The Sun.
London, England, 1848-04-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APTITT, 11, MA.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, April 10.
Their Lordships met this afternoon at Five o'clock.
ODD FELLOWS AND BENEFIT SOCIETIES.
Lord BEAUMONT presented several petitions from
Odd Fellows' lodges, praying to be admitted to the legal
privileges of benefit societies.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was understood to
present similar petitions.
KENNINGTON COMMON.
In answer to a question,
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that he was glad
to inform the Noble Lord that the proceedings which
had so alarmed the public, had been happily put an
end to without the interference of the soldiery, indeed,
without the appearance of the soldiery being required.
He was glad to say that that meeting had been dispersed
by the police, and the police alone. The petition which
had been made the occasion of all this preparation,
had been brought quietly across the bridges in cabs,
he believed hired for the purpose, and had, in the other
House of Parliament, received that attention which all
petitions emanating from the people were entitled to
have.
Lord BROUGHAM thought some steps ought to be
taken to prevent the recurrence of these meetings,
whether in Ireland or in England. He thought that all
monster meetings were illegal, and he trusted that en-
deavours would be made to put a stop to them.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that the city of
London had, within the last few days, been kept in a
state of alarm, which must have told seriously on the
trade and commerce of this grtrat city, and occu-
pation of every man in the metropolis. The
present had yet been a short session, yet
during its existence the metropolis had been twice
alarmed and disturbed from this cause, once already at
Kennington-common, and again at Kennington. common
they had been alarmed with a threat of holding a
meeting of 200,000 persons. Now, this number
could not be met for the purpose of discussion, and he
hoped that measures would be introduced for the pur-
pose of preventing meetings of such dense numbers for
the purpose of discussing questions of policy, because he
felt assured that the evil to the country, if these were
allowed, would be greater than the good to the persons
concerned.
The Marquis of NORTHAMPTON deprecated the
gathering of large crowds in the metropolis, while he
at the same time desired to preserve the full right of the
people to petition.
The Marquis of LANgDOWNE passed a merited
eulogium upon the police, and assured the House that
the middle classes had vied with the well-disposed
of her Majesty's subjects in preserving the peace,
while the admirable arrangements of his Noble Friend
opposite, although fortunately they were not required to
the full extent, had the effect of overawing the masses
that had been assembled. He had to give notice, on the
part of a Noble Friend, that as he was in the country,
he was to postpone making any inquiry on the subject
of corn-law returns till Friday next.
Tho House then adjourned.

would prove, as he had said, ineffectual.—(Cries
of " No, no.") He had a duty to perform,
and he should perform it. In 1843, before
he joined the Repeal Association, he felt it his duty to
make one last appeal to the House for what was then
termed justice to Ireland—namely, a series of measures
which were calculated to give satisfaction to the
Irish people consistently, at the same time, with the
maintenance of the union between the two countries.
The Hoase refused that appeal. They had now
an opportunity of meeting that demand by
granting a separate Legislature—Queen, Lords, and
Commons for Ireland. I am here to tell you, said thellon.
Gentleman with marked emphasis, that if you do not
concede the rights for which the people of Ireland ask,
you will have, in the course of the present year, a
republic established in Ireland.—(Great surprise, and
cries of " Oh, oh," and "Order.") Unlike all the Govern.
ments of Europe, the liberal Government of England
meat the just demands of a country intimately connected
with this—by coercion and prosecution—(Cheers)
—and this, too, at a moment when,the Foreign Minister
was countenancing the efforts of every other people
to obtain their freedom. He asked for no other example
than that of Sicilly, which presented a parallel to Ireland.
And what had the Noble Lord said, but that Sicilly was
justified in what she had done? Charges had been
brought against him, and those with whom he acted in
his absence; he was there to answer them on their behalf
and on his own—on behalf of his companions in the
glorious struggle now going on.—(Roars of laughter.)
He was proud to say that their motives were disinter-
ested.---(Cheers.) Now, with respect to himself, he had
been called traitor.—(lmmense and continued cheering.)
He was not disloyal to the Queen, but he was disloyal
to that House; and if that was treason he was guilty of
the offence. As long as he lived it should
be his study to overthrow the dominion of
this House in Ireland. He unhesitatingly avowed that
to be his intention. (The Attorney• General here turned
towards Sir G. Grey and Lord John Russell, and
entered into animated conversation with them connected
apparently with the words of the Hon. Gentleman.)
With respect to himself he might undertake to say
that no man in Ireland bore a higher public cha-
racter than he did.—(Cheers and laughter.) He
did not deny that there were many entitled to
far greater respect, but he believed he was
justified in making the statement he had ; but since his
election for Limerick he had never any but sincere
votes. He challenged any man to state the con-
trary ; and now that he was to be arraigned as a
criminal, he declared to that House that he would
glory to receive the most ignominious death that could
be inflicted upon him rather than see his country sub-
jected to the treatment he had seen during the last thirty
years of his life. He had not gone to France
to seek aid; but if he had wished, he believed he should
have come back with a tolerably large muster of troops.
—(Laughter.) He only wished they had been in
France when he was there.—(Laughter.) No, the
freedom of Ireland must be won by the courage of her
own sons—by Irish courage. It was not his intention to
place his country under the protection of foreign bayonets.
He went to France, at the request of a large body of his
countrymen, as their delegate, to congratulate the Pro-
visional Government upon the resent overthrow of a
Throne which had long forfeited all claim to the respect
of the people. He went there for the purpose of offer-
ing the Provisional Government the congratulations
of the people of Ireland for having set an example
to Europe which the world had already seen
with what effect.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He
had no hesitation in declaring that a great amount of
sympathy for the people of Ireland prevailed in France,
and it should be the business of those with whom he was
about to act to encourage that sympathy to the utmost
degree, but that sympathy was not confined
to France ; for it extended itself to every nation
and to every enlightened statesman and citizen in
Europe. Every enlightened man in the civilised world
looked upon Ireland as England looked upon Poland.
Every enlightened man in Europe looked upon the con-
dition of England, in reference to Ireland, as analogous
to that of Russia in reference to Poland.—(Hear, hear.)
Could the House wonder, then, that Ireland
excited so much sympathy in the minds of free and
enlightened individuals.—(Hear, hear.) lie was happy
to think that a very large amount of sympathy was
evinced towards Ireland by the people of this country,
and he was not ashamed to declare, although he did not
agree with many of the views of the Honourable
Member for Nottingham, that it gave him great
satisfaction that the majority of the Chartist
body felt for the sufferings, and were most anxious to
aid the cause of the people of Ireland.—(Eleox,
hear.) The Chartists, like Ireland, felt that they
had been unjustly dealt with by the Parliament of
this country, and he was not at all surprised of their
availing themselves of a time when Government was
involved with Ireland to press their complaints upon
that House.—(Hear, hear.) But whether their sym-
pathy resulted from policy, or from their generous
feelings, he freely accepted it on the part of Ireland.—
(Hear, hear.) Now he owned—whether the senti-
ment be considered legal or not he did not know—that
he had been instrumental in asking his country to
arm.—(Sensation, and cries of " Order, order.") He,con-
ceived that under the present circumstances of all coun-
tries of Europe, it was the duty of every man to obtain
possession of arms.—(Oh, oh.) There was scarcely a
nation in Europe which did not make it part of its duty
to instruct its citizens in the practice of arms, and he con-
ceived it to be the peculiar duty of the people of Ireland
to obtain arms, when it was openly announced by the
Government that they intended to crush them, not by
arguments, but with the aid of brute force.—(Laughter.)
Let him remind the Hon. Gentleman of what
took place in 1782. It was no crime then for
them thus to arm for the protection of their own
liberty, and why, ;let him ask, should
they not be permitted to do so now ? Was it moreover
not necessary that they should be in possession of arms
to enables them to preserve order?—(Laughter.) The
intentions, however, of the people of Ireland were mis-
understood, and in order to convince the House of this
he would just read the last resolution come to by
those with whom he acted.—(Hear, hear.) The
resolution was to the effect that the National Repeal
Association of Ireland denounced as gross calumny the
vituperation which had been thrown upon them by the
Noble Lord at the head of the Government, as the
object of the association was only to procure a repara-
tion from the English Parliament, and they
thereby declared that they were determined to
obtain their national independence, if possible,
without civil war.—(Laughter.) A national coancil of
30t) representatives was about to assemble in Dublin for
the purpose of carrying out the spirit of these resolu•
tions, and he would recommend the Noble Lord to put
himself in communication with that body as soon as possi-
ble. The Government relied upon what ? Why upon the
assistance of spies.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord
has been asked by the Honourable Member for Limerick
a question upon the subject of manufacturing pikes.
—(Hear.) Were the Government, he would ask, serious
in thinking that they could govern Ireland by a system of
detective police.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord relied
upon packed juries in Ireland, because if he had a fair
one he could not get a verdict.—(A laugh.) The Noble
Lord little knew the spirit that was abroad in Ireland if
he thought he could put down the exertions of the Irish
people for their rights by sending men to prison for en-
deavouring to serve their country.—(Hear, hear.) Did
be not know that by the adoption of such a course he
would increase the number of converts to the cause of
the people, and against the Government? It was true
that by some means or other 280,000 persons had been
induced to place a sort of qualified reliance on the Go-
vernment, but such was the state of things in Ireland at
the present moment, that the Government would be in a
nobles in Ireland who supported the
great difficulty to
hesaarv,e
anthdemlasue
gl vhetse r.)e v elnf e byitehveeidr
b
Government thenets
n(
h e Noble Lord would not get a
single relation or friend of theirs to support
their Niew s. If these matters were to be
settled by resort to the most extreme measures,
which he trusted would never be the case, he felt no
no doubt that the Irish gentry, to a man, would protect
themselves and their property, and care little what
became of the Government.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.")
Could it be supposed that the Irish people
could have much affection for a Government
that was about to deprive them of their inheritance
and their means of subsistence?—(Hear, hear.) The
Government relied upon the Orangemen and the police
force of Ireland. Ile believed that in doing so they
would find themselves in the wrong, for it was his firm be
lief that the greater portion of the Orangemen in Ireland
were in favour of the Irish Confederation.—(Cries
of "Oh, oh.") The Government next relied upon the
army—the army at the present moment in Ireland was
but an insignificant part of the whole popula-
tion of that country; and, under these circumstances
was it to be supposed, if they came to a struggle, that
30,000 men would or could offer much opposition to the
attempt of the Irish people for freedom? It was utterly
impossible for the cavalry to act in Ireland, and there
could be no just reliance placed on the military there.
He believed they could not rely upon the army in Ire•
land.—(Oh, oh !) If there were to be a struggle to-
morrow,t
argument, said the
against
le in that h altr
et hl
aen
de.
_r m(yi,
owouldude
rri
ae
sf u soef
Oa
hc
—inlthenaetetdetnnpotst
oh :
Honourable
sayt')
'hat
~ T
ttreat
eaMt
of the Government to put me down by their prosecution.
—(Laughter.) My object has been this, to show that
ewoubljthheecrtt'h e hasof
most bmue yet
utter r thisdi d
if ever it is possible for these two great countries to come
into collision the result would be extremely uncertain,
and could Rot be otherwise than disastrous. If England
were to fail she would henceforth stand alone; and it
may not be unadvisable to consider what would be the
condition of England with an independent republic
upon one side and an independent republic
upon the other side of her.—(" Hear," and laugh-
ter.) If England were to be victorious, they would make
a desolation, they would desolate the country which you
have for a long period made discontented, and you are
disgraced in the eyes of all mankind. Now, under
those circumstances, I do implore the House, be-
fore it is too late—before those ominous
words
" too late," which have such porten-
tious meaning in other countries—has struck the
knell of English
to reflect and concede to the people of Ireland their
power in Ireland—l do beg of the Crown
national rights, those rights which they are resolved to
possess, and which by every title human and divine they
aro entitled to claim. I have spoken hitherto without
reserve, and as I did so at the beginning I shall not
❑
fail to do so at the end.— (Laughter.) When the Noble
Lord tells me that I am a traitor to the Crown, I not
only repel the char e but retort it.—(Laughter.) I say
to
if inl th
his o
e prosen fellow-countrymen n g
position o f Europeof h
het i
s
attempts,regardcountry,
that
to crush all the efforts up on the part of the democracy
of this country, to obtain those rig> is which the demo-
cracies of other countries are obtaining—if with respect
to my country he refuses their demands for self-
government —if he plays towards this country

the part of Guizot or Metternich in their
respe,:tive countries, then I tell him that it is not
m,: :and mine, but he awl his colleagues, who are traitors
to the country. The Hon. Member resumed his seat
amid marks of dissatisfaction from all parts of the House
Sir G. GREY, who upon rising, was loudly cheered,
said—Sir, after the long absence of the Hon. Gentleman

