The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-20 00:00:00

TfirS SUN, LONDON. TUESDAY EVICNING, JUNE 20; 1848.

i

ati.ex-e-li‘ang:e respecti;e products between
e tin ti).r eiiin'elS_t,al;spuolat.tion of the West Indies and th
America.—(Hear, hear.) What di:t
th!.lNWeb:e Friend mean to do about the heavy salsrits
now paid to official personages in these' Colo
Did thinkthat they would ^ pEw he
ar.) their governors
7,000/. a year a piece?—(ilear.
Penn upon it the whole system must b,
ishangeadi;d
or the whole thing given up.—(Hear, hear.)
ruched' deservedly as many, he might say all, of these
evi:frnors were respected, valuable as were the ser-
_ro,_ t 9 mention particular instances—of Lord Harris
n Upuon t. Sir Charles Grey, his Noble Friend might rely
tie": that if their present salaries were to be con-
they must be paid at the table of that House.—
hear.) And not only as to salaries must the
Undersys-
tem go a thorough change. There must be a ces-
sation of
that eternal interference on the part of the
n7it e Government in every petty detail of local adini-
ration which had so long oppressed and annoyed the
col l,
mists.—(Hear, hear.) The colonists must be per-
-,tted t manage their own local affairs, by thvir own
legal representatives fairly elected, under the direction
of.
• t-- e,r
da own governors, elected by themselves, and re-
Int:l.:l:rated by such salaries as might be agreed upon be-
en thera
—(Hear.)He agreed
with his Noble Friend
btb_at the days of protection—as protection—were gone
by?* but he thought at the same time that—peculiarly in
81101 a period of general crisis as this—somewhat of a
41 ore conciliatory policy was require I towards towards our
hest India colonies. He entreated his Noble Friend to
give_. some explanation of his further views with regard
"" these colonic' for, as to himself, he would say that,
Friend,
disposed wherever possible to support his Noble
h..;end, he would not sanction these resolutions until he
Noble
.ebeard a much more satisfactory account of his
k'9l Friend's further policy on the subject.—( Hear.)
Lord
Da_J. RUSSELL.—I beg to assure the Hon.
j'Onet opposite (Sir J. Pakington) that I shall not
detain„i. the House many minutes from the consideration
"1 the resolution he means to propose. It appears to me
that the more regular course to have been taken would
have been that the House should have gone into Com-
mittee, and there to have heard such explanations and
defence of the resolutions to be proposed by the Govern-
-I!!ent as we should have been pre pared to offer. The
23n. Baronet opposite, however, has not thought fit to
:thaw that course to be taken ; but has given notice of a
resolution as an amendment on the motion that the
,Peaker leave the chair. That being the course taken
by the lion. Baronet, it seems to me that the only course
Government can pursue is, to hear the motion of the
then. Gentlemap, and then to enter upon a defence of
course of policy we propose to adopt. What the
Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Ellice) asks us to do is,
t°
enter
_ into a discussion and general explanation of our
hews now, before the Hon. Baronet shall make his mo-
tion, But that is a course which I am not prepared to
adopt, I am the less inclined to adopt that course, be-
cause my Right Hon. Friend, while he declared at the
commencement of his speech that he blamed no one,
While he threw out objections to every course that has
been proposed—and. I should say, to every course that
Can be proposed—does not seem, with all his sagacity,
knowledge, and experience upon the subject, to have
made up his mind as to the course which he feels ought
to be pursued. My Right Hon. Friend seems to think
that we should not propose the course of giving any more
protection, and that we ought not to have pursued the
course of advancing money to assist the immigration of
labourers into the West Indies. Now, it does appear
to me, not only from all we know ourselves, but from
all the evidence and suggestions laid before us by others,
that either one of these courses or the other, or
both, are desirable,—that either we ought to
give them a longer term of protective duties, to
enable the planters of the West Indies to make
preparations for competition, or that we ought to give
them greater facilities for the introduction of labourers,
thereby reducing the rate of wages; that one or both of
these courses was necessary to remedy the distress which
I regret to think exists in these colonies. But my Right
11011. Friend says it would be better to give them
,100,000/. in the shape of diminished duties on their pro-
0m But, supposing we were to guarantee this
'OO,OOO/., and look upon it as wholly lost to this country,
the interest of that sum at 4 per cent. would be 20,000/.,
and the reduction of duties that would give that amount
trs'esuld not be much more than what is proposed by the
Baronet; for no one supposes that the reduction of
the present duty from 14s. to 10s. would produce a re-
duction of the revenue of much less than 20,0001. I do
not mean to follow my Right Hon. Friend into his va-
rious objections, because it would be, in fact, to enter
into the whole debate which the Hon. Baronet proposes
to raise; but let me say, that with regard to the motion
of the lion. Baronet, he seems to me to have made a
change in it, which, if his motion be supported by the
vi
-'°ute, will place the West Indies, as well as Parlia-
ment, in a most embarrassing situation. As the motion
stood on Friday night it was a very intelligible proposi-
;-en--it was to give an increase of the protection, which
il3B now 65., and to make it 10s.; and that was to be done
keeping foreign sugar at 20s. and reducing colonial
sugar to los. I do not say whether that• was or was not
a Wise proposition. I have no doubt that the Noble Lord
the Member for Lynn would have defended it with great
ability, and with all that extensive knowledge of the
subject which his attention to the Committee must have
given him; but at all events that proposition was intelli-
gible, But the Right Honourable Baronet now proposes
that the proposition of the Government should be con-
demned by the House, and therefore leaves the present
fahto come into operation in July next. It does not
01, that, supposing the proposition of the Government
Is condemned, the next day, or within the next 12 hours,
!ay proposal for increased protection may not be con-
"elaned also; and therefore the present Act, which in July
Will change the duty of 20s. to 18s. 6d., and thereby reduce
the protection from 6s. to 4s. 6d., will at once come into
Operation. In 1841 the present Lord Harrowby made a
!Mailer proposition, the object of which was very clear,
and it was carried into effect; but the Hon. Baronet will
hardly gain his object by a mere resolution condemna-
tory of the present proposition. I, for my part, do not
believe that the House would adopt the proposition
which the Hon. Baronet made on Friday night ; and I
suppose that he himself despaired of carrying it. He
thought there was no hope whatever of raising the pro-
tection to 10s. and therefore proposed his present mo-
tion for the purpose of embarrassment and rendering
the plan of the Government ineffective. I will only
refer to an allusion made by my Right Hon. Friend to
the speech I made on Friday night. He says that I
commented on the extravagance of the colonial pro-
prietors, and that I have taken my notions
from the prevailing idea of the Colonial-office.
li
'te says I have founded the two or three
Words I said with respect to extravagance solely on
that idea. I beg to inform my Right Hon. Friend I have
-Ttaken my notion from reading the evidence of a West
-Lthe proprietor himself. That proprietor said that he
himself went out to the West Indies, and made a mitre.
°on of 1,000/. a year.—(Hear, hear.) That was no
ender-secretary, no clerk in the Colonial-office, but the
gentleman himself possessing the property; and when
he was asked how he reduced the 1,0004 he said it, was
done by perquisites, and when asked what was the
amount of those perquisites, he said, " I do not believe
that the merchants in this country, intelligent as they
are, unless they go out themselves, know much of what
is going on in the West Indies. My own merchants
told me that they believed my estates were economically
e3nducted. When I went out, however, I found they
were not so. The attorneys are the head agents of the
estate; the merchants simply see the plantation
accounts. In the plantation accounts there is always
One very large item, namely, labourers' wages; and I
will tell the Committee some of the charges which I
found were included in that item. There is
an estate groom, for instance; then there is
attorney's cook and' 'attorney's groom, attorney's
servant, attorney's washer, attorney's maid, minding
attorney's pigs, minding manager's pigs, picking grass
for attorneys; besides which, there are manager's ser-
vants and overseer's servants. As far as I and the
merchant could see, all those came under the head of
labourers' wages."—(Hear, hear.) That is practical
testimony—it is no prejudice of the Colonial-office, but
practical testimony, and it certainly made an impression
on my mind, and which I had on my mind when I spoke
en Friday night of the extravagance of some of the
proprietors. And now I am to be told I am making an
unfounded imputation
those gentlemen who and maligning the characters of
are
ex-
travagance in managing not geustialtiesin
(ariy way of
ear
z hears) I
believe it is not the extravagance of those gentlemen
themselves; I believe it is the consequence of that sys-
tem of management—(Hear, hear)—and I believe there
are many instances of a similar character. But I do not
wish to prevent the Hon. Gentleman from making his
proposition. He will have an opportunity of again stat-
ing his objections to our scheme, and we shall endeavour
as far as we can to explain the views which we hold
with regard to the West Indies. I do not, how-
ever, think my Right Hon. Friend has considered
fully all the consequences that might follow from the
suggestions he threw out
of things that might possibly
be done. I have always been very favourable to giving
the colonists, as far as possible, the management of their
own affairs ; but when we speak of giving
.to the. West
Indians the management of their own affairs,
we touch
upon some very nice questions of practice, representation
and rights of voters, as difficult as those may be which
we shall have to consider to-morrow on the
motion of
the Hon. Member for Montrose, or still more difficult, or
accompanied with more peril, when we have to consider
them as applied to the West Indies. If you are to intro-
duce a very low suffrage in Trinidad ; if you allow every
One of the imported negroes into Trinidad who may
'Ave been there a year, and is a maleiof full age, to have
a vote,l think the representative chosen by those persons
will not tend to assist Lord Harris in his government of
Trinidad, and that it would introduce a very difficult
Problem in the government of the West Indian colonies.
--(Hear, hear.) My Right Hon. Friend has not consi-
dered all the difficulties that would arise if we should at
°nee introduce a system of representation in Trinidad
without due deliberation. I am for increasing the power
the people of the colonies have over their own affairs and
government ; but I am for increasing it with considera-
tion and deliberation from time to time, and not at once
for granting them an assembly chosen from the blacks
for the government of these colonies.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ELLICE said he had made use of no expression
which could at all justify the last observation of his
Noble Friend.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir J. PAKINGTON then rose to move, pursuant to
notice—" That this House, considering the evidence
taken during the present session before a Select Com-
mittee, is of opinion that the remedies proposed by her
Majesty's government for the great distress of the sugar.
growing possessions of the crown, and which that com-
inittee has said will require the immediate application of
relief, will neither effect that object nor check the sti-
mulus to the slave trade which the diminution of the
Cultivation of sugar in those colonies has inevitably oc-
casioned." He denied that, in proposing this amend-
*lent, he was actuated by any party feeling whatever.
All he desired was, to save our West Indian colonies
from the destruction with which they were shreatened.

