The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-05 00:00:00

2 „---- .....: . .
.7-
. .
~,,,
~.,,,,,. ~.* .rt-*c7t'''' .. . ~. 4 -%.
..,,- . .1-7- ~- - • .-...,_,,.......1. fc,.... - ..
~ ... : . %,/- ~: . .... ,:, ~,.•
e-
-------=✓,Ne..-,"'".tt- )'', -,- ‘ - *lv, ,b.-s's .r.,---• - -,, ~,,
.. :- .
(7 , -:.7_:.----' a
: ~ ~ .1,,,,,, 4,',
, •
1/4/. ft.'.. ...,' constituents,hchtio:iii
n1ii.:":.14,. Laill.L':ll4:aviri.:Cl4:::...4lll4.. ji414.7,0111'-e.t40.,:::,.11::tt..ii2;.110:0
4h.al
~.—q-,; „ fer,
~ 1 i 1 „4 ,
~.,' ' ''''''''4.
t.... '''7\7. '''....771111,. :74' ''.
...., 44. '',..l' :
't,, 4..
' ' ''l—
. k.J.,,,,
rd(4,.. ~., . ,
~ . ,s, , • '.%,t,$
' ~,,..;), . . -,0 , , ,-:
\ .4'
/ Ni- ;
\'. - ::.
~ -
.4St, '-.... it
.
~. •
tw_.‘_..„, 4
._. J • ,:, soueppipov
o.ne
ss
iutininof
net dbteo
.ion
ersoo fns.io,
'Parliament
r their
ialeemitr
etnchrtei
ei
se '
w. ; : •
P 'frit
7 ,H VI 5 /
)1 • /
/' -
„),. , .••••., ..,,- ,17,,„,-„,.„.
4,,TtlicrClNi;;•..,O• • . . r., ~...,14ft- - N ~.,. 4
'I,---1,...,,,riNtii.,:,14 -1.- '7,Wl': ''''' ..i:, - •
:.• • -,...V,..A, - ~. 3
. • , l •
0 I 1'...' ..'..r. . ' ".
•
,a.". .-' ' • ...1: Ir I ... ; . ‘..711, . . '
~,....,it 14.4. -
v....e...J,,- '4z t' • , f.i .

Last Sess:_
people were indifferent—that the pressure from without
was insufficient ; and Mr. Villiers was yelled at and
booted down, and tricked out of a fair discussion by the
enlightened Legislators of this bread-taxed nation.
AVell, Sir, the pressure is about to be increased, and
at the very first turn of the screw the League are de-
nounced as illiberals, because they are not Whigs, and
because Whigs will.be bread-taxers. •

PRICE ad.

