The Sun.
London, England, 1848-04-17 00:00:00

That outlet is the line of the Karpaths, connecting
together the Carinthians and the Tyrolese. To
reach this RADETSKY would be compelled to brave
the interposition of the Venetian auxiliaries, and to I
hasten towards Saltzburg by the way of Verona,
Vicenza, Bassano, Feltre, Belluno, and so on in the
vicinity of Doblach,: Draw, and Lientz. As i
ghastly a passage for a conquered army, we con- 1
jecture, as a cross fire from the alternate batteries
erected along the margin of the Dardanelles!
Although the campaign has only just opened be-
tween the Austrians and the Piedmontese, it is by no
means difficult to conjecture the Ultimate result of a
conflict in which the accumulated strength of Italy
is opposed to the decrepitude of a feeble and partially
dismembered empire. With Bohemia in one direc-
tion, and Hungary in another, and Gallicia
another—all clamouring tor concessions—the imperial
energies at Schoenbrunn will be too much distracted
to enable the Government to adventure energetically
upon the reconquest of Lombardy. Reconquest it
must be if ever the northern parts of the Roman
peninsula are to be again subjected to the thraldom of
Austria. Auvisedly we call it reconquest, because
the whole of Lombardy is at this moment virtually
revolutionized because the only moral pre-

invariably

advocatiNg

dominance yet retained in the - grasp of the
VicEloY is the shadow of its dwindled, but stilt
terrific awe—and because all of the principal adjacent
Powers are allied to the revolted Lombards either
morally or physically. Switzerland impends the
bolt of ruin over the frontiers of what was recently
the Austrian possession in Italy. France already
hurtles the sword of a fraternising democracy on the
boundaries of Savoy—that sword which has not yet
lost the swoop of death and the gleam of victory. Sar-
dinia has even now marched her army across the
Po, has fleshed her lance at Goito, and has carried
dismay in her banners even to the city walls of Man-
tua and Verona. Troops are marching rapidly from
Twcany and the Papal States as contingents to the
ranks of liberation ; and even the ancient lords para-
mount of the soil, such as H.S.H. ALEXANDRA the
Prince DI GONZAGA, are already pressing forward in
the van of that gigantic movement, which is dis-
pelling the slavery of ages and awaking to new life
the glory of the Latin race.

The Press—the English Press—is the enemy of
the working classes 1 Such is the new discovery
which has solved the perplexities of modern philan-
thropists—such is the great, and hitherto unsuspected
truth, which was proclaimed to the world on Seur-

day, April 15, 1848. The press is declared the
enemy of the working classes by no less an authority
than the National Convention ; and consequently
that august assembly, in its sympathy and solicitude
for the working classes, has, by the mouths of its
orators, overwhelmed the press with its eloquent and
intolerable indignation. Of what further penalty is
in store for us we are ignorant. Happily there is a
division in the enemy's camp, At the assembly on
Saturday an Itioxisgrable Delegate suggested that the
printers and publishers of the daily newspapers should
be summoned before the bar of the house—in conformity

with the practice of "another place ;" while another
honourable Gentleman, not so well acquainted with
Parliamentary practices, addressed his denunciations

to the reporters who happened to be present, and
strange to say, the speaker forgot to exclaim,
" Strangers, withdraw." The extraordinary pro-
ceeeings of this new Parliament concluded with the
proclamation of the astonishing fact to which we have
already alluded—" The press is the enemy of the
working classes !" It is not consequently to be

supposed that the new and peculiarly popular Legis-
lature will long suffer the enemies of the people to

pursue their anti-popular proceedings. We have
indeed cause to tremble for the consequence. Little

did we imagine, while we have recently been loud in
our congratulations of those foreign nations who
have just obtained the liberty of the press, little did
we imagine that our own privileges were about to be

restricted. How, indeed, could we have surmised
that, when, in this age of liberation, the most

