The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

.Though an 'Evening
.Ministerial Paper, that
greatly affects an official tone, states that " it is
believed Cotint Orloff, who has been sent to
Constantinople,' and who has there met with
Lord Ponsonby, having authority for that pur-
pose7Will give immediate orders for the return
of the Russian fleet and army to Sebastopol,"
we take the liberty of saying we believe no such
thing. The reliance to be placed on such a
statement, emanating from such a quarter, may
be fairly estimated, when it is recollected that
the Journal which thus announces the speedy
removal of the .great obstacle to the adjustment
of the affairs of the East, has from time to time,
for nearly three years past, assured the public,
with all the solemn pomp of Lord Burleigh's
gravity, that there was to be an " immediate
settlement" of the Batavo-Belgic question,
which, in spite of those " official" assurances,
remains unsettled yet. "It is believed," says
our contemporary." On what authority ?"
we ask ;—certainly not on the authority
of the news received from the East through the
German papers, which, although very guarded
in communicating anything which concerns the
ambitious designs of Russia, yet allow sufficient
facts to transpire to make it evident that the
" settlement" in the East which Russia is pre-
paring to bring about is a settlement for herself.
All the accounts from Constantinople likewise
show that the,political struggle there is chiefly
between the Russian and French influence. The
agency of England is nearly, if not altogether,
put aside. The incapacity of the Noble Lord
at the head of our Foreign Department was never
more clearly manifested to all the world than in
relation to the Turco-Egyptian question. He
recalled one ambassador at the moment when
his presence in Turkey was most wanted, and
sent out another when it was too late.
Sir Stratford Canning returned home about
the time that Ibrahim Pacha struck the de-
cisive blow against the Porte, and LordPonsoaby
arrived in the Bosphorus just in time to find
the Russians in military possession of Constan-
tinople ! The genius of our foreign policy was
" wriggling like an eel" through the mud-banks
of the Netherlands, while Russia, with the arms
of her naval and military power, grasped the
splendid prey which her subtle and circumvent-
ing diplomacy had ensnared. The French Go-
vernment was then asleep as well as that of
England, but the French diplomatists have since
evinced some energy and skill as compared with
our own. Accordingly France has been enabled
to throw some impediments in the way of the
further progress of Russia, though they are pro-
bably but of a temporary nature. The accounts
from Constantinople speak of no other Powers
contending for mastery in the Divan than Russia
and France; as to England, her position is ex-
plained by the Allgemeine Zeitung in the follow-
ing words:—" English diplomacy has placed itself
in the second rank, and the British agents here
(at Constantinople) are scarcely ever mentioned."
It is quite certain that Turkey has fallen to rise
no more. The elements of that vast but
constructed empire are broken up. As to its
abject and pusillanimous Sultan, Russia is his
master. He is but a satellite of the Calmuc
Jupiter, as the Khan of Crim Tartary formerly
was before that country was incorporated with
the Russian dominions. We quite agree with
our correspondent who writes from Frankfort,
and who says that it is in vain for us to think
of propping up Turkey now ; that we should
adopt Egypt, and make that country a new
barrier against the ambitious designs of Russia.
If Russia had allowed the Sultan and Mehemet
Ali to fight their quarrel fairly out, we should
have deprecated all interference on the part of
our Government ; but the in ervention of Russia
puts us under the necessity of taking active mea-
sures to protect our own interests. Our corn-.
rnercial connections in the Levant are at stake.,
But the interference of our Government, as at.
present conducted, is worse than none ; for our-
diplomatists assist the designs of Russia, by
opposing Mehemet Ali, whom, now that the
Sultan is Russianized, it is our obvious interest
to support.—Morning Herald.
When Bishop Phillpotts begins to pester the
King with his factious dogmas touching the
coronation oath, and " all that," his Pam-

