The Sun.
London, England, 1833-03-16 00:00:00

Hustings were erected in the open space at the top of
Upper Portland•place, Park-crescent, Regent's-park, and
long before 12 o'clock, which was the hour at which the
proceedings were advertised to commence, vast numbers of
persons congregated in front of them. About 12 o'clock
'Mr. Hope arrived on the hustings, accompanied by Sir
Jasper Nichol' and a large party of friends, he was greeted
with loud demonstrations of disapprobation. Sir S.
Whalley, Mr. Murray, and Mr. Murphy, were loudly
cheered. Among the gentlemen on the hustings were
Lord Ebring'on and Mr. M ikinnon.
S.,veral struggles took place among the crowd before
the proceedings commenced, and in a short time a party
of police appeared and ranged themselves in front of the
hustings, but the Loid Mayer immediately ordered them
away. This act of his Lordship was loudly applauded.
The Loan MAYOR, as Returning-officer, then stepped
forward to address the electors. It was just fourteen
weeks, to-day, he said, since he last had the honour of
addressing them from those hustings; and last Wed-
nesday-week, when he accepted for another year the office
of Returning-officer he had no idea that he should stand
there to-day in that capacity. In adverting to the good
conduct displayed by the electors during the last election.
he said he hoped they would upon the /present occasion
imitate the example they then themselves set.—(Cheers.)
He understood that a gentleman, from some mistaken no
tien, had introduced the police ; but he (the Lord Mayor)
had ordered them away, and he would not while he was
present permit the police to be near the hustings.
The Precept for proceeding to the election and the
Bribery Oath were then read, after which
The Loan MAYOR again came forward, and said he
had drawn the names of the candidates, who were to be
proposed and seconded, in the following rotation :—First.
Mr. Murphy—(Loud cheering)—secondly, Sir J.Whalley
—(Cheers)—thirdly, Mr. Hope—(Groans and hisses)
—and, last of all, Mr. Murray.—(Applause.)
Two of the electors having demanded that each of the
candidates should take th- Qualification Oath, that cere-
mony was then gone through. After which
The LORD MAYOR. informed the electors that he now
understood there ss as another candidate—(Laughter)—Mr.
Johnson, who weal, after the other candidates had spoken,
address them, and propose himself.—(Loud laughter.)
VICORS, Esq. M. P., said in rising to propose
Mr. Murphy as a representative for the borough of Mary-
',bone, he had to perform a duty which was most grati-
fying to himself. He hoped they would allow him to say
a f w words as to the duty that was now imposed upon
themselves. They were called upon to elect a Member
who was to be their representative—who was to be thd
defender of their rights and liberties. They were, then.
their own legislators, by electing a man who was to tax
them, who was to def. nd theta from being over-taxe-m,
and who, in every ton-e of the word, was to be their
representative. In performing that awful duty, it was
necessary for them to consider to whom they would delegate
such an awful trust In looking round for a candidate who
was to stand in place of themselves, it was necessary they
should be well aware of the claims of all those who came
before them. He stood there to perform a most pleasing duty
—to propose a candidate who would fulfil all their fondest
apectations—a man who was Well known to every one
?resent,—a man who had been the advocate of every
liberal measure. He need scarcely now mention the name
of T 1,0111.19 Murphy, Esq. It was a most pleasing duty
for him to propose such a man to a body of electors, for
whom he had been working every day of his life. He
was the advocate of Reform in every department of Church
and State, nor did he c nfine himself to that portion of
Reform which had given to the elector, of Maaylebone their
present privilege ; taut he was the advocate of much more
extensive measures ; he advocated that every man who
paid his quota of taxes, should have a vote for representa-
tives—those who taxed them ; and, to give security that
that vote should be given according to the conscience of
the voter, he was an advocate for the vote by ballot.
