The Sun.
London, England, 1848-02-23 00:00:00

WRDNESDAY RV EN 1 N er, FEBRUARY 28, 1846.

lobar, Loango, down to the Cape of Good Hope; and be

the statements of the Hon. lki,.mber, who spoke ap-
plrently almost from a personal knowledge, those who

eou!d say that not one individual was ever a party to
any transaction connected with sia,ery. On the con-
trary, he had no hesitation in stating that no parties it.
:his country had done more to extirpate slavery than
had the British merchants engaged in the trade ano
commerce carried on with the western coast of Africa.—

4:lt on tho Committee three or tour yeLo s ago on
-he snhjeet of the IVe.t Coast of Africa had nct the
benefit of the Hon. Memb,lT's infor;Lati( n on the

subj,ct of free lab:mr—a matter on which many Hon.
Members especially desired to be informed. However,
in no single instance had the Committee received such
testimony as that which to-night had been adduced.
Passim.; from the speech of the Hon. Member, he (Sir
R. 11. Inglis) came to that of the proposer of the pre,ent
motion.

(Hear, hear.) In support of this statement, he (Mr.
Jackson) had only to state one single fact. The gen-
tleman with whom he (Mr. Jackson) had been connected
as a partner thought fit, as a matter nut of philanthropy,
but of pounds, shillings, and pence, finding that the
slave trade interfered with the legitimate commerce, to
send out a vessel on a voyage of discovery to go from
port to port, from river to river, from bay to bay, in
order to ascertain by what means and commodities the
slave dealers purchased their slay, s; to bring
back samples of the goods bartered for slaves,
and to see if the natives, by a system of direct
commerce, could not be induced to use their slave
labour at home in cultivating the produce of their:country
to exchange for British manufactures. And what had
been the result ? The vessel went out on her voyage of
discovery and brought home samples of the goods with
which the Brazilians paid for slaves, and it was found
that nine-tenths of these goods were of British maim-
facture. Aed upon this what had he and his panne!
done Why, they fitted out a ship freighted with
exactly the same articles, and sent her to the strdng,holi
—the very nest of the slave trade—and during the whole
time she was there, and as long as her hatches were
open, the goods went in exchange for produce, and they
got their ship filled with a cargo of palm oil, while the
operations of every slave ship, having on board the same
description of manufactured goods, were wholly ens-
Fended.—(Hear, hear.) This was evidence that the
natives would willingly open a legitimate trade, aad he
contended that the existing system for the suppression
of the slave trade had proved an entire failure. Nay,
more, he was prepared to show that since the abolition
of slavery by this country more misery had been suffered
by those whom it was intended to benefit and protect
than had existed before philanthropists had achieved
that object.—(Hear.) He said this after an experience
of 16 years ; and although he was not accustomed to
public speaking, he must state his views on a question to
which he had long given his whole heart and soul.—
(Hear.) Speaking from experience, and information
subsequently acquired, he felt convinced that this coun-
try was doing wrong in persisting in the mode in which
the present relations with Africa were conducted—he
considered that to a certain extent this country was in
error in endeavouring to prevent a traffic between the
West India islands and the western coast of Africa. On

The Hon, Member fur Gateshead (Mr: Hutt)

had raised a running fire against illus.', whom he desig-
nated as spurious philanthropists, and had e attacked
every Government down to that which now held office.

Thi; was scarcely necessary, when the Hon. Member
had no reason to expect that his motion would be op•
posed.—(Hear, hear.) lie admitted, with deep pain,
that all our effirts for the suppression of the slave trade
had tended only to aggravate the evil.—(Hear, hear.)
Still, it was not lass the duty of England to free herself
from the guilt of the system; and it hid never been
alleged that we had intentionally aggravated its
The nation had made a just though tardy reparation :.or
the crimes of its prtd cc,,ssors; and though others con-
tinued to follow the example which England had so I,,ng
set, this country was not blameable for thrit. The evidence

of all naval officer.; exAmined by the Commission concurred
in stating, that an effective blockade must repress the
slave trade; they agreed that by increasing. the number
sh:p9, the remedy was in our own hands. We were
very scrupulous of the loss of life in tlle Niger or on
the African coast; but when the question was the pro-
tection of a valuable colony in the West Indies, fleets
were sent without scruple to the most pestilential climate.
Baween 1792 and 1802 it had been estimate l that the
leas of life in the navy employed in the West Indies
amounted to 100,000. It was clear that the Honourable
Member r. ho moved for this Committee was anxious to
do away with the blockade, and though the motion could
not be complained or, the language indulged in had been
snob as to foster the prejudices already existing on this
subject. Fifteen or sixteen years ago, the people of
England united as one man, and expended 20,000,0001.
,or the extinction of slavery; and it was not to be be-
lieved that they had now become so indifferent as to
sllow the slave trade to take its course. Ile did not

