The Sun.
London, England, 1846-08-06 00:00:00

-No. 16,811. LON DON, Tom. THURSDAY
• -• r
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N G

i? OVAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION,
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TFIE NATURE and PROPERTIES of the
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STATE OF MODERN EGYPT.
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Fr HE MODERN HISTORY and CONDITION
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By WILLIAM MOLT YATES, M.I) ' Member of the Royal
College of Physicians, Re., Re.
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Just published, price ss.
icilitAliK3 on URINO-Cl2l\ll'faAT, Mox.l..%.ctotao.
Part I. On Gonorrhrea and C.1.0e, exemplifying the influence
of a Scrofulous or Scorbutic state of system in producing those Morbid
Secretions, and showing that the true nature of their diseased action
is irritative, not inflammatory. _ _ .

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• One Shilling each, by post One and Sixpence.
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ON SINGLE and MARRIED LIFE:
(An Original Medical History.)
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Analysis of the Affections—Early Conventional Restraint—Mis-
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capacities in the family circle, and the terms on which the health and
happiness of the present and future race of mankind have to rely. ,
By such knowledge, and which is herein faithfully imparted,
health will be found to be in our own keeping, and happiness
within the attainment of all; by the availment hereof in fulfilling
our duty to ourselves, we secure the lil e advantages on our offspring
to follow, and finally by the cultivation 5f our faculties, which is in-
consistent with degenerate health, the mind as well as the body may
be exalted to the summit of perfection, as best becomes the highest
of God's creations.
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by their perusal—his accredited qualifications guarantee that the
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ngs from Seven till Nine.

