The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-03 00:00:00

LpyppN, WEDNESDAY MORNINIG, JUNE 3, 1846,

the lenient. The cause of free trade has stability
enough to stand a million blows of the sawe character
tu,claken.

THE PLOUGH.
Se'dem do we encounter a periodical, devoted to the
interests of a parzieuter class, addres,ing itself so im-
tnedia•ely to that class, argil so singularly to a general
reader. "I he number of the agricultural journal b,- fore
us is precisely of this character ; it is moreover replete
with matters most important (we had slmost said ne-
ctesary) for the perusal of every tenant-farmer in
the United Kingdom, who is at all ambitious of becoming
an adept in his profession by keeping up with the rapid
progress of scientific knowledge as applied to its mani-
pulation. Should there be any individuals amongst
this class old fashioned and opaque enough to deny
"The Importance of Science for Agriculture," sse
refer him with confidence to the paper so en-
titled in this sixth part of the Plough. He will change
his opinions on its perusal—or he is an incorrigible dul-
lard. Again we earnestly direct attention to the series
of " Queries submitted to the consideration of the Prac-
tical Farmer," at p ,ge 597. It is art admirable notion
t'..e accumulating agricultural statistics, and seems
likely to overthrew those difficulties which have pre-
vented their official accumulation hitherto. We presume
the d. bate the other evening in the House of Commons,
where commercial and agricultural suggestione were re-
latively made by Lord George Bentinek and Mr. Bright,
suggested the scheme to the compiler of these inquiries.
If the tenant-farmers wish well to their country and to
themselves, they will throw facilities somehow or other
in the way of collecting the statistics. From a sen-
sible paper, headed " The Domestic Economist," we
quote a few sentences in relation to home-made bread.
"Having tried many adjuncts to flour, and found all, even
potatoes, unnecessary. pure flour only has been preferred.
The sort styled in some districts " farmers' flour," will be
generally preferred, unless where whiteness is desired. This
flour is sifted but once, so that all the nutrition of the grain
is retained, and the coarse bran only rejected ; thus. if no
animal, be kept on the premises requiring " pollard " food,
this substance remains in the flour which is intended for
baking—thus far ensuring economy. Our reason for object-
ing to the intioduction of potatoes—(an ingredient which
enters always and largely into the manufacture of baker's
bread)—is, that while they appear to increase the bulk of
the material, they actually lessen it, by the large quantity of
water they contain ; also that while they make bread lighter,
they cause it to become harsh, and to dry very speedily; and
just in proportion to the quantity of potatoes introduced do
we find bread flavourless.
" A batch of bread for the consumption of a small family
fir a week, will probably consist of twenty-four pounds of
"grist," or farmer's flour: this, when water, and yeast, and
salt, be added, will weigh in the dough about thirty pounds.
The best utensil for the purpose of kneading. is a large well-
glazed earthen pan, much wider at the top than the bottom ;
the advantage which this possesses over a wooden tray or
trough is, that the former is keep more sweet and clean than
the latter. Yeast, either from a brewer or from beer brewed
at home, can be used ; but we always prefer the last-men-
tioned, and have long since proved by the best test, that of
experience, that the absurd prejudice against its use is to-
tally without foundation "
" Winter and summer bakings require different treatment :
the best temperature for thoroughly working bread is 50 or
61 degrees of heat; this, habit will determine to be an agree-
able warmth, not a hot state. In winter, therefore, the flour
should be placed in the pan, and set sloping towards and in
froi:t of the fire for an hour before the preparations for
baking commence; in summer it will be put at a distance. It
the process be conducted in too cool a state, the dough will
not rise; if it be too het, the yeast will be scalded, and the
fermentative principle destroyed."
" The Agriculturist and the Patriot," is a ridiculous
bit of antiquity. We beg to remind the writer that the
protective system is already virtually abolished. "Anec-
dotes of Agriculture," make an excellent budget of
memorabilia on the subject : we trust the notion will be
resumed. With a mess of other miscellaneous articles,
the Plough "comes off" this month creditably.