believe that to save a penny a pound in sugar, the people
of this country would consent to continue the sufr,rings
of the inhabitants of Africa; and they wore in effect
doing this by the late free trade measures with reference
to colonial produce.—(llear, hear.) He did not wish to

oppose the motion.
Mr. HUME considered the speech of the Honourable
Nlember fur Newcastle as the moat etiective ever de•

the western coast he knew full well that a supply of free
labour could be obtaint d to any amount. The price of
a slave on the coast was nbout 41.; to plant him in the
West India islands would involve a cost of 41_105., and

Livered on this subject.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted its
influence would be very far extended. The Honourable

Member fur Gateshead had boen blamed for some of the

all iliac the negro would ask as a condition for his trans-
wission as that he should have the protection of the
British flag, and be guaranteed being returned to his
native land after his period of service was completed.
Whenever any of his ships had entered an African river
not less than twenty or thirty canoes, each containing
twenty or thirty negroes, put off, anxious to work for
one dollar a month, for periods extending from one

details he had employed, but how was the question to be
rightly understood unless all the facts were laid before
the House ? He *Hied the right of this country to
interfere with others which still sanctioned the slave

trade ; the principle was a wrong one, and had already
us into serious difficulties with other countries.

When such interference was attempted by Lord Aber-
deen with the United States of America, ➢lr. Calhoun

month, or monsoon, as they called it, to 3G monsoons.
This information he derived from men who had been in

promptly told him to mind his own business.—(Hear,
hear.) So much for the principle of our interference ;
its want of success was most remarkable, and such as
ought to induce us to retrace our course. Talk of an
adequate force—the First Lord of the Admiralty had
declared that the whole British fleet would be inadequate
for the purpose.—(Hear, hear.) At present slavery was
not prevented ; for out of every six men taken from
Africa, four or five were destroyed on the passage,

Africa for periods extending from three to 22 years, all
of whom declared that the Lmount of free labour to be
obtained in Africa vius unlimited; and hence he had
come to the conclusion that if the Government would

do away with the existing foolish preventive service
on that coast, and allow labour to be exported as free
as possible to the West India islands, free labour could
be afforded at one-twentieth of the expense incurred by
the Brazils for slave labour, Hence, if they wished to
exterminate slavery, they ought to encourage the ex-
portation of free labour to the West Indies, where a
negro could be delivered for 41. 108. while it would cost
the Brazils 100/.—(Hear.) But the merchants of this
country had not been supported in the way they ought
to have been. He was sure the House would bear with
him while he mentioned one instance to prove that as•
sertion. In 1839 or 1840 the Government had thought
fit to send a squadron to the coast of Africa under the
command of Captain Tucker, a man highly respected,
against whose private character nothing could be raised.
Captain Tucker went out with certain instructions, to the
effect that he might negotiate with the native chiefs
and kings, with a view to prevent any internal slave trade
being carried on within their respective territories. On the
fall faith of these instructions Capt. Tucker entered the
River Bonny, and made a treaty with the king for the
abolition of the slave trade in his dominions. That
treaty was witnessed by seventeen masters of British
merchant ships trading there for palm oil, and it was
ratified, so far as ratification could there take place.
The King acceded to the terms of that treaty, and was
to receive 10,000 dollars per annum for three years, on
condition of his foregoing the profits he had derived
from the slave trade. For this amount he drew a bill
upon the Treasury, which one ck his (Mr. Jackson's)
agents took in payment for his cargo of goods, but when
it was presented to the Treasury payment was refused.
In two other cases the same thing had been done, and
thus the Government had dishonoured the act of their
own officer and agent, who had carried out the instruc-
tions with which he had been charged.—(Hear, hear.)
His partner and himself had, however, acted with more
philanthropy tha❑ the Government, and had thought
it better that they should stiffer than that the cha-
racter of the British nation should incur a stain,
and if necessary he could present to the House the
very bills drawn in consequence of the treaty to which
he had referred—bills which had been noted for dis-
honour, and which were not yet paid.—(Hear, hoar.)
With such a proceeding as this how was it possible
to expect that the African princes would proceed in
the furtherance of the abolition of the slave trade 2

owing to the exertions of our blockading squadron.
If the House wished to put down slavery, let them adopt
the course recommended by the Hon. Member for New-
. .

