The Sun.
London, England, 1848-12-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 9, 1848.

manner the exigencies of the great age which wit-
nesses the coronation of his temples with the imperial
diadem. If he recognises the necessities of the epoch,
his administration may be long and prosperous. If
otherwise, he himself will be doomed to misery and
his countrybto destruction. As a soldier, the young
EMPEROR fleshed his sword on the plains of Lom-
bardy, when fighting, during the late cam-
paign, under the banners of Marshal RADETZKY.
As an administrator, he revealed no ordinary
capacities (considering his inexperience) when acting
a year since as Viceroy of Bohemia. A rising cap-
tain, an embryo statesman, a scholar ripe beyond
his years, a linguist of surprising ability, a youth of
precocious courage, a prince of propitious intellect—
FRANCIS JOSEPH I. has ascended the throne at
011mutz as Constitutional Emperor of Austria. All
his accomplishments, however, will prove of no ac-
count unless accompanied by a genius of sufficient
scope to comprehend the requirements of an age
more marvellous in all respects than any that the
world has yet witnessed.

On Monday we directed the public attention to the
alterations effected in the law of libel by the 6 and 7
Vic., c. 96, and the attempt so recently made by the
Bishop of EXETER to defeat the wholesome provisions
of that statute. It is a matter of the utmost importance
that the law should be clearly understood, and that there
should be no possibility of doubt as to the practical
working of its enactments. The spirit and determi-
nation of Mr. THOMAS LATIMER, the respected editor
of the Western Times, will in all human proba-
bility speedily settle one important question, viz.,
the liability of a defeated prosecutor to defray the
costs incurred by a defendant in protecting himself
from an unfounded charge. We cannot conceive on
what grounds the legal advisers of the Bishop can
hope to deprive the defendant of his costs in the
present instance. The words of the statute are per-
fectly clear and explicit ; there is: no ambiguity of
expression on which to hang a doubt. It is enacted
that, "in the case of any indictment or information
by a private prosecutor for the publication of
any defamatory libel, if judgment shall be given
for the defendant, he shall be entitled to recover
from the prosecutor the costs incurred." It cannot
surely be denied that this was an indictment by a
private prosecutor for the publication of a defamatory
libel. That judgment was given for the defendant
(surely no additional evidence is necessary to con-
vince the Right Rev. Prelate of that great fact)
what pretext then can be set up to defeat the ac-
quitted man of the costs to which he is not only
legally, but justly mid equitably entitled ? And
yet we find the attempt made on the last day of No-
vember, nearly eight months after the termination of
the trial, and it was intimated that a further appeal
would be made to the full Court for the order which
Judge PATTESON so properly refused at chambers.
Meanwhile further delays take place and additional
costs are incurred. The honest verdict of the independent
and impartial jury who tried the case, triumphantly
acquitting the defendant, and finding the truth of the
justification which he had placed upon the file, was
returned in March last. A considerable portion of
the costs had been previously incurred, and yet eight
months subsequent to that verdict those costs are still
unsatisfied, and the defendant is not only compelled
to remain without his money, but he is threatened
with further litigation before he can establish his
rights. This is not the conduct we should have ex-
pected from a Christian Bishop. It savours strongly of
a persecuting spirit, of a desire to crush a bold and
manly opponent. Had the Right Rev. Prelate sub-
mitted with a good grace to the decisive defeat he had
sustained, had he speedily satisfied the demand to
which he thereby became liable, his conduct would
appear in a better light, and some slight allowance
might be made for the exasperated feelings that in-
duced him to institute his abortive proceedings ; but
his tardy and impotent attempt to slefeat the
wise intentions of the Legislature, show that
he is still animated by the same spirit in which the
charge was conceived, that he refuses to recognise
the justice of the decision of twelve independent and
high-minded gentlemen, sworn to return a true ver-
dict according to the evidence, that he still endea-
vours to injure and annoy a conscientious opponent,
whose only fault was, that he told the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth.
Some estimate may be formed from the case above
referred to of the risks and annoyances to which a
public journalist is exposed in the exercise of is
arduous duty. The benefits conferred upon
society by a free press are now perfectly understood.
It stands forth the fearless exposer of all abuses. It
protects the weak and helpless against the aggres-
sions of the strong and powerful. Many a petty
tyrant is kept in check by a wholesome dread of its
withering denunciations. If these denunciations are

