The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-12 00:00:00

TEE SUN, LON'DON, TUES_DAY EVENING. MAY 19, itme,

he

former for the purposes of revenue ; and he would ask. had state before the House and the country the reasons why their
not agriculture the same claim upon them. He had, he considered, I opinions still remained unchanged upon the measure. 1
a plan which he could recommt-nd to the Right Hon. Baronet. Had the intervals that had elapsed between the different stages
It was a great commercial plan, and one which would answer of the discussion upon it admitted, he would have called upoo
all purposes. 'They might read in the first pages of almost his constituents to express their opinion upon it, and if they
all political economists, that moderate taxation did considerably differed from him, he would tl.en have requested of them to
stimulate industrs. - (Hear, hear.) why, this then was t find some other gentleman in whom to repose the trust con-
the very thing which they wanted. Let him adopt this fided to him.---( Ilearahear.) He should confess he was at a
plan and Le woull do away with the injustice and double loss to see the validity of the argument that if the ports had
the revenue.-( Hear, hear.) But, in truth, protection was a been thrown open it would he impossible to close them again.
benefit in one case as much as the other. He held in his hand If the ports had been thrown open, then the question as to
a letter, written by a Noble ancestor of his more than two eerie closing them should be legitimately tested.-( Hear, hear. )
turies ago, and he considered that the cause of protection could At that period it was expected that the arrangemen s then ex-
be stated by few in that House in a clearer manner. The 110- isting would never have been disturbed. He could not conceive
bleman to whom he referred was Lord Franc's Rios. how the experience of three years justified the sweeping
The letter was addressed to Mr. Caren. In this letter the writer changes which were contemplated by the Government. He
said that an importation of corn was an exportation of money, and believed that the free importation of foreign grain would have
that even in a case of necessity it was a hurt to the common- the effect of throwing the land out of cultivation, and the
wealth.: w the importation of corn was unlimited, the effect of it labourer nut of employ. He would tell the operatives that corn
would be to destroy husbandry, and therefore the poor would could not be introduces! into this country at a lower rate than
starve for the want of work, as tillage lard would be thrown into at present. Mr. MiCulloch had stated that it was impossible
sheep pasturage. What, asked the writer, was the use of corn for foreign corn to be sold in this country under 525. perqr.
being cheap if the poor man had no money to purchase it with? They had been told that the withdrawal of protection would be
This was the opinion entertained in 1610 on this subject. He the dissolution of the constitution. They had been told that
now came to the most important point in the argument. It the proceedings of the League were intended as an attack on
was the relation of the rate of wages to the price of food.- the landed interest. He knew that a section of the party oppo
(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for site had acquired great influence out of doors and in that
Tamworth, said that he could no longer supi ort the corn- laws House. If those measures were to he successful either in the
because the price of corn did not affect the rate of wages. The present Parliament or in any other, he trusted that they would
Right Hon. Baronet dismissed the manufacturing labourers at be attended with the benefits to the people which the Gentle-
once from his consideration. To that he (the Noble Marquis) men opposite anticipated. Whatever might be the result, it
would say he had heard it stated, by more than one Member would be a lasting satisfaction to them that they had not given
on the opposite side of the Heine, that the principal argument up a system founded on settled principles for a newfangled
why the corn-laws should be repealed was, that by the reduced doctrine. They (the protectionists) had this satisfaction that
wages paid the labourers they could better compete with they had never abandoned or betrayed the trust which had been
foreigners.-( Hear.) This was a point, however, in his (the committed to them.
Marquis of Granby's) opini in that should not to determined in Mr. SHERIDAN wished to take the present opportunity of
such a summary manner. But he would proceed with the speaking on a matter of a personal nature, which was inch-
argument as it related to the agricultural labourers. rectly cenneeted with the business before the House. The
The Right Hon. Baronet said that during the year Hon. Member for Dorsetshire, in bringing forward the report
1837 the price of corn varied 38s. Between 1837 and on the Corn Importation Bill, had thought proper to cast some
1841 the variation of the price was 38s; whereas, imputation on the veracity of the statements which he (Nlr.
during the same period, the rate of wages varied but ls , Sheridan) had made. He trusted that he might be allowed on 1
varying from 10s. to I is. per week. Now, he (the Marquis of the present occasion, as it was a matter that affected his char-
Granby)
must say, had this been the case, these would have acter, to occupy the attention of the House, while he endea-
been some show of reason for not maintaining the corn-laws ; voured to protect himself from the unjust aspersions which had
but he submitted, the Right Hon Baronet had been mistaken, been cast on his veracity by the lion. Member for Dorsetshire.
in the argument. If the Right Hon. Baronet would go down He thought that that Hon. Gentleman would be better employ-
to Thetford, he would find it otherwise than he had repre- ing his time if he were tolook into the condition of his own poor
sented, and that though the money rates of wages might not in Dorsetshire than occupying himself with comparing
have much varied, the actual wages received in other modes the amount of dertitution in Ireland with other parts of the
than by money had greatly altered. He (the Noble Marquis) country. The Hon. Gentleman had asserted that the quota-
relied on certain returns furnished to the House of Lords by a lions which the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland had
Noble Relative of his, and these returns showed what had been made use of on a recent occasion were in direct variance with
the variation in the rate of wages in the neighbourhood of Bel- the truth. He would not go into any detailed statements with
voir. In 1538 he collected the average wages of forty-two respect to these accounts. They were made public on his au-
labourers near Belvoir, by going throughout the different thority, and he was responsible for their truth. He was satis-
cottages of the labourers. The price of corn in 1838, was fled as to the correctness of his statements. Since last Friday
60s. a quarter; in 1839, it was 52.5. ; the wages of the labourer he had addressed various letters to persons in the country, and
in 1842, were I Is. 2(1. a week ; in 1839, according to the in reply had received letters from clergymen which stated that
return which has been made to the House of Commons, they the rate of wages in their county averaged 7s. per week. The
had risen from 19.5. to 133. a week, so that the difference Hon. Gentleman then read a letter from the Rev. Sidney
between the rate of wages in 1838 and 1839, was Is. a week. Osborne, with respect to the labourers of the Blandford Union.
although the difference in the price of corn was not more than It was a document dated 1843; but the Rev. Gentleman was
a fifth of that amount. It appears by the same returns, during well p rsuaded that the description contained in it with
the year 1838, the labourer consumed on an average, during respect to the labourers of the Blandford Union was equally
the week, Sibs. 1 loz. of meat, while in the year 1839 the applicable to the present year. The labourers were divided
consumption was 31bs. filoz. So that the labourers abso- into two classes ; the first class received wages averaging from
lately consumed as much as 42Ibs. of meat less in Bs. to 9s. per week; out of which they had to pay house-rent,
the cheap year than they did in the dear year. If they were the other class received wages averaging from Bs. to
to take this calculation as the basis of their consideration, it 9s. per week, and these accounts tallied exactly with
would he conceived be quite satisfactory. If such the information he had derived from his own inquiries
were to be taken they might very well set the ques- The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire had stated that he did not
titan at rest, but if they were to have recourse to a know of a case in which wages were so low as 7s. per week;
further test, namely, that of the proportion of the labourer, it did appear to him a strange circumstance, that a gentle man,
they would find that those wages varied from 40s. to 50s. holding so high a position in the country, and so highly re-
per cent., and that the lower price prevailed during the years spected as the Hon. Member, and who was chairman of the
when there was a cheaper price for corn. This principle held beard of guardians, should come forward and coolly state in
throughout the returns which had been furnished by the corn his place in Parliament that he did not know of a single
markets, and as shown in the reports from the various towns in instance in which the wages in his county were so low as 7s.
which the corn markets were held ;so that no doubt could pos- per week, when day after day, month after month,
aibly exist upon the subject, where the competition of the labour and year after year, he was in the habit of
market came into contrast with those of tee prices of the corn affixing his name to the reports in which
market. If the Hon. Members on the Treasury benches those very cases occurred. He had written to the relieving
wished to convince him that the poor man would be bi tter off officer of the Dorsetshire Union, and in reply he received a
for having the price of corn lessened, he would say to them, letter, dated the 10th of May, 1846. That letter contained an
let them give up their salaries for one year-(Laughter)-and account of the wages of the ab!e- bodied men, who had applied
then tell him they found bread cheaper, and he would believe for relief at the union. It stated the average rate of wages in
them.-( Hear, hear.) Even if they did that, still they could the district did not exceed 7s. or 7s. 6d. per week. He had
not feel any effects from it, for they would have something to asked the relieving officer, and he would ask his Hon. Friend,
fall back upon, while the labourer had nothing but his employ- whether he could state a case in the county of Dorset where
went ; and deprive him of that, and you deprive him of every. a man, who is paid by the day, received more that Bs. per week.
thing.-( Hear, hear.) He would now make a few The relieving officer of the Dorsetshire Union, in answer to his
observations, and only a few, upon the Irish part question, had said the: lie did not know of a single instance of
of the question. He believed that all parties a man working by the day receiving more than Bs. per week;
in that House would agree that a great deal neither did he believe that there was an instance in that county.
of distress did prevail in that country. But he could not see Se much, then, for the statements of the Hon. Member with
why that should be made the foundation fora repeal of the corn- respect to his veracity with respect to wages in Dorsetshire. lie
laws. It had been said that if the ports had been thrown open thought he was justified in saying that his Hon. Friend had
to relieve that distress, it would be impossible ever to close done him great injustice when he stated that his ( air. Sheri-
them again ; but he could not for the life of him understand dan's) assertions were not in accordance with the statements
that argument ; and he believed the Government were now be- that had appeared in the public prints. The Hon. Member
ginning themselves to see that that was a bad argument.- had said that it might be true that in some places the agricul-
( Hear, hear.) They also argued that it would be better to tural labourers received a very trifling surn per week ; but to
relieve the distress in Ireland by repealing the corn-law than explain the cause of his smallness of remuneration was, that he
to call upon this country to subscribe money every year, for a w was not up to his work." Why, how was it possible for a man
number of years, for that purpose. Now he should say that he that paw compelled to feed upon horse-beans and turnip-tops to
regretted vet y much that the Government had introduced, with be" up to his work?"-( Hear, hear.) The agricultural wages
the Coercion Bill, no better measure for the relief of the distress were scandal only low.-( Hear, hear.) lie hoped the House
in Ireland.-( Hear, hear.) He would refer to the observation would consider that he had fully answered the statements of
made by the Hon. Member for Lynn, who had said that by this his Hon. Friend. He firmly believed that the withdrawal of
measure they would throw out of employment 500,000 families, of all protection would not have the effect of improving the
and add to the two millions of destitute already in that country condition of the agriculturists. Wages did not vary with the
three millions more. He had not beard that observation con- price of corn. The Hon. Member having read the letter of
tradicted. They would have to ask the people of this country an agricultural labourer, which has appeared in the morning
to feed twice the number that they would otherwise have to papers, to show that the wages of that class were stationary
feed, and at the same time diminish their powers of going to and fixed, proceeded to say, that as long as the poor-law
the relief of the Irish people, although they would be still as was administered in its present state, so long
anxious as ever to do so.-( Hear, hear. ) He now came to the would those poor people remain in their
present degraded
arguments held out to them to induce them to condition. -( Hear, hear.) The Poor-law Commissioners,
consent to the repeal of the corn-laws, and here he was met by when applied to for relief by an agricultural labourer who had
a head-sea-a sea which, in nautical language, was called a a family, refused to admit hint into the workhouses if he were
confused sea. He no sooner recovered from the shock he re- able-bodied, and only gave him a few loaves,
eeived on one side, than he recoiled from a shock on the other. that sort ; he was
consequently to return to his customary
Ue had been told by some that the advantage of the repeal labour for any sort of remuneration. Notwithstanding
the
