The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-05 00:00:00

Z-7"A m7:43.4FN0 74:1
N 0.16,679. LONDON, TH URSDAY
1/1 T-71,9„ rlit
'..2A -41 di-7,A 02M
E-A44

The anniversary dinner of this important commercia
corporation '.vas held or. Monday, at the London Tavern
and was attended by a large number of influential gen-
tle:nen connected not only with the interests of the
company itself, but with the most ex:ensive comm, rcial,
financial, and political establishments in the city of
London.
Mr. William Astell, the governor of the company,
was in the chair ; and on his right sat his Excellency
Baron Brunnow, the Russian Ambassador ; on his left
were the Governor and Deputy-Governor of the Bank
of England, and the Chairman of the East India
Company. The following distinguished persons at-
tached to the Russian embassy, and the other
gentlemen, whose names are well known as instru-
mental in maintaining the good understanding so essen-
tial to the welfare of both nations, were also present:—
M. de Berg, M. de Kalergi, M. de Koudriaffky, Baron
NicolaY, Colonel Romannff, Captain Schwabe, Lieute-
nants Kilbaen, Sokoloff, Evoloinikoff, Abroscoff, Pan-
kratieff, Alexandroff, Barbouresko, Colonel Jackson,
the Russian Consul, Mr. George Lennox Conyngham,
Mr. J. G. S. Lafaire, Mr. J. Bidwell, Captain Thornton,
R.N., Governor and Deputy-Governor of the Bank,
Governor and Deputy-Governor of the East India Co n-
pany, Mr. J. Masterman, M.P., Mr. E. Harman, Mr.
B: Hawes, M.P., Mr. A. Paris, Mr. E. Gower, Mr. A.
L. Gower, Mr. J. H. Astell, Lieut.-Colonel Astell, Mr.
J. Braysher, Collector of her Majesty's Customs, Mr.
T. Tooke, Mr. W. Tooke, Mr. W. Little, Mr. J. Little,
Colonel Colquhoun, Mr. R, Fall, Mr. W. Gladstone, Mr.
T. Cope, &c.
The toasts of "The Queen," and of " The Queen
Dowager," " Prince Albert, the Prince of %Vales, and
the rest of the Royal Family," were drunk with all the
tokens of the mast ardent sincerity and enthusiasm.
The CHAIRMAN said, that on all occasions of the
meeting of that Company, it was felt essential to pay
a tribute to another sovereign of great eminence, whose
favour was of inestimable value to that ancient corpo-
ration—established as it had been in 1556—he meant
the Emperor of all the Russias. It was with peculiar
pleasure that he called upon the company to join him
in drinking " Health to that illustrious sovereign."
The toast was responded to with much cordiality.
The CHAIRMAN next proposed " The health of Baron
Brunnow," and declared that, not only the Russia Com-
pany, but the country at large, were indebted to his Ex-
cellency for the able manner in which he seconded his
imperial master's desire to preserve relations of amity
with Great Britain, and to secure the peace of Europe.
Baron Baunnow returned thanks for the honour
that had been conferred upon him, and expressed
his grest gratification at the cordiality with which
the toast had been received by the company. He
assured them that it was with the greatest pleasure he
availed himself of all opportunities of meeting with
the merchants of London, for whom he entertained
so high a respect and esteem. His Excellency then
congratulated the company upon the cordial and friendly
relations subsisting between his Sovereign and the
Queen of Great Britain, and upon the growing pros-
perity of those commercial interests so essential to the
welfare of both empires, and concluded by proposing,
" The health of the Governor of the Russia Company."
Mr. A STELL returned thanks, and said, that frequently
as it had been his lot to return thanks for a similar com-
pliment, at no time had it been more grateful than now,
when the interests of both countries were so essentially
promoted by the zealous efforts of the illustrious noble-
man on his right to cement and perpetuate the union.
He begged to repeat his thanks for the honour they had
done him.

