The Sun.
London, England, 1846-12-22 00:00:00

Torn xsit k Alit4

LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1846.

The multitude of obstacles to the improvement of
pasture land, the reclamation of waste land, and the
manuring and drainage of arable land in Ireland, have
hitherto acted most prejudicially upon the agriculture
of that country, and have tended:more than anything
else to prevent the peasantry from obtaining employ-
ment. There has been all along an inexhaustible
wealth buried and locked up in the mountains—it has
only required an " Open Sesame" to afford the
starving population access to those riches. A number
of spurious Au BABAS have started up from time to
time, crying aloud " Barley ' and so forth, to no
purpose. The portals of agrarian wealth have re-
mained closed. The true talisman has not been dis-
covered. The land has continued to be undrained,
unmanured, and unremunerative. The embarrass-
ments, both of the proprietors and the occupiers, have
Increased. The people have found a greater difficulty in
obtaining work—and starvation and beggary have ex-
tended in proportion. Knowing the generous and fruit-
ful character of the Irish soil,. when properly cultivated,
WI d remembering the
it is neglected condition
of Irish agriouliure, ithmaptosthsible not to be im-
pressed with the conviction
ptio:t island
L possesses
the means of its own redem
It
proved
edDtraran's
Commission proved this lon,g ago,
abundance of nourishment might be extracted from
national
n:lf
thousands upon thousands of acres, providing cent .
reasonable facilities were afforded to the
ti
husbandry. It showed that a present expenditure
gooney would thereby produce extraordinary returns

repayment to the lender. It proved that there was
an assurance of perpetual advantage to the land-
owners, of increasing remuneration to the leaseholders,
of abundant provision both for home consumption
and for exportation, of endless emolument to the en-
terprising, and of continual labour for the unem-
ployed, providing a liberal but discriminating assist-
ance were afforded to the agriculturists of Ireland.
For years there has been no doubt whatever of this.
No one has the temerity to deny the accuracy of these
calculations. The facts of the case are too stubborn
to be gainsayed, and so are the figures. The only
difficulty has been how to afford the necessary assist-
ance, with any degree of security, without interfer-
ing with the rights-of property, and without unduly
favouring individuals at the expense of the community,
Provisions of a beneficial tendency were undoubtedly
made by the sth and 6th Vict., cap. 89, by the Bth and
9th Viet., cap. 69, and by the 9th Viet., cap. 4, empower-
ing the Board of Works to undertake certain drainage
works, but those provisions required considerable mo-
dification before any permanent advantages could
accrue. By the enactments Ist and 2d Will. IV.,
cap. 33, sec. 32, amended by 9th Viet., cap. 1, sec. 6.
it was provided, moreover, that loans might be made to
individuals for the purpose of enabling them to effect
the improvement of their estates for themselves,
by drainage, reclaiming waste lands, or other works
of substantial improvement. These admirable ar-
rangements, however, were unaccompanied by any
clauses affording sufficient power to the Executive, in
securing the return of the moneys advanced, and, at
the same time, of not unduly tampering with the
rights of individuals.
So many complicating claims are associated with
land in Ireland, estates there are entangled in such a
network of mortgages, the tenure of land is, indeed,
so terribly complicated in that island, that the extri-
cation of the proprietors appears, at a superficial
glance, to be almost an impossibility. By a persevering
consideration of the matter, however, these difficulties
are not so utterly insurmountable as would be at first
imagined. By a searching investigation the entangle-
ment becomes unravelled, and from the "Treasury
Minutes" of the Ist ultimo, and the letter forwarded
by Mr. TREVELYAN to the Commissioners of Public
Works, we would fain believe that the clue has been
at last discovered which may guide us from the
labyrinth. From these two important documents it
would seem that the Government are really solicitous
to afford that encouragement and aid to Irish agri-
culturists which have been so long desiderated. It
has been resolved by the Lords Commissioners of her
MAJESTY'S Treasury, that the Board of Works
•° Shall undertake the execution of such works as are
necessary for deepening or removing obstructions in
rivers, their tributary streams, or the larger watercourses
of the country, by means of which great improvement
may be effected in the main outfalls of drainage for
considerable tracts of land."

