The Sun.
London, England, 1870-12-08 00:00:00

ONE PENNY.

GENERAL BUTLER'S SPEECH ON
ENGLAND.

The full text of General Butler's lecture sant' le relations
between England and the United States occupies several
closely-printed columns of the New York papers. At the
present crisis it will be read with interest. It created
some excitement in Boston, and was listened to by over
3,000 persons. After referring to the abrogation of party
distinctions in America by the war, he proceeded to
arraign England for her offences against the
national dignity and honour. Imperial France was
quite as early in recognising the belligerent rights of
the rebels, and quite as unfriendly in attacking
Mexico, but in the latter case it did no injury, and the
former offence was not followed by any other act. No
rebel cruiser was fitted or entertained in any French port.
No pirate was let loose to prey on American commerce
by Napoleon. No man can doubt that the English Go-
vernment heartily desired that England's only successful
commercial rival should be crushed. Some persons argue
that the Americans should delay settlement of their
claims until England gets into a war, and then let loose
other Alabamas from their ports to prey upon her com-
merce. Such a course would be neither statesmanlike
nor magnanimous. It would be sneakingly cowardly. " Let
us rather," said the speaker, " stand up in the strength of
our nationhood, and fearlessly and boldly claim the rights
which belong to us, insist upon their being respected, and
that all questions between us and Great Britain be
adjusted at once and for ever, so as to take away all cause
of unfriendliness between two powerful nations of the
earth." He would deal with this question independently
of the mere legal rights of the parties as determined by
public law. He only saw that the English Government
was hostile, and that her hostility was harmful to the
United States. They claimed reparation. The question
was, how were they to enforce their rights ? By declaring
war ? By no means. The United States would
never lightly declare war. They were not a
war-making Government, but only a war-carrying-
on Government when war was made upon them.
General Butler said if England would not make repara-
tion he would treat her as he would treat a vicious neigh-
bour who gave vent to his enmity by darkening his
windows, he would have nothing to do with her—neither
buy nor sell, nor would he, after due notice, hold diplo-
'eatic or commercial relations with her until full reparation
were made. Complete, thorough stringent non-intercourse
was the remedy, and not a ca us belli under any law of
nations. Now was the opportunity, because Prussia and
France would be ready, on recovering from their exhaus-
tion, to take from the States their surplus in cotton and
food, while the protection given to American industry,
and the saving to the country by the non-importation
of British goods would be immense. The United States
Government ought to assume and pay all ascertained
losses of the Alabama claims. But after all the great
injury could not be compensated in money, and the best
reparation would be for England to remove future causes
of collision. He did not ask for Canada and the provinces,
but he should be willing to assume the Alabama claims
and settle all possible differences between the two
countries to-morrow, if Great Britain would leave the
Western Continent and let her provinces choose for them•
selves in future. More difficult complications were, how.
ever, daily arising between the two countries, which
in the interests of both nations demanded the
immediate settlement of the Alabama claims. General
Butler then proceeded to trace the • history of the
North American fisheries, whose importance, he said, was
very early appreciated both by France and England. He
cited the several acts and treaties relating to them, and
loudly condemned the conduct of the British and Canadian
authorities throughout, denying the interpretation they
put upon the Treaties of 1818 and 1854. Canada, he said,
now that the Reciprocity Treaty was annulled, had re-
vived the oppressive laws passed before it, and had even
dating the present summer arrested some American
&barmen. Such things could not continue, and a
colision was inevitable if the fishing rights could be
pre;ected in uo other way. If the Government was
powerless to preserve American rights through diplomacy
a alllision was desirable, because then the series of
injuries would be terminated in a manner that would
astonish diplomacy. The settlement of the Alabama
claims by withdrawing British power from the Continent
and giving the Americans an ocean-butyl Republic, was
in the interests of peace, not of war. No statesman, nor
patriot, could desire war. As a nation, they knew what
war was and its effects. Certainstimid Anglophobists
said this course would bring on war, but it would nut do
so unless England chose to add violence to hostility and
injustice. He asked no other language of instruction to their
Ministers than that given by Queen Elizabeth in 160
when she settled British rights of fishing with Denmark.

