The Sun.
London, England, 1846-09-29 00:00:00

lit rang

LONDON, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER, 29, 1846.

Before Parliament can re-assemble, whether the
period of its meeting be the approaching 4th of
November, or 'whether the length of its prorogation
be extended, it is most desirable that the present in-
terval should be occupied by a serious consideration
of the exigencies by the existence of which Ireland is
reduced to such woeful desolation, and by the satisfac-
tion of which that island would be endowed with a
plenitude of prosperity. Ireland is not an appendage, it
is an integral portion of the British Empire : it is not a
costly jewel in the diadem of VICTORIA, it is a
portion of her golden circlet. In endeavouring to
meliorate the condition of that country we are not
aiming at the aggrandisement of any profitable de-
pendency—we are struggling for the preservation
and perpetuation of our own dignity, we are attempt-
ing to allay our own agonies, we are striving to remove
a political leprosy from our own flesh and blood,
to satisfy our own thirst and hunger, and to
realise our own happiness. Never was a moral
blunder more calamitous or egregious than the one
which has tended to the estrangement of the popula-
tion of these islands ; it has originated many invi-
dious distinctions where no distinctions could really
exist. Sassenach, though an idle epithet coined by
circumstances, has proved itself a bugbear equally
potent and infelicitous with the buckler of Gorgon ;
it has jarred in upon the cordiality of the British
islanders, and ossified the hearts which had
previously pulsated with friendship. Such, at least,
were the misunderstandings engendered until very
recently. Now matters are regarded as in a very

different position. Englishmen evince a sincere
anxiety for the improvement and happiness of Ire-
land, Irishmen are satisfied that their interests are
acquiring a deep importance in England; both have
betrayed an alacrity to coalesce for their own com-
mon advantage. Geographically, St. George's Channel
separates the lesser island from the greater, but vir-
tually it is no longer in existence.
For years the political and social advancement of
Ireland has formed the grand object of the internal
policy of Great Britain. Ministers have en-
deavoured, one after the other, to discover
and enforce the measures most suitable for
the attainment of that object. Administrations have
fallen, in succession, while striving to exorcise the
demon of misery by which Ireland has been pos-
sessed. One of the most eminent of modern states-
men declared, even when his ministerial influence
was at its perihelium, that his greatest difficulty was
Ireland. So many, indeed, have failed in the attempt to
legislate successfully for that country, so many astute
intellects have acknowledged themselves incapable of
eradicating its numerous and enormous evils, that at
a superficial glance it would absolutely appear im-
practicable. But common sense tells us that the realisa-
tion of happiness to Ireland is not an impossibility.
Look at the broad and indubitable reality, and what are
the inferences to be drawn from that examination ?
Why, that every facility is afforded by nature, by
morality, and by education, for the elevation of that
island to the very pinnacle of national prosperity !
Here is Ireland, one of the most fertile regions of the
globe; its soil naturally strewed with verdure, its atmo-
sphere by turns sufficiently humid and sufficiently warm
,to facilitate vegetation ; its people generous, tractable,
muscular, industrious, obedient, patient, and domestic.
And yet, notwithstanding all these advantages, pro-
visions are scarce even in times of abundance,
is incessantly fostered between the peasantry and
their employers, one vegetable is the principal pro-
duce of the land, and the principal article of con-
sumption amongst its people. Insubordination
is, in consequence, developing itself where tranquillity
might, by proper management, be the pervading and
permanent characteristic. Idleness is forced upon
thousands of an industrious race ; and so extreme are
the privations caused by a murrain in one single
species of tuber, that the population are
compelled to satisfy the rage of famine by
devouring seaweeds and hedge-nettles. So much
starvation in a spot naturally so fruitful ; so much
penury among men so capable of and anxious for
labour ; so much rancour and bad blood in
a peasantry so remarkable for their predis-
position to gentleness and domesticity, are facts
so glaringly anomalous as to demonstrate by their
very existence the feasibility of their removal. The
antithesis formed by the actual degradation of Ire-
land, with the capacities possessed by Ireland for un-
bounded wealth and unstinted happiness, is at one
and the same time mournful and consolatory. It is
mournful, inasmuch as it shows how much wretched-
ness might have been spared to her by merely cor-
responding with her natural endowments; and it is
consolitary, inasmuch as it testifies that by similar
means her future redemption from misery may be ac-
complished.

Impressed with these extraordinary considerations,
we turn with hope and with confidence to the de-
liberations of the present Government. Our Minis-
ters are, of course, availing themselves of the present
interval of the prorogation for the consideration of
the important questions bearing upon Ireland. In
their individual meditations, as well as in their col-
lective councils, that political problem will, without
doubt, take the precedency of all others. Many
schemes will naturally present themselves, many will
be, and have been, tendered by those who partake in
their anxiety, by private correspondents, and through
the columns of the press. We ourselves have offered
suggestions from time to time, and w 3 shall continue
to do so with pertinacity and earnestness until the
great woes of our sister country shall be eradicated
by the Legislature.
Actuated by the same feelings, we publish the fol-
lowing proposition from an intelligent correspondent,
and we do so the more readily because it is based
upon justice and humanity, and because it accords
with all our preceding views upon the jnatter. The
writer, in addressing the Ministry to the subjoined
effect, is building up a scheme upon no specious
hypothesis of good—he is addressing himself in
homely phrase to the plain sense of our rulers :
" The Legislature," says he, " has successfully ar-
ranged the complicated and difficult question of tithes
in England, which affected the interests of the clergy,
and removed one of the greatest impediments
to the improved cultivation of the land. As
our population is increasing, and the surface of
the land is limited, it is very desirable,
both as the means of employment and increasing the
amount of subsistence, that all the land in Ireland
which can be brought into cultivation should be ac-
cessible to the people in a fair and equitable manner.
My suggestion is, for the Legislature to deal with
the uncultivated land in Ireland on a similar plan
and principle which they have adopted with respect to
the tithes in England. Perhaps the interests of the
landholders may be more complex and difficult than
the parties connected with tithes, but it may be pos-
sible to arrange a plan by which the land may be