would be the cheapness of the bread, and immediately after he present flourishing state of the country, there had not been
(Hwas told by others, and in some instances by the same people- the slightest increase in the wages of the agricultural labourer,
ear, hear) -that the people were not born, and the country during the last year, in Dorsetshire or the other argricultural
not discovered from which this great supply of corn was to counties adjoining-( Hear, hear)-and he therefore believed
come. In his confusion and distress he naturally turned to the that the adoption of free trade would not benefit the agricul-
prime mover of all these great measures, in the hops that he tural labourer.
should find some consolation, and derive some enlightment from Mr. ',TOYER. then explained some statements which he
hitn.-( Hear, hear.) Ala., it was going from the shades of had made on a previous evening. The Noble Lord the Secre-
evening into the depths and darkness of night-(Cheers and Lary for Ireland had stated, on the authority of his Hon. Friend
laughter)--it was confusion worse confounded.-( Cheers ) Air. Sheridan, that the average rate of wages of agricultural
The Right Hon. Gentleman would tell them nothing, because labourers in the county of Dorset was 7s. per week. But if
he said that lie could not.-(Laughter.) When he asked him the public believed that statement they would be labouring
and the House if it was about to vote for a great social altera- under an erroneous impression, the average rate being 9,. per
tion like the present on such a fatal error-which would rend week. In his (Mr. Floyer s) own neighbourhood he believed
asunder the ties and associations now existing-which would that the common rate of wages was 7s. per week, but it must
increase the evil of the present day, instead of alleviating it, and be recollected that they were allowed a certain quantity of
%Ate the manufacturer with the foreign agriculturist, instead fuel (perhaps not as much as they were entitled to), a house
of a [vetting those ties which ought to exist between him and rent-free, and some potato ground, which would make
their native brothers and friends-he received no answer. their wages equal to 9s. per week at the least.
He was not sufficiently acquainted with the subject himself to He did appeal to that House, whether he was not entitled to
be able to bring forward facts in proof of his position, but he stand up and make come remark when lie heard the Dorset•
learnt from those friends around him that in the event of the shire peasant compared with the poor Irish labourer.--( Hear,
abolition of tens corn-laws the price of corn would range from hear.) He had risen to address the House unprepared, and
355. to 405.-( hear, hear.) If so, the statement which had he trusted that some allowance would be made to him if he
fbeen made at one of the late agricultural meetings was per- spoke in a stronger method than he intended The words he
nctly correct. (The Noble Lord then read an estimate of a used upon the occasion referred to were, that the rate of wages
Air. Everett as to the effect on the produce of 300 acres of land in Dorsetshire were from seven to eight shillings a week, but
by the abolition of those laws.) The price, at present, of certain the Noble Lord mis-interpreted the expression that the state-
produce of this farm was 1,964'., by the proposed alteration it ments made by him (the Noble Lord) led to an impression
Would be 1,347/. 103. The Noble Lord could state that there which was wholly at variance with the truth. He (the Noble
Was a farm which now brought in 1,8411. 53 , which would Lord) considered that he (Mr. Floyer) said that his statements
"(Honly produce 1,300/. ss. after they repealed those laws. were wholly at variance with the truth. Now he never said
ear, hear.) He bad endeavoured to prove to atn,
Nsuch thing-he never meant to make such a charge upon
the House that the repeal of the corn-laws was most impo- his os,i
eFriend, who always weighed his words carefully, and
litic and unjust, and he would go further and say that spoke them with consideration. And now with regard to the
if there really had arrived a necessity for the settlement of present state of the Dorsetshire labourer. He believed that
presethem, there could be no permanent arrangement under the he had already stated, that it was quite as good awnodrei:,:aanntbdneuttintheer.
nt Government.-(" Hear, hear," from the protection than it was at almost any period. He employed a g
benches- ) The Right Hon. Baronet had come into power by bar of them during the winter at certain task-wort, of the agricultural body, and he would read to the earnings of these men varied from ten to eleven shillings
the so
Howe an extract from the Quarter*y Review to prove that the week. The present winter he had employed a
Right Hon. Gentleman had defeated the Whig Ministry upon in the same manner, and gave them the same work
n
1842. The reviewer took the lan- to do, and of precisely the same quality; but some
this question in
, the Right Honourable Baronet and then of thorn, from the demand for labour prevailing,
left off working and went to other employments, and he ad
-
He
eoh whichire
labourereatsed himwa s
aeournagatee note'd upon it ; and what said
_that Ho'n. Baronet?
thoe tstaeyr-
He help the now as he aid then and he upheld t
same language b
.f ,s uaced
ethpartesaesntene stateof theof
thereasDonors
a graduatrdledtauitlys:
heute,eui
could
dtnhoeyt
pledge
himself.
mseltfo
tthhant the
usual. As to the condition of the poor-house, it de
the principle of
what amount, or the exact
Well, then, he considered, by accepting these conditions, the prattled, as Hon. Gentlemen were aware, upon very different
plight himself to maintain acorn-
Right Hon. Baronet didcircumstances, and on matters which had very little reference
lucid arguments, was fol- able- bisida..ieted
law ; "and thin' remarkablPeleandbold declaration," says the Re- efw es. But he was able to state that very few
usually, were inmates of the house over which he
viewer " strongly
by
in which 3C2 Conservative speakinlabourers, not above four or five at the most,
enforced
lowed 'by a celebrated division,
Members accepted the proposition of the Right Hon. Baroneyt., tgedetsheewghoounldour to preside as chairman. But he was sure the
agree with him that the poor-house was not a
what terms he would safe criterion and .called him to power by an unexpected majority of ninety-
one. Sir R. Peel declared boldly on on to go by, in judging of the condition of the la-
'wasthe pre- as he believed, at from seven to eight shillings a bushel.
d • support was bo • unng poor. And with reeard to t
Hear, hear.)
accept power. Those,„ po atoes, they were selling,
conditions wf,reia3ucetewphteat
given with unexampled enthusiasm._
The stock was by no means what is termed
the Parliament should be w over," nor had •
sent conduct of the Right lion. Gentleman ? Before those _(
it deteriorated since it was first •
'measures could come into operation,
stored ; in
he did ask the Right Hon. Baronet, supposing fine he might state in conclusion, that
ion, he believed the condition
dissolved, and
h r Parliament, would of the labouring e a'-
the corn-law should be repealed in anot e ,
had been period since hehPaclasti was
as
good as he had known it at any
measure?-( Hear.) IN ell, they known anything about such matters ; and
it be a permanent before
earlier period, he would sit down, he wished
told that they should have discovered that ati an,to state that he had no in-
butt who was a tention to address the Lord Grey discovered 1 , H
~ House that evening, but he had been
had not
Cries of " ear. ) called up by the remarks of the Hon. Gentleman ; nor had he
He could not presume to say what the effect of the p
a oar in Dorsetshire was
indeed • might be, but this he would presume sufficient, it was far from what he could wish it to •
to which he had alluded
but there was mode of paying their be;
several Members who supported a
did behove the .
lie .
to say, that it
tto consider what might say next, been adopted in many instances, and which he considered liable
the Right Hon. Barone
and to consider whether he miTht not ask whether the point to a great deal of unfairness.-( Hear, hear.) That mode was
Which he had propounded
.ed
might
not be discovered sooner ? by paying so much corn per week-which was certainly given
d
e minority of this 1-louse, but he at a reduced rate-with so much money. And what he corn-
He would not say
Would appeal to the great
this
of
tI 2
r4O by whom that Right Hon. Ba- plained of was, the mere money part of the transaction was only
toner's opinions had been approve
d. He did not wish to depart taken into account by the House, when statement of the rate
from the facts before the House, but he could not help re- of wages were made to it. A bushel of wheat was often thus
paid per fortnight, or per week, at a rate of about five shillings
blinding the Members of that House, that they were asserting
the principles which the Prime Minister chose to dictate.- the bushel, and the remainder of the wages was given in the
(Cheers.) He and the friends around him had supported the shape
ofw money. He considered that he had a right to place
iin the knowledge of Hon. Gentlemen,
corn-laws because they thought them to be right, and they these facts
it
refused to negative them because they did not conceive them and he hoped his lion. Friend w. old forgive him
e right.-(Hear, hear.) He was happy that
to be wrong.-(Cheers.) He thought that what was right for for exercising that
the benefit of one class could not be contrary to the interests he was able to agree with him in the latter part of his speech,
in the duty on corn could
of another.-(Cheers fromthe Oppositionb -h s ) He was for he did not see how an alteration
enc. e .
anxious to support the present corn-laws, because they took better the condition
of the labouring poor. In considering this
care of the interests of the tenant as well as the landlord, of question, they should consider to what extent the people of that
regardthis, he
the labourer as well as of those •
of his employer.-( Cheers.) country could consume corn ; and with to
by I • Noble Friend below
lie would entreat them to believe would allude to a return quoted its
that the • could not iure
the roots of the tree without at the Y
detri- hint (Lord G. 13entinck), by which it appeared that in the
woulde same time doing a
Ment to its branches ; and he r which was a year of remarkable agricultural pros-
still further entreat those year lb - , lion. Members who usually and there were seventeen millions of quarters passed
most energetically supported parity, that
the Government, to recollect
this country ; bread was at that time
that they could not injure the throne rh the markets of interests of any other class without
the poorest man-not one that had a
affecting their oven, and accessible to
that they could not now interfere •could get sufficient.-(Hear, hear. )
with the rights of those shilling to pay but
an equal claim to interfere with their there was The people had .
t was given to cattle. They
But even if the Right Hon. Baronet was ' million and-a-half of
landed interest would not be injured, he right, and the had in hand at the present moment one
they would
thought it would be quarters of wheat, and before the close of the year
but poor recompense for the loss of the
con. --(Loud cheers.) He did not believeyethoemLanery of England. have it amount to two millions. Now, could any personricultu-
'Unction the present measure ; but, if the gislature would sitter that corn could be introduced profitably to this. ag,
Anticipated evil would prove din,incorrect.-iie lie hoped the rist at a rate below the present rate of duty ?or did any person
Tar, hear.) He consider that if they repealed the corn-laws, that the importa-
laoped the explanations of the Right Hon.
vacant, would be verified. The Right Henrlaßronet, however lion would be limited to the amount he had already men-
Would not retain the helm of state unless that aronet said he tioned? No, surely not. All other nations, finding here a free
lowed to traverse freely. He (the Marquis' of Grhelm was al- market, would pour in their surplus corn in their most
that, if the night Hon. Baronet succeeded ir anby ) feared abundant seasons. The consequence would be to throw an im-
ourse of the vessel of state from its direct I altering the mense quantity of land out of cultivation, and instead of seven
the port of posterity, he would meetand tried course teen eighteen millions of quarters of wheat they would have
or
kariner that had gone before I •
I, liin.-( Hear hear
the fate of many a some hundreds, In conclusion he would say that he would
, . .) He would oppose to his utmost the principle of the Government measure
,e drawn aside by tides and c •ut rents, until at last, tossed as destructive to the best interests of the country.-( Hear.)
about by the winds and waves, his vessel would become a Sir JOHN EASTHOPE said, so far the wretchedness had
ircek on the barren and inhospitable shores of free trade.- been allowed, and they should not be much longer detained to
tt
lltl cheers ) If that le
e .no.. .should happen, then he had no doubt inquire whether those poor creatures were existing on some
"al':
toble Lord the Member for Lt nn, with his crew, would seven shillings per week, and they were told by some of the
Ilight ... the assistance, and do what they could to get the representatives of this country, that they cannot understand for
thit lola. Baronet off.-( Hear, hear.) But his fear was, the life of them, how an importation of corn, by keeping
thenthacce_ relief would come too late.-(llear, hear.) He down the prices, can benefit these poor creatures. But if they
saeu"ia., d the Ho-use for the attention it had paid him, and he could net understand, he humbly and most earnestly hoped
tirceuihnow sit down, by moving that the Bill be read a third that their luminaries would go to the poor creatures themselves,
'tat a 't. daY six re ',laths. (The Noble Marquis resumed his and if they had enough life left in them the y would answer the
Ai midst loud cheees from the protection benches.) question satisfactorily. They said it was a matter of no con-
trld ric (?2!iSKELL said he rose to second the amendment, sequence to have bread cheap for poor creatures living on seven
the ~ ,oing so he felt it to be on small disadvantage to follow shillings per week, to provide for a whole family, and that
h,w.euanerirabie speech of the Noble Lord who hadj"t sat down 1 let bread be cheap or dear, it was all the same to them. They
he , ,it was a duty front which he could not shrink, when wished to be sent to the country on the question. He thanked
vhie?nsidered the auspices and other circumstances under God it would go to the country, and their advocacy of the
thi, n this measure had been introduced, and he thought that people would be properly understood. He availed himself of WU the t'
tine when Hon.
..Members were called upon to the opportunity of expressing the obligations of thole

