The Sun.
London, England, 1848-01-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY-A 10, lB4B,

THE ZOLLVEREIN PROTEC-
TION VERSUS FREE TRADE.
(Continued from The Sun of Thursday.)

Ire treating of the subject which we now have
I,efore us—namely, the removal of the difficulties
with which the laws of foreign countries impede the
development of our shipping trade and the sale of our
naanufhctures, we must of course, and even more than
in the preceding sections, deal in conjectures and pee-
-nabilities only. Nothing is more difficult to predict
han the resolutions that will be c me to by foreign
4ovornments relative to future measures. If, how-
ever, differential duties are to be used as the means of
obtaining for ourselves the same rights as are enjoyed
oy the natives of different countries, we must be sure
beforehand of the result, or we shall only call forth a
system of petty retaliatory custom-house warfare,
which embitters without effecting much good.
Hitherto, having had to consider the differential
system merely as a means for promoting our ship-
ping trade and commerce, we have dwelt exclu-
sively upon those measures appertaining to it which
would be likely to affect those two interests ;
now, however, that we have to deal with it in
its character of a retaliatory measure, we have further
to take into account the third point, which we have
not yet had under consideration—namely, the addi-
tional duty to be imposed upon goods, accordiag to
the country in which they are produced. That diffe-
rential duties of this latter description, by impeding
importation, and by necessitating a most burdensome
system of control, must exercise an injurious influ-
ence upon commerce and trade, and, at all events,
cannot exercise a beneficial influence on them, is self-
evident, and even the advocates of the system cannot
look upon this part of it in any other light than that
of a necessary evil to which they submit in the hope
of forcing foreign powers into concessions which will
ultimately outweigh its evil effects. But it is exactly'
this kind of differential duty which is especially di-
rected against particu:ar countries, that is most likely
to excite to retaliation ; and nothing could be more
dangerous than to have recourse to measures against
a country like England, for instance, the consumer of
great quantities of German produce, which might
lead to the exclusion of these products from her ports.
Among the countries against which the differential
system is to be applied with a view to removing the
impediments placed by them in the way .of German
navigation, commerce, and industry, Great Britain
stands pre-eminent. But here we must make a dis-
tinction as to that part of England's navigation and
customs laws which is connected with her colonial
policy. Germany will certainly not pretened to force
her into making any change herein. Germany,
which posseses no colonies herself, will not certainly
enter into so unequal a conflict with a country whose
colonial possessions are the most extensive in the
world. Besides, it is not all contrary to the princi-
ples from which the different projects for a German
Navigation Act emanate, that the mother country
and its colonies should be considered as one and the
same country, that the trade carried on between the
two should be placed on the same footing as the
coasting trade of each particular country, and that
the produce of each should be treated in the ports
of the other the same as home produce; the English
cannot, therefore, be denied the right of reserving
the trade between Great Britain and her colonies for
British ships alone, or from treating British produce
more favourably than foreign produce in their colonial
ports. We have further to consider with regard to
this point, that by the prolongation of the charter of
the East India Company until 1854, the regulation
of the customs and navigation laws of British India,
which act very unfavourably as regards the a'lmis
sion of foreign ships and foreign produce, are with-
drawn from the immediate influence of the home
Government, at least in as far as relates to changes
to be introduced in the existing state of things. In
the British West india colonies, also, the legislative
assembly possesses an authority with regard to cus-
totns regulations, which would probably be exercised
in opposition to the central Government, should the
latter be inclined to make concessions in favour of
German slips and of German produce. According to
the draft of a navigation Act which we are here dis-
cussing, the projected navigation union does not ex-
pect greater advantages for its own produce in fo-
reign countries, than that it shall enjoy the same rights
as the produce of the most favoured foreign nations,
and that its ships shall be placed on the same foot-
ing as the home shipping of the foreign states,
se far as regards trade between the ports of these
states and foreign ports. The object to be attained
by retaliatory measures on our side is therefore the
removal of restrictions placed uposi the importation
into England of non-European produce from German
ports, as also of the hinderances opposed to the im-
portation of goods in other ships and from other ports
than those of the producing country. The abolition
of the first mentioned restrictions would indeed,
under existing circumstances, be of little advantage
to German commerce, but the removal of the last-
mentioned hinderances would, on the other hand, cer-
tadoly he of the greatest importance to German
navigation ; the German flag would, under these
circumstances, no longer he excluded from the carry-
ing trade between Eegland and other non-German
ccuntries. That German shipowners would be able
to avail themselves of this advantage has been proved
by the experience of the present year, during which
the Navigation Act has been suspended as far as re-
lates to the importation of articles of food. But the
events of the current year have also laid hare the
true nature of the navigation-laws. Bad and de-
structive in their nature, they originated in jealousy
of other commercial countries ; were first reduced
to a connected system to serve as a hostile measure
against the Netherlands ; afterwards extended
with a view to purposes of colonial policy; then con-
solidated through the influence of an all-powerful
monied aristocracy; and they are now perhaps only
maintained out of regard for certain individual inte-
rests called into existence by them, hut which will
ultimately be thrown into the background by the
pressure of public distress ; and the art of the legisla-
tor will be made to yield to the force of circumstances.
From the earliest period, indeed, it has always been
owing to the force of circumstances, and not to the
retaliatory measures of foreign states, that modifica-
tions and relaxations of the English navigation laws
have been conceded. If we look through the long
series of such modifications, from Cronawell's Navi-
gation Act (1651) down to the latest in 1845, the Act
of Parliament of 18'23, empowering the Government
to abolish all the still existing differential shipping
charges (imposed by the Navigation Act of Charles It.
in 1661), in every case where reciprocity could he
secured, is almost the only example of such modifica-
tion being brought about directly by foreign influ-
ence. This change was at the time attributed to
the retaliatory steps taken by Prussia; but these
steps did perhaps only afford a welcome pretext to
the enlightened statesmen of the day. At that time
matters stood very differently from what they do
now. The retaliatory means resorted to by Prussia,
and which m ght have been imitated by other coun-
tries, were then really dangerous to English shipping
interests, while to Prussia, who could view them as a
temporary evil only they were less so. But the mea-
sures now proposed, particularly if they are to be
limited to restricting indirect imports from England,
are not such as could force Great Britain into such
modifications of her Navigation Act as would almost
ate tantamount to their repeal. With regard to our-
selves, however, the consequence would be, that we
should find ourselves permanently entangled in a
system of differential duties, which in other conti-
nental states has proved itself inadequate to promote
their own commerce, or to induce England to make
concessions. Besides, England has repeatedly made
exceptions in favour of German states—namely, in
1824 in faveueoft
in Hanse Towns,* in 1838, and at
a later date also
favour of Austria, Prussia, and
other German states,ytand finally again in favour of
et i
the Hanse Towns,t
none of these cases had re-
prisals been resorted to to force her into the treaties
nor is the present suspension of her 'Navigation Act'
in any way connected with measures determined upon
by foreign states. Now it may be predicted with
some counueuee, that the effects of
some tie
hind them, but that, on the contrary,
Will not pass away without leaving
3e the experience
of a year will
prove so irrefragably the
tadvanta
ges v
00-f
free trade over the prohibitive system, h
cates of the former will find themselves considerably
advanced towards the Aconsplishment of their Wishes
The appointment of a parliamentary
already committee has
been already attained, andthere are published
three folio volumes of evidence upon the subject,
gathered from the lips of thosecannot, who are well
ca ,of course,
ac-
quainted with the matter.
judge of the ultimate result of an inquiry which enters
into the most minute details, before we shall be in pos-
session of the conclusion of the evidence and the report
of the committee ; but in reading the circumstantial
minutes of evidence already published we certainly per-
ceive the impression, that belief in the utility of the
navigation laws has been shaken in almost all classes
and in all directions, and that the flourishing state of
the shipping interests and of the transatlantic trade
of those states which act upon principles of free trade
will furnish the chief argument in favour of the ab-
rogation
of the prohibitive system. Should, however,
the inquiry which has been commenced
not, lead at
once to an essential change in the system, this will
be solely owing to the protestation of the ship-
owners, that without this protection the shipping
interests and the shipbuilders of England must suc-