liberated from its present bondage, without injury or
injustice to the laadholder, by this means thrown
open in the market to those who are willing to un-
dertake its cultivation.

" I am not aware of any insuperable difficulties to
prevent the Legislature, by an Act of Parliamefit,
placing the uncultivated lands in the hands of
Commissioners (similar to the tithes), empowering
them to call to their aid competent persons to value
the land which is uncultivated, and pay the owners
its fair value ; the Commissioners to be empowered
to dispose of the land to the public as it comes into
their possession. The purchasers would have a simple
and good title, a number of capitalists would
be eager to become purchasers, the soil would be
cultivated, and the population find ample employment.
The landholders, in many cases, would be delivered
from heavy burdens; the money received for unpro-
fitable land would be employed in improving land
uncultivated, and permanent benefit secured to the
nation without any loss to the Government."
Upon these, simple suggestions we have not
leisure at this moment to enlarge, nor indeed
do they require any elaborate exposition. The re-
clamation of waste land—the vim desertce et intercluse
--so long as it can be accomplished without inter-
fering with the individual interests of land.
holders, is so manifestly calculated to benefit the
community and to extend the capacities of the coun-
try, that any explanation of the principle upon which
such a reclamation might be conducted would be
altogether superfluous. Beyond this the employ-
meat of the destitute peasantry upon the cul-
tivation of these reclaimed districts, and upon the
agricultural improvement of lands already culti-
vated, would prove more efficient in restoring peace
and plenty to Ireland than the formation of a dozen
Simplons. Let the Government transform Irish
peasants into farm labourers, rather than into
paviours ; let them give them the plough and
the hoe in preference to the mattock and
macadamized granite. Ireland wants additional food,
both farinaceous and animal, to convey along her
roads, rather than additional roads for conveying her
agricultural and manufacturing produce.

It is the nature and character of monopoly to
harden the hearts and warp the better feelings of
those exposed to its blighting influence. Men, in
other respects humane and charitable, upright and
honourable, will calmly countenance and support a
system by which millions of their fellow-creatures
are exposed to the greatest privations, and are (it is
hardly too strong a term to use) robbed of a large pro-
portion of their humble earnings. When once the mono-
polists have yielded themselves up to the desire of
gain they become insensible to the means by which it
is to be acquired. It is nothing that the victims from
whom that gain is to be extorted are the poor, the
needy, the hard-working, and the overtoiled, that a
change would improve their condition, promote their
comforts, and elevate them in the social scale ; nay,
the monopolist is so blinded by the considerations of
self-interest, that he will not understand that he may
derive as large an income by other and more justifiable
means ; he will not be convinced that the consump-
tion of the article in which he is interested may be so
greatly increased by the diminution of its cost, as to
afford an equal, if not greater, profit. He even, after
a time, becomes insensible of the injustice of which
he has been guilty. He looks upon the sufferers as
born for his use, t4at it is most unreasonable of them
to complain of that to which they have long been
subjected, which has become
" An aged vice, a grey iniquity."

And he suspects the motives and impugns the honesty
of those who conscientiously labour for an improved
state of things, and believes that they can only be
actuated by sordid and selfish feelings.
It was owing to such a cause that we were so
long subjected to the operation of the iniquitous corn-
laws, that the food of the artizan was taxed, that pro-
duction was checked, commerce fettered and re-
stricted, and that our merchants were not permitted
to sell in the dearest and buy in the cheapest market.
Thanks be to GOD, we have succeeded at length in
shaking off the monster by which we were so long
oppressed. The weapons of truth and reason have
proved successful, the doctrines of free trade have
been approved and sanctioned by the Legislature, and
we can proudly boast that England has set an ex-
ample to the universe which will, which must speedily
be followed by other nations. The good seed has
been sown, and it will fructify and bring forth its
fruits in due season. One country may be more tardy
than another in giving in its adhesion to the doctriue,
but we doubt not that in a few short years the com-
mercial codes of every civilised people will be reformed
and improved.
It is doubly the duty of Britons, who have so
recently achieved so great a triumph for themselves,
to do all within their power to ameliorate the con-
ditions of those who are connected with, or dependent
on them—to banish monopoly as a plague-spot from
their colonies or dependencies, and to insist that a
grievous and heavy taxation, far exceeding the first
cost price of the article, shall no longer be levied on
one of the chief necessaries of the people.
The revelations which were made at the recent
meeting at Blackburn, respecting the salt monopoly
of the East India Company, are of so extraordinary
a character as to be scarcely credible, did we not
see men of respectability and station in society, men
who had full opportunity of being thoroughly ac-
quainted with the details, coming forward and vouch-
ing for their accuracy. 'We find the cost of salt,
almost the chief necessary of life, to more than one
hundred millions of our fellow-creatures, increased
tenfold by the weight of the taxation, and the ob-
jectionable manner in which it is levied. We can

easily understand the vast importance of salt to the

people of whom it is, if not the only, most certainly
the chief condiment ; and to obtain this necessary
the Hindoo peasant is obliged to devote nearly one-
fourth of his entire labour. The earnings of each