This arrangement is unquestionably of a most
desirable character, seeing that such enormous works
could never be effectually undertaken by any indi-
vidual. Whatever difficulty might be experienced
in consequence of these main drains passing through
the estates of many different proprietors is obviated
" By the power which the Board of Works possesses
of proceeding with the consent of a certain number of
proprietors, and of charging the repayment upon the
lands drained, even of dissenting proprietors, in propor-
tion to the benefit conferred upon them."
Aware of the numerous delays caused, and obstruc-,
tions presented by the undigested clauses of the Act
9th and 10th Vict., cap. 101, it is here announced by
Mr. TREVELYAN, of the Treasury, that her MA-
JESTY'S Government
"Propose to submit a Bill to Parliament founded on
these principles, embracing and extending the objects of
the 32d section of the Act 1 and 2 Was. IV., cap. 33,
amended by the 9th Vict., cap. 1, sec. 6, and of the 9&h
4nd 10th Vict., cap. 101."
Among the arrangements thereby effected are
—that the loans shall not be restricted to drain.
age, but shall be rendered available for the pur-
poses of general improvement of lands, including drain •
age, and that to obviate the difficulties arising from
the encumbrances upon lands and the multiplicity of
interests in estates, a proportionate contribution
towards the repayment of the loan shall" be
apportioned on the various parties who will derive
benefit from the improvement, "the whole principal
end interest being payable to the Government by the
person who shall be deemed proprietor of the land
drained or improved, and the contribution on the part
of the occupier being in the shape of increased rent to
the proprietor." Beyond this the Government pro-
pose to submit a separate Bill to Parliament, in which
the provisions of the sth and 6th Vict., cap. 89, Bth
and 9th Vict., cap. 69, and the 9th Vict., cap. 4, will
be consolidated and simplified. As an additional
boon to the starving population, the loans are to be
made at the reduced interest of four per cent. It is
in the concluding paragraph, however, of this letter
from Mr. TREVELYAN that the principles of the pro-
posed innovation are condensed :

" My Lords are further of opinion," he writes, " that
with the view both of providing security for the repay-
ment of the advances from the public purse, and of re•
lieving entailed estates from the evil of accumulated
charges. two powers should be conferred by the measures
which it is proposed to submit to Parliament.
"First, a power to the proprietors of an entailed es-
tate to sell for the purpose of repaying the advances for
improvements made by the Board of Works, or if made
by himself, with the aid of Government money, under
the inspection of the Board of Works, any part of the
estate so improved, or of other estates settled to tht
same uses, in the same manner as a power exists in this
country of selling for the redemption of the land-tax.
" Secondly, a power to the Government of selling, in
default of payment of two consecutive instalments, so
much of the land improved or of other estates settled to
the same uses, which the proprietor might prefer, as
woulm repay capital, interest, and expenses of sale."
'While it is impossible to deny that this will afford
the Executive an enormous power, it will be never-
theless equally impossible to deny that the benefits
accruing to the proprietors and the peasantry of
Ireland, will fully counterbalance any objections to
the proposed plan. Is it not better that they should
be driven into prosperity than be abandoned to an
independent starvation ?

In another part of our paper we publish the Reso-
lutions of the Independent Committee of the Cor-
poration, setting forth the insult offered to the
citizens of London, through their representatives, by
the LORD MAYOR positively refusing to put a ques-
tion, duly moved and seconded by old and qualified
members of the Corporation, in Common Council

assembled. As faithful journalists, it is our duty to
weigh carefully the arguments adduced by the con-
flicting parties, and endeavour to arrive at a just con-
clusion as established by indisputable evidence.
Certain inconveniences arise as to the qualification
of members of the Common Council, in consequence
of " various changes having taken place in the customs
and habits of the citizens of the said city, and in their
mode of conducting business in the said city, in con-
sequence whereof many of the most substantial
citizens, duly rated in their several wards, and carry-
ing on trade in, and habitually resorting to their
shops, counting-houses, and offices within the city,
have nevertheless dwellings for themselves and their
families in the suburbs of the said city ;" to remedy
which a reference is made to a committee, a report
is brought up, it is referred back, with instructions
to prepare a bill to meet the case; a bill is brought
up, read a first and a second time ; to all of which the
Aldermen, as members of the Common Council (and
many of them are members of the committee) are
assenting parties. Not a word of objection is
heard until it has become pretty generally known
that another Bill is to succeed this, limiting the power
of the Aldermen to draw upon the City purse. Then,
and only then, they come forward with a protest read
by the Recorder, declaring that as the Bill alters
certain " usages and customs" of the City, they cannot
sanction it, and in discussion declare that without
their assent the Bill is of no avail; nay, more, they
claim the privilege to originate all matters brought
before the Common Council. We find presumptuous
assertion here—we find no argument. What says
the Bill as proposed ?

