The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-30 00:00:00

war desolating nations, unless the councils of the great
_ _ _

powers of Europe were presided over by those who feel
p" ace to be the true interest of a civilised Go-
verntnent, and who are determined that the
heated passions of angry partisans shall
not involve the respective countries.—(Hear, hear.) If
anything could have induced me to get a decision on
the part of this House prematurely, to determine the
anxiety of Government, it would have been the re-
ceipt of the intelligence we have lately had from the
United States. That gives the result of our last act.
You know that there had been such difference between
the countries, that unless they were speedily determined,
they would have been the cause of war. The House will
probably recollect that after we had offered to the United
States conditions which were rejected, the President of
the United States sent a message to the House of Con-
gress of that country, which led to a discussion with re-
gard to thatconvention which provided for the temporary
adjustment of our differences, at least for the temporary
avoidance of war, and to enable the two coun-

tries jointly to occupy the territory which is
called the Oregon territory. We did not hesitate,
therefore, to do that which in the present state
of that question was most expedient. We did
not hesitate to decline renewing any lengthened
or protracted negotiation, but to propose at once to bring
the proceedings to a termination. A definite proposal was
consequently made by us to the President of the United
States; and however strongly he might be committed to a
contrary policy, he proposed at once to refer our pro-
posal to the Senate of the United States, and the
Senate, acting in the same spirit with which it had been
proposed, at once announced the adoption of the terms
offered.—(Loud Cheers,) Perhaps from the importance
of the subject, as well as from the circumstance that this
may be the last day of my addressing you as
a Minister, I may be permitted to go into a
little detail with respect to the negotiations between the
two Governments on this subject.—(Hear, hear.) (The
Right Hon. Baronet here read the first article of the
convention which was sent over from this Government,
and which specified that the 49th parallel of north lati-
tude should be continued as the boundary between the
territory of this country and that of the United States.)
The second condition of this engagement related to the
navigation of the Columbia river, and in endeavouring
to obtain for this country all the rights to which it was
justly entitled, they had endeavoured to secure for Great
Britain all the benefits of that river, where its course
flowed above the 49th parallel ; but in assenting to
the regulation which provided for this, the Ministry
had intimated to Mr. Pakenham that it was not their
intention or desire in any way to interfere with the
Government of the United States, either as respected
their interests, or in their regulation of the navigation
of that river. And this they did in a spirit of frankness
and fair dealing, and in a way that should at once
assure the Government of the United States of
their good faith and support of the honour of this country.
(Cheers.) On the very day when he was addressing
that House as a Minister, and when he was stating the
resignation of the Ministry who had succeeded in ef-
fecting this agreement, he had the satisfaction of
receiving the official letter from Mr. Pakenham,
which contained the dispatch confirming the agreement.
(Cheers.) Mr. Pakenham, writing on June 13, says
to my Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
" My Lord,—ln consequence of your instructions, which
came to hand on the 7th, I lost no time in submitting
the conditions which they contained to the Secretary of
State of the United States, and which were brought
under the consideration of the Senate on the 18th of
May. After a few hours' deliberation, on each of the
three days, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, during
which it was discussed, that assembly came to a decisios,
by a majority of seventy-eight votes, of recommending
to the President to accept of the terms proposed

by her Majesty's Government." On the next morning
Mr. Packenham says that Mr. Buchanan sent for him,

and stated that the President had acceded to the wish
of the Senate, and had accepted the proposition of her
Majesty's Government without the limitation or altera-
tion of a single word. Thus, by the intervention of
these two great men, impelled I believe by nothing but

an earnest and disinterested desire to promote
the welfare of their several countries, and urged