Hindoo, ft is said, do not amount to more than 48s.
per annum ; and, assuming each family to consist of
five persons, the consumption of salt will amount to
sixty pounds in the year, being 20 per cent less than
the quantity allowed by the Government to the per-
sons in their service. Owing to the monopoly the
price of this sixty pounds is Hs. Bd., representing
the labour of three months. This is, indeed, a fearful
grievance inflicted on so vast a body of our fellow-
subjects. The best Cheshire salt, we are told, can
be shipped at Liverpool at 20s. per ton ; the freights
and all other minor expenses, would not be more than
243. in addition ; making a total of 445. per ton, the
cost price of the article at Calcutta. This would
not amount to more than a farthing per pound, and
yet we find that the poor Hindoo cannot obtain it at

less than 2 1-3 d. per pound—nearly ten times its
original price. Bad as this is, its atrocity is
fearfully magnified by the statement of Mr. An.wix
of the horrible cruelty practised in sustaining this
odious monopoly. He says—
" For instance the coast of Coromandel is encrusted
with salt. There the people are tied to the trees, and
flogged and tortured publicly in the gross, whole vil-
lages together, whenever they neglect to destroy the
salt as fast as it forms at their doors, in their fields, and
over their separate neighbourhoods, by the sun's evapo-
ration of the sea water, and similar processes of nature.
These same people are similarly punished if they neglect
to repair monthly to the Company's salt-pan at a dis-
tance, and there pay an infamously high price for an
arbitrary quantity of foul, black, muddy salt, unfit for
use until dissolved and reboiled, in order to purify it.
This is a moderate, unexaggerated, true account of the
Company's monopoly of salt in India."
What the bounty of PROVIDENCE brings to their
very doors, bounty
are obliged to cast away, and to
expend time and money in procuring an inferior ar-
ticle. Such things cannot be permitted. Every
consideration of justice, of humanity, forbid it. We
shall not now speak of the impulse that would be
given to trade, the benefit that would be conferred
on the manufacturing or the shipping interests of
this country. Any person, however, possessed of the
slightest knowledge of commercial matters will easily
understand how great that benefit would be; but we
shall base our argument solely on the necessity of
acting fairly, of rendering simple justice towards the
millions and tens of millions who have been so im-
properly dealt with, who have been so grievously
harassed. It is an argument that will not be thrown
away on the nation that made such sacrifices for the
abolition of slavery and the removal of that disgrace
from our dominions.

Accounts from Leghorn of the 20th instant state
that at Ferrara, on a recent occasion, there had been
a collision between the Pontifical and the Austrian

troops, in consequence of which the Austrian Gene-
ral-in-Chief, Count RADETSKI, accompanied by the
:;ount DE TAXIS, had repaired to Ferrara,
where they had a long interview with
Cardinal UGoLINI. The Cardinal is one of
the opponents of the measures of. reform pro-
pounded by the present POPE. Endeavours are
making in every direction by the supporters of the
old regime to excite discontent against Pius IX. At
Modena, the centre and focus of Italian Jesuitism, a
clergyman preached, a few days ago, a sermon " on
the great dangers that menace the Holy See." The
Jesuits and the Paradisians, a sect composed of the
ultra-Retrogrades, refuse' to give Pius IX. the title
of Pope; they merely call him Count MASTAI. Tht
Pontifical Government, in the meantime, goes on with
its work of reform. It has nearly restored all the
officers of the police department, and recommended
the censors of the press to be less rigorous. It is
said that a promotion of Cardinals will shortly
take place, and amongst those about to be elevated to
that high dignity are Messrs. BOFONDI, BALUPFI, and
GEASSELINI, who are distinguished for their modera-
tion and enlightened minds.

The proposal for a reform in the convents has met
with a strenuous opposition from the College of Car-
dinals. The POPE, however, seems determined to
persevere in his plans. A great outcry was raised
against the Porn, because he permitted women to
attend his audiences at the Vatican, and on that point
he was obliged to give way, and return to the old
order of things. It is reported in Rome that MA-
RIM, the Governor of the city, will be shortly dis-
missed, on account of his continued opposition to the
reforms proposed by the PorE.

