The Sun.
London, England, 1848-04-22 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY' EVENING, APRIL 22, 1848.

wig. In Hungary there are monster meetings in favour
of a physical demonstration. In Bohemia the recent
turmoil gives scarcely any token of its speedily sub-
siding. In Gallicia serious collisions between the
armed masses are reported to have occurred. At
Posen disorder continues to prevail, and bands of the
excited population parade the duchy with menacing
cries and ominous combinations. At Vienna an
Imperial decree of the Emperor of AUSTRIA an-
nounces that on and after the Ist of January, 1849,
" all feudal and personal servitude will cease, and
that in lieu thereof a crown rent be substituted."
At Berlin, on the contrary, much indigna-
tion is excited by the arrival of certain
military decorations, transmitted in terms of com-
pliment from the Emperor of Russia to eight
officers who made themselves particularly conspicuous
in the slaughter of the inhabitants of that metropolis.
Such are the passions which clash against each other
in the oscillations of German opinion and in the
ebullitions of German nationality.
After a certain probationary interval has elapsed
there can be no question but that the independence of
Germany, of Italy, and of Poland, will be secured
beyond the hope of their after subjugation. They are
rising majestically and heroically—first Italy, then
Germany, then Poland—and the arbiter of the whole
movement is France.

It was yesterday our painful duty to direct the
public attention to the atrocious sentiments that had
been put forward by a Roman Catholic clergyman,
who, forgetting the benign precepts of his religion,
directly stimulated the people committed to his
charge to acts of violence and bloodshed, and pandered
to the worst passions of the excitable population. A
more pleasing duty, however, devolves upon us this
day. In place of polluting our columns with the
truculent and sanguinary harangues of the BERMING
HAMS or the Kstcyozis, we may adorn them with the
wise, the beneficent, the salutary counsels of a truly
Christian minister—the Verb Rev. Dr. APENERT
the R. C. Vicar-General of Kerry. The
address of that amiable and pious pastor
contains the best antidote to the poison dis-
seminated by his unworthy brethren, and
must prove the most salutary remedy for the insur-
rectionary epidemic that is now raging in many
districts. The sound sense, the unanswerable
this r e smp eicntde d
ogfe ntt eem aanb,saomr
lguuutse;
convince
u t
any
r w
ua rnd prejudicedby

futility of any armed resistance to the British power,
supported and strengthened as it is by the well

affected and loyal inhabitants of the country—of the

Fearful ruin and desolation that would be the inevi.

table consequences of such a resistance—of the op-
portunities for amelioration and prosperity that would
thereby be absolutely cast away--the feasible reforms
that would be lost—the myriads of human beings
that would perish by the sword, or under the more
lingering torments of pestilence and famine, with all
their accumulated and aggravated horrors.
The motives of some of the leading agitators, who
incite the masses to acts of violence and insubordina-

tion, V wholly regardless of the consequences that
may result to their wretched dupes, are also laid bare
and exposed in the most masterly and effective
manner. We must, however, suffer Dr..MENERT
to speak for himself:—
" Cold, hunger, and utter destitution would be the
portion of the misguided people engaged in a rebel-
lion—extensive slaughter in the open country—agri-
culture would be neglected—the crops burned in the
field, or trampled under the hoof of the war horse—
myriads of orphans and widows would roam through
the desolate land, seeking that food which did not
exist—the sacred edifice consecrated to the service of

the Most High would become a smouldering ruin—
the unobtrusive retreat of piety, purity, and education
would become the barracks of a licentious soldiery—

property would be squandered by the most reckless
miscreants in thoughtless riut—the banks would be-
come insolvent—the helpless inmates of poorhouses
would crawl out from their asylums, seeking that

sustenance which could not be afforded to therii, and
dying by thousands on the roadsides—the ear of man
would be closed against the cries of his suffering
fellow-man—morality would perish, and selfishness,
cruelty, and violence would reign universally—and
the overwhelming power of union, wealth, and dis-
ciplined strength would extinguish the flames of abor-
tive rebellion in the blood of the misguided people.
The picture is not overcharged. It would become an
awful reality. Then would not the attempt, by the
instrumentality of a rebellion, be foolish in the ex-
treme ?"

