The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-03 00:00:00

JUNE :"=, 1846.

SOCIETY 01? PAINTERS IN WATER
COLOURS.
The FORTY-SECOND ANNUAL EXHIBITION is NOW
OPEN, at their Gallery, 5, Pal•mall East, each day, from Nine
till Dusk.
Admittance, One Shilling. Catalogue, Sllpenee.
J. W. WRIGHT, Sec.

IdEIIIOIRES D'UN DIEDECIN.
L'OBSERVATEUIt FRA.NUAIS, priee 6d.,
will commence, on the 6th'ofJtine, a neWfloinance, by Alex-
andre Dumas, entitled " Les Memoires d'un 3Thclecin." This ro-
mance contains a vivid description of all the principal events which
occurred at the end of the last and the commencement of the present
century, the most eventful epoch in the annals of France. The first
part contains the time from the marriage of Merle AntOinette till
the year 1786. The second part will contain the six years from 1789
to 1794, from the destruction of la Bastille till the end of the Reign of
Terror; after which will appear Le Directolre, l'Empire, la Bosnia-
ration, and all the contemporary events connected with that event-
ful ThOma3, pliblisner, 21, Catherine street, Strand.
Orders received by all booksellers and newsmen.

SPEECHES OF MM. THIERS AND
G UIZOT, IN THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES,
ON THE POLICY-OF FRANCE.
In the course of Wednesday last, the discussion of
the estimates afforded M. Thiers, who has been of late
comparatively silent, an opportunity of arraigning the
whole system of M. Guizat's policy. The following is
his speech
M. THIERS said that it was in order not to interrupt the
discussion of the Chapters that he addressed the Chamber
at that moment. He stood there to support by antici-
pation the amendment of M. 0. Barrot. The Chamber
would comprehend that it was not a vote that he came
forward to solicit, nor did he want, on the eve of an
election, to excite men's minds by a highly-coloured
picture of grievances. His only design was to ex-
pose to all impartial and enlightened men the
motives of his oppoaition. In his opinion, a reaction
had been for some years going on, not of a vio-
lent character, for such goulci not,„take place in Abe
present times, but a moderate reaction, such as had been
manifested at the revolution of 1830. He had contri-
buted to found and consolidate the present Government,
and he now attackel it, not in its essence—God forbid!—
but in some of its acts—in the acts of its servants, the
present Ministers, who, in following their own tastes,
imagined they were serving its interests. Some months
back he said that all governments commenced by being
right, and finished by being in the wrong, He cited the
revolution, the empire, and the restoration—Cie revolu-
tion, humane at first, and cruel afterwards ; the empire
at first sage and well ordered, and then despotic and mad
after senseless conquests ; and, lastly, the restoration,
which came in 1815, as it declared, to preserve all lawful
rights, and yet violated in 1830 all the rights of the na-
tion. Was the present Government following the
example of the three preceding ones ? He should say
what it ought to have been, what it had been, and what
it now was, and then a judgment could be formed on the
subject. He should first examine ,hat its conduct
ought to have baen at its birth. There were two
courses open to it a warlike or a pacific one.
A government, young and ardent, taking advantage
of the enthusiasm which prevailed in France, and
the agitation which pervaded Europe, might endeavour
to take a glorious vengeance for the events of 1815,
but the result of such a course was doubtful, and that
was sufficient to condemn it. The new Government
beheld Europe, the higher classes of society, and the
Church, withdrawing from it. In such a position, the
policy of the Government should have been pacific and
moderate, but firm. Europe should have been made to
feel that France wished for peace, not from fear but
from calculation; the upper classes of society should
comprehend that in respecting their position, the Go-
vernment of the country aas not to be rendered subject
to them, and that, if they were hostile, it would be
maintained with a firm hand; the church should be
made to see that in preserving to its dotation and ho-
nours, no principle was to be sacrificed. In fine, an able
and prudent Administration was required—an Adminis-
tration, placing on a strong basis the navy, army, and
finances. On these two conditions, of a peaceful and
firm policy, and of a prudent Administration, the new
Government could have arrived at the destiny of those
officers of fortune who, having become Catinats and
Vaubans, marched on an equality with the Condei and
Montinorencis.—(Applause.) He might be told that this
was what it had been and what it now was; he would
reply, " No, it is what it commenced by being, but
what it is no longer." What was seen at the origin
of the Government? A liberal alliance with Eng-
land, which upheld the influence of France in Europe.
