The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-09 00:00:00

on authority which led him to believe the facts were as
he had stated, and if so, such interference was wholly
unjustifiable in point of policy, and a gross violation
of the law of nations. But he had also been informed,
on the same high authority, of another and more
flagrant breach of international law. It must be well
known to their Lordships that for some time. the King of
Naples, in the exercise of his undisputed and indis-
putable rights, having succeeded in arranging affairs on
the Continent, had been making preparations to obtain
the restoration of his authority in the island of Sicily.
In such a case this country had no right to inquire into
the theoretical or practical abuses of the kingdom of
Naples, nor to ask whether the constitution of that
country was such as she could in theory approve of
We had no right to inquire whether the Sicilians had
any just cause of complaint, and still less had we any
right to interfere with any efforts which the King of
Naples might think fit to make for the restoration of his
authority over any portion of his revolted subjects. If
our mediation were asked by either party, or if it were
necessary to prevent any effusion of blood, God forbid
he should complain of such interference, but unless our
mediation were asked, our :clear, plain, and distinct
course was to ;remain wholly neutral. He wished to
ask whether the Government had practically recog-
nised that principle, or whether it was in
execution of orders sent out by them that the
fleet in the Mediterranean had entered the
Bay of Naples, and surrounded the vessels prepared
for the purpose of transporting the Neapolitan troops to
Sicily? and although there might be no distinct, inten-
tion to prevent the sailing of that expedition, stilt the
British fleet was placed in a menacing position towar.is
it. That was a matter with regard to which the House
had a right to be informed of the intentions of her Ma-
jesty's Government in placing that' fleet in such a posi-
tion. He had a right to ask, and the Clouse had a right
to know, whether the British admiral had any instruc-
tions to prevent, or in the slightest degree to interfere
with any expedition which the King of Naples might
send forth for the purpose of endeavouring to re-estab-
lish his authority in Sicily, or will he be left, so far as
British authority is concerned, free to use his efforts for
the object he has in view? He held that up to the pre-
synt time they had not recognised the independence of
Sicily, and he made it matter of complaint, that not
having done so they had laid down conditions ou which

they would recognise that independence. The state of
affairs between Naples and Sicily was not such as to,
warrant our interference, for the struggle was still goieig
on, and was at present of ' doubtful success. .He
was told that when the Sicilian Assembly elected the
Duke of Genoa as their King he was saluted by the Bri-
tish fleet off Palermo, and further, that the same vessel
which brought to Sicily the attache to the British Em-
bassy, also conveyed from Sicily the delegates sent to
offer to the Duke of Genoa the Crown, which, however,
with great judgment, he had thought it expedient to de-
cline. Such interference, ho repeated, was highly un-
justifiable, and contrary to every principle of interna-
tional law. The questions ho had to ask were—first,
whether there had been any interference on the part of
the British Government with respect to the internal
affairs of Sicily, the form of constitution she might think
fit to adopt, or the Sovereign she might think fit to
choose? and, secondly, whether any instructions had been
given to tee Admiral on the Mediterranean station to in-
terfere in the slightest degree with the free exercise of
the authority of the King of Naples, or whether, if he
sent a eqaadron to reduce to obedience his revolted sub-
jects in Sicily, it would be allowed to proceed to its des-
tination without hindrance on the part of that Ileet?
