The Sun.
London, England, 1841-03-01 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF TIIE MORNING CHRONICLE.

Six—Permit me, for mysel and fellow-claimants, to thank
you for your prompt at.d pertinent remarks on' the article
which appeared in your paper of Saturday, the 20th of Fe-
bruary, from a correspondent, on the subject of the Danish
claims. But, as the question is one which naturally affects
a very numerous body, and must very soon again occupy the
attention of the House of Commons (I sincerely hope for the
last time), you will, perhaps, allow me to revert to it.

'I he communication of your correspondent bears upnn it a
sort of official stamp, sufficiently indicating the quarter from
which it proceeds. It is, therefore, I assume, to be received
as the formal manifesto of the Chancellor of the Excitequer ;
and it is but justice to say that it states his case moderately in
the manner, and plausibly in the matter; moreover, it chal-
lenges an answer, and ought to receive one.

Yoar correspondent, it is to be observed, dexterously chooses
his own ground for the contest. " The first question,' he says,
" is, What is there to d stinguish these claims from the others
which have been allowed? the next is, Supp;.sing them to be
so distinguished, upon chat ground do they rest per se?"
Upon the first of these questions be exercises his legal acumen,
in pointing out the distinction between a seizure arid eonfisca-
Con of book debt; and goods on shore, and a hostile seizure of
ships and cargoes, and contends that the claim of compensa-
tion for this latter act " is so far from being justified by the
allowance of the two others, that it is expressly negatived and
excluded by the reason for which they were admitted." Now,
it would not be difficult to demonstrate that in the present eve,
the supposed distinction does not exist, and that the act of the
Danish Government in seizing the ships and cargoes was as
clearly a contraventior. of international law as the other two
acts of admitted illegality. But we are not disposed to rest
our case on mere legal subtleties; we prefer to take our stand
on broad intelligible grounds of common sense and justice ; we
have nothing to do with the reasons or pretexts which may
have influenced the Government in acknowledging, though
tardily and with a bad grace, the justice of the other claims,
and payit•g an instalment of the debt too long withheld; we
stand or fall by the strength of our own case.
At the same time, our case is not, as your official corres-
pondent would ingeniously make out, distinct in principle from
that of the others. The grounds on which we ask for com-
pensation are applicable alike to all the classes. We maintain,
in short, that the various legal refinements that have been in-
troduced are wholly irrelevant and out of place ; end that the
question is not whether Denmark had a right, according to the
usages of war, to seize this or that kind of British property,
but whether Great Britain, having done an act confessedly
illegal, which act entailed, as its direct consequence, serious
losses upon certa'n of her own subjects, and having in the 'very
doing of the act supplied herself with the means of competuat-
ing the losses, is or is not bound by every consideration of
honour and duty to make such compensation. If it can with
any show of justice, or even decency, be contended that the
State may appropriate to itself the gains of an unlawful ag-
gre sion committed on the subjects of a State in amity, leaving
its own subjects unindemnified for the losses sustained by the
reprisals of the aggrieved Power, all that can he said is, that
morality is judged by a very different standard in public ques.
lions from that which has been adopted by common consent
for private transactions.

Your correspondent, indeed, accurately enough states the
ground mainly relied upon by the claimants as being " that
the injustice of an attack upon Denmark imposed on us a pe-
culiar obligation to indemnify all who suffered from it." But
how does he dispose of the important question thus raised?
First, by a proposition rather hinted than stated, that this
mimht, perhaps, give occasion for complaint by the Danes
against England, but could give no claim to British subjects
against their own Sovereign. This, however, is assuming the
whole question in controversy. We assert that British sub-
jects, having sustained losses by the sudden and just retalia-
tion of the Dines for the wrong so inflicted by England, have a
claim for redress against their own Government. Whether the
Danes might also have a just claim is not to the purpose ; but
the truth is that the Danes, instead of complaining to the Bri-
tish Government, acted more wisely and vigorously.in indemni-
fying themselves by reprisals. It it us upon whom theseireprisals
fell, who are the real sufferers and the parties to be compensated.
" But," says your correspondent, " the act in question, whe-
ther just or not, was meant for the good of the country, and
was indeed essential to its safety," and therefore its own subjects
have no right to complain. Now the argument might be good
if the loss had been as general as the gain; but if the Govern-
ment, from motives of Slate exrediency, thought fit to sacri-
fice a few ler the benefit:of all, that is frecisely the case in which
the claim for compensation does arise, and ought, whenever
practicable, to be granted. But of this argument, or, rather,
sophistry, you disposed so effectually at the time of its appear-
ance, that I shall pass on. Your correspondent, waxing bolder
as he proceeds, ventures to maintain that the conduct of Great
Britain towards Denmark in 1807, was an act to be excused,
if not justified, by the circumstance of the case. He treats the
general indignation with which the act has been regarded as
contemporaneous prejudice, which the impartial judgment of
history will correct. It is not, perhaps, worth our wide to
contest the point of necessity, because it is enough for our
case hat the attack was, and is not denied to have been, un-
lawful. But when your correspondent fortifies his judgment
by the authority of Mr. Alison, who pronounces "the expedi-
tion to Copenhagen to have been perfectly justified by the pub-
lication of the secret article in the Treaty of Tilsit," it may be
right to remind him that the expedition had actually sailed
twelve days before the informa.ion reached the British Usivern-
ment'of the signing of that Treaty, tnd that even h.d it been
otherwise, the designs of Napoleon and the Emperor of Russia
could afford no justification of our aggression upon the Danes,
who were not only no parties to such designs, hut were then
actually trading with GI eat Britain in the full confidence of
unbroken amity.
No, Sir, the attack upon Denmark was, if your correspondent
like it, a vigorous measure of preventive policy; but,. as re-
gards the unoff, nding Dames, it was an act neither to be jusii-
fied nor excused. We may palliate the crime, but for the
honour of our country we should not attempt to defend it.
Your correspondent, however, descending I', out this high
ground of principle, endeavours, by a comparison of dates, to
show that the loss it were sustained, not in consequence of an
ttl3.itish overnment in D.-ate , made
without notice or warning of any kind, but of the imprudence
o' the parties themselves, in not foreseeing or avoiding a pro-
bable danger.
_

