The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-27 00:00:00

AFFAIRS OF LA PLATA.

LITERPOO4 TursnAr.—Advices from Monte Video to
March 4 have been received to-day. Notwithstanding th
advantage gained by General Paz, much uncertainty pre-
vailed in Monte Video relative to the speedy pacification of
affairs. Commerce consequently remained in a state of de-
pression ; and we are informed that a cargo of dry goods,
destined originally for the Monte Videan market, had boat
reshipped for Rio Grande.
(From the Rio Journal de Conzereio.)
We have received accounts from Monte Video to the 3d
inst. (March). Urqueza bad invaded the province of Cm.
rientes, and on the 4th February defeated the vanguard of
Paz, at Lagoa Limpia, capturing Don Juan Madariaga, chief
of that force ; continuing to advance, he was drawn by
General Paz into the interior of the country, losing much it
his baggage in the forced marches which he made through
bad roads.

On the 10th of February General Paz halted at Ytaybiti,
an impregnable position on the banks of the Parana, near to
Paraguay. Urqueza not venturing to attack this position,
and not being able to maintain himself in that which he had.
taken, commenced his retreat on the 12th, in the directio
of Entre Rios, being actively pursued by the enemy, and, it
is said,.abandoning his baggage.
A convoy from Paraguay arrived at Corrientes on the
14th of February.
The French steamer Fulton bad also arrived at Corrientes
from Paraguay, conveying Senhors D. Bernardo Govellanda
and D. Artanasia Gonzales, envoys of the Government of
Ochieentianiteßrvepeunibnlgic. you e
the Oriental inaninibsdetertroosf letters and dispatches, that
(EnglandPalrta a p pa,
and
appears,
do f
rko.
strmlai the
ne
France),
Urqmeza's advance was very bold and rapid, and that its ob-
ject
was to give battle to Paz before the arrival of the re-
in fo rcements from Paraguay. In this respect it failed, as Pte.
had received a reinforcement2otlh. 4,ooTtOhhmeereelnass,otwhich raised
ltia
force altogether to 10,000, before Urqueza arrimvaeeedcodainuys,ntfrohoneft
hthe
Afterht of the
remainingl rti
operationstriesa mainted inaotrf mybheteig armies is contained in the following report,
addressed
honour
General Paz
, d,r i havethedtoto announce to your Excellency t hat
ad
the enemy have fled, rapidly and shamefully, from the bri,lge
0! Ytaybiti. Our army is in pursuit. The enemy contitrus
to abandon waggons and horses.
" Amoyito, Feb. 15."

" JAN J. SOTO."

POST-OFFICE NOTlCE.—Yesterday a notice was posed
at the General Post-office, that on and after the let et June, the
British and foreign rate of postage to Hamburgh will be combing,.
and the prepayment optional, but the British rate alone will not jos
received. Letters to be sent by the direct Hamburgh packets, this
conveyed by private ship, or by way of France, Holland, or Belgia
will be chargeable with the same rates of postage to which they ha*
hitherto been subject.

DANISHSUCCESSION.--The attention of political
circles is attracted to the difficulties which will one day arise relative
to the succession of Denmark and the Duchies of Holstein and Schiff.
wig. The Prince Royal of Denmark has no children ; he is neer
suing for a divorce, so as to be able to contract a third marrialp.
Prince Frederick of Hesse is the next heir to the throne after t.
Prince Royal; but he is a widower, and has no children by his vciiit‘
a Grand Duchess of Russia. A Hamburgh paper publishes the fol.
lowing, which might put an end to the difficulties The visit of ti
Royal Family of Sweden to the Court of Copenhagen has been mud'
talked of. Thrismtv,inesgietnobfpliownt
ceedlooekFmAnedm
aneyporivenrokasboafablmyHereressesuievistalfrontdomfthceremtheeyinol.
vdAlaeuwmglan:otef rtihaogefetthwo Sovereigns."