* By the articles stattvg ,that a Lubeck ship, built in
.Bremen, coming from litimburgh, and manned with
,lermans not nativei of Lubeck, shall, notwithstanding,
oe o,nsidered as a Lubeck ship, and as if corning from
Pt
_ is own cot*
..,
f By thoAr tating that ships belonging to one of
-Ihese countriei, oming from ourpors not belonging to
;:he same stii4o4.4 :.hall n,verth,less be considered ai
.
t.tt,ining from t.e.l own country.
: By allowing' the import of German non-Hanseatic
products froikthe game towns into her colonies.

cumb to the competition of Germany and the states
on the Baltic. These protestations ought, therefore,
to be a solemn warning to others, as to how dan-
gerous it is to foster. by artificial means one particular
branch of trade, which being once accustomed to
such protection sees in the withdrawal thereof its
ruin, because it feels that without its accustomed
Drop it is not a match for a rival, grown strong by
the free development of its powers.
With regard to the Dutch navigation laws, matters
stand some what differently. An essential modifica-
tion or the total abrogation of these cannot be ex-
pected to take place within a short period; nor can it
be expected that the projected German measures will
exercise any influence over them, in as far as they are
connected with the colonial policy of the Nether-
lands. Whatever part of the laws is not directly
connected herewith is but of little importance.
The equalisation of the duties on goods im-
ported direct in German ships from German
ports has already been obtained by Prussia,
in virtue of the treaty of the 3d June, 1837, and
the other North German states would, if it were de-
sirable, probably be able to obtain the same conces-
sion, without being obliged to have recourse to a
navigation union ; but this concession would in re-
ality only be of importance to Hanover and Olden-
burgh, whose smaller vessels might in that case carry
on a more active coasting trade with the neighbour-
ing Dutch ports than they do at present. With
regard to the general commerce of Germany, and
particularly as a means of redress for the many
grievances occasioned by the colonial policy of
Holland, such a concession would be without advan-
tage. Here we must repeat what we observed when
speaking of the colonial trade of England—namely,
that the trade and navigation betweeen the mother
country and her colonies cannot properly be placed
on the same footing as foreign commerce, and
that particularly according to the principles of
the draft of the treaty which we are discussing, it
cannot be expected that a state should give up all
advantages enjoyed by her flag and produce in
her own colonies. But supposing even that we
should venture to put forward such pretensions, the
Netherlands would certainly meet them with the
most strenuous opposition, and would indeed be
obliged to do so, as it is well known that the credit,
and consequently the political importance of that
country, is mainly dependent upon the possession of
her colonies, and on her present mode of rendering
them profitable. The very extraordinary development
of the productiveness of Java is well known, as also
the preponderating share which the Government has
in the profits of the island. In 1845 the productions
of the island in coffee, sugar, and indigo, were divided
thus:--

Government Property.
Coffee ... ... .. 109,000,000110.
Sugar .. ... ... 110,000,000

Indigo ..

1,539,867

Private Property.
Coffee .. .. .. 18,000,0001b5.
Sugar .. .. .. 33,000,000

Indigo 5,186
and cochineal, cinnamon, tobacco, and tea are almost
exclusively Government property. The sale of this
valuable amount of goods is entrusted by the Govern-
ment to the Handelsmaatchappy, established in the
year 1823, and which last year realised thereby
44;340,000 florins, and in the previous year 51,625,000
florins. The clear profits accruing to the Govern-
ment, in 1845, amounted to 33,000,000 florins. Pre-
vious to the establishment of the Maatschappy, the
Government obtained scarcely a sixth part of this
sum. During the past year the company paid in re-
turn freights from the colonies to Holland 10,722,000
florins (in freights to Java only 175,300 florins) and
in premiums to insuratice offices more than 1,000,000
florins. The freights paid to the Dutch shipowners
by the Alaatschappy, from its first establishment till
the beginning of the last year amounted to 125,000,000,
and the premiums paid to Dutch insurers to
15,000,000 florins. The whole of Holland's commerce
is founded upon the condition that this company
shall take upon itself to land, store, and sell, in the
mother'country itself, all the colonial produce con-
signed to it. The Government's right of property in
the soil in Java, the monopoly of the Handelsmaats-
chappy, the employment of Dutch vessels for the
transport of their goods, and of Dutch markets for
the sale of the same, are so intimately connected with
each other, that it is difficult to conceive that any
concession could be made to German demands, with-
out endangering the whole system. The propriety
of allowing at least a part of the productions of Java
in possession of the Government to be shipped direct
to the countries of consumption has repeatedly been
dicussed, but the Government and the Maatschappy,
who alone can decide the matter, have not been able
to master their fears lest the home markets ni;ght be
injured thereby ; this also explains why several other
projects of theirs have not been put into execution,
such for instance as the erection of depots, and the
introduction of regular sales of Java coffee in Ham-
burgh, with a view to forming connexions with the
northern customers of this market, or for the direct
importation of Java produce into America, to help to
satisfy the enormous consumption of the United States.
But it is not alone the interests of the commercial
cities of Holland that oppose every alteration in the
system, considerations connected with the finances of
the country also interfere to prevent them. It is only
the produce of Java, and the manner in which it is
converted into money, which render it possible 'for
the country to bear its enormous pu'r.lic debt ; besides,
the Handelsmaatschappy, in its relation to the state,
assumes the character of moneylender. At the
annual meeting of the company, in December last,
in which an increase of its capital from 23,000,000 to
33,500,000, by the creation of new shares, And the
prolongation of the existing state of affairs was de-
termined upon, the president explained the latter as
follows (according to the report in Allgemein Han
debthlad of 11th December 1846) :—" Of the com-
pany's capital, 10,000,000, which had been advanced
to the Government at the rate of 4 per cent. interest,
would remain in its hands until 1874 ; all the coffee,
sugar, and indigo belonging to the Government is to
serve as security for this loan, and is to continue as
heretofore, to be exclusively consigned to the Meats-
chappy : all other colonial products, in as far as they
are sent to the mother country for account of tilt-
Government, are also to be consigned to the company;
the contract to this effect having already been pro-
longed until 1854, is, in case the 1a,000,000 are not
paid by that time, to he further prolonged for twenty
years." That this prospect of a prolongation of their
contract until 1874 is likely to be realised must be
evident to all those who are acquainted with the posi-
tion of the Maatschappy with regard to the private
relations of the Monarch, as well as to the state, and
with the extensive power of the King relative to the
revenues of the colonies.