castle ; let the West India colonies have free access to
Africa for labourers, which might bo obtained at 41 10A.

per head.—(Hear, hear.) If thie Committee were ap-
pointed, it would be proved beyond doubt that all our
past efforts for the suppression of the slave trade had
been abortive, and bud not promoted the cause of
humanity. This cause alone, putting pounds, shillings,
and pence out of the question, ought to induce us to
remove the African squadron.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. CARDWELL agreed in much that had fallen
from the Right Hon. Member for Oxford. Though the
existing blockade might involve the loss of many valuable
►ives on the African coast, and might even render un-
settled our relations with some other Powers, this would
not be sufficient to condemn the system in the estimation
of the country ; but if, in addition, it appeared that it
Was utterly ineffectual for the humane purposes which
it was meant to answer, then the House might well con•
cider whether it should be longer upheld.—(Hear, hear.)
If one thing was more clear than another it was this—
that neither on the ground of trade, on the ground of our
naval expenditure, on the ground of a just consideration
For our officers and men, nor on the great ground of
humanity, which had led us into that unsuccessful enter-
prise, was the status quo of the slavery question satisfac-
tory to the House and the country.—(Hear, hear.)
If it was so admittedly unsatisfactory, whatcourse, then,
ought the Legislature to take ? The Right Hon.
Baronet (Sir R. Inglis) said it ought not to be abandoned.
But, surely, the operation of the system ought to be
thoroughly inquired into by a Committee, and this was
the course which had been proposed by the Hon. Mem-
ber for Gateshead, in tlae motion which he had brought
forward, seconded, as it had been, in so remarkable a
speech by the lion. Membcr for Newcastle.—(hear,
hear.) One part of the question had not yet beets pro-
minently brought before the House. The lion. Member
fur Newcastle, after the graphic narrative which he had
given of the operation of the blockade, had been asked
by the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Inglis) whether his
trade with the African coast had net derived benefit

from the presence of the blockading squadron. Had
the lion. Member for Newcastle had the right of reply,
he would probably have stated, speaking from his six-
teen years' experience, that the trade sustained r.ther a
disadvantage from the existence of the blockade.—
(Hear, hear.) The late lamented Sir Fowell Buxton had
towards the close of his life, proposed a mode by which
he thought the slave trade might be more effectually
suppressed. Why, he recomin-eaded that we should en-
courage to as great an extent as possible a legitimate

