The Sun.
London, England, 1848-05-16 00:00:00

THICTS BILL.

On the motion of the Bishop of WINCHESTER this
Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed
on Friday next.
Their Lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 15.
NAVIGATION LAWS.

Mr. LABOUCHERE (in continuation) said—l now
come to the case of the West Indies, and I find
in the same way that the strongest representations have
been sent to this country from those colonies as to the
evils which the inhabitants believed were imposed on
them by the restrictions of the present navigation- laws.
—(Hear, hear.) I know there are some Hon. Gentlemen
who will say the West Indians do not understand their
own interest, and that these laws are really beneficial to
them ; but in reply to that, all I can say is, that the
West Indians themselves are of a very different opinion.
If any faith is to be placed in documents emanating from
the bodies the most important, and submitted to the
consideration of this country, the West Indians claim
it as a matter of right and justice that we, having re-
moved all protection from their goods and produce,
should set them free from the trammels of the naviga-
tion.laws. I shall now proceed to lay before you an ex-
tract from the memorial of the House of Assembly in
Jamaica to her Majesty's Government :—" Your
memorialists could point out the advantages pos-
sessed by the island of Jamaica for becoming a commer-
cial depot, especially as to a position with respect to both
continents of America and the surrounding islands. If
the navigation-laws were withdrawn, foreigners would
bring assortments of goods from Europe, Asia, and
North America, and other foreigners would come to
purchase and re-export these; and as the Government
of England already permits the abolition of all differen-
tial duties hitherto enforced for the protection of her
manufactures, no injury could arise from an extension of
this permission and a relaxation of the navigation.
laws. Your memorialists would call to your Majesty's
consideration, that the prosperity of your Majesty's
colonies cannot but be beneficial to the people of Eng-
land, who always have been able to undersell the
manufactures of all other countries, and could not
fail to find in the free ports of Jamaica a profitable
outlet and depot for their productions, both for con-
sumption and exportation, nor could any loss occur
to them in regard to their shipping, which has ever
competed successfully with that of the world; a great
demand would inevitably arise both for ships and manu-
factures, and merchandise of all kinds. The benefit to
Jamaica from such relaxation to the navigation-laws
would be infinite; it is the most desirable boon that her
iGnohvaebrintamnetsnic;olutldwosoollidciatiodr
Jamaicareceiv out from
hyooru
dr
ffiotMajesty'ses
receive
it would be hailed with exultation, and
with every sentiment of gratitude and respect; and it
would be an honourable and generous concession on the
part of Great Britain, which would exalt her in the
esteem and admiration of all nations." The next docu-
ment I shall quote is an extract from a dispatch of Lord
Harris, Governor of Trinidad 'addressed to Earl Grey,
the Noble Lord at the head of colonial affairs, on the
30th ;of January, 1847:—" But what I intended to
ask is, whether any relaxation in the terms of the
navigation-laws might be hoped for; such as I am in-
formed has already been granted to the Mauritius,
and which the nature of the population of this island
and its position might warrant, sous to allow the goods
of all nations to be brought here in any vessel without
restriction? it would undoubtedly promote an extensive
and direct commerce between Trinidad and France and
Spain, which is now much retarded and restricted by
being carried on by way of Martinique and the Spanish
main. Another great advantage would accrue respecting
immigration, as the freight of immigrants would be
much reduced. When Coolie labour was first proposed
to be introduced, American vessels could have been pro-
eared to bring them at 91. per head, whereas the present
charge is nearly 181. But I really feel it is a waste of
time to argue the question whether or not the advantage
of the colonies would
be promoted by abolishing those
restrictions. The West Indian colonies are, by their
position and natural advantages, qualified to be the
entrepots and depositories of the commerce of the world,
and it is as impossible to say to what development their
trade might not reach, if they were allowed to ex-
tend their own energies, and to hold unrestricted
intercourse with other countries.—(Hear, hear.) I
am unwilling to detain the House any longer than is
necessary, but I could quote from the evidence taken
before the Committee, on the motion of the Honourable
Member for Stoke-upon-Trent (Mr,
Ricardo) many pas-
sages to justify these views. I cannot mention the name
of the Hon. Member to whom I have alluded without
paying my humble tribute to the great industry and
laity which he brought to the investigation of the

-----
subject, and in promoting the formation of just 54.c1i-:.