Under such circumstances, it must he granted that
it could only be reasons of a very powerful nature
that would be likely to effect any essential change in
such a system. Mention is sometimes made of the
monetary affairs of Java, which are supposed to be in
so unfavourable a state that the Government will at
last be obliged to deviate from the course hitherto pur-
sued. If such internal causes of change really do
exist, they may be left to work out their effects ; but
an influence from without, exercised with a view to
the advantage of a particular country, cannot be ex-
pected to effect much, least of all would there be any-
thing to hope from a measure like the differential
duties here in question, which,whether directed against
the Dutch colonial produce as such, or against the in-
direct importation of such produce from Dutch ports,
cannot, as has above been stated, affect cotton, indigo,
cochineal, &c., without injuring Germany herself.
Were the action of differential duties on the other hand
to be limited to Java coffee, which as to quantity and
quality has become so indispensable to us, no further
harm would thereby accrue to the Dutch, than that
in case the consumption in Germany should really be
reduced in consequence of the duties, they would have
to look out for new outlets for their produce in the
northern countries of Europe and in America. As
to Java sugar, of which from 40,000,000 to
50,000,0001b5. are annually consumed in Germany,
it would probably be the German sugar-boilers and
not the Netherlands who would suffer most from
differential duties imposed upon it. The Nether-
lands need not, on the one hand, fear that so vast a
quantity of one article could be entirely driven out of
the German markets; and, on the other hand, they
have reason to hope, that, in accordance with the
first article of the Treaty of 1837 with Great Bri-
tain, and in consequence of the interpretation now
given to the navigation laws, as well as of the treaty
with Russia, concluded in September, 1845, new and
important markets will be opened for their refined
t this sugars in England and Russia, /which will make
amends for any eventful losses in Germany.
Here our
reasoning
very
treatymight
soin latelydee
dbeeomaectludweidthwtihthe
remark, that
Russia, and Still more the one concluded with Belgium,
serve to prove that the Netherlands may be forced
by retaliatory measuresinto making exceptions in
their system. The Russo-Dutch treaty of Septem-
ber, 1846, does indeed contain in Article VII. the
peculiar concession, that Russian ships shall be
allowed to participate in the coasting trade of Hol-
land ; that these ships, when coming direct from
Russia, shall pay less pilotage, and when laden with
corn direct from Russian ports, shall
not only be
placed on an q e ual footing with the • national ships,
but even be favoured by a remission of 10 per cent.
on the duty on goods paid by all other nations; but
even independent of the circumstance that Holland
has been induced to make these concessions by very
important advantages, conceded in return, with regard
to Dutch refined sugar, and to the indirect carrying
trade with Dutch ships, this treaty would prove
nothing relative to the measures which we are here
diacussing, becauge as regards the two points which
Would he of the greatest importance to Germany—
; namely, the indirect navivation and the trade with
the colonies, the Itussians'are only placed on an equal
footing with the most favoured nations.

The concession contained in Article XV. of the
treaty concluded between the Netherlands and Bel-
gium on the 20th of July, 1846, seems at first sight
more important than the one above mentioned; but it
is only apparently so. This article states that the
Belgians shall be allowed to import an amount of
8,000 tons (16,000,0001bs.) of the produce of the
Dutch possessions in India, direct thence into Bel-
gium, upon payment of the same export duties as are
imposed upon exports made in the ships of the mother
country, but with an addition of eleven per cent. on
the duty But as the Netherlands Government, on
the other hand, does not bind itself to offer for sale in
the colony a corresponding amount of its produce, the
concession is practically almost reduced to nothing,
for the Government does not allow any of its coffee
and indigo to be sold in Java; and with regard to
rice and sugar, the difference in the export duty is
not so great as to prevent other nation, whose freights
are more moderate than the Dutch freights, from
competing with these and exporting to other coun-
tries than Holland. This is proved by the already
existing direct importations from Java to the Hanse
Towns, and by the active part which the latter, and
particularly Hamburgh, take in that part of the trade
of Java to which private individuals are admitted.
According to what has just been stated, should
Germany even succeed in obtaining from the Nether-
lands the same concessions as have been granted to
Belgium by article 15 of the Belgian treaty (though
not in consequence of her system of differential
duties, but owing to circumstances which do not exist
in the same degree in Germany), we should not be
more benefitted thereby than is Belgium, unless it
were at the same time stipulated that the Maatsehappy
should be obliged to avail itself of German ships, as
well as Dutch ships for the transport of its goods,
and that the Government should be bound to sell
Java coffee and in Ego to the Germans. But even,
irrespective of the facts, that the Government could
not impose any such obligation as the first-mentioned
on the Maattschappy, and that by the contract with
this company, which is binding until 1854, it is pre-
vented from subscribing to any such condition as the
last-mentioned, such an arrangement would hardly be
practicable; for Government could not of course
exclude from its sales in Java all other pur-
chasers than Germans ; the whole amount
offered might, therefore, possibly be bought
up before the latter came into the market
and there would be no other method of remedying
this than by reserving a certain quantity of the pro-
duce from German purchasers, at prices fixed several
years in advance ; a thing which would be utterly
unfeasible. Even the admission of German manu-
factures into Java on equal terms with Dutch pro-
duce, would be of little benefit to German industry,
because, as has already been mentioned, the con,
sumption of such goods in that country is very
trifling, and will probably remain so for a long time
to come, owing to the poverty of the natives, who,
reduced to almost slave-like toil, have no higher wants
than their own home-spun stuffs can supply. The
importation of manufactured goods into Java employs
a very inconsiderable amount of capital, and is of no
importance to the shipowner. As has already been
shown, the out-freights paid by the Maatschappy last
year did not amount to more than 175,300 florins
(while the return-freights amounted to more than
10,000,000), the value of the goods sent to the
colonies by the company, amounted, including their
shipments of money, to no more than 8,500,000
florins ; white and raw cotton stuffs they sent
to the amount of 4,000,000 florins ; dyed cot-,
tons to the amount of 500,000, and printed
cottons to an amount of 89,000 florins only; all other
goods were transmitted in still smaller quantities.
Another circumstance which renders it still less pro-
bable that any increase can be effected in the sale of
our manufactures in this quarter is, that with regard
to the white and dyed cotton stuffs which are there
exclusively used, Germany would have to compete
with England and Switzerland. The superlative ad-
vantages possessed by England in this branch of
industry and trade have enabled her to compete so
successfully with the cotton manufactures of Holland,
though these are protected by premiums and high
duties, that the manufacturing establishments founded
in the mother country under the powerful protection
of the Maatschappy, solely with a view of supplying
the colonies, have not been able to keep their ground,
but have mostly been abandoned after a few years'
unsuccessful trial. In the year 1845 tbere was, ac-
cording to the official reports of the Dutch custom-
house authorities, imported altogether, into Java and
Madura, Florins.
_ .

