The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

It must he clear to every man whose judgment is not
blinded by vanity or passion, that it is, and must be, the
interest of every journalist to furnish the best reports
which he is able ; that any injustice exercised towards
particular speakers can only operate against the journal
which exercises it; and that the offence is not one which
can long be concealed, even by the closest conspiracy,
should there be folly and meanness enough to form such a
conspiracy. It is clear, therefore, to any man of reason-
able understanding, that if reports are sometimes inaccu-
rately—sometimes imperfectly given, other than corrupt or
malignant motives must occasion the defect. In the first
place, when a debate occupies several hours in both
Houses—a very common event during the latter months
of every session—a supplement publishe I every day would
not contain all the speeches ; for two sittings, averaging
together about twenty Lours, would, at the rate of three
columns per hour, require sixty columns, which is twelve
columns over the number of columns in even a double sheet,
and this would suppose the exclusion of all other matter—
advertisements, law repotting, and general and political
intelligence. But even if we had the disposition to indulge
the oratorical vanity of Members of both Mouses, and the
public should demand such a daily supply of rhetoric, the

thing could not be done ; it is not in the human power
to produce the quantity in time for the next day's demand,
nor is it in the power of the most improved machinery to
work it. The Mirror of Parliament is published only
weekly, and the supplements of the Moniteur follow the
debates at intervals, fregnen•ly of more than a fortnight.
Whet, then, is the "necessary cons, quence ? The less im-
portant debate must give way to the more important—the
less able speakers to the more distinguished, so that some-
thing like a❑ intelligible view of the whole may be pre-
sented to the public. And here we may say that,
generally speaking, the reading public have so little
symp.ittiy with the talking portion of it, that com-
plaints daily reach us from a:I quarters that the Parlia•
mentary reports are too long--indeed, we are convinced
that, except in cases of pressing and transcendent
interest, a short epitome would abundantly satisfy public
curiosity. But as there are some enlightened readers who
wish to see the reasons in detail which able men give for
their conclusions, two or three paper; at first, and now
nearly all, have adopted a more lengthened style of re-
porting, governed and controlled, of course, according
to the importance of the subject, and the influence of
the speakers, by the discretion and intelligence of the well
educated and experienced gentlemen who are employed to
watch the proceedings. It is clear that no other con-
trol can be beneficially exercised. As to the general
impression which prevails on the accuracy and fair-
ness of reporting, we can confidently contrast the opi.
pions expressed by such men as the Lord Chancellor,
Lord Grey, Lord Aberdeen, and Lord Lyndhurs►, in one
House,—of Lord Althorp, Sir R. Peel, and Sir R. Inglis,
in the other, with the unjust assaults of Mr. O'Connell
and Mr. O'D yer. In point of fact, we can appeal
even to the testimony of a friend and partisan of Mr.
O'Connell—we mean Dr. Baldwin—whether the speeches
of the Member for Dublin have not been reported at
greater length, and with more care, than those of almost
any other representative. To conclude, let Mr. O'Con-
nell speak as becomes a Member of Parli.imi nt, and he
will and must be reported ; but do not let him entertain
the monstrous supposition that, whenever he chooses to
pour forth the most unprovoked and unmeasured abuse,
and in the coarsest language, o❑ men of honour and edu-
cation, such persons can so far throw off the common
feelings of human nature, as to quietly and deliberately
record the calumnious charge and the foul expressions in
which it is coached. Let Mr. O'Connell read the follow-
ing letter, and if he has the slightest sense of justice, he
will bas•en to make amends to honourable men whom he
has so wantonly maligned :
" TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.
"Sir,—We, the undersigned Parliamentary Reporters of
your Paper, beg to inform you, that without any wish to pre.
judice the interests of the establishment, with which many of
us have been long connected, and to which all of us are sincerely
attached, we have deliberately resolved not to report any speech
of Mr. O'Connell until he shall have retracted, as publicly as
Ise made, the calumnious assertion that our reports are ' de-
signedly false.' We are ready and willing to take upon our-
selves personally all the consequences with which the House of
Commons may think fit to visit this our determination.
" Respect for our own characters has dictated this resolution,
and be the consequences to us what they may, we will abide by it.
" We beg, as an act of justice to us, that you will publish
this our declaration,— We are yours obediently,

"-J. D. WOODS:
"JOHN TYAS.
" GEORGE FISHER.
" JAMES SHERIDAN.
" RICHARD M. BOUSFIELD,
" CHARLES ROSS.
"E. NUGENT.
MICHAEL NUGENT.
JOHN ROSS.
'THOMAS THORNTON.
" FRANCIS ROSS.