despotic Governments are readily conceding this
popular right (the freedom of the press) Low could we
have surmised that a power emanating solely from
the people, a National Convention, a Chartist con-
gregation, should venture to overthrow this palladium
of popular liberty, an unrestricted press. Never.
theleu, so it is. When that day comes, for
which of course all true patriots watch with
eager anxiety, when that day comes, when the new
Magna Charts shall be the law of the land, and the
National Convention shall have superseded the Par-
liament—when that day comes, our hour is
doomed—the press of England must be governed
by a censorship. In that jubilee of liberalism,
under the benign auspices of those enlightened
freemen, " who call it freedom when themselves are
free," the liberty of the press—that liberty in
which Englishmen have hitherto gloried—will cease
to be. We must teach our pens the unaccustomed
task of writing only scion les regles—we must stop
the press, nut on the arrival of some electric dispatch,
hut in order to attend to the corrections of the censor.
Yet would the popular Government be justified in
such an innovation—they would be right in interfer-
ing with the practices of the press, for the press, be
it remembered, is the enemy of the people I
The press is the enemy of the working classes! Of
all the extraordinary proceedings of the Chartist Con-
vention, this last declaration is the most extraordinary
of the unblushing effrontery which has characterised
the whole affair of the monster petition. This last
lact is the most barefaced. Ws—the press—the
enemies of the working classes—WE who are the very
who in alternate tones
I voice of the people--TIE,

of argument, grief, and indignation, plead their
cause, expose their sufferings, and denounce their
wrongs ! WE, the enemies of the working classes—
WE, whose sublime endeavour is to fight and conquer
in that bloodless battle, where the wsapons are reason,

and knowledge, and intellect, where the cause is truth
and charity and justice—that battle in which alone
the people's true rights are asserted, and their just
liberties achieved I WE, the enemies of the people
we, who as a body, are the mirror of the people's
thoughts, and, as individuals, differing in politics, and
principles, and opinions, are. like the atoms of a
broken mirror, still true to the one common object of
reflection—the Press is the Reflection of the People.
Yet, say the Convention, we are the enemies of the
working classes, whereas in no one cause is the whole
press so unanimous as in advocating the rights of
the humbler - classes of the community. Differ
as we may in details, on that head our
principles are synonymous,
supporters Tory, Whig,,Liberal,
Conservative, Conservative, or Radical,
the
pporters o
Government or the friends of the Opposition, every
single organ of the press is a friend
of the working
classes. True, we may not concur in individual
e uP
measures. The friends of one reform are thpo
nents of another. Nevertheless, the samesp• :t
unites us all—an anxiety to benefit the people—the
people whose true representatives we are—of whose
rights we are the staunchest and warmest advocates of
whose liberties we are the staunchest guardians.
One principle unites us all. The very journal averse
to abating the tax on the poor man's food, that mani-
fests no kindly spirit towards the poor, influences their
arguments by their eloquent appeals on behalf of the
helpless factory-workers. Even those most vehement
in their denunciations of the charlatanism of Chartism,
are, perhaps, themselves true believers in the ex•
cellence of the Charter.No, we are 'sot the
enemie3 of the working classes. Emphatically and
deny the assertion. But such a
unhesitatingly we
denial is unnecessary—
such a denial is as unneces-
sary as the assertion is false.d;then long years of ad The working classes
are no: likely to be deceive
versity have taught them to know their friends. And
which
as for the kindly counsel of the Convention,
advlscs the working men to discountenance all
3ourraMs inimical to their interests, we heartily con-
cur in it. For ourselves we are ready to abide the
test. Sooner, and tar More joyfully s:.ould we sub-
.t to tile dictatorship of a censor than acknowledge
the Press of England England " the enemy of the working

M. LEx ROLLIN IS, it seems, determined to prove
to the world how accurate was the estimate which
the late Mr. OTONINULL formed of his character
when he denounced him to the Irish people as
an enemy to the true cause of liberty, a
tyrant in essence, and a man in whom no
reliance could be placed. From the commencement
of the reign of the Provisional Government