Now this is a question of fact ; and I challenge your cor-
respondent, with all his official resources, to show that in any
one of the cases in which the loss has been establi-heel it vs as
rashly or imprudently incurred, or could even by any fore-
sight have been avoided. If any such case there be, let it be
excluded from the list of those for which compensation is
cla:med. Asserted of the claims generally, the statement is
demonstrably untrue. The very boast and triumph of the
British yolk). own that the act was a surprise, and of all the
vessels seized by the Danes not one at the time of sailing had
the remotest ground for anticipating hostilities pith Denmark.
But what must be the intrinsic weakness of a came, the
advocate of which, confessedly an able man, is driven to sup-
port it by such an argument as that which follows—that "the
cause of loss was not the want of notice, but the unexpected
withdrawal of that mighty fleet on whose protection they had
reckoned while they were completing or disposing of their car-
goes in other parts of the Baltic ?" " Perhaps," it is conde-
inendingly added, " they had reason to complain that this
fleet was so soon and so suddenly recalled ;" but this, it is
contended, could afford no ground for compensation. In other
words, the Government, having first, by an unauthorised
aggression, prejudiced the safety of all British property in the
Baltic, and then lulled the owners into a dangerous security,
by the pretence of a powerful protecting squadron, now turns
round and says, " The surprise of your ships and cargoes was
not occasioned by an attack on Denmark; if it were, we might
admit your claim to compensation ; but by the premature with-
drawal of the British fleet, to which you looked for protection ;
and for that act, however wrong in itself and indefensible, we
owe you no account, and acknowledge no responsibility." The
lawyers, Sir, have a maxim, that no man shall take advantage
of his own wrong. Is not this simple precept of equity
as applicable to states as to individuals ? Is the original wrong
less a wrong, or less the occasion of the loss sustained, because
another wrong has been superadded? Moreover, might not
the same argument have been used if the Government had
never made a show of protecting its subjects at all? Might it
not just as well have be en said that the loss was occasioned, not
by the prior seizure and confiscation of the Danish vessels, not
by the bombardment of Copenhagen—but by the omission of
the Government to furnish a sufficient protecting squadron ?
Your Correspondent, skilfully enough, reserves to the last, and
then dismisses with a very summary notice, the remaining and
really most important point urged by the claimants as a title to
the compensation demanded, viz., the ample fund accrued to
the Government from the sale of the Danish prizes so unlaw-
fully confiscated and sold. 'I he Chancellor of the Exchequer,
he says, offers to stake the question upon this issue, namely,
that so far as he can ascertain, after deducting what had been
awarded according to the ordinary practice to the diffe-ent cap-
tors, and what has already been given in the way of compen-
sation, the remainder is inconsiderable, and by no means suffi-
cient to meet the present demand."
Sir, I challenge the Chanceilor of the Exchequer to the
proof of this statement, and in order to furnish him with ma:e-
riab for his case, I give him the following information :
It appears by an account laid before the House of Com-
mons in the year 1810, of the nett proceeds of all droita
which had been then paid into the High Court of Ado iralty,
that the nett proceeds, ari•ing from the sale of the Danish
property, seized prior to hostilities, amounted to 1,161,6481.
sterling; and that there had been paid on the 2,;th of April,
Iso9, to Lords Gambier and Cathcart, the estimated valve
of the ships and stores taken at Copenhagen, and delivered
over for the public service, namely, a sum of 3e,2611. A
surplus therefore of 813,387/. remained ; and, although, as
the merchant-vessels and goods were seized by a simple fiat
of the Government, in the 'Thames and other ports of Engs
land, no captor was to be paid, let a further sum be de-
duced of 13,357/., for any contingent expenses that might
have been incurred. We have Oats a capital of a100,0e01.,
which, even at the low rate of hree per Cent. simple interest,
from 1809 to 1837, when Mr. spring Bice took the vote for
the liquidation of th book debt claims, would have amounted
to 1,472,0001. But the total sum awarded and paid to the
claimants, for losses incurred by the seizure of book debts
and goods on shore, is 278,000/., so that, by the most mo-
derate computation, and even disregarding any interest that
may have accrued since 1837, there must still be a sum of
1094,0001., as that remainder which is alleged by the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer to be " inconsiderable," and by no
means sufficien, to meet the present demand" of 224,000/1
With this sample of the official accuracy of your corre-
-pondent, lam content to close the controversy. His conclud-
ing argument, ad crumenatn, is well imagined, but I cannot
believe that it will influence those who already, by their de-
cided intijoritiet, determined that the claims are just, and ought
to be made good. Thrift is undoubtedly a virtue in Chancel-
lors of the Exchequer, and not the less valuable for its rarity.
But thrift may be shown in other and better ways than in with-
holding
payment of a just debt.
But, then, there Is the danger of a precedent ; and this it is,
we ate folds which so alarms the sensitiveness of Chancellors
and ex-Chancel!ori of the Exchequer. "If this claim be
granted, where are we to stop ?" lo this I answer, that the
simple question is, whether the claim is just. The concession
of a just demand can only be a precedent lc: the concession of
other just demands. If it be not just, lat it be rejected on that
ground, and not because it may be drawn into ail Ineobtenient
precedent. It it be just, where is the damage of the prece-
dent? But, in truth, what reason or foundation is there for
this pretended fear? The case, it is admitted on all hands,
was a peculiar one, and, for the honour of our country, it is to
be hoped it will be a singular one.
Ws3 are threatened, it seems, with the continued and inex-
orable opposition isf the 00Yertunent ; but I have no fear for
the result. If the House of Cosemond weld go back from its
thrice-recorded judgment, it mn t he on argumeeLlTll°"
and, permit me to add, without offence,
more _honest, too, i.L.Sn
those of your official correspondent.mound,

