The Sun.
London, England, 1870-09-23 00:00:00

GERMAN UNITE.

One at least, says the Daily News, of the bedt guaran
tees for the future peace of Europe depends happily now
no longer on Franca. It is already practically
realised, although the precise system by which it
is to be brought into operation is still under
discussion. We mean the creation of an United Geri
many. This great result, the necessary issue of the pre-
sent war, is 'now being deliberately arranged among the
statesmen of the German Empire. We may venture to
anticipate that the scheme of Germany's reorganisation will
have for its basis the constitution of a single Federal
Parliament, for North and South alike, into
which the present Customs Parliament will be
merged. There will be, no doubt, a single
army for all Germany, under the command of the Sove-
reign of Prussia; a common diplomatic representation, and
a single Federal Budget. Bavaria, in right of her popu-
lation and her importance, will probably require a pro-
portion of votes at the Federal Council Board larger than
any other State except Prussia, and she may, for reasons
of dignity rather than convenience, seek to be allowed
separate diplomatic representation at Paris, Vienna, and
whatever building or institution may hereafter stand as
the Papal Court. But we believe there will be no difficulty
on the part of the associated German States in assenting to
these exceptional conditions ; while, on the other hand,
Bavaria, Saxony, Wurtemburg, and Baden are all
equally willing to become members of a Federation
under the leadership of Prussia. Of course, each State
wiil retain its local self-government and its local
Di,t. Thus the old " Staaten-Bond "is quietly to be
transformed into a " Bundes-Staat." It will, in fact,
be a Federal system like that of America or Switzerland,
only that each separate State will have a Bing for its
governor or chief magistrate. A Republic with a
King, be it observed, is by no means an absolute novelty
in the history of European Constitution.
M. jiII,ES FAVRE'S MISSION.
The Telegraph has reason for the belief that the
reports of M. Favre's return to Paris are not incorrect ;
while, at the same time it must regard the gloomy infer-
ences drawn from that return as at least premature. The
return of M. Fevre to the capital may easily be regarded
as really a means of saving time and trouble, by a refe-
rence to his colleagues which could entail only a brief
period of travel, and might avert much perplexity and
delay. It would be rash to conjecture from the incident
even that the preliminary stage of the negotiations
has been completed, and that difficulties requiring the
Provisional Government to be consulted have arisen
In the muola more serious stage of the discussion affecting
the future securities of Germany against French attack.
M. Favre probably quitted Paris at first with a clear
enough understanding of what might and what might not
be conceded to the German demands. But it is question-
able, if he was so wall prepared for the quest Anna, at first
sight secondary or indeed completely trivial, with which
Count Bismarck chose first to grapple, and a reference
to his oolleagues on the mode by which they should
remit their temporary authority to the nation
might well be forced upon the French Envoy,
by the not quite anticipated inquiries, put in Count Bis-
marck's hard, dry way, as to the status and powers of the
"Committee of Defence." Although no hasty desponr
dency need be excited by M. Favre's seturn to
the capital, tt is impossible to look for a favourable
solution when those vital questions shall be broached
which must determine the concluffion of peace, or the
ttt=tl=4:l= of

WORKMEN'S INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITION.—Agri-
cultural Hall, Islington.—The number of visitors, exclu-
sive of season ticket-holders, exhibitors and others, on the
22d inst., was 8,628.
GARRICK'S CHAIR.—An interesting and valuable
relic of the greatest actor who ever adorned the British
stage is now in the possession of Mr. Fred Williams, of
Saltley. It consists of an antique chair of solid oak,
curiously carved, bearing on the border of its back panel
the inscription " David Garrick, 1774, Grub-street," and
upon the panel itself the Shaksperian motto, " All the
world's a stage." A larger chair, adorned with the name
and titles of Sir Godfrey Kneller, carved in a somewhat
similar fashion, is also in possession of Mr. Williams.

In a supplement to the London Gazette of Tues-
nay, published last night, it is notified that Earl Gran-
ville, K.G., her Majesty's Principal. Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs, has received from her Majesty's
Ambassador at Paris a copy of an official communi-
cation frmn M. Jules Favre—that the blackade of the
Coast of Pro,:sia and the North German Confederation
in the North Sea by the French naval forces has been
raised.

