The Sun.
London, England, 1833-03-28 00:00:00

%Odell began on the 17th of D,cember last, and ter

mitiated only on the 25th insr., occupying in our
printed copy 110 pages, we find the whole subject
of the propo-ed c!ialiges discussed with much temper
on both side., but with a seat superiority of reason
on the part of the Government. Indeed, the letter
of Mr Grant, dived the 14th ult., in efence of the
principles of the Government memorandum, which
lids 40 pages of these documents, will appear to
every reader a masterpiece of enlightened reasoning
and sound politic.l information. To the argument
of the Directors that the opening of the China trade
woulu not extend our commercial dealings with the
Chinese empite, would injure the quality of our tea,
and would be productive of no advantage to the na-
tion, he thus repiie.—
“ It must be unnecessary to argue, and yet it is not to be
forgotten, that in the case of this trade, as of every other, the
presumption is, that the extent of the dealings, and the na-
tional benefit -esulting from them, will be in proportion to the

opening afforded to capital and adventure to embark in the
trade. Unless that presumption can, in this instance, be shown

to have no place, the circumstances of the country undoubtedly
call for a re%ised system. _ .

" Great Britain has now to contend, not, as during her two
last wars, with one competitor, but with many. The European
nations have engaged ardently, and some of them for the first
time, in the prosecution of general commerce, which continues
also to be carried on by the United States of America with their
characteristic encrgy. On the other hand, new and extensive

accessions have, of late years, been made to the commercial
market of the world—our Australian colonies, Mexico, South
America, the Pacific, with its islands—to say nothing of the

change of circumstances, political and commercial, which has
occurred in India itself, and in the countries occupied by the
Indo-Chinese nations. The opportunities thus afforded ought
to be the most advantageous to that people which has the pre-
eminence in capital, credit, and experience ; but such oppor-
tunities cannot be fully turned to account unless the merchant
is al owed to carry on his transactions with different parts of the
world in mutual connexion and subserviency. The exclusion,
therefore, of the nation at large from a particular mart of trade,
and especially from ()Tie so situated as china, is injurious,

beyond the limits of the immediate evil, by narrowing the gn.
neral sphere of commercial exertion, and breaking the col.
tinuity of the operations essential to the full prosperity of our
foreign trade."
• • • • •

" I proceed to the second topic touched on by the secret coin.
mittee, relating to the probable effect of the opening the trade
With China--not, indeed, on the export, but on on the import
branch of it, • -

" They contend,—and this also, I may remark, was con.
tended in 18113,—,-that the admission of private adventure into
that trade will be followed by a deterioration of the quality of
the tea brought to the British market; and, in the next stage,
by a defalcation of the large revenue now realized with singular
cheapness and regularity froni that article.
" On the first of these points—the expected deterioration of
the teas to be imported—l cannot altogether enter into the ap_
prehensions expressed by the Secret Committee. That the
Company, indeed, have taken great pains to insure the goodness
of the teas which they import, and that their efforts for this
purpose have been very successful, I cheerfully concede. In
this instance, as in several others, the public spirit and the at-
tention of the Company have prevented what might have been
thought the natural result of their exclusive command of the
market. But the great principle still remains—that the best
security for the goodness of a commodity is to be found in the
rivalry of the dealers in it ; and there seems to be no reason for
distrusting the rule in the present case.
" I do not mean to deny that theopening of the trade may,:in
the first instance, be attended with the effect supposed. The
introduction into ally trade of a number of competitors has, per-
haps, an immediate tendency to augment the quantity of the
supply at the expense of its quality; but the very competition
which produces the evil corrects it in the sequel. On no other
principle than this do wedepend for the excellence, in point of
quality, of the immense mass of commodities imported by our
general commerce.
" The argument drawn from the importance of the present
system of the tea trade to the national revenue, and from the
jeopardy in which a portion ofour revenue would be placed by a
change, though quite relevant, and though one of grave import..
ante, is, perhaps, matter for the consideration of the state, ra-
ther than for debate between the Company and the Government."
a • a • a •