H The Times office, July '25."

We trust that no weakness will show itself in the con-
duct of Ministers towards the Earl of Warwick. We do
hope and trust that no discreditable evasion will be at-
tempted, or any courtly plea set up, as that Lord Lieute-
nancies of counties are " not political" offices. Yes ; we
h ar that there are some people we ,k enough to allege that
his is not a " political" office ! Alas, alas ! the Tories
knew their business better. When they were displeased
with a Lcrd•Lieutenant of a county, though the best man
in Eng'and, they turned him out. But now it appears
minuet dancing has once more come into fashion, and a
Lord—an Earl with an old name—one who shows the
" bear and rigged staff" upon his banner, and boasts a
feudal castle and a fabulous history,—he is too mighty to
he charged the price of his offences, however manifold.—
Times.

A meeting will be held to-morrow for the purpose of
awarding some mark of distinction and memorial of pub-
lic admiration to the g dlant Captain Napier. To add to
the honour already achieved by that heroic officer is not,
indeed, within the means or at the option of any man;
he has placed his own renown beyond the reach of fortune
to impair, or of individual friendship to improve it.
First, to hoard an SO-gun ship, crowded with men, from
the deck of a frigate, and carry her by the cutlas only,—
next, to make every other man-of-war in a hostile squa-
dron strike to the guns of her own commodore, so van-
quished,—is an exploit without precedent in the annals of
the most consummate skill and courage. Weie it merely
for the bright examp'e to our tars, such an enterprise
ought to be claimed by Englishmen as among the foremost
and highest recorded glories of this great and warlike na-
tion. Although, therefore, Captain Napier can gain no-
thing Irons any tribute of public homage or applause, in
comparison with that lasting fame which his own bold
genius has itself secured to him, we, his countrymen,
may fulfil a sacred obligation, or, to speck with more cor-
rectness, we may save ourselves the reproach of vile stupidity
and ingratitude, by showing that we can appreciate, if we
cannot reward, his worth. It has been the tacit policy
Of most wise Governments to encourage in times of peace
the active and daring spirit of their subjects, by permit-
ting them to engage in the service or foreign powers, not
snore for the sake of whatever benefit may accrue to the
fortunes of the adven'urers themselveQ, than fir the acces-
sion of military knowledge and experience, which may thus
in cases of emergency, be turned to account on behalf of
their naive country. The British Government, to be
sure, in later days, has adopted a different—we do not
say a snore profitable, far less a more honourable—system.
In subserviency to some of the basest miscreants that
ever disgraced the name of Sovereign, laws have been
made which render it penal for English officers, by sea or
land, though excluded from active service, but only
on h slf-pay, to recruit their incomes, or their stock
of professional knowledge, by entering any foreign
service whatever. In fact, they forfeit their only re-
muneration for pa't exertions, and hope of future good--
namely, their commissions—by venturing to take a pro-
fessional part in warfare carried on by foreign states.
That the Act of Parliament in question ought long since
to have been repealed, and the nightmare thus lifted off
the breasts of our gallant countrymen, is plain enough to
every right-thinking person : hut, while such an evil
does exist, it so much the more behoves us to wipe off
from public opinion the stigma of any supposed sympathy
between it and this impolitic and disgraceful statute, and
by some conspicuous; and decided proof, to make manifest
thr.t repugnance with which the people generally, in corn-
mon with Earl Grey himself, behold the visitation inflict-
ed, as well on the British navy as on one of its most dis-
tinguished members, by the act of striking out the
name of Napier from the list of officers. It is not in
Portugal that a laurel erown or a knightly sword
ought to be bestowed on Captain Napier, but
here, eminently here, in London ; and by preference,
abcve all other places, in Whitehall, facing the very
Admiralty gates. Nor, apart from the splendour of the
victory gained by Admiral Napier, is the cause for which
he has achieved it one which any freeborn Englishman,
any lover of liberty, truth, and justice, ought to bed l
ashamed
of. Had the squadron of Miguel been captured by a na-
tive Portuguese, there is not an honest man
n in England
that would not have rejoiced at such a cosummation,
as if it had been substantially a British triumph over a
base tyrant and usurper. The hearts of his countrymen,
therefore, are almost as much with the cause of Portugal
as with Captain N 'pier himself. Were it only for the
contumelious and insulting terms which have been applied
to both by members of a wretched faction, it would be a

becoming step for all intelligent and independent men to
show how utterly they repudiate the principles of that
degraded faction. But with regard to Captain Napier,
personally, nothing that can be said or done to his praise, his
honour, or we had almost said (though such thoughts are
far from a mind like his) to his solid and immediate inte-
rest, could exceed the measure of his claim upon the feel-
ings of this gallant and maritime nation.— Times.