uncalled for and unwarranted, they recoil with ten-
fold force upon the assailant ; but, if founded upon
truth and justice, they enlist the public sympathy on
behalf of the victim, and the oppressor trembles before
the mighty organ, and perhaps refrains from further
persecution.

It is not alone in these respects that the public
press exercises a salutary influence. In seasons of

political excitement it acts as a safety-valve, through
which the evil passions of the multitude escape. The
unrestricted freedom of discussion that: prevails (the
freedom of the press in its widest and most compre-
hensive meaning) has preserved our beloved country
from the anarchy and confusion which has prevailed
in other nations, where that blessing was practically
unknown. It is, therefore, the duty of the public to
reciprocate the advantages they receive, and to

,
protect journalists from any persecution they may un
dergo in the discharge of their arduous vocation.

Let it be borne in mind that it is not sufficient merely
to plead the truth of the charges alleged to be libel-
lous. The truth will constitute no defence unless it

......
was for the public benefit that the matters should be

published, and as we have already stated the particular
fact or reason establishing the public benefit must
be set forth. A person who has thus acted for the
public benefit fearlessly and unflinchingly, who has
braved all the serious consequences that might have
resulted, should be saved harmless from every risk,
and receive the tribute of public approbation.
Mr. LATIMER has done this, and he should at least
be protected from all pecuniary loss, and receive
some fitting testimonial of public gratitude.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

-- -
We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
As the day fixed for the election of President of
the Republic approaches, the Monarchical reaction-
dire*, from M. TRIERS down to M. EMILE DE Gut-
ARDIN, become more and more audacious in their
efforts to damage; the candidate of the " honest" Re-
public, General CAVAIGNAC. The withdrawal by M.
DUFAURE of the proposition for conferring national
recompenses on those who had fought or suffered for
the Republican cause during the last reign afforded
too favourable an opportunity to these wholesale
dealers in calumny to be passed by, and accordingly,
on Thursday, a grand attack was made on General
Ca VAIGNAC by the combined forces of the reactionaires,
and an attempt made to prove that he had been lending
x ebruar
himself to the proposition for granting pensions to the
assassinst, and thieves who were the coadjutors of
scrai, ALIDAUD, and LECOMTE. The history of
ttheo naafftaioi affair is
ai ls rteheisc:lmmediately after the revolution of
monarchies for
37, the Provisional Government appointed a
COrntnittee to consider the claims of those citizens
p.cnses who had suffered under the
Ms the presidentaot
ciples.
present a prisoner in Vincennes,
Atutatheir adherence to republican prin.
7,000 applications
werthat committee. Upwards of
been disposed of, :Zeade, 3,000 of which have
considered. After the
was thus con-
Gi3Eknixuselrzresentative),
12000 remain to be
ALBERT was committed atht
(re
r(representa-
of May, when
els,eenbrtative),
Committee of National Recom °e
Vincennes, the
stituted :—M. AUDRY DE PYRE
honorary president ; Colonel
of atillide
tive), president ; M. VIGNERTR
FORTE (merchant, and wounded irkP
TRELAT (representative), LESSERRE February),
wounded in February), and FENANY (officer
Republican Guard), members. This Commission,
after sitting for months, drew up a report which was
given in to M. SENARD, and which was by him pre-
sented to the Assembly, and on which he founded the
following projet de loi:
" Art 1. National recompenses shall be granted to the
citizens who have fought, or who have suffered for the
Republican cause, under the two last Governments
which have fallen.