even in self-defence, that I arraign the conduct of
Dr. Kennedy, as wanting in those attributes alike es-
sential to the soldier and the historian.
The truth of the Doctor's assertion,• that " I had
made myself conspicuous in the case of -the Raja of
Sattara," will be best understood by the fact, that
up to' the period of the Raja's deposition, I
carefully avoided interfering in his concerns, be-
yond the expression of my private opinion to my pri-
vate friends ; and receiving kindly, yet without en-
couragement, the agents sent to me by his Highness ;
and through which means I might have gained informa-
tion that might, possibly, have been of public import-
ance in the duties with which I had been intrusted by •
her Majesty's Government ; yet, for these acts of coins
mon courtesy, I was, by implication, not only accused
by the Bombay Government, in a letter to my address
under the signature of the Dr.'s brother-in-law ;
but in secret despatches from the same Government, to
the authorities in England, of having conspired with
Dr. Milne and the Raja's agents, against the British
Government. Notwithstanding, this very gentleman,
Dr. Milne, had been expressly authorised by the Su-
preme Government of India to expVa the Raja's
case : yet, monstrous as it is, it does appear by the
papers now printed, that these expressly authorised com-
munications between the Raja and his adviser were
secretly and systematically intercepted by the subor-
dinate Government of Bombay, and now appear at
the India House, not as proof's of the Raja's guilt,
but of the unbounded confidence his Highness had
in the ultimate justice of that Government, which has,
however, unheard, consigned him from a throne to a
prison ; and it I,:as through these machinations, and ru-
mours founded on them, that I was dragged into that
conspicuous position which Dr. Kennedy so errone-
ously attributes to my officiousness, instead of, pro-
bably, the officious malevolence of some of the Doctor's
friends.
Dr. Kennedy's assumption that, as a naval officer,
I must be ignorant of all that does not appertain to my
profession, is too contemptible to require remark ; I
notice it merely with the view of placing such a speci-
men of arrogance in juxte-position with the humble
duties which this medical practitioner so Modestly
assigns to himself, doubtless, in virtue of his medical
acumen, when he stands forth as the gratuitous promp-
ter of a Minister of the Crown, the discoverer of all
the real merit of those officers under whose command
he was but a my humble subordinate ; and who not
only dictates to, but finds fault with the confidential
advisers of his Sovereign, in the distribution of those
honours which were so nobly earned, and generally ad-
mitted to be as justly awarded.
I have never wished, Sir, to obtrude upon public at-
tention the proceedings of my official life ; but I now
feel called upon to establish that which I before
,had
occasion to assert, and which Doctor Kennedy has had
the audacity to deny, by stating in his book, " That I
never held a public situation that would draw a native
chief to apply for my assistance ;" whilst in the same
volume he tells us that he has not been asleep during
his twenty-nine years sojourn in India. But in truth, Sir,
it appears that the Doctor is only awake to those subjects
that suit the peculiar ends he lois in view, and not only
slumbees but sleeps over facts that would have aided him
in the furtherance of truth. Had it not been so, Dr. Ken-
nedy must have known, by the public prints, that, for
the last six years, I have been frequently and, if I be
permitted to say, distinguishedly employed in con-
nexion with an Oriental Court ; I was especially ac-
credited by one of these Courts, and conveyed as a
present from it a 74 gun-ship, one of the most conspi-
cuous, if not valuable, gifts, I believe, that was ever
sent to a Sovereign of England. I had also been en-
trusted by ray late Soveregn with a complimentary mis-
sion ; and at the very time when the Doctor presumes
to assail my conduct, I was empowered by her Ma-
jesty's Government to conclude, on behalf of Great Bri-
tain, a commercial treaty with an Oriental State. These,
Sir, are facts, at once as condemnatory of the Doctor's as-
sertion as they are incapable of distortion or mystification.
by the utmost aid of his ingenuity ; but lest the Doctor
should again be disposed to give his gratuitous advice
to one of the Queen's Ministers, let me inform him and
his friends, that the President of the Board of Control
expressed to me sentiments directly opposite to those
with which the Doctor has so modestly assigned to him.
Dr. Kennedy's malevolence, however, is not only
directed at me, but, under the same pitiful shield of
protection, attacks by vague and mysterious insinuations
the conduct of the Noble Lord who commanded the
campaign, as well as that highly talented officer Sir
Henry Pottiuger, who conducted its civil and political
duties. The difference in our position seems this, that
the modest historian pointedly digresses from his subject
to assail my conduct, but apparently with a better grace
avails himself of the latitude of his office, to pour forth
on parties conspicuous in the campaign, those feelings
of weal-known anti long-engenaeroil meimosity ngraaact
his Commander-in-Chief, and to insinuate opinions to the
prejudice of Sir Henry Pottingcr's arrangements, that
might be acceptable to a clique of his own friends,
whose policy and interests were alike opposed to those
of the worthy Baronet.
The spirit, Sir, in which this book is written, the
reckless flippancy with which its author disposes of
every subject upon which he treats, must be too appa-
rent to the reader to require observation, but gives a
fair estimate of its real value as an authentic record. I
appear, Sir, not as a reviewer, but in my own defence,
and shall, with one exception, leave its numerous ab-
surdities to the correction of others ; but, lest
British lives and property should fall a sacrifice to the
criminally incorrect assertions of Dr. Kennedy, regard-
ing the capabilities of the Horhain Kurachy ; let me
caution the confiding mariner not to expect more than
Unedited, instead of the Doctor's eleven fathoms, at
the entrance of this Cori ; let him expect only an in-
tricate entrance to a small harbour for small vessels,
and no shelter whatever for ships of any magnitude ;
and let him regard its coast, during the south-west mon-
soon, as particularly dangerous.
In conclusion, Sir, I beg to assure you that 1 do not
envy the narrator of the " Sinde and Kaubool Cam-
paign," the laurels he may reap in the production of
this book, nor the influences under which he has
written it ; nor do I covet the feelings of the man who,
like Dr. Kennedy and his ancestors, owes a debt of
gratitude to India for the respectable position he fills
in society, and who can deliberately stigmatize in the
pages of history the sons of that soil, even when in
the capacity of his own servants, with the appellation
of " brutes ;" but I can pity the unhappy feelings of
him who would prostitute the energies of his pen in the
ostensible narration of an interesting campaign, and avail
himself' by that means of the excitement of public in-
terest, to widely calumniate a party unknown, unoffend-
ing, far distant, and unconnected with his subject ; and
who employs the same covert means to gratify, at the
expenseo
the
of his military
causee
r
superiors,
existenceof
those
whichpettyfeelings
had
c
of revenge,
neither the generous candour to declare, or the prudent
sagacity to conceal.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,
ROBERT COGAN.
Oriental Club, December 9, 1840.

