The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-30 00:00:00

iproducer of slave sugar. I am not satisfied that the
free-labour sugar which I took from the Continent
by the Bill of 1845, to supply these countries, that
that vacuum was supplied by slave-grown sugar.—
(Hear, hear.) I find evidence to the fact, whatever
may be the theoretical opinions of some, that
the measure of 1846, which opened these markets,
has given encouragement to slave producers in Cuba
and Brazil—(Hear, hear)—and that they did consider
it a practical boon, which was of greater advantage than
the indirect bounty which they received from the fill:me
of the vacuum which arose in the continental supply. If
I had to direct the counsels of her Majesty, I would
leave advised a longer continuance of the measure of
1845.—(f-fear, hear.) I assented to the measure of the
Noble Lord, proposed in 1846, on the ground of public
policy, because public faith was pledged to the mainte-
nance of the exclusion of the produce of Cuba; I must
therefore take upon myself whatever blame may attach,
for I do not shrink from the vote which I the n gave,
and I thought that the removal of duties from other
articles would have made the consumer more willing to
exclude slave-labour sugar. Besides, her Majesty's
Ctovernment might haee changed, and you could not
eensistently have passed any other than an annual
sugar Bill. The colonists would have dreaded the
result of such a proceeding. The Noble Lord offered a
permanent sugar Bill, and I believed th tt it would be
better to avoid an annual conflict, which would have been
detrimental to the interests of the colonists. Although
you might have defeated the Bill of 1846, it would have
prevented the application of capital to your colonies.
These considerations, ad led to my unwillingness to dis-
turb the Government, induced me to support the Bill of
the Noble Lord. But can you now revoke that settle-
ment ? The Hon. Member for Oxford thinks you can.
But he is one of a very few who think so.—(Hear.)
The Crown has admitted the sugar of Cuba, Venezuela,
and the United States. I have endeavoured to give an
impartial consideration to every measure which has been
proposed. I will take one of them—the reduction of
colonial expenditure. After having read the evidence
upon this subject, it has left an impression upon my
mind that colonial expenditure can admit of very great
reduction.—(Hear and cheers.) Those establishments,
founded on considerations of imperial policy, which are
part of our imperial institutions—connected as they are
with our system, it is impossible that there should not be
in our dependencies some servile imitations of them ;
and when I see the enormous expenditure of the Mau-
ritius, of Jamaica, and other colonies, I am prepared to
hold out to the colonies the prospect of relief, and that
there shall be a most determined attempt to reduce
the expenditure within the narrowest limits.—
(Loud cheers.) Now there is no necessity in
a time of their distress, to keep up this unnecessary ex-
penditure.—(Cheers.) I wish to see the colonies main-
tained. I wish to recognise them as subjects of the
Queen, entitled to every consideration to which the in-
habitants of Lancaster are entitled.—(Loud cheers.) I
also admit that it is of the greatest importance, for the
purposes of defence and national policy, that you should
place in the administration of colonial affairs the very
best men. I think that it would be a miserable economy,
fer.ahe sake of some 2,0001. a year, to deprive this empire
of the abilities of such men as Lord Dalhousie, Lord
Harris, and Lord Elgin. I think if you deprived the co-
lonies of the presence of men of such ability by a shabby
economy, it would be very injurious. But I greatly
doubt with respect to the salary of the governor whether
it would not be prudent that this country should take the
payment upon itself.—(Hear, hear.) I think that the
governor should be independent of the colonies. I think
that he should be enabled to favour the colonies, and
that he should be able to offend them, did the
discharge of his duty require it, without
having his worldly means impaired. But with
respect to other salaries, such as a secretary's at 4,0001.
—(Hear, hear)—l would: make very great reductions
in such.—(Hear, hear.) I do not blame the Govern-
ment for not having done something of this kind ; I am
ready to share the blame in not having given the ques-
tion an earlier attention. But Ido say that if you had
these salaries reduced, it would be very likely to please
the colonist by placing these positions within his • own
rsach.—(Hear, hear.) Ido not mean that you should
exclude all persons who have no local interest to influ•
once them, but some of the salaries attached to the
offices appear to admit of reduction. I am only speak-
ing of the principles generally, and in doing so I must
say that every reduction which can be made consis-
tently with the defence and the special local interests of
the colonies themselves, ought to be made, and whatever
relief you can afford them from retrenchment, is relief to
which the colonies are entitled.—(Hear.) That principle,
Sir, I apprehend her Majesty's Government admit. I
do not understand that that source of relief was excluded
from their plan. Well, then, as to police laws for the
prevention of vagrancy and squatting, we are also
agreed. Whatever you can do consistently with justice
and the real freedom of the negro, that we are all agreed
ought to be done. Of course, the question of how it is
to be done is one, without local knowledge, of difficult
solution. But we shall, lam sure, concur cordially with
the colonies in administering what relief can, under that
head, be granted to them.—(Hear, hear.) I now, then,
come to the grievances alleged by the colonists and their
demands for relief. There was a petition presented
from the district of Hanover in Jamaica so recently as
December, 1847, and in that petition I find that the in-
habitants of Jamaica—merchants, planters, and others—
demand " the removal of the . protection which our fel-
low-subjects in Great Britain enjoy," and then the peti-
tion goes on to explain the nature of that protection,
stating that the English distillers, in addition to other
advantages, " enjoyed a protection against our rum of
9J. per gallon." Now I understand that amongst the
measures of her Majesty's Government is contemplated
the reduction of that differential duty from 9d. to 4d.