'rorn his place—(Cheers)—and now rising in his place

upon the moment that the second reading of the Bill is

now before the House, I certainly entertained some

hope, albeit a faint one, that he had risen to disavow

with indignation—(Cheers)—that indignation which all

loyal subjects of this realm must feel at the imputations
which have been cast upon his loyalty—(Cheers)—not
only in that House, but by every newspaper circulated
throughout this realm for some weeks past, and that he
would, with that fervid eloquence which characterises
his harangues elsewhere, if not in this House—
(Cheers and laughter)—disavow those sentiments and
profess that, by virtue, if of no better feelings, of that
oath of allegiance—(Tremendous cheering)—which the
Hon. Member has repeatedly taken—(Renewed cheer-
ing)—to the Sovereign of these realms, that
he cast off the imputations which have been so
frequently cast upon his name.—(Loud cheers.) What,
then, was my astonishment, nay, what were my feel-
ings of pain and regret—feelings shared, I will
venture to say, by every Honourable Member in
this House—(Tremendous cheering)—when, with
the miserable pretence of still professing loyalty.
a faint shadow of loyalty to his Sovereign, not without
that boldness and daring—(Loud cheers)—which has
characterised his speeches elsewhere, repeating the sen-
timents which he has elsewhere uttered, and charging
my Noble Friend, in defending the constitution of the
country, with charges similar to those made against
himself, viz., that of treason.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
The Hon. Member said that in his absence he had been
called a traitor, perhaps the Hon. Member will allow
me to sav, that I am not in the least degree responsible
for the absence of the Hon. Member.—(Cheers.) The
cause of that absence no doubt the Honourable
Member is the best able to explain.—(Laughter.)
I did not, however, call the Hon. Member a traitor; this,
however, I did—l read to the House a portion of the
report of the Irish Cenfederation, at which an asso-
ciate of the Hon. Member, Mr. Duffy said in his
speech that he had received a message from that
Honourable Member who was then in Paris,
and rejecting that discouraging repulse which the Hon.
Gentleman had received from M. Lamartine—(Loud
cheers)—and which I must say reflected the greatest
credit upon him—in which he refused to encourage those
designs, be they seditious, traitorous, or loyal, as the
Hon. Member pretends to assure the House—and stated
that he should in so doing be violating the law of nations
and giving a good cause of war to England.—(Cheers.)
Does the Hon. Gentleman deny the statement which
was made by Mr. Duffy at the Irish Confederation, and
which had the effect of setting aside altogether the
answer of M. Lamartine to the Irish deputation?—
(Hear, hear.) That statement was to the effect that
the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. O'Brien) was informed by a
club in Paris that the French people felt deeply moved
at the grievances of the Irish, and were able, should
they require assistance, to send 50,000 of their bravest
citizens to aid them in obtaining their rights.—(Hear.)
Mr. O'BRIEN was understood to request the Right
Hon. Baronet to read the next paragraph.
Sir G. GREY.—The next passage of the reply to
which be referred stated that Mr. O'Brien offered his
sincere thanks on the part of Ireland for that offer.—
(Lou/ cries of " Hear, hear," acd cheers.) Is the Hon.
Gentleman now satisfied?—(Laughter and cheers.)
The next passage was to the effect that Ireland
would conquer by the energy of her own chil-
dren. That meant that, although they could them-
selves institute a successful insurrection, still, if the
worst should happen of the struggle, France had pro-
mised, as Mr. Duffy had said, in contradiction of M.
Lamartine's reply, the assistance of 50,000 Frenchmen.
—(Cheers.) I hoped the Hon. Gentleman would have
disavowed the intention of seducing the soldiers and
police from their duty. to the constitution with the view
of their joining the mob.—(Hear, hear.) I said I did
not call the Hon. Gentleman a traitor.—(Hear, hear.)
I read the statement of Mr. Duffy, and because it con-
tained the sentiment to which I have alluded, he said I
called him a traitor.—(Cheers.) The House drew the
inference from it, and I find that inference gives in the
unmistakable manner in which the words of the
Honourable Gentleman were received when he
said he had been called a traitor.—(Great cheering.)
The Honourable Gentleman said that the effect of this
measure would be to alienate the Orangemen from sup-
porting the Government, but I will say that a very large
portion of the population of Ireland, including all
creeds and persuasions, is determined to support the
present constitution of the United Kingdom, and I am
moreover sure that they will indignantly deny the right
of the Honourable Gentleman to expound their
feelings to this House.—(Loud cheers.) He also
said that the body, of which he constituted a
part in Ireland, was supported to a man by the Chartists
of this country. Now, I disbelieve entirely that asser-
tion, for it has been lately stated in this House by a
leader of the Chartists that they are firmly attached to
the monarchy of this country.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) I believe the Hon. Gentleman will find him-
self miserably deceived if he thinks that he will
obtain any assistance from foreign conntries.
--(Loud cheers.) Ireland, England, and Scotland
would rise in indignation against the dictation of the
Hon. Gentlemen, and against the exposition which he
pretends to give of the feelings of his own country.—
(Cheers.) Far be it from me to speak of the tone of
the Hon. Gentleman, and of the accusation which he has
made against the Government with respect to their in-
tentions to Ireland, for it is their great desire to
make it rich, happy, and prosperous, and to give
those constitutional rights which every person in

the kingdom enjoys.—(Cheers.) We want the real
union of all men, and the reasons for this Bill will, to a
certain extent, bo found in the dangerous and mischievous
language and threats which have been resorted to ; and
in the Bill rests not only the security of the Crown
and the Government, but the true interests of the
great body of the people.—(Great cheering.)
Mr. F. O'CONNOR said, as he had been alluded to,
he rose simply to state that he bad used the sentiments
enunciated by the Hon. Member both within and without
that House. He said that the voice of the people was
greater than that of the Crown ; but, having taken the
oath of allegiance, he was prepared to defend the
Crown, not only against its enemies, but against
the machinations of her Majesty's Ministers, if neces-
sary. The Right Honourable Baronet (Sir G. Grey)
had alluded to the allegiance of Orangemen, and to the
loyalty of the troops and police, and said they were
sufficient for the defence of the country, meaning
thereby to imply that the words used by him—
" ridiculous and foolish "—were levelled agains.
those who favoured the repeal of the Union
He would ask the descendant of Lord William Russell
if it became him to ferret out old Acts of Par-
liament, in order to fetter the sentiments of the people?
To show that his sentiments had been entertained by
others, he might cite the speeches of the Hon. Baronet
the Member for Harwich (Sir J. C. Hobliouse), and ask
if anything could go further than the sentiments that
Hon. Baronet bad enunciated? But they were success-
ful—they led to the passing of the Reform Bill, though
that measure had proved destructive to tens of thousands
of the people of Ireland. They had been trying to do
something for forty-eight years, but they had
failed. They had tried too long. He had thought
on the speech of the Hon. Gentleman the Member
for Oldham (Mr. W. J. Fox), that the Government
would have paused before they proceeded further with
the Bill. Every man who wrote advisedly would be
liable to transportation. Why, if this were an ex postfacto
law, the Right Hon. Baronet himself might, perhaps,
be sent to the other side of the Atlantic. The
United States had sent over 1,000,000 of dollars to
aid the Irish in their struggles. Now, he had
refused to be one of a deputation to France, because he
thought with Shakespere, that "if England cannot
keep the dog from her own door, that she had better be
worried." If a foreign army came to invade this
country, he would risk his life in resisting it ; let them
rely upon the mind and will of the people of England
and Ireland. Why, but for the Right Honourable
Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) hundreds of thousands
would have died of famine in Ireland. He had at-
tended the demonstration to-day, and, thank God ! it
had passed off peaceably.—(Laughter.) Honourable
Gentlemen laughed. He repeated that he rejoiced
it had passed off peaceably.—t Cries of " Hear, hear.")
If the Right Hon. Baronet wished to destroy the
expression of the free opinion of the people he would
induce them, as did a portion of the former Convention,
to go about the Lcountry establishing clubs. Many
of the former Convention were mere rabble, who only
joined it to get 'paid ; and when Ailey went into the
country promoting the formation clubs, he followed
them in the dead of winter at his Awn expense, attacked
them wherever they went, and succeeded in driving
them out of Scotland. He hated secresy, and
had never written a private political letter in his
life.—(Hear, hear.) And now they intended to
pass a Bill to enable them to prosecute the Hon. Gentle-
man the Member for Limerick (Mr. S. O'Brien), but
they might depend, if they did so, that their triumph
would be weakness they would weaken the law,
and bring the Government into contempt. Until
they had a really constitutional opposition in the
House, they might depend upon it they would con-
tinue to experience similar daring from the Government
benches. The Bill was an infraction upon the right of
the subject. Many voted by courtesy for the introduc-
tion of the Bill who did not intend to sup-
port it in its future stages.—(Hear.) Now, he was
made of " sterner stuff," and therefore he begged to
move that the Bill be read a second time this day six
months.
Mr. G. THOMPSON seconded the motion. He
wished to express his delight that the proceedings of the
day had gone off with order and good feeling.—(Hear.)
He was glad to find that they sat in peace and quietness.
Do not let the House imagine that this peace resulted
from fear on the part of the people. No, it was from
their conviction that great political changes could only
be effected in this country by the force of argument.
He had mingled amongst working men for the last 20
years, and while be had never shrunk from censuring
when he thought they were in the wrong, he cordially
sympathised with them when he believed they were in
the right.—(Hear, hear.) He came now to the Bill
before the House. In the first place, he objected to the
haste with which this Bill had been introduced. A more
important Bill than this had not been introduced
ante that House during the last century, and
he would warn the House not to make that felony
which universal humanity did not characterise as such.
—(Hear, hear.) But let them pass the Bill, with its
" gagging clause," and ho would answer for it they
would not find. their -prisons large enough to hold nor
ships sufficiently numerous to transport the felons
whom it would make.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") So
far as the other parts of the Dill were concerned, he did