He was also an advocate for the fn quent appeals of
the representative to his constituents, and if elected,
would vote for the repeal of that most arbitrary
measure, the Septennial Act. In the Church, that
overgrown establishment, which nos' tilled the pockets
of a few from the small and petty earnings of the many,
he was an advocate fur the most searching reform. He
was a most decided enemy to all sinecures and unmerited
pensions, also for the abolition of slavery. He would not,
if it were in his power, allow the sun to rise soother day
upon any man, be his colour what it might, who could
say that another calls me his property.—(A few of the
concluding observations of the Hon. Gentleman were lost
amidst much noise.)
Dr. "ELatottx Was most glad again to have the oppnr-
tuuity of bringing before the electors of Marylebone that
truly honest titan, Mr. Murphy. He was proud of the
honour of again seconding the nomination of that man,
because he believed him to he an honest and unpurchase-
able patriot. In bringing that gentleman before them he
had only to say that be believed him to be a man of un-
doubted integrity and great learning.—(Much laughter.)
If he was sent to the House by them he would support all
measures for the relief of the poor. And who had they
to oppose this man ? They had a little creeping thing
called a Whig; the nominee of one whom they had sent
to the House only a short time ago, one who had given
them up merely because he had got a nice little boy whom
he thought would fit them ex ,ctly.—(Much laughter.)
Where is the little man ?—(Mr. Murray here bowed to
the Gentleman.) He was glad to see him. Now he
would ask the electors what exhibition had been put fort b
by that little man ? What property had he shown ?
What connection with the borough had he at all to entitle
him to take upon himself the office of nominee for a most
factious party ?—(Hisses.) What was he, he would ask ?
The mere nominee of Mr. Portman and a Whig Govern-
ment. He would ask, what had the Whigs ever dune for the
people ?—(Cries of " Much, much," "A great deal,"
" Would we base been here but for them ? ") He had
grant they bad done a great deal, for upon no occasion would
they withstood the temptation of putting their hands in
the pockets of the people, and fleecing them in every
possible shape; and now, as if they had not done enough
before, they had introduced that most unconstitutional
measure fur Ireland. How poor they must be, when they
had to send to Scotland for one to do their work. He
would give them credit so far; they had got a very pretty
little fellow. But he (Dr. E.), would like to know what
recommendation be had to the electors of Mary lebone?
He would request that little man seriously to consider the
character of those men who now put him forward. If
by their means be were sent into the House of Commons.
He would be sent there bound hand and foot ; be
would not dare to give an independent vote. He wou'd
not dare to give a vote from conviction of its necessity,
but must vote for every measure introduced by that party.
He would rather have a man who was even an honest
Tory in his conduct, than one who was of a doubtful
character, and a vile nominee of a faction.---(Cheers.)
They had a fourth candidate—Sir Samuel Whalley, who,
he was sorry to say, belonged to no fixed principles, and
who was of a very doubtful character. Mr. Murphy was
the advocate of pledges, which the electors at a great
meeting bad expressed their determination to demand,
while Sir Samuel Whalley refused to take them, Sir
Samuel Whalley came forward, no doubt, to do the elec•
tors as much service as in him lay ; but they had to
choose between a man who had yet to go to school in poli-
tics, and a man who would carry into the House of Com-
mons such a mature judgment as would lead to the
benefit of this great and glorious country.—(Cheers.)
They had now the four candidates before them, of whom
one was a Tory, one a Radical, and two of doubtful cha-
racter, and, as determined and honest men, be asked them
to whom they would lend their aid. Ile implored them
to sacrifice every private feeling, and to send to the Heine
of Commons a man of sound political principles, who
would exert all his talent in forwarding the best interests
of the country. Tee Hon. Gentleman concluded by se-
conding the nomination of Mr. Murphy.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. MILLS came forward to propose Sir Samuel
Whalley, and, in doing so for the second time, be acre I
solely horn principle, because he admired measures, and
not men ; and if be sincerely believed that any of the
other candidates could better serve the interests 51 the
public than Sir Samuel Whalley, he (Mr. M. ) would
not be the man to introduce him.—(Cheers.) They
had been told by one party that Sir Samuel Whalley
was too poor to exert himself.—(Cries of " No, no.")