The intelligence from Lisbon, of the 20th, states
that the Miguelite Guerillas have entirely disappeared
from the northern provinces, and that MACDONNELL
who commanded them, is a fugitive, skulking about
the province of Minho, in quest of a place of conceal-
ment. It is expected that the elections, which take
place on the 11th October, will eventuate in a
complete change of system. The Cabralistic faction
will take no part in the contest, and the Miguelites
and Septembrists have coalesced for the support of
candidates who will pledge themselves to bring dolvn
the expenditure of the state to a level with its re-
venue. The Marquis of SALDANHA has tendered
his resignation as Councillor of State, which the
QUEEN has refused to accept. It is strongly sus-
pected that some intrigue is on foot in the
Camarilla to upset the present Ministry and
appoint the Marquis of SALDANHA Minister,
as a warming-pan for the Cabrals. The
Marquis of SALDANHA is far too honourable
man to lend himself knowingly to any such purpose,
nevertheless he may be made a tool of by an un-
principled Camarilla, without for one moment sus-
pecting the real state of the case. The officers of the
Albion have returned from the Spanish frontier.

Madrid papers of the 22d have arrived.
On the 21st Mr. BULWER had an interview with
the QUEEN to congratulate her MAJESTY on her ap-
proaching marriage with Don FRANCISCO D'Assls.
The Infanta LUISA was not present on the occasion.
In allusion to the assertion of M. ISTURITZ, that
England had intended presenting as a candidate for
the QUEEN'S hand another than Don FRANCISCO
D'Assls, the .Espanol says :
" The words pronounced by M. Isturitz, in the sitting
of the 19th, that the Minister of Foreign Affairs in
England had the intention of presenting us the only
candidate for the hand of the Queen, another Prince
than Don rrancisco d'Assis, have been interpreted by
many persons that England is opposed not only to
the marriage of the Infanta, but also to that of the
Queen. It is thought that M. Isturitz alluded to a Prince
of the house of Coburg, when he spoke of another
Prince. In a question of such high importance, it
becomes necessary to a country and to history! to clear
up facts, and to dissipate all errors and all doubts.
Every one knows that the idea of marrying the Queen
to a Prince of Coburg did not emanate from the English
Cabinet; on the contrary, both the Peel and the present
Ministry would not listen to that proposition when made
to them by the Spanish Minister in London, and even
through the mediation of a Sovereign allied to the reign-
ing families of France and Belgium. Never would the
English Cabinet consent to make a Coburg a candidate
for the hand of the Queen. Who, then, can be the
illustrious Prince alluded to by the English Cabinet?"
The following article, from the Clamor Publico,
sets forth in calm and reasonable language the ob-
jections which not only Spanish Progressistas, but
Liberals of all countries, feel to the marriage of the
Due DE MONTPENSIER

" We have at heart to render justice to every one,
and we cannot refrain from applauding the noble and
disinterested conduct of the French Opposition press
with regard to the question of the marriage of the Duke
de Montpensier to the Infanta. These journals compre-
hend our well-founded repugnance to this union, and ap-
preciate the sentiments by which we are guided; it is not
against the French people—a generous people, who have
always made such enormous sacrifices for the cause of
liberty—that our language is directed. That people
knows too well the value of national independence to
pretend to arrogate in the affairs of Spain an influence
and a right of intervention humiliating for us; what we
energetically combat, and what fills us with indignation, is
the absurd pretensions of the Government of Louis Phi-
lippe—a Government, which, in our opinion, is far from
representing the sentiments of France on any of the
great questions connected with Spain. It is impossible
for the French Opposition to approve of an alliance,
having for its only object the development of a family
policy which possesses nothing of a national or patriotic
character. The union of the Infanta with the son of
Louis Philippe will n I contribute to improve the con-
dition of the French people, to enlarge the sphere of its
rights, to guarantee the integrity of their institutions,
nor to render to the representative system its purity, its
truth, and its prestige ; on the contrary, it will only
contribute to perpetuate the disastrous monopoly now
exercised by the Government of Louis Philippe, and
which causes to weigh more and more heavily on
France the yoke of a policy which only aspires to satiFfy
dynastic or family interest at the expense of the inde-
pendence of other less powerful states, and of the dig-
nity of France herself. The Government of Louis
Philippe, as it is now constituted, is a power which
exists out of the nation, which only labours for itself,
and which in all the great questions which arise in Eu-
rope consults much more its own interests than those of
the country. The Chambers, the press, the elections,
and the Government, every day lose some part of the
elevated character which belongs to them, in order to
bend to the private views of the Ministers of Louis
Philippe. In order to penetrate to the root of the kind of
instinct which makes us oppose the Montpensier union,
the Opp )sition should cast a retrospective glance at the
history of the three past years; it should reflect on the at
tempts made by the dominant party in the name of French
ideas, and under the patronage of the Court of the
Tuileries. We appeal to the good faith of the French
Opposition whether the Liberal party in Spain could re-
ceive with pleasure a Prince of the house of Orleans
from the hands of men who have incurred public ani-
madversion by their abuse of authority, their violence,
and by their reactionary measures. When we see full
under the sabre of a soldier the liberty of the press—the
rights and guarantees of the country—the reforms which
we have just acquired,—when we see men arrested and
banished by ordonnances—when the captains-general
punish citizens and even condemn them to death on
mere suspicion, the Spanish people saw in all these
infamies the band of the Government of Louis Philippe,
to the immediate influence of whom are submitted the
men whom M. Guizot himself has not hesitated to de-
signate before all the world under the name of the French
party. However jealous we may be of our independence
as Spaniards, the French Prince would have been well
received in our country if he had not represented a prin-
ciple of foreign domination which we cannot admit, if
he had not been for us the symbol of the continuation
of that i egime of Vandalism which has cost us so much
blood and so many victims since the memorable pronun-
ciamiento of 1843°

MADRID BOURBE.—Three per Cents. for cash, 35i ;
Fives, 221. Exchange on London, 364.