labourers, who were not reduced so low as seven shillings,
and their unbounded gratitude for the fearless manner, regard-
less o'i all consequences, in which the Ministry had dared to
come forward, and confer upon the country one of the greatest
benefits which the country had ever experienced. He hoped
the lion. Gentlemen would discover their mistake, but
let them be sure that the labouring poor knew
that they were in error ; they knew that it was not
the fact that the price of bread did not materially affect
them, and it would be a common waste of time-it would
be an insult to the common sense of the country, to consider
the question further. He did not intend to go into the debate,
for he considered that the question had been worn threadbare-
( Hear, hear)-and he would conclude by once more offering
his warm acknowledgments to the Minister for the manly and
noble course which he had so generously adopted and so fear-
lessly pursued.
Mr. W. MILES would challenge all who conceived they
knew more of agriculture than those who cultivated the lands,
to go with him into the question of the effects of these contem-
plated changes, and he would prove to their satisfaction that
they would be injurious, not only to the landowners but to the
farmers and labourers. He would in the first place refer to the
law as it was in 1828. He would then glance at the present state
of the law, and thirdly, to the effect of the proposed alterations.
The Hon. Gentleman, after detailing atfuoniiderable length,
and with as much gusto as if that were the first night of the de.
bate, whet in his opinion the law of 1828 conferred upon ttie
country, proceeded tosay that the law of 1842, as compared with
that of 1+528, was good for the consumer as well as the producer,
and was equally beneficial to the state. During the law of 1828,the
quantity of wheat imported into this country for the thirteen
years which followed was 13,G26,315 quarters. This was im-
ported on an average at 14s. per quarter, and was productive of
a yearly revenue during this period of 255,4931. Since the
law of 1842 came into operation, the quantity of foreign corn
imported amounted to 4,914, 762 quarters. The average
price per quarter at which this was imported was 118.4d5, and it
brought to the revenue the sum of 690,368/. Thus it ap-
peared that by the law of 1842. as compared with that of 1828,
the price of corn was lower to the consumer while there was a
larger amount of revenue to the State. The inference deduci-
ble from this comparison was clearly in favour of the law of
1842. He would now allude to the state of
things which migkt be expected in the event of
the alterations which he had proposed being car-
ried into effect. His Noble Friend near him (Marquis of
Granby) had with great perspicuity stated what would
be the effect with regard to two farms, the statistics of which
he gave. But as these estimates referred to farms cultivated on
the three-course system, he (Mr. Miles) would show that th
same injurious consequences would take place to the agricultur-
ists. The Hon. Gentleman, after illustrating his argument, by
detailing the anticipated prices which, according
to his calculation, would be paid for the produce
of two farms by the new tariff, proceeded to say
that it was impossible for the English agriculturist to contend
with the foreigner. What, he would ask, were the prices at
Odessa in February last? In February, 1829, the price was
from 16s. to 173. On the 14th June, 1845, the price was from
21s. to 25s ; so that the fluctuation during that period was only
4s. Now if the freight be added, the price would range from
245. 9d. to 28s. 9d., as the freight could not be calculated
higher than 7s. 9d per quarter. At Stettin and Holstein, the
prices ranged from 255. to 265., while the freight was only
from 3s. to 45.; nor did it appear, from any of the returns
which he held in his hand, and which were carefully and accu-
rately prepared, that the average price of foreign wheat was
more than 345. 92. from any place it might be expected. He
found that when the price of wheat in England was at 335. 6c1.,
it was selling at Odessa for 265. Odd. ; and this would show the
effect of the importation of foreign corn on the markets of this
country. He should prove to the House how land
would be depreciated by free trade. He would take a
farm in Nottinghamshire and show how much it would
suffer under a free-trade system. The Hon. Member here
read several documents, to prove that when wheat was selling
in this country at 38s. and at 455. the quarter, it was to be
had at Odessa for 275. The Hon. Member then stated that,
with reference to a farm in Nottinghamshire, it at present pro-
duced 2,355/., and under a free trade it would only bring,
under the most improved system of culture, a sum of 1,323/.
10s., making a reduction of about 11. Is. 10d. per acre.
Was not that a consideration ? If they were to carry cultiva-
tion from the lowest valley to the top of the highest hills, they
could not make up the deficiency which would.be caused by a
free-trade law. He would advise the House to pause before
they meddled with the agricultural interest. It was proved,
that if it required 100/. per acre for the purposes of a farm,
they would he interfering with two hundred and fifty millions
of agricultural capital. He would read statements
to the House which were on most undoubted authority.
Those statements, he would contend, for they were confirmed
by the accounts which had been received from the northern
dots. riots. He found by some returns he held in his hand, that
the relative prices of labour and corn for the forty years from
1804 to 1840 ranged at about Gs. sd. and 10s. Oid.
for labour. But in the year 1815, when prices were at an un-
usual price, the rate of labour was 155., while the price of
wheat went so high as 120 s. He had thus endeavoured to
show, in corroboration of the statements of his Noble Friend
who had spoken to-night, that in some counties in England the
prices of labour did not rise and fall with the price of wheat.
He now only wished he was able to show the differences of
prices of those articles between this country and other coun-
tries; but he would at least show the difference between this
country and other countries in regard to the amount of taxa-
tion. He would ask the House to look at the amount of the
taxes per head in this country and in America. It
appeared that in the United States of America the land taxation
amounted to about 6s. 2d. per head, and what was called the
state taxes amounted -to about ss. 92. per head : while the
taxes in England amounted to about 1/. 7s. 9d. per head.
Again, in America the payment of those taxes was made, and
the revenue raised by the sale of land, which was generally at
the rate of about ss. per acre, or at the enormous rate, on thirty
years' purchase, of 2d. per acre. Then they had, in England
the fact that the sale of land brought 1/. per acre ; and they
had bogs amounting to about 11. lie. per acre; so that with
these facts before them, he would ask how could this country
come into competition with America? He would not now
dwell upon Russia, for he was aware that he wearied the
House when he last addressed it upon this question ; but this
he would say, that if that country were regarded with attention,
he did think that just cause would be found for alarm, because
it would be found from statistical works that had been pub-
lisped upon the subjects, that there were parts of Russia so
fertile, that that country would in time undersell all the world
in agricultural produce; for even now, after Russia
had exported supplies to all countries, she still had
twenty-eight millions of quarters in store. He had
now endeavoured to call the attention of the House to the po-
sition in which this measure would plane the landlord, the far-
mer, and the labourer ; and with regard to the latter, he
would say that the rights of the agricultural labourer bad as
good a right to be respected as those of the manufacturer.
There was one point, however, which he had not heard alluded
to, and that was the effect which this measure would have upon
clerical tithes. It would be recollected that the Tithe Com-
mutation Act was passed in the year 1835, when corn was so
low as 395., and it was upon an average then taken that the
commutation was struck. But the effect of this measure on the
clerical tithes would be to reduce the income of a clergyman
having 1101. a year one.lifth. He would next ask the House
to consider their colonies. What reward would they give their
colonies who had stuck to them with so much fidelity? Were
they to be cast off in favour of hostile countries? He would
just show the House the state of the exports from this country
to America for a few years past. The Honourable Member
then read a long statement, showing the number of yards
of calico exported to America for the last five years.
If they would cultivate our American colonies, which took so
much larger a quantity of our produce than any other coun-
tries-if they would use those colonies, they would do more
good to the agricultural population, than they could effect by
throwing open a free trade with countries in the face of hos-
tile tarills. If they were mad enough to throw themselves on
the mercy of foreign nations they would endanger the safety
toldanalprosperity o 51, ernr teyn os
compensation;
alltt
o nThey had
been
t;h eb
ewishedmercantile
th classes.
wordsses.
used in the House of Commons. It was an insult to every
hTande
class of farmers which possessed sufficient knowledge of arith-
metic to do a common sum. He would refer to the compen-
sation to be given in the county of Essex alone. lie would
take that county as a fair sample of all the rest, and by re-
ferring to figures which he held in his hand, he could show
that the proposed compensation was utterly inadequate. He
would show, that the actual loss to the farmer in Northamp-
tonshire was 1/. Is. 10d. per acre, and in Lincolnshire
1/. 10s. He would refer to the opinions of the lion. Alder-
man the Member for Stoke-upon-Trent, ( Alderman Cope-
land), as lately published in a letter to his constituents, and
which letter at once indicated the course which the
Government ought to pursue with reference to this change.
He would also refer to the pamphlet of Messrs.
Morton and Trimmer, in which the evils of the present course
were distinctly pointed out. He had also come across a state-
ment of the opinions of America on free trade; and if he had
laboured fer an hour, lie could not suns up those opinions more
effectually than they had been summed up in Hunts' Magazine
in 1832. With the permission of the House, he would take the
liberty of reading a short extract from the work. It stated that
the opinions of America were in favour of the protective system,
o p l
e statedba
dt hseor ed
eweaps
anno
nq
tueerset
si ot,n
as
sf
tonaptrioontnaoltpeotihiceyntiannwufhaoicthuritnhge
It because it would promote the interest of the country in general.
t
t of
i
saa,
werennelut
toett Iteent
wiirrtenoeehe,
,sens:dit;tp.rbutheareseqtniehmiudatf3eiuursist
ttoernyi
vtgecoieei
ht
immtptdhpphomouerlesl
employed
eiyemnepayeabrodpbwooitientueitocenadruaegi
el
became
tdrriCli
heotef
aenet
prostration
ihrerl ,
fdeetOr
tey:ihsvi a
mr, 00ei
out
afsembit
work
ohnneseofadwrnl
favourt dkaogeobirt
whet!
eau ae,
brrihsear
them,
;;re,ufaothti whichnhnhri
pro.desee,
rightful inheritance. He (Mr. Miles) agreed with him that it
was a labourer's question. It would injure those classes who
have only interest on their side, and not capital, and who acted
as a medium to raise the labourer to a higher condition. It
was for these many reasons that he took the strong ground he
did, and stated at once he 'would give what opposition he could
to the passing of this Bill. He thanked the House for the at-
tention they had shown to him, on every point he had thought
it necessary to adduce. He thought that when they considered
lessoneeolotoursthtohseey wfirh.ot
hloraidstesduc_cetehreledhathdeysmhoiwnnthnaot
the situation in which that question was, they had held out a
hienn desertedcondemning by tthheei r
ant
taet
ruartatlo n
ofleadersthye systemtli e had f
our
self-interest flinchedgHoooudser moral
ofrr‘aoVim th
commercial policy-they had evinced a willing desire to defend
the manufacturing interest, and had striven for the agricul-
tural interest. They were yet undaunted in their defence in
that House, and they were yet unshaken amidst the wreck of
principles and party. It had been said that they had delayed
this measure, but he should like to know when a
subject of such high and immense importance had
ever been brought forward to the House of Commons--
when an entire change in our commercial policy was deter-
mined, and against that commercial system under which
they had so long existed. They were going to new and
theoretical principles, brought forward by one whom they must
all admire. The talent lie had universally displayed appeared
to I im to want the political firmness and constancy which were
hi world difficulties and changes occurred which ren-
that in t s
the attributes of every great statesman. He might be told

