The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

happiness of Europe—and more than the peace
and happiness of Europe namely, the progress
of civilisation, and generally of good government in all
parts of the world, depends more upon the continuance
of amicable relations between the two countries than any
other measure which human sagacity could suggest.
Rejoicing, as I do, at this guarantee for the general
peace and happiness of the world, I cannot help
looking with proportionate distress and anxiety to another
part of her Majesty's address, which relates to our
connexion with another part of the world. I cannot
but look with the deepest regret to that part of the
Speech which refers to the probability of England being
called upon to maintain her honour and her rights,
as well as to afford that protection which she
owes to some of her loyal subjects in one part of the
world, by a resort to other than friendly measures. I
most especially should regret if any differences or diffi-
culties should render it necessary for us to termi-
nate our friendly relations with a community which
speaks the same language as ourselves, and who have
so many institutions in common with our own. But I
am sure that neither the present, nor any other Govern-
ment, will be justified in looking to our relations in
that part of the world to which I refer with any other feel-
ing than that of a cordial desire to maintain, by every
means consistent with honour and justice, the rights of
both nations, but, nevertheless, we shall still be able to
continue, upon cordial terms of friendship, our inter-
course and amity with that great and im-
portant confederacy, the United States of America.
Apart from all those considerations, and utterly inde-
pendent of them, I will say that there is r.o portion of
her Majesty's Speech which I consider of more import-
ance than that part which refers to our national de-
fences. On this subject I will say no more than that if
it were left out it would reflect little cr dit on those who
had advised her Majesty. This question had deeply en-
gaged the public attention, and I trust that this subject
will be received by the House with the attention
which it deserves. I cannot dissemble from myself that
I am addressing the House on a topic of more than
ordinary interest—a topic which, as it may be productive
of more than ordinary advantages, is, in consequence, of
more than ordinary interest—(Cheers)—a topic, I will
add, that is worthy of further consideration. That
indication I cannot conceal from myself ; the
interest and bearing of that indication coming
in the train of political events, fresh in the
minds of all parties in this country—coming,
as I say, in the rear of these events, that indication to re-
consider the whole of those laws, laws which regulated
the whole importation of commodities into this country,
I am sure that this subject will meet with the attention
which it deserves. I concur in the propriety of this in-
dication, and I could not indeed otherwise consistently un-
dertake the office which I have attempted to fill.—(Great
cheers.) That concurrence I willingly give; but I would
have been unable to stand in my present situation if my
opinions had been otherwise, and if my opinions hid been
such that I could not undertake this task. Still I would
hesitate before incurring the increased responsibility
by pronouncing my opinion, and saying that the subject
was unfit for the serious deliberation which the House
is called upon to give them.—(Cheers) I have heard
many speeches in this House; but have never heard
one which was more applicable to all that this House
had to consider. I hold this principle also with respect
to my own course of conduct, and consider that, as the
mover of this Address, I am not at all restricted or
fettered with regard to the future course which I may
pursue in relation to these subjects. Upon that principle
I am not called upon to go into details as to my
own particular opinions, but I may take this op-
portunity of stating that, with regard to those
subjects which have so particularly engaged the
attention of the country, and have been so particu-
larly brought under the notice of the House, my
opinions have undergone a considerable change.—(Op-
position cheers.) lam aware that my opinions have not
that influence and authority which the opinions of others,
who justly enjoy a high reputation in this House, possess,
and that, therefore, it might be considered improper in
me to inflict on the Howe a long explanation of the
reasons of that change ; still I feel that nothing but my
own insignificance could shelter me from the necessity of
answerieg that inquiry, which public opinion has a right
to institute into the causes of the alteration of opinions of
public men ; I say that, on this occasion, I shall not shrink
from that investigation. This, I will say, no defence of mine
shall rest on the example of others, cr be founded on the
changes or modifications of opinion of those who may be
looked up to as authorities. My changes of opinion
have been owing entirely to myself, and with regard
to any modification which my opinions may have under-
gone, I rest the defence of them solely on my observa-
tion of the course of events, and on my own considerations
of what was required, and the state and prospects of
the country.—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposi-
tion.) I have feared and hesitated hitherto to
interfere with that system of restriction on importa-
tion which I have found interwoven with the whole of
the relations of the country. I have hesitated for a long
time before I could consent to interfere with what might
be almost considered as one of the institutions of the
country; but I have now arrived at the opinion
that the time has at length arrived when we
should take the opportunity to seriously and deli-
berately reconsider the whole course of the law
regulating that importation, with a view ultimately of
departing from that principle which has hitherto been
observed—the principle of endeavouring by protection
or prohibition to continue the restriction of the importa-
tion of articles from foreign countries with a view of
increasing our home manufactures.—(Loud cheers.)
When I use the term " home manufacture," let me not
be misunderstood. I consider the products of the earth
as intended for the food of man, and I think they should
be considered as much a manufacture as any other.