We have received the Paris papers of Sunday.
The Epoque is exceedingly irate with all who ven-
ture to assert that the Marquis of NORMANDY had
presented an energetic note to M. GUIZOT, protest-
ing against the Montpensier marriage.
" We do not know," says E Epoque, " who could
have abused the credulity of Galignani's Messenger,
by inducing it to believe that the Marquis of NOR-
MANDY had presented an energetic note to M. GUIZOT.
We have been assured that Lord PALMERSTON has
perfectly dissembled, as a well-bred gentleman should,
his ill-humour at the marriage of the Duke DE
MONTPENSIER. His Lordship is, moreover, too able
a statesman to protest energetically without a firm
resolution not to confine himself to mere words.
Weak Governments protest; but powerful ones act."
Honest Governments, however powerful they may
be, protest before they act. Honest Governments
scrupulously observe treaties, and honest Ministers
when they have pledged their words to observe a cer-
tain line of conduct invariably keep that pledge.
L'Eakpsr and those from whose inspirations it
p
may perhaps be tolerable authorities as to
se
what is done by weak Governments, or by powerful
Governments, for they have formed portions of each in
their time, but we must demur to their authority when
the point in dispate is the course to be pursued by
an honest Government, seeing that neither theoreti-
cally or practically have they ever had the slightest

acquaintance with the subject. L'Epoque, however,
is wrong (shall we say wilfully wrong—an article in
the National would almost make it appear so), for not
only was an energetic note delivered by Lord NOR-
mANny, but on Sunday the French Cabinet met at
two o'clock to consider of the answer to be given to it.
It is strange that the French Ministerial journals
have systematically endeavoured to mislead their
readers as to the sentiments of the British Govern-
ment and the British people on the subject of this
marriage. Can the more than insinuations, the all
but direct charges contained in the following article
from the National, be true P—
" If the Government be as easy as it wishes to appear
as to the complicated state of things which may follow
the marriage of the Duke de Montpensier," says the
National, " why seek to deceive the public as to facts
which are absolutely self evident ? Why say, the re-
ports circulated, that protests, or declarations, on the
part of England have been presented cannot but be
wholly void of foundation.' We do not desire to accuse
M. Guizot unjustly. Does he know that on Friday his
words were made the foundation of gambling transac-
tions at the Bourse ? Does he know that the persons
about him take advantage of the least word that drops
from him for the most unworthy speculations? Does he
know that on Friday a letter from one of his political
friends written to an agent de change was handed about
in which it was stated that • Lord Normanby's
note contained no more than mere observations?' If M.
Guizot has said so, he has very materially perverted the
bearing of the document handed to him. This, however,

seems to be a system adopted at the Minister's office:

The papers receive every day a communication purport-
ing to be a resume of correspondence, for which they pay,
under the belief that it is true and impartial, and which,
nevertheless, suppresses with care all that appears in the
Madrid Opposition journals, which translates little more
than the effusions of the Heraldo, and which, not satis-
fied with thus following M. Guizot's fancies, gives, under
the semblance of private letters from Spain, intelligence
directly opposite to the truth. On Friday last it stated,
that M. Bulwer had not addressed any note or
protest to M. Isturitz. Yesterday it was said, that
that Ambassador had requested an audience of the
Queen in order to felicitate her on her marriage. Both
these statements are false. We received yesterday a
letter from Madrid, which gives us a complete analysis
of the diplomatic note handed to M. Isturitz, and it is
impossible that after such a note there can have been
any felicitation whatever from the Ambassador who had
to present it and to regulate his conduct in conformity
to it. The object of all these misstatements is explained,
and they are excused when the object is to quiet one's
political friends, but they serve the turn of jobbers, who
are the foremost to circulate these inventions and take
advantage of them. This is an abuse which we point
out to M. Guizot, and we beg to remind him of the
accusations to which M. Thiers was exposed in 1840 on
a similar occasion. It is in vain to seek to
disguise the fact. This paltry affair of the marriage
of a child, which ought not in itself to occupy
diplomacy a single day, has become an important question
by the discussions to which it has given rise in diplo-
macy. The long silence of the Whig Ministry had a
natural cause. Having come to the helm of affairs after
an unforeseen event ; having in the Commons but an un-
certain majority, it may have feared that by being hasty
it might have met with opponents who would reproach
them with their haste, and arrogance in 1840.
The question of the marriage of the Queen and the
Infanta had been discussed at Eu by Lord Aberdeen
and M. Guizot, in presence of Queen Victoria and the
King of the French. It was necessary that the 'Whig
Ministry should precisely know what had taken place
on that occasion. It has acted only after having re-
ceived from Lord Aberdeen and Sir Robert Peel the
assurance of their and their friends' strenuous support
in their opposition to a step which those two Ministers
looked upon as a trick. (We soften down the English
word, which is something stronger.) It was after this
that Lord Palmerston drew up the diplomatic note
handed to M. Guizot. It is, as we have said, in very
polite and moderate terms. It is based on the stipula-
lations contained in the treaty of Utrecht ; but besides
this treaty, there was another, which although verbal,
ought to have been held the more sacred by Ministers,
that the witnesses and sureties to this convention were
the Queen of England and the King of the French.
Lord Palmerston insists on this fact ; he mentions that
about two months ago M. Guizot had addressed a
diplomatic note, to which the British Government had
not replied, for they wanted to know previously and pre-
cisely that which had taken place at Eu. It was during
this absence of a reply that the marriage affair was
settled, unknown to the British Minister at Madrid, and
unknown to the Ministry who had frequently given the
assurance of their friendly dispositions. After making
this statement, the note sets forth the objections to the
marriage, and however measured the note may be in its
terms, M. Guizot must have read the following words—
' remonstrance' and protest.'
" We have entered into these particulars to show how
much truth there is in the assertion of the Journal des