The crisis has at length arrived. Lord Grey, after
, I trying what concession would do in the House of Lords
last night, was at length finally beat into the conviction,
that it was useless to contend any longer with the over-
' hearing oligarchy which has ever since the Reform Bill,
been hovering over the existence of his Administration,
like a vulture ready to fix its talons in its victim. The
House went through all the clauses of the Bill previous to
the suspension c'ause, on which it was always supposed
the struggle would take place. On arriving at the clause,
the attendance of the Lordships, which had not been
great during the early part of the evening, gradually in-
creased. The Archbishop of Canterbury broke ground
with an amendment, that the sinecure livings, which,
according to the terms of the Bill, as it was sent from the
Commons, were to be suspended, if duty had not been
performed in the parishes for three years preceding, should
not be abolished without the previous sanction of the
Bishop of the diocese. To prevent a division on this
amendment, Lord Grey gave way, and assented that
the Bishop of the diocese in which the sinecure
was situates!, should pro hoc vice have a voice
in the deliberation of the Commissioners with respect
to the suspension of the living. We will not say
that this met with a hypocritical, although it did with a
ready agent, from the most Reverend Churchman. His
Grace next moved the amendment on which the House
dividtd, that the profits of such sinecure livings, when
suspended, should not be appropriated to the fund placed
at the disposal of the Commissioners for the general pur-
poses of the Act, but should in the first place be applied
to erect churches and glebe-houses in the same parishes !
On this second amendment the Government were beat;
and Lord Grey, without a single observation on the course
which he might think it expedient to follow, moved that
the House should resume, which their Lordships, after
some desultory observations from Lord Kenyon, were
pleased to permit. The attention of the public will of
course not only be directed to the actual position of affairs,
but to the precise clause on which the opposition was
made. The 147th clause had been taken out of the Bill
to calm the apprehensions, and in a vain hope and en-
deavour to assuage the hostility of the Lords to the small
modicum of reform contained in this Bill. The suspen-
sion clause made amends in some respects, in the opinion
of many liberal Members in the House of Commons, for
this omission ; but take that away—apply the whole
funds arising from the reforms of the establishment, to in-
crease the churches and residences of the Protestant clergy,
in parishes where there are no Protestant congregations, in
the idle expectation th at proselytes will be made, by some
worthy competitor of Bishop Phillpotts, in the race
of Christian charity and philanthropy—and what a
mockery and insult would this Bill be to the anticipa-
tions and hopes of the Catholic population of Ireland. If
the Government were even mean enough to bow to the
decision of the Lords, what must be the inevitable fate of
the Bill in the House of Commons, and the degradation
and disgrace through which Lord Grey and his colleagues
will be dragged to their defeat? The circumstances
under which this crisis has been brought on deserve strict
scrutiny and attention. For the last week Council upon
Council has assemb'ed alternately at Apsley-house and at
his Royal Highness's the Duke of Cumberland's. At one
time reports were spread of divisions in the camp—at
another, of a determination on the part of the Duke of
Wellington, backed by the advice and even remonstrances
of Sir Robert Peel, not to beat the Government on any
clause ; and this was rather confirmed by the division on
the provision for the reduction of the number of the
Bishops. Last night, however, a most industrious whip
was made of the Tory Peers in town—Lord Lyndhurst
made his appearance from the circuit to remain for only
one day, that he might be enabled perchance to discharge
more fully and ably, by the rel .xa!ion of this trip, his
duties as a Criminal Judge on his return. The Reverend
Bench mustered i❑ force. The Bishop of London, we
should hope, did not secure his promotion to Canterbury,
by leaving Archbishop Whately and Bishop Maltby to
signalize themselves as the only supporters of a liberal Ad-
ministration. This trimming will not do. The friends
of order, peace, and the people, must be firm and con-
sistent in their conduct, if they desire to conciliate the
respect and good opinion of the public. We write in the
feelings which were pretty generally prevalent after the
division last night, without having heard a report of what
is likely to be the course pursued by Ministers. They are
in no enviable situation, and will probably be equally
blamed by parties feeling opposite interests in their deci-
sion, be it what it may. The House of Lords have pro-
claimed their effectual opposition to their foreign policy--
their reforms in the law—and now i❑ the church ; and
we confess the task of going on appears hopeless, while w
have scarcely nerves to look forward to what may he th
consequences of their being compelled to make a contrar
decision.—Morning Chronicle.