From the Netherlands, goods to the amount

„ England
„ Germany

.. ... .. 9 825,702
.. ... ... 5,851,388
.. .. ... 352,489

Besides England and the Netherlands, it is princi-
pally Spain that we desire to influence ; and it would
indeed be of great importance to us, on account of
Cuba, could the Spanish Government be induced to
treat the German flag somewhat more favourably ;
but the projected retaliatory measures are, in this case
as in all others that we have mentioned, and particu-
lat ly with regard to Cuba, more likely to injure Ger-
many herself than her opponent. On the one hand
the geographical position as well as the produce of
Ctsba are of such a nature that the Government need
entertain no fears as to the disposal of the latter ;
while for Germany and the German transit trade
with the eastern countries, the supplies drawn from
Cuba are of the utmost importance, particularly if
indirect imports of colonial goods should be prevented
from coming into our markets. On the other hand, it
is not so much the advantage enjoyed by the Spanish
flag in the trade from Cuba to Germany, which is here
in question, as it is the privilege which this flag
enjoys with regard to exportations from Germany
to Cuba. The additional duty imposed on im-
ports into Cuba under foreign flags, is the
principal measure which works to the advantage of
the Spanish fisig ; and this we cannot therefore (as long
as the system of protection exists) dispense with,
for our exports to Cuba. Should we, by the intro-
duction of differential duties, succeed in increasing
the number of German ships which bring us our sup-
plies from Havannah, we should, at the same time and
in an equal measure, drive away the Spanish ships
from our ports, and thus diminish our opportunities
of transmitting German manufacture to Cuba; for to
do this under the German flag, which would subject
the goods to a differential duty of 7,8, and 9 per
cent. of their value, would be almost impossible. The
exclusion of the Spanish flag from our trade with
Cuba, would be the same as raising the price of Ger-
man produce in the Spanish colony, or, in other
words, would act as a premium in favour of English
manufactures, which the Spanish ships from Cuba
may fetch from England without being molested by
differential duties. With reference hereto, we must
also take into consideration, that not all Spanish ships
which go from Gera-Any to Cuba have first come
from Cuba to Germany. Among the 48 ships dis-
patched from Cuba to Germany in 1845, there
were only seven Spanish ; yet twelve Spanish vessels
left Hamburgh for Cuba that year—another proof
against the assertion which we have above re-
futed, that the exports of the produce of a
country are generally made in its own ships, and
that measures operating in favour of the latter would
be sure to benefit the former. In addition to what
has already been adduced, the absence of the Spanish
flag from our ports would be attended by the loss of
many other advantages connected with their presence
there. The fact that there are always some Spanish
vessels in Hamburgh, taking in cargoes, draws much
business to this port. Thus, Russian sailcloths, as
well as the produce of other countries, are introduced
into Cuba by way of Hamburgh. But though these
and other collateral circumstances may be of minor
importance, surely the danger which we have pointed
out, that the exclusion of the Spanish flag from Ger-
many may act in favour of British industry, is of
sufficient consequence to induce us to advise against
the introduction of differential duties, which threaten
to realise this danger. But should the differential
duties not be rendered so burdensome as to cause the
entire withdrawal of Spanish ship from our ports, the
Spanish Government would probably, as Cuba is at
no loss to dispose of her produce, not consider the in-
creased expenses of transport caused by our differen-
tial duties, for which, in the end, the German con-
sumer alone would suffer, sufficiently dangerous to be
induced thereby to make any changes in its own cus-
toms regulations, particularly as it has never yet
made such changes in compliance with the navigation
laws of other countries. German ships at the Ha.
vannah are not placed in a more unfavourable position
than English, French, Belgian, &c., ships.
As regards the transatlantic trade, the same may
be said of France as we have just said of Spain. Dif-
ficulties placed in the way of the importation of
transatlantic produce into our ports, under the French
flag, would be of very little importance to the latter,
because, even under existing circumstances, as we
have above shown, it takes little or no part in this
trade (among the 411 ships that came to Hamburgh
in 1845, from counties out of Europe, there were only
two French vessels) ; and the comparatively small
amount of produce raised in the French colonies can
be readily disposed of in France. As regards the
trade between the European ports of France and
Germany, the French Government must however
look narrowly to the interests of its shipowners,
for this trade is mostly carried on under the
Freneh flag, and differential duties affecting French
ships or French produce might therefore pro-
duce some effect; and indeed the French Government
has already been induced by several other states
(England, North America, Denmark, Russia, Meck-
lenburg) to make numerous exceptions in her protec-
tive system in favour of the flags of those countries.
Here it might, therefore, be possible to effect some
thing for the other German states also; some
concessions might likewise be obtained from Belgium
and Portugal, not indeed with regard to trade with
countries out of Europe, in which their ships take
little or no part, but with regard to our trade with

these countries themselves,whereby it must not be over-
looked that, in a certain measure (the payment of
higher shipping dues), their slips even now labour
under disadvantages in the ports of all the German
states (Hamburgh excepted) with which they have no
reciprocity treaties. Thus even when viewing the
projected Navigation Act which vt e are discussing,
from the point of view whence its originators started,
we cannot consider it otherwise than as a very unad-
visable measure. _ _ .