By another party be was too rich. The Tory party
accused bim of going too far, and the Radicals
,(wth‘Aeayiltrle.Sst,iiiiirya
enoSsp:fileoalot hlnlernrrhaaConatnineYedxsi candidate.—(Cries of not going far enough. He, however, could tell them
y(ltyacr ehreia:ldtsi
estimabl as e
toN
os7nvoe, them
anbloetoriniousprTivoartye
life, but whose public life he (Mr. Mills) was strongly op-
posed to.--(cheers.) Had Mr. Hope's views and wishes
been fulfilled, the electors would nut have met to-day to
exercise their elective franchise, and therefore he was an
gdeesa.v—o u(rCth oee prevent.) lf a
pen
improper person now tea come forward and solicit their
in private
fromivatebif,ea,ving a
thema nwere
;cauff ean
oppor-
tunity of granting a certain favour, and atterwaids asked
that person to grant him the favour which he had endea-
voured to prevent being granted, did he deserve to have it ?
--(No, no, and cheers.) On that ground, therefore, he

Mr. MURPHY then came forward, amidst loud,
and continued cheering. The electors of Marylebone
had now an opportunity of aeain exercising that suffrage
which had been obtained for the borough by a great
majority of the people of the country.—(Cheers.) He
trusted that electors would recollect that no party or
faction had obtained those suffrages for them, but that
they had been produced by the determined voice of the
people, who had supported a Government which he must
now state had deceived them.--(Great cheering, and cries
of " No, no.") On all occasions like the present, it must
be expected that some geese would come forward.—
(Laughter ) On the present occasion, like the last, a
great deal of money bad been spent, as many present
no doubt could testify, as he had said before the Reform
Act had been obtained by the influence of the people
alone. He had told the electors, at the list election, that
lie anticipated the result of the election would be to send
into Parliament Whigs, who would disappoint the ex-
pegtations of the electors, who would refuse to reduce
taxation, who would support pensions and sinecures, and
uphold the Tories against the people, and the Tories, fol-
lowing that example, would support the Whigs against
the people. He had told them that a large standing army
would be kept up in the time of peace for the purpose of
coercing the people.--(Loud hisses.) He had told them,
when he looked at the state of Ireland and the disposition
of parties, that he had great reason to suspect that an at.
tempt would be made to destroy the liberties of Ireland--
(Disapprobation)—with a view of holding up to the agi-
tators of England the consequences ofagitation.—(Cheers.)
How the e'ectors of Marylebone had been treated by those
whom they bad chosen for their representatives, the
electors well knew. Sir William Horne—(Loud hisses)--
had never attended any public meeting--(Loud disappro-
bation)—and although he had dwelt so much upon gen-
tlemanly feeling, he had not even had the politeness to
answer one gentlemanly letter that had been addressed to
him. He had also told the electors what they had to ex-
pect from him—he was a Whig, a well-known Whig,
who had remained, it was true, a very short time among
them.—(Hisses.) Whether he was annoyed too much
by the Radicals, or whether tre state of his health had
caused him to resign, he would not say—(Laughter)—
but when last be saw him, lie appeared in as good health
as he ever was in his life ; and he (Mr. Murphy) thought
that he would have had the candour of supporting the peti-
tion he had waited on him with for the establishment of the
B.llot and triennial elections. Mr. Portman, however,
had told him that he should oppose the ballot if brought
forward, and also the repeal of the Septennial Act......