(Hear, hear.) He would, however, mention, another
instance of a similar description. A gentleman of the
highest character—now filling the office of Mayor of
Liverpool—had had one of his ships seized on the coast
of Africa, under the pretence, because there were on
board a few extra water•casks, that the vessel was en-
gaged in the slave trade. These casks had only been
taken in to add additional comfort to the ship's com-
pany; and yet this gentleman was without redress, and
was suffering not merely pecuniary loss, but under the
reflection of being charged with having promoted the
slave trade. But this Was quite in keeping, for ever
since the Committee which sat in 1840 a dead set had
been made against the merchants of Liverpool. And
what was the fact? Why, when he (Mr. Jackson)
first entered into the Africae trade, in the year 1826.
the trade in palm oil and other produce was quite
overlooked then, us now, by the British Government.
That trade had increased, and might be still further
increased, if the superabundant population of Africa
was conveyed, as free labourers, for a term specified, to
the West India islands. By this means the negro la-
bourers would acquire information in the cultivation of
the soil, in the culture of cotton, and would return to
their native land with the knowledge thus acquired; and
hence, instead of a trade of 1,000,0001. per annum, a
commerce of 10,000,0001. per annum might be created
between this country and the African coast.—(Hear,
hear.) If the House would direct its attention to in-
crease the commerce with the coast of Africa, it would
improve the resources of this country, and at the same
time do away with the cruelties and curse of the slave.
trade. He was sorry to detain the House, hut he felt
strongly ou this subject. lie knew the country. He
had lost two brothers-in law in Africa. Many friends
had gone there who had never returned, and another
friend had returned who had been up the interior of the
country, nearly 300 miles, at a factory or depository for
goods; his firm was established, and they had, in their
relations with the black population, when based on good
faith and honesty, found the same return.—(Hear, hear.)
lie did not know any men more intelligent, con-
sidering the state ii which they were born, or more
desirous of obtaining knowledge or becoming acquainted
with trade and traffic, and of approaching civilisation,
than of the African population. Some years ago he re.
membered sending out a vessel with 1,000 barrels of
gunpowder and 10,000 muskets, but the very next
voyage the same ship took out 1,500/. worth of house-
hold furniture. On one river to which he had traded,
the population, male and female, had been found to live
in a state of nudity. After a time they girded a piece of
cloth round their loins; but now the men were to bo seen
wearing, jackets and trousers.—(Hear, and a laugh.)
s but it was a fact which
howed that the efforts made
This might be all very amusing; but
British merchants had
not been misdirected, but had tended to civilisation; and
he was satisfied, if the present squadron was removed
from the coast—if free trade in labour, without any
foolish restrictions, was established—a death-blow
would be given to the slave-trade and the cruelties worse
than the horrors of the middle passage, and civilisation
would be advanced thereby better than by the presence
000,ouo of men to
admired the remarkable speech of
man
i rt bfleetlte.m or:f
INGLIS
soLrol
sisi he
niprs)
, with 10,
the Hon. Member who had just sat down, a speech
which had been received with the attention it well
deserved; but he could not refrain from asking whether
he had misapprehended the Hon. Member in respect of
one of his many propositions for ridding Africa of its
present evils, and at the same time, providing for the
West India Islands. It appeared to him (Sir R. H.
Inglis) that the Hon. Member seemed to think that the
panacea for the wrongs of Africa and for the distresses
existing in the West Indies was the removal from the
former to the latter of a certain number of the population
by purchase; in other words, was not his proposition
Specified number of'
of setting him right,
ylnreallyieoer .s
i‘?aresnal(aNbv
eeer,t trade
an
. )e furThenthr
opportunitych ee or
would a
sit down until the
if he was in error.
Mr. JACKSON, in explanation, said the Hon.
Member for the University of Oxford had misunderstood
him. He (Mr. Jackson) had stated that, from his ex-
perience, he knew there was an abundance of free labour
to be obtained on the coast of Africa. That, as soon as
his vessels had appeared off the coast, twenty or thirty
canoes, with as many able negroes on board each, came
off to them clamorous for employment, and eager to be
engaged at a dollar per month wages, and to bo fed upon
number of months.
ythe protection of the
rTi chee
iarn
greatany
desire
e wason
taronde forun d ae nr
British flag ; and those men bad ever been found to be
faithful, industrious, willing to serve even to the death,
and bad never hesitated to come to England when their
services were required in consequence of the crew being
required by her Majesty's ships to make up for deaths,
deserLi:_ms. and other casualties. All they asked was,
that, after the expiration of their period of service, they
should be brought back to their own country. And he
meant to say that, with the consent of the Government,
he would undertake to plant at the West India Islands,
at a cost of 4/. 10s. each, free labourers who should
work for two, three, or four years, at the rate of a dollar
a month, provided they were promised to bo returned
with the produce of their savings back to their own
native coasts.—(Herr, hear.)
Sir R. H. INGLIS was glad he had afforded the
Hon. Member an opportunity of making this explana-
tion. Au glut he would say was, that, without denying