sound views on this important question.—(Hear, hears):
In connexion with it I may be allowed to mention that
it was but the other day one of the most eminent Norih
American merchants—a gentleman who would be know*
to many Hon. Members—Mr. Gillespie—came to me at,
the Board of Trade, and said, "Let us have the St. Levi" :
rence free. If you do rx, I have made up my mind to
abandon my trade with Canada." He is, I believe, a Pro-
tectionist, and was very sorry we reduced the duty in this
country on colonial produce.—(hear, hear, from the
Protectionist benches.) Yes, but the House having
done so, he said "You must do away with these restric-
tions—(Renewed cries of Hear, hear, and scheers fros
the same quarter)—you have reduced the amount of
colonial protection, and if you refuse to free the colo-
nies you will commit a monstrous injustice." It th!
majority of the House do not agree with him, and WWI
Hon. Gentlemen opposite, in thinking we should retrace
our steps and impose a differential duty on the produces
of the colonies, we certainly should notimpose on then
those restrictions which drive Mr. Gillespie and other re-
spectable and enterprising merchants out of the trsdet
because they are unable to contend with the foreiver is.
consequence of those restrictions, which, if renewel
would leave them in a position to do so. I have said
this much with respect to the result of the navigation-.
laws upon our colonies; and I will now proceed to 001
to those portions of them the object of which is to
.-
cure to this country the long-voyage trade, and whict
prohibit British ships from bringing the produce of
Asia, Africa, or America from any foreign European
port to this country. A British ship, for instance, cal:
not go to Havre or Hamburgh, and bring back to this
country a cargo of cotton, sugar, mahogany, or of an/
other article the produce of Asia, Africa, or America.
believelawsof
arethis almost entirely condemned. I
shall certainly
be much surprised if it finds a defender even in chi
ranks of Honourable Gentlemen opposite. There are, a
see, some indications on their part of an intention tot
resign some parts of these laws; and if so, this tone
certainly be the part they intend to abandon, for thef,
are extremely mischievous and indefensible. What hags
the results been ? Just see how produce anb;
manufactures are affected. If the mahogonis, b
made into furniture—if the Alpaca wool, fruicii
you bring- from Peru, be made into clot
if the sugar be refined, you may bring
the°
from any part of Europe, as they are no longer con;
sidered produce, but manufactures. The consequence:,
that these laws operate, in this respect, as a bounty
against our own in favour of the foreign manufacturer,
while at the same time they deprive the shiporinser:
themselves of a large share of the trade which We'
would otherwise possess. We have had recently song)
conversation in the House as to the difficulty of bring;
ing cotton from Havre. It was stated that a Inerchscit
in this country had sent over a cargo of cotton to ,rt/astis
port for the supply of the manufacturers there. ','"„
political events of the last few weeks destroyed the
market there, but it could not be brought back to 1-41,93r1.1
pool, where it could have been sold at once, as no Bilt`hai
ship could take it. The result of all this was, the't.l-4-
British merchant lost- his money in his venture, an
,
the manufacturer of Manchester could not get t,
hl
cotton, of which he would have been so glad. ',se
evil is the consequence of your futile attempts to se.-o
the entire possession of the long voyage, it )
so constantly eludes your grasp.—(Hear, be"-t's
An Hon. Gentleman, a Member of this House,.fici"4,
cargo of crushed nuts, extensively used in making oil,
to Havre. He called on me, and said he hoped L eg)tta,
use my efforts with the Government to procure the tot
mission of the cargo into the ports of this countrYf, •$4
I was obliged to tell him that such a course was Oils
in the teeth of the navigation-laws. It is an absurdtas ,
