The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-18 00:00:00

and that the course they had taken had been fully vindicated
that night ; still he thought they had not done enough. The
distre a was overwhelming, disturbances had broken out, and
might extend so as to render all their future precautions una-
vailing. They had a fearful period before them; and notwith-
standingation
what
savlosuoldtodeoonwseidllertoputin
operation
whether
it would not be well to appoint a Commissioner to inquire into
er
theStohaerydheafd Works,done they
dy
the resident landlords, and the absentees, with the object of
rating them Lin order to meet the present crisis, care Icing
taken to discriminate between the two classes of landlords.
Their duty would not be performed unless they did everything
in their power to counteract the alarming state of things ' • and
in doing so, they ought not to despond, as a feeling of that
kind going abroad was calculated to do great irrjury.—(Hear.)
Mr. 3PCARTHY gave the Government credit for an
anxious desire to relieve the wants of Ireland, still he had to
complain of the way in which the commissary at Cork had
given out relief. He had only supplied Indian corn for a day,
and had refused further supplies, or to send it into the interior.
He would ask the Right Hon. Baronet if he was aware that
Indian meal, when ground, was liable to fermentation and con-
sequent loss? He would also press the Right Hon. Baronet
for information as to the instructions the commissary at Cork
was acting under in withholding the supplies. He was of
opinion that the Government should allow Indian corn to be
sold at the cost price.
Colonel VERNER said that the scarcity described to
prevail in the south of Ireland did not exist in that portion of
the country in which he had lately been. At the last assizes
of the county of Down the grand jury did not consider it neces-
sary to enforce the provisions of the present Bill, the state of
the county not requiring it. He had been in the county of
Fermanagh for five weeks, and he had never heard of any
scarcity—in fact it was remarked that never since the war was
there such a good time for the paying of rents.
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN wished to explain, He denied
that in opposing the Coercion Bill he was delaying the measures
for the relief of the people of Ireland. The responsibility of
the delay lay with the Ministers, not with him. The Right
Hon. Baronet had misunderstood what he said about local
rates—he had always contended that the landlords should be
compelled to support the destitute, and that a general tax on
property was necessary and proper for that purpose.
Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said he rose to call the attention
of the Government to a document which had been transmitted
to him, and which referred to a point that had not been touched
upon. The Hon. Gentleman had read the document in
question, which was to the effect that it would not be possible
to supply Indian corn meal fast enough to the people from a
deficiency of mill-power in that part of the country. It stated
that Sir R. Peel had caused to be purchased 100,000/. worth
of Indian corn at the rate of a penny a pound, which made
24,000,0001b5. All that had been imported into Cork was
11,000,0001b5., of which a very small quantity had been dis-
tributed, the commissary refusing to supply any more at
present. In addition to this quantity it was said the only stock
at present in England was 45,000 quarters. To give 4,000,000
of people a pound of meal each, 14,825 barrels would be re-
quired. He (Mr. J. O'Connell) would not pledge himself as
to the truth of this statement, but he had received it from a
person who knew a good deal of the county of Cork, and con-
siderably acquainted with the state of the country. He
(Mr. J. O'Connell) would say a few words on the general
subject. The question was one of great difficulty, and
great allowance should be made on both sides.—( Cries of
" Hear, hear.") He gave the Government full credit
for an anxious and earnest desire to do the best they
could in the present crisis; and though the present discussion
had been deprecated, he thought it would be useful, as it would
show the House was not inattentive to the necessities of the
case; and that if the Government withheld definite information,
it was because they thought such a course would impede useful
operations. He was sorry to hear the Right Hon. Baronet
say that the introduction of Indian corn would give the people
of Ireland a taste for better food. No good would arise if the
taste was only given to them for a moment ; the only way to
give them a better taste was to provide them with better means.
It was poverty that inevitably drove them to inferior food ;
give them better means of purchasing food, and they would soon
have a taste for it. He had just another remark to make.
With respect to what had been said about the importance of
the resident landlords in meeting the evils of Ireland, he saw in
that a strong argument bearing in favour of a local Parliament.
Mr. FITZGERALD said that from the accounts received
that day, disturbances had taken place in Tipperary, ( lonmel,
and several other towns in Ireland, in which the people had
risen and helped themselves out of the bakers' shops. The
state of things was so dreadful that the military had been called
out, as well as the police employed to suppress the disturbances.
He would ask, had the agents of the Government acted
according to instructions in refusing to send food
into the interior, so as, by granting a supply, to prevent
the occasion of the people resorting to such illegal means.
Feeling that political agitation contributed to agrarian out-
rage, he was anxious to remove all causes or excuse for it. He
was anxious to restrict political agitation to all causes which
had nothing to do with personal interests.—( Hear.) It was
impossible for a people accustomed to combine against the
oppression from oligarchical communities, accustomed' to resist
the power of authority which in their eyes was backed only by
selfish motives. Was it necessary for him to describe the
present condition of Ireland ?. They lived in a state of feverish
and unhealthful excitement, and the consequence was that the
people could not resist the temptation to oppose the claims for
even legitimate authority. He for one would not be content
to rest upon vague promises. Would they give equal rights
with themselves ? Would the Right Hon. baronet consumate
the Emancipation Act ? Would he legislate for that extremity
which was fast impending and not wait until that extremity
arose ? Would he remove that cause of difference which was
exhibited in the portion of the Anglican Church in Ireland ?
That was ti.e base of their national disseverence and of poli-
tical subservience. Why was it that no Member of the Catholic
faith was not possessed of a place in the Cabinet? Was it
not true that to be associated with them was a signal for
his expulsion from the body to which he properly belonged ?
But it was the business of him who was in possession of power
to abridge this struggle. The sectarian policy it was that
deprived the Government of the national confidence, but if
they would ameliorate their political and religious
scrooge, they would confederate with them, and act
in concert in the repression of outrage and the stop-
page of agrarian imposition. If they would not, how-