"And be it enacted, that from and after the passing
of this Act, any freeman of London being a householder,
and any freeman of London, though he may dwell out
of the city of London, shall be capable of being elected
to be a member of the Common Council, provided at the
time of such election he is, and for twelve months pre-
viously he shall have been, the occupier of a house, shop,
counting-house, or office, situated within the ward for
which he shall be so elected; and provided that
he is, and for twelve months previously he
shall have been, rated in his own name to the Consoli-
dated Rate in respect of any house, shop, counting-
house, or office within such ward; and also provided that
during the time of his being so rated as aforesaid he
shall have resided in such house, or habitually resorted
to such shop, counting-house, or office, for the purpose
of carrying ou any art, mystery, trade, profession, or

occupation therein, any act, order, or ordinance, custom
or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding."

What custom or usage does this violate ? It is
and has been the " custom and usage" to have Com-
mon Councilmen ; they are retained. They must
be freemen, having premises within the City and
within the ward for which they are elected, and be
voted to certain rates. This is still to be the case.
'We repeat, what custom or usage does this violate ?
None ! It simply and prudently defines a qualifica-
tion which the old term " householder" left vague and
uncertain, being liable to bear, almost any construction
anybody might put upon it. •
It is quite clear that this Bill is not the bone of
contention. No, no ; it is that which is behind ; and
rather than the Aldermen—a body elected for life,
consequently irresponsible—should have any inde-
pendent control over the City funds, the responsible
representatives of the citizens are determined to go to
Parliament and dissolve the Corporation, so that it

may be remodelled to meet the spirit of the age, and
he in harmony with the advancing intelligence of the

times.

These are not the days for individuals or small cor-
porate bodies to attempt to claim irresponsible power.
We advise the Aldermen, as those who much respect the
Corporation, to listen to reason. The Common Council
have liberty, right, and progressive policy on their
side, which must prevail. So long as the Corpora-
tion continues to modify its rules and regulations so
as to render them assimilate to the necessities of the
times, they will endure; but so soon as they become
obstructive their doom is sealed..

It is consistent with proper representation that the
properly elected and responsible body should control
the expenditure ; and for an irresponsible, life-elected
body to claim such a power seems monstrous ; and for
my LORD MAYOR to refuse to put any question duly
proposed and seconded, is to gag the mouth of the Com-
mon Council, and prevent free discussion. We protest
against any such assumption ; and if the citizens of
London succumb to such a dictum, they are made of
different stuff to what we ever thought them, and
truly their ancient glory has departed.

Accounts from Italy state that the sth of
December; the centenary anniversary of the expulsion
of the Austrians from Genoa, had been observed as a
day of rejoicing throughout almost the whole of the
north of Italy. The Sardinian Government would
authorise no public demonstration, but many private
assemblages were held at Genoa, in which the toasts
of the "Independence of Italy," and "Down with
the Austrians," were drunk with great enthusiasm.
At night, in the same moment, bonfires were lit on
all the mountains surrounding Genoa. Similar
bonfires were seen I:lazing along the whole line of
Appenines, in the direction of Florence and Bologna,
of Rome, and of Naples. At Florence two large
bonfires were kindled in the two large squares, and
the-04s were covered with placards, on which were
priuted-in red ink, "Death to the Germans." One
ot!4feie placards was affixed to the hotel of the
Austrian Minister, before the gates of which a body
of4ingers chanted a de profundis. No outrage was
coitimitted on persons or property.

Madrid papers of the 10th and 11th have been
received. Up to that time the result of 103 elections
had become known, of which 78 had been gained by
the Moderadoes, 17 by the Progressistas, and 8 by the
Puritans and Absolutists. Senor OLOZAGA has been
returned for Albacete.

MADRID 130LSA, DEC. 11.—The Three per Cents.
were done at 34h for cash ; the Five per Cents at
214; the Vales at 8a ; the Passives, at 61 ; and the
Coupons, at 19k.

