The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-19 00:00:00

StJN,

told, and he knew, that the Bill was unconstitutional in
its principles ; and the great question was whether the
present state of affairs justified the application of any
such measure. The great want of Ireland at present
was security for life and property ; and the position of
affairs was certainly somewhat anomalous with regard
to those who should be resident in that country. They
were told that they would be punished for non-resi-
dence ; and if they did reside, the probability was that
they would be shot from behind their own garden walls.
He could not feel, however, that such powers as those
now sought for should be accorded to the Government.
He had been for a long time in doubt and difficulty on
this subject, and he had at length come to the conclu-
sion that he could not support this measure.—(Hear,
hear.) The great evil in Ireland was, that the people
were misled—and yet this measure was directed against
those who actually committed the evil, and not
against those who had misled the people to it.—
hy did they not stop the grievance at its source?
Why did they not attack that monster grievance
agitation, which he believed to have been the source and
origin of the present state of crime. The Govern-
ment of England had never attacked the origin of
crime in Ireland. They had not gone to the root of the
evil, but they had gone to extremities in order to repress
the effects of a system which was working mischief.
Tee law of Elizaheth might be applied to Ireland, to
compel the landowners to find work for those who were
not employed, and if such a measure had been proposed
in conjunction with the present Bill, he thought that
he could have consented to any degree of severity. It
e as, however, a monstrous evil that the language which
was used to the people of Ireland was such as to pro-
duce msichief. The principle of agitation had been in-
culcated. The people were told to agitate, yet they
‘ve,e told of their millions and their physical strength.
It reminded him of the trial of Mr. Cobbett, when there
was read from one of his Registers a caution to the peo-
ple of Dorsetshire and Wiltshire, when so much
incendiarism prevailed. Mr. Cobbett said to the
people that they were wrong in burning a
hay-rick here and there., for they did little
harm, and the diabolical Whigs were watching
theta, and would hang them if they could as they would
hang him. He, however, mentioned that there were corn-
fields in the adjacent country, some of which were four
or five hundred acres in extent. 'rLi corn was very ripe
at that time of the year, and exceedingly inflamable.
There were public pathways through it, and he cau-
tioned them not to smoke their pipes as they passed for
fear of a cidents. There was nothing in the nature of
the Irish people but what could be changed by edu-
cation and proper treatment. It was a disgrace to this
country tear. so many Governments had failed in manag-
ing the Irish people. Ireland had been and was the
opprobrium of successive Governments. On the present
occasion he was sorry he could not join in supporting
the Bill before the House, feeling as he did, that it
would net cure the state of things complained of.
Captain LAYARD thought the Hon. Gentleman who
had ju-t sat down was of a very disinterested dis-
position, when he said the Government had not done
their best to put down agitation in Ireland. He was an
Englishman, still ho knew a. great deal of Ireland, and
he could tell the Hon. Gentleman, who seemed
not much acquainted with that country, that
the real cause of discontent was the con-
dition of the people, and the misery they
had been enforced to endure. No coercion could put
that down. On a former occasion he stated how happy
he should be if the Noble Lord (Lord George Bentinck)
and his party would join with the Irish Members in de-
feating the Bill before the House, and he (Captain
Layard) now returned thanks to those Members of that,
great party who now agreed to vote a rainst the mea-
sure. With their help he fully trusted that the ob-
noxious Bill le ould be defeated.—(Hear, hear.) He
learned, however, that some Members who had acted
with the Noble Lord (Lord George Bentinck) intended
to vote for the Bill, and to them he would address him-
self. They bad, by their proceedings and speeches, de-
clared they had no confidence in the Right Hon. Baronet
and the Government. If so, if they had no faith in
the Government, how could they do anything which
would put such extraordinary power in the hands of
those they could not trust.—(Hear, hear.) The mea-
sure was an unconstitutional one, and having no faith in
the Government they were bound to refuse trusting them
with carrying it into effect. This consideration and
the fact that the state of things in the five
counties had much improved, were reasons sufficient
why all those who acted with the Noble Lord (Lord G.
Bentinck) should oppose the present Bill. He learned,
also, with sorrow, that some members on this side of the
House—he hoped very few—intended to vote for the
Bill. He would ask those what return would that be on
the part of those Liberals to the Irish Members, who had
come over, at great inconvenience, to support the Corn
Bill, by the by, which was not over popular in
Ireland ? Still, the Irish Members believing this Corn
Bill a good and honest measure, supported it, and it
would ill become the Liberal Members to return that
support now, by voting for a Bill to coerce the Irish
people.—(Hear, hear.) If the present Bill was a bad
13111, no ct nsideration of having a Corn Bill should
operate on them to give the former their support. But
the Corn Bill was safe ; there could be no doubt as to its
success ; and that excuse did not remain for the parties
referred to joining with the Government against the Irish
people. He believed the evils of Ireland would be best met
by finding employment for the people, by the encourage-
ment of public works; and in this respect he (Capt.Layard)
agreed with the sentiments of the Duke of Leinster,
who that day had presided over a meeting for forward-
ing that object. He gave every credit to the Noble
Lord (Lincoln) for the measures he had proposed.
as a mo .
vsnaent . tha_rig!lt dirsatiaa ; still_ they were
not so comprehensive as might have been desired. Even
the pr. sent distress of Ireland he thought would prove
beneficial in i proving Ireland. It had led to the use
of Indian corn in place of potatoes, and he was happy
to say that wherever that grain was used in preference
to potatoes, fever had much decreased.— (Hear, hear.)