THE BENTISCK DEMONSTRA-
TION.
KING'S LYNN, TiTEsDAY NIGHT.—On Tuesday a
public dinner was given to Lord George Bentincls by
his constituents in this town and a large body of the
agriculturists of the cennty of Nerfells, to testify their
approbation of the utility and zeal displayed by his
Lordship in his opposition to the free trade measures of
the late Government. The entertainments took place
in a long, low-roefed and xtretnely narrow building,
recently erec'ed as a Merket-house. Nearly 800 sat
down to a very goo•-1 dinner su, plied by Mr. Barnes,
of the Crown, and M.. Culver, of the Isulse's Head
Hotels.
The Earl of Orford, High Steward of the town, offi-
ciated as Chairman; supported on the right by Lord G.
Bentinek, M.P., the Marquis cf Granby, M.P., Major
Beresford, M.P. and the Rev. J. 'Bswee ; on the left by
the Duke of Richmond, Lord Sondes, Mr. Disraeli, M.P.,
W. Miles, M.P., and Sir IL Berney. The Vice-chair
right by Mr. Bagge, M.P., Sir J. Tyrrell, M.P., Mr. G.
was filled by Mr. J. Cobon, who was supported on the
Hudson, M.P.; and on the left by Mr. G. Wodehouse,
M.P., and Mr. Sergeant Bytes.
The usual loyal and national toasts having been drunk,
The CHAIRMAN rose, and in an eloquent speech pro-
posed " the health of the Noble Lord the Member for
Lynn, Lord George Bentinck."
The most deafening cheers followed this toast ; they
were renewed and renewed again, and when dying away,
were again arouses i with " one cheer more."
Lord G. BENTINcK spoke as follows:—If the recep-
tion which you have given me could for a moment by
me be taken as a compliment entirely personal to my-
self, I can assure you I should feel abashed and ut-
terly overwhelmed by the overpowering sense of your
kindness. But when I look to the feelings with which
you have greeted me as the voice of this country—
(Cheers)--that the yeomanry and people of England
will not sit down in silence, and in peace allow them-
selves to be tratnnlost r '"'""```, ""Y
wouiu-w comator—(Cheers)—far from being over-
powered, far from being overwhelmed, I feel excited and
roused to new exertions, to see justice done to those in-
terests which have of late been trampled upon.—
(Cheers.) My Noble Friend, the Lord High Steward of
this ancient town, has observed to you that when this
day year we heard the Prime Minister of England say
that a repeal of the corn-laws would be tantamount to a
social revolution, little could it be imagined that we
should be assembled here to-day, having seen that mea-
sure carried by that same Prime Minister.—(Cheers.)
I have said, I might well feel abashed if the demonstra-
tion that has been made were personal to myself, stand-
ing as I do in the presence of so many older soldiers in
the cause—to me who have made no sacrifice for you—
to me who have been but a few months in your service,
engaged in an exciting campaign, whilst I stand
by my Noble Friend who for thirty years has fought
in the same cause, and is now made a martyr by the
Prime Minister of England for his constituency, for his
fidelity to those principles which that Minister has so
shamelessly abandoned.—(Loud cheers.) Speaking in
King's Lynn, and in the county of Norfolk, I will say
that my Noble Friend's was the inheritance of' the Lord-
Lieutenancy of this county—(Cheers)—but because he
was true to his principles, because he was true to your
interests, because he was true to those principles which
heretofore Sir Robert Peel had endeavoured o success-
fully and with so much eloquence to instil into our
minds, my Noble Friend was cashiered, and the
Lord-Lieutenancy was allowed to remain vacant
till a new Government was enabled to ap-
point a successor of different politics.—(Cheers.) I
stand also in the presence of my Noble Friend, the Duke
of Richmond.—(Cheers.) Little credit have I a right to
take, standing in the presence of my Noble Friend, who
for these long years has been fighting this battle. I who
came but at the 11th hour into the vineyard ; I who
came up as the Prussians did at the end of the day,
might be well abashed in the presence of my Noble
Friend. I stand too in the presence of my Noble Friend
the member for Leicester, the Marquis of Granby,
who has sacrificed power and distinction for
the sake of his principles, and whose talents,
far superior to mine, have only been kept
back by that modesty which a sense of indignation
at the injustice used towards you had overcome. Well
might I also feel some diffidence in rising to acknowledge
this toast. I thank you for the manner in which you
have received me in the presence of my Hon. Friend the
Member for Shrewsbury—(Cheers)—whose powerful
eloquence, unequalled in the present House of Commons,
has done far more than anything I have done to defeat
the Minister that has betrayed you.—(Loud cheers.)
My Noble Friend the Lord High Steward referred to
my Hon. Friend, when he said that he early discovered
the treachery of the late Prime Minister. I confess I
was one who thought it was a calumny, when, twelve
months ago, my Hon. Friend the Member for Shrewsbury,
with far more sagacity, with far more penetration than
I possessed, told the House of Commons that a Con-
servative Government, at the head of which stood Sir
Robert Peel, was neither more nor less than an organised
hypocrisy.—(Loud cheers.) I am not here to fight the
battle of the corn-laws over again. Standing in the
presence of the farmers of England, it would be a work
of supererogation indeed if I were to waste time by trying
to persuade you that admitting the corn of foreign coun-
tries into competition with yours was likely to improve
your condition. I will not enter into discussion on this
head ; suffice it to say that in the month of November
last, when, as my Noble Friend said, the whole country
was prospering, when farmers were getting good re-
turns for their grain, when the people were better em-
ployed and at better wages than ever was known, when
trade was improving and increasing to an amount never
before known, whilst population was increasing also, but
bankruptcies were diminishing, when new houses were
extending, the poor-houses emptying, wealth increasing,
pauperism diminishing—the price of wheat concurrently
with all that prosperity was, for the best wheat 705., and
between 40s. and 50s. for the inferior. I need not tell
you, when the price is now 565, for the best, and for the
inferior qualities 285., that this measure of free trade is
one of ruin to the farmers of England. —(Cheers.) I
need not tell you, who know what taxes you have to bear,
that it is not possible that you should compete with the un-
taxed countries of Europe and America.—(Cheers.) We
were told a little before Easter that we, the protec-
tionists, were standing in the light of the farmers of Eng-
land, by delaying the settlement of this measure. A
Noble Friend of mine, even tho Member for North
Lincolnshire, told us that the farmers of England
wished to see the question speedily settled, and that
it was only necessary to let in the fine wheats
of Dantzic, and the fine flour of America, to
mix with your damp wheats of 1845, in order to enable
you to sell your damp wheats, which were unsaleable
without that mixture. I took the liberty of saying thatyou,
the farmers of England would be justly liable to the
charge made once against you by Lord John Russell,
that you were as dull as the clods you break, if you could
be persuaded that letting in 2,000,000 quarters of fine
wheat would raise the price of your produce. However,
unabashed, I was told I was no true friend to
the agricultural interest. I continued to fight the
battle, and now you are able to judge between me
and my Lord Worsley.—(Cheers.) I believe I
may say that, as 2,000,000 quarters of fine wheat
have been admitted into competition with yours at 4s.
a quarter, the price of your wheat has fallen from 10s.
to 18s. per quarter. Is it nothing that we, the pro-
tectionists, for three months, by obstinacy if you will,
or by perseverance, warded off the blow, and left to
you the monopoly of the English market for three en-
tire months ?—(Cheers.) We are told by Sir Robert
Peel that the free air of competition is requisite to
rouse you to exertion—(Great laughter)—and so I sup-
pose that a reduction of los., if no more, per quarter
upon the price of the 16,000,000 quarters of wheat you
annually grow, deducting from your pockets 8,000,0001.
a-year is likely to prove for the benefit of the farmers of
England.—(Cheers.) Well, but we were told by Mr.
Cobden about the same period of the session that the towns
must govern England. Sir R. Peel did or did not cheer
that sentiment—l care not now whether he cheered it or
not ; but this I know, that since that period he had
informed the country that it was not the potato famine in
Ireland, that it was not the wheat famine in this coun-
try, but it was Mr. Cobden—it was the untiring zeal,
the powerful reasoning, the eloquent speeches, the more
eloquent because unadorned, of Mr. Cobden, that in-
duced him to abolish the corn-laws; and that the glory of
it belongs to Richard Cobden. Well then, if the glory of
the measure belongs to Richard Cobden, and if Richard
Cobden is of opinion that thenceforth the towns are
to govern England, a sentiment re-echoed by friend
Bright—(Cheers)—who has told you that the
cotton districts of Lancashire and the West Riding
of Yorkshire must thenceforth govern England,
I think we know pretty well with whom we should
have had to deal, if we had allowed Sir R. Peel to con-

