The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDA Y EVENING, FEBRUARY 20, 1646.

Mr. LOCKHART took the oaths and his seat for Selkirk.
Several railway Bills were read a second time, and or-
dered to be committed.
..

Various petitions having been presented,
Mr. lIODOSON lIINnE gave notice that to-morrow he
should ask if the Government intended to introduce any
legislative measure founded on the report of the Gauge
Commissioners.
Sir J. GRATIAM, in reply to Mr. WODEITOUSE, said
that he would place his Bill for regulating the law of
settlement on the table of the House on an early day,
but that he would not preis lit forward until the Bill
regulating our commercial policy should have been
passed.
The County Works (Ireland) Bill was read a third
time and passed.
The Drainage (Ireland) Bill was read a third time.
Sir J. GRAHAM moved a new clause, authorising works
to be undertaken on the consent of a bare majority of
the proprietors, instead of requiring the consent of two-
thirds, as at present, end throwing the burden of proof
upon those who affirmed that the consent of the ma-
j-)rity had been obtained.
The clause was agreed to and added to the Bill, and
the Bill was passed.

Mr. COLLETT then rose to move for a Committee of
Privileges to inquire into the causes that led to the
vacation of their seats in this House, by the Members
1 Ltely representing Chichester, Newark, Woodstock,
and Buckingham, to make inquiries as to the elections
of the present Members for those places, and to inquire
how far the standing order against the interference of
Peers in elections had been infringed. The Honour-
able Member commenced reading his speech, and was
met with loud cries of " order." He, however, con-
tinued to read amidst loud cries of "order," intermingled
with laughter, which occasionally rendered him in-
audible. The excuse for the old nomination boroughs
had been, that they insured seats for men of
_talent ;
but in these new nomination boroughs talent was re
jected. Why, he would ask, had Mr. GLADSTONE
been prevented from coming forward as a candidate
fur Newark ? Why, because he was a member of the
overnmcnt of the Right Hon. Baronet, and the Right
Hon. Baronet was opposed to the Duke of NEWCASTLE.
In the cases of Chichester and Buckingham, Sir T.
FREMANTLE and Lord A. LENNox had been compelled
to resign by the Dukes of BUCKINGHAM end RICHMOND,
and two inexperienced youths returned by those Noble
Dukes in their places, and thus the House had been
deprived of the services of the best Irish Secretary at a
most important period. Now, by their own standing orders,

the interference of Peers in the elections of Members (..,f
that House was declared a high breach of privilege.
The Hon. Gentleman then read from the journals seve-
ral cases in IA hick the House had noticed the inter-
ference of Peers in elections. The Hon. Member would,
first of all, draw the attention of the House to Chichester,
On referring to ‘‘ Dodd's Parliamentary Guide," he

found it stated under the head of " Chichester," that the
Duke of RICHMOND'S influence returned one Member for

the city. Lord ARTHUR LENNOX, who had frequently
represented Chichester, had accepted office during
the last autumn ; he had been re-elected ; had
taken the oaths and his seat on the 27th of January,
and on the Bth of February a new writ had
been moved for. The Hon. Gentleman then quoted
from various newspapers the accounts given as to the
cause of the resignation of Lord A. LENNOX, and the
election of Lord H. LENNOX, and declared his opinion
that the privileges of the House had been infringed upon
by the interfereace of CHARLES Duke of RICHMOND
in the representation of Chichester. In Newark,
it was stated in " Dodd's Parliamentary Compa-
nion," that the Duke of NEWCASTLE'S influence
was great. The Honourable Gentleman then re-
lated the history of the last election for Newark,
and stated that he believed that in respect to that bo-
rough the privileges of the House bad been infringed
by lIENay PELHAM, Duke of NEWCASTLE, who had
concerned himself in the election for Newark. He
next referred to Woodstock, and related the history of
the various recent elections for that borough, concluding

by declaring that it was his impression, and he stated
that he verily believed the privileges of Parlia-

