The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-20 00:00:00

JULY 20, 1846.

PRICE SD.

'imed in the several parishes which skirted the
line, with the object of showing that he had over-esti-
mated the tonnage of coal that would pass along it. The pre-
sent consumption of coal at Dumfries was mostly English coal,
but if the line were formed he did not think English coal
would be then used. The difference in price, he thought,
would be so great as to drive the English coal out of the
market, The present price of Scotch coal was
I6s, 6(1., and English 18s. 6d., but the railway
would make a much greater difference in price. He
did net think English coal would be reduced in proportion.
Were a line formed from Dumfries to Canobie, the coal of
' the latter would equally drive out the English coal. He did
not say that ao,ouo tons of lime would pass along the line
on an average of six miles he said 13,000. The way he
had calculated the coal and lime traffic was, by taking sta-
tions at intervals along the line, and then taking the popula-
tion surrounding them which would rennin supplies. He would
supply in a table all the details, that are nece!sary to illustrate
the amount of traffic lie considered would be taketi by the line.
I To Mr. Sergeant MlA:my—He had on a former occasion
reported that iron was on the route of the Slamannan Rail-
way, but though that litfelaad-been in ektstenee for several
years, no iron had yet been found. It had recently amal-
gamated with two other lines, because it had failed as
' a mineral line. He was mistaken by appearances in re-
porting on the Slamannan line, but in regard to the
present line he bad made a greater examination, and did not
think he had made any mistake. He had not, however, cal-
culated on iron going along the line. He had not examined
into the plumbago and sulphuret of antimony ; he only spoke
of coal and lime. He could not say that coal might be laid
down in Dumfries from ➢laryport for 10s.
The Committee then adjourned till eleven o'clock on
Monday.

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House (f Commons.)

FRIDAY, JULY 17.
Messengers from the Lords brought up the following Bills,
to which their Lordships had agreed :
Corresponding Societies and Lecture Rooms Bill, without
amendment—Coroners (Ireland) Bill—Yorkshire and Glas-
gow Union Railway Bill—Huddersfield and Manchester Rail-
way and Canal ( Huddersfield Diversion and Cooper Bridge
Wand]) Bill—Glasgow, Airdrie, and Monklands Junction
Railway Rill—Midland Railway (Purchase of Oakhain
Canal) Bill—Eastern Counties Railway (Stations Enlarge-
ment) Bill, with amendments—Newcastle and Darlington
Junction Railway (Durham and Sunderland Railway and
Wearmouth Docks Purchase) Bill—Brack Sluice Drainage
and Navigation Bill, with an amendment.

RAILWAYS.
Select Committee on Group No. 67.
Hon. E. Yorke dischTrged, Mr. Estcourt selected, and
added to the Committee. _

Select Committee on Group No. 69.

Mr. Estcourt discharged, Mr. Ca.rdwell selected, and
added to the Committee.

MR. O'CONNELL'S REPLY TO
LORD MILLTOWN.

