The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-12 00:00:00

THE SUN LONDON, PRTIDAY' EVENING, JUNE 12 1846.

were, the Australian, Van Diemen's Land, and South Aus-
tralia, and the Canadas ; and he thought he could show that
it would effect the interests of the Australian colonies but
in a very slight degree—he might say not at all.--( Hear. )
He argued the question of Canada under disadvantages on
account of the address which had been received from the legis-
ture of that country, and he was also under some disadvan-
tage as to a knowledge of what the next mail would bring
forth. He must say, however, that the whole tone Jf the
address was different from what had previously taken place in
the legislature of that country. From all he could learn, there
was but little dissension when the address was voted, and then
the object sought was mainly'the appointment of a select com-
mittee to inquire into the subject. The address, he must say,
had come upon the Government unexpected, but the next mail,
he was persuaded, would throw some different light on the sub-
ject to that which certain Noble Lords had drawn from it. From
that address, however, they were not to suppose for a moment
that there was any dimunition of the loyalty of the colony.
To expect from this measure that there would be any diminu-
tion of their loyalty was the most absurd idea that could be
entertained. As a proof that the feeling of the Canadians was
not so strongly against this measure as represented, he would
refer to a speech of Mr. Merrith, in supporting certain reso-
lutions approving of the policy of her Majesty's Government,
in which he speaks in the highest terms of the advantages the
measure would realise eventually. There had been a great
public meeting at Montreal, at which the measure was fully
discussed, and then it was only rejected by a small majority ;
a very large minority being in favour of a resolution to support
it. He would now proceed to show that the Canadians need
entertain no apprehensions as to the effects of this measure.
Mr. Cayley, the Superintendent General of Canada, in
speaking on the resolutions submitted to the Legislature of that
country, entered into a calculation as to the effects of the mea-
sure on the trade of that country. A gentleman in this coun-
try had also entered into a similar calculation as to the pro-
bable price of wheat under the operations of the Bill. The
gentleman to whom he alluded was Mr. Loseby. It had been
proved by those calculations that the price of wheat would not
differ much after the passing of this measure. On looking over
the report of the gentleman alluded to, he must confess that he
could not discover on what ground it was that it had been so
strongly asserted that Canada could not compete in the corn
trade with other countries. The soil of Canada and the wages
of labour were about the same as other countries, as far as he
could learn, and the best wheat of Canada was equal to the
best wheat of England or Scotland. He believed it had been
proved that the difference in freight between New York and
England, and Quebec and England, was considerably in
favour of America, but he also believed it might
be said that such difficulties ought to be overcome by the
energy and enterprise of the Canadians. As he understood
there had been little shipping carried on by the people of Ca-
nada between England an America. He found that on the
whole question of transhipment of wheat from the corn-grow-
ing portion of Canada and the western flats of America, Ca-
nada ought to be considered as being fully on an equality. It
was stated, as long ago as 1842, by a Committe which had
been appointed by the Legislative Council of Canada, that the
protective system did not confer much benefit upon the people
of Canada, and they admitted that the cost of conveyance be-
tween the two countries was much about the same. What
arguments had been brought forward against this measure in
the far-famed address, of which they had heard so much ? There
was only one argument, which was that the route by St Law-
rence was frozen up for more that six months in the year.
Why, that was perfectly true; but what of it ? The same
was the case with regard to the route by the canal, which was
the great route for American produce. His Noble Friend
had told them in the most explicit manner, the other day,
that if this measure were passed into a law, he knew of some
merchants of Montreal who intended removing to New York.
He (Lord Lyttelton) was perfectly well aware of that ; and he
could tell his Noble Friend more—they would be able to sell
wheat there much cheaper than the others possibly
could do.—(Hear hear.) He had only another argu-
ment to notice on this subject, and that was the
improvement of the system of agriculture in Canada. He be-
lieved that much had been recently done to improve the mode
of cultivating, land in that country, and that further improve-
ments would follow. He had taken the liberty to trouble their
Lordships longer than he had purposed, for the purpose of
showing their Lordships that this measure would not injure
our colonies. He had not entered into a general discussion
of what. was called the colonial system. He would not adopt
any of the violent arguments of the Anti-Corn-law League,
and he would not calls the colonial system one of mutual
robbery, but lie would say that it was naturally, and of neces-
sity, a system of mutual privations and mutual impediment ;
and he would also say that those restrictions which that system
had imposed on trade had had the most prejudicial effects.
