The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-21 00:00:00

EXCISE.

Mr. FAGAN seeing the Right Hon. the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, he wished to ask him whether, in the
event of the duty on West India rum being reduced.
from sd. to 4d., it was the intention of the GoverTA-
ment to give any countervailing advantage to the
English and Irish spirit manufacturers by the remural
of some of the Excise restrictions?

The CIIANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said,
perhaps the Hon. Gentleman was not aware that a Bill
had already been introduced for removing some of
the grounds of complaint on the part of the
distillers, and he was happy to inform him that other
changes were under consideration. All restrictions
would be removed, except those that were absolutely
necessary for the purposes of the revenie.
DECIMAL COINS.

Dr. BOWRING wished to ask kis Right Honourable
Friend the Master of the Mint whether any progress
had been made with the decimal coins, and when the'.
might expect the issue of the tenth of a pound piece?
Mr. SHELL said there was a Committee sitting upon
the subject, and until that Committee had reported, it
was not advisable to enter into any new agreement with
the money-office. Besides, a contract now existed with

the coining department, and until the proTisiona of that
contract had been fulfilled no fresh ones could be entered

into.
EXPULSION OF ENGLISH WORKMEN FROM

FRANCE.

Mr. B. COCIIRANB, seeing the Noble Lord the
Secretary for Foreign Affairs in his place, wished to
ask him a question of great national importance, and
one which he wondered bad not already been.
put to the Noble Lord. It was, whether those
workmen who had been turned out of France pre—
vious to the meeting of the National Assembly
had received any compensation for the money withheld
from them by the savings banks? If they had not, he
wished to know further, whether the Noble Lord had
any objection to lay upon the table any correspondence
that might have taken place upon the subject between
himself and the British Ambassador at Paris; and if it
was the intention of Government to demand of the
French authorities compensation for the great injuries
which had been done to British subjects?—(Hear.)
Lord PALMERSTON said some time ago a com-
munication passed between Lord Normanby and the
French Government upon the subject, and the French
Government proposed that the deposits should be re-
stored to the English depositors in full, although a
diferent arrangement had been ordered in refer-
ence to French depositors. Since
n,
the Hon.,
Gentleman had given notice of his question
he had inquired at the Foreign-office whether any report
had been received as to the return of the deposits, and
he found that no such report had been received. He
had therefore directed that further inquiry should be
made into the matter.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
Sir DE LACY EVANS said, as a considerable num-
ber of those workmen were in great distress, he wished
to know whether the Government could not make thewl
some allowance, or grant them some moderate redress
in anticipation of the realisation of their claims upon the
French Government?
Lord PALMERSTON was understood to say that
the subject would be taken into his consideration and
also that of his Noble Friend the Secretary for the
Colonies.
MAIL TO THE WEST INDIES.
Lord INGESTRE inquired whether it was the
intention of the Government to detain the West Indian
mail-packet until the conclusion of the debate upon the
distress now existing in the colony, and if not, whether
it was their intention to dispatch a man-of-war for the
special, purpose of conveying the intelligence to the
West Indio: on the result of the debate being known ?
Lord J. RUSSELL said the Government did not in-
tend to delay the packet beyond to-morrow; but as to
the other question he was unable to give the Noble Lord
an answer.
PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.—MR. HUME'S
MOTION.
The SPEAKER intimated to the House that it would
be expedient for Hon. Members who had petitions in
favour of the motion of the Hon. Member for Montrose
to present them then.
Several Hon. Members then presented a number of
petitions in favour of the extension of the suffrage, vote
by ballot, triennial Parliaments, and equal electoral
districts.
Lord DIIDLET STUART presented several petitions

for 'an extension of the suffrage, and in support of Mr.
Hume's motion. The Noble Lord also presented peti-
tions from Maryleboae and St. Pancras in favour of the
vete by ballot and the establishment of electoral districts.
C: LUSHINGTON presented similar petitions
from the Westminster Reform Society, and the inhabi-
taas of St. Paul's, Covent-garden.
Mi. M. WILSON presented similar petitions from
Trurti.
Mr. W. J. FOX presented 287 similar petitions.
Mr. MO WATT presented petitions to the same
effect from Falmouth, complaining of the outrageous
expenditure of the country, and stating, as a proof
of the House not representing the sentiments of
the country, the evidence recently adduced before
Committees appointed to determine returns petitioned
against ; also against the interference of Peers in elec-
tions.
Colonel THOMPSON presented a number of peti-
tions from Manchester, Sunderland, Dundee, Wrexham,
.and other places, in all signed by 3,000 persons, in
ft...veur of Mr. flume's motion.
Mr. MUNTZ presented a petition from Birmingham,
signed by 10,000 persons, stating, though the Reform
Bill was a step in the right direction, and might have
satisfied its framers, it did not satisfy the rest of the
community ; that class legislation had in a great degree
brought about the present state of things on the Conti-
nent, and praying for Parliamentary reform.
Mr. COCKBURN presented a petition to the same
effect from Southampton, signed by 300 persons ; also,
from the Isle of Wight, to the same effect.
Sir E. BUXTON presented petitions from places in
Essex.
Colonel TYNTE presented petitions from Bridgwater
and Glasgow.
Mr. OSBORNE from several places in Middlesex,
which he stated were not got up by committees;

