The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-12 00:00:00

Colonel Connolly) attributed this very nrrli to Lord Eliot's
Act.
Mr. M. O'FERRALL said he could not go the same length
with his Hon. Friend. He believed that if under the present
c rcumstanc,eis of Ireland they extended out door relief it
would only have the effect of increasing the miseries of the
people. He thought the course which had been adopted by
her Majesty's Government was preferable. The landlords
of Ireland had had sufficient time to perform those
useful works themselves with the aid of private Acts of Par-
lament. _ Similar works had been carried oat by the landlords

of Lincolr..shire, Cambridgeshire, parts of Eng-
land. It was obje.cted that on.= of the clauses of the Bill of
last night, empowered Grand Juries to rna?zo present-
ments for the declaration of waste lands. The llon.
Gmtlsmer:, the Member for Roscornmon, had Stated
that a similar law had been in existeLce for the last three
hundred years. _ _

Mr. IttENCLI—No, no. That was alothe7 law to whirh

I refer.
Mr. M. O'FERRALL—A similar law did nn. ueationably

exist, and a laudlerd was compelled under it to retain such
parts of his land as he did not take the trouble to
improve; but her Majesty's Government now propcsed
not only that anch a law should be extended to
Ireland, but that the landowner who6e lands were presented

should 'have the necessary funds lent to him for the purpose
of reclaiming his lands.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the
poor-law be concurred to a great extent with the remarks of
hie Noble Friend Colonel Connally. Ile (Mr. °Terrell) cer•
tainly was of opinion that that law had done much good to
Ireland. The portion of that country with which he was
connected had reaped much good from its operations; and
the Board of Guardians had properly discharged its duties.
But there certainly had been diffirrenee3 in some districts,
the whole of which were attributable to the conduct of the
Poor-law Commissioners. Those gentlemen commenced
their campaign under the impression that every man in
Ireland must be distressed, and that every ..board
of poor-law guardians were jobbers. lie wished
that the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary for
the Home Department, would exercise that powerahieli
the law vested in him. The RiglitHoneurable Bariinet
bad frequently told the House that he had control over the
Commissioners, and he (Mr. Olferrall) would ae.sure that
Right Honourable Gentleman that many cases might be
reads out which properly called for his interference.
He trusted now that there was an opportunity for making
cut that case; and he hoped, when it was made out, the
Government would be prepared to deal with it.—(Hear.)
Mr. S. CRAWFORD begged to observe that be did not
ask that a right should be given to the poor to seek e:I-dr:or
rein t, but that in certain cases it should be iu the power of
the Board to Erant it.
COUNTY WORKS (IRELAND) BILL. .
On the motion of Sir JAMES GIIALIAM, the County
Works reeseafraents (Ireland) Bill was read a second time.
FISHERY PIERS AND HARBOUR (IRELAND) BILL.
On the motion of Sir JAMES GRAHAM, the Heuer went
into a Commitec on the Fishery Piers and Harbours (Ire-
land) Bill, in which a resolution was agreed to that a sum of
59,0tal be granted for the purposes of the Bill,
• Mr. W4)1)EHOIrS114! mnvod for rt,p; of the papers p,..-
santed by the late Lord Sydenham, Secretary for the Colo-
nies, in pursuance of an address to her Majesty, dated the
Ist day of July 1839, entitled, "Communication from the
Prussian Minister in London, and minute of the Board of
Trade, relative to the -Commercial relations tirriveet timat
Britain and Prussia,' December 1825, January 1826.
Agreed to.
Lord GaORGE BENTINCK moved for a return giving the
numbers and names of the holders of foreign grain now in
bond in the Queen's warehouses in Great Britain
and Ireland, together with the quantities hell by
each individual. In compliance, however, w ith the suggestions
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he would change the
terms of his motion from holders of foreign grain to importers.
The object of his motion was to show the. very limited number
of perions lrho were at pre-sent boilers of tliat grain, and
who would be benefited to the extent of half
a million sterling by the passing of the measures at
present before Parliament, tar the immediate reduction of
the duties on grain and wheat e.,pecially. There were at
present in bond 944,513 quarters of wheat alai 451,46 f cart.
of, flour. Nowain the course of the month. of December
last there were 'ae less than 5,097 quarters of wheel
and 2,177 cwt. of flour which paid duty at ate. per quarter.
The operation of the pa.sent measure would be to reduce the
large quantity of grain at present in bond from paying a duty oi
16s. to a duty of ae., as it came into effect immediately after
the passing of the law. The whole of this wheat, therefore.
would be at once taken out for home consnwptien, not at a
duty of IGs., but at 4s. Trade was thus thrown into such a
. . . . • .

