The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-31 00:00:00

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THE SUN,

Majesty's Ministers were justified, during the recess of
Parliament, in recommending to the Bank of England.
G,
the
purpose of restoring confidence, a course of pro
eseding at variance with the restrictions imposed by the
Act 7 and a Victoria, c. 32."—(Hear, hear.) Now, here
i 8 110 matter of blame to us. We adopted a very strong
measure _a measure which, if wrong, would have cx •
posed 11.4 to the censure of Parliament and the country
—and we called Parliament together to express its
opinion on the subject; but the very first person who
Called upon the House to pass a resolution justifying
our conduct was the Right Honourable Gentleman, who
I,tlonged to the party most opposed to us.—(Hear, bear.)
he Right Honourable Gentleman then entertained
the }louse very greatly with his accounts of the four
udgets---(A laugh.) The whole of the joke—of which
Iseebelilaeuveghtihneg Noble Lord (Lord G. Bentinck), whom 1
at it opposite, is the real author—lies in
giving to every statement made with respect to matters
of finance the name of budget. When the Minister
Whose business it is to attend to the finances of the coun-
t?'" makes any statement, in answer to questions put to
"4a, the statement is directly called a budget. The ap-
pellation is considered very witty, everybody laughs,
and it is exceedingly pleasant to talk of a Chancellor of
the
Exchequer who has produced four budgets.—(Hear.)
But, Sir,
bre I have known Ministers before now, who have
tight forward propositions on the subject of finance
which have not been palatable to Parliament or the
country, When I first had a seat in Parliament I voted
againstb the continuance of an income-tax for two
'ears, which was proposed for the purpose of winding
lirp the accounts of the war. In that proposition the
unvernrcent of the day were defeated. The conse-
uence Was, that on the following day the Noble
Lord who was at the head of that Government gave
uP another tax—part of the war tax. The Government
of that day, not having the means of paying off the war
establishments which they had expected to obtain, did
lint press upon the House the views which they enter-
but in those days we, who were in opposition,
Were not so witty, and we never thought of saying that
a Chancellor of the Exchequer had brought forward
three or four bto'gets. The Government of the day
1!:/,e up the expectation they had of reducing the debt
4.
tne country, and the consequence is that the debt of
the country is larger than it would have been, and the
eprintrY was freed from the additional income-tax. The
Gentleman finds fault with us for agreeing to a
avinetnittee on the estimates, and he draws a very fine
'"stinction between this Committee and the Committee
appointed by Mr. Pitt, Lord Castlereagh, and the Duke
or. Wellington. But the objects of the Committee ap-
rnted by Mr. Pitt, by Lord Castlereagh in 1818, and
Y the L
saute Luke of Wellington in 1828, were in effect the
Illy DISRAELI—They were appointed under a mes-
-▪ sge from the Crown.
a, Lord JOHN RUSSELL—True ; that was the
isliircrence ; and the Honourable Gentleman thought that
00 appointment of a Committee of the House of Corn-
, iti:ll ,8 was contrary to the spirit of the Constitution, and
t) lead to the most dangerous consequences, be-
()ewe there was not a message from the Crown that it
14.84 desirable that an inquiry should take place. I ac-
' eePt that distinction, but, at the same time, I must say
that I do not think that the absence of a message from
the
Crown is likely to be so exceedingly dangerous a
recedent. What really would have been dangerous
aaa for us to have left to the Committee to say what
should be the number of men employed in the army and
ItY.• But we did no such thing; on the contrary, we
a`eted that the opinion of the Government was that a
certain number of men ought to be employed for the pre-
sent year, and that no expression of opinion on the part
Of the Committee would induce us to change that deter-
