The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-15 00:00:00

of Wilts ; and would the protectionists the county'
-efer to the conditie,n of the people who composed
'hat meeting' r.s they appeared in the moon-
light? NN hat lad been said at Goatacre was
no novelty, for' The protection system had existed
tor a long tin-,e, laud the condition of the people had
been the sarie for the isst 23 years. In 1824 an in-
quiry was made by the 'louse of Commons as to the
state of wages and labour, and by referring to the
report made they would find that the state of the
peasantry was such that it could not be worse, and
that any change must be for the better; and the wit-
aesses examined had givers it as their belief that it
was the wretched condition of the people that had
tempted them to crime. It was quite conformable to
chose inquiries that these people should be almost the
last in the scale of society. Some years ago some
siommissioners were appointed by Government to
form a scale of society, and the agricultural labourer
was literally at the bottom of the scale—below the
felon in gaol. It was 12 years ago that a gentleman,
he Member for Bedford, and a Conservative, made a
aersonal inquiry into the cause of the condition of all
labourers who were confined in gaol in many f the
agricultural counties for causing riots and incen-
diarism—(Hear, hear)—and, although a Conservative
in policy, declared that the condition of these unfor-
;unates arose from the low state of their
ovages leading them into the commission of
,rimes against their employers.—(Hear, hear.)
How could they prove anything in favour of their
system, by saying that when the price of provision
.vas high that wages increased in proportion, and that
if foreign competition were introduced into the mar-
ket the land would gouncultivated? Why, the poor
men at that meeting in Wiltshire had declared that
during forty years, whenever the price of provisions
had increased, the wages had not been increased in
oroportion, and that if the food or the means of getting
it were secured to them, they would take care that the
land would not go to waste.—(Loud cheering.)
If they could not point to these people as a specimen
of the benefit of the system of protection, how
could they even answer the question of
llow have you supplied them with food ?"—(Loud
cheering.) had these men been supplied with food—
(No, no.) Had no t the last four or five years
shown them the-fallacy of their system ? They had
stated that the country of' itself produced enough to
iupport the whole of the people, but let them prove it
if they could.—(Hear, hear.) They brought scien-
tific men to their protection meetings, who told the
farmers what they " could, would, might, and should
lo," if they adopted the measures recommended to
them, and that a public improvement would be the
result of those measures, What they all said was very
true, but they should let the land under circumstances
that would enable them to go to the trouble and ex-
pense of making these improvements. Lord Stanley
sad once said in the House that the agriculture of
this country required a gl=oat improvetheut, but no
man could be expected to improve land unless a secu-
rity was given for the duration of his interest on that
land by means off` a long lease, as the extent of their
improvements would depend very much on the time
they would have to occupy the rand.—(Hear, hear.)
He would ask if they had any prospect at
present of leases being more generally
given? At the meeting of the Agricultural
Protection Society, last Monday, they had said that
it was necessary for them to increase their influence
in the counties; but would they do so by giving
leases to the farmers ?—(No, no, and loud cheers)
The fact was, that the farmers would never be allowed
leases. A committee of inquiry had been asked for
in the House of Coromons for the last three years by Mr.
Cobden, but one was never given, although he had asked
over and over again, and they would not grant one
at all if more active measures were not used.
Well, the farmers, too, had had their meetings upon
this question of free trade as well as others. The
f inners felt that they had their grievances to complain
of in common with other classes in society that were
affected by the operation of the corn-laws ; and
at the meetings they had attended they declared
that the establishment of a free trade system
would not have the effect of doing them the
least possibly injury.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr.
