The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-21 00:00:00

night, and one after another, to these seven Manchestea
Members.—(Renewed laughter.) Why, the bare idea over-
powers one. It would require one of the Parliamentary giants
of a bygone period to cope with so Herculean a
task. nut then Liverpool and Glasgow are to have the
same number. Conceive Liverpool and Glasgow each with
seven Members —( Laughter)—all statistical Members.
(Roars of laughter.) And then Dublin is-to have six. Now,
as there is always a petition against the Members for Dublin,
there will be constantly as a matter of course, six petitions
to be tried.—(Renewed laughter.) Well, then, Birmingham
and Leeds are to have five Members, and Bristol and
Sheffield four, and the metropolis is to return upwards of
forty Members.—(Hear, and laughter.) Such is a part of
the new system which we are called upon to carry out. This
new constitution is to confer as many Members for London
as all Scotland has at present, and the pamphlet asserts that
London is entitled to them in consequence of its population
and wealth. The only objection to the new scheme is, that
when we get the men together, we may, indeed, have some-
thing called the House of Commons, but then, unfortunately,
this House of Commons will, probably, be neither able to
govern themselves nor the country, and the country would
not probably obey them.--(Hear, hear.) It is very easy
to form these plans, but their working out is quite
another matter. Why not go the whole length of
the Honourable Member for Oldham (Mr. Fox), and have
universal suffrage at once, for his speech led to that? We
have sufficient experience to know—recent experience—that
in a country, however civilised, however educated, when
you elect all the Members by universal suffrage. the people
may, after all that, laugh in their face.—(Hear, hear.)
What has happened in a National Assembly in a neighbour-
ing country? And Parliament is to be elected by this con-
stitution? Sir, I say at once, as it is the fashion to lay
down principles, that there is no such thing as governing
any European country, except by ancient and traditionary
influence, and great properties round which men may rally.
—(Loud cheers. ) These gentlemen may succeed—they
are doubtless sincere. I predict no results from their
theory which I do not think inevitably flow from it, but I
will again warn them that without traditionary influences and
large properties, it would be impossible to govern England
or any European country; and feeling in this manner, and
having experience to guide me, they cannot blame me if I
prefer the liberty which we enjoy to the liberalism which
is promised—(Hear, hear)—and think there is something
better than the rights of man, and that is the rights of Eng-
lishmen.—(Loud cheers.) I have now attempted to demon-
strate that the measure proposed is crude, unsatisfactory, and
inefficient, and does not, in fact, satisfy the real popular
longings in this country.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I want to
show the House what is the real character and object of
these measures—what they will lead to, and what are its
dangers. Now, Sir—everything I have heard, and every-
thing I have read—all go to prove this fact—that although
they may call it a popular movement—although they make
concessions in some points—though they may throw dust in the
eyes of the people—yet that, after all, this is nothing more or
less than a middle-class movement.—(Hear.) I beg the
House to observe what this class has already done in the
way of legislative enterprise. But do not let me be sup-
posed for a moment, in anything I say of the middle classes,
as meaning anything disrespectful to them—no one in the
H thoroughly
House more
achievements am well acqu
ireciates the urban population
and their great
what they have done for human nature and for civilization,
abated wth
and I am opposed t(oaenyr
class that, from success, desires to
be predominant.—(gear,
hear.) And we are under some
obligations to Honourable
frank avowal—their ambitionentlemen opposite for their
hear.) They say the middle
nut concealed.--(Hear,
supe-
rior intelligence and wealth, class possesses
superior power. They tell us tel7a- t
the great towns in
it
ought to have
the north of England ought to govern
the country. Hav-
ing given us such fair warning of their intentions, let me re-
mind them and the country of the
trprisea. consequences of their
former attempts in great legislative enterprises, ;The first
was the abolition of the slave trade, a we
carried in total ignorance of the subject. measure that was
first experiment at colonial reform. And the abolitionatwas your
of the
slave trade ended in great disasters, and involved us
peril and difficulty, entirely from the crude manner ' in which
in
great
the afl'air was consummated. Well, next comes the Refenn
Bill. I need not prove how they failed in Parliamentary
reform. The speeches on the other side of the
to-night, and, indeed, the motion itself, clearly House
esta-
blishes that failure.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, Sir, ttried their hands at commercial reform, and carried it. IN's
plain to any one that in that measure the interests of the
capitalists were completely studied, and the interests of the
labouring population whoolly overlooked.—(Hear, hear.)