Ho had merely altered the form of his motion because
entertaining a decided objection to the governmere
measure himself, he had upen console anon, deemed 1
expedient to seek from the House a distinct expressie:
of its opinion on the subject.-(Hear, hear.) This we
no question between protection and free trade ; it was
questionstandingon considerations peculiar to itself, an
he looked for support alike to the tree trader and to the
Protectionist.-(Hear, hear.) There was no one whe
more decidedly approved of the measure of 1834 than h,
did. What he sought to counteract, as far as possible,
was the legislation which had subsequently taken plac--
witb reference to our West India interests, as well uncler
the present Government as under its predecessors.-
(Hear, hear.) He did not complain of emancipation,
but he complained that all the pledges to the West In
dians which had accompanied emancipation had been
violated.-(Hear, hear.) The whole series of legislation
for the West Indies, up to the coup de grace inflicted in
1846, had been utterly monstrous. The Noble Lord op-
posite, however, had repeatedly declared his firm reso
lotion to abide by the Act of 1846. He had made this
declaration emphatically when the Noble Member fo:
Lynn moved for his Committee, and he repeated it, as,
emphatically, so recently as the 29th of May, distincte,
stating that whereas the West India Committee ramie;
mended that the differential duty should be continuer
for a certain period beyond that fixed by the Act o,
1846, the Government did not intend to propose any
4 change in the Act of 1846, with the view either of in
creasing the amount of differential duties, or of con-
tinuing them for a longer period than that fixed by the
Act in question. This was so recently as the 29th May
last; yet on Friday last the Noble Lord came down it
the House and proposed a plan which, whatever miele
be thought by various parties of its merits, every oie
must admit to be a material deviation from the Act o
1846.-(Hear, hear.) While deeming it right to ask the
Noble Lord why this deviation had been made, he tout,
not but congratulate the friends of our West Indian cold
nies on the obvious fact that Government had found ii
absolutely necessary to make the change.-(Hear, hear.)
He himself could attribute the change to no ether consi-
deration than that the evidence before the Committee
was of such a nature, so conclusive as to the fearful dis
tress which was weighing down the colonists, that
Government found . it wholly impossible to adhere 0,
the Act of 1846. Then came the question whether
the change proposed by the Government would meet
the case of the colonists-whether it would even
mitigate the distresses which afflicted them. 11,
' would not then detain the House by enquirine
why it was that Government had thought fit to pro-
tract the period of closing the duties to 1854 instead of
to 1851. Nor would he stop to inquire what reason had
induced them to think it better that the duties should
close at 10s. per cwt., rather than, as in the Act of 1846,
at 14s. per cwt. Every one must feel that this change.
irrespective of its bearing on the present distress, un-
doubtedly involved very important financial considera-
tions, and therein reflected upon the Right Hon. the
Chancellor of the Exchequer quite as much blame as he
had sought to cast upon the Noble Member for Lynn for
proposing an immediate reduction of the duties on our
colonial sugars. The Right Hon. Gentleman, however,
possibly thought that he might not be in office in 1854,
and that he should only be bequeathing to a successor
the large defect in the sugar duties which must inevita-
bly result from his plan.-(Hear, and a laugh.) He was
driven to the conclusion that the proposal of the Govern-
went was wholly unequal to enable the West Indies to
struggle with their increasing distresses, or to compete
with the slave colonies; and he was enabled to prove the
latter half of his assertion by comparing the present con-
dition of the British West Indies with the Brazils and
other slave-labour settlements. He would refer to the
evidence of Mr. Tollemache, than whom no gentleman
had spoken more fairly before the West Indian Com-
mittee: and what was the statement of that witness? He
says that he entertained hopes at some future day, by
persevering in the course the colonists were pursuing,
that the cost of producing sugar would be reduced to
15s 6d a cwt. But Mr. Tollemache stated further, that
even at that reduced cost of production the freight and
charges would prevent him from laying down a cargo of
sugar in London at less than 225. oid. per cwt. Look-
ing at that statement, and taking into consideration the
prices that had ruled of late in the sugar market, the
minimum of which was 225. per cwt., how was it possible
for a planter who, under the most favourable circum-
stances, could not bring his sugar to market under 225.
a cwt. to compete with a Brazilian planter, who can
offer his produce in the London warehouse at 19s. a
cwt.? In tact, says Mr, Tollemache, it is impossible
for the tree-labour planter, under his present circum-
stances, to compete with slave-labour sugar growers.
There were also other witnesses who spoke to the ques-
tion of cost of production before the Committee, the re-
sult of whose testimony he would shortly recapitulate.
In Jamaica the average cost of producing sugar, ascer-
tained from an examination of 138 estates, was 225. 7d.
a cwt. ; another witness, Mr. Green, stated it to • be
225. 9d. ; Mr. Higginson rated it at 29e 2d. ; . and a
fourth witness, Mr. Miles, considered the cost of produc-
tion in that island to average 235. a cwt. The mean
cost of the production of sugar, taking the various state-
ments into consideration, was 1/. ss. Oid. ; and Sir C.
Grey, in the important dispatch which was alluded to
the other night-(A. laugh)-stated it to be his opinion
that the permanent cost of producing a cwt. of sugar in
Jamaica was 305., and .unless the planter could
reckon upon that the cultivation of sugar would
cease in that colony. Such was the deliberate opinion
of Sir C. Grey, himself a free-trader.-(Cries of
" Hear, hear.") Lord Harris, writing from Trinidad.
states the cost of producing a cwt. of sugar at 20s. Bd.
Another witness, at 325. 6d.; and a third, at 28e, the
average cost being for Trinidad 275. 10d. In British
Guiana the average cost was 255. Bd. And the general
average of all the British West India colonies, including
Jamaica, St. Vincent's, Trinidad, Barbadoes, St. Kitt's,
and Guiana, gave the amount of 225. Bd. as the mean
cost of producing a cwt. of sugar. Now, what on the
other hand did they find, from evidence brought before
the West India Committee, was the cost of producing a
cwt. of sugar in the slave colonies? In Cuba the cost
of production was 6s. Bid.; in Porto Rico, es. 2d.; and
in Bahia, Bs. 9d. a cwt., giving a mean for these three
slave colonies of 6s. Kd. per cwt. This sum, as com-
pared with 225. Bd., the cost of production in the Bri
tish West Indies, left the amount of 15s. 9id. as the
differences between the cost of sugar in the
two countries respectively. The calculations into
which he had entered were so essential towards
establishing the case of the British planters, that he
must call the particular attention of the Government to
them. His argument was, that so long as there existed
a difference of 15s. 9id. between the cost of producing
sugar by free labour and by slave labour, so long would
it be impossible for the British West Indies to compete,
under a differential duty of 7s. only, with Cuba, the
Brazils, or other slave sugar-growing colonies. He had
therefore a right to assert that it was impossible, by
means of the Government proposition, to afford an
adequate protection to the British West Indian colonies.
Another thing the planters had a right to complain of
was the manner in which the Act of 1846 had been
carried into operation. The Government had stated
that it was a great experiment, but if so, why not at the
same time take measures to give the experiment fair
play? Why not have afforded the planters the means of
procuring abundance of labour? That was the indispens-
able condition attached to the successful cultivation of
sugar in the British colonies. The negro and the planter
had changed positions during the last ten years in those
colonies. The negro was the easy man; the planter the
oppressed and ruined man. Why had not the Govern-
ment taken precautions against vagrancy and squatting
in the West Indian Islands ? Nothing had been done
by way of assisting the British planters to compete with
the Brizilian and Cuban slave-holders. He admitted
that recently Earl Grey had proposed some regulations,
whereby tree labourers were to be sent to the West In-
dies, consisting of the captured Africans-a system which
was liable to great abuses. But this was not the ques-
tion which was before the House. He would not at that
moment enter into any detail of the losses experienced
by the sugar planters in the British colonies. All the
witnesses examined before the Committee concurred in
the opinion that it was impossible for them to carry on
the cultivation of sugar at present prices. One witness
stated a fact which was quite startling, as to the depre-
ciation of property in the West Indies, The estate
of Mulgrave sold for 25,0001. in the year 1843. The
sum of 10,000/. was spent upon it after it was sold,
and in April of the present year the same estate
was put up again to sale, and the prices it realised was
2,800/. Looking, therefore, at the facts which had been
stated before the West India Committee, he had a right
to assert that these losses were principally due to the
Act of 1846. Since that Act had passed, eighteen of the
principal merchants connected with the West Indies had
become bankrupts, and if the present state of things
continued, other houses must tall victims to the same
melancholy fate. Would the House permit him to call
their attention to the state of affairs in the Mauritius ?
Sir George Larpent, in his evidence before the Com-
mittee, stated that, acting in the full belief that the
legislature sanctioned the course they adopted, the mer-
chants connected with the Mauritius suddenly found them-
selves deprived of protection ; and thus, at the moment
when they were recovering from former losses,
they found themselves subjected to a fresh blow, which
they could not survive. The same witness stated
that the cost of producing sugar in the Mauritius was
20s. iod. a cwt.; how could the planters there com-
pete with the slave colonies of Brazil and Cuba ?
The consequences of these changes had been
' to bring ruin upon seven great mercantile house.,
whose principals were men of the highest integrity
and honour. Amongst those gentlemen were their late
colleagues, Sir John Rae Reid, Sir George Larpent, and
Mr. Barclay, all Members of that House, and holding a
high position in it. He could not refrain from express-
ing the pain which he felt in seeing men such as these
involved in ruin by the melancholy state of things caused
by the changes introduced into the sugar duties by the
Legislature. thingsLehtehpirmodruecfetirontootfhesusgtaatrehOafdbeen
in
graduthe
East Indies. The
that
amounted to l 845,
w
ally
hengtohieuquantity
seatfrom
to 1,520,114 c w ts. The cost of
235. per w
producingost ; ugaarodwas,
how,in
Bengal, 205., and at Madras
when the cost of
itransporteswith Brazilian
an
ila coulddCubansugars
these sugrs
compete at such prices
in the English market ? All the authorities, including
the Governors of the West Indian colopnrieess,enat costgreed o
in
opinion that it was impossible at thef
labour there
from Brazilrefor free labour
and Cuba.aboursu The H
sugar to compete
Member
te with the
sugar
here quoted the opinions expressed in the dispatches of
Lord Harris, Governor Reid, Sir C. Grey, Governor
Higginson, and Governor Light, all of whom coincided
in representing the state of the planters in the British
West Indian colonies as most pitiable. In looking at
the question it was also advisable to take into consi-
dlser4a6. Burns,tionwuhaentthe
oe
e
relativetdh proportion of exports to the
i ritish West Indian colonies was in the years preceding
and subsequent
of editor
alterationor o f t
h e c oo
Commercial
theni er c i
asugarduties
Glance,
says i i
that the value )
the exports of manufactured goods