The Reverend Gentleman, although so graphically

depicting the heart-rending consequences of such an

outbreak, is by no means insensible to the wrongs
and sufferings of hia unhappy country. He points
out clearly and plainly the causes that have led
thereto. They have not been the results of recent
measures, of the sins of any reign, or the acts of any
Ministers ; they are the growth of centuries, during
which neglect and oppression have been manifested
on the one side, and distrust and estrangement on
the other, until, as the Rev. Doctor truly states,
" Turbulence, sloth, ignorance, and idleness were
forced upon the most improvable and moral people
under the canopy of heaven," While " the people
foolishly and universally attempted to redress their

wrong; by insane rebellions, in which the means
were clearly inadequate to procure the proposed end,
all the countless miseries inseparable from
an unsuccessful civil war fell upon the
country, and caused it to retrograde for
many dark and tedious years. An imaginative
and ardent people thus neglected, and destitute of
,elf-reliance, listened to every political empiric,
and overlooked the means by which their condition
might be gradually but infallibly improved."
It is owing to such causes as that the MITCHELLS,

the MEAGIIERS, and the SMITII O'BRIENS, cum
nzultis aliis, are enabled to mislead the too confiding
people, to stimulate and excite them to anarchy and
rebellion, in place of seeking for those constitutional
reforms—those useful and legitimate measures which
are so urgently required.
Although we have already extracted so largely
from this admirable address, we cannot refrain from
making one more quotation in reference to the would-
be leaders :

" I may be told that the Liberal journals, the
watchful sentinels of the Irish nation—that the glo-
rious and eloquent orators, who stand forward to
denounce the cruel Saxon, and to shed their Irish
blood for fatherland—speak with hope, encourage-
ment, and confidence of the issue of the contest. My
dear friends, attach no credit to their assertions—
confide not in their promises—be not so helplessly
credulous as to imagine that they are in earnest.
The journalist who would urge on you to embark on
an insane and ruinous and unequal struggle, wishes
to continue and to increase the circulation of his
journal—he looks for praise and profit—and these
are his fatherland. The orator who would encourage
you in the path of ruin seeks, with a craving appe-
tite, for applause. Let this, however evanescent, be
conferred on him—he seldom cares what evils may
hi s
pdreelvueduetdfohmre aearalievruesi A
ey
lougn
periodoutb outbreak
theak would
enactment
ine-
vitablybopeffotabhluobselys,ahluutuadr
yreds of thotu.sanldts would consign, very
It would kinodf different ages to a
l
gious rancouru—it ewaonueldw
ptheerpuentuhaatle-
iporwe me
unhal-
lowed tfiurrees go
fr arveel
al aversion between
wovvuldinlaeanve Ireland in her
distrust, estrangaenmdenitt,
rebellion would be ruinous to
both countries,
weak misery andas to degradation.dnunt t
hat a y man, then, be so
the country ?"
We trust that the Irish people will duly appreciate
this valuable advice, coming as it does from
in which they may place such implicit confidence, and
of which they have so much reason to be proud. Dr.
tL'ENERY may feel the proud satisfaction of having
rendered the most essential services to the cause and
tranquillity, and advanced the best interests of his
beloved country. He has also vindicated his Church
and her pastors from the reproaches that might have
been provoked by the conduct of a few turbulent and
mischievous individuals--reproaches which, however
undeserved by the great body of the clergy, might
have been cast upon them by persons who were not
aware how fully and entirely they repudiated the
insane and reckless conduct of the BEEMINGHAISIS
and the KENvoNs.