" This, however, is not thepoint to which I here principally
refer. The country trade carried on between the principal
ports of India and that of Canton has now attained a conside-
rable height, and appears to be still increasing. It cannot fail to
increase with theadvancement of the commercial resources of
India. That trade has not only brought private British ships
to the Canton river, but has led to the stated residence at that
town of a number of British merchants, mostly independent in
circumstances as in character, possessed of much capital, and
distinguished by British spirit and enterprise. Besides these
residents, the British society in Canton is, for a great portion
of the year, increased by a fluctuating body of individuals con-
nected with the trade from India to China. The actual tonnage
engaged in this trade is superior in amount to that which the
China trade of the Company employs. The value of its imports
into Canton increased front 9,897,000 dols. in 1313-14, to
31,368,000 dols. in 1829_30; that of the Company's imports
being in 1813-14, 13,550,700 dols. and in 1829-30, 11,665,000 dots. It
is true that this private trade is carried on under special licenses
from the Indian Governments, and that the individuals con-
ducting it are bound to obey the directions of the local repre-
sentatives of the Company; it is also true that they cannot
trade beyond the limits of the Company's charter ; but, subject
to these limitations, the trade is conducted with the freedom of
private adventure. It is supported by British capital, and its
ramifications are spreading in India, and, though not ostensibly,
in Great Britain.

" The subordination of this community of merchants to the
factory, though obligatory in point of strict right, rests chit iiy
on mutual good-will and prudence ; and it would, probably, be
only in a very strong case that the supercargoes would attempt
to deprive any one of its members of his license. What, even
in such a case, might be the result of the attempt does not seem
quite certain." _ _

The question of the right of the Company to any
a'sets, commercial or territorial, beyond their capital
stock, or the security for the payment of their pre-
sent dividends, is treated in a mariner equally con-
clusive, but into that and other topics discussed in
this correspondence, we have not at present room to
enter. We observe in our report of Tuesday that
an Hon. Proprietor, at the conclusion of the com-
munication made by the D rectors, begged to know
if anything had been done for the diffusion of
Christianity in the proposed arrangement. His zeal
was laudable; but he ought to have reflected that
the detail of all the changes intended to be effected
in the internal administration of India was not a
subject for discussion in the Court of Proprietors.
All that they had to do was to instruct their Chair-
man and Directors whether they would agree to ac-
cept of the renewal of the charter on the abolition of
their exclusive trade, and continue only as a joint-
stock corporation for exercising political functions,
on the receipt of a particular amount of dividend
from their capital. The details of the measures for
effecting improvements in the financial, political,
civil, judicial, and military administration of British
India, must be left to the wisdom of Parliament,
which, by its Committees, during the last threeyears
has collected an immense body of facts, observa-
tions, and suggestions, most valuable as informa-
tion, and which it would be disgraceful to leave for-
gotten or inert in some half dozen of huge folios. If
ire can fold room, we shall, in two or three articles
during the recess, give an outline of the changes

recommended in the evidence of the witnesses exa-
mined by the Parliamentary Committees.—Tintes.
Mr. Robinson's motion on Tuesday night, and

the division upon it, are items of great importance
in the estimate of the present session. The speech
of the Hon. Mover was at least an honest one, for
he stated his object without circumlocution or re-
serve : it was to substitute a property tax for many
others which he proposed to Parliament to abolish.
Perhaps, indeed, a great proportion of those Mem-
bers who voted in support of Mr. Robinson had no in-
tention in doing so to pledge themselves irretrievably
to the substitution of a property tax for a given
quantity of indirect taxation. Nevertheless, un-
doubtedly the words of the Hon. Gentleman's re-
solution import a distinct undertaking to that effect.
Nothing can be more certain than that imposts
which severely prt as upon the springs of in-
dustry go, in fact, to destiny, in the long run,
the proper subjects of al legitimate revenue. Taxes
in the nature of restraint, taxes upan raw materials,
above all th,ngs, taxes upon food, are so many
pressures upon the frame of the national industry
which impede its action and abridge its pro-
ductive power. The malt tax is a tax upon food—
it is indirectly, likewise, a tax upon domestic morals.
If the pea-ant could pr.cure his materials cheap, he
would be able to brew at home. If he breAed at

home, he and his family would drink their beer at
home, and the alehouse or b-er-shop would no longer
be the resort of the labouring, more especially of
the pea,ant, population. But it not do for Par-
liament to content itself with taking off the malt
duty, if the object be that of enaiding the poor man
to dl ink his home-made beer. While the supply of
malt is in a Breit degree limited to the home mar-
ket, the landholder will have it in his power to