nlination. Everything, therefore, which the Honour-
aaule Gentleman says of that kind I think is a mere
'elusion on his part, and has no foundation what-
,l37er,r• I must say, at the same time, that a great be-
-°"t has arisen from the inquiry which has been pro-
secuted with respect to the naval estimates, which has
bonly been of great use to the House, but which has
tpri . . axen into consideration by the Government, and,
101. the most part, adopted. So much, then, for the
precedent of a Committee on the estimates being an
18eless measure. The Honourable. Gentleman has ad-
verted.to the question of the Public Health Bill. Now,
Pat a measure which, so far from being ashamed of,
xtn very glad to have been enabled to introduce to Par-
.and I feel some pride in being a member of a
Ministry which has passed a measure touching upon an
notrodden field of legislation, and which, in the present
state of our social relations, is likely to produce the
greatest benefit to this empire. The Hon. Gentleman
114,y8 that this Bill has been altered in this House, but I
ttnuld have thought that the Honourable Gentleman,
u° wishes the House of Commons to have an in-
fllnenee in carrying on the affairs of the country, could
hardly desire that the Government should bring for-
ward measure and carry it unchanged, and that the
0h
IF:lions, the animadversions, and even the remarks of
. Misers of the House of Commons, should hardly
induce the Government to modify a measure which they
f:tcl introduced. The Honourable Gentleman next re-
rred to the navigation-laws. We had obtained the
.iassent of the House to the principles of that change,
but the discussions which had taken place on other sub-
'es have, as the Honourable Gentleman truly says,
trevented our going on with that measure. When,
nwever, the Honourable Gentleman attacks us on the
Subject of the sugar duties, I think he might as well
haveir. mentioned what has been the history of the change
—1 the sugar duties. In the year 1841 we proposed a
measure giving a differential duty of 12s. per cwt. in
favour of colonial as against foreign sugar. It was then
bought advisable by those who represented the colonial
interests to make that question a question of party, and,
if possible,- to overthrow the existing Government upon
th.
at question; and they succeeded in that object. They
obtained a great triumph, resting, as they did, their case
upon the assertion that the admission of any foreign
sugar whatever would be ruinous to the interests of
the colonies. Several years elapsed, and opinions on
free trade had gained great influence in this country
and in the House. We passed another measure
respecting the sugar duties, and then those who
represented the interests of the sugar producing
colonies came forward and asked, as a favour, that
a differential duty of 2s. less than we proposed in 1841
Might be imposed. But again, following the course
il!hieh they pursued in 1841, they made the matter a po-
itical and a party question, and they objected to the
proposition of the Government—a proposition which
they had not examined. This led to great debates, and
,elle debates were continued by the Noble Lord (Lord
• Bentinck) on other points, not very closely connected
With the subject to which they related. The Noble Lord
complained of a missing dispatch, which never was miss-
ing, but which was in the Colonial-office—(Loud cries of
"`Hear, hear," from Lord G. Bentinck), and which was
n due time laid before this House. The Noble Lord
ands fault with us for some arithmetical errors, but we
hove defended those errors, and we rest contented with
that defence.
Lord G. BENTINCK—You adopted some of the
amendments.
Lord J. RUSSELL—It cannot be denied that the
measure wbicn was brought forward with regard to sugar
d,id take up a great part of the session. I do not find
'atilt with the discussion which took place on that
question, and the Hon. Gentleman is mistaken in sup-
11°8ing that the Government ever did find fault
with fair discussion on any subject. The Honourable
Gentleman proceeded to comment on the conduct of
I