of this country may be for various necessary
However solicitous the great body ofthere pfoe
romp Ise,
and for the adoption of such legislative measure, as
are, to their thinking, likely to tend to the ameliora-
tion of their condition ; and, moreover, however great
may be the approbation of some among that body for
individual points of the Charter, the recent attempted
demonstrations of the Chartists have elicited from
them neither sympathy nor support. On the contrary,
those demonstrations, and the di3turbances which they
were calculated to produce, have evoked from the
English people spontaneous and simultaneous mani-

festations of their allegiance to the Constitution and
respect for the laws. So great and unequivocal was
this manifestation of the popular feeling that when
Mr. FEAItGUS O'CONNOR, in his remarks in the House
of Commons in reference to the petition, seemed to
insinuate that the fictitious names signed thereto had
been introduced by Government spies, Lord J.
RUSSELL good-humouredly and most signifi-
fieantly inquired of him, if he did not think that
some of the most violent proceedings of the Chartist
Convention had been also instigated by Government
spies attending there, for the purpose of provoking an
exhibition of the loyal and orderly sentiments of the
people. Nevertheless, in spite of this observation of
the Prime Minister, the Duke of WELLINGTON, in
giving his approval of the Government Security Bill,
expressed his opinion that a great contempt of the
law was prevalent in this country—a contempt of the
law which of late years had been gradually increas-
ing. As an illustration of his argument, the Noble
Duke observed, that some years back (about 1831)
insurrections had broken out simultaneously at Lyons
and Bristol, the population in both towns being about
the same. Nevertheless, one squadron of dragoons
did that at Bristol which required 60,000 men to
perform at Lyons, namely, to put down the insurrec-
tions, and preserve the cities from destruction.
My Lords," concluded the Noble Duke, " I attri-
bute the different success of those two efforts to
the respect which prevailed at that time in Eng-
land for the law—to the feeling which every
man had that he was disobeying the law
by joining in that insurrection ; and respect for
the law it was which then saved Bristol. We are
certainly not now in that happy position. It is true,
that without the exercise of force, we saw large
bodies of persons who had collected in the vicinity of
this town quietly disperse, but that was not out of
submission to the law. Was not the whole population
of the town, civil as well as military, ander arms ?
Were there not several hundred thousand persons
employed as constables ? And, consequently," asks
the Noble Duke, after this enumeration, " Can it be
said that respect for the law prevented any outrage
being committed ?" Most certainly it can. The
questions of the Noble Duke contain their own most
satisfactory answer. It was not respect fcr the law
that preserved peace on the 10th of April, says
the Duke of WELLINGTON, for he asks, " Were not the
whole population, civil as well as military, under arms?
Were there not several hundred thousand persons
employed as special constables 9" After replying in
the affirmative to this demand, may we, in our turn,
be permitted to inquire if it was not respect for the
laws which thus awed the whole civil population, and
called for the willing exertions of so many persons as
special constables ? The Duke of WELLINGTON'S
question is his own best answer. Respect for the
laws did preserve peace on the 10th of April. So
universally is this desirable fact admitted, that on the
Duke of WELLINGTON resuming his seat, Lord
DENMAN emphatically declared that recent proceed-
ings only tended to manifest the loyal and orderly
sentiments of the people. "I think," he said, "that
when a disturbance of the public peace was threatened
the exhibition of order which then took place
peaceable men leaving their ordinary occupations
of life to expose themselves to probable danger,
and to certain inconvenience, at a great sacrifice-
-I think it was one of the finest spectacles ever ex-
hibited on the part of a people attached to the law,
because convinced by long experience of the benefits
of the protection to be derived from it." " I am
sure," added Lord DENMAN, " I can never speak
without feelings of the utmost admiration of the
Duke of WELLINGTON, but I feel I should be want-
ing in some degree in what was due to the real cha•
racter of the English people, if I allowed the ex-
pression about the growing contempt of the law,'
to pass without comment." On this the Commander-
in-Chief, to a certain extent, qualified his former as-
sertion, which assertion, however, has been so far
satisfactory by eliciting from the House of Lords an
almost unanimous expression of their admiration for
the recent conduct of the people. It is said that, in
order to perpetuate the memory of these loyal de-
monstrations on the part of the lower orders, a sub-
scription is about to be raised for the pur-
pose of erecting some public building that may
serve as a fitting popular memorial. To our thinking,
however, such a proceeding would be derogatory
to the honourable character of the people. England,
we know, expects every man to do his duty, and in
the recent pacific demonstration every man has dcne
his duty, and consequently is deserving of all appro-
bation. Nevertheless, to raise a subscription and
found a monument in celebration of the recent
effort to preserve the peace, and to attest
the loyalty of the British people, is surely most
uncalled for. What is so manifest requires no
such deliberate attestation. It would be raising a
monument to the pyramids, and a pillar to celebrate
the erection of the column of TEAJAN. The love of
the British people for order and peace is proclaimed
in the fact of their national existence, in the circum-
stance of their commercial prosperity, and in the
very form and character of their institutions.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.