ment had been infringed by GEORGE SPENCER
CHURCHILL, Duke of MARLBOROUGH, by his hav-
ing concerned himself in the election of Members to
serve in Parliament for the borough, all which charges,
if a Committee were granted, he verily believed he
should establish. He then referred to the case
of Buckingham, in which the Duke of BUCKINGHAM
possessed great influence, and he charged the Duke of
BUCKINGHAM with having infringed the liberties and
privileges of the House by his having concerned him-
self in the return of Members to that House for the
borough of Buckingham. Tho HOn. Member concluded
by moving for the appointment of a Select Committee,
and placed in the hands of the Speaker the charges he
had made against certain Peers, which he was prepared
to prove to the Committee.
Mr. W. WILLIAms seconded the motion. He did not
expect to have been called upon to do so. He had ex-
pected that the Noble Lord the Member for Chichester,
or the Noble Marquis the Member for Buckingham,
would have seconded the motion, in order to answer the
charges against themselves and their Noble Fathers.
lie expected that Government would have supported
such a motion. These charges were so grave that
the House of Commons ought not to pass them over
without inquiry. In the cases which had been brought
forward by the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, a
Committee had been granted, and the present charges
were of even a graver nature. These charges involved
matters degrading to the character of the House, and
they were bound to inquire into a matter of such grave
importan:e. The charge was, that those Peers had
compelled Members, who supported a measure brought
forward for the public benefit by the Government, to
resign their seats, and had returned nominees who
would vote against those measures intended for the
public good, and is support solely of the private inte-
rests of those Noble persons. The Government, which
had been calumniated by these Noble persons, had an
interest in having this inquiry male. It was disgraceful
to the gentlemen of England to have shown the se'fish
feeling they had shown in relation to the measure pro-
posed
by the Government. If the representation of the
people was to be tainted in this way, they would raise an
agitation for a new reform, and new schedule A. The
Peers should be warned by the fate of the aristocracy in
the French revolution, and not set up their private in-
terests against these of the public.
Sir R. PEEL could see no necessity for introducing
the question of the corn-laws into this debate, neither
was it fair to impute improper motives to those who
were under charge. With regard to the imputations
against himself by those noble persons, he must say he
Was not aware that any such imputations of dishonest
motives had been made ; and if there had, he must say
that that would not influence his decision in the least.
That the Peers exercised an influence in elections it
was observed to:deny, and he hoped the day would never
arrive whets the Peers would cease to exercise a legiti-
mate influence. God forbid that the day should ever
arrive when either Peers or Commoners should cease to
exercise the influence of virtue. The less of coercion
was exercised by a virtuous and high minded man
the greater would be his influence. The question was,
however, had any illegitimate influence been exercised
by those Peers ? If they granted this Committee there
never would occur an election in the case of which a si-
milar inquiry might not be called for. The Hon. Gen-
tleman had not adduced one single fact or offered one
single proof of any act of interference on the part of
those Peers. The Hon. Member had read certain ex -
tracts from newspapers, but surely he would not
condemn public men on this authority. The only
reason why his Right Honourable Friend had
vacated his seat was a too delicate sense of honour,
which he could not blame, jelthough, constitutionally,
he thought it was wrong, if they were assembled there
not as delegates but as free agents. Then, with regard
to Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE, he had at his election
given a specific pledge that he would retain the corn-
law, and on the representation of the majority of his
constituents, those constituents not being urged by the
nfluenced of any Peer, he had deemed it his duty to
resign his seat. Let it be remembered that they lived
in an atmosphere of public opinion. Peers had a right
to express their opinion in a public meeting, if they
would, of the conduct of public men, and if their tenants
and friends chose to adopt their advice, he would not
wish to prevent it. If they could bring forward any
proof of an improper and direct interference of Peers at
elections, he would vote for inquiry ; but he would not
vote for a fishing committee, and ho would act as he
would have done if the Noble individuals had still con-
tinued to him their confidence, and would offer his de-
cided opposition to the motion.
Mr. HUME thought it absurd to continue the standing
orders, but he would recommend his Hon. Friend to
withdraw his motion, as he certainly bad not brought
forward sufficient evidence to authorise the appointment
of a committee. It was, however, perfectly clear that
the
nomination boroughs had not been all done away
with by the Reform 1 B'll
Mr. so c,,,ovrow? was more than ever convinced of
•
the necessity of
n complainedt
full
still further reform in the representa-
tion. He wished a
to
see
co legitimate influence maintained,
and illegitimate influence
IN hat it ought to be a
_destroyed, and this House made
fair
io
mreoptrensentation of the
andhis
that the
people.
Lord
RUSSELLETT th thenwithdrewpitt.
Buenos s
laid on
the table in reference to the war with 3
threw no light on the origin of the war, andeus:isshAyres
know if any further papers would be laid on the tabled
?to
Sir R. PEEL could not produce any further papers at
present.
Lord PALMERSTON asked if any convention had been
entered into between this country and France prior to
the commencement of hostilities in Buenos Ayres, for
the purpose of regulating the conduct of those hostilities?
Sir R. PEEL said instructions had been .issued by the
those operations,
two Governments for the regulation of
but that no convention had been entered into.
The adjourned debate on the commercial policy was
then resumed by
e'idea of the country
Lord DriricAN, who ridiculed th
being deluged by foreign corn, as had been prophesied
by the Member for East Somersetshire. On the tariff
debate that Hon. Gentleman had prophesied that there
would be au immense import of foreign Mae, and.graziers

had been induced to rush into the market ; they had
been deceived ; and the farmers having found those pro-

phecies false, would not trust his prophecies for the future.
Then, with regard to the Hon. Member for Sunderland,
who seemed to regard the prospect of a famine in Ire-
land with iron nerves, he had certainly said that he
could import his foreign corn at 255. a quarter ; but he
had been wise enough to keep his secret, and did not tell
them where this cheap corn could be procured. Like
a good political eoonomist, the Hon. Gentleman bought
in the cheapest and sold in the dearest market. He
would advise the Hon. Member to withdraw his re-

spectable name from the provisional committee of the
bubble of protection— a scheme to keep up high rents
and high prices by artificial means. High prices did
not benefit the farmer—they were caused by scarcity,