Ile introduction of Indian corn would lead to a taste
for a higher class of food, and the standard of comfort
would accordingly be raised. Some apprehended that
the union between England and Ireland could not be
maintained, but he for one was not of that minion ; as
he thought equal laws and equal Government would yet
lead to the existence of a united yet free and happy
people.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. HENLEY said the measure bad been before
Parliament since the 15th of March, when it was first
printed. It had dragged its length for seven weeks in
the House of Lords, and then it found its way to the
Commons. It was then read a first time. He was one
that thought a measure founded on a message from the
Crown, and. coming from the Lords, in deference to
that body, should be read without discussion a first time.
On that account he voted for the first reading of the
Bill. Now, the House must bear in mind that, before
any stringent and unconstitutional measure such as that
which they were now considering could be passed,
they must be convinced that there was a
strong case made out.---(Hear, hear.) He was
one of those, too, who thought all parties
must concur in its expediency before they could
pass a severe coercive and unconstitutional measure, and
certainly it was not so in the present instance, while he
was bound to say a sufficient case had net been made out
to justify his voting for the second reading of this Bill.
—(Hear.) To show that a case had not been made
oat, he referred to the returns which bad been published
with regard to the state and extent of crime in Ireland,
in which it was manifest that crime had not reached such
a pitch as to render the passing of a Coercion Bill neces-
sary. From the returns he found that the number of
homicides committed in all Ireland in 1843 were 106, in
1844, 146, and in 1845, 139; but Governme it said they
did not rest the case of this Bill upon the returns re-
lating to all Ireland, but upon the returns relating to
five particular counties. Now he found that the number
of homicides committed in these five counties were in
1842, 38 ; in 1845, 42 ; an increase not large
enough to justify the passing of the Bill. With regard
to attempts at murder, the numbers were for all Ireland.
in 1842, 40; for the five counties 13; while in 1845 they
were 45, and for the five counties 15. The numberarelating
to assaults endangering life were for 1842, 249 ; in 1845,
237, showing a positive decrease. The assaults were in
1845, 229; for the five counties 63, but the numbers of
aggravated assaults stood thus—in 1842, 420; in 1845,
545; while the proportions for the five counties were 141.
It was clear that these returns did not justify the passing
of a stringent Coercion Bill, but the House had recently
been put in possession of some returns relating to the
present'year. These, however, did not show such an
increase in the crime of Ireland as to impress him with
a conviction that this Bill ought to be passed. For
instance, in the case of aggravated assaults, he found
there were 53 mentioned in the return, but on looking
to another p mtion of it he found that only 24 were
brought to ju-tice These returns then did not make out
a case for this Bill, and again he must repeat that after
giving the subject nis earnest attention, he could not
conscientiously support the second reading of the Bill.
No Irish gentleman whom he had yet heard sFeak ire
favour of the Bill said that he thought it would do any
good at all, and that, in his (Mr. Henley's) opinion,
was one of the best reasons why the Bill should not be
allowed to proceed. He had carefully reviewed the
speeches of those Irish gentlemen, and he must confess,
that when none of them maintained that the Bill would
effect its objects, he could not understand what induced
them to vote in favour of it.—(Hear, hear.) The next
question that he had to ask himself was, whether there
was any reason if, in his own'judgment, he did not be-
lieve the measure necessary, he should yield his own
judgment to those who supported the measure; because
there might be many measures with respect to which,
however much one might try to inform themselves, it
was their duty at °nee to yield to the judgment of those
who might be supposed to be better informed; and he
came to the conclusion that that was so upon the present
occasion. Now, the First Minister of the Crown, when
he spoke of the Bill—if he (Mr. Henley) recollected
aright, certainly dwelt very much upon the necessity of
Sine measure. He seemed to him "to fight very shy"
with the Bill, to use-such an expression.—(Hear, hear,
an 3 laughter.) lie appeared to the House in this
.posi-
dun, e Well you by your vote affirfmorthlarteliannyortr d
That
judg-
ment something
the
necessaryargumentH e did n o
ot
f wishhe
Baronet appeared to tatßoigmhits-listoatne.
Gentleman' said, and these were his
what the Rie ht Non.
of the House he would
was the course whisichnoitthe
Robert Peel said, " Sir,—The question
read them. Sir
h we shall go into Corn-
we have to decide is not
.whet whether
have
Ministers
• which her Majesty's
mittee upon the Bill,
The question will not be
words, and with the permission
felt it their duty to propose.
whether we shall consider the Bill
Its
in Committee,
for the purpose of removing. anything
from i
details, and at that time mitigating the principle
of the Sill, &c., but the question which the House will
have to decide will be whether it will reject altogether
this proposal-
will
oifla
justi-
fication—will
can be dealt with by the existing law, and implying opi-
nions that no additional protection is necessary for the
protection of life and property in Ireland." Then,
in the hitter put 0 his speech " 411 Y