The Sun.
London, England, 1848-07-14 00:00:00

FRANKFORT-ON-THE-MAINE.

Order was completely restored at Frankfort on the
10th, and the authorities had given orders for the
arrest of the leaders in the late emeute.

In the sitting of the German Parliament on that day,
the President stated that the Administrator intended to
leave Vienna yesterday with the deputation, and would
arrive in Frankfort to-morrow.—(Enthusiastic cheers.)
He begged leave to propose that the divisions should
meet after the business of the day, to choose a committee
for the arrangement of the festivities for the reception of
the Administrator of the Empire, on his entry into the
ancient city of Frankfort.
This was agreed to unanimously.
Dunker (otIle) obtained permission to bring the
Schleswig-Holstein affair again before the House. This
was an unexpected infringement of the " order of the
day." Ile spoke to the great urgency of making the
proposed armistice the subject of prompt deliberation,
and entreated the Assembly to take immediate measures
(difficult as he acknowledged this to be) to put an end to
the war altogether.
Claussen (of Kid) moved—" The National Assembly
resolves that neither pacificatory nor hostile measures in
reference to Denmark shall be decided upon except by
the Administrator in concert with the National Assem-
bly." It was doubtlessly requisite that something
should be promptly done to avert the threatening dan-
ger; but this could not be better done than by support-
ing the motion which he, in conjunction with many
other members, had framed. The Assembly had decided
that " the honour of Germany " i❑ this affair should be
protected. He, however, was of opinion that, according
to the " conditions of peace " propounded in the news-
papers, this honour had been grievously violated. The
aim of those conditions was morally and physically
wrong; it went to incorporate Schleswig with Denmark.
Schleswig and Holstein were virtually German and not
Danish possessions, and ho was sure that the only
means now left of securing them for Germany was to
drive out Danish rule altogether.—(Cries of " prove the
urgency of the question.") The speaker then rambled into
Spain, alluding to the precarious state of the dynasty
there.—(Cries of "Enough, enough.") They would
have reason to despise the inhabitants of Schleswig-
Holstein if they accepted the proposed conditions of
peace; but they might be assured that Schleswig-Hol-
steiners had German blood in their veins, and would not
accept them. If they sought to preserve for Germany
these two beautiful duchies, the favourites of two seas,
and the possessors of an incomparable little army of
their own, they could only do so by driving out the Danes
altogether.—(Lcud cheers on all sides.)
Wurm (of Harnburgh) said it was impossible to believe
the reports of the newspapers in this else, e. y. that
Prussia thought of making peace with Denmark, with-
out taking the opinion of the rest of Germany. This
was a matter now for their Central Government only.
Prince Lichnowsky here threw in a few inaudible
words.

Voght adverted to au article in the Allgemeine Zeitung
of June 18. There they had read, to their utter
astonishment, that Prussia did not fight to retain
the two duchies for Germany, that it did not fight
for the honour of Germany, but that the
Prussian troops on the battle-field represented
the cause of Denmark. Thus had Prussia, then, dis-
regarded the rights of the German people. He regretted
that it thus had stained its arms.

The President called Voght instantaneously to order.
Prussia had not stained its arms—such an expression
was as misplaced as it was untrue.—(Great clamour,
pro and con.)
They bad heard said (continued Voght) in the Prus-
sian Chamber, that Prussia accepted their chosen
Lieutenant-General, but had protested against the con-
sistency of such an election. Now, they had determined
that the making of peace or war should rest with the
central power, in conjunction with the National As-
sembly. Prussia, therefore, had nothing to do as re-
garded the present peace. hatever might be the event,
there had nothing as yet been said about single Govern-
ments being responsible for the resolutions of the As-
sembly. They, however, might be warned by the act of
Prussia, and might now feel convinced, as he was, that
there were Governments which, in affairs of war and
peace, would not subject themselves to the decrees of the
Assembly.
Prince Lichnowsky expressed himself delighted to
witness the general enthusiasm elicited by the affair of
Schleswig-holstein. But if there were anything calcu.
lated to damp this enthusiasm, it was the untimely use of
such expressions against a principal Government as they
had just heard from that rostrum. He regarded the
matter as one too great, too grand, too intimately con-
nected with the honour of Germany to leave room for
bitterness of party feeling or individual jealousy. He
declined quoting from a mass of newspaper articles,
neither would he call a truce a peace, though it might
possibly be regarded as the first steps toa peace; and
though he thought that the Assembly was right, nay,
bound to discuss the subject, still it was not a matter of
duty or right to go further into the affair until all the re-
lative documents were before it.
Jordan warmly disclaimed the application of party
feeling. The great question for decision was, whether
England and Russia had had any hand in the pro-
jection of the armistice referred to. The spirit of
Russian encroachment was developing itself daily.
Russian troops were already in Moldavia ; in
a few months they might be at Constantinople.
He agreed with the first speaker (Dunker) as to the
necessity of adopting prompt resolutions, and of en-
forcing them with energy and vigour, yet for formal
reasons he could not entirely acquiesce with him. They
had made a law that the Central Power, in concert with
the National Assembly, should determine upon war and
peace; and it would seem that this law required a new
explanation if they hesitated to apply it in the present
case. He, therefore, moved " That, taking into consi-
deration the probable falsity of the newspaper reports;
and, further, that it rests with the Central Power, in
concert with the National Assembly, to determine upon
war and peace, the Assembly pass to the ' order of the
day.' "—Carried.
Several other Members, Vincke, Eisenmann, &c.,
spoke before the question on the above motion was put,
but their speeches were either unimportant or inaudible.
The President having announced the time of meeting
for several Committees, and appointed eight A.m. to-
morrow for the time of the next sitting, in consequence
of the Archduke being expected early, the House rose.

PRUSSIA.
The Government having ordered two battalions of
infantry and a squadron of cavalry to, take up their
quarters within the walls of Berlin, the Burgher
Guard met and protested against this introduction of
the regular troops.
The money market continues to improve. Specu-
lation is active. Prussian S. S. S. reached 73f this
morning, and all other securities and railway shares
were equally in demand. The rumours of a termi-
nation of the Schleswig affair mainly contributed to
this result, for which there is no other apparent cause
.The political condition of Germany, certainly, does
not warrant any improvement in public confidence.

ITALY.

PIEDMONT.

The Pensiero Italiano of Genoa, of the Bth, states
that the Piedtnontese Ministry have given in their
resignation collectively, on the question whether the
war should be carried on to the last, or whether a
temporizing policy should be adopted. The Ministry
professed the latter opinion. GOIJA and DURINI are
spoken of as forming part of the new Ministry.