SPEECHES OF 1113 CT Hi-ERS AND
GUIZI IN TEI E CHAMBER A OF DEPUTIES,
ON THE POLICY OF FRANCE.
In the coune of wet;
the stimates afforded Mled
.'T'hai)e'rsl,a-nt:htt)hbeasdbisecennssoito'nlaotef
comparatively silent, an opportunity of arraigning the
whole system of M Gulzet's policy. The following is
his speech :
M. THreats said that it was in order not to interrupt the
discussion of the Chapters that he addressed the Chamber
at that moment. He stood there to support by antici-
pation the amendment of M. 0. Barret. The Chamber
would comprehend that it wis not a vote that he came
forward to solicit, nor did he want, On the eve of an
election, to excite men's minds by a highly coloured
picture of grievances. His only
design was to ex
pose to all impartial and enlightened men the
motives of his opposition. In his opinion, a reaction
had been for some years going on. not of a vio-
lent character, for such could not take place in the
present times, but a moderate reaction, such as had been
manifested at the revolution of 1830. He had contri-
buted to found and consolidate the present Government,
and he now attackeh it, not in its essence— God forbid.
but :n some of its acts—in the acts of its servants, the
present Ministers, who, in following their own
imagined they were servine its interests. Some monthss,
back he said that all governments commenced by being
tastes,
rr
ei evil°
tai %id finishedth the
empire,h y being
and
.the
nh h r
ee
s wrong.
toratio n eF ele irteevdorne.
tion. humane at first, and creel afterwards ; the empire
aa
ft
tefirrsate
nsasge
lee
saan de
owneql
eosrtdos red a ;
an,
d,n and
atsht en l
y, d e
thes p o
rt iecs
taonrda
ttinoard,
rwihgihcths,caanmd yei
entlBls,
violated
as itin declared,tthoe
rights preserveoafl 11111 lawful
rights,
na-
tion. Was the present Government following the
example of the three preceding ones ? He should say
what it ought to have been, what it had been, and what
it now was, and then a judgment could be formed on the
subject. He should first examine what its conduct
ought to have been at its birth. There were two
courses open to it a warlike or a pacific one.
A government, young and ardent, taking advantage
of the enthusiasm which pie y tiled in France. and
the agitation which pervaded Europe, might endeavour
to take a glorious vengeance for the events of 1815,
but ti • result of such a curse was doubtful, and that
was sufficient to condemn it. The new Government
beheld Europe, the higher classes of society, end the
Church, withdrawing from it. In such a position, the
policy of the Government should have been pacific and
moderate, but firm. Europe should have been made to
feel that France wished for pate, not from fear bet
from calculation; the upper classes of society should
comprehend that in respecting their position, the Go-
vernment of the country eas not to be rendered subject
to them, and tht, if they were hostile, it would he
maintained with a firm hand; the church should be
made to see that in preserving to its dotation and ho-
nours, no principle was to he sacrificed. In fine, an able
and prudent Administration was required—an Adminis-
tration, placing on a strong basis the navy, army. and
finances. On these two conditions, of a peaceful and
firm policy, and of a prudent Administration, the new
Government could have arrived at the destiny of those
officers of fortune who, having become Catinats and
Vaubans, marched on an equality with the Condes and
Mentmoreucis.--. (Applause.) He might be told that this
was what it had been and what it now was; he would
reply, " No, it is what it commenced by being, but
what it is no longer." What was seen at the oriein
of the . Government? A liberal alliance with Eng-
land, which upheld the influence of France in Eurepe.
All the statesmen of the day were in accord in endea-
vouring to put down disorders without effusion of blood;
and when the Government demanded 100,000 000 to
complete the public monuments and public works, the
Chamber gave it them, great as the sum was, with con-
fidence. The conduct of the Government was then
proper and prudent—such, in fact, as suited their situa-
den. But afterwards that prudence was changed into a
.desire to preserve their positions; it became mere inert-
ness; and complete immovability appeared to govern all
their acts. The Hon. Deputy then proceeded to sketch
the various circumstances in which this unwillingness to
move was manifested. He instnneed Spain, where
France refused to interfere ; he referred to Belgium,
which, from the refusal of France to act, had lost
Luxembourg, and the French troops were obliged to
evacute Ancona. This last circumstance appeared so
heinous that then was formd the coalition, in which M.
Gamut, M. Duchatel. and the Duke de Broglie had
united to overthrow the Mole ministry. Afterwards
came the coolness between France and England. In
consequence of the checks which arose from it, France
desired to take her revenge, awl went to seek it. in the
east. He had not placed credit in the i:lusiens
which were entertained on this point, and, in fine, it
came to pass that the Eastern question was lest like the
others. What was the proper course to be pursued at
the period just alluded tu? Evidently to keep apart—
in a state of isolation, completely removed from hostility;
but it was desired to renew the allegiance, and for that
purpose an extension of the right of search was con-
ceded. The country became greatly agitated in conse-
quence, and the Government was obliged to demand back
the concessions that were made. Then, to turn the at-
tention of the public mind in another direction, a lure
was thrown out, and the expedition to the Marquesas
was devised. Here, again, it was found necessary to re-
coil. but this time it was not before the country, but be-
fore England that the withdrawal took place.—(Hear,
hear.) Admiral Dupetit-Thouars was disavowed, and
an indemnity was granted to the arregint missionary
who had caused the blood of their soldiers to be shed.—
( Murmurs.) But this was not all. Worse than this