N'importe; the President of the League for
Walsall, and we can afford to wait events for the con-
version of those who arc now groping in the mist of
misrepresentation. • , _ .

Believe me, den Sir, yours, faithfully,
JAMES ACLAND.

ANTI-CORN-LAW AGITATION.

SUFFRAGE.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Sut,—Your well-timed and sensible article, on Tues-
day last, on the necessity of union amongst Reformers,
will find a response from most of its readers. You there
struck the right chord ; and it only wants a few repeti-
tions, as ably touched, before its vibrations will be
powerfully felt. You have rightly said, that in the va-
riety of abuses which are sought to be redressed by
different sections of Reformers lie their weakness, and
that in centralization of object will be their power.
The evidence of the past justifies your assertion. The
people have been signally defeated on the two great
questions--Corn-laws and Extension of Suffrage—for
want of sympathy and union. The contempt shown by
the Members of the Ilouse of Commons to the twa
important delegations, and other petitions, prove
this. Would Mr. Villiers, last session, have addressed
for a considerable time only 40 Members of that House,
if the Leaate whom he represented had been backed by
those who were seeking the extension of the Suffrage ?
Or would the advocates of the people's petition on a
former occasion have received that cold heartless, but
yet assumed sympathy, if those who had so ably agita-
ted for the abolition of the Corn-laws had been induced
to give their co-operation and support to the latter? It
would not have been displayed if the two bodies had
been wise enough to concentrate their power. It will
be said, and with some truth, that at these periods it
was impossible to have brought these two powers to
have acted ie concert. ! Too much doubt and jealousy
then existed, one party felt that the influence which
was sought by the people would not (if obtained) be
wisely exercised, whilst the other believed the agitation
of the middle classes was not so much directed to any
national evil, as to their own particular interests. These
feelings were cherished by their common enemy, and,
however true or false were the assumptions of either
party, sure it is the result was defeat.