not object to them; but in Heaven's name don't attempt
to make it felony for a man to speak his thoughts openly
and with(,ut disguise. Pass it, however, and what

would be the result? Why, they would make hundreds

of thousands of felons, who would, when they were

Iragged through the streets, be greeted with the
:ries that met the ears of ,Lord William Russell while

eing conveyed to the scaffold, namely, " There [4.cs
Liberty and Virtue side by side."—(l-luar, hear.) But
let Government persevere with this Bill as it stood, he

would oppose it in every stage.
Sir B. HALL said, that after he had listened to the
discursive speech of the Hon. Member, he was surprised
:o find he was not going to vote for the second reading.
The Hon. Member had only objected to a few words in
the Bill, which might be discussed in Committee. For
his own part, he should have deemed the Government to
have neglected its duty had not Ministers come down
tnd put a stop to sedition and treason by proposing suah
a measure. The speeches of the Hon. Member for Not-
tingham in that House were loyal, and not subversive
of the institutions of the country; but he regretted to
:ay that his writings were not of that character. In the
Northern Star of some days ago he found a letter signed
by the Hon. Member, two columns and a half long,
mud containing an expression which he should be glad
to hear the Hon. Member explain. The Hon. Member,
talking of the Crown, said, " There is behind the Throne
power greater than the Crown, and let them put the
Pope, the devil, or the Pretender on the throne, he
cared not." The Hon. Member cried " Hear." If he

(Sir B. Hall) had taken an erroneous view of his
words, he should be glad to be corrected. But the only
construction he could put upon them was, that the Hoe.
Member was quite indifferent who was on the throne,
inasmuch as he said it was alike to him whether the
Monarch was the Pope or the devil.—(Hear and
laughter.) Representing as he did 350,000 of the inha
bitants of the metropolis, it had been his lot to witness
the conduct of all classes during the late crisis, and he
must bear a willing testimony to the loyalty and desire
to promote order of all, from the Peer down to the
poorest labourer.

Mr. F. O'CONNOR said that he was not only ready
to avow having written the passages which the Hon.
Member had quoted, but also to say that he did not
consider them to be other than in perfect accordance
with the expressions used by him in that House.
Mr. HUME would not occupy the House with dis-
putes as to the speeches or writings of individuals. They
had had quite enough of such discussions. There were
parts of the Bill that he cordially approved of. All he
wished to ask was, whether the Noble Lord would abate
five words of it which he objected to? He looked upon
the change of the punishment of death, proposed by the
Bill in cases of felony by high treason, to be an improve-
ment. But the five words which he objected to would,
if retained, be likely to subject brave and honest men
to the punishment of felony. Those words were " by open
and advised speaking." If the Noble Lord would agree
to withdraw those words, there could be no objection
to the Bill. If otherwise, he should oppose it. Whilst
they were improving legislation, by the diminution of
the number of punishable political crimes, the measure
before the House went directly to increase them. If
he, sitting at his table, were advisedly to utter opinions
at variance with the law he would be liable to transpor-
tation, under the present Bill. He recollected that Mr.
Muir had been transported, in 1796, on a similar charge,
which, by the Scotch law of sedition, was proved upon
him by his woman servant. The practice of that day
and the law under which the convictions of Muir and
the other Scotch Reformers were procured were de-
nounced by Lord Holland as infamous, and in fact that
particular offence styled leasing making was subse-
quently abolished and erased from the statute-book.
But the present Bill would revive that offence unless
the words he pointed out were omitted. It was always
unwise to pass a severe law on an emergency.
If the Noble Lord had received secret infor-
mation on which he could rely that danger was to be
apprehended, let him ask for a Bill for a few months,
but he would venture to say, that the Crown and
property would be more secure under the present law
than under any that the Noble Lord could devise.
Secret societies would be the result of the proposed
Bill, and so would espionage, as had formerly been
the case, whereby the annals of the kingdom were
stained. If the Bill passed as it at present stood, the
country would be subject to the same perils that had
menaced foreign countries, and from the same causes.
In France it was the suppression of truth and of public
opinion that had sprung the mine which blew the Go-
vernment there to atoms. Let the Ministers beware !
The present Bill was a step in the same direction that
was followed by the French Government. But at the
same time he must say that he instituted no comparison
between the middle classes of England and of France,
and he regretted to see a Bill introduced by which a
doubt was thrown over the honesty and loyalty of the
middle classes. The Government and the aristocracy
would be lost if the middle classes did not stand by
them, and he hoped to see the latter insist upon
bringing forward measures to ameliorate the con-
dition of the lower orders. He did emphatically say
that the present was not the time to bring forward
such a Bill. The manifestation of that day ought to prove
sufficient to induce the Government to withdraw the
Bill. At the same time, he did not think there ought
to be a National Convention sitting. He was anxious
to give the labouring classes a right to vote, and at the
same time to raise the standard of their intellectual at-
tainments. He had often said that he would allow a
man to say what he liked, provided he kept his hands
off.—(Laughter.) He did not think that Government
would gaiit in public opinion by this attempt to
strengthen the law. They should trust the people of
England, and they would be loyal; but, restrain their
expression of opinion, gag them, and he must coufess
that he for one dreaded the consequences that might
ensue. The main offence created by this Bill was the
attempt to overawe Parliament. Why, how had the
Reform Bill been obtained? Was it not by overawing
Parliament?—(Hear.) Without continually overawing,
plaguing, and teasing Parliament, nothing was ever ob-
tained for the people. If the Noble Lord and the Go-
vernment were afraid of the Convention, why not use the
law as it stood? By the 3eth Geo. 111. it might be
put down at once, and why not use that law?—(Hear,
hear.) The same law existed in England, Scotland,
and Ireland. He thought that Government had been
badly advised, and that the Police Commissioners had
acted most improperly in appealing to an Act so obsolete
and tyrannical as the 13 Charles 11. If that Act was to
be revived, the people of England should know what
they had to expect. In Blackstone, volume Ie
page 142, the Act was described as providing " That no
petition to the King, or either House of Parliament, for
any alteration in Church or State, shall be signed by
above twenty persons, unless the matter thereof be
rt
ap-
proved by three justices of the peace, or the
o majorby part
of the
of the grand jury in the country ; and in Lon
Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council ner
shall any petition be presented by more than ten persons
at a time. Was it possible that Government could mean
to revive such a law as that ?—(Hear, hear.) They
might contend it was law, but he contended it
the Bill of
it was not,
being repealed with other ;arbitrary
w
Rights. That was the opinion of Mr. Dunning as op-
posed to Lord Mansfield. The
.Act further provided
that any infringement of its provisions was to be visited
by a penalty of 100/. and three months' imprisonment
for each offence. why, he had himself recently pre-
sented a petition, signed by. 450 persons, and had, of
course, brought himself within the operation of the Act.
He trusted that Government would not insist on perpe-
tuating so absurd and despotic a piece of legislation.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that his Hon.
Friend the Member for Montrose must have misunder-
stood the intention of the Bill. He was sorry that there
should be on the part of his Hon. Friend, and the Hon.
Member for the Tower Hamlets any departure from the
general feeling of the House, which was to secure the
safety of the country without any injury to the consti-
tntion. The Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets
complained that ten new felonies would be created by
the Bill, and his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose
deprecated it as an invasion of the right of petition.
But the Bill did not interfere with the legitimate right of
petition or of discussion, nor would it touch the case of
persons who might in moments of eloquence be induced
to use words which their sober reason would regret. The
Bill, with the exception of four words, was identical with
the 57th George 111. The first part was not touched.
The additional clause was, " Who shall intend to levy
war against her Majesty fur the purpose of compelling
her, by force, to change her measures or coun-
cils, or for the purpose of military force or
constraint on, or intimidating, or overawing, her Go-
vernment." The mode by which such intention
was to be expressed, was, " By writing, or open and ad-
vised speaking." Therefore, no speaking would come
within the meaning of the Act, unless it should, in the
opinion of a jury, be uttered for the purpose of levying
war, or of • compelling that House, by force, to take
measures which it would not otherwise adopt.—(l ear,
hear.) It was to be observed that, under the present
law such offence would be treason, but he admitted that
the offence was rather difficult of proof. The difficulty
of obtaining an accurate report of words spoken would
operate in the present Bill, but that, he believed, would
be a species of protection to the persons accused.—(oh,
oh.) Besides, the offence must be proved to the satis-
faction of a common jury, and be did not think that
such a jury would be got to convict unless the proofa
h
were of a most satisfactory character. He admitted t t

" open and advised" were rather vague expressions:

(Hear, hear.) If a man, addressing—a public meeting,
said, " You ought to go down in a body to the House
of Commons with your petition," he did not think a
jury would convict; but if he said, "You will never ob-
tain redress unless you organize a force and a con-
spiracy," and if he repeated such advice after due
warning, then in his (the Solicitor-General's) opinion,
that would be open and advised speaking, and would
insure a conviction from a jury. He maintained that
the words objected to would never insure a conviction
except in cases where the offence was so manifest as to
leave no possible doubt on the mind as to its character.
lie could not but think that great advantage would
result from changing such offences from treason into
felony. There was a romance and a fancied dignity
about treason which did not attach to felony. To seek
distinction was a weakness of human nature, and with
every respect for the sincerity of the Hon. Member for
Limerick, he did believe that personal notorietyt was one
a
of his principal motives for the course he was present
pursuing.—(Loud cheers.) No more striking proof of
this could be found than in the -fact that when
he and his associates were held to bail in
2001, to answer a charge of s,e,clition,thae
yaawmerel
quite offended, and exclaimed,
be treason. —(A laugh.) It wouldmeant
be
not aitlestas
serious offence as sedition, it would merely be one of a
more vulgar description.—(Hear.) One word with
respect to the 13th Charles 11.
Montrose had asked whether
petition theprhoehibnitaian .g Mt
heempbreers
efit7_
signed b
tation of a
as
well
20
ll
ask whether
would be owl..
tinned ; but he might
of prerogative then enjoyed by thewhether the amount
Sovereign wits to be
proser Ted ? He had Only to repeat that the Bill had

only reference to." open and advised speaking," with a
tendency to inrluce pers)ns to levy w. r, to compel the
Sovereign or the Legi:Aature to change or abandon
mcxsun s which they might think conducive to the wel-
fare and happ ness of the country.
Mr. HUME asked whether "open and advised speak-
ing" was fd,;ny under the present law ?
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL—It is treason.
Mr. HUME—Under what Act?
• The SOLICITOR-GENERAL—Open 'and advised
speaking, accompanied by overt acts, is treason under
the present law.