Villiers) had had recently a great deal of communi-
cation frequently of late with men of the highest
respectability, who stood in the position of represen-
tatives of extensive landed proprietors ; In fact, they
were the agents of some of the Peers of tne realm,
who were amongst the largest landowners in this
country. To ore of these gentlemen, in particu-
lar, he had addressed himself, and he asked
him if he concurred in the opinion that the repeal of
the 'corn-laws would be injurious to the tenant-
farmer ; and his answer was That there was no gen-
tleman in the country more surprised than he was at
the strong feelings he had heard expressed amongst
the tenant-farmers in favour of the repeal of the
corn-laws.—(Hear.) Tnat gentleman said to him
(Mr. Villiers) that he had repeatedly heard the
farmers say that they would not have the least
fear as to the result of a repeal of the corn-
laws, for they could not conceive how such a measure
could injure them.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Villiers)
then asked the same gentleman what were the bene-
fits which he conceived would be likely to follow the
measure, or what the results expected to flow from it:
in fact, he asked him, if the corn-10:
were
repealed, what was his estin" "s t ne loss which the
farmer would be supposed to sustain ? The answer
of the gentlemen wag to this effect—That he
had asked ills; same questions of the farmers; that he
asked them, on behalf of the nobleman whom he re-
°resented (as kind and generous a landlord as ever
lived), whether they would wish, in the event of the
corn-laws being repealed, to have clauses inserted in
their leases enabling them to cancel those leases six
months after the corn-laws should be repealed ? The
farmers said they would take time to consider. They
did consider the matter maturely, and the result
was, that they all declared that they did not wish to
have the clause inserted.—(Loud cheers.). Well,
the advocates of protection said that such a measure
would be the ruin of the farmer—the total, utter ruin
of the farmer; but, in reply to that assertion, he
(Mr. Villiers) had the assurance to the contrary of
this gentleman of whom he had been speaking—
(Cheers)—a gentleman of the highest respect-
ability, honour, integrity, and one who, if he
were to be summoned before a Com-
mittee of the House of Commons to give
evidence upon the subject, every word he uttered
would carry with it weight and importance, by reason
of the position which he held.—(Hear.) He (Mr.
Villiers) would now read to the meeting an extract
from the speech of an agricultural gentlemen,delivered
at a recent meeting in the country of more than
20,000 persons, in order to show what the sentiments
of that gentleman were upon this question. The Hon.
Member then read the extract, which was to the effect
that he declared himself a country 'squire and extensive
farmer, residing in the neighbourhood of a manu-
facturing district; but from that fact, he did not
think it would be fair to make the state of the agri-
cultural labourers in that district a criterion by which
to judge of their general position, and: therefore he
had taken care to acquire information in counties
that were strictly agricultural ; and after having
made himself acquainted with the state of
the agricultural labourers' condition in Dorsetshire,
Gloucestershire, the Isle of Wight, and several other
agricultural counties, he had no hesitation in saying
that their condition was so bad, that it would have
been necessary for him to have sought in the work-
houses for many skilful labourers."—(Loud cheering.)
Now, he (Mr. 'Villiers) did think it was a very im-
portant fact that the farmers of this country, who
really understood their interest, had so powerful an ad-
vocate in their favour as the gentleman from whose
speech he had been reading that extract.—(Cheers.)
Such speeches were the more calculated to give con-
fidence to those who opposed the corn-laws, from the
fact that those who were opposed to free trade were
far from unanimous.—(Cheers.) They did not agree
amongst themselves even in their own speeches.—
(Hear.) He recollected that Lord Salisbury made
a speech at one of those protection meetings, in which
the Noble Lord declared that so far from protection
being excessive, his Lordship did not think they had
half enough of it.—(Laughter.) But Lord Essex
happened to be present at the same meeting, and
yet, strange to say, he did not utter a word upon
the subject.—(Laughter.) His Lordship certainly
did say, that with regard to the inferior descriptions
of grain, he was of opinion that the duty upon those
ought to be removed, and that they should be admitted
duty free.—(Laughter.) But it was rather strange,
that while his Lordship was quite willing to admit,
duty free, all descriptions of agricultural produce,
that could be required for the feeding of cattle, he
had not said one word about that which was required
for feeding the people.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now,
with respect to the advocates for the continuance of
the burdens upon land, he (Mr. Villiers) would defy
any man who read their speeches to say that any two
of them agreed.—(Hear, hear.) Why did they not,
if they felt that they were right, bring in their Bill,
which they had so often been solicited to do ?