Neither did they benefit the labourer, for the nominal
high wages of England could only be exchanged for a
less quantity of food than could be procured abroad for
the low wages paid there. Wages were not regulated
by the price of corn. In America corn was cheap and
wages were high. In England the price of corn had
been kept up by artificial means, and the diet of the
labourer had been reduced in consequence from beef to
bread, and ultimately from beef to potatoes. The Noble
Lord then traced the history of the corn-laws from 1630
to ISIS. When the law of 1815 was intro-

duced, Mr. ROBINSON declared that the object
of the measure was not to benefit the landed
aristocracy, although they now asked for compen-
sation for the withdrawal of protection. He was
a landowner and a farmer, and he believed they had

nothing to fear from competition. Believirg the mea-
sure of the Government calculated to benefit all classes
of the community, he 'should give it his hearty support.
Mr. Hunstest denied, in the most emphatic manner,
that he had spoken lightly of the distresses of Ireland.
He had said that he admitted that distress, and would
support any measure that might be brought forward for
the alleviation of it.
Mr. Alderman THOMPSON had sat in that House for
twenty-six years, and had observed the effects of the
various changes which had been introduced into our
commercial policy during that period. He had also wit-
nessed the great changes in our banking system which
had been introduced, and the suecas of which had not
as yet been tested, and concerning the effects of which
men of experience entertained great doubts; and looking
to the enactments of these monetary measures, and to
the admission of the Right Hon. Baronet that he was
not prepared to state that other countries would
take our manufactures in return, he feared
that the free importation of corn would
greatly derange the currency. He admitted that
the potato crop in Ireland had failed to a great extent.
He would ask, why had not the Government taken mea-
sures to provide against the danger by opening the
Forts? The reason he believed was that there was no
Anti-Corn-law League then to delude the people as
there was now. It was a delusion for them to say that,
under a repeal of the corn-laws, the present rate of
wages could be maintained. Where was the necessity for
the proposed change ? The manufacturers were making
large profits, employment was plenty, wages were high,
and the people were contented and happy. The number of
depositors in the savings' banks, and the aggregate
capital of those institutions, had greatly increased since
1841, proving the increased -prosperity of the indus-
trious classes. Under these circumstances, what neces-
sity was there for proposing these great changes, which
would ruin the best customer of the manufacturer—
namely, the agriculturist. If, as had been stated, protec-
tion was in every circumstance bad, he would ask,
why had the measure not been made more extensive?
Was not the Cornish miner protected ? Did they intend
to repeal the Navigation Laws? Had they not a right
to demand the abolition of the shipowners' monopoly
of the coasting trade ? He might be answered that the
national safety required that foreigners should not inter-
fere with our coasting trade; and if so, honesty required
that protection should be continued to agriculture. He
knew of no country in which free trade existed, and he
could not support the proposition of the Government.
He asked where was there a statesman who advocated
free trade ?
Sir R. PEEL intimated that the Hon. Member had
signed the famous London free-trade petition in 1820.
Mr. Alderman THOMPSON admitted he had done so,
but he still asked, where was there the statesman in
Europe or America who was an advocate for a perfect
free trade? Mr. WEBSTER certainly was not, for he
had only recently declared himself a protectionist. He
was not inclined to gn back or stand still in their com-
mercial policy, but he did not go on in the road pointed
out by the Right Hon. Baronet. In calculating the in-
creased rental of 1842, as compared with 1815, the Right
Hon. Baronet had omitted to allude to the great quan-
tity of waste land enclosed since that period, and there-
fore his conclusion was fallacious. He believed that the
Right Hon. Baronet would have done far more good in
reducing the duty on tea and sugar than in bringing
forward this question. He deeply regretted that a sense
of duty compelled him to vote against the proposition of
the Right Hon. Boronet.
Sir W. MOLESWORTH supported the measure, believ-
ing that the adoption of the proposition of the Govern-
ment would be beneficial to all parties.
Mr. BENETT felt bound to oppose the measure intro-
duced by the Right Hon. Baronet. Cheap corn and
cheap labour might exist together, but cheap corn and
dear labour never could. The effect of the measure
would be to crush the little farmers, as the I.ttle manu-
facturers had been, and ultimately to reduce the wages
of the labourer. Ho objected to the measure because
it would have that effect, and he firmly believed that in
doing so he was supporting, not only the landed but the
manufacturing interest. He was convinced that when
this question was carried the tall chimnies of the manu-
facturer would be undermined and totter to their fall.
He had much respect for the balance of parties in that
House, but he did not believe that the furtherance of
that object would be effected by the carrying of the pre-
sent measure.
Mr. F. H. BERKELEY denied that the Hon. Member
who moved the amendment represented the opinions of
the constituency of the city of Bristol on this great
subject, and felt convinced that an appeal to the country
would justify him in that assertion. He should support
the proposition of the Government.
Mr. J. TOLLEMACHE would vote against the free-
trade proposition of her Majesty's Government. His
opinions with respect to free trade remained unchanged.
Ile was afraid that this measure would not only pass
this but the other House of Parliament.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE supported the measure. He
thought that it became those who owed their seats, not
to any Noble Lord, but to the people, to rescue the
Right Honourable Baronet from the obloquy that was
attempted to be cast upon him. He admired the man-
ner in which the Right Hon. Baronet had brought for-
ward this question, and the determination which he had
displayed to carry it out. The Recorder of Dublin
had called the Right Honourable Baronet and his
Government political cowards ; he believed cowardice
was on the other side. The Right Hon. Baronet
had done a great service to his country in bringing this
question forward, and he would meet his reward. lie
would give him his most cordial support, feeling con-
vinced that his measures were sound, and his object
worthy of a great statesman. The people of England
were a grateful and forgiving people ; they forgot the
errors the Right Hon. Baronet had for years committed,
and gladly accepted from him the boon that he now
offered them. He believed that the great boon that
would be given to the people by this measure would be
the determination of the law of settlement. That
would be a great act of justice to the operative
classes. He believed that the measure was calculated
to improve the condition of the people, and he therefore
gave it his support.
Sir TnoiuAs D. ACLAND could not discover upon
what grounds the present measure had been brought
forward, and he should therefore give it his opposition.
The corn-law was not an oppressive law, and he did
not see why it should be repealed.
Mr. B. BARING urged the immediate settlement of
this question, which, if suffered to go on, must become
a question of classes, and give rise to an agitation dan-
gerous to the existence of property itself. Let them
take warning by the Catholic question, and yield in
time.