ever, then the Government must expect that the Iri h people
would refrain from any such concert, and they would not only
not refrain, although by the doing so they might not prevent.
but be the cause of the increase of crime. Then as to the 13111
itself, he had great objections. He thought that the punish-
ment of transportation was too great for the offence met by
this Bill—an evil which he conceived might be justly met by a
longer or shorter period of imprisonment. And, further, as to
the expenses of this Bill. Why was it that the tenants on the
several estates were to bear an expense to which, in justice,
they were in no way liable ? He trusted that the House
would not accede to the Bill in its present state, because, with-
out some sufficient provision for the welfare of the people of
Ireland it would in effect be totally inoperative.—( Cheers.)
Mr. CALEB POWELL thought that this Bill would be
altogeth. r useless, unless there was some assurance of the re-
moval of that abuse which rendered the psople of Ire'and sub-
servient to the rule of a Church which was abhorrent to their
principles, and without the abrogation of which no impartial
effect could be produced. He had come to this resolution
partly in consequence of the insufficiency cf the evidence
whit .h the Government had given for this Bill, and he especially
alluded to a certain district in Limerick for the returns of out-
rages in that district, although he had moved for them on the
23d of last month, and the officials had not been able to furnish
them. Now, with regard to the case of Sir David Roche.
What was the fact ? Why, he had been informed by a gentle-
man who was in the carriage at. the time, that Sir D. Roche
had not been fired at at all.— (" But what does Sir D. Roche
say ?" from the Treasury Benches.--( Great laughter.)
—He believed that Sir D. Roche was lying
down in the seat of the carriage at the moment. There cer-
tainly was an explosion, but no missile shuck the carriage—
( Laughter )—and he understood from the people of
Limerick themselves that it was a ruse of the agents of the
police. Now he would turn to the case of the sailor, who was
said to have been beaten to death. Why, as to that, it ap-
peared that the man was absolutely assailed by two milkmaids,
such as those who mixed water and chalk together in Caven-
dish-square.—( Laughter.) He knew that it was said that two
men had assailed him, and that he was in a dying state, but he
had been assured by persons acquainted with all the facts, that
there was not a stronger man in the county of Limerick at the
present moment.—( Laughter from the Alieistcrial benches.)
Still further, with respect to the alleged violence done upon a
man who held land in Tipperary. From what be had heard
there was no ground for those assertions, and the Right Hon.
Baronet would act upon very insufficient grounds, if
he allowed these to influence him in bringing in a Coer-
cion Bill for any part of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.)
There was another case which the Right Hon. Baronet had
quoted, as furnishing a ground for the introduction of the mea-
sure. The Right Hon. Baronet had said, that a respectable
gentleman, of the name of Wilson, had beers obliged to leave
his place of residence in the county of Clare, through fear of
being made a victim of lawlessness by the tenants around him.
He e Mr. Powell) had known Mr. Wilson for many years, and
had found him to be a very respectable and intelligent gentle-
man, and he really believed that he was of very great service
to the district in which he formerly resided. But lie (Mr.
Powell) felt perfectly certain that that gentleman need enter-
tain no such fears as had been alluded to by the Right Hon.
Baronet on his introduction of the measure. There were no
reasons why he should not exercise all the legitimate rights of
his property in Clare, without entertaining the slightest fear
of molestation on the part of the surrounding tenantry. In
deed, he (Mr. Powell) happened to knew, that the causes
which induced Mr. Wilson to change his residence were en-
tirely of a private nature, which he need not mention in that
House.—(Hear, hear.) And yet the Right Hon. Baronet
had referred to the case as evidence that the landed gentry of
Ireland were driven from their estates in consequence of the
lawless state of the peasantry. And even supposing that
llr. Wilson had been obliged to retire from his resi-
dence in the county of Cirae, from the fears
alluded to by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for
the Home Department, did it follow that other gentlemen
should entertain similar fears, and be driven to similar deter-
minations ? He knew many gentlemen of property that lived
in the district from which Mr. Wilson had removed, and yet
nppoerrotati attacks whatever
Protestant
natl t
hgoeungt gentry
ho had
Ireland, been
must
taam ma
were
i admit
tdheez
te uponehss'•i
excessively
ohy e
inclined
nv religionists,eeds ot
or pp
theor -.
sess and exercise arbitrary powers over their Roman Catholic
fellow-subjects. He also knew a gentleman who had made a
great fortune by his trade in the city of Limerick ; and in a
conversation which he had with him lately, he asked him whe-
ther he felt the necessity of giving to the magistrates of that
district additional coercive powers against the people for the
purpose of preserving life and property, when he replied that
he certainly did not; that he had not a single fire-arm in his
nots o numerous o f
n the
r o
house—and that frequently the bars and windows of his house
were left unbolted and open at night, and that he had never
suffered either in person or property by any acts of the pea-
santry.—(Hear,
had said
hear.) He believed that the Right Hon.
ehna .
highernaron classes
e t h d admitted
societyitted thatin
Irelandthe cases
were of
assassination
so shocking as those which had occurred in England.
Mr.
SirJpAOMNEvESLGL said theßAHAAl—Rlignhet Hverosn. Gentlemanaidthat
y nauchm
ia
mistaken.
Rightout of
thes e cases
way,d
o e:
sßoimghetthiHngonv.eßryarloinkeetitw,
oourldhepwerahs eavpsr
admit that h
They
asossmasestihniantgiuntointlhrieslaenffdecatr—e
not"
o Perhaps,very
after
much u
all, t
so very numerous, but then the people want to be protected
from each other, and that is what our measure is calculated to
effect " But where were the petitions of the
the House to pass this so-called protective
measure?po"praying
Right Hon. Gentleman, in introducing this meastire The
very sweeping charge againstthe morality of the people
of
fde
Ire-
land. He stated that they were in such a state of
social
organisation that the ordinary law was insufficient to meet theirli
lawless acts.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM-4 did not say so.
Mr. POWELL—Then why did not the Government leav
the people of Ireland to the ordinary operation of the law 7
e
(Hear, hear.) He really could not feel any gratification. in
adducing arguments of recrimination for the purpose of con-
trasting the crimes of the people of Ireland with the outrages
committed by the English people. It was no source of con-
solation to him to think that if there were crimes committed
in Ireland there were crimes of equal, and even greater, num-
ber and atrocity committed in this country.__( Hear, hear.)
Why, was there not a Prime Minister assassinated in the very
lobby of that House, and did the Prime Minister of that day
come down to the House with a measure for the coercion of