All the statesmen of the day were in accord in endea-
vouring to put down disorders without effusion of blood;
and when the Government demanded 100,000,000 to
complete the public monuments and public works, the
Chamber gave it them, great as the sum was, with con-
fidence. The conduct of the Government was then
proper and prudent—such, in fact, as suited their situa-
tion. But afterwards that prudence was changed into a
desire to preserve their positions; it became mere inert-
ness; and complete immovability appeared to govern all
their acts. The Hon. Deputy then proceeded to sketch
the various circumstances ip which this unwillingness to
move was manifested. -He instanced Spain, where
France refused to interfere ; -he referred to Belgium,
which, from the refusal of France to act, had lost
Luxembourg, and the French troops were obliged to
evacute Ancona. This last circumstance appeared so
heinous that then was formed the coalition, is which M.
Guizot, M. Duchatel, and the Duke de Broglie had
united to overthrow the Mole ministry. Afterwards
came the coolness between France and England. In
consequence of the checks which arose from it, France
desired to take her revenge, and went to seek it in the
east. He had not placed credit in the illusions
which were entertained on this point, and, in fine, it
came to pass that the Eastern question was lost like the
others. What was the proper course to be pursued at
the period just alluded to? Evidently to keep apart—
in a state of isolation, completely removed from hostility;
but it was desired to renew the allegiance, and for .that
purpose an extension of the right of search was con-
ceded. The country became greatly agitated in conse-
quence, and the Government was obliged to demand back
the concessions that were made. Then, to turn the at-
tention of the public mind in another direction, a lure
was thrown out, and the expedition to the Marquesas
was devised. Here, again, it was found necessary to re-
coil, but this time it was not before the country, but be-
fore England that the withdrawal took place.—(Hear,
hear.) Admiral Dupetit-Thouars was disavowed, and
an indemnity was granted to the arrogant missionary
who had caused the blood of their soldiers to be shed.—
(Murmurs.) But this was not all. Worse than this
was done. A difference arose between England (the
chance ally of France) and the United States, her fun-
damental ally, and France took the part of England.
The very utmost that the Government ought to have
done, was to ha 4 observed a kindly neutrality.—
(Hear, hear.) But from all these concessions, had
France, at least, reaped any advantage ? No. In
Syria, where she asked for a little humanity to the
ChriStian populations, her voice was unheard ; and
in Greece, where she only desired to see sound policy
established, her wishes were thwarted. It was
said that peace had been observed. He allowed that
peace was a great blessing ; but let the Chamber not
torget that on the occasion of the miserable affair of the
Marquesas, and at the moment of the Pritchard amend-
ment, France was nearer war than she had been for 15
years before.—(Marks of denial from the Centres.) The
Hon. Deputy here again referred to the state of Spain,
and accused the Government of wishing to appear to
exercise an influence there, which in reality it did not
possesi. He referred to cases of Espartero and Narvaez,
both of whom were at first supported by the French
Government, and then utterly neglected. How, he
would ask, was Spain situated at present ? Queen
Christina, whom he had been anxious to succour in her
distress, and whom he had not flattered in her prosperity,
had admitted into her heart a most unjustifiable hatred
for the sons of 'her sister—(Murmurs)—and under the
influence of that most lamentable sentiment—(Oh, oh,)
—had sought in Naples a husband for her daughter in
the Count de Trapani.—(Movement.) He had no in-
tention to give any opinion relative to that candidate,
but every one well knew that the choice was impossible;
he was opposed by all parties in Spain, and was par-
ticularly odious to the Moderado party. By that un-
happy selection, that Queen, whom France could not
devise the means of effectually succouring, and whom
she had flattered beyond measure, had divided that
party, and at present that was the greatest difficulty in
Spain. But to return to the policy pursued in France.
For some years a change had been gradually going on
in the majority. Whilst some men, and his own party
amongst others, had separated from it, others had joined
it. He was convinced that the greater number had been
influenced by honourable motives.—(Murmurs.) But
he must be permitted to say that to many the attraction
of power had been a predominant reason.—(Renewed.
murmurs. What was the consequence of this change?