phleteership will possil•ly have the goodness to
answer a single question. He says the Sove-
reign is hound by oath to maintain " the present
settlement" of the church. Well, in case his
Majesty should, on grounds satisfactory to him-
self, be persuaded, that to preserve any church
at all, it is necessary to modify some of the
conditions on which it holds its property—for
that, otherwise, the whole ecclesiastical edifice
must tumble to the earth—what course would
a due regard to the spirit of his oath prescribe to
a conscientious Monarch ? Would he patiently
await the inevitable downfall, or assent to those
definite modifications which a moral power, not
to be resisted, enjoins ? We hold this to be
the precise alternative now offered to the royal
judgment. Does Dr. Phillpotts flatter him-
self; that if the executive Government should
attempt to bolster up tithes, and the actual
arrangement of Bishops' property, and the
system of translations, and the wealth of Deans
And Chapters, and the monstrous inequality of
'ivings, &c., that he (Dr. Phillpotts) would be
the Bishop of Exeter this day five years ?
Should such an argument not prevail with his
Right Reverence, we know not of any by which
11)1111d like his Lordship's can be reached. As
for the precise object and terms of the corona-
tion oath, enacted in the first year of William
111. (and Mary), and taken by his present Ma-
jesty, William IV., the known object of that
portion of it which concerned the Church was to
guard immediately against Popery and a Popish
Pretender. That point is so well established
that we shall not discuss it. But for the terms
and expressions employed with regard to the
property" of the Church, the word " property"
does not occur at all, but the King binds himself
to preserve to the Bishops and clergy of this realm,
O to the churches, &c., all such rights and pri-
wileges as by law do or shall appertain unto them,
or any of them. Now, will any man of average
sense or honesty, not being Bishop of Exeter,
allege that, under this oath, the King must
never be a party to any change of the law re-
specting church rights or property ? It is na-
tural to imagine that the great lawgivers and
statesmen of the revolution were blind to those
changes in the nature, condition, and general
attributes of property, which are at all times pos-
sible, and which the lapse of years and fluctua-
tion of circums►ances might render unavoidable
in the adjustment of church property itself, with
a view to its actual preservation. If this Bishop,
or any ecclesiastical bigot, fancies that any in-
terested and selfish construction of a great con-
stitutional
instrument is to supersede that of the
people of England and their representatives, lie
may be roused from his dream rather roughly,
we suspect. As for the Right liev. brethren of

the Bench, seriously speaking, it is much to
be regretted by all true friends of the church
that, none of them were present in the House
of Commons on Thursday to witness the
very pregnant marks of assent given by the great
body of the representatives of the people to
Lord Morpeth's strictures on the political con-
duct of the Bishops. Even that same political
apostolical prelate, Dr. Phillpotts, might have
been taught to mend his ways, by turning to
pursuits more congenial with his sacred functions
than the demoralizing tactics of political intrigue.
We are ready to admit him not ill suited to shine
as one of the zealots of a faction, or the boiling
bigots of a sect ; but we must take leave to
remind him that such exhibitions are not con-
sistent with the lawn. sleeves which cost him so
Much reputation to earn ; and that he is rapidly
dissipating the halo which has heretofore
screened his brethren from the searching eye of
A jealous public. If the Bishops are content to
be classed with temporal Peers, they must take
the consequences. If they claim an exemption
from criticism on the ground of their spiritual
haracter, they ought to act up to it. Now,
Such of their light as shines before men is any-
thing rather than spiritual. It is in vain for
them to be repeating that they have nothing to
do with party, whilst at the very time they
are to be found abetting every unprincipled at-
tack that a few selfish and disappointed nobles
choose to make upon a liberal Government.
Verily, their works speak for them : sometimes,
however, they speak for themselves. Two amus-
ing instances of their involuntary sincerity oc-
'curred in the House of Lords this week. One
Right Rev. Prelate was observed, during Mon-
dav's debate, to give his assent somewhat osten-
tatiously to the propositions of Earl Grey and
Lord Brougham ; and, indeed, he was so in-
discreet as to express himself, both in monologue
and dialogue, quite satisfied with the case made
'out by Ministers. It was, of course, expected
that his vote would accord with his opinion, but
unfortunately a significant glance, at the critical
moment of division, from the circle where the
Duke of Cumberland was seated, in all the
odour of sanctity, at once added him to the
disciples of that pious and enlightened per-
sonage. Another Right Rev. Prelate, who
had the honour of being in the same ma-
jority, gave his reluctant vote, so as to leave
a general impression of •the pain he suffered
at being seen in the ranks of Opposition.
His glory was destined to be very short•lived.
On the following day a certain nobleman, of
known liberal principles, was surprised at being
accosted by this impartial Prelate, and at re-
ceiving from his own lips the gratuitous infor-
mation that he was delighted at the vote of the
preceding evening, and at the inevitable change
of Administration. An eclaircissement, of
course, quickly followed, when it appeared that
the Bishop had mistaken his new acquaintance
fora distinguished nobleman of very opposite
politics, whom it is needless to say it was greatly
his interest, in the event of a change, to propi-
tiate. But let the Tories disclaim as they will
any settled plot for defeating the Ministers last
Monday, we know that the most indefatigable
exertions were used to get up the majority. No
less than 39 proxies were entered before two
o'clock. Some noble Peers were even dragged
with gentle violence from their beds ; one, at
least, we know will not deny the "soft impeach-
ment." However, the overthrow that followed
was dreadful ; that it must be a final one we
do not aver,---there is always danger in even a
sleeping majority, which it is notorious may at
any time be brought to bear against Ministers in
the House of Lords. There are two modes of
crushing it,—first, a creation of Peers, which we
do not—which we never did—recommend but as a
last shift, and under extreme necessity. The
second is the adoption of a line of policy,
foreign and domestic, so vigorous, command-
ing, and popular, as to draw the whole country
into the wake of Ministers, and let the Lords
resist it if they can. This is the course which
we would recommend to his Majesty's official
advisers. There is one further topic which may
now not unfitly be touched upon, and which,
considering the high quarter to whose favourable
acceptation it would, in all duty and reverence,
be humbly submitted, ought to be glanced at,
we confess, with extreme circumspection. Ru-
mours have loug prevailed that the greatest per-
sonage in the kingdom has been personally
exposed to a sort of minute, but frequently re-
iterated, inconvenience, from the narrow, bigoted,
and pertinacious politics of certain individuals,
not very distant from the Royal circle itself;
whose sole purpose it seems to be to in-
sinuate against the views and motives of
the sworn advisers of the Crown, and to