foolish restriction, to be sure; but the Treasury hseitir
the power of dispensing with the law of the 16iiei
What absurdity and nonsense restrictions of this's-„ fie
are!—(Hear, hear.)___lxannot imagine -that-the g°
for a moment can suppose the maintenance of the I%r
gation-laws in their present state conduces to the %Fs
pert of this country, nr that it is necessary ford the',oo ,
terests of her trade to ~keep up those absurd an 'lllO
terests
restrictions.—(Hear, hear.) It is true, Sir, that gsiiss
may have as yet comparatively produced but small wiis'
chief; but now, when the distances between toughen
are shortened by better means of intercaurse, w'l6
facilities of communication are increased, it is *bora,
st
maintain those antiquated laws. Such a course is c°_,
putting new wine into old bottles, and the resultcanny;
but be destructive to the article you intended twosr: iii
—(Hear, hear)—nay, important evidence ...t
before the Committee on this point, but I win call_
trouble you with a few important extracts from
Mr. R. V. Swaine, a merchant at Hamburgh, said _ tit;
if the navigation-laws were repealed, the whole 01;4
Alpaca wool, South American sheep
soda, and almost all the palm oil from the coast of Afrists
brought to Europe for account of Hamburgh inerchsoomi,
in foreign bottoms, would go to London or LiverPo to
The palm oil which now goes to Hamburgh wouldgf the
England in Hamburgh vessels. The operation c iisti
navigation laws with respects to the supply of ferusysi•
wool, and nitre, icui
wools to this country, such as are brought to the c" to •
nent of Europe first, is unquestionably unfavoursbletic,
British manufacturers, because the German man
turer is purchasing that article now at a less priee 03
the manufacturers can purchase it in Lancaebire is
Yorkshire, and the consequence must be that the Gerftsce
manufacturer can afford to sell his cloth at a leas rt is
than the English." Mr. G. Mapleton, a eserchOti le
yt
come to
withutahtovei
Having
England
the
wn
gtrl ad
English with
vesselsthebe iil:car, fti:
London and the Canary Islands, said, " The naYigr,e-g°o'
lsahwipspiendtetrofecraede:ceoswstivneg.ml
ries. The cochineal produced there is obliged l'ase
Einogrodpier,ecitt tomEnonogtlanedo once been la,nuo,e-tbte.
produce of Africa, except for exportation, alto elth°a"'Ss
the Canaries are virtually part of Spain', is t°,
consequence is, that it now goes almost erlDre,' in
France. The barilla trade is circumscribed nlitipor
the same way.. Cochineal can be sold at 4d. t° ";:tion'
pound more for consumption than for otperr 00
This prevention of the importation of cochinice'nter
Europe into Great Britain gives a very great ouvs tae
to the French and other foreign manufacturers °sert
English manufacturers, as the cochineal of the; `',,--s et,
Islands is of a very superior quality. The effect is isjOrl
dition of 6d. per pound to the price, besides tbesotifti4;
caused by the prohibition of its use in British 03i and
tures." But the House will form a very itoper,.'e'io tiss
inadequate estimate of the evils which this sYeSeiebicti
produced, if they look only to the critical cases in ouch
it can be shown to bu injurious. There is 6 00.
, . 0000 di/
wider field which we are to regard in con tr ,
the effect of these laws. We must look to the
sold
which is absolutely prevented from coming to °`-gssrceli
by their operation.—(Hear, hear.) I believe it P.
ivec's,
possible to estimate the development our cotntee' iiarl 'S',:i
receive if these restrictions were thrown doelld 00 wss:
tally abolished, and if navigation were condttesste top II;
same large and liberal principles which the Preoti setice,
decided should prevail with respect to the ills, itoe);(
of foreign corn. I now come to a iri effec ion
cant part of this question. I mean the to be as
those provisions of which the object anPee,rrs,,de. :het
secure to this country the indirect carrying 7„--, lelie'bat
not think it is necessary to go into the queetl-fses' :-,so
or not those provisions were wise in former ..--ii,j ti o.