charge a monopoly price for his barley, -and the
malisier for the manufactured article. To give the
working classes the full benefit of a reduced price,
the Legislattne must let in the use of foreign barley,
otherwise the whole, or best part of the advan-
tage, will flow into the British landlord's pocket,
and the bcer-shop will still supply the poor
man's family with drink. The tax on soap is one
co health, arid ought at once to be abolished.
Those on tea, sugar, butter, cheese, and meat, are
so many deductions from the quanti y of wholesome
subsistence, and ought to share the fate of the mall
t.x—the fate also which the whole of the corn laws
(in their present shape) are desiined, we hope, to
undergo. We differ from Mr. Robinson iii his de-
sire for the repeal of the tobacco dunes. The weed
is certainly not necessary; and the tax on it, as well
as on spirituous liquors, might not unfairly be raised
to the very highest point, consistent with the pre-
vention of smuggling. If the house tax could be
fairly apportioned, we do not see that there is
anything ob.jectionable in the nature of such an
impost, which, in that case, wouid amount to
a tax on fixed property, and nothing more. Mr.
Robinson calculates as nearly 16,000,000/.the taxes
which he would repeal: Lord Althorp takes them
at 17,000,000/. The vile old income tax, which
covered professional and other precarious profits,
as well as tangible properly, at 10 per cent., not
more than 14,000,000/. Of this sum, real, funded,
and all descriptions of fixed property, such as might
be included in the tax propos d by Mr. Robinson,
yielded somewhat short of 12,000,000!. ; yet rents
during the war were one-third higher, and the inte-
rest of the debt above 2,000,000/. greater than at
pte •
• sent What substitute, then, would Mr. lin-
binson find in a property tax of 10 per cent. for
10,000,000/. or 17,000,000/. of reduced taxes.? ,Fie
mu-t limit his reductions, or extend his per cemage
upon property. The minority, we admit, was the
largest, with one exception) which has yet been

counted in the Reformed Parliament, and was un-
questionably such as must insure a very serious at-
tention on the part of Ministers to the subject of a
revision of the taxes.—Times.

The division on Tuesday night, on the motion of
Mr. Robinson, " for the appointment of a Select Com-
mittee to consider and revise our existing taxation,
with a view to the repeal of those burdens which
press most heavily on productive industry, and the
substitution of an equitable tax on property in lieu
thereof," sufficiently shows how strong the feeling
in the House is that some change ought to take
place in our system of taxation. The numbers were,
for the motion, 155 ; against it, 221; majority, 66.
Mr. Robinson introduced the question in a very
able and conciliatory manner, avoiding the rock on
which Mr. T. Attwood split—the exaggerating the
distresses of the country, and the inferring the uni-
,ersal suffering of the working (lasses, from the
distress of particular trades. There can he no
doubt, that direct taxation is much more beneficial
than indirect, as the enormous expense of collection
in the latter case is saved. The mere expense of
collecting our indirect taxes, amounts to more than
four millions, a sum equal to the revenue of many
nations. Lord Alrhorp admitted that he had been
favourable to the abolition of the property tax
in 1816 ; that in 1830, he was led by subsequent
experience to think that a property tax might
be advantageously subsritu ed to several of our
indirect taxes; but that he had still greater
experience regarding taxes then he had in 1830,
and he was now opposed to a property tax. Mr.
Huskisson, however, may be said to have passed
the greater part of a long life in office, and in the
year in which he died, he was a decided advocate of
a property tax, with a view to relieve the pressure
on the springs of industry, and to reach capitalists,
state annuitants, and wealthy absentees. It has
been sometimes supposed, that were a property tax
substituted for indirect taxes, the motives to pro-
fusion on the part of Government would be in-
creased. Mr. Warburton, we think, met that argu-
ment very fairly. "In his opinion it was much
more difficult for Government to increase such a
tax than indirect taxes. The indirect taxes were
mixed up with the prices of the articles, and the
tax-payer never knew either when he was paying a
tax, or how much he was paying. But the tax
collected on property brought the tax collec►or im-
mediately into contact with the citizens ; arid in the
collection of no tax did so much friction interfere
between the citizen and the payment to stop the
Government from running too fast as in a property
tax." The peculiar difficulty with which we have
to struggle is, that the amount of our taxation is so
great, that we cannot raise more than a third of it
directly, so that, were we to substitute a property
tax to a portion of the indirect taxes, we should
still have to keep up the expensive machinery by
which the latter are collected. This was shown by
Mr. Warburton, who sad that, " in his opinion, the
plan proposed by the Hon. Member for Worcester
was not comprehensive enough. If a property ax
were established at all, it ought to supersede all
other taxes, otherwise the change was scarcely de-
siroble. If they raised the same amount of taxes, it
was not of much importance whether it were raised
by one method or another; for the ability of the
people to pay fifty millions of taxes would not be
much increased or diminished by the method of col-
lecting it. The Hon. Member's plan left three mil-
lions behind for collection. It left all the evils arid
expenses of indirect taxation—all the expense of
boards and collectors, which ought to be got rid of
as soon es possible" All Chancellors of the Ex-
chequer have a natural disinclination to repeal or
shift taxes, for such repeal or commutation, though
ultimately beneficial to the nation, is not only
productive of great immediate inconvenience,
but great individual distress, amounting, in fact,
in many cases, almost to a confiscation of pro-
perty. If I purchase a house during the exist-
ence of heavy taxes on timber and other building
materials, on the repeal of these taxes my house falls
, in value, and I cannot obtain for it anything like the
price I gave for it. The holders of hocks suffer
severely ; for, after the first announcement of a re-
port, purchasers keep bark. Lord Altborp, too,
has very particular reasons for being averse to
shifting of taxes; for, on entering office, he found
it more easy to repeal taxes than to obtain
others in their place. His Lordship, in speaking of
a property tax, objected to such a graduation, which
would be saying in effect that the rich had too much
property, and tend to the equalization of property;
and he observed truly, with regard to a tax on
in-
come, that from the various evasions to which this
mode of taxation is liable, it becomes difficult to
ascertain the true amount of professional incomes
or profits of trade, and that a disproportior ate
part of the whole must necessarily be derived
from fixed incomes. But allowing all this, the ques-
tion is, whether on the whole great relief would riot
be afforded by removing several of the taxes that
press most severely on industry, and substituting a
property tax in their stead. Colonel Torrens, in
our orni)n, met in a very ruble mariner some of the
arguments of Lord Althorp. " Relief," said the
Gallant Officer, "could be obtained only by shifting
taxation fiorn industry and placing it upon the fixed
and immoveable property which was expended with-
out putting industry in motion. And here he must
dissent from the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the