On the motion of Mr, C. BRUCE the debate was ad-
journed till to-morrow.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of,
and the House adjourned at Twelve o'clock.

Lord ASHLEY'S farewell address to the electors of Doi set-
shire is worthy of deep and general attention. After having
represented the county for the last fourteen years, the
Noble Lord has been compelled to withdraw for a
time, the protectionists having obtained a temporary
influence. Indeed, so resolved were they to oppose
the Ministerial measures, that they were prepared to
spend any sums in order to return their favourite
candidates. Lord AsiiLEy at once declared himself unable
to afford such a contest. And it is well he did so ; the cham-
pions of free trade must be chosen on higher grounds than
any pecuniary considerations. Let them leave those to the
protectionists, who have nothing else to recommend them.
In taking leave of his former constituents, in earnest, elo-
quent, and impressive language, the Noble Lord
explained his reasons for resigning, refuted the
arguments of his opponents, and strongly urged the
necessity for supporting Sir It. PEEL. Indeed, the " only
amendment he felt disposed to propose to the Ministerial
measure—One suggested by grave and mature consideration—
was, that there should be an immediate, not a gradual abo-
lition of the corn-laws." Many persons have blamed Lord
ASHLEY for advocating the cause of the factory operatives,
while, by upholding protection, he was wronging the agri-
culturists, with whom he was more nearly connected.
By his recent conduct the Noble Lord has silenced these
objections ; he has preyed himself the friend not of one class,
but of the community ; in both cases he has sacrificed per-
sonal interests for the general welfare. He refused to enter
the Government in order to bring forward the Factory
Bill, and now, by supporting free trade, lie has
lost his seat in Parliament. lie is now only
a private individual, and much as we may regret this cir-
cumstance, we do not regret it for Lord ASHLEY'S sake. We
regret it for the House of Commons, which has lost one of
its most consistent, conscientious Members; we regret it for
the poor, who have lost a powerful friend ; for the hard
wevh:eoa:errvyrkeirneegav deoyrp ts o
reluctantr sympathise,
effecteda t
tives, who have lost a zealous advocate ; for
but even
convince
the suffering and the helpless, who have lost the help of one
Yr: Pbelieve
more t l
liosree,tehr
evaetarl foremostLgooordd
A. scolt, to assist.
Others, r,ss mp oallAyirteidesaahlzozcul alerdebbeyer
wbeyretiiiteirsos,uabltllewirlelaasdomniintgt,hat
obtainfew
thedir terminatedeloquence,
passing admiration or perhaps lasting fame ; but Lord
ASIILEY has earned a higher tribute than admiration—he
has merited the warm approval of the kind-hearted
and well-judging, the fervent gratitude of the poor, the
suffering, the oppressed. To his unwearying perseverance
we are indebted for many of our most humane and salutary

regulations. We owe it to him that women, no
longer neglecting the duties and dignity of their
sex, working in the mines, perform labours arduous
even for men. Who has not read with horror
those details, describing young and tender females,
barely covered with a single garment, struggling beneath
the weight of burdens as ill-proportioned to their physical
strength as the situation was unfitted to their moral cha-
racter ; but these revolting scenes are over, and it is to
Lord ASHLEY we are indebted for the change; through him
also children under eight years of age no longer work
twelve and fifteen hours a•day ; and through his
endeavouri mothers will some future day have
two hours to attend to their families—young persons
two hours to obtain some instruction. Thinking of all that
he has done, of all that he might yet do, we cannot but
regret the absence of Lord ASHLEY from the scene of his
untiring labours, his well-earned triumph. But, for his own
sake we cannot regret it ; his resignation has placed him
in a higher position than he ever owned before.
Not when he advocated the cause of the poor
with the strong eloquence of truth, commanding the sym-
pathy even of his opponents, did he appear so truly noble as
now, when he has relinquished all thoughts of private or per_
sonal advantage, has given up even his power of doing
good for the sake of the necessities of the country. By sup-
porting the corn-laws he might have retained his influence, but
principle forbade him; lie might also have retained his
seat, yet voted for a repeal, but his feelings of honour corn-
pelted him to resign his trust, and he has resigned it. We
may sum up his character in the impressive words of Mr.
SMYTHE, in his poem of Armond Carrel :

" A wrong to conviction he would not endure,
And he fought for his love when he fought for the poor."