(Hear, hear.) Because they well knew that if they
did so, it would apply to the exemptions as well as
to the burdens ; and they also well knew that the
exemptions would be found to preponderate.—
(Loud cheers.) Men of even moderate politics
were in the habit of speaking of the proba-
ble effects of a Divine calamity or a scarcity ; but
now their argument was, that at the present moment
the country was never in a more prosperous state, and
that therefore no change was necessary. Some men
were advocates for changes in everything but the one
most
terfere with the corn-laws, then they insisted that
people
shouldir let wtetlhle l moment it
v' proposed to inu'gashter.) Now he
ied; buaone.—(La
could not disguise from them who now heard thm,
the fact that those were the class of men who, the
more universally advantageous any measure was
likely to be, which should be introduced into the
Legislature, the more strenuously would they oppose
it, and therefore the advocates of free trade should

leave nothing undone to defeat such opposition, be-
cause it was the opposition of the most interested and
unpatriotic party that ever arrayed itself against the
people. (The Hon. Member concluded amidst the
loudest acclamations.)
Mr. HOUGHTON next came forward. He com-
menced by saying that he never once stood up to ad-
dress a public meeting under circumstances so pecu-
liarly embarrassing as those attending his appearance
on the present occasion. His embarrassment was
increased by the fact of the importance of the present
crisis, by the eloquence of those patriotic gentlemen
who had preceded him, and by the fact of his having
abandoned the opinions he had formerly entertained
upon this question.—(Loud cheering.) He would
have no hesitation in saying to the meeting
that, if he did not conceive he had had
sufficient reasons for changing his mind upon
this subject, he would deserve to be denounced
in language as strong as that which cha-
racterised the speech of a reverend gentleman recently
in Staffordshire, who had denounced Sir Robert Peel
as a traitor to his country and his religious principles.
(Laughter.) Now, he (Mr. Hou,,Fhton) was cer-
tainly a traitor to his country in that sense, because,
for t wenty-flve years, he had been expending his money
and his time upon his estate, and had also been ad-
vising those around him to do the same in the way
most approved by protectionists.—(Hear, hear.)
However, he had since changed his mind, and he had
no hesitation in saying that protection was the parent
of idleness.— (Cheers.) Let him ask when it had ever
been known to prosper. Look at it with respect to
the silk trade. When protection was about to
be removed from that article it was said that the re-
sult would be the ruin of that trade; yet, strange to
say, that so prosperous had been that trade ever since,
that now the silk trade of England had hoisted the
flag of triumph even in India.—(Cheers.) The same
observations applied to the wool-growers. He was
an extensive wool-grower, and upon that point he
had expressed his opinion to that great and good
nobleman, now no more—he meant Earl Spencer—
(Cheers)—to the effect that the wool trade would be
ruined by the removal of the protection duty ' • but
that nobleman assort(' him that that trade in Eng-
land would be better than it ever had been, and the
result proved that his Lordship was right.—(Cheers.)
Well, let him now turn to another article, that of pigs.
Why, they wanted all the fat pigs they could get, and
if the Americans sent more of them, they in Eng-
land would be glad to receive them.—(Laughter.)
Then with regard to beef. What was the case
there? They, it seemed, had in the same country
beef always fat—oxen ready for the knife. But what
was the real fact? Was bacon cheaper? No; it
was as dear as ever. So was beef; and therefore he
contended, that all this fear was perfectly ground-
less.—(Hear, hear.) Then, again, wool was no
cheaper now that they had free trade in this article.