en by the force of public opinion, have brought
this great dispute to a close without, I believe, the com-
promise of the slightest point of honour, and which, if it
had been continued, might have involved these two great
nations, which have sprung from the same race, in a war
that would have involved the whole of the civilised world
in its horrors—a war which in the course of two months,
nay, of one month, would have proved more expensive
than the worth of the whole of the district for which
the contention would have been excited. Thus, then,
have we brought, without the slightest compromise of
interest or honour either on the part of the American
Government or of her Majesty's Ministers, to a close
this great cause of dissension ; and this was
done at a time when it was anticipated by
the Government of this country that the dis-
pute in which the Government of the United
States were at that time engaged would, in all pro-
babilty, lead to a war with Mexico. Notwithstanding this
anticipation, instructions were sent out to Mr. Paken-
ham stating that her Majesty's Government had not
changed their intention in the slightest degree, and that
their desire for the settlement of the dispute was not in
the slightest degree altered. Mr. Pakenbam was fully
in possession of the sense of his Government, and know-
ing their sentiments, he had persevered in the
spirit in which her Majesty's Ministers had always
acted, in bringing this dispute to a termination.
Yet he wisely thought that an occurrence of a
war with Mexico was not one of those cases to
which we had adverted, and therefore most wisely
did he tender this offer of peace on his own dis-
cretion. (Rear, hear.) And let me observe that
before we were aware of these hostilities between

the United States and Mexico—before we were aware
of the reception which this offer on our part would
meet with, we tendered to the United States
our good offices for the purpose of mediating
between them. Sir, I do rejoice that I had the
opportunity before surrendering power—(Hear, hear)
—that I had the power of giving them .the formal
assurance that every cause of quarrel between two great
and powerful countries is terminated with honour to the
British people.—(Cheers.) Sir, I think I have exe-
cuted the task which my public duty imposed upon
me. I hope I have said nothing which can be
misconstrued.—(Hear, hear.) I can say with truth
that her Majesty's Government, in proposing those mea-
sures of commercial policy which have disentitled them
to the confidence of many of those who formerly
coincided with them, were influenced by no
other desire than to consult the interests of
the country.—(Hear, hear.) Our object was to
avert dangers which we thought were imminent,
and to prevent a conflict which would have placed in
hostile position two powerful classes. The love of
power was not an object, for, as I have said before, I have
had not a doubt but the carrying of these measures
would be the termination of the existence of the Ministry.
Sir, I am not sure that it is an advantage to
the public that there should be such a with-
drawal of confidence from the Government for the time
being. I admit that the withdrawal of confidence by
many of our friends was the natural result of these
measures, and I do think that in proposing measures
of that nature, and under such circumstances, it is but
natural that Ministers should be charged with incon-

sistency. I believe, upon the whole, it is advantageous
for this country, and for the general character of public

men, that the proposal of measures of that kind under
such circumstances should entail that which is supposed
to be "a heavy blow and a great discouragement."
—(Laughter.) Sir, Ido not complain ; I think that it
would be impossible to continua to maintain office under

such circumstances.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I said before.
and I said truly, that in proposing these measures I had
no wish to rob others of the credit which is justly
dne to them, and I must say, with reference to Hon.
Gentlemen opposite, as I say to ourselves, that
neither of us is the party which is justly entitled
to the credit of these measures.—(Hear, hear.)
There has been P. combination of parties, and
that combination and the influence of the Government
have led to their ultimate success, but the name which
ought to be associated with the success of these mea-
sures is not the name either of the Noble Lord the
organ of that party opposite—(Hear)—nor is it to mine.
The name which ought to be and will be associated with
the success of these measures is the name of a man who
acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested motives—
(Cheers)—has with untiring energy, by appeals to reason
enforced by an eloquence—(Hear, hear)—the more to
be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned—
(lkar, hear)—that name which ought to be associated
with the success of these measures is the name of
Richard Cobden.—(Tremendous cheering.) Sir, I now
close the address which it has been my duty to make to
the House, thanking them sincerely for the favour
which they have shown to this last act
of my official career. Without repining that
the power which I have held for the period of five
years will be surrendered into the hands of another
without complaint, nay, with a more lively recollection of
the support and confidence I received from Hon. Members
on both sides of the House, I shall leave office I fear
' ' with a name severely censured by many Hon. Members