Their Lordships had been asked, of what use were the colo-
nies to us, unless this protective system were persevered in?
and his Noble Friend had said, that by preserving the colo-
nies we realised great profits to ourselves. He (Lord Lyttelton)
denied that this protective system with regard to the colonies
had been of any use to us at all. He had always considered
that the use of the colonies was to provide outlets for the teem-
ing population of this country, and to be a means of dissemi-
nating and continuing throughout the world our laws, our
habits, institutions, and religion. That, in hisopinion, had been
the use of the colonies ; and the object of the people of this
country was to impart to them as much as possible the
freedom which we ourselves enjoyed. In the language of his
Noble Friend the President of the Board of Trade, this system
of protection had only had a nominal existence in the colonies.
It was palpable that it had acted injuriously towards this coun-
try, as well as the colonies. But it was said to be an ancient
system; it was, however, by no means cesval with the esta-
blishment of the colonies. When the Virginian colony was
first established, a charter was granted to the settlers, enabling
them to trade freely with all the world. The same system had
been pursued with respect to the other colonies. He contended
that the present system had no existence worely of the name in
the colonies. He ventured to make these few observations,
and he hoped their Lordships would see that the colonies could
not be injured by this measure.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said he had not as yet ex-
pressed his opinions on this Bill, but he should be sorry to see
It go into Committee without addressing their Lordships.
He should, however, refraip from trespassing long
upon their time, because they must have been already wearied
with the many speeches that hod been already addressed to them
on this subject. He had listened with great attention to every
speech, but he confessed his surprise was not a little, to hear a
measure proposed by her Majesty's Ministers, so different from
the opinion they entertained some years ago, when they pro-
fessed themselves to be strong protectionists.—( Hear.) He was
not one of those who wished to use harsh terms on any ecca-
he would net refrain (mom referring to the conduct
of some of her Majesty's Ministers on this question.
They were now called upon to open their ports to foreigners,
and to say that free trade should exist. In order to place this
country in the situation of other countries they must release it
from the burdens with which it was now overwhelmed. He
denied that it was either right, proper, or just, to force free
trade on the country when there wee no country under the
sun so heavily burdened with both general and local taxation.
If they thought that the farmer could compete with the
foreigner, in a few short years they would be convinced of the
contrary. It was impossible for the English farmer, however
practised he might be in agriculture—however anxi,ius he
might be to cultivate his land—it was impossible for the
English farmer to enter into any competition with the
foreigner while he was burdened with local and general taxa-
tion. He had heard in that House that the farmers of this
country, unlike farmers elsewhere, invested considerable capi-
tal in the cultivation of their lands. Let them leave those
farmers to themselves—let them exercise their profession, and
they would cultivate their land ; but if the House interfered,
as it was now about to do, the capital of the English farmer
would be lost. It was important to the country to get
the land in a state of high cultivation, and he contended,
though he might be opposed in that opinion, that under the
system of free trade that land which was now brought into a
state of cultivation would no longer be so, and would become
estranged from the purposes of agriculture. With regard to
another point he had heard of—the reduction which this
measure would cause in the price of labour—could they sup-
pose that, in the reduction of the price of corn that must
naturally follow the introduction of this measure—could they
suppose it possible that the farmer would pay his labourer at
the same rate of remuneration which he formerly did ? If
they reduced the farmer in the extent of his profits, so must he
reduce the wages of the labourer who was placed in his hands.
There could be no greater misfortune than to find an agricul-
tural people reduced from wages not excessive to a state of
destitution, and such would be the case if they took the step
which they were now about to take. He would also allude
to the tithe question, which was a very important one. Not
many years ago, an Act was passed, in consequence of many
petitions being presented, expressing the great distress of the
clergy, and begging their Lordships for some better manner of
managing the tithe system. The tithes had been com-
muted, and the heaviest wheat land brought
into cultivation. What would be the result with re-
gard to the tithe question when this free-trade
measure was passed ? Their Lordships would find
that the clergy of this country would be compelled to make up
their minds to a reduction in their salaries of 25 per cent.
