The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-20 00:00:00

the one with the other—their association we mean
both political, social, and commercial. Spain feels
this, England feels this, that, as to the people them-
selves, nothing except some unnatural and miraculous
catastrophe can lead to their estrangement. Of Eng-
land it has never been said as of France, that she is the
most dangerous of the enemies of Spain. Baron PIN,
FENDORF has made that declaration as far back as
the seventeenth century in his memorable " History of
Europe." Speaking of Spain, he thus exclaims—
" France is the most formidable enemy of that king-
dom." And have not subsequent events, we ask,
afforded corroboration a thousandfold to this declara-
tion of the great annalist ? Has not the peril to Spain
of an alliance with France been testified by innu-
merable circumstances occurring since the death of
PUTFENDORF—from the Treaty of Utrecht to the
Treaty of Vienna, from 1815 to the marriage of
MONTPENSIER ? With England it is altogether dif-
ferent. Spain and England are, as we have already
observed, united by the community of their
sentiments. And their social accordance with
each other is confirmed by the very dis-
similarity of their productions a dissimi-
larity which necessarily conipels the inter-
change of those productions, and consequently con-
nects the mercantile activity of the one with the
mercantile activity of the other. Spain with her
fruitful soil, and England with her industrious art. -
xans, Spain with her vintages, and withEnglantd
manufactures, Spain with the olive and
her wines and her oranges, England with her cutlery
mheetallic goods grape,
and her cottons, her woven goods and her r a herpe
,
—naturally, instinctively, and by necessity
the ports of each other the riches ofart pourandof ri_
a into
g
culture. Any separation between the two countries
would be disastrous to both ; any estrangement be-
tween them would only be mutually injurious to
their commercial enterprise.
At a moment therefore like the present—when the
diplomatic relations between Madrid and London
have been interrupted—it becomes a matter of vital
interest to the community both of the British islands
and of the Spanish peninsula, to discern the true
cause of this estrangement, and the most effectual
means for a reconciliation.
We have already explained in detail, word by
word, act by act, letter :by letter, the origin, the
progress, and the result of the recent quarrel. We
have shown, as clearly as the language of truth can
show anything, that mediately the cause of all has
been the assumption of despotic power by the Nar-
vaez Administration, and that immediately it has
arisen from the irritability and insolence of the Due
DE SOTOMAYOR. Now as to the means of recon-
ciliation.

footing that every reasonable cause of complaint
would be set aside. The facts asserted are threefold :
" That the House of Commons as at present consti-
tuted does not fairly represent the population,
the property, or the industry of the country." Each
of these points is capable of the most satisfactory and
conclusive proof, so as to render it impossible to con-
trovert the accuracy of the statement in any par-
ticular. We shall endeavour to establish the truth
of each of these propositions in detail, so as to fix
the premises from which the subsequent deductions
are to be drawn.
A C
pamphlet.* by ALEXANDER
MK
at-law, to which we have
A Y very,
Esq., rk
e m a
barrister-at-law,
already referred, contains a variety of statistical facts,
remarkable .
prepared with the greatest degree of accuracy and
industry, from which we shall quote largely on the
present occasion, and with which, we trust, every
person anxious for the success of the new Reform
movement may make himself fully acquainted, so as
to be enabled to confute on every occasion the advo-
cates of a restricted franchise, the opponents of equal
rights and privileges to all.
The United Kingdoms contain in round numbers
28,000,000 of inhabitants. The male adults may be
reckoned at a little more than one-fourth of the en-
tire number, or 7,000,000, and we find that the total
number of inhabited houses in 1841 t was, E
ng.
land, 2,753,295; in Scotland, 503,357; and in Ire-
land, 1,328,839; or, in all, nearly 4,600,000
persons who would be entitled to the fran-
chise if household suffrage was introduced,
there are, however, only about 1,000,000 who pos-
sess a voice in the election of representatives, so that
6-7 the of the adult population, and 7-9ths of the
householders are disfranchised, without any fault of
their own, under the present system. It is, there-
fore manifest that the House of Commons, as at pre-
sent constituted, does not fairly represent the popula-
tion of the country.
Unjust and_ inequitable as this may appear, it is
scarcely so bad as the gross and glaring inequalities
that pervade the actual representation. We find the
largest constituencies neutralized, and their wishes
set at nought ,by the nominees of individuals, and
one-eighth of the population sending a greater num-
ber of representatives to Parliament than the remain-
i g s even-.eighths, and, consequently, enabled to
outvote them on any question that may arise. Ex-
empli gratia —There are 42 boroughs, returning 69
Members, which are still subject to local influences,
and where a few aristocratic families are enabled
to nominate the representatives. " These boroughs,
containing altogether a population of 370,200 persons,
counterbalance in the House of Commons the entire
representation of the following cities, boroughs, and
towns, viz.: —London, Liverpool,`,Leeds, Lambeth,
Manchester, Marylebone, Finsbury, Sheffield,
Southwark, Tower Hamlets, Westminster, Birming-
ham, Bristol, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Dublin, Cork,
Belfast, Wolverhampton, Greenwich, Salford,
Oldham, Stockport, Preston, Bolton, Sunderland,
Newcastle, Nottingham, Stoke-upon-Trent, Aber-
deen, Dundee, Dudley, Hull, Bradford, and
Huddersfield, with an aggregate population
of 4,638,0004 And be it remembered that
these are the inhabitants of the chief seats of our
manufacturing and commercial industry, who are
thus set at nought by the representatives of one
thirteenth of their numbers, and less than the one•
hundredth part of their wealth.
The metropolis itself, with more than 2,000,000 o