trade with the west coast of Africa. This recotnrnendation
however, was very far from being carried out by the pre.
sent system, which, instead of encouraging a legitimate
trade in that quarter, operated as a positive impediment
to it. The Honourable Member gave, as an illustration
of this position, the history of the condemnation by the
Mixed Court of Commission, at Loanda, of the Liver-
pool brig Lady Sale, which was seised by the Portuguese
brig Coustitucao, as a slaver, for no oth:r reason than
that she had on board, for the purposes of legitimate
commerce, a quantity of staves and boding pots, and
water, which she had taken in as the wily available
ballast, in place of a cargo of rice which she had just
disposed of on the coast. Previous to her seizure by
the Portuguese brig, she had been visited by several
British vessels, and pronounced free from all suspicion.
She was, however, condemned at Loanda, and the highly
respectable owners, Messrs. Horsefall, of Liverpool,
thus sustained an actual loss of between 5,0u0/. and
6,000/., and to this day had got no compensation, though
their full innocence of the charge on pretence of which
their vessel was confiscated, had been admitted by the
fact that when the crew of the vessel, after having been
sent home to England as prisoners on a charge of
felony, surrendered at the Thames Pence office, they
were discharged by Mr. Ballantine, and informed there
was no charge against them.—(Hear, hear.) He did
net mention the matter as impeaching the conduct of
the Noble Lord opposite, but as a striking illustration
of the manner in which the system operated as an
impediment to that legitimate trade with the west coast
of Africa, which could alone put an end to the slave
trade.—(Hear, hear.)
Viscount PALMERSTON had already informed his
lion. Friend the Member for Gateshead that it was not
at all his intention to oppose the appointment of the
Committee he sought.—(Hear, hear.) He quite con-
curred in what seemed to be the general opinion of the
House, that it was fitting an inquiry should take place
on the system which was now pursued fur the purpose
of effecting the suppression and abolition of the slave
trade.—(Haar, hear.) If there prevailed in any por-
tion of the public, or any portion of the house, an
opinion that the measures hitherto adopted had not
succeeded as they ought to have done in accomplishing
the purposes for which they were designed, that in
itself was a sufficient ground on which to demand a
Committee to inquire into the causes which had pre-
vented that success, and into the methods more calcu-
lated to effect success. He therefore fully concurred in
the Hon. Gentleman's motion. lie could not, however,
so fully concur in the statements and arguments on
which his Hon. Friend had founded the motion, for,
with all deference to the: Hon. Gentleman, he must be
allowed to express the opinion that there had been
great exaggeration in those statements, and great
fallacies in those arguments. It was said that we had
not succeeded in putting the slave trade down.—(Hear.)
Undoubtedly we had not, but it was a great mistake
to suppose that the methods which had been pursued
had not been successful in diminishing that trade to
a very considerable extent—(Hear, hear)—and even
the statements and arguments of the Hon. Gentleman
himself tended manifestly and clearly to prove that to
this extent the efforts which this country had made had
not been unattended with success.—(Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Gentleman quoted numbers. He said that the
number of negroes heretofore imported into America
had amounted to 50,000, 70,000 (Mr. F. Buxton's
statement had gone as high as 100,000) per aunnm,
whereas he admitted that at present the number was only
between 40,000 and 50,000. To account for the incon-
sistency which he saw in his own statements, the Hon.
Gentleman had affirmed that an equal number was lost
on the passage, whereas it was pretty tolerably ascer-
tained that the proportion lost on the passage, instead of
being, as the lion. Member thought, 100 per cent., was
in point of fact only between 12 and 16 per cent. One
fact was quite clear, that, doubtless owing to our exer-
tions, the supply in America fell far short of the de-
mand. In no other way could :the enormous profit of
the slave importer-2,000 per cent., it was stated, on his
outlay—be accounted for. Remove the restrictions we
imposed, and it seemed tolerably clear that the supply
would very speedily equal the demand. He begged the
House to bear in mind, when complaint was made of the
futility of our efforts. that it was only within the past
few years that these efforts had been placed on a proper
footing,
t l
a maritime
asoyneort untilyess els39ltlhdeart we
the o b ionr et tul
gt
uh
ee
srei g
or
rt
(Hear.) He was quite ready to admit
police alone would not suffice to put
of
that
due
Brazilian forcontrolflag.—(Bear.) igw. _
down the slave trade—(Hear, hear)—but he could not
admit that our maritime police had had the effect of
aggravating the horrors of the middle passage. However
atrocious the sufferings now undergone by the negroes,
in the course of that passage, a full parallel for the worst
of those sufferings could be adduced from the statements
made by Fox, Wilberforce, and other orators, in the
debates which brought about the abolition of the free
trade in our own possessions. Now, he was prepared to
. admit that a maritime police was not .alone sufficient to