Lord and the Hen. Member who have addressed the House
on the motion for the third readine of this Bill, in speeches of
great talent and acuteness. I'sly Noble Friend, who has jest
sat down, has observed that thinness and constancy are the
great qualities to be possessed by a Minister, and avoiding
the term,. of vituperation, in which other Hon. Members have
indulged, has censured the Prime Minister for tergiversa-
tion, as he cal!s it, on this important measure.—( Hear. )
I must, in answer to that, say, that charged as isci were at an
extraordinary time of public difficulty and danger, we should
not have acted in consistency with the public interests, Lad we
hesitated to give effect to the opinions we entertained on this
great question—( Hear, hear)—which now engages your atten-
tion. The Hon. Member, who has just sat down, has stated
that he believes this question, on which we are at issue, will not
pass into a law on account of the opposition it will encounter in
another House. —( Hear, hear.) i will not venture to prophecy
like the Hon. Member, hut I will venture this opinion, that
whatever may be done elsewhere on this question, both in
Parliament as well as out of Parliament, in my opinion, it is
virtually settled— Loud cheers)—and there is every prospect
that in a short time it must become the law of the land.—
( Renewed cheers. ) Entertaining this opinion, and having
great interest in agriculture, arid desirous of the success of the
landed interest, I must say that I altogether differ from the
Noble Lord ( Lord G. llentinck) in the views he has expressed
as to the effect of the measure on the landowners and fer-
niers of the country.—( Hear, hear.) I cannot think that either
the farmers or lanolords are interested in the continuance of the
prefiseenthagues fs)bt jioenctedthaitn
tthhee cmouearsseureof
dperobtaetcetsiveensystthethe
em.
will
prove most injurious to the firming as well as to the
landed interests—( Hear, hear)—and he has referred
to the stock in wheat that is ready to be let loose on the market
as soon as the Bill is passed. We are told that the stock in
hand is 1,500,000 quarters of foreign wheat. It is my belief
that the evils apprehended by tins large stock, have been caused
by the delay created by the opposition of the Noble Lord and
his friends, Sand the longer the delay the greater the evil to be
apprehended. If this wheat had been admitted inio the home
market in January or February last, the effect on the markets
would have been gradual and unfelt, Four months have gone
since this accumulation has been going on, and still have
kept back that steady influx into the market which, had this
law been passed, would have been going forward. During this
period, no new market has been opened for this accumulation
of grain; and, in my opinion, if you protract. still longer the
settlement of this question—if you still hesitate referring to
public opinion, the effect will be too sudden, and, as in times
past, under similar proceedings of this kind, throw into the
market a large stock of grain, which will operate injuriously
on prices, and on the interest of those wee, are holders of
stock.—(Hear, hear.) With this incidental reference to the
Noble Lord, I will refer to the other topics involved in this
question ; but before doing so, I wish to glance at the ground
taken ley the Hon. Member who last addressed the House. He
says that the present corn-law is a good financial measure.—
' (Cries of " Hear, hear.") I will not charge him with
inconsistency in advancing that opinion, but with reference
to this point, I submit that my experience has led me to a
different conclusion. It has been my unvarying opinion that
it is not good or expedient as a fiscal measure, and is not to
be supported on such grounds. I neither think that a duty on
corn is defensible as a fiscal measure, or that it is beneficial to
the landed interest. The Hon. Gentleman then went on to
say that the producers were satisfied with the existing corn-
laws.—(" Hear, hear," from the protection benches.) To
that I will say, I do not believe the farmers have any reason to
be satisfied with the working of the measure._( Hear, hear.)
But you must riot consider it as a measure for the farmers or
the landowners alone. You must consider the measure with
reference to the great body of the consumers, whose interests it
is important should be duly and fairly consulted.—( Hear. )
The lion. Gentleman says that the gentlemen on his side of
the House have adhered with firmness to this questic n, and
have continued their opposition against great difficulties. That
they have maintained their opinions with great ability and un-
varying courage I admit, and that you (the protectionists)
have consivtently fought the battle; but I recollect, that during
the debates that took place the last three or four sessions upon
this question, we had not the benefit of that ability and
courage in the supeort of the protective principle. I
must say, that till the present session, we have not
had the benefit of their advocacy. ( Hear, hear. )
With respect to myself I have been placed in the position of
arguing this question for many years, and from that I can state
as the result of my experience, that I have seen during the
course and development of public opinion, arguments as-
sumed some years ago in support of a corn-law that are now
entirely abandoned as no longer tenable. I have often heard
arguments about the interests of farmers and landlords in rela-
tion to this law, which are now abandoned as unavailing. No
Member is found now to urge them in the House.—(Cheers.) 1
am glad that the issue of the measure is now reduced to a small
point of debate. A point that was most clearly and explicitly
put, I believe, on Friday last, by the Hon. Member for
Shrewsbury- (Mr. Disraeli). That Hon. Member said that
the question—the real question they had to consider was, the
effect of the measure on the interests of the people generally,
He said if the measure did not tend to displace the labourer
and operate as a scheme of political destruction, then it was
good, and they ought not to oppose it. It was, therefore, not
the intention to treat it as a landlords' question. Such was
the way in which it was put by the Hon. Member for Shrews-
bury, and responded to this night by the Hon. Member for So-
nsersetshire. They rest the question of the corn-laws now on
the ground that they are conducive to the happiness, the
benefit, and the welfare of the labouring classes. This is the
whole question now, iuvolving a conclusion which I cannot
concede. The Hon. Gentleman who last spoke has referred
to a pamphlet, written by Messrs. Morton and Trimmer, on the
operation of these laws, making reference to the great number of
farms in Lincolnshire and Northamptonshire with regard to
the value of land and the price of wheat. He stated that,
under the operation of the law of 1842, the average price of
wheat had been 525., and that under the proposed law it
would be 403. Why, I must inform the Hon. Gentleman,
that frequently under the restrictive law the price of wheat
has often been as low as 395. throughout a whole year.—
( Hear, hear.) The grounds upon which he has come to this
opinion lie has not stated, and in their absence I can only deal
with his inferences. I must confess, however, that I can
scarcely understand the argument, as put by him. The Hon.
Gentleman not only prophecies about the effect of this Bill, but
he gives his results of a most fanciful character to support his
views. lie says that Russia annually accumulates 28,000,000
quarters of grain over and above the consumption
of the Russian people —( Hear, hear.) To this, Tamboff is
but a joke. :28,000,000, year by year, not only beyond
the consumption, but beyond the present exports of that
country, and available for exportation when this measure shall
become the law of the land. But this is not all. The Hon.
Gentleman, along with this, tells us of wheat which is culti-
vated in land in America that requires no manure. He says
that there is land in Virginia which has been year by year
under cultivation fur wheat during the last century, without
the application of manure.—( Hear, hear.) If these facts are
true—if Russia has 28,000,000 quarters of grain, or America
has land that for a century has grown wheat without manure,
all I can say that all restrictive laws that we may devise
must fail. It will be impossible for them to stand
against smile facilities as those for the rapid and abundant sup-
ply of food. --(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Member then re-
ferred to the question of tithes. I will endeavour shortly to
reply to his objection on this head. In my opinion, so far from
thinking the change will be injurious to the tithe receiver, it
will be otherwise. Under the Tithe Com-mutation Act it has
been regulated that he cannot suffer from land being thrown out
of cultivation. if it is thrown out of cultivation he is protected
by the commutation-laws, and he can only suffer, it he suffers
at all, in the variation of the price. Before the passing of the
commutation-laws, he was liable to all fluctuations, but
now it is arranged and so altered that he can but suffer
in a very limited degree. I must say it is my
decided opinion, as far as it relates to the
tithe owner, that if this meas.ure passes it will involve no injus-
tice whatever, nor will he run the slightest risk--(ear, hear. )
Now with respect to the colonists, my Humble Friend has re-
ferred to the Caradas. It will be remembered that he was an
eager opponent last year of placing the Canadas in the same
H
position as an integral portion of the British Empire. 11, hen
the Honourable Member for Gateshead brought forward his
motion for placing the Canadas on the same footing as the other
portions of the empire, the Honourable Member and those
who now act with him voted against that proposition. This was
the course of proceeding, notwithstanding his profession of sym-
pathy for the Canadas, that he thought fit to take when the ques-
tion was placed before him by the Hon. Member for Gateshead.
Now, Sir, I have just one other topic that I would wish to refer
to, I mean compensation to the landed interest.—( Hear, hear.)
On the part of the Government, I absolutely disclaim that
term "compensation.".—(Cheers.) I say, if it he necessary
for the public good that this measure shall be carried, it would
be unworthy and disgraceful on the part of the Government to
propose, as it would on the part of the landowners to accept,
compensation for doing an act of justice.—( Loud cheering.)
A measure ispropoundedby Government which, in thir
judgment, conduces to the public good, at the same time that
it affects not injuriously a smaller section of the people. Are
the greater to be sacrificed to that lesser portion?—(Cheers. )
Sir, I will now take leave very shortly in passing to advert to
another portion of this extensive subject. 1 Alude to what was
said by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, on the subject
of information relative to the social state of Ireland, and the
distress which at present prevails in that country. The Noble
Lord, the Member for Lynn, stated that her Majesty's
Government were mistaken on the subject of Ireland ;
he stated also that they, for the purpose of
substantiating the facts as stated by themselves,
kept back such information as told against them from the
House.—(Hear, hear.) He stated that information had been
received from the Commander of the Forces which had been
withheld; he stated also that information had been received
from the Poor-law Commissioners, and that that information
had been denied to the House. Now, Sir, I have made every
inquiry—l have made every inquiry in the proper quarter,
with respect to any information received from Ireland—l have