during the 19 months previous to the alteration of the
sugar ditties in 1846, wAs 5,988,5541. Whereas 19
months after Ow sugar duties were altered the value to
exports wes 4.856,2861., showing a decrease in the ex-
ports to the same c dories within the period of 19 month,
after the Act of 1846 is as passed amounting to no les.
than 1,123,2681. The same statistical return reports
that the export of cotton manufactures to the slave cob
nies during the nineteen months previous to 1846 were
valued at 2,490,7771., whilst during nineteen months sub-
sequent to 1846 they had risen to 2,946,1511., showing
an increase in that branch of export of 455,351/. But
comparing the value of the exports to the slave colonies
with those to the British colonies, there was a balance
against the manufacturer of no less than 676,8411., re-
sulting from the diminished consumption of British
manufactures in the West Indies in consequence of the
present state of affairs. The question then came to be
considered whether the consumer was benefited by the
change; and he had no hesitation in asserting that
when the cultivation of sugar in the British colonies
was extinguished the Brazilian and other slave colonies
would obtain the monopoly, and the price would be-
come very materially increased. He must now turn,
and he did so with great pain and humiliation, to the
great feature of the subject, which related to the
slavery question.—(Hear, hear.) lie had stated on
Friday night that it was with feelings of astonishment.
timost amounting to indignation, that he had heard the
Prime Minister make his statement without one word
~f allusion to the subject of slavery. But, on reconsi-
deration, his surprise ceased, for believing the Noble
Lard opposite to be a sincere advocate for negro free-
dom, he must have felt great difficulty in touching upon
the subject, more especially when he was aware that the
prophecies uttered in 1846 respecting the increase of
slavery, which was certain to follow on the Sugar
Duties Bill of that year, had all been fulfilled. the
first witness ha should call to prove his statement that
slavery had increased was the Noble Lord the Foreign
Secretary, who stated before the Committee, that the
number of slaves imported into the slave colonies, in
the year 1846, was 55,000, and as many in 1847, making
a total of 110,000 slaves in those two years; whilst in
the years 1844 and 1845, the average number of slaves
imported into Cuba and Brazils was only 32,000
a year. There were other returns, which gave the
number of 75,000 slaves as having been imported
nto the slave colonies since the year 1846. From this
evidence he thought he was justified in assuming
that the effect of the Act of 1846 had been to double the
importation of slaves in Cuba and Brazil.—(Hear, hear.)
But, if any confirmation were wanted, it might
be had in the returns of the exports of machi-
nery to those countries during the last few years. In
1844 the value of the exports to Cuba was 6,3721., and
to Brazil, 17,5051 From that time a gradual increase
had been going on, until in 1847 it amounted to—Cuba,
17,6641.; Brazil, 35,1531.—(Hear, hear.) He must now
refer to what he considered the most important evidence
that had been given before the Committee. Captain
Matson, of the royal navy, on being examined, a man of
great experience in these matters, had stated, that in his
opinion the admission of slave-grown sugar had increased
the importation of slaves into Cuba and Brazil very
much. Captain Matson stated that he was at Havannae
when the remission was announced, and that the news
created a feeling of universal joy ; the price of slaves
and of land increased at once, and a general jubilee
seemed to prevail throughout the island. In describing
the mode in which the slaves were transported from the
coast of Africa, Captain Matson stated that they were
packed close, doubled up, and generally in irons. The
general calculation was, that if a captain expected
to land 300 slaves, he must ship 500, the difference
being generally cleared off by " weeding" during the
passage. The explanation of this was, that the most
practised eye could not always distinguish the healthy
from the diseased previous to shipment, but the first
forty-eight hours at sea decided the matter by carrying
off the latter.—(Hear, hear.) As a general rule those
who stood out the first forty-eight hours were landed
alive.—(Hear, hear.) One great cause of this dreadful
mortality was the diminutive size of the vessels employed
in the trade, a remarkable instance of which was men-
tioned by Captain Matson—that of a shipment of 427
slaves in a vessel of only forty-nine tons burden.—
(Hear, hear.) He (Sir J. Pakington) might perhaps be
told that these horrors were no novelties. He was sorry
to say that there was a feature of novelty in these details,
and that was, that the whole of the circumstances de-
tailed by Captain Matson, were now going on under the
sanction of the Government of this country.—(Protec-
tionist cheers.) He did not impute the crime of intention
to the Government; but he implored the Noble Lord at
the head of that Government to pause and consider whe-
ther any other conclusion could be drawn from the state-
ments he (Sir J. Packington) had made, than that the le-
gislation of 1846 had given new life to the abominable
slave trade,with all its attendant horrors. Why, previous to
that year the slave trade to Cuba had almost ceased.—
(Hear, hear.) The greater length of the voyage and
difficulty of transport rendered a more expensive class of
vessels necessary, and it was in consequence declining;
but the legislation of 1846 gave it a fillip, and it was at
the present moment going on with as great vigour as
ever. The treatment of the slaves after their arrival at
Cuba was also a point which must not be overlooked in
considering the question. Captain Matson stated that
they were usually kept at work for 18 hours out of the
24, being goaded during the latter hours with the lash,
and hunted by dogs to keep them together in the fields.
—(Hear, hear.) He would next proceed to call the at-
tention of the House to the reports which had been sent
home by British Consuls in slave colonies. Mr. Morgan
wrote from Rio Grande that the vessels were coming in
there every day with slaves, under the sanction of the
authorities, who received a bonus of from 10 to 15
dollars on each one landed. From Bahia, Mr.
Porter wrote that the importation hal nearly
doubled during the last year ; and the Go-
vernor of Sierra Leone stated that, notwithstanding
the vigilance of our cruisers, the traffic between
that place and the Havana was enormously on the in-
crease.—(Hear, hear.) He thought he had now said
and ouoted enough to prove that the prophecies of 1846
had been fulfilled, and that the results of the measure
of that year, however little such results might have been
desired by government, had been to give a great impulse
to slavery and the slave-trade. He regretted to have to
observe that the Noble Lord at the head of the govern-
ment had not thought fit even to allude to those subjects
in his opening speech, but in consequence of the indig-
nation expressed by several Honourable Members who
followed him had subsequently found it necessary to say
something which was not at all satisfactory, being
merely the expression of his hope and belief that the
measures of government would tend to place the planter
in such a position as would enable him to enter into a
fair competition with slave labour, and to prevent the
continuance of the detestable traffic in slaves. He (Sir
J. Pakington) trusted that the result of their delibe-
rations would be consistent with the principles which
this country had adopted with reference to the slave
trade, and such as, while they preserved our colonies,
would redound to the honour of the sovereign and people
of this country.—(Cheers.)
Sir E. N. BUXTON, in rising to second the amend-
ment of the Hon. Baronet, must at the same time take
leave to deny that the abolition of the apprenticeship
system gave the colonists any additional claim on the
mother country. In his opinion the policy which was
most consistent with justice and humanity, was that
contained in the Act of 1844, which wholly excluded
sugar the produce of slave labour. Against that policy
it had been urged that we were only driving the slave-
grown sugar to the continental markets. He acknow-
edged that there was some force in that argument, but
he believed that if we had persisted in the exclusion,
recent events on the continent would have given us great
opportunities of making it influential there as well as in
this country. Under present circumstances he believed
that the only course would be to adopt the amendment
of his Hon. Friend. His Hon. Friend had so com-
pletely exhausted the subject, that it would be un-
necessary for him to trouble the House at any length;
but there was one dispatch of Lord Harris to which
he could not help alluding. Lord Harris said it
was painful to see men waiting the ruin which was
sure to overtake them, and labouring without hope, be-
cause their labour was sure to go unrequited. The re-
inedy proposed f
buortthhisadstiamtemoitg'
rtahtiinognsnboywGboeveenrnhmeeanrdt
vas immigration;
of for the first time? Why, since the project had first
been conceived, upwards of 80,000 free labourers had
been imported into our colonies; and the result proved
how inadequate was the remedy. Lord Harris was op-
posed to immigration as hitherto carried on, but recom-
mended its continuance at the expense of the individual
parties requiring the slaves instead of making it a charge
on the colonial revenue. Having read some further quo-
tations to the same effect, the Hon. Baronet proceeded
to say that it seemed to him, looking simply at the con-
dition of the West Indies, that the policy of this country
had been too changeable, and that the principles of
free trade should have been applied to them with
greater caution. The great question was, whether,
after all the efforts and all the sacrifices of the last forty
years to abolish slavery and the slave trade, we were
for the future to depend for our supply of
sugar on colonies were both were carried on in the
most brutal manner the world had ever witnessed.
During the last year we had imported 48,000 tons of
sugar from Cuba ; and, looking at the orders which had
recently gone out to our own colonies to stop cultiva-
tion, it was not to much too expect that the importation
would reach 100,000 tons next year, and so on until that
island and Brazil would monopolise our whole supply.
That would be a serious calamity, and one for which, in
his opinion, no excuse could be found in the necessities
of this country.—(Hear, hear.) The produce of our co-
lonies had always been equal to the demand, and during
last year was 40,000 tons more than it had been during
any previous year.

