The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-15 00:00:00

SPAIN.

Madrid papers of the 9th have arrived.
It was rumoured in Madrid that the whole of the
NARTAEZ Ministry would retire, and thataled General
on b
O'DONNELL and Senor MoN had been el
the QUEEN to form a Ministry. Should they do so
Y
M. GUIZOT, from his retreat at Brompton will be the
virtual ruler of Spain, for MON moves, and acts, and
thinks but as he is directed by the late Prime
Minister of France, and has always shown himself
ready to sacrifice the interest of Spain to that of the
Ilcuse of Orleans. Should Mort be Minister, we may
expect to see Spain the head-quarters of the Orleanikit
reactionnaires of France.

It is rumoured that the QUEEN is enceinte.

PROVIDENT CLERKS ASSOCIATION.—On Wednes-
day evenii.g, the 14th inst., a numerous and influential
meeting of the members and friends of this excellent
association was held in Bristol, the Worshipful Mayor
presiding, supported by P. F. Aiken, Esq., T. P. Jose,
Esq., J. G. Shaw, Esq., who was one of the stewards at
the late public dinner in London. The latter gentleman
gave a vivid and eloquent description of the results, which
was received most enthusiastically. Several very elo-
quent addresses were delivered, and the meeting testi-
fied their high sense of the merits of the association by
the warmth with which the different speakers were re-
ceived and the statements made. During the evening
the sum of thirty-six guineas was announced as new do-
❑ations to the benevolent fund, making the magnificent
sum of 1961. contributed by the principals of that
ancient city within the short space of three months.
Count Ezakoff and attendants left London yes-
terday morning, by the steam-ship Caledonia, for Ham-
burgh,

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The National Assembly, which on the previous
day
inhad voted almost
NAPOLEONalmostunanimfroonmslyErtahneee7cyleusstieoray
exclusion of
Prince
areDveeprsuetdy, istusb
jdeenctitsoiobnia bbueitngcoanbfilermtoepdrohvies
re
nb
tmtusroenlnflasya French citizen. This result is attributable
partly to the discovery that the Chamber had been
induced to vote the exclusion under an unfounded
apprehension, caused by the exaggerated account
which the members of the Executive had given of the
entente of the preceding day, but principally to the
fact that M. LEDRU ROLLIN put himself prominently
forward as the advocate of the decree of exclusion ;
and therefore the vote is to be considered not so
much a vote in favour of Louis NAPOLEON as
a vote against M. LEDRU ROLLIN. The de-
bate was remarkable also for an angry col-
lision between LEDRU ROLLIN and his former
favourite, M. JuLes Favite, the author of the
far-famed circulars. In the course of the discus-
sion General CLEMENT THOMAS gave the folio wing
explanation of the firing of the " three shots," which
seem to have been as fatal to the Executive Committee
as the charmed bullets were to CASPAR :
" He said he ruse to correct the statement which had
been made the day before relative to himself. It had
nut been his intention to convey that three shots had
been expressly fired. The facts were, that seeing a
crowd of persons on the Place de la Concorde, whose
intentions he had reason to suspect, he ordered the
place to be cleared. The crowd was composed of
men with whose faces he was familiar, for he had
recognised them among the attroupements at the Porte
St. Denis and the Porte St. Martin on several suc-
cessive. nights. While his orders were being executed,
a pistol shot was fired, whether by accident or not, he
could not say, nor could he affirm that it was directed
towards himself, but the shut wounded the finger of
an officer near him. There was also an accidental
discharge from the musket of a National Guard. No
further consequences followed, but as some misappre-
hension had arisen, he thought it due to all parties to
set the matter right."
It is said that after the decision of the Assembly, M.
LEDRU ROLLIN resigned. Indeed, we do not see how he
could have done otherwise, after the speech which he
made in support of the decree of exclusion, am,
which we give below, together with the conclusion
of the debate, continued from The Sun of yesterday.
M. Ledru Rullia—This question is too important fur
the Government to allow the discussion to pass over
without declaring its opinion. Yesterday it said, " A
law exists, and the Executive Committee will act on it
until the National Assembly shall declare its opinion on
it." We are now told that the law does not exist.
Why, then, has any proposition on the subject been sent
to a Committee ? The law exists by the sole fact that
it has been a question whether it shall be acted on or
not. We have been told that we have violated the sove-
reignty of the people. Cau such a charge be brought
against those who founded that sovereignty on the
24th of February ; and again, can the opinions
of three d.. pat-talents be called the sovereignty
of the whole people Certainly not.—(Murmurs.)
Allow me to tell you that you are not better revolu,
tionists than the authors of the constitution of 1793
The authors of that constitution tell you that insurrec-
tion is legitimate when the whole of the principle is vio-
lated. But has such a thing been done ? The sove-
reignty of the people only exists in its ensemble, and in
an absolute manner.—(Laughter and murmurs.) If one
department were to think proper to elect the Count de
Paris or Henri V., would you not say that department
had made a blunder? It has also been said that the
Executive Committee had allowed it to be supposed that
the law against the Bonaparte family was abrogated by
permitting other members of it to take their seats in the
Assembly; but to that I will reply by saying, that our
colleagues of that family have never suffered any poli-
tical condemnation. Besides, was the Chamber ignorant
of what had taken place in the last few days? A judi-
cial investigation has just commenced, and it has been
discovered that money has been distributed; and the
house from which that money has come is known;
wine has also been distributed; cries of " Viva Napo-
leon" have resounded in our ears, and the walls have
been covered with seditious placards. Within four days
three Napoleonist journals were established, preparing
the way for the caudidateship of Louis Napoleon
as President. If the National Assembly thinks that
no measures should be taken in the face of such facts,
let it declare its opinion—the Executive Committee does
its duty, let the National Assembly do theirs.--(Appro-
bation.) Proscription and the sovereignty of the peo-
ple have been spoken of, and these words had, no doubt,
their effect on us. But we are now statesmen, and reason
must take the part of sentiment.—(Approbation.) It has
been said that Louis Bonaparte is a stranger to what is
going on. That has been the expression of every one
but himself. Has he come and given his adherence to
the Republic? I wish that those Republicans who are
assembled round the walls of this building, and who
allow themselves to be led away by generous sentiments,
could hear my voice, for I would say to them, "It is a
law of necessity, but which will be only temporary." As
for those who have only placed themselves under this
standard to work on the old souvenirs of glory against
the Republic, there is no pity for thern.—(Approbation.)
At the conclusion of the Hon. Deputy's speech there
was a great agitation visible in the Chamber.
M. Bonjean read another letter from Louis Napoleon,
dated " London, May 24," stating that a report had
reached him of an intention to bring in a Bill to exclude
him from the French territory, and complaining that
any such difference should be made between him and the
rest of his family. The writer protests his devotedness
to France, and declares that, if the Bill should pass, he
would unceasingly protest against it.—(Agitation.)
M. J. Fevre denied that the law of 1832 existed, for
if it were still in force three members of the Bonaparte
family would nut now be sitting in the Assembly. The
placards of Prince de Joinville had been torn down,
and the printer of them proceeded against, whereas the
bills of Louis Napoleon were respected. Why was
that, except became the universal feeling was in favour
of his being entitled to revisit his country ? If the pre-
sent Bill, as introduced by the Executive Committee,
were adopted, it would be the cornmencemeet of a sys-
tem of arbitrary law. As to the intormation given by
M. Ledru Rollin, of money being distributed, and
other acts, nothing had been proved against Louis Na-
puleoa. "I much fear," said M. J. Fevre in conclusion,
" that all these representations, like the story of yester-
(ley about the shot fired and the blood shed, are only a
me ins to surpris, the vote of the Chamber."—(Hear.)
M. Btu:tire repeated the arguments which he had
pr viously brought forward against Louis Napoleon, and
CO 'tended that the Assembly had a right to annul the
election of two or three colleges.—(Murmurs and loud
interruption.) The Honourable Member continued to
speak amidst all the tumult, but his remarks were in-
audible.