He would ask if the clergy of this country were to be left in
that situation? It was a most important question to be con-
sidered, and he was glad to find, in the division of the other
night, a considerable number of the Prelates in that House
had given their votes against it. Looking at the question in
another point of view, they must not forget the burdens which
more or less pressed upon the landed interest ; and if they
decided that free trade was to be the order of the day, they
should in justice, without any delay, relieve the land of their
extreme burdens. He, for one, should not hesitate to call
the attention of the House to several points which he
considered burdensome upon the land.--(Hear, hear.) He
should agitate until he received justice. If they thought
that by deciding this question this week, or the next,
they should set it at rest for ever they were mistaken. So far
from it it would only tend to keep up agitation year after year,
for many Noble Lords in that House agreed with him in the
opinion which he had formed of the necessity of protection,
and he and they would never cease agitating until they again
restored protection to the country. He thought if he lived
until a few years hence, he would find the Minister of the day
obliged to come to Parliament to ask for protection to agricul-
twEui.rteehh.ouegtTesehereeinwrgeovuteilindeunebeecwesbosueitlldyd
off
enoughapll
r,
otaencdtt
ieonnomt
eoCeothuartohcheeol
home
o ear
Parliament
,
without which ruin would fall upon the country. How was it
with a Noble Friend of his, now President of the Board of
Control, who in 1841, when he (the Duke of Buckingham)
had the honour of sitting on the same side of the House
with him and his colleagues, and cheered him on
in the speeches which he made—how was it he then
expressed himself ? He would take the liberty of very briefly
dngnaotpofaritlieodn icnf
it.
thsi sosppeereaethi
o.n
_Hteh
ahta di
ts tha
at eddptrhoadtu the new
lraewpeahtai
effect it was intended to produce, but that he could not divest
himself of great apprehension when we were to depend upon
foreign importation for the main part of our supplies—that if
the projects of the Government were carried into effect, no
man could doubt but that a vet y large portion of land in this
country would be thrown out of cultivation—no man could see
the extent of the evil or where it would stop. He thought one
of the most fatal results connected with free trade would be
to throw out of cultivation the greater part of our soil,
and to depend upon foreign countries for our supply ;
for if once there was danger of a scarcity in this country,
and foreign ports were, at the same time, to be closed against
us, was there one of them who would not he alarmed at the re-
sult? He would then go on to another great authority in that
House, and which had always commanded respect, and which
t
always would as long as the Nobelt to a
Noble Duke
such a measureexisted.The
Noble
Duke had recommended for
the sake of the people of the country and the land, for it would
result in the destruction of cultivation.ij
He would accede to
any measure which would not
of the soil. He agreed with
in the opinion which he gave in 1841, and wished that
he would adhere to it in 1846. He looked
on the measure hnutrhee theN obclealtiv Dukeation
with great alarm—that alarm was not of a selfish nature, for
the measure would affect all the population, both manufac-
turingnti-
A
and agricultural. Those who had formed the
Corn-law League, and had carried on warfare against the
gu
agri-
cultural interests, would themselves be amongst those who
suffered in the
general destruction they would bring on all
classes. He regretted deeply that his Noble Friends, with
whom he had acted for so many years, should now have changed
their opinion, and
had shown any over to the free-trade system. If they
d or just ground for the change he should
have been as readyg t
oneapplaud them as he now was in saying
they were wrong,
rf
ue
Inu'cleesrs no ef cael sl sfaorrymtehre s
tl
aa
ts
et
mecheonutlsd. sei
enyo
wgoruol ud nhda
ew
done
ich co uel
hd
a
change of opinion, and the forget-
better had they in that month retired from office, ouned mhuave
lift the Noble Lord to carry out those measures which he had

always acted up to, and which the present Goverriinent never
supported. He saw no reason whatever which could have in-
duced Noble Lords to change those opinions upon this ques-
tion which they had formerly entertained. Be wculd see the
time when they would be sorry for what they were now doing.