Sir R. INGLIS supported the Bill. He thought it
was high time that the treasonable proceedings which
had been going on for some time should be put a stop
to.—(Hear, hear,) They would not have been so long
permitted in any other country, or underithe most Rei ub
lican Government in the world.—(llear, hear.) His
Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose had said that he
would allow a man to say what he liked provided be
kept his hands off. He asked his Hon. Friend would
he remain quiet while two men consulted how he might
easiest be knocked down ? His Hon. Friend had also
said that this Bill would change the character of poli-
tical agitation, that speeches would be made in holes and
corners with only the Government spies for audiences.
Be it so; then they would not do so much mischief as
when utterrd in public to myriads of misguided persons•
He held in his hand a number of such speeches which
loudly called for legislative interference; and here,
although not accustomed to allude to the public press,
he must express his thanks to the conductors of the
Herald, Times, and, indeed, all the journals which
he was in the habit of seeing, for their exertions in pro-
moting the cause of peace and order. Many of those
speeches were attributed to the Hon. Member for
Limerick, who, in his (Sir R. Inglis's) view, defied public
opinion in this country and in the House.—(Hear, hear.)
When that Hon. Member had risen, he (Sir R. Inglis)
was prepared for one, to ask whether the House would
not require from the Hon. Member some explanation of
his recent conduct in a neighbouring country before be
was permitted to address it. It was true that the Hon:'
Member, had towards the close of his speech offered
some sort of vindication. Such as it was it had been
listened to by the House with a feeling which the Hon.
Member would b© able to appreciate.—(Hear, bear.)
The Hon. Member had said " I went to France to cow.
gratulate the people on having regenerated the spirit a
independence, which I trust will react on my own court'
try." Now, these words had a meaning or they bad
not. If they had a meaning, was it not that recent
events in France might lead to the establishment of re-
publican institutions in Ireland?—(hear, hear.)
Mr. S. O'BRIEN had only to repeat that at present
he only sought for Ireland a Government by the Queen,
Lords, and Commons of Ireland, but, whatever his own
feelings might ho, he believed that if that were refused
a republic would be the result.
Sir R. INGLIS believed that he had not misinter-
preted the Hon. Member's expressions. He had only
to say, in conclusion, that he gave his hearty support tn.
the Bill as it stood, and be trusted that, for the sake al
catching a few stray votes, the Government would not
consent to neutralise any of its provisions. They bad
been taunted for weeks with giving encouragement to
malcontents in both divisions of the empire, and their
defence had been, that in the existing state of the lair
they had no power of suppression. He trusted, then,
that having the Bill so nearly within their grasp they
would not part with it, but would administer it with it
reverend regard for proper and sound constitutional
liberty.
Mr. ANSTEY would support the Bill for the reasons
so ably stated by his Hon. and Learned Friend the Soli-
citor-General. In answer to the Hon. Member for Mon-
trose, he begged to state, that under the existing law
punishment might be found for the offences named in,
the Bill. The measure of the Government was intended
to mitigate the severities of the existing law—there was
nothing in it that contradicted any principle of our con-
stitution. It was an improvement not only on the law as
established by ancient decisions, but it was an improve.-
ment on the statute of Edward 11., and brought us back
nearer to those days when treason itself was not s
capital offence; by creating an intermediate offence
between sedition and high treason. He looked on the
Bill as an offering to the tolerant spirit of the age, and
as an inducement to the people 10 support the Govern-
ment in their present wise and moderate course for the
suppression of crime, and he should therefore support it.
Mr. AGLIONBY considered that Ministers had con-
sulted the welfare of the public in introducing this Bilk
—(Hear.) The objection to the third clause, which re-
ferred to words written and published or spoken openly
and advisedly, appeared to be made under an entire wig'
apprehensioc of the effect of that clause. The offence
was made penal only when the object was, by levying,
war, to make an attempt against the life or libertyn!.
the Sovereign, or to overawe the Parliament, or to
incite foreigners to invade this country. With regard
to written words, there was sufficient protection t 4
the accused, for unless they were published as well
as written, no offence was committed ; and if pub'
lication took place, the parties ought to be pun-
ished.- Then as to spoken words. It was not in-
tended by this clause, nor would it have the effect of
preventing the free expression of opinion, unless such
expression was calculated to incite to the levying of ar
ld
for the purposes stated, and was made publicly. It wan
not punish a man (as had been contended) for speaking
his sentiments at his own dinner-table, however extreme.,
those sentiments might be, unless he addressed himself
to multitudes, and endeavoured to incite them to Jell
war against the Government, in which case he ought to
be punished.—(Hear, hear.) A jury would always dis-
tinguish between the open and fearless expression of
opinion and words intended as an incitement to levy war;
First, there was a safeguard in the word " advised,.
which would prevent intentions being attributed which
might never have existed; and then there was the effect'
tual safeguard of a British jury, who would always dis.
tinguish between expressions used in the heat of are"
merit, and expressions used " advisedly," and with 01:
tent. He was, however, of opinion that the punishment
of transportation for life was too severe for the offence;
and he proposed to move an amendment in Committee
to assimilate the Bill, in respect to punishment, more to
the 5 and 6 Vic., which had been passed for putting all
end to those mad attempts which had previously pre'
veiled of shooting at the Sovereign.—(Hear, hear.) 1°
the principle of the measure, he, however, gave a hearty
support. -
Lord NUGENT, though concurring in the measure
generally, thought the third clause did not provide suffi'
cient 'security against the errors of the reporter or the
malice of the informer—and he proposed to move a pro-
viso, which should render it necessary, before any pro'
secution could take place in respect to treasonable or
seditious words spoken, that the report of the short'
hand writer or other person who took down the words,
should be submitted to the speaker, either immediately
or within a week after they were spoken, for him te,
admit, deny, or explain, such admission, denial, and
explanation signed by him, to be used as evidence on
the trial, and in the event of the party charged refusing
to admit, deny, or explain, the report to be taken se
correct.
Mr. B. OSBORNE had voted for the introduction of
the Bill, but when the measure was put into his hands
that morning, and he saw the words " or by open or ad-
vised speaking," he was so struck with the gravity and
weight of the novel principles which they proposed to
introduce into our system of government that he deter-
mined on voting with what he feared would be the nil'
nority on the present occasion.—(clear. hear.) When
they were voting fur the better security of the Crown,
they should not forget the security of the people.
Pass such an Act as this, and they could not insure that
security of the people, which, to endanger, would be to
strike a blow at the safety of the Crown and the Go'
vernment.—(Hear.) There was another reason will
they should pause before they affirmed this Bill. Go'
vernment was too apt to take advantage in their legisla-
tion of the excitement occasioned by passing events.
Laws passed under the influence of excitement were
usually passed in haste, and were seldom good laws. As
was proposed to be done in this case, they were hurried
through with less consideration than was usually given
to a common turnpike trust Act. The Noble Lord (Lord
J. Russell) seemed to have forgotten what Mr. Burke had
said, as to open and advised speaking. Mr. Burke said,
" that open and advised speaking was the safety-valve
of the constitution, by means of which the foul air wall
let off." If, however, he (Mr. B. Osborne) wanted
a reason for voting against the measure, it was fur
nished by the speech of the Solicitor-General, which
was a mere piece of special pleading as to the
meaning which a jury would probably attach to the
wards. Another lawyer, the Hon. and Learned Member
for Youghal (Mr. Anstey), had told them that the only
alteration the Bill would effect in the present law was
to mitigate its severity—inasmuch as open and advised
speaking was now treason. But the Hon. and Learned
Member forgot to add such open and advised speaking
must be followed by an overt act of treason to complete
the offence.— (Hear, hear.) England, however, did not
owe her liberties to lawyers, and if the House depended
on them now they would impair the securities of the
to
oth eft
ehCeerl
ionewgr n.O .w
Son T ha
longne ycih
bead:
people, not b
theeftnt oe
trdt herfieeessipeeeencuttr
dtinyu eothi
osaintained its duty
heardthhoeped
Crown much
eu cwhma
to the 'people he would
support it, and uphold the present order of things; but
when the Crown forgot its duty to the country, his
obligations and respect ceased. A near relative,
of the • Prime Minister, the present Duke of
Bedford, had, in 1818, when Marquis of Tavis tockt
laid it down that " true loyalty consisted in pre-
serving, not iu restricting the liberties of the p
In that sentiment he fully concurred, and be ho-peed- the
House would not be induced, under the circumstances of
the country, to restrict those liberties by legislating in
spirit adverse to the institutions of the country.—(Hear.)
He could not permit the speech of the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet (Sir G: Grey) to pass without some observation.
clt me o ght do well, for the purpose of gaining a temporary
her, t say that Government entertained the most
sincere wishes for the peace, prosperity, and riches of
Ireland. But these were mere words. What had Mi-
nisters done to carry those wishes into effect? They'
,had been two years in office, and what had they done to
promote the peace, prosperity, and riches of Ireland ?
He had supported the present Ministry, but he would not
be a party to the indolence of the Treasury Bench.—
(" Oh," and cheers.) lie would tell them that they were
now advancing on to a volcano which, if they did not take
care, would soon explode under theta ; and be called
upon them, if they had not the power or the ability to
legislate for the good e,f the country, to give place to
those who had.—(" Hear," and a laugh.)
1)r. BOWRINU said it could not be denied that this
Bill created a new political felony. It was true the pe-
nalty of death attach,d to words inciting to the levying
of war against the Crown or to the invasion of
the country was proposed to be altered ; but that
law was a dead letter.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill would
.rev,ive.tlee Mfence awl punish it. He wanted security,
not in the accidents of a good'. judgG Rattan intelligent
jury, but in the positiveness of the law.—(Hear.) In
rekiard $9 overt acts of treason, and in what was written