the English people ? Or did the present Prime Minister of
the Crown propose a similar measure when his Private Secre-
tary was assassinated in the very centre of Westminster? On

these grounds, therefore, he contended that the Government
did not legislate impartially towards the people of Ireland. Ha
could assure the House that if this measure were passed, it
would completely fail to secure the objects it contemplated.
On the contrary, it would only increase the present calamities
of Ireland. If its oppressive clauses were enforced, there
would certainly be a lamentable reaction. He could also
prove, from documents, that the evidence on which the
Government had relied in introducing this mea-
sure was not such as should be received by
the Members of that House, and although it had
been stated by the Right Honourable Baronet, the
Secretary of State for the Home Department that
social order in Ireland was completely disorganised, yet when
that young man came to be hanged in the front of the New
Bailey the populace greeted him with tremendous cheering.—
( Hear, hear.) So much for the statement of the Right lion.
Gentleman as to the immorality of the Irish people. Perhaps
the Right Horn Baronet would, on reflection, see that his as-
sertion that the people of this country did not exhibit that
sympathy for criminals which was manifested in Ireland was
altogether untrue. Then, on the Bth of April, it appeared that
there had been a case of assassination in the county of Oxford
together with several other outrageous crimes, and that the
total number of crimes committed in that county since the last
assizes was 69. He did not think that the amount of crimes in
the county of Limerick would be found to exceed that. But it
would be a very invidious and disagreeable task for him to go
through the catalogue of English criminality, to show that the
people of Ireland were equally as moral as the people of this
country. He was very sorry to find that the Hon. Member
for Pomfret was not in hie place, because that gentleman had
nide few nights ago that this Act was a very harmless one, and
that it would not be considered anything more than a tem-
porary police correctionelle, and that it was impossible for any
inconvenience to result from it. Now, in such a case as this,
what would the Hon. Member for Pomfret think if the Pro-
testant people of that part of Yorkshire in which he resided
were to be handed over to the care of Roman Catholic magis-
trates? Would he not cry out against the abolition of the
British constitution, &c. ? Would he not become indignant, and
express his feelings against such an nncenstitutional proceeding?
And yet this measure proposed to place the Roman Catholics
of Ireland in the hands of Protestant magistrates, the ma-
jority of whom had no sympathy for them.—( Hear, hear.)
And yet the Hon. Member had advised her Majesty's Govern-
ment to pursue their present course. Mr. Shaw Lefevre had,
at one time, in that House, stated, when there were disturb•
ances amongst the peasansry of England, that the best and
most effectual way of suppressing those disturbances was by
relieving their wants, not by goading them by coercive mea-
sures to outrages still more violent.—( Hear.) And could he
quote an authority higher than that of the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman who then occupied the chair of that House ?—( Hear.)
He (Mr. Powell) found that in February, of the present year,
there had been disturbances amongst 2,000 labourers that
were engaged in the construction of a railway in Carlisle.
Now, if such a thing had occurred in Ireland, most
assuredly the people would have pronounced it to be in rebellion.
—( Hear, hear.) He would now take the liberty of stating
what measures were in his opinion calculated to promote the
tranquillity of the people of Ireland. In the first place the
people of Ireland should have the laws impartially administered
to them ; the Government must not proscribe the constitu-
tional expression of political opinion in that country. He
thought that there was a very ample scope for physical
amelioration of the people of Ireland, in the reclamation of
waste lands.—(Hear, hear.) He' elieved that it would be a very
easy, and a very immediate mode to relieve the great physical
destitution that at present existed in Ireland, and he believed
that they would be perfectly justified in making compulsory
powers for the cultivation of those large tracts which were
left uncultivated. Then there was another remedy, however,
left for them if they would not do these things, and that was
the repeal of the legislative union between the two
countries.--( Hear, hear.) If they would undertak o
to do that, he would undertake to say that it would
immediately improve the condition of the people of Ireland.—
( Hear, hear.) But if they were not prepared to do any of
these things, would they adopt the other courses which he had
suggested for the amelioration of the Irish people ? If they
were not, however, to do any of those things, they might de-
pend upon it that the people of Ireland would some fine day
right themselves.
Mr. WARD said that few Members, who were in the
House, had had so much experience in Indian corn as himself.
He, too, was aware that at a public meeting that had recently
been held in Ireland, it was stated that this corn was a
slow poison. Now, he had lived in countries where maize was
almost universally used as food by the people, ano he had not
known a more wholesome food, nor one more capable of enabling
the people to endure fatigue. It was a substantial, nourishing,
and wholesome diet, but it had only one fault. It would keep
fur any length of time in the grain cart ; when it was ground it
sometimes turned sour. If, in each case, it were to induce a
slight diarrhoea in Ireland, what would be at once said of the
Saxon Government and the Saxon Ministers ? He was happy to
say that, at a meeting the other day, a Mr. O'Shea boldly
stepped forward, and, in defiance of prejudice, explained the
nourishing and wholesome qualities of the food.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
with regard to the distribution of the food for the people, as
they could not know how to use it themselves ; orders had
been sent to the agents in Ireland to select officers for the dis-
tribution of the food ; those persons who had lived most in the
counties where the food had been used, and who were ac-
quainted with the manner in which it should be kept so as to
insure its soundness.
Mr. J. COLLETT presented a petition from the inhabitants
of the town of Athlone against the Coercion Bill, and remon-
strating against the effects of such a measure.
THE ADJOURNED DEBATE.
On the motion that the Orders of the day be read,
Mr. J. O'BRIEN said that in rising to address the House
on this adjourned debate he had to express his regret that the
long and unavoidable discussion which had arisen should have
interfered with the progress of those measures of commercial
legislation introduced by her Majesty's Government, the
speedy adjudication of which he held to be not more essential
to trade, to the agricultural interest of the empire, than to the
modification of that destitution in Ireland, which was now no
longer a matter of speculation but of urgent and unquestionable
certainty. He had to regret his absence on a late occasion,
when the Right Hun. Gentleman at the head of the Govern-
ment referred to the Member for Limerick, for he should have
offered his testimony in support of the accounts of the distress
in Ireland. He should have done so not only on his own know-
ledge, but on the unsuspected and almost official testimony of
the documents which he held in his hand. One was a letter
frsra the high sheriff of the city of Limerick, and the other was
an address from the relief committee of the city, bearing the
sl,nature of the mayor, the Protestant dean, and the chairman
of poor-law union. With the permission of the House he
would read their plain and simple statements. The letters
stated that in the city of Limerick the want of food was such
that they were not sure that the next moment an outbreak of
the people would not take place. The military were kept under
arms—a deputation had been sent to Dublin to express the
state of affairs to the Executive Government there. He felt
that he had been almost censurable in rot having submitted to
the House before these documents, whieh were so strongly
illustrative of the wants and necessities of the city
which he had mentioned, and in which the south-
western pot lion of Ireland so fully participated. It
was necessary, with facts such as these before the
House, to join wise and humane measures with the
present measures of relief introduced by her Majesty's Govern-
ment. He would also remark how overpowering must be that
sense of duty which compelled a considerable proportion of the
Members for Ireland to resist those measures which the energy
of their country was said to have required—when that resist-
ance was accompanied by the unavoidable delay of the measures
for their country's good. That resistance was not alone the re-
sult of their own determination, but was fully in accordance
with the sentiments of people who would not consent to pur-
chase exemption from physical suffering without a parallel
for the surrender of their political rights by a seeming acqui-
esence with a measure so overstrained, so unconstitutional,
and so inoperative as the measure then before the House. He
rose to oppese that measure, and as cases of strange suffering
and unpunished crime had been demonstrated he telt it to be
his duty briefly to state the reasons which determined him to
give his opposition to the measure professedly intended to ar-
rest the perpetration of crime, and to achieve those objects
which it must be the general and permanent aim of all Govern.
ments to accomplish, safety to property, and protection to life.
Did he believe the measure capable of accomplishing these ob-
jects, no consideration of temporary unpopularity which might
arise from advocacy of the measure would deter him

from undertaking the responsibility of supporting the measure
—( Hear, hear)—for such a motive of resistance would be dis-
reputable and opposed to his principles. What was the measure
before the Houie ? Had it been fully, perfectly, and irresisti-
bly demonstrated by its advocates ? No ! and what aggravated
that reflection was, that this question was but a bad addition to
those past remedies whose inability a long and painful experience
had rendered manifest. What was the condition of Ireland
after centuries of independent legislation, and a century of
imperial legislation? It was disturbed, distressed, and perma-
nently agitated. He could not find any peculiarity in the dis-
position of the people of Ireland, nor any physical distinction
in the country to which they belonged, which throughout cen-
turies should have been so disastrous to them and so little pro-
fitable to the English. Would it not be well, instead of devi-
sing temporary expedients for the punishment of crime, at
once to ascertain and remove the causes tending to it. Those
causes were the physical necessities of the people, and the poli-
tical discontent of the country ; both of these by a mutual and
natural effect acting. on and exasperating one another. It was
impossible to deny that the people of Ireland regard with dis-
like, and with an evil feeling, the principles of the English
Government in Ireland. They looked upon it as Anti-Catholic,
and Anti-Irish, which, notwithstanding the Emancipation Act
of 1829, excluded them from the favour of the
Government, or the confidence of the Crown, and they laboured
under the double subjection of an alienated Government and
a sectarian ascendancy. He would also refer to the social con-

Idition of the Irish people; it was one of unparalleled suffering
and degradation, which emancipated them from all obligations
to the maintenance of laws which offered no facility for the pro-
tection of property, nor secured even the common necessaries of
life. That such a condition of things was an incentive to
crime required but little reason to perceive, and that fact was
particularly demonstrated by the class and description of per-
sons on whom the infliction of the law ultimately fell. It was
not the opulent farmer, nor the extensive landowner—they did
not find them amongst the occupiers of five acres—they were
composed of a class, destitute, ignorant and impoverished, who
owed no deference to the institutions of the country, and who
had no hope of any possible amelioration of their condition.
Would they rescue this class from the temptation to crime, by
improving their condition, and by allowing them greater ac-
commodation, and increasing their comforts, and making it
the
theicountry ?r interest to obey the laws, and uphold the constitution of
If he were asked how this was to be achieved, he
would refer to those voluminous Committees which for the last
twenty years had encumbered the records of the House—exam_
pies of unavailing inquiry and abortive legislation. He would
refer to unoccupied land, to the unsatisfactory rela-
tions between landlord and tenant, to the poor-law,
which, when properly administered, was the best security for
knew
social and political tranquillity, and provided for the wants and
welfare of the labouring classes of Ireland. He should refer
to the non-resident gentry ; nor could he, in his remarks, omit
what
he
o f
allto
accessibleh
eaf
aoeembleesos of decidingagrarianurceofthe
differencesoutrage—the
absence of
the people, arising from the tenure of land, or otherwise.
These were the measures he would press the Government to
adopt coincidently with the measures it now proposed to
enact for Ireland.
_ Mr. WARD thought the present was really a most disgrace-
ful state of the House. A great constitutional question was
now before it. Several times in the course of the evening he
could, had he been so inclined, have called the attention of the
Speaker to the circumstance of there not being forty Members
present. He begged to state his reasons why he, as an English-
man, would not support the present measure. He believed that
in Ireland, in one particular class of crime, the sympathies of
the people were in favour of the criminal and against the law.
They could not get juries to convict, or witnesses to give evi-
El-nee against the criminal. If, then, they had to deal with
such a state of things as these, he thought that of all
times the present was a time for the House to
pause and consider to what cause this perverted
morality could be traced. Were they always to bring
forward the worn out and vulgar measure called coercion?
Why not deal with Ireland enlightened principles. He
did upen
not wish to indulge in recriminations. He could not help
saying that those who now sat upon the other side of the
House when upon his side inflamed as much as possible the
minds of the public by their expressions of bigotry towards
the Irish people. He hoped that Members on his side of the
House would be more just, and act in a better manner upon the
proent occasion.
He was prepared to support the Goma.

