The Sun.
London, England, 1870-11-11 00:00:00

R CO TEMPORARIES--

.This Morning

THE ARMISTICE NEGOTIATIONS,

The armistice, says the Tinted, iii the opinion of calm
spectators, failed becatioi each side saw an intolerable
disadvantage to itself iu aceepthig the t,nms of its adver-
sary. The Paris G, vent ui t an. I garrison might
reasonably object to negotiate for a suspension
of hostilities (01 conditions which would allow
their greatast enemy, famine, to carry oti its opera-
tions against them without a moment's. cessation.
They might ask how could hostilities be said to cease when
every cart of flour, every ox or sheep, which might ap-
proach Paris from beyond the lines of the enemy would
be stopped and seized. This is obvious enough, and yet
the Germans may with justice reply that the introduction
of victuals into Paris would operate more. unfavourably
for them than the mainteeaoce of the blockade would
operate for the Parisians, regard being had to the actual
situation and prospects of each. The blockade is the
siatus-Oo ; if it had continued during the Armistice, the
Parisians would not be worse 01 than they are now, and in
case of the resumption of hostilities they would only
be where they would have been supposing there had been
no Armistice, except on the assumption that within
twenty five days the French could by force introduce into
the capital a supply equal to twenty-five days' consump-
tion. Viewing the matter in this light, it is 'easy to
understand that the Germans might be really/ sincere
in wishing for the election of a French Assembly,
and yet decline to purchase it at so manifest
a sacrifice. We are told, and eau readily believe,
that the military leaders rejected the notion of victualling
Paris as something utterly inadmissible and out
of the question. They • simply pointed out that, as
things were, the German armies found it hard to live,
and asked how they were to find food for two
millions of people. Twenty-five days' provisions for
Paris, even on the shortest rations, would be two months',
provisions for themselves, and were they to give up all
this to an enemy who might. and very probably would,
reject the preliminaries of peace ?
To secure that the conflict, the Dimly News oberves'
should not extend beyond the original parties to it,
and to seize every opportunity of bringing the bellige-
rents face to face in friendly negotiation, without need-
lessly obtruding ourselves upon the scene, or affecting
to dictate terms to them, have been the objects of
English diplomacy. The efforts of England have not yet
been successful ; but in bringing M. Jules Favre and M.
Thiers into conference with Count Bismarck, it is pos-
sible that some steps have been made towards ultimate
success, or to a more equitable peace than might otherwise
be possible. A wise moderation has strengthened her
position with both the hostile Powers. She has not spent
her strength in futile overtures. Whatever grumblings
may come from the one Power or the other, both believe
in her hearty goodwill. If any new opportunity offers of
mediation, she will approach it with renewed strength.
At present the prospect is dark. The Foreign Minister is
not officially informed of the cause of the rupture
of the negotiations. M. Jules Favre lets out what,
except officially, was never a secret. The negotiations
broke off on Count Bismarck's resolution—and without
technical and plausible ground of right—to continue,
during the so-called armistice, the siege of Paris by star-
vation, the most effective weapon in his hand, and the
instrument by which Metz was reduced. Perhaps the
fact that no peace was in sight save a peace by the sur-
render of French territory and French citizens to Germany
confirmed the resolution to endure yet longer the calami-
ties of war.

THE POLICY OF GERMANY.

The Telegraph, commenting on the effect of a German

"occupation" of France, says the political attitude
England may be finally forced to adopt, in presence of this
unprecedented catastrophe to a great nation, may not seem
very clear to us just now. But there cannot be a doubt of
the strong national sentiment of horror with which we
should see Germany, strong in the might of prosperity,
trampling out the national life of France. At the
beginning of this war English opinion was largely enlisted
on the side of Germany ; it is the fault of the Germans
themselves if it is changing. After Sedan they had an
opportunity, such as a nation has seldom possessed,
of returning home with glorious laurels, unstained by
a single drop of blood needlessly shed. They
had dethroned a mighty dynasty, had destroyed a
great army, and had a great nation at their feet.
They had done this, not in any unprovoked aggression
like former conquerors, but fighting for happy homes and
altars free—fighting really in defence. Now they as-
sume the position of aggressors. It is they who would
push too far the claims born of conquest, and
would exaggerate the usual demand of the vic-
tors in war. They do so against the public
opinion of the best and most thoughtful men in
Germany is amply proved by the protests of Herr Jacoby
and Carl Voght. They do it against the strong and newly
roused opinion of England—of England in her every
aspect, political or social, official or popular, commercial,
industrial, or literary. In all times of foreign
war, English opinion is divided, for we cul-
tivate here the utmost license of dissent ; but
we doubt whether, at present, there could be
found a single English periodical or journal of any kind
to defend on principle the forcible seizure of Alsace and
Lorraine. At the Mansion House banquet the Lord
Chancellor denounced " mere aggression and military
glory." Mr. Gladstone emphasised his known opinion
that peace, when made, must be " sound and just,"
and "founded upon principles agreeable to the
ideas and to the just sense of modern civilisation,
and. in conformity with the convictions of civilised man-
kind." It is obvious that these official utterances re-
echo only the general sentiment of Englishmen—namely,
a profound horror of a cruel war carried on through lust
of territory, or for the military glory of entering an
enemy's capital amid the pomp and circumstance of
success.