per gallon. I cannot hold out to the colonists any hope
of a greater reduction, and 1 apprehend that Govern.
ment will have serious difficulties in carrying what is ac
tually proposed.—(Hear.) Well, the next grievance com-
plained of is this. The memorialists state "that the
British shipowner is protected by the navigation-laws,
and compels your petitioners to pay a freight of nearly
double the amount which they would pay if they were
permitted to ship in other vessels. A large amount of
American shipping leaves Jamaica in ballast, and but for
the protection of the British shipowners your petitioners
would be able to obtain their staves, provisions, and
other American commodities at cheaper freights, as well
as to enjoy similar advantages in transmitting their sugar
to this country." Well, Sir, I think that that is a very
reasonable complaint, but tt is disheartening, when we
are compelled to admit the complaint to be just, and
when a remedy is proposed to be applied, to be told that
the removal of the navigation-laws would be of no be-
nefit to us—that the produce of Cuba and the
Brazils would derive greater advantage from the
change than we.—(Hear, hear.) That is a considera-
tion which discourages me from holding out to the West
Indies too sanguine prospects of relief—because when
I did, so lately as December, 1847, the inhabitants of
Jamaica distinctly declare that the remedy proposed
will be of no avail; for though the statement may be
brief, the argument is cogent, and I, for one, am willing
to afford a remedy. I say, Sir, looking at all this, it is
discouraging to be told, that the remedy which amid
great opposition you propose to apply, will be of no
avail.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, it is difficult to take any ge
neral view of the position of the West India colonies,
and the remedies to be applied to them, because one great
element in the consideration is wanting. It is difficult
to give an opinion as to what course ought to be adopted
with respect to the squadron on the coast of Africa. A
Committee is sitting upon that subject—important evi-
dence is being taken, and I could wish that we knew the
result of that evidence, the opinion of the Committee,
and the intentions of the Government. A large expense
is borne by this country for that squadron. Now sup-
posing it to be found ineffectual, you still would be:com-
pelled to maintain a certain force, in consequence of ar-
rangements with America and France. But, at the same
time, if you can convince America and France that you
sought relief from that burthen, because the united squa-
dron ss as of little avail, I cannot doubt but that they
in turn would be influenced by similar motives and
would consider some more •effectual means of gaining
the end in view. I myself give no opinion otetheimatter;
I am, indeed, inclined to doubt whether 'the sudden
withdrawal of the squadron would not increase the evils
of the slave trade.—(Hear, hear.) But if any material
saving could be effected by such a withdrawal, I greatly
doubt whether this country would not willingly consent
to forego the direct pecuniary advantage, and apply the
money saved, or a great deal of it, to the furtherance of
other means for suppressing the slave trade.—(Hear,
hear.) Any view of the matter, however, must as yet
be imperfect and premature. Now, Sir, there are only
two other suggestions of very considerable importance.
The one is, that there shall be a great increase of immi-
gration, so as to increase the supply of labour ; the
other is, that direct assistance shall be given by means
of protective duties. Now, as to immigration, the Go-
vernment have, T think, admitted the principle that
this country shall, by way of loan, immediately pro-
vide the means of increasing the supply of
labour. As I understood it, 500,0001. is to be ad-
vanced for this purpose. Now, lam bound to say that
I do not attach the importance which some Hon. Gen-
tlemen do to an increased supply of labour.—(Hear,
hear.) What are the facts? The population of the
West Indies is in all about a million. I quote the evi-
dence of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Bristol
(Mr. Miles). Well, he says that he has no great con-
tilence in the efficacy of immigration. There are a
million of inhabitants, and the quantity of sugar pro-
duced is only about 140,000 hogsheads—a conclusive
proof of their being labour enough. Well, but then the
question seems to be, how are you to get access to it?
It is said, " threaten the negros with the importation of
fresh labour. That will operate as a moral check on
idleness. When they know that you have access to
labour, they will behave themselves." But it requires
the utmost tact to apply this consideration.—(Hear.)
To pour in upon the colonies tens of thousands of coolies
or negroes from the coast of Africa would be a very
clumsy, even supposing it to be a very effectual, mode
of operation. But what might be the result? Why
this—that you would have added to the number of
labourers, without providing employment for them—
(Hear, hear)—that you would have added to the
number of strangers unaccustomed to the colony,
brought from many thousand miles away; and even
should the
plan prove successful, and compel the negroes
to work, thatsti
haveyou awould notwithstanding, and by your
own acts, still
superabundant supply of labour on
your hands.—(Hear, hear.) No; if you are to have im-
migration, I greatly doubt whether it ought not to be
lerttittoo
ttahkeinsgpeecvuelary
tionofindividuals—(Hear, hear)—the
s
precaution against abuse—determin-
ing from What part of the African coast Government
negroes should be taken—that is to say, what parts are
inhabited by tree negroes capable of forming a judgment
on the subject, and of understanding the nature of a con-
tract.—(Hear, hear.) Government ought, I think, in
addition, to take on themselves the responsibility of en-
tering into communication with the sovereign and Native
chiefs, explaining the object of the immigration, and
offering to become responsible for the good treatment of