Debats, which says positively that the statements made
by us could not but be void of foundation.' It is not
our province to seek for the worst side of a question
after the manner and with the boundless confidence of
the Journal des Debats. It is not without some
feelings of humiliation that we see ourselves compelled
to witness a family, a secondary interest, take the place
of great interests, agitate Europe, and threaten France
with some fresh degradation. The ' general peace,' we
are told, will not be disturbed.' This is possible, but
we know by long experience at what price the entente
cordiale, now so completely broken, and which must be
restored, will have to be paid."
It is supposed that the answer of the French Go-
vernment to Lord NOEMANBY'S protest will be that
France does not consider the marriage as contrary
to the provisions of the treaty of Utrecht; that
the English objections to it on the ground of its
affecting the balance of power are untenable. That
matters have now gone so far that it is impossible to
postpone the marriage, even should it alter in an un-
pleasant manner the existing relations between France
and England, which France would consider a misfor-
tune, but hopes that the bienveillance of her Britannic
MAJESTY and the wisdom of her Cduncil will obviate
an evil much to be regretted. It is quite clear that
coute qui coute Louis PHILIPPE is determined to grasp
the dowry of the Spanish Princess for his son, and
for that purpose hastens on the marriage.

The Duc DE MONTPENSIER was to leave Paris for
Madrid on Monday. Some of his suite have already
arrived at Bordeaux, en route for Madrid. On the
30th he is expected at Bayonne, and an agent of the
Spanish post-office is at this moment organising an
extraordinary service of horses from the frontier to
Madrid for his use, and preparations are making at
Irun and Hernani, to give him a reception worthy
of his rank as he passes the frontier.

The Duke of GLUCKSBURGH arrived in Paris from
Madrid on Sunday morning, with the marriage con-

:ract of the INFANTA.

Colonels MUNZANO and NOGUERUELA, Father
CABALLERO, and several other Cariist refugees, have
been imprisoned in the citadel of Blaye, by order of

he French Government.

M. ODILLON BARROT has left France for Egypt,
where he will remain until the re-assembling of the
Chambers.

Rear-Admiral TREHOUART, who ' commanded the
French squadron at the battle of the Obligado, has
arrived at Brest in the frigate Proserpine. She left
Monte Video on the 15th of July, and Rio Janeiro on
the 30th August.

Trade of all kinds in France is represented as being
in a ►ery depressed state. The French Three per
Cents. were done in the Passage de l'Opera on Satur-
day so low as 82 francs. The article in the Epoque
above noticed having created some doubt that Lord
NORMANBY had "protested," they rose on Sunday, in
the same place, to 82f. 40c.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, SEPTEMBER 28.

Bordeaux, Toulouse and Cette (Espelete), I —Direct Bombay
and Madras, % —Dutch Rhenish, 5 —East Indian, % —Great West
ern Canada, 3%—ltalian and Austrian, 2—Louvain a la Sambre, %
—Luxembourg, I%—Madras, Neliore, and Arcot, % —Namur and
Liege, I % —Northern of France Constituted, 13%—Orleans and
Vierzon, 14% —Over Yssel, 2% dis.—Paris and Lyons Constituted,
5% —Paris and Orleans, 48—Paris and Strasbourg Constituted, 4%
—Sambre and Meuse, 3 —West Flanders, 2%.

DEATH OF THOMAS CLARKSON, ESQ.—This illus-
trious philanthropist died at four o'clock on Saturday
morning last, at his residence, Playford Hall, near this
town. He had attained the age of eighty-six ; but his
spirit burned bright to the last, and while he ceased not
to direct his thoughts to the great question of the eman-
cipation of the human race, he calmly looked forward
to " the crown of life " laid up in Heaven for the faith-
ful followers of the cross. He was born at Wisbeach,
in Cambridgeshire, on March 28th, 1760. Ipswich
Express.
EXPLOSION OF WRECKS IN THE THAPLES.—Yester-
day the following notice was issued and circulated by
the principal harbour-master of the port of London
" The Lord Mayor having issued directions for the re •
moval of several wrecks in the lower part of the River
Thames, by explosion of gunpowder and other means,
all steam vessels navigating where the craft are em-
ployed, viz , the westernmost end of the Blyth Sand eff
Yantlett Creek and Northfleet Creek, are required to
ease their steam, and pass as far as possible well clear of
them ; it is likewise directed that no vessel will anchor
near the wrecks."

