The Sun.
London, England, 1870-08-11 00:00:00

A WAR RETROSPECT.

If we take a comprehensive glance at the European
wars of the present century, we shall find there is a dis-
tinct line of connection running through them all, various
as have been there ostensible causes, and contradictory as

may have appealed the combinations which the .occa-
sioned. The two main principles upon which
the nations of the Old World have fought
during the present century have been that of
the balance of power, and that of the essential
unity of peoples of similar race and language. The
Napoleonic wars formed a brilliant illustration of the
strength of republican principles even when transformed
into a mere passion for territorial acquisition and military
glory. It was because France had been first revolutionary 1
that she gave so willingly of her very life's blood to sup-
port
the gigantic projects of that offspring of the revo-
lution—Napoleon. The glory of France, and the
glory of the people had become one and the
same thing, and so they made sacrifices in the
common cause that had never been willingly conceded
to the greatest of their Kings. The armed resistance to
Napoleon, on the other hand, resulted from an instinct of
self-preservation among the other nations of Europe, and
the lessons of his career only deepened the conviction of
European statecraft, that it was dangerous to allow any
one Power to acquire, either by territory or alliances, a
marked superiority over its neighbours. The maxim
was so deeply rooted that in 1854 it was still regarded
as a first principle of foreign policy, and the war against
Russia was avowedly undertaken to preserve the
conventional " balance of power." The reasons alleged by
the French Cabinet for taking up the quarrel of 1859, pro-
ceeded also upon the supposition that Austrian influence
in Italy involved a substantial danger to the Second
Empire, and that it is not sufficient merely to guard a
frontier from actual aggression—if must also be pro-
tected from the probability of aggression being
attempted. In this struggle, however, the prin-
ciple of the nationalities comes for the first
times in European politics to be a considera-
tion of importance. Italian unity was the first
chapter in a great cycle of half-completed struggles, of
which the Schleswig-Holstein question was one episode,
and the partial Confederation of all Germany, in 1866, was
a further step. The balance of power still holds the place
as a powerful incitement to war, and the treaties based
upon this doctrine still exist to embroil all Europe, should
occasion arise. But as an animating and coalescing in-
fluence, the bonds of race and language are to-day more
powerful, and are likely in the future to be productive of
more important results.—New York Times.