seen no information of the character described by the Noble
Lord. 1 have made inquiries at the Horse Guards as to any
information from the Commander of the Force.; in Irelend, and
sertion of the kind made by the Noble Lord. , ,
I am in a condition to give a positive contra
—diction
andthoeaanryas-
cheers. ) 'With reference to the Poor-law Commission. I
felt it my duty, in the month of November last, to recommend
to her Majesty to appoint a superior officer to preside over the
Commission in Dublin, and since that month I have been in
constant communication with that superior officer, who is also
a member of the Scarcity Commission, from which weekly re-
ports are received by the Government. He sign 3 each of
these weekly reports. I have laid en the table of the House
four of them extending throughout the month of March, and
bringing up the information to the latest period, with the excep-
tionerfe of two more reports which I have since received, and
these latter reports also confirm the statements already so re-
peatedly made by her Majesty's Ministers with respect to the
scarcity which prevails in Ireland —( Hear,
to a
hear.) The
Noble
ticy
Lord the Member for Lynn referred to trials made by the
Poor-law Commissioners in the months of October and Septeni
Ibecra,
nwai
affirm
rtmh e
thatviewt h
oefs
e ascertaining
investigationsthereferred
extent
of this distress.
different matter, and the information received h d
j
therefore no official bearing upon this subject. a superior officer I have already referred to left ITrhee
land in November, and other visits referred to by the Noble
Lord took place in the months of November and October. I
do not know what the Inspectors of Prisons, in Ireland,* did
with reference to this distress. I have never received any information from them with respect to their inquiries in the
state of Mayo, bnt as soon as I do receive an answer to the
inquiry I have instituted, I shall not fail to communicate that
answer to the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord has said
that we have misrepresented the extent of the distress
which at present prevails in Ireland. I have never
said that distress extended over the whole of Ire-
land. I have never said that the distress in Ireland
was universal. I have said that there was a wide-spread
scarcity throughout almost every locality in Ireland, and that
the greatest difficulty would arise from its continuance.—
( Hear.) Now, to that statement I still adhere in the most
decided manner.—(Hear.) I know not whether the Hon.
Member for Armagh is in his place.—(Mr. Bernard here
caught the eye of the Right Hen. Baronet.) The Hon.
for pecu-
niaryb
Member is here. I hold a letter signed by thenmlleonnt.
dated not very long ago, in which he states, t..e distress in his
own neighbourhood, in the most glowing colours, and con-
cluded, by
T this letter he signs his name. 1
making an application to Guyer
toescribes the distress in Ireland as of such a character as irn_
peratively demand the immediate consideration and attention
of tne Government. The letter is addressed to the Lord
Lieutenant, and is dated, November, 1845. It states, ~ We,
the undersigned inhabitants of the town of Loughrea, and its
neighbourhood, from the frightful calamity with which this
county:is threatened from the failure of the potato crop, feel it

dered it impossible to carry out those political principles, but
he shnuld like to know what difficulties had occurred to induce

the Right lion. Baronet tilts to turn his back on his
old friends? Difficulties they had alwk-s been ready
to meet with him. They could hear no more about Ireland
every remedy the Right Hon. Baronet had brought forward
they had been ready to assent to, and therefore Ireland could
not be thrown in their faces. He was still unchanged, and he
conceived that when sitting with those 150 Gentlemen who
backed the Right Hon. Baronet in 1834, when he advocated
principles which he admired and defended, he felt himself
placed in that situation which, deserted by their leaders, all
the arguments in support of the cause were to fall on persons
who had taken little part in it. There was another ordeal
through which the Bill must pass, before it became the law of
the laud—_( Hear, hear)—atid he hoped that when the probable
effects of the Bill were calculated, and the letter of the worthy
aA whoml
dd er
unswayedm this n widely
Bl
be
b known
y entrusted
party
would,
eicaloi,nnusginsda,%r ed ted
justly,
b yl apt to
popular
uteci
dr personseciamuio,
out
nor
its merits, and would judge between the people and a Minister
who now held office nearly at the will of his former political
opponents.

Sir J. GRAHAM—I have longed for the opportunity of
expressing myself on this important question, which now,
for nearly three months, has been the subject of discussion in
this House; and having on several occasions before addressed
the House on this subject, I am most unwilling, needlessly, to
occupy the attention of the House; but, at the same time, I
should be unwilling to appear wanting in respect to the Noble