FATAL ACCIDENT ON THE SOUTH-EASTERN RAIL,
WAY—ASHFORD, TIIESDAY.—In accordance with a notice from tot
Board of Trade, received by the Company yesterday after:lm
Major-General Pasley, the Government Inspector-General of
ways, arrived by the early train this morning from town to prole.
cute his official inquiry into the circumstances attending the fe.syffit
accident to the express train on Saturday afternoon on the line, by
which an engine-driver named Samuel Hill was killed. Mr. I'.
Barber, the acting engineer, and Mr. Cudworth, the locomotive an.
perintendent, attended the investigation. The accident, it should be
yellingobsery rate
off a
nearlym o most
4secrimousiladeanserihpotitiro_n.themordie trrywexasi,rea,treb.
speed—when, from some unknown cause, the engine mounted the
rails, and dashed off the permanent road into the siding of a cln zing.
dragging the tender and the whole of the carriages, Most of which
N'thaes
were considerably shattered. The guard and stoker escaped, as di*
the passengers ; the engine-driver, however, perished by the en,7lA,
turning over upon him. Having obtained sundry facts, Gei era
Pasley left by sdecial train for town. What conclusion he arryill
ESbePtwEßAeenToEneLaEnAdPtsvFoßoToct
gYirrelaNtDexociWtzenrtepSrtee:::la3evi
at could not be learned ; nor will it be known until his report to die Board of Trade is laid before the House of Lords.
minothArneinl, vicinity of Kent-street, Southwark, in consequence of a fen.alee' named Johanna Hefferan, aged twenty-eight years, the wife i.f a
labourer, jumping from the second floor window of her resident° ha
a court inhabited by a number of Irish people. It seems that bir
husband had been leading a very dissipated life fbr several we elks
past, and had treated her in a very harsh and cruel manner. A.
returned in a state of drunkenness, and when he entered the arart.
merit he seized her by the throat, and threatened to murder her.
She, however, escaped from him, and to evade his brutal treatment
she threw up the window and jumped out into the street. A pol (36.
man who was on duty near the spot ran to her, and when he raised
to Guy's Hospital,
other parts of her person. She was taken ars
extensive injuries, which, it ia
her up he found that she had received some injury to the legs and
she was found to have sustained
feared, will cause her death.
d their usual loyalty by giving an extra. Lc :Us
Middle Temple evince
MIDDLE TEMPLE.—The Honourable Society of the
(
each mess on Monday, to celebrate the birth of the 'Trif winerinces to m
s.
1), The health of her Majesty, and the recent addition to ilist
members of the Royal Family was given with right good will, anti
waWreceived with the heartiest enthusiasm by a very crowded halt'
QUEEN'S MUSICIANS. —lt is somewhat remark: ble
that the favourite musicians of three Queens fell a;sacrifice to st3pl..
cion and vengeance within a spa& of thirty years in this count:yr.
namely, Mark Smeaton, in the service of Anne Boleyn, was executal
in 1536 ; Thomas Abel, who taught music and grammar to Qt:siest
Catherine, wife of Henry VIII., who was hanged and quarter, 'IA*
1540; and David Rizzio, Secretary to Mary Queen of Sootts, whol%o
murdered in 1558.

131PERT.AL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, 3lay 26.
Their Lordships met at ten minutes to Fire o'clock.
CORN-LAWS.

Several Peers presented a great number of petitions for and
against the repeal of the corn-laws.
The Duke of RICHMOND said he had a petition to present
to their Lordships on this subject, on which he wished to make
a few observations, although he did not intend to make another
speech upon the corn-laws. The petition was signed by 1,390
of the tenant-farmers, who had assembled inWillis's Rooms, a few
days ago, and who had come to London, from the different
counties of England, for the purpose of showing that those who
had reported them to have changed their opinions with respect
to the corn-laws had stated what was untrue. It appeared to
him that the tenantry of this country had not been fairly dealt
with by the advocates of free trade. Their Lordships' table
had been crowded, ❑ight after night, by petitions from the
tenant-farmers of England, all of which were in favour of the
present system of protection, and yet they had been repre-
sented to have changed their opinions on the corn-law queston.