Merion-square, Dublin, July 14.
My Lord,—The manner of your letter is a source to me of
much pride and great pleasure; its matter involves higher
and noble interests.
Before I proceed to canvass that matter, permit me to
assure you that you are one of the very few to whose
authority I should feel disposed to surrender my own opi-
nion; but the subject is of too much importance to be frit-
tered away in compliments, or surrendered to any of the
courtesies of life.
You ask me to postpone my exertions in favour of repeal
fir a season, and the purpose for which yea suggest such
postponement is, " to give time to form an Irish party to
assist the Ministry, if willing, to urge them on if lagging, in
procuring justice.',
Permit me most respectfully to ask your Lordship what
can be the utility of any such postponement, in order to form
such a party, or even to form the nucleus of such a party?
Where are the materials for forming so much as the nucleus
of such a party? An Irish party—such as you 'nay con-
template—should, in order to be of any efficacy, or at least
to inspire any confidence, be able to compete in public esti-
mation with the Repeal Association. For this purpose it
should consist of several of the nobility and leading gentry
of Ireland.
The Repeal Association comprises very many of the first
landed gentry, and some of the nobility, together with a
large multitude of the wealthiest of the commercial com-
munity, and also the great and overwhelming masses of the
middle classes; and lastly, but chief in rank, and most vene-
rated in estimation, stand the, great, majority .of the Irish
'Catholidßrshops, and the clergy of the second order
almost to a man, backed by upwards of seven millions of
the Irish people.
On the other hand, what shall be, I repeat, not the great
body, but even the nucleus of the Irish party which you
suggest? There is Cloncurry, the patriotof mere than half
a century, the man who endured all the horrors of incarcera-
tion in the Tower, and is as fresh and fervent to-day in his
love of Ireland, as he was on the day when he was first
punished by incarceration for the crime of loving his father-
land.
There you, too, are, my Lord, to constitute another mem-
ber, possessing, as you certainly do, the confidence and esteem
of the Irish people ; and, thirdly, there probably shall be
reckoned the second son of Lord Cloncurry.
You are but three, my Lord ; who else shall we say ?
The Geraldines, alas I show no signs of Irish vitality with
the single exception of Lord William. The name of Cherie-
mont is no longer heard—that name which once used to
rouse, with electric rapidity .the enthusiasm of all the:people
of Ireland.
But why should I dwell upon melancholy recollections—
why should the memory of other days bring to my mind
nothing but mournful recollections, rendered doubly sorrowful
by the hopelessness of rousing the apathetic and stimulating
the indolent?
You have, my Lord, no nucleus .for.your Irish party; or,
if there be, why does it not start into existence—why is there
no meeting called—why is there no demonstration made—
why is no sign given? Alas! my Lord, Ireland, as far as
such a party as you allude to is concerned, has few or no
friends. The fatal lethargy of the union has sunk in deadly
torpor many of her first names and highest families—there is
no material for your Irish party.
Reflect a little upon the history of Irish parties since the
Emancipation Act was achieved by the popular voice, re-
sounding, as it did, from the Catholic Association.
What in particular is the history of those amongst whom
" the Irish party"—l use your Lordship's denomination—
ought to commence? Recollect that as soon after the repeal
agitation had seriously commenced, we were met by the ce-
lebrated Leinster Declaration, which was first published on
the 30th of December, 1830, sixteen years ago. That decla-
ration was signed by forty of the Irish nobility, including
some of the Protestant Bishops, and comprising within that
number many who constitute the plague and pestilence of Ire-
land—the absentee proprietors.
By that declaration they condemned emphatically the re-
peal agitation, but they added that which was considered a
the condition of their adherence to the anti-repeal cause, it
was in the following words :
"At the same time that we express these our sentiments,
we deem it a duty to declare our conviction that it is essen-
tially necessary to the well- being and tranquillity of Ireland
that the attention of the Imperial Parliament should be im-
mediately called to her condition, and its desire for her wel-
fare be practically manifested by the adoption of measures
calculated to ensure her general and permanent improve-
,
ment.'
It is impossible to read that paragraph without consider-
ing that it implied a pledge that the subscribers would call
the attention of Parliament to, and insist upon, the adoption
of measures calculated to ensure the permanent and general im-
provement of Ireland.
Such measures the declaration solemnly declared to be
essentially necessary to the well- being and tranquillity of
Ireland.
Is it not perfectly plain that it was intended that this de-
claration should be considered as plighting the faith of the
declarationists to make the necessary 'exertions to procure
from Parliament measures of improvement for Ireland, and
did it not imply that in the event of failure in such exertions,
the parties would re. eonsider"the ritestiOn.of repeal in a fa-
vourable point of view.
Yet, my Lord, though this avowal was proclaimed, "that
salutary measures were essentially necessary for the well-
being and tranquillity of Ireland,"—yet, strange to sag, not
the least exertion has been made by those declarationists
from that day to this, to attain the well-being, or to secure
the tranquillity of Ireland.
What materials can be found among such men as these for
the formation of an Irish party? Would to Heaven that I
were mistaken. But my belief is, that Ireland has nothing
to expect from those declarationists, save an acquiescence in
good, should it arrive ; as they have acquiesced in evils, the
existence of which they themselves recognised and published
to the world.
From the Leinster Declaration I pass to a declaration of a
higher order,—that of the King, Lords, and Commons, pro-
mulgated dt The close of the repeal debate in April, 1834.
By this declaration, the King, the Lords, and the Com-
mons, solemnly pledged themselves to the Irish people to
"the remoral of all just claims of complaint, and to the pro-
motion of all well-considered measures of improvement."
There sever was a more solemn Parliamentary pledge—
there never was a solemn pledge more shamefully disre-
garded or more discreditably violated. No just cause of com-
plaint has been removed—no well considered measure of im-
provement has been adopted.
The pledge has been unequivocally neglected and vio-
lated.
Yet that pledge was of so high and authentic a nature, that
I thought it my bounden duty, as one of the leaders of the
Irish people7b ive public to credit, and to act precisely as if
1 -
nad given it full belief and entire reliance.
Accordingly, I moved the dissolution of the then existing
Repeal Association. Relying on that pledge, the Repeal As-
sociation dissolved itself:
It was then proposed—as some instrument to express the
public opinion of Ireland was necessary—to form, what you
call, an Irish party.
The consequence was that we formed the " National AsSas
ciation of Ireland." It was formed to the exclusion of any
repeal agitation, to form a party exactly for the purposes
you mention—" to assist the Ministry if willing, or to urge
them on if lagging, to obtain justice for Ireland."
Alan I it was a total failure.
It is true that many repeaters became members of the
National Association, and were ready to co-operate in car-
rying out its purposes; but the Whigs and Liberals (as
they called themselves) refused to give any assistance—nay,
their refusal to act with us was founded on a fastidious dis-
like to assemble at the Corn-Exchange Rooms. Thus this
attempt to form an Irish party totally failed on the most idle
pretence.
It was, indeed, said that the name "National Association"
necessarily implied the repeal.
1 also met this objection, and made another attempt to
form an Irish party, under the denomination of the General
Registry Association. It was formed in two branches, to
meet the scruples of those who would not attend at the Corn-
Exchange Rooms. One of those branches had a place of
meeting in Westmoreland-street, the other at the old spot,
at the Corn Exchange. I constantly attended both, as they
met on alternate days.
Haying made every sacrifice to procure co-operation of
action in something that would deserve the name of an Irish
party, I found to my grief and confusion that the last experi-
ment more singularly failed than the former. There were
but few who joined it—of the few who did, almost all dropped
off by degress, and the " Register Association- died of pure
inanition.
The truth is, that the heart of the people was not in these
L exPez4e4te Aad tkg nip fez Whoa bctit