effect the purpose of suppressing entirely the slave trade . and the sums which had been votetWets\the y_P e-
on the coast of Africa. But before he proceeded further meat, and these would be no Aitfi.. •Tilu‘rtipOr_litg
6114
he mu,r, deuy the truth of the allogations upon which his ships for the coast of Africa. I '
.r: sit' ihlo--1,„,
Hoc. Friend the Member for Montrose had declared lis opinion, the manner in a hich s' :,,..r .es; 4elets4o7l
cpressicns to be founded, that the maritime police of their duty was worthy of the be 1,. vi s. tvei
England exercised an arbitrary power over the vessels The Honourable Member for G, r • 4.. ,;,,.., id'' ',,'..,
of foreign nations. which was extremely hateful to them, the Americans were our only sin '14•6 3tlfiCickktring
and which created frequent occasions for corning into down the slave trade. • But • •A'._waa.!..l ---'ract ?
hostile collision with them. The maritime police was i Nine-tenths of the vessels ereplofeWinrellef ear trade
founded on mutual treaties entered into between England were built in Virginia and Baltimare.—(flear, hear.)
and foreign powers, by which, whenever that police en- lie never could believe the Unit «1 States sincere so long
countered a vessel under the flag of those powers, a as they &lowed such proceedings to be carried on.—
license was given to visit it, and to see that no contraven- (Hear, hear.) The mortality on board our cruisers had
thin of the treaty was committed. Therefore it was not very much abated since we had colonised the island of
right i s his Hon. Friend to say that other nations had Ascension, and had provided vessels :tilted to the climate
complained of the 'conduct of England under that and service. lie believed that any remissness on the
treaty. The visits of the maritime police of England part of the squadron had arisen, not from want of zeal on
to the ships of foreign powers were made ender the the part of the officers or men, but from the unhandsome
sanction of treaties, and when the United States, cx-
conduct of the British Government and that House.
pressed a wish to withdraw her vessels from the opera- Lord C. HAMILTON read a report from the Haven-
tion of those visits which France had nevi r given her ash show ng that the slave trade had almost wholly
consent to. the Government of England at once acceded ceased in the island of Cuba in 18-16, and contended that
to thole demands, end the power of search had truly this result had been brought shout by the treaties
been exercised in those cases where England was still of by the late Government. Ile feared that in spite
entitled under exiting treaties to enforce it. With re- of the immense sacrifices we had made, the state in which
gard to the effect which had been produced by the ma- we had left our own colonies would be a helicon to warn
ritime police upon the slave trade on the coast of Africa, toreign countries from following our example in abolish-
he learned by the last accounts (ruin Cuba that during in; the slave trade.
the last two years, 1846 wed 1347, there had be, n lewd iiurnAm expressed his gratification at the
scarcely any importation of slaves into that island, and eulo:iurns which had been passed upon his gallant re-
it cou'd not be discovered that mere than 2,000 slaves lative in charge of the squadron on the coast of' Africa.
in each year had been imported thither. The Govern- —(Hear, hear.) He would not attempt to describe the
roent could not rely implicitly upon the accuracy of this difficulties or responsibilities of the command.
.otatercent, but it was made upon the same authority that Mr. GLADSTONE had understood the Nobler.)
bad been credited ou former occasions, when it was to say, that not more than 2,000 slaves annually had bee
learned that a large importation of slaves had taken place imported into Cuba. He should be glad to know doe
at Cuba; end if the truth had been told in the larger to what period his accounts came?
amount of slaves imported, he saw no reason to conclude Viscount PALMERSTON said the reports cam
otherwise than that he was justified in crediting the down to the end of 1846. The accounts of 1847 antics
statement that the number of imported slaves were now pated that at the close of that year the number imported
less. I: the undiminished produce and export of sugar would be about the same.
was adduced as a reason for thinking that the supply Mr. GLADSTONE—Then the reports are, in effect,
of slaves was still kept up, he must in; reply observe down to 1847.
that there had been a considerable transfer of slave Viscount PALMERSTON replied in the affirmative.
labour from the tobacco cultivation to that of sugar Mr. WARD, before the debate closed, desired to bear
which was more profitable, and that circumstance would his testimony to the excellent state of the squadron
account for the non. diminution of the sugar crop of under Sir Charles Hotham's command. Never was
Cuba. With respect to the Brazils, he was ready to there a squadron in better condition, and the health of
admit that the supply of slaves from the coast of Africa the officers and seamen was admirable. During the last
was still great, but not so great as in former years. It year, also, he had the gratification of stating that their
had been urged by the lion. Member for Gateshead success had been commensurate with their efforts, and
that it was impossible to put a stop to that trade by the that the return of vessels captured was most Wise
maritime police, because of the enormous profits that factory.
attended it. In Cuba, he had reason to believe there Mr. HUTT replied, and the motion was agreed to.
was a dim'nution in the number of slaves imported, MAGISTRATES BILLS.