But there is another important point that must be
taken into consideration. In proposing to place the
ships of certain foreign nations under certain disad-
vantages in our ports, with a view to forcing these
nations into treating German trade and German
shipping more favourably than hitherto, so favourably
indeed as Germany is inclined to treat theirs in re-
turn ; the projected law marks out a system of retali-
ation which will be of long or short duration, accord.
ing to the more or less liberal commercial policy, the
greater or less obstinacy of the foreign states, and
which will gradually die out as one restriction after
another shall be blotted out of the commercial codes
of other nations. This is not, however, the sense in
which the differential system is understood by the
great majority of Germans who declare themselves
warm adherents of such a gystem. In their eyes it
is solely the first of the two principal objects named
in the commencement of our inquiry, which
is of importance. They seek in differential duties
not the means of retaliation, but the means of pro-
moting the national welfare, and they therefore do
not regard the restrictions to be imposed as tempo-
rary evils, which are to be obviated as speedily as
possible, but as protective measures which ought to
be considered permanent. 'lf the system is to be
understood in this manner, then we must renounce
all hope of seeing our trade and our shipping placed
in a more favourable position than hitherto, in the
countries where they are now suffering under disad-
vantages. On the other hand, it is much to be feared
that this perpetuation of the restrictive system should
it even not be desired, would nevertheless force itself
upon us. It would be a great mistake to suppose that
home interests, artificially fostered and protected by
such a system, might at any time and at will again
be exposed to a contest with free competition ; it is ,
on the contrary in the nature of such systems that
one protection necessitates another.
We have already pointed out how the higher duties
levied on the direct importation of transatlantic pro-
duce from certain European countries would, in order
to prevent evasion, necessitate the levying of similar
imposts on the indirect imports of such goods from
all European countries, and on crossing the land
frontiers, or the introduction of still more burdensome
measures, such as certificates of origin, entrepots, &c.
Supposing that one of the more important commercial
countries against whose customs laws complaints had
been made, should be induced to modify the
,same,
according to our wishes, we should nevertheless he
obliged to continue• our prejudicial treatment of this
one state, as long as we maintained our system against
other countries in general. Should England, for in-
stance, in future admit transatlantic produce from
Germany, it would nevertheless he necessary to ex-
clude from Germany imports of such articles from
England, because it might be imports from the
Netherlands which were introduced by the circuitous
route through England ; and should Austria not
accede to the union, Trieste would, when supplying
the south of Germany with colonial goods, be obliged
to submit to the higher duties. It will not be pos-
sible for us to take off the burdens we have imposed
upon the trade of other nations, merely because they
remove the restrictions they have placed on ours ;
it will even be necessary, in our intercourse with
nations which have hitherto acted upon princi-
ples of commercial freedom, to introduce restrictive
measures, which will call forth counter-measures of
a still more burdensome character, and the ultimate
object, universal free trade, will be removed further
and further from our grasp.
As regards the furtherance of a more liberal spirit
in the commercial intercourse of nations, the result
of the projected system thus seems as doubtful as the
adoption of it seems reprehensible, in every other
point of view from which we have examined it.
To resume : the results come to by us in the course
of our inquiry are as follows :
The proposed syetem of differential duties, whether
considered as the means of promoting the national
welfare, or as the means of retaliation against foreign
states, is likely to fail in the attainment of its object.
As regards the shipping interests, the principal, and
indeed the only branch of industry which can be
brought into consideration here, they are not likely to
be benefited by this system, in a measure at all com-
parable to the great development which they have
already attained through the unaided exertions of-our
shipowners, and if we are to judge by the experience
of other nations, they are not likely to be benefited
at all.

The increase occasioned in the direct imports of
non-European produce would be of very little im-
portance.
• The import trade in general would be injured—
the transit trade endangered.
The German emporiums, instead of growing in im-
portance, WOldil, on the contrary, decline.
This decline Would threaten the German export
trade, or, in other words, German industry, with
dangers which could in no way be compensated for
by the distant prospects of an increased sale in non-
European countries.
Finally, as regards the obtaining more favourable
conditions in other countries for German ships, or for
importation from Germany, or the attainment of
greater commercial freedom, it seems the more dan-
gerous to enter into a contest of this kind, because in
the case of the more important commercial countries
the weapons would be unequal, and the result very
doubtful ; were she to grasp the double•edged sword
of retaliation, Germany would be mare likely to
wound herself than her opponent.
(To be continued.)

IRISH SPECIAL COMMISSION.
LIMERICK. JAN. 7.

At the opening of the court this morning, James
Sheakan, a wild-looking Tipperary " bov, about
twenty. five years of age, was arraigned for the
murder of a man named Ralph Hill, at Rathure,
within a mile and a half of Limerick, in the month of
November last; and Daniel Quaine and James
Quaine were at the same time arraigned for aiding
and assisting him in the murder.
The prisoners having been arraigned, and pleaded
Not Guilty, were immediately removed.
Andrew Dee was then placed in the dock to be
tried for killing one Edmund Murphy, and the
Court was occupied during the early part of the day
in heating the sickening details of this most cold-
blooded murder.

The prisoner is about nineteen years of age, but
looks considerably younger. He is of small stature,
with fine features and an intelligent and pleasing
countenance. He stood in the front of the dock,
and throughout the trial evinced not the slightest
emotion.
He was defended by Mr. O'Hea.

From the statement of the ATTORNIZY-GENERAL,
who opened the case, it appeared that the prisoner's
father held some land in the county under the Court
of Chancery, but in the latter part of May, or early.
in June last, he was put out of possession for non-
payment of rent. A man named Nornan became the
teriant of the land, and immediately there sprang up,
as usual in such, cases, a feeling of extreme hostility
on the part of the Dees towards Nornan and his
family. On the 9th of June, within ten days from
the time of Nornan's becoming tenant of the land, he
and the man who was murdered were walking to-
gether towards Galinlly, and when within a mile of
that town, in the open day, it being then three o'clock
in the afternoon, they were waylaid by the prisoner
and his brother, Patrick Dee. Until Nornan and
Murphy approached they had concealed themselves in
a ditch. On Nornan and Murphy coming within six
yards of them, they stood up from their hiding place
and presented a pistol at each. The pistol of Patrick
Dee, which was aimed at Nornan, hung fire; he snap-
ped it again, and again it missed, but the pistol of the
prisoner was sure and fatal in its aim. A ball from it
struck Murphy in the head; he fell and was dead in
a few moments. The two brothers instantly fled.
Patrick was captured in a few days, and was tried at
the last assizes and found guilty ; but as it was
proved that he had bot fired the pistol by which
Murphy was killed, his sentence was commuted from
death to transportation for- life. The prisoner was
pursued, but it was not until the month of November
the police could meet mith him. In that month he
was arrested at Liverpool, under an assumed name, on
board a vessel bound for America.

Nornan proved the principal facts of the case, and
said, the prisoner,had a pistol in each hand, whilst his
brother had but one. On his cross-examination he
was asked how he could see who fired the pistol when
he had to take oare of the man who was shot ? " Oh,
indeed," was his expressive answer, " that man's case
was over."