lifficient wifrinth OF
tinge experiments Werth',ade, had not s
energy of patriotism to exert ehemselves to 'Procure a measure
which they admitted to be essential to tin • well-bel nee an t.
tranquillity of Ireland.
After a pause I again formed a new association—an asso-
ciation which was to be open to the Whigs and Liberal's, but ,
to join in which th'ey were not specially invited- It was the
Precursor Association. Its &N.-owed object was--to proctere
perfect equality of all constitutional rights and privileges for •
the people of Ireland with those ofEngland and! Scotland; in
other words to make the union, not a name an d a mockerve
as it, is, but a reality, by conferring on the people of Irelantr..,
the justice of perfect equality with Great Britain.
The Precursor Association avowed and proclaimed aR
alternative p'r'inciple. It was this—that should justice to
Ireland be refused, or unnecessarily postponed, the repeal
agitation should rev comrnence—esever to cease until the Irish
Parliament should be seated, once again, in College-green.
We accordingly brow ht before Parliament the first of a
series of the measures necessary to equalise our rights with
those of the people of England. I moved for leave to bring
in a Bill to restore the forty-shilling .`ranchise in Ireland to
the state in which it has continued in EL`gland. My maim.
was opposed by Whigs and Tories. I hael a few votes from;
scattered Radicals; but I was defeated by e'n immense ma-1
jority.
That moment the Precursor Association -vm. 's at an end,
and the Loyal National Repeal Association stogie ! in its place,
and from that moment became, and continues, e great and.
only hope of the millions of the people of Ireland.
I: consumed more than three years in these expo .rimente to
constitute an " Irish party," unconnected with tl ie repeal.
I totally failed—l miserably failed—an Irish pare y uncoil.
nected with the repeal is an impossibility. Whet ever the
Irish meet in any numbers, the repeal necessarily se-edorni-
Pates. It is the heart-spring of the Irish natiou—mothing
. can console them for the loss of a domestic legislature.
I cannot, eny respected Lord, therefore, comply with your
request ; I cannot consent to postpone the repeal agitation
even for one hour.
I have made my last experiment—and even the tempta-
tion of your promise—that if, leithin twelve months, Sir R.
Peel's words were not carried boto effect you would join the
repeal agitation—cannot induce Lee to postpone the almost
universal call of the Irish people foe- repeal.
I regret exceedingly not being able, as yet, to reckon you
among our ranks.
But allow me to appeal to your good sense and sound
judgment upon this point. You say that the new Irish party
ought to be formed "to assist the Ministrn, if willing, fay urge
them on if lagging, in Procuring justice to Ireland."
Why, my esteemed Lord, that is exactly iehat we,. re-
pealers, are doing, and will continue to do—wethout post-
poning the repeal. We will give the Ministry every assistance
to do justice to Ireland—we will not spare our entreaties, .our
reproaches, and our indignant taunts should the Ministry
shrink from attempting to do speedy and effectual justice to
Ireland. They must make the attempt. They are not, and
must not be thought to be responsible for the result, if they
make the attempt with good faith and'energy.
Should they fail, under such circumstances. as I think fail
they will and must, they will deserve oer gratitude for mak-
ing the attempt, and preserve our esteem. But Lord Stanley
has already taken his hostile position. His innate hatred of
Ireland has driven him to take the field, even before teNe
campaign is begun. He has thrown out his threats of re-
sistanee, and he is not a man to falsify his own prophecy of
mischief.
However, the Afinistry appear to be iu a position of great
strength on the subject of Ireland.
They have been offered the assistance 'of Lord George
Bentinck and the protectionists—they haye been actually
taunted into active exertions by Sir Robert Peel, and those
who agree with him—they are at the head of the Whig and
Liberal party.
There never was so favourable an opportunity of con-
ceding justice to Ireland—there never were so many facilities
for obtaining that concession—there never was so favourable
an opportunity of establishing for Ireland perfect
equality in political, civil, and religious rights, with
England.
' But, believe me. believe me, I know enough of the English
mind to be perfectly convinced that the experiment to grant.
such equality will miserably fail. It will be easy to find an.
excuse for curtailing one right, refusing another, distorting-
a third, and converting into mischief a fourth, in the cate-
gory of civil and municipal rights.
Lord Stanley will easily find pretexts for resisting our
rights. Look to the bigotry exhibited at Taunton. Look
at the furious fanaticism proclaimed at Edinburgh. I deeply
fear and potently believe that the Ministry will be defeated,
that the fanatics of England will disgrace themselves again,
and that the people of Ireland will be, once more, left to
their own resources.
It is said that a wise prophet deals in foretelling matters
remote and distant; but that he is foolish foreseer who pre-
dicts facts of immediate or near occurrence.
It will be said that 1 belong to the class of unwise pro-
phets when I prophecy that within twelve months you, my.
Lord, will be convinced of the futility of your present expec-
tations.
I will then, my Lord, firmly, but respectfully, call upon
your Lordship to head the repeal movement, assuring you
that you will be received with the most heartfelt acclama-
tions, applause, and respect. You will have the happiness
of being one of those who shall assist to restore the nationality
of Ireland, and enable the Irish people to do justice for them-
selves, instead of begging it, at the hands of others.—l have
the honour to be, my Lord, with perfect respect and esteem,
, your mon faithful servant,
• DANIEL O'CONNELL.

