The Sun.
London, England, 1870-10-20 00:00:00

AN INTERVIEW WITH BISMARCK.

La Gironde publishes an account of a long conversation
between an Englishman and Count Bismarck, which took
place on a day when the political autocrat of Prussia was
in an unusually communicative mood. He is subject, ac-
cording to his critics, to fits of almost savage silence, which
nothing can draw him out of, but at other times he speaks
with a franknesss and ease which the diplomatists of the
old school cannot understand. The English-
man in question belonged formerly to the
diplomatic body, and had held for some time a
post at the Court of Dresden. Journeying through
France to Spain in search of health, he visited the Prus-
sian headquarters to renew his acquaintance with some of
his Saxon friends. They received him very cordially, and
invited him to a breakfast, where, of course, politics and
the war were the engrossing topics. The Saxons were not
very cordial respecting the Prussians, and declared that
before the war there had been Prussia, Saxony, Bavaria,
all separate States, but that Napoleon had used the un-
lucky word rectification of frontiers, and from that day
dated the Empire of Germany. Bismarck has gilded the
the pill cleverly, said one, and is trying hard to persuade
us that " the tail of a lion is better than the head of a rat."
The Englishman upon this expressed his desire to renew
his acquaintance with the great man, and his Saxon
friends introduced him into the Chancellor's presence.
Bismarck, as we have said, was in high good humour.
"My health, gentlemen," he said, in reply to a polite in-
quiry, "has never been better than since my death—
according to the French papers. What," he asked the
Englishman, " are they saying in London about
all this ?" The reply was that England re-
gretted to see the war d l'outrance between two
great nations. Bismarck said that Voltaire stated Germany
had but one fault—there were too many Germans. For
his own part, he liked France, but found a different fault
—there were not enough Frenchmen. There was a serious
intelligent, thoughtful France behind the false France
which was always in agitation, oscillating between vaude-
ville and melodrama. The Romans said of the Gauls that
they knew two things—how to fight bravely and to speak
finely, and their descendants are alternately condemned
to pettifogging and militarism. The Englishmen inter-
rupted with the exclamation, " Militarism ! and your-
selves ?" Bismarck answered, " No, no, that is a mis-
take. We are an armed nation, but not a military
Government. You in England reform in order to
preserve. In Spain and Italy the people agitate, yet
neglect matters. In France what is quickly
constructed is as quickly overthrown. Barracks and
palaces are alike destroyed and rebuilt. We are only
laying the foundations of our edifice, and cannot have our
work interrupted every moment. Our only object in the
war is to secure a permanent peace." " The Constitutional
Assembly," suggested the Englishman, " will, in esta-
blishing a regular Government, soon enable you to sign
it." " Soon ? " answered Bismarck. "We shall not dis-
cuss it seriously except in Paris with the keys of Metz
and Strasbourg in our pockets." Questioned as to
the Assembly, he replied it would be too soon and too
late, and the fate of the Republic would depend on
its willingness to make terms with Germany, for the
party was strong in France, and Germany would treat
with its representatives only. Reminded that the siege
of Paris might be tedious, and that meanwhile armies
were being organised throughout France, Bismarck ac-
knowledged that neither courage, arms, nor numbers
would be wanting, but said the last Prussian soldier
knew he was fighting for his cottage before Paris. "It is
a terrible war ! " exclaimed the Englishman. "It is
more than a war, Sir John," said Bismarck ; "it is a
phase of history of which the war is an expression. The
old European system is crumbling, and new centres of
civilisation are being formed, but force is necessary for
the process." " Did the French Revolution," asked his
visitor, " inaugurate a new era by the famous declaration of
the rights of man ?" Bismarck answered, "No ; for it ad-
mitted the declaration of the duties of man. Liberty is
not a theme for political metaphysics, or street songs.
She is a goddess who asks no human sacrifices. She is
bourgeois rather than child of the people, and aristocrat
more than either. She is austere and laborious, exacting
many virtues and little noise, the life of mind and soul,
not of the public place and the tavern. A new religion
wants a new people. A simple faith needs simple hearts.
If you see such around you we will say no more. But,
pardon, I must leave you. lam doing nothing but speak,
but dream, perhaps, and notwithstanding I am a man of
action." This, concludes the narrator, was the conver-
sation with the Prussian sphinx. Is he actor, a thinker,
or only—a Prussian?

A GERMAN AGAINST THE ANNEXATION
OF ALSACE AND LORRAINE.
, Karl Vogt, a distinguished German professor, has ad-
, dressed a letter to a friend in Geneva, which takes a
contrary view to that expressed by Doctor Strauss, re-
garding the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine. He
considers the present war to be the necessary consequence
of the campaign of 1866, and on both sides of the Rhine
it was expected for a long time. During the four years
which have elapsed, both 01 Berlin and at Paris, efforts
were made to excite the popular feeling, and not to calm
it. Bismarck had an advantage <over Napoleon, for he
could afford to wait, while the Emperor had the Revolu-
tion to think of. The Germans have accomplished great
things, but it remains to be seen if they are not
going too far. It may well be questioned how
far they are justified in appealing to necessity to justify
their conduct; and if carried to the extreme their present
policy will not be a greater injustice than the iniquitous
attacks which they have just repulsed. In considering
the terms of peace which should be imposed on France the
annexation and the conquest of Alsace and Lorraine en-
gages attention. Many people confound " natural fron-
tiers " with " national " ones. The French say that rivers
separate and mountains and valleys unite, while the Ger-
mans declare that the rivers unite, and the mountains and
valleys separate. While they complain of the French
because they claim the Rhine as a natural frontier, the
Germans are indignant with them for not giving the
Vosges up to them. With regard to historical considera-
tions, its may be true that the inhabitants of Alsace
are German, but if justice is to be done,
according to historical views the Germans must apply the
principles to themselves. They still keep the district of
Northern Schleswig in the Northern Confederation in
spite of treaties that have been solemnly agreed to and
against the wish of the people, who protest every year
through their deputies against the policy pursued towards
them. Force may be excused, but when one covers one's
actions with the cloak of hypocrisy it . is another thing,
and the proceeding calls for condemnation. The proposed
annexation must be condemned because no reason can be
given in its favour. The French arguments may be dis-
posed of as to the honour of France being inseparably
connected with the possession of Alsace, and that its loss
would cause France to sink to a power of the second
rank. The annexation must be objected to
because it is opposed to the wish of the people.
No political sympathy for Germany can be found among
them, and the German army have found out by this time
that the preservation of the German language does not
prevent the Alsatians from being de voted to the cause of
France. Louis Napoleon, in making his annexations,
made an appearance of consulting the populations who
were affected thereby, but in the present case brutal force
is the only one appealed to. The annexation would be a
foolish act iu a political sense. It would weaken Ger-
many to be obliged to mount guard over a million of dis-
affected men. Alsace is conquered, and let the province
decide whether it shall belong to France or Germany,
and, according to its decision, let future arrangements be
made. If this plan be pursued, the Alsatians will become
good neighbours, and the war of 1870 will have been a
storm that is succeeded by a calm.