His Grace then read the petition.
The Duire of RUTLAND presented a petition from the
occupiers of land in the county of Kent in favour of the
repeal of the corn-laws.
Earl FITZWILLIAM presented a petitition to a sivnilar

NORTH BRITISH RAILWAY.
A NOBLE LORD presented a petition in favour of this
undertaking.
Lord BEAUMONT presented two petitions, signed by 460
and 334 of the tenant farmers in Essex, against the Corn Bill
now pending b4forc their Lordships.
Lord ASHBURTON presented a petition, with 900 signa-
tures attach,d, the prayer of which was to a similar effect.
CORN LAWS.—ADJOURNED DEBATE.
The order d the dty for the adjourned debate having been

read,
The Eerl of WILTON rose and said that he would occupy
their Lordships' attention only for a short period, and as the
obeervations which he thought it nis duty to make were of a
general nature, he felt that he should have little difficulty in
keeping his promise. But upon an occasion like the
present, when interests of such magnitude were in-
volved interests involving, in the opieion of many,
wise, cool, judging, and dispassionate minds, no less considera-
tion: than those of a social revolution--he thought it would
best become a humble individual like himself to come forward
honestly and frankly to state the course he was about to pursue
—(Hear, hear)---and the reasons upon which he grounded
the vote he intended to give on the present occasion. He had
many years supported those principles which had influenced
the counsels of her 'Majesty's present advisers, and
their Lordships would believe that it was with feelings
of no common regret that he found himself in the
honest discharge of his public duties compelled to oppose
the present measure, and it was with feelings of regret that he
found himself opposed to the present Government. How
much tie ire painful, how much more poignant must be his feel-
ings when he found himself opposed, for the first time, and he
sincerely hoped the last time in his life, to vote against the
Noble and Illustrious Duke. By his counsels and opi-
nions he was not a-hamed to say that he
had been actuated during the whole of his life.
Their Lordship; would give him full credit for the assurance
that it was with the deepest anxiety he came to such a considera-
tion. He did not intend to go into a detail of the measure ; he
would net trouble their Lordships with a loug detail of
facts and figures. They had been so fully stated by his Noble
friend in his eloquent and statesman• like speech that any-
thing he could say would but weaken the effect which it had
produced on their Lordships' House, and he would confine
himself to the two grounds which had been urged in favour of
the measure. One of them was the operation of the tariff
o; and even if beneficial effects attended that measure
he contended that there should be a limit put to
relaxation when it was in favour of free trade.
Under the cperation of the law of IS-12.. they had seen com-
merce, trade, manufactures, and agriculture flourish in the
country. There had been a vast application of capital to
agricultural purposes ; but, more than all this, they had seen a
more kindly feeling spring up between the hitherto
antagonistic classes of society. —(Hear, hear.) Under
the operation of that Bill the country had arrived
at a degree of prosperity unexampled. Why, then,
quarrel with this state of things, laying aside the great ex-
perience they had had, and breaking- up a great and powerful
party ? No satisfactory reason had been given for this pro-
posed departure from the principle of the Bill of 1313.
But the only reason he could conceive for proposing it was
the destitution and scarcity that prevailed in Ireland. They
were told by her ;Majesty's Government that there was a great
scarcity, and that the month of Mar would show the real
stage of tning•;; bra May had arrived, and where was the evi-
dence promised ? Echo answered where? Certain he was that
no sufficient reason had been given why they should
seek to change the commercial system of the country.