our incumbent duty to address your Excellency. We con-
sider, that in an emergency like the present, when the great
body of the Irish people were threatened with the
frightful evils which follow in the train of the scarity
of food, that we are justified in suggesting to
the Government, that to provide good employnaent for the
labouring classes will be the very best means of averting these
calamities. We subm t, therefore, that a grant from Govern-
ment of 14,0001. would tend to improve the district, and give
employment to the labouring classes, whose condition without
it it is fearful to contemplate, unless some' measure of this kind
be a_lopted." This letter is signed by the Lord Primate, by
Archbishop Crolly, Lord Hertford, Lord Charl Te, Lord Gos-
port, and by William Bernard, Esq., M.P.
But,ev 'Sir, although
lam afraid that the Irish case is a case of such depression as
will force itself more painfully on the attention of this House
day by day, yet I have never rested my
_support of this measure
upon the Irish case alone. lam speaking that which I shall
be always ready to repeat, that the urgency of that
case did precipitate the necessity of re-considering
the law which regulated and ordered the importa-
tion of corn into this country. But fro the moment that that recommendation
wase rendered necessary,
g
views of general policy and a knowledge of
proved the general con-
dition of the peace of this country
to the Government
beyond a doubt that the repeal of the. I wish
existing restrictive laws
had become indispensably necessarynot unnecessarily
to trespass on your attention, but I repeat the arguments which
brought me to that conclusion. Something was said by the
Hon. Member for Shrewsbury on a for.rer evening, •w h
reference to the injurious effect which he tanticipatedi
from the exportation of precious metals .consequent on a
large importation of corn from the north. (Hear hear. )
Among other reasons why I advocate thin change is
one, the
very converse of that which the lion. Member brought before
the House. I consider, in the present state of our monetary
system that any large importation of the precious metals would
be very injurious to the commercial interests of England ; but
my own belief is, that if the ports are kept open for a steady
importation of corn from abroad, that so far from any im-
portation of the precious metals taking place, it will be pre-
vented by the measure which the Government propose shall
he now adopted. When our trade in corn with
foreign countries is fully established, there will be
an interchange of commodities, which will extend
the commercial relations of the several gauntries, and thus any
injurious exportations of the precious metals will be effectually
avoided. Well, Sir, I am also anxious to state my opinion
with reference to the effect produced upon foreign trade by the
measure now under discussion. I consider the question of
foreign and home trade so intimately connected that
they may be considered one and the same interest.
I find that the foreign and borne trade are
in a series of years most materially and indissolubly connected.
The high price of provisions in the first instance consumed,
prevents a consumption of home manufactures ; the home mar-
ket is consequently paralysed, and the manufacturer is com-
pelled to have recourse to a forced exportation to foreign mar-
kets. The foreign market is glutted—foreign interests are
injured—and the home market, from its intimate connexion
with the foreign trade, is seriously injured. Then comes the
question, what is the effect of this importation into the foreign
market ? Now, Sir, I perceive that wheat in this country
is more universally consumed than in any country in the
world. And whatever may be the price, and whatever the
scarcity of that article, the consumption is very little if any
less, and the price scarcely suffers the slightest variation; for
the labourer, who will not be prohibited its use, will rather
forego everything else, not absolutely necessary, than be with-
out wheat and bread. At any sacrifice of wages, wheat is
still purchased ; but the surplus remaining of his wages, as it
is in exact ratio with the price of that food, is so much less
expended in home manufactures. If this be true with refer
once to this part of the argument, the price of wheat has a
great influence on the manufactures of this country, because
the enormous sacrifice, on the whole amount of the labourer's
wages, incapacitate him from the purchase of other articles.
What is the effect of these laws on the condition of the la-
bourers? It has been said that the high price of the wages of
the labourer are not dependent on the price of provisions. I
admit the number of the agricultural labourers. I admit their
importance—l will not say paramount importance—but the
great importance of this class must be obvious to all. But
having given my most anxious consideration to this measure,
I have come to the conclusion that it is not high prices, with
reference to the labourer, whether manufacturing or agricul-
tural, will benefit or injure both classes equally. An Hon.
Member has said that, under no circumstances, do the labourers
of Dorsetshire receive more than 6s. or 7s. per week. From
that sum they had to deduct one or two shillings for the house-
rent, making the net earnings of the Dorsetshire labourers,
somewhat between be. and 63. per week. The same Hon.
Member stated that, prices did not vary with the price
of provision ; if corn rose, wages did not rise—their condi-
tion was literally hopeless. I say that it is anything but
hopeless.—( Hear, bear.) Try one experiment—you cannot
alter the price of wages—reduce the price of wheat.—( Cheers. )
Possibly the farmers and the landowners may suffer, but I
defy you to show that the condition of the labourers would
suffer.—(Loud cheers.) I understood the Hon. Member also
to say that was net only the present condition of the agricul-
tural labourers in Dorsetshire, but for thirty years they had been
in the same state. I would advise you for once to try, as you
cannot raise the price of wages, to lower the price of food.—
( Loud cheers.) 'Tis our duty to contemplate the state of
things as they now exist. This country was now a commercial
and manufacturing, and not a purely agricultural country ; and
if you attempt to legislate for the country as for fi purely agri-
cultural one, your error will become palpable and injurious.—
(Hear, hear.) The country has become, for good or for woe, a
manufacturing or commercial country, and you must legislate
for it as such.—( Hear, hear.) Admit this snd the connexion
between commerce, manufactures, and land, is evident and
palpable. Seasons of commercial and manufacturing pros-
perity have their re-action upon the labourers in the agricul-
tural districts. Already we have railways, docks, canals ;
labour of every description is the means of giving employment
to the labourers in the rural districts. When these persons see
the great wealth in the manufacturing districts, even in the
most distant rural districts, the consequence is, when prices are
low and manufactures flourish, wages rise ; and this is the
natural cause for the great demand for labour. Now what was
the real question at issue ? Let us be sincere in this matter.—
(Loud cheering and laughter.) I appeal to the eon.eiences
of those gentlemen who sit below the gangway. I say if they
be really sincere in their desire to legislate for the good of the
labouring classes, whether agricultural or manufacturing. Now
let us inquire as to what are the natural effects of low prices,
high wages, and full employment. In seasons of plenty an
oscillation takes place, which leads to low prices in provisions ;
this leads to manufacturing prosperity, and the natural result,the
increased demand for labour. An oscillation again takes place
—the quantity of provisions fail—low prices come, and wares,
in consequence, fall. Then again comes low prices of wages,
from diminished quantity of food; again comes high prices of
food, in consequence of your ports being closed against the ad-
mission of foreign grain—manufactures languish—the home
markets are dull—trade is stagnated—and a considerable export
of the precious metals is required to buy foreign corn to meet
the deficiency at home, and, as the inevitable result, the wages
of the labourer fall. Then what is the condition of the
labouring man, whether manufacturing or agricultural ? He is
worse than before. He had full employment, high wages, and
low prices of provisions ; now he is subject to the converse of
all this. He has deficient employment, low wages, and high
prices of provisions.—(Hear, hear.) lam quite satisfied that
this measure is conducive to the interests of the labouring
classes, be they manufacturing or agricultural. I must say
that no sophistry, ingenuity, or argument, will satisfy the
people of this country that it is conducive to their
interests that the prices of food should be high and the price
of wages low. I feel convinced that no sophistry will satisfy
the people of this country, that any such arrangement of our
legislation is calculated to promote the interests of the people
of this country, however generous our intentions may be, or
however unequivocal our declarations. Now I will refer to
another part of the question. Is it for the interest of the
working farmer that these laws should continue? In the
Committee, Sir, over which you presided in the year 1836,
several witnesses gave evidence as to that point. I will merely
call the attention of the House to two of them. They bear so
directly upon the point that the House will excuse me, if I
read a portion of their evidence. I will not detain it long.
The name of the witness examined was Mr. Ellis, a tenant-
farmer. One of the questions that was put to him, was—
" It is for your advantage to raise prices, is it not ?—I don't
think so. lam not at all of that opinion. I do not see the
great advantage of having hige prices. What do you consider
most advantageous to the interest of the farmer ?—Stead
_
prices.

- -
hear.) Just let me prove this by elici.ing the attention of the
House to the manufacturing district of Lancashire, where the
cotton trade flourishes most. Who is the principal landed pro-
prietor of the district? The Earl of Derby. And what are the
opinions of the Earl of Derby? Is be against freedom of trade,
and in favour of agricultural protection ? No, he is decidedly
opposed to the latter, and favourable to the former. But
perhaps you will say, he holds this opinion because his property
is in immediate proximity with manufactures that are
likely to be considerably improved and extended
under free trade. Let us take another part of the
country. There is Lord Burlington, who is an
extensive agriculturist residing in this part of the country, is
he opposed to the corn-law.? Na. he decidedly is not ; and
here, then, we have their Lords Derby and Burlington, two
large landed proprietors, who are opposed to agricultural pro-
tection.--( Cheers ) Then there is Lord Francis Egerton,
who certainly is connected more cr less with the commercial
interest of the country, but still he possesses considerable
landed property, and he is opposed to the continuance of the
corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) Let us go now to the West Riding
of Yorkshire, the seat of our woollen manufactures. The
Earl of Fitzwilliam i; an extensive landowner there, but he is
not opposed to this movement. Pats now over to Scotland,
which, perhaps. is not so much dependent upon the commer-
cial prosperity of the country as the district I have already
mentioned. Let us go to Lanarkshire.—( Hear, hear.) 'What
is the opinion of the Duke of Hamilton? Why, he is reso-
lutely opposed to the existing protective system.—(Cheers.)
You must not say, then, that you represent the whole
of the landed interest of the country, or you will
be assuming that which I am sure the majority of the
House will agree with me you }ee no right to.—( Hear,
hear.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Somerset has
mentioned an extraordinary fact, which, in my opinion, is most
. tpee r price
quarter, o f
conclusive, in favour of the change which we now propose. He
54a537 h
within since
the
8 last
n 9h
threeasave
yearsra ged
the from p
r?c2es .h
do
been exce • edingly steady. Nothing can be more conclusive
than this; and here I
may
observe that I do not think this
measure will produce any great in
charge the price of better
years, but lam satisfied it will • ive the people the
advantage of always having a constant and regular
supply of food, and protect them against the sudden
rising of prices in times of temporary scarcity
at home.—( Cheers.) I have not arrived at this conclusion
until recently, but I arrived at it after a very careful considera-
tion of the subject, and a minute and searching examination of
the authorities upon Hear, hear.) No one can deny that
the corn-laws are a monopoly, and I for one, agree
witth Lard Granville, when he says, " Monopoly is
the parent of scarcity and dearness."—(Loud cheers. )
.Now, Sir, I am certain, therefore, entertaining these opinions.
and most anxious that this measure which we are now discuss-
ing, should pass unmutilated and intact—(Hear, hear)—l
have a strong conviction that if it become the law of this land
it will protect the labourer against dearness of price in an
article which is necessary for his subsistence. I believe it will
give security to the farmer in his speculations and in his
profits, and, more than all, I believe that this measure, and this
measure only, can reconcile the prosperity of the landlord with
the interests and food of the country at large.—(Cheers.) I
believe that it will extend our commerce—l believe that it will
secure the prosperity of our manufactures. lam quite sure that
it will place our foreign relations upon the surest and most
stable foundations of amity.—(Cheers.) It is my conscientious
belief that it will be memorable in our history—(Cheers)—me-
morable for this that it has secured the prosperity, the content-
ment, the peace and happiness of the great body of the people
—(Cheers)—without reference to the exclusive interests of
any particular class.—(Loud and continued cheering. )
Mr. CALEY then proceeded to address the House in so low
a tone as scarcely to be heard in the reporters' gallery. We
understood him to say that the Right Hon. Baronet had
just misrepresented the opinions of Lord Granville, who whilst
he described monopoly as the parent of scarcity, did not intend
to describe the present corn-law.—( Hear, hear.) That law
was protective, but not prohibitory—( Hear.) It was called
protective not because it starved the people, but because it pro-
tected the employment of labourers in the cultivation of the
land. When the Right Hon. Baronet had stated that there
were several large landowners who were in favour of the pre •
sent measures, he should have recollected that such individuals
could never be affected by any change in the commercial legis-
lation of the country.—( Oh, oh.) They had no proof that
low prices reduced the prosperity of the country ; these
periods of action and reaction were unavoidable
He held the opinion now which he always held, and that was,
that this was a dangerous experiment. It would injure land-
lords, farmers, and labourers, and involve the whole agricul-
tural community in one common ruin. The Right Hon.
Baronet said, that if the people of this country were in favour
of free-trade principles, it was their duty to submit to the
general feeling on this subject. For his part, however repug-
nant he might feel t', alterations of such a pernicious tendency,
he would bow to public opinion if fairly and generally expressed
with regard to them. But he denied that such was the
case.—( Hear, hear.) He denied that public opinion
was in favour of these measures. (Hear, hear.)
How was this public tested? The history of the Anti-Corn-
law League was that they had made a great number of speeches,
and the result was, that the impression made by gentlemen
of talent, who generally addressed such assemblies, had gained
the opinion of two-thirds of the middle classes in favour of the
Right Hon. Baronet's measure. But he believed, however,
that if they were to canvass the opinions of the working classes,
they would find that two-thirds of them were against the
measure. Had they ever called meetings at Manchester ?
An Honourable MEMBER—We have : several.
Mr. CALEY—If they had, he did not call them public
meetings. They were got up in that manner, there was no ex-
pression of the working classes taken, for they were meetings
got up not for discussion, but for the purpose of making
speeches for a repeal of the corn-laws. It would be very
natural for the working-classes to oppose this measure, for,
whatever philosophers might think, it was not yet in the
minds of the working classes that competition was for their
general good. Competition might be carried out to too great
a length.—( Hear, hear.) There was one competition that
might be favourable, he meant the competition of reciprocity.
He believed that there was no sacrifice that the landowners
were not prepared to make for the public gout!, were it shown
to them that such a sacrifice was necessary.—( Hear, hear.)
The Right Hon. Gentleman said that a more or less degree of
protection was necessary ; but he thought it very hard on the
English farmer, that what remained of it was to be removed.
The Right Hon. Baronet stated that other countries would fol-
low the example of this measure ; but he doubted that very
much, unless the principle of free trade had been established in
this country for a number of years. If that had been so, then
it was probable At. Guizot would say to the French
Chambers, " See what England, the greatest country on the
face of the globe, has done—why not follow her example?"
The Hon. Metnler, with a volubility of utterance, and in a
lowness of tone, that rendered him utterly unreportable, then
proceeded to review the factory system, in connexion with the
manufacturing districts, which the free trade advocates were
desirous of extending, contending, amidst the cheers of the
protection benches, that he could not support the present mea-
sure, on the ground that t r do so would be
to extend a system that had been hitherto
productive of great mischief, and likely under the proposed
measure to be much more so. There were much higher cos-
siderations than profit or cheapness to be viewed in connexion
with the present question. They must view it in its physical,
moral, social, and religious influence on the nation generally,
but more especially on the working classes.—( Hear, hear.)
The Hon. Member implored the Hon. Baronet opposite to
pause before, by this measure, he der royed the Church, the
constitution, and the colonies. The sentiment of loyalty in
the colonies might be at present very strong, but there were
other sentiments equally powerful ; and the House might rest
assured that, if this Bill were carried, they would render
themselves a scorn and a mockery to surrounding nations, and
they would sacrifice the freedom, the independence, and indus-
try of England's hardy labourers. —(Cheers. )
The HoN. MEMBER in conclusion repeated, in a tone of the
most profound solemnity, the whole of that well known melody.
" Oh Woodman spare that tree."
At the conclusion a burst of the most vociferous cheering re
warded the poetic effusion of the Hon. Member.
On the motion of Mr. NEWDEGATE the debate was ad.
journed.