end published, there was some security against the in-
tention of the party being misunderstood, but what se
curity was there in the accidental record of words spoken?
--(Rear, hear.) In the case of Winterbottom they had
an instance of a man being punished for words he hat'
never uttered. Then what was the meaning of tin-
phrase, " Overawing Parliament?" Parliament wa.-
Iways being over-awed by public opinion, and it was to
that circumstance they owed many of the liberties the
people enjoyed. 'lhe Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel)
nhad given way to that species of overawng,
and the
oble Lord (1. Russell) had done so often. Nothing
uld be more perilous than hasty legislation upon a
subject like this.—(Hear, hear.) All despotic laws had
.resulted from panic. If any duty was paramount at
this time it was that they should not widen the gull
that existed between the different classes of the people.
If there wsts ever a moment when the House was bound
Aci •
nquire whether the national representation ought
t to be enlarged, and whether something ought not to
be done to redress the grievances of the many, and to
Place our institutions on that broad foundation on which
alone they could rest in security, it was now.
14.1.• P. WOOD objected to the words " by open and
advised speaking," but would vote for the second read
ing of the Bill, reserving to himself the right of op-
'Posing those words in Committee. He considered that
there was a marked distinction between the offence of
open and advised speaking and the overt act of printing
and publishing the same words, and the law
had invariably made that distinction, Mr. Justice
Blackstone, in referring to the crime of treason, said—
" it was clearly agreed that words spoken amounted
1°137 to a high misdemeanour; for as they might
e spoken in heat, or be mistaken, or per-
verted, or mis-remembered by the hearer; and as their
meaning might depend upon other words, or things,
or even upon the tone in which they were uttered ; as,
In fact, nothing could be more ambiguous than words
linen, they ought not to be made high treason."—
(Rear, hear.) The Bill of 1756 was introduced at a
period just as formidable as the present, and yet it did
,not contain those words.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed he be-
ileved it would be found that Mr. Pitt intended to have
introduced them, and had drawn up a clause for the
rPose, but withdrew it. That Bill, which was only
temporary, was made permanent in 1817, during the
period of the Manchester riots, and when a Minister
Presided at the head of affairs who was well known not
to have been favourable to popular demonstrations. He
!gretted therefore, that the Government should have
thought it necessary to set aside that distinction which
the law had hitherto made between words spoken and
Words written and published, and now for the first time
make the crime a felony. He would suggest that it
should be made only a high misdemeanour, not bailable.
Captain ARCHDALL, referring to what had fallen
ircmh the Hon. Momber for Limerick, defended the
floyalty of the Orangemen of Ireland. They could not,
ne observed, forget the heavy blow and great discourage.
meat given them by the Noble Lord opposite, nor that
gatdhad been one day lauded and the next day perse-
cuted the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam-
Wcr,th•—(Cheers.) But they had, notwithstanding, re-
-31,11411*d firm in their loyalty and attachment to her
ajesty and the throne. Between discontent and disaf
fection there was a wide difference.—(Hear, hear.) And
f the Government would only act with justice to the
Protestants of Ireland they might bid defiance to 10,000
Smith O'Brien's.
Mr. MUNTZ bad voted for the introduction of the Bill
in ignorance of its real character. Now that he had
seen it, he should vote against it. He concurred in the
lrcPrietY of assimilating the law in Ireland to that of
• England, and would grant every reasonable power ne-
cessary for the protection of public order, because he was
convinced Witt without good order there could be no
real liberty.—(Cheers.) But he could not consent that
he any other man should be subject to the charge of
feloor ny for words alleged to have been spoken on the
evidence of one witness, who might be base enough to
swear falsely.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. DRIMMOND looked upon the simultaneous out-
break through Eurdpe as deeper than a mere political
Malady. Ile attributed it toe discontent on the part of
the masses with their social condition—discontent, he
*night say, with the providence of God—(Cries of
" Oh,")—for as well might it be supposed that we could
regulate the height of men, as that we could alter the
constitution of society, and award to each a certain
Measure of wealth. The disturbances in Ireland and
this country were but phases of the malady which per-
'faded all Europe. The Hon. Gentleman, having quoted
several passages from speeches by members of the Con-
vention in this country and the Confederation in Ireland,
declared that nothing so overt had been committed in
the year '9B, and that the question was not against this
or that institution—it was not a question of a republic
or a monarchy, but whether the whole institution of
society should not be upset and perverted. The
labouring classes of this country were deeply
mistaken if they supposed that thewould be-
nefit their condition by reducing y
of
the master manufacturers. On the
contrary,p their best
change of prosperity was by increasing the capital of the
Manufacturer. It was owing to the sentiments contained
in the extracts he had read to the House that he grounded
the opinion at which he had arrived—namely, that there
was a determination on both sides of the Channel to alter
the social condition of the country. But the man who
told the people that by a new constitution of society
they would be benefited only grossly deluded them, and
must be an abominable quack.—(A laugh.) The man
who told them, as they were lately told, that if he had
the charter he would double and treble their wages, only
trifled with their distresses; and in pretending to bring
them a light from heaven, only brought them a glare
from the bottomless pit. He was prepared to go further
than those Hon. Gentlemen with whom he usually acted
in that House, in thinking that they had done nothing
they ought to have done to diminish the public expendi-
ture and lighten the burden of taxation on the people.
--(Loud cheers from the Radical benches.) He
thought they ought long ago to have extended
the elective franchise.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear,"
from the same quarter.) He thought they ought also
to have shortened the duration of Parliament—(Hear,
Bear)—and done many other things in reference to sub-
jects not now before them. He had only abstained from
alluding to those subjects before because he did not wish
to thrust himself into other men's labours, and because
he thought that the task would have been
for it; undertaken
but
by those who were much more competent
rather than suffer this charter to be passed off with a
mere motion, which might amount to nothing, he would
himself bring in Bills upon the questions involved.—
(Cheers.) Mr. Canning had said that the next war
which
would desolate Europe would be a war of prin.
ciples and opinions, and be confessed that that was the
war of which he was afraid, and of which he saw the
gathering symptoms around him.
Mr. BRIGHT said that out of every seven grown
men only one was represented in that House, and that,
looking to the unfairness of the distribution of the elec-
toral power, it might be said not more than one-four-
teenth of the grown male population were directly re-
presented in Parliament, and his belief was that the
best security to property, capital, and labour, would
be found in diminishing the taxation and increasing
the political rights of the people. This Bill proved
One of two things—either that the Government
was getting worse, or that the people were getting
worse. After carrying on the Government so long
without this law, after all our boasted improvements,
were we now to introduce a new principle of legislation,
when even Lord Grenville, in 1795 or 96, had been
obliged to withdraw from the Bill of that day? That
clause was then most strongly objected to by a relative
of the Noble Lord now at the head of the Government,
the then Duke of Bedford; and it was in defence of that
Bill and that clause that a bishop had made his cele-
brated declaration, " that the people of this country
had nothing to do with the laws but obey them."—
(Rear.) He did not object to the first part of this :Bill;
but he thought the House was in mistake as to what
' Would be its practical operation. It came before the
House as a mitigation of penalty; but that penalty, for
the most part, could not be carried into effect; and
though he denied not the propriety of substituting
for capital punishment one of a miner character, he
believed its practical effect would be to punish
many men by transportation who could now only be
tried for sedition,• and punished for a misdemeanour.
If he understood the clause right (and its ambiguity was
such he doubted if any one did), it meant that any one
who exercised such " compassing, imaginations, ioyen-
tions, devices, or intentions, or any of them," should be
liable to be charged with felony, and to receive the
punishment awarded to that offence. Ile had ',it to
learn that it was wrong for any Member of that House
to speak in favour of a different form of Government,
or that it was a crime for any one, in or out of the
House, calmly and deliberately to argue the question
whether a total change in the form of Government
might be advantageous.—(Oh, oh.) He advocated no
such change ; but in making a new law, and introducing
a new principle, to punish an offence which was most
difficult of proof, the House ought to be extremely clear
as to the effect of this law. He thought it unwise to
seek to extend such a law to England, because at this
'moment their was danger in Ireland. He would ask the
Attorney-General whether it was not possible to issue
a Special. Commission for the trial of the parties charged
with sedition in Ireland. The complaint was that whilst
these parties were under this charge they were at liberty
to go to France, or make other seditious speeches, before
their trial came on; but if they were tried and convicted
under a Special Commission, they could be immediately
subjected to three years' imprisonment, and thus' pre-
vented from spreading their seditious or treasonable
opinions. This would be a much better course than to
extend a new law and a_ new principle to the United
Kingdom because Ireland was in difficulties. The Go-
vernment was pursuing a course unfavourable to itself
and to the liberty of the people; and though that House
might not choose to deliberate long on the measure, the
time might come when they might regret that they had
not examined it with more attention.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he objected to the whole
of the Bill. He rejoiced to find that English Members
were at last rallying against coercive measures, doubt-
less owing to their own country being touched by this
Bill. He did not thank them much, for most of them
had said that if the Bill was confined to Ireland they
would vote for it with the greatest pleasure.—(A laugh,
and No, no.) The Learned Solicitor-General had
assumed that judges and juries would strain the laws
eonsidwrably, and the Irish people had had ample ex-
perience of this. Parties were about to be put on their
trial there for sedition ; and it would have been time
enough when the existing law was found insufficient
to have come to the House after Easter, and asked
for a more stringent law. Most unwise was it to pro-
pose a measure of coercion at a time of excitement like
this.—(Cries of " Divide.")
Mr. S. CRAWFORD, who rose amidst loud cries of
" Divide," complained of the injustice of the House in
refusing a full discussion to so important a measure, He
had abstained from opposing the first reading from im-
perfect acquaintance 'With' its provisions ; but the more
he had considered it the more was he convinced that it ,

p was unfit to be entertained ley the House. No man who
I -p, ke at a public meeting—none even who heard him—
A ou:d be sate agai,st transportation for lite with a Bill
so vaeudy worded as this. What was meant by such
expressions as "compassings," " inventions," "
"devices," &e. ?—(Hear, hear.) He denied that
even in Ireland was there any necessity for this Bill.
The persons who had there infringed the law were about
to be brought to trial. Let not the House, then, be be-
trayed into the error of legislating with the view to
meet imaginary evils. This Bill would be in effect a
rep. al of the Ilibeas Corpus Act and of trial by jury.
The b st protection to the Crown and Government would
be to redress the grievances of the people.—(Hear, hear.)
The horrible spy system had evidently been revived in
Ireland ; and he believed it had been resorted to in this
country also. He regretted that those who had hitherto
supported popular rights should have introduced such
objectionable measure.
Mr. WAKLEY had hoped that the Noble Lord at the
head of the Government would modify the objectionable
parts of this Bill. This was only due to the calmness
with which a subject of such an exciting nature had been
discussed; but no such modification had been consented
to. The Solicitor-General had given his view as to the
construction of one clause; other Hon. and Learned
Gentlemen had done the same; and there was the utmost
diversity of opinion as to what would be the operation of
the clause. This was a state of things neither creditable
to the House nor safe for the country. It was said that
judges and juries would comprehend the measure; but if
it was not understood by those who had manufactured it
and introduced the words, how could it be so by others ?
If this loose legislation were allowed there would be no
security for the people who took part in political mat-
ters, and they would have great reason to complain of
the negligence of the Legislature. The Honourable and
Learned Member for Oxford (Mr. Wood) had put a
construction on the clause which was as opposite as
the poles to that of the Solicitor-General. Knowing
what might be the operation of the clause, they
ought not to allow it to proceed a stage further ; and
his impression was, that he ought to move the adjourn-
ment of the debate. Whence the necessity for this
breathless haste for the sudden introduction of a Bill
like this ? There had been what he might call open
insurrection in Dublin for the last two months, almost
with the connivance of the Government. Men stated
there that they bad resisted the law in a minor degree,
and were prepared to resist it in the fullest manner.
Pikes had been manufactured and publicly sold by
auction. Only in November last a Bill had been passed
empowering the Lord-Lieutenant to proclaim disturbed
districts, and issue a special commission for the trial of
offenders. That law, if carried into effect, would have
been amply sufficient to repress crime ; but there had
been a remarkable supineness in exercising its powers.
Of what use was that law if it could not be applied
to Dublin under these circumstances ? At all events,
the people of England, because offences were committed
elsewhere, ought not to be saddled with a measure
which was not less a gagging Act than any of the
Six Acts of 1819.—(Hear.) Least of all should such a
measure be passed by a Government calling itself liberal.
—(Hear, hear.) If the words were expunged to which
objection had been made he would cease further opposi-
tion; if the clause so ambiguously and peculiarly framed
were retained, it should have his most determined and
unflinching opposition at every stage. No case had been
made out for this measure. The present law had not
been proved inadequate for the preservation of the peace.
What had Government not anticipated? Their fears
had completely overwhelmed them; they had expected
a violent outbreak. Yet the monster petition had been
presented, and, so far as he could learn, not a single case
of common assault had occurred that day.—(Divide.)
Had not the law triumphed?—(Hear, hear.) Had not
the common sense, the sense of justice of the people who
presented the petition, also triumphed.—(No, no.) It
was an atrocious calumny on the people of this country
to intimate, by accent or tone of any kind, that it was
their object to commit outrage and violence. The Hon.
Member for Bridport might exclaim " Oh, oh;" but it
was a calumny on the people to accuse them of being
lovers of outrage and violence, or of being prepared to
commit them. They believed that they were deprived
by the Legislature of their just political rights, and he
believed so too.—(Hear, hear.) He further believed that
they never would relax in their just and reasonable de-
mands until those rights were conceded—a concession
which would add to the security of property and of life,
and would place the throne on a basis which would ren-
der it absolutely immoveable.—(Hear, hear.) When he
heard of the condition to which the people of Ireland
were reduced, and when they got nothing from that
House but coercion Bills, he thought they were right
to be indignant at such treatment. When he opposed
the Coercion Bill, in November last, he could only gat
twenty-two Members to vote with him .—(Cheers.) They
were now in April, and where were the measures which
had been promised?—(Hear, hear.) There was a Land-
lord and Tenant Bill; but no one could comprehend it,
and its only object seemed to be to give employment to
the lawyers. He believed that the agitators in Ireland
were actuated by the best motives.—(lronical cheers.)
Would they have the people to lie down quietly and die
of hunger? He did not think that English Members
would wish to allow that. He would suggest that the
second reading should be taken without a division, on
the condition that the Government would commit the Bill
pro forma, and make what modification they could in the
clause so much objected to.—(Oh, oh.) If the Govern-
ment persisted in adhering to that clause, he would give
every opposition to the Bill.
- -