Mr.'.RICE from Dover;
Mr. ADAIR from Cambridge;
Mr. PATTISON from a place the name of which did
not reach the gallery; and
Mr. CLAY from Hull. _ _

Petitions to the same effect were presented by
Mr. Hindley, Mr. Westhead, Mr. Fox Maule, Lord
Lincoln, Mr. Sharman Crawford, Mr. E. Denison, Sir
De Lacy Evans, Sir George Strickland, Mr. Fitzroy,
Sir William Molesworth, Dr. Bowring, Mr. George
Thompson, Lord Duncan, Sir J. Hanmer, Sir G. Clerk,
Sir T. Egerton, Mr. Divett, and Mr. Granger.
Petitions to the same effect were then presented by
Von. Members from Monmouth, Cardiff, York (signed
by .5,550 persons), from Stamford, from the brush makers
and bellows makers of Bristol, from Stoke-upon-Trent,
Kelso, Tunbridge Wells, Maidstone, Seven Oaks, and
other places.
Mir COBDEN presented a petition, signed by 2,000
electors, also in favour of the motion of the Hon. Member
for Montrose.

The Hox. MEMBER also presented similar petitions
from Staleybridge, and nearly two hundred other places.
Mr. AGLIONBY presented similar petitions from
Cockermouth, Whitehaven, and several other places.
Mr. C. PEARSON presented similar petitions from
Lambeth.
Mr. HENLEY presented similar petitions from Read-

ing.
Mr. WAKLEY presented a great number of petitions
from different parts of the borough of Finsbury,
com-
plaining that the House as at present constituted did not
represent fairly the population of the country, the H and pray-
ingon. the House to adopt the proposition o
Member for Montrose.
Mr. C. P. VILLIERS presented several petitions in
favour of Mr. Hume's motion.
Mr. J. B. SMITH presented similar petitions from
various parts of Scotland.
Lord ASHLEY wished to direct the attention of the House
to a petition which he held in his hand of rather a peculiar
character, in theprayer of which, however, he did not agree;
but as it came from a respectable body, he felt bound to pre-
sent it. It was signed by a number of persons who described
themselves as the delegates of 200,000 artisans of London
and other towns. They imputed the present state of distress
to various causes, and prayed for the adoption of a number
of remedies. They prayed for the emancipation of land, for
the abolition of the system of gold coinage, for the getting
rid of untaxed machinery, and for the putting a stoppage to
the workhouse system of labour. They stated that there
were several million acres of unoccupied land in this country ;
Ciey therefore prayed that the Government would adopt a
syetem of home colonies for the destitute portion of the
peo)'le. They also prayed that, for the protection and
maintenance of the just rights of labour, a certain number
of Members should be elected solely by the working
classes, and that a President, elected by them, should be
a member of the Cabinet as the representative of the work-
ing classes in the Government. They prayed that imme-
diate steps should be taken for the relief of the country,
and among other things that there should be an
equalization of taxes, and of the profits of capital, and that
in the place of the present system of currency there should
be an unrestricted Government issue of paper ; also that a
eommission should be immediately constituted to examine
and establish what is a fair amount of work for each man
Jaily to perform—(A laugh, and hear, hear from some Mem-
bers on the Ministerial Benches.) The Noble Lord proceeded
to say that he knew the meaning of that cheer, coming as it
did from a certaid quarter ; and he was not surprised at the
interruption.—(Cries of " Order.") The petitioners prayed
that it should be determined what was the extent of a fair
day's labour, and also legal means should be adopted to
secure a fair remuneration for it fur each working man.
They next prayed the adoption of what were called the six
points of the people's charter, and also the repeal of the
legislative union between England and Ireland.—(Laughter.)
The.- petition wound up by calling on her Majesty's Govern-
ment, to appoint a commission to investigate the whole sub-
ject, and the various suggestions which they had made.
Mr. HUME asked upon what authority these persons
described themselves as the delegates of the great body of
artisans ?
Lord ASHLEY replied, that he could only state the peti-
tion was signed by E. Edwards as chairman, and by four
other persons as delegates. He had seen these persons, and
he could inform the House that they were very. respectable
and very intelligent men.
Petitions in favour of Mr. Hume's proposed plan of reform
were then presented by Lord John Russell from many
parishes.of London, and from various places in the country;
by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, from Halifax, which,
in addition, prayed for the adoption of the People's Charter;
by Mr. Macgregor, several petitions from Glasgow and its
vicinity ; by Sir W. Clay, several from the Tower Hamlets,
one of which, signed by 200 workmen employed in one
manufactory in that borough, prayed in addition, for
the adoption of a system of universal education;
by Mr. C. Buller, from Liskeard, East Looe, and
other places ; by Mr. Labouchere, from Taunton ; by
Mr. Wilson, from Westbury ; by Sir John Guest, from
Merthyr Tydvil ; by Mr. F. O'Connor, from Nottingham
and other places, in favour of the Charter; by Mr.
Bright, from Manchester, signed at a public meeting at
which 5,000 were present; another from the special con-
stables of that city, who stated that there would be less
occasion for their being called out to preserve the peace if
the people were satisfied with the Government—(A laugh)
—kind several from Derby and other parts of the country;
by Mr. Pigott, from Reading; by Mr. Poulett Scrope, from
Stroud ; by Mr. M. Gibson, from Yarmouth and places in
the neighbourhood of Manchester; and by Mr. Hume, 311
petitions from various parts of the country, including Boston,
Sandwich, Carlisle, Northampton, Stourbridge, Leamington,
Paisley, Holbeach, Edgeware, Walmer Castle, St. Ives,
Sheffield, Lewes, Ayr, and Hammersmith. Altogether the
signatures affixed W them exceeded 20,000, and after each
name was given the place of residence of the person
signing it.