was done. A difference arose between England (the
-hence ally of Franco) and the United States, her fun-
damental ally, and France took the part of England.
The very utmost that the Government ought to have
done, was to have observed a kindly neutrality.—
(Hear, hear.) But from all these concessions, had
France, at least, reaped any advantage ? No. In
Syria, where she asked for a little humanity to the
Christian populations, her voice was unheard ; and
in Greece, where she only desired to see sound policy
established, her wishes were thwarted. It was
said that pease had been observed. He allowed that
peace was a great blessing ; but let the Chamber not
target that on the occasion of the miserable affair of the
Marquesas, and at the moment of the Pritchard amend-
ment, France was nearer war than she had been fur 15
years before.—(Merks of denial from the Centres.) The
lion. Deputy here again referred to the state of Spain,
and accused the Government of wishing to appear to
exercise an influence there, which in reality it did not
possess. He referred to cases of Espartero and Narvaez.
Siepaitl
both of whom were at first supported by the French
Iw3toond ask, wasylernment,rtnd then utterly neglected. How, he
had situated n ai
anxious
present
tosuccour
inhe
Queen
Christina, whom he
distress, and whom he had not flattered in her prosperity.
had admitted into her heart a most unjustifiable hatred
for the sons of her sister—(Murmurs)—and under the
influence of that most lamentable sentiment—(oh, oh,)
t—hehaCdosuonutghdte Trapani.—m
esia(h7v enbeamndftt.); her daughter in
He had no in-
tention to give any opinion relative to that candidate.
but every one well knew that the choice was impossible;
he was opposed by all parties in Spain, and was par-
ticularly odious to the Moldered° party. By that un
happy selection, that Queen. whom France could not
devise the means of effectually succouring, and whom
she had flattered beyond measure, had divided that
party, and at present that wis the greatest difficulty in
Spain. But to return to the policy pursued in France.
For some years a change had been gradually going on
in the majority.
amongst others, Whilsthadjoined pr t y
ohwadn
it. He was convinced that the greater number had been
so
separatedme men,from andit,
othershis
influenced by honourable motives.—(Murmurs.) But
he must be permitted to say that to many the attraction
of power had been a predominant reason.—(Renewed
murmurs. What was the consequence of this change?
Formerly the Government confined itself to defend-
ine itself against parties ; it was, in fact, with hesi-
tation that it ventured to avow a candidate at the
elections. At present the Government, far from limiting
its action to self-defence, assumed the offensive, and the
result of this conduct would be that in a short time the
administration would be nothing else than a political in-
strument. He admitted, however, the right of the Go-
vernment to defend itself, but it ought to do so with
some reserve—it ought to impose some reserve on its
defenders.
The MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS.—The Govern-
ment could not answer for newspaper articles.
M. TRIERS was glad to find that the Hon. Minister
understood his allusion. But though the Government
could not answer in all things for its defenders, yet
there was between a Ministry and the journals which
defended it, a certain common bond. Whilst of late the
opposition press became more moderate, that of the Go-
vernment became more violent. But that only proved
that the opposition press was in the right. In 1830 the
moderate press belonged to the opposition, the violent
one to the Government, and every one knew what had
taken place. The Hen. Deputy then reproached the
Cabinet with departing from the national party to draw
closer to the 1. giiirnist and religious one. He said that,
great The
ion. question
though the journey to London to see the Duke of
Bordeaux was attacked so violently by the Go-
vernment in the Chamber, yet it showed it-
self very accommodating afterwards with the le
tmi mai! set d
apeaarttiyo•n,
waswhen
at
atthalei e
Deputyoi: thennatio
referred to the state of the navy, army, and finances.
He accused the Government of allowing the navy to fall
to ruin, and said that had not the Chambers interfered
it would
have done nothing.
The
army,
e allowed,
was active, ardent, and intelligent, but deniedmhe't h at it
was properly organised • the •
recruitment regulations
were insufficient, and the cavalry was not certain of
to
procuring horses. In allusion the state of the
finances, he complained of the loans
been forced to contract, and adducingh that the Stateexample
ofhad
the father of Frederick the Great, who the
(1 left r son
an army and treasures which enabled him to conquer
Silesia, he declared that he could pardon the Govern-
ment their faults, if they had left treasures sufficient
for a
similar purpose.—(Approbation from the left.)
The MINISTER 01 FOREIGN AFFAIRS Should reply fully
to the Hon. Deputy at the 'n
next sitting.
The Chamber rose
in considerable agitation at half-
past ave.
On Thursday, May 28, the MINISTER of FOREIGN AF-
FAIRS ascended the tribune, anti said that, in replying to
the observations of the 11, MT •
hier , s he should en-
deavour to avoidall 'II
M.
personal remarks ; for, whether one
attempted in a discussion to disparage ore's adversaries,
or to eulogise one self ,the effect raw be to lessen the
value of important matt, u
rs, such as the ger eral in-
terests of mankind, or the affairs of nations. The Hon.
Gentleman, in his observations on the policy of the Go-
vernment since 1830, had divided heads, one of
which he had, and the it into two
ether in which he had not, taken
a part ; the former he had approved ot; and the latter
he had criticised. He would observe,
no observe with regard to the
former, that in his opinion the
Hon. Deputy had not
`given it the full praise that it deserved, for a policy
which, on the morrow of a revolution, in the midst of