Lird J. RUSSELL—That was under the Act of
1846.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir E. N. BUX FON—Yes, but the free-trade mea-
sures could hardly have acted so soon. He had taken
his present course with some regret. He admitted the
❑ecessity of supplying the labouring classes in this coun-
try with all their necessaries at the lowest possible
price, but he believed that if the people had the ques-
tion fairly put to them—if they were told that their
cheap sugar was purchased with the life-blood of their
fellow-creatures, they would reject the boon with dis-
dain. Having quoted Mr. Calhoun andy the late Dr.
Channing's opinions on the subject of slavery and the
slave-trade the Hon. Baronet said, in conclusion, that
the House of Commons had, in 1846, passed an Act
under the impression that it would not aggravate the
horrors of the slave-trade. They had been disappointed
iu their expectations ; it was acknowledged on all hands
that under the operation of that Act the trade was on
the increase, and therefore he,trusted that, on the pre-
sent occasion, they would not hesitate to retrace their
steps, and, as far as in them lay, prevent the evil conse-
quences of their error.—(Cheers.)
.The amendment having been put,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER com-
plained that neither the mover nor seconder of the
amendment had explainei what means of relief they

. proposed foe the West hale planter, or what amount of
protection they would substitute for that which the re-
solutions of the Government would establish. The
[lon. Baronet (Sir J. Pakington) having given notice of
the terms of his amendment, had twice changed his
mind, and had now put it in a shape in which he
thought it might succeed in catching a few stray votes.
—(Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend (Sir E. N. Buxton)
said fairly enough that he would totally exclude slave-
grown sugar.—(Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend con.
tended that when emancipation passed in 1834, the
House and the country entered into a compact with the
West India colonists that they should have twenty mil-
lions paid to them as compensation, together with the
perpetual monopoly of the British market. He admitted
that if the Imperial Legislature chose to deprive the
West India proprietors of their slaves, it was bound to
give them full compensation ;
but he remembered that
Lord Stanley argued at the time that the compensation
which was given was full and ample. Parliament had
since decided against giving
to the West Indies a per-
petual monopoly of the British market, and against the
permanent maintenance of a high protective duty.—
( Hear, hoar.) It there had been a contract entered
into in 1834 to grant such a monopoly of the market
it was broken, as his Honourable Friend behind him
had stated, by the Act of 1844, which, according to
the present Lord Harrovvby, who moved the cele-
brated resolution of 1841, did, by opening our market to
the sugars of Java and other foreign sugar growing
countries, encourage the import of slave-labour sugar in
the market of Hamburgh ; and only
last year no less
than 3,000 tons of sugar were admitted from slave-
growing countries into England which we were com-
pelled to admit by our treaties under the Act of 1844.
He did not mean to say that the Act of 1846 had not
given a further encouragement to slave-labour sugar.—
( Elear, hear.) But if they were to stand on the con-
tract, he must contend that the first infraction of the
principle of discouraging slave-grown sugar was to be
found in the Act of 1844, and those who supported that
Act were not now in a position to turn round on the
proposition of Ministers, because it might in its results
encourage the import of slave-labour sugar. The
grounds on which the Act of 1844 was brought forward,
as stated by the then Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr.
Gonlburn), himself a West India proprietor, were the
insufficient supply of colonial sugar, and the consequent
high price; now, however, it was contended by the
Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Pakington) that it had always
produced a supply sufficient for the demands of this
country. If any ene would compare the present con-
sumption with that a few years back, he would see that a
more monstrous proposition bad never been put forward.
In 1840 the consumption was 179,000 tons; in 1842 it
was 193,000 tons; and last year it was 289,000 tons; an
increase of more than 110,000 tons in seven years, and
96,000 in the last five years.—(Hear, hear.) Comparing
this increase with that of the population, it was evident
that the supply was not adequate to the consumption in
1840 and 1842. When the Bill of 1846 was proposed,
there was scarcely any person in the House except those
who voted with the Noble Lord (G. Bentinck) who did
not distinctly avow that the principle of permanent pro-
tection as against slave-labour sugar must be given up.
The Right Honourable Baronet the Member ter Tam-
worth made that avowal distinctly; and the Honourable
Member for Leominster (Mr. Barkly) declared that he
was for free trade in sugar, as he had been for free trade
1 in corn, it being understood that protection should be
continued for a time in order to enable the colonists to
make arrangements to compete with other sugar-growing
countries. He was entitled to assume, therefore, from
what had occurred in reference to the measure of 1846,
that the present majority of the House abandoned the
principle of permanent protection. He thought the Hon.
Baronet had somewhat overstated the case as to the in-
creased export of slaves as attributable to the Act of 1846.
He believed it would be found that the number of slaves
exported from the coast of Africa in 1847 scarcely ex-
ceeded the number in 1846, and that the increased ex-
port during the last two or three years was owing rather
to the Act of 1844 than that of 1846.—(Hear, hear.)
But the only way to put down the slave trade was to
beat slave labour in open competition by the superior
cheapness of free labour production. They had tried all
other means and failed; and it was no argument against
the course they were now taking—the only course left,
as he believed, for effecting the object—that the number
of slaves exported had increased under the operation of
the Act of 1846—even if it were so. With regard to
the amount of ,protection, he found that the Committee
on the coffee and sugar plantations recommended a dif-
ferential duty of 10s. for six years; but if the Hon.
Baronet's facts and arguments went for anything, they
went to show that there was a cost of 15s. 9id. between
the cost of slave-labogr sugar and free-labour sugar, and
that nothing short of a permanent protective duty to
that amount would have the required effect of enabling
the West India colonists to compete with slave-labour
countries. If that was the view of the Hon. Baronet, he
could understand why he was no longer prepared to
abide by the recommendations of the Committee of which
he was a member. But the Committee went further, and
agreed with his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's)
view, that the ultimate prosperity of the British West
India possessions must depend on their means of success-
fully competing with the foreign producer rather than on
any permanent protection—(Elear, hear)—and unless
they were so enabled to compete, there was but little
hope of their being restored to permanent prosperity.
If it was still the opinion of Parliament that sooner or
later the British West Indies must compete with the
slave-growing colonies, the question was how that com-
petition could be brought anout in the best and safest
way. From the evidence taken before the Committee it
was shown that great reductions in the expense of
managing might be effected without any loss in the
amount of production. In one case the cost
of management had been reduced from 2,3001. in
1843, to 1,6001. in 1846; and in another from 2,3001. in
1843, to 1,3001. in 1846. The evidence of Mr. Barkly,
Mr. Innes, Mr. Greene, and others, also went to show
that if protection were only continued for a short time,
and arrangements were made for a small additional sup-
ply of labourers—a few thousands in a continuous
stream—the rate of wages might be considerably reduced
without any real injury to the labourers who, in conse-
quence of the very high rate of wages which they now
received, enjoyed luxuries la which persons in a much
higher station in life in this country were strangers.
The Hon. Baronet had not stated what he recommended
in lieu of the Government plan in regard to the emigra-
tion of labourers to the West Indies, but he had alluded
to contracts, and had urged that permission should be
given to enter into contracts for labour for three years.
He believed that the
Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Glad-
stone) had permitted such contracts to be entered into.
Mr. GLADSTONE
—But excluding natives of Africa
and the West Indies.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would
not enter into the details, but believed that it depended
on the colonial legislators themselves whether such con-
tracts for labour should be entered into, and his Noble
Friend (Lord Grey
t
ture for that purpose. But it was not quite certain that
refused his sincesanctiori'tott oy he
eht a
ofd been in
Co l
oo
ac
le ,
Lheagdi
anl
ao
the contract system would act. Mr. Tollemache, in his
evidence, stated that it had been tried in Antigua, but
he was not inclined to think that it answered. The
object of the contract was to compel the labourer to
work
To
or
that
ts
therethan wasthe ordinary rate
providedy rate of wages.—(No,
n ) la-
bourer refusing to carry out sueechancontrac the
twasno '
treated as a felon. With regard to squatting, he heard
no means suggested by which it could be effectually
prevented. There were plenty of laws;on the subject,
but the difficulty was to enforce them ; and he must say
that the worst kind of squatting was produced by the
proprietors themselves, who drove the negroes to a dis-
tance from their estates. The great difficulty was ad-
mitted on all hands to be the want of labourers, but the
proposal they made of advancing money, or guarantee-
ing the interest of a loan, if the colonists raised it them-
selves, would enable them to meet that difficulty. But
neither the introduction of labourers, nor the other
measures proposed, would avail, unless hey extended to
the West India planters further time than was contem-
plated by the Act of 1846. In so extending the time,
however, he did not consider that there was any depar-
ture from the principle of that Act.--(Hear.) It was
stated as a matter of complaint, that, owing to the pre-
sent classification of sugars, the colonists did not gat
that amount of protection which it was intended they
should have, because the whole of the colonial sugars
was exposed to a competition with the best foreign sugar.
That was stated very clearly in the evidence of Mr.
Greene. To remove this ground of complaint they pro-
posed to introduce a new classification of foreign Mus-
covado sugar, and to divide that which was now intro-
duced under one denomination into two classes, to be
called brown clayed and Muscovado. The Hon. Gentle-
man said that this plan would be defeated, because the
fine sugar would come in as Muscovado. Everything
depended on the point at which they fixed the standard,
and, a, ter consultation that day with the officers of the
Board of Trade and Customs, they were of opinion—
but they would not pledge themselves absolutely to it—
that the decriptioa of sugar which was now 365. 6d.
long price in the market should be the standard of
brown clayed sugar, and that all below that should be
entered at the Muscovado rate. If the present law re-
mained unchanged the West India planters would only
have a protection of 6s. By the plan which the Govern-
ment proposed they would have a protection of 7s. for
the first year, 6s. 6d. for the second year, and 6s. for the
third year. But that was not all, for they proposed to
reduce the differential duty on ruin, with respect to
which he was surprised that no mention had bees made
in the recommendations of the Committee.—(gear,
hear.) And this was not altogether valueless to the
West Indian interest, for a great increase had
taken place in the quantity of ram entered
for hone consumption. In 1846 the number of
gallons entered amounted to 2,684,000
,• in 1847,
to 3,330,000. And the quantity entered was still
on the increase ; for the number of gallons introduced
which tbey proposed to give the West
during the four first months of 1847 was 849,000,
proposed to give them a higher protec-
tion enjoyed,. and to extend that
cy beyond
But
th etyunwee froer
notw h iuenhmi
unmindful
uwl
whilst for the four first months of 1848 no less than
1,010,000 gallons came in.—(Hear, hear.) These were
proposed to
Pedrduoutsycpezt:ithvec.odifferential duty
n
vnayfcgete money to facilitate immigration, and
Indians.ttihoen th a Theyadvantages
they at
to consider any suggestion for the
rhaaernsconsumer in this country.—(Hear.)
aaot the interests of the producers of sugar
ers were identical, and
lithaltv:heheparvo.;
protectionothey
umwrteo three
preparedadvance
v
existed. They
Consuminterestser
ultimatelylook
ofcolonialproposedreducetheon
for the present
or the next year, because in the first place there
present year ; and,
was a
great quantity of sugar iu hand as com-
pared with last year ; and, secondly, there was a
prospect of slogs