"Art. 2. The-Children of citizens having a right to
national recompenses, but deceased before the promul-
gation of the present decree, are adopted by the country.
The widows and descendants will be succoured or pen-
sioned by the Government of the Republic.
"Art. 3, The national recompenses shall consist in

annual pensions, in indemnities paid in the lump, and in
honorary distinctions.
That these pensions were to be considered in the
light of honorary distinctions is evident, from the
fact, that none of them exceed 251. a year, a sum
which to such men as ARMAND MARRAST and JULES
BASTIDE can be of no importance except as a mark
of the approval of their countrymen, and that the
Ministers knew nothing of the names of those in-
cluded in the list is evident, because MARRAST and
BASTIDE, who are.both Ministers, and of whose sanity
no one has ever expressed a doubt, could not knowingly
have ever consented to the appearance of their names
in juxta position with those of thieves and murderers.
The fact is, the lists were lists of claimants for pensions
drawn up by the committee, and handed in to the
Assembly for their decision. The instant the Mi-
nistry discovered the nature of the recommendations
the project of law was withdrawn. On its with-
drawal M. DE LAROCHEJACQUELIN thought proper, as
we stated yesterday, to denounce the Ministers of the
Republic both past and present in no measured terms.
At the sitting of the Assembly on Thursday,
M. Senard, ex-Minister of the Interior, was the first
to ascend the tribune to explain the causes of his absence
when a motion, in which he felt personally interested,
had been mooted. Had he been present when M. Dela-
rochejacquelin spoke of the manner in which money des,
tined for national recompenses had been diverted from
its purpose, he would not have protested against the na-
tural movement of indignation that had seized the As-
sembly. He should declare, for bis part, that he knew
nothing of the documents referred to, and he was sorry
that some discussion had not taken place calculated to
throw light on the subject. It could not be for the in-
terest of the past or present Government to lie under the
suspicion of having contemplated the accordance of pen-
sions to robbers and murderers. He did not blame the
remarks that had been made among individuals, or in
the press, for they rose from a laudable feeling.—(Ex-
clamations on the left.) M. Senard then proceeded, at
some length, to state the origin and composition of the
committee that after the revolution had been formed,
with the view of recompensing pure patriotic Republi-
cans who had been made victims under the monarchy.
M. Guinard had nothing to add in the way of details
to what had fallen from M. Senard relative to the la-
bours of the committee of national recompenses. Yet
he could not agree in the opinion that had been ex-
pressed relative to the conduct of the citizen Albert,
who had presided over that committee. He declared
that he had been actuated by the noblest sentiments—
that of recompensing the men who for 20 years had en-
deavoured to overturn a Government which, it was now
acknowledged by all, had deserved its fate. It was now
sought to be made believed that these had been mere
assassins and murderers. Yet such was the object of
such men as M. Thiers, for example, who had kept them
his prisoners.
At this apostrophe, addressed directly to M. Thiers,
there was a burst of indignation on the right of the As-
sembly, mingled with cheers from the left; the whole
rising into uproar of the most tremendous kind.
M. Thiers rose amidst cries of " To the tribune," on
which he ascended the tribune, and apologised for having
interrupted the orator, which he would not have done
had he not been personally addressed in a way so un-
usual, and so little in accordance with usage. He would
now reply by saying that M. Guinard had not been his
prisoner, but that of the law; and he would say, to all