He would maintain this, that if protection, as was
stated was good, they had since the days of Huskisson
been going backward, and every movement, as
certainly as day followed night, had been a step
nearer to free trade. Why, the very hat that he wore
was a French hat ; and had not the hatter in this
country an equal right to come forward and claim for
protection. But did he do so ?—(Cheers.) His own
opinion was this, and he would beg their patience one
moment while he stated it. They had now had the
corn-laws for thirty years. It was therefore no new
acquaintance. He had himself had occasion to give
evidence before a Committee of the House of Com-
mons; he had also attended meetings when distress
had bean the cause of their assembling ; and now for
some facts illustrative of the working of the protective
system. In 1822, when the corn-law was
most stringent, he would read them one
line of what took place at a meeting held in the
county of Kent, in consequence of unusual distress,
and they prayed for a change in the law.—(Hear,
hear.) And yet this was in the very height of pro-
tection. They were then under the law of 1815—
yes, in the very year when the corn protection was
at the highest. Again, in 1829 and 1830, when corn
produced the highest prices, they had in fact no corn-
law at all, for prices rose so that the duty was com-
pletely thrust aside. Then, with respect to 1836 and
1837, the price of corn was only 355. and 365. per
quarter. Why? Not because of the corn-laws, for
they gave a protective duty of 38s. a quarter on
wheat.—(Hear, hear.) Then, how was it in 1840
and 1841 ? Why, then again they had no corn-
laws at all, and there was the utmost distress in the
country, and they were glad to get corn from any
part of the world.—(Hear, hear.) When corn was
at the highest price known in this kingdom—when
the corn-laws were the most stringent, then the
greatest misery, distress, and destitution prevailed
among the farmers. In 1835-6, a Committee of the
House of Commons sat on this subject, and after a
great deal of deliberation the result was, that they
gave no report at all, but said that the distress arose
from over-production—it could not be because of the
importation of corn from abroad.—(Cheers.) This
satisfied him that corn-laws had not effected who
they were intended to do; because it was '
corn dear or cheap that these '

to make
Aavvs were passed,
certainty in its prices.
• _.,wered that end ? In 183.5, the price of
neat was 365., in 1841-2, 'the price of wheat was
74,.—(Hear, hear.) The conclusion they must come
to was, that when they had a beneficent season corn
was cheap, because abundant ; and when they ex-
perienced an unfavourable season, they were compelled
to get it from other countries. Now, he would in-
quire how the corn-laws had acted upon the interests
of the classes they were originally intended to bene-
fit? For instance, with respect to himself, he had
heard many say, that the repeal of them—what ?
they said that the repeal of them would ruin the
Church.—(Cheers, and bursts of derisive laughter.)
From that `opinion he (Mr. Houghton) differed en-
tirely, and he differed for this reason—he loved
the Church ; and he would tell them another reason
also. He thought that the repeal of those laws would
be the first means of making all parties hold out the
right hand of fellowship to each other—(Hear)—for
in the eyes of all right thinking Churchmen starvation
in any degree could not by any possibility be good
for the country at large. At present large masses
met. About what ? About these measures, and they
were the one opposed to the other ; therefore, he
said that the repeal of these laws would unite them
in the bonds of peace, and be productive of good to
all parties.—(Cheers.) Then, again, it was said
that this measure would ruin the aristocracy.—
(Hear.) He had a great veneration for that
body, but he did think that the alterations
of this law would do more to raise that body in the
opinion, the good sense, and the good-will of the
people, than any other possible measure.—(Cheers.)
Now he, for one, could not stand—what ? Why, to
hear that they, the farmers, were a privileged class.
He did not wish to belong to a privileged class, and
he would throw down the gauntlet and cultivate land
on free trade principles against any man.—(lmmense
cheering.) Let them but have free trade—(Con-
tinued cheering)—and fair play, and what Mr.
Villiers said that night, he (Mr. Houghton) would
repeat, that the burdens on the land might be heavy,
but let them see "the Bill;" and then they would be
able to settle the precise amount of them. And now he
would make one or two remarks with respect to leases.