• thirdly, it was probable, front, the state of the continent
that a great portion of the sugar in the foreign ware-
houses would be brought to this country in the first in-
' stance. The stock in hand in the five chief ports of the
continent and this country in the present year, as com-
pared with the quantity held last year, was 143,000 tons
against 103,000 tons, being a difference of 40,000 tons
in favour of the present year. He did not, for these
reasons, expect any enhancement of price during the
present or following year. The Hon. Gentleman said
that the production of the colonies was equal to the con-
sumption in this country, and could be even more ; but
did not the Hon. Gentleman see that if the colonies pro-
duced more than we consumed in this country, the sur-
plus must go into foreign markets, and therefore that
the price must depend on the price in those markets?
But if, on the other hand, the colonies only pro.. i
duced for this country, and that at a high price, t
Was quite clear that the consumers would not stand
that high price, and that they would demand an
adherence to the principles of the Acts of 1844 and
1846. With regard to the effect of this measure on the
revenue, which it was said this proposal would endang,,r,
he could only ask, if their proposition was likely to have
any such effect, what would be the effect of the recom-
mendation of the Committee? The loss by their pro-
posal would be Is. per cwt., or 11. per ton, on colonial
tsaukgianrg ; t and dw
hass t
itth
we i
ar s cloans
last
uyme oar, wna
so f 240,
o colonialoo
tons,
ns, sugar,the
bhslouel smgbsayrtwould
orc:
erobdaoet
of
consumption
o_4r
ntoh:,
uoeurimoeopaientri,:ohnßremuoa But
far
information
ouf the recommendation of
ot the e4/C. opmermtiotnt c ea
uwde adopted,roenthe
whole th
consumption
loss
of colonial
tad
()cal,
at .1,
on
sqt
ulu!
Atte rspret.:
wsion n
laaEnus any other
mon t
take
lEa:keß.
what
ap
sptoaliwaindcat
eyohinnips
permanent
ti
nh
object
eac chhtint t washe
benefit
necessaryefi t t
o tthe
e for
co-
lonies
tihnepriccould be promoted ? believed that could only
rte,oadntihddentHolto tukstneho.awt Thecthonat-
w consequenceas toofforrecdeuucptioonn
Governmente. a reconsideration of this important
question. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the
late Government always appeared to him
setotsatiFtoonnt. H
entertain
thetaine
vi on ews
t this
i The hcieu
t
sviewedound andthe
questionstatesmanlike
aso f justice.
n eocolonies was awful. People were every day falling in
a lower grade. It was time for free-traders to retr
their steps. Right as they might be in their decimaas l e
they were proved to be wrong in their millions. Their
policy had involved the West Indies in ruin. He con-
tended that we could naturally enough only rely upon
the loyalty of our West Indian population so long as
that population considered itself more prosperous and
consequently happier under our rule than it would be un-
der any other. It we systematically oppressed our colonies
our colonies would ultimately reject our rule, and either
seek a connexion with some other country or set up for
themselves. As to the slave trade, it was a mere farce to
suppose that while it continued to be so profitable a
commerce as it now was it would be given up. Cheap
sugar might, no doubt, be an excellent thing; but once
throw our colonial sugar estates oat of cultivation and
cheap sugar would no longer be attainable, for we should
be wholly at the mercy of the foreigner, and have to pay
a high price for slave-grown sugar. There was no
question that all our exertions and all our sacrifices to
put down the slave trade had only made matters in-
finitely worse than they were before. He was not pre-
pared to assent to the proposition that sugar was so
evxertyenwsihvoellyesoumseed
t nanst
oue l a
lady'set ne
teethia 8l
after the age of thirty, would bear inspection. He
should give his decided support to the amendment of the
yugbatyrh
ewt
rhaees,
ladies, and it wasainnnotahtroetriciUoleunsitoetrdhaci
Hon. Baronet.