tinue Minister.—(Cheers.) I stand before you to o,sk
your judgment upon me and my friends—whetlL4ve
have or have not done the will of the people of 1111,-
land, when we drove Sir Robert Peel from power ?
(Cheers.) Well, but the object of my meeting you here
to-day is not so much to go back to the past, as to look
forward to the future.—(Cheers.) The great end of that
party which owns for its leader Lord Stanley—(Cheers)
—is first to recover the protection we have lost—(Loud
cheers) —but failing that, to seek compensation in relieving
the agricultural interest from the peculiar burdens they
bear. Now, for the first matter, the recovery of the
protection to native industry, which we have lost; allow
me to remind you who had the franchise in 1841, retain
the franchise now, and that you, the yeomanry of Eng-
land, who in 1841 sent a majority of 390 to the House
of Commons to maintain protection to British indus-
try, exceeding Bs. per quarter on wheat—you who sent
a majority of 390 to retain protection to our colo-
nial interests, and to repress slavery and the slave trade,
still possess the franchise now, and it is only for you to
exercise it—it is only for you to prove, that if Sir R. Peel
is fickle, you are constant—(Cheers)—and the day cannot
be long distant when you must recover that which you
have lost.—(Loud cheers.) But to do this, you must
follow the example of South Nottinghamshire, of
Gloucestershire, and Dorsetshire.—(Cheers.) You, the
farmers of England, must do the work; you must not
trust to your landlords. It was not the landlords of
South Notts, but the tenant farmers and free_
holders that carried the day ; without attorneys,
without agents, without solicitors ; they achieved
the victory themselves.—(Cheers.) And if you have
the game spirit which I believe you to have, if

you have the same cOuragewhich I trust you have,
you, the farmers and yeornttry, amongst whom I am
proud that I was born, when is day of the next election
comes, will be able to de justie to yourselves. But I said
something about burdens, rre have been told—endea-
vours have been made :to rove that the agricultural
interest is not subject ) any peculiar burdens.
Why, I thought that tithe, .nd poor-rate, and land-tax
constituted three pretty hovy burdens, of which the
largest is paid by the land. Since we are told that the
cotton districts of Lancashir and the West Riding of
Yorkshire are henceforth to pvern England, I thought it
as well to inquire what werethe peculiar burdens which
Lancashire and the West Rising bore, to entitle that one
county and a-half to gov.ernall England, Scotland, and
Ireland; and I find that the Seal property of Lancashire
and the West Biding of Yoitshire annually assessed is
15,251,2561. ; while, turning to Norfolk, Suffolk, and
Essex, the amount of real Foperty is only 6,727,4491.
annually assessed to the had-tax, tithe, and poor-
rate, to the amount of 1,285506/.; and the 15,251.2561.
of Lancashire and of ehe Vest Riding of Yorkshire
was only assessed at 743,541/.—(Loud cheers.) So
that we have here these twe counties, with more than
double the property, paying half the burdens only of
Norfolk, Suffolk. and Essex.—(Cheers.) Bat then
we are told that tithe is sic charge at all on laud ;
that tithe is of divine orgin and that it makes
no difference to a farmer whether before he pays
his landlord rent and before he puts money into
his own pocket a tithe of the prodxce is to be de•
ducted for the service of the church. We are told by the
manufacturing interest thii.t though foreign countries pay
no tithe, it is no disadvantage to the land that we have
to compete with foreigners. lam not seeking to relieve
myself of tithe, I,- for one, am willing to bear it for
the sake of the religion and morals .of the people.—
(Cheers.) But when ave are told that tithe is no