state, that it, became a consideration with the merchant whether
it was worth his whiie, under such circumstances., to pay a dut)
uf 4s. Now, if this large cpuntity of grain whids exeeed,:o
a million of quarters, were taken out at a duty of 4:•., the dir-
f4•cute wouid not go to th benefit of the consumer, but tc
the one, two, or three hundred individuals who wer*
holders of it, and wlio would by this means pocket
the extent of upwards of half a million sterling
lie (the Noble Lord) should cinfess that he had a wish to

know who the holders werz, though lie uuderstood that such
cquiry might interfere with the priatiples .cf private trade
ad businese, and silk) create a suspicion that her Majesty':
Misters were engaged in some sort. of a job.—(2l laugh.)
He aseured the Hot,e that, for his part, he entertained no
uch stt?picion ; but he thought it of importance that the
eeun.ry should know if the public exchequer was to be robbed
of half a million uf money which w.is logo into the peekets of
two or thre.e. hundred corn merchants.—(Hear, hear.) When
they had been told by the Right Hon. Secretary for the
Home Department, that relief, in the shape of loons to the
amount of 260,0004, was intended to be bestowed on•lrelanc,
should they not pause before making a present of half 4.
million of limey to sonic corn merchants, which money
might be far preferably disposed of and expended in fain'
lug the distresses of the people of Irelaint ?—(llear. hear )
ills motion, then, was for a return of the number of importers
of foreign grain, and the quantity then in bond in Great
Britain and Ireland.

Mr. EscoTr made a few observations, which did not reach I
the gallery. After which,
The (ALAN(' F. LLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he fully
acquiesced in Ile motion of the Noble Lord. They would
find that a great deal of corn was being imported, not 14 the
purpose of allowing it to come, at once into the market, but
ibr the purpose of doing so when there shall be a four shil-
ling ;intr.
Mr. gEWDEGATE said that the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer put a wrong coastruction on the observations of the
Noble Lord (Bentinck). It appeared to him (lir. New le-
gate) a very simple question was put to the Chince!Jur of
the. Exchequer. 'flre object of the present Measure was to
temove the distress which existed in a part of her
Majesty's dominions, and which -none inure deplored
than ke did. But he did not think a wasteful expenditure
should take place, as the measure would hire the effect of
losing to the Exchequer half a million of money by putting it
into the pockets of a few eorn-dealers.—( t Lear.) If such an
expenditure of the revenue was to take pl.tee, he thought it
would be better to give it to relieve the distress of the people
of Ireland, as a much better way for sacrificing the rev-elitte
of the country. He was a great admirer of the
present system of bonding corn, and he did not see
any mode of improving that system, which, by
their present measure, they were about. destroying,.
lie considered the practice of bonding ccrn a' valuable one
under the present system. lie had heard the answer given
to the Hon. Member for Winchester, recommending hint tee
move for a return of all the persons who bad eaten the
bread made from the wheat so admitted, and he begged the
Hon. Gentleman who bad given that answer to undertake
that arduous task himself.
)fr. WOOEHOUSE said that there had not been
. _ _ _