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY

LEDRU I,a; :how practically that he has no
faith in republican principle 3, for he has been

appeal to physical
force, to Make all the world dress by LEDRU ROLLIN.
Setting aside the digastingly egregious vanity,
amounting almost to insanity, exhibited by one Wll9
thus virtually claims for tii!n'self. infallibility,
ty
constant threat of having recourse to physical force
proves that M. LEDRU ROLLIN is a sceptic as to the
virtue of his own principles. No man who con-
siders he has any chance in argument ever offers either
to bet lg do.t or to fight with his opponent.
It is only '.;.n.;n all legitimate argunaints are ex-
hausted that recourse is had either to the argumodunt
ud
erumenam or to the argumextum bacculiptim. Now,
to both thee- is 3s M. LEDI4I) ROLLIN
had recourse. ire lass numerous tgentt, in
the French provinces who are amply supplied
with money for the purpose of hiring mobs to coerce
the electors and control the elections, and he has
issued a circular, which will be found in another
column, in which occur the following passages :

" The elections, if they do not produce the triumph
of social truth—if they are not the expression of the
interests of a caste—the elections, which ought to be
the safety of the Republic, will he beyond a doubt its
destruction. In that case, there would be but one way
of saft•ty for the people who made the barricades,—to
manifest a I.ecor.l time its end, and to adjourn the
decision of a false national representation. If aocial
influences pervert the judgment or betray the will ot•
the masses dispersed or misled by distance, the people
of Paris believes Itself, and declares itself to be con•
jointly responsible for the interests of the whole nation."

As a proof of the sort of interpretation to be placed
on these passages, we find that the agent of M.
LEDRU ROLLIN at Montauban, entered the town at
the head of a train of artillery, and ordered the arrest
of M. LEON DE MALLEvitlx, and of all suspected
persons, thus disfranching all those who were '
opposed to M. LRDRU ROLLIN'S doctrines,
and that in Paris, on the afternoon of yesterday, he
assembled a mob of 150,000 workmen, with the
avowed purpose of overawing the Provisional Govern-
men. Was not Mr. O'CoNNELL right in warning the
world against this man? LEDRU ROLLIN, a Republican!
Let us not desecrate that sacred name by applying it
to one who if not a traitor must be a madman, and
who, by his wholesale distribution of bribes, is
affording as complete an ex post facto justification of
the corruptions of Louts PuturrE as he is by his
circulars of the ordonnances of CLIARLEI X.

