The Sun.
London, England, 1841-09-08 00:00:00

S Fi S

AND
Vtibitt Q pinion.

" Who runs may read."

POREXGN.

The latest arrivals from Paris bring a repetition on
Tuesday of the official contradiction in the Moniteur of
the reported detention of the Victorieuse at Mahon.
The Toulon fleet is to be immediately dismantled, and
eight ships of the line laid up in ordinary. The purpose
of sending a portion of the fleet to Brest, announced
yesterday, is said to be to watch the termination of the
M'Leod affair, and be in readiness should anything un-
pleasant arise from that. It is probably a. part of the
agreement for disarming in the Mediterranean.
M. Humann's fiscal measures are triumphing over re-
sistance, and to help him and them, the Government has
disbanded the National Guard of Ville Nouvelle, because
it was against them.
Fine weather had returned in Paris. In seven pro-
vincial markets the price of wheat had risen : it had
fallen in thirteen.

Vice-Admiral Dupotet had returned to Brest, from
the Brazilian station, in the Atalante frigate.
A letter from Beyrout, of the 2d ult., announces that
the principal Chiefs of Lebanon and Palestine met on
the 30th of July, and resolved to refuse the payment of
tribute to the Porte, or to submit to the authority of
Tahir Pasha.

The German papers publish a document dated Kirch-
berg, August 27, signed by the professional attendants
of the Duke de Bordeaux, stating that his cure would
be complete, and that he would be able to use his leg as
well as if it had not been broken.
The King and Queen of Prussia left Berlin on the
the 30th ult. for Leignitz in Silesia. The Archdukes
Ferdinand, Charles, and Maximilian, of Austria were
also to repair thither, and the Emperor of Russia was
expected. The King of Hanover had written to the
King of Prussia to say that he could not attend on ac-
count of his grief for the loss of the Queen.
Orders have been given at Madrid to arrest Narvaez
wherever he may be found.
A report prevailed in that capital that there had been
a sedition at Segovia, in which a company of infantry
had participated.

PARLIAMENTARY.
Lord Brougham presented a petition last night in the
House of Lords from an individual complaining of the
law of ejectment, which had kept him involved in a law-
suit since 1820. The Noble Lord called their Lordships'
attention to several other laws which still remained,
though dormant, on the statute-book, which imposed
penalties for trifling offences, and which any person
might at any time awaken into operation. The Noble
Lord alluded to the statutes imposing penalties for mis-
takes, which, as in the case of the Earl of Scarborough,
their Lordships were obliged to suspend, and to the
statutes under which the Magistrates were compelled to
fine persons who did not go to Church on Sundays. His
Lordship did a public service by calling attention to
these worn-out laws.

The Foreign Consecration of Bishops Bill was read a
third time, after the Archbishop of Canterbury had ex-
plained that the object was to regulate better the con-
gregations of the English settled in foreign countries.
The Administration of Justice Bill was read a third
time ; Lord Campbell's amendment relative to Irish bar-
risters was added, and the Bill passed.
The Earl of Glengall wished to get up a debate about
the Irish franchise, but the Duke of Wellington checked
the Noble Earl. His Grace has no longer a Government
to annoy. The House sat till six o'clock.
A considerable number of election petitions was pre-
sented in the House of Commons, as was the case the
day before.

Sir
G. Clerk gave notice that he would this day move
the adjournment of the House till the 16th, not the 20th,
as was expected. Some notices were given, and some
were withdrawn, but no business of importance was
transacted.

The House rose at Half-past Five o'Clock.