Formerly the Government confined itself to defend-
ing itself against parties; it was, in fact, with hesi-
tation that it ventured to avow a candidate at the
elections. At present the Government, far from limiting
its action to self-defence, assumed the offensive, and the
result of this conduct would be that in a short time the
administration would be nothing else than a political in-
strument. He admitted, however, the right of the Go-
vernment to defend itself, but it ought to do so with
some reserve—it ought to impose some reserve on its
defenders.
The MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS.—The Govern-
ment could not answer for newspaper articles.
M. TRIERS was glad to find that the Hon. Minister
understood his allusion. But though the Government
could not answer in all things for its defenders, let
there was between a Ministry and the journals which
defended it, a certain common bond. Whilst of late the
opposition press became more moderate, that of the Go-
vernment became more violent. But that only proved
that the opposition press was in the right. In 1830 the
moderate press belonged to the opposition, the violent
one to the Government, and every one knew what had
taken place. The Hon. Deputy then reproached the
Cabinet with departing from the national party to draw
closer to the legitimist and religious one. He said that,
though the journey to London to see the Duke, of
Bordeaux was attacked so violently by the Go-
vernment in the Chamber, yet it showed it-
self very accommodating afterwards with the le
gitimist party, when the great question of na-
tional education was at stake. The lion. Deputy then
' referred to the state of the navy, army, and finances.
, He accused the Government of allowing the navy to fall

PitICE SD.

to ruin, and said that had nut the Chambers interfered
it would have done nothing. The army, ho allowed,
was active, ardent, and intelligentrbut he denied that it
was properly organised • the recruitment regulations
were insufficient, and the cavalry was not certain of
procuring horses. In allusion to the state of the
finances, he complained of the loans that the State had
been forced . to contract, and adducing the example of
the father of Frederick the Great, who had left his son
an e,rmy and treasures which enabled him to conquer
Silesia, he declared that he could pardon the Govern-
ment their faults, if they had left treasures sufficient
for a similar purpose.—(Approbation from the left.)
The MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS should reply fully
to the Hon. Deputy at the next sitting.
The Chamber lose in considerable agitation at half-
past five.

On 'Thursday,
observations
dnsthoef tribune, May 28, the MINISTER Of FOREIGN Ae-
iFlAi riosb saes
.a n.adf.sTaiicla
et t,
he
en rsehpoluylidn g to
en-
deavour to
cee
attempted in a discussion to dispata ;
one's
adversaries,
or to-eulogise one self, the effect intia'` be
to lessen the
value of important matters, such as the general in-
terests of mankind, or the affairs of nations.' The ri o tt,
Gentleman, in his observations
en the policy of the (Go-
vernment since 1830, had divided it into two heads, one of
which he had, and the ether in which he had not, taken
a part ; the former he had approved of, and the latter
he had criticised. He would observe, with regard to the
former, that in his opinion the Hon. Deputy had not
given it the full praise that it deserved, for a policy
which, on the morrow of a revolution, in the midst of
the greatest agitation, had always remained master of
itself, prudent, just, and moderate, must certainly be
called a great policy. He must beg the Chamber
to excuse him from not following the lion. Gentleman
through all the questions which ho had raised, for
there ..were many which it - was More desirable to
`leave for history to record ; for the greet re-
sponsibility falling' on a minister frequently did
not allow him to treat such questions as he
might please. With regard to the right of search,
he would ask whether, if the Cabinet had fallen under
that question, and the Hon. M. Thiers had concluded the
convention of the 29th of May, the Opposition would
not have regarded it as a great piece of success.—
(Murmurs on the left.) The Hon. Gentleman, in allud-
ing to the conduct of the Government towards Spain,
exprettied his astonishment, that when the support o
the French Government was demanded, the reply should
have been to tell her to save herself; that was, however,
what she had been able lo accomplish. She had, with-
out intervention, put an end to the civil war, and esta-
blished a constitutional Government. Spain, doubtless,
continued to experience many difficulties, but be denied
that she was in a declining state ; on the contrary, she
was in the way to return to the good principles of prac-
tical government. He was surprised to hear the Hon.
Gentleman make use of the names of parties connected
with Spanish affairs, in a tone of bitterness which could
not be made use of when speaking of their own affairs.
