The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-03 00:00:00

Vii: -
.el=ll- • `,
r7l ACY is yeelse. Th meecrteld Out ere ry fn-
' ducement to obtain delay ; it was now two days, now
three days, now a halt here, and then another there, that
was asked for. Had the proposed delays been to give
time for refererce to the Governor-General there might
have been some shadow of reasoa in them, though re-
ferences were needless oe a subject which had been so
maturely weighed before decided on ; but the delay of
two or three days could be fur no earthly purpose, but
for procrastinating matters till the hot weather came
on, or at least till the Ameers could assemble their
forces. The General had his orders to execute, and
had no power of deviating from them ; what purpose,
therefore, could delay serve, but an adverse one. If the
treaty was to be signed without a recurrence to force, it
might just as well have been signed at first as at last.
But the great point is it never was signed, or rather it
never was signed with any purpose of adhering to it, for
it was torn up and trampled on by the signers almost
immediately. It was signed, in short, as is now known
to all, with no intention of holding to it, but simply in
the hopes by the last stratagem, of obtaining a delay
sufficient to give the Aineers time to collect an army,
with which in a few days more they would have been
capable of putting to the sword every Briton, and every
British soldier, sepoy, and follower in Sinde.
The attack on the Besideney immediately followed
their tearing up the treaty ; au attack which is now as-
certained was planned by Nusseer Klein himself. That
such is the fact is undoubted. Meer Bijjar, and Meer
Ghoolam Shah have testified to it, and Mier Elan
Mahomed, Ghoul Malionied Counibri Wallah, and all
the chiefs in Sinde, can vouch for its truth. Ibis
alone would prove the gross delusion in which
Colonel Outrem lay. Some of his friends I
know will persist that this was a false attack merely
intended to frighten the party away ; but if this
be true what becomes of Colonel Outram's dis-
patch describing the fight—his acceptance of the
General's thanks for a battle, which Sir Charles at least
assuredly thought real—his permitting an inscription in
honour of the event to be put upon a sword given him by
the public—and a Lieutenant-Colonelcy, and C.B. ship
to be granted for the same service by the Crown. They
who would make out the attack on the Presidency as
merely a feint, make out a far worse case fur Colonel
Outram than his wor. t opponents. The latter only
charge him with a want of sagacity to manage a negotia-
tion in which failure entailed no dishonour; the latter
would save his character for wisdom at the expense of
every thing men hold dear.
After the battle of Meeanee, as is well known, Co-
lonel Outram proceeded to Bombay, and there pro-
fessing all the time the greatest devotion and gratitude
to Sir Charles, commenced that fierce struggle that has
been since maintained b him to upset the policy par-
tied' itiSiiidaMend tta,ri isft'thor`conatessedett,
Colonel Outram took in the :newspaper...part of thelusie
ness he only can tell; but the statements that appeared
day after day in the Bombay Times were so similar to
those attributed to Colonel Outramitinwsasocitteittny,osthtaitmipfohse_
his confidence had—and
hs
iabdl e n
too
disbelieve
ttbhoes
ep r
ions E,
were the authors of the libels.
Colonel Outram shortly after went home, avowedly
for the purpose of procuring a condemnation of the
policy, and consequent political ruin of his commander;
who had, from motives of the purest generosity, placed
him in the confidential situation which alone gave
power to his efforts. The extraordinary spectacle was
thus exhibited of Sir Charles Napier's late commis-
sioner making use of confidential communications,
and of knowledge obtained under circumstances
which most men consider render secrecy in-
violable, to aid the violent endeavours of an
adverse faction, and upset his late chief ; and
strange to say, for the sole crime of carrying out the
very measure he had himself, when resident, proposed
to Lord Etlenborough, and which measure had been
adopted entirely on his own suggestion. Put Colonel
Outram and Sir Charles Napier for the moment out of
the question, and let us ask what would be thought of
any other man who acted thus ? To change sides is not
often viewed in a favourable light in politics ; but to
carry off when doing so all that had been confiden-
tially entrusted to one in the enemy's camp, would, in.
English political circles at least, put a man utterly be-
yond the pale of employment by any party whatever.
Imagine then ahe astonishment with which Sir Charles
Napier received notice from the Governor-General that
certain communications had been made to the court of
directors by Colonel Outram, which were so worded,
and turned us to give a most extraordinary appearance
to a portion of Sir Charles Napier's conduct--an ap-
pearance perfectly contrary to the reality. Sir Charles
afforded a most satisfactory explanation, and the result
was a most complimentary letter from the Supreme Go-
vernment ; he came pure as snow from the ordeal, and
the only effect was to confirm in the minds of the Go-
vernor-General and Council the conviction of Sir
Charles's sagacity, and the ex'reme want of it,
which had been displayed by Colonel Outran.
Sir Charles thus stood unharmed by Colonel Outram's
attack ; but he determined, and determined rightly, there
should be an immediate end to all semblance of friend-
ship for one who had used him so ungenerously, and not
till after this was Colonel Outram attacked in return ;
an attack which under the circumstance was justified on
every principle of self-defence. The Bombay Times was
pouring invective upon invective against Sir Charles, and
daily prophesying the effect of Colonel Outram's efforts
in London. The Colonel on the other hand was moving
heaven and earth in those circles, to which, from his
rceently having been so mixed up with Sinde affairs, he
had access ; and there, as has been seen, he used weanona
to effect his object hitherto most scrupulously eschewed
by all public men of any pretensions to the world's
respect, he had thus declared open and most ungenerous
war upon his late commander, and in return could expect
no favour at his hands.
The first result of Colonel Outram's conduct, was it
belief on the part of General William Napier, that the
man who could act as Colonel Outram had done would
not hesitate to halloo on an unscrupulous paper to the
hunting down his brother ; and under that impression,
he called upon him for a distinct avowal or denial of any
connexion with the false statements and scurilities of the
Bombay Times. Scurrilities which appeared to be
written with but one object, and that ono the Colonel
was himself, in a manner contrary to all the rules of
party warfare, pursuing, namely, the destruction
of Sir Charles Napier's character, and the elevation
of his own upon the ruin. The Colonel, in reply,
declined avowing either connexion, or disconnexion with
that point; said he was not answerable for what ap-
peared in too papers ; and failed to give what there was
an opportunity of giving with grace, and what, in my
opinion, the circumstances of the case imperatively de-
manded, an assurance that he beheld the libels on Sir
Charles, which had appeared in the Times, with as great
disgust as General William Napier himself. Had he
done this all might have still been well—his single error
might have been forgotten ; and even if they had not
remained friends, Sir Charles would never have stood in
the position of Colonel Outram's enemy.
I trtist I have shown what I set out by stating, that
with Colonel Outram in reality, and not with General W,
Napier, rests the onus of having made the first attack,
and I shall ire my next proceed to the second point on
which the Governor of Sinde has been misrepresented.
In treating this subject, I shall, as the Colonel pro-
poses doing, abstain from disclosing official secrets, for
the best possible reason, that I have been made the de-
pository of none. I have no access to exclusive infor-
mation ; I merely repeat facts well-known to all those
who have noted with attention the occurrences of the
last three years in reference to Sinde.
(To be continued.)