He himself held a great quantity of land, perhaps as
much as ony one man in England—(Hear, hear)—
and he held it all by leases—(Cheers)—and he would
indeed be a traitor if he were not prepared to come
forward. For what ?—To take leases for as many
years as the landlord would give him—(Great cheer-
ing)—aye, and at the same rents as he now paid for
them.—(Continued cheering.) Now he must be ex
cured for offering a few more suggestions.—(Cries of
"Go on.") Then, in the first place, he maintained
that the fears now expressed by the landlords were
groundless ; but there was another question that he
would just refer to. It was said that land would go
out of cultivation. Ile once recollected the lamented
nobleman of whom he had already spoken, saying to
him, when the repeal of the corn-laws was mentioned
as a thing probable, " Let other countries
send over their wheat. 'We shall be as glad to furnish
a market for them as for ourselves. We shall, in
fact, be then one large family." Now, with respect to
the land going out of cultivation, he (Mr. Houghton)
did not believe any thing of the kind. On the c(ri-
trary, he believed that it would be the means of in-
creasing cultivation. Ile would now say a few words
with respect to leases ; and looking back to the last
thirty years, and judging by experience, whether
the state of the landed interest had improved or
retrograded, he should say that the great and many
changes in landed property augured very ill for the
prosperity of landlords and tenant farmers. These
changes, especially to the lattter class, looked any-
thing but profitable. And now he would look
to the condition of the labourer.—(Hear, hear.)
He did not think that the last thirty years
had been beneficial to them.--(Hear, hear.) -lie was
sure that a great change on the whole system as re-
garded them was wanted, and if the meeting would
allow him to say one word, he would tell them what
he thought ought to he done to bring about a better
state of things. And first, he would say that every
labourer ought to have a little land.—(Great cheer-
ing) He considered also that great attention ought
to be paid to their dwelling-s, and he thought that
every man should be educated. Ile believed also that
it would be greatly for their interests to let them have
a lease, for then they would take care that the land
would not go out of cultivation. They would be
thrown upon their own resources, and in those sea-
t sons when the labour was greater than the demand, they
would have something to fall back upon.—(Cheers.)
He thought that the land should be let exactly at the
same price to them, that it was in the same parish, and
the nearer they were to a town the better.—(Hear,
hear.) That would really be the means of benefiting
the labourer. Now with raspect to tenures, he
thought that tenure should be granted as a security
to the tenant. He saidse 'urity to the tenant because,
although he (Mr. Houghton) had the very best land-

but to ensure
Had they AT--

! lords in the world, he would ask them for this security
. of tenure—and why? Simply because of the uncer-
tainty of life.—(Elear, hear.) And he would ask this
also because he had a large farm under lease,
and a large sum invested in it ; and if he had
not this security of tenure, what could he claim as
security ? —(Hear, hear.) When another man com-
menced trade, if he had not the money, he perhaps
found a friend to assist him; but if a man commenced
farmer, and required a large sum to begin with, the
friend to whom he would apply would look rather
hard in his face—and why? Becaua he had not the
security of tenure. Let them look to Scotland, where
the security of tenure had existed for years, and let
them observe the palmy state of agricultural pros-
perity there. Let them introduce it into Eng-
land, and the same results would follow.
That was his opinion with respect to tenure.
There was one other thing he would shortly state to
them—he referred to the exclusive burdens on land.
lle agreed with Mr. Villiers that the landlords should,
however, bring in " the Bid." He argued that they
had some burdens which pressed rather heavily on
the land, hut if they ha I a clear stage and no favour,
they wo'ild ask for no further protection.—(Cheers.)
But admitting that they had heavy rates, let them
ee how the proceeds were expended; and he would
first take the county rates, and he would say of this
rate that no money could po=sibly be expended in
a m ire wasteful and eetraysgent manner. The county
with which he was himself connected—he meant
Berkshire—and there he would instance a point.