(Approbation.) The Hon. Minister here passed an ea-
logium on General Narvanis, who, he observed, had con-
ferred great benefits on Spain. That officer might have
committed great faults, might have yielded to the brutal
traditions of his country, but when prudent voices
warned him that ho was acting wrong, he at once gave
way, and remained strictly within tire bounds of consti-
tutiona larder. No person ought, therefore, to accuse
General Narvaez of having compromised the monarchy
of his country. As to Queen Christina, who could tell
by what views her mother's heart had been moved in
seeking a husband for her daughter ? She had too
much good sense, and too much political experience, not
to sac: tice any personal feelings of her own to the wel-
fare of her country. Spain was at present in the hands
of men who had given proofs of their devotedness to her
interests. What France owed them, and what she de-
sired to afford them, was her moral support. He should
net then pause to answer the observations of M. Thiers
relative to Syria, for the question would one of those
days be brought forward, and discussed at full length.
Ile must, however, declare that M. Thiers was quite in
error when he asserted that France had asked for a little
humanity for the Christians of that country, and could
not obtain it. Humanity had nothing to do with the
matter ; it was altogether a question of organization in
the interior of the Lebanon, on which England and
France held different opinions. He was convinced that
the latter was right, and should be able to prove it when
the matter was discussed, but at present he could not
allow the question to be mis-stated—to be represented
as one of humanity. With respect to Greece, he should
be just as brief in his remarks, as he had not long since
declared that the whole cause of the difference betweeia
France and England, relative to that country, was that
they had formed different opinions respecting the cha-
racter of the Ministry now in power. A difference of
opinion might easily exist between the two Govern-
ments on such a point without leading to any grave re-
sults, and this was what had taken place in the present
instance. As to the question of the United States, he
certainly did not expect to fine-it again alluded to in the
tribune- _Every word that he load ever uttered relative
to the United States—every act that ho had sanctiiineff,-
might be strictly examined; and nothing could be found
that did not testify to his great consideration and inte-
rest for that country, He had maintained the inde-
pendence of the policy of France, as he had thought it
fitting for her interest, in a secondary matter ; and in a
question of a graver cast, he had been the first to pro •
claim a policy which no person in that Chamber could
gainsay—a strict and real neutrality, surrounded by
every kind of guarantee. Such were the few words
which he had deemed it necessary to utter on the foreign
policy of the Government. He should now proceed to
discuss that of the home administration, and as a preli-
minary step should observe, that on the accusation that
the present Ministry wished for peace at any price, he
must declare that they did certainly aim at preserving
peace, as the only efficient means of consolidating the
power and greatness of the country. But there were
two modes of preserving peace ; one was to be uneasy,
to fear the possibility of war, to continually demand if
it could be preserved—in fact, to show that war was
considered probable. This conduct in its turn produced
doubt amongst the other powers, and at last the result
would be that war would burst out. But there was
another mode of preserving peace, which was to do so
with confidence, with the conviction that it was to be
observed, and that it would issue victoriously from all
trials to which it might be subjected. After a lapse of
time every one would believe in its continuance, and the
favourable opinion thus felt would exercise a most be-
neficial effect on the country. It was in this way that
the present Government preserved peace. Let any
one go from that Chamber, and, proceeding through
France, listen to what was said, and regardwhat was
done, and then declare if France had not gained strength
immeasurably within the last five years.—(Dissent from
the left.) " You," said the Hon. Minister, turning to
the Opposition benches, " you and your friends are the
only persons who do not say so. All others declare the
contrary to you ; and this is the only way that we prove
in what manner we understand and practise the policy of
peace."—(" Hear, hear," from the centre.) With regard
to the domestic policy of the Government, the first re-
proach made against it by the Hon. Gentleman was, that
it was not a parliamentary government. It had acquired
a majority. It was admitted that it had passed through
many difficult trials, which it had got over with much
success, and yet it was not a parliamentary government
—it was a party, and governed as a part; If by this it
was meant to say that the majority had acquired a firm-
ness, an organisation, and a unity which was fitting to it,
the Government congratulated itself on it.—(llear, hear.)
The Conservative party, in fact, for the last
five years, must be regarded as the principal
constitutional force of the country.—(Bear, hear.) A
constitutional Government required a majority possess-
ing those principles, and faithfully following under the
same standard. Great efforts and great sacrifices had
been made to attain that end.—(Laughter on the left.)