GNE OF THE CLAIMANTS.

- "P 4 R " Presbytery islet in the Guild
flail on Wednesday, and proceeded to take into considera-
tion the draft of a libel against Mr, Carruthers of Kirkden,
for charges of drunkenness. 4 petition signed by nearly
the whole of the parishioners of Kirkdce, bearing testi:.
mony to their esteem and affection for Mr. Carruthers,
and praying the Presbytery
to
take rui farther procedure in
the matter, kris read, and after some temarks, laid on the
table. The Presb)tcry, after much discussion, by a ma 7
iority sustained the libel, and appointed it to be stood by
the Moderator and Clerk, and to be prcceeded with ac-
cording to the Jews of the Church.,scoich Paper.

FRANCE.

FRENCH SECRET SERVICE BILL-IMPORTANT

DEBATE.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.-- SzTTixa OF Fzil. 25.
The President took the Chair at half-past one,
The Order of the •Day was the discussion on the Bill for an
extraordinary credit to complete the secret expenditure of the
estimates of 1841.

M. Marion said the report of M. Jouffroy was highly impro-
per in its language, and caiculat ed to create feelings of irritation.
M. Teulon then ascended the tribune. The Hon. Deputy
proceeeed to a sort of general attack upon all Cabinets, past
and present, and arriving at the report of M. Jouffroy, said he
mould not inquire into the boasted Cabiness of the 13th of
March and the 11th of October. He remembered, however,
that it was under them that it was proposed to put the capital
in a state of sie,.„ffe, and to revive that execrable law, worthy of
a Tiberius or a Louis XI., which compelled a medical man to
denounce his patients; he was not astonished, however, at such
acts, tor 'a Goverment descended from such an origin could
not d otherwise than commit them. The Hon. Deputy then
explained the cause.
President—lt is the turn of M. Desmousseaux de Givre.