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.

We have received the French papers of yesterday.
Tranquillity has been restored at Nismes and Per-
pignan, and there have been no further outrages in
La Creuse. The outbreak in that department was
of a formidable character. The tocsin sounded in all
the communes on the night of the 15th, and continued
till four the next morning. The peasants formed a
most formidable corps (I' armee. They were armed
with scythes, pikes, and spears. The municipal au-
thorities tried in vain to make them listen to reason.
They would hear nothing. They insisted on the
liberation of the prisoners and the abolition of the
additional impost of 45 centimes decreed by the late
Provisional Government. They expressed their re-
solution to march upon the town, and it was only by
the supplications and tears of women and children,
glerragnYte who promised that
d, that they were in-
s feared that a still more
in-
duced their
ertdhdeteome
demands
ont rrdebsae tasyrh.
oo
uf
11, the
bew was
formidable manifestation would have taken place on
of Gueret. Consider-
Saturday,yaable bodi
e s being
o of
t rt
oh
oep fete-day
t eh-addrrived from Cheateau
Roux and Limoges. Two companies of the Garde
Mobile have been ordered to Gueret.
The Constitutionnel publishes a document which, if
authentic, is calculated seriously to damage the cha-
racter of M. LAMARTINE, and even to connect him
with the conspirators of the 15th May. It is a peti-
tion which is 'going the round of the Socialist and
Communist clubs, and which, when a sufficient
number of signatures shall have been attached to it,
is to be presented to the Executive Committee. In
this petition it is declared that M. DE LAMARTINE
had promised to create a Ministry of Labour, as de-
manded by Louis BLAsc—to demand a credit of
600 millions of francs (more than half the sum de-
manded from the rich by BARBES on the 15th of May)
for the " foundation of agricultural and industrial
institutions; of halls in which the people may com-
plete their political education ; in short, to reduce the
principles of Socialism to practice."
The Constitutionnel asks whether the statements of
the petition can be true, and whether it is thus that the
conductor has been conspiring with the cloud and the
lightning ? "We know not," concludes the Constitu-
tionnel, "All that is certain is that signatures continue
to be attached to this petition, that the Socialists enrol
51. LAMARTINE as a member of their body, and that they
insist on giving him, as an army, the workmen in the
Ateliers Nationaux, an involuntary assemblage of
honest men, who merely wish for employment, but
whom intrigues would fain transform into an or-
ganized mob for attack and disorder."
The National endeavours to explain away the un-
fortunate expressions of the Minister of the Interior,
that France could not tolerate an increase of power
by her neighbours without seeking compensation for
herself, an expression which had been commented on
by the Constitutionnel as a declaration of an intention
to seize Savoy. The National says--
" At a moment when grave incidents are complicating
the Italian question, and that the armaments of the
Czar are menacing intervention in Prussia and in
Austria, an intervention invited, perhaps, by the treason
of Sovereigns, the most vulgar prudence commands that
France be prepared for every eventuality. This much
justice must be done to the Republic, that it takes all
precautions to reconcile the considerations due to pri-
vate interests with the exigencies of national safety,
however, the journals of the reaction seek to throw a
doubt upon the character of this patriotic measure. The
question is to insure the independence of France, and to
preserve civilization in Europe. What matters ! They
attribute these armaments to schemes of conquest, of
which the Government has not the least idea, and to
which the alarmists themselves do not attach belief. But
the good sense of the public will do justice to these
malevolent and perfidious insinuations, the object of
which is too transparent to deceive anybody."
The Finance Committee has recommended the
rejection of the Railway Bill proposed by the Go-
vernment. The debate in the Assembly on this im-
portant subject was to have come on yesterday.
A strike for wages has taken place among the
workmen employed in the arsenal at Toulon.
It is said that M. DE ROTHSCHILD is in negotiation
with the Executive Government on the subject of a
loan.

