The Sun.
London, England, 1848-07-22 00:00:00

'... ....t',_ ~ . ,

IMPERIAL PARLIAM El\
I

(THIS DAY.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The SPEAKER took the Chair Five minute lacer
Twelve o'clock.

THIRD READINGS.

The following Bills were read a third time and
passed :
- -

Exeter and Exmouth Railway Acts Am m 'm?nt.
Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (A,uLLdment
Acts and Regulation of Capital).
LORDS' AMENDMENTS.

The Lords' amendments to Payne's Patents (I nprovc-
went in Preserving Vegetable Matters) Bill was con-
sidered and agreed to.

STATE OF IRELAND.
Lord J. RUSSELL rose and said—Mr. Speaker, I
never felt so deep a concern in bringing any question be-
fore this House as that which I now feel in proposing to
this House to suspend for a limited time the constitutional
liberties of Ireland. I feel, however, at the same time
that the measure I am about to propose is not only
necessary for the preservation of life and property in
Ireland—it is necessary for the purpose of prevent-
ing bloodshed—but it is necessary to put a stop to in-
cipient insurrection, and is eminently called for to secure
the safety of the British empire.—(bear, and cheers.)
It is from such a conviction in my own mind that I pro-
pose to state to the House at once the grounds upon
which I rest the proposition I am now about to make.
It appears to me, Sir, that the measure I have to pro-
pose is absolutely necessary on these grounds. The
one is, that the present state of Ireland is fraught
with evil—that it threatens danger—that we are on
the eve of an outbreak if not timely repressed.
The second is, that there are means sufficient to produce
great injury and great danger unless some measures are
adopted to prevent them. The third is, that the measure
which I shall have the honour to propose is that remedy
which appears most appropriate to the present cala-
mitous state of Ireland. With respect to the first of
these propositions, with regard to the present state of
Ireland, I do not propose to rest my case on any secret
information, or on any grounds known solely to the
Government of this country, or upon information of a
doubtful or uncertain character, but I propose to
rest it upon facts patent, notorious, and flagrant.
After the passing of the Emancipation Act there were
-various institutions established in Ireland under the di-
rection of Mr. O'Connell for the promotion of the repeal
of the legislative union, and this House is well aware
that while these associations were in progress—while at
the meetings of its members which took place for the
purpose of promoting repeal, where the most exciting
language was used—language that hardly fell short of
sedition—there was on the part of the leader of that
movement one settled conviction that no polical change
was worth one single drop ot blood, and he held out to the
multitude who followed him that it was by the force of
great collections of people, expressing their views peace-
ably and determindly, that their object of the repeal of
the union was to be attained.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I
Ida not making any comment upon those movements ;
lam not arguing whether they were lawful—whether
they were wise—or whether they were just—l am
Merely recalling to the recollection of Hon. Members
that which they have already' known. Towards the
end of that course of action, and towards the close of the
life. of Mr. O'Connell, there broke away from the Repeal
Association a new party, which took a course different
both
in the object to be attained and the
means by which it was proposed to effect it.
The object that Mr. O'Connell and the Repeal Associa-
tion had held out to the people of Ireland was, that the
Act of Union might be repealed—that a Parliament
might sit in Ireland consisting of Lords and Commons,
and that as the Parliament sat in Ireland from
1783 to 1800,, so likewise by the repeal of the union an-
other Parliament might be again summoned to sit in
Dublin. As I have said, this declared object of the Re-
Peal Association was to be obtained by a peaceful move-
ment, but although the second party held forth the
seine object,and counselled similar measures for its attain-
ment, yet I think it is quite evident to any one who exa-
mire s their tactics, their true object was the total
seraration of Ireland from England.—(Hear, hear.)
hey held forth, with certain lax conditions, that Ire-
laud was to be totally separated from England, that the
councils of the Sovereign of this country were not at all
to enact the course of legislation or of administration in
that country; they pointed entirely to the separation of
the two nations, and to the independence of Ireland un-
der some other form of government.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir, whatever might be taught—whatever I might think,
as to one of the proposals for a repeal of the union, as
tending to lead to a dismemberment of the
empire—that was a matter of reasoning and
argument but the separation which the second party
contended for was obvious. It was, clear and plain on
the face of their movement, the object, and the meansliy
which they proposed to attain it. From the beginning
the means they suggested were distinguished by phy-
sical force as opposed to moral force. That is to say, by
the term physical force they intended no less than a
rebellion against the Crown of these kingdoms, and
they hoped, by means of that rebellion, if successful, to
establish a separate Government in Ireland.—(Hear,
hear.) Sir, whatever there might be either in the
disguise of their objects or the want of power
to carry them into execution, a great stimulus has been
given to the movement by the events which have taken
Place within 'the last few months. The misfortune fell
Upon Ireland of a blight in the potato crop and the want
of food for millions of her people, and the artificial means