In his speech, on Thursday, Lord ASHLEY fairly answered
all the arguments of his opponents when they spoke of a de-
pendence on foreigners ; he reminded them that they were not
dependent on any single country, that all foreign ports could
not he closed at once; that " NAPOLEON, in the zenith of his
power, with the entire command of the continent, found his
Berlin and Milan decrees inoperative, because he
was lighting against the necessities of the people.
There was now more wisdom in their forms of government.,
a tenfold force in public opinion, and he was convinced that
in the present day it would require a NAPOLEON multiplied
by twenty, not only to enforce but to proclaim such de-
crees I" He then referred to the article of cotton,
for which we are only partly dependent on America ;
yet, " during the war in 1812, there was no sus-
pension of the trade, the two countries agreed, as it were,
to 'fight with the one hand arid trade with the other."
He strongly deprecated the idea that the manufacturing and
agricultural interests were at variance. "And now," said
the Noble Lord with great impressiveness, "I assert
that their prosperity is your prosperity—you cannot
flourish while they fade ; you and they are the
arms of the State, and every revolution of the
steam-engine drives the ploughshare deeper into the
fruitful soil of England," and this is the language of a Tory !
Truly times are changed. Reason and common sens 3 have
triumphed at last. Party spirit has given way to the
universal spirit of truth and justice. Lord J. RUSSELL
could not propose more truly liberal measures than those
which Sir R. PEEL has recently brought forward, and Mr.
COBDEN himself could scarcely uphold free trade more
strenuously than Lord ASHLEY. The Noble Lord thus con-
cluded his address:—
" And now as I bid you farewell—(No, no)—I will ask you in
all justice seriously to answer me, what motives can I have in coun-
selling the adoption of these measures,:_ether than a sincere—it may
be a mistaken belief of their value for your public and private inte-
rest ? My lot is cast with yours. If this measure be an evil one,
few will suffer more than myself. I have many children and no
expectations to sustain them but these derived from land,
and that, too, situate in the poorest and most unprofitable
parts of your own county. I have by a voluntary act of my
on-n stripped myself of the high honour that attaches to being your
representative, and I now stand here before you after fourteen years
of service—l may say with joy of blameless service—l stand here to
be rejected by your voices.—(" No, no," and cheers.) I stand here
to be sentenced to a private station, and be deprived of all hope of
carrying into completion those measures of social improvement
to which I have devoted the better portion of my life. How-
ever painful the issue, it shall not sever those ties of charity
which bind me to you, and, I am sure, you to me ; and I
shall rejoice in a hope amounting to an assurance, that counsels
such as these—devised to consolidate the peace and extend the in-
tercourse of nations—to reconcile man to man and interest to inte-
rest, will be abundantly blessed from on high ; and I shall hope
that your common welfare, forced] on you in spite of yourselves, will
make you confess at last that the free and friendly intercourse of all
the families of the earth will secure your own prosperity under God,
and bring all nations to the love of the law and the freedom and re-
ligion of the British people."