The Noble Lords were introducing a measure which was
not called for by the country, and he hoped they
would see that it was not yet too late to retrace their steps. It
was not yet too late for their Lordships to put a stop to the
further progress of the all, and by their votes save the
country from the injury about to be entailed upon it.—( Hear,
hear," from the Earl of Stanhope.) Some were opposed to this
measure on various grounds. Many were against it on party
grounds, but the great majority were hostile to it for the in-
jury which would accrue to the industry of the country.—
( Hear, hear.) He believed that this Bill first emanated from
party feelings—it emanated out of a struggle in who should re-
tain office. It would have been better for Ministers tohave re-
tired from office, than to sacrifice their recorded principles to
the love of power.—( Hear, hear.) Holding the station they
did now, how was it they did not act up to
those principles which they held in 1841. He would_
read to their Lordships an extract from the speech of Sir
Robert Peel, wherein the Right Hon. Baronet said that he
wished to secure wheat at 545. per quarter, though he (the
Duke of Buckingham) believed that it would not have been
hear.)nec
essaryTthoehßasi,gehsrecHuorend mGopnretitelmiaann4ossa.idthaet qthuaatrtteim that
r. Hear,
wished to secure agriculture on a solid basis, and that it was for
l i
the interest of the agriculturists to have a legislative protec-
tion. The Right lion. Baronet then said he was of opinion
that nothing would be more dangerous than to disturb
that protection, which should always be attached to the
agricultural
interest. He also said that to do so would be to
place the country at the mercy of foreign nations for its supplies.
The Noble Duke then read an extract from the Right Hon.
Baronet's speech in support of those points. He was sure that
the feeling of the country was against this Bill, and
those Noble Lords who doubted it he would ask to go along
with him in presenting an address to her Majesty to remove
from her councils, her present Ministers. He hoped their
Lordships would reject this measure as one calculated to
inflict great and lasting evils upon the whole industrial popu-
lation of this country.
Lord Cowley, Lord Colchester, and the Bishop of St. David's
rose together amidst loud cries for Lord Cowley. The Right
Rev. Prelate and the Noble Lord gave way to
Lord COLCHESTER, who said that he would make but a
few mu-arks to their Lordships on the question before them.
He fully agreed with the Noble Duke, who last addressed their
Lordships, in saying that this Bill would greatly injure the
agricultural interest, and indeed the interests of the indus-
trious community generally. He would wish to see the Bill of
1842 maintained, and for that reason he wonld vote against
the present measure. The Noble Lord then quoted
several statistical tables, showing the comparative im-
portation of foreign corn, and remarked upon the prices
of wheat from 1841 up to the present period.
Why, Mr. Greg himself, a Member of the Anti-Corn-law
League, and a thorough free trader, admitted that even now
the British mannfucturer was undersold by the foreigner in the
South American and China markets ; and yet the manufac-
turing interest wanted to destroy their home market by ad-
mitting their foreign competitors into it. Thanking their
Lordships for the indulgence they had shown him, he should
sit down, determined still to give his decided opposition to the
Bill.—( Hear hear. )
Lord HOWDEN would at once relieve their Lordships' minds
from any fear, arid himself from the well-merited reproach of
extreme arrogance if he were to intrude observations upon
their Lordships on a subject with which neither his intelligence
nor his experience made him familiar.—( Hear, hear.)
He might state, however, that the first notice he had
the honour of giving in their Lordships' House some six or
seven years ago, was on a subject connected with the corn-
laws. It was indeed a mild, moderate, milk-and-water pro-
position, in no comparison with that now before their Lord-
ships, but he, and those who acted with him, were left in a
minority. But mild and milk-and-watery as it was, it was
strenuously opposed by the Noble Viscount who was then
at the head of the Government, and by every mem-
ber of the Cabinet, except one Noble Earl, whom
he did not see in his place._-( Hear, hear.) He spent the early
pars of his life in a country which once was looked upon with
peculiar favour by Noble Lords who sat on the cross-benches,
because of the attachment of its inhabitants to the protective
principles of their ancestors ; but time and experience proved
to them that it was to the interest of their country that the
people should be fed as cheaply as possible. He alluded to the
two provinces of Spain; and he could not help thinking that
it would greatly advance the interest of this country if the same
principle were adopted.—( Hear, hear. ) It was his conviction
that the Prime Minister had not erred in thus bringing for-
ward the measure. Their Lordships had been told that pro-
tection was the animus which ran through all the institutions
of this country, and that on the back of a worm-eaten enactment
of Edward IV. was to be traced the chart which was for ever to
guide the vessel of the State. Reference had been made by a
Noble Lord to Burke; he would refer to another authority,
Lord Bacon; he said with reference to commerce, " Let there
be freedom in all the intercourse of nations. He saw with
prophetic eye through all the long vista the changes now pro-
posed. He would refer also to Cervantes, a genius who, like
Shakspere, seemed to know something of everything. His
advice to Sancho was, " Now, Sancho, remember that you
take care to provide a supply, especially of eatables and drink-
ables, for your subjects, for nothing can so quickly alienate the
minds of your subjects from you as a scarcity of these necessary
articles." Why, there was the very gist of the matter.—
(Cheers.) He had not much sympathy with the new econo-
mical theories of the present age, but he had almost, he would
say, a blind veneration for these corruscations of olden genius.