Now, one of these agitations seems for the present
to have passed away ; at least so its. sincerest friends,
Messrs. Lovett and Collins, in their useful publication,
intimate. But will they and others, who have agitated
and been defeated, feel justified, and be content to re-
main quiet, and render no assistance to those who are
now snaking demands, though not so extensive as
their own ? I think we have no right to say they
will, before some attempt be fairly made to win their
co-operation. For it is idle to expect that any mea-
sure of importance will now be carried, unless backed
by the working classes. To what, then, amongst the
various objects which divide the attention of Reformers,
ought their energies to be directed. What is most likely
to obtain general support ? Undoubtedly the most pro-
minent and most important agitationa will be the abo-
lition of the Corn-laws, and the Extension of the Suf-
ferage, Ballot, &c. Which of these will best unite the
energies of the people ? To solve this question should
the attention of the true friends of practical reform be
directed. The Leeds meeting, which is shortly to take
place, and which will be so numerously attended, seems
to present an admirable opportunity of fully discussing
the propriety of some united movement. It is to be
hoped there is sufficient right feeling on the part of the
people's leaders, to induce them to suspend for a period
the questions they have had most at heart, and once
more to unite for some given object.
What is to prevent such gentlemen as Mr. Sturge,
Mr. Smith, and Mr. Cobden, whose exertions for a
cheap loaf cannot be too highly valued by the
public, meeting Mr. Marshall and I,lls fellow-
labourers for the Suffrage, &c., aided byP O'Connell
and other Liberal members, and to their number unite
the co-operation of such right-minded leaders of the
people as Mr. Lovett, and let their deliberations be
turned to that measure which would ensure the greatest
amount of energy and union. Let them weigh well the
position they have separately taken, and their chance of
success. If whilst divided they believe their success to
be distant, unite for the one which is most likely to ob-
tain the greatest amount of union, and then, as you have
justly observed, let that measure which will unite most be
first tried. You believe the Corn-laws ought to take the
lead—but have the Corn-law League reason to expect a
greater measure of support from the people and their re-
presentatives than they experienced last Session? Are
there any symptoms of relaxation on the part of the land-
lords ? Has the agitation made any impression on the
value of their estates? po they display anything like
leseeurite. ? Do the people generally feel sanguine of
any- -ciniiige at- present? Ties enormous prices which
are obtained for land when thrown on the market for
sale, and the increased rent ds which are so readily
given, is a proof that a firm belief exists in the agri-
cultural districts that they will remain nearly as they
are, if ever altered at all. The landed proprietors feel
secure in their present position ; they see (and the truth
is to be rage etted) that the agitation will be confined to
the manufacturing districts.
The lectures and discussions emanating from the
League have done much in agricultural cities and bo-
roughs to prove the evils of the Bread-tax ; they have
made its operations better understood by the shop-
keepers and labourers ; but at present they dare not
make any decided stand against the interest by
which they are surrounded. Any attempts which
have been made by those who have had honesty
and daring to make it, have had little influence, for the
mass of the people have been prevented from joining
them by the threats and. intimidation which have been
used, and this it is to be feared will continue to be the
case so long as corn retains even its present enormous
price. The measure can never be carried without the
co-operation of the traders and labourers of the agricul-
tural district, unless some such powerful allies as a bad
harvest and bad trade should come to their assistance.
What are the chances of support to Household Suf-
frage, &c. Nothing is more popular and more de-
sired with town constituencies, and particularly the
smaller ones, than the Ballot, and it has already power-
ful support in the House of Commons. There is no
agency that would so undermine the aristocratic influ-
ence, even with the present constituencies, as the Ballot,
and it would be still snore felt as the franchise is ex-
tended, and most Reformers arc fully convinced that the
present suffrage needs extension, and the best basis of
that extension at present they believe to be houae-
hold—it is a middle course now recognised by
even moderate Reformers. For this—the Ballot and
the shortening of Parliaments—both electors and non-
electors may be induced to make a struggle. House-
hold Suffrage will give the franchise to a large portion
of those who have tried, but have failed to obtain, a
greater extension, and those excluded may fairly pre-
sume that if it could be obtained, the time would be
brought much nearer when their full demand would be
recognised and paid.
If the people will resolve to secure these, they will
prove the best means of obtaining the return of men
to the house of Commons who would consider it their
first duty to repeal the Bread-tax, and other obnoxious
imposts, which are now pressing so unduly on the in.
dustrious classes.

WALSALL ELECTION.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Dragon, NValsall, Jan. 3, 1841.
Silt—l must express my surprise at the gross igno-
rance or misrepresentation of the facts at issue on
this special agitation. Error—if it be nothing worse—
seems to have bitten the Whig candidate, the Whig and
Tory reporters, and the Whig denunciator of the
League in the columns of our deceived friend of the
Morning Chronicle.
The -lion. Spencer Lyttclton says, in his farewell
address, " I had to encounter the avowed hostility of
the agents of the Anti-Corn-law League deputed to op-
pose me." The Ilan. Gentleman should have known
better ; for, on Monday evening last, when in the pre-
sence of some fitly of the electors, I desired to know his
sentiments on the question of the abolition of the ffb n -
law, he asked me how we intended to act as regarded
Mr. Gladstone, and to which inquiry I replied that we
should forthwith apply the test to his opponent, assuring
him at the same time that our mission had no factious
origin, and that our sole object was to make Corn law
repeal the electoral pivot here and every where else,
without reference to the professed Whiggisin or Toryism
of individuals.