burden on the people, I beg leave to say that the
manufacturing interest,
.and the towns were of a
,d,iif-
seiiblVerffilie'Pkiiierirtoirtfilre—. Personal tithes, it
may be known to many of you, on the profits of in-
dustry of all descriptions, the profits of every trade, arti-
fice, and negotiation were, in former times, as much
within the power of the church as tithes on land. In
course of time these personal tithes were in towns or
changed for a tithe on houses.
"By the statute of 2 and 3 Edward VI., 1549-50, c. 13,
personal tithes enforced for the then future on every
person ext rcising merchandise, bargaining, handicraft,
&e., in such places as where within 40 years they have
been accustomably paid, excepting day labourers, and
allowing the ordinary to examine as to gains by all law-
ful means other than the party's oath. The Act not

to extend to London or Canterbury, and their suburbs,
nor to any other town where tithes have been paid on
houses._ Niger, Bishop of London, made a constitution

in confirmation of ancient custom, establshing certain
nayments for houses in London (according to the num-
ber of Sundays and apostles' days), which amounted to
about 2s. Gd. in the pound, on the rent. This con-
tinued till the 13th of Richard 11. (1380), when
Arundel, A ctibishop of Canterbury, made an explana-
tion of Niger's constitution, by adding 22 more saints'
days, so that about 3s. sd. in the pound became tbeamount.
The citizens were very tumultuous, and great dissensions
continued till, by an Act of Henry VIII. (about 1520),
2g. 9d. became the sum. After the Great Fire of Lon-
don there was a new regulation by Act of Parliament,
and various sums from 100/. to 2001. a year were fixed
on each of the city parishes, to be fairly apportioned.
These sums were augmented by the 44th George 111.

from 2001. to 300/.—in one parish to 333/. Personal
tithes, 100 years ago, scarce anywhere paid, unless for
profits, by mills or fish. Recognised by the statute of
9th of Edward 11. (1316), as to mills ; but decided that
corn-mills only were intended, and that other mills
were not within the statute, nor is tithe due
of such otherwise than by custom." Then
when the manufacturers and townspeople tell us
that tithe is no burden on land, I am bound to say that
I am of a different opinion, and if we pay tithes, which
the manufacturers do not, we are at least entitled to pro-
tection against the untithed produce of foreigners.—
(Cheers.) So it is with the poor rate.—(Hear, hear.)
Why, what did these noisy manufacturers contribute to-
wards the maintenance of the poor in this country ?
(Hear, hear.) At the present moment there was a re-
duction in the poor rate owing to the great and unpa-
ralleled prosperity of this country, not arising out of the
three years' free-trade measure of Sir R. Peel, but from