Mr. HUME concurred in the opinion that this was not
a question within the category of free trade, which sup-
posed that the parties acting upon it should be upon equal
terms. Mr. Deacon Hume, in his evidence before the
Committee, had given his decided judgment that while
the West Indies were placed upon as good terms, in re-
spect to free trade, as Cuba, Porto Rico, and other
foreign colonies, they could compete with the whole
world in the sale of their commodities; but that since
the emancipation, which had placed them upon an in-
equality with the slave labour sugar countries, they were
not in a position to compete, without something in the
shape of protection, until they had secured an ample
supply of cheap labour. The whole annals of legisla-
tion did not present an example of such monstrous in-
justice as that which the Parliament of Great Britain
had inflicted upon the West Indies. Every engagement
we had made with them we had utterly violated, and an
intelligent witness before the Committee, Mr. Innes, had
distinctly stated that so gross had been the bad faith
of the Imperial Legislature towards the West Indies,
that the colonies had lost all faith and confidence in that
Legislature.—(Hear, hear.) As to slavery, there were
no means of putting it down but by rendering free labour
cheaper than slave labour; and this was the object
which the free-traders had always in view when
they advocated emancipation, fully convinced that free
labour, if' it had a fair trial, would beat slave labour
in cheapness as in every other quality. His com-
plaint was that free labour had not had a fair trial.—
(Hear, hear.) He considered that all the distress of the
West Indies had resulted from our policy since 1834,
well-intentioned, no doubt, but wholly erroneous. He
denied that the engagement of 1834 had been fulfilled.
The full price had not been paid; for the captured slaves
under the treaty of search had been valued by arbitration
at a much higher sum; and had the West Indian slaves
been valued at that rate, they would have amounted to
101,919,0001. Besides paying below the value, the ap-
prenticeship had been curtailed—another instance in
which the engagement with the colonists had not been
carried out. Instead of offering a round sum of twenty
millions, the colonists ought to have been heard as to the
measures which were necessary for giving due effect to
emancipation. The colonists were unable to act; they
were deprived of labour, one-third of that extracted
from the slaves being taken away. Proper regulations
were also needed, which were never made. So early
as 1836 Lord Glenalg had written a dispatch, urging the
importance of making provisions against squatting and
idleness, before the apprenticeship expired; thus show-
ing that it was then thought most important to keep up
the supply of labour. The want of that single article
had produced all the mischief to the colonists; they had
even been forbidden, by orders in Council, to bring la-
bourers from Africa, America, or anywhere else.—
(Hear.) They were not even allowed to get labourers
from Europe, could they - have done so. The restric-
tions had been one by one relaxed, but without restoring
the supply of labour which had been cut off by these
orders in Council, secretly issued from the Colonial-office
without the authority of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.)
Had they possessed due facilities for obtaining labour, no
doubt they might have competed with other places. The
blame was wholly attributable to the Colonial-office,
which had been a nuisance from first to last.—(Laughter.)
Had the Colonial-office been locked up, and the colonies
allowed to manage their own affairs, without the petty
meddling and interference of ignorant men (for how
could Lord Grey or Mr. Hawes, though they might be
as clear-headed and sharp-sighted as anybody, know
intuitively what was requisite for the colonies?) they
would now have been in a very different state.—(Hear,
hear.) Why, every two years almost there had been a
fresh Colonial Minister, so that the colonists never knew
was
ef thatlrloim the
thi
in
what they had to expect for two months together.
(Hear, hear.) In one case rules had been drawn up, and
wereuen e
clear, v
Wellington,
sent out for the regulation of the coolies, of which Lord
Harris observed that they were not wholly faultless.
Thereupon Earl Grey sent out an order immediately to
cancelpass passing
g the
th
e rules ;
Emancipation and the consequence eq
coolies were seen dying in the highways with
statements of Lord Stanley, the Duke of
hunger.—
(Hear, hear.) The intentions of the Legislature •
proper vagrancy Acts and other measures
all to secure
af
and others, all of whom contemplated the passingigton'
due supply of labour. Notwithstanding , almost
as soon as the Act was passed difficulties l• u t.ies had been
thrown in the way, which had since beeninereased, till
things had now come to the worst. It had been said
the high wages in the colonies were not the result of
the want of labour, but of the competition between the
colonies ; but it was clear the high wages
could only arise from a want of labour. As it was, the
negroes were the masters, and the masters had become
the servants; it was said the ne ro g es went to their work
in cabs, and with silk umbrellas.—(Great laughter.)
regretted that in the case of Guiana, Lord
Grey rey lie
had
stopped the supply of labourers, because the taxes were
not voted—a very paltry pretext, in his
opinion. Let
the colonies be placed in the situ C
_ a ton in which it was
meant to place them in 1846. The Act of that year had
not produced, though it had much
collies Why not allow the co °lus 1 • aggravated, their diffi-
ts now to go to Africa,
and obtain their own labour without the intervention of
Government? Now that th
ruined, wagit n t time e colonies were almost
o high that something was done
for them? The plan of Government would have no
effect; it would be much better to let the colonists die
out at once. Let themhave protection for a period
sufficiently long to restore their confidence, and to
enable them in the meantime to prepare themselves
to compete with other sugar-growing countries, and
thus give a f • atr cbance to free labour. He believed
that no shorter period than ten years of protection
in
would suffice to place the colonies a fair position.
But the Right Hon. Baronet asked how he was to make
up the loss in the revenue by adopting the proposal of the