measurt. nforotection, or relief of any kind, to Ireland, to which
he had not given his assent, and he begged leave to say
that the expression of opinion made by him before the meat-
lag of Parliament had always been in favour of such mea-
sures, and, he therefore thought that the observations made
by the Chancellor of the Exchever were uncalled for.
,Mr. C. O'BRIEN said, that as he was the peva!' to
lek,:na his Right Hon. Friend referred, he must beg to
jug., titzst his Observations related solely to Ireland; fur he
considerett this kingdom at present quite independent of
foreign curt!, and he believed that there was no kingdom so
well prepared to avoid the horrors of famine —(Leud
cries of " Hear, heir.") His liononrable Friend had alluded
to the fact of his sitting next the Member for Lynn, as i‘
the fact of sitting next to a Member was conclusive that he
agreed with him in opinion. lie certainly did agree with
the lion. Member for Lynn in opinion, but the expe-
rience of the last three or ions nights ought to have shown
his Friend that one Hon. Member might sit by another and
yet totillv disagree with him in his political views.
CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER made some
The CIIAN
obaervetioe which did not reach the gallery.
Mr. S. O'BRIEN said that the price of wheat bad fallen;
that nearly 9,000 quarters had paid 14s, duty in December,
and yet his Right ilon, Friend was going to reduce the duty
at once to 4s. The 10s. 'duty thus 'gained would nut go to the
consumer, but would be to the advantage of the corn merchant.
llis Right lion. Friend had repudiated the allegation that at
tar from disapproving of the measures now proposed by her
Majesty's Government he perfectly agreed with them The
Right hon. Baronet at the head of the Geverument had said
t hat there were only three members of the cabinet who agreed
with him. One was the Right Hon. Gentleman who had
jest left the House (Sir J. Graham), the Earl of Aberdeen,
and the Seeretary•at-War, so that his Honourable
Friend could not be one of the three referred to.
11e:thought his (Mr. Escott's) proposition, that he .
move an amendment to his own motion, and have a' return.
of the whole of those who may be consumers of wheaten
bread, wheaten 'Newt that ie not consumed, and which is
yet in bond —• he thought that suggestion was ae
Learned
as the conduct of the Hon. and
Gentleman to constituent', when he thought
it consistent with' his
.ipublic duty and personal honour to
stand for the city of N\ nebester, at ithich period the are
rage
fouprr.i
__of, wheat teas 62:4 Id. per quarter, and when
and tengile"e".' loaf was sold fur ninepenee-halfpcmev
took his stand on that occasion with
those who advocated
In the speeches of the cheap bread interest.
mover and ted'ondrrhe Tofind
to the
the question thus putelectors, to decide whether
they would like a Government who were determined to
maintain the then existing
(Mr. Escott) tras.—(t ) heeps. "ItslatT whose advocate be
en advocated a corn-
protectio
dthl,lis_idea
taw which would give a
Ma. and Learned Gentleman neenlge2BB, but in 1812 the
for a 11.4. duty.—(Hear, hear.) !, and' voted
Lo continued the
the Honourable
Noble Lord, that line of conduct o'i!
iliteou a;
should
incomprehensible
Gentleman lowans his constituenntas
Ito
s
as the suggestion he has made, a
be
it' I were to follow him as a leader, •or allow myself to be
mad, indeed,
here or elsewhere either by his
example
Mr. ESCO 17 hoped the Noble and LenetrLord was
MOM comfortable after the display he had made, Ile con•
idered that the suggestion he had thrown out:
perfectly in accordance with Iliad
precedent.
tvi
The Noble Lord had himself stated that his object in moving
fa the return he,- was to ascertain what profit was made
by the parties referred to, and thinking that the public
would derive profit front such return, he thought the adli-
arm he had suggested was not altogether intproper. With
respect to what he had said abont t
his (Mrs klecott's
i) consti-
tuent 4, be should. be g
uestion of the colt-
lad to mee him n that
House or elsewhere on the
q
-awe. Ife would not, however, then enter into the
argument with the Noble Lord, except to state that he was
utterly ignorant of the whole facts of
the case.—(f.augh:cr.)
The motion was then agreed to.
An Hoer. Mk:3I3.ER brought up the report of the Sub-Com-
mittee,stating that the promoters of the Dorchester R
lil-
- had not complied with the standing orders.
The House then adjourned.

-- -
SPEECH OF SIR J. GRAHAM.
The following is a fuller report of his speech than we
were enabled to give yesterday:—
Sir .1. GRAHAM—s%r, I have risento address you at
this lime chiefly in consequence of the able and powerful
speech of the lion. Member for Northamptonshire, who ad-
dressed the House this evening, and in whose sentiments I.
most cordially concur, that we ought not to allow this discus-
fiou to degenerate into a mere fiscal question.—(llear, hear.)
mrhen a great party is on the point of being dissolved, the
qaestion, though in itself even insignificant, becomes a great
national one.—( [Tear.) I think that no leader at a treat
[,arty, such as ttot which haq placed its confideneein my Right

T

Hon. Frienl7lrittie one-moment fu
great occasion in any other light except as one of immense
national importance, and one that needs the frankest explana-
tion. This is a question that I hope also may not be treated
altogether as a question of mere personality.—( Hear.) I can-
not at all Warne my Noble Friend who has just sat down for
the reference he has made to my former declarati:Als on this
. .