the greateSt agitation, had always, remained master of,,i
itself, prudent, just, and moderate, must .certainly be
called a great policy. He must beg the Chamber
to excuse him from not following the Hon. Gentleman
through all the questions which he had raised, icr
there were many which it was more desirable to
leave for history to record ; for the great re-
sponsibility falling on a minister frequently did
net allow him to treat such questions as he
might please. With regard to the right of search,
he would ask whether, if the Cabinet had fallen under
that question, and the Hon. M. Thiers had concluded the
convention of the 29th of May, the Opposition would
not have regarded it as a great piece of success.—
(Murmurs on the left.) The Hon. Gentleman, in allud-
ing to the conduct of the Government towards Spaic,
expressed his astonishment, that when the support o
the French Government was demanded, the reply should
have been to tell her to save herself ; that was, however,
what she had been able to accomplish. She had, with-
out intervention, put an end to the civil war, and esta-
blished a Constitutional Government. Spain, doubtless,
continued to experience many difficulties, but he denied
that she was in a declining state ; on the contrary, she
was in the way to return to the good principles of prac-
tical government_ He was surprised to hear the Hon.
Gentleman make use of the names of parties connected
with Spanish affairs, in a tone of bitterness which could
not be made use of when speaking of their ° ,
vn affairs.
(Approbation.) The Hon. Minister here pa ;ed as eu-
logium on General Narvaez, who, he observed, had con-
ferred great benefits on Spain. That officer might have
committed great faults, might have yielded to the brutal
traditions of his country, but when prudent voices
warned him that he was acting wrong, he at once gave
way, and remained strictly within the bounds of consti-
tutional order. No person ought, therefore, to accuse
General Narvaez of having compromised the monarchy
of his country. As to Queen Christina, who could tell
by what views her mother's heart had been moved in
seeking a husband for her daughter ? She had too
much good sense, and too much political experience, not
to sacrifice any personal feelings of her own to the wel-
fare of her country. Spain was at present in the hands
of men who had given proofs of their devotedness to her
interests. What France owed them, and what she de-
sired to afford them, was her moral support. He should
not then pause to answer the observations of M. Thiers
relative to Syria, for the question would one of those
days be brought forward, and discussed at full length.
lie must, however, declare that M. Thiers was quite in
error when he asserted that France had asked for a little
humanity for the Christians of that country, and could
not obtain it. Humanity had nothing to do with the
matter ; it was altogether a question of organization in
the interior of the Lebanon, on which England and
France held different opinions. He was convinced that
the latter was right, and should be able to prove it when
the matter was discussed, but at present he could not
allow the question to be mis-stated—to be represented
as one of humanity. With respect to Greece, he should
be just as brief in his remarks, as he had not long since
declared that the whole cause of the difference between
France and England, relative to that country, was that
they had formed different opinions respecting the cha-
racter of tho Ministry now in power. A difference of
opinion might easily exist between the two Govern-
ments on such a point without leading to any grave re-
sults, and this was what had taken place in the present
instance. As to the question of the United States, he
certainly did not expect to find it again alluded to in the
tribune. Every word that he had ever uttered relative
to the United States—every act that he had sanctioned,
might be strictly examined, and nothing could be found
tnat did not testify to his great consideration and inte-
rest for that country. He had maintained the inde-
pendence of the policy of France, as he had thought it
fitting for her interest, in a secondary matter ; and in a
question of a graver cast, he had been the first to pro-
claim a policy which no person in that Chamber could
gainsay—a strict and real neutrality, surrounded by
every kind of guarantee. Such were the few words
which he had deemed it necessary to utter on the foreign
policy of the Government. He should now proceed to
discuss that of the home administration, and as a preli-
minary step should observe, that on the accusation that
the present Ministry wished for peace at any price, he
must declare that they did certainly aim at preserving
peace, as the only efficient means of consolidating the
power and greatness of the country. But there were
two modes of preserving peace ; one was to be uneasy.
to fear the possibility of war, to continually demand if
it could be preserved—in fact, to show that war was
considered probable. This conduct in its turn produced
doubt amongst the other powers, and at last the result
would be that war would burst out. But there was
another mode of preserving peace, which was to do so
with confidence, with the conviction that it was to be
observed, and that it would issue victoriously from all
trials to which it might be subjected. After a lapse of
time every one would believe in its continuance, and the
favourable opinion thus felt would exercise a most be-
neficial effect on the country. It was in this way that
the present Government preserved peace. Let any
one go from that Chamber, and, proceeding through
France, listen to what webs said, and regard what was
done, and then declare if France had not gained strength
immeasurably within the last five years.—(Dissent from
the left.) "You," said the Hon. Minister, turning to
the Opposition benches, " you and your friends are the
only persons who do not say so. All others declare the
contrary to you ; and this is the only way that we prove
in what manner we understand and practise the policy of
peace."—(" Hear, hear," from the centre.) With regard
to the domestic policy of the Government, the first re-
proach made against it by the Hon. Gentleman was, that
it was not a parliamentary government. It had acquired
a majority. It was admitted that it had passed this ugh
many difficult trials, which it had got over with much
success, and yet it was not a parliam, ntary government
—it was a party, and governed as a part;. If by this it
was meant to say that the majority had acquired a firm-
ness, an organisation, and a unity which was fitting to it,
the Government congratulated itself on it.— (Hear, hear.)
The Conservative party, in fact, for the last
five years, must be regarded as the principal
constitutional force of the country.—(Hear, hear.) A
constitutional Government required a majority possess.
ing those principles, and faithfully following under the
same standard. Great efforts and great sacrifices had
been made to attain that end.—(Laughter OR the left.)
As Hon. Members did not appear to understand the
sacrifices he alluded to, he would explain that they had
sacrificed the dearest friendships, and the warmest allies,
to maintain the unity of the Conservative party. This
had produced on the side of the Opposition what had
been called a fusion. He considered they were very far
from forming a party fit to govern, for they were want-
ing in the ideas, the sentiments, the habits, which con-
stitute such a party. They had, however, started in
that read, and he much preferred seeing it so, to wit-
nessing the disunion, the impuissance, and the inco-
herence which formerly reigned in the ranks of the
opposition.—(Murmurs from the left.) They had done
right to constitute themselves into a great party, and
to take the Hon. M. Thiers as their leader.—(Loud in-
terruption on the left.) It was not long since that
that Hon. Member designated himself under that
character.—(Loud denials from several voices) He
should leave that question to be settled among them-
selves, but he must be permitted to believe that the ex-
ample of the Conservative party, and the necessity felt
for strengthening themselves, had led to that result,
which he should consider as a mark of progress; but in
which it appeared they had advansed as much as he had
thought. The Government was told that it certainly
had the majority, but that this advantage was obtained
by means of corruption, and at the expense of represen-
tative government.—(Cries of " Yes, yes," from the left.)
The Opposition allowed that it had confidence in the
institutions of the country, and that it admired them
But had not these institutions been in force for the last
15 years ? Was not every one in his place ? Was not
the combat that was going on between the several par-
ties regulated by these institutions ? And when a new
species of liberty had been admitted—that of public
voting in the Chamber—had the Government and the
Conservative party suffered from it ? Undoubtedly not.
But it was not alone in the Chamber that the institu-
tions were in force ; throughout the whole length
and breadth of the territory they prevailed—in
councils-general, in municipal councils, in the National
Guard, everywhere they had their influence, and
everywhere the Government had the majority! Well,
then, here were free and powerful institutions used by
every one at full liberty, and yet Opposition went the
lengths of declaring that they were annihilated by cor-
ruption! What greater insult could be offered to those
institutions and to the country?—(Exclamations from
the left.) If amongst the various Governments that had
succeeded each other in France, any single one, the em-
pire for instance, with the immense powers at its dis-
posal, had endeavoured not to corrupt, but simply to se-
duce ; he could comprehend its being reproached with
exercising an ascendancy over the institutions of the
country; but in the present day, with the means now at
the service of the Government—so slight, so inferior—
to suppose that it could succeed in putting down the great
free institutions of France, was certainly going too far.
It was certainly quite out of character for the Opposition,
who boasted of perfectly understanding the great inte.
rests, the generous sentiments of the country, to accuse
the Government of using corruption by means of to-
bacco shops and supernumaries' places, and of obtaining
by such insignificant instruments the great results at
which it has arrived; that surely was not possible—it
was an insult to the country to suppose it.—(Sensation.)
He was well aware how the Opposition explained this
anomaly; they said the country slumbered—was indif-
ferent—allowed matters to take their course. The re-
storation was not very far from the present time ; the
Government then disposed of more numerous means of
influence than at present—the liberties of the country
were less extensive and less active. But the country
did not slumber, nor did it remain indifferent. And why?
Because it distrusted the Government, and was uneasy
respecting its principles—for that reason it became vigi-
lant and on the defensive. Why was the country not in
the same state of alarm now? Because it was quite
satisfied as to the principles of the Government which
held the reins of power ; and, being so, it tranqully
transacted its daily nusiness. Let not then Hon. Gen-
tlemen attribute to administrative manoeuvres such great
results. Between the Government and the Opposition
the country had to choose, and it preferred the former,
and that was the sole cause of the former's force.
He should now come to another reproach raised by the
lion. M. Thiers against the domestic policy of the Go-
vernmeet—that of falsifying the representative system.
The policy practised by the Government was every day
attacked ; it was stated to be retrograde and counter-
revolutionary at home, and weak and humiliating abroad;
and, after thus stigmatising the policy of the Govern-
ment, it was said that it was not its own, and that if the
Opposition would have followed the same course, it might
have been in its place. That was the language that
had been made use of : but it was evident that in that
case the responsibility was not misplaced. The Hon.
M. Thiers had certainly too much experience not to
know that good intentions did not always prevent bad
consequences. Ie admitted the right which the lieu.