J. A. Jackson, who filled the office of Colonial
Secretary in South Atistralia'for some time, has received
the appointment of stipendiary agent, resident in Lon-
don, for the colony of Van Diemen's Land.
EARLY CLOSING or PAWNBROKERS' SHOPS.—This
day, the 29th inst., the new Act of Parliament comes
into force respecting the early closing of pawnbrokers'
shops. It is enacted that from the 29th of September to
the 25th of March no pledges shall be received after
seven o'clock in the evening, and for the remainder of
the year after eight o'clock.
Lord Brougham left Brougham Hall on Friday
last, for London, thence to Cannes, his seat in France.
ANOTHER RISE IN THE PRICE OF BREAD.— Yes-
terday the bakers increased the price of their bread in
several parts of the metropolis. The price of the 41b.
loaf was increased to eightpence- halfpenny.

MONEY and COMMERCIAL NEW,'!,
CITY, QUARTER TO THREE.

The Cotton Market at Liverpool yesterday was firm,
and had an upward tendency. Sales, 8,000 bales, in-
cluding 1,000 American on speculation. Some Eng-
lish and Scotch Shares were held rather more firmly.
There are accounts from the Cape of Good Hope this
morning to the 21st July last. There is little news of
interest in them. The Kafirs had been again very
troublesome, and the British forces, as well as the colon-
ists under arms, were greatly distressed in consequence
of the want of provisions. However, on the frontier, at
the latest dates from thence, there was a most ample force
to bring the natives to book, and to check depredations
for the future. Some of the regular troops had by forced
marches travelled at least six hundred miles, resting
only for the night.
The state of the fruit trade is at present of very con-
siderable importance. The clearances for home con-
sumption have lately been rather considerable. We are
thus advised upon the condition of the fruit trade :

" The new Crop of currants is expected to yield less
than that of 1845, which was under 19,000 tons. Of this
quantity about 15,000 tons were shipped to the United
Kingdom, whereof about 7,500 tons direct to London,
3,500 tons direct to Liverpool, and the rest to outports
(from whence a part came on to London), 2,500 tons to
the northern ports of Europe, and 600 tons to Austria.
It is a new feature in the present season, that the Ameri-
cans have purchased earlier and on a larger scale than
usual; two entire cargoes left Zante for New York and
Philadelphia three weeks ago, whilst only 136 tons were
shipped to the United States during the whole of the last
season.

" The price of raisins opened at 425., at which the
trade continue to purchase freely.
" A few new Muscatel raisins in layers arrived per
steamer early in the month, and were sold at 85s. for
boxes, and 90s. for half-boxes. Two cargoes reached
Liverpool a few days later, simultanously with two at
this port; a portion of the former were dispatched by
railway, and were sold by auction at 565. to 575. for
layers, and 465. to 525. for bunch, at which the greater
part of the two London cargoes have since been placed,
the attention of the trade having been attracted by these
unusually low prices.
" At the latest date from Smyrna the price of Chesme
raisins had not yet opened. The article is recovering
here from its long disfavour (the result of the extrava-
gant rates of 1844), and if prices be moderate, we may,
expect a good winter demand, as the advance in cur-
rants cannot fail to assist the consumption of raisins.
Meanwhile, there has been more inquiry for Turkey
raisins this week; sales have been effected at 30s. to
325., and the principal holder is asking much higher
rates. Some new Sultanas arrived per steamer about
12th instant, and were sold at 80s."

The steamer from Halifax and Boston is now due.
The letters and papers are most anxiously looked for.
The principal feature in the Money Market to-day is
an advance to 17s. premium in the value of Exchequer-
bills. The demand is good. Consols for the Account
have been sold at 95i 4, and for Money at 95i 4. India
Stock is very firm at 258.
Spanish Bonds have been at 26k, and the Three per
Cents. at 371. Portuguese Four per Cents. are at 41i,
and Buenos Ayres at 42 to 43. The Dutch Four per
Cent. Certificates are at 94k.
In Railway Shares there is little doing to-day.
ONk. CLOSING
PRICES OF BRITISH FUNDS. O'CLOCK. PRICES.
3 per Cent. Consols Annuities 951A% %IA 95%
Long Annuities to expire Jan.lB6o
Ditto 30 years, Jan. 5, 1860 lO 1-16 10 1-16
India Stock 258 258
South Sea Stock
Ditto New Annuities
Consols for Account..... ..... 955/8% 95%
Exchequer Bills, 1,0001., 11Ad.
Ditto 500/.
Ditto Small
ONE CLOSING
O'CLOCK PRICES.

PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS.
Brazilian Bonds —
Ditto, New, 1829 and l 839 — 871/2
Buenos Ayres Bonds. 6 per Cent 421/2 42 43 43
Danish Bonds, 1825, 3 per Cent — 881/2
Granada Bonds, 1 per Cent. — 203/4
Ditto, Deferred —3%
Mexican, 5 per Cent. 1846... 25 25
Ditto. Account
Portuguese Bonds, 4 per Cent .. 413/4 413/4
Ditto, Account 4l 41