M. Desmousseaux de Givre—l wave my right.
M. Portalis—l will ask of the Cabinet whether the princi-
ples set forth in the roi•orts are or are not adopted by it?
M. Guizot ascended the tribune amidst general marks of
attention, and began by saying that it was the first time a
Government had been pressed to give or refuse its adhesion
to the report of a commission. Government prosented pro-
jects of law, and commissions reported on them; discussion
took place on the former, not on the latter. As Minister,
however, he had no objection to explain his views. He had
aimed rom the first at re-composing the broken elements of
the majority. So far the reporter did 'speak the opinions
of the Cabinet. Is there any one in this Chamber, Gen-
tlemen, on whatever bench ho may be placed, who thinks
that the reorganisation of such a majority is cot neces-
sary? Is there any one present who thinks that the con-
fusion ai.d fractioning of parties is useful and aivantageous
to the Government, to the Chamber, and to the dignity
of our institutions?—(Cries of " No, no.") This is such a
simple truth, that what said on that subject in the report of
M. Jouffroy is nothing new. The grand thing needful is, that
the convictions by which they are unitedon a practical line of
policy be honest and sincere ; that their union be not the re-
sult t,f reciprocal weakness ; that it be not brought about by
concessions at the expense of conscience—this is the great
desideratum.—(Applause.) It is in this pint of view that the
majority was composed when the address was under discussion,
and it has been with this feeling that all questions of domestic
and foreign policy lvive been presented. Why were not those
diversities of opinion on different points of former policy brought
to mind three mon,hs ago? It aas not done. We are now
in the same positio,n ; we have, therefore, no reasons for cre-
ating dissension and throwing elements of discord into the bo-
soms of the majority. phis is the only point on which the Ca-
binet considers itself called upon for explanation.
M. Diligent said that, in a question of confidence, all ambi-
guity or equivoque ought to be avoided; yet here it was pre-
cisely the thing sought.
. . _

Duchata, Home Minister, declared the Government too
orenly stated the nature of its foreign policy, whilst M. Thiers
had sated his; and the Chamber had deeded between them.
Latterly the Hon. M. Remusat said that he considered the
policy of the present Cabinet disastrous fot the country. I
think that Hon. Gentleman possesses too much justice and im-
partiality not to allow me to form the s-me judgment on the
Cabinet of which he formed part. Two lines of policy pre-
sented th.emselves ; they were each defended ir, this Chamber ;
the one was for gushing the armaments without limit, at the
risk of an European war, the other maintained the policy of an
armed peace : you have pronounced in favour of the latter
system. '1 he question as to foreign policy is, there:ore, clear,
and I think any further explanation on that point would be
superfluous.—(Cries of " Yes.") Whin we came into office
was there not an universal feeling of alarm ? Did there not
exist serious symptoms of uneasiness, which doubtless may
now be easily forgotten? What was then the opinion
felt by all the labouring elas-es' who were withdrawing their
money from the savings' banks? I ask every man possessing
good faith, whether, in the month of October, society was in a
state of disqu'etude or not?—(Cries of " Yes, yes.") Never-
the'ess order has not once been disturbed since our accession to
office ; the 53rnptoms of uneasiness have disappeared. How
have we attained this result? Is it by causing re-action ?
(Cries of " No, no.") He would state what was the domestic
policy of the Government. It was to execute the laws firmly,
when the interest of the country requite:l it. We maintain
formally the laws of September, with this restriction, that any
new definition of any infringement of the word "attentat"
may be discussed by t-he Chambers, whenever it may be neces-
sary to be submitted to their examination. As to electoral re-
form, we believe it to be incompatible with the present state of
things. We shall oppose that reform ; the administration of
Thiers did the same. For the welfare of the country and
for the accomplishment of its task, the Government require
your co-operation and Tour confidence. You will not refuse
them. 'I he interest of the country demands this from you, as
it commands us to apply for it.
M. Gamier Pages said, the Chamber seemed to have made tip
its mind to avoid all serious discussion. He saw no difference
between M. Guizot and M. 'lidera. The system was just the
same, except that the more liberel the Ministry, tke dirtier the
work it bad to do. Marshal oult had proposed the dotation,
which Count Mole eertainiv would not have done. M. Thiers,
though linked with Liberals, carried the fortifications of Paris,
'that no Comersaiive wind nave carried, and had thereby
pleased the Court party.
_