REFORM IN PARLIAMENT.
Mr. HUME said, that after the exhibition which had
taken place on that day, as well as yesterday, lie hoped he
s-hould be allowed to state that the public did take some in-
terest in this question.—(gear, hear.) As far as his know-
ledge went, no arrangement or organization whatever had
been entered into with the view of procuring signatures to
petitions, but he considered the language
used by the Noble
Lord, in the short speech be made on a former occa-
sion, bad given rise to the adoption of the various petitions
which had been presented. He could assure the House and
the Noble Lord that it was with the greatest reluctance that
he had been induced to bring forward this question, as he
was aware of his inability, but he had been induced to do so
after much pressing. His Honourable Friends near him
knew that it was at their suggestion that he had been in-
duced to do so at a meeting which had been called 'to en-
deavour to avert evils which threatened the country by
a disturbance of the public peace.—(Hear, hear.) He
thought it also necessary to state, that although he had
been zequested by a considerable body of Reformers to
bring the subject forward before the lOth of April, that
he had refrained from doing so; but after that time he had
consented to do, so with the view of showing that the cause
of reform might be advanced in connexion with the preser-
-.ration of the public peace, in contradistinction to those who
by their conduct led to the commission of acts of violence. It
was not, then, until after the 10th of April he had resolved
to bring forward this subject. He believed there was much
greater precaution used npon that occasion than there was
any necessity for. But there was, at all events, exhibited a
readiness on the part of every class in the community, from
the- highest to the lowest, to come forward for the protec-
tion of law, peace, and order.—(Hear, hear.) And he (Mr.
Hume) knew nothing ,thist was of greater importance than
the rendering of the civil law and power paramount, and the
military force unnecessary for the repression of civil disorder.
(Hear, hear.) On the occasion to which he was alluding he
believed it would hove been quite unnecessary, had any dis-
turbance really arisen, to have employed a single soldier in
the metropolis. The display in support of law and
order by the citizens was highly creditable to the country
at large; and it should make the House listen the more at-
tentively to him (Mr. Hume) whilst he unfolded the propo-
sition he was about to make, the object of which would be
to ensure still more safely the preservation of domestic
tranquillity. And whilst he stated what it was that led to
the affair of the 10th April, and what led to all the breaches
of tip peace on the part of those Radical Reformers called
Chartists, during the last ten years, it should be for the
House to consider—when they saw matters brought to such
crisiis as that of the 10th A pril--whether there was any
just ground of complaint e t" part of those who
sought to obtain an extensionie tonfgthtel suffrage,the and to pro-
cure a voice in the election of those who ruled the destinies
of their country; further, if those grounds of com-
plaint were
f
the duty of to exist, whether it was not
the House
House of Commons to correct
those abuses aso soon
asth possible. He thought that
all would agree with him,the country was not in the
condition this year that it had been in daring the last three
or four years, with regard either to trade or the revenue.
The circumstances which had recently occarred had alto-
gether altered the condition of the working classes. This
country, which had been put forward an example, -as
having a better form of constitution than
rnynother country
in the world—we, who had boasted that oua
learnt represented the whole of the peopl gooses of Par-
been accustomed to boast that we could, hwe, who had
the aid of
Parliament only, carry all measures necetshsyaerj,Wfor the
amelioration of the cundition of the people—
uld,
by the civil power alone, without having any reed:areas
the military, repress tumult and preserve order—we, whoeto
bad stood distinguished from the rest of Europe
almost all the countries of which might be said to have
had military governments, and many of which bad mili-
tary despotisms, many of which depended for support upon
the large armies they maintained, had recently found our
condition materially altered. We had, thought, heretofore,
that our military forces were required for our foreign posses.
miens and the -defences of our colonies much more than
fur service in this country. He (Mr. Hume) was not
cal at those. be begged to say, who thought there ought