Li; tli-. RUSSELL said that he could not, on the
part of the Government, consent to accept the proposi-
tion which the Hon. Member for Finsbury was good
enough to make with a view to a future consideration of
the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) So far from agreeing to that
proposition he declared at once that he would consent to
alter no part of the Bill when the House went into Com-
rnittee.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman attributed
a character of harshness and violence to the Bill which
was calculated to mislead those who attended to his
speech. The Noble Lord then explained the nature of
the Bill, which he said was merely to make certain
offences which were now punishable by death punishable
by transportation, and extending the law, which was
only in force in England and Scotland, to Ireland. He
was not then going to defend the particular clause which
had been objected to, because it would be opposed in
Committee, and the Solicitor-General bad clearly and
ably stated the reasons why it was introduced.
The Honourable Gentleman asked why they should
select a time of excitement and fear for introducing
such a Bill. It was on account of that excitement
and fear, and the mischief which they had produced
that they were justified in introducing this Bill. He
admitted to the Honourable Gentleman that excitement
and fear prevailed. No person could have read the
speeches in the newspapers delivered in this town within
the last week, and in Dublin within the last month,
without having cause for that fear and excitement. And
while he relied generally on the support of this country
to oppose such machinations, there was one great and
numerous class of people who would be affected more
than any others by such fear and excitement. He would
not appeal to the gentlemen of England, because their
high spirit would induce them to come forward in favour
of the institutions under which they lived, and which
had been the glory of their country.—(Hear, hear.)
With respect to the middle classes they were loyally
affected, and there was no fear that they would be mis-
led by arguments addressed to their passions.—(Flear,
hear.) It was the working classes who were more espe-
cially exposed to danger by this excitement.—(Hear,
hear.) They it was who would be the sufferers
by anything that would derange the peace and
order of this country, and prevent the application of
capital in those numerous undertakings from which
profits and wages were derived. (Hear, hear.)
If that were the case, was it not fit that they should en-
deavour as much as possible to put an end to this excite •
went, and endeavour to punish those who urged them to
commit breaches of the peace, who urged them to levy
war against the institutions of the country, and put in
peril the welfare of those classes to which they addressed
their appeals.--(Hear, hear.) If he were right in that
supposition the Hon. Member for Finsbury, instead of
opposing the passing of this Bill, ought, as a friend of
the working classes, to support it.—(Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Member for Manchester, also, who knew how
susceptible a thing capital was, and how its investment
was stopped by any violation of the peace of the commu-
nity; who knew very well that amongst the new-fangled
theories of the organization of labour, nothing was so
valuable to the labouring man as that there should he a
great number of employers, and that they should
have large capitols in which to found their enterprise,
and to call for the employment of labourers, ought to
support this measure.—(Hear, hear.) If that Hon.
Gentleman distrusted the objects that were put before
the working men, in which they were told that by some
future organization of labour they should be secured in
plenty, and should have every comfort and almost
riches—if
he distrusted those theories, he would join
with him in putting an end to those disturbing forces
which were now agitating society.—(Hear, hear.) With
regard to Ireland, on which subject the Hon. lember
for Finsbury had reproached them, although they might
have introduced a Bill on the subject of the relations
between landlord and tenant, which they thought would
be beneficial to the country, but which might not have
given satisfaction, he begged to say that ho did not
think these matters were the great or main business of
the Parliament or Government of this country.—(Hear,
hear.) There were exceptions—exceptions which were
sometimes justifiable, sometimes beneficial, sometimes
even necessary. But those who could best regulate the
relations between landlords and tenants of Ireland were
the landlords and tenants of Ireland, and those who
could best regulate the relations between the employers
and employed were the employers and employed. So
with regard to the other relations of society. They might
at times think fit to interfere—(Laughter)—but he al-
ways contended that those cases were to be defended as
exceptions for a particular occasion. That
.which was the
main business of Government and the Legislature was
to say that the landlord and tenant, the employer and
employed, should be protected by the law as long as they
respected the life and property of others, and that the
law and the arm of power would interfere against those
who disturbed them in those useful, peaceful, and bene-
ficial relations.—(Cheers.) Such was the business to
which Government and Parliament should direct its con-
stant attention—such as what society could not do for
itself, which private individuals could not arrange
amongst one another—such were the objects to which
Government should chiefly direct its efforts. It was for
that purpose that they proposed this Bill. It was to
maintain a state of peace and security, in which the
offender should feel that he could no longer escape under
the grand name of being a martyr for high treason, of
which he would not incur the penalty, because it infixted
capital punishment—it was to maintain this necessary
principle of government, that they introduced this Bill.
And, if any one could doubt or hesitate for a moment
as to the value of internal peace, and the necessity
of preserving it, that which occurred to-day would
show its vast benefit. What would be the state
—not of the upper classes as they were called, but of the

w,,rking classes—if those excitements to crime, of which
they ha,i seen so much, had been successful, and this
wn had been made the scene of confusion and blood
shed?—(H+ar, hear.) And, what was the state of the
case when, owing to the staid, admirable, and magnani-
mous conduct of the great body of the people—(Cheers)
--when, owing to the respect which the people pay to
the name and authority of the law, to the attachment
and love which they bore their institutions—when,
owing to the respect and confidence which they reposed
in those drmonstrations of force which the Government
had at its command, and which thus backed became
more powerful, but which, without the assistance of
the great body of the people could no more keep
the peace of London than it had been pre-
served at Berlin, Vienna, or Milan—the peace of the
metropolis had been maintained?—(Hear, hear.) This
power had been quite successful. And when they
contrasted the situation in which they stood with what
it would have been had the event been otherwise, there
was no man but must put a higher value on the peace
and security of society, on which not only the progres,
of institutions but the daily comforts and even the daily
subsistence of the great body of the people mainly de.
pended. He assured the hen. Member for Finsbury
that he would not be a party to the introduction of this
Bill if he believed that the liberties of this country would
in any way be infringed by it.—(Hear, hear.) He be-
lieved that the power of discussion, whether by the
press or in public meetings, would be enjoyed as fully by
the country, after this Bill passed, as it was now enjoyed.
—(hear, hear.) But, at the same time, he believed that
some reckless persons would be checked in their career,
and that, while those who rose in arms would be strictly
punished by the law, those who excited others to such
offences would be no longer safe in their impunity.—
(Cheers.) It was for this purpose that he sked them
to agree to the second reading of the Bill. If he was
told that this was a coercion Bill for Ireland, it was the
same as was proposed for England and Scotland, and he
hoped with confidence that a large majority of the House
would consent to the second reading.—(Cheers).
Mr. HORS MAN rose to address the House, but the
cries of " Divide, divide," preventing him from being
heard, he moved that the debate be adjourned.

Mr. HUME seconded the amendment.
Lord J. RUSSELL called upon the House to hear
the Hon. Member.

Mr. HORSMAN then withdrew his amendment, and
said he should vote for the second reading of the Bill,
in the hope that the Noble Lord would omit that part
of the measure which precluded " open and advised
speaking." The precedent for such a course was afforded
by Lord Granville, who withdrew these very words from
the identical Bill—which then passed into an Act it
was now proposed to modify.
Mr. HINDLEY said he should be ready to support
the second reading on the same conditions.
The House divided, when there appeared—
For the second reading 452
Against it 35
Majority

Sir G. GREY moved that the House do go into Com-
mittee on the Bill.

Mr. AGLIONBY objected to the transportation clause
of the Bill.

Mr. J. O'CONNELL said that he hoped Ireland
would be struck out of the Bill.—(A laugh.)
Mr. HUME, believing that the Bill was an attack on
the constitution, by which the Government would be
weakened, and believing also that the Ministers were
urged on by those who only supported in order to betray
them, earnestly begged Ministers to delay the progress
of the Bill, so as to let the country know what it really
was. He proposed that Monday next should be fixed
for the Committee.

Sir GEORGE GREY urged that it would be a mercy
to those who were now being goaded into rebellio❑ to
let the Bill pass as speedily as possible. If the House
would consent to meet to- morrow at twelve o'clock, he
would be content with committing the Bill pro forma,
merely for the purpose of making some verbal amend-
ments.

Mr. HUME had no objection to this course.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL would not yield his precedence
on the following day.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the Hon. Member
would be able to bring forward his motion at the usual
hour of sitting in the evening, when he would have
precedence.
Mr. GARDNER said, that although he was a young
Member—(Oh, oh)—he appealed to the House.—(oh,
oh.) He begged only to be heard.—(Oh, oh.) He
would not detain—(Oh.) The cries of " Oh" at
length completely drowned the Hon. Member's voice,
who sat down for a moment, and then rose and moved
that the House do now adjourn. [A desultory conver-
sation ensued, during which Sir G. Grey and Lord J.
Russell urged the Hon. Member to withdraw his motion
and speak to the question.] Mr. Gardner withdrew his
motion, and said that he had taken the course which he
had done merely in order to be able to deliver his sen-
timents on the Bill, as he had not been able to catch the
Speaker's eye. The reasons urged by the Noble Lord
(J. Russell) were all against the Bill. He objected to
the Bill as curtailing that freedom of speech which was
one of the most essential privileges of the British
people. Some violent language of Mr. Mitchell had been
quoted as its justification; hut, he asked, would Govern-
ment have cared for such language had it not been ad-
dressed to a people smarting under misery and injustice?
—(Hear, hear.) When the people demanded justice,
every delay was interposed; but when coercion was con-
templated, precipitation was the order of the day.—
(Question, question.) He believed he was giving a vote
in favour of order, and on Conservative principles, in
opposing every constitutional obstacle to the progress of
this measure.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. AGLIONBY hoped that the suggestion he had
offered in the early part of the evening, with reference
to the third clause, would be attended to by Govern-
ment.—(The ottject of the Honourable Member's sug-
gestion was to make a distinction between spoken and
written treason.)