appearance justly.—(Loud cheers from the Right.)
M. Guinard resumed—He had named M. Thiers, be-
cause, during the political struggles that had torn the
country asunder, he had ever considered M. Thiers to
be the enemy of their efforts.
A Voice from the Left—He is so still.
M. Guinard—As to documents, he would deny that
there had been any proof of their authenticity. Ho
called on the Minister of the Interior to say bow such
documents could have issued from his office, without any
marks to show their authenticity. Ho would propose
that they be deposited in the archives, for general in-
spection.—(Cheers from the Left.)
M. Dufaure should declare that the documents were
perfectly authentic, and had been signed by the secretary
of the original committee and one of the members.
Until yesterday he had been in complete ignorance of
the character of these documents. They consisted of
three classes. First, returns of those who bad been
wounded in February; secondly, of those who had suf-
fered on account of their opinion. But these documents
contained no proposition from the committee appointed
to report on the project of law for according national
recompenses. They were only indications or minutes of
names and circumstances submitted to the committee.
The lists that had been given in the journals were correct
copies, but bungling, as they did, the names of political
prisoners with robbers and murderers, they should more
properly be called returns from the registers of the
prisons of Paris .—(Murmurs.) -Yes, such they ap-
peared to be; and hence it was that the names of
honourable persons had been found in the same category
with criminals.
M. Vignerte wished to know how such lists had been
given to the public. The object was to create a false
impression, and to injure General Cavaignac.—(Much
clamour.) He denounced the circumstance as a scanda-
lous manoeuvre of the reactionary party.—(Uproar.)
General Cavaignac said he was quite sure that no
Member of the Assembly could for a moment suppose
that be or any member of the Government could have
prepared, or caused to bo prepared, a list of persons en-
titled to national recompenses, composed partly of rob-
bers, and partly: of men of honourable character,
—(Loud cries of assent.) Such attacks could not, how-
ever absurd, be passed over; and it was really with a
feeling of strong emotion he had witnessed the manner
in which the matter had been taken up. Most certainly
he could never be a party to giving recompenses to any
other than those who have served their country. He
therefore repelled the charge, that the Government had
brought the list of names that had been submitted to the
Committee. If he deceived himself, and that there really
was any Member present who believed the Government
capable of such conduct, he would beg him to come for •
ward and state so openly.--(Cheers.)
M. Baroche, as president of the committee to which
the bill had been submitted, would declare that no one
could for a moment suppose that General Cavaignac or
M. Dufaure had anything to do with the preparation of
such lists, but still he could not agree that they had not
been seriously prepared, and that with the view of pro-
posing recompenses to the persons who had been stig-
matised properly as the worst criminals. As to the
publication of the lists he could not account for it. A
sub-committee had had the lists in their hands, and they
had passed under many eyes.
General Cavaignac said the committee had acted, in
regard to the lists, precisely as the Government would
have done in their place. He had also to repeat, what
he had before said—that the Government could have
known nothing of the composition of those lists.
M. de Larochejacquelin protested that in bringing the
matter forward, he was influenced by no motive beyond
that of expressing the indignation, so generally felt, at
discovering that there had been a serious intention of
according national recompenses to assassins and cri-
minals.