nor terror without necessity. AnC this is right, for we
ould not be worthy of liberty, it' see did not know how
to contain arbitrary acts. Was it lot on e question of
contested legality, that the royelty of 1830, which
reckoned seventeen years' existeece, perished? We
should not be mature for the Republic, if the most
shameful selections could be made without wounding
in us the most legitimate susceptibilities. Is it not
eeandalous appointments, that:contributed' most forcibly
to sow disaffection under the Ministry of Octo-
ber 29 ? The more France shows herself thus
susceptible,' the more she proves that her morals rise
to the height of her new institutions. Where all ho-
nourable susceptibility is extinguished, all liberty is near
expiring. If it be true that a demagoguic minority has
dreamed of placing under subserviency the democratic
majority, that culpable hope ought each day to grow
'weaker, for eech day the reue,n of the people is becoming
brighter, the intoxicetioe el the firs: weeks is posing
off, the charlatietu of grew] words is becoming unveiled,
intolerance is betraying itsel-, and under the most savage
republicanism, lets shoulders branded by the red hot iron
of the executioner be seen! Patience! the nine weeks
which shall have elapsed from 24th February to 4th May
will not have been lust. Patience! The day is ate
proaching when all the accounts will be rendered is the
tribune, when all the excesses of Government that shall
have been committed will find courageous voices ready
to unveil them to the public, expressing themselves in
the name of the nation, in virtue of the right which they
will hold from universal suffrage,"
We read in the Union :
" For the present state of things no analogy can be
found in our history. It would be a perversion to make
it a parody el a former epech, and cause the new revo-
lution to run through the same perilous and eanguiustry
piths es the first revolution, now half a century old.
The spirit of the people revolts against so long a retro-
gradation. The men of that fatal period have disap-
peared, and with them all the ferocious passions and
doctrines of a conflict which cannot by any possibility
be renewed. The sentiment of liberty is not in our days
derived from democratic aggregations—from an insurrec-
tion of tumultuous masses; the paths of reform have not
been traced out by the ignorant, but by the intelligent and
enlightened classes. What would have been said scarcely
two months ago ? We were assured that, if revolu-
tions were brought about, they would be accomplished
with less violence, without effusion of blood, without in-
justice, and would avoid those subversive speculations
which at former periods shook social order to the
centre ; that it would be a political change, elaborated
to perfection by time, as the sun by its gradual heat
ripens the fruit of the earth. The representative mo
nurchy came forth as the first step toward a represents-
' Live republic ; the diffusion of knowledge, by multiply-
ing the resources of the people, appeared as the acces-
sion of an order of things founded on reason and
not on brutal strength. Of this there is no longer
any question. A different language is used. We
hear doctrines of disorder and anarchy professed ;
and can there be any astonishment that the
most intelligent nation in the universe should revolt
against this pretension to curb its will by the intimida-
tion or domination of a few men ? Can there be any
astonishment at the movement, not of re-action, but of
resistance, which is being made in all parts of the
country?. There is no question of an impossible fede-
ralism, nor of a rupture of those ties which have made
our nation the first power of the world. Should we
perceive at any point an idea of separation or disloca-
tion, we will repel it as an attempt upon the very exist-
ence of our country. Nothing of this kind, however,
has yet been apparent. On the contrary, the depart-.
ments wish to unite in one body with Paris ; but on
condition that P,iris does not attempt to impose its
c .e sines upon and pretend to dispense with the concur-
rence of the Provinces. Paris is not France ; and every
part of France has a right to assume itselt to be upon
an equality with Paris. We have without ceasing corn
batted every idea of federa ism. France is a grand unity
which must never be broken."
The following account of a conversation between
one of these Commissioners and a law student will
throw some light upon the designs of M. LEDRU
ROLLIN and his friends. A young law student, of
the name. of CHEVIOT, ated in a diligence for Mon-
tauban, found himself it; company with M. SAIMAC,
the Government Commissioner for that place, and in
a letter to the local newspaper he thus reports the
conversation he held with that personage :
" Did you observe the effect produced on the
Bourse,' asked M. Cheviot of a friend seated near
him, by the rum our of the retirement of Ledru
Rollin ?' The Government Commissioner himself
interfered, although not addressed. You attach too
much consequence,' he said, to Bourse talk. M.
Ledru Rollin has no intention of retiring. He is
the only man in the Government who inspires any
confidence—let banks fall—let commerce perish—test
mieux—we shall the sooner arrive at our end. So lung
as there are rich, voyes sous, we must work their ruin,
and as at this moment only a handful of men suffer, we
must not listen to them.' •Do you think, thee,' asked
asked M. Cheviot, that the workmen are not suffering?'