Mr. F. O'CONNOR wished for postponement, and
grounded his request on the speech of the lion. and
Learned Solicitor-General. He considered that that
Hon. and Learned Gentleman's explanation of the de-
finitions of the Bill was most ambiguous. He (Mr.
O'Connor) should give every opposition in his power to
what he conceived to be a most unconstitutional propo
sition. He conceived that Government had acted most
unconstitutionally in tacking themselves to the Crown
in this Bill. Take a case. As soon as this Bill became
law he should raise the cry from one end of the country
to the other of " Down with the Whigs." Would he
not in doing so make himself obnoxious to its provi-
sions ?—(Hear, hear.) The Bill might check agitation
but only to put in its place secret plots and conspiracy.
There was no man in that House rejoiced more than be
did at the way in which that day had passed off.—(Cries
of " Oh, oh.") But London was not England, and they
did not know how their conduct would be estimated in
the provinces.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL said be had a motion on the
paper for this day, and claimed precedence for it at the
next sitting of the House.

Lord J.—RUSSELL said that the Hon. Membees mo-
tion for the repeal of the union would come on exactly
at the same hour, whether the House sat at twelve
o'clock or not.

Mr. HUME considered that the lion. Member for
Limerick had a right to precedence. With these views
he should move as an amendment that the Bill should
be committed that day week.
Mr. WAKLEY seconded the amendment.

The House divided, when there appeared—
For the motion
For the amendment
Majority
A motion was then made that the House do now
adjourn, upon which the House again divided, when
there appeared—
Ayes
Noes
Majority
On our return to the gallery we found
Mr. G. THOMPSON contending that the measure
would not give security to the Crown or the people.—
(Oh, oh.) They were now legislating on liberty of
thought—on liberty of speech—a right that was not
given by human enactment, and which ought never to
be taken away by human enactment.—(" Oh, oh," and
" Hear, hear.") They were making it felony by this
Bill to deny the divine right of the Sovereign—(Hear,
hear)—or to advocate the separation of any part of the
empire.—(Hear, bear.) They were about to admit
thoSe who denied the divinity of the Saviour—(" Ques-
tion, question")—and they were now to make it felony
to call in question the divine right of the Sovereign.—
(" Oh, oh," and " Question, question.") He defied
Honourable Members to point to one act on the part of
the people that day, or previously, which evinced any
intention or desire to commit an act of violence; and
yet the Government had thought it necessary to make
preparations of the most horrid and unexampled de-
scription for their slaughter.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh,"
groans, and other interruptions.) He was determined
not to bear any share in the responsibility of the
measure, and ho, therefore, moved that the House do
now adjourn.
Mr. WAKLEY said the whole question was, whether
the adjournment should be to " this day" or " to-
morrow."

Sir G. GREY had no objection to say " to-morrow,"
if the Hon. Member would guarantee that the Bill
would be allowed to take precedence oa that day. But
Wednesday not being a Government day, without such
pledge he could not consent, and must ask the House to
support him.—(Cheers.)
The House then divided, when there appeared—
. For adjournment— 24
Against it
Majority —lB9
The Bill was ordered to be committed to-morrow
(this day) at twelve o'clock.
We were informed that, during our exclusion from the
gallery, Mr. F. O'Connor was discovered fast asleep on
one of the benches of the House when the Members re-
turned into the House from the lobbies. This circum-
stance was duly reported by the tellers to the Speaker,
and the Hon. Member was thereupon awakened, and
required to say whether he voted with the Ayes or the
Noes ? The Hon. Member voted with the Ayes, which
provoked much merriment, his vote being, as we under-
stood, at variance with that which he had just before
given.
The House then adjourned, at Half-past One o'clock,
to Twelve o'clock to-morrow (this day).

ABD-EL-KADER.—The Provisional Government of
the French Republic has just given orders for the speedy
removal of Abd-el-Bader and his suite to the castle of
Pau. The Commander of the Engineers of that place
has sent to a journal the following as the substance of
the orders which he has received :—" The persons to be
with Abd-el Rader are three of his brothers, his brother..
in-law, and three or four near relations. Each of these
persons has a family composed of one or two wives and
several children, and each family has ono or more ser-
vants. The whole number will be at least 40 persons."

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS.

( From tho Votes and Proceedings of the Huse of Commons,

MONDAY, APRIL 10.

CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL.
Order for Second Reading read; Motion made, and Ques•
tion proposed, " That the Bill be now r.ad a second time:"
—Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now,".and at
the end of the Question to add the words" upon this day six
months."—Question put, " That the word ' now' stand part
of the Question." The House divided:—
MAJORITY—AYES, 452.
Ewart, William Ifulgrave, Earl
Ferrer, James Auncly, E. M.
Fellowes, E. pure, Colonel
Fergus, John Napier, Joseph
Ferguson, Colonel Neeld, John
Ferguson, Sir R. Neeld, Joseph
Fitzpatrick, .1 W. Newdegate. N.
Fitzroy, Henry Newport, Visct.
Fitzwilliam, G. W Newry, Viscount
Floyer, John • Noel, Gerald J.
Foley, J. H. ' sorreys, Lord
Forbes, W. Norreys, Sir D.
Fordyce, A. I). Nugent,• Lord
Forester, G. C. O'Brien, Sir Lucius
Forster, Mathew Connell, M. J.
Fertescue, Chichester Ogle, S. C.
Fortescue, J. W. Ord, W.
Fox, S. L. Ossulton, Lord
French, F. Oswald, Alexander
Fuller, A. E. Owen, Sir J.
Gaskell, J. M. Packe, C. W.
Gladstone, W. E. Paget, Lord A.
Glyn, G. C. Palmer, Robert
G"ddard, A. L. Palmer, Roundell
Gordon, Admiral Palmerston, Viscount
Goulbnrn, Henry Parker, John
Grace, 0. D. Patten, J. W.
Graham, Sir James Pearson, Charles
Granby, Marquis of Peel,.Sir Robert
Greenall, Gilbert Pennant, Colonel
Greene, Thomas Perfect, R.
Grenfell, C. Pascoe Philips, Sir G. R.
Grenfel , Charles W.
Pigott, Francis
Grey, Sir G. Pilkington, James
Grey, Ralph W. Pinney, W.
Grogan, Edward Plowden, W. H.
Grosvenor, Lord R. Price, Sir R.
Gwyn. Howel Pugh, David
Haggitt, F. R. Pusey, P.
Raiford, Sir H. Raphael, Alexander
Hall, Sir B. Rawdon, Colonel
Hall, Colonel Reid, Colonel
nallYburton, Lord Rendlesham, Lord
Halsey, T. P. Repten, G. W. J.
Hamilton, G. A. Ricardo, Osman
Hamner, Sir J. Rice, E • R.
Hardcastle, J. A. Rich, Henry
Harris, Captain Richards. Richard
Hastie, Alexander Robartes, T. J.
Hastie, Archibald Robinson, George
Hawes, Benjamin Romilly, John
Hay, Lord John Rufford, Francis
Hayes, Sir E. Rushout, Captain
Hayter, W. G. Russell, Lord John
Ileadlam, Thomas Russell, Eduard S.
Heald, James Russell, F. C.
Heathcoat, John Rutherfurd, A.
Heathcote, G. J. Sadleir, J ohn
Heathcote, Sir W. Salwey, Colonel
Heneage, G. H. Sandars, George
Henley, J. W. Scott, F.
Henry, Alexander Scrope, G. P.
Herries, J. C. Seaham, Viscount
Hervey, Lord A. Seynaer, H. K.
Heywood, James Seymour, Sir H.
Hildyard, R. C. Seymour, Lord
Hindley, C. Shafto, R. D.
llobhouse, Sir John Shell, R. L.
Hobhouse, T. B. Shelburne, Earl of
Hodges, T. L. Sheridan, R. B.
Hogg, Sir J. Shirley, E. J.
Holland, Robert Sibthorp, Colonel
Hood, Sir A. .Simeon, John
Hope, Henry T. Slaney, Robert A.
Hope, Alexander Smith, K. Y.
Hornby John Smith, J. A.
Horsman, Edward Smith, 3i Tucker
Hotham, Lord Smyth, John G.
Howard, C. W. Somerset, Captain
Howard, E. G. Somerville, Sir W.
Howard, P. H. Sotheron, T. H.
Hudson, G. Spearman, H. J.
Humphery, Ald. Spooner, Richard
Hutt, William Stafford, Augustus
Ingestre, Viscount Stanley,',E. J.
Inglis, Sir R. H. Stansileld, W. R.
Jackson, William Stanton, W. H.
Jervis, Sir John Staunton, Sir G.
Jocelyn, Viscount Stephenson, Robert
Johnstone, Sir J. Stuart, Lord D.
Jolliffe, Sir W , G. Stuart, Lord J.
Jones, Sir W. Stuart, Henry
Jones, Captain Stuart, J.
Keogh, William Sturt, H. G.
Keppel, G. T. Sutton, H. M.
Ker, Rickard Talbot, C. R.
King, Peter John Talfourd, sergeant
Knight, F. W. Tancred, H. W.
KnightleY, Sir C. Tenison, E. K.
;Knox, Colonel Tennent, .J.
Labouchere, Henry Thesiger, Sir F.
Langston, J. H. Ihicknesse, R. A.
Lascelles, W. S. Thoruely, T.
Law, Hon. E. C. Tollemache, F. J.
Lemon, Sir Charles Tollemache, John
Lennard, T. B. Towneley, John
Leslie, C. P Townley, R. G.
Lewis, George C. Townshend, Captain
Lincoln, Earl of Trelawny, J. S.
Lindsay, Colonel Trevor, G.
Littleton, E. R. Trollope, Sir J.
Loch, James Turner, George
Locke, Joseph Tyrrell, Sir J. T.
Lockhart, A. E. Urquhart, David
Lockhart, W. Vane, Lord H.
Lowther, Colonel Verney Sir H.
Lygon, Gtnieral Villiers, Viscount
Mackenzie, W. F. Villiers, Charles
Mackinnon, W. Villiers, F. W.
Macnamara, Major Vivian, J. E.
3PNaghten, Sir E. Vivian, J. H.
31`Neill, Duncan Vyse, H.
M`Taggart, Sir J. Waddington, David
Mahon, O'Gorman Waddington, H. S.
Mahon, Viscount Wall, C. B.
Manners,lLord G. Walpole, Spencer
March, Earl of Walsh, Sir J.
Marshi,ll, J. G. Ward, H. G.
Marshall, W. Watkins, Colonel
Martin, J. Wawn, J. T.
Martin, C. W. 'Wellesley, Lord C.
Martin, Samuel West, F. R.
Masterman, John Westhead, J. P.
Matheson, Alex. Whitmore, T. C.
Matheson, J. Willcox, Brodie
Matheson, Colonel Williams, John
Maule, Fox • Williamson, Sir H.
Maxwell, J. P. Willoughby, Sir H.
Melgund, Viscount Wilson, James"
Meux, Sir H. Wilson, Matthew
Miles, Philip W. S. Wood, Sir Charles
Miles, William Wood, W. P.
Miles, It. H. Wortley, J. S.
Mitchell, T. A. Wyvill, Marmaduke
Moffatt, George Yorke,-.E. T.
Monsell, William Yorke, H. R.
Moody, C. A. Young, Sir John
Morgan, O.
Morpeth, Viscount
Morison, General
Morris, David
Mostyn, E. H.