Well, then the reform of the colonies was a failure--the re-
form of Parliament was a failure—the commercial reform
was a failure. Colonial reform has ended in colonial ruin.
Parliamentary reform has been, by your confession, a de-
cided failure, and as for the effects of commercial reform, I
have only to appeal to the pictures which you yourselves
are continually drawing of the present state of England.—
(Hear, hear.) And what is the remedy for all this disap-
pointment ? A new scheme, which is to give seven Members
to Manchester and finance reform. The Noble Lord at the
head of the Government expressed his opinion that this is
not a popular movement. In that I agree with him. The
Hon. Member for Montrose says there was no agitation until
the Noble Lord said the people did not want reform,showing
the recent and unsubstantial character of the agitation—hav-
ing its rise in the captious expression of a Minister. But I
will tell the House how this affair has ban arranged. In
consequence of the organization and agitation of England
by the middle classes a new profession has sprung up in this
country. The profession to which I allude was the result of
the organization necessary to carry out a great question.
Sir, a new profession has arisen, and that is the profession of
agitation.—(Cheers and laughter.) Well, Sir, when Hon.
Gentlemen cheer, do they deny my assertion? Do they
recollect the observation—

" Quemves hominum secum attulit ad nos.
Grammaticus, Rhetor, Geometres, Pictor, Aliptes
Augur, Schcenobates, Medici Magi. omina novit
Grreculus esuriens in ccelum jusseris ibit."
—(Roars of laughter.) Perhaps 1 am wrong in saying that
profession is new to us. It is new to us. It existed in a
country, as this passage shows, as powerful, and, perhaps,
much more corrupt than England is at this moment. It is
this new profession, Sir, which produces what are called
"great questions," but when a great question is carried, it is
the ruin of the profession. —(Great laughter.) The Chairman
has no ehair to fill—the deputy-chairman cannot represent
his Hon. Friend—the committeeman has no business—the
pamphleteer has no pamphlet to write—the lecturer is idle,
and the orator is silent.—(Renewed laughter.) Therefore
the instant a great question is passed, the "profession" is
all anxiety to firirl'-qu„t another great question.—(Grest,
laughter.) I believe tlrte of the most cruel' things which the
Right Hon. Baronet the Membetlfoe tTanpworth ever did
was to have curtailed the labours of the profession too soon.
Before the ship comes into the harbour another should
always be looming in the distance.—(Cheers.) After the
last great exploit of the middle classes—free imports,
ludicrously called free trade—the " profession" felt restless
and hungry. The Hon. Member for the West Riding
having accomplished his purpose, like a great man, went
abroad.—(A laugh.) The profession should look about for
a new question—a great one of course—the one they turned
up was "perpetual peace," which they were fortunate enough
to bring forward just on the eve of universal war.—(Great
laughter.) It was a fatal mistake, and therefore, after one
or two foolish speeches, the question was coolly shelved.
And, Sir, the profession would have been at an utter loss
but for this fortunate pamphlet.—(Laughter.) We have
now the great question of electoral districts, for the old ones
of extension of the suffrage were quite " used up," and it
was this plan of carving the country into districts that
gave a dash of novelty and zest to the whole thing. The
originators felt their way like the most delic ate artists, and
used the utmost finesse and dexterity, well knowing that
there was no kind of enthusiasm amongst the people for the
project. It is headed the "New Reform Movement." I may
state that I take this report from a newspaper that is the re-
cognised organ of the new party, and avows itself to be so.