Exchequer. The Noble Lord had just said, that
if the proprietors of fixed property were taxed, their
revenue: would be dimini-hed ; they would consume
less, and therefore the indirect taxes would become
less productive. He dissented from this. If a landed
proprietor, who received 100,0001. a year, paid
10,0001. a year as a property tax, this 10,000/. a
year would still exist as a revenue in the hands of
those to whom the Treasury paid it ; the whole
unproductive income of the country, though
differently distributed, would remain exactly the
same in amount, and even consumption could not
be diminished nor the revenue derived from indi-
rect taxation be reduced." Col. Torrens also applied
himself successfully to another point of considerable
impor ante. " The Noble Lord (said the Colonel)
had said, that were a tax upon property imposed,
cvital would immediately be drawn fr m the coun-
fly in order to evade the tax. This could not be
were taxation confined, as it ought to be, to fixed
and immoveable property. Such a tax, instead or
drawing capi:al out of the country, would draw
capital.inio it. What was the great evil of tax-
ation ? The evil consisted in this—taxation, as
now imposed, took so large a portion of the produce
of industry from the producers, that profi s and
wages were reduced. Bat if you took off all taxes
from productive and active capital giving employ-
ment to labour, and placed them upon toe
rent of land, and upon the dividends received
from the Debt, neither profits nor wages would
be reduced. On the contrary, tl4e profits
derived from the employment of active capital
would immediately rise, and to obtain the increased
p ofits, capital would flow into the country, trade in
all its branches would improve, and the dmaisd for
labour and the wages of the labourer would both
increase." Colonel Torrens also showedehow much
the rent of land and houses would be increased by
successful industry, and that this improvement
would compen-ate the increased burden. Upon the
whole, we think this division must operate as a
warning to Ministers, knowing as they do, that the
mittorily are only echoing the general voice of the
country, to recur to a property tax as a substitute
for the more odious of the existing taxes. As was
Mr. Walter, the cry against taxation is
universal
byand we believe he only speaks the opi-
°rli:oli'neveroviseadl :
of ihe country, when he says, that a property
tax graduated, should supply the place of the taxes
most complained of. Ministers will be assailed on
thissubject again and again. The constitueucies
will riot allow any rest to their representaiives. We
think that something must be done. The producers
must be more mercifully dealt with, and the pos-
sessors of fixed incomes be made to pay more than
they do ai present.—Morning Chronicle.