I will not hesitate to declare_ my opinion thot,sset to Pr',.o
did they ensure the effi,ct they were inteno 00°4"
duce. We shell, however, very much mistake theergu
it one
of the real ques ion at issue if we decide to 3,'Outil•seii.v
the supposition that we are free to take what -,iso rifie '
please upon it. This is a game at which two is of "-
l'here is already no obscure or doubtful indicattetooilo
;
intentions of other countries on the san3• i finisol
Already we see signs which warn us that t o 004 ,f
fast approaching in which we can trade on no, to Chi
terms with other nations, and when they will o.l' 1. or
" Whatever we give we will require from 3 )cm so of
question now is, not whether these laws VP s Nat it
not, but whether we are prepared to embark nioricieeler,
retaliation with every other country in thew t vor lie, t hp°
be our real interest to embark in this war, fibsi de,
by a course of wise and timely concession, werise tte;000
' iandreapliltayeedoitmooore prosperitymfoorrethseeeureood of rufsunclst of
o safer " voice 0,
than we could possibly obtain by the main age ecttai
those narrow and useless restrictions? ir,e,ranot else
try already has proceeded a voice—l will - jaeg-ipse
menace, for it uttered no unfriendly or hostile
the s 0
—but a voice of warning. It has issued fronidosch is
country, considerations respecting which
site i 0
1823, Mr. Huskisson to propose his great site oyiob ot
the navigation laws—l mean Prussia. SliessPoeff ill of
the name of Germany on this occasion, adle pOillor
the time when a commercial treaty is ()II the
the time when a commercial treaty IS OP b 31. %.03
expiring, and this is the language addressed
01;16 Fr l
or,
sen, the representative of Prussia, to. my N the P of
at the head of Foreign Affairs. I beg to tale notico•
ticular attention of
the;he House to it. It ger ss:tkne' tfl
the intention on part of Prussia not tO reP_A w Jr" of
as sr. of
isting treaty, and proceeded (in a note adiss7o vee,
Palmerston, on May 10, 1847), to BAP"- es ipt'otir
1814 does not allow Prussia, as the aggrievertio op.
and public opinion of Germany, which P°lv.ot infer sli tbe
ports those interests, would require, to restr! . ,„ie
alogous manner the admission of British 91/117 130'ise
second article of this treaty accords to °reflect 0, 06
the right of the most favoured nation with ve6'oll °los&
importation of sugar and rice. The expiratiore do
libertytr eaty at to thethe epnrdo
and a c",:vst cute
ssoifanthGeovperrensmenetntrar wathreiinge of its
laws affecting navigation has been the slimi-i, Parana'
serious consideration. The nomination ° oip-riw
mentary Committee to examine the English r.,°,-00
laws, and to report during the present ee""The V"-,
ment thereupon, has nevertheless held out tf° :t 0 Fecisiffe
Government a hope that Great Britain rribc-otireh, re
means of a general legislative I/3- weigr lOW
period, by
the restrictions to disappear which at presen.ch so no'
German navigation and commerce, and lyhterciel refs'
riously impede the development of the coral:ill o?°,t 0
tione of the two countries." The Hone° be 001°40).
that the nomination of the Committee on scar vett
the Hon. Member for Stoke-upon-Trent (no hod ser,
of the composition of which some eoleplAling the too
made, actually had the effect of prod vox
preilf)ooo
pension of tLat which Prussia vir hie's 004
to strike at British shipping, and ape pi'?
have fallen on them had it not bee0
„loses
_rot
Sir, I have reminded the House that fromutxbier goo
ceeded this voice of warning. Front esnsootled 10 tile
among foreign nations at the same time 10,`,', tiliticlen's A
not ot warning but of invitation. §i.ro,._ ti, sec ro, .
great republic of the British race, vehle drelltira, Sp°
to ourselves in commercial and maritimeLr° it 7y tii:
mean the United States of America. °:,',0.....4P pIOW
of lost ) 0,9 sail'
autumn of last year— the end ,
carne to an 1,
American Minister, Mr. Bancroft, s ffiiir 0
_oor _
believing that it was the disposition o.