ment, as he had done open the Maynooth question, provided
they could convince him that this measure would prove
effectual. He did not think a measure so unconstitutional as
the present could be supported by the Members of this House,
unless they were fully persuaded that it would prove effectual.
He did not think it would. It would only be carried after
more debate than was perhaps desired, and by
allowing great changes to be introduced into the
measure, and accompanied with measures of a more concilia-
tory character.—( Hear, hear.) The first vote he gave was in
favour of a coercion Bill, he was wrong in so doing.—( Hear,
hear.) He had too much faith in the Government at that
time. He did not know so much of Ireland at that time as
he then did. He did not know how much liberty was cherished
on this side of the water, and disregarded on the other side.—
( Hear, hear.) He did not know that that Bill was a copy of
a series of Bills, of which the Bill of 1764, passed in the Irish
Parliament, was the first—a Bill in which power was given to
magistrates to convict. That Bill was denounced by an emi-,
nent legal authority, Chancellor Clair, who called it a mon-
strous attempt to establish religion by an Act of Parliament.
(The Hon. Member then proceeded to read some extracts from
" The Correspondence of Edmund Burke," describing the state
of the country in 1761 ; also from the speech of Mr. Fitzgib-
bon, in 1781.) The Bills of 1764 and 1787 were no remedies
and the present was not a new Bill—it had been tried before.
It had never succeeded. Was that, then, a proper remedy
for the British Parliament to apply in 1846 ? Were we to say,
with the Hon. Member for the University of Dublin, that re-
bellion and misery were indigenous to the soil of Ire-
land ? The Honourable Member for Dorsetshire had said
that Irishmen were deficient in common sense—that they should
not be tried by the rules which apply to humanity in general—
that they were, in short, " wretches" unable to manage their
estates ! An eminent judge in Irish matters (Mr. Wiggins)
had said, that the Irish were only reckless when labour and
care were found to be useless.—( Hear, hear.) Ile thought
Irish nature the same as other natures. He did not think
that any nation could have borne so much so patiently and so
quietly as they had done.—( Hear, hear.) Take any autho-
rity you please, the commissioner of the rim's, or any other
authority, and you will find from all that the distress of that
country is most alarming and severe. Dr. Kames, ir. his work
on " the Industrial Resources of Ireland," alludes to the great
number of small farms in that country. and these small farms
were let at a great deal higher rent than farms in England
of a similar size. Mr. Wakefield, in 1812, stated that the
landlords exacted a larger amount of rent than in any country
in the world. There was the case of a large farmer, who stated
he never tasted a bit of bread or a bit of butter
since he was born, and that numbers were in the
same state in that country. The landlords, in order to raise
their rents, perpetually re-value and re-let their estates, and
this has led to the worst system of cultivation possible. There
are no agreements, no leases, and where the land is improved
rents are increased. In cases where bog lands have been re-
claimed by the industry of their families, their rents have been
more than doubled by their landlords. Now, if these circum-
stances went on, they would have every other agitation in Ire-
land merging into one against rents.—( Hear, hear.) And he
asked them how were they to deal with the evil when it reached
that magnitude ? The landlords were not alone to blame.
They were the victims of a system. Many of them were but the
nominal owners of their estates. Encumbered with all manner of
mortgages and settlements they could not improve them if they
had the will. Land was often let on leases renewable for ever
on the payment of a small fine, and the proprietors lived by
letting and sub-letting ; but they would find that every removal
from the fee-simple ownership was for the worse. There was
no other source of employment open to the middle classes.
No gentleman would put his son to a profession ; he lived by
sub-letting. If that was the state of the farmer, what was the
state of the labourer? Why worse, if worse could be—living
in wretched hovels, composed of the absolute refuse of the
earth—thatched with potato stocks, built of sods.--(" No"
from an Hen. Member.) Did the Hon. Gentleman mean to
deny the fact, against the evidence of so many witnesses ?—did
he mean to deny that pigs lived with them, in the same houses 2
—that they lay on straw, without bed-clothes to cover them ?
Could he deny these facts, vouched as they were by unimpeach-
able evidence ? In Lord Devon's report, it was stated that
they passed one half of the year dragging sorrow at
their heels. And what did Kohl, the German, say ?
That when he saw the Leobs of Lithuania he conceived that
there could not be a race of men more miserable ; but now
(in Ireland) he saw a portion of the human race compared to
whom the Egyptian Fellah lived in a state of luxury. But in
the midst of all these miseries we find the same concurrent tes-
timony. As to their resignation, and cheerfulness. and sense
of religion—a woman to whom he spoke, said that those strug-
gles were hard, but that God gave them backs to bear the
burdens. And those were the people whom they were called
upon to coerce, and to shut up from sunset to sunrise in
order to teach them respect and love for that law,
which to them was what the Obek was to the Egyp-
tian Fellah, distraining his cattle, and serving him
with perpetual notices to quit, and coming at last with the
military and police to pull down his miserable hovel, and send
him adrift upon the world. And this Bill was to put an end
to the struggle which existed between the tenant and the
landlord. It was a very old struggle. Go back to the be-
ginning of the last century, and you could trace it through
every page of the criminal code. He admitted that the prin-
ciple of intimidation was extending itself in Ireland, and was
passing from land to wages. The steward could not do justice
to his master at present. This was a state of things which
could not be endured, and he was perfectly prepared to go with
the Government in voting for any measure which would have
for its object the introduction of a better state of things, pro-
vided they would show him that they intended to reach the
cause of the evil as well as the criminal. But what was the
present remedy proposed ? Coercion. How did they treat
the tithe question? They found that it cost 12,000'. to collect
some 801. or 901. of rent. Well, they came down with a pro-
posal that the Church should charge itself with the burden of
its own maintenance ; ansi they did this, and did not show any
cowardice in doing it, because they felt that they were law-
makers, and were bound to make law and justice harmonise,
drawing Lot d Chatham'sdistinction. " That law was not right,
but that the prineiples of right were unalterable ; and when
law did not accord with them, it was their duty to being them
into conformity." They were law makers, and he thought that
they were to blame in arraying a long list of crimes before Par-
liament to endeavour to enlist its sympathies against the
criminals, without going back to the primary cause which led
to them He did not believe that they could remedy them
unless they went to the root of the evil. He believed that no-
thing but a sense of grievous and persevering injustice could
band a whole people against the law ; and it could not be
denied but that a very large portion of the people in Ireland
were handed against it. He believed that the people were a
moral people in comparison to them. —( Hear, hear.) Crimes
against property are peculiar there, and crimes against persons
are almost invariably connected with land. He was quite pre-
pared to adopt strong measures against the crime, but he
wished to see the cause of it removed. They found that in
Ireland no man cou!d live without land; a man who loses
his little holding there, loses everything. Mr. Lilo
ecommended certain restrictions on the right of property
in Ireland ; he was an advocate for free trade in land, but he
considered that Ireland should be excepted. Why, he would
ask, was the north of Ireland more quiet than the south?
Because it possessed the tenant right. He was not an advocate
of that right ; he was aware of its evils. The ongoing tenants
often exacted an enormous sum for their interest, but it had its
good effect also ; it conveyed a feeling of security. He would
force the Irish landlord to deal with his tenants as if he had
not the force of England to fall back upon. Now this Bill
would give increased power to the landlord ; it enabled every
petty magistrate, or his understrapper, to lay hold of an ob-
noxious person, and to get rid of him. He believed
that if this Bill were carried, that the clearance
system would find in it a most valuable support.
He believed that this would be the best cure for absenteeism.
The value of a resident landlord could not be overrated. He
could show that the resident landlord had metamorphosed a
whole district of country. Lord George Hill, in the county
Donegal!, had made a great amelioration in the habits of the
people with whom he resided, and he had no doubt that if the
same system adopted by him were carried on throughout
Ireland, the same results would follow. The baok of Dr.
Kane, which had been so often quoted in Conc_liation Hall,
showed " that it was not the want of capital which was the
cause of Ireland's misery. Labour was capital, and intelligence
was capital, and if they were properly exercised the same re-
sults would follow as in England. The fault was not in the
country, but in themselves. They wanted industrial know-
ledge." He ( Mr. Ward) agreed with Dr. Kane. Po-
litical questions were certainly of great importance.
The question of the franchise and the Church ought to be
dealt with by every statcman that wished to govern Ireland
well, but political changes could not remove the social evils of
Ireland. They must break up the monopoly of the needy
landowners' they must endeavour to adjust the relation of
landlord and tenant—then and not till then would the people
of Ireland be disposed to peace and quietude, and the necessity
for such Bills as the present he entirely removed. That was
his view of the case, and he saw no other method of dealing
with the question.
Mr. VERNON SMITH could not agree with the Hon.
Gentleman who had just sat down. That Gentleman said that
other measures of a remedial kind should have preceded this
d not
the agree
Bill, ei eft r
with
it
tsnueßaronet
agree
criminals
considered. with that
should opinion,
besuppressed
as hethought
before that
abtHheoi
eylt
thing
R
t He d n
y
eg
h elsecrimest
d w not
the
Hon.
appeared from his statement that the powers of the
present Bill were to be carried out by the same juries
oanrsoiet who
introducedeoul
who, according to the Right Hon. Gentleman, were
unable to carry out the common law. He (Mr.
Smith) expected that some stronger measure would
have been proposed after that statement. He considered this
measure would have the effect of causing irritation rather than
suppressing the outrages which it was directed against. The
manner in which the measure was brought forward by the
Government, as well as the measure itself, he thought ob-
jectionable. He did not agree with the Hon. Gentleman the
Member for Cork, that an adjustment of the representative
system would be a remedy for the evils of that country, nor did
he think that the Church had anything to do with the outrages.
The crimes entirely arose from the occupation of I sod. The
Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham) exhibited a dis-
inclination to touch upnn this question in consequence of the
excitement it was likely to produce, but to what purpose he
would ask was the landlord and tenant commission issued ?
When they talked of land it should be remembered what was
mixed up with that question. No man would pretend to say—
at least no Member of that House, would pretend to say that
the owners of land could carry out their rights, even at the risk
of sacrificing life. The tenant system of Ireland was bad in
the extreme, and something should be done to alter it.—
(Hear, hear.) Hove differ ent from the tena tit system of
this country. In England, when a tlenant left his farm, the
incoming tenant paid so much to the other for the improve-
ments. This was the just mode of dealing with the tenant-
farmers. It was monstrous that something should not be of-
fered to alter the state of things in Ireland. It was a country
which had all the resources of prosperity, and why were they
not brought to bear. There was not a book or publication of
any sort but contained something regarding the resources
of that country. A few days ago he had taken up the
he
Report of the Tidal Harbour Commissioners, and
it stated that
the port and harbour of Cork had been the victims of half
measures.—( Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding* the evils and
he
eid
had
dt enxopteeretatdo
fafirndbefore he found
anything regarding Ireland, but
sufferings of the people of that country, he was of opinion that
s ,meshing should be done to put down crime, as it at present
existed there. He would not be assisting the Government in
putting
down that state of things if he were to vote against the
first reading of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) He would vote for
the first reading of the measure for the purpose of putting an
end to that crime. He would, however, oppose the Bill in
many of the provisions at a .future stage ; and he only now
voted for it because he thought that crime should be first pu
down before the cause of that crime should be redressed.