(Loud hissing.) As was notorious, however, he had
resigned, and had written a letter to the committee
who had conducted the meeting which had taken place
in that borough against the Irish Coercive Bill, in
which he stated that he was then going out of town,
that he should return in a few days, and he would
then state on what day he would receive the deputa-
tion. At that time be bad actually resigned, for the
very next evening a writ had been moved for in his
place in the House of Commons, and on that very day
the young gentleman, who stood on his left hand, had
himself actually canvassed the borough before the writ
was issued.—(Hisses, and cries of "No, no.") This young
gentleman was therefore actually to be considered as the
nominee of Mr. Portman. His principles were Whig,
but he wished the electors to understand, that although
his principles might be those of the Whigs, they would
not protect him from laying taxes on the people. He
believed the young gentleman was in his teens—hut he
ra'her thought that the borough of Mirylelione would
wish to be represented by a man experienced in political
matters, and not one just emerged from college, and who
wou!d indulge the House of Commons with quotations
from Cicero and Virgil.—(Laughter and cries of " We
want a man who knows something.") The electors
wanted a person who could stand forward in the House
of Commons to advocate the cause of the people, by which
the poor man might receive the fruits of his labour, and
the burthen of taxation would be placed upon the
shoulders of those who were able to bear is—
Cheers)—instead of on the shoulders of the middling
classes.—(Cherry.) Mr. Murray, it was true, had stated
th it he would vote for the repeal of the house and win-
dow tax. Sir John Key had made the same sta.ement
to the electors of the city of London.—(Laud hissing.)
llow hid that person shown that he would defend the
rights of the people ? The electors, he hail no doubt,
were perfectly aware. If, therefore, it became the duty
cf electors to send men into Parliament who would le-
gislate for their interests, and those of the people at large,
Mr. Murray had also stated that he would support the
Bill now in Parliament for the coercion of the people of
Ireland. The electors had now an opportunity of trying
whether the country was or not to support a Whig admi-
nistration, which, to him, appeared more hateful than a
Tory one. They had shown every disposition to assist the
cause of the Tories—(Great disapprobation)—they had
even made common cause nith the Tories for the purpose
of destroying the liberties of the people of Ireland. Added
to this, Mr. Murray was supported by all the influence of
Government; because upon his committee were several
members of his Majesty's Government.—(Cries of " No,
no;'' Yes, yes;" and "Name, natne.") Lord Charles
Russell was in the chair for him at a meeting last night,
--(Loud laughter and hisses.) He had been mistaken ;
there was no member of his Majesty's Government
on the Hon. Gentleman's Committee, but there were
plenty of cousins, nephews, and brothers.—(Loud
aughters) Mr. Murray had also a particular object in
declining to recognise the relation of several persons, for
on looking at the list of pensions, he (Mr. Murphy)
found the names of the Earl of Dunmore and several
other persons attached to it.—(Loud laughter and biases.)

He found that Lady Augusta Murray had 2,7001. The
young gentleman said, give him rope enough and be would
hang himself. He (Mr. M.) would give him rope.—
(Hear, hear.) Lord Dunmore was the young itentlem tti's
grandfather, the Countess of Dunmere was his grand-
mother, and Lady Murray was his stmt. —(Shame,
shame.) He had, therefore, some interest in maintaining
relationship between parties. The electors bid, there-
fore, got another hopeful candidate—a man who was big
with hope at present, but who long before the election
terminated would find himself altogether hopeless._
(Hear, hear.) He was one of the Tories. There
was not one who had not suffered by them—etili
lie (Mr. M.) was not an advocate for the Whigs. The
Tories had never introduced an Act of Parliament half so
despotic or half so persecuting as the measure which had
now b.-en brought forward by the Whigs.—(Hear.)
Beth parties had turned against the peop'e. In what st ate
would the tradesmen of Maryle'•.ione he without the ballot ?