__gam to DI 0;,
Fserlife, nadodthinetB.oermcreedtaorsytohfoSt ttabtee
GfoorrFer.oorencult_norpo
of birrrcfetfoitor,,
make large and liberal changes w re
•opevete WOO stud
time laws, way moat anxious to c°
us ante give
0... ot?_,,
this work, and in conjunction with fn.l)se h.re_e,',
beplerrto:dhriecrtierset
oo
ft tahemwesotridexund, which we Pci: ;la. #F,..

Mr. Bancroft's langua,,ffe to me was—" We are ready to
do anything you will do. If you can do but little, we
would do but little. If you' will do much, we will do
much too. If you will do all, we will do all."—(Loud
cheers.) Sir, I requested Mr. Bancroft to put his views
into shape in a formal communication, and the conse-
Fuence was a letter which he addressed to my Noble
riend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
which I will take the liberty of reading to the House:—
" American Legation, Nov. 3, 1847.
" The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary arid Minis-
ter Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has
the honour to inquire of Viscount Palmerston, her
Britannic Majesty Principal Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, if her Majesty's Government is inclined
to remove existing restrictions on international com-
merce. Universal reciprocity, in the widest sense, is
held by the American Government as the only
thoroughly appropriate basis for intercourse between
two great nations. The prohibition of the indirect trade
has but restrained enterprise; it has done good to neither
country. To abrogate it would at once set free dormant
:commercial wealth, without injuring any one. Should
her Majesty's Government entertain similar views, the
undersigned is prepared, on the part of the American
Government, to propose that British ships may trade
from any port in the world to any port in the United
States,, and be received, protected, and in respect to
charges and duties treated like American ships; if, re-
P;''l.(peally, American ships may in like manner trade
rora any port of the world to any port under the domi-
13ico of her Britannic Majesty. The removal of com-
mercial restrictions, while it would be of mutual
advantage to the material interests of both countries,
could not but give openings to still further relations of
amity between them, and by its influence on the inter-
course of Rations, create new guarantees for the peace of
the world.

" GEORGE BANCROFT."
Sir I will not read the reply of my Noble Friend to
111% Bancroft; suffice it to say, that my Noble Friend
stated, on the part of her Majesty's Government, that
they did not feel themselves at liberty to enter into nego-
tiations with the United States of America upon prin-
ciples obviously subversive of the navigation-laws as they
now stand, and although they conceded that such a
course would not be justifiable on the part of the Bri-
tish Government without the previous sanction of Par-
liament, yet her Majesty's Government were prepared to
make to Parliament such recommendations as they
trusted would meet the views expressed by Mr. Bancroft
on the part of the Government of the United States.