Mr. M. GORE would vote for the measure of her Majesty's
Government. It was not to be denied that there appeared
something unconstitutional in such a proceeding, but on the
other hand it was too true That they were called upon to put a
stop to crimes of the deepest dye. He considered the ab-
sence of middle men from Ireland, was a great cause of many of
its evils. He was as anxious as any one to support the supre-
macy of the law in Ireland; but he would ask, how could the
law be expected to be respected, under the circumstances of
Government such as he had instanced. He would say that too
long had Ireland been the scene of party politics
and party conflicts, and that until they were
put an end to, peace could not be expected there.
He next proceeded to read extracts from a work recently
published, on the state of Ireland, in which was dmriiet,,,, n
description of the most harrowing ini.,t,r) ill the cout,tyof K.,.
dare, and other adjacent counties. He also instanced cases i
where, according to the reports of certain agricultural so-

cieties, it appeared that a strong desire existed amongst the
tenantry to improve their condition, if they were only en-
couraged by the landlords. He should only speak in favour of
the Irishmen who had been engaged in the late battles of the
Sutlej, in which Irish soldiers had subscribed liberally to the
fund made up for the relief of the wounded soldiers in those
engagements.—( Hear, hear.) Under all the circumstances
he did hope yet to see Ireland made the inde-
pendent nation she deserved to be.—( Hear, hear. )
They ought to treat the poor man with kindness. They would
find the hearts of the people to expand, and there would be no
difficulty in governing them? Still, he supported the principle
of the present Bill, as he was anxious to maintain the so-
premaey of the law. But, at the same time, he would support
any measures that might be devised, calculated to relieve the
distresses of the people.
Sir W. SOMERVILLE said that whatever dispute might
exist about the necessity of the Bill, it could not be denied tiset
the Bill would suspend the constitution, in one part of the
empire at least. He was opposed to the first reading of the
Bill, and therefore, that he might not be misrepresented, he
would give a few reasons why he did so. In proposing the
present Bill, they should, in the first place, prove the exclusive
existence of the crimes alleged; second, that the ordinary laws
were not sufficient to rant them ; and, third, that the Bill was
calculated to put an end to the state of things complained of.
With regard to the causes that existed, he deplored their exist-
ence and extent, especially some of those crimes which were so
alien to the true character of the Irish people. Still, they were
limited to a few districts, though they proved a great demo-
ralization to exist, and evidenced a state of things such as he
deplored as much as any Member in that House. They were
such, however, that he thought might have been met by the
ordinary course of the law. The Government might have ap-
pointed a Special Commission to sit upon such crimes in the dis-
turbed districts. Such a course had been attended with the best
effects elsewhere. Better would it have been to appoint such
a Commission, and to allow it to sit permanently, if necessary,
than to pass a Bill like the present. If the Right Honourable
Baronet thought the Bill was calculated to suppress crime, he
was justified in pressing it forward night after night ; but that
would not be the case he (Sir William Somerville) was fully
convinced.—( Hear, hear.) The commission of the crime so
much complained of—the common crime of assassination—
would not be put a stop to by any regulation for keeping parties
in their houses from sunset to sunrise. Those bent on such
crimes would still find means to commit the crimes. He could
not consent, from such slender expectancy of success, to arm
the Lord Lieutenant with such extraordinary powers. The
watching and surveillance would be most vexatious and ex-
pensive, and it was to be saddled on the poorer classes. The
Government might advance the expenses out of the Consoli-
dated Fund, but they would never get it back again.—( Hear,
hear.) The people would be neither able nor willing to pay
it ; and if soldiers or police were employed to enforce the pay-
ment, it would tend to make those forces still more unpopular
than now, and keep alive bad feeling and irritation.—( Hear.)
They would disgust all their police—all their officers, and for
nothing. Well, what would come then ? Harrassing and
vexatious questions, the final effect of which would be the
further disgusting of their agents, without having effected a
single thing. Having only harrassed the innocent and taken up
the men who were only out at night, and made them prove their
innocence—their innocence of what? And could they wonder
that the population was bandied together to resist those laws.
What had been the conduct of Government on another occa-
sion ? How did they deal with the Rebecca riots? Did they
then suspend the Constitution. In Caermarthen, workhouses
were attacked, and peaceable people were obliged to fly the
country; the people were armed and drilled at night. But
they made no such law. What did they do? They issued a
Commission to inquire, and when they had found out what
grievances the people complained of, they remedied them and
the riots ceased. The effect of any legislation they had adopted
had been the immediate removal of ascertained grievances, by
means of the most efficient measures in their power. He con-
sidered that the conduct of the Government in this particular
was wrong. They ought not to have lost a moment in endea-
vouring to carry into effect some of the recommen-
dations of their Commissioners. The proposal would
be a good one, if it was to one point only,
namely to redress the grievances of the Irish farmer; but the
principal grievances they had to deal with in Ireland were
masses of horror and destitution, not amongst the farmers, but
amongst the labouring classes. He would take this opportunity
of saying that he did hope, and hoped sincerely, that the mea-
sures would be framed to regulate a system of landlord and
tenant in Ireland; and that the Government would not be led
away from the wants of the labouring and the working classes.
These wants were the first great grievances in that country,
and were the cause of the agitation. The people of Ireland
were surrounded with grievances, and there was not a people
on the face of the earth who suffered the same amount of
misery, and endured it with the same amount of patience
as the people of Ireland. They were steeped in misery,
wretchedness, and distress, and they attributed those evils to
the effect of the laws and the institution under which they lived.
He believed that the people of Ireland were not entirely averse
to the exercise of the law—on the contrary, they would be
most anxious to avail themselves of it; and as a proof of that,
he appealed to the stern manner in which these unfortunate
people obeyed the laws which they themselves framed. He
wished the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down could be
convinced how necessary was some alteration of the law in
Ireland. When he sat on the other side of the House, he had
often warned them of the state things would come to if they
proceeded as they then did. Ireland was made the scene of
party warfare ; every Irish question was made a question, not
as to the merit it had with reference to the wants of Ireland,
but a question with regard to the existence of one party and
another. The question of the Church had been treated
in a similar way. What was the case with regard to
the Municipal question? When her Majesty in that
House desired that the municipal rights of Ireland
should be placed on an equal footing with those of England,
the Right Hon. Gentleman had acquiesced, but he had since