Mr. O'Connell last night moved that the proprietor of this
paper be called to the Bar of the House, for publishing cer-
tain reports, purporting to he accounts of the proceedings
of the House. The incontis:ency of the step of the Hon.
and Learned G.mtleman, as was well observed by Lord
Althorp, was evi,'ent from this, that the real ground of his
motion wa., not that the proceedings of Parliament were
repot ted, but that they were not reported in the newspapers.
Mr. O'Connell was pleased in his speech to allude to an
article which appeared in the Chronicle of yesterday, in
which he saiil he saw evidence of shrinking, but the state-
ment in which be said he did not believe, as in the very
same paper that contained the article, there was a suppres.
si,:n of a speech made by him, and as it was equally sup.
pressed by the other papers, the circumstance could not
be accidental. We were not aware when writing the arti-
cle, that another suppression had taken place, and
we admit that the suppression was not accidental,
though we have no reason to doubt the truth of the
statement received by us with regard to the oini.sion
alluded to by us. With respect to shrinking, all th it we
have to say is, that we have never approved of reporters
being guided by any other principle in their selections than
the public interest, and the interest of the Journal on
which they are employed—that we utterly reprobate the
principle of individuals allowing themselves to be influenced
by vindictive considerations in the execution of a public
duty—and we have no hesitation in further admitting,
that whatever we may think of Mr. O'Connell's judgment
or temper, we quite agree with Sir Robert Peel, that
" the speeches of the Hun. and Learned Gentleman
are of far too much importance to the country to be
suppressed." A representative is sent to Patliament,
not for his own sake, but for the sake of the country;
and we never yet could see why the reporters
should make the abuse of themselves by any repre-
sentative, a reason for depriving the country of that
representative's contributions to the discussions in
Parliament. As far as our influence extends, we shall
endeavour to counteract every attempt to withhold,
thratgli unjustifiable combinations, any portion of infor-
mation to which the public are entitled. If this frank de-
claration of our views on the subject be deemed shrinking,

the Hon. Learned Gentleman is welcome to the term.
We have never, however, sanctioned any other mode of
procedure than that which we have explained, and there-
fore we have had no occasion to shrink. The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman, as was observed by one of his own
friends, Dr. Baldwin, " of all the Members of chat House,
had been the best treated in the reports of their proceed-
ings which appeared in the newspapers." Of all the
Members of the House, he was, therefore, the least
entitled to complain of misreporting. With respect to
the reports generally, it would be singular if there were
any fabing off in their, in the course of two years, as was
stated by Lord Stormont alter Mr. O'Connell, the very
same individuals, with few exceptions, being reporters now
who were reporters two years ago. Sir It. Peel thought
" the reports in the Journals were generally characterised
by great impartiality and wonderful fidelity ;" and Lord
Althorp " believed that, generally speaking, the reports of
the proceedings in that House were given in a very fair
manner." The opinions of Sir R. Peel and Lord Althorp
are much more likely to be impartial than the opinions of a
man so much led away by impulse as Mr. O'Connell confes-
sedly is. It ought at the same time to be understood that
the business of a reporter is not to make speeches, and it
may not be his fault if a debate be less animated than
when the principal speakers were Canning, Tierney,
Grattan, Sheridan, Whitbread, Plunket, and Brougham.
We trust we have now said enough on this subject. Mr.
O'Connell's assertions are worth so little, that we have
been induced in justice to ourselves, and not from any ne-
cessity of contradicting him, to make these observations.
lie knows as much of the proprietorship of papers as he
knows of the salaries of reporters—and that is nothing.
This Journal neither is, nor ever was, conducted by any
Member of Parliament. The Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man, who swallows whatever he hears, has probably got
hold of an old report of a connection between Sir John
Key and Mr. Clement, the only proprietor of the Morning
Chronicle, and on this foundation he makes Ms assertion.
Neither Sir John Key nor any other Member of Parlia-
ment has any more influence on the Chronicle than he
(Mr. O'Connell) himself has, and be may know how
much that ie. We quite agree with those Members of