subject. I admit that the past declarations of opiniun made by
a Member of this House, who either leads, or aspires to lead a
party. and declarations =ado by a first Minister of the Crown,
if at variance with the course he now adopt*, are sehjects not
unworthy of reference, and which call for explanation.—
(Hear, hear.) The Hors. Member fur Northamptonshire made
a direct appeal to the Government, and challenges us if we
had changed our opinions, manfully to own it. I an-
swer that challenge. Ido frankly avow my change of
opinion, and by that avowal I dispose of all the speeches—
( Loud cheers from the Opposition, with counter-cheers from
the Protection benehes, rendered inaudible the rest of the
sentence.) Upon the advice given by the Hon. Member for
Nottinghamshire, that if I were prepared to make that avowal
it is my duty to do it; I now make the avowal, and I only ask
the House to exercise patience, and indulge me while I point
to the reasons of that change.—( Hear.) And that I may
stand in the position of a man worthy of confidence, I win
only glance at a few considerations explanatory of the course I
now pursue, instead of leaving the matter to rest on the indi-
vidual honour of the yerson who makes the avowal. If you
leek at the tests by which change of opinion must b. tried, on
the part of a particular Member, you will find that the first
which should, be applied is this—does the change of opinion
promote his personal interest? Perhaps, under the cacum-
stances, I may be allowed to glance at my personal position.
Atl that I possess is as a landlord. I have nothing to hope for
except from the possession of landed property.—( Hear, hear.)
I have inherited by that property a large tract of land of
inferior soil ; and I congratulate myself that, by my position
as a landlord, if the proposed change be dangstoue it exposes
me to as great risks as any landed proprietor in the country.
(Hear. ) So much with reTect to my personal posit ion. Now
as a Minister of the Crown, allow me to ask you to apply a test
equally conclusive. Does a change of opinion on the part of a
Minister of the Crown increase his strength or consolidate his
power ? Can there be a doubt, after the unhappy scene which
we have witnessed during the two last evenings iu the conduct of
the debate on this side of the House, that my Right Hon. Friend,
before the commencement of this session, being (as is allowed)
a leader of greet talent, possessing the confidence of a great
party, and of powerful and immense influence out of the House,
has lost—has, as it is now said, almost dissolved that party,
by the conduct which he, from a sense of public duty, has
pursued ?—( Cries of " Hoar' hear.") I wilt try another test
upon that subject, and it. shall be the last. Has the Minister,
by a change of opinion, acted unfairly towards his political's&
versaries, and availed himself of that change of opinion to ex-
elude them fromnifiee ? I think it is not expedient, at this
time, to touch further upon that subject ; but toy Right Hon.
Friend. with my entire concurrence, frankly tendered to her
Majesty the office which he held as the head of the
Administration. I certainly concurred in that resignation;
and I can truly and sincerely say, it was my earnest desire
that this measure should have been brought forward by the
Noble Lord opposite, in whose hands I think it would hate
been more properly placed.—( Hear hear.) I state that, un-
feignedly and frankly, I thought, after all that has occurred,
it would bare been better for the public, better for public men.
—( Loud cheers.) lam stating my sincere opinion—l think
it would have been more for the public advantage, and for
the credit of public men, it what has been proposed, as it has
become our duty now to propose it, had been brought for-
ward by the Noble Lord opposite ; and I may say. and I am
sure the Noble Lord will bear testimony to the truth of
what I am saying, that both in writing and verbally I assured
the Noble Lord that if he, as a Minister, brought forward a
measure such as was indicated in his letter to his constituente