" New League Movement in Manchester.—lt is well known
that the members of the Anti-Corn-law League have, ever
since the dissolution of that ',body, held occasional meetings
in Manchester." Did we not hear it constantly repeated
that the Anti-Corn-law Association was entirely. confined
to that sole purpose? But now we see that, ever since their
last great success, they have been holding occasional meet-
ings, not knowing what to do.—(Laughter.) This is their
own account of the matter :—" Newhall-buildings, the
locus quo of which has already become famous, and the
site of which will hereafter be sedulously traced by the local
historian and the antiquary, is likely to have its celebrity
still farther enhanced by a new movement, of which a pre-
liminary meeting was recently held. It was attended by
Mr. R. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Kershaw, Mr. J. B. Smith.
George Wilson, Esq., the Chairman of the Anti-Corn-law
League, presided." The meeting which, we are told, was
private, and was merely preliminary, was intended to collect
the opinions of its members as to household suffrage, trien-
nial Parliaments, and equal electoral districts.—(Laughter
and applause.) It was ultimately agreed that a circular,
signed by the chairman, should be forwarded to all who had
supported the free-trade movement ; that in this way the
public opinion might be obtained with regard to the points
under discussion. Public opinion, therefore, did not give
them the points—(Cheers)—with a view that decided mea-
sures might afterwards be taken by the public at large. The
following is the circular referred to :
" Dear Sir,—A. number of gentlemen have met here to-day
to consider what steps should be taken to promote a more
cordial union of all classes of reformers in favour of an im-
provement in our system of Parliamentary representation.
They feel that increasing public expenditure and increasing
taxation are causes of the deepest anxiety, and they doubt
the possibility of any permanent remedy being applied
whilst the taxpayers are for the most part excluded from
direct influence in Parliament. I have been requested to ad-
dress this circular to you to ascertain how far you think the
extension of the franchise to all householders, with the pro-
tection of the ballet, the more equal distribution of the elec-
toral power by means of electoral districts, aadthe shortening
of the duration of Parliaments to a pefiod not exceeding three
years, would afford a system of representation such as the
middle classes, now partially enfranchised, would generally
acquiesce in—(Laughter)—and which the nnenfranchised
classes would accept as a substantial admission to their legi-
timate place in the Constitution. I shall be glad also to
know whether you think that at the present time a move-
ment is desirable—(Great cheering and laughter)—in favour
of the changes I have indicated, and if you are disposed to
co-operate with an association founded for the purpose of
promoting them. I shall be glad, also, to know what, so
far as you have ascertained, is the prevailing feeling of the
inhabitants of your town or district on the subject to which
I have referred.—(Shouts of Hear, hear.') The replies to_
this circular will not be published—(Laughter)—and I will
thank you to favour me with an answer at your earliest con-
venience." .
To this document there is appended the signature of a
gentleman whom I will not call distinguished, for that
would be 'a prostitution of the word so notorious, for that
would be offensive; but 1 will say the well-known George
IVilson.—(Hear, hear.) Now I have shown to the
.House,
without the slightest exaggeration, quoting from their own
documents, the way in which these things are got up.—
(Cheers.) But the remarkable circumstance in the present
movement is this, that it has not in the slightest degree
originated with any class of the people, even it the people
had been misled; for it is possible that there may be a po-
pular movement, and that movement an erroneous one.
But this movement is an erroneous one, and it is not
popular.—(Cheers.) The moral I draw—observing this
system of organized agitation—this system of playing and
faltering with the popular passions for the aggrandise-
ment of one too ambitious class—the moral I draw is this,
Why should the people of England be forced to find their
leaders in these persons? The proper leaders of the peoPle
of England are the gentry of England.—(Cheers.) Milers
they are leaders I see no reason why they should be gentry.
—(Renewed cheering.) It is because Hon. Gentlemen are
negligent of their duties—it is because they are unmindful of
the duties of their high station—that this system of pro-
fessional agitation, so ruinous to the best interests of the
country, has arisen in England. It was not always so.
Honourable Gentlemen call themselves the country party.
That was the name once of an English party who were
the foremost to vindicate the popular rights. They
were the natural leaders of the people—the champions of
everything that was natural and popular. Yon may blame
yourselves, and yourselves alone, if you have allowed the
power which was entrusted to you by the constitution to
slip out of your hands, and to be exercised for interests and
purposes other than the general god and
.the national