PUBLIC OPINION.
The Times reads Mr. Roebuck a lesson of gentility,
with reference to his alleged interruptions of Hon. Mem-
bers in the House of Commons. Our Contemporary is
certainly well fitted to play the part of political Arbiter
Elegantiaruni, so rarely indeed is it that lie offends against
courtesy in his attacks on public individuals ! We sub-
join his observations on this edifying theme :—" Nothing
could be further from our habitual civility, or more at
variance with our known respect for the humbler orders
of our countrymen, than to represent Mr. Roebuck as a
nuisance. Having been made an honourable gentleman
by dint of getting into Parliament, that elevated person
has an undoubted right to exercise the privileges
of his sphere—we admit it. That those privileges entitle
him to fling orange peel at the principal performers,
or to have a sally at the dress-boxes now and then,
might not, if his class license were moderately used, be
reasonably complained of. Chartists, such as he, are
chartered men ; and their occasional impertinences are
both expected and endured. But Mr. Roebuck and
his associates must not be permitted entirely to forget
their station. That he should be allowed to injure
everything at his mere pleasure is wholly out of the
question. If he do not know his just limits and
latitude, the lesson must be seasonably taught him.
In point of personal and political influence, he
is just as fit to take a lead in modifying the New
Poor-law as the one-shilling gentry of Drnry-lane."—
So it seems that no one is to cry, " Hear, hear !" or
" Oh, oh !" when a Tory Member is talking nonsense,
except at the peril of being denounced as a nuisance by
the thunderer of Printing-house-square ! Every Whig
and Radical must preserve a discreet—a sacred silence
there must be no disapprobation of Ministerial sayings
expressed ; if otherwise, the offending party will be in-
stantly denounced by the Times. Our Contemporary,
being a staunch monopolist, is naturally anxious to keep
the monopoly of interruption in the hands of his friends,
the Tories, prefening the bray of a Botthwick to the
" Oh, oh !" of a Roebuck. The truth is, he is jealous of
the latter gentleman's interference with his pet grievance,
the Poor-laws.

In another part of the same article the Times makes the
following sneering allusion to Six James Graham :
"We do not and cannot forget Sir James Graham's
highly objectionable demeanour as a Member of the
Commons' Committee for inquiring into the operation of
the new law. Unless that Right Hon. person have ma-
terially modified his views and temper in connexion with
this subject, we can only anticipate that he would and
will do everything in his power to prevent any essential
improvement in its provisions and machinery."—It was
but the other day that the Times was lauding the great
political sagacity of the new Home Secretary, yet now a
shrewd doubt is expressed of the wisdom of his " views,"
in reference to one of the most important subjects that
can engage the attention of the Legislature !
The Advertiser contains the following remarks on
Poor-laws:— "No more tinkering of the Poor-laws will
suffice to mitigate, to any perceptible extent, the seve-
rity of that distress which Sir Robert Peel admits to
exist in the manufacturing districts of the country. The
Voor-rate is but a clumsy and Inefficient attempt to com-
pensate by legal charity the Injustice done to the indus-
trious classes, by depriving them of an equitable share
of the produce of their labour. If laws are made to
force the rich to give trims, surely they ought to be made
to force them to give a just participation to active indus-
try of the wealth it is the means of creating. This
would supersede the necessity of such a demoralizing de-
pendence as that which now exists between the poor and
the rich, rendering the former discontented and the lat-
ter apprehensive.." _