not to be a sufficient military establishment kept up to back
the civil authority. He thought that such a division of
labour was milessary ; and be was therefore not one of
those who had said in public that there was no occasion
for a military force, anti that we should depend upon our
civil power alone.—(Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand,
he should contend that the country had far outdone in that
respect what prudence or necessity pointed out. It had, in
fact, become a military nation.—(Hear.) It had lost its
civil character, and it seemed to be now verging fast to-
wards that system which had been lately overthrown
throughout the rest of Europe. It had become, therefore,
imperative to examine why and wherefore the pre-
sent discontent existed ? Whether there were any
grounds for that discontent? and to take measures imme-
diately for its removal and the restoration of public order.
It was on those grounds that he considered it his duty to
submit to Parliament what he believed would remedy the
evil. Whilst the Parliament, as reformed in 1832, had
failed to answer all the purposes which he, as an ardent
reformer, in common with others, anticipated that it would,
he yet should be acting most unfairly were he not to say
that the reform effected by the Bill of 1832 had done
much to secure the peace of the country.—(Hear, hear.)
He believed if we had not had so much reform then, that
the country would be at the present time in such a state of
discontent that he did not know but that it might be in-
cluded in the list of those who had risen in arms against
their Governments. Ile, however, wished to have gone
further than the Reform Bill of 1832 ; and it was because
that Bill had not gone further—because it had not effected
that for which the reformers then struggled—because it
had not answered those purposes for which it had been
passed, that he (Mr. Hume) thought the time was now come
when that which was wanted should be effected.—(Herr.)
Sixteen years had passed away, and during that time fathre y
had had sufficient opportunities of ascertaining hosv
it
had answered the purposes for which it was intended._
In
order to give to the House the view he entertainedtght h thought
0 f
the
Par-
liament precisely, he should first say that he
countrynal
Parliam Parliament was
tohe
amgeroev:eernngedin;e
should ul d
the
andby twhhaitch aoocrdoning stitutotiog
p r
containincipl esa offutlhl ea
nßdr i tfias
ihr
re constitutionpresentation
country, in order that the interests of anell
to on all occasions by that House.
consider, first, whether that was the caretheorre shouldfno
therefore
waa
nthtteeentdhd
eetrdo,
share in the repre-
pinosrtaodn
0o
ff
thets being
community,so, w e had
most no
importantt, on t he
itnrhicontrary,right
utthtohe numbers
sslbaaarngrd
in interest, excluded from their
sentation. If he was righ.nt
Consti-
tution gave to every man
hi
uthinectohuinnktriynga
in the
hould
ghe o
together;
toh
egrh; t
andt h a. t
that taxationth e andma
n w repre-
sentationhopay taxes, not having any right to assist
little differing from that of slavery—the only
iwnatshoebclhigoeicde ofto his representative in the Legislature, was in
a condition
difference he could see between a freeman and a slave being,
that every free man ought
.to have a voice under the con-
stitution in the choice of tne representatives of the people
at large in Parliament, a privilege from which the slave was
excluded. Now, the question was, were all the. classes of
freemen in this country who paid taxes represented by the
persons of their choice? If they were not, then some
classes must be injured by exclusion, and the proposition he
had to submit to the House was, that the classes who were
new discontented were those injured classes: injured,
because they were excluded from the pale of the constitu-
tion. They were obliged to suffer whatever the laws might
direct to be placed upon them, without having, as freemen
ought to have, any voice in the election of those who had
the power to tax them. Again, he had to submit that if
Parliament did not represent all classes in the community,
it became an engine of oppression in the hands of the few
against the many; and if they had not a good Parliament,
he thought it would be better they should have no Parlia-
ment at all, but that they should be as the people in other
countries were, where the will of the governor or the will of
a despot decided. But they had seen the result of that con-
dition of things, and it was because they had seen the ruin
which had taken place abroad within the last few months,
that he thought they should not continue to do injustice to
men who had a right to a voice in the election of their re.
presentatives. His view of the political power which Par-
liament should exercise was, that it should, in the first place,