M. 1 hiers then spoke as follows—Before the Report of the
Commission appeared, I had resolved not to speak en this debate,
it being advisable for public risen to observe silence sometimes.
But a motive of honour compels me to speak, in order to show
what had been the aim of the late Cabinet, and that it was not
a mere substitution of some persons for others. The Ministry
of the Ist of March had for its aim, first, all that bad been
desired by the coalition ; secondly, a greater degree of spirit
in foreign po'icy. It may not have attained these ends, but
such at least was its aim and its desire. The reporter accused
th. late Ministry of having made France lose its position in the
Eaat ; of having ruined the finances of the country, aid thrown
it in.() alarm without any goo.i resole; that it had changed
the principal question into the accessory one, the secondary
question into the principal, and so soiled all. It is unfortu-
nate that this explanation has come so late. I have never
been one of those who have so warmly promoted the Egyptian
policy. I have regretted the heat with which this policy has
bet n taken up, not that France had not a powerful interest in
what concerned Syria and Egypt; but it is evident to all who
understand European policy, that we should be alone against
all powers. Remembering the questions of Italy, Belgium,
told Spain, I trembled to see the Chamber and the country take
such positive engagements if they did not intend to follow
them up. Had 1 been asked, whether for the sake of Syria
and Egypt I would engae in a general war, I should have
I been cruelly perph•xed to answer; and, after all, should pro-
,
bably have answered in the negative. I found the country
already engaged in the Eastern question. Before the Ist
of 11farch, did not the Government explain itself
in the most positive manner? Did not M. Jouffroy do it, so
as to leave no doubt on the subject? I own I have committed
one fault. I was deceived as to the consequences ; I said that
if engagements were made for the Pacha of Egypt, and not
kept, France would be compromised. My error was, that I
thought, from what had passed, the country was seriously en-
gaged. I took the declaration of the Chamber, the speech of
the Crown, and the Report of the Commission to be in earnest.
I entered into the Eastern question with the most bitter regret;
I persisted in it, because I thought that, after engaging three
times, there would be danger in withdrawing. It was neither
for Syria nor Egypt, but for the honour of the country. that
I showed so much warmth. Let us pass over all the details of
this question. What has remained, after all this great discus-
sion, except that,:af er having made an advance, the aim has not
been attained ? There lies the misfortune. I repeat, the mis-
fortune is that we advanced for the fourth time, and then drew
back. But whose fault is it? I did not make so serious an affair
of this question. It was not the ministry of the Ist of March
who advanced' (From the centre, " Yes, yes). No! I did not
draw up the speech of the Crown in January, 1838 ; I did not
make the answer of the Chamber, where new rights were
spoken of; I did not write all the despatches, neither did I re-
cal our ambassador from 2.ngland. it cannot be eaid he was
recalled for incapacity, but because he was not. Egyptian
enough. Every ens must remember that the reporter was one
of those who exaggerated the importance of the Eastern ques-
tion ; who said, France could not sustain the humiliation of a
reverse, and he row reproaches those who, finding an engage-
ment taken, refused to draw back, with the misfortunes which
had happened to our policy. I did not misunderstand our in-
terests in Syria and Egypt ; they were great, but I did not
think them sufficient to run the risk of a general war. But
France paying three times expressed a will, which she
had afterwards renounced, I thought it dangerous to with-
draw a fourth time. Just now the minister of the In-
terior said that it was recessary to judge between the
policy which desired war and that which wished for
peace. When the question was brought before the Cham-
ber, France should have been ready to act, and she was not.
There were 310,000 men, 29,000 or 20,000 of whom were
veterans or gendarmes • 70,000 were in ' Africa ; there e-
mained in France 229,000, spread over the country. There
were 21,000 horses in the ranks ; there were not 15,000 horse
soldiers. I would not state that if it still existed. I only show
its-what situation we assumed office. There were Ministerial
crises, hesitations which precede such crises, and in the in-
terval the object of the dispute, the Pacha, succumbed. The
Chamber did not resolve the question of peace or war. It was
no longer time—neither is it now. There is no occasion to
make war for the Pacha, who is now on good terms with Eng-
land; that would be ridiculous. Where, then, lies the Question ?
Do you think, with the reporter, that personal policy,
isolating policy, egotistical policy, is not the right policy ?
'I he rel or;er reproached us Kith it, and I receive it willingly ;
I did not think a Cabinet ought to have any other. Do you,
also, think it dangerous and fatal? Are you so anxious to re-
enter the Eurei can alliance? This is the question ; and so
long as I see the Cabinet reject the alliance, I will refrain from
reproat hes. I accused it with lending itself to a changing of
policy, which I telieve to have materially lessened the import-
ance of the country ,• but this being done, if the cabinet dces
not hasten to rejoin European alliance, and add to our policy
the last check it can receive, I will not render its hold of
lower difficult. If, in fine, yoe do what is now necessary,
wait prepared for all events ; repair the defects of our mili-
tary organization ; far from combating you, I will assist you,
and do as I did a month back, putting aside all poli-
tical resentment. The report speaks of European concert.
If you are desirous of entering the European union—and this
is the practical question—sou-have no longer to decide for the
Pacha of Egypt ; if he is anything he is the ally of England;
if, as sty. Jouffroy indicates, you hasten to re-enter this Eu-
ropean union, to sanction it, in order to quit the actual state
I of isolation ; if you hasten to ratify and consolidate, by your
adhesian, arrangements made by the Four Powers without
you, against you, and in spite of you, you will add to the
losses already received the only possible one remaining ; or if
you diminish the importance which remains to France—
If yen sanction what has been done—if you despoil
yourseltes of the strength of isolation, you will be
highly culpable ; and for the puerile vanity of being again
nominally reclfted one of the Five Powers, you will
destroy the strength Ivhich still remains to French diplomacy.
You know as well as I do that nothing solid has been accom-
plished in the East so long as France does not take a part in it.
So long, then, as France knows how to keep herself in threaten-
ing isolation, which creates a icar of general war—so long as
France can say she does not acknov:ledge what has been done
sthost: her, who will risk the inconveneance of her absence in
un_nanoirrsttalntn%
the policy 01- the Five Powers ? When yeti do that, and re-
etetary organization, be assured,
re-
pair the breaches in ouri
checks, considerable strength
though France has expo,.
Government has undoubtedly suffered, Ir'anca by
will still remain to her. lam happy to say, that, though.stin the
f
considerable weight in the world; this is proved the
this isolation,'l
which
lethheisPowatetarscheagd aitnost lier, by the immense
which is manifested that she should re_
'Pat ropean union. Though it 'does not
-ln yourselves on this subject, do not
'-ced between the policy of war and
under the yoke of the Euro-
• - a hurry to re-enter this
et without you, act
what France
'*tion for