Areconciliation between the Governments of
Spain and of Great Britain can only be effected by
the substitution of a constitutional and liberal policy
for an unconstitutional and most despotic policy,
Lord PALMERSTON'S first confidential dispatch—(the
dispatch which,has provoked all this recent correspon-
dence)—stated as much, it stated that a radical
change in the policy of the Spanish Government had
become absolutely essential. Now we put the ques-
tion at once and boldly—Can such an alteration
be expected from the Cabinet of the Duque DR
VALENCIA ? The mere supposition is preposterous'
The transformation of the tyrannous administration
of NikavAEz into a liberal administration is hopeless—
wholly and positively hopeless. Or, supposing that
such a transformation were attempted, it. would only
be followed by a sense of appalling insecurity. No :
the only means left for the political regeneration of
Spain—and from this political regeneration alone can
we look for the reconciliation of the two Governments
—the only means left for the political regeneration of
Spain has been defined as long ago as the 24th of last
November by the eloquent and patriotic lips of
ESCOSURA. That distinguished man then declared
before the assembled Cortes that he believed that in
each of the political parties (that is to say among the
Progresistas and the Moderados) there were men of
integrity, of talent, of knowledge, and of valour,
who ought to divest themselves of the tradition and
the history of the past, and who ought to group
themselves together about one common centre (que
debieran agruparse en un centro), and that by this
arrangement the two great parties would be com-
bined into one which, under the name of the National
Party, or under any other appropriate title, should go-
vern the country liberally and constitutionally. In the
pamphlet already frequently alluded to by our-
selves, the pamphlet "La Naczon y los
Partidos," by Don VICENTE DE PEREDA, the
feasibility of such a coalition is displayed, and the
centre about which the Spanish people should con-
centrate is plainly indicated. As we have observed
before now, the value of the arguments contained in
this remarkable pamphlet consists mainly and pro-
eminently in the impartiality of its author. We can
listen to the statements of Don VICENTE DE PEREDA
with a perfect and unreserved reliance, because we
believe, and the Spaniards themselves believe, in the
impartiality of
.Don VICENTE DE PEREDA. Hence
it is that we have alluded to the pamphlet so repeat-
edly, and hence also we shall continue to allude to
it until the National Party is formed, until the re-
conciliation has been effected, and until Spain has
acquired the grand political blessing of the age—a
Free and Liberal Constitution.
In the second section of his pamphlet Don VI-
CENTE DE PEREDA gives a punctilious and even ela-
borate analysis of the condition of the Parties in
Spain. He says, among other things (p. 43), that
" the Moderado party still possesses an extraordinary
influence over the country, in spite of the vices of its
position and the inconsistency of its principles.'

inhabitants, returns but sixteen Members to Parlia-
' meat; while the boroughs of Bridgenorth, Honiton,
Harwich, Thetford, Richmond.(Yorkshire), Totnes,
Stafford, and Lymington, with an aggregate popula-
tion of less than 40,000 persons, return an equal
number. Thus one group, sixteen in number,
represent over 2,000,000 of people; and more
property, perhaps, than is contained in any other
part of the world ; while another group, con-
sisting of the same number, represent less than
40,000—with but petty interests at stake, and many
of them, so far as the franchise is concerned, under
local influence. Again, we may find 22 boroughs,
containing barely 100,000 inhabitants, sending an
equal number of representatives with the 20 chief
cities and boroughs in the United Kingdom, with
populations amounting in the whole to 3,780,000,
We are unable, from want of space, to bring for-
ward other illustrations contained in the remarkable
pamphlet to which we have above alluded. We
shall, however, state the following results :—viz.,
" That the majority in Parliament represents less
than one-eighth of the body of the people, and but
about one-sixth of the whole electoral body, while the
distinction is still greater with regard to property
as the majority only represents 7 l -3 per cent. of the
rateable property; or, in other words, " one-fourteenth
of the whole rateable property of the country can
control the remaining thirteen-fourteenths."
How can the great body of the people be con-
tented under such circumstances ; and is it not mani-
fest that any mere extension of the franchise alone
will be inadequate to remedy the evil, unless accom-
panied by a more equal apportionment thereof ?