Seven days since we announced the fact that a most un-
constitutional influence was being exercised by certain noble-
men, whereby the freedom of elections'was directly tampered
with, and the old boroughmongering system revived.
This declaration was last night corroborated by Mr
CoLLETT—corroborated at least as far as assertions
can be received. Unfortunately, however, the Honourable
Member had not supplied himself with testimo-
nies (to accumulate a vast number of which there
would assuredly be no difficulty), and was besides so embar-
rassed in his delivery as to militate considerable against the
actual importance of his motion. These circumstances we
most earnestly lament since,' through their interposition, a
vicious and insufferable grievance—possibly the most vicious
and insufferable grievance with which our govern-
ment can be afflicted—is slurred over as something
scarcely worthy of attention, when in fact for a
Legislative interference in its regard there is a pro..
digious and paramount necessity. The integrity of our own
individual department—of the people's department—in the
State is placed in jeopardy : of this fact, there are indubi-
table proofs, and proofs of almost daily recurrence. Young
scions of nobility, by courtesy designated as representatives
of this or that constituency, but in reality the delegates of
dncal interest, walk one after another into the House of
Commons, are sworn in as a matter of mere routine, and
seat themselves among the advocates of individual monopoly
and party protection. Of this no individual, who has
observed recent occurrences down in the provinces,
and who is, at the same time, gifted with a single
crumb of brain, can, for one solitary instant, doubt.
It is as plain as that the seasons alternate: it is
as demonstrable as the simplest proposition in arithmetic
Like the plague-spot, it is its own evidence; like the crime
of HAMLET'S uncle, it is " rank, and smells to heaven !"
That this corruption exists, look at Chichester, look at
Buckingham, look at `Woodstock;—that this corruption
exists, read, as the Hon. Gentleman recommends, "Dodd's
Parliamentary Companion ;"—that this corruption exists, ob-
serve how frequently men are returned with a
sweeping majority, who have no personal claim, or
tie, or influence with the constituency—men without
one jot of the persuasiveness of eloquence—men who are ac-
companied, when they sally forth to canvass the electors,
with some purse-agent—some recognised money-jobber of a
local landlord with a coronet and a thumping rent-roll. With
these facts staring one boldly in the teeth, who shall blink
the matter as anything but imperative ? who shall have the
audacity to say that rotten boroughs are utterly abolished?
The serfdom into which a considerable number of our
enfranchised countrymen are plunged ; their total incapa-
city to vote as their heart and their very reason would tell
them to vote ; the undue authority which these acre• owning
despots are permitted to exercise—are really pitiable.
Looking at those devoted blots upon the political chart of the
"Land of Liberty," we almost sigh for the freedom of
the Russian peasantry, or pine for the liberality of
thought permitted of old among the lielots. By an
extension of the malady upon which we have thus animad •
vested, the Lower House would ultimately become, with re-
ference to the Upper House, what the servants' lobby is with
reference to the drawing-room—the reception hall of legisla-
tive flunkies. We are impelled to give utterance to our in-
dignation in language thus comprehensible and matter of-
fact from the intolerable nature of this great constitu-
tional Tice. The grievance is harsh and unsavoury—it
requires to be eradicated with harsh, and possibly unsavoury
promptitude, and hence the same qualities are requisite to
give strength to any exposure of the necessity. Sir
ROBERT PEEL objected, last evening, and that with mani-
fest propriety, to the acceptance of the motion as produced
by Mr. COLLETT, insisting that one of such
a peculiar character should be accompanied by
an array of proofs directly bearing on the case in
point—otherwise this, namely a demand for what might rea-
sonably be regarded as an idle, fishing Committee of Inquiry,
might rationally be stigmatised as a vexatious attempt to
occupy the time and to fritter away. the patience of the re-
presentatives. To these very sensible objections no sound
opposition can possibly be raised ; it is but proper the House
should look for testimony before any investigation (especially
one of such an important kind) should be seriously com-
menced. And hence, as we have previously observed, Mr
CorssErr seems to have been either wonderfully precipitate.
or wonderfully incompetent, to undertake the office to which
he has aspired—namely, the impeacher of more than a ducal
triumvirate. We consider the Honourable Member pecu-
liarly culpable, from rendering a good solid cause
apparently a very shallow and frivolous one imleed ; by not
selecting from the mass of evidence which lay before him
ready to be collected, some facts which would have satisfied
the sceptical and driven the House into a Corn.
mittee forthwith. From this assemblage of evidence
let us select one; surely it alone would have had suf-
cient power to have accomplished the ends which
we have just enumerated. It is about the boldest interference
of a Peer in the election of a Member fvr the Commons
which could well be conceived, and front other particulars is
tinctured with extraordinary audacity, and no less extraor-
dinary intolerance. Our remarks are directed t, an epistle
written by his Grace of NEVI/CASTLE on Tuesday last; it is
dated from Ciumber ; it is addressed to " the inhabitants
of South Nottinghamshire;" and is penned for the direct and
acknowledged purpose of preventing his Grace's son, Lord LIN-
COLN, from being the successful candidate at the forth-
coming election. "In addressing 3 ou on the present occasion,'
says the Duke, " I am quite aware of the unusualness of the
proceedings :" a most proper occurrence indeed for the
coinage of an epithet 1 the detestable act was not
to be expressed by any word in the dictionary ! " Lord
LINCOLN has been the deluded victim of bad counsel"—it is
his Grace's cash-box that here takes a tongue unto itself—
he pursues his malignities by saying that some individuals
had foolishly " expected that the public voice
would be raised in favour of free trade and the
other newly disclosed enormities of Sir ROBERT
PEEL'S Government, although we have neither asked
for nor desire free trade, nor any other vicious and revo:'ution-
avy system !" Strong speaking this in so unsound a position !
bold words for the scarcely legitimate interference of al
oligarch 1 Nor is this the marrow or the essence of the
epistle ; the whole production is red-hot—it breathes of the
• boiling brAndY iu 'lhich Quiz Was ?font to quench hip thirst,

Looking at it through the medium of mere substantial fact,
this letter is the ebulition of a father against his son ; it is
the preference of private wealth to public prosperity ; it
looks uncommonly like a breach of the standing order. We
commend it as such to the consideration of the Prime
Minister and the investigation of the House of Commons.

The Madrid Gazette of the 13th publishes the following
appointments to office, signed by the late Minister of Jus-

tice :—General NAnvAr,z,Commander-in-Chief of the Army;
Marquis DE MIRAFLORES, President of the Council, Minister
of Foreign Affairs; ISTURITZ, Interior; General Roscau,
War; Admiral TOPETE, Marine. The other vacancies had
not been filled up. The public seemed to take little inte-
rest in the new Ministry, as it is considered only temporary
and formed for the purpose of carrying out some intrigue.
The Funds continued much depressed. On the 12th the
Three per Cents. closed at 31:% at 6.0 days ; the Five per
Cents. at 23% at 60 days; and the Madrid and Aranjuez
Railroad Shares, at 2,095 at 60 days.