For the sake ot proceeding in accordance with the forms
of the House, he would conclude by moving an address
to her Majesty, for copies of correspondence between
her Majesty's Government and the British Ambassador
at Naples.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said be felt it quite
unnecessary to follow the Noble Lord through all the
details of his lengthened statement, but he had no hesi-
tation in giving him such information as was in his power
at present with respect to the nature of that interference, if
it could be called such, which her Majesty's Government had
exercised regarding the differences existing between the
Two Sicilies. Before he did so, however, he felt anxious to
remove an erroneous impression which appeared to exist in
the minds of the Noble Lord and others of their Lordships,
namely, that there had been on the part of the British Go-
vernment in this transaction, any desire to accomplish the
separation of the Two Sicilies. In the differences that ex-
isted between the King of Naples—with whom they were,
and, he sincerely trusted, would long continue to remain, in
a state of amity—and the kingdom of Naples, their desire,
wish, and interest, certainly was to maintain the connexion
which had hitherto existed. Long after those disturbances,
to which the Noble Lord adverted, had commenced, the
whole object of the course taken by her Majesty's Govern-
ment, both previous and subsequent to that mission which
had been alluded to in somewhat contemptuous terms by
the Noble Lord who brought forward the motion—the
whole object of the Government, he repeated, was to main-
tain the connexion between the two countries. Nis Noble
Friend (the Earl of elinto) had only gone to the State of Sar-
dinia, because he was earnestly solicited so to do by the King
of Naples, and when there, both by counsel and advice, he
did all he could to promote the adoption ot those measures,
through the instrumentality of which the only chance existed
of friendly relations being maintained, and he begged to in-
form the Noble Lord opposite that instead of being received
with scorn and disrespect they were received in a spirit of
amity. At that time the British Government had every
real -n for hoping that the first and favourite object of their
interference would be accomplished. Indeed, there was a
period when their friendly suggestions were on the point of
tieing accomplished, but changes took place in the councils of
his Neapolitan Majesty which created unexpected obstacles
io their being carried into effect. Our advice, counsel, and
action were directed to the abject of maintain.
ing the friendly connexion of the Two Sicilies, and
that object alone ; sad it was froni the want of no
exertion on their part that the issue had not been otherwise
than it turned out. The Noble Marquis having passed a
warm eulogium on the zeal, skill, and efficiency of Lord
Napier, who was entrusted with the business of this country
Naples,at proceeded to observe, that from the time it became
manifest Sicily world not remain part of Naples, their good
wishes for Naples, their anxiety to favour the people, and
their interest for the family of the King of Naples, did not
cease with this new feature of things. They were most anx-
ious to use their influence that a Prince of the House of
Naples should be chosen Sovereign of that kingdom, which
had become perfectly independent, as it became more and
more evident that the people of Sicily were so united and
displayed such military powers, that they would maintain
:heir independence. The British Government did not with-
hold that counsel or advice which they thought necessary
under the circumstances, but it was unaccompanied by any-
thing like a condition or the semblance of a threat.—(Hear)
Their opinion was in favour of ,the form of Govern-
tnent based on monarchical principles, rather than of the
form of G,,vernment founded on republican principles—ad-
vice which he considered it was sound for them to give, and
desirable for the Sicilians to receive. Assuming that that
advice was successful, the British Government did not hesi-
tate to add their conviction, that a monarch should be
selected from some of the allied states, and that the selection
should not be the means of introducing a foreign Prince into
Sicily. Looking back to this advice, he expressed his belief
that it was such as they had not the slightest reason to
regret. The Noble Lord was quite wrong in supposirig the
British Government required an assurance from the Duke of
Genoa, or that any such representation was made to the
King of Sardinia. With respect to the question which the
Noble Lord put in reference to the fleet under Admiral
Parker, he could assure the Noble Lord that the Gallant
Admiral went of his own accord to Naples, relative to an
explanation which he deemed necessary, in connexion with
a transaction which had no reference whatever to the contest
between the kingdoms of Sicily and Naples.
Lord STANLEY stated that he had no desire to press his
motion, but he could not conceal from their Lordships that
he regarded the answer of the Noble Marquis the President
of the Council as extremely unsatisfactory ; nor was it such
an explanation of the views and principles of the Government
on a matter so important, as the country had a right to ex-
pect. It was quite clear, that at a period when the King of
Naples had not resigned all hope of re-establishing his own
authority in Naples, the British Government had felt it con-
sistent with the duty they owed to a friendly Sovereign, to
offer advice to the insurgent Sicilians as to the mode in which
they should constitute themselves an independent country.