As Hon. Members did not appear to understand the
sacrifices he alluded to, he would explain that they had
sacrificed the dearest friendships, and the warmest allies,
to maintain the unity of the Conservative party. This
had produced on the side of the Opposition what had
been called a fusion. He considered they were very far
from forming a party fit to govern, for they were want-
ing in the ideas, the sentiments, the habits, which con-
stitute such a party. They had, however, started in
that read, and he much preferred seeing it so, to wit-
nessing the disunion, the impuissance, and the inco-
herence which formerly reigned in the ranks of the
oppos • ition —(Murmurs from the left.) They had done
right to constitute themselves into a great party, and
to take the Hon. M. Thiers as their leader.—(Loud in-
terruption on the left.) It was not long since that
that lion. Member designated himself under that
character.—(Loud denials from several voices.) He
should leave that question to be settled among them-
selves, but he must be permitted to believe that the ex-
ample of the Conservative party, and the necessity felt
for strengthening themselves, ad led to that result,
which he should consider as a mark of progress; but in
which it appeared they had advanced as much as he had
thought. The Government was told that it certainly
had the majority, but that this advantage was obtained
by means of corruption, and at the expense of represen-
tative government.—(Cries of "Yes, yes," from the left.)
The Opposition allowed that it had confidence in the
institutions of the country, and that it admired them.
But had not these institutions been in force for the last
15 years ? Was not every one in his place ? Was not
the combat that was going on between the several par-
ties regulated by these institutions ? And when a new
species of liberty had been admitted—that of public
voting in the Chamber—had the Government and the
Conservative party suffered from it ? Undoubtedly not.
But it was not alone in the Chamber that the institu-
tions were in force • throughout the whole length
and breadth of the territory they prevailed—in
councils-general, in municipal councils, in the National
Guard, everywhere they- -had -their influence, and
everywhere the Government had the majority! Well,
then, here were free and powerful institutions used by
every one at full liberty, and yet Opposition went the
lengths of declaring that they were annihilated by cor-
ruption ' 1 What greater insult could be offered to those
institutions and to the country?—(Exclamations from
the left.) If amongst the various Governments that had
succeeded each other in France, any single one, the em-
pire fir instance, with-the immense powers at its dis-
posal, had endeavoured not to corrupt, but simply to se-
ance ; he could comprehend its being reproached with
exercising an ascendancy over the institutions of the

county; but in the present day, with the means now it
the service of the Government—so slight, so inferior—
to suppose that it could succeed in putting down the great
free institutions of France, was certainly going too far.
It was certainly quite out of charaeter for the Opposition,
who boasted ef perfectly understanding the great inter
rests, the generous sentiments of the country, to accuse
the Government of using corruption by means of to-
bacco shops arid supernumaries' places, and of obtaining
by such insignificant instruments ,the pleat results at
which it has Etfriiedi that surely *as not, possible—it
was an insult to the country to suppose it.—(Sensation.)
He was well aware how the Opposition explained this
anomaly; they said the country slumbered—was indif-
ferent—allowed matters to take their course, The re-
storation 'was not very far from the present time ; the
Government then disposed of more numerous mean: of
influence-than at present—the liberties of the country'
were less extensive and less active. But the country
did not slumber, nor did it remain indifferent. And why?
principles—for that reason it became vigi-
Because it distrusted the Government, and was uneasy
respecting its
Lint and on the defensive. Why was the country not in
the same state of alarm now?
Because it was quite
aseto s
of powerthe principles n
aa,
of
btheieng Governmenteniit
w
Itranquilly
stletlifi
dsthe de
ein
transacted its daily imesiness. Let not then Hon. Gen-
tlemen attribute to administrative manoeuvres such great
results. Between the Government and the Opposition
the country had to choose, and it preferred the former.
and that was the sole cause of the former's force.
Ile should now come to another reproach raised by the
llon. M. Thiers against the domestic policy of the Go-
vernment—that of falsifyine6 the representative system.
The policy practised by the Government was every day
attacked ; it was stated to be retrograde and counter-
revolutionary at home, and weak and humiliating abroad;
and, after thus stigma,ising the policy of the Govern-
ment, it was said that it was not its own, and that if the
Opposition would have followed the same course., it might
liave been in its place. That was the language that
had been made use of : but it was evident that in that
ease the responsibility was not misplaced. Tne Hon.