,wart their best considered schemes of na-

tional policy. This must be equally tor-
menting to the high personage more immediately
affected by it, and injurious to the public service.
Looking at the composition of the regular Court
circle, and even of those additions which are on
most occasions made to it, there seems ground
for wishing that a more decided preponderance
in rank and number were given to those indivi-
duals or families whose known sentiments were
in accordance with those of his Majesty and of
the Members of his Administration. One rea-
son for such a change is this,—that the descrip-
don of persons most conspicuous about the
Court are assumed indications of the personal
bias of the Sovereign ; and a corresponding de-
gree of confidence or distrust in the cordiality
existing between the high personage and his ser-
vants is thereby circulated throughout the coun-
, try. Now, it is a noble trait in his present -Ma-
jesty, that of all the Sovereigns who have reigned
during the last century, there is not one who has
affbrded his Ministers on great occasions so
manly and generous a support. It is on that
account that we deem the subject a safe one, and
that we venture to state the case thus frankly,
knowing well that it will be felt no sacrifice to
set the whole matter on a less ambiguous foot-
ing, and to adapt the apparent to what we know
to be the real state of things.—Times.
Some surprise has been expressed that the
Conservatives, knowing their weakness, should
have allowed matters to go to a division on
Thursday .night. Indeed the whole conduct of
the Conservatives throughout this question has
been inexplicable on any principle of common
sense. The Duke of Wellington ought not to
have forced on a trial of party strength at this

time; but when it was found that the vote was

what the French would call a coup manqu6
there was no occasion surely to compel the world
to see the whole extent of the blunder by another
_ _

vote in the Commons. Some think that the vote
was the result of the determination of a distill-

guished Conservative in the Commons, who
wished to read a lesson to the Duke and the party
in the House of Lords, which might have the effect
of preventing them from running into similar
blunders 'Or the time to come. It did, to be
sure, exhibit wonderful ignorance of English
feelings and English sympathies to suppose that

a party could vault into power on the back of
Don Miguel. The lesson read to their Lord-
ships has been somewhat of the severest. But
how long will they profit by it ? When may
we expect another collision ? It would be in-
structive to have the particulars of the history
of the late intrigue. The Duke used to be
famous in the war of the Peninsula for the
goodness of his intelligence. His intelligence
has, however, been in this case at fault.—
Morning Chronicle.
On Friday, May the 17th, Lord Wynford
was exceedingly indignant at the statements in
some petitions presented by Lord Suffield, im-
plying that slavery was irreconcileable with Chris-
tianity. " When it was said," exclaimed Lord
Wynford, " that those petitioners could not re-
cognise the principle of men being the property
of men ; let him tell them that the Apostles had
recognised it, and he presumed that they did not
pretend to be better Christians than the Apos-
tles. The principle had, in truth, been recog-
nised from the earliest times." Last night Lord
Suffield produced an authority against the Noble
and Learned Lord, which ought to have some
weight with him—that of the Noble and
Learned Lord himself. "In the remarks (said
his Lordship) he made the other night upon
this subject, he had forgotten to allude to
an authority, than which a better could not be
adduced—it was the authority of Chief Justice
Best.—(Laughter, and Hear, hear.) In a
judgment which that learned individual had
given some time since, amongst other excellent
sentiments which he uttered was the following:—
That human beings could not be the subject
matter of property,' and that any law sanctioning
slavery, was an anti-Christian law, and one
which violated the rights of nature.'—(Hear,
and laughter.)" This was the argumentum ad
horninenz with a vengeance. However, Lord
Wynford possesses " matchless intrepidity." It
appears that the Noble and Learned Lord has
one Christianity and one law of nature for Eu-
rope ; and another Christianity and another law
of nature for the West Indies. "The judgment
alluded to (he said) had been delivered by him
some twelve or thirteen years ago ; and in it
there was not a single opinion expressed which
he was not prepared now most fully to maintain.
It was only in England that he recognised that
principle ; in any other country, especially in
the West Indies, he was not so ignorant as not.
to know that it would not obtain." Lord
Wyntord is an admirable expositor of Chris-
tianity and of the rights of nature. Rob Roy's
Christianity was somewhat akin to it—
" That he mould take who has the power,
And he should keep who can."