This day is fixed for taking a census of the work-
men employed in the Ateliers Nationaux. The autho-
rities will call at the domicile of each workman, in
order to verify the statements made by them as to
their respective means of support.
M. TRIERS has elected to sit for the department of
the Seine.

M. GOUDCI!AUX is the President of the Committee
appointed to report on the grant demanded for the
Ateliers Nationaux.
The following are the concluding chapters of the
new constitution :

" OF THE REPRESENTATIVES AND THE
ASSEMBLY.
" Every Frenchman of 21 years of age, and having
resided in the commune for six months, is an elector.
paying contributions or domicile, is eligible.
Every Frenchmen, aged 25 years, without any
ts uncertificated, and persons condemned to
icnofn‘a‘dmßitoaiunosknrpouufpnishments, or suffering punishment for acts
qualified as cri
en mes
ce, in by thee nce law, or for robbery, swindling, y
abuse confidde, vaga
shall neither be electors nor eligible.bondage, or begging,
" Voting shall be by ballot. The election of repre-
sentatives shall be made by departments and voting by
lists.

IThe vast advantages of the principle of mutual
insurance has long been tested so far as "life and
marine assurances" were concerned. It is, however,
strange, that until recently it has never been at-
tempted, with the exception of a few local offices
to apply it to cases of fire, to which, of all others, it'
would appear to be the best suited. In life assurances
there is a constant wearing away of the thing
insured, and the absolute certainty that at some time
or another a considerable sum will have to be
defrayed by the office. It is, however, otherwise in
cases of fire. There is no increase of risk, or
greater liabilities to casualties in consequence
of previous and long•continued exemption from
loss. The mutual system would not only make
parties more careful themselves, but would give to
every person so insured a direct and positive interest
to prevent anything, whether in the shape of fraud or
negligence, by which the interests of the genera)
body could be impaired or deteriorated. Long ex-
perience has shown that the premiums calculated are
amply sufficient to cover the losses accruing during
each period, and to leave considerable profits divisible
amongst the proprietors. The object of the Mutual
insurance system is that these profits should be
divisible amongst the parties insured at stated
periods, a certain portion thereof being retained
until a certain sum has been accumulated
to form a guarantee fund sufficient to prevent the
possibility of any claim being made upon the general
body of the assurers.

shall contain as many names as there are
" The National Assembly shall verify
the powers of
its Members, and decide 011 the validity of contested
elections.
representatives s to elect.
"The Assembly is to be elected for three years, and
bu
a t
riet
after such period to be entirely renewed.
time, but not exceeding three months.
" he representatives
may adjourn for a specified
"The Members of the legislative body are not repre-
sentatives of the department by whom they are named,
but of all France.
" They cannot receive any instructions to vote.
" No Member of the National Assembly can be prose-
ITtisperm permanent,
cuted or arrested in a criminal matter, unless taken in
flagrahte delicto, until the Assembly shall have given
authorisation.
" The law determines the public functions which are
incompatible with the duty of representative of the
people.
" The sittings of the Assembly are public. Neverthe-
less the Assembly may form itself into a Secret Com-
mittee, on the demand of a certain number of represen=
tatives fixed by the standing orders.
"The Assembly makes laws and decrees. Decrees
can only have reference to local and private interests.
The presence of one half of the Members of the Assem-
bly is necessary to the validity of a vote of a law. The
standing orders shall determine the number necessary to
vote a decree.
"No legislative act can become definitive until after
the project of law shall have been printed, deposed, and
published, till it shall have been twice discussed and
three times read, at intervals of not less than ten days.
Every representative receives an indemnity which he can-
not renounce.

Lower down he continues upon the same subject in
the same strain : " The divergence of principles
which internally affects its organization debi-
litates its energy, and embarrasses its vacci-
lating progress, because the contrary ten -
dency of those various principles impels its mem-
bers in opposite directions." Other reasons there are
why the Progresistas, as a party, are incapable of
redeeming the partially dissipated, or half-buried na-
tionality of the Peninsula ; and among other evil in-
fluences
the pernicious and prevalent operation of
Afrancesadoism. Viewing matters in this light, our
author says, further on (p. 65)—" Disorganization
has conduced to the ruin of the State, the ruin of the
State has augmented the general misery, and this
again has engendered discontent, while, as a con-

summation to the whole, the division among the
minds of all, and the venality of some, has
given entrance to those extraneous influences
which have been the principal impediments to a na-
tional reconciliation." As to the possibility of any
disgrace resulting from the transference of devotion
from the Moderado party or from the Progresista
party to the proposed National party; listen to
dispassionate exclamations of Don VICENTE
DE PEREDA. " Imitate," says he (p. 95) " Imitate
that grand example of moral courage which
has been given us in our own days—that patriotic
deed of the most distinguished man in the whole of
England. Imitate that Minister who, superiortoth
the
false considerations of a fugitive honour, depreciat-
ing alike the injurious reproaches of his own party
and the vain triumph of his antagonists, beheld
only the peril of his native land, and the necessity of a
great sacrifice." In that spontaneous panegyric upon
Sir ROBERT PEEL we recognize the perfect irnpar.