which had to be resorted to for supplying the deficiency
afforded the leaders of the movement the means of fur-
thering their object, the procuring a separation between
the two countries, and of exciting the passions of the
People against the Government. As far as I know, they
did nothing to appease the passions of the people or to
supply their wants; while, oa the other hand, eight mil-
lions were lavished by this House upon Ireland, and
400,0001. was contributed towards mitigating the suffer-
ings of her people by the charitably-disposed inhabit-
ants of England and .cotla,nd.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
All that was contributed on the part of these persons
was seditious harangues and inflammatory appeals to
the passions, and by misrepresenting the motives of this
Country in voting the money, and the amount of the con-
tributions that were given.—(Hear.) But, Sir, when
Ireland was in some degree, but very slowly, recovering
from that great calamity—when the evils consequent
Upon it, though still very severe, were somewhat miti-
gated —there occurred an event in a neighbouring
country which has been productive of encouragement to
all who wish to overthrow established institutions
to all who wish to promote rebellion
Ito all who believe that the Crown and Government of
the empire may be overthrown by force. We cannot
forget that immediately upon that event a deputation
was sent to Paris, comprising among its number a
Member of this House—(Sear, hear) —with a view of
asking the assistance from that country which had first
let the example of rebellion—with a view to obtain the
means
ot resistance against the authorities of this country.
That negotiation was unsuccessful. The Government of
France, though springing out of revolution, felt its
duties towards neighbouring countries paramount,
and refused, to lend its aid.—(Loud cheers.)
But, Sir, although that event failed, the projects of
These parties went on, and there was little or no disguise
Wane
further attempted as to what was in their minds.
We may all remember that a newspaper was set up called
the United Irishman, to whose articles I will not call
the particular attention of this House, or make any ob-
servations with respect to the author of them, because
he is now suffering the penalty of the offence which he
committed; but I wish to call the attention of this Rouse
to the fact, because great sympathy has been shown for
that person, and many have identified themselves with the
Sentiments which the author of those articles expressed,
and which were found in Ireland to be articles tending
to the overthrow of the Government of that country by
the dispossession of the Queen from her throne and her
dominions. It is notorious, I say, that every kind of sym-
pathy has been shown for the editor of that paper—
that every sort of indignation has been expressed that
a person who had"enunciated such sentiments should
have' been •punished. It has been declared that he is
one of the best patriots of Ireland, and that so far from
deservindamishment, :he deserved the best thanks of
his country. In the same sense another newspaper,
which I now hold in my hand has spoken—l mean the
Irish Felon, so called, because it succeeded the Unite 4
Irishman, the proprietor of which had been convicted
of felony. I wish to read a passage from the writings
of une of the contributors, James F. Lalor, who, in a
few words, states the spirit of the sentiments of the
party with whom he is acting. (The Noble Lord then
read the letter, which was to to the effect that
under the existing Government all the rights
of property were mere usurpations and tyranny,
Whose sway it was their purpose to abolish
entirely, or lose their lives in the attempt.
The right by which they held the island was that ot
Conquest, which was the right of the robber on a
large scale. Ireland could not be bound to obey laws
that were passed without her consent. The present
salvation and future security of this country required
that' the • English Government should at once be
abolished and the English garrison instantly expelled.)
The advice went on to urge the people to organise
and take up arms in their own defence, and we shall
set an example by arming and organizing our-
selves.--(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Now, Sir these
Passages contain in a few words the object of this con-
spiracy, and the means by which that object is intended
to be obtained. It is declared at once—first, that the
Itoparial Government, not of England alone, but the
Government which represents England, Scotland, and
Ireland, is to be utterly abolished—it purposes to take
away from the Queen all her authority, and at the
Bums time to abolish at once all the rights of property.
Some, indeed, have made a sort of menacing salvo with
respect to those whom they are desirous should join
them in the rebellion; but with respect to the great body
of those who hold property in Ireland—property which
they have acquired by industry—they. are to be d.-
Prised of their rights—in short, the right of of pro-
Party is to be altogether abolished. It is proposed
that the means of effecting this object is by arming,
and being ,ready to encounter any force which
may threaten to put them down.—(Hear, hear.)
here is 'another article written more lately, it is in the
-Nation of the 3d of July. I need not read it to the
house at length, but it is called " The Value of the Irish
harvest." It is stated that there is growing upon the
Irish soil 80,000,0001. worth of produce, and it will be
for the Irish Government, or such Government as may-
be appointed, to consider in what manner that produce
Should be apportioned—what portion may be given
to those who now hold rights of property,
What portion to those who encourage industry, and what
Portion is necessary for the purposes of the Government;