A smith proved that a few days before the murder
the prisoner had taken to him a pistol to be re-
paired.
A little boy, who was examined, saw the prisoner
running from the scene of the murder. He was told
by the prisoner's friends directly after it occurred,
that he would be examined on the inquest, but that
he was not to say one word about what he had seen.
Mr. (MBA made a most able address on the pri-
soner's behalf; but,

The CHIEF BARON having summed up,
The jury, without the least hesitation, returned a
verdict of Guilty.
The prisoner heard the fearful announcement with-
out moving a muscle or the slightest change of coun-
tenance. He was ordered to be removed from the
dock, and to be brought up again to• morrow morning
to hear the sentence of the Court.

In a case of robbery of arms, and in another, where

the. party was indicted for assaulting a man, and
aiding a person unknown in shooting at him, with
intent to do him bodily harm, the prisoners pleaded
Guilty as they were arraigned.
In the latter case a bill had been found against the
prisoner for a capital offence, but on his pleading
guilty to the former charge the Attorney-General
declined proceeding any further with it. The cir-
cumstances of it, however, exhibit such evidence of
the daring audacity with which offences have been
committed in this country that we state them in de-
tail as they are given by the Chief Justice in passing
sentence upon the prisoner.
The CHIEF JUSTICE, addressing him, said, you
have pleaded "guilty" to two indictments, and the
Crown is satisfied to receive that plea, and not to put
you on your trial for the capital offence, for which, if
found guilty, your life would be forfeited. But when
we look at the facts as they are deposed to in the
informations of the charge of which you have con-
feised yourself guilty, they exhibit one of the most
flagrant and sanguinary outrages that could occur in
any country. It is remarkable, even in this country,
for its audacity, and I would call to it the attention of
those to whose consideration these trials are entitled.
The case against you is this :—you and an armed
party attacked the house of John Nornan, a person
in a humble class of life, from whom you expected to
extort by threats and compulsion a sum of money to
aid you, by way of subscription, in your unlawful
purposes. There is one remarkable feature in your
case. The man had constantly paid his rent. A 1 /.
note was the sum first demanded, then los., and hav-
ing said that he had neither the one or the other to
give, you warned him to be ready with his contribu-
tion en the following Monday to aid the most nefa-
rious and flagitious system of crime that can disgrace
any country. What was the result ? This man, as
he was bound to do—and I am glad to have the op-
portunity of remarking here on the fortitude and
determination of a person in his class of life—resolved
that he, would not submit to be plundered by robbers
and assassins. He gave information to the police,
and upon the Monday night following a party of them
being admitted into the house for its protection, you
and your wicked associates, armed, came to the house
and demanded the money you made him promise to
pay that night. Such a degree of audacity is so re-
markable that it stands peculiarly worthy of public
observation. You had not the least suspicion that
the man would have dared to violate your order.
You went there with the perfect conviction that the
house was unurotected, and that he hxd not availed
himself of the right of every man—recourse to
the police officers for the protection of his life and pro-
perty. You went there with an armed body, and the
Entice in the discharge of their duty detected you in
the very fact of assaulting this man and levying your
contribution. But mark the remainder of this
transaction. You are indicted and have pleaded
guilty to the charge of having with an armed party
feloniously discharged a gunshot upon that occasion,
and by that gunshot one of the police was actually
wounded, and for that offence your life would have
been forfeited if the Crown had not in its clemency
declined to put you on your trial for that offence.
But mark what follows : the police in their duty, and
even for their own defence against this armed ban-
ditti, were obliged to fire, and one of the gang was
wounded and shot dead on the spot. No one who
has heard the facts of this case can doubt that it is
our duty to pronounce upon you the severest penalty
the law allows, and that penalty is, that you be
transported for the term of your natural life.
The prisoner with the greatest coolness walked
from the dock.

The next case was the trial of two men, named
Patrick and 2ohn Farrell, for attacking a house and
demanding a gun. Another was arraigned with
them, but as he was one of the parties engaged in the
assault of Malony's house, mentioned in our report.of
yesterday, and of which he was found guilty, he was
not put on his trial with the others.
One of the jurors who had tried the preceding case
objected to sit upon this, as he came from the neigh-
bourhood where the outrage was committed; and the
prisoner's counsel not objecting, he was allowed to
withdraw and was replaced by another.
The trial then proceeded ; and on the conclusion,
the jury not agreeing to their verdict retired from the
box, and had not returned when our dispatch was
obliged to be closed.
The rest of the day was occupied with a compara-
tively unimportant case of a man named Hinchey,
for "appearing in arms to the terror of her Majesty's
subjects."
In the case of the six men who were yesterday
tried for an attack on the house of a man named
Molony, and carrying away his daughter, the jury
found them all Guilty ; but sentence has not yet been
passed. ,