those great works which were prosecuted by his Hon.
Friend, Mr. Hudson. The prosperity for which Sir R.
Peel takes credit belongs to those great enterprises
which my Hon. Friend, Mr. Hudson, has favoured and
promoted. But, how does the case as regards the poor-
rate stand? I find that the lands pay 52 100ths of all
contributions which are paid in this country for the
maintenance of the poor; while the manfacturers pay but
11 100ths.—(Hear, hear.) Such being the case, have
we not a right to say, that the landed interest payssaa
undue proportion of the local burdens ? —(Cheers.) The
land-tax is the same. Look at Yorkshire. Yorkshire
pays 51-4. in the pound of landrtax, while Norfolk pays
Is. 54. ; Lancashire pays 2d. in the pound land-tax,
while Essex pays ls. Bd.—(Hear, hear.) When there
were such discrepancies as these in the burdens of the
people, have we not a right to claim protection from
the laned interest against the untithed produce of
foreign countries, which contributes nothing towards the
poor-rate of this country ?—(Cheers.) But I stand here
the representative, not of an agricultural, but of a com-
mercial borough.—(Hear, hear.) I stand here as the
hagverowaltsho,
representative of the commercial marine of England,
and I ask how are these measures of free trade likely to
affect your interests ?—(Hear, hear.) I have now in my
pocket a return showing that the corn carried coastwise,
of
British
ss3e, 00w0
ath
Britisht e
sailors
lookedempyelotdo e h
foreign corn has done for you.—(Hear, hear.) I
regret to say that ninny of those connected with
itiisnh laB and Irish
I
the shipping interest are so misguided, as I
think, with respect to their own interests, that
they have joined with the free-trade Minister, and
they hoped that their interests might be helped
by a free trade in corn with other countries. Now
I wish to examine this question, and I refer to the
foreign corn trade in the last year. There were
employed of British seamen, in carrying the
corn of Poland, Russia, and other countries in Europe,
to this country, only 5,000, and between 5,000 and 10,000
seamen of foreign countries.—(Hear.) Then I ask those
engaged in the commercial marine of this country—l ask
not only the merchants but the seamen, whether they would
not suffer by changing the home trade for the foreign. It is
not a question of importing 2,000,000, or 3,000,000, or
4,000,000 of foreign %sheet in addition to that which we
already consume; the real question at issue is this—
whether the inhabitants of this country are to be fed by
wheat of English, Scotch, and Irish growth, or by
wheat the growth of Poland, Russia, and America.—
(Cheers.) That is the question.—(Renewed cheers).
I ask you whether you think you will gain by exchang-
ing your coasting trade, which employs annually 53,000
British seamen, for a trade which employs so few?
—(Cheers). But it is said that all this is a mistake,
and that there is no reason why the British shipping
should not enjoy the same monopoly, under a
free-trade system, of carrying the corn of other
countries as of their own ; and that if the trade
is now uncertain, that all that is owing to the sliding
scale.—(Laughter.) Well, I turned my eyes to the
timber duties and to the timber trade. As you are all
aware, Sir R. Peel, in 1842, reduced the duties on
foreign timber to the amount of 30s. a load, by which,
in th course of the last year, he puts 17s. 6d. out
of the 30s. into the pockets of the foreigner.—(Loud
cheers.) It is true that he relieved the railway pro-
prietors of the tax of 12s. 6d. which they had before
to pay ; but, in doing that, he sacrificed, as against
the people of this country, 17s. 6d., which he puts
into the pockets of foreigners.—(Fiear, hear.) This is
the way I look at it. In 1839 the British merchants and
the British seamen enjoyed the major part of the trade
in timber with the Baltic). The number of British ships
was 661, and of the seamen taking charge of them,
6,500. The foreigners had 640 ships and 5,900
sailors. I look in 1845, again, when Sir Robert
Peel's measures came into full effect, and when we
have all the blessings of free trade, as far as the
shipping interest is concerned, engaged with the Baltic.
What, then, is the condition of the merchants and of
British seamen ? Why the 660 British ships have
fallen to 640 ; and the British seamen, from being
6,500, or thereabouts, have fallen to about 5,000 or
6 000.—(Hear, hear.) But I turn and look at the
other side of the account, and I find that the 630
or 640 foreign ships have trebled in number, having
reached 1,890, and that the foreign seamen—Danes,
Swedes, Germans, Prussians, Russians, &c.—have risen
to 17,900. There is an example of what free trade will
do for you—(Cheers)—and if that is what free trade
has done for you in the case of timber, take care that it
does not do as much for you in the case of corn,—.
(Cheers.) It was, I think, in one of the hot days in June
that this infernal Corn Bill passed.—(Hear.) I rejoice to
see here my Noble Friend the Duke of Richmond. It was
he who told the farmers of England that they, who held
the power to put Sir R. Peel in office, had also the power
to turn him out.—(Cheers.) On the same day that
the free-trade Corn Bill received the Royal assent, we
kicked Sir R. Peel out of office.—(Cheers.) It was said
that we had disgusted the people of England thereby, as
if the farmers of England were disgusted with
what Mr. Cobden describes as poetical justice !
(Cheers.) I have seen a letter addressed to a gentleman
whom we all know, Mr. Brereton, of the house of Brere-
ton and Blakeney, in Norfolk, from his correspondent at
Liverpool, who, in terms of regret, informed Mr.
Brereton, who is a merchant dealing in corn, that hence-
forth all their commercial relations must cease, for that
Liverpool was so glutted with American flour that he
really did not know how to continue relations with Mr.
Brereton in the corn trade, unless he could dispose of
some American flour in Norfolk.—(Hear, and laughter.)
Now, I ask the farmers of Norfolk, and I ask those en-
gaged in the coasting trade, what they think they will
gain by exchanging their former system for free trade?
—(Cheers.) But I am told that the shopkeepers through-
out the country are in favour of free trade—this free
trade which, in timber and corn, supplanted British ship-
ping and seamen, and supplied their place from foreign
countries. Now, I would ask the grocers, the biscuit-
bakers, the butchers, the sail-makers, and the slop-
sellers, &c., of this town, whether they found most
menu spent in the place when a ship of my respected
friend alr, Biigge OEM home and ill paid Of in the port