The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-17 00:00:00

CORN IMPORTATION BILL.

On the order of the day that the House should go into
Committe on this Bill being read,
The Earl of WICKLOW proposed as an amendment to the
first clause, " That upon all wheat not the production of our
colonies, there should be a fixed duty of ss. instead of ls."
And should that amendment be affirmed, he should follow it
up by proposing a fixed duty on other descriptions of grain in
the same ratio. He had already, in the course of the even-
ing, intimated to a Noble Friend of his that he had given no
notice of his intention to move that amendment, but his reasol
for doing so was his expectation that some Noble Lord on the
other side of the House would have proposed that amendment.
As that, however, was not likely to be the case, he felt him.
self bound to undertake the duty himself. The question was
so much and so discursorily d:scussed, that he would confine
himself strictly to the object of his amendment. Before alluding
to it, however, he must express his surprise that no
answer was given to the question nut a short time since to
the Noble Earl ( Ripon). He would take the question as to
price on the arguments of others. Some maintain that the
effect of the present Bill would be to equalise the price of corn,
and to prevent fluctuation. He did not agree with that
pinion, believing, as he did, that the sliding-scale would effect
that object much better, though he thought a fixed duty
would effect that object better still. What he wished, however,
to impress upon their Lordships was, that if the great object of
the Bill be to prevent great fluctuation in price the in-
troduction of the amendment he proposed would be meat likely
to secure that object. He saw no conceivable reason, also,
why the Government did not introduce a fixed duty on ac-
count of the large revenue it would produce. Even supposing
this small fixed duty would have the effect of raising the price
of corn, it would have the effect of preventing the fluctuation
of price, as well as giving a greater increase to the revenue ;
and he, therefore, was of opinion that, on account of these
results, it ought to have been proposed. It appeared very
strange to him how the Right Rev. Prelate, who bad very
lately been raised to honours and dignity, should be so ready
to strip the landed interest of this country of protec-
tion.—( Hear, hear.) He felt convinced that any measure
which would tend to injure the landed aristocracy would be
attended with much danger. The first argument which struck
him was, would they tax the necessaries of life? Why should
they tax every other necessary of life but corn. Now, with
regard to sugar, he considered that almost as much a necessary
of life as any other article, and still the tax was kepi- on. The
Noble and Learned Lord (Brougham) had stated that there
was a great difference between duty and revenue, and that for
that reason it was necessary to keep up duties on all other
articles. He saw no reason why the duty should not be kept
upon corn, if only for the purposes of the revenue. While
duties were paid on other articles of consumption, he could not
vote for taking eff the corn duty. He believed that if it had not
been for an unfortunate letter written in January last—a letter
which was published for a very different purpose to that which
it had been supposed—if it had not been for that letter he be-
lieved the present measure would never have been heard of.
He proposed the present amendment, not for the purpose of
keeping up protection—he wanted not protection, but he
wanted to place the question upon a sure and certain basis. He
was prepared to say that if the present Ministry were to go
out of office—as out of office they would go very shortly—and
that Noble Lords on the other side of the House, who
would succeed them, were to introduce a Bill with such a
clause as the one he now proposed, they would give very ge-
neral satisfaction.—(Hear.) This was not the moment to
bring forward such a measure—a moment when two Republics
were at war with each other—a moment, too, when America
was successful. But whether she was successful or not, she
would be at no loss to find a ground of quarrel with this
country, even supposing the Oregon question to be settled.
He would conclude by proposing the amendment now
before the House.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that he would not
have risen at this moment but for the allusion made by the
Noble Earl Who had just sat down to the Noble Lords on his
side of the House, with respect to the amendment he had
proposed. He trusted that in opposing that clause he would
not be found inconsistent with the principles and opinions
which he had always entertained on this subject. Looking to
the great weight and importance of the landed interest, and
at the feelings of those under them, he considered these
parties should receive the greatest attention from the Govern-
ment of the day. At all times they were entitled to the consi-
deration of the House. It could not be denied that all protec-
tion kept up the rate of prices—(Hear, hear)—
and he supported the Bill because it would tend
to the reduction of those prices. Still be did not think the
reduction would be very great. He believed the prices on the
continent would rise, and the prices here would fall a little.
but the effect would be an equalisation of prices that would
operate to the advantage of tha public. Those who talked of