e House with regard to writs and corrupt practices.
a-eertainly supposed that this was not a question on
Which it was necessary for the Government to take the
ad in this House; and I recollect acting many years
I, with other gentlemen who are now Members of this
;louse, when I used to take my own line on this ques-
in". and when I was successful in carrying motions for
tognirY, and afterwards in passing Bills for punishing
rrupt practices. It is by no means, in my opinion,
accessary
for the Government to take up these measures.
the same time, if I were inclined to complain of any
Se Position which has been offered during the session, I
Would be inclined to complain of the opposition
the was, in the first instance, offered to the Bill of
10- 'lnn- Member for Flint, and afterwards to the Bill
troduced by the Government for a similar purpose.
s's-trgreat deal of time was taken up with those mea-
vr,ss• and 3o much time was taken up with them that,
hew the Bill went to the House of Lords. I was in-
dolllcl by a very great authority—not the Lord Chief
stice---that a Noble Duke, who takes a great interest
ttherProceedings of the other House of Parliament,
he. °pinion that this Bill was not one which should
to' ret
Fr.ceeeded with during the present session. We,
ore thought it more prudent to postpone the Bill
ierenother session rather than press it against the ad-
se opinion of the House of Lords. I have made a
4vh•
.rt statetnent with regard to some of the measures to
amrh the Hon. Gentleman has alluded. I cannot well
brewer the charge which the Hon. Gentleman has
soaght. forward, when he speaks of a political plague-
)34 seemed to me that, though in three-fourths of
-Feenly he undertook to defend the House of Corn-
of
iii• h4s,
in
that the other quarter of it he made it the object
ageVeetive. The Hon. Gentleman had complained
House, no regular and organized party in this
Rous When, however, I sat on the other side of the
patty are far from saying that-1 did not belong to a
e,----rbeeeeau.se, I must say, that the existence of party
Inteo
endmdhelyeafro.sodf that most materially, to the' maintenance
f th
spirit of our institutions. Having been a
a-
party when out of office, and again in office,
on
ne
graevanit:tbeen united with men in whom I feel the
greatest confidence, and for whose opinion I entertain
respect--men whose abilities I esteem, and
_ whose constitutional knowledge I have the greatest
reliance—_I do-not mean to:controvert the statements ex-
reetTed by the Hon. Gentleman with respect to the ne-
-B,lty of party. But if the Hon. Gentleman and the
Noble' Lord• have not been able to form a party accord-
ing to their views, and array an organized opposition to
the'
least, are
I do not think that the Government,
a
eat, are much to blame.--(A laugh.) Considering
the
of ours which are imposed upon us, I think that the
is task forming nod consolidating a party in opposition
rathere too much for us to undertake.—(Laughter and
che
Ls-) If I may be allowed any criticism, I think that
the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman have rather
mistaken the grounds on which they have attempted to
rernusteheir party. There are many Gentlemen in this
this
country--strongly
attached to the political constitution of
—strongly
u
attached to the Established
Church of this
verenced and hallo re-
ed
country—holding opinions re-
doubted] by antiquity—who, un-
Y, might, if com-
bine and form a party, a
Government, would,
useful to the House and to ntehvee r teheeulne
tsrsy e rßs uuatd, eidf , t
hb
ee
twhehyicb, if inconvenient to the
so thought fit,
Nobles Lord and the Hon. Gentlemanheenhpersist in saying
that the cause of free-trade has
aban-
doned, and that they will endeavour inestongel andt to revive protective duties, I think that they are
uureyr
strain-
ing after that which is unattainable, and that there is no
prospect of their forming, a s
cons'l tent andseh a coherent
party while they endeevotirestrittaitt-* 11 at object.
The Hon. Gentleman has done us the
honour to pay a
compliment to several members of the existing Adminis-

