The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-03 00:00:00

I Mr, MILNER GIBSON could not but congratulate his
Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, on the opinion
of his Noble Friend who had just sat down. lie could not see,
in accotdance —with that opinion, how it was that the
Noble Lord could not support the amendment? It would be
said that' the amendment of his Hon. Friend would endanger
the measure of his, the Right Hon. Baronet's. He was of
opinion that the
.question of endangering the Government
measure was not to be considered, when the great principles
of the Right Hon. Baronet's were only proposed to
be carried out by the amendment of his Hon. Friend.—
( Hear, hear.) He thought the present amendment
was the only one which could meet the views of the First
Minister of the Crown. The Right Hon. Baronet had said
that his first and most anxious feeling was how he could meet
the emergency of preventing a great national calamity. He
said in his speech that nothing less than a total repeal of those
laws would meet the emergency ; and now that it was pro-
posed to have an immediate repeal, which could alone meet the
emergency, how on the ground of consistency could the sup-
porters of the Right Hon. Baronet oppose such a measure ?
He (Mr. M. Gibson) was satisfied that nothing less than n
total and immediate repeal would meet that emergency. If
they were to grant a three years' protection, he queetiened
much that the Right Hon. Baronet would be able to meet the
distress which existed, anti which by the end of that time
would increase. When, as was stated by the Right Hon.
Baronet, famine was at hand in Ireland, how could he for one
moment think of keeping up a duty on corn ?—( Hear, hear. )
Supposing that it were desirable to give encouragement to the
agricultural interest, how could they hope to maintain the duty
to the present extent under the present pressing emergency ?
The duty on oats and barley was 2s. 6cl , or 10e per cent. on
the value of the commodity. That was
no small duty and the
prices were such that none could be
imported into this country
so as to give a profit. Their present duties would cause large
quantities of grain to be sent to the foreign markets when
every grain of corn was necessary to avert the ca-
lamity with which the country was threat-
thought
With regard to the agricultujral interest, he
thought that it would be benefited immediate repeal. He
did not think that the farmers woultlinrequire any adjustment.
He did not believe that the farmers) It strue
cared a pin for the cot n-
law question.—(Laughter.
him as remarkable that
the tenant-farmer did not seem to
matter with respect to its influence on s+raw about the
they were interested in it as a polities] em, but he believed
matter _(Noyfrom
the Ministerial side.) Well, they differed On that.
( Hear, hear.) He believed that the farmers would bepeonintifiled
to a reduction of rent by the withdrawal of protection, and
when he came to ask for that !reduction the protectional land-
lord would answer and say--" Wait until the Ist of February,
1849."--( Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) The Member
for Stockport (Mr. Cobden) had said that he did not believe
that prices would be materially affected—and by the Ist of
February, 1849, we will see if their is any necessity for an
alteration. The change that would be hanging over the agri-
tural body until 1849 would cause many improvements to be
postponed which would be carried into effect if repeal were
granted at once. If a man were condemned to be executed
that day three years, did they think that he would em-
ploy his time in constant preparation for eternity?
He believed that he would not.--(Laughter.) The man would
be calculatinr, how he might best avert the sentence.—( Hear,
hear.) The system of protection had been put on its trial
befom that House, and had been found guilty of high crimes
and misdemeanours, and yet all that they asked was rapid and
jimmediate execution.—( Hear, hear.) Every delay was an in-
ustice, for the measure seemed equal to the most pressing
emergency of Ireland, and, therefore, he supported, and called
or, the House to support the motion of his Hon. Friend.
Mr. ESCOTT (who rose amidst groans and cries of " Oh,
oh ") said that he should give his vote according to the prin-
ciples laid bown by the Noble Member for the city of London
on the first night of the debate. If the present measure would
be endangered by the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member
for Wolverhampton, he would not vote for it, for no one could
honour the prineiple more than he did. —(" Oh, oh," from the
Ministerial benches.) If anything occurred that evening to
make him believe that the carrying of the motion of his Hon.
Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, would endanger the
success of that measure, he would certairly adopt the prin-
ciple laid down by the Member for London, and in
order to save the measure, he sionld vote against it. The
question was whether it was right, under the misting
circumstances of this country to raise the price of food to the
people by any restriction by protection. In November last
he came to the conclusion.—(" Oh, oh," from the Ministerial
side.) He begged that Hon. Members would allow him for
one moment. In November last he came to the conclusion
that any measure that would raise the price of food would be
be impolitic. It was at that time his duty to attend a meeting
of a large body of his constituents, and he:told them that his opi-
nion was that the only cause of the ports remaining closed was the
fact which he supposed to exist. That there was no Govern -
ment responsible for the affairs of the country. The statement
of his Right Hon. Friend, made in that House, the other night,
fully justified what he had said on that occasion—there was
actually no Government responsible for the welfare of the na-
tion, and the ports could not be opened.—(" Oh, oh."; He
asked, had anything occurred since November which would
make the opening of the ports of more benefit to the country.
The necessity of opening them had increased since that time,
and it was in consequence of those circumstances that he would
vote in favour of the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolver-
hampton. He would only say one word more, with respect to
what the farmers said. Hon. Gentlemen below him might
hoot as much as they pleased ; but he woald continue his state-
ment, The farmers said that they wished to have done with
agitation ; there was only one way to get rid of agitation, and
that was repeal—immediate and for ever of the corn-laws—and
it was a mere delusion to tell the farmers anything else. That
course would be for the interest of the people—wanting more
food—for the interest and the peace of the country, and for the
credit of the House of Commons.—( Laughter. )
Mr. R. COLBORNE said, that as he had not occupied the
attention of the House on the debate which had previously taken
place on the subject of the corn-laws, he would venture to
trouble them for a short time. He would give his support to
the amendment of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. He
did not intend to discuss the policy of the change in the corn-
laws, for he thought it fair to own that enough had been said
already. He would address the House on the: amendment.
He had given his support to the Right Honourable Baronet, not
because he had read speeches of the Right Hon. Baronet,
and had heard the able and reasonable principles on which he
had clearly proved the efficacy of free trade. He had, however,
reserved to himself the perfect right of voting against the
Right Honourable Baronet on any measure. He had heard
many arguments brought forward in favour of free trade, and
in favour of an immediate and total repeal of the corn-laws.
He had beard a dissolution of Parliament spoken of, but he
believed that if such a circumstance took place, it would
strengthen their ranks to the injury of the business of the
country, If the business was now settled it would be a great
advantage, as it would put an end to the agitation that would
continue to exist if they retained the duty for three years longer.
He could not forget that unless a total and immediate repeal
was to take place, the question would be agitated with ten
times greater force than before.---( Hear, hear.) Besides, be-
fore the three years they would have to elect a new Parliament,
and the question would create great excitement —( Hear,
from the Conservative benches)—therefore he wished it settled
at once ; not that he feared the supporters of protection would
seand in a better position than they now did, but that the
country must be saved the uncertainty, delay, and excitement.
It was impossible not to remember' the elections that had lately
taken place.—(Hear, hear.) They could not forget that the
electors of Dorsetshire had turned out a Noble Lord of great
character, and whose beeevolence and integrity were well
known. It was impossible to forget that the electors of South
Notts—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Conservative
benches)—had turned out a 'Lard of unblemished eharacter
and the greatest talent. These were indications of the
proceedings that might be expected if this question was kept
alive ; and the only probable chance of putting *an end to such
a state of things was to make the repeal immediate and total.
The battle, if fought in a general election, he was satisfied,
would terminate in favour of the free traders.—(Hcar, hear.)
But he was desious of avoiding that battle, and for that reason
he considered this House should totally and immediately re-
peal the 'corn-laws,—( Hear, hear.) With every &sire of
acting with the Noble Lord (the Membei for the city
London (Lord John Russell) he must give his vote in favour of
the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. There
was another point to which he would refer. It had been men-
tioned in a newspaper that he was an apostate to the principles
'Which he formerly professed. The editor had since made a
handsome apology ; still he (Mr. Ridley Colborne) would state
that he had never advocated protection. He considered that
protection affected landlords alone, and that if there was any
loss from the present measure, they would have to bear it.