be founded upon the broadest possible basis of popular power,
and thence rise up, the Crown being the highest point of the
executive. Government was made for the good of the com-
munity at large, and not for the benefit of the Crown, or for
the benefit of the nobility, or of any particular class. But the
Government, consisting of King, Lords, and Commons, act-
ing under and by the authority of Parliament, was for the
benefit of all.—(Hear.) In order, then, to place the House
of Commons in the highest place of power in the country, it
would be necessary to give to the largest possible number of
our fellow-countrymen the right of the elective franchise.
Now he asked Hon. Members, could they in conscience say
that justice was done to the large number of the people,
when live out of every six of the male adults of the country
were without any voice in the election of the representatives
of the country—when they found that, out of 6,000,000 of
nisale adults above twenty years of age, there were upon the
registry, as possessing the suffrage, less than 1,000,000, and
that of them about 150,000 were doubly registered? So that
of the 1,000,000 there were 150,000 who had votes in three,
four, and five different places—so that the whole number of
males actually represented under the present system would
be found to be little more than 850,000, forming a class
separate and distinct; and the remainder of the 6,000,000,
who had not the privilege, were placed in an inferior situa-
tion, by being deprived of those rights which by the
Constitution they were entitled to enjoy. He (Mr. Hume)
said " rights ;" he did not say " favour," because every
man born in this country owed allegiance to the Throne, and
allegiance to the laws; and, in return, he was entitled to
have protection to his person and his property, and a share
in those civil rights which, as an Englishman, the constitu •
tion gave to him. And it was only just that he should have
those rights, for he incurred serious liabilities, At sixteen
years of age he was liable to be drafted into the militia. Any
day, whilst walking along the streets, he was liable to be
called upon, and might be compelled by a magistrate to
assist the civil authorities even at the risk of his life in
keeping the peace. He was obliged, by the Constable Act,
passed a few years ago, not only to obey, but to assist the
civil power; and by the Conscription Act, which was not yet
repealed, he was liable to be dragged away from his home,
from his family, from all he held dear and near to him,
when the service of the State required it. And was it,
then, too much to say that such a man ought to be placed
in the situation which the constitution gave him? He (Mr.
Hume) did not speak of natural rights, which was a phrase
that no one could understand.—(Hear, hear). He spoke of
constitutional rights, which, under the authority of the con-
stitution, had been given, and he then said—What right had
Parliament to shut the door and say that any class of men
—many of whom, too, it should be observed, were of much
superior talents and acquirements to many who sat in that
House, should be excluded from the enjoyment of their con-
stitutional rights? Ile had said that many of the men who
were excluded from: the suffrage were men of talents supe-
rior to those of many Hon. Gentlemen in the House.—(Hear,
hear, and a laugh.) He repeated it: some of collegiate
education, some of the best informed and most ingenious
classes of workmen, men who were famous throughput the
world for ingenuity, industry, and ability, and many of them
men of superior acquirements, were shut out from the giving
of a vote fora representative in Parliament. They were shut
out from the rights of Englishmen, whilst they were adding
to the glory of the country as soldier or as artisans. Was
not that, he asked, a sound and a legitimate ground
for discontent.—(Hear, hear.) He, therefore, asked
the House for a reason why every man in the
situation he had described should not have a vote?
It was not for him to state the difficulties which had been
alleged. He wanted those who shut the door to give him
their reason. Many of the excluded classes belonged to
colleges, and had not what was calltd the 101. franchise.
It was a matter of serious consideration whether they were
not blindly going on creating discontent. Whether they
were not placing themselves in the condition of requiring
to keep one portion of the people of the country armed in
order to keep down the other?—(Hear, hear.) It became
a serious matter, and those who were friends of peace and
order ought to consider at once whether the means were
not before them of restoring and securing both by grant-
ing those rights which were now withheld from the
people. He asked the House to consider the state of
the city of Manchester, and what passed there on the