He had no fear of what foreign relations would be able to do,
but he did fear that circumstances would occur which would
render the measure inoperative. It is possible that the present
Minister would cease to rule th e country. Their Lordships
were then only preparing the way for a party with whom they
had no sympathies. What reason, then, had they to set up a
banner for themselves? They had vast posse'sions, ancient
rank, and extended influence, and they were throwing them
into the scale to weigh down the political fortunes of a man who
was the only one capable of defending their interests.—( Hear,
hear.) He had heard of treachery, it was an ungracious word,
and he only hoped that their Lordships would never find that
they had been traitors to themselves. But he could not help
saying that some had acted unwisely in adverting to that
dark state of things which they believed would be consequent
to the success of the League. But there were some things
which were dangerous to speak of, some prophecies which
tended to their owo accomplishmert. So long as tl.eir Lord-
ships did their duty, he cared not what were the aspirations of
the League. He rather feared the effect that might be pro-
duced by the apprehensions which had been indiscreetly ex-
pressed by some of their Lordships. He confided in the good
rseenris
expanded
xei
qsnptuaeaeinnsedttrievondnins
oedefanthde cmoournetriym;pbeundt
ihnegasked those who were conjuring up
oo
nmth
oea.nrz in
yienmt
hwb:rhoyauotg,
hbmuiotgnhweth
which
ha
hadthen cti
of the Legislature, end was
s
immediate disposition of expectant millions as to the upshot of
tlt yonetlongeritself
l ropripanoesrsds ndei
fettturthilieaeum‘tyr
sawi e e
nn
ao
tt
hi yetng bt rno
fear
e ad
t,
aann de a
re
lxi
ei r
now waiting at their Lordships'
threshold, awaiting whatever sentence they might be pleased to
pronounce.--( Hear, hear. )
On the motion of the Marquis of EXETER, the debate was
adjourned.
Their Lordships then adjourned at a Quarter to One o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 11.
The SPEAKER. took the Chair at Four o'clock,
SOUTH YORKSHIRE COAL RAILWAY AND
CANAL BILL.
Lord AIORPETH, on the motion for the consideration of
the report on this Bill, moved that the Bill be recommitted to
the former Committee, and that the Committee have leave to
sit and proceed on Monday next at one o'clock. The Noble
Lord, at considerable leugth, stated his reason why he thought
the House ought to agree to the recommittal of the Bill. All
the considerable coal owners in the district were in favour of
the proposed line.

Air. *B. DENISON seconded the motion. He believed
that if the present Bill had not been included in a group, it
would have passed as an unopposed Bill, as there was not a
single landowner on the line who objected to it. He was
greatly astonished that the South Yorkshire line had been
thrown out ; and he trusted that tb,e Bill would be re-commit-
ted, for the Committee to consider their former verdict.
Lord G. SOMERSET said he did not mean to oppose the
motion of the Noble Lord ; and after his statement, and that
of his Hon. Friend, he really thought that a case had been
made out for the re-committal of the Bill. He wished,,bow-
ever, to have the debate on the motion postponed, as it would
be more satisfactory to have the opinion of the Committee as
to their decision before it w.ts submitted for their recon•
sideration.

iganunsadui
ffin thetceid e .
C with
i th
o.
supply the wants of the public. He objected to the Mr. S. WORTLEY was of opinion that the rejection of
to vwpe
hrn
cyp
hert manner.htoe
tli
the Bill by the Committee was a lama extraordinary proceeding.
After a few words from Mr. IT. BERKELEY,
o t
m the
it t districtee h a dtt hh rociuugg
M. EN T WISLE thought that the general business of the
House, more particularly as connected with railways, was
con-
ducted in a very slovenly
line atu dwas
out passa as,
recom-
mittalw
of the Bill, as the Committee had already given their
decision.
Lord SEYAIOUR was a member of the Committee, but
was in a minority with his hon. colleagues ; if the Bill was
sent back it was of course agreeable to his opinions, but he
thought there would be no benefit in doing so.
Mr. SHAW thought the house should not send the Bill
back to the same Committee. He did not think any good
would result from such a course.