II We refer our readers to the advertisement of the
" British Empire Mutual Fire Assurance Company"
which appears in another part of our impression this
day, and by which the public in general are invited
to participate in the advantages which could formerly
only have been attained in some few country districts.
The British Empire Society has been formed under
the Friendly Societies' Acts, and enrolled accord-
ing to the provisions thereof. It is provided
that the parties insured shall not be liable to any
contribution towards losses, an adequate fund having
been subscribed by some of the members, in addition
to the premiums received, to make good losses, until
such an amount has accumulated from the profits as
to render this precaution unnecessary. Any disputes
which may arise may be settled by arbitration, ac•
cording to the provisions of the Friendly Societies'
Acts. These are advantages which we doubt not
the public will be fully able to appreciate.

"OF THE EXECUTIVE POWER.
"The President must have at least two million votes.
He is elected for four years, and is not re-eligible.
"He is to inspect and secure the execution of the laws.
" He disposes of the armed force without being ever
enabled to command it in person.
" He can give up no part of the territory, nor dissolve
the legislative body, nor suspend in any manner the em-
pire of the constitution and of the laws.
" He has to present each year to the National As-
sembly the report of the general state of the affairs of the
republic.
"He negotiates all treaties, which will be available
only after having been examined and ratified by the le-
gislative body.
exert ..tehhisa sr
iag
hritghutpotno grantthe proppaorsdaoln,o
fb u he can only
thet
Minister
inisterof
Justice, and after having consulted the Council of State.
"lie promulgates the laws, in the name of the French
people, without delay and without suspension.
" He receives the envoys and ambassadors from fo-
reign powers accredited to him.
"He is lodged at the expense of the republic, and re-
ceives a salary of 600,0001 r. per annum.
" He resides at the seat of government.
"There is a Vice-President of the republic, named for
four years by the National Assembly, upon the presen
tation made by the President, in the month which im-
mediately follows his election. The Vice-President of
the republic is, by right, President of the Council of
State.
" The President names and revokes the ministers, ac-
cording to his own will. He names and revokes in a
council of the ministers the diplomatic agents, the gene-
rals, and military commanders of land and sea forces,
the prefects, the governors of the colonies of Algeria
and of the Bank of France, the procureurs-,generaux and
other functionaries of a superior class. lie names and
revokes the secondary agents of the government, upon
the proposal of one of the ministers. •
" He has a right to suspend the agents of the execu.
tive power elected by the citizens. The term of this
suspension cannot exceed three months. He cannot re-
voke them without the consent of the Council of State.
abTryehe a
fixed
xl
jaeuwdr
yb.
by the
the cases in which the revoked
agents can be declared ineligible to the same functions.
This declaration of ineligibility can only be pronounced
" The number and the attributions of each minister
the legislative body.
" No act of government can have any effect unless it
be signed by a minister.
" The president, the ministers, and the agents and de- , I

tiality of the writer, and in it also the Spaniards
should recognize the patriotism which in a
thousand voices, in the voices of the past, and of
the future, in the name of their posterity, and of their

forefathers, summons them at this moment to the con
summation of a kindred sacrifice. Let them ad,

SPAIN.
Madrid journals of the 14th have arrived.
General NARVAEZ had a conference, on the pre-
vious day, with ORLANDO, it was supposed for the
purpose of endeavouring to induce ORLANDO to accept
the office of Minister of Finance.
MADRID BOLSA, JUNE 14.—Three per Cents.,
21 3-16 ; Five per Cents., 12f. Exchange on Lon
don, 41 50.

vance, and that betimes, for a National Party has
become a Necessity—a National Party consisting of
the Spanish people grouped together round the

banner of a really Liberal Constitution.

Don VICENTE DE PEREDA has indicated the man
whose name (according to his opinion as an impartial
Spaniard) should be the watchword of Spanish pa-
triotism, and whose hand should raise the standard of
Spanish nationality.

