union do not appear to have lost any of their
energy. But, it is said, an association is formed, the name
of which alone indicates an object hostile to national la-
bour, it loudly demands freedom of trade. It wishes to throw
down the barriers behind which French industry has
hitherto found protection. It is true that a free-trade
association exists ; but what is there in common betwen
that society and the Government? Why should the
latter be responsible for the creed of the former? As
far as we have been well informed up to this time, the
formal demands of the association have nothing in them
to give uneasiness to the manufacturing interests. It
has, in fact, appeared to confine itself to pointing out
freedom of commerce as an object to be attained with
time, and under the reserve of fiscal rights which may
be indefinitely maintained ; this proposition has nothing
dangerous in it. It has maintained that the moment
was come to take a step in advance towards commercial
liberty, by lowering and simplifying the tariff. In this
it has only repeated what many before it has thought
and said. But is it the free-trade association which
has inspired the Government with the idea
of the proposed changes ? Why should it not be as
well the rival association, quite as well authorised, which
has taken the name of the defence of national labour?
But what would be more menacing than the chimerical
project of overthrowing our commercial and manufac-
turing system, by a sudden transition from the protec-
tive system to that of free. trade, would be an attempt
to prevent the Government from introducing a moderate
and wise Bill. If there is any danger which at this mo-
ment requires consideration, it is that, under pretence
of opposing what are disdainfully called theories, a great
effort is made to patronize a barbarous and impracticable
theory of commercial isolation; it is that, with the ap-
parent object of guarding against an imaginary evil,
some interests abusing their privilege should weigh in
the balance in order to paralyse some of our most pre-
cious liberties, and to intimidate functionaries, private
individuals, and the Government itself."

The Constitutional says, " \Ve are assured that M.
GUIZOT intends, on the day following the opening of
the session of the Chambers, which is fixed for the
11th, to lay on the bureau of the Deputies the diplo-
matic correspondence that has taken place on the sub-