The files of Thursday passed off without the least
disturbance, and in the evening Paris was brilliantly
illuminated. The illumination was universal, ex-
tending to all the bye streets and the suburbs.
The members of the Provisional Government took
their seats on the platform at the Barriere de l'Etoile
to distribute the colours at eight o'clock in the morn-
ing, and did not quit the platform until ten at night.
The i}[onileur says—

" It is calculated that at least 400,000 armed men
defiled before the Provisional Government. Never
did so powerful an army display its ranks in so nar-
row a space in so short a time, and with so much
calm. Never did the Cabinet of a great people make
a manifestation so colossal or so reassuring."
The following is the speech made by M. ARAGO,
the Minister of War, to the colonels of the regiments
assembled to receive the colours :

" Colonels of the National Guard and the Army,—
The Provisional Government is about to confide these
colours to your honour, and to the honour of the
citizens and soldiers whom you command. Let these
Republican colours, of which history consecrates the
glorious remembrance, recal at all times to your
eyes the living image of free and regenerated France.
Let our hearts be penetrated with the holy device of
the Republic, henceforth become the immortal faith
of the country. If that country have need of your
arms, let this flag serve as a guide to your courage.
Let it be, in the midst of peace, a symbol of disci-
pline and order, a signal of rallying for the defence
of those great principles which the Revolution has
proclaimed, and which the Republic will revive.
Citizen soldiers, soldier citizens, all children of the
people, equally dear to the people, carry with pride
that emblem of the strength and of the grandeur of
the armed people. It is for the Republic a pledge of
union and of power—for all free people a guarantee
of alliance and friendship—and for the people who
are yet oppressed a hope of being liberated. Colonels,
in the name of the Republic, we take God and man
to witness that you swear fidelity to its flag."
The colonels, lifting their swords, replied, "We
swear it! Vive la Republique!" The first of the
colours was then distributed by M. DUPONT (de
l'Eure), and the others by the other members of the
Provisional Government, each making a short ad-
dress in delivering the colours. Immediately after-
wards, that is, at eleven o'clock, the defiling com-
menced.

About fifty veterans of the army of the Empire,
each wearing a uniform of that period, took part in
the/de of Thursday. They were headed by an old
man in the costume of the Imperial Guard, who, it
was said, had attained the age of 102. He supported
himself en a stick, and brandished his sword with his

left hand when he heard the illarseddaise or the
Chant du Depart. This small troop of grognards
was loudly cheered by the people.
The following manifesto from the chiefs of the
secret societies was extensively placarded over Paris
on Wednesday :
" Republicans—The organization of our secret so-
cieties dates from 1815. Our object then was to

overthrow an odious power ; we were untiring in
the pursuit of that end. Persecutions, exile, im-
prisonment, the scaffold, instead of discouraging us,
only increased- our energy.. Berton, Bories,
Caron, those glorious martyrs, sealed their devotion
to the holy cause of liberty with their blood. Our
indefatigable perseverance effected the triumph of
1830. But the people did not know how to turn the
,victory to account. Thelbourgeoisie re-established the

throne. We were, therefore, compelled to resume
our labours. This time we had a twofold mission