The CHAIRMAN at his next rising said that heretofore
the Russia Company had had reason to rejoice in the
presence of her Majesty's Ministers, but at present they
were engaged in the imp,)rtant duty of recording the
thanks of Parliament to those whose exertions had
caused the victories of the east to be wafted to the we t.
He would not speak of the Members of the Govern-
ment as absent friends, but as gentlemen of great talent,
great honour, and to whom the country was much in-
debted. They were now called upon to discharge their
duty under very difficult circumstances. The eyes not
only of England, but of Europe, were upon Sir Robert
Peel and his colleagues, and he heartily wished them
health and happiness under their arduous undertak-
ing.7-(Cheers.)

The GOVERNOR next proposed " The health of Mr.
Masterman," prefacing it with the expression of the
sentiment that the representatives and the constituency
of the city of London were equally to be envied in their
relation to each other.

Mr. MASTERMAN, in returning thanks, assured the
company that he would never be found wanting in
humble efforts to discharge the duties which his high
trust imposed upon him.

The next toast was, "The Governor and Deputy-
Gozernor of the Bank of England;" and for which Mr.
J. B. Heath returned thanks.

The "health of the Chairman of the East India Com-
pany" having been drunk,
Sir H. WILLOCK returned thanks, and took occasion
to say that the intelligence of the recent events in India
had been received with mingled feelings of pain and
satisfaction by the company—pain, because all the
endeavours of the East India Company, of the home
Government, and of the local authorities in India,
which had been directed to the preservation of peace,
with a view to develope the resources of the country,
had been thwarted by the invasion of the Seikhs-7
but gratification at the brilliant result of the contest,
and the renewed credit it reflected upon the British
arms. Sir Henry then paid a tribute to the Russian
Autocrat for his successful efforts, in conjunction with
those of the Queen of Great Britain, to preserve the
peace of Europe, and concluded by characterising the
capital of St. Petersburgh as the seat of hospitality.
" The healths of Mr. Edward Harman and Mr. Henry
Cayley," were drunk, and acknowledged in appropriate
terms.

The CHAIRMAN next proposed the health of distin-
guished nobleman, who combined in his own person the
service of half the sovereigns of Europe—the Duke of
Wellington.—(Cheers.) That illustrious man was a
field marshal in the army of Russia ; and it was appro-
priate,in the presence of the representative of the ruler
of that great empire, to drink the health of him whom
posterity would recognise as the hero of the 19th century
The toast was drunk with three times three, followed
(upon the invitation of Baron Braun() iv, as officially an-
nounced) by one cheer more.
The Chairman then resolved into a toast, which was
drunk with the utmost enthusiasm—" The motto of the
Russian Company—peace, amity, and concord between
Great Britain and Russia," and the company then
broke up.

• IRELAND.
LORD MELBOURNE ON " COERCION."

DUBLIN, MARCH 2. —Lord Melbourne has, in a letter
elicited by a communication addressed to his Lordship
by the. Secretary of the Repeal Association, given a
straightforward, however unpalatable, opinion as to the
urgent necessity that exists for the immediate enact-
ment of an Irish Coercion Bill. The Noble Lord's reply
was read at the weekly meeting to-day at Conciliation
Hall, and runs as follows :

" South-street, Feb. 24.
"Sir,—l beg leave to acknowledge your letter of the
28th inst., and to inform you in reply, that it is my de-
cided opinion that the measure now before the House 'of
Lords, which has for its object the more effectual preven-
tion, and the more certain discovery, of the frightful
crimes which prevail in many parts of Ireland, has clearly
been delayed too long, and cannot now be pressed v. ith
too much celerity.

"I remain, Sir, your faithful and obedient servant,
" MELBOURNE."
The Chairman, Richard O'Gorman, Esq., having
briefly addressed the meeting in condemnation of the
proposed Coercion Act for Ireland, the following letter
from Mr. O'Connell was read by the secretary.
" British Hotel, Jermyn-street,
London, Friday, Feb. 27, 1846.

"My dear Ray—l was very much pleased to find that
the Association had, under the, auspices of Mr. Smith
O'Brien, taken the initiative in denouncing and opposing

fie new Coercion Bill.

