The Sun.
London, England, 1870-09-29 00:00:00

SUN, LONDON rITU-11SihiY> SgPTEIVIBER 29, :870

M. JULES FAVRE'S report of his negotiations with
Count BISMARCK must be accepted as substantially
correct. An official telegram from Berlin, whilst
good enough to admit that the report " shews cer-
tainly a desire to give a truthful account," main-
tains that it is inaccurate, inasmuch as Count BIS-
MARCK did not enter into his views respecting the ces-
sion of territory. The greater part of the conversations
however, referred not to the cession of territory, but
to the terms of an armistice, and M. FAVRE'S de-
tails on this topic have not yet been impugned.
From them it appears that the Prussian statesman
at the outset was by no means impressed with that
praiseworthy desire for peace which is attributed to
the Berman people generally. His earlier proposals
were utterly impracticable, or, rather, he seemed
indisposed to make any proposals whatever.
M. FAVRE first asked for time to gather
together the Constituent Assembly, and was
informed that an armistice could not be granted
at any price. At the second interview Count BISMARCK
promised a cessation of hostilities for fifteen days on
condition that Strasbourg, Toul andyhalsbourg were
surrendered. As the Assembly was to meet in Plris
The Germans must also have possession of Fotrt de
Mont Valerien. So it appears that this most absurd
pretension was put forward after all. To give up
this fortress, which is the only one on the west side of
the capital,would be to lay the city open to the invader,
and M. FAVRE justly retorted that it would be more
simple to ask for Paris at once. This scheme fell to
the ground, and a far more practicable one was
mooted. It was suggested by M. FAVRE that the
Constituent Assembly should not meet at Paris, but
at Tours, and then no such " guarantee
against Paris" as the possession of Mont
Valerien would be needed. The Prussian ans-
wered by repeating his demand for Stras-
bourg, Toul, and Phalsbourg, with the addition
that the garrison of the first-named place should
surrender as prisoners of war. This was indignantly
rejected, and M. FAVRE took his leave.
The French statesman seems to figure to as little
advantage in the latter part of these discussions as
Count BISMARCk does in the former.
The final proposition on the German side was
certainly not exorbitant. M. FAVRE might
feel indignant at the suggestion that the Strasbourg
garrison should quietly surrender themselves as
prisoners ; but the Germans have made great efforts
to obtain the city and all it contains, and it was not
to be expected that they would forego any of their
advantages when on the eve of success. Strasbourg
has since fallen; so has Toul; and thus of the three
fortresses demanded a week ago as the price of an
invaluable breathing time, only one now remains in
French hands. It is deeply to be deplored that the
chance of bringing this miserable struggle to an end
was not utilised to the utmost. But the French

Government is fully alive to the necessity and
advantage of a speedy peace, and were not likely to
allow an available opportunity to pass without good
reason. It is impossible to find any just
ground for accusing them of a desire to
continue the strife. If they could improve the
position of France by fighting, they would firmly
establish the Republic by so doing. But of this they
can have no hope. The offer to treat shews that
they regard the situation as desperate. The proba-
bilities are infinitely in favour of continued fighting
ending in further disasters for the French, and every
fresh calamity must discredit the Government, even
though it may not be answerable for losses which
are but the natural consequences of previous
errors. It seems fair, therefore, to conclude that
M. FAVRE'S action was determined -by regard to
ultimate results. If be saw no chance of an armis-
tice leading to a peace, it would be useless to make

even a small sacrifice to obtain an armistice. But such a
cessation of hostilities cannot be obtained at a small
sacrifice. Putting the fortresses out of the question,
an armistice must involve great injury to the morale
of the nation, which has certainly no overwhelming
stock of this quality at present. The de-
mand involves a confession of defeat on
the part of those who prefer it. After
a pause of this kind France would be sure

to fight even less hopefully than at present.
M. FAVRE may, on this ground, have
decided not to consent to a pr Aiminary lull,
unless he could see his way pretty clearly to the
end ; and Count BISMARCK'S attitude was not

encouraging. The Ministry would not be justified
in handing over the country to the utter
anarchy which would follow the acceptance of an
unpopular demand, and it may be that Paris, desirous
of resistance, has yet- to learn the lesson which has
been taught so perfectly to the miserable inhabitants

of North-Eastern France. If the present Govern-
ment falls, it is obvious that there is absolutely
nothing to take its place. Yet it cannot stand except
by the will of a fickle populace. Here is in all
likelihood the true cause of the failure of M. FAVRE'S
mission. A week or two hence the prospect of Paris
being more anxious for accommodation will doubtless
have become greater.