M. Thiers had certainly too much experience not to
know that good intentions did not always prevent bad
consequences. He admitted the right which the Hon.
Gentleman had claimed to examine into the in-
fluence exercised by the different powers .of the
state ; but that right ou h b
g t to e made use of for
the interest of the country, and under certain circum-
stances. Had, then, that right been used, under existing
circumstances, in a manner conformably to the pr:rx-
esltitse of a representative Government, and to theiii-s":
terests of the country ? They were all labouring to_
found a monarchical establishment. This was the fourth
attempt within 50 years. There was the monarchy of
1791 ; the imperial monarchy of 1894 ; that of the re-
storation ; and, lastly, that of 1830. They were,
therefore, engaged in their fourth attempt, and that
proved two things ; that a monarchy was necessary,
since it was always returned to ; and, at the same time,_
that it was very difficult to establish it on a firm and
durable basis. He believed that the last of the four
monarchies he had mentioned offered the best condi-
tions of success. If France had been told in 1830 that
st the end of 15 years she would find herself in the
situation in which she was now placed, she would have
congratulated herself more than she did at a moment
when she had extricated herself from a state of anarchy.
But, in founding a durable and solid monarchy, it was not
too much to find, in addition to the energetic assis-
tance of all the great powers of the state, that of the
Crown equally with the rest, and it was ,a great happiness
for the present monarchy at its very commencement to
meet with in the Crown so much wisdom, firmness, and
devotedness to the country.—(Applause, and murmurs on
the left.) What he had just uttered was repeated com-
a otfy, not only in France, but throughout the whole
world, and he could not see any just reason why he should
be prevented from proclaiming it in that assembly.—
(Renewed applause.) There was much difference of
opinion as to the duties of advisers of the Crown. For
lis part, he believed that the duties of Ministers in a
monarchy were to maintain the accord between the
great powers of the state ; not to make one preponde-.
rate over the other, but to maintain an equilibrium be-
tween them, to bring them to the same desire, the same
will. In order to effect this, it was necessary for them
to treat with all, with the Crown as with the Chambers, to
make them ascept the conditions of common accord.
This wes the light in which he regarded representative
government.—(Hear, hear.) In order to perform the
part which he had here pointed out, it was necessary to
possess much independence. He had lived under many
Governments, many of whom he had served, and he
was confident that no one had ever found him either
servile or complaisant.—(Whispering.) He had, he
confessed, much respect for the powers which governed
the country, and if he happened to find himself opposed
to one of them, far from allowing them to ace it, he was
anxious to conceal it. It was not proper to make the
country acquainted with those intestine struggles; the
weaknesses of the powers should be concealed. He
would never allow his vanity to be gratified by such
conduct, at the expense of his independence.—(Move-
ment.) There was another point which separated him'
from M. Thiers it was this. that in his opinion the

luty of the councillors of the Crown was, to attribute to
he Crown all that it did of good, but never to assign to
S anything or evil. The Crown was never responsible
for what was ill; it was it that effected every good.

The Marquis de LAROCUEJAQUELIN.—And 1830 l--
(Laughter.)
The MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS was well aware
that in all times and countries there were Crown coun-
cillors, who endeavoured to elevate themselves by pur-
suing a different course ; such conduct neither suited his
taste no; his sense of duty. He believed, on the con-..
trary, that it was his duty to stand aside before the
Grown.—C Yes, yes."), suoli'dorninet he-considatved
himself dignified—(lleac', hear)—he considered the
other course vulgar, and he would have none of it.
—(Movement.) He was convinced, that if he some day
deserved a place in the remembrance or gratitude of his
country, he should not be deprived of it by his deference
to the Crown. Such was his way of understanding the
constitutional monarch and the duties of councillors of
the Crown in such Government. These were the re-
marks which he had considered it necessary to make to
the observations of M. Thiers on the foreign and do-
mestic policy of the country. There were two or three
other points to which he should deem it necessary to ad-
vert, but, in order to do so, he must request permission
from the Chamber to take a few minutes repose.—
(" Yes, yes.")
The sitting was then suspended, and on the Hon.