" It is an atrocious measure ; it should be opposed by
every means the constitution leaves open. It is, I re-
peat, a most atrocious measure ; and whereas all former
coercion bills were merely temporary, and held out the
consolation that though they were oppressive and dero-
gatory to constitutional rights, they were in their nature
transitory and of short duration, they held out the cer-
tainty that the constitution would revive again, and that
whatever of political rights and liberties the union left to
Ireland should be once more brought into action, and
afford against lawless invaders some protection to the
people of Ireland.

"-It is not so with this Algerine Act. It holds out the
fiendish intention of being perpetual. It announces dis-
tinctly that as long as the union statute is law,-this Co-
ercion Bill shall be the charter of Irish slavery and
degradation. It thus presents abundant reasons why
every honest politician in Ireland should btcotne'a re-
pealer. It is the crowning measure of that degradation
and injustice which is made to insult and oppress Ire-
land, under the name of a union. Shame I eternal shame
and scorn to those who stand by in base apathy or base
neglect, and see their countrymen trampled under foot
by the hoofs of unconstitutional coercionis's !

The first great objection, therefore, to the intended
Coercion Bill is its perpetual nature. No minister would
dare propose such a bill for England. No minister. would
dare propose such a bill for Scotland. It is only poor,
trampled upon, and oppressed Ireland that is obnoxious
to measures of this kind. It is only Ireland,: with which
it is calculated there will be no sympathy or liupport.
is only wretched Ireland that can be crushed with per-
fect impunity.
" Gracious heaven ! what a consummation of the
union ! Scotland will. continue to have a constitutiooal
guarantee fur person and property. No man can have
his property taxed in Scotland by the capricious will•of•
a single individual chosen by Government. No Scotc:ll7.
man can be arrested or imprisoned without! legal pro-
cess, and legal evidence of crime, nor without the means
of legal redress in case of any abuse of the existing laws:
Long may the people of Scotland enjoy tlicl benefit of
such protection I
" England will continue to have a constitutional
guarantee for person and property. No marl can have
hisproperty taxed in England
.by the capricimis will of
a 'single individual chQsen.liy goverinApnc.. No English-

at al

man can be arrested or imprisoned without Limal pro-
cess and legal evidence of crime, nor without the means
• of legal redress, in case of any abuse of the existing laws.
Lone- may the people of England enjoy the benefit of
striliprotvction.!
" But, alas ! for Ireland, the sacredness of property
will- exist only at the discretion, that is, the caprice of
government. Proclamatieu may issue without cause.
with nothing more than the allegation of a pretext ; I
may say, with the allegation of the vicinity of a pretext..
And behold at once all the property in the district is at,
the mercy of a single officer, appointed by the Govern
went. Such office: may mike any rate he thinks fit—
he may levy any rate he thinks fit—may seize on, by.
way of distraint, all the property of every occupier in
the district, and sell off the distress so made to whom
he pleases, and at what price he pleases.
" Neither is the personal liberty of the Irishman mr.ra
secure. Ho may, if this Bill passes into law, be arrested,
or held to bail, or sent to and kept in prison, at the ca-
price of every officer, superior or subordinate. No legal
evidence-heed be adduced, no legal protection is given,
no habeas corpus can issue, or if it do, the sic volo, sic
jubeo of asiaolicebaan concludes the question, and leaves
the Irishman without relief.
" And this is called a union, and the Irish are to be-
' Here they are united to Great Britain: Yes, Lord
Byron was right—it is a union, a union between the
shark and its prey, between the devourer and the de-
voured.
"But to return—l have said that my first objection to
the Act was Its perpetifity.
"My second objection is to the title of the Bill. It is
entitled a Bill for the better protection of life, and to
facilitate the apprehension and detection of persons
guilty of certain offences-in Ireland.'
" This title is totallytuienyld be entitled
A Bill tdi-ender property -arici'life more insecure in
Ireland, and to stimulate the people of that country to
the commission of outrages and the perpetration of re-
bellion.' •