We hare received the Paris papers of Friday and
Saturday.
The most important article of news contained in
them is the following literal transcript of the dispatch
on the subject of the annexation of Cracow, addressyd
by M. Guizo-r to the French Ambassadors at Vienna,
Berlin, and St. Petersburgh. It is as follows :
‘• Sir,—The Austrian Charg4 d'Affaires has commu-
nicated to me the dispatches from Prince Metternich,
announcing to the King's Government that.the incorpo-
ration in the Austrian empire of the free town and ter-
ritory of Cracow is resolved upon by the Courts of
Vienna, Berlin, and St. Petersburgh, and they explain
the motives. I transmit copies of them. I have laid
them before the King in Council. His Majesty's Go-
vernment has experienced from them a great and pain-
ful surprise. We received in February and March, a,
we did in 1836 and`lB3B, assurances that the occupation
of Cracow by the troops of the Three Powers was a
measure purely military, and not political, commanded
by necessity, and which should be at an end wit!:
that necessity. Now it is said that a temporal.)
occupation will not • suffice, and that the measure
adopted by the Three Courts is indispensable to
guarantee definitively in their states order and
peace, which have been incessantly disturbed by insur-
rections, of which Cracow had become the permanent
focus. But since the suppression of the small state 01
Cracow is to put an end to those disorders, its existenc,
must have been their unique, or at least, their principal
cause. This supposition is inadmissible. The so fre
quently recurring fermentation of the ancient Polish
provinces has arisen from causes more general. The
scattered members of a great state, destroyed by vio-
lence, still continue to agitate and rise. Treaties which
recognise such facts do not cause to disappear at once
the social wounds which result from them; time, equity,
kindnesq, and prolonged good government can alone suc-
ceed in it, for these are the only means which the
cation of Europe now renders possible. The sovereigns
and the statesmen, assembled at the Congress o,
Vienna, thus considered it. They wished at the mo-
ment, even when Europe united ratified the partition of
Poland, to give to the Polish nation and to the
conscientious feelings of Europe, which were disturbed
by this partition, a constant moral satisfaction.
They had at the same time towards their Polish
subjects perspective views of amelioration for the interns
government of the country. Serieus disturbances ma)
interrupt the course of that policy, at once wise and
generous, but not cause it to be entirely abandoned el
abolished. Nothing compromises a Government more
than to declare itself unable to fulfil, even slowly and ie
course of time, the promises and hopes which it has itsel•
given. The destruction of the petty State of Cracow
may deprive the spirit of Polish conspiracy of some
means of action, but it may also keep up and even irri
tate the feelings which obstinately give rise to these de
plorable enterprises. It weakens throughout all Europe
on this painful question the principles of order am
conservatism, to the profit of blind and hateful passions.
Article nine of the treaty of Vienna imposes on the
Republic of Cracow the obligation of removing con-
spirators from its territory, and the Three Protecting
Powers had doubtless the right to demand the accom•
plishmeut of his obligation. But had they not, in
order to attain this object, no other means than to abolish
the independence of this petty state, and to sup-
press the state itself ? The narrow limits of the Re-
public, the immense erength of the three great Powers,
by whose states it is hemmed in, all tend to induce the
belief that measures carefully combined would have ben
sufficient to counteract efficaciously the evil, without
having recourse to extreme means, which involve some
perils in the prospect of frequently creating fresh two
more serious evils. It was in all cases the incontestabl:
right of all the Powers who were parties to the treaty of
Vienna to take part in the deliberations and the decisions
of which Cracow might be the object. If Prince Metter.
nich means in his dispatch that the three Courts had b)
themselves created the small state ofCracow,and that the)
afterwards presented to the Congress for enrolment the
convention they had passed between themselves, the King's
Government could never admit of an assertion so contrary
to the principles, and even to the language of great trans
actions constituting the public law of Europe. Inde
pendent powers are never called upon to enregistet
deliberations or acts entered -into and passed withou:
their participation. In so far as regards Cracow and
Poland, the sovereigns and public men say that long
discussions between the representatives of all the Powers
preceded the conclusion of the special treaty of May
The very text of the treaty of Vienna demonstrates that
the fate of Poland was regulated after a deliberation of
all the representatives of Europe. Articles 1,2, 3,4,
and 5, define the share which each of the three Powers
was to have of the territory of the Grand Duchy of
Warsaw. There is not the least difference between
these articles and those which give to Prussia a part
of the states of the King of Saxony. The foundation
of the republic of Cracow is placed on precisely the
same ground as the stipulations which formed the
other states, even the most free, which have created
the Germanic Confederation. The Government of
his Majesty, therefore, has used only an evident
right, and at the same time fulfilled an imperative
duty in protesting solemnly against the suppression of
the Republic of Cracow—an Act positively against the
letter as well as the meaning of the treaties of Vienna
After the long and redoubtable agitations which have
shaken Europe, it is only by paying respect to treaties
and those rights which they have made sacred that she
maintains herself. No power can enfranchise itself
from them without enfranchising the other powers hv
the same Act. France has not given any similar example
of an attempt against the policy of conservation and
peace. France has not forgotten the painful sacrifices
imposed upon her by the treaties of 1815. She might
rejoice at an act which would authorise her in just re-
ciprocity to consult henceforth none but her own in-
terests, and it is she who calls for the faithful observ-
ance of treaties by the Powers who have derived from
them the principal advantages. It is she who, above all,
is occupied in the maintenance of the rights acquired by
others, and in respecting their independence.
(Signed) " GUIZOT."
In commenting on the very guarded language of
this dispatch, and comparing it with the " big words"
of the newspaper organs of the Government and the
boasts of what great things M. Gl:lnca was to say