The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-13 00:00:00

POOR-LAWS.

Mr. P. BORTHWICK said
he had a motion on the paper
br a Select Committee to inquire into the state and operation
of the laws which relate to the administration of relief to the
poor in England and Wales, and he wished to know whether the
Right Hon. Baronet would grant him the Committee without
his saying one word upon the subject?
Sir R. PEEL said he could not accede to so important a
motion without any previous discussion taking place upon it.
He put it, however, to the good feeling of the Hon. Gentleman
not to interpose his motion in the way of the adjourned debate.
Mr. P. BORTHWICK said he had tried to get his motion
placed first on the list that day fortnight, but unsucces.fully.
Yet he put it to the House whether they would not give him
the same position on Thursday fortnight as he held last night.
He hoped the Government would, as he had yielded so much
to them by enabling them to resume the adjourned debate, as-
sist him in this matter.
Sir R. PEEL said he was se rry lie could not give the Hon.
Gentleman the assistance he desired.
Mr. BORTHWIUK said he was very sorry to be placed in
the position which he then held; but the House would agree
with him that the question WAS not second in importance
even to the corn-law itself—it was a question of the
most vital importance to the country. Ile would,
however, leave it to the fate of the ballot, trust-
ing that when tke time would come for its discussion,
her Majesty's Government would not forget the sacrifices
which he had made.
Mr. HUME moved for a copy of all reports to the Admiralty
of trials made at Woolwich, Portsmouth, and on board the
fleet, of Mr. Rettie's signals for the prevention of the collision
of vessels at sea ; and also on his proposed signals of distress
at night. He held in his hand a list of no less than thirty-six
vessels run down in the Channel, from the want of some proper
regulation upon the subject.—The motion was agreed to.
Mr. HUME moved for leave to bring in a Bill to relieve the
ropemakers of the United Kingdom from the eperationa of the
Factory Act.—Agreed to.
The Hos. MEMBER then moved for a return of the total
amount cf sosts and law expenses incurred and paid during
each of the ten years prior to the Ist day of Janu.try, 1846, by
the four following trusts, viz.—the town council of Glasgow,
the trustees for managing the river Clyde and harbour of Glas-
gow, the trustees for managing the bridges over the river
Clyde, at Glasgow, and the trustees for managing the markets
of Glasgow, in preparing, promoting, opposing, and also the
expenses of deputations in any way relating to Bills before
Parliament, and for all other Parliamentary and law proceed-
ings connected with each of these trusts, in prosecuting, de-
fending, or in any way relating to judicial and Parliamentary
proceedings; distinguishing the amount incurred and ex-
pended in each year for each such trust ; stating the particular
business or proceeding in which such costs or expenses were
incurred; and the pet sons by whom they were conducted, and
the persons to whom these moneys were paid in each year for
each trust; and also the aggregate of law and Parliamentary
expenses for each trust, in the ten years up to January, 1.846.
His object was to show the immense expenses which were in-
curred by legal proceedings, with a view to some remedy being
applied to prevent their recurrence in future.
LORD LINCOLN AND MR. HILDYARD.
On the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate,
Mr. lIILDYARD rose and said that he wished to take
the first opportunity of replying to a charge which had been
made againstt him byhe Noble Lord was reported to
the Noble Lord the Member for
the Falkirk T
Burghs.
have said that he (Mr. Hildyard) had imputed bribery to the
Noble Lord. Now, in the strongest language which the
rules of that House would permit, he begged to
deny that he ever did so. He was perfectly aware
that this was only the assertion of one man against the asser-
tion of another, but he thought when he referred to the news-
papers published at that time that they would bear him out in his
assertion. He would not trouble the House by reading his own
speech, but it could not be considered as hostile to the Noble
Lord. He would, however, read a portion of the Teach of
the Noble Lord which had reference to himself. The
Noble Lord had represented him as stating that,
notwithstanding the lavish expenditure of the other
side, they would be enabled to gain the victory.
Ile certainly bad stated at the election that bribery had been
practised for the purpose of securing the return of the Noble
Lord, and he maintained the same opinion now. But he did
not then believe that thatbribery had been practised by the
Noble Lord himself.—( Hear, hear ) He really c mid not per-
ceive how the Noble Lord could make the statement which he
bad.—(Hear, hear.) But he did impute bribery to the Free
Trade Committee at Nottingham, end be would now state to
the House why he did so. At one of the polling-places during
the election, two men were pointed out to him by some re-
spectable people, living in the town, as having received 2'. a
piece for their votes. He went to those two men and they
repeated the same thing to himself. He went to another poll-
ing place. and a man'went up to him and said that he had
been offered 231., and another man was pointed out who had
bad the same offer. He then went to another polling-booth,
and he stated what he had heard. He was perfectly willing to
te against
retract the
admit that he ought not to have made the charge of bribery
tHraedaer,bohdeya,r.a)nd hTehewaNsebnlnewLpeerrdfechtlayd e
willing
that the county was canvassed before he vacated his seat.
Now, he (Mr. Hildyard) could assure the Noble Lord that he
Lad been strangely misinformed upon the subject. The first
intimation that he (Mr. Hildyard) heard of the election taking
place was a letter from the Noble Lord himself, asking for his