(Hear, hear.) I consider the earth as a machine, and I
look upen the largest landowners in the country as
nothing else than manufacturers.—(Hear, hear.) Holding
these views, and consi.lering their application to the
Government, and to all the public departments
of the country, I trust, and hope, and believe, that
without knowing what may be the nature of the
measures about to be proposed by the Government, I
say I entertain a hope that, when those measures shall
come before the House, I shall be able to support the
position I have taken, and to show that they are com-
patible with the broad principles I have laid down.
(Hear, hear.) I have no doubt that these measures
will be embraced and comprehended in a statesmanlike
manner, and the various subjects that have dome within
the terms of my proposition be grasped vigorously.
—(Hear, hear.) A fixed duty on corn was a proposition
which came from the Noble Lord Opposite. I have arrived
at the conclusion that restrictions oinfOseelleu commodities
shall no longer be upheld by the Legislature of this
couutry.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) When the Noble
Lord opposite brought forward his proposition for a
fixed duty, and gave expression to the opinions
which I then maintained, namely, that if restric-
tions were imposed on foreign commodities in order
to secure a certain standard of remuneration to the
cultivator of the soil, that would be the result of such a
measure. I entertained those opinions then, and I sup-
ported them ; but I have since seen reason to change
those opinions.—(Hear, hear.) lam not now about to
detain the House with any details. It is not my
intention to enter upon a statement of statistical facts.
I shall not shrink from such an investigation as would
show the numerical relations of this subject, but it is
not at present a part of my plan, or within the scope
of the particular argument which I int' rid to use. But
it has been my lot to reside in the neighbourhood of a
dense population, whose position and circumstances I
could not do otherwise than observe ; and in the
course of that observation I invariably found that
the dearness or the cheapness of provisions had
an intimate connexion with the employment and the
happiness of the people.—(Loud cheers from the Oppo-
sition.; It was through no merit of may own, but through
an accident with which merit had nothing to do, that I
*OS made the minister for the dispensation of consider-
able Wealth among the population of that district.
There was, consequently, a great opportunity afforded
me of largely directing the energies of those around
me, and as the dispenser of the wealth which had been
confided to me, and without any merit of mine,
I became intimately acquainted with their state and
condition, end I observed that when the rumours ofhae
difference with the United States was spreaid, and the
commercial relations of the country were
likely
disturbed, and the employment of the peoplegew
dearer,
defi-
cient, that the prereistions ae
w ty
b
a
hsan roportionatel
and the people were mor
distressed. When trade again revived pin the follow):
ing year the people were relieved, the price of
provisions declined, and when the reaction had fully
taken place it terminated invariab; it!e inhabitants an increase
of the enjoyment and the happiness of all tee
_
of the district, and in what might be called their per-
manent relief. When changes again occurred, I to,:.'",ei
that the difficulty was renewed, and the people again in
distress. After that there were labourers enough to be
had, but the difficulty then was to find labourers fit to do
the work. I see, then, that this evil can only be recti-
fied by Parliament; and if I were to describe the matter
in the words and on the authority of one far more
competent to form an opinion than I am, and who,
from his residence in Manchester and its neighbourhood,
is lifar more competent to give an opinion than I am—
I find from his report that at the end of 1841, when
trade was beginning to revive, the business, as it in-
creased, also produced a beneficial effect on the state of
the people, and that as it progressed both the labourers
and the manufacturers,and especially the spinners, all im-
proved in their position, and a general plenty prevailel.
But the main cause of this distress, whatever opinions
other people may form upon the subject, has had its
origin in a deficient harvest and the fai!ure of the
potato crop ; and taken in connexion with the circum-
stance that this catastrophe has been generally
felt abroad, it has been almost an impossibility to
obtain any supplies from thence. I ask any person
who is connected with the manufacturing districts,
if their thoughts did not involuntarily recur to
those seasons of high prices and distress which, I
hope, will not again return in this country,
if men's hearts did not fail them for fear of the prospect
of anything like high prices recurring again? But, I
may be told, and fairly told, that the abundance of
which I speak, and which has, in some mea-
sure, contended against the evil of that time—
that those restrictive laws which I propose to con-
sider had no effect in continuing those high prices.
Others, again, will contend that abundance has been the
consequence of those laws. Now, whatever change of
opinion I may have undergone, I have no right to ques-
tion the sagacity, or still less the sincerity, of those
who continue to entertain this supposition. But my
observation is, that if you, as a Government, undertake
to control the supply of subsistence for the people—
(Hear, hear)—if you attempt to spread the people's
table with whatever profusion you will, still you will
find it impossible to satisfy the masses of the people, but
rather you will send them away with appetites unsatisfied.
The present abundance you may call sufficient, but no
man can pronounce it to be excessive, as, after all, it is
only a matter of comparison, and it is an assumption
equally dee ger:4l6 and hazardous to the landed proprietors