Most of the Paris journals contain articles on the Ministry
just formed at Madrid, and the causes of the change, but
-when we state that. they give at least four different versions
of the affair, our readers will excuse us for passing them over
without further notice. The Chamber of Deputies had been
engaged for two days in discussing a plan, for which
15,000,000 f. are required, to complete the canal between
Toulouse and Castels, but when the debate was brought to
a close, and the vote was called, there were not a
sufficient number of Members present to make a

House. The accounts from Africa are still very
unfavourable. To such extremities is BUGEAUD reduced

that he has compelled the colonists to arm and enrol them-
selves as militia, and has even taken five hundred convicts
out of prison and embodied them into a regiment. It is
really astonishing how the French Government can allow
this madman to remain at his post for one day longer. The
remarks of the Notional on the subject will excite sympathy
throughout France. " Marshal BUGEAUD," says that jour-
nal, "has just ordered the organisation of all the reserve of
the Algerian National Guard. The army is not sufficient,
and the National Guard is put in requisition. It is even ne-
cessary to have recourse to men whom the law has struck
and banished from the ranks of our battalions. Five hun-
dred men, condemned to the punishment of a weight at-
tached to their leg, have been equipped and armed in all
haste, and have just taken the field. In a word, all
the resources of the Governor-General are employed to
withstand the sad necessities of the situation. We
learn, in addition, that fresh reinforcements have
been demanded from the War department. IVe
can easily comprehend the painful emotion caused in
Algiers by the calling out of the National Guard. It is in
vain that M. BUGEAUD, in his letter to General DE BAR, en-
deavours to assign a different motive for this grave measure ;
every one easily divines what this appeal to the devotedness
and courage of the civil population means. It is evident, and
we have repeatedly said so, that M. BUGEAUD dces not know
where to turn. By his fault, and by his fault alone, a mag-
nificent army has in a mahner melted away during a short
campaign of four months. No more cavalry, no more beasts
of burden for the transport of provisions and ammunition.
The infantry present only a few enfeebled groups, covered
with rags, and reduced to the most meagre diet. In despair,
the citizens are obliged to be armed, and to be called on to
defend the country in common with offenders, declared un-
worthy to wear the uniform."
Several officers of the army of Africa, who are in Paris on
leave, have just received orders to return immediately to
their posts.

On Wednesday the Three per Cents. closed at 84f. 80c. ; the Five
per Cents., 123 f. 40c. ; tiie Orleans Railroad shares, 1,330 f. ; Rouen,
1,060 f. ; Havre, 7621. 50e.; Avignon, 1,025 f.; Yierzon, 735 f.; Bor-
deaux, 657 f. 50e.; Boulogne, 555 f.; Basle, 256f.25c. ; Great Northern,
778 f. 75e. ' • Fampoux, 472 f. 50c. ; Paris and Strasbourg, 557 f. 50c. ;
Tours and Nantes, 5951. . . _

The following are the quotations for other lines :—Paris and
Lyons (definitive), 6321. 50c.; Lyons and Avignon (Talabot),
511 f.; Ditto (Lecointe), 505 f. ; Ditto (Compagnie Meridionale),
502 f. 50c. ; Bordeaux and Cette (Mackenzie), 504 f.; Ditto (Espeleta),
511 f. ; Charleroi (Kysaen's), 492 f. 50c.
LYONS, FEII. 16.—Marseilles and Avignon, 990 f. ; Paris and Orleans,
1,295 f. ; Paris and Rouen, 1,027 f. 50c. ; Orleans and Vlerzon, 770 f.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, Fan. 19.

Boulogne and Amiens, 11 —Bordeaux, Toulouse, and Cette
(Espeleta), 2M—Central of Spain, I—Eastlndian, North.•
cm of France Constituted, 1514—Great Western Bengal, % —Ja-
maica South Midland Junction, 3!(y—Louvain and Jensappe, 2
Lyons and Avignon, 2i—Luxembourg, 2%—Madrid and Valentia,
l%—Namur and Liege, 3%—Orleans and Vierzon, 173 —Orleans
and Bordeaux, 11%—ritris and Rouen, 401,4—Rouen and Havre, 29%.

QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY.)
.Sittings at Nisi Prius, Guildall, before Lord DENMAN and a

Common Jury.)
PIKE V. LEE.

This was an action taken by the plaintiff, who is a law and
clerical agent, residing in Chancery-lane, against the defen-
dant, for the recovery of 2 per cent. commission on a sum of
6,4501., being the amount of the purchase-money paid for an
advowson sold to a party named Hughy. The action was
brought upon the ground that the defendant had a right to
pay it, inasmuch as he was the attorney who had negotiated
the sale for Mr. Hughy. The defendant, a solicitor, resid-
ing at Leeds, resisted the claim, upon the grounds that it
was Mr. Hughy who was liable.
The case is of no public interest, and is likely to occupy
the entire day.

SECONDARIES.--(THIS DAY)
(Before Mr. Secondary PoTTEn.)
LACEY V. LEWIS.

This was an action for 71. 55., for money lent. The de-
fendent pleaded that he was not indebted. it appeared. that
the defendant had been treasurer of a Lode of Forresters,
held at the Flying Horse, Milton 'street, Lripplegate ; and
plaintiff was endebted to the Order. A meeting of delegates
was held, and plaintiff, as ranger, paid the money due, and
defendant afterwards said he should not lose the money, as
he would repay him.
The jury, without hesitation, gave a verdict for the

LORD MAYOR'S COURT.
(THIS DAY )
(Befo.e the RECORDER.)

MILLGATE AND ANOTHER V. THE CORPORATION OF LONDON

-BROWN, CHAMBERLAIN, AND CO., V. SHORT.