r AT length the inevitable has come to pass.
Strasbourg, which I. JULES FAVRE refused only a
week ago to surrender as one of the conditions of an
armistice, has fallen. The place has made a gallant
defence, and has sustained a terrible trial. But
fortresses were made in order to be taken, and it was
certain that when once the Germans had eet to work
vigorously, end hail brought up their heavy siege guilt,

morrows. Imperialism finds no apologist in Mr.
BLANCHARD JERROLD, whose proclivities are towards
Constitutional Liberalism, whose predilections
are for any regime rather than that' of
absolutism, whose thorough and ingrained loyalty is
that of a true born Englishman. It is as an English-
man that he here argues throughout. But as an
Englishman who cannot upon the instant, simply
because of the crash at Sedan, forget the loyal ally of
so many years, the ally of twenty-two years as Chief
of the Gallic State, 'the ally of eighteen years
as Emperor of the FRENCH, whose soldiers
and sailors have bled side by side with

our own upon the same foughten fields
in the Crimea, in far-distant China, and in
Japan, who has been true, too, as an ally during the
horrors of the Indian mutiny and the anguish of the
cotton famine ; who has been, alternately, our host
and our guest; and who, after ruling France with
great splendour for more than two decades, has been
suddenly hurled from his pride of place by a series
of unparalleled disasters. " When we find
his late panegyrists," exclaims Mr. JERROLD,
in a noble outburst of scorn, "not content with re-
cording his error, and chronicling the immense
extent of his punishment, covering him with mud,
calling him thief and coward, and charging him
with treason to the nation which he has passion-
ately loved through his life, and of which he was
the brilliant ruler for eighteen years, it is common
honesty to enter a protest." It is as a protest of this
kind, as the protest of a liberal Englishman against
the miserable spectacle of tergiversation brought to
light among the parasites of NAPOLEON 111.,
now his yet more despicable traducers and defamers,
that the manly, chivalrous words of reprobation
directed by Mr. BLANCHARD JERROLD against the
latter are to our thinking especially entitled at this
moment, at the least, to respectful consideration.
In the midst of so much angry vituperation it re-
quired some courage to utter a protest so completely
outspoken : but we honour it accordingly.

t'ie place would fall: But though Strasbourg has
t.,urren.lered, not the less will the name of General
UHRICH be remembered with gratitude and pride in
French history. Though of German origin, he has
fought with far more than French pluck, such as
this war has exhibited it. The baptism of a Paris
, boulevard after his name, the crowning of the
statue of Strasbourg in the Place de la Concorde, she w
how deeply the name of the soldier and the city have
been•graven in the hearts of the Parisians. It is not
surprising that an ordinary statesman should have
shrunk from yielding up the stronghold which has
been so splendidly defended. But 4anee has need
of extraordinary statesmen, statesmen who are bold
enough to make great sacrifices in order to avoid
others still greater. To the Germans the
capture will be of great value in setting free a
considerable body of troops to join the march on
Lyons, or to engage in any other enterprise. Moreover;
they get possession of One_ of the strong places
which they have expressed their intention to keep.
The course of victory is now on their side without a
single exception. The defence of Strasbourg was the
only feature in the campaign creditable to France. It
has come to an end.

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

THE UNITED STATES AND INTERVENTION,

The United States Government has declared its

determination to adhere to American diplomatic
precedent, and not to interfere with European politics
unless under circumstances which may affect the
States. The American Minister at Berlin telegraphed
to the Secretary. of State for instructions on the
subject of intervention, and at a Cabinet meeting
the matter was taken into consideration. The result
of the deliberations of the Cabinet was a reply to
Mr. Bancroft to the effect that America
could not act in concert with other nations
in any European intervention, but that if her good
cffices were sought in the interests of peace, she
would be glad to assist in bringing about an adjust-
ment of continental affairs as between the belligerent
Powers. Personally, the President and the Ministry
are very anxious for the restoration of peace. It is
alleged, as a curious fact, that the consumption of
beer 'in the States has increased to an enormous
extent since the outbreak of the war, consequent
upon the rejoicings of the elated Germans. The
books of the Inland Revenue Depa,rtment and the
statements of the brewers clearly shew the increased
demand.