said that the municipal rights of Ireland should not be placed
as those of England. Let them look at the conduct of Go-
vernment with regard to the Irish registration. The Govern-
ment would not wait a week with this measure, as perjury and
falsehood were said to be so rife in that country. They now
allowed perjury to continue in the manner which they did
formerly, and yet there was no registration Bill. Did they
think that that sort of thing made no impression in Ire-
land ? Did they think that this sort of political
action could be perpetrated, and make no impression
on the people ? For, if they did, they were mistaken.
He would beg for one moment to consider the consequences of
this Bill. Let them do all that they could, still such was the
state of that country, they could not relieve it without some
radical measure. He begged pardon of the House for the length
of the time that he had detained them—(Cheers)—but he
could not conscientiously fulfil his duty without stating these
opinions, and he should feel obliged to oppose this Bill in all its
stages.
Mr. J. COLLETT was obliged to differ from the Hon.
Baronet who had just preceded him, and it was to a certain ex-
tent. In doing so he was assured that this most atrocious Go-
vernment Bill would only end in disappointment and regret.
In doing so he was only doing his duty, for so long as the
Union Bill existed, he could only join his Hon. Friend in be-
lieving that no relief could be afforded to the Irish people con-
sistent with law, equity, and justice. He had hitherto opposed
any repeal of the Union, but he was now led to believe that it
was only in giving a domestic Legislature, that any relief to the
miseries of li eland could be accomplished.—(Cheers.)
Mr. J. O'CONNELL would wish to move the adjournment
of the debate, but was met by loud cries for a continuance of the
debate, and obeying the impulse, he was bound to say that this
was the most outrageous, injurious, and insulting Bill by
which Ireland had been threatened. Laughter from the Minis-
terial benches.) During this debate they had had a fair sample
of the manner in which the Irish people were to be treated, and
he conceived that no better example could have been afforded
of the way in which Ireland was to be treated. It had been
shown that the attendance of the Irish Members was a mere
nullity, and it was an assurance that the Irish people had lost
all confidence in this Parliament. It was indeed degrading to
the Irish Members to attend there, and the only relief was to
be obtained from the establishment of a domestic Legislature.
He had seen the commonest matter, the treatment of a common
parish matter, bring up a debate of a warmer character than
this, while, when an Irish question arose it had not provoked
even the respect of a reply. He would, therefore, call upon
the Irish Members to second him in the endeavour to obtain a
domestic Parliament, for it. was evident that it was only in an
Irish Pal liament that any hope of redress was to be sought.—
(Cheers.) Such being the case, he anticipated but little good
from the present discussions, and with the impression that such
alone was likely to prove to be advantageous to the country, he
should move for the adjournment of the present debate.
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN considered that the course taken
by his Hon. Friend the Member for Kilkenny perfectly justi-
fiable. During the three nights of the debate upon this ques-
tion only two Gentlemen connected with the Government had
thought the arguments of those who had spoken against the
measure worthy of reply. ( Hear, hear,) This Bill had been
opposed by every representative of the districts of Ireland
sought to be outlawed, and several of the representatives of
England had also entered their protests against it, and yet the
Government persisted in pressing the measure forward.—
( Hear, hear.) In common courtesy to the Irish representa-
tives, the Members of the Government and those who
sup-
ported them ought to have replied to their arguments. How-
ever, it only furnished one more argument to the words of his
Hon. Friend the Member for Kilkenny to the people of Ire-
land for the repeal of the Legislative Union.--( Hear, hear. )
Sir R. PEEL said he must leave it to the House to judge
how far the accusation made by the Honourable Gentleman
who had moved the adjournment was just or not.
—( Cheers.) He knew of no debate in that
House in which there was more respectful attention
paid by Hon. Members than had been paid to the
arguments advanced by the Irish Members.—( Hear, hear.)
The debate had now only been on four hours, for the greater
portion of the evening had been occupied in a discussion upon
the scarcity at present prevailing in Ireland, and doting that
discussion three Cabinet Ministers, viz., his Right Hon.
Friends the Secretary of State for the Home Depertment,
and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and himself, had risen
for the purpose of rep]) ing to the arguments of the Irish
Members. He believed, too, that every Cabinet Minister
(with the exception of one, who was prevented by indis-
position) was present in council when the subject of the
present distress in Ireland was brought before her Majesty's
Government. He therefore left it to the Housetrisssaywhet whether
her Majesty's Government had treated the Irish
Members
with any want of courtesy or any want Ir
ofsympathy
for the wants of the Irish people.—(Cries of s, Hear, hear.")
He left it to the House to say whether the Govern-
ment had treated the Irish representatives with dis-
respect, when in the course of four hours two Members of the
Government had risen for the purpose of meeting the argu-
ments which they had advanced? He would ask Hon. Mem-
bers whether they recollected any debate thathad taken placee
in that House, in which greater attention had been paid
to the Speakers, or whether they had ever heard finer or more
generous sentiments than those which had been expressed by
Hon. Members who supported the measure ?—(Hear, hear. )
Was it then just to say that during the course of that debate
they treated the Irish people or their representatives
with the slightest disrespect. The English Members
had listened with the deepeet interest to the social condi-
tion of Ireland, and whatever might be their
political differences, he ventured to say that they all enter-
tained most sincere wishes to have the misfortunes of Ireland
removed. He left it, therefore, to the Hon. Gentleman to say
whether he would still persist in his motion for an adjournment.
Mr JOHN O'CONNELL said that he had not charged
the Members of the Government with want of comae
wards the Irish Members. What he did complain ofsywtaos, that those Hon. Members who generally supported the Go-
vernment had not thought it worth their while to say
anything
in reply to the arguments of his Hon. Friendsthe
representa-
tives of Ireland, and they appeared anxious only to urge for-
ward the present coercion.
Mr. ELLICE could not help expressing his hope and
prayer to the Hon. Gentlemen on that side of the House, who
represented the interest of Ireland, to reflect a little upon the
injury inflicted upon the whole country if they persisted in the
present course, inasmuch as it would impede the progress of
that measure which was of vital importance to the people of
the United Kingdom.--( Hear, hear.) In making thaappeal
to Hon. Gentlemen, he hoped that he might not be considered
to treat lightly the wants and necessities of Ireland. He had
sat in that House for thirty years, and he did not think there
was any one occasion during that period upon which Irish inte-
rests came into discussion, when he failed to support what
was called a liberal policy towards that country. He, as well as
many Hon. Gentlemen on that side of the House, who repre-
sesee lsen : best en-
deavours to promote the best interests of Ireland, and he
hoped, that when he now entreated the Irish Members to per-