—Morning Chronicle:

A useful lesson has been taught to the Tories,
if they would only prat by it, by the answer
of the King to their address from the Lords,
and by the manner in which Colonel Davies's
motion was received on Thursday last. They
must now feel, if they never felt it before, that
as a party they are utterly annihilated—that they
have no standing in the State, except as a fac-
tion--that their principles are adverse to those
of the community at large, and that there does
not exist the slightest ground for hope that they
can ever again hold the reins of Government,
without a thorough change of all the principles
which they have hitherto professed, and a total
relinquishment of all the practices by which
they have brought this country to a state of ruin
and decay. Never, in fact, was a party so
completely annihilated, and in so short a period,
as the Tories. Three years ago, the world of
Britain was their own—they possessed all power
—every office in the State was filled by them—
every nook and corner in the kingdom owned
their sway; and the very idea of its being in
the power of any other party to turn them out
of office would have been scouted as the dream
of a visionary, or the raving of a madman. One
short hour, however, was sufficient to sound

their death-knell. They outraged public feeling,
as well as every principle of just representation,
by their opposition to reform, and with a ce-
lerity as well as an efficiency unexampled in po-
litical history, they were thrust from the councils
of the country without the slightest hope of
again returning to them as a party. To their
successors also a useful lesson was offered (luring
the late crisis, which, we trust, they will not fail
to improve to their own advantage as a party, as
well as to the benefit of the country. Twelve
months ago, their defeat in either House of
Parliament would have been viewed as almost
a national evil, and their threat to resign
have summoned around them all the talent
and liberality of the country ; but how
different was it during the present week, when
they were not only defeated, but when it was also
deemed more than probable that his Majesty
would not afford to them that efficient support
which the exigency of the case demanded ? It
is but too true that no one said, " God bless
them ;" that there was no indignation at their
defeat ; that there was no dread entertained of

the cause of the country being lost through their
resignation. The only feeling, in fact, was one
of astonishment at the impudent hardihood of
those who attempted to oust them ; but by no
means of fear lest they should supplant them in
the favour of the Sovereign and the Councils of
the country. The former was felt to be a possi-
ble case ; but it was also very rightly judged
that, even if a Tory Government were formed,
it could not, by any possibility, endure
for a fortnight. On that point the public
felt easy, nor did it seem to care much
whether the Whigs did or did not resign. And
why? Not assuredly because the public had
forgotten, and become ungrateful for, the great
services which they have rendered to the State
by the passing of the Reform Bill—quite the
contrary ;—but because they have latterly mani-
fested a leaning to Toryism by no means con-
sistent with their former principles—because
they have turned a deaf ear to many prayers
of which they were the stanchest advocates—
because they have failed in reducing the esta-
blishments and taxation of the country to a level
with the exigencies and means of payment of
the people—because they have opposed many
popular and just measures which they ought to
have supported—and, finally, because the people
begin to feel that there are those among them,
without title and without public name, who
are as capable of administering the affairs
of the country as those who till a larger por-
tion of the public eye. As is justly remarked
in the last number of the Monthly Repository,
" There is much hope for England as long as
there is reason to believe that a large portion
of the population of our great towns is com-
posed of men like" those who composed the
Calthorpe Jury. The country can never be at
a loss for men to administer its affairs, while
such men are to be found in the middle ranks
as those who, " before God and their country,"
delivered such a noble verdict. Every class, in
tact, but that which includes the higher circles,
has made great strides within the last few years

towards the attainment of political knowledge ;
and sadly mistaken, as well as of short duration,
will that Ministry be which does not duly ap-
preciate this state of society, and, instead of
being compelled by the public voice, take the
(mid; and direction of it in all matters affecting
she welfare of the State.—Morning Advertiser.