He could not bring himself to believe that under the operation
of this Bill the price of wheat would be lowered in the same
proportion as the wages of the labourers. Now if that were
the case—if the means of purchasing provisions on the part of
those who would be principally affected by the measure
were decreased, he would implore their Lordships to
pause before they proceeded further with it.
He was unwilling to trespass upon their Lordships' time on so
trite a subject, but he must be allowed to refer to the manner
in which the measure was carried through the other House.
It wee carried through the House of Commons by a compact
entered into between those parties who entertained the most
extreme and dangerous opinions; by the Whigs, who had changed
from a fixed duty to no duty at all ; and that third party,
who had made a change even more startling.—( Hear, hear.)
He wished to address a few words to those Noble Lords who
had, like him:elf, supported the present Government for many
years, but who now, not like himself, proposed to continue that
support. If they were satisfied this measure was right and just—
if they considered favourable results would follow the passing of
this measure—if they considered by passing this measure they
ware not giving a stimulus to an agitation for lowering the
position of the aristocracy, then by all means let them vote
for it. But if they considered with him, that he was
right in the view he had taken, then let them, without
fear of clamour from without, and without fear of the
imputation of being actuated by selfish motives, vote against
the second reading of this Bill, and make use of that legitimate
power which the Constitution had invested in them for the
preservation of the monarchy. He had now made the few
observations he felt it to be his duty to address to their Lord-
ships on this important occasion, and it only remained for
him to thank the House for the indulgence they had
shown him.—( Hear, hear. )
The Duke of CAMBRIDGE felt it to be a duty to himself
and to his own character to state in a few words the views he
entertained, and the line of conduct he felt it to be his duty to
take upon this very important occasion.—( Hear, hear.)
He believed he was the oldest Member in that
House, having occupied his se it for forty-five years ; but he had
never voted in opposition to the present Government, for where
he could not conscientiously vote for them, be had
always abstained from voting at all. ( Hear, hear.)
He was teo old to change his sentiments—(Protec-
tionists' cheers)—and now having stated what were his
convictions, they would easily see that he did not intend
to vote upon this enestion.—( Hear, hear.) He had stated
frankly and painfully what were his opinions. He could not
v de upon this question, because he felt that his character was
at s'ake.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) If he did not state
frankly what. he felt, he should be supposed to be lukewarm
as to this question, which he considered to be the most impor-
tant that had ever been brought before the country since he had
the honour of a seat in that House.—( Hear, hear.) He
went to the House of Commons to ascertain the opinions of the
Right Iron. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government,
he went there unbiamml—he had no conversation with any-
body sett himself.—( Laughter.) He listened to the reasons
which that Right Hoe. Gentleman brought forward, and he
must acknowledge fairly that he could not approve of the
zeaenns which he gave. He would not pretend to add any-
thine to the speech of his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley).
Lord GRANVILLE said a Noble Lord on the ether
side complained of the great number of conversions which
had lately been made in his party. He thought he would not
complain of that. lle considered that, with reference to the
speech of the Noble Lord last night, that in matters of com-
mercial legislation, the last authority they should go to was the
wielom of their ancestors.—( Cheers.) When their Lordships
considered the meat changes which had taken place in this
kingdom, the increase in commerce and manufactures, the
means of communication so largely increased, the increase in
the p ipelation itself, ha really thought it was idle to go back to
the times of Edward I V.—( Cheers.) Much hal been said of
the unanimity of the farmers upon this question. It was by
some admitted that the great excitement and unanimity upon
the subject prevailed more in the western parts of the metro-
polis than in the more rural districts. Others again
contended that this progress in free trade among
farmers was of great public importance. He did not attach
so much importance to that circumstance. He did not think
that the opinion of the farmers should have that undivided
weight wi h such an assembly of their Lordships' House. He
believed that they were a respectable body, but he did not
think, from their general habits and education, that they were
fully competent to give an opinion as to the laws which regu-
late the commercial policy of a great country. There were the
country gentlemen—a class more highly and more deservedly
looked up to than any other class in the country. The gene-
rality of them were well-educated men, they were generally
well vet sed in history and polite literature, and it so happened
that that boy not only hated political economists but political