The first case was for compensation for premises in Lad-
lane, and the other involved a question as to the liability of
wholesale dealers to take up their freedom in order to carry
on business in the City. Sir Thomas Wilde, Sergeant Tal•
fourd, Mr. Fitzroy Kelly, and other gentlemen were en-
gaged, but could not possibly attend, and although to-day ha(
be nn named, the cases had not been set down for trial

Mr. RYLAND appeared on behalf of the Corporation, to have
Saturday week appointed, but
Mr. LOCKE objected, on the ground that the leading
counsel could not attend.

- - The RECORDER said that in cases of compensation the
claimant had always been allowed to open the case, although
the writ was sued out by the City, and not long since an
Act was passed, placing him in the situation of plaintiff ;
under such circumstances it was clear that he could go before
the Court to have a day fixed.
A long discussion ensued, and
The RECORDER suggested Wednesday next.
The ASSOCIATE said, that was Ash Wednesday, and a
dies non.
The RECORDER said that half the days open for sitting
were Saint days, and he was by no means certain that he
was bound to go by the Saints' Calender, but that he might
take that of the Queen's Bench; at all events he consi-
dered that the objection did not apply to a case of com-
pensation.
The Bth of April was then mentioned.
The RECORDER said it appeared that it was a custom in
the City that no business should be done on holidays; the
only course, therefore, which appeared to be open to him
was to fix a day on which the question could not arise, for
he understood that in the last case it would be disputed inch
by inch from the panel to the verdict, and from the verdict
to the judgment; he should, therefore, fix the 4th of March.
He did not, however, see why a special case should not be
prepared, or a verdict agreed to, as it was purely a matter of
law, depending on a by-law 240 years old.
Mr. Pearson, the City Solicitor, said that the case had
been standing over for twelve months and a fortnight, and
the parties would not agree on the admissions.
The RECORDER said that he could not wait for an importa-
tion of "foreign counsel." He was at all times ready to
meet their convenience as far as practicable, but if they could
not agree amongst themselves he must assign counsel of the
court.

The cases were ultimately adjourned for the 4th, unless
counsel could agree before the rising of the Court.

NIARLBRO-STREET.7-(THIS DAY

Alexander 111`Lean, described in the Police charge sheet as
residing at No. 4, York-road, Lambeth, gentleman, and
Charles 111‘ Kenzie, of No. 7, Hill-street, Walworth, no occu-
pation, persons of very respectable appearance, were charged
with drunken and disorderly conduct in the pit of the Hay-
market Theatre, and disturbing the audience during the per-
formance.
George Alderman, No. 77 of the A division, stated that
about half-past nine o'clock last evening, while on duty at
the theatre, his attention was drawn to the defendants, who
were in the pit behaving in a disorderly manner, talking very
loudly, and making such a disturbance that the audience
repeatedly called out "to turn them out ;" they were
ejected but forced their way in again, and on being expelled
a second time, H'Lean ran round the pit passage and ex-
tinguished all the gas-lights, leaving the place fcr the time
in total darkness ; they were ultimately secured and taken
to the station house. Both of them were intoxicated.
Inspector Squires, of the C division, informed Mr. Hard-
wick that her Majesty was present in the theatre at the time
the disturbance was made. So violent were the defendants
that constables were obliged to be fetched from the street to
assist in securing them.
Constable Alderman said that they had placed themselves
directly underneath her Majesty's box.
Mr. HARDWICK asked the defendants what answer they
had to make to the charge?
M'Lean said he was very sorry indeed for what had oc-
curred; he was certainly very tipsy at the time.
M'Kenzie said he was also very sorry, and was sure that
they should not have so misconducted themselves but through
being intoxicated.
Mr. HARDWICK—In what station of life are you? M'Lean
—l'm a clerk.

Mr. HARDWICK—In what office? M'Lean—None at pre.
sent. M'Kenzie-I'm the same, Sir.

Mr. HARDWICK—Let the defendants find security for
keeping the peace and being of good behaviour till the ses-
sion.

ACCIDENT AT THE BRITISH MUSEUM.—On Thursday
an accident which might have been attended with great loss of life
occurred at the British Museum. A large stone, weighing nearly
eight tons, which was to form part of the architrave that supports
the cornice in the front of the left wing, had been just drawn up by
the crane, and the men were steadying it into its proper position
when the chain broke, several of the links flying away into Great-
Russell street, and the enormous mass crushing the hand of a man
named Keller to atoms, fell through the scaffolding to the ground,
snapping in two an immense beam of timber as if it kad been a lath,
and dashing to pieces part of the stone substructure between two
of the columns. Three men, who must otherwise inevitably have
perished, saved themselves when the scaffolding was tumbling to
pieces by springing up and catching hold of other parts of the archi-
trave, to which they clung so long—hanging by their fingers before
they could obtain any footing to raise themselves upon it—as to
cause the most painful anxiety to those below, who expected nothing
less than their instant destruction. Only a few seconds before the
ponderous block fell several men were working immediately.beneath
it, and so great was the fear that an awful sacrifice •f life had been
the consequence that those who ran to the spot hesitated at first
49111 apprehension of beholding some (UMW catastrophe.