The farmer when he goes to take land should 100

to some steady prices, and not to adventitous cir-
cumstances to help him out of his difficulty. —Do
you think the present scale (referring to the sliding
scale of 1836) has prevented any alteration of prices ?--
That is a question which I cannot answer, not having been
in the corn trade, but I am certain of one thing, that the corn-
laws have raised a delusive hope in the minds of the people.
(Mr. Clay, the Member for the Tower Hamlets, asked him this
question)—ls it, in your opinion, that steadiness of prices is
most important to the farmer?—My opinion is not in accord-
ance with that of most people with reference to the interest of
the landlord and tenant. Up to a certain point I hold they
ge together. It is the interest of the tenant to keep
the land in good condition, as it is, undoubtedly,
the interest of the landlord that he should do so.

It is for the interest of the landowner to have high prices in
order to enable him to pay high rents. It makes very little
difference to me if I pay a high price or a low one. I think the
country thrives better if prices are moderate. It is better for
,pqprurooetitciidtoienodn,p.huotwet?verb,immyweax2LenDsoesyaorue
Hi; answer was—Not
I have no doubt but we must come to it by slow and gradual
itpn:hr ieotnhrinikeoorptt youritoe:
eahentaaetnv. have
do without
eowhweoi tfhpn
t orhe
ui xicntet
g . ;
we must coma to that ultimately.
steps. Now, :his is precisely the course proposed by the Go-
vernment. The ( uty on corn during the next three years will
gradual:), be reduced, until in 1849 the protection duties wjll
altogether cease.—(Cheers.) Now, that is the opinion of
Dorsetshire farmers. and I will now call attention to the evi-
dence of a tenant-farmer in the Lothians. 1 believe be is no
longer living, but I had the pleasure of his acquaintance, and I
know he was a most experienced and succe,sful agri-
culturist in that seat of English farming. Well,
he was asked by the Honourable Member for the North
Riding of Yorkshire this question :—" If you had sold
out in 1820, would you have been better than you are now ?"
The House will see that 1820 was the period when the protec-
tion was put on. Well, what is his answer ? Why, he said,
"I do not know that my case can be taken as a general
case, because I set out poor in life, and after a hard struggle
improved my condition. I am, however, the only remaining
farmer in the parish alive where I was brought up. Excepting
myself there is not a farmer remaining in the parish." Now,
this is explained still more by the answer to another question
from the Hon. Member for the North Riding. He is asked
"What is the reason of their having all gone away?" and here-
plies, " The money rents that were exacted from them." They
all conceived that wheat would be 80s. per quarter, and
their calculations were made accordingly. It soon
appeared that this price could not be realised.
but they were not convinced of this till their ruin was the con-
sequence.—(Hear, hear.) So you see it was calculated by
the landlord and the tenant, and in fact settled, that the price
of wheat would be 80s., and land was taken upon that assump-
tion. The tenants were, however, now disappointed; but the
landlords still felt justified in assuming that 80s. would be the
price. I know that they did so, because of their confidence in
the efficacy of the law ; for they were honourable men, who
were perfectly well known to ma, from my having been con-
nected with them almost from my youth. They were per-
fectly convinced that the price would be SOL, and the conse-
quence was they postponed too long, indeed till the fall of their
tenants was the consequence,—( Hear.) Now there you have
the statement of a tenant farmer of the effect of the law upon
the body to which he belonged. I have shown you what
effect the law has upon the labourers, and I have read to you
evidence detailing its effect upon the tenant. Need I say there
is evidence to show that it has in no way been beneficial to the
landlord ? Have I not clearly shown already that they were
firmly impressed with a conviction that the law would produce
a steady or a fixed and a high price, and that this conviction
resulted in the ruin or the extinction of the tenant ? Can

W. S. O'BRIEN—WARRANT OF COMMITTAL.
Mr. P. BUTLER moved for a copy of the warrant under
which Mr. W. S. O'Brien was committed to the custody of the
Serjeant-at-Arms.—Agreed to.
CALEDONIAN RAILWAYS.
➢lr. BROTHERTON presented two petitions in favour of
this railway.
The House adjourned at One o'clock.

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.)
MONDAY, MAY 11.
The following Petitions for Railways were reported, and the BU's
ordered to bo brought in by tho undernamed lion. Members :
Liverpool and Bury—Mr. Patten and Mr. Entwisle.
Lancaster and Preston Junction and Carlisle Railways Amalgama-
tion—Colonel Lowther and Mr. C. Howard.
West Lancashire—Mr. Brotherton and Mr. M. Philips.
The following Petition for a Railway Bill was withdrawn :
Manchester and Bury Atmospheric.

RAILWAYS.
Select Committee on Group No. 22.
Earl of Arundel and Surrey discharged; 31r. Alexander selected,
and added to the Committee.
Select Committee on Group No. 23.
Lord Orsuiston discharged, Mr. Trelawny selected, and added to
the Committee.

CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT.
OLD COURT.
William Jordan, alias Middleton, aged 18, was indicted
for stealing two coats and other articles, the property of
Thomas Barfield.
The prisoner pleaded guilty, and, addressing the Court,
said he had made some very bad acquaintances, and he
hoped that such a sentence would be passed upon him, as
would effectually separate him from the evil connexions he
had formed.
The RECORDER sentenced him to be transported for seven
years.

-
James Andrews, aged 44, was found guilty of stealing, in
the dwelling house of Edward Giftbrd, nineteen silver forks,
his property.
The jury recommended him to mercy, and he was sen-
tenced to twelvemonths' imprisonment, with hard labour.
Thomas Oliver, aged 22, a well-dressed young man, was
indicted for burglariously breaking into the dwelling-house
of Richard Chrimes, and stealing a cream jag, two 51. bank•
notes, and other articles, his property. The robbery was
committed in a most daring manner.
The jury found the prisoner guilty of the offence of steal-
ing in a dwelling-Louse above the value of Si., and he was
sentenced to be transported for ten years.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]—SPLENDID ARRANGEMENT OF
LOOKING-GLAss, producing the effect of a long arcade, and of
bewildering as to cause a doubt whether you are in London or
in old Rome.

"Arch follows arch, and pile succeeds to pile."
This unique apartment is devoted to cutting and arranging the
hair in, and with another having a beautiful view of Naples, are
on the ground-floor. In calling attention to their establish-
ment, Ross and Sons beg to notice the advantages of their
system—vis., they never take apprentices nor young men from
the country, nor object to customers asking for the same man
to wait upon them; every person has clean brushes, they never
being used twice, without being washed ; and parties are not
pressed to buy things they do not want. Address, Ross ant}
Sons, 119 and 120, ashopsgate-streete
[ADVERTISEMENT.] -- SIGHT AND HEARING. 39,
Albemarle-street, Piccadilly.—Newly-invented Spectacles, Tele-
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Sir Edward Paget, Sis Evan Lloyd, Sir John Beatings, llaiston,
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son, Mackenzie, Galway, Biggq, Woolf, Murray, Walker, Fox,
Price, Lindsay, and Thackray ; Major Generals Sir H. Elphinstone,
Sir John Ross, Sir James Cockburn, Achinty, P. Fyers, D. Macleod,
Bouverie, Sir J. Macdonall, Sir R. Barton, Sir T. Dallas, and Sir
Wm. Eustance : Admirals Lord John Hay, Sir G. Cockburn, Sir
George Munday, Sir George Martin, Sir James 11. Wiiitshed, Sir D.
Gold, Ross, Alexander, Curzon, Tompkinson, Hollis, and Price;
Vice-Admiral Sir F. Austen; Rear Admirals Brown and Ribouleau,
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Caution—Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, Opticians, are not in any way.
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be had et la, Albemarle-street, rlceadilly, Qppoelte

there be a stronger argument against the protective system ?
In my opinion I own it is conclusive ? Now, without intend-
ing any offence to Honourable Members below the gangway,
I must say they erroneously assume to themselves that they
monopolise the land of the country.—( Cheers.) They
state themselves to be the representatives of the whole of the
landed interests, but let us see if they really
do represent the whole of the landlords of
the kingdom.--.( Hear, hear.) I admit that they represent the
landowners of the fertile districts, hut the representation is by
no means general, while they represent but few landlords whose
property lies in any of the manufacturing districts.—( Hear,

MR. C. PEARSON'S PROPOSAL FOR
A METROPOLITAN TRUNK RAILWAY. WITH A
CENTRAL RAIL WAY STATION IN FARRI NGDON-
STREET.