The clothing trade at Trowbridge is brisker
than it has been for many years past.—. Bath Herald.

CORRESPONDENCE RESPECTING THE
EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.

No. 111—MEMORANDUM, OR PAPER OF HINTS,
COMMUNICATED BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE
BOARD OF CONTROL TO THE CHAIRS.
(CONFIDENTIAL.)
The China monopoly to cease.
The East India Company to retain their political func-
tions.

The Company's assets, commercial and territorial, with
all their possessions and rights, to be assigned to the
Crown, on behalf of the Territorial Government of India.
An annui!), of 630,0001. to be granted to the Proprie-
tors, to he paid in England by half-yearly instalments, arid
to be charged upon the territorial revenues of India-ez-
clusively,
and to form part of the territorial debt of that
country, not to be redeemalble before the 30th of April,
18—, and then at the option of Parliament, by the pay-
ment of 1001. for every 51. ss. of annuity.
Such part of the commercial assets as is convertible
into money to be so converted, and the proceeds, with the
cash balance of the commercial department, as exhibited
in the account of Stock by computw ion for the 30th of
April, 1534, appropriated to the discharge of the present
territorial debt, equal to a capital producing 630,000/. a
year.
The territorial revenue of India to be chargeable with
all expenses incurred on account of that country at home
and abroad.

The new annuitants to retain the character of a joint
stock company.
The qualification of the proprietors, and the right of
voting, to remain as at present.
The number of the Directors to be ; one-fourth
to go out by rotation every year, but to be immediately
re • e I igible.

The p*tronage to remain vested in the Directors.
The military patronage to he exercised as at present.
The civil eervants to he educated at Haileybury.
The details of the arrangement to be settled hereafter ;
but perhaps something of the following nature might
answer :

The students at the College to be considered only as
competitors or the writerships.
Their number may be so regulated that there may be
always more candidates than appointments.
Each student to remain at the College no longer than
years.
. _ _

Vacancies for civil appointments in India to be filled
from the College on public examination, by the students
approved the most able.
The Directors to fill up the vacancies at the College each
year : each Director to nominate in succession.
Tt e plans and arrangemen,a respectieg the course and
subjects of study to be formed by the Board and the Pro.
fessors.

The 47th section of the 5341 Gen. 111. cap. 155, to
rema n, but mule applioalsle to removal a.; well as ap-
pointment, and to Professors as well as Principals.
The Governor- General in Council to report annually,
on his responsibility, the number of writers and cissiets
ant assistant surgeons required for the service of the
❑ext year.

The Board of Control to have the power of reducing,
but not of augo etrinv, that number.
Every British subject to have the right of going out
to the seats of Government of the three Presidencies of
India, without license; but his right of visiting the in-
terior, or of residing there, and of acquiring and holding
property, to be subject to the restraints and regulations
which the local Government may impose.
The powers of the Court, and its relations with the
India Board, to remain as at prestnt, except as modified in
the following summary :
The Court, on the Board's final and conclusive order,
are to send the despatch by the first ship that goes after
such order.

In the event of the Court refusing to prepare a despatch,
or to send a de•patch as altered by the Board, the Board
to have the power of sending it themselves.
Appointment of Governors sur.ject, as now, to the ap-
probation of the King ; but the Board to have a veto on
the rredli.

The same with regard to Commanders of the Forces.
The Board to have the same power with regard to pen-
sions or salaries below 2001. a year, and to gratuities below
600/., that t ey have now with re.pect to salaries, pen-
sions, or gratuities above those amounts.
Home expenditure and establishment to be under the
control of the Board.

[The next important document (XI.) is a long, anti-
mentativ,, and very able letter to Mr. C. Grant to the
Chair, in defence of the " Hints," to which various ob-
jections had teen succinctly offered in a previous commu-
nic.tion to him from the Secret Committee of Correspon•
done. We regret that our space will not admit of the
ins-rtion of thi, document. It is dated the 12th of
February, 1833, and contains, towards its conclusion, the
following par.graph]:—
" But I am bound to state frankly that his Majesty's
Ministers b.ing, on the fullest consideration, convinced of
the justice and liberality of the terms now offered, will be
prepared, in the event of a rejection of them, to propose to
Parliament a plan for the future government of India,
without the instrumentally of the Company."