THE WOUNDED IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
A❑ official statement, relative to the period from Feb.
23 to April 28, 1848, records the number of wounded
received into the civil hospitals of Paris at 613, of whom
94 were soldiers, 531 non-military males, and 18 females;
4SB had left• the hospitals, of whom 71 were soldiers,
375 non-military, and 12 women; 103 had died—viz., 18
soldiers, 85 non-military, and 2 women, and 80 remained
in the hospital at the latter date.

The motion about to be brought forward in the
Rouse of Commons this evening by the Honourable
Member for Montrose may be divided into two parts.
The first, affirming the existence of a state of facts so
manifestly unjust and inequitable, that the indignation
of every thinking man, who feels the wrongs thereby
inflicted, must be thoroughly aroused. The second,
pointing out fitting remedies by which these
grievances may be, at least, partially removed, and
the representation.of the people placed upon such a

* 6. Electoral Districts, or the Apportionment of the
Representatives of the Country upon the basis of its
Population, &c.," by Alexander Mackay, Esq., of the
Middle Temple, barrister-at-law.
f Porter's Progress of the Nation, p. 537.
I Mackay's Electoral Districts, p. 14.

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 20, 1848.

positories of public authority are held responsible, each
in what concerns him, for all the acts of the government
and of the administration. The legislative body deter-
mines the cases of their respective responsibility.
" The Ministers have seats, cx eflicio, in the National
Assembly, and must be heard whenever they request it.
" There is to be a Council of State composed of forty
members at lea4t. The members of this Council are
named for three years by the National Assembly, during
the first month of each legislature, by ballot and by
absolute majority. They are indefinitely re-eligible.
" Those of the members of the Council of State who
have been chosen from the National Assembly, are to
be immediately replaced by other representatives of the
people.
" The members of the Council of State cannot be re-
voked but by the Assembly, upon the proposal of the
President of the Republic.
" The Council of State draws up the projects of laws
that the Government proposes to the Assembly, as well
as the projects of Parliamentary initiative which the
Assembly submits to its examination. It makes the re-
gulation of public administration, and exerts, with re-
spect to departmental and municipal administrations, all
the powers of control and of inspection which are de-
ferred to it by law. Its other attributes are to be regu-
late,. by the legislative body. The legislative body de-
termines the functions, subordination, and the attribu-
tions of administration and of administrative bodies.
OF THE JUDICIARY POWERS.
"Justice is administered in the name of the people.
It is gratuitous. The forms of the procedure are to be
abridged and simplified.
" The jury is to be successively applied by special
laws, to the decision of the fact in all civil matters.
" It is likewise to be extended to correctional matters
in the cases and according to the forms determined by
law.

