The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-18 00:00:00

WATH-UPON-DEARNE IMPROVEMENT.

.....
The customary proofs having been put in, the Committee declared
that the standing orders had been complied with.

DUBLIN MARKETS.
Standing orders complied with.
WOLVERZIAMPTON STIPENDIARY JUSTICE
The Committee gave a similar decision in this case.

NORTHAMPTON SMALL DEBTS.
This Bill was withdrawn.
LINCOLN WATERWORKS.I

Standing orders complied with in this case, except as to the
evidence of as absent witness.
WORCESTER OAS.

And in this also,

DUBLIN CEMETERIES.
The promoters were declared to have complied with the standing
orders.

BRITISH GUARANTEE ASSOCIATION.

No notice of this Bill having been !given in the Gazette (which
the agent stated was not necessary), the Committee stated that they
would report non-compliance with the standing orders in that respect,
but in all ethers compliance.
LEGAL QUAN.'S (LONDON).
The Committee decided that in this case the standing orders
did net apply, and that leave would of course be given to
proceed with the Bill without the service of any notice.
The Parliamentary agents are Messrs. Parrett and Walmesley, of
the House of Lords.
ST. ALBAN'S, HATFIELD, AND HERTFORD.

Adjourned at the request of the agent till Tuesday next.
The Committee then adjourned.

EMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

(THIS_DAY.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
POOR-LAW (IRELAND) BILL.
Sir J. GRAHAM (in continuation from our Afternoon
Edition)—The majority of Irish landlords invariably fund
labour on their estates for those who needed it, and gave cha-
rity to those who were unable to work, so that, in fact, on
their property poverty did not exist. It was true that some
neglected those who lived on their estates, and who were
suffering all the ills of poverty. on whom, perhaps, a tax
ought to be levied in order to raise a sufficient fund to sup-
port those indigent persons. But the imposition of such a tax
would have a similar effect to that of the old poor-law in this
country, and, therefore, in policy and equity, he was against the
introduction of such a tax into Ireland, because a temporary
evil should not be met by remedies, the permanent effects of
which would be dangerous. Its imposition would be incon-
si'tent with the welfare of that country, especially to the
owners of property, would be dangerous in the extreme to a
great body of the people, and a torrent of pauperism would
be caused, which both the owners and renters of land would
find it impossible to support.—(Hear.) He repeated that
the evil was of a temporary nature, and that it ought there-
fore to be met with temporary remedies.—(Hear.) When
the peculiar circumstances of Ireland were considered,
they would find that she contributed her quota
of taxation, and therefore when famine and distress prevailed
he thought they ought to be alleviated out of the general
taxation of the kingdom, not in the nature of a dole, but as
an amount of money given out of the taxation of the country,
to which Ireland contributed her fair share, in order to meet
the evils which her inhabitants were threatened by the
failure of the potato crop. He hoped then that the people of
Ireland would perceive that the Government and the Legis-
lature were exceedingly anxious to aid them in the time of
need, and that they had shown sympathy for their sufferings,
by devising early measures for the alleviation of their sufferings.
As a question of policy, he was opposed to the introduction
of a land-tax to meet a pressing hut temporary emergency,
because he thought it would be dangerous in the extreme
rto impose new burdens on an impoverished country.—(llear,
hear. He had ventured to trouble the House at greater
lengt than he intended, because he thought it expedient
that the views which he entertained after much deliberation
should be fully explained.—(Hear.)
Mr. S. O'BRIEN asked what alterations the lion. Baronet
proposed to introduce in the Bill when in Committee ?
Sir J. GRAHAM said he should propose the substitution
of the words "poor" for "destitute," and " epidemic" instead
of " fever."

Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN said nothing could be more fair
than the spirit in which this subject had been discussed by
the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear.) He hoped to discuss it
with the same ;feeling - but in the remarks which he should
feel it his duty to address to the House, if anything should
fall from him contrary to that, he trusted they would not
consider that it was put forward with any intention of offend-
ing the Right llon. Baronet. They were all agreed that it
was desirable to take measures to prevent the epidemic
which would result from the failure of the potato
crop, in order to meet future contingencies;
but, in his opinion, the Bill which the Government had in-
troduced with the intention of accomplishing this otject
was inadequate to the emergency. He found, by reference
to the Irish Poor-law Act, that the guardians of every poor-
law union are empowered to provide relief for persons af-
fected with contagious or other diseases in the workhouses
under their control during their illness and convalescence,
to afford them such food as they might deem necessary,
with the consent of the Poor-law Commissioners, and that
the expense should be paid out of the rates paid by the
inhabitants of each union. Under this law there were 88
fever hospitals connected with unions, in all of which this rule
had been carried out, whenever necessity arose. He thought
therefore that the Right Hon. Baronet should have brought
forward corn. case in which the guardians of one or more of
these unions had neglected or refused to carry out this pro-
vision ; he had not, however, done so, but the Bill he had in-
troduced showed that he considered that the poor-law guardians
had neglected their duty. The Bill would introduce the prin-
ciple of imperative taxation, which was much complained of
in Ireland, and apparently without achieving any great object.
It also gave power to the Executive to appoint fresh medical
officers, certainly at the expense of the state, who were to
supersede the officers now employed in the different unions.
It appeared to him, however, that the people of Ireland did
not want fever hospitals, but food at the present moment.
He could not help saying that the commercial policy of the
Government, if carried, would improve the trade of Ireland,
because the exports would most likely be increased from
12,000,0001. to 15,000,0004 by which, of course, great num-
bers would obtain that employment which was now denied
them. One hundred and seventy returns from twenty-seven
counties showed that the poor had been living for some
time on diseased potatoes, and that in a very short time the
whole of their supply of provisions would be exhausted.
He believed that the protectionists of Ireland would have
had no objection to the opening of the ports in November last
for the admission of corn; at least such was the feeling pre-
valent amongst all classes in Ireland. It was the duty of
Government, when such a crisis was depending, to have
assembled Parliament, and then such measures would have
been adopted as would have rendered unnecessary any appeal
to the public purse. As regarded railway expenses, it was
manifest that it would be impossible that any funds from
that source would come into circulation in connexion with
any railway Bills to be considered this session. Had
the Government taken these projects into consideration in
November last—(Hear, hear)—their benefit might have been
felt at the period when it would most be wanted. The Right
Hon. Gentleman had said that Bills for public works had
been forwarded in order that Ireland might feel the benefit
of the employment they would occasion. There was the
Drainage Bill, the Bill for County 'Works, for which
100,000/. was to be advanced ; the Publ:c Works Bill, for
which 50,0001, was to be advanced; and the Fisheries Piers
Bill, for which 50,0001. was to be advanced. They would
certainly be better than grants, and had he (Mr. S. O'Brien)
been speaking to an Irish Parliament he would have re-
commended similar measures to them, for he considered
that the principle of indiscriminate charity was one
of the most demoralising and debasing kind.—(Hear.)
If they would do what, in his opinion, they ought to do, they
would not find it necessary to make these demands on the
public Exchequer. About four or five millions per annum
were received from Ireland by absentees living iu England
or on the Continent, and if these people resided in their own
country, it was his belief that there would not only be no
prospect of starvation, but that the people would get better
food, Let the Government levy a tax oa the absentees, and
they might keep their grants in their pockets. A tax of
10 per cent. on four millions would give 400,0001., which
could be applied to the relief and benefit of Ireland.
It was not customary for him (Mr. S. O'Brien) to suggest
measures of improvement to her Majesty's Ministers, yet he
had no hesitation in saying that the principle of lOUs, if
carried out, would be productive of great advantage.—(Hear,
hear.) An Hon. Member had spoken of the employment
afforded by railway projects ; but he (Mr. O'Brien)
could say that, from the stagnation in the money
market and other causes, there was a general indis-
position at the present moment to pay up the shares,
and consequently the projects were rather in a
state if suspension than otherwise Now he wished to ask,
and
there any reason why Government should not interpose
carry
necessary o
forn the
theirworks,
completionth y
?beingeff
ear,
secured
hear.)A
thesgd
re advancesregarded
the loans advanced to Ireland, he should say they were so
many evidences of the British Exchequer having profited
largely—(Hear, hear)--for England first borrowed the money
at three per cent, and then lent it to Ireland at five per cent):
Now, with respect to levying local taxes, the Honourable
Member for Stroud was for levying rates for the support of
the poor. He (Mr. S. O'Brien) did not object to a rate, but
shths.
lie thought that small farmers ought to be exempted, 1 ile
those holding annuities from land should be rendered while
those was cherry of forcing his advice on the Government,.
but he now felt nohesittat, hesitation inndeoinnogwso:v
Ilee dl these had done
to
give
so
even on the Coercion Bill, and it was under discussion for
everal mouths.—(Laughter.)
the inions
of the Irish Members and those untry
time for the consideration siner mteaesustreeauinati op
that co
could be obtained upon it.
not only
AKLEY said, to Ireland, but to
the t Memberaax
tendfeodr
he
felt
Sir J. GRAHAM said, that
every tphsertßoifllthweouulnditeexdtKenindgdit,sanelf.
Stroud for having introduced
Mr. W
disgraceful thing that
system, and he considered it a very
om He could-laws
see no reaso th the m gratefuleasu r teo
ing in different parts of the kingd •
there should be very different systems of poor
-laws prevail-
why the poor of
In Ireland the desti-
tute man, who was starving, was not entitled to relief,
law 14 the people of England enjoy.
Ireland were not entitled to as good a poor-
n
while if he came to England he received relief.
An Ilcat, MAXBER—Iii Is entitled to beg.
Mr. VirAKLEY—What a splendid privilege is conferred
upon him! But whynot make it a crime, as it is made in Eng-
land, to beg, and why uot give relief to those who are destitute ?