of London, I, as a privaie :%letcher of Parliament, non1:1 h-ive
given to that measure my frank and cordial support.—( Cheers. )
Now, having disposed of that ohieh more psrsonally related to
myself, I may perhaps be rei mitted to refer to some of the
points touched upon by the Hoe. Member for Northampton-
-hire ( Mr. S. O'Brien), and the Noble Lord ( Lord Nord.). ).
The Noble Lord asks me--is this measure brought forward
aierely because we thir( it expedient ? He appeared to doubt
whether we thought it right. I ,ay that we bring forward this
measure, not because we think it expedient, but becraine we
thick it right, and because we think it necessary.—( Hear,
hear.) Then the Noble Lord proe.eeded to sire, that the
time had arrived when this question must be settled. I per-
fectly agree with him, and I join in the alternative he put ; he
said it could only be settled in one of two ways, either by ab-
solutely refusing to go into Committee upon this question, and
to entertain any further proposition in relation to agricultural
aroteetion, or else that you must proceed as the Govern-
ment now advises yeu to proceed, to the total abolition
of protection to agriculture.—( Hear, hear.) An Hon.
Member has put the question, as I think, shortly and fairly ;
he said, the question to be decided is, is the abolition of pro-
tective duties adverse to the poor?? The Nob'e Lord the
Member for Stamford ( the Marquis of Granby), who ad-
dressed the House also with great ability, put in terms equally
distinct ; he said, the question is, will tilt, alteration in the
corn• laws not only give cheap bread, bat give a greater quan-
tity of cheap bread, to the working classes? I must say thet
this is the issue which I think we have to try—this is the
great question we have to determine.—(llear, hear.) The
Hon. Member for Northamptonshire addressed the House with
so much ability, that I really was surprised to hear him; even
in a pasting sentence, speak contemptuously of political eco-
nomy ; he said that the object of political economy, in his opi-
nion, was the accumulation of wealth. I had always under-
stcod that the great object of political economy was the distri-
hutiOn of wealth— [Mr. S O'Brien—" I said the distribution
of wealth."]— Will the litn. Member allow me?—in ma
humble view the great object of political economy is not thir
accumulation, but the distribution of wealth, and the applica-
tion of capital to industry on principles which science and ex-
perience shall have proved to be conducive to the happiness
and welfare of the greatest number.—( Hear, hear.) The
question, then, which we have to determine is, is the main-
tenance of the existing corn-laws conducive to the interests of
the greatest number of the community? Will it insure them
an ample supply of food of the cheapest and best kind ?
(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord who has just sat down,
rather apologised for reading extracts from speeches, be-
cause he thought they were not very palatable to the House;
I must say t'sat the extracts be react appeared to me by no
means unpalatable.—( Laughter.) \I" ill he allow me also,, in per-
fect fairness, to read just two extracts? The Noble Lord on-
purest to my Right lion Friend that not hatentioeally, but
without intention, what had fallen from him tie former occa-
sions had by no means prepared the House or the public for
the course which he now takes, and he referred particularly
to a speech made by my Right Hon. Friend in 1939. Allow
me to read a short extract from that wry speech. My Right
Hon. Friend, then a leader in Opposition, and a candidate for
power, said—" I consider this statement, that the condi ion of
the labourer has been rendered worse by the operation of the
corn-law, a most important one; and I have no hesitation in
saying that, unless the existence of the corn-law can be shown
to be consistent, net only with the prosperity of agriculture
and maintenance of the landlord's interest, but also with the
maintenance of the general interests of the country, and espe-
cially with the improvement of the condition of the labonrinfr
class, the corn-law is practically at an end." That was the
leclaration of my Right Hon. Friend, as early as the year
1839. —( Hear, hear.) It may seem presumptuous in me to
rater, in addressing the House, to what has fallen from myself
in a former debate, but after what my Noble Friend has
stated, perhaps in fairness the House will not refuse me per-
mission to do so.—( Hear, hear.) 0 o the occasion when the
Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers) moved for
eoing into Committee on the corn-laws in June last, I said,
" It is decidedly my opinion that the prosperity of agricul-
ure must always depend on the prosperity of the other
branches of the native industry of this country, and that the
public prosperity is on the whole best promoted by giving a
fair and uninterrupted current to the natural flow of national
industry. I will go further and say, that it is my opinion
that, by safe, gradual, and cautions measures, it is expedient
to bring our laws, with reference to the trade in c,}rn, into a
nearer relation with the sound principles which regulate oar
commercial policy with respect to every other branch of in-
dustry. I will go still further, and say lam not satisfied with