M. James de Montray expressed his concurrence in the
sentiments of M. Guinard, who had attacked the mi-
nisters of the monarchy.
M. Fresnan said he )bought that copies of the lists had
been taken by some members who had assisted at meet-
ings of the committee, but denied that the committee
were parties to the publication.
The Minister of the Interior--I have in my hand the
lists communicated by the committee on national recom-
penses to the committee of the Assembly, and I feel
bound to state how they are drawn up. At the back of
the list there is written, " Vise le 25 Novembre —signed
Rouen." At the end there is no signature. It has been
stated that the lists mentioned the pension demanded by
each person, but that is an error. These lists are, as
I have before stated, divided into several columns,
the last of which, for observation, is left blank. With
regard to the lists, which were connected with the com-
batants of July, that is not the case; the column of
decisions is filled up, but that list has nothing to do
with the discussion, for, as you are aware, none of the
documents published by the journals concern the com
batants of February.—(Marks of surprise.) This is all
I have to say on this point. I shall add nothing to it.
It is an admitted fact that copies have been taken of the
lists deposited in the hands of the committee, and I am
convinced that those copies were made at the time that
the cabinet of the committee was invaded by a number
of the members of the Assembly. One journal has as-
serted that the copies were furnished to it by two mem-
bers of the committee, but that journal states a false-
hood .—(Marked indignation.) Ne member of the com-
mittee has given a copy to any one. As Ido not wish
to exaggerate anything, but to explain facts as they have
taken place, I will add that certain members of the
Assembly have considered that they were at liberty
to take copies and communicate them to the journals,
and I am convinced that in so doing they never imagined
the disgraceful abuse which would be made of them-
Unless the room of the committee had been thus in.
vaded, explanations would have been made.
I do not seek to discover what is the interest which
actuated the person who gave these lists to publicity;
but as the idea that they might contain errors did not
arrest him, it is to be supposed that his intention was to
fling forth an accusation against the Government, by
affirming that it knew all that the lists contained, and
that it desired to recompense robbers and assassins. But
that is not all; it seemed necessary to personify the Go-
vernment in order to give a direct telling blow; and so
the men whose names are found on the lists have been
called the pensioners of the Executive Power.--(Agita-
tion.) But from this discussion must proceed two truths
—one, that there are principles of universal morality
which survive all Governments, and which cannot be
transgressed under pain of downfall—(Hear, hear)—and
thus no Government can countenance or tolerate rob-
bery or assassination.—(Hear, hear.) A Government
which could bring itself to so trample under foot all
feeling of propriety and honour would be guilty of a
crime. Tho other truth is this—that, to endeavour to
discover in these documents, which have nothing decided
the
are
W;
7-nothing official in them, grounds forgrave accusations,
is another species of crime.—(Agitation.)
MinisterA
t iate
Ire
well
aware of thee it
motivesr Interior—lt
of this oic—Yes,of h
it is a political assassination !
to defame the public men of one's country
but
we
ucioldnoduubette.d
c r iisisa
ly
electoral struggle has been d An
inter-
ruption.) commence .—(Loud A Voice—Yes, it is a ain t G
g s eneral Cava.ignac
Another Voice—It
take away 90,000 votewsas calculated that each line would
from. him.
The Minister of the I
strug-
gle, Say, is pendin Interior—A great electoral one ?—(Movena tg—why is it not a fair and honourable
en ) There •
down such disloyal is but one means of putting
bation which you will conduct—it is the marked disappro-
country against such unnowworpFonounce in the face of the
and long agitation.)
nowthY manoeuvres.—(yes, yes,
assent to what I say will be stop, convinced that your
sufficient to fling back from