1 hope that you will continue to press forward your
views on this subject with the same zeal and talent.
I remain, your constant reader,
London, Jan. 1, 1841. N. A. J.

From Henry Cowper, Esq., of Tcwen-waters,
Ilerts, to Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, 39, Albermarle.:
street, Piccadilly, and 76, King William-street, Bank of
England.—.. Gentlemen, having been deaf for many years,
I was induced from recommendation to try your Invisible
Voice Conductors, and I have great pleasure in telling
you that they enable me to hear persons in company and
at a place of worship most distinctly; and in consequence
of the great advantage which I have derived, I have recoil:
mended many persons to you, and their report is similar
to mine—most favorable. The Spectacles and Hard-glass
which you have sent me are very excellent, and suit my
sight precisely, and surpass anything of the kind I have
ever tried; the transparency of which is so brilliant, that,
although I have passed my 86th year the .22d of May
last, yet they enable me to read, &c. by candle-light with
the greatest case and comfort to myself.—Gentlemen, I
return you my best thanks, and remain your most obedient
servant, HENRY Cowrs.a.-2.2d of June, 1839."—1n con-
sequence of Mr. Henry Cowper receiving applications,
from all quarters to know whether the above letter is
authentic or not, he has addressed a letter to the Standard;
which sees inserted in that paper on the 6th of April last;
stating that it was so, and that in consequence of his ex-
treme age arid increasing infirmity, he requested ho might
not be troubled with any further inquiries.— No connexion
with persons of the same name.
PRUDENCE or• A DEBAUCHEE.--Charles
never permitted the revels of the night to be referred to
en the following morning. By this means he in some de•
grec prevented the over-familiarity of his less eligible as-
sociates, and put a stop to expectations that he might have
held out in the hilarity of the moment, and the over-ful-
ness of his heart. Amorg his boon companions, also, he
seems to have been more on his guard than might have
been expected. To one who importuned him for a favour
in one of his jovial moments, " You had better," be said,
" ask the iiing to-morrow."
We understand the Earl and Counter of Shrews-
bury, on their arrival at Rome, found most feeling letters
of condolement on their late bereavements from her Moat
Gracious Majesty the Queen, as likewise from :Queen
Adelaide. It is to be admired how our youthful Scvc-
reign, surrounded by all that can render life interesting
and dear, fails not to rcedl to mind those who labour under
the pressure of severe domestic calamities in a distant
country.—,Standard.

The reporters seem to agree that I went to Manches-
ter to procure a candidate, on the retirement of Mr.
Lyttelton from the field ; whilst the fact is, that I have
not left Walsall since I arrived on Monday night. But
this, and the other half hundred mis-statements of fact,
aro trifles as compared with the extraordinary flounder-
ings of the Chronic/c, in its laboured efforts to prove us
wrong, because the Whig candidate was a bread-taxer.
We arc informed that Mr. Lyttelton was for a fixed
duty. He was only fur an inquiry, and stated that
really he 11.11 not considered the subject, and was there-
fore unable to say more. How very wrong of the
League, when hundreds of thousands of men, women,
and children are on short allowance of food, and all the
great commercial interests of our country jeopardised,
to be dissatisfied with the ignorance of a cornet of
dragoons, who is ambitious to go to Parliament as the
representative of a manufacturing town, thilit he may
begin to inquire about the propriety of an inhuman and
anti-commercial bread tax !

But we oppose the Government. L not that to as-
sert that the Ministers arc bread-taxers ? For, Sir,
we only oppose those who are the opponents of plenty
for the people, and prosperity for the country.
It the Government like not the electoral interference
of the League, let them provide Repeal candidates.
If, on the other hand, they attempt to foist bread-taxers