The Noble Marquis had stated that no condition was allsed
to that advice ; but was it not manifest the British Go-
vernment informed Sicily, that so soon as she could esta-
blish a sovereign free independent state, so soon this coun-
try would recognise the independence of that state, being
in itself no small inducement, if not a condition, to pro-
ceed to the election of such Sovereiken. The Noble Mar-
quis had not denied that the British Government informed
those revolting subjects of the King of Naples, that it was
their wish the Sovereign so selected should be an Italian
Prince, and if an Italian Prince, the eon of the King of Sar-
dinia, a course certainly inconsistent wish the conduct by,
which they should be influenced towards all allies, and with
that:strict neutrality which it was their duty, as well as
their interest, to maintain between a mother-country and
her revolting dependents. Moreover, it was giving counsel
to persons in arms against their Sovereign, and whose posi-
tion was not so successful or complete, as tor secure
aui they
rwreere-
cognition of them, as an independent power, d
give e'n t.
thweass support ritneaf
condition, diintiot thea at spaegsiatilnesn; the
ee
British
Sovereign, GGovernment
He thought they hada right
their co-operation and support.
Englano, and to tell the Sicilians how they might best secure
between insurgent forces in
the
_e
to know whether the British Government still intend to
maintain strict neutrality
and
Italy and the King of IC 91
to, or throw any obstacles in
he might think tit to send to-
wardswhich, at the present mo-
ment,tahney way person
of, t o
anyi
n offer
forceff
he r
i opposition
power,
whichand ''
whether they authorised
he
egwainas
intimidated from sending by the control of
tließritish fleet on the waters of Naples? He asked whe-
ther, as matters now stood, they adhered to neutrality, and
if they did, it was impossible that a British Admiral could
endeavour to prevent any expedition which the King of
Naples might send forth for the recovery of his lost domi-
nion, as he had a right and authority to send, and any inter-
ference with which could not take place on the part of Eng-
land without a violation of the law of nations.
The Earl of MINTO explained the circumstances con-
nected with the presence of the fleet at Naples. It was un-
derstood:Bert:h.
ofi
ta tssAhal
dc
iemlial Naplesronau lrrspe.atur Parker
eeerTheses steamer,d frome
romenfautnchgdeeatel wdas
baawrteceieaerreessoonbft
orC oo
board,ut rugfohu witph
over
ea rhd.
hatooni sNutmeadpb
sons to ascertain their cause of complaint. The access was
refused, and this circumstance he (Lord Minto) thought
would prove more than sufficient ground fbr refusing an ex.
planation. The Admiral then took upon himself the duty
of judge, and he was certain that the judgment of that dis-
tinguished officer, as on previous occasions, would be found
most prudent and firm. He (Lord Minto) denied, as Lord
Stanley seemed to insinuate, that he had proceeded some-
what officiously to Sicily. He was most unwilling, in the
first instance, to go there, and he had not done so except at
the urgent entreaty of the Neapolitan Sovereign and Govern-
ment, his object being to maintain the connexion betwi,en
the two countries.
The Duke of ARGYLL expressed his deep regret that the
British Government had thought it their duty, at no early a
period, to recognise the kingdom of Sicily. It was for the
interest of Italy that there should be consolidation and not
division. He felt confident that the Government intended
to maintain the connexion between the two countries; but
he regretted they had so soon looked upon the King of
Naples' efforts to regain Sicily as impossible. •
Earl GREY said that when the proper time arrived th
Government would be able. to show that they had not acted
in this matter without due caution. They now laboured
under the disadvantage of being unable. from prudential mo-
tives, to explain the justice of their policy.
The Earl of MALMESBURY considered his Noble
Friend's (Lord Stanley's) question remained unanswered,
and, therefore, he should again very distinctly and briefly
ask, with the yiew of getting information, VAS the bet