because Spain had insisted on the Governor of that The ATTORNEY-GENERAL nominated the follow.
island carrying cut the treaty. He believed that if in ing Members 'to form the Select Committee on the
Brazils the same course had been followed, the law " Magistrates" Bills: The Attorney-General, Mr.
would have been equally efficacious against the trading Henley, Mr. Clifford, Sir J. Pakington, Mr. Langston,
in slaves. How was it that England bad abolished Mr. Cripps, Mr. Wrighton, Mr. R. Palmer, and Sir J.
slavery in her colonies? Because the law was rigorously Guest.
enforced that prohibited it; and if in British colonies Captain PECHELL complained that he could find no
the law had proved efficacious, why should it not clause in these Bills on the subject of holding magic.-
prove equally so in Spain and the Brazils, trates' meetings in public-houses. He understood that
if enforced with the same rigour ? But he to be the object of the Bills.
returned to the admission ho had already made, that Mr. PARKER—You do not oppose the nomination?
the maritime police; was not sufficient in itself to sup- Captain PECHELL—Oh, no.—(A laugh.)
press the slave trade on the coast of Africa. That The Committee was appointed.
great achievement must be effected by the reinforce- SUPPLY.
meet brought by other foreign nations to the cause, and The report of the Committee of Supply was brought
by their rigorous observance of good faith in their up.
treaties. There were now only two outstanding powers. Colonel SIBTHORP said that he did not know when
within whoselimits slaves from the coast of Africa were the proper opportunity would be, but it was his inten-
still permitted to be imported, namely, Spain anti the tion to take objection hereafter to the vote of 39,0001.
Brazils. He agreed in most of the arguments advanced for secret service money, which, in the present state of
by the lion. Member for Gateshead, in support of his affairs, be did not think at all proper. —(Hear.)
assertion, that it was by means of legitimate commerce The House adjourned at twenty minutes after Twelve.
that the slave trade on the coast of Africa would be
destroyed. But he differed with the Hon. Member on one
assertion advanced by him, namely, that legitimate
commerce would destroy the nave trade. Now he felt
bound to assert, that the numerous reports respecting
the coast of Africa proved preci-ely a contrary result
to that predicted by the Hon. Member. Those reports
were unanimous in stating that the legitimate commerce
of the coast of Africa was destroyed by the existence
of the slave trade, and that the only means of reviving
that commerce was by destroying the slave
trade.—(Hear, hear.) But even the allegations sup-
plied by the Hon. Member did not warrant the con-
clusion he had drawn. For if great Britain with-
drew her cruisers from the coast of Africa, he (Lord
Palmerston) should like to know what would become of
the legitimate traders in psalm oil and ground nut oil?
lie would venture to say they would at once be driven
from the coast, and that a swarm of slavers and of
pirates would immediately take the place of the maritime
police, and render the coast too dangerous to be fre-
quented by trailers, whilst at the same time it would be
found that all traces of civilisation amongst the Africans
would be swept away—that the trousers and jackets now
worn by some amongst them would be cast aside, and
the natives would appear iu their'original state of nudity,
whilst all the exertions made .by the benevolent and
high-minded men whose efforts had been exerted in their
favour would have been made in vain, whilst England
would incur the disgrace of having been the author of
scenes of barbarity which were sufficient to make huma-
nity shudder. The Government had endeavoured to
encourage legitimate commerce on the coast of Africa,
and one of the methods adopted had proved eminently
successful. Treaties had been entered into with the
native chiefs, binding them to offer every resistance
against the slave trade and against all European settlers
engaged in it, and giving power to the French and
English cruisers—for France and England were most
intimately bound up in this effort—to land their crews
and to destroy any barracoons which might have been
erected within their territories for the reception of slaves
against the terms of those freaties. lie was happy to
say, though the Hon. Member farGateshead had not given
the Government due credit, that there was no ground for
the imputation which he had cast upon France in regard
to the slave-trade suppression.—(Hear.) It was the
object of the two Governments to multiply the treaties of
which he had spoken with the native African chiefs ;
and he hoped that ultimately they would be enabled to
encircle the whole coast of Africa with a net-work of
these teigsgements, so that they would thereby be en-
abled to strike a blow at the root of African slavery by
inducing the chiefs to betake themselves to legitimate
commerce, instead of destroying that commerce by en-
couraging the slave trade. This system of treaties,
coupled with that of the cruisers off the coast, had proved
the best method of suppressing the slave trade, and that
best adapted for the purpose. Every year that now
passed over rendered it more and more unlikely that the
slave trade should ever be abolished. It had been said
that there was a great mortality amongst the officers and
crows of the vessels engaged on the African coast. In
former years he admitted the fact was so. But the
latent accounts he had received from Sir C. Hotham
stated that the crews of the vessels were as healthy as
those employed on any other station; and, therefore, he