• Then, Sir, concurrently with
that warning from Prussia,
which, I believe,
the whole of Prussiagave not only in the name of
Germany, but in the name of all other
countries so restricted, with that warning we had this
invitation from America. I think this did constitute an
oppaortunity which I should indeed lament to see thrown
• sureyOf and
•
although I am quite aware of the pres-
this public bssiness on the House in the course of
Majesty'sinnd
cumstances Yet I should indeed have lamented if her
, zefoenrezotg
offer or hivaidngbeen obliged, by any cir-
thethis House, at the least,
liieving as g ourselves of this opportunitY,..he-
teat the navigation Ido ,
only that -it is of great consequence
athnad_ propeontinliws should be placed on a sound
f-s-...Z, but also that it is of consequence
opptornt7intii
which, I lot; should be lost in availing ourselves of this
, and that we should not follow that course
am sorry to say, has attended all precedihg
alterationsWlattnnlatoef,
andou r nn aovt igation - l a w s , namely, come some•
been entailedse,in oan
.the Ilou - until great practical evils have
the country. Sir, I have now stated to
general manner, what the law is, and I
have stated to them my reason for believing that it
-would be inconsistent with the interests of this country
to
maintain the law in its present state. I will now
Proceed to *tats to the House what are the alteraticins
)-which9 on the part of her Majesty's Government,p
4,91
_Prepared to make. And, Sir, I will begin
I
those parts of bur - navigation-laws which
do not proose to alter. Sir, it is not my
iT•erition to recommend- -to --the House to mike
s -"Y material alteration with regard to the coasting
trade to this country. It is not that lam unable to say
1°1" House that I believe that if we threw open the
coasting trade foreigners could by no possibility, to tiny
Peat extent, avail themselves of it. On the contrary, I
bound
are
E„ ,- to admit, that if there is any part of our navi-
-6440n-laws that is more protected by nature from foreign
ninterference than another, it is the coasting trade of this
country- But, Sir, on the other hand, if that is the case,
' think it must be admitted also that throwing open the
coasting trade would produce no very great amount of
g°°d• But if foreigners are by nature practically ex-
cluded from our coasting trade, I cannot believe that
admitting them by law would produce any very great
amount of good. Under these circumstances, Sir, my
desire is not to recommend to the House any alteration
Which I think I cannot lay a
foundation for in a case
of urgent and absolute necessity, and in professing that
opinion I shall, I think,. do more in consonance
with prudence. and circumspection in dealing with
in which th©feelings
it subject of this magnitude,
Well as the interests of this country are deeply
involved—l say, Sir, I shall do more in consonance with
that prudence and circumspection, seeing that there
would be no benefit by
.throwing open the coasting-trade
—seeing also that there is no chance that foreigners may
imitate us in this respect, believing thatit would cause
very considerable alarm among the merchants and ship-
owners, and other classes in this country—alarm which
I should not myself share—l confess that on the whole
it is a more prudent and convenient course not to ask
the House to interfere with that case. I will also add,
that we should create a difficulty with regard to our re-
venue, the revenue police of our coast, by the admission
of foreigners to the unrestricted privilege of our coasting
trade. On this ground her Majesty's Government have
come to the determination of not recommending to this
House to interfere with the navigation laws as they now
stand with regard to the coasting trade. Sir, for
reasons somewhat similar, but I think stronger in
degree, I also do not intend to propose to the House
to make any alteration in the law which restricts
the fisheries to English vessels. I do not propose
to alter the navigation laws with regard to the
fisheries of this country. The whale fisheries will be
affected indirectly by the general alteration which
we propose to make, but with our own fisheries we
do not propose any alteration. But, Sir, having made
these two reservations, I confess that I shall propose to
this House to deal in a very general manner with the
remainder of the system of our navigation-laws. The
truth is, it all hangs together. It is very difficult to
separate one from another. Upon the best consideration
I have been enabled to give to the subject, I beliere
there would be little practical advantage in doing so.
And moreover, I am bound to say, having looked into
"eh of the several remaining parts—l mean those parts
which,, restrict the importation of goods from the ports of
• 'jai Africa, and America, and from Europe, into this
country other than in British ships—l will say that part
el our navigation-laws which is designed to protect out
Carrying trade, I say I cannot believe that this country
se any real interest in retaining those—at least as far as
ise A
~,,,b'srus foreign countries that may be disposed to reci-
procate with us in respect to these matters. I therefor&
propdse, by Act of Parliament, altogether to strike from
the statute-book the existing system.—(Cheers.) But
,-, shall advise the House not to deprive the Queen in
sill oumoil of that power which she already possesses untie'
isi)lse:acy statutes, of imposing countervailing duties, ii
tret cur
so think fit, upon any foreign nation that may
thisa r ships with injustice. I do not propose that
ipower should be obligatory on the Crown. Ido not ,
sT ePoerese that, where it may not be considered for the
blow 'ta
°f
this country—tor the mere sake of returning
for ,
Crow, $h I°R'
the mere sake of retaliation, that the
cottntry ie°4l4 be obliged to impose restrictions on any
tient' ; - they should fit to impose similar restric-
be our
Wouldnavigation. But, Sir, Ido not think it
of all powerpedien so completely to strip this country
sort of a, under all possible circumstances, under any
feral ggravation or injustice, of retaliating on a
power, a i the Crown of that power
7:_hillit already possesses under so many Acts of Par-
,:toisent, I do not know whether I have clearly ex- ,
eaceed-to the House the plan which I propose. ' •
sl.r, R. PEEL—With regard to the fisheries?