mit the first reading of this Bill, he would not be acting iitcon-
consistent' v.—( Hear, hear. )
Mr. D.. BROW N said, that he could not see how the
Irish Members could be blamed, for the performance of their
duties to the Irish people, for opposing this measure. They
were most anxious to see the Corn Bill progress as rapidly as
possible, but he could not conceive that for the purpose of
faciliting the progress of that measure, they should be called
upon to forsake their duties to the Irish people. When the
people of Ireland read the report of this debate, they would
come to the conclusion, that Ministers had not deemed it
worth their while to enter as fully as became them,
into the present condition of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)
He thought the Irish Members had introduced much matter,
indeed, much valuable matter in that debate, and it was noto-
rious that her Majesty's Government had not answered it.—
( Hear, hear.) There was not a single newspaper in Ireland
but had said that her Majesty's Government had not answered
one of the arguments advanced by the Irish Members on this
question. The Right Hon. Baronet told them that he had
obliged them by introducing this measure before Easter. He
(Mr. D Brown) thanked him for such an obligation, but
what was it i They have obliged them with the Coercion Bill.
He thanked him for nothing.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.)
The Right Hon. Baronet told them that they ought to be
obliged to them for giving them this Bill.
Sir R. PEEL—I never said any such thing.
Mr. DILLON BROWN—The Right Hon. Baronet had
said it, if not in words in effect; and surely if it was an obliga-
tion conferred upon Irelend, it was not too much for him to
thank the Right Hon. Gentleman for so much kindness and
generosity. He was, however, of a different opinion, and he
would, therefore, move the adjournment of the House.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw.
For the adjournment ...... ,
Against it

............ 20

Majority . 57
On our return to the gallery--
Mr. DILLON BROWN said he would now move the ad-
journment of tl e House.
Mr. ROCHE said that he would second the motion.
He considered it right that this question should not be hurried
through the House.
Mr. CALEB POWELL was of opinion that the debate
should not be disposed of that night. It was too bad of her
Majesty's Ministers to put an end to the debate by bringing for.
ward their majority.

The SPEAKER—The Hon. Member had not stated upon
what he now addressed the House.

Mr. CALEB POWELL said he was speaking to the mo-
tion for the adjournment of the House, which was moved by
the Hon. Member, who had preceded him. He really thought
it too bad that the Government should strangle the opinions
of the Irish Members by a division ; and for that reason he
would support the motion of his Hon. Friend.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought the
course about to be pursued by Hon. Members at the other side
of the House would cause much difficulty. That was a course
that would greatly retard most important measures for the
benefit of Ireland. He felt confident that no one could charge
him with not having listened
.with great attention to the argu-
ments advanced by Hon. Members differing on this question of
her Majesty's Ministers.
Mr. FITZGERALD supported the adjournment. He did
not think that the Irish Members were under any obligation to
the Right Honourable Baroaet for the short holidays he bad
given them. He had also to observe that during the debates
on this question the benches on the other side were but very
thinly occupied.

Sir R. PEFL hoped the Hon. Gentleman, who had just
sat down, would not be angry if he did not reply to the speech
he had just made.—(Laughter.) He thought that more
tolerance and good feeling should be exhibited towards one
another. For his own part he could say that had he consi-
dered the debate would have come to a close on that night, he
would have thought it due to the House and due to the subject,
to have spoken on the questiodt After what had taken place,
however, he hoped the House would content to the proposal
he would now make that the debate be adjourned to Monday
next.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. D. BROWN felt deeply gratified at what had fallen
from the Right Hon. Baronet, and expressed the misappre-
hension which he entertained as to the intentions of the Go-
vernment with respect to this Bill.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL withdrew the remarks he had made,
in reference to what he supposed to be the designs of the
Government.
The debate was then adjourned till Monday next.
RAILWAY DEPOSITS BILL.
Sir G. CLERK brought up the report on the Railway De-
posits Bill.—Ordered to lie on the table.
COMMONS INCLOSURE BILL.
On the motion of Sir J. GRAHAM, this Bill was read a
second time.

The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock.

RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS.
MANCHESTER, APRIL 17.
STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Birkenhead and Holyhead
Junction, 30s. 6d. dis.-Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire,
p.-Blackburn, Clitheroe, and North Western, 1% dis.-Blackburn
and Preston, 3 p.-Buckingham and Bletchingly, % dis.-Cheirns-
ford and Bury, 13-16 dis.-Chester and Manchester Direct, 235. 6d.
dis.-Eastern Counties,York Extension, '% p.-Essex and Suffolk,
15s. 6d. dis.-Glasgow and Dumfries, 15-16 dis.- Great Eastern and
Western, 1% dis.-Huddersfleld and Manchester Railway and Canal,
dis.-Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester, 14 p.-Liverpool and
Bury, 54 p.-Ditto, New, I % IL-Liverpool and Leeds Direct, %
dis.-Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 7-16 p.-London and Man-
chester (Remington's), 395. dis. c.-London and York, 225. 6d. dis.-
Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock, par-Manchester and Birming-
ham, Quarters (A), 7% p.-Ditto, ditto (C), 6% p.-Manchester and
Bury Atmospheric, 85. 6d. dis.-Manchester and Hyde, % dis.-
Manchester and Leeds, Quarter Shares, 8 p.-Ditto, Fifths, 84 p.---
Northumberland and Lancashire, 1 dis.-North Staffordshire, 1% P.
-North Wales, 3 dis.-North Western, 3-16 dis.-Preston and Wyre.
Halves (B), 14 P.-Preston and Wyre Extension, 3s. Ms.-Sheffield,
Leek, and Crewe, 3/, die.- Sheffield and Lancashire Junction, 14 die.
--hefileld and Manchester, Quarters (No. 2), par-Ditto, ditto (No.
3), % dis.-Shrewsbury and Birmingham, % dis.-South Eastern
and Dover. Halves, No. 4,9 s. Gd. dis.-Tear and Dove Valley, %
die. c.-West Riding Union, 255. c.
LEEDS, APRIL 17.
STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Eastern Counties, 22 cash-
Ditto, York Extension, 17s. 6d. p.-Manchester and Leeds, Sixteenth
Shares, 3 p.-Huddersfield and Manchester, 2 dis.-Huddersfield and.
Sheffield, 2% p.-Leeds and Bradford, 23- Leeds and Dewsbury, I
p. cash-Newcastle and Berwick, 7% p.--North British, New Carlisle
Branch, Bs. p.-London and Portsmouth, 1% dis.-London and
ork, 255.-Glasgow and Dumfries. 17e. Gd. dis.-West Riding Union,
31. Gs.-Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston, 265. dis.-Bradford,
Wakefield, and Midland, 215. dis.-Chelmsford and Bury, 17s. 6d-
dis.-Clitheroe Junction, 265. dis.-Essex and Suffolk, 15s. 6d. dis.-
Great Eastern and Western, 295. dis.-Lancashire and North York-
shire, 20s. dis.-Leeds and York, 203. dis.-Manchester, Buxton,
Matlock, and Midland, Is. dis.-Midland and Thirsk Junction, 245.
dis -Northumberland and Lancashire Junction, 225. dis.-North
We tern, ss. dis.-South and Midland Junction, 325. dis.-Welsh
Midlands, 255. dis.