The Duke of WELLINGTON came to town
on Friday, purposely to dine with his friend, the Matliis
of SALISBURY, on the following day. The Noble Duke
has lately become extremely partial to field sports. and for
several weeks he has remained at Strathfieldsaye from
Monday to Saturday, in order to enjoy the diversions of
hunting. The Duke is in the enjoyment of excellent
health, and the camparatively short distance between
Strathfieldsaye and the metropolis (42 miles) enables him
to perform the jouruii in four hours.
LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, SATUR-
DAY, MAacx 23.—The import this week is 4,257 bags,
and the sales are 14,460 bags, at steady prices, viz —550
Sea Islands, at 11d. to 2s. ; 30 stained ditty, Sid. ;
4,880 Bowels, 6id. to Bd. ; 5,700 New Orleans. 6i 1. to
9d. ; 610 Alabamas, &c., 6i-d. to 711 ; 870 Pernams,
Nal. to 101,1. ; 200 Bahias, 811. to 81d. ; 920 Maran-
hanas, 8i i. to 94d. ; 90 Barba oes, 1 Id. to 13.1. ; 100
Common West Indies, lid. to 7id ; 130 Egyptians, 9gd.
to 101. ; 350 Surat., sd. to 611. ; and 30 Bengals, at
sd. per lb. To day there has been only a moderate de-
mend. The transactions comprise 150 Brazils; in
Pernanas, at 911. to 4.1. Babias, at 81.1. ; and Ma.
t
about
a b ms
os ,0 a t 9
n I.d.er;ic6atao
dEesgeyr-piptitahnins,..aftro9mind6. iod.ltOod9.
d;. and
CORONERS INQUEST—EXTRAORDINARY
CASE.-Yesterday afternoon an inquest was held at the
London Hospital, before Mr. BAKER, the Coroner, on
view of the remains of SARAH BYRNE, aged seventy-two
years, who died in that institution under the following ex-
traordinary circumstances :—lt app, ared that the deceased,
who was an inmate of the parochial workhouse of All
Saints, Poplar, had been for some time past bedridden,
and in a feeble state. About a fortnight since, while
crossing her room with a small quantity of water in a
pail, she fell on one side and fractured her left thigh. She,
was at once removed to the hospital, where it was found
on examination that her case was a complete one of fragi
riles ossium, and that her bones were so extremely
orittle, from the absorption of the animal matter, and con
setiuent too great proportion of earth y substance, that
they snapped with the slightest exertion. As a proof of
this, on Thursday last, while being turned in bed, although
great gentleness was used, the bone of her right arm
snipped in two. The medical gentlemen who attended
the deceased described her case as one of most rare oc-
currence. and gave it as their opinion that the injuries
were the primary cause of her death. The Jury in con-
sequemie returned a verdict of " Accidental death." The
case of the deceased had excited a great deal of interest
among the professors of medicine and surgery.
We understand that a Member of the
IJouse of Commons has received a letter calling
upon him to pay 101. as a fee—stated to be customary
from all new Members—to the Parliamentary reporters.
This application is said t have been accompanied by an
intimation, that if the money be not paid the reporters
will never mention the Hon. Member's name, much less
report the speeches he may deliver in Parli taunt. We
need hardly say that such an application has not proceeded
from the reporters, and that the letter can be considered
only as a clumsy attempt of some swindler to extort money;
but we mention the circumstance in order to urge upon
the Hon. Member alluded to, the propriety of his sparing
no exertion to detect and punish the bl tckguards who have
attempted, we are glad to hear unsuccessfully, to practiseso
impudent a fraud. The lion. Member owes this duty to so-
ciety at large; and we assure the 111.-tubers of the llou,e
of Commons (many of whom can, from personal expe
rience, bear witness that we speak the truth) th it while
they cannot pass a greater insult upon the Parliamentary
reporters than to off-r them fee, reward, or gratuity for
the discharge of their duty, they cannot confer upon
them a greater favour than to expose, as publicly as
possible, not on!), any low imposter, who, passing him•
-elf tiff as a reporter, has asked, or shall ask—but all
equally contemptible vagabonds, who, being offered, have
accepted, or shall accept—fee, reward, or gra uity, for
performing, or forbearing to perform, those unties which
devolve upon all who engage in the occupation of re-
porting Parliamentary proceedings. Every Member ol
Parliament who will pursue this course may always corn-
'hand to the utmost the assistance and cu-operation of the
respectable portion of the press.... Times.