DEPARTURE OF HIS HIGHNESS
IBRAHIM PACIIA AND SUITE FROM

ENGLAND.
PORTSMOUTH, FRIDAY.—His Highness Ibrahim Pacha
and suite slept at the Railway Hotel at Gosport. Soon after
breakfast this morning the domestic retinue and personal
baggage were sent off to the Avenger.
His Highness received several visitors, among whom were
Commader Gage Morris and Captain Crispin, who waited
on his Highness with a special message from her Majesty. the
Queen, and placing her royal yacht, the Fairy, at the com-
mand of the Pacha. His Highness was deeply impressed
with this mark of her Majesty's attention and condescension,
and expressed himself highly honoured.
At two r.si. the Admiralty barge, in charge onieutenant
Welsh, of the Victory, went over to the Clarence-yard, and
soon after his Highness the Pacha and suite arrived in
carriages from the hotel. A guard of honour, composed of
men front the 3d Buffs, were stationed to receive him, with
Captain Carter, and the officers of the yard. The illustrious
party embarked in the Admiralty barge, and were steered
alongside the royal yacht, Victoria and Albert, on board
which vessel the Commander-in-Chief, Admiral Sir Charles
Ogle Captain Crispin, and Commander Gage Morris, re-
ceived them.
Captain Crispin had the honour of conducting the Pacha
round the royal yacht, whose superb decorations appeared to
excite much astonishment. His Highness had before visited
the royal yacht, but she was then in a very unfinished
state as to paint and gildings, &c. The party remained
n board upwards of half an hour, and then went to the
Fairy, which, with her steam up, was lying ready for their
reception.
Sir Charles Ogle accompanied them to the Fairy, and then
took leave of his Highness, who, in bidding the gallant ad-
miral adieu, expressed how highly gratified he bad been with
everything that he had seen on this his visit to England,
tbat he should ever retain a grateful recollection of the cour-
tesy, attention, and kindness that he had received from
bdl
ranks, civil, military, and naval.
The Fairy having put on steam and hoisted the Egyptian
standard at her main, the Victory and platform saluted with
19 guns.
The Fairy 'mos soon at Spithead, and his Highness the
Pacha and suite were transferred from her to the Avenger,
under a salute from the Constance, 50.• Captain Sir B. W.
Walker.
His Highness will tint torch at Cherbourg, as stated in
our Friday's edition, lAA Will proceed direct to Lisboa,
Cadiz, Gibraltar, and Malta, to youte for Alexandria.
The Fairy returned into harbour with Major Dickson, Mr..
Briggs, and several other gentlemen: who had accompanied
the Pacha to Spithead: and at five .r. 24. the Avenger, with
the Egyptian flag at her main, was i'ounding Benbriti,ge
Ledge, on her way to sea.