to fulfil—the establishment of a republican form of
government, and the foundation of a new social
order. On the 24th February we gained the republic ;
the political question is solved. What we now seek
is the solution of the social question—it is a speedy
relief for the sufferings of the labouring classes—it
is, in short, the application of the principles contained
in our declaration of the rights of man.
" DECLARATION OF RIGHTS.
" The object of our society is the maintenance of
the natural unlimited rights of men ; in other words,
the realisation of the republican formula—Liberte,
Egalite, Fraternite.
" The first right of man is the right of existence.
This right implies another, namely, the perfect de-
velopment, and unshackled exercise of the physical,
moral, and intellectual faculties of man : it is this
right which constitutes liberty.
" Liberty is equal to all men.
" The natural consequence of this liberty is the
right of association ; of manifesting our philosophical,
political, and religious opinions.
" Labour is one of the conditions of the life of
man. Society is bound to provide work for each of
its members, and the means of existence to those who

are incapable of working.
" No poor under the republic.
" Agriculture and industry, those two great sources
of the wealth of nations, are deserving of all the
solicitude of the state.
"Under property we understand the individual or
collective right of making use of what we possess.
" This right is subordinate to the interests of
society, and must be regulated by law.
" The revenue arising from property, as well as the
produce of labour, are subject to taxation.
"Taxation should be gradual; that is to say, in
proportion to the excess of competency, and should
never touch the indispensable.
" Physical, moral, and intellectual education is due
by sociality to all its members.
No man may be deprived of the blessings of
public education.
" Instruction should be open gratuitously to all.
"Law is the expression of social relationship.
" The will of the people can alone establish and
maintain it. Justice is the guardian of the laws,
rights, and duties. Justice should be open to all, and
rendered by the elect of the people.
"The only sovereign is tke people.
" Sovereignty is indivisible and unalienable.
" The Government can only exist and exercise its
power in virtue of the delegation of the people.
" Every citizen is elector—every citizen eligible.
" Every citizen is admittable to public offices.
" The army is the people organized for the defence
of their rights and their territory.
" It consists of all citizens capable of bearing arms.
" All men are brothers.
"Fraternity is the moral link between nations; it
establishes common interests between them.
" Every Government that violates the eternal prin•
ciples of Egalite, Liberte, and Fraternite is the
enemy of the people. To put it down is the most
holy of duties.
" To the work, then, brethren !
" The world beholds us. Ours be the task to
assure the present, and lay a foundation for the
future. Let us unite s close our ranks for
the electoral struggle which is preparing. Let
ns not forget that those who are not for us are
against us; no transactions are possible between the
supporters of privileges, disguised to-day as Re-
publicans, and the fervent apostles of democracy.
Our task is immense. It is not France alone that
looks to us for salvation ! Let our aspirations spread
beyond the limits of our country. All nations are
brothers, and let each of them share our ideas of re-
generation.
" In the name of our brothers, we, members of the
late Secret Societies.
" Roussel (Prosper), Marchand, Dorgal, Boivin,
Arago (Etienne), Ledoux (Joseph), Leroux,
Juin, Desmoulin, Albert, Montmahon, Caus-
eidiere, Baland, Flocon (Ferdinand), Grand-
menil, L'Heritier (de l'Ain), Foix, Dugros-
prez, Lechallier, Voirnier (Victor), Galland,
Pornin, Vilin, Vanante, Cahaigne, Jourdan,
Bechet, Dieumegard, Bernard, Palanque, Gal-
lois, Rocher, Cosnier, Ducoudray, Pilhes,
Fayolle, Somerat, Dessaigne, Desmaisons,
Barbier, Detis, Bulot, Boileau, Zammaretti,
Laugelot, Lamotte, Mandriere, &c."
We find in these papers some curious details as to