A meeting was held last evening, in the Council Chamber,
Guildhall, for the purpose of otferiug- to the inspection of the
municipal authorities and the citizens of London, Mr. Charles
Pearson's large model of his proposed trunk Mefrepolican
Railway. • The open space in the middleof the Council-room,
was occupied by a large model of the proposed railway, with
its passengers and goods termini. The doors were opened at
six o'clock, and long before seven o'clock, the hour at which
the proceedings were to commence, every seat in the chamber
was occupied. The Lady Mayoress and several ladies
honoured the meeting with their presence, and were accom-
modated with seats c ose to the chair.

At seven'o'clock the Lord Mayor took the chair, andirn-
mediately afterwards •
-Mr. atiaaattataer commenced the exposition of his pro--
posed plan. The City of London, he said, had for centuries
maintained its commercial supremacy by means of its mag-
nificent river, which brought it the wealth of the world.
Other towns of the empire had latterly taken advantage of
the physical, advantages of their situation, and had been
enabled, not to compete with Loudon, bat to hang upon its
skirts, by improving the advantages of water coaltuttmeetion
hY means of the rivers "on which they were situated. As
long as the rivalry was confined to water. communication
London had nothing to fear, but of late years men had tra-
velled by iron instead of by water, and unless London was
prepared to compete with them in the iron ways 29 well as
in the water ways, she must eventually be dretaneea at. the
race of competition. The Hocking of the a, rests of London
by the traffic was matter of notoriety. 'fete traffic
had outgrown the streets. Varione endeavottre had been
neade to remedy this evil. The Corporation, at an expense
of 50,000/. had opened Gresham-street as an easement to
cause in
that b
street
was
utith had not
oneratetl
oa fe cese
riums which operated as a feeder to tit
having goods to send into the county
carts to this great warehouse, where
again, loaded upon other carts, by tt
the various railroad termini, amt a:
to the various luggage trucks. Noe
those goods was attended by expense,
pinched so tightly as it did in these days, that expense was
a great object of consideration. Now by the plan
which he proposed, the merchant would only have
tosend his goods to the City terminus, whence
they would be at once transferred to the railway goods car-
riage,and the expense of one unloading would be saved. The
line which he proposed for the Metropolitan Trunk Railway
situatedw as til this
close thereto
thew,asa:loslpt,Caelorsti
confluenceopeie
ospacef t
greatear
metropolitane-b r e,
Cross,
disasspg,tootttttteataitkenieter cstrot,.,
iTtonroini
at the
anctirchieleismosbreaptuceltlkie
railways,
eei
Glwwr
proposedaaey-s,
s,
Road,wl Inn
-lane,
atrantlicieeffnopenri
f
w
street, that then it should hug the wall of the Cold Bath
Fields' Prison and debouche in Doddinatt n-st met ; that it
should pass dirough the district of Afutton-Bill, Saffron-
hill, and Field-lane, diverging towards the north
in the upper part of Field-lane; that it should
cross under the Holborn valley to Farringdon Market and
the site of the Fleet Prison, which should lec the passengers
termini, while the goods termini should be in Field-lane, se
as not to cross the Holborn Valley; thus he would keep the
goods and the passenger termini entirely separate. Hitherto
there had been but two methods devised by engineers for
passing the levels of streets; the one was to pass over them
by means of a viaduct, the other was to pass under them by -
means of a tunnel. In both these ways property was sacri-
ficed. He proposed to adopt a third plan, by means of which
the property in the neighbourhood of which the railway
should past would be improved instead of deteriorated.
He proposed to raise the whole of the streets by
taking the basement as the railway line, and.
arcading it over with spaces at every ten feet,
to admit light and air to the railway, while on
the roof of the arcade he would carry the usual ear-
-1 riage-way and the usual passenger traffic, thus forming a
street over his railway, while he secured to his railway all
the advantages of light and air, advantages of which a tun-
nel would necessarily deprive it. This would secure an ex-
cellent street frontage above the railway, and would transform
li"reintoa therabodes
arterialofresp ecctosinbmll6llmeetdutrrnaoidepeeatolstl;noieenns ,wwifhs'r,heiocreimlhe
Field-lane, Saffron-hill, and the other localities celebrated in
:‘tOlwisoteurldTwsiesct
teoeanttehtle. s°Tuhthe gorfadietnhtes
vhaeg tionrit,
chh
of the most favourable descrption, and he proposed
that, where excavations were necessary, the earth excavated
should be used to raise the low carts of the ground over
Which the railway was to pass; for instance, the low ground
at the foot of Snow-hill, which would be of great advantage
in facilitating traffic. Having taken Farringdon Market as
one of the termini, he proposed to erect a new market for
vegetables, fruits, and flowers, near to Sea-coal- lane, if such
should be deemed necessary, and he also left in the neigh-
bourhood of the Fleet Prison sufficient space for the London
and Birmingham Company, should they be disposed to carry
out the proposition for a tunnel from Islington, terminating
at that point in a City terminus, He insisted most particu-
larly on the absolute necessity of keeping the goods-terminus
separate from the passenger terminus, and as a proof of the
advantage of having the goods terminus on the Field-lane
side of Holborn, be mentioned its vicinity to the Smithfield and
Newgate markets. He then entered into very minute details
as to the advantages by the proposed termini, explaining
them by referring to the model, and also explained the re-
adjustment which he proposed to make in the sired.; in the
vicinity of the proposed station, explanations which it would
be impossible to describe without reference to a map or a
model. He then entered into various details to show what
would be the outlay for the purchase of property, of good-
will, and the construction of the railroad; and, en the other
side, what would be the probable receipts for area-
&c.; and lee concluded from these /weir:—
railway would be consn-ucted at ta
He proposed that it should be -
tion, which had answered so 'a Kings_
town line that for six months p one minute
beyond its time, and the length of the papa:, d metropolitan
line would be abort the same as that of the Jatikey and
Kingstown, viz., about a mile and a half. He p -epoeed to give
the management of the line to a commission, le members of
which should be nominated by the Cot:tore:ion of London, 8 by
the shareholders in the various lines which would be benefited
.by it, and a certain number ofcommissioners to be appointed by
the Board of Trade. If the board were thus constituted the
line could never become a monopoly in the hands cf anyone
railway company, to the exclusion of the public. He pro-
posed to raise the funds by. means of a 5 per cent. stock, with
a sinking fund of 2 4 per cent., so that in the course of time
the debt should be extinguished. As it was nearly ten
o'clock before his explanations on the subject of railways
were completed, he deferred his observations on country
houses for the poor to another opportunity.
A vote of thanks to Mr. C. Pearson for his able exposition,
and another to the Lord Mayor for his kindness in taking the
chair; having been passed by acclamation, the meeting
separated.

Pers.ons
itched them in
were depoeitel
c(liveyed to

Ain tratis;hipped There
each trinshipment of
'Aid when competition

worked by at

1-reno,

ut, a million.

in theDalk
72 131 had bet

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE,
TATTER~ ALL'S.
The Chester Cup settling was resumed yesterday aftcriioon, ai.d,
as we predicted last week, proved very easy. The Derby betting was
not heavy, nor was it by any means important. We may observe,
however, that Humdrum, Crown Prince, and the Peri cult had seve-
ral friends; Humdrum with by far the strongest party. Fancy Boy
was also backed for several hundred pounds at 11 and 12 to 1, the
'Ayers, at the finish, not at all disposed to baulk his supporters. Sir
Tatton Sykes was likewise laid against at 6 to 1 to three or four
hundred, bat in this case it struck us that the takers were in the
ascendant. Sting was backed for 200/at 3to / ; Brocardo, in several
splaces at 25 to 1 ; the Traverser at 20 to I, in hundreds, and a few out-
siders at liberal odds. A few small bets were laid on the Oaks at
12 to 1 against Osprey, 20 to 1 against Wilderness, and 25 to 1 against
Princess Alice.

DERBY.
14 to 1 agst John Day's lot—taken
3 to 1 agst Lord E. Russell's Sting—taken and aft. offered
6 to 1 agst Mr. W. "cott's Sir Tatton Sykes—taken
11 to 1 agst Lord Maidstone's Tom Tullock
12 to 1 agst Mr. 31eiklam's Fancy Boy—taken
20 to 1 agst Sir J. Hawley's Humdrum—taken freely
20 to 1 agst Mr. O'Brien's the Traverser—taken
22 to 1 agst Mr. Watt's the Crown Prince
25 to 1 agst Gen. Shubrick's Brocardo—taken
30 to 1 agst Mr. Wigram's Phenerietts—taken
1000 to 30 agst Mr. Merry's Peri colt
40 to 1 agst Mr. Wyatt's Nutleaf
50 to 1 agst Mr. Wailer's Maid of Hampton colt—taken
50 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Draco
1000 to 25 agst Mr. Wreford's West Countryman—taken
1000 to lb agst Mr. Mostyn's L'llirondelle colt—taken
1000 to 15 agst Lord Orford's Blackie—taken.

(RECEIVED THIS DAY.)
NEWMARKET SECOND SPRING MEETING.
ENTRIES FOR TUESDAY.
_ _ _

-
50L for 3 yrs old, R.3L—Blackie, Lebanon, b c by Emplius
out of Messene, Phenericus, and 'gnus! Fatnus.
501., T.M.M.,'w•inner to be sold for 2001., &c.—Alexa, 3
yrs—Balance f, 3 yrs—and Ganymede f, 3 yrs.
Black Cat receives from the Retriever colt, and Tanrina
from Foinnualla.
Two other matches complete the day's racing, which com-
mences at two o'clock.