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.
MANSION-HOUSE.
On Saturday James Tytler, under warehouseman
to Messrs. Wilcoxon and Co., of Monument-yard,
wholesale lo acing-glass manufacturers, was brought
up tor final examination, charged with having plun-
dered his employers to a considerable extent.
Mr. W. H. Cooper, principal warehouseman to
Messrs. Wilcoxon and Co., said, it was the duty of
The prisoner to enter all goods sent out in the day
book, and in witness's absence to attend to the cus-
tomers, make out invoices of goods which he might
have sold, and see that they were properly packed and
set out by the porters. Witness, by the direction of
the firm, went to the prisoner's lodgings, and saw
there certain articles which had not been entered and
which had been in fact stolen from the premises.
Thomas Glennie, ironmonger, of 44, Farringdon-
street, of the firm of Nash and Glennie, said, " I have
known the prisoner for about ten years past. I
bought a chimney glass and four chairs of Messrs.
Wilcoxon and Co., at their house in Monument-
yard, in July last. I was served by the prisoner and
a air King. The amount was 71. ss. I had a regu-
lar invoice, and a Mr. Fisher called upon me for the
money at my warehouse. The invoice I received was
in the name of Wilcoxon and Co. I knew the
prisoner as under warehouseman to that firm. I
bought goods to the amount of 191. 9s. 6d.,
and also of 81. ls., from the prisoner, but for
the latter sum he had had goods from our firm. I
also bought a chimney-glass of the prisoner, for which
I paid him in cash 61. All these transactions took
place at an interview I. had with the prisoner at
Messrs. Wilcoxon's premises. The prisoner said that
as I was an old schoolfellow he wished to serve me,
and he would get the goods from his employers at the
wholesale price, as he had that privilege. I have
paid him the 191. 9s. 6d. in cash at different times,
and also the 6/. I did not inquire of Messrs. Wit -
coxon whether that was the fact, but part of the goods
were sent to me by Messrs. Wilcoxon 's van. All the
goods I bought were articles of furniture and were
delivered at my private house. For one of the
articles I bargained at the prisoner's lodgings in
Stamford-street. He said he was going to leave his
situation, and that he should be in want of money,
and that he had a chest of drawers and a table for
which he had no use. I asked him why he was
going to leave his situation, and he replied that it
was in consequence of a quarrel with one of the
clerks. I was told at the house such was the fact.
Subsequently to this I bought part of the other goods
of the prisoner, but I did not go to the warehouse to
select the goods, but gave the prisoner the order for
the articles, and he was paid 101. on account of
them by my partner. I bought the glass of the
prisoner in September last, and paid him a day or two
afterwards.
A. G. Fain, carman in the employment of Messrs.
Wilcoxon and Co., proved that he took to Mr. Glen-
nie's house several articles from the prisoner's
lodgings by the prisoner's directions.
These articles were proved to have been stolen
from the premises of the prosecutor.
The prisoner said he had nothing to say but that
he was guilty.
He was fully committed for trial.,
BOW-S7'REET.
The reporter was requested to acknowledge a do-
nation of 51. from the " Rev. S. Burgess," and ano•
ther of the same amount from " Mr. Curteis," of
Devonshire-street, for the poor-box of the court.
MAR YL EBONE.
On Saturday Mr. BROUGHTON requested that our
reporter would, in compliance with the wish of the
kind donor, acknowledge the receipt of 51. from "Mrs.
Joseph Hambleton," 8, Northwick-terrace, for the
poor-box of the court.
WORSHIP-STREET.
Two cab-drivers, named William Watson and
Daniel Driscoll, the first in the service of Mr. Lowe,
cab proprietor, in the Downham-road, Kingsland,
and the other in that of Mr. Edward Nann, cab pro-
prietor, in the Curtain-road, were charged at the in-
stance of Mr. Thomas; the secretary to the Society
for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, with the
following shocking biaitality to horses belonging to
their respective employers.
David Watson, one of the society's constables,
stated, that in consequence of an information being
laid at the office of the association by Mr. Lowe, who
complained that one of his horses, which had been
perfectly sound and in good working condition pre-
viously, had been brought home in a most scandalous
state of ill usage, he went to his stable on the follow-
ing morning, and after examining the animal's flanks
and the tender part of the thighs, found that it had
been so'cruelly whipped that the skin had been cut
completely through in several places, and was hang-
ing down in little rihands, and small pieces of flesh
taken out. The defendant came in at the moment,
and upon asking him if it was he who had beaten the
horse in that terrible manner, he replied, " Yes, that
it was of no use denying it, but that it was not alto-
gether his fault, as he had had a load of three persons
inside, had to go through Shrubland-road, Dalston,
which was a very heavy one, and that, finding the
animal was not able to drag the cab through it, lie
was obliged to lash it es he had." Understanding

that the whip used upon the occasion bore evidence
of the shameful treatment to which the horse had
been subjected, he inquired for that, and found it to
be quite stiff with the coagu!ated blood upon it.
This defendant simply said that his whip was too
short, and that he could nut whip ti.e animal where
he wished.

In the second case it appeared that Driscoll went
out with the horse, which was then perfectly sound,
about ten o'clock in the morning, and did nut return
with it until between one and two the next morning,
when upon being let in at the gates the poor brute
was observed to be in great agony and trembling all
over, and this leading to an examination into the cause
of it, it was found to be bleeding very much under
the flank from a great number of cuts, and the whole
of the tender part of the belly was beaten into a com-
plete jelly, that although it had been continually
fomented since and great care taken of the animal, it
had not perfectly recovered even yet, although mere
than a week had elapsed.
Tis defendant said, that he should not have been
able to get the horse along if he had not beaten it
where and as much as he had done.
Mr. HAMMILL in both cases condemned the con-
duct of the defendants in terms of the severest repre-
hension, and after regretting extremely that his
powers as a magistrate had been so restricted, sen-
tenced each of the defendants to pay the full penalty
of 40s. and costs, or in default, to he imprisoned
for fourteen day's in the House of Correction, with
hard labour.

Neither of the penalties was paid, and the defen-
dants were removed in the van.
CLERKENWELL.

Our reporter is requested to state that a cheque
for 51. h:as been received from the " Rev. W. Sheep-
shanks Burgess" for the poor.box of this court, with
a request that it might be acknowledged.
HAMMERSMITH.

A large number of Irish, of both sexes, making in
all forty-two families and seventy- two individuals,
appeared before Mr. W. P. Beadon, with Mr. T.
Madden, the relieving-officer of the parish of Ken-
sington, who complained that they had all applied to
him for relief, which he had granted them, but on
his questioning them as to the places of their settle-
ment they either equivoCated or refused to state from
what part of Ireland they came, and one and all re-
fused to go back to Ireland. Some of them had not
left their native country above two months, and not
one of them had obtained any settlement in this
country.
In answer to questions put by the Magistrate, a
part of them said, if they were sent back to Ireland
they had no homes to go to ; and others said, all their
friends and relatives were either dead or dispersed,
and what were they to do when they got there ?
Mr. BEADON told them, that if they chose to come
over to this country in the hope of getting work, and,
finding they could not, applied to the parish officers
for relief, they must expect to be sent back again to
their own parishes, the same as other paupers in this
country are. In all cases of Irish paupers brought
before him to be passed, he would sign the ordees and
enforce,their execution, and the relieving officer, if they
be came chargeable, could arrest them and bring them
before him (Mr. Beadon) to be passed. He would
advise the officers of parishes not to relieve any of
those who refuse to go back, and if they applied to
him he would make no order for their being relieved.
None of those present expressed any readiness to go,
and all left the court, apparently reckless as to the
consequences.

THE GOLDEN-LANE MURDER.'
Harriett Parker, who stands charged with the
wilful murder of Robert Henry Blake and Armenia
Blake, the two children of Robert H. Birke, with
whom she had been two years previously cohabiting,
was on Saturday finally examined before Mr. Tyr-
whitt, the sitting magistrate, at the Clerkenwell
police .court.
The wretched woman when brought into the court
walked boldly into the dock, and having coolly sur-
veyed the numerous assemblage in the crowded court,
seated herself in the seat provided for her.
The first witness called was Robert Henry Blake,
the father of the murdered children, who repeated the
evidence he gave at the opening of the inquest.
Mr. TYRWH ITT, at the conclusion of the evidence,
asked the prisoner if she wished to ask any questions
of the witness. The prisoner firmly said—l want to
ask him whether he is sure that it was lead tied up
in the corner of my handkerchief, as he has stated,
when I was following him about as he has described.
Blake—l am not, but I believe that it was.
Prisoner—lt was not—it was a square piece of tile.
That is all I have to ask.