The Morning Post advocates the policy of the Corn-
laws in this left-handed fashion :—" The Corn -laws are
undoubtedly a restraint upon trade. They are unques-
tionably a limitation, and a very important limitation of
its freedom. But other things more important to this
nation than absolute and universal freedom of trade de-
mand that native agriculture should be, up to a certain
point, guarded from the probable effect of unrestricted
foreign competition. What would be said of the reason-
ableness of a man who should insist upon regarding the
question of the policy of the laws against the publica-
tion of libels, blasphemies, and seditions, merely upon
the principles of free publication ? Would not such
a person be at once set down as very stupid, or so con-
tracted of mind as to be incapable of considering a
large question upon broad foundations ? No one will
dispute the importance of the general principle of free
publication. Neither do we dispute the importance of
the general principle of free trade."—And yet, though
our Contemperary is perfectly aware of the importance
of the principle of free trade, he supports wne party
who take office avowedly on the principle of restriction,
and opposes another who advocate his own views on
the subject ! He, who does not dispute the importance
of free trade, sides with a Monopolist Ministry, who
think it a sheer humbug Such is party consistency !
We quote the following from the Herald :—" The
circumstances which have caused tht3 late;change of Mi-
nistry—the serious position of public affairs to which the
new Administration, after a long exclusion from office,
succeeds—the unusual time for the assembling of the
present Parliament, and the necessity for the holding of
another Session at the beginning of the next year—all
induce us to believe that, with the completion of those
measures which are indispensable to the public service,
and the passing of a few that are required by pressing
necessity, the business of the present Session of the Le-
gislature will close. The demand which the new Mi-
nistry will thus make on the confidence of the country is
anything but extravagant ; they will ask no more than
every Ministry has possessed from time immemorial—
the opportunity of a recess from public business to
devise and complete such plans as they may deem ne-
cessary fir the welfare of the nation whose destinies
they control."
The Chronicle says ;—" The Manchester Conference
set a good example by addressing a memorial to the
Queen. The result of the late elections has rendered
this course not only judicious, but necessary. The re-
sponse of the people to her Majesty's appeal has been
quashed or intercepted. By factious management and
trick, the constituencies were made to answer a different
question from that which it was her Majesty's purpose
to submit to their decision. There is no doubt whatever
upon this fact. 16 is so stated and affirmed, over and over
again, by Tory journals and Tory statesmen. The con-
stituencies, under all the influences to which they are
subject, even they have not replied to the Royal appeal
on the Corn-laws; much less the nation. Nor can such an
answer he conveyed through the landlords' Parliament.
It will not find its way through a Tory Government.
Let it be borne at once to the foot of the Throne. Let
her Majesty receive that respectful response from the
millions which has been refused by the bread-taxing few,
in the plenitude of their power and triumph. All Anti-
Corn-law associations and meetings, All societies or con-
gregations co-operating with them, should address the
queen, het them reply to the yet unanswered appeal,
and disregarded speech, And it may not be amiss to take

care that such addresses reach her Majesty. Peers are
entitled to present them personally."—This is a shrewd
hint, which, we trust, will be generally acted on by the
people.
The Tyne Mercury thus speaks of the prospects of the
new Ministry :—" If Sir Robert should adhere to the
ultras, it is quite impossible he can manage the Govern-
ment. If he should go over to the moderates, the ultras
would oppose him to the utmost. Indeed, the Tory
papers are now openly admitting that he .and his pro-
posed colleagues are very awkwardly situated. They
seem to see from present circumstances that their party
will probably have but a very short reign ! Yet this is
the party of whom we havc been told that its members
hold together in such a way that nothing could separate
it, or split it, or in any way divide it—that it was firm
and impregnable—that like a hollow square of British
infantry, it set all opposition at defiance ! Alas! their's
is, indeed, a very holhw square 1"
The Brighton Guardian contains the' following re-
marks on the New Cabinet :—" In the present Cabinet
the manufacturing and town population has no repre-
sentative. It is therefore not only completely one-sided
as to party, but as to classes and pursuits. It is not
only Tory, it is wholly landed ; it is not only wholly
landed, it is also anti-commercial. It is the Ministry of
a class and a sect. The very names of those who com-
pose it are ominous. Amongst them are fanatics for
high-church principles. It is a Ministry of extreme
opinions and a narrow party. It must be looked on as
hostile to dissent as well as trade, as the patron equally
of fiscal and religious extortion."
The Dublin _Pilot observes :—" Peel is made Prime
Minister upon the principle of persecuting our country,
and preserving monopoly- over all. If he falsifies the
principle upon which he is chartered, he betrays his
trust, and will fall unpitied by both parties. But he acts
already true to his principle. The man who has already
made Jackson a Solicitor-General, must re-establish the
principle of the Kildare-place Society."

COMMERCIAL REFORM.
On Tuesday evening an influential meeting of the in-
habitants of Somers'-town was held at the Bee Hive,
Chapel-street, Somers'-town, to consider the existing evil
—Corn-laws. The room was very crowded, and Mr.
Sidney Smith spoke. A resolution was passed deter-
mining the organization of an Anti-Corn-law Associa-
tion, to be called the " Somers'-town and St. Pancras
Anti-Corn-law Association."

In Worcester, and various other places, several meet-
ings have been held at the Wesleyan and Independent
chapels, of full congregations, listening to the details of
the late Manchester Conference, and engaged in prayer
meetings to alter the condition of the suffering poor, and
put away complaining in the streets.