The Sun.
London, England, 1870-09-24 00:00:00

OUR. COTEMPORARIES—This Morning

COUNT BISMARCK'S CIRCULAR.

The Times remarks that the lugubrious prophecy that
France will regard any peace now concluded only as an
armistice attributes to French opinion a unity that it does
not and cannot possess, Allowing what must be
allowed, that there is a real danger of a spirit of
revenge growing up in France; allowing that Ger-
many has a right to protect herself against the
consequences of this temper—there still remains a
strange gap between Count Bismarck's argument and his
practical conclusion. He says that as long as Strasburg
and Metz remain to France her powers of offence are
stronger that German powers of defence. Considering
the course of the war, this proposition is at least doubt-
ful, but the essential point to be noticed is that the
Chancellor treats the provinces as nothing and the
fortresses as everything, while he regards the fortresses as
something that must for ever continue to exist, as if
they were as necessary parts of creation as the Vosges
themselves. Popular opinion, among victorious nations,
always demands more than statesmen think it wise to
exact; and it is one of the chief labours of a negotiator
to moderate the expectations of the people behind him.
Let it be remembered also that Count Bismarck's circu-
lars are earlier in date than M. Favre's modification of
his first attitude ; and he put his case, at the highest, to
`counterbalance M. Favre's first pretensions. It is quite
impossible for any impartial neutral to study the
Chancellor's Circulars without coming to the conclusion
that what he claims in argument is much less than what
he claims in words, and that the guarantees of peace for
which he contends would be seemed by the neutralization
of Alsace and Lorraine, without lmpsing upon Germany
that legacy of difficulty and danger involved in the an-
nexation of the provinces.

COUNT BISMARCK AND THE ANNEXATION SCHEME.
The Telegraph remarks that if Count Bismarck could
bring himself, at the eleventh hour, to spare France the
unspeakable humiliation of that surrender, he would con-
ciliate to his policy, and to his master, the admiration of all
peoples and the loyalty of the Democrats. He would obtain
immediate peace upon terms most flattering to the pride
of the conquerors, while respecting at once the dictates of
the higher law and of the wisest statesmanship—for
Germany would be sufficiently complete without addi-
tional territory, and would peacefully develope her future
history apart from French animosity or influence.
But if he will insist upon wresting these
provinces from bleeding France, he actually
creates a future policy for the defeated nation.
Paris may fall, Metz and Strasbourg, may be made Ger-
man, but the inhabitants of the confiscated provinces will
become eternal propagandists of the Republic ;
and when the Influence of these great victories has
passed from the hearts of the German people,
and they begin to ask again for political pro-
gress, the popular party will find an all in the
thirst for revenge which the French race will cherish.
All great men have their defect somewhere, and this
arrest of Jacoby, with the obstinate rejection of the all
but unqualified bid for peace made by M. Favre, must
incline thoughtful persons to fear that Count Bismarck's
intellect can deal with everything except absolute success•
MEETING OF COUNT BISMARCK AND M. JULES FAVRK

The Standard says :—The meeting between Count
Bismarck and M. Jules Favre has taken place,
and, if we may trust the published reports of
their preliminary conversation, the homes of peace still
hang by a slender thread. The first point discussed
was as to the guarantees which France could give that
any agreement made with the Provisional Government of
Paris would be accepted by the Constituent Assembly.
The Revolution has unquestionably created a
new and most ;'',formidable difficulty for France.
Had they put off repairing their political condition
until they had amended their military position the
French nation would certainly have been able to
treat on better terms with the Germans.: The change
of formation in front of the enemy has been
followed with its usual inconveniences. The esta-
blished Government—if that can be said to be
established which is nothing but the acclamation of
the mob of Paris--is awkwardly placed either for war
or peace ; and Count Bismarck's preliminary ob-
jection to M. Jules Fevre is not unreasonable.
Germany has a right to ask that the represen-
tatives of France should come before her with some
kind of credentials, that they should prove that
they are able either to offer or to accept con-
ditions that they have sufficient authority to carry out,
whatever arrangement has been mutually agreed upon,
especially since the first step towards any such arrange-
ment must be an armistice. Count Bismarck may even
rersonably object to shew his whole hand to an emissary
of a Government which had not even a clear
de facto existence. The acts of the Government of
National Defence may be repudiated by the Constituent
Assembly. The Constituent Assembly itself can only
speak for those whore it represents. There is still Marshal
Bazaine at Metz to be reckoned with, who has not yet
given in his adhesion to the new state of things, and who
may be for the Empire for aught we know.