Noble Lord. He would tell him how. Let the squa-
dron be withdrawn from the coast of Africa, and the
amount lost by the sugar duty would be saved in the
naval estimates. If something were not done soon the
colonies would relapse into a savage state, and this would
be
a sad resullt for the sacrifices England had made. He
was satisfied the Government proposal would never
answer, and he therefore counselled the Noble Lord, if he
was not prepared to do more, to take the course pointed
out, and to leave the colonies to their fate. For these
reasons he was opposed to the resolutions of the Noble
Lord, taking it for granted that the Hon. Baronet would
follow up his amendment if carried by a definite propo-
sition.

Mr. MOFFATT moved that the debate be adjourned.
—(Go on.)
Mr. ROBINSON seconded the motion.
Mr. CARD WELL, before the motion was put from
the chair, begged to point out that the number of stages
of the Bill, being
a money Bill, required that no time
should be lost in carrying it forward before the sth of
July, otherwise the measure could not become law in
time to supersede the sugar duties, which would come
into operation on that day.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER agreed
that there was a difficulty in point of time; but the
course pursued by the Hon. Baronet opposite was in
some respects unprecedented, and calculated to impede
the fair progress of public business.
Sir J. PAKINGTON protested against such an im-
putation being cast upon him as that just made by the
Right Hon. Baronet.

Mr.
BARKLY also vindicated the proceeding of the
Hon. Member for Droitwieb.
The debate was then adjourned to Thursday next.

PUBLIC HEALTH BILL.
Viscount MORPETH moved that this Bill be read a
third time, which was agreed to.
Mr. HENLEY moved the following clause to be added
as a rider to the Bill :—" And be it enacted, that if it
shall appear to a majority of not less than three. fifths
of the rated inhabitants of any parish or place co ntain-
ing less than two thousand inhabitants on the then last
census, in which this Act shall not be in force, assembled
at a public meeting to be called as hereinafter provided,
that it would contribute to the health and conve-
nience of the inhabitants generally that a public
drain or sewer should be made, or a well dug, or a
pump provided, for the public use of the inha-
bitants, it shall be lawful for the church-
wardens and overseers to have an estimate of the cost of
making such drain, or digging such well, or providing
such pump, made, and to lay the same before another
public meeting to be called as is hereinafter provided ;
and if the same shall bo approved and sanctioned by a
majority of not less than three- fifths of the meeting, it
shall be lawful for the churchwardens and overseers to
have the same, or any part thereof, sanctioned as afore-
said, executed, and to pay the costs thereof out of the
poor rates of the parish or place, provided always that
notice of any such meeting shall be given by the church-
wardens and overseers, as is by this Act provided to he
given of meetings to be holden by the superintending in-
spectors ; and the notice shall also contain a statement
of the work proposed or intended to be submitted for
the consideration and approval of the meeting.
Viscount MORPETH thought the clause would im-
pede the action of the Bill, but should not for tnat rea-
son object to its insertion.
Colonel SIBTHORP moved that the House do now
adjourn.
Viscount MORPETH hoped the Hon. and Gallant
Member would not persist in his motion.
Mr. URQUHART hoped that the Hon. and Gallant
Member would persist in his motion.
Mr. HUDSON hoped his Hon. and Gallant Friend
would not persist in his motion, but that he would per-
mit the measure to proceed, as it had been fully and
fairly discussed.
' The clause was agreed to and added to the Bill, and
the Bill was passed.
The House adjourned at Twenty minutes to One.

THE WATERLOO BANQUET.
The anniversary of the battle of Waterloo having
this year occurred on a Sunday, the customary banquet
given by the Duke of Wellington to the officers who
participated in the glories of that great day was not cele-
brated until last evening.
As usual, the noble and gallant Duke received very
numerous congratulatory visits at Apsley House—Field-
Marshal Grosvenor, Marshal Viscount Beresford, the
Duke of Richmond, Sir William Verner, Viscount
anabernaere, the Marquis of Londonderry, and many
other officers who served under his Grace; the Mar-
chioness Cornwallis, Viscountess Beresford, the Marquis
of lleadfort, the Earl and Countess of Jersey and Lady
Clementina Villiers, Lord and Lady Braybrooke, and in
fact a host of the aristocracy.
Soon after half-past ix
invited to the entertainmentao'clock the gallant veterans
Count Kielman_seggbee,gan to assemble; his Ex-
cellency Harding% Sir Edward .h..erriso-nLoarnddSsailrtoAunnd,rVewiscßouanrt.
Bar-
nard being among the early arrivals.
In the inner hall, immediatelyommunicating with
the grand staircase, was stationed the full band of the
Grenadier Guards (the Duke's regiment) which, during
the arrival of the guests, played a variety of marches
and martial airs.
The Marquis of Anglesey, on being recognised by the
crowd, was loudly cheered, as also was Viscount
Har-
ding°.
His Royal Highness Prince Albert,httended by Ma
General Bowles, Colonel E. Bouverie, and Colonel 2".
Buckley, arrived at ten minutes after 7 o'clock.
The.
Prince was warmly greeted by the populace without, and
on alighting was welcomed by the Duke of Wellington,
by whom the Prince was conducted to the saloon in
which the majority of the Waterloo heroes had mustered.
The Prince Consort, on his arrival, was saluted by the
band playing the National Anthem.
Punctually at half-past seven the banquet was an-
nounced in the Waterloo-gallery, when the Prince Con-
sort and the illustrious host, followed by Prince Castel-
cicala, the Count Kielmansegge, the Marquis of Angle-
sey, and the remainder of the guests, passed into the
banqueting-room.
The Prince wore the uniform of Colonel of the Scots
Fusilier Guards; the Duke of Wellington, that of a
Field-Marshal, with the riband of the Order of the Bath;
the Marquis of Anglesey wore the uniform of the Royal
Horse Guards (Blue), as Colonel of that Regiment.
On the right of the Duke sat Prince Albert and the
Marquis of Anglesey; and on his left, his Excellency
Prince Castelcicala and his Excellency Count Kielman-
segge. _