the plan, and can be ne party to it, of setting up a separate in-
terest for the landlo:d and the farmer of this country ; I be-
lieve that their prosperity will, in the main, be found to depend
on the weal:h, the comfort, and the ease of the great body of
the people of this country." Those were the principles which
I avowed-upon that occasion.—( Hear, hear.) The House, I
think, wilt also remember the memorable motion of the Noble
Lord opposite, on the condition of the working classes. I then
stated to the House many facts which had come before me,
which were, in my opinion, quite conclusive to prove that the
comfort and well-being of the working classes in this country
were mainly dependent upon abundance and cheapness, and
their misery and distress were mainly occasioned by scarcity
or by high prices.—(Hear, hear.) 1 frankly avow, that if the
course of events bad not been interrupted by circurnetances which
it was impossible to foresee, I should very gladly have adhered to
the policy of gradually and progressively. diminishing the
protection to agriculture, but steadily keeping in view that
desirable period when the protection might altogether be re-
moved. But this brings me to the point of the a most import-
ance to the consi.'eration of this case, namely, the unforeseen
circumstances which did occur after the termination of the last
session. First, with respect to the harvest of this country.
It was a harvest, as was truly stated by my Right Hoc. Friend
the Secretary-at. War, of a peculiar character. In point of
quantity it was not a deficient harvest ; in point of quality, I
believe, in the experience of the oldest farmers, there never was
so great a variety ; ard the effect et that has been to point out.
and to establish the great imperfection of the averages under
the existing law. I will not press this further. It was dis-
tinctly stated last night by my Right Hon. Friend, that in no
former year!' I believe, has there been such a variety of quality
in the corn brought to market, the price varying from 40s. for
the worst, I believe, up to 705., or 755., fur the best. An al-
teration was made in the law in 1842, iu regard to the averages,
which had a very decisive effect in one respect; it altogether
prevented fraud. By extending the peered, and multiplying
the towns, in respect to which the taking of the averages,
fraud was prevented; but as relates to the interest of
the consumer, this had a very adverse effect ; for fraud,
whenever it had been exerted, was always in favour of the con-
sumer, and for the purp tsc of opening the ports ; and in my
real opinion, the general defect of the measure of 1942, though
it was not so intended, was that it rendered protection inure
stringent.—(hear, hear.) 'this was demonstrated, I must
say, by the operation of the scale regulating the duties in the
course of last autumn. Prices were rising ; the price.of the
quartern loaf in this metropolis was 91hd., and approaching to
the war price. When the quartern loaf had so risen, the duty
indicated by the sliding -scale was 14s. or 15s. per quarter.—
( Hear, hear.) In point of fact the sliding-scale would neither
slide nor move.—( Cheers.) And that was its condemnation.
—(Renewed cheers.) I do not wish to go into an historical
statement respecting the corn-laws, or I might mention that
from 1773 to 1792 the importation of corn was in point of fact
free in this country ; and it was a remarkable coincidence,
which Adam Smith points out when, without marking the
cause, he mentions as a time when there was a great start in
our manufacturing and commercial prosperity—exactly that
period, front 1773 to 1791, when the importation of corn
was tree.—( Hear, hear.) I will also observe that
really change on this matter was not a change
of any
Tangefudnadnamd fundamental
led Ptirrlen(Oiti'slei; tinaTet.eandcovrent-iltaswavowheadd
object had never been answered.—( Hear,' hear.) I will now
return to the point from which 1 digressed. as speaking of
the imperfect operation of the slidin
that
could
togetherii with
anticipate,i ih th a t tll et rhe, dgiedn
general
it.actideh
onmat human fore-
sightad
thronghout the United Kingaoru. This failure pwas bycrroilio
means limited to Ireland. The destruction of the potato crop
began in the south of England, and I believe that it was more
fatal in the southern part of England than in any part of Ire-
land. In many parts of the southern counties of England the
working population, though not altogether subsisting on potatoes,
article for their
" h
daily. food. ‘S It-
respect to Scotland we have the most aceu.
yet are in a.,r;reat measure dependent on that
the parochial returns, we know
Ix 'lively, that in the south
of Scotland one-third of the po-
tato information ; and trohm
early al the month of November last.
will not go through all the precisel Suffice it to say, that in
tato crop Will destroyed as
the failure of the crop details v,s to the event of
in Ireland.
-111,e.s irs.
half of
rots
le, ;ye ee
Lindley and Playfair,
,ter than an average, hay peen
November the Government
.by
wh which it
app e
received
thaeredrepthoratt oonfe,
the whole crop, though Pot greater
destroyed; that one-eighth of that crap
rfill: be
for seed; and that consequently, not
thanp
eistiths of the whole crop remained Itt that time PA. the