" The juges de premiere instance et d'appel are named
by the president of the republic, according to an order
of candidateship which shall be regulated by the law of
judiciary organization.
" The judges of the tribunal of cessation are named
by the National Assembly.
The magistrates of the public ministry are named by
the President of the Republic.
" The judges of the tribunals -de premiere instance,
d'appel, and of cessation, are named for life. They can
be revoked and suspended by a sentence, for those causes
and in such forms as shall be determined by the laws.
The law of judiciary organization shall fix the age at
which the judges can be put en retraite.
" There shall be for all France one superior adminis-
trative tribunal, which shall decide on all litigious mat-
ters connected with public administration. The compo-
sition, functions, and forms of this tribunal shall be
decided by the law. The members of the administrative
tribunal shall be appointed by the President of the
Republic, on a list of presentation drawn up by the
council of state. They cannot be revoked but by the
President, and with the advice of the council of state.
" The members of the cour des eomptes shall be ap •
pointed and revoked in the same manner.
" A special tribunal of the judges of the cour de cassa-
tion and of councillors of state, appointed every three
years, both in equal numbers, by their respective bodies,
shall decide on the conflicts of functions between the
administrative and judicial authority.
" Appeals against the decisions of the tribunal des
comptes shall be submitted to the Court of Conflicts (des
con flits).
" 0:? THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE.
"A high court ofjustice judges without appeal or re-
course to cessation accusations preferred by the National
Assembly, whether against its own Members, or against
the President of the Republic, or the Ministers. It
judges also all persons accused of crimes, or plots against
the safety of the state, internal or external. It can only
bo constituted by a decree of the National Assembly,
which shall declare the city in which it shall be con-
voked. Its members will choose their President. The
jurors are selected from the members of the councils
general of the departments. When a decree of the Le-
gislative Assembly has ordered the foundation of a high
court of justice, the President of the tribunal sitting in
the chiet place of each department draws by lot, in
public audience, the name of a member of the council-
general. Over the eighty-six jurymen thus specified
the accused and the Public Minister exercise the right
of challenge as in ordinary matters, but so as always to
leave a jury of 12 citizens. The verdict by the jury of
guilty shall be given by a majority of two-thirds.
" GUARANTY OF RIGHTS.
" The punishments of death, confiscation, slavery,
perpetual punishment, and corporal degradation, ale
suppressed in matters regarding the press, the stamp,
and the censorship. The liberty of printing is ac-
knowledged with the necessary guarantees for public
and private interests. No one can be arrested or de-
tained but according to the forms and in the cases pre-
scribed by law. No one can be tried but by the ordi-
nary tribunals. There cannot, in consequence, be
created commissions or extraordinary tribunals under
any pretence. They who require, promote, sign, exe-
cute, or cause to be executed, arbitrary acts, are guilty,
and should be punished. The law shall define by whet
signs a religion shall be ranked in society as an ac-
knowledged religion. The obligation to taxation is the
guarantee of property.
" The property-tax is only imposed for one year.
The indirect taxes may bo imposed for several years.
"All the young citizens should be sent to public
schools to be in common, each according to his destina-
tion and faculties, and to learn the rights and duties of
a man and a citizen.
" The holding double employments or salaries is in-
terdicted.
" The codes, laws, and regulations actually existing
remain in force until they shall be legally abrogated."
The Committee on the Constitution met yesterday
morning, anti made a most important alteration in
their proposition :—lnstead of the President being ap-
pointed by the direct vote of the people, it is now pro-
posed that five candidates shall be elected by universal
suffrage, and that from among them the Assembly shall
choose the President.
The Assembly met at one o'clock.
M. Turck brought forward three propositions to fix
the position of the working classes in the national
workshops, and out of them. The principal points of
the two first are, that the men employed in the na-
tional workshops of the Seine are, within the space of
a fortnight after the promulgation of the present pro-
position, to be sent home to their own communes at the
expense of the State ; and that whoever receives money
from these establishments, without being in such a state
of want as to demand assistance, shall be prosecuted as
thieves. The third refers to certain modes of improving
the moral condition of the working classes. To be de-
veloped on a future day to be hereafter decided on.
M. de Falloux presented the report of the Commit-
tee on the Bill, demanding three millions for the na-
tional workshops. The report blames the extreme slow-
ness which has been manifested by the Government in
completing the census, as ordered by the Assembly. In
fact, when the Committee had commenced examining the
Bill just alluded to, scarcely anything had been done, and
the Committee had been obliged to impress on the Go-
vernment the necessity of at least doing something, if
not all that could be desired. The Committee, above
all, insisted on the necessity of raising the character of
the men employed in these establishments, and obliging
them to have some feeling of the disgrace attached to
men living in idleness in place of being supported by their
own honest exertions. The works on the railways
and other public works would be a useful means
of employing these men, but something effec-
tive might have been done already, had the
Government exerted itself more energetically. The
Committee considered that it ought to call on the As-
sembly to prolong its powers as the body appointed to
watch over the national workshops, since the most active
and constant superintendence appeared necessary. It
concluded by proposing to the Assembly to grant the
credit of three millions demanded; but as a considerable
part of that sum had already been spent when the Bill
was brought forward, it must call on the Assembly for
the future not to great more than one million at a time;
and next to continue its functions to the Committee.
M. Trelat, the Minister of Foreign Works, said that
it was a most difficult matter to arrange and re-organize
a matter which had been now for some months placed
on a certain footing, and, in fact, settled on fixed con-
ditions. Something had, however, been already done,
and in the course of the week the results of the exer-