tration. I do not mean to make a return for those
eulogiums, when I say that the energy, the laborious
zeal, and the untiring perseverance of the Noble Lon!
the Member for King's Lynn—the ability and eloquence
which have been shown, not only upon this but upon
other occasions, by the Hot!. Gentleman who has just ad-
dressed the House—and the acquaintance with business
possessed by many other Gentlemen who sit on the Op-
position side of the House—ought to form materials for a
party to which a considerable portion of the country
may fairly look with confidence. If they do not succeed
in forming such a party it is for them to explai❑ the
causes of the failure.—(Laughter and cheers.) I have
taken the liberty of giving them a hint—(Renewed
laughter)—and that I think is as much as I can be ex-
pected to do.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the whole
of this session, I think there have been several circum-
stances which will account for the great delay which
has occurred in the transaction of public business. Some
of these relate to the issue of new writs, and to matters
which belong to the first session of a new Parliament.
Some of them, therefore, we may expect to be cor-
rected in a future session. I think, however, that it
will be worth while for Members of this House to con-
sider whether, while we preserve these valuable rules
of debates, it would not be desirable for some Members
to refrain from giving us so much of their opinions and
so frequently as they do at present.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) It would be invidious on my part ware
I to point out any Honourable Members who
might be considered obnoxious to this observation ;
when, however, the Hon. Member says that he comes
here to defend the House of Commons, I really must,
say that the House of Commons is not the defending,
but the complaining party. The House of Commons is
the plaintiff in the cause—(Hear, hear, and laughter)
—at least 49 50ths of the House complain of the other
fraction of the House, on account of their being the
cause of the delay which occurs in the transaction of
public business. lam quite certain that if the opinion
of the majority of the House could be consulted they
would, on certain occasions—(Laughter)—say, " Here
is a speech which might well be spared—(A laugh)—
we have heard it five or six times before, and therefore
we do not feel it absolutely necessary that we should
hear it again;" but on the subject of the whole of the
session I must say that the measures which have been
passed form no insignificant proportion of the Bills
which have been introduced by the Government.
Out of 125 Bills which have been introduced
by the Government during the present session
105 have been passed ; and it will be in the
recollection of the House, that at the begin-
ning of the session, we had only two days a-week, or
eight days a month, allotted for the purpose of pro-
posing Bills, and at the same time we had the estimates
and financial plans of the year to submit to Parliament.
I do maintain, above all, that, as I have already stated
in the commencement of my address to the House, with
sedition in England, incipient rebellion in Ireland, and
a convulsion in Europe, the labour of administration is
the chief business to which we ought to devote our at-
tention .—(Hear, hear.) There have been moments
when every one must have felt that a slight indiscre-
tion may have provoked foreign nations—there have
been moments when a slight want of watchfulness 'or
care may have given an inconsiderable number of mis-
creants an opportunity of involving the country in con-
fusion. Wishing to preserve the tranquillity of Europe
—valuing. peace above all price—and thinking that the
war of 1793 was unnecessary for the purpose for which
it was set on foot and maintained, we are nevertheless
prepared to devote our best energies and our constant
endeavours to the maintenance of amicable relations
with foreign countries. Valuing, as I do, our institu-
tions, and believing that they are the best adapted of
any which ever were framed for preserving the liberty
of the community, I trust that whoever may succeed us
in the task of future legislation will have to defend, and
not to restore, theconstitution of this country.—(Cheers.)
Mr. HUME said the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Disraeli)
had been prolific in complaints. He was justified.
therefore, in asking him what he had to propose better?
The bane of this country was party and aris-
tocratic legislation, directed with the sole view
of their aggrandisement at the expense of the welfare of
the people. He lamented the breaking up of that party
which had prevented the passing of measures inimical to
the interests of the people. Until a party of the people
arose the same system of misgovernment would be