Gentleman had claimea
to examine into the in-
Dhence exercised bye the different powers of the
states; but that right ought to be made use of for
the interest of the country, and under certain circum-
standes. Had, then, 'that right been used, underexisting
circumstances, in a manner conformably to the prin-
ciples of a representative Government, and to the in-
terestsest?ablisTl-hmeey weremonarchicalcountryhiasllwalashtohuerifno
gurttho
attempt within 50 years. There was the monarchy of
1791 ; the imperial monarchy of 1804 ; that of the re-
storation ; and, lastly, that of 1830. They were,
therefore, engK,cd in their fourth attempt, and- that
proved two things ; that a monarchy was necessary,
since it was always returned to ; and, at the same time,
that it was very difficult to establish it on a firm and
durable basis. He believed that the last of the four
monarchies he had mentioned offered the best condi-
tions of success. If France had been told in 1830 that
at the end of 15 years she would find herself in the
situation in which she was now placed, she would have
congratulated herself more than she did at a moment
when she had extricated herself from a state of anarchy.
But, in founding a durable and solid monarchy, it was not
too much to find, in addition to the energetic assis-
tance of all the great powers of the state, that of the
Crown equally with the rest, and it was a great happiness
for the present monarchy at its very commencement to
meet with in the Crown so much wisdom, firmness. ard
devotedness to the country.—(Applause, and murmurs on
the left.) What he had just utter,- d was repeated com-
monly, not only in France, but throughout the a hole
world, arid he could not see any just reason why he should
he prevented from proclaiming it in that assembly.—
(Renewed applause.) There was much diffarence of
opinion as to the duties of advisers of the Crown. For
his part, he believed that the duties of Ministers in a
monarchy were to maintain the accord between the
great powers of the state ; not to make one preponde-
rate over the other, but to maintain
an equilibrium be-
tween them, to brine- them to the same d •
necessary
desire, the same
or
will. In order to effect this, it was
to treat with all, with the Crown as withtheChambers for
them
oak) them a:cept the conditions of common a
c co, ortd.
This was the light in which he regarded representative
government.—(Hear, hear.) In order to perform the
part which he had here pointed out, it was necessary to
possess much independence. He had lived under many
Governments, many of whom he had served, and he
was confident that no one had ever found him either
servile or complaisant.—(Whispering.) He had, he
confessed, much respect for the powers which governed
the country, and if he happened to find himself opposed
to one of them, far from allowing them to see it, he was
anxious to conceal it. It was not proper to make the
country acquainted with those intestine struggles; the
weaknesses of the powers should be concealed. Ile
would never allow his vanity to be gratified by such
conduct, at the expense of his independence.—(Move-
ment.) There was another point which separated him
from M. Thiers : it was this, that in his opinion the
duty of the councillors of the Crown was, to attribute to
the Crown all that it did of good, but never to assign to
if anything of evil. The Crown was never responsible
for what was ill; it was it that effected every good.
The Marquis de LAROCHEJAQUELIN.—And 1830 !
(Laughter.)
The MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS was well aware
that in all times and countries there were Crown coun-
cillors, who endeavoured to elevate themselves by pur-
suing a different course ; such conduct neither suited his
taste nor his sense of duty. He believed, on the con-
trary, that it was his duty to stand aside before the
Crown.—(" Yes, yes.") By such conduct he considered
himself dignified—(Hear, hear)—he considered the
other course vulgar, and he would have none of it.
—(Movement.) He was convinced, that if he some day
deserved a place in the remembrance or gratitude of his
country, he should not be deprived of it by his deference
to the Crown. Such was his way of understanding the
consitutional monarch and the duties of councillors of
the Crown in such Government. These were the re-
marks which he had considered it necessary to make to
the observations of M. Thiers on the foreign and do-
mestic policy of the country. There were two or three
other points to which he should deem it necessary to ad-
vert, but, in order to do so, he must request permission
from the Chamber to take a few minutes repose.—
(" Yes, yes.")
The sitting was then suspended, and on the Hon.
Minister descending from the tribune, he was immedi-
ately surrounded by his friends, apparently congratulat-
ing him on his speech. After the lapse of about a
quarter of an hour, he again ascended the tribune.
The MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS should briefly
conclude, as he was nearly at the limit of his strength,
and probably had worn out the patience of the Chamber.
—(" No.") The name of the President of the Council
had been incidentally mentioned the day before by M.
Thiers. That noble name shared in all the responsibility
of the Cabinet, which was but too proud to have the
illustrious warrior at its head. As long as the Noble
Marshal should be pleased to lend his name, as long as
he lived, the Cabinet would most anxiously endeavour
to keep him at their head, convinced that under no
greater name could a policy of peace be carried out.
—(Hear, hear.) He passed to another point mentioned
by the llonourable Gentleman, to what he called the
tendency of the Government and its weakness towards
the legitimist party and the clergy. No doubt the
Government had much es. eem for the Hon. Members of
that great party—and these men were numerous—and
had great consideration for their social position, their
,pntiments, and their ideas.—(Movement.) The Govern-
ment had shown that it knew how to come to an under-
standing with M. Thiers to repeal the hostility of a party
But it was also the desire of the Gceerntnent, as well as
Its policy, to draw round it men of the legitimist party.
lie dissembled nothing ; he called things by their names,
and used no disguise. It had been a great misfortune
for the French nobility that they did not know how to
assume that part in the political interests of their country
to which they were entitled, They had done nothing
but live in the isolation of their estates, or the subser-
viency of courts.
The Marquis de LAROCHAJAQUELIN—And on the field
of honour !
The MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS—Yes, most• nobly,
and most patriotically ! But the intelligence of the
policy of the country had always been wanting to them.
It was the middle classes that had been obliged to
conquer, step by step, all the liberties of the country—
it was to them that France owed every thing 1 the
middle classes had given since 1814, noble proo, of
courage and intelligence ; they had in 1830, founded for
ever the free Representative Government, but they were
well aware that all the benefits, all the honours, all the
glories of that Government were not reserved for them
alone—that they belonged equally to the old French
nobility whenever they wished to join them, and to the
people, in proportion as it raised itself, and fulfilled the
conditions of its accession to political life. What he desired
and hoped most anxiously waste, see such French subjects
who hitherto had taken no part in political life, either
through an unjust disdain, or through ignorance. form-
ing themselves by the proper apprenticeship, and taking
their places on the benches of political rights. That
was the idea of the Government respecting the Legiti-
mist party—an idea alike honourable to both parties.
As to the clergy, the Ministry had not the slightest
notion of, in any way delivering up to it either the go-
vernment or the education of youth. He had been the
first to declare that the two grand conquests of the
Revolution of July were, that the state was laid, and
that education was free, and to that principle the Ca-
binet would firmly adhere. M. Thiers had also touched
on the home administration, the army, and the finances.
If any foreigner should chance to travel through France,
he (M. Guizot) believed that the country would not ap-
pear to him so badly administer, d as the Hon. Gentle-
man seemed to intimate. The army bad been defini-
tively fixed as to numbers three years back, and M. Thiers
was as well aware as any one Loa usefully it had been
employed in the great work of d, mination in Africa.
tie (M. Guizot) looked on Algeria as destined to
increase immensely the grandeur of France in the
world, and he should be most unwilling to weaken in
soy way the means by which the end was to be effected.
As to the finances and public works, the Ministers of
these departments would answer all objections when
their budgets were under discussion. It was that the
finances at present supported a heavy burden, but the
Government felt convinced that they would issue with
honour from their critical situation. "I have now,"
said the Hon. Minister, in conclusion, " I believe, re-
plied to all the points alludad to by M. Thiers, and con-
jointly with the regret which I have felt at so general
and sharp an attack against the Government, I avow
that I feel a profound sentiment ©f satisfaction, and
for this reason—that at present, when all is calm and
tranquil around us, when prosperity prevails at home
and ,security abroad, we may, without the slightest
inconvenience, subject all the acts of the Go-
vernment to the mo.: t rigid scrutiny, M.
Thiers and
myself have not always met in our encounters under
'o serene,
so calm, a he.tven ; we have often, in our
combats, had far greater difficulties to contend with, and
burdens of a very different weight hanging over our
heads. I feel confident that the policy followed since
1840 has much to do with this serenity, and that the
Government has contributed to bring about this happy
state of things. For my part, I congratulate myself
that, notwithstanding the violent attacks which have
been directed against the Government, we are at present
in such a position as to be able to hear without inconve-
nience everything that may be alleged in this trieune."
—(Loud applause and great agitation.)
IN THE SITTING OF MAT 29.
M. TRIERS, after a few observations on the increase
of the National Debt, again recurred to the subject of
the relations of the Ministers with the Crown. He had
three times brought that question before the Chamber.
The first was in a great debate, in which he had ob-
tained the support of MM. Guizot and Duchatel ; the
second on the occasion of a member of the Cabieet be-
ing Ambassador at London • and the third when the
discussion of the incompatibilities bad been brought
forward. He was altogether of opinion that France bed
given
herself to her King, and that she was fortunate in
meeting with such a prince • but he (M. Thiers) must
be also permitted
to say that it was a great happiness
for that prince to reign hear. so great and noble a come
try as France.—(Hear, ) As to the conditions of
the contract, he had no need to repeat them—the Chain
ber knew them all.
M. DuPxN,(pointing to the picture over the President's
chair, of the King swearing to observe the Charter)—
There is the representation of the sacred act ! (Ap-
plause from the left.)
M. TRIERS was deeply. attached to the monarchy.
The savage nations of Asia also had monarchs, but the
people of France could not be governed like them.
Under the Restoration, a good and generous king ex-
isted, but he was persuaded that if the opposition gained
ground, he would lose his head on the scaffold ; he
governed with that idea, worked against the Martignac
Ministry, and urged matters to such a point that France
rose up one day, and hurled him from the throne.
They all had sprung from the Restoration, and they be-
lieved that what was required was the existence of re-
sponsible Ministers—Ministers who were independent,