Jane Jones, a venteel-looking young woman, about
20 years of age, was the next witness examined. She
repeated the evidence she gave at the adjourned in-
qu'est on Monday last.
The prisoner declined putting any question to that
witness.

John Hewlett was the third witness. He also re-
peated the evidence he had given at the inquest on
Monday last.
The whole of the witnesses who had been examined
in the case having signed their depositions,
Mr. TYRWHITT addressed the prisoner, and in-
formed her that she was at liberty to make any state-
ment she pleased, but it was at the same time his
duty to tell her that whatever she might think proper
to say would be taken down in writing, and in all
probability used against her at her trial.
The prisbner then rose from her seat, and in a firm
voice said, " I merely wish to state why I followed
Blake. He. came home at a quarter before five in the
afternoon of the 31st of December, and said to me,
' Make haste and get the tea, and get me some water
to wash me, for I'm in a hurry, and have got to meet
a girl at the top of Old-street. I'm going to take her
to the play.' I then said, If that's the case you may
go to her to make yotir tea, for I won't ;' after which
he washed himself and went out, anti I followed him
to the Duke of Bedford, where he said he had to be
at the stump or post at fifteen minutes after five. I
SAC, I wouid follow, and I would see his party ; and
he said, "fhen come, she will not be ashamed of
looking at you ;' and then we went away, mew and
him and Hewlett, to the post, where Blake said, ' This
stump knows me, and I'll kiss it for the sake of them
I'm going to see;' and he did kiss it, and he looked
at Hewlett and laughed, and said (pointing to me),
' 11.' hat do you think of her ? She is jealous ? Hew-
lett laughed and made some remark, and hoped we
should be comfortable. We had previously been in a
liquor vault, and nad some gin. Well, from the stump
we came down Goswell-street, where Blake said,
Hewlett (alluding to me), I can get her monkey up
at any time; I'm going to meet a little wench.' He
went down Fan-street, and back to the Duke of Bed-
ford, and I lost sight of him up to to-day."
The prisoner here raised her voice, and pointing
to Blake and Jones, said, " Him and that woman
there has been the cause of all our misfortunes, and
the death of the children lies at their door. Until
he became acquainted with her we had plenty, but
during the fortnight he knew her, me and the chil-
dren had nothing to eat but bread and dripping.
That is all."

Mr. TYRWHITT then committed her to Newgate
for trial.

Previous to her departure she said to Waddington,
the gaoler, she wished to be hanged, and hoped she
would not be transported. Her firmness astonished
every one in court.

EXECUTION OF PATRICK REID
FOR THE MURDERS AT MIRFIELD.

YORK, JAN. B.—Long.before daybreak this morn-
ing the carpenters were busily engaged in erecting
the scaffold, and soon after their work was completed
the unhappy youth—unhappy as regards his sad fate,
and a youth as applied to his age, having only attained
the age of 20—was removed, as is customary, from the
condemned cell, and conducted to a room set apart for
the purpose close to the spot where he was to expiate
his offence. During the forenoon he was attended by
his spiritual advisers, who administered to him the
peculiar rite of the Roman Catholic Church, of which
he was a member.

Between eleven and twelve o'clock the operation of
pinioning was commenced, and shortly before the fatal
hour the Under-Sheriff, Mr. W. Gray, arrived at the
Castle, and in the usual form, demanded the body for
execution. The culprit being brought forth, the
mournful procession was formed, and moved forward
to the scaffold, in front of which an immense body of
persons were assembled.
Long indeed before twelve o'clock, the hour of exe-
cution, crowds of T fisons were wending their way to
the fatal spot in order to secure the best positions for
seeing the proceedings at the drop.
At precisely two minutes past twelve o'cl9ck the
unfor unate culprit, attended by the usual ilfficials,
came with a firm step upon the scaffold. His first
appearance drew forth from the crowd mingled emo-
tions of sympathy and execration. As soon as he had
approached the front of the scaffold, where the fatal
rope was suspended, he turned his back upon the
spectators and knelt down. Dr. Gil'ett, the Roman
Catholic priest, then also knelt, facing the culprit, and
read aloud a long form of prayer. When the reverend
gentleman had given his parting benediction, both
rose, at precisely twelve minutia pest twelve o'clock.
Reid apparently regained his feet without any diffi-
culty. He then turned towards the spectators, seem-
ingly with the most perfect resignation to his fate, but
with a countenance ghastly pale. Howard, the county
hangman, then advanced, and having firmly secured
the culprit's legs put on the black cap, and with much
seeming care adjusted the hope round his neck. But
a moment more elapsed, and the profound silence, with
which the spectators had viewed these preliminaries,
was broken by the drawing of the fatal bolt, which
excited some involuntary manifestations of a chilling
horror, as the body dropped—dropped, we regret to
say, not with the effect of instant deprivation of
life, but to strangle rather than hang the unfortu-
nate man, owing to the looseness of the rope, which

considerably bent the neck. Nevertheless, not !nor e
than two minutes elapsed before the evidently seve.
expiring convulsions were over, and the world Clot ed
upon the murderer for ever.
It had generally been rumoured that some reins rks
to the people would be made by Reid on the scan' Ad,
but this expectation was not realised, and many of
the morbidly curious spectators expressed disappoi .nt-
ment in consequence.

He did, hois;ever, just before the fatal bolt was 1 .e.
moved, make the following statement to the of ra
around him :

" Well, gentlemen, I wish to say that I alone am
the guilty person, that 1114Cabe is entirely innocent;
that no human being in the world had anything to dw
with it but myself."

There were present at the execution probably
not less than between thirty thousand and forty
thousand people of both sexes, of all ages and .
classes. Probably on no occasion has an executio• a ,
within our recollection, or that of our readers, dray ri
together so vast a concourse of spectators. Besi, Is s
bringing together a very large proportion of the in• -
habitants of York and its more immediate vicinity ,
many towns•in the West Riding added their *ion, •
sands to swell the general throng. From L eedit,
Huddersfield, Dewsbury, Mirfield (the locality
the murders), Halifax, Bradford, Wakefield, Barns—
ley, Pontefract, and indeed from every other place,,
great and small, contributions of inhabitants to the.
vast multitude took place. Some idea of the propor-
tion which Leeds bore, may be formed from the fact,
that by the 7.20 A.M. train alone there were conveyed
to York more than 1,000 extra passengers. All the
available carriages were put into use, and still hun-
dreds were left behind, at that time, to be conveyed
in a subsequent train. This, however, gives but a
very imperfect estimate of the number of persons
that went from Leeds to York, as it is exclusive of
pedestrians, many of whom, even- as early as the
previous night, left this town to visit the scene of the
execution.

It was stated in York that no execution has been
attended by so many spectators at any period, except
those of Eugene Aram, for the murder of Daniel
Clark, at Knaresborough, and Mary Bateman, for
poisoning, at Leeds.