The President—Does the Assembly intend to
continue the discussion ?—(Cries of "No, no," and
" Divide.")
M. Buchez declared that he was charged, in the
names of stveral Members, to present a new proposition,
and to demand the adjournment of the discussion.—
(Cries of "No, no, enough, enough," from all parts of
the Chamber.)—Rejected.

M. Degousee demanded that priority should be given
,o the abrogation of the law of 1832.

Numerous: voices—No, no, vote on the conclusions of
he report.

M. I)egousee proposed an amendment, tending to
maintain the law of 1832 until the constitution was in
force.—(Criesof " No, no," "Divide, divide.")—rejected.
The discussion was declared to be closed.

The President read a propositio❑ of M. Decoux, to
the effect that the admis4ion of Louis Napoleon should
not take place until he had declared his adhesion to the
Republic one and democratic.

The propositiou, not be ng seconded, fell to the ground.
The President-1 shall now proceed to put to the
vote the question as to whether Louis Napoleon Bona-
parte is admitted to take his seat in the Assembly or
not.—(Movement of great interest.)
The question being then put, was voted in the affir-
mative by a great majority.—(lmmense sensat►on,
which lasted some time.)
In consequence of this vote, Louis Napoleon is ad-
mitted to take his seat, subject however to prove that he
is a French citizen.

The Assembly separated at a quarter past six, in ex
traordinary agitation.

The night passed off quietly, and public tranquillity
in Paris had continued undisturbed up to the hour the
post left.

LAMARTINE'S DEFENCE.

LAMARTINIS has uttered his own defence—he has
in one eloquent and passionate outburst extenuated
the conduct of the Executive Commission. In the
sitting of Monday he spoke thus to the National
Assembly :—" For myself, citizens, I behold myself'
accused by the journals and by the factions, and I
understand that accusation ; they say that I have
conspired with these men whom you will have to try,
perhaps in a very few days, with 13LANcaul and with
BANBES."—(From all sides of the Assembly, "No
one believes it I no one believes it !") M. DE
LAMARTINE continued, "If I have conspired with
these men, with BLANQUI, with BARBES, with So-
"'ER, f conspired with them only at a time when
they had not revealed their true character. I have
conspired with them as the lightning conductor con-
as pliorne eg wt
iimt he eh
acvheomhde charged wh ietand e
tl eoc ttrhi ce istey
m! e
nF oras
the lightning conductor raises its head to the
thunder-cloud!"—(Voices from all parts of the As-
sembly, " It is true ! it is true !")

A Cabinet Council was held yesterday morning,
at which all the members of the Executive Com-
mittee, and also the Ministers, were pregent, to con-