the danger to agriculture, and spoke of the peculiar burdens
on land, should recollect that the agriculturists had. great ad-
vantages given them in good roads and conveniences in ex-
change for these burdens. The equivalents in the shape of
these improvements were more than equal to any of the burdens
that were represented to press peculiarly on land. They had
appliances such as no other country had, and they ought to be
able successfully to compete with any foreign countries. When
they talked of the expenses in this country, they ought to
consider the conveniences they had compared with foreign
countries. If they had increased the prosperity of the country,
they increased the value of the land in the same ratio ; and if
the repeal of the protective laws led to an increase of prosperity,
as he believed it would, then would the landed interest
participate in that improvement. They had only
to look at the enormous increase in the value of land
during the last hundred years to be persuaded of the advan-
tages that had resulted from an increase of commerce.—
( Hear, hear.) But they were told they ought to support a tax
on corn as a means of revenue. He agreed in that. He
thought this article should be equally subject to taxation as
any other article of consumption. . He was net led away by the
clap-trap of cheap bread to oppose any tax on grain ; and he
thought to retain a five shilling duty would operate but little
as a measure of protection, and was not to be defended on that
ground. Neither did he think it would operate to any great
extent in the amount of price on wheat. There was ene
point which he was surprised had never been referred to,
namely, the great disproportion between the price of grain and
the price of bread.—(Hear, hear.) The difference in the
price of grain between this country and foreign countries was
but littt. ac ..empared with the difference in the price of bread.
He thought it would be wise to retain a small !ilea oury rut
purpose of revenue, but he could nol consent to endanger the
present Bill because it did not exactly propose what he should
like to see carried out. He must say that he had come to the
determination of supporting this Bill, precisely from the prin-
ciples which he had previously maintained on the subject of
the corn-laws. He was not very strongly in favour of the
Bill or the manner in which it had been brought forward. He
agreed with the Noble Duke on the cross-benches as to what he
said a few nights ago, that the sliding-scale seemed to have
been introduc,d for the rurpose of embarrassing the agricultu-
niets. He could not conceive a bill more absurd than that
which lay on their Lordships' table. A Noble Lord had made
a most powerful speech, a few nights ago, in which he
showed that the sliding-scale was the most absurd sys-
tem that could by any possibility be devised.—(Hear. )
That speech was supported by a great number of tabular proofs,
showing that the sliding-scale was a complete fiction and an
entire delusion ; it never had as yet secured a fixity in prices.
—( Hear, hear.) But this Bill continued the sliding-scale for
the next three years; that most absurd system was retained in
the bill. He thought that the Prime Minister in advocatii g
this question rested his arguments in favour of it on the grounc
that during the next two years this Bill would leave time for
more improvements in agriculture, and more draining. Why
what sort of an argument was that? In the first pia&
it was clear that it might be assumed by such an argu-
ment, to be admitted even by the advocates and supporters
of this Bill, that the removal of protection from agricul-
ture would injure the agricultural interest. Now he did not
admit the truth of such an argument. The Prime Minister had
laid himself open to such an observation, and that they must go
on draining their land in order to meet the difficulties in which
they would be placed by the Bill. He never heard amore absurd
argument than that in his life.—( Hear, hear.) He happerne,
u happened
to be acquainted with several large agriculturists, anda nim ,
hainousi
talked to them on this subject, they admitted L.?
that the sliding-scale had operated most injuriously to
tthoatthtehier
interests. He did not hear one single r
person
The proposal
sliding-scale would be to their intereirstee
years would have
maintain the sliding-scale for the next three
counts
Bittr
the effect of disturbing the different relations
aw
eorn-l
ofs the un
This
tirpaadi
with respect to the question of t
would do great injustice to the great
principleth freeprincipally
e
The first Minister of the Crown rested
on what was called the famine in Ireland. He (the Marquis
of Clanricarde), for one, did not attempt to depreciate the
I
e nt of that calamity in Ireland in the smallest degree. He
knewt
e that it was, for the most part, confined to particular lo-
calities ; it did not amount to a famine.—( Hear, hear.) There
were, no doubt, small localities, detached from large towns.
where distress did prevail ; but it would be absurd to a
month at thisof measu
June,re, which
would th
heyve were now discussing in thes
athe effect of meeting
the present distress in Ireland. The calamity had,
no doubt, been increasing. But the Government took
the most admirable measures on that subject.—( Hear
hear.) He bore his most willing testimony to their activity