_
pursued.
Mr. OSBORNE wished to know if the debate was to
be resumed at six o'clock? .

Lord J. RUSSELL said it would be more convenient
not to renew the debate on the re-assembling of the
House ; if any Hon. Gentleman wished to speak he
would have an opportunity of doing so on the third
reading of the Consolidated Fund Bill to-morrow

(this day.)
Mr. OSBORNE then said that, on the one side of
the question, everything had been said by the Honour-
able Member for Buckinghamshire, and on the other by
the Noble Lord, and the debate would close like many
modern duels—both parties seemed satisfied. But there
was_ another party. whom neither the Noble Lnrd nor his
Hon. Friend represented, and however able the speech
of his Hon. Friend, or however witty the speech of the
Noble Lord as to the measures of the Government, that
party—namely, the people—would look with indifference
on the attack of his Hon. Friend or the !defence of the
Noble Lord. They had heard something of the fish
dinner of the Government, and he really thought the
House required some defence, because the Noble Lord bad
said that, owing to the tedious speeches of Hon. Members
the public business had been impeded; but it would have
been much more apposite if his Hon. Friend had defended
the two Hon. Members for Stafford and Youghal, in-
stead of the House of Commons ; for, as the House was
fond of statistical information, he would state that an
Hon. Friend of his had calculated the speeches of those
Hon. Members, and they amounted to five weeks of the
closest printing—(Hear, and laughter)—speeches, too,
not from Metropolitan Members or gentlemen represent-
ing large constituencies, but from Members for two
small boroughs, the reputation of one of which was cer-
tainly not the most brilliant.—(Hear, bear.) But with
reference to the fish dinner. He had the pleasure of
dining at Greenwich a few days ago, and had some con-
versation with the waiter.—(A laugh.) He asked the
waiter how the dinner of the Ministers went off. " Oh!
Sir," said he, " they looked quite like a family party—
(A laugh),—but they were more moderate than the last
Ministers.'—(A laugh.) He agreed with the waiter—
and he thought the country would agree with him too—
the Ministers were like a family party, and were mode-
rate men.—(Laughter.) He would refer to one of
their measures, the Sugar Bill. Was there ever
a greater failure than that measure of the
great economist of the Government.—(Hear, hear.)
With reference, however, to another measure—that
of the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill, he must say
that his Hon. Friend was too apt to presume on the ig-
norance of the House. In order to make a joke against
the present Attorney-General, his Hon. Friend stated
that the Bill was thrown out in the other House on the
motion of Lord Denman, who was Attorney-General at
the time of the Reform Bill; but his Hon. Friend was
incorrect in his facts, for Sir T. Denman was Solicitor-
General and not Attorney-General at the time to which
his Hon. Friend alluded. Upon another point he would
observe, that his Hon. Friend, the Member for Mon-
trose had, in his opinion, been guilty this session of a
great abrogation of his privileges. Formerly every in-
dividual grievance could be discussed on the motion for
reading the order of the day ; but at eleven o'clock at
night his Hon. Friend had moved and the House had
resolved that no motion for reading the orders of the
day should be necessary; so that one opportunity of
discussing isuch grievances was lost to the people. As to
the four budgets to which his Honourable Friend had
referred, he himself believed that the long odds
were that they should -even yet have a fifth.—
(Great laughter.) Upon the sanitary measure he
would only say that, if the Government were sincere
in their desire to secure the health of the public, why
did they not take off the tax on soap and the window
duty? He regretted, however, that his Hon. Friend at
the end of his brilliant speech had thought it necessary
to astonish the natives of his party, by rubbing up the
old Vauxhall transparency of traditionary influences ;
it went to ignore the existence of the people. What
was it that prevented such men as Pitt, Chatham, and
Walpole, from bringing in good measures but the oppo-
sition of those gentlemen who kept. the traditionary in-
fluences of the country?—(Hear; hear.) He regretted
also that in this debate the state of Ireland had been
passed over. The Noble Lord was about to visit that
country. He (Mr. Osborne) trusted that the visit would
not of the usual character—a trumpet dinner at the
Castle in full uniform, and a return home knowing all
about Ireland.—(A laugh.) If the Noble Lord went
merely to pay such a Asit, or consult with the distin-
guished individual at the head of affairs there, he might
have as much information by post.—(Hear' hear.) As
to the coercive measures they had passed for Ireland,
they might have taken credit for them If they had
passed measures of mother kind. (Hear, hear.)
He would not, however, believe that the Protestant
feelings of this country were represented by the fierce
bigotry of those who had in that House pretended to
represent them. The Protestant party must give up for
ever the idea that the Roman Catholics had not a good
right to self-government, and he hoped the Noble Lord
would, on going to that country, give effect to those
long-cherished plans of which they had heard so much,
but had seen so little. Ireland was the difficulty of the
late Government, but tenfold was it so of the present.
They might take credit for their coercive measures,• but
the time would arrive when those clouds which were
spoken of by a late Minister might appear on the horizon,
and this temporary panie (for he could not dignify the
late movement in Ireland by the name of insurrection),
and the miserable ii3ovenient of the Chartists here—he
did not refer to the Hon. Member for Nottingham (Mr.
O'Connor) who he believed was the only red republican
in the House—(A laugh)--but to those miserable car-
penters and others who were out of work—would result
in a reaction that would require measures of a different
kind from the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act, and all
the vulgar precedents in Downing-street, for governing
the people.
Mr. HUDSON complained of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, after he had, in June, stated that he should
contest himself with deficiency Bills, now coming for-
ward and deranging the commerce and money-market of
the country by announcing his determination to take
another course. He would take that opportunity of ob-
serving, that notwithstanding the late weather, he be-
lieved that the wheat crops were good; in fact, in the
north of England he had never seen finer.
Mr. DISRAELI wislied to explain, with reference to
an observation of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, that
on turning to the red book he found that Sir T. Den-
man was Attorney-General at the time the Reform Bill