irbo protected the Crown, and who did not stand aside
before it.—(Hear, hear.) Ministers who thus gave way
allowed the evil and the good to pass equally by. He
marained that Ministers ought to completely cover and
protect the Crown. They ought to have a final will
this he conceived to be a necessity of their unstitutional
system. Some attempts had been made to connect to-
gether a speech of his with the late attempt against the
King's life—at least some of the journals had endea-
voured to do so. He protested against such insinuations,
though it was scarcely necessary, after the many proofs
which he had given of his devotedness tothe throne.—

_
(" Hear, hear," from the left.) He should term-inate by
saying that, if the present Ministry was not to last for
ever ; if, some day or other, circumstances should in-
duce the Crown to have recourse to a Ministry now
appearing impossible, and that he should be sent for to
take part in the counsels of the Crown, he should bring
with him the greatest devotedness ; if he found himself
in accord with the King, he shoald be, truly delighted ;
if not, he should retire. He thought that tutu pride
was better than•that of the men who lowered themselves,
not to keep power, but merely the appearance Dif it.—
(" Hear, hear," from the left.)
MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAlRS—Whenever Hon.
M. 'riders has attacked the Ministry, he said—" you are
mere instruments ; if I had been satisfied to et I like you,.
I could have remained Minister."—(Agitation )
M. TRIERS never slid that

MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS—That was the sense,
if not the text, of the Hon. Leptity's word., ; and slh,:t
did that signify, if not that there was au infiuenc, that
made and unmnie Ministers ? If tlic Oppositi n had
said that the Ministry was feeble and perverse, and
allowed the Crown to take too much par in one of the
Mowers of the State, he should have nothing to sly.—
(Violent exclamations on the left.), He was astonished
that the distinction was not observed, and he would re-
peat his remark.—(Hear, bear.) They might accuse
of weakness, corruption,. or even worse,
the Ministry
but they could accuse them alone.—(Applause.) This
was not done when they said," If I had done as you did
I might still be a Minstev..'—(Adhesien from the
centre.) He had already said, and repeated, the part of
a constitutional Minister consisted in the maintenance of
a good accord bAween the three great powers of the
state. That this was a great labour for Ministers was
incontestable. Before the Chambers they defended the
ailnapt:o•esa discussion
were brought before them, and with the
Crown they fulfilled an analogous mission ; they entered
d t
o tilem withgo it and
an
and
u induceduseful.—(Movement
mv
i. it ocoonn e
to m e
left.) The Crown was not a seat on whicsheant bar
placed that no one might
institutions. sitlp
thereonassos; ; itit was
was notmt
(t., norane whatdt
aoa then
that, it was an active and real part of their Government
closed to all ambitions, all

M. 0. BARROTT—You are quite right.
MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS—The Clown was an
intelligent person, which bad its ideas, its sentiments,
and its desires, like other animated beings. That personhad rights and duties ; his duty was to govern con-
formably to the charter, and in accord with the great
public powers. That duty had never failed, and would
never be wanting.—(Nlorement.) lie repeated that the
Crown was an intelligent person, and not a mere ma-
chine made to occupy a place which others might take.
A Voice—And the Queen of England.
MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS--If the Hon. Mem-
ber who had interrupted him had known 'what took
place in England—if he was aware that one of the
greatest measures—Catholic emancipation, had been
postponed for twenty years because Sir R. Peel, power-
ful as he was, c7itild not persuade the Crown to acquiesce
in it, he would not have interrupted him.
A Voice—lt was, however, eventually passed.

MINISTER of FOREIGN AFFAIRS—Did the Hon.

Deputy know why ? He would tell him. Because in
England there was no Minister who would wish to im-
pose a despotic will on others ; because in England
all political men, all Ministers, knew that it was neces-
sary to treat and discuss with the Crown, and they did
so. That was how things were conducted in England,
and the same course should be pursued here. lie had
the day before used the expression " stand aside," in face
of the throne. He was not the first who had employed
it. Lords Chatham and Grey had used it, aid'the
latter had done so in order to give William IV. all the
honour of carrying the Reform Bill. He had used the
word in the same sense in which the above Nobleman
had employed it, in order to give the King the credit for
all the good that was done. But when the question was
no longer to " stand aside," but to shield the Crown
against the accusations brought a,t,raint the Government,
he Cabinet would know how to fulfil its mission as well
tLs any other.—(Agitati.,.m, and cries of " Divide.")
The discussion was then declared to be closed.
The Chamber rose at a quarter to eight, and on a di-
vision, as our readers are already aware, the Ministers
obtained a majority of 73.

EDUCATION (IRELAND).
The following are the interesting portions or the an-
nual report of the Commissioners of Education in Ire-
land, to his excellency the Lord-Lieutenant for the year
ending 25th March, 1846 (just issued by order of Par-
iarnent, being pri,pared pursuant to Act of Parliament,
53 Geo. 111., c. 107, s. 8):—
TO HIS EXCELLENCY WILLIAM BARON BLEYTESBURY, &c.
In the attendance of pupils a-,1 the course of ins-ruc-
lion adopted in the royal schools, no alteration has,
since our last report to your Excellency, taken place, of
4 nature sufficiently important to call for any special re-
marks on the present occasion.