Minister descending from the tribune, he was immedi-
ately surrounded by his friends, apparently congratulat-
ing him on his speech. After the lapse of about a
quarter of an hour, he again ascended the tribune.
The MINISTER Of FOREIGN AFFAIRS should briefly
conclude, as he was nearly at the limit of his strength,
and probably had worn out the patience of the Chamber.
—(" No.") The name of the President of the Council
had been incidentally mentioned the day before by U.
Thiers. That noble name shared in all the responsibility
of the Cabinet, which was but too proud to have the
illustrious warrior at its head. As long as the Noble
Marshal should be pleased to lend his name, as long as
he lived, the Cabinet would most anxiously endeavour
to keep him at their head, convinced that under no
greater name could a policy of peace be carried out.
—(Hear, hear.) He passed to another point mentioned
by the Honourable Gentleman, to what he called the
tendency of the Government and its weakness towards
the legitimist party and the clergy. No doubt the
Government had much esteem for the Hon. Members of
that great party—and these men were numerous—and
had great consideration for their social position, their
sentiments, and their ideas.—(Movement.) The Govern-
ment had shown that it knew how to come to an under-
standing with M. Thiers to repeal the hostility of a party
But it was also the desire of the Government, as well as
its policy, to draw round it men of the legitimist party.
lie dissembled nothing ; he called things by their names,
and used no disguise. It had been a great misfortune
for the French nobility that they did not know how to
assume that part in the political interests of their country
to which they were entitled, They had done nothing
but live in the isolation of their estates, or the subser-
viency-of courts.
The Marquis de LAROCREJAQUELIN—And on the field
of honour !

' The MINISTER Of FOREIGN AFFAIRS—Yes, mostnobly,
and most patriotically ! But the intelligence of the
policy of the country had always been wanting to them.
It was the middle classes that. had been obliged to
conquer, step by step, all the liberties of the country—
,it was to them that France owed every thing 1 The
middle classes had given since 1814, noble proofs of
courage and intelligence ; they had in 1830, founded for
ever the free Representative Government, but they were
well aware that all the benefits, all the honours, all the
glorieS of that Government were not reserved for them
alone—that they belonged equally to the old French
nobility whenever they wished t., join them, and to the
people, in proportion as it raised itself, and fulfilled the
conditions of its accession to political life. What he desired
and hoped most anxiously was to see such French subjects
who hitherto had taken no part in political life, either
through an unjust disdain, or through ignorance, form-
ing themselves by the proper apprenticeship, and taking
their places on the benches of political rights. That
was the idea of the Government respecting the Legiti-
mist party—an idea alike honourable to both parties.
As to the clergy, the Ministry had not the slightest
notion of, in any way delivering up to it either the go-
vernment or the education of youth. He had been the
first to declare that the two grand conquests of the
Revolution of July were, that the state was laid, and
that education was free, and to that principle the Ca-
binet would firmly adhere. M. Thiers had also touched
on the home administration, the army, and the finances.
If any foreigner should chance to travel through France,
he (M. Guizot) believed that the country would not ap-
pear to him so badly administered as the lion. Gentle-
man seemed to intimate. The army bad been defini-
tively fixed as to numbers three yeaas back, and M. Thiers
was as well aware as any one how usefully it had been
employed in the great work of domination in Africa.
He (M. Guizot) looked on Algeria as dettined to
increase immensely the grandeur of France in the
world, and he should be most unwilling to weaken in
any way the means by .which the end was to be effected.
As to the finances and public works, the Ministers of
these departments would answer all objections when
their budgets were under discussion. .It was that the
finances at present supported a heavy burden, but the
Government felt convinced that they would issue with
honour from their critical situation. "I have now,"
said the Hon. Minister, in conclusion, " I believe, re-
plied to all the points alluded to by M. Thiers, and con-
jointly with the regret whichd have felt at so general
and sharp an attack against the Government, I avow
that I feel a profound sentiment of satisfaction, and
for this reason—that at present, when all is calm and
tranquil around us, when prosperity prevails at home
and security abroad, w e may, without the slightest
e, 1
inconvenience, subject all th LAS of • the- Go-
vernment to the most rigid scrutiny. M. Thiers and
myself have not always met in our encounters under
so FP.rene, so calm, a heaven ; we have often, in our