No, because they are masters of all; and if they suffer
they will not long suffer.' We are Republicans both,
but do not see things in the same point of view." Oh,
no, Monsieur, you are no Republican; the only true
Republicans are those of the eve. We will have no
lttpublicaus of the morrow in the National Assembly.'
'But if tlie departmf.nts return rucb, and it the city of
Paris re' urns such, you must receive them.' 'No, we
would not receive teem." What?' 'I tell you,' re-
peated the Government Commissioner, we will not
receive them; they shall never reach the Chamber." I
do not comprehend you.' They will not reach the
Chamber, because there is a bridge to pass, and under
the bridge the Seine.' "
The letter proceeds—
" That which in the mouth of an individual would
only have excited pity, raised in me the greatest indig-
nation, and a sadness which did not leave me through-
out my journey. I was speaking to the Commissioner
for Montauban, and I repressed my feelings, for I wished
to learn more, and so I asked, What would the National
Guards and the soldiers be doing whilst you threw the
deputies into the Seine?' The soldiers would be with
us: they are of the people.' So is the National Guard?'
No; the National Guard are not the people. They are
rich bourgeois, and if they resist we will fire on them.
They reckon 150,000, but we have 300,000.' And what
are these 320,000?—are they Communists?—are the
workmen Communists?' Precisely, and the National
Guard would become intimidated by us as on the 20th
of February.' • I think,' said M. Cheviot, you are de-
ceived; tie National Guard allowed a power to fall, in
which they had no confidence, but they would defend
j the Republic against anarchy, and so would the sol-
diery." Well, we shall see; but, at all events, the elec-
tions will save the necessity of all that—not one deputy
of the preceding Aseemhly shall be elected; the country
people will be for us. Not at all; if you go to speak
to the country people of communism, you will be an-
swered with a musket.' No matter,' replied the Com-
missary, it is Path which decides all, and does all, and
the provinces must obey.'"
Here follows a Eood deal about Paris marching on
the departments, and the departments marching on
Paris, which may be passed over as &wordage until
after a pause in the conversation, we come to this—
" What is to be your profession ?" asked the Com-
missioner, "The bar." "Oh t give up that idea, for
before two years are over we shall want no lawyers,
because property coming into the hands of the State,
there will be no snore law-suits. You will see,' he
added, " collat?ral successions abolished in the first
session of the Chamber, and even those in line direct
will not last long after."
The publication of this letter caused a great sensa-
tion at Montauban. The people with one voice
demanded that the Government Commissioner
should quit the place—and he had to go. He,
however, was not to be so easily cowed. M.
SAUBJAC having procured the assistance of the mili-
tary force, returned to Montuaban with a battery of
artillery. A letter, published in the Union gives the
following account of this second mission of the Apostle
of Liberty :
" M. Sauriac, the Government Commissary, returned
to-day at the had of the infantry and artillery which
he had required to sustain his dictatorship. On the
news of this invasion the National Guard mustered in all
haste to watch over the safety of the town. The liana?
Cation assembled in one mass behind the National
Guard, preserving the most imposing calmness, when
M. Sauriac entered, announcing that all the suspected
men, and particularly M. .lAen
de hlaleville, were to be
arrested. M. IA al de hlaleville, on hearing this, wrote
a note to M. Sauriac, saying that he was at his disposal;
but before 24 hours had passed 60,000 men from the
country would come and call for an account of this vio-
lation of personal liberty. Alarmed for the consequences
of his head-strong step, and being. informed th
go raeral realise
countrythepredictionof
people were
M.
dealr
already on
Maloville,
Montauban took a precipitate flight iu a post-chaise."
The Union adds :—" A letter from Cahors of the
13th informs us that travellers just arrived there had
brought the news that M. SAUSIA n
C,
at at
therm moment
of their departure, had arrived ag
at the head of several battalions—that the town was
th their
rhe march
Com
tm y d
that the people were
ai
nearly surrounded by them, an
taking up arms to repel the attack:"
between Lord BsouG-
Ham and M. CREMIEUX, the French Minister of
The Journal des Debate publis
extraordinary correspondence hes the following

or rather Citizen Brouham'
Justice :
" We have received," says the 1) ebats, "official com-
munications, by which it appears that Lord Brougham,
naturalisation as a Frengchman. The following are the
has really demanded his
documents referred to :
" ' LORD ZROUGHAN TO THE MINISTER oF -JUSTICE.
" Lord Brougham has the honour to present his hom-
age to the Minister of Justice, and wishing to become
' ' LErtilit FROM TEI
naturalised in France, he has demanded certificates from
rMayor of Cannes (Var), where be has resided for
IFteen Years, nod where he possesses an estate, and Is
building a chateau. '
l.' These certificates will be forwarded direct to the
0_ Jisiter, and Lord Brougham begs him to sign the Act
1,1-14, tlaalisatiou with as little delay as possible.
, Paris, April 7, 1848. "
E miNISTER OF JUkTICE TO LORD
• EliouoklIM:
.. " raiz, April 8, 7848.
44 4My Lord,—l consider it proper to pout out to you