"Should the proper time ever arrive for moving the
insertion of the proper title, I would certainly move a
title such in substance as I now describe to be prefixed to
the Act.
Having thus given my first objection to the Act,
namely, its perpetuity, and my second objection, namely
its false title, I procced to my third objection, which is,
the miserably slight excuse which would authorise the
Lord-Lieutenant to place any part or parts of Ireland
under the provisions of this Algerine Act. The process
by which the country is made subject to the Act is by
proclamation, and such proclamation may issue if any
person commit murder, or even manslaughter, in any
county or part of a county, or shall shoot at, or stab, or
cut, or wound anybody, or shall by any means whatso-
ever cause any bodily injury dangerous to life. In every
such case, wide and expansive as it is, and trivial as may
be some of such offences, yet, if any one of them be
committed, the Lord-Lieutenant is by this Bill autho-
rised to proclaim, not only the county where the offence
was committed, but also any such part of any adjoining
county as he may think fit. And he may then hand
over, not only the county in Which the offence was corn
mitted, but also any adjoining innocent county, to as
many resident magistrates—to as many sub,inspectors•
of constabulary—to as many head constables—to as
many constables, and to as many sub constables, as he
may think proper—all, all of whom are to be supported,
clothed,
of ptahied ,
cmcauipnitearisn maintained,
the districts or counties it:-
, and provided for, at the ex-
pense
eluded in the proclamation.
"But, still further. It is not necessary that any
offence should be committed in, or adjoining te, any
such proclaimed district or county, and an adjoining
county may be proclaimed without any offence having
been committed in either; for it is precluded to inquire
into the cause or pretext of issuing the proclamation.
The people may be able to prove that no offence what-
soever was committed; yet that will not avail—the pro
clamation is itself, by the fifth section of the Bill, made
conclusive evidence of its own validity.
" There it is—the absolute and uncontrolled power
of a Lord Lieutenant to proclaim any part of Ireland,
at his will, pleasure, or caprice. No inquiry is to the
facts he alleges —no proof allowed to prove the untruth
of his reasons for acting : he wishes it—he chooses,
and he does it—the country is outlawed, and his fiat is
fate.

"If this be not despotism, I know not what is. We
used to call the coercion acts Algerine Acts,' but since
the French have introduced law and order to parts of
Algeria, the name no longer applies. Let us, then, in
future, call these Bills Russian ukases, in honour of
Nicholas !

" I-cannot conclude my remarks upon this Bill by
this post ; there are other matters which require my
immediate communication with the Association.
" Before I proceed, let me remark, and state my
thorough conviction, that Inland cannot have greater
enemies than the Whip at tl4.Peers. Nobody can
he surprised at the line of conduct adopted by the Mar-
quis of Lansdowne, or by Earl Grey. Some persons
expected better from Lord Clanricarde, but I do not
really see that there was the least grounds for such an
expectation. Ile has no claim to be considered an Irish-
man, that I know of.

" i am now anxious that the Association 'should dis-
tinctly understand the position we are placed in. The
Association is most anxious to have the country free
from the horrors of the wholesale murders of the clear-
ance system, and of the often retaliatory and hideous
assasshaations. The Coercion Bill does ndt even pur-
port to give any remedy for the crimes of thg landlords,
and it is more likely to provoke additional assassination
than to check the progress of crime, or bring, to punish-
ment thoie Nirho..are already stained with the guilt of
perpetrating those crimes.
" What we allege is this :
" Firstly. Thdt we are more anxious than the Go-
vernment to prevent the commission of every crime,
and, above all, the horrible crime of murder, whether
perpetrated by landlord or tenant, occupier or pro-
prietor.
" Secondly. All former coercion acts have after a short
time lost their force, and become, in truth, stimulants to

" Thirdly. That it is time to reverse the order of pro-
ceedings,. and to begin with such conciliatdry measure
and laws as will place Ireland on perfect equality in
civil, religious, and political rights with England and
Scotland:- • • -

" Fourthly. That the state of the Irish agricultural
population should be taken into immediat(f considera-
tion, with a view to relief, and to have the sytem of land-
lord and tenant ameliorated, so that therg. should be
stability given to the occupation of the tenant, without
prejudice to the landlord's right to an adequate rent.
"Fifthly. That the emