The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JuLy_2B,_lB46.

*ill allow the pool' matt to have his little Coffee, but you
will not give him the sugar to sweeten it. '—(leate
hear.) Ile was fdr the poot man having his sugar as
well as his coffee, but he must have it by lawful means,
though it had been said that stolen sweets Were the
swee'e3t.--4A laugh.) Ile Milk not; however; have that
sugar from slave-grown produce, when they Could be
supplied from Jamaica, Guiana, Trinidad, and Mattritiusi
and above all from the West Indies, who were ready to
met any demand. He had no right to take advantage
of the argument of an unskilful opponent, or the
clumsy weapons he used. But he would supply him
with an argument. He would give them an answer who
inquired why they should admit the sugar of Brazil
and of Cuba ; why they should receive the slave-grown
coffee of other states as well ? Why, this was one of
the greatest fallacies that had ever been broached, one
of the most pure and indefensible fallacies. If this
were a new reason it would be a different matter. But
even in allowing all the value of that consideration, he
must be bold to say that, with his friend Thomas Clark-
son, he was none of those who were such advocates for
rl barren consistency as would induce any man to over-
look the advantages of a change when circumstances
had altered. When he was asked why they admitted
slave-grown cotton, slave-grown coffee, slave grown to
bacco and sugar from Cuba, ' he would reply, that
admitting all the reasons of finance, of conscience, and
of what he was quite unwilling to underrate the new
science of political economy, still he was:compelled tosay
there was no sufficient reason for thechans;e that was now
proposed. Well did be recollect the efforts of his dear
friend Sir S. Romilly, and his equally dear friend Sir
James Macintosh, whose efforts, now happily seccessful,
were at that time so frnitleisly directed for introducing
humanity jnto our system of punishments. Well did
he remember when his friend Sir S. Hominy endeavoured 4
to appropriate freehold estates for the payment of simple
contract debts; to do away with such anomalies as in-
troducing steaming into bleaching grounds a capital
offence, as well as other measures of a similar kind; how
he was met by Sir William Grant, who threw out his
measure on that occasion, and by Mr. Canning who used
on that debate the much ill-used term of the wisdom
of our ancestors, when, as it is well known, our ancestors
were younger in wisdom than ourselves. Did they say
to him at that time, why bring in a Bill to abolish
this as a capital felony, when there were five and forty
others remaining. or why not, instead of stopping at
touching freehold property, and making it available for
sitnplo contract debts, or why not, instead of taking the
debtor to prison, pass a Bill giving power to the creditor
to take the money of the debtor? If such
arguments had been brought forward he would no doubt
have said "Stop a little, perhapi I. will go to that."
That was the worsel'possible answer that could he given
to his argument. But again and again let him tell
those who consider this great question that they were
not then called upon for the purpose of rescinding what
was established ; they were not undoing what was
already done. lie was not easing them to repeal a law
enabling Brazilian and other slave-grown sugars to come
into this country. He was resisting a law which was
proposed to °pea this county to the slave produce, and
then they said, " Oh, you admit tobacco! Oh, you
admit copper." Yes! but if he were called upon for the
first time to let in those articles, then would be the time
for questioning his consistency of opinion on the ad-
mission of these articles. But let any man show him a
measure which would have the effect of doubling the
quantity of cotton to be brought into the market,
and- he would then oppose that also. The great
increase of the cotton from America had been pro-
duced by a population who had increased in a fair and
natural manner. But from these remarks of his own he
would call attention to the statements of one whose candour
and justice was only equalled by his steady consistency
in his principles, and who could not for an instant be sup-
posed to be warped by any kind of bias of reasoning, or
by party or personal considerations, against any mea-
sures proposed by the present Government. He alluded
to the Lord Chief Justice of England, and he confessed
when he reflected upon the high character of that great
magistrate, and the pure and the spotless life, profession-
ally, politically, and individually, and to the proud
situation which he had always held in the eyes of his
countrymen. and above all when he recollected that he
could be labouring under no bias of political feeling
against the measure introduced by his own political
friends, he had the greatest reason to allow the
greatest weight to his opinions on the subject. When he
(Lord Brougham) was talking to his Lordship—and he
had his authority for stating it, grieving as he did that
he could not himself be personally in that House.
Lord LYNDHURST—Where is he ?

withered; let if entirely abolished, Whether
they Would reVive that aecursed traffic!.
A question as vast even in its constitutional relation
as that which We have been lately discussing ; this,
too, oti the 2ttli of July, being later tharl any other
pretrious termination of the Parliamentary year—(Hear)
—this, too, also at a period when Parliament was jaded
by along attendance and the-transaction of an amount
of business unparalleled in the annals of Parliamentary
proceedings, and exhausted by duties the most exciting
they had ever heard of.—(Hear, hear.) It was under
these circumstances they were called upon to enter
upon this fruitful subject. This subject was not new.
It had been brought forward occasionally in 1841,
1844, and 1845 ; but it was never really brought
forward as a subject of a mere party running.
counter to another party, and the sugar duties were now
brought forward for the first time on its merits.—(Hear,
hear.) It was whispered that it was better to have it
now than at any other session. "It was sure now to
succeed in the state of parties at present. When there
was a scramble this (the present Government) had a
chance." It was, next to the sewerage question,
that upon which parties were united. Next
to the drainage question, it was the great question of
the day.—(A laugh.) Therefore the Government was
content to show that they were agreed on some question.
They had a better chance now, because they
had been promoting free-trade with respect to the
home producers, and they were now going to
take away the protection from the foreign grower.
Why not then tale the matter as it now stands rather
than delay for a future consideration, and when the
second reading would be pressing on their atten-
tion. Far easier to discuss this question—a stormy
and a difficult question, as he must acknowledge—
now, when it was but a matter of theory than
when a permanent decision of the matter was
to be decided upon. Surely it was better to take time
by the forelock and discuss this question, rather than
when there was only an empty House, to hear what was
to be alleged on the subject. Oh, that he had the same
House to discuss this question that he had to discuss the
question of the corn-laws. He could not but say that he
looked upon this matter with great alarm, with an alarm
for the consequences which it was impossible to describe.
Had he had such a House to discuss this question ae he had
to discuss the question of the corn-laws, for if so then
might he tell his Venerable Friend, Thomas Clarkson,
to be quiet, and that he might sink to his repose in the
grave with a certainty that the victory which had been
achieved over slavery and the slave trade would remain
undisturbed. What necessity was there to take this
measure up now ? Why should there be a proposition
to take up this Bill now, when the year was already
so far advanced, when the system of slavery and of
its abolition was as yet untried ; when the knowledge
of what sugar might be obtained from Singapore, from
Manilla, and from our own possessions in the West In-
dies, was as yet unknown ; when the effect of the late
measures fur the suppression of slavery and the
slave trade were yet incomplete ? Surely it
would be better to act according to common
sense and consistency, and take the Bill for a year than
legislate thus in a hurry, and endeavour to pass a per-
manent measure, when there was neither oppor-
tunity for consideration, or time for its direction.
He begged to call the attention of their Lordships to
the peculiar moment chosen for giving up the home
markets of this country to the slave-grown sugars of
Brazil and Cuba. When be looked and saw the in-
formation which the Government possessed on that
subject, and saw their haste and breathless impa-
tience to get through with this measure, upon
the eve of the passing of the corn-laws, and before
men could come to reflect upon the colonial interests,
because the British interests are now just settled, without
having had time to examine the case, and studying their
own documents they would probably not take it in
bad part if he told them one or two things,
for the purpose of showing the preposterous
mode cf proceeding, and the particular time
chosen for giving up their markets. He would first
take the case of Messrs. Drake, Brothers, and Co,
They state that there was a reduction of 7s. ed. per cwt.,
or an equivalent to id. a pound two or three years ago,
and representations were made by the suffering planters
and merchants, their aseeciates, to the government of that
country to take some immediate steps for putting down
the African slave trade—and why ? because, said Messrs.
Drake and Co., who are stated by the consular agent to
be a highly respectable house at the Havannah ; be-
cause, say they, in their memorial to put down
" the retrograde trade"—for that is the toted term
applied to the African slave trade—in order to get
rid of the glut of sugars, and to open for
the Cuba sugar a market in England, that was the bribe
held out to them to induce their Government to put
down the slave trade, because if they did that, and
unless they did it, they would not have access
to the English markets, and by this means
get rid of the enormous glut of Cuba sugar.
So in Brazil. " I have taken considerable pains," says
the Consular Agent at Cuba, " to inform myself of the
feeling* of the Government upon this subject. I find
that all persons connected with the country are antici-
pating the circumstance that her Majesty's
Government (that is the Government of this
country) are waiting negotiations for the renewal of
the trade between Brazil," and qud pro quo. He begged
to call the attention of his Noble Friends opposite to this.
The grid pro quo for the admission of the Brazilian
sugar is specified as being " at some period the emanci-
pation of the Brazilian slaves." The proprietors not only
seem prepared for this, but satisfied with such admissions.
He had mentioned these facts for the information of their
Lordships, with the view of showing their Lordships
what are the popular impressions on this subject. So
the Cuba men and the Brazil men laboured under the
delusion that when they emancipated their slaves, and put
down the slave trade, the glut of their sugar would never
be released by its access into an English market—(Hear,
hear)—the British market, they imagine, will demand
the abolition of slavery and the slave trade as a condition
of letting in the Brazilian and Cuba sugars.—(Hear.)
Oh, how little did these planters of Brazil, and Messrs.
Drake, Brothers, and Co. of Havannah, and Mr. Cooper,
the English Consul, and the Havannah House of Assem-
bly—how little did they expect at the time that they
were thus expected to concede emancipation as the price
of access for their sugars to the English markets. They
were about to have that given to them for nothing.—
(Hear, hear.) They were about to be told that that ad-
mission was to be given on condition that they would
not put a stop to the stealing of one of the unhappy
wretches from the coast of Africa. Now, he felt
persuaded that it was not necessary to urge
further argument on this question. He had said
enough. Nevertheless so rife was delusion on this subject,
so constant was misrepresentation, so audacious was the
falsification of the fact, and so incredible the as-
surance with which these falsifications were urged, so
groundless the reasons put forward by the partisans
of what was miscalled free trade by political en-
thusiasts, that he felt it necessary to add some-
thing more to these ,remarks of his on this question.
Further they must consider that the object of this mea-
sure was to admit an additional quantity of sugar—say
30,000 or 40,000 hhds. into the English markets, which
at present excluded the markets of Cuba, and Brazil; for
it was ridiculous to say that Lousiana, that could
not add to the finances of America, could send
to this country, and after paying a duty in America
pay a further 10s. in England. To meet the
demand for these sugars the earth would
require to be drained to the utmost, and
wretches would be dragged from their homes in
Africa, and exposed to the horrors of the middle pas-
sage to reap the grounds of Cuba and Brazil.
The object of the Bill—and it would be so entitled when
it came down there—was to encourage the planters of
Cuba and Brazil to bring over yearly from Africa 40,000
human beings, who were at present free, and to make them
slaves. It may be said enough had been done to put down
the slave-trade—that by the force of the treaty with
France, and by exertions of the combined sqnadron,
a great deal had been done for itirsuppression;
and it was alleged that the increased price
of the slaves was an additional proof of their suc-
cess. Their own comknississioner from Havannah
reported that there were 10,000 slaves imported last
I year, and he expressed regret that the hurricane and
, the glut during, the preceding year had caused
no diminution in the exertions of those who
were engaged in the slave trade. He had the
greatest admiration of General Valdez, a former Gover-
nor of Cuba, and his conduct contrasted singularly with
that of General O'Donnell, who had done every-
thing in his power to promote the slave trade.
The argument advanced in favour of the
contemplated change was that ' they no longer had
enough for the consumption of this country.
When the question was of pounds, shillings
and pence, of profit and cheapness, such an
argument might be of some weight ; but when it
was a question of good faith, of honesty, of hu-
manity, and religion, he despised such an
argument, and denied that such a consideration should
occupy their attention one moment. But he denied the
fact. He denied that they, had an insuffieient
quantity at present for their own consumption.
On the question of the corn-laws he never de-
pended on the famine part of the question, and
be appealed to his Noble Friend beside him (Lord
Stanley), if he ever employed such an argument. But
even if it were a matter of famine with respect to the
sugar question, he would not depend on such arguments.
He said that famine was a constant excuse to Go-
vernments for betraying their trust, and to indivi-
duals for injuring property, and for appropriating to
themselves what belonged to their neighbours. It
had infringed upon the manly minds and cou-
rage of the statesmen of the country till
they-- deserted their principles. Accordingly the
potato disease was talked of. He heard nothing
of that disease now. (" Oh, oh" ! from Lord Beau-
mont.) Oh was the patient suffering still ? He was
sorry to hear it. Bat there was no disease in the sugar
cane. Now, he had seen estimates given in two ac-
The import from the colonies in the West Indies
counts; by the one the consumption was 220,000 tons;
was 125,000 tons, from all the East India
possessions $O,OOO tons, from Manilla and Java
say 20,000, and from the Mauritius 60,000;
making about 250.000 tons. But another account was
given ; it came from parties to whom he allowed
little credit in the matter—frosn the sugar refiners—
who hoped by the present measure to get in sugar at a
low rate, so as to bear a large profit for their own process;
that account made it under the 250,000 tons. But
he took that report with which the late Go-
vernor-General of India concurred, and that re-
port made it nearer 300,000 than 250,000. He said
it was impossible to over-estimate the capacity for
growing sugar of the possessions in the East Indies and the
Mauritius. If time were given for Eurther inquiry, this
subject would be proved Wood all possibility of doubt.
But they were already proved by a reference to the
amount of imports for the last three or four years. He
tioii.bome'ecPanother point in which they were all inte-
rested. It might be said by the-planters.". Yo 4 are con-
' toot 0441rOffsiguint yo Wascstr wisteigsw Tint

Lord BROUGHAM—Oh, he is too far from this.
He i 3 at ]lot) head. Lord Brougham then con-
tinued—When they were talking of a Govern-
ment to be formed on the expulsion of Peel, they
agreed that they could not go to the country with a
great and liberal measure at that time. (His Lerdshie
then read from a letter of Lord Denman's.) his Lord
ship (the Lord Chief Justice) said that they had forgot
that a life rat Government would be very popular if they
proposed to restore the slave trade. They actel upon the
principle at doing evil that gm,d might come ; they gave
it free passage from Africa to the Brazils for life—
( Laugh, er) —and they added the free liberty of the lash.
-(hear, heir) Why, argument in such a case was
nothing. They should ascertain what was the right,
and to hether they could reconcile it with their duty to do
a wilful and deliberate wrong—a wrorg committed by
England, too, which affecred to exercise a moral
influence on the rest of the world. They argue "We
cannot do all good, and therefore we.are free to encour-
age some evil."—(Hear, hear.) As a great experiment
was to he tried between free-trade and slave-grown sugar,
he was convinced that it would be decidedly in
favour of the latter. Slave labour was cheaper
forty years ago, because it was always cheaper to buy
than to breed, and now the experiment could never
be tried on equal terms. The slave-trade could not be
put down, and common sense had agreed that the de
sire to do so should be termed fanaticism. Frequent
changes of Government were assuredly evil, but what
was this to be compared with the suffering inflicted by
the sue cess of ten slavers. But it was not the success of
ten slavers that could enable these markets to cope with
the products of the slave countries. Not less than 20
slavers would require to be successfully delivered, tor
20,000 additional slaves would be required to supply
sugars for the English markets. He also read another
expression of opinion from Lord Denman, in which he
wondered what Mr. Fox would have said if he had
thought that those who had done their utmost to abolish
the trade would be engaged afterwards in promoting it and
giving a new stimulus to it, for the purpose of trying a
new experiment in political economy? The withdrawal
of prot, ction, continued the Lord Chief Justice, from
our own countrymen in Jamaica would be an injustice,
both to black and white. He (Lord Brougham) begged
to remind them that sugar was the article which more
than any other encouraged the slave trade. Cotton and
coffee went but a small way in the encouragement of
slavery. He grieved to know that slaiery was part and
parcel of the institutions of a country which called itself
the freest in the world. That, however, was their
affair, and slavery being a status established in
that country, he had no right to interfere with it.
He said the question of slavery was not before him now,
it was the question of the slave trade.—(Hear. hear.)
In increasing the quantity of sugar produced in Cuba
and the Brazils, they encouraged not slavery but the
slave trade, and that was the gravamen of his charge—
the ground of his argument. He said he would not in-
flict the sorrow and the pain, and almost agony on their
Lordships, partaking in it as he did himself, by recalling
to their recollection the source of that execrable traffic,
founded in fraud, pillage, rapine—the hunting of men;
the treatment of them as wild beasts, crowding them on
shipboard. and afterwards using them like so many irre-
sponsibbe beings. But suppose he should remind them
of but one circumstance in that traffic—one circumstance
of which, had he the tongue of men and of angels,"
he could not do such justice to it as the bare recital—as
the poet says, could he " warble in sweetest strains that
ever seraph sang." The death of a friend, his being con-
signed to his grave in all nations—but more espe-
cially in uncivilised nations, who, if they saw
not so largely, and felt not so long, yet
felt mere c;eeply than those who, civlised, had
more to divert their ideas—these men where almost
frantic if visited with any affliction of Providence,—as
the death of a brother, a wife, or a child ; these uncut.
tivated men, themselves, when on board of ship, if
one of their relatives was to be consigned to the deep,
celebrated the occasion with revelry and unlimited joy ;
becau,e they found their relative was released from his
sufferings, and an end had been put to his miseries. The
guilt of these innumerable horrors—these inhuman
crimes—did not rest with the captain and his crew ; but
fell also on those who sent them to Leon and Pernam-
buco fur their cargo of ill-fated beings. They did this-
by opening their markets to this infernal produce. For
it was known to them that the sugar was the growth of
Cuba—that it was procured by the assistance of slaves ;
and, therefore, they were the abettors of this villainous
traffic. They understood, too, 11(4 these poor natives
of Africa were treated. They had had letters on the
subject from the various authorities. They had a letter
too from the consul at Pernambuco to Lord Aber-
deen, which stated, " That all the worst features of
slavery existed in that country. That there was the
greatest degradation of intellect, and that even the laws
assisted to transform the African man into the American
brute,"—(Hear, hear.) He now came to the last com-
ment he should make. Before concluding, he must
make allusion to what astonished him, notwithstanding
the experience he had had of fallacious reasoning and
unsound doctrine. The very- party he was speaking of
had carried their arms into the enemy's country,
and said, We, the true abolitionists, give us our
money and we shall soon abolish slavery."—(Hear.)
This then was the argument which they used, that the
slave trade in Africa would certainly be increased by the
abolition of the duty on foreign sugars. That was the
argument. This was the monstrous argument used by
the advocates for this new system of political economy.
They allowed that this trade, for a time at least, must be-
increased. The admission of foreign sugars would in-
crease the horrors of the slave trade ; and this they did
while perfectly aware of the consequences that must
ensue from their conduct—this they did ,in cold blood ;
and fully aware of the amount of misery that must
ensue to the miserable victims of this horrid trade. He
mast say that in the whole course of investigation into
the annals of human presumption, he had never found a
more gross act of presumption than that which the ad
vecates for this measure held out as a justification of their
conduct. They asserted openly that they were aware
that this measure would have the effect for a time of in-
creasing the horrors of the slave trade, and they were
ready, for the sake of carrying out their views, to un-
dertake the great responsibility, he might say the guilty
responsibility, of increasing the slave trade ; whilst the
poor wretches who were its victims, were hunted,
captured, murdered whilst this experiment of political
economy was being tried. Yet truly terrific
as was this aspect of the affair—truly as was the terrible
future laid before the world by the future thus presented
—there was in it something- ludicrous, which in its
act overlaid the lerribler-lud oyee, ofteag4

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