was passed.
The House then suspended its sitting until a Quarter,
past Six o'clock.

- The SPEAKER resumed the Chair at a Quarter-pasi
Six o'clock. _

Sir H. WILLOUGHBY presented a petition from a
deputation from various English savings' banks, praying

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, AUGUST 3l, 1848.

in a semi-diplomatic character from this country to
Cuba, as an authority to show that half of those employed
in the mines of Cubs were slaves.
Mr. SPOONER thought if British manufacturers
were exposed to the competition of foreign countriva
they ought to be enabled to get the raw material of their
manufacture at as cheap a rate as possible. The case of
copper produced by slave labour was exceptional. But
he recognized only two exceptions to the principle of free
trade, namely, in cases involving slave-labour and in
the case involving the national defences, i.e. the naviga-
tion laws. He, therefore, could not support the motion
of the Hon. Member for Oxfordshire, unless it were
limited to coopar the produce of slave-labour.
Mr. DRUMMOND understood the Right Honour-
able Gentleman the Chancellor of. the Exchequer to
argue that the introduction of foreign copper would be
nu advantage to the British smelter. If the introduc-
tion of foreign wool were taken as a precedent, the
illustration was an unfortunate one, for the exports of
wool had on the whole diminished while th• imports had
increased.

Mr. MUNTZ thought the proposition of the Honour-
able Member for Oxfordshire adverse to the interests of
his constituents, as it would raise the price of the raw
material. The House having determined to carry out
the principle of free trade, he, for one, was desirous
that it should not be carried out partially. He thought
that when a principle was once adopted it ought to be
fully carried out, and if it should be found not to work
well, then let them endeavour to find out why.—(Hear,
hear.) He would not object to the principle of pro-
tection, provided it was extended equally to all classes
and to all interests; but in the present instance it was
partial, and consequently unjust, and therefore he should
oppose it.
Mr. NEWDEGATE reminded the Hon. Member
that protection still existed on other articles besides
copper, and remarked that those who enjoyed a protec-
tion of ten per cent. had no right to quarrel with six
per cent. in favour of the miners of Cornwall,
Mr. VIVIAN supported the amendment.
Colonel DUNNE said that there were no fewer than
10,000 persons employed in the mines in Ireland, and
about 50,000 persons in all dependent upon those mines.
These parties were under the apprehension that if the
free importation of copper ore were allowed, their inte-
rests would be seriously injured. lie, therefore, sup-
ported the emendment.
Mr. ROBINSON confessed he thought there was a
good deal of fairness in what had been said by the
Honourable Member for Birmingham, that as he was in
favour of the principle of free trade he wished it to be
applied generally, not partially. For his part, how-
ever, he (Mr. Robinson) was disposed to agree rather
with the Honourable Member for North Warwickshire,
that, as he considered the principle, of free trade a bad
principle, he would not be a party to carrying it further
than he could help. He would, therefore, on this,
and on all other occasions, enter his protest against
it. The error of the free-traders, he thought, was in at-
taching an undue importance to the consumers as con-
tradistinguished from the producers of the country.
Now, in bis opinion, if cheapness was produced at the
expense of the producer the effect would ulti-
mately be to place the consumer, notwithstanding the
cheapness, in a worse position than before. That was
his reason for supporting the principle of protection.
Lord G. BENTINCK said that the Chancellor of the