THE FEDERATIVE PRINCIPLE IN
EUROPE. -

When, three weeks ago, we were commemorating with
enthusiasm the declaration of our national independence,
our Minister at the Court of Vienna was celebrating, by
the time honoured formula of a dinner, the same glorious
anniversary. The circumstance is chiefly notable on ac-
count of a somewhat remarkable speech reported to have
been made by Count Beust on that occasion. It must be
remembered that on the 4th of July the Spanish question
had not yet arisen to absorb the attention of Europe, and
to infuse new perplexities into the task of Austrian states-
men. The subject at that moment uppermost in the minds
of the chiefs of the corps diplomatique who partook of the
hospitality of Mr. Jay was the result of the elections
for the Reichsrath just then concluded. Though partially
consoled by an accession of strength in Moravia and
Galicia, the Government had still to mourn over the stub-
born opposition of the Czechs to its policy of dualism.
The non-German portion of Bohemia had steadily declined
to approve of the policy which recognized the indepen-
dence of the Hungarian crown of St. Stephen, and which
refused to accede the same distinction to their native
sceptre transmitted from St. Wencesilaus. At the late
elections, therefore, they voted, as on previous occasions,
for Deputies who 41.0 not take their seats, but persist by
a passive abstention from the Reichsrath in expressing their
non-adherence to the present constitution of the Austro-
Hungarian Empire. Count Beust naturally feels that the re-
construction of the State shattered by Sadowa is only half
complete so long as such an anomaly continues, and at
the celebration in question he took occasion totrace an
analogy between the present state of things in Austria
and the earliest independent federation of the States of
our own country. He is reported to have said : " Mr.
Jay recorded how Washington was afraid of the autonomy
of thirteen States. Now there are thirty-seven ; each a
little realm of itself, with every diversity of nationality,
creed and legislation. Why, then, could autonomy be
granted to them to such an extent? Simply because none
of them refrained from entering the common parliament."
The great Saxon Premier of Austria went on to point out
that it was equally dangerous for Governments as for
nations to shirk parliamentary responsibilities, and
that such an assembly was to a people what home was to
a family, and when unity ceased to exist, the nation,
equally with the family, must fall tcir pieces. These
opinions are very significant, as evincing the thorough
appreciation possessed bythe leader of Austrian liberalism, •
of the dangers which menace the internal cohesion of the
dominion of the Kaiser. We lately adverted to the
added perils from without which late events have created
for Austria. The question of how these are to be
met will probably mark a turning point in modern
European history. Should, as French critics pre-
dict, the absorption of South Germany be the
first step in a Prussian triumph which would
point to the annexation by the German Confederation of
Austria on the west of the Leitha, and the occupation of
the Hungarian provinces by Russia, it is perfectly obvious
that the enlightened liberalism which repaired the disaster
of Sadowa would make one other effort to avert by
popular enfranchisement the entire extinction of the
Empire. The lessons of the French Revolution are not
forgotten in Europe. The great Powers of the Continent
know what popular enthusiasm can effect when enlisted
on the side of national freedom. When Danton hurled
back defiance to the allied Kings of Europe, and as a gage
of battle threw before them the head of a King, he
calculated rightly that the nation which stood as one man
against foreign domination was simply invincible. If
Austria is weak when standing forth as one Power formed
out of a congeries of divided States, she has but to make
each of her provinces feel that they have an independent
existence to fight for as well as a common federal bond,
and no power, however strong, will be likely to subdue
them, or, subduing, will find it possible to hold them in
subjection. Were Austria to be forced into the condition
of a confederation of States, with an Imperial President,
it is clear that the first step would be accomplished of a
process which may in time change the face of Europe.
The resolution lately attributed to the French Emperor,
of making himself the apostle of a Republican propaganda
in case of meeting with disaster in the present campaign,
had probably little foundation in fact. But it is none the
less likely that the extremity of the French Empire might •
lead to a federation of the Latin races of South-
ern Europe, which the supposed example of Austria ,
would do much to confirm. In such a case, the great
German Confederation would have been already complete,
and there would remain only room for the union of the
Scandinavian family of nations, and the erection of a
Muscovite dominion which would have its capital on the
Dardanelles, and which, it must be admitted, would still
seriously menace, by its Pan-slavist docrines, the separate
existence of the Sclavonic nationalities of Austria. In any
case, it is clear that the pending struggle between France
and Prussia is of the most vital interest, both as regards
the future of the small States, and the prospects of
Democracy in Europe.—New York Times.

WORKMAN'S INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITION.— The
number of visitors present yesterday was 7,522.
THE CHINESE.—The San Francisco papers state
that scarcely 500 Chinese passengers arrived in that city
by the late steamer from Hong Kong. The arrivals of
Chinese have always exhibited great fluctuations, com-
paring one month or one year with another. It is be-
lieved that a decided abatement in the number of Chinese
immigrants will be observed, in consequence of a dis-
couraging circular sent from San Francisco by
the Chinese companied, and of the news of
the unfriendly feeling against Chinese immi-
grants which now prevails in the United
States. The San Francisco Bulletin alleges that while a
limited amount of voluntary independent immigration of
Chinese may continue, anything like wholesale contracts
for Mongolian labour will be popularly discountenanced
and legally resisted. As this question is gradually en-
tering national politics, it is believed that the Chinese at
home, as they gradually learn these facts, will hesitate to
venture where they are not sure of safe and profitable em-
ployment. —Phitade/phia Ledger.