This he believed they were ready to do.—(Hear.) lie for-
merly voted in favour of a fixed duty, and it was still
his opinion that a fixed duty could be carried out,
but under the circumstances, rather than keep the question in
abeyance, and keep the agitation on it alive, he would support
total and immediate repeal.--( Hear, hear.) He had heard it
stated that it would be inconsistent to repeal the corn-laws un-
less they applied the same principle to other things. He did
not see this, and he was of opinion that if free trade meaesure
3
as
did away with duties on all other kinds of articles as
taxation
w
corn, so as to meet all our public burdens
by direct
case would
alone, it ough: to be opposed. He for onein
another way In which
be totally opposed to it. But there w
the benefits of free trade were to be
theo obtained—it ned
hear.lvasbyrelax-
ingthe duties on the comforts ofpoor.—(Hear,
This had been done already to some extent, and it had led to
an increase of revenue, and his only regret was that the relaxa-
tion did not go far enough, and include other articles, such as tea,
coffee and sugar. Theyought to legislate for the labouring man,
for the toiling artizans, for the poor men who were working
at the loom; and on this account ne was desirous of supporting
the repeal of the corn-laws and the relaxation of protective
duties generally.—( Cheers. )
Mr. GORING, who commenced his address in a tone of
voice that was almort inaudible in the gallery, was understood
to oppose the motion under consideration. He considered
that the Noble Lord, the Member for the eityof out London( the Lord
John Russell) must attribute his failure,. n carryingld manner in which
business of the Government ftc the be
he stated the measures which he intended to brine
forward. But the Hight Hon. Baronet had taken a different
course. He had adopted more cunning tactics, and by a kind
of mesmeric influence, he had brought many of the once inde
pendent members of that side of the House to be little better
than his body-guard. The Right Hon. Baronet the Paymaster
of the Forces, and the Right Hon. Baronet the Vice-President
of the Board of Trade, had stated that this was a mere land-
lord's question. They now put it to the landlords to make this
sacrifice.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.) If this were
the reason why they supported the corn-law so long, he him-
self, if he had supported it for the same reason, would have been
thoroughly ashamed of himself. It was not the large landed
proprietors who would be injured by the measure;they, by
the extended use of machinery, by not employing so many
labourers, and by not keeping up so many buildings (for that,
after all, was the real source of expense), would be enabled to
meet the difficulties 'treated by this measure ; but it was the
small landlords whose estates were mortgaged—(lronical
cheers from the free-trade benches)—and the small farmers
who would be swept from the face of the earth. The Right
Hon. Baronet the Secretary of War, stated that if the land were
properly cultivated, they might still produce plenty to make up
the deficiency; but how would an increased produce at decreased
prices affect the tithe-owner ? His interests would be alto-
gether overlooked in the arrangement. He would oppose this
measure to the best of his ability, and they who, with himself,
did so, would have at least this consolation, that they would
know, that nothing had deterred them from doing what they
conceived to be their duty. They would not blame themselves
with supporting a course which would ultimately ruin a farmer;
and this consolation was, also given them, that by no folly or
cowardice of theirs would the British labourer or the agricul-
turist be compelled to the misery and degradation of earning a
wretched subsistence in the manufacturing towns.—( Cries of
" Oh, oh I" from the Liberal benches.)
Mr. BRIGHT would wish to make one or two observations on thet
speech of the Noble Lord, the Member for South Lincolnshire, with
respect to the imposition of a ss. fixed duty. The Noble Lord
the other evening amused the House by reading long extradites':
aln.
the former speeches cf Members of the Government on thilastque
Perhaps the Noble Lord would have no objection
stlpeeep
_,(n;
Bright) shofed treat the Tlottse with an extract from.
at
sonis't.lia',7c
deliverer) to his constituents' of South Lincolnshi!e.d
I say that that
that something they can compromise call be edf„ltlies
t 'question wi:l be
day has gone by, the settlement
when agitation is stopped. 5311.16 have supposed
tion of Sir Robert Peel to impose dutyp?se of 55., grad
will
d that it is the Mien-
taut the a o
b
getting less, but I say, that nothinge Tr. pr,,, Bright) ly
uty will
lead :o the settlement of that
hquii speons _
aid that there would be no
agreed with the Noble Lord wi.se
t question, until all duty on corn
cessation of the agitation ° man that could think differently most
had been abeTlshed, and
verytheindifferent idea of the force of public
hays formed bat a
Member for Shoreham who had last spoken,
Rollo. Th ":(31r. Wright) thought, with very bad taste).—
iCfsiTecli awl, 45