Exchequer bad used a singular argument, the long and
the short of which was, that the greater the supply of
copper ore the higher would be the price of the article
produced in this country.
' The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—No !
Lord G. BENTINCK—What, then, was the meaning
of his argument when he said that it would be for the
good of the copper producers in Cornwall that copper
should be imported from Chili and Cuba ?—(Hear.)
There was the strongest reason to believe that the price
of the produce of the Cornwall miners would be con-
siderably reduced by the measure of the Right Hon.
Gentleman. The House might know very well what its
effect would be, because by anticipation, the price of
Cornish copper had fallen 11 per cent. since
January last.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the First
Minister of the Crown had boasted that the Govern-
sasiinnigngsethdintiaonnn,igenutellinga
institu-
tions
of the country in the midst of European convul-
imnecniptiebnatdrselbweclleieodne,d
sion. He (Lord G. Bentinck) was very much afraid
ainnd s umpapirnet
that if there was any truth in the doctrine of the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, that disaffection and discontent
were very apt to go along with want of employment, the
boast of the Noble Lord could not be long maintained
if they passed a measure depriving the miners of Corn-
wall of their employment, and, consequently, of their
means of subsistence. He held in his hand a letter,
dated St. Austel, Saturday, the 26th instant, from a
proprietor iu Cornwall who cultivated a considerable
portion of his own estate, in which he said, " Are the
Government mad ? Will they throw this unfortunate
county into a state of open insurrection by their acts ?
You know the people of this district well ; you know
their loyalty, their intelligence, their patient endurance
of severe labour, their extreme temperance, their natural
contentedness under circumstances of even more than or-
dinary suffering ; but you know also that with all their
industry, their loyal feeling, their high order and intel-
ligence as labourers, in consequence of the neces-
sary requirements for the effective prosecution of their
labours, there is mixed up a determination of character
which suffering will call into action, and which it will
be dangerous to test or tamper with beyond a given
point." The writer then proceeded to notice the
gloomy prospects of that county for the coming winter,
if her Majesty's Government persevered with this mea-
sure. He (Lord G. Bentinck) hoped, however, that
the amendment proposed by the Hon. Member for Ox-
fordshire would be adopted, and the threatened evils so
far averted.

Mr. LACY understood the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer to say, that one advantage of the present mea-
sure would be to enable the smelters of copper to amal-
gamate the rich foreign ores of Chili and Cuba with the
poor ores of Cornwall, and thereby to produce a better
article. But he (Mr. Lacey) begged to ask if the pro-
posed scale of duties was agreed to, where would they
geth the Cornish copper ore to mix with the foreign?
After a few words from Mr. WYLD, the Committee
divided, when there appeared,
For the Amendment
Against it
Majority against Mr. Henley's amendment
—24
The schedule was then agreed to, and the Rouse re-
sumed.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, as
he understood it would be more convenient that the
House should meet at two o'clock to-morrow instead of
twelve, he would propose that the report be received
to-morrow at two o'clock ; which was ordered ac-
cordingly.
The Exchequer-bills Bill was reported and ordered to
be read a third time to-morrow.
The West India Colonies and Mauritius Bill was
also reported, and ordered to be read a third time to-
morrow.