(Lord Palmerston) thought that those objections which
were founded on the anxiety for the health of the offi-
cers and seamen engaged in suppressing the slave trade
might fairly be dismissed from the minds of Hon. Mem
bars. When the Committee had commenced its inqui-
ries, it might be found that the Hon. Member for Gates-
head had not taken the must politic course possible in
making the speech he had uttered. He (Lord Palmer-
ston) certainly had not expected such a speech, as the
Hon. Member knew beforehand that the Committee
would be granted. But he did hope that, when the Com
mittee came to examine the subject, it would be found
that the method adopted for suppressing the slave trade
was not altogether so ineffectual as had been stated. It
any other more effectual method of putting a stop to it
could be suggested, no one would receive that informa-
tion with greater satisfaction than himself. There was
one result which he most earnestly hoped would not at-
tend the labours of tho Committee—namely, that it
should recommend to the House to withdraw the naval
forces from the African coast. England bad been the
first to engage in the slave trade, and that more fully
than any other nation, both in buying slaves and in
encouraging their sale. England had been the first to
retrace her steps and to endeavour to expiate her guilt.
For many years past all her greatest statesmen, all her
most enlightened and most sirtuous citizens, had been
unanimous in labouring, by means of treaties with other
nations, and by making every self-sacrifice, to expiate
the guilt of their country by extinguishing the crime of
slave dealing. They had succeeded in prevailing on
France, on the Netherlands, in nearly all the Spanish
possessions, and in Portugal, in bringing about the legal
extinction of the slave trade. Brazil was almost the
only remaining offender, and he (Lord Palmerston)
thought, that if the nation persevered in the
effort, and did not withdraw from it in idle laity,
success would still be within its reach, and by
some additional means being resorted to, the great
object sought for would ultimately be attained. It
might be very well for those who did not think deeply
on the subject to measure its importance by the number
of pounds sterling which it annually cost the nation ;
but looking at the question as one affecting a nation,
and regarding it not as a topic of the day, but as one
which would form one in the history of nations, he
would affirm to the House that if England should suc-
ceed in abolishing the most atrocious crime of slave
dealing, he knew of nothing that had been accomplished
by any nation recorded in the history of mankind that
could in any way compare with so glorious an achieve-
ment. And if the destinies of nations were governed
or affected, as were those of individuals, by their con-
duct, or by the benefits which they accomplished, he
thought it might be proved by mathematical demon-
stration, that even taken as a matter of profit and loss,
England could, under no circumstances, be a loser by
the course she had pursued in respect to the slave trade.
Lord G. BENTINCK said that his Noble Friend
had referred to the small number of slaves imported
into Cuba during the last two years, but he had-omit-
ted to inform the House that 60,000 slaves had been
imported during the last year into the Brazils. If the
committee would only call before it for examination one
of the parties who were concerned in the African slave-
trade, a darker picture of the horrors of that traffic
would be obtained than he had any power of giving.
The Noble Lord proceeded to contend that the greater
portion of the sufferings endured by the slaves during
their conveyance from the coast of Africa to the Bra-
zils was occasioned by the British and other cruisers
employed in the preventive service. He eould not let
the speech of the Noble Lord pass without making
these few observations.
Captain PECHELL hoped that the Noble Lord did
net mean to charge want of diligence on the part of our
cruisers on the coast of Africa. Or did he mean to pro-
pose a seizure of the island of Cuba as a means of putting
an end to the slave trade? But had not the Noble Lord
been a supporter of the Government which had done
away with the right of search?—(Hear, hear.) His
Hon. Friend the Member for Gateshead bad endeavoured
to enlist the sympathies of the House, by his picture of
the mortality on the coast of Africa. But was there no
mortality in Hong-Kong, Chusan, and in the West
Indies? British sailors never shrunk from their duty on
account of climate. Let them but have their just rights,

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS.

From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.)

TUZSDAT, FEB. 22.

MACCLESFIELD WATERWORKS ANJ IMPROVE-

MEN 1' BILL.

Motion made, and Question proposed, That the 13111 be
now read a second time :"—Amendment proposed, to leave
out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add
the words " upon this day six mouths." Question put,
" That the word now' stand part of the Question." The
House divided :

MINORITY-AYES, 30.
Archdall, Captain Cochrane, A. ilildyart, It. C.
A.rkwright, George Cocks, 'l hornas S. Lindsay, Colonel

- . ..
Arundel, Earl of- Colebrooks, Sir T. Mackenzie, W. F.
Bennet, P. Conolly, Cu!. Newry, Viscount
Iloldero, Henry Cripps, William Patten, J. W.
Breinridge, Richard Diacull, John Sandars, George
Buller, sir J. Y. Dunne, Francis P. Waddington, David
Buxton, Sir E.- Forbes, William Waddington, U. S.
Carew, W. I'. Greene Thomas TELLERS.
Christy, Samuel Hamilton, G. A. Egerton, W. T.
Cobbold, John C. Herbert, ilenry A. Tollemache, John