Mr. C. WOOD considered this railway was one in which no
jobbing at all had taken place. He thought it would be a pity
that a railroad got up in so honest a manner should be thrown
out. He thoughs the Bill ought to be recommitted.
Mr. ENTWISLE rose to explain.
Lord G. SOMERSET made some remarks, which were in-
audible in the gallery.
Mr. R. YORKE thought if they allowed the Bill to be
recommitted, they would open a bad system of jobbery.
Lord MORPETH said, that after what had fallen from the
Chairman of the Committee, he felt called upon to divide the
House.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House
divided, when there appeared—
Fer the recommittal of the Bill 4l
Against it ......... •••
Majority ......
FRILFORD INCLOSURE
Mr. GREENE moved, on further consideration of the re,
port on the Frilford (Berks) Inclosure Bill, to move that the
Standing Order, No. 121, as far as relates to the amendments
hereinafter named, be suspended :—Clause 15, page 7, line 11,
to leave out " they," and insert "he." Clause 90, page 37, line
9, to leave out " plain or unstamped "—Agreed to.
WAKEFIELD. PONTEFRACT, AND GOOLE RAIL-
WAY (METHLEY, ASKERN, AND OAKENSHAW
BRANCHES).
Mr. MONCKTON MILNES moved the rejection of this
Bill upon the third reading. His constituents were strongly
adverse to the line, and the promoters of the Bill had not en-
deavoured to remove any of the objections which they enter-
tained towards it.

4
Capt7iihßNAßD said that the gentlemen in question had
every opportunity of appearing before the Committee and
making that statement, but they failed to do so, and the
Committee of course came to the decision which
had been reported to the House. He was sure that
if they were to have the decisions of the Committee
overturned upon the statements of 'gentlemen after the sit-
tings of the Committee, there would be no end to their labours.
He could assure the House that if such decisions were to be
reversed in that manner he would not sit on a Committee on
any condition.
Captain CONOLLY said that the Bill had been agreed to
at a public meeting of the ratepayer, and he saw no reason
why it should not pass.—( Hear, hear. )
After a few words from Lord MORPETH,
Mr. 111. MILNES said that after the explanation of the
lion. Gentleman behind him (Colonel Conolly) he should not
persevere with his amendment, but leave his constituents,
if they were so inclined, to prosecute their case in another
place.
The amendment having accordingly been withdrawn, the
Bill was read a third time and passed.
REPORTS.

The following reports were received and agreed to :—Air-
drie and Coatbridge Waterworks; Caledonian Railway (Dum-
fries Branch) ; Caledonian Railway (Dundyvan Branch);
Caledonian Railway (Langholm Branch) ; Earl of Blessing.
ton's Estate Bill; Forth and Clyde Navigation and Bowling
Bay Improvement; Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle Railway ;

Newcastle anti Berwick Railway"; Nee/castle 'and Darlington
(Junction Railway (Durham and Sunderland Railway and
Wearmouth Dock Purchase and: Branches) ; North British
Railway (Carlisle Extension); Northumberland and Lanca-
shire Junction Railway; Wakefield, Pontefract, and Goole
Railway, and Port, &c. of Goole ; Wear Dock Railway ;
Frilford (Berks) Inclosure ; Glasgow Southern Terminal
Railway; Newmarket and Chesterford Railway; Oxford,
Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway ; St. Helen's Canal
and Railway; Shropshire Union RailwaTs and Canal (Newton
to Crewe, with Branches) ; Yeovil Market and Fairs (by
Order); Yorkshire and Glasgow Union Railway.
THIRD READINGS:
• The following Bills were read a third and passed:—Deeside
Railway ; Forth and Clyde and Monkland Navigation Junc-
tion; Herculaneum Docks; London and South Western Rail-
way (Farnham and Alton Branch).
CHORLEY WA I'ERWORKS, BURY AND STOCK.
FORT IMPROVEMENT BILLS, &c.
On the motion of Mr. ESTCOURT, an instruction was
agreed to the Committee of Selection to refer the Chorley
Waterworks, the Bury Improvement (No. 2), and the /.;tock.
port Improvement Bills, to the South Lancaster List and the
same selected Members; and the Salthouse Embankment Bill
to the North I.ancaster List and the above selected Members.
Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS presented a petitioon from
Liverpool in favour of the Liverpool and Berwick Railway (as
we understood).