(11:N11UL PRESS TELEGRAMS. )
AID OF THE SICK AND WOUNDED.

Yesterday Mr. Baillie Scott presided at a tnee.ting: of the
committee appointed at Brechin, to collect subscriptions
and material for the relief of the sick and wounded French
and Prussian soldiers. Reports from twenty districts
were received. Over £4OO had been paid in, while nine
districts had not yet reported. It was resolved to
traiieinit q 0 as a first instalment to the National Society,

in London

THE SINGULARCHARGE OF ATANSIE, &TIGHTER

AT MANCHESTER:

A fortnight ago a man named Plant; a Publican,
from 'derby, was fired at in a lodging-house, in London-
Roa, Manchester, by a fellow lodger, named
Peacock, and died a week ago. Peacock is a returned
Australian, and very eccentric to say the least.
His story is that Plant was breaking into his bedroom to
steal some gold-which he carries about his person. The
magistrates, hover; think. Peacock guilty of great rash-
ness, and have committed him for trial. for Manslaughter.
The Coroner's jury upon the body (4 ?Milt have returned
a verdict of " justifiable homicide."

MR. JACOB BRIGHT ON TIIE WAR.
[CENTRAL PRESS TELEGRAM.]
Last night Mr. Jacob Bright, at a political meeting in
Manchester, spoke at length on the Wll.': Ne said those
who take a desponding view of human events point to the
fact that even in the present stage of history, even when

the world is supposed to be more civilized than it has ever
been, wars are very frequent and very destructive, and
they argue from that that it appears unlikely that reason
will ever exercise any very great sway in the affairs
of nations: Although I am as much averse to
war as any man in this country; I am not able to join in

. _
that desponding view. There are some considerations
arising out of the wars of recent years which enable one
to hold up a brighter prospect. In the first Place, wars
are shorter than they have been in past periods of history;
_ _ _

but wars are not only shorter than they used to be, but in
my opinion there are far juster and less frivolous results

arising out of the wars of the present time than arose out
of past wars. Formerly, when a war was
concluded, the whole of the arrangements that

were made were made in the interest of sovereigns

by statesmen who cared very little but to minister to the
ambition of sovereigns. Now I think when a war con-
cludes the arrangements that are made are made to a very
large degree in the interest of the people—(hear, hear)—

and according to the clearly-expressed will of the people.
That being so, I suspect that whereas formerly the set-
tlements were of such a nature as to leave legacies for
future wars behind them, the settlements now are very

likely indeed to give to the world some better chance of
remaining at peace. The Italian war of 1859 first began
to accomplish the great objects of Italian unity,
By that war the stranger was made to quit Italy, and the
Italian people were left to the management of their own
affairs. Well, I undertake to say that that was a good
thing for Italy and a good thing for Europe, and I believe
that one cause of war has been removed by the settlement
that has been thus made. (Hesr, hear.) The next war
began in 1861, in the United States of America. There
we had a gigantic war lasting for four years. -Nobody
can say that that led to frivolous, to unimportant,
or to useless results. There was a great

question engaging the attention of the people
of that continent, and leading to useless

strife ; the question which, I believe, we 'shall nearly all
of us agree, could never have been settled considering the
state of mind of the people North and South, excepting
by some great catastrophe which came in the shape of
those four years of war, and that question was now
settled for ever. (Cheers.) There is nobody who will
deny that
,the peace and prosperity of that country are
tenfold more secure now than ever they were before. The
next war was the German war of 1866, of which this
lamentable war now going on is only the sequel. How-
ever we may lament this war, and however we
may regret that human beings have not more
rational modes of settling their differences and
of arriving at great objects—(hear, hear)—we must at
the same time, I think, admit that it is not a matter of
small interest that the German people should be a united
people, that it should be able to protect itself from foreign
interference, and be allowed to work out its own salva-
tion, so to speak, in its own way. I think that is a great
thing to have been accomplished, and that it is for the
good of Europe. Events may, of course, occur which will
make many persons who have looked at this struggle with
sympathy for Germany change their minds, or
at all events matters may take such a course
as to chill that sympathy to some extent.
(Hear, hear). lam not sure that they will; I hope they
never will. I hope that when the great constitutional
struggle begins—(because after this war there will be a
great constitutional struggle in Germany, for bear in
mind that Germany is despotically ruled, and has few
constitutional rights)—l hope, I say, that when the great
struggle begins, and with it the people of Germany ask to
govern themselves according to their own ideas, that the
German Government will never be tempted by the great
victories it has obtained to try to divert the attention of
thepeopleby again'resorting to military enterprise. (Cheers.)
A word with regard to France. France is getting very
severe punishment. France, in my opinion, deserves
punishment. (Cheers.) lam not going to say how much
she deserves, but the Government of France has bad for
years the contemptible ambition of desiring to annex first
one bit of territory and then another, instead of looking
at the condition of its own people, and doing what states-
men could have done to alleviate their condition. I say
that contemptible ambition deserved punishment, and I
believe that it will be for the future good of France that
it is receiving punishment. I believe that, in spite of the
great humiliation that at present afflicts that country, she
will yet be amongst the greatest and noblest of Europe.
What she wants is a stable and honest Govern-
ment, but before she can have that Government,
France must have an instructed people. I believe that