-The table presented a gorgeous display of valuable
plate, the celebrated Portuguese plateau occupying the
centre. Ranged along the table were immense china
vases, gifts from the Emperor of Russia and King of
Prussia, filled with the choicest flowers, and the whole of
the fruit-diskes and ornaments were of solid gold. The
dessert service was the celebrated set of Dresden china,
a present from the King of Saxony. At the north
end of the gallery, the sideboard exhibited a varied
collection of gold plate, amid which was Flaxman's
shield, emblematic of the Duke's victories, the whole
being lighted from the superb candelabra presented to
his Grace from the citizens of London. The arrange-
ments were, in fact, with trifling difference, the same as
noticed on previous years.
In addition to the Duke there were present:—
Field-Marshal his royal Highness Prince Albert, and
the following Waterloo officers:—Field Marshal the
Marquis of Anglesey, K.G., G.C.8., and G.C.H., Colonel
of the Royal Regiment of Horse Guards; General Lord
Strafford, G.C.B. and G.C.H., Colonel of the 29th Foot;
General Sir Peregrine Maitland, K C. 8., Colonel of the
17th Foot; General Sir C. HaMott, G.C.B. and G.C.H.,
Colonel of the 45th Foot; General the Right Hon. Sir
F. Adam, G.C.B. and G.C.M.G., Colonel of the 21st
Foot; Lieutenant-General Sir E. Kerrison. Bart., K.C.B.
and G.C.H., Colonel of the 14th Dragoons; Lieutenant-
General Sir A. T. Barnard, G.C.B. and G.C.H., Rifle
Brigade; Lieutenant-General Sir A. Woodford, K.C.B.
and G.C.M.G., Colonel of the 40th Foot; Lieutenant-
General Lord Fitzroy Somerset, G.C.8., Colonel of the
52d Foot; Lieutenant-General Sir James Macdonell,
G.C.B. and K.C.H., Colonel of the 79th Foot; Lieutenant
General James W. Sleigh, C. 8., Colonel of the 9th Dra-
goons; Lieutenant-General Sir Arthur B. Clifton, K.C.B.
and K.C.H., Colonel of the 12th Dragoons; Lieutenant-
General the Earl Cathcart, K.C.8., Colonel of the
3d Dragoon Guards ; Lieutenant-General Viscount
Hardinge, G.C.8., Colonel of the 57th Foot ; Lieut.-
General the Hon. IL P. Lygon, C. 8., Colonel of the 13th
Dragoons ; Lieutenant-General Sir George Scovell,
K.C.8., Colonel of the 4th Dragoon Guards ; Lieut.-
General Lord Saltoun, C.B. and G.C.H., Colonel of the
2d Foot ; Lieutenant-Gelled Henry Wyndham, Colonel
of the 11th Hussars ; Lt tenant-General Sir Edward
Bowater, K.C.H., Colonel of the 49th Foot ; Major-
General Sir Henry W. Rooke, C.B. and K.C.H. ;
Major-General Henry D'Oyly, Colonel of the 33d Foot ;
Major-General Thomas Dalmer, C. 8., Colonel of the
47th Foot ; Major-General James Hay, C. 8., Major-
General Douglas Mercer, C. 8., Major-General John
Reeve, C. 8., Major-General Sir Robert Gardiner, K.C.B.
and K.C.H., Major-General Archibald Money, C.B. and
K.C., Major-General E. Parkinson, C. 8., Major-General
Sir Thomas Hunter Blair, C. 8., Major-General R.
Lluellyn, C. 8., Major-General R. Egerton, C. 8., Major
General John Boteler Parker, C. 8., Major-
General J. C. Bourchier, K.C., Major-General J.
Grant, C. 8., Major-General T. W. Taylor, C. 8., Major-
General F. Calvert, C. 8., Major-General Sir D. L.
Evans, K.C.8., Major-General Lord J. Hay,
Major-
General J. S. Kennedy, C. 8., Major-General Lord
Sandys, Major-General G. Bowles, Major-General T.
%V. Robbins, Major-General R. M'lsreil, Major-General
W. L. Walton, Colonel H. Dawkins, Colonel Michael
Childers, C. 8., Colonel Wilaman, Colonel J. Martin,
Colonel the Hon. H. Hely Hutchinson, Colonel W. G.
Moore, Colonel J. Simpson, Colonel the Hon. G. Anson,
Colonel S. Stawell, Colonel Lord Hotham, Colonel the
Hon. G. Catheart, Colonel E. P. Buckley, Colonel
Charles Yorke, Colonel Berkeley Drummond, Colonel
C. F. R. Lascelles, Colonel R. Wallace, Colonel John
Oldfield, K.H.; Colonel E. W. Bouverie, Colonel Lord
Rokeby, Lieutenant-Colonel C. Rowan, C. 8., Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Wilkins, C.B. and K.H., Lieutenant-
Colonel the Right Hon. G. L. Dawson Darner, Lieut-
tenant-Colonel E. Keane, Lieutenant-Colonel P. Camp-
bell, C. 8., Lieutenant-Colonel J. Cox, KIT.
Covers were laid for eighty-four persons.
The Hon. and Rev. G. Wellesley, Rector of Strath-
fieldsaye, was present and said grace before and after
dinner.

The dessert having been placed on the table,
The Duke of WELLINGTON rose and proposed the
" Health of their gracious Sovereign the Queen."
The toast was drunk with three times three.
The DUKE then rose and said, he would next give the
health of his illustrious guest who had honoured him
with his company—" The Health of the illustrious
Prince, the Consort of her Majesty, Prince Albert."
His Royal Highness Prince ALBERT, in acknowledg-
ment, said, he was highly gratified at having the high
privilege to attend that annual festival to meet those
officers who had acted under their renowned chief. He
cordially thanked them for their kindness, and by their
permission he would propose to their notice " The
Health of the noble host, the illustrious Duke of Wel-
lington."
The announcement of his Grace's health was received
with enthusiastic cheering.
The Duke of Wellington bowed his respects to his as-
sembled guests.
The DUKE then gave—" The Army that fought the
Battle of Waterloo," which was responded to by the
heartiest cheers.

The DITICE said, the next toast he would give was one
always drunk in silence at these anniversary meetings.
It was—" To the Memory of those brave Companions in
Arms that fell at Waterloo."—The toast was drunk in
solemn silence.

The Dunz then rose to express the high sense of the
great services rendered by the cavalry at Waterloo,
under the command of his Noble Friend the Marquis of
Anglesey. He would give " The Cavalry that fought at
Waterloo, and the Marquis of Anglesey."—(Cheers).
The Marquis of ANGLESEY rose and thanked his
Grace and his brother comrades for the honour conferred
on the cavalry, and on him personally. He believed
they had all done their duty.
The DUKE then gave—" The Infantry engaged at
Waterloo and the Earl of Strafford."
General the Earl of STRAFFORD briefly replied.
The DUKE then said, that he could bear testimony to
the efficiency and brilliant achievements of the artillery
at Waterloo, with which toast he coupled the name of a
Gallant Officer who faced him, Sir R. Gardiner.
Major-General Sir R. GARDINER, in reply, thanked
the Duke and company; he believed the artillery were
never employed to greater advantage than at the field of
Waterloo under their illustrious chief