Spanish 5 per Cent. 1840.
Ditto, Account 26A, % 26%
Ditto, Deferred l7i/I 171,4
Ditto, 3 per Cent 37% 37%
Ditto, Account ...... .........
Dividends on the above payable in London.
Dutch, 21/2 per Cent .
Ditto. 4 per Cent. Certificates 941/2 941/2
PRICES or PAID. BUSINESS DONE CLOSING
BAILWAY SHARES AT ONE O'CLOCK. PRICES.
Aberdeen
Amber., Nott., Boston,
and Eastern Junction 2% 2% 2VI
Armagh, Coleraine, and
Portrush l% -
Aylesbury and Thome.. 1% -
Belfast & County Down 21/2 —
Birmin. and Gloucester. 100 129
Ditto New l7l/2 -- •••• ••. ...... -
Birmingham and Ox-
ford Junction
Birkenhead, Lancashire,
and Cheshire June—. 234
Boston, Stamfd, & Birm. 225. —
Bristol and Exeter
Ditto, New
Bristol and Gloucester 3O ..... - ....... -
Bristol and Liver. June -
Buckinghamshire
Caledonian
Ditto Half Shares 2l/2 I 1/1,... .... ..... 11A
Ditto Extension
Cambrian & Grand June 42s

Cambridge and Oxford.. 1% l%
Central Kent
Chester and Holyhead... 27% 24141/..
Churnet and Blythe
Chester and Manchester 425.
Cheltexham and Oxford 2 — .
Clydesdale Junction..... 15
Cork, Blackrock, and
Passages
Cork and Killarney ...
Cgrk and Waterford ... 11A —

Cornwall
Ditto, Half Shares ... 2t
Cornwall & Cent'lDevon 2l
1 )erby and Crewe
Direct Lincoln, East Ret-
ford, and Shedd. Jane. 2%
Direct Manchester

1%
24%

(Remington's)
Ditto (Rastrick's)......
Direct Northern
Direct Norwich
Dublin and BelfastJunc. 10
Dublin, Belfast, and
Coleraine
Dublin and Galway... 4
Dundalk & Enniskillen 7%
Eastern Counties 141. 16s 2ll/4%%........ 21%
Ditto New lOl. 16s.
Ditto Perpetual, 5 per
Cent, No. 1.......6/. 13s. 4d....
Ditto ditto. No. 2... 61. 13s. 4d... 3/4 p
Do., York Extension.. 105....... 2
Eastl)ereh'sn andNor'ch 1
Eastern Union
Ditto Quarter Shares 83/4
Do. Ditto,
1743 — ......... ....•
Do., Camb. and Ely..
East Lancashire
East Lincolnshire
East & West of England
Edinburgh and Glasgow 50
Ditto Half Shares 10
Ditto, Quarter Shares 12%
Edinburgh & Northern.. 10
Edinburgh and Perth... 3 ... .
Ely and Huntingdon ...
Enniskillen and Sligo ...
Exeter, Yeovil, & Dorset 5 lit
Glasgow, Kilmar., &Ayr 50 .....•
Ditto, New. ......... 15 .
Do., 14 Shares (5 per
cent. guar.)
-

Glouc.,AberystWith,and
Central of Wales

1%...... -

Goole, Doncaster, &c. 42a:......
Grand Union (Notting-
and Lynn

1%

3, n
A r

22
aA

721/2

Great Eas tern &Western 2 --
GreatGrimsby and Shef-
field
Great South. and West.
(Ireland)

Great Munster 2 ii; ......
Great North of Scotland 2 ......
Great Northof England..loo
Ditto New 5
Ditto, New . .
85
Ditto, New
11/2 —
Great Western 137 138 l3B
Ditto % Shares 5O —
Ditto •;,1 Shares lO
Ditto Fifths

Ditto, New
Guildford, Fare'm,Ports. 5 .....
Harwich and Eastern
Counties Junction ... 2 ......
Hull and Selby SO
Ditto 14 Shares
Do. Half Shares

Ipswich & Bury St. Edm. 111,E —
Do., do , and Norwich 21,4_ —
Irish North Midland ...
Killarney :junctions
Kendal and Windermere 1% —
Lancaster and Carlisle... 45
Do. New
Larne, Belfast, and Bal-
lymena
Leeds and Bradford 26 ...... 701
Leeds and Carlisle
Leicester & 'Birmingham 225. — . .....
Leicester and Bedford... 225. %% dis 1,4 dis.
Leeds and Dewsbury ... 17% —
Lpool., Mncbstr, & New-
castle Junction
Liverpool and Bury 14 ..
London and Blackwall. 16/. 133.4 d. 9%14,4 9
Do. New
Ditto Extension ~ 5 ......
London and Brighton 5O 59% 60 ........
Ditto, Fifths
London and Croydon, 131. 15r. 9d.
Do. Guaran. 5 per cent. 9 - ••• Se e• •••
London and Greenwich 12l 15s 4d 9l/2
Do. Preference ...18117s 2d
London, Hounslow, and
Western
London and N. Westernloo 199 200 2OO

6L

7036

-
94
5

213/4
91/,

Do. Quarters
Do., do., New Shares.. 2

20%

Ditto Fifths
Ditto, Eighths (G. J.) 1214 — .
Do., New 4 Shares
(G. J.)
Do 40/. Shares (L. M.) 8 —
Lond. & S.Western 41/ 6s 10d 70% ...... ... ....
Do. New Consol. Bths 40
Do. New
Do. New
London and York 2%...... 13/4 %

7 0 I/4

-
1'

71,--
, sj .
C:t.G! • "At.,
• _ _
-
AcArip", ..;;te. •
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