Mr. Murray was against the ballot, but without
the ballot it was utterly impossible that the tradesmen of
this borough ever could prosper. Both Mr. Hope and
Mr. Murray came forward as the nominees of a faction,
to destroy the 'independence of the borough. What effect
would be produced in the House of Common' by seeing
these two young hopeful gentlemen stand forward to repre-
sent the borough of Marylebone ? It was to be recollected
that the first act which the Reformed Parliament
had done was to place in the most distinguished situation a
man who, with himself and family, had been for years
feeding upon the miseries of the people of England, who
upheld all corruption, and who had been connected with
every bad Government that had ruled the country—they
had elected a Tory Speaker, Mr. M. Sutton.—(Shame.)
The next thing they had done was to oppose, by a tre-
mendous majority, Mr. Home's motion for the abolition
of sinecures in the naval and military departments. The
next thing they did was to bring forward this atrocious
Idill for Iceland, and which Bill never would pass in its
present state.—(Hear, hear.) He only vi ne I Govern-
tra nt and parties by their acts; and whether despotism
came from the one or the other, was altogthet-
immaterial.—(Hear, hear.) What the people wanted
was a cheap Government—a cheap' Church—a cheap
King—(Bravo)—and if the electors really wanted to have
those, they must send a tradesman to Parliament. There
were two good tradesmen in the House honourably
doing their duty—why ? Because they had no re-
lations to call upon them to vote in favour of curruption.
Mr. Cobbett and Mr. Fielder' were tradesmen, and were
almost the only two in the House who were nightly die-
charging their duty, and if the electors wished to increase
the number of such men, it was their duty to send to Par-
liament a tradesmanwho would go and do likewise. They
had another party to contend against, who were neither
Whig nor Tory—a party who wished to see which side was,
strongest, and whichever way the beam inclined would
help to give it a kick that way. The electors of Maryle-
bone w ,nted a man who would stand up for the people,
end who would not, on any occasion, give a vote,
neither for private friendship, nor any principle
but that of public honesty. He would ask why Sir
Samuel Whailey was absent from the meeting called to
consider the Irish Coercive Bill ? He could not, it ap
peared, find time to attend that one ; but at the meeting
at which Mr. Portman presided, for the protection of the
Sabbath, he attended, sod took the chair after Mr. Port-
man left.—(Hisses.) Was not this proof enough ro show
that he would afford protection to the Sabbath but not to
the people ?—(Much hissing.) It had been stated also
by several vestrymen of that parish, that Sir Samuel
Whalley had voted for an additional hundred pounds a
year to one of the parsons.—(General cries of" No, no.")
Sir Samuel would come there and explain that subject ;
but he (Mr. M.) would say that he had voted for that /ad-
ditional hundred pounds to one of their parsons. If Sir
Samuel Whalley was in the House at that moment,
he believed be would vote in- the same way for
any pensioner who was recommended by the Go-
vernment. Then who was it, he (Mr. M.) would ask,
who ought to withdraw on the present occasion? They
ought to recognize three parties at this time—the Whigs.
the Tories, and the Radicals. The man who seconded
Sir S. Whalley on the last occasion had stated that he
(Mr. W.) was the better man of the two—then, for God's
sake, let them vote for the last man. It was well known
that the dependence of the country was now on the peop'e
themselves. They only could save it from the encroach-
ments of both Whigs and Tories.—(Loud cries of " Off.")