,he events of Sunday—details well calculated to

throw light on the inotives of the ultra-Republicans,
and which would go far to prove that they are in

fact mere tools in—the hands of those who seek to
restore a monarchy. _ _

On Sunday, according to the Monde Republicain,
M. BLANQUI went to M. LEDRU ROLLIN, and said
to him, " Give me a categorical answer, are you for or
against us ? say yes or no." M. LEDRU ROLL-m, wish-
ing to avoid a positive answer, began to say, " At this
moment we ought to be united," and was proceed-
ing, when M. BLANQUI again demanded, " Yes, or
no ? You make no answer. Adieu! It is no
M. LEDRU ROLLIN, on being questioned upon this by
M. LANIARTINE, was blamed by him, and told, " You
are wanting in your duty—you ought to have
arrested him." The same journal says Yester-
day morning a person was arrested with the following
circular in his hand The chiefs of sections are
invited to go at six o'clock precisely to the Hotel de
Ville, where there will be presented to the Provi
sional Government a petition for the dismissal of a
certain part of the members of the Provisional Go-
vernment. If this petition does not receive a satis-
factory answer, the people of Paris, who made the
revolution of 1848, will do themselves justice. "
It is somewhat singular that on Monday morning,
before the arrival of the post from Paris, a personage,
formerly high in the confidence of LOUIS PHILIPPE,
stated that there had been severe fighting in the
streets of Paris on the preceding day, and expressed
an expectation that ere long the Princes would be
restored. This is the more singular when we recol-
lect the revelations of the Revue Retrospective as to
the relations formerly subsisting between BLANQUI
and the Government of LOUIS PHILIPPE. The fol-
ewaing
passage from the ltlessager seems to confirm
the
suspicion that there were persennages rather
than persons connected with the attempted enteute of
Sunday It says :—" One of our subscribers asks
t nnd ay
who could have been the two horsemen, in blue half-
uniform coats, with embroidered collars, who on
Sunday were near the esplanade of the Invalides at the
moment when the last files of the workmen of the
Champs de Mars crossed the bridge on their way to
the Hotel de Ville. One was short in stature, with-
out beard, and with long hair. At the following
words spoken by the workmen who surrounded him
and his companion, Can we rely on your assistance ?'
He replied, Yes, my friends, rely upon me,' and the
workmen then said, You know that we have mus-
kets, only take care that we have balls, and that will

•
suffice.' "
The following from the Assemblee Nationale shows
the sort of liberty patronized by the Clubbists :
" Our readers will find it difficult to believe that a
Comite de Salut Public' can possibly exist at Paris,
and yet we can certify that the following facts are of
the most rigorous exactitude. The journal La Com-
mune de Paris is installed at No. 16, Rue de Rivoli,
in a vast edifice, which belonged to the civil list of
the Duchess d'Orleans. On Sunday, whilst dis-
quietude reigned in Paris, and whilst the National
Guard paraded the city in every direction, some men
of suspicious appearance addressed exciting observa-
tions to the groups, and seemed anxious to plunge
into a quarrel. A respectable old man, who made
some conciliating observations, was suddenly brutally
seized by some strange-looking men in blue blouses,
with a large floating sash of red cloth, and a cravat of
the same colour, and dragged to No. 16, Rue de Ri-
voli. A curious spectator followed the cortege. He
witnessed all that we are about to relate, and his cha-
racter and position, with the consideration he enjoys,
do not permit us to doubt his word. On arriving, he
saw in the interior of the hotel a garrison, with the
same aspect, the same costume. Armed men, the
musket in the hand, were placed as sentinels at the
gate of the hotel, in the court-yards, on the stair-
cases, at the entry of the apartments. After passing
an entresol guarded by sentinels, our informant,
following the old man and his cortege, passed through
a vestibule, and through some small saloons crowded
by armed men, and arrived in an immense saloon
splendidly furnished. lie there saw a person of
middle height, of about forty years of age,
with a beard, of a brief and haughty manner of speak-
ing, of a sombre and bilious physiognomy, who unex-
pectedly surprised in the midst of orders which he
was giving to those around him, violently questioned
the chief at the head of the cortege. This man replied,
Citizen Sobrier, I bring before you a suspect. I
believed it right to cause him to be arrested by your
Monts cards because he appeared to me to be a
cicVeumes
re-
actionary propagandist." Give explanations this
instant,' said Citizen Sobrier, in a theatrical tone. A
person who, who, like our curious informant, had followed
the cortege, stepped forward and explained the facts.
11,
Be brief,' cried Citizen Sobrier energetically. The
witness, agitated by the strange spectacle which sur-
rounded him, hesitated and stammered.
er
'e criedd
and
tdh e jduedcguxepe asd s itotan at t e Ahi pc: bol inel
only
endeavoured to explain the motive of the arrest. The
witness made a few simple observations in favour
10f the accused. The accused, inQ his turn, ly