the de--
enter the
suit you to
tell thy country you are
that of I eace, You are place,
pean union. I repeat., do pot be m
union ; and since it has pleased Europe to tt.
without Europe. Learn to wait; learn to be
ought to be in the face of Europe. This is the gm,.
me and my honourable colleagues : we will not accept the ,
proach of having engaged the 'country in a dangerous policy;
we found engagements taken, we would not break them •
The general discusion was then (a quarter to seven o'clock)
adjourned till to-morrow.

EVEN ING EDITION.

SITTING OF FIB. 27.
Sauzet, the Presid, nt, took the chair at half-past cniehe
The order of the day Fos the adjourned debate upon '
Secret Service Money Bill, the gcneial discussion having bee"
brought to a close at the previous sitting.
M. Jouffroy, reporter of the Committee, addressed the Chi9,2'
ber, in reply to the objections taken to his Report, observol
that he was not surprised that the ideas therein expressed hi
no' met with the approbation of a certain party in ilia Ch
ber; that was to be expected—(A laugh)—but the rnajort y,
he was convinced, had done justice to those sentiments.
The Chamber then pa=sed to the discussion of the sepore`"
articles the ill.
The Porf esidenßt having read Article I, demanding a giant °f
one minas francs for secret service money,
M. Piscatory ascended the tribune, and said be had an jolt'. •
portant questien to put to the Ministry before giving his le:
upon this measure. The Hon. Deputy, having passed in
el
ian
view the policy of several preceding Cabinets, and expreso
his predilection for that of the Ist of March, with its Egypt
system, added that their present policy was a state of isolation,
:he question, therefore, he had to ask of the Ministry ne°l
whether France would remain in this position, pacific, but iso-
lated ; wl ether it was the invention a the Government to die;
arm, and if it adopted the opinions expressed in M. Jouffro) s
Report ? If the Government had no determination to 400,,
or re-enter the European councils, he should vote in favour
the Bill, but otherwise, he should certainly refuse to give ti°

vote of confidence to the Ministry. asd
M. Guizot, Minister for Foreign Affairs, rose to reply, ,
said that his answer would be very simple, namely,lbat in
present state of theatTairs of the country he could rot and wowto
not explain the intentions of the Ministry with respect of
_
their foreign relations.—(Sensation.) As to the Tiestgiuhe
home policy. and the sentiments expressed in the Report,
should also refrain from giving any explanation, alai fer..ithni;
reason, that he was unwilling to assist the Opposition in ere e
confusion and disunion in the ranks r f the majority; this
of tactic s had teen forowed for the last three days, but wit
out effect, and it was certainly not his wish to play the go!"
for his ad' ersaries.—( Laughter, and cries of " Hear, bear
The policy of the Cabinet had been clearly expounded at tb°
commencement of the Se,sion, and that system had not bcen
departed from. [,Left speaking.]