THE ARMY.

There is very good reason to believe, from information
which transpired on Saturday last, that second bat-
talions will be added to the under-mentioned regiments,
being next on the registry for foreign service :—The
6th, Bth, 24th, 32d, 36th, 37th, .56th, and 69th, all, of
course, infantry. On this arrangement being carried
out, each regiment will receive the addition of one lieu-
tenant-colonel, one major, eight captains, and 16 sub-
alterns.
4T55 DnacooNs.—Lord George Paget is now Major
tfu
of the 4th Light Dragoons. Lieutenant-Colonel Daly
en rstuyi
a- fro, ur
andyears.
the
late Aserveu
has retired from this regiment, after a brilliant and
II
11.(1
ealanni.se:
tan wars. He also served under the late Lord
the honourable
American,
at the siege and capture of Ghuznee. Major Sculley
has been promoted to the lieutenant-coloneley. Lord
Alfred Churchill, son to the Duke of Marlborough, has
been promoted to a lieutenancy in this corps, which h©
joined in 1842,
RIFLE BRIGADE.—On Wednesday last the companies
of the first battalion of this regiment, which have been
on duty in Dublin for some time, left in one of the City
of Dublin Steam-packet Company's vessels for Liverpool,
which place they reached on the following day. On the
next morning (Friday) they proceeded to London, rid
.he Grand Junction and Birmingham Railways, arriving
in town the same evening. Saturday and yesterday they
were billeted at various houses on the Surrey side of the
river, being under orders for Dover, to which garrison
they will proceed this day, per the South-Eastern Rail-
way.
6111. GEORGE MURRAY.—In answer to inquiries mach)
on Sunday, it was stated that Sir George Murray was
somewhat better.

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