ploye i words of conciliation. He then asked be-
fore what authority he had the honour to appear.
Before the citizen chief of Commune de Paris,'
answered Sobrier. The old man and the wit-
ness who deposed in his favour, were then called
on to give their names and addresses, and, after
some protests of the accused, Sobrier exclaimed,
Allons ! For this time be off with you, and do not
begin the same work again !' Whilst this was pass-
ing in the large saloon, the windows of which open on
the balcony of the Rue de Rivoli, strange scenes
were occurring in the other rooms. For example, a
voice cried from an adjoining room to the armed
men in the ante-chambers, Montagnard—one, two,
three—let them pass ! Montagnard, an order to be
executed, &c. As soon as the accused, having ob-
tained a permission to pass, was set at liberty, our
informant, who was also obliged to demand a pass,
heard the observation, We have frightened him
terribly.' Now, we ask, what is the authority of the
citizen Sobrier? By wh(.ln. is he delegated ? What
is this garrison of three hundred men, in blue blouses
and red sashes, whom he calls his Montagnards, who
protect all the approaches to the journal La Commune
de Paris ? In what times do we live ?"

We are happy to find that the best feeling exist,
between the National Guard and the army.
The Lllessager says, that on Wednesday, the Pro-
visional Government received numerous deputations
from the National Guard, demanding authorisation
to go out in corps to the villages in the environs of
Paris to meet the regiments of the line arriving for
the review, and bring them triumphantly into
the city. To this it was answered, that the army
could not as a body enter Paris until after the elec-
tions, as it was necessary that there should be no
ground for suspecting that this first great act of the
sovereignty of the people could be in any manner
influenced. The delegates of the National Guard re-
tired convinced of the reasonableness of this
determination, and yesterday there were nume-
rous petitions signed for the recal of the
troops after the elections. In several of these
petitions the National Guards offered each of them
to quarter one soldier of the regiments to come in
to-day for the review, and consequently they would
not be obliged to return to their cantonments before
to-morrow. The Garde Nationale Mobile have,

through their officers, expressed their willingness, in
case of any new alerte, to be first called out without
taking the citizen soldiers from their occupations.
" We know full well," said the bearers of this offer,
" that if we became engaged with superior numbers,
the National Guard would hasten to support us."
Yesterday morning, on this offer being make known,
many officers of the National Guard went to the
barracks of the Gardes Mobiles, and fraternised with
their officers. In the Rue de Clichy were seen more
than two hundred officers in the two uniforms walk-

ing arm•in-arm up to the Batignolles. Within the
last two days twenty-five waggon loads of muskets,
eseorted by detachments of National Guards, have
been brought from Vincennes, and deposited at the
different Mairies at Paris, to be delivered out to the
National Guards.

The National Guards of Havre are signing an ad-
dress of thanks and congratulation to the National
Guards of Paris, for their recent manifestation in
defence of "order in liberty." The address con-
cludes as follows :—"'National Guards, France con •
templates you with gratitude ; she may now without
fear confide to your patriotism the safeguard of her
representatives. All your brothers in the provinces
would be proud, like us, to march at your summons,
if the inviolability of the National Assembly should
ever be menaced."
M. QUENAULT, Councillor at the Court of Casea-
tion, has addressed the following letter, dated April
18, to the Minister of Justice :
" Monsieur le Ministre—The decree of this day, in
destroying the fixity of judicial situations, removes
from society one of its last guarantees, and strips
the various law functionaries of their dignity. it,
does not suit me to preserve the functions of a coun-
cillor at the good pleasure of a minister, or to permit
the office to be slighted in my person by a measure
which I deny your right to order. In consequence,
I have the honour of sending you in my resignation
of my functions as councillor at the Court of Cassa-
tion.-1 am with respect, Monsieur le Ministre, your
very humble servant,

4, QUENAULT."