The meeting might have heard of the gaol of Reading,
where every description of architecture of the most
expensive character war exhibited. Why was this ?
Because the gentlemen of Berkshire thought it would
look well from the railway. If they had their ex-
clusive burdens, they were doubly mischievous from
the manner in which the funds arising from those
burdens were managed. There was another part of
this story which he would like to bring before them,
and that was with respect to Ireland. These laws
were made for that country, and he might state to
them that he was himself connected with that coun-
try. Now, after thirty years experience. they had it
from the petition presented the other day to the Queen,
that the country was in a worse state than it had ever
been—that, in fact, its population was starving.—
(Hear, hear.) He did not think that these
laws could be deemed beneficial to the
country ; but he did think that bad legislation had
something to do with it, and that many of the mise-
ries of that country might be ascribed to this. He
asked for them what he would ask for himself, and
that was, that some alteration should take place in the
present system of the corn-laws. And he would ask
the gentlemen who were present at that meeting to
lose no time, to leave no stone unturned, until they
had given some relief to that unfortunate country.—
(Cheers.) He could tell therm that by their united
exertions they would soon carry the repeal of this
measure. And now he would tell them of a fact that
occurred within his own knowledge in that country.
If true, he would call on her Majesty's Legislature to
remove the gentleman he would refer to from the
commission of the peace, and if false, then let then,
take him to the Old Bailey—(Cheers and laughter)—
and there let him hang by the neck until he was dead.
He said, and he repeated, that persons in Ireland were
not fairly dealt with. They had county rates there
as well as in England, and they had treble the amount of
assessment. When a presentment was brought forward
by a gentleman for his own use and benefit, it.was
tried by the judges, and it was thrown out and can-
celled. It was then taken before another judge, who
quashed it. What was the answer of that gentle-
man when remonstrated with on the subject ? The
petition against the presentment, he might observe,
was signed by the most respectable of the cess-
payers. What was his answer ? He said, "He would
take care that these devils had not another pound of
limestone."— (Indignant cries of " Name, name.")
That was the fact, and he could give the name if they
required it. The Irish farmer did not care for the
corn-laws. All he asked for was fair play.
The Irish did not think so much of the corn-laws as
the want of good roads, and in this respect he wanted
an alteration for them as well as for himself. If
what he had stated was not true, let the Government
send over to Ireland and inspect the roads, and see
the state they were in at this moment. The Irish
farmers, in fact, had no roads at all, and they were
often compelled to carry limestone on their backs to
burn upon the land.—(Cries of " Shame, shame.")
Now that was the state of Ireland, and he for one
said, and he hoped the meeting would join with him
in declaring, that the time had arrived when they
ought to be improved. He was sorry for having
detained them so long, but when he knew what
did know, he could not help speaking out. min;
required to be alleviated as well in Ir'
.and as in this
country, and he would tell tis-
'
would effect that oh:- ...ern what he thought
ment, and he e-' ,sect. Land wanted improve-
-.lied Government to bring in a Bill to
.► the raising of money upon entailed estates
.or their improvement, at about 4 per cent.—(Hear,
hear.) There was another step they ought to adopt.
When an English merchant sent out a vessel to Ame-
rica, he was compelled by law to provide proper ac-
commodation for emigrants, if he carried any ; and
why should not the landlords of Ireland be compelled
to provide suitable accommodation for their depend-
ants ? For his part, he would have first, second, third,
and even fourth-rate dwellings for the Irish tenantry ;
and this plan could easily be carried out, if Government
would only adopt the plan he had just suggested.