PORTUGAL.
LISBON, FEB. 22.-1 he debates in the Cortes this wee:_
have born of very little interest. The discussion on the AT__„
rican Treaty has not come on. The question of contirciurt:
the national battalions remains also undecided. The G° ; ,
ment project on the subject was referred to the War Coled
tee, who will report in favour of it, and it seems elf°. s;
that it wi.l pass with, perhaps, some slight mod
The Ministerial question still remains in static quo, the It
cant places being not yet filled up, and no immediate prcsPne-e
apparently of a definite arrangement taking place. Saner
'
Aguillar, the new Spanish Minister here, intends procee
t•
from Madrid to Lisbon by way of the Douro and Orrooroi
That part of the country, as well as this, has suffered g
deal from inundations.
he weather bete is now one •, the chief seat of the jaw:.
dations of the Tagus was abort Vallada, three leagues aird-
Villa Nova, and eight fr,,m Lisbon. The large tract of slyer
on the south bank of the Tagus, called the Lezirias,
been entirely under water, and its appearance from I, a
Nova, two or three days back, was miserable cut:o4l;4
score of houses in different parts being almost the araY,,,tonts
perceptible above the water. Gt eatly exaggerated ae‘" nee
had reached Lisbon of the state of the country in coniaque"ed
of the rains. Various subscriptions have been set on fa11,'.14.d
&oil°
the Marquis of Fa3al, who has estates near Vallada, f°"°'-ith
the example of the Government by sending a steamer slded
sum lies for the sufferers in that quarter. 'I he Queens ugFeibu-
her balls, andsent three contos of reis (7501.) as her cant°
tion to the relief fund. „,,buro'
On Friday last, Diogo Alves and Antonio Martins ticm—Ths'
the two principal parties connected with the murder at Ce;
Andrade's, a year and a half age, were hung at the usual P 7,0, •
of execution at the Cars de Tojo, after the wual previous Pof
cession from the prison, and through the city. mother: ,0 •
their companions, called the " Enterriador," wai Oracle:1o; ,
suffer with them ; but his confessions, having verj3
tributed to make the case clear against jOg° nuera
and the rest, his sentence was commuted by the " The
for that, of transportation to Africa for life• d Kos
woman Gertrudes, who lived with Diogo Alves an .0,11
acquainted with all the proceedings of the Ptegi, ecer
also be banished to Africa for life. Diogo Alves did not hoe
fess his crime till the very last moment, and is said t°
offered violence to the priest who visited him in prison t°lovg
duce him to confess. His companion confessed every' hing in
before. It appears that both these persons were concernet;
to
the murder and robbery at Mr. O'Neill's, where, in erdeosa
get into the house, they actually sent to Galicia for 6 opt
called Joao do Alho, who had some time back been IV°. 01-
there, and mede him the instrument of their plans. I‘l°,oe
diers who had belonged to the same gang were executed ssd $
months back, and the bringing these men to justice has
h
very beneficial effect here.
The guerillas in the Algarve are again on the increase 'ee.,
gang a few days since, lying in ambush, attacked a fiYinileiret
lumn of 20 of the Queen's troops, killing a Lieutenant ; ca.
of the sth Cacadores ; after which they entered Cassor`Aelr
chopo, and Martin Longo, and obliged the respective tic
inents to retire within their small forts. Chl°
Two overseers of the parishes of Andreas andV ,po $
have been assassinated, the latter while in the act of 'els' ° •
recruit, who transfixed him with a javelin.
741911C'
MR. SNOW HARRIS'S COL--