economy. N aw, without the stud of 01'6 l
could such a question as this be P ea
ecpoonno.myThhoewre
was another class, and that weasd3;hieedu
Established Cuureh.—( Cheers.) if the clergyeett of the
Bill should be to reduce the price of corn, the clergy u[ this
the first to suffer. lie thought, too, tl-.at the compensation
pensation
that was tiropesed would not happen so soon as to other
Masses. Feeling that, he thought it was very creditable to the
clergy that they had abstained from all political agitation on the
subject. There were then the commercial and manufacturing
elan -mi. He could not allow that class to be calted turbulmt,
for arnonnst that class were some of the most eminent men in
the coun:ry. Mention bad already been made as to the rate at
which farm.; had been let and lend sold. INow he found that,
land in the south counties
notwithstanding this measure, p
hail readily been let, and placed underjo the plough. He trusted
that their Lordships would pass this meas ure, feeling, in the
ulture, on her
words of Mr. Iluskiseon. that the country should place her re-
liance on the sources of her wealth, on her agrardme
etli.tLat
manufacture, and every branch of her vast t •
she need not fear the competition of other countries."—
(II (Hear, hear.)
The Marquis of NORMANBY sail that he was sorry to
trouble their Lordships. He would not occupy their time at
any length ; for the truth was, he felt himself very un-
well, an.l he was urged to take advantage of the
opportunity of addresring them, rather than wait to a later
period of the evening. And he would, in the first place, enter
his protest against the eloquent conclusion of his Noble
Friend's speech list night, in which he denominated the Prime
Minister of the Crown as the greatest man of the age. In-
deed the statement was met by a solitary cheer from the Noble
Lord uoan the Woolsack, himself a zealous supporter and col-
league of the Right Hon. Gentlemen, and a Noble Lord who
sat near him. My Noble Friend stated his desire to avoid all
personal discussion ; he fully joined in that desire. It could
be no nleaeme to enter upon it. But he did wholly differ with
the Noble Lerd, that the conduct of public men had no refer
-
Puce to sect: a su'Jjektt as the ;:resent, and he did feel inclined to
vise 'LA night, coca at the late hour, to enter his protest
against such a stateaaent. His own opinions on this subject
were rather peculiar. He for one did not believe that the in-
trinsic effeet of the measure, whether fur good or for evil,
would he quite what the confliciug parties expected. Stich
was hie opinion ; and while helistened wide the respect and
attention which he was hound to show to the concluding decla-
ration of the Illustrious Prince who had addressed the House
that night, he must express his total dissent from the statement
that the institutions of the country and the cause of religion
would be influenced by this question. Be had nothing in his
opieion on this subject to regret or recal. He had always
voted for the gradual application of the principle
of free tx tde in this country, and had rejoiced at every relaxa-
tion of the tariff. as he felt it would cause more amicable rela-
tion between this country and foreign powers. He avowed
that he felt it his duty, in the few words which he had to
address, to speak against one of the greatest evils which was
likely to be attendant upon this question. He regarded it as
the duty of every man who felt what was likely to be the bene-
ficial coniequenees of this measure, to assist in removing that
evil. There had been the most exaggerated references made
to the inflirenee of this measure on the working classes, and he
should stb expreis himself as to mitigate the disappointment,
she, ,c 1 this bill not pass into a law, and also to state his con-

viction, that if it did pass, its effect would not be what was an-
ticipated, and a more gradual, but not the less certain, disaPe
pointment would be the rt suit. Still he thought that the
balance of good was in favour of the Bill, and that it would
tend to diminish the pressure of misery upon a large portion
of their fellow-subjects. He did not mean to say that the Bill
would do away with the evils attendant on the necessary lot
of nature regarding those who laboured ; but he felt it would •
be a great means of arresting that degradation which affected
a large body of the community, and which could not continue
consistent with the safety and credit of the state.—(Her'
hear.) His attention had been principally directed to the
condition of the labouring classes during the two years
that he administered the internal affairs of the country,
and the result of his examination was not to
convince him that the corn laws would do away
with these evils, and at any rate that the measure would not he
of much importance in itself to diminish those evils. A great
authority, Mr. Adam Smith, had stated, that when the rewa d
of the labourers was ample, it was the greatest proof that coulc
be afforded of the prosperity of the country; that when the
remuneration was moderate, it was a proof that the country
was stationery; and that when starvation existed to any largo
extent, it was an'evidence that the country was going down
In reference to the working classes, the same authority said,
that their remuneration, at his time, was sufficient for their
comfortable maintenance and the education of their children.