the House who think that the public can alone supply a
corrective to the abuse complained of. We can only say
that we shall endeavour as far as we can to prevent a recur-
rence of it; for we admit that there have been unjustifi-
able suppressions.—Morning Chronicle.
The flagrant case of Lord Warwick continues to excite
the public observation, and will immediately occupy the
attention of the Legislature. The report of the Warwick
Select Committee is of course officially before every Mem-
ber of the Reformed House of Commons. Can they delay
an immediate and indignant notice of the most gross vio-
lation of their privileges and the constitutional rights of
the people on the records of Parliament? The report is a
substantive document. Nor is this the ordinary case of
an Election Committee and a controverted return. A
special report had been made to the House of Commons
in June, when Sir Charles Greville was unseated for the
proved bribery of his agents. The gallant and public-
spirited chairman of that Committee, Sir Ronald Fergu
son, moved a revival of its jurisdiction to investigate fur-
ther the allegations in the petitions of the independent
bur;:esses, who charged interference and various malprac-
tices against the Earl of Warwick and his political instru •
ments. The 'unconstitutional application of the private
funds of the "Noble" Lord to the purposes of the election
had been proved, and appeared an the minutes of the printed
evidence—not only unchallenged, but admitted by his
banker, and the chairman of Sir C. Greville's Committee,
Mr. Kelynge Greenway. Lord Warwick was in England
at that time, and has chosen to go abroad when most men
anxiously seize an opportunity of self-defence. His parties
and agents, however, appeared before the revived Com-
mittee, and attempted a defence ; and counsel vainly strove
to vindicate the acts of Lord Warwick. The Select Com-

mittee, nevertheless, not only confirmed their former ver-
dict, but reported the most aggravated acts of corruption
against his Lordship's steward and town clerk, Tibbitts.
The report is, therefore, the confirmed and final judgment
of the Commons' Committee. It only remains for Par-
liament to pass sentence on the condemned, and to afford
the people their loudly demanded and retributive justice.
Public opinion indignantly requires that the Commons'
House of Parliament should vindicate its own violated
privileges, and repel the invasion of the constitutional
rights of the constituency. Can the Administration—can
the reformed Parliament hesitate in the discharge of their
solemn duty ? " Away with him," we say ; Lord Warwick
must be deposed from the municipal Viroae on which he
has so long sat to the political prejudice of his county,
and so lately to the injury of the borough over which
he presides as recorder. The electors created by the
Reform Acts will no longer he trifled with or insulted.
The high monarchical and aristocratical principles must
strike the flag; the people will no longer endure the ty-
ranny and impositions of Noble wrong doers. The Tory
House of Peers may array itself against Church Reform ;
but the Reformed House of Commons will jealously pre-
serve privi'eges exclusively in their own possession and
control. Lord Warwick must be cashiered by the Crown,
which would otherwise be placed in the unpopular and
scandalous position of sharing in his unconstitutional acts
—of participating in his political misdemeanors. We
cannot think that any Ministry would so place his Ma-
jesty. The Tories have cunningly and strongly defended
their close holds of election corruption. To bar out those
classes of society who ought, long previously to the amend-
ment of the representation, to have shared in the electoral
power, had been for a weary century the grand object of
Toryism ; to perpetuate the remains of electoral corruption
is now their laborious design. Hertford,Carrickfergus,War-
wick, nay,even"infamous Stafford"will have boldvindicators
in the House of Lords. Tine corrupt Freemen of Liver-
pool will be defended by brazen faces ; the Tories relish
universal suffrage when they can bribe or intoxicate it ;
and we shall see by the report of tie Liverpool Committee
to-day, how they will deal with that flagrant case of har-
dened, long-continued, and most notorious corruption.
But we can never credit that the Cabinet of Lord Grey
will uphold Lord Warwick. The Tory Aristocracy must
be fought band to hand; or, by the Lords' division last
night, it is plain that we shall temporarily return under
their dominion, and after that to revolution. New bo-
roughs have been made, and new Peers must be created.
The existence of the first revolution in our Government
imposes the absolute necessity of another in the composi-
tion of the Hereditary House of Parliament. We shrink
not from the word revolution. The political history of
every nation that ever was, or is, proclaims that revolutions
inevitably arise, and are necessary consequences of time.
We wish to avert a violent revolution—a rooting up of the
land-marks of property, and our complicated social sys-
tem ; but it is now clear, to an idiot's understanding, that
the time is drawing nigh when there will be " More Lords
or none."—Morning Chronicle.
, -
The 116th number of the Edinburgh Review is before
us, and really, with all cur deference for the opinions
generally expressed by that periodical, we must enter our
protest against the only political article which it contains
—an article entitled "Complaints and Proposals regarding
Taxation," but which might be more properly denominated
"A Defence of Ministerial Resistance to the Wishes of the
People." All existing taxes are declared to be good in
principle—the details only faulty; while those who have
petitioned fur greater reductions than Ministers have seen
fit to grant, are designated either as" Destructives," whose
proposals are viewed " with disgust and aversion by the
vast majority of the people," or as " asses peeping out from
below the lion's skin, whose complaints of the miseries
and privations endured by the people, and their denuncia-
tions of aristocratical cupidity and hardheartedness, are
mere hypocritical pretences, intended to cloak their own
selfish designs." Lord Castlereagh's celebrated saying of
the " ignorant impatience of taxation " on the part of the
people, was mere milk and water compared to this sweep..
ing anathema against the petitioners fur reduction ; and
we regret to add that the whole of the article smells of
the same lamp, and breathes the same spirit.—illorning
Advertiser.