if the people throughout the provinces of France were
to-day as much instructed as the people of the towns of
France they might support Republican institutions. I
for one, and, I believe every liberal mind throughout
Europe, would be very glad to see France supporting
Republican institutions. (Loud cheers.) There seems to
be no other mode of final settlement of the governmen
of that country, and there is no family, is no dynasty that
has any root whatever amongst the people. (Cheers.)
A good deal of criticism has been extended

to the conduct of our own Government during this
great war. Well, I myself have a feeling that their con-
duct has been in all respects, so far as I know. precisely
what the majority of the people of England would have
wished. (Cheers.) We have all of us noticed, lam sure,
that Mr. Gladstone—(cheers)-- and Lord Granville have,
from the closing of Parliament till now, been almost inva-
riably in or close upon London. I believe, knowing some-
thing of the public character of these two men, from
having had great opportunities of watching it, that there
are no two men in England more desirous to have
peace and to make peace, and I believe that
there is not the slightest opportunity that can
offer itself with regard to a possible pacification at the
present time which these two men would not take advan-
tage of to the fullest extent of their ability. (Cheers.)
Amid all these wars of which I have spoken, it is a very
satisfactory thing that England has maintained her neu-
trality. Some people tell us that this is a sign of the
growing selfishness of this country. I believe that it is a
sign of the growing knowledge of this country, and of the
wisdom which generally, at least, accompanies knowledge.
We are told sometimes by some portions of the Conti-
nental press, and here and there we hear a voice to the
effect, that England is losing her influence on the Conti-
nent, losing her position by the course she is taking, and
there are some weak men in this country, who are
influenced by attacks of that kind ; but if we want to
know whether the influence and position of England are
suffering at the present time, we cannot do better than
look to the fact that Lord Lyons is trusted to apparently
a greater extent than any other foreign Minister, who
undertakes the work of pacification. (Cheers.) So far
as one knows, from what has passed recently, there
appears only one question which would seem to be likely
to involve England in war, I mean that of Belgium. I
am not going to discuss that question, but at least I will
offer this opinion of my own upon it. I believe, in spite
of the treaties which have been made now two
or three times over, placing this country under obligations
with regard to Belgium, in spite of these treaties made in
the ignorance of the people that of the whole question
were as thoroughly discussed during an election at public
meetings and on the hustings as the Irish Church measure
was discussed at the last election, the great majority of
the people of England would say that it was better for
them and for everybody else never to be tempted to
invade the continent of Europe either upon that or upon
any other pretence.

CACAOINE.—Cacoa nibs on the removal of the oil fall
into powder, and this powder is cacitoine. Caco.oine contains
neither sugar nor any Other admixture whatever. Cacb.oine makes
one of the lightest, thinnest of warm drinks, and is the most de
Firable of all for use in the later hours of the day. Cacioine, by
reason of the ingenious method by which the oil is removed, pre-
serves all the fine natural flavour of cacao nibs.—Prepared only
by James Epps and Co., Homoeopathic Chemists, 112, Great Rus-
sell-Fftreet ; 170, Piccadilly ; and 48, Threadneedle-street ; at their
Works for Dietetic Preparations, Euston-mad. —ADVT.