the Government such false and calumnious accusations.
—(Yes, yes, and loud assent.)
The sitting remained suspended for ten minutes. 31 At
last, with great difficulty, the President obtained silence,
when all at once cries arose for " the cloture."
The Chamber, on being consulted, decided that the
discussion was closed.
The President—M. Guinard has proposed that a
committee of inquiry should be appointed to examine the
documents and the registers of the committee of national
recompenses. Is the proposition accepted?—(Cries of
" Yes, yesl") Another proposition has been made by
MM. De Montry, Degeorge, and Flocon, for an inquiry
into the origin of the documents published by the jour-
nals.—(None.) A division is demanded. Do 20 mem-
bers support that demand?—(Loud noise.)
M. Lacrosse said that what was proposed was already
expressed in article 47 of the regulations, and proposed
that the Assembly should pass to the pore and simple
order of the day.
The President—Does the Assembly insist on the pure
and simple order of the day ?—(Cries of " Yes, yes.")
M. Bass lcudly declared his adhesion to this course.
The Minister of Public Works demanded that the
Chamber should pass to the order of the day pure and
simple. In a doubtful question he could understand
such a course might be objected to, but in the present
one, when the honour of the Government was concerned
ho thought it ought to be adopted.
The President—l demand whether lam to put to
the vote the orders of the day motives which have been
presented and whether I am to read them to the Assem-
bly.—(Cries of " No, no," " Divide, divide.") I shall
consult the Assembly on the orders of the day motives.
The Hon. President made several attempts to read
them, but his voice was drowned in the tumult which
prevailed.
M. Heckeren said that by the regulations the Presi-
dent had no right to read the orders of the day motives.
He should first propose the order of the day pure and
simple.
M. Taschereau denied that the regulations could be
construed in that sense. The order of the day pure
and simple, could not be demanded until after the orders
of the day motives had been read.
M. Dupin said that the order of the day pure and
simple always had priority over orders of the day motives.
The orders of the day pure and simple, was then put
to the vote, and adopted almost unanimously.
The proces verbal was then agreed to.
M. Lagrange complained that his proposition relative
to the transported insurgents, which had been inserted on
the order of the day to follow the rectified budget, had
been delayed.
The President—The order of the day had been inter-
rupted. The Assembly had only exercised its right in
so doing. The prods verbal will make mention of the
observation of the Hon. Member.
The Assembly rose in great agitation.
Before the debate of Thursday, the following letter
fr?rn General FABVIER, an old Bonapartist, to General
CAVAIGNAC, was extensively circulated by the organs
of the reactionary party:—
" Sir,—lf you signed the project the decree published
by the journals granting national recompense as the
price of assassination, even though all France may raise
you to the Presidency, I declare that I refuse obedience
to any Government of which you may be the Chief.
"FAIIVIER."
Since that debate the reactionaries are crest fallen,
their weapon has recoiled upon themselves.
The Journal des Debats says :
"There is one point which we are bound in justice to
say has been completely cleared up by the discussion of
yesterday—that the Government certainly had no know-
ledge of these lists. It was without its knowledge that
they were made out. Its fault is in having trans-
mitted them to the Committee of the Chamber with-
out having read them. That fault is repaired
as much as was in its powers by withdrawing the
decree as soon as it was made aware of it, and its
punishment will be that all these explanations may not,
perhaps, exonerate it in the eyes of the country. Public
morality has been outraged; every honest man has felt
the blow, and the feeling has been very deep. There
was only one cry raised, when it was seen that the lists
for national recompenses contained the names of the
children of Pepin and the sister of Lecomte. But if we
are compelled not to excuse the Government of the
fault of negligence, we shall not carry party spirit so I
far as to accuse it of a crime, and we must say that
if there be any one in the world innocent of the list
it is General Cavaignac.
"Such is for us, who are impartial judges and disinter-
ested spectators, the general result of this discussion."
The Moniteur du Soir gives the following official
explanation of the affair :
" This decree had for its object to grant rewards to the
wounded of February, and,the citizens who had combatted
or suffered for the Republican cause, and, finally, to
settle the account of the subscriptions collected for the
wounded of February, and which exceeded 1,300,000 f.
According to articles 4 and 5 of the draft of the decree,
the rewards were to be awarded on the decisions of the
Minister of the Interior. The committee of the National
Assembly charged to examine the draft of the decree,
demanded communication of all the papers. The Minis-
ter of the Interior, obeying the wish of the committee,
applied for the papers, and gave them in. The inspec-
tion of these papers showed that by the side of real ser-
vices rendered to the cause of liberty, and which the Re-
publican Government is bound to reward, are odious
and insensate indications, the existence of which
could not have been suspected. The Govetnment has
felt that, although there was nothing definitive in what
had been done, there resulted, from the mere facts of the
revelation, the necessity of abandoning the primitive
project, and proceeding to a new consideration of the
elements of the question. It has withdrawn the draft
of the decree."
The Moniteur also publishes the following :
" The most false reports were circulated yesterday at
the Bourse, and seem to have had some influence on the
prices of the day. At first it was said that the Pope had
refused to accept the hospitality offered him by the
French Government. Nothing justifies such a rumour,
for the Government has not, tip to this day, received
any communications except those which it has laid be-
fore the National Assembly. Neither is there any truth
in the asserted resignation of the Commander-in-Chief
of the National Guard, and his being replaced by an
other."