" No, no, my Mends, there is no occasion yet, there is
plenty of time." On the people themselves did the country
depend for the restoration of those liberties which had been
wrested from them by the Whigs and Tories, for the doing
away with unmerited pensions, and for obtaining good
and cheap Government, and for the poor ob-
taining cheap and good bread, and for making the
rich pay their proper share of the taxes, thereby re-
lieving the pour from that which was now unjustly
taken from them. What had been the answer of Lord
Altnorp, in answer to Mr. Colbert, when he inst loved the
case of the assessed taxes ? Why his answer was that
that was not a single case, but that the same principle
went through the same. Mr. Hope had placards
round the borough stating that he was rated at
6091. Sir S. Whalley, following the same example, stated
that lie was rated at 1091. But they had forgot to state
how much he (Mr. M.) was rated at. There seemed to
be some reason why the two should be most anal els to lie
mixed together. It was good fur them to look who Sir
S. Whalley was, and how he came by his title. Tue
fact was, at one time he had been very useful to Lord
Chief Justice Tindal, then Solicitor General, who intro-
duced
him to the moat immaculate of men, Lord Lynd-
hurst—(Hear, hear, hear)—who introduced him to
that most precious of all Monarchs, who,
thank God, was no more.—(lmmense hissing for some
minutes.) George IV. it was that give him the honour
of Knighthood. Now he would ask whether the man
who received that honour from the Tories was not in
reality a Tory in disguise. Last election there was a
pledge given by all the candidates that they would retire
as soon as called upon by a majority of a public meeting
of the electors.—(Hear.) Now it must be recol-
lected, that Sir Samuel Whalley would not pledge
himself to follow that course, hut now said that he would
retire when a majority of the electors signed a requisition
to that effect, which was a thing perfectly impossible, and
known to be so, by the party who supported him. They
were now called upon to say whether that borough
was to be a mere nomination one, belonging to a runa-
way Whig, or to the Tories. At a former election,
all the Press had been against him, and it was well
known that the whole taxed press were against the people.
They had also suppressed his name on the present occa-
sion, but it was well known to the electors of Afaryle-
bone that he was a candilate, and he defied any man
to come forward and say, that he had deviated from any
principle which he bad formerly advocated during the
eighteen years he had lived in the borough. The Whigs
had now shown themselves in their attempt to stifle the trial
by jury in the sister country, and in their attempt to
suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, and the people may well
expect, if they were in power twelve months hence, and
they succeeded in their present attempt, the same plan
would be attempted for England.—(Hear.) He would
be always ready to attend a public meeting,
when called upon to resign, when asked to do so by a ma-
jority at such a meeting. In opposition to him, they
had got the two young gentlemen and the Gallant
Knight. As for the two young gentlemen, he hoped
they would now get such a lesson as would send them
back to school, there to learn hetter than to come
before such a body of electors asking for their
votes upon such frivolous pretensions.--(Hear, hear.)
Whatever was the result of the present election, they would
always find the Radial party sufficiently strong to put
forward a candidate upon every occasion.—(Cheers.) If
they should now be defeated, they would try the battle
again and again—(Loud cheers)—but if the electors did
but do their duty upon the present occasion, they would
send these two young gentlemen back to school to learn a
little political knowledge, as well as their Homer or
Cicero—(Loud liughter)—where they would see a little
of that system of flogging which was so strongly advo-
cated by themselves ind t sir party.—(Cheers.)

forward
lice
l a
n o f
not only
Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY came forward amidst cheers
and hisses. He had come forward as a candidate for
that honour which the electors had now at their disposal,
and he placed himself entirely upoc their suffrages.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He was called 1 rorn pri-
vate life, but had not thrust himself unbidden
stood _
upon their notice, and he would cheerfully have
forward the advocate of a man whom they might have
deemed more worthy of that honour than himself.
Until
c n
would have been more competent to have done jtl3-
t twhedaaydsvaogeoatelieotfhoaudgil:ttinhgeueihshoueldd hinavdeorhiadduatol,stna,hmol
to that borough, but to the country at
large.—(Cries of " Name, name.") That indivi-
dual was also distinguished for his financial capacity;
and whose absence from the House of Commons he (Sir
S. Whalley) considered a national loss, but he believed
that when the whole system of taxation was about to un•
dergo revision, that Gentleman's experience would be of
great benefit to the country.—(Name, name.) He did
not see why i., should be called on to name any indivi-
dual.—(Groans.) He had not named him as yet be-
cause he had thought it impossiLl, to misunderstand to
whom he referred.—(Crises of "Name, name.") He
b&d no personal knowledge of that individual, but be
alluded to Sir H. Yarnell.--(Groans, and cries of " Nor