He also stated that a corn-law then existed, amounting almost
to prohibition. What use could he make of this ? He was not
going to state that the present evils were produced by the corn-
laws, but to direct their attention to the causes of the change.
It must be admitted, that whatever benefits and advantages
machinery might hereafter produce, there was no doubt that
since its introduction, it had operated to a great extent on the
labour market, and had influenced the condition of the labourers.
Do not let them suppose that he wished machinery ban
not been invented. All he did say was that from that time up
till now the Government should have watched the transition
state arising from the extensive application of mechanical
power. What had been one of the effects of this change ?
Why, it caused a considerable emigration of their labourers
from different districts of the country. Manufacture had now
become an abuse of the term, for it was not by strength of
hand that these fabrics of England were created ; women and
children were called to aid machinery, and consequently the
demand for labour in the manufacturing districts was for the
very cheapest kind, while the more complicated and arduous
and high-priced labours formed exceptions. He contended,
then, that the effect of all this had been to establish what
might be termed a monopoly price. In a report on the con-
dition of the people, which bore the name of Mr. Chadwick,
it was stated that a cottage in Rutlandshire might be had for
50e. per annum while for a miserable apartment in Man-
chester he would pay 71. 103. He only adduced
this to show that these changes ought to have been
eoneidered by Government at tho time, because they
affected the people of this country more than he expected the
present measure would do. What were the statements made
in the last sanatory report? Why, it was said that the cost of
preventing disease in Manchester amounted to 300,0001. per
annum, or I/. per head, if they merely took the population.
But it must be remembered that there was a considerable class
in that town who were wholly exempted from the diseases which
afflicted the lower classes, and therefore in this way the cost
was much more than 11. per head. Now, he would look to
another article which pressed heavily upon the working man.
They heard much of the cry of cheap bread, he would just in-
quire how the labouring man would be affected by it ? An
es. duty upon corn, according to the report of Mr. Senior,
would only be a tax of lid. upon the working man. But what
use did he make of this? W hy, he was considering the con-
duct of the Government, and he told the House that it was
clear from these reports that three or four years
ago they had ample opportunities, without rupturing parties
or rendering themselves liable to reproaches, for introducing
measures which would have proved of more advantage to the
poor man than the present Bill. His Noble Friend behind trim
read a report last night from Mr. Greg, who, he believed, was
a member of the Anti-Corn-law League, and an extensive ma-
nufacturer, and who gave a melancholy account of the pros-
pects of the manufacturing districts. He stated that foreign
countries were rapidly increasing their power of underselling
them, but he (the Marquis of Normanby) could assure their
Lordships that while on the continent, a short time ago, he
made inquiries of his friends into this, and, to a certain extent,
he found that the apprehensions of Mr. Greg were right; but
they gave a very different reason for it to that of Mr. Greg
himself.—( Hear, hear.) He said that in the spirit of the
utmost kindness to those gentlemen ; it would be better if
those nentiemen would apply some part of that ingenuity which
they had hitherto exclusively directed in the pursuit of agri-
culture, in the improvement of land, to their own manufactures.