TORS.
;ntea•
to such of our readers as may be tiett"ce-thst
with Mr. Harris's plan, it may be well to exp!am
it consists of metallic plates inserted nearly half-Withs
in depth into the after part of the masts, from
truck to the kelson ; the communication beieg Firese.rved•
by overlapping parts, connected though not COrablogo
These are intended to convey the electric fluid dlr. by
the centre of the ship, passing it into the Water'
three
‘, ory lour bolts
arrangementleadi n r!ra
iy throughbe theail very el.gooc,
-sod
No
probably very safe, but our objections to it are altbe
fold. First, we dislike the principle of inviting it
electric fluid into the bcdy of the ship, whet- sis
is possible to convey it cv. r the side. Nesr he
lightning does not suit itself to the size °".
vessel, but but strikes the sinal and the great let
no
ferently with the retire force, and the plates eretio%
larger than what are considered' eapatile of coodueoest
the stream in all cases ; it is evident that the ,5113 it ;
mast must be fitted in the same manner as the lare-ot
and as the topgallant-masts of small vessels sretoos
more than five or six inches in diameter, it apeears,•city
that they would be greatly injured, and their elaslicse
totally destroyed, by the insertion of such plates as
proposed, and the nails to secure them. oaits,
Again, there is the difficulty of effecting any re'
should a ship be dismasted abroad •; but more tha': 'we
the comparative cost between this plan and 04'3 so'
consider as good in all respects, and far better ie tie
—the wire conductor, which passes the fluid Oct
side—and which has lately been fitted to several 7:P;of
There arc various opinions respecting the !
conductors, some contending that they Are in.lll-boye
by attracting the fluid, and that more builainglbang
been destroyed in consequence of their preset:lee f the
they were wanting. Others argue, that te. he cool'
greatest use they should be so arranged as t 0 c woo"
the fluid clear of the object ; these last are, the eerlan of
sense folks ; while the philosophers advecato the P bras
Mr. Harris, and even propose to page the PLerj
through the magazine of gunpowder. Whe° (lc'
Sandwich, of facetious memory, was once asked tc:aosy,
fine the difference between orthodoxy and hater he last
he replied, that the first was his dozy, and t",,,e
ll any other ma's doxy. Now, although up
it is
matter the report is in favour of the heterodortte'!ojed
remarkable that the principle so strongly reconwnor
by the Committee has not been put in practice hYpaiiro
owners, while the simple process of the coge der-
chains being, we suppose, more evident to t e II h itito
standing, or more ortbodoxical, is fast gettittlet-
use, not only in this country but America, for we vessels
stand that within the last month nearly twegitY„t roe
at Liverpool have been supplied with the Pate'ra . the
for this purpose, and several orders take° '-otiona
United States navy. Thus it is that useful inci!onter
make their way, when it requires the aid of r • esett
tary influence—and the Western Members °I „titre'
themselves" one and all"—to cram down a (I,°"l„,heil
able project. We recollect that some years bilea'anbh?
in command of the ACIIIOOI3, Captain the 11°P , coo'
Frederick Grey lied his ship fitted with garniland
in-
ductors ; and this officer, of a highly scieriti6e ;we jP
telligent mind, gave evidence before the Cot°,,ree.
favour of them, yet be bas gone to. sea is t" orue`
mion without applying for them, although he was thcro"
by lightning in the Jupiter in 1835, and rost The
fore have had some reason to alter his opinioob•e'enose
strange logic was broached in the debate, that ilirrio6
the Committee reported favourably of Mr• pry spiP
plan it cusit to have been adopted upoo ell, now,
fitted, in preference to any other, although ltd judges
rious that another, in the opinion of many fd ;nsole'
I quite as efficacious, exists, and which can h°
plished at about one-tenth the expense. ha°
From first to last about sixteen vessels ,
ps Eitt'n6
fitted with Harris's conductors, and the enst„,°o/. TNe
all in commission would be little less than SOP",b
t' e 1.3r1"
Caledonia alone cost upwards of 400/., while 'l. es the
tannia and Howe cost only about 701. each'
set
rival conductors. throw°
Another somewhat curious insinuation Was.„ect•og
out by a Noble Lord and Gallant Captain. reslotter•
the probability of political bias displayed in thi of caitY
Dr. Johnson defined a nice man to be a.mobe .IwaYs
ideas, meaning thereby that his mind moat ofsolell•
dwelling upon nasty matters ere he would thin," that
its
ing for them. It is the bane of the United Serviee,
members w ho have seats in Perliameot allow 00,1.16:party
bias to outweigh every other thought, and Wl°
take, sod
undereivois
or fact;ous feelings into thing they
for this reason the honesty ofevery their advocacy hei"l,otber
suspected becomes of little value to their bast
officers. What has the building
mode of protecting them from lightning, t°
_se cor
of ships, or do with
Whig, Tory, or Radical ? twe find that inct_e.
•
fl cling principles are costinuslly obtruded into I.:o2jirot
Would that we could find a naval officer in Posllprotes-
isith views directed solely to the benefit Of his er
skit:, taking his stand in a position to entil"._ of the
pressed opinions to the support and apt'Duat,' Ascii,'
United Service, an interest not to be shogt thcr i.teo'yn and
except in
securethose the constituenciesreturno
ft Ie itemr
bceres.°---"11%).0"vel
bribery

Alililtlu Gazette. ......
------7---7"--------- -- Ti, fie•
A FACT WORTH ATTENTION.---",•re.., in
verend J. Mason, Indeendent :11inister, lor'c',.,"-itil-
a poor ne;ghbourhood, among the weavers or 'r" ri
we•vCram d labo.lllo,
fields, and though be is ver useful,
abard, his income is less than 100? per annum. To„it'ln•
short time ago, the I3iihop of London Wade apP"c;not,
offe►ing to take his chapel and repair it, for abctt tu,i b
then to license it, and ordain Mr. M. as its ter' tho
all its advantageous prospects, if he would eenforni tli 0
Estall shmcnt. To a man with a family and so fm a•
-.e it was a tempting offer. Mr. M. returred ..-pild
• :.; Lordship declining his offer, as be Wel a
"vittion.—Patriot,

1004.,
Pief tai Ptr
seater from pf,

off.

st .
u one
pn the
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he Ch4°l‘
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favour of
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