,ons of the Government would be more marked. The
Honourable Minister then gave an account of the pro-
ceedings of the Government in sending from the na-
tional workshops the men there employed. Already
1,200 had been sent to the Charente, and 400 others
were to be forwarded on the 21st; a brigade of 500 had
been sent to the Marne, and others would be dispatched
successively to the number of 4,000; the department of
the Seine had received 300, and on Wednesday, the 21st,
the same number would be forwarded, and on the 24th
as many more; 1,200 had been sent to the Haute Seine,
and 400 others would be sent in the course of the week.
500 were to be employed in Paris, and 1,600 in the works
of the Tours to Nantes Railway. The Hon. Minister
then declared that very erroneous opinions had been
formed of the men in the national workshops. Some
persons went so far as to consider them malefactors.—
(" Oh, oh!" loud denial.) They were the brothers of
every man present, and merited the deepest attention
of all thinking men. He had been applied to repeatedly
to send away the persons there employed, but he had
always refused. He could not assume the responsibility
of such au act. Many of the Hon. Representatives before
him were of opinion that this ought to be done at any
risk.—(Cries of "No, no.") " Bear in mind," said the
Honourable Minister, addressing the Assembly with
great emphasis, " that you are about to discuss the rail-
wey Bill with the national workshops still existing --
."
—(Dreadful agitation arose in every part of the cham-
ber at this menance, which lasted some time.) The
Hon. Minister entreated his hearers not to attribute to
his words a greater importance than they merited. He
merely meant to express what the reporter of the Con►-
mittee had already declared in other words. The Hon.
Representatives could not so well understand the diffi-
culties of this question, notwithstanding all their good
intentions, as he who had made it his especial study.
It was not enough for him to come forward and demand
a vote of money, in order to effect what the Assembly
might direct with respect to the national workshops—
there was the necessity of preparing for the depar-
ture of the men, and then of sending them off
by brigades. This was a most difficult task, but
it had at last been surmounted ; every two days,
and sometimes every day, the men would now be for-
warded to the provinces. To do as he had been asked
by the Committee—to send them off en masse, was im-
possible; public works would give employment, no
doubt, to many; but it was, after all, private industrial
enterprises that must be looked to as the means of
giving employment to the many thousands that de-
manded it. He trusted that confidence would speedily
be restored, and then employment would present itself'
for all.

M. de Falloux must object to some of the expressions
used by the Hon. Minister. No one had spoken of the
men in the national workshops as malefactors, though
it was beyond a doubt that many men whose charac-
ters woul,l not bear the test of inquiry had got in there.
He could not see either why the Hon. Minister was to
arrogate to himself such superior knowledge on the
subject. The Committee had by no means found that
to be the case.—(Hear, hear.)
The Minister of Public Works said that he intended
to imply merely that he must know more about the
working of the establishments alluded to than the
generality of the Hon. Members around, who had ex-
amined the matter only cursorily. He had always been
opposed to the employment of force against the work-
men, because he thought it unnecessary, and because he
felt that they had been deceived.—(Cries of " By whom,
by whom?") After the revolution, be and others of his
way of thinking had with equal grief and surprise found
that in place of the first principles of liberty, equality,
and fraternity, it was hatred that was at the bottom of
men's hearts. Since 1820 the principles of universal
charity had baen supported by a certain number of per-
sons, and their exertions had much contributed to bring
about the revolution of Fybruary. But after the revo-
lution, far from these principles being carried out, there
was a decided tendency to set one class against another,
and in the division that so occurred the people suffered.
The Hod. Minister complained that he did not find in
the Committee as touch feeling for the people as he had
a right to anticipate.
M. de Falloux observed that the report had been
drawn up with great moderation, and the person to
whom most consideration had been shown in it was the
Honourable Member himself.

The matter then dropped.
M. Armand Marrast ascended the tribune to read the
draft on the Constitution. (The greatest interest was
evinced to hear this important document read, and the
deepest silence prevailed throughout. The only part
which called forth a mark of approbation or the contrary
was that which declares that '• Substitutes in the army
were lorbidden." This part did not seem to please.)
(Left sitting.)

BOURSE—PARIS, MONDAY, JUNE 19.
THREE O'CLOCK.—There was a good deal of busi-
ness done to-day at very nearly the same prices as
on Saturday ; the only remarkable feature being
the steady advance in Orleans Railway Shares.
The Vieille Montagne Shares remain as on
Saturday, at 2,200. Bechet's Bank is quoted at
550. Paris Obligations at 1,175, and the Four Canals,
at 765. For the Account, the French Three per Cents.
and the Five per Cents. have each fallen 25c. For
Money, the Three per Cents. and the Five per Cents.
are at the prices as on Saturday. Bons du Tresor are
at a discount of from 25 to 23. Bank of France Shares
have risen sf. Belgian Bank Shares not quoted. Five
per Cents., 1842, are the same as on Saturday. Spanish
Stock not quoted. Roman have advanced 1 per cent.;
Rothschild's Receipts have advanced per cent.; Ex-
change on London (thirty days) 25f. 45e.; ditto (ninety
days) 251. 35c. Railway Shares for the Account, set-
tling of June 30:—Northerns were done at 360 f., but
no others are quoted. For Money the Orleans have
risen 101., Dieppe 21. 50e., and Nantes If. 25c. The
Versailles, Right Bank, have fallen 2f. 50c.; Left Bank,
21. 50c.; Vierzon, 5f.; Nantes, If. 25c.; Bales, If. 25c.;
and Bordeaux, If. 25c. The Rouens, Havres, Northerns,
Lyons, and Strasburgs remain as on Saturday.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, JUNE 19.
Northern of France, 41%.