The Irish Church Temporalities Bill was again las
night under the consideration of the Committee of th
House of Lords. The clauses were severally agreed to up
to that, the 117th, which provides that it shall be in the
discretion of the Commissioners to suppress benefices in
which divine service shall not have been performed for
three years, and to add the revenues of all such benefices
to the general fund at their disposal. Upon this clause
considerable discussion arose, an amendment having been
proposed by Lord Wynford for the purpose of leaving the
decision of the question of suppression to the Bishop of
the diocese, instead of the Commissioners. The amend-
ment was not pressed to a division, Earl Grey having sug-
gested as a compromise that the Bishop of the diocese in
which any benefice it may be proposed to suppress is si-
tuated, shall for this purpose have a vote among the Corn-
nsissioners. Another amendment proposed by the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury was still more successful. His
Grace moved that the revenues of every suppressed
benefice, instead of going to augment the general
fund at the disposal of the Commissioners, shall
accumulate for the purpose of building a church and a
glebe-house in that particular parish, excepting when
there may be no Protestant inhabitant, in which case the
revenues may be passed to the general fund. This very
valuable amendment was strenuously resisted by his Ma-
jesty's Ministers, who on a division were defeated by a
majority of two, 84 Peers having voted for the amend
ment, and 82 for the original clause. It was then
moved by Earl Grey that the Cb iirman report pro-
gress, and that further proceedings be for the present
suspended, in order to afford time to consider what fur-
ther alterations may be necessary in consequence of their
Lordships' decision. The amendment we think a very
important one. There are very few parishes in Ireland,
if any, which do not contain a single Protestant inhabi-
tant, and in these only, under the provisions of the Bill
as thus amended, can the benefices be suppressed. In any
other case the utmost that can be done against the Church
is to postpone the induction of a Protestant clergyman,
appropriating in the meanwhile the whole revenue of the
benefice to provide the means of greater comfort and use-
fulness for the pastor to be eventually inducted.—Morn-
ing Post.

The Baron D'HAussEz, in his " Picture of.
Great Britain in 1833," is said, by those who have seen
an early copy of his book, not to have treated us with the
civility of Mr. Rush, the American Ambassador, who has
written so amusing an account of his residence at the Court
of London. The Baron, however, if not always compli-
mentary, never fails to be piquant, and delivers his opi-
nions,
tionsiand anecdotes, with all the vivacity of
a Frenchmane
Much has been said, in particular, of the
ce
didc
negs
yripdi verting character of his chapters on our edin-
ners, our evening parties, our balls, and our music. We
may, perhaps, profit by his satire.

- -
LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, JOLT
24..—The unexpected stoppage of payments at the bank
of Messrs. FLETCHEft, ROSCOE, and Co., threw a gloom
over the market early in the day. The demand became
active in the course of the day, and nearly 5,000 bags
were sold at the highest prices yet obtained, namely, 111 d.
for Boweds, and 11,21-d. for Brazils.

The singular story of the " Parvenu and his
Daughters," interwoven in the Countess of 13LEssitinToN's
new novel of " The Repealers," is by
many supposed to
allude to a late event in the family of Mr. g The
original of the Peer who plays so dishonest and so foolish
a part in the affair, will be obvious to every reader.