M. D'HARCOURT is, we understand, appointed
Minister from France to Rome, and M. DE TALLINAY
Minister to London. _ _ „

A letter from St. Gaudens states that the forest of
Eoux had been set on fire and was nearly consumed ;
and, that another tract of plantation, separating
Chaun from St. Beut, had been in part burnt down
some days before. At the time the letter was written,
the latter wood was burning to an extent of 10 or 12
kilometres (6 or 7 miles). The forest of Marignac
also has been set on fire, but a heavy rain has extin-
guished the flames.
Bands of thieves are laying waste the country
around St. Etienne. These malefactors have directed
their designs of devastation particularly against reli-
gious houses, under the impression that they must
contain money. They entered a convent at St.
Jenest-Lerpt, and, finding nothing of value that they
could take away, destroyed the furniture, and did as
much damage as they could. They also visited con-
vents at Villard and St. Priest, aad, after breaking
the furniture to pieces, set fire to it. At Latour
the nuns gave their unwelcome visitors drink, and
thus gaining time, were saved by the population com-
ing to their aid.
At Lyons the troubles still continue.
Accounts from Algiers state that the Governor-
General had declined starting as a candidate for the
representation of the colony in the National Assembly.
The Moniteur publishes the following return of
the state of the Bank of France up to Thursday
evening, the 20th of April :

ASSETS.

Cash and ingots . . 51,265,750 58
Cash at branch banks 37,473,385 00
Overdue bills ... •.. 22,890,104 09
Bills falling due in Paris, of which
30 243,044 f. arc from the branch banks 196,697,311 59
Bills in the branch banks . . 47,369,291 79
Advances on coin and ingots ... 4,475,100 00
Ditto on public securities of France . . 11,466,882 90
Due from the branch banks on their
notes in circulation ... ••• ... 15,222,500 00
Rentes of the reserve fund ... 10,000,000 00
Rentes of disposable funds 11,660,197 89
Hotel and furniture of the bank ... 4,000,000 00
Interest in branch bank at Algiers ... 1,000,000 00
Interest in National Discount Bank ... 200,000 00
Bills protested ••• ... 9,162,600 23
Bills arising from the sale of Rentes to
Russia yet to be received ...
Expenses of administration
Sundries • • ••• ••• •••
Advances to the State on Bons du Tr6sor
of the Republic

360,067 19
419,467 40
181,090 64

... 50,000,000 00

500,852,749 30

GERMANY

AND

THE NORTHERN STATES.

HANOVER.

Hanover, according to the latest accounts, was in
a very unsettled condition. The people are by no
means satisfied with the tardy concessions granted to
them by the KING. There have, it is said, been
serious disturbances at Hildesheim. General
HALKETT, at the head of the Hanoverian contingent,
was to cross the Eider and enter Schleswig-Holstein
on the 18th.

BAVARIA•
King Lunwm has at length been permitted to
leave Munich for Switzerland.

PRUSSIA.

Accounts from Berlin of the 17th state that the
Prussian troops under Prince RADZIVIL have received
orders to enter Schleswig and to attack the Danes.

The Prussian Ministry has failed to negotiate a
,oan with ROTHSCHILD.

A letter from Aix-la-Chapelle, of the 18th, an•
nounces the renewal of disturbances there. On that
day all the shops were closed, the Riot Act was read,
and a coliflict took place between the people and the
troops, in which many lives were lost. Troops have
since arrived from Cologne and Juliers.