And what would be the consequence ? Why, it would
give satisfaction to everybody, and the tenant would
live in a decent dwelling-house instead of a filthy
hovel. It would be the means of conferring great
benefit upon trade in that country, and would inter-
fere with no interest whatever. There was a ques-
tion in Ireland, too, as well as in this country,
respecting the Church. He once wanted to bring
to the notice of Sir Robert Peel a Bill that would
have enabled parties to rent land, which was Church
property, upon a fair and equitable tenure. Some of
the county Members approved of this plan, but de-
clined to support it, because they said it would have
the effect of interfering with the Church establish-
ment. What nonsense it was for men to talk in
that way. It would improve instead of injuring the
Church; and if his plan were adopted they might de-
fend upon it they would have in Ireland less of agi-
tation and more of cultivation—less of agitation and
more of education.—(Cheers.)
Mr. T. M. Ginsos, M.P., then came forward, and
was received with great applause. When silence was
restored, he said—Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentle-
men, after the excellent speech of Mr. Villiers, and
the very practicable and useful address of our friend
Mr. Houghton, an extensive agriculturist,, it would
perhaps ill become me to trespass long upon your
time, but this I will remark, that it seems you have
not thought, from the vast assemblage collected in
this house this evening, that it is wise at pre-
sent to consider the measure of the repeal of
the corn-laws entirely carried. It has occurred, I
dare say to many, and it has been remarked by some
in my hearing, that it is hardly worth while to attend
a meeting on the corn-laws now that the leaders of
the two parties, Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Rus-
sell, have taken the question into their care ; but let
me beg of you to remember that the question is still
in your hands.—(Hear, hear.) From this fataln2iss"
take of considering questions not finally have
carried a
not being in the hands of the
there been many disappointments to people'
h e cause
of liberty. The liberties of a nation were
never given—never yielded by rulers to the
people ; they have been always rung from rulers by
the steady, the persevering, and the unshaken ex-
ertions of the people themselves.— (Cheers.) Who
knows that Sir Robert has yet decided what question
he shall submit to the Legislature, and who knows but
that this very assemblage here this evening may give
him power to dictate better terms to the Cabinet
Council ? Who knows that this assemblage may not
have great weight in inspiring Ministers with the
courage to propose, and the ability to carry, a good
measure ?—(Cheers.) We are in the position of
a person standing by the bed-side of some
worthy matron. We do not know whether
it is to be a boy or a girl.—(Cheers and
laughter.) We do not know yet what is to be had,
therefore I say it becomes us not to desert our duty,
but to watch and be satisfied with nothing but a per-
fectly healthy child.—(Cheers and laughter.) Our
worthy Chairman named that child, and it is the total,
the immediate, and the unconditional repeal of the
corn-laws.—(Cheers.) This assemblage ! what a
contrast is it with those poor and pitiable meetings of
our opponents. Why, your Chairman has maintained
that at some protection meeting, that a cat might be
discovered if she went amongst the listeners ;
but here I will venture to assert, that if tine
whole of the Central Society for the Protection
of British Agriculture, that assembles in the front par-
lour of No. 17, Old Bond-street, were put into this
theatre, you would not know they were here at all.—
(Cheers and laughter.) Perhaps some of them are
here, and I wish they may be. They are going, it
seems, to fight the League with its own weapons.
They are going to try the registration courts ; they
are going to try the manufacture of votes, as it is
called. Thus, though they condemned such a course
as highly immoral and unconstitutional, yet it seems,
they are going to try it themselves. These are
the persons, who, though favourable to unrelaxed
protection, have no great objection to relax-
ing morals—(Bear, and laughter)--and so they are
going to use our weapons. Well, then, perhaps we
may live to see a rival house—not Drury-lane.
that Let
me advise them not to be so aspiring as all
first. They had better try a smaller house,e
and I will
suggest to them the Strand.—(Hear, and d laughter.)
I am quite sure our excellent friend, the Chairman,
if
they are unwilling to try at first a theatre upon their
I own account, would let them some portion of these
boxes to some of the principal members of the Central
Society for time Protection of Agriculture, when they
might attend and speak for themselves. We would give