10th of April, after the special constables had assembled to
preserve the peace, which however was not broken. The
question was asked the special constables, '° What were they
there that day for ?" and the answer was, "They had met
to prevent the Chartists from breaking he peace, if they
were likely or desirous to do so." To that it was replied
that the Chartists only wante I te have a voice in the elec-
tion of members of Parliament ; that they wanted to have
a vote in defending property and life ; that they considered
that Parliament was placing them under heavy contributions
by taxing articles of consumption for useful and necessary
purposes; and that the money was expended for purposes
that were unnecessary and useless ; and they were asked
were they themselves contented with the present condition
of affairs? With one consent the special constables said,
" No, we are not contented." They were then asked, why
should they be the oppressors of their fellow-men, who
merely wanted to express their discontent? But there was
no class that ought to feel more anxious than the aristocracy
to remove the existing discontent. The aristocracy had
flat property and great wealth to protect. They had,
refore, a greater stake, and it was of the greatest im-
-o,Ttece to them to have peace and order in the country.
y ought to remove every cause that might tend to
Produce discontent, for no disturbance could arise, no dis-
ittheffiis,B;uld be displayed that would not interfere with
Governor
of the country. He, therefore, appealed to the
aristeeracyuuNi?.o._t as men of property, not as belonging to the
bound by the aiehhaving a duty to fulfil which they were
to look to this
of office they had taken to perform,
question for the
ra matterto whilst there was yet time. It was a
shoorw.hatltw
der, individually, as Ministers as
well as Members of thcoaenlT
ewouldrethe be of
ioncosnosm, portance that he should
had been expresed by various
easimte-
the right
fefavuothtionrgayeguhpoich
pers n
various opinions had existed as to cilsubject, He knew that
right of voting, and
royalrdestand. But
fixed or the Reform Bill had failed to lay dowe
intel-
ligible principle as the one on which 4.1 s
as to the opinions that had bee Pressed
right of voting, Earl Grey, when move_ gardin the
Lug the second
reading of the Reform Bill, on the 3d of Octob
hen so disturbed, said_fr
Mg the
speaking of the great importance of easi_s 1831,
public mind, t I believe
the present measure to be a measure
.of
Justice, sound
on the one hand, peace, policy, peace, and conciliation. I believe, that en its
acceptance or rejection depend, e, tran-
quillity, and prosperity; on the other, that state of political
dissatisfaction and discontent, the continuance of which
threatens all those disastrous consequences, which must arise
when ill feeling is engendered in the people towards the Go-
vernment of the country. I have said, that I more than any
other man am responsible for bringing forward this measure,
and it is therefore necessary, in the first place, that upon
this point I should set myself right with your Lordships.
My opinion on this question of Parliamentary reform is well
known to such of your Lordships as have done me the
honour of observing the political conduct of so humble an
individual as myself. I have uniformly supported the prin-
ciple of reform. So far back as the year 1786, soon after my
introduction into Parliament, I voted with Mr. Pitt for a
motion which was then brought forward for shortening
the duration of Parliaments. I voted for a measure of re-
form introduced by Mr. Flood, at the commencement of
the French revolution, before the breaking out of that
unhappy war, carried on at such a fearful expen-
diture of blood and treasure. I myself; on two
different occasions, brought forward motions on this subject,
believing then, as I believe new, some change in the repre-
sentation of the people to be absolutely necessary, in order to
give new vigour to the Constitution, and to make the House
of Commons in fact that which it professes to be in theory—
a full, free, and efficient representation of the people." Now
if Lord Grey, who had from his earliest days been a re-
former, and who had witnessed the evils of rejecting reform
in 1793, and who had borne testimony against the Govern-
ment for refusing the reform then required, found it necessary
to express himself in such terms in 1831, ought not those
who were now his successors, and some of whom were in
office with him at the time, to let those words sink
EaP into their minds whilst viewing the present issue?
.rl Grey quoted the opinion of Mr. Sergeant Glanville,
who stated that all men residing within the borough ought
to have a vote. That was one definition which Earl Grey
cited in the debate on the resolutions in 1702 in the House