Abdy, T. N.
Acland, Sir T.
Adair, Hugh E.
Adair, R. Shafto
Adare, Viscount
Adderley, C. B.
Aglionby, H.
Alcock, Thomas
Alexander, N.
Alford, Viscount
Anderson, Arthur
Anson, Colonel
Anon, Viscount
Ansley, Thomas
Archdall, Captain
Arkwrlght, G.
Armstrong, Sir A.
Armstrong, R. B.
Arundel, Earl of
Ashley, Lord
liagge, W.
Bagot, Hon. W.
Bagsha w, John
Bailey, J., Jun.
Baines, M. T.
lialdock, E. H.
Barkly, Henry
Baring, Henry
Baring, W. B.
Barnard, E. G.
Barrington, Lord
Bateson, T.
Beckett, W.
Bell, Matthew
Bellew, K. M.
Bennet, Philip
Beresford, William
Berkeley, Captain
Berkeley, H.
Bernal, Ralph
Bernard, Viscount
Birch, Sir Thomas
Blackall, S. W.
Blackstone, W. S.
Blake, M. J.
Blakemore, R.
Blandford, Marquis
Boldero, 11. G.
Bolling, William
Bourke, R. S.
Bouverie, E. P.
Bowles. Admiral
Boyle, Colonel
Brackley, Viscount
Bramston, T. W.
Brand,jThomas
Bremridge, Richard
Brisco, M.
Broadley, Henry
Brockman, E. D.
Brooke, Lord
Brotherton, J.
Brown, H.
Brown, W.
Bruce, Lord E.
Buck, L. W.
Buller, Sir J, Y.
Buller, Charles
Bunbury, W.
Banbury, E. H.
Burghley, Lord
Burroughes, H. N.
Busfeild, W.
Buxton, Sir E.
Cabbell, B. B.
Campbell, W. F.
Cardwell, Edward
Carew, W. I'.
Carter, John B.
Castlereagh, Visc.
Cavendish, C. C.
Cavendish, G. H.
Cavendish, W. G.
Cayley, Edward S.
Chaplin,lW. J.
Charter's, Francis
Cholmeley, Sir M.
Chichester, Lord J.
Christopher, R.
Christy, Samuel
Clay, James
Clay, Sir W.
Clerk Sir G.
Clifford, Henry M.
Cobbold, J. C.
Cochrane, A.
Cocks, T. S.
Codrington, Sir W.
Coke, E. K.
Colebrooke, Sir T.
Coles, Henry B.
Compton, H. C.
Copeland, Alderman
Corry, H.
Cotton, W. 11.
Courtenay, Lord
Cowan, Charles
Cowper, W F.
Craig, W. G.
Cripps, William
Cubitt, William
Currie, Henry
Currie, Raikes
Darner, Colonel
Davie, Sir Henry
Davies, D. A. S.
Dawson, T. V.
Denison, W. J.
Denison, J. E.
D'Eyncourt, C. T.
Dick, Quintin
DisraelLiß.
r)ivett, E.
nod, J. W.
Dodd, G.
Douglas, Sir C.
Drumlanrig, Vis.
Drummond, Henry
Drummond, Home
Duff, George S.
Duke, Sir James
Duncan, Lord
Duncan, George
Buncombe, A.
Buncombe, 0.
Duncuft, John
Dundas, Admiral
Dundas, Sir David
Dundas, George
Dunne, Francis P.
Du Pre, C. G.
East, Sir J. B.
Ebrington, Lord
Egerton, Sir P.
Ellice, Edward
Ellice, E., jun.
Elliot, J. E.
Emlyn, Viscount
Estcourt, J. B. B.
Euston, Earl
Evans,"John
Evans, William

TELLERS.
Tufnell, Henry
Hill, Lord Marcus

MINORITY-NOES, 35.
Blewitt, Reginald Hume, Joseph Reynolds, John
,
Bowring, Dr. Kershaw, James
Schelefieldully Fra William
Bright, John Lushington, C. Sc , Francis
Callaghan, D. Magan, W. H. Smith, John B.
Cobden, Richard Meagher, Thomas
Crawford, W. S. Moore, George 11.
Thompson,
Devereux, J. T. Mowatt, Francis
Wakley, Thomas
Fagan, William Munta, G. F.
Walmsley, Sir J.
Fox, R. M. O'Brien, W. S. ,
Fox, W. J. O'Connell, John
TELLERS.
Gardner, Richard Osborne, Ralph
O'Connor, Feargus
Grattan, Henry Power, Dr.
Thompson, George
fireene, John Power, Nicholas
- I Sir
c h G.
Colonel
Strickland,sulliva ,

WILSON'S
general fi
ever
taken as a criterion
conclude that never was Aberdeen
TAINMENTS IN ABERDEEN.
SCOTTISH 0 TTISH _ENTER-
If the attendance public b
at amusements were to e
ing as at the present weonwrould.
moment, for n
were concerts so numerously attended, as were Mr.
Wilson's entertainments on Thursday and Friday
roserityso,
last. We must attribute this,rather to the
high talents and great however,.
this
eminent
vocalist, and to the very popularity f
noature of his en-
tertainment. Mr. wis
on attractiveain
excellent voice,
and we certainly never hweasrd him sing wish
li
greater effect, nor listened to him with greater de-
light. On this occasion t ' ddition to a choice
selection of old and es 00, in a
tablished favourites, he' in-
troduced a number of entirely new to us ;
among which were some soofngs tbegems of his enter-
tainment, from the works of Sir Walter Scott, by
which he has this season gathered fresh laurels in
the metropolis. Among these may be mentioned
the serenade, "Love wakes and weeps," from the
Pirate, a graceful, flowing melody, with an accom-
paniment in imitation of a guitar, exactly suoh as
we might suppose Cleveland to have played and sung
under the window of Minna Troil. The spirited
ballad of " Young Lochinvar" was given by Mr. Wilson
with great spirit; and to a fine sparkling melody, thatcar-
ried the singer glibly through the story, long as this bial.
lad is, it was rapturously encored; but Mr. Wilson kindly
substituted the ballad of "Alice Brand," from The Lady of
Me Lake, which afforded a high treat to the audience,
so dramatically was it given. "The Heath this night
must be my bed," also from The Lady of the Lake,
is a sweet melody in the Scottish style, and highly
suitable to the words. Of Wilson's perform-
ance of Campbell's beautiful ballad, "Lord ill-
lin's daughter," which be sang on both evenings.
the tears of the audience afforded the strongest proof of
the effect it produced on them, and of Wilson's success in
adapting it to music. He was admirably seconded in the
descriptive accompaniment, played by his new coadjutor,
Mr. Jolley, who is a piano. forte player, and enters
heartily into the spirit of the various songs. Mr. Wilson
was never before so well accompanied. Did our limits
permit, we might point out many other songs
which were highly effective. We cannot omit,
however, to record the admirable manner in
which Burns' fine song, " Does haughty Gaul
invasion threat" was given, and the heartiness, with
which the audience responded to the patriotic , sen-
timents it contains. Though it was the last song,
it was enthusiastically encored. Altogether the
entertainments afforded a high musical and mental
treat to the most crowded audience that was' ever
assembled within the walls of the new hall. Many
parties were compelled to w
mitdraw without being
able to gain admittance ; andmuch regret was felt, that
Mr. Wilson could not give another entertainment, which
we have no doubt would have been equally success-
ful. But being engaged to visit Lord Panmure at
Brechin Castle on the following day, he y, -e was unable to
Comply with the numerous requests made to him to
prolong his stay in Aberdeen.—North of Scotland Gazette,
April 4. - _
The Observer of Sunday, April J, gave twelve
folio columns of Chartist movements, including upwards
of three columns of the Saturday proceedings of the
National Convention. Mr. Feargus O'Connor's speech
at length, preparations of the Government, and all the
latest particulars of the intended demonstration. It
may be asked, why is the Observer enabled on every po-
pular occasion to do so much better than other journals?
The reply is, that the establishment of the Observer is
equal to that of all the other Sunday papers put toge-
ilier; so far as regards editors and reporters, the Observer
is on an equality with nearly all the daily newspapers.
The Observer gave a column of Saturday's proceedings
at a meeting of surveyors at Freemason's Tavern
Saturday's Marylebone Vestry, &c. &c.—Price of the
Observer 6d. Monday's edition at Four Monday after-
noons.
FOREIGN HONEY.—A vessel arrived from Cuba has
brought upwards of two hundred casks of honey, the
produce of that place. This arrival of honey from the
foreign West India island mentioned is a remarkably large
importation of the article.

CHARTIST DEMONSTRATION.

KENNINGTON COMMON;

A portion of the following appeared in our Fourth and
Fifth Editions of last night:—
About half-past two o'clock the waggons which had
previously contained the petition and the members of
the Convention were drawn off the common and for-
warded t•) a livery stable in the neighbourhood.
We have been present upon various occasions of
contested elections in the borough of Lambeth and
elsewhere, and we are most decidedly of opinion
that the number of persons present on the
common did not at any time exceed (hat which we have
seen upon other occasions. It is a matter of congra-
tulation that the demonstration has ended so peaceably.
Too great praise cannot be bestowed upon the autho-
rities for the manner in which they have carried out
their arrangements. There was not a single person
connected with the police or military force present
upon the occlsion to offer the slightest disturbance orin-
duce the least provocation. A person on horseback, bow-
ever, rode several times round the common, and informed
the people in the most courteous manner, that immediately
upon the meeting breaking up the persons present
would be expected to disperse quietly and peaceably.
We believe that not a single accident worthy of note
took place throughout the whole proceedings.
At the conclusion of the meeting on the common it
was announced by Mr. E. Jones, from the waggon, that
a meeting would be held to night at the South-London
Chartist Hall, in the Blackfriars-road.
It is satisfactory to state, up to the time of our going
to press with this Edition, that no disturbance of the
public peace has taken place. The demonstration has
passed off as peaceably as we stated we believed it
would, in writing our reporis for the earlier
editions of The Sun. Up to this hour it would
seem that the apprehensions of an outbreak have not yet
left the minds of the public, as the shops which were
closed in the morning remain so now, with very few ex-
ceptions. It may be said with truth that business has been
almost suspended in the leading thoroughfares of the
metropolis during the whole of the day. The special
constables remain, with very few exceptions, at their posts,
and many will not be relieved of their duties until nine
o'clock, or even later, should any outbreak be intended.
The conduct of the demonstration in not going in pro
cession is spoken harshly of by many unthinking per-
sons, who no doubt would have been gratified bad it
been our painful duty to have announced loss of life as the
result of what, considering the determination of the
Government, would have been foolhardiness in the
extreme. The proceedings in the Convention to-
morrow, after the " split" of to-day, will be more than
usually interesting.