If they would take that advice in good part (in which spirit he
wished to give it), he could assure them, as far as
his humble knowledge went, that the danger to be apprehended
by the foreign marker was not that they were
able to sell cheaper, but that the colour and texture of
the cloths was of a very inferior description. He was com-
pelled, in answer to the observation of his Neble Friend on the
preceeding evening, to remark that the present generation in
the manufacturing districts was much more deteriorated, and
that the value of their life had diminished five per cent. He
felt bound to make a few observations with respect to the con-
duct of the Government on this question. He felt that they
had a right to complain when they found themselves thus unex-
pectedly forced to come to a decision one way or the other upon
a question presented to them, and which they had no right to
anticipate.—( Hear, hear.) He complained that the Govern-
ment had, in bringing forward this measure, aggravated the
difficulties, in the peaceable and quiet settlement of this question.
—( Hear, hear.) He considered that much higher question;
were at stake than merely whether or not these results were
likely to be realised. He thought that in all constitutional
countries, public character was a sort of common stock ;
and that where there was a wanton waste of it, he
thought every one interested in the maintenanc of
the constitution would sutler considerable loss. They
had heard at one time a great deal of that sentiment which
once roused the glorious sensibilities of the country. They
now heard of nothing but buying in the cheapest and selling
in the dearest market. To those who stuck this opinion on
their banner, he admitted that there might be some merit in
having a cheap minister, upon whose fears they could traffic.
They could go into the market, watch his turnings, and deal
accordingly. He felt assured that there still existed a strong
feeling in the country in favour of the sacredness of the
pledges of public men. He thought it would be better for
those who wished to make an alteration in Committee to vote
at once against the second reading of the Bill. He had a great
wish to maintain the legitimale authority of that House ; but
he hoped that no unusual course would be taken to support
that authority : for he did not think that, after the majority
with which this Bill had come up from the other House,
they could now successfully interfere with it. He did not
attribute vast importance to this measure ; and, if it were
passed, he should not look upon it as irrevocable. If the evils
which some anticipated should result from the measure, their
Lordships would have no difficulty in revoking their previous
decision. He thought, however, that this measure was a step
in the right direction, and would be attended with much good,
although it had been purchased at the suicidal price of public
character.

The Earl of CARDIGAN apologised for trespassing on the
time of the House so early, but having supported the Govern-
ment now in office for a period of 25 years, he was anxious to
state the reasons why he could not support them on the pre-
sent occasion. He could not say that he had always,been con-
sistent in every vote which he had given, but this he could say,
that he had always voted conscientiously. What, he would ask,
had occurred which could justify her Majesty's Government :n
proposing such a measure as this ? It was true that temporary
distress had existed, but a temporary remedy was all that was
required. The calamity which bed occurred in Ireland could
not be considered as a sufficient ground for the abolition of all
protection to agriculture in this country. Such a cause ought
never to have produced such a measure as this. By such a
measure as this they would stultify all their former proceedings.
He did not pretend to have any greater discernment than others,
but he considered the course proposed for them to adopt was
most pernicious, and which he considered as derogatory to their
character. Their Lordships were shortly coming to a vote
upon the subject, and he would ask them, if they were going to
reverse all their former votes, what would be the opinion of the
country and of the yeomen of England— a fine and gallant
race, who loved honesty and sincerity? And he asked them,
would there be any sincerity in adopting a measure which they
had forrnsrly rejected? lie trusted that they would not yield
the question without a serious consideration.