nr. LABOUCHERE—I mean no alteration with re-
VTI;I_IVT. to the fisheries whatever. The privileges which
1 re-
. vessels have on our coasts now they will still
th
".,, The rest more on te navigation laws than
e treatiy not
es and international rights, and the law of
„44.0wtkrts- I do not propose any alteration there. And
as to the views of the Government with regard to
the navigation laws, properly so called. But there are
baserlle etloctraents, which I adverted to at the beginning
,_,;my speech, which it is absolutely necessary I should
I the attention of the House to in conjunction
Runsre, these,' alterations. These are the acts which
j.,‘
...t , Own;ershiN
• gll'ato the character of British vessels—l mean the
building, and manning. Sir, I think in ex-
...`: . n. raZa.'og the British shipowner in this manner to the unre-
world I
icted corn • • '
ention—it may be with all parts of the
to „. think it is but reasonable that we should afford
the mot every facility in obtaining his ships at
todenheapeat rate.—(Hear, hear.) I therefore propose
the rtwhitty with that restriction which at present limits
built gsh, equally to British registered as to British
shall be entitled propose that a ship built abroad
to ow„r.bi to be British registered. With regard
alteration.PJ do not propose to make any material
,
.
er . law which lah * at'o some anomalies in the present
ould .
to
dotehe general prinensPose to redress, but with; regard
t intend to „au! es of registering British ships, I
registering the oi,oolnacY change ; and with, regard to
British ships eagagedgi 1, Propose still to require that have crews entirely oo 14 the coasting trade should
I-do not propose to cesteProsed of British seamen , and
*V,
crews of British ships engaged.
the lawt. re and .to the
with d •
5.., still to require that tho,„ ,In the foreign trade, but
Ouitish seamen. But, their crews composed of"Z"°111d have two-thirds of
.... fleeted with the manning of
`-`es con-
terial alteration which I proper there is one ma-
onneanaoation with regard to
question of apprentices. But ' Sir, I allude to h
should say that there is to
eirt:rathat in the Indian
alterf°"
and
cnr of British sea-
-1 proceed, I
manning which I propose,
SOILS the Lascars shall have the
and therefore
''' % • men, for I think it really is absurd
tabs a distinction in that case, unjust to m,in.
to place the Lascars on the same footi° we propose
seamen, believing they are entitled gtoas British
-their excellent conduct, and by the _fidelity they
- have shown to the British nation. I propose whichalntts,gee-t-h-e,Ys
to abrogate the necessity which is now im
British ships of taking apprentices. I believed that
obligation is one of the most burdensome nature, arida/
e sic: believe it is of no use whatever in increasing the quantity
f British sailors, or in manning our navy. I belies,
. • et: • that it has totally failed in that respect, and is a mOset ...,a ttinseiost restriction plated on the British shipowner. At
s.sent its effect is such that one-sixth of the crews of
7„.„.... nosh ships it is calculated consists of boys. But the
~, „, consequence which this violent disturbance of the labour
, Ai," rattrkOt of this
dare,tx, particular branch naturally produces is to
es xj,._
these
e .the able-bodied seaman out of the ships into which
to the
Deere are intractsed. Ns is obliged to take himself
Aukeziou
alin• " 113 I> ti PVT or say other i