A serious affray, in the course of which several
lives were lost, has occurred at Bordeaux between the
partisans of Louis BONAPARTE and those of LEDRU
ROLLIN. The military were called out to disperse the
combatants.
A very serious conflict took place at St. Jean
d'Angely between the National Guards of that town
and those of St. Hilare, growing out of resistance to
the payment of the additional 45 per cent. on the
taxation.
The funds rose 1 per cent. in Paris yesterday,
owing, it is said, to the manoeuvres of the " Bulls."
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT TUE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, DEC. 8.
Luxembourg (10/.), 1%--Paris and Lyons (10/. ), 41/4.

SPAIN.
Madrid journals of the 2d have arrived.
The Prince D'AGLIINA is the Ministerial candidate
for the Presidency of the Senate and SEIJAS Losarlo
for that of the Chamber of Deputies. CABRERA and
his Lieutenants are exceedingly active in Catalonia.
On the night of the 24th his Lieutenant, Pozes, en-
tered Mataro, and carried off the director of the rail-
way and two other capitalists as hostages for the
payment of the contribution which he demanded. He
did this without the least opposition, though Mataro
is a town of 13,000 inhabitants, only five leagues
from Barcelona, to which it is united by a railway.
The Tristanis paid a visit to San Andres, a suburb of
Manresa, on the same evening, and carried off a
regidor and several others of the principal
inhabitants ; and a letter from Reus of the 27th
states that 500 Carlists had been at Riudums,
half a league off, two days before, and carried off the
whole corporation, as pledges for three months' taxes
which had not been paid. They mustered in force
close to Reus the next day, and gave the inhabitants
twenty-four hours to cash up the amount demanded
from that town, under penalty of a rigorous blockade.
MASGORET, BASQUETAS, and other chiefs, with 800
men, were at Castelloel, half a mile from Reus, and
their advances just outside the walls; and from a
private communication of the corregidor to the other
members of the corporation, it was supposed that
the sum required would quietly be made
up. It should be observed that General
GALIANO, with his column, had been for eight
days at Reus, which he left on the 27th for Falcet,
with a battalion of the San Marcial Regiment, that
had arrived two days before from the Maestranzo,
and some companies of another corps, and a few
cavalry-1,000 men altogether. His object was to
liberate the Judges of First Instance, and the de-
tachment stationed there, who had been shut up in
the fort during fifteen days, whilst the Carlists occu-
pied the town in force, and levied 130 ounces of
gold, 50 of which were paid down at once, and they
had quietly taken up their quarters waiting for the
rest.

A. Cervera letter, of the 26th, says that the Carlist
chief, Ita.stoisrr, who had made several unsuccessful
attacks on the town of Mayals, has entered it at last,
and had burned several houses there, in reprisal for
the obstinacy of their previous resistance.
There was a rumour in Madrid to the affect that
the Porn had arrived at Barcelona; it was not, how-
ever, generally credited.
MADRID BOLSA, DEC. 2.—The Three per Cents.
have rather improved of late, which is probably to be
attributed to the approach of the Christmas dividend ;
they are reported at 191, 15-16, buyers 15-16, sellers
20; Five per Cents., 91 buyers, sellers ; Coupons,
5t sellers ; Passive Debt, 3i buyers, sellers.

A reunion of the elite of French subjects resident
in Richmond and its vicinity, is expected to take place
this (Saturday) evening at the Castle Hotel, Rich-
mond. Louis Philippe and the other members of
the ex-Royal Family of France are expected to be
present.

RIVER PLATE.—Bv the brig Sappho, arrived at
Liverpool, direct from Buenos Ayres, we have advices
from that port to the 11th of October. Mr. Sothern, the
British Minister to the Argentine Republic, who landed
a few days previous to the sailing of the Sappho, had an
interview with Rosas's Minister. Trade was dull. Ex-
change on England was unaltered. Freights had a
downward tendency. The last quotations were 555. per
ton for tallow, and 50s. for bides, to Great Britain.