Lord WINCRELSEA said he did not think he would he
doing justice to the great body of the people, who called upon
him to represent their opinions in that House, by giving a
silent vote upon the question. He would refer them to Scrip-
ture, in which it was written that when the rulers of a country
were found wanting it would be removed from amongst the na-
tions of the earth. Would they allow the Government of this
country to act in such a degrading manner as to give a pre-
mium to one of the most revolutionary bodies that had ever ex-
isted in this country ? The measure of 1829 was, he regretted
to say, carried by treachery and perfidy. If their Lordships
sanctioned a principle so subversive of the constitution, they
would live to rue the day. If their Lordships gave way to the
cries of the members of that seditious body, the Anti-Corn-law
League, they would lose the affections and esteem of the sober
and intelligent people of this country. No man could be a
greater advocate for cheap bread than himself, but if they were
to be obliged to depend upon the produce of foreign nations,
this country would be ultimately destroyed. This country grew
sufficient food for its own people.—( Hear, hear.) It might
appear a strange statement to some of their Lordships, but he
could state as a fact that had come under his own
personal observation, that in the very county men-
tioned the Noble Earl who opened this debate—Lincoln—
there were produced in the year, 1845, hundreds of
bushels more wheat than the people of that county could ex-
pend ; the plentiful supply of that article so reduced the price
us last year that the cattle of the cultivators of the land
h were fed with the bas t wheat Some might ask what
corn growing countries were we tifear if this measure were
n
passed into a law, but he had hesivtautmiounet‘nensmayiansgwothuladt
America alone could afford to ex
of
supply the inhabitants of the whole
ther different
quarters of wheat had been grown in
America last year. He, therefore, maintained tharthSettensd of
of
this country must go out of cultivation. Sir Robert Peel him-
self had admitted that where the farm was small, and the
-amount of capital and skill was trifling, the land might ge out
of cultivation. He implored their Lordships not to give a
vote contrary to their consciences. Several Noble Lords bad,
however, dune so when the Reform Bill was before them, and
it had been a matter of sincere regret to them ever since. The
Noble Lord concluded by stating that he should give his most
f determined opposition to the measure.
The Earl of CLARENDON believed and hoped that this
measure would at once and for ever destroy the protective
system. Whether the potato blight produced the conversion,
of the members of her Majesty's Government in a great measure'
he knew not, but he must express his unfeigned delight at the
introduction of so great a measure.—( Hear, hear.) There was
scarcely any man whose mind had not undergone some
change
on the question of protection during the last thirty years, and he
would ask those of their Lordships who were in favour of pro-
tection, whether they would venture to reject this Bill? He
much regretted the delay that had occurred in demonstrating
that this measure was by no means a party obne. He firmly be-
lieved that Sir Robert Peel was influenced none other than
ofy their Lordships
conscientious and upright motives.
might ridicule the argument about theSpootmateo failure in Ireland,
but he defied them much lonzer to treat the sad reports which
arrived from tha! country with such levity.—(Hear, hear. )
They would be compelled to adopt such a measure as this.
The-Nob!e Duke on the cross benches, and others, declare that
they were taken by surprise in this rneasu,?. He could
ofoniyr
say, that if they were deaf and blind to the intentions Sir
R. Peel, the country was not.—( Hear, hear.) Upon all flle3:
tions affecting the great interests of the country, we have hal
a Government strong enough to carry out its measures, and an
Opposition unable to thwart it.—( Hear, hear.) It was not
to be supposed that Sir 11. Peel threw wide open the gates of
free trade merely for the purpose of letting in asses, gums, and
other things, and that he intended to keep out the most import-
ant of all, the food of the people.—( Hear, hear.) Notwith-
standing all the statements of Sir J. Graham of the effects of
the high price of provisions on the morals and condition of the
people, the protectionists, deaf to all his statements, raised the
cry of protection to native industry. Real native industry re-
quired no protection ; they needed not their new-born
sympathies or their worn-out legislation. The manufacturers
had as great an interest in the quiet and welfare of the country
as any Noble Lord in the House.—( Hear, hear.) All the in-
dignation against freedom of trade must therefore return to its
source. He defied any one to show that the labourers had
been better off than they would have been had there been none
of these protecting laws. A Noble Lord had described
very beautifully the clear air and the blue sky