At the election of Queett's scholars founded by us in
the University, we have to inform your Excellency, that
since our last report we have appointed, on the Artnagh
Royal School foundation—
Edmund F. Rambaut to a royal scholarship of 25/. per
annum for five years.
On the Dungannon Royal School foundation-
-Richard Dowse to a royal scholarship of 301. per an-
num for five years.
Frederick Dobbin to a royal scholarship of 30/. per
annum for five years.

Robert Heatfey to a royal scholarship of 30/. IRA. an-
num for three years.

Wyndham Armstrong to a royal hcholarship of 30/.
per annum for two years.

Hugh M'Sorley to a royal scholarship of 50/. per an-
num for two years.
On the Enniskillen Royal School foundation—

John Gwynne to a royal scholarship of 50i per an-
num for fire years.

John J. Fleicher to a royal scholarship of 301, per an-
num for five years. _

William Caine to a royal scholarship of 301. for one
.ear.

Much of our time and attention has been occupied by
the estates attached to the Royal Schools; and we are
enabled to inform your Excellency that a decided jut
provement .is apparent thereon; and that we have
granted such assistance to different memorialists as the
nature of each case seemed to us to require and justify.
During the past year we have expended on the differ-
ent royal school-houses such sums as were reported to
us to be necessary for their proper maintenance.
At Banagher repairs of an extensive nature are now
in progress.
From the annual returns furnished to us by the
masters of the different 'schools of private endowment
throughout the country, it appears that those schools,
which were formerly reported as being most fully at-
tended by pupils, continued to maintain their respective
positions, • with the exception of the Middleton School,
which, though under the care of the same master who
formerly raised it to a very successful position, has lat-
terly very much retrograded. We have reason to ex-
pect, however, that the patrons and trustees of this
school will soon be enabled to place it in a more satis-
tactory position.
01 the different diocesan and district diocesan schools.
that of Derry is now the most largely attended, and ap-
pears to be rising in public estimation.
The other diocesan schools remain much in the same
condition as when we last reported to your Excellency.
We have further to state to your Excellency that we
have, in the course of the past year, paid to the credit
of the consolidated fund the regular annual instalments
in repayment of the sums advanced by Government in
the cases of Raphoe and Clonmel schools.
(Signed) JOHN G. ARMAGH'(L. S.)
RICHARD DUBLIN (L. S.)
EDWARD MEATH (L. S.)
CHARLES KILDARE (L. S.)
FRANCIS BLACKBURN, C. J. (L. S.)
FRANC SADLEIR, Provost (L. S.)
C. R. ELRINGTON (L. S.)
JA •FES WILSON (L. S.)
THOMAS TUAM, &c. (L. S.)

We ;re happy to announce that the Marchioness of
Worcester is progressing favourably.
NEW AND IMPORTANT ROUTE TO OREGON AND
CALIFoRNIA.—The Picayune of the 22d states that the editor
conversed with a gentleman who left California on the 18th
of February, by sea for Mazatlin, and thence proceeded to
the city of Mexico, leaving there again on the 3d.
He reached Vera Cmr, and so on to New Orleans.
Captain Fremont had reached Sutler's Settlement
at New Helvetia, on the Pacific coast, about
the lit of February, with seventy mounted men, and has
discovered a new route by which Oregon and California can
be reached in sixty days less time than by the old route.
Captain Fremont left his
_party, and proceeded himself to
Monterey on a visit. In California, allegiance to Blexice
has nearly been thrown off. Don Pio Pico commands, and
no expedition from Mexico to reduce them to obedience bee
arrived. There is a strong tide of American emigration set-
ting into California from Oregon.—Nero York Sun.
Subscriptions for the Monument at Culloden are
being paid to the promoters of that Scottish memorial. The
Highland Society has been applied to for a contribution, and
some of the northern papers speak very energetically as to
the duty of °vet)? Scot to contribute his mite for the erection
of this memento upon the memorable battle- field.
EXTRAORDINARY Musunoost. —On Saturday last,
James Stubb, of Buglawton, near Con;leton, was somewhat
surprised that one of the flags just within the threshold of
his door had been so far displaced by some invisible agency,
that it had become almost impossible to open or shut the
door. To discover the hidden cause of this strange effect, the
flag was removed, and underneath it was found a fine mush-
room, measuring nearly half a yard in circumference. The
flag which was thus pushed from its place by the upstart
fungus, was two feet long by eighteen inches wide, and two
inches thick !—Macclesfield Courier.

AN ENGLISHMAN'S TREATMENT,--There is now a
poor man in Mansfield, belonging to Papplewick, whose wife
is confined to her bed through illness. Having been removed
from Mansfield to Papplewick six years ago, the poor man
applied at his place of settlement for assistance. He met
with relief then by being offered work to break stones by
piece work, and actually travelled fimrteen miles a day
(seven there and seven back), for the scanty pittance he
could earn at stone-breaking—a description of work he had,
never been accustomed to. Here is an Englishman's treat-
ment in England! Where is the Englishman of ordinary
feeling who does not blush that his country should thus be
disgraced? Dr. Cnrsham, the vicar of Mansfield, has
written to the Poor-law Commissioners
and we hope to be enabled afford
mation as to this extreme
the individual
publicnpon this subject,
fartherilifr-
wcase of hardship. The name of
referred to is, we believe, Francoies ; his aim
62,.—Nottirighans Review.