And you shall further declare that the la* of nations
- - -

alloweth of fishing in the sea everywhere ; as also of using
ports and coasts of princes in amitie for traffique and
avoidinge danger of tempests : so that if our men be
barred thereof it should be by some contract. We acknow-
ledge none of that nature." He said nothing of the
keen sense of wrong and injury, but he could not forget
there were 1,600,000 Irishmen in that country eager to
avenge the wrongs done to their mother land by British
tyranny. He could not forget that many Southerners
who fought against the Government were longing once
more to fight under the starry old flag. He could not
forget that in such a war they had no commerce to lose,
and as a Republican he must remember that of the
two million votes of the Democratic party,
twelve millions were those of naturalised Irish-
men, who would join the Republicans in supporting
a war with England. As a politician he had every incen-
tive to such a war, for it would perpetuate the Republican
party in power for more than a generation. Therefore,
when they asked for their just rights and indemnification
should England offer them such a war with such causes,
such hopes, and such memories, every patriotic American
ought to address to her Majesty's Government a portion
of the prayer they were taught in childhood, " Suffer us
not to fall into temptation."

SAILORS AT CONFIRMATION.—A. special confir-
mation service was held at St. John's Church, Weymouth,
on Monday morning, by the Right Rev. Dr. Moberly, the
bishop of the diocese, for the men and boys belonging to
her Majesty's training ship Boscawen and other sailors
belonging to the Channel fleet. About 313 sailors received
confirmation.

THE LONDON SCHOOL BOARD.—It has perhaps
not been generally observed that as Miss Garrett is the
candidata for a seat at the London School Board who has
obtained the greatest number of votes, by the regulations
issued by the Privy Council, she would be entitled to pre-
side at the fir.t meeting of the board, at which that body
will proceed to choose its permanent chairman. This
will be no small stride towards the assertion of what are
called woman's rights. To the inquiry—frequent enough
—Where is the board to sit? it is answered suggestively,
either in the commodious council chamber of the Metro-
politan Board of Works, or that of the Common Council
of the City of London—most likely the former.
The representatives in London of the New York
journals clearly enjoy a privilege not accorded to their
brethren of the English press. Cabinet secrets are
flashed across the Atlantic of which English readers
have not the faintest suspicion. For instance, the New
York Times of the 24th informs its readers, in the most
familiar way, that " Granville sent his note to Russia
without waiting for the approval of his colleagues,"
prefacing the statement with the unnecessary remark
that "it is noticed with more than surprise." Then we
learn that at a Cabinet Council held on the 23rd it was
resolved "to aiopt a more moderate tone towards
Russia, and seek to conciliate her," the leading members
of the Government denouncing a rupture because it
would be unpopular, and for the more substantial reason
that the country is unprepared tor it.
DEATH OF A. FRENCH NOVELIST.—Madame
Charles Reybaud, the authoress of many charming and
original French romances, who was also known in the
literary world by her maiden name of Henriette Etien-
nette Fanny Arnaud, died last week at Nice, in her 67th
year, after a long and painful illness. She was born at
Aix on December 13th, 1802, being the daughter of a
distinguished physician, who gave her a liberal education,
and inspired her with a love of study. After her marriage
with M. Joseph Charles Reybaud, a French litterateur
Re:: Emns:pgzagn:;:: 1839 ;
(who died in 1864), she went to Paris and wrote stories in
the Constitutionnel while her husband was conductor of
that journal, besides contributing to various periodicals,
and especially to the _Revue des Deux Mondes, a
separately. The scene of most of them is laid in Provence.
number of romances which were afterwards published
Her principal works are :—" Les Aventures d'un
" Thdresh,"
" Le Chtiteau de Saint-Germain," 1836 ;
11e8s36et; Franc_aises," 1837 ; " Pierre," 1839 ;
" Vald4peyras," 1839 ;.
1840 ; " Georges et Fabiana, ' 1840 ; " Gabrielle et Lucie,"
M
1840 ;" Le cdne de Chaalis " 1843 ; " Mademoiselle
de Chazeuil," 1844 ; "Rose," 1844; " Gdraldine," 1844 ;
" Sans Dot," 1845 ; " Les Deux Marguerites," 1845 ' •
" Mademoiselle de Malepiere," 1845 ; "La Derniere Bo-
h6mienne," 1856 ; " "
Helene," Mise Brun," "Le Cadet
de Collobribres," " Le Cabaret de Gaubert," and " L'Onde
C6sar," 1859. her work " Les Anciens Convents de
Paris," which was published in two volumes in 1848, has
been translated into English.