HULL, APRIL 17.
STOCK Excrresoz.—The sales are—Blackburn, Darvren, and Bol-
ton, 2%—North British, Carlisle, 335. 6d.—Ambergate, Nottingham.
Boston, &c., 26s.—Chelmsford and Bury, Ils —Derby and Gains-
borough, 14s. —Direct Northern, 1 lA—East Coast, 19s.—Grimsby.
Louth, and liorncastle, 22s.—Hull and Barnsley Junction, 235.
Liverpool and Leeds, 2/. 7s. 6d.—l.ondon and York, 30s.—London
and Manchester (Remington's), 17s. 6d.—Nottingham and Mansfield.
143—South Midland, 1,4 —West Riding Union, 3/. es. 6d.

SHEFFIELD, APRIL 17.
STOCK ERCHANGE.—The sales are—Manchester and Birmingham.
73%—Midland, Sheffield, and Rotherham, 33%--Grimsby and Shef"
field„ Quarter Shares, 14s.—New,astle and Berwick,lB —Nottinglain
and Mansfield, 1/. 4s. 6d.—Sheffield, Buxton, Leek, Potteries, and
Crewe, 13s. 6d.—York and Carlisle, 114.
NEWCAS'T'LE-UPON-TYNE, APRIL 17.
STaCK ExenxiquE.—The s des are—Eastern Counties, 2214 —DIU°.
York Extension, 19s. p.— Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 21s. dis.
Lancashire and North Yorkshire, Ti dis.—Leicester and Tamworth.
1 dis.—London and York, 1 dis.—North Staffordshire, 38s. p.—New'
castle and Berwick, 81%' p.—Northumberland and Lancashire, 200.
dis.—West Riding Union, 1 p.

YthiK, APRIL 17.
STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Grand Union (Nottingham to
Lynn), Os. 6d.—London and. York, 1/. 7s.—Ditto, Extension, Id. 6s-
-Newcastle and Berwick, nil—Newcastle and Darlington Eaten—
Wons, s—North British, Carlisle Extension, 11. 13s. 3d. —Rugby and
Iluntingdon, I—Welsh Midland, 11. 45.—York and North Midland,
New (East and West hiding), tl.

GLASGOW, Aran. 16.
STOCK EXCHANGE. -The sales are-Bridge of Weir, 405.-Br
fish and Irish Union, 405.-Caledonian, 111. 165.-Caledonian Exten-
sion, 28s.- Caledonian and Ayrshire Junction, 395.-Caledonian and
Dumbartonshire Junction, 265. 6d.-Caledonian Direct Northern.
355.-East Indian Hallway, Bs. 3d.-Edinburgh and Bathgate. 405..
-Edinburgh and Glasgow, 721.-Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Duni"
barton, 19s. 6d. -Glasgow General Terminus, 83%-Glasgow and Bel-
fast Union, 265. 6d. -Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, 701.-Glasgovrr
Dumfries, and Carlisle, 325. 6d.-Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardros-
san, 255. -Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 32s -Glasgow Harbour
Grand Junction, 265.-Glasgow Itarbour Mineral, 275. 6d.-Greta
North of India, 3s. 6d.-Kilmarnock and Ayr Direct, 345. 6d.-"
Lanark and Lothians, 425.-Lesmahagow, 425. 6d.-Scottish Centrt
13% -Scottish Grand Junction, 17s. 9d.-Scottish Southern, 345'
Scottish Central and Caledonian Junction, 225. 6d. -South Midland
365. fid.- South and Midland Junction, 18s.-Stirling and Duttferni
line, 30s.

THE WEATHER IN SCOTLAND.—The rain has broughs
milder and more genial weather. Monday and yesterday
were tolerably warm ; but the sky is not without its clouds.
A correspondent in Argyleshire says :—" The weather for
the last fortnight has been in every instance suitable for
agricultural operations. During the present and past week
oat sowing has become general, and in some places sevoral
fields of potatoes have been planted. We learn from Perth,
that the favourable weather which prevailed duri te last
two weeks was succeeded, on Sunday last, by rain.ng It h
rained
heavily for the most part of the day, accompanied by thun-
der and lightning, and continued up to Monday afternoon, b 7
which the soil is so saturated that sowing, in the mean tinie,
is at an end.—Edinburgh Weekly Register.
[ADVERTISEMENT.]—A CURE FOR DROPSY BY HOL.
LOWAY's PILLS AND OINTMESIT.—Captain James Eyre of the Com-
pany's service, residing at Boulogne, had been tapped thrice within
seven months ; twelve quarts of water were taken from him earls
time. Notwithstanding these operations he was about falling 9-
victim to this terrible complaint, when he commenced the rubbing la
of Holloway's invaluable Ointment, and as effectually . as salt IS
forced into meat ; besides this be took large doses of his wonderful
pills, which in nine weeks effected so extraordinary a cure as to
enable him to walk twenty-five miles in one day. Any unnatural
swellings of the body are effectually cured by these celebrated medi-
cines. Sold by all medicine vendors ; likewise at Professor Hollo-
way's establishment, 224, Strand, London.
LADY HAMILTON.—" Despard and his associate
traitors hanged at half-past eight : hardened villains ; Des-
pard manifested neither fear, religion, nor remorse ; died.
haranguing the mob, with a lie in his mouth, but it produced
no effect. Lady Hamilton, whom Lady Malmcaturymet in
the evening of this day at Lady Abereorn's, after singing,
ole :u nnhaoa
tdhi
know
on
mwe
thati B'n eg saids
shh ee didfs
r
,bbeuttte
utile:lBe poor Mrs. Despard in the morn-
-1:
srhesiwnceenttthoecobmodfyo rthhaedr,
been
d
brought back to her. This is the consequence of Lord Nelson
having spoken to his character. Lady Hamion was $ woman —whom Sir William Hamilton fell init with here
when he began to doat, and married when his dotage Wag
confirmed; she is clever and artful, but a sad
Malmesbury's Diary.

BIRTHS.
On the 15th inst , at St. Mary Abbott's-terrace, Kensington, Oil.
William Powell, of a daughter.
On the 15th hist., in Gloucester-road, Hyde-park, the lady of —a • •
B. Lousada, Esq., of a son.
On the 15th inst., at Dunstable, Bedfordshire, the wife of lan
Pearsc, Esq., of a son, still-born.
On the 15th inst., in Upper Stamford-street, the wife of Mr. It. 13'
Swinscow, of a (laughter.
On the 15th inst., at Manchester, Mrs. J. Hillard, of a dattgbteflr,
On the 16th inst., at Milton-street, Dorset-square, the lady of
Myers, Esq., of a son.

On the 16th in3t. at Sydenham, Kent, Mrs. Samuel Fry, of a sort

MARRIED. 1.
'
On the IGth inst., at St. Mary Magdalene, Taunton, by the =al It,
James Toogood, Vicar of North Petherton, and Rural Dean Vs"l'
Prince, Esq., of Nether Storey, Somerset, to Fanny Maria, call
daughter of William Woodland, Esq., banker, Taunton. Hall'
On the 14th inst., at Albion Chapel, Hull, the Rev. Newman 11,
8.A., formerly of Maidstone, to Charlotte, only daughter of Wm,—
Gordon, Esq., M.D., F.L.S., both of`Hull. —0...

DIED.
In Beaumont-street, Marylebone, Lieuteuant-Colonel
Nicholl, late of the Bengal army, aged 82.
On the 21st of December, at Ferozeshah, Captain George Wile' of
the 29th Regiment.
tifajor Of
On the 10th of February last, at Sobraon, Robert Hay.
Brigade to the first division of the army of the SutleJ.
Macgregor' 924
On the 29th ult., at Gibraltar, Captain Sir W.
Highlanders.
Charla
tat
On the 11th Inst., at the Rectory,Eceleston,near
youngest daughter of the Rev. R. Massie.
On the 16th inst., Janice Brand, Esq., of Blackmtul-Estraar°4l.

London: Printed and Published by MITIMO TOTING, of No. 112:
San Office, N 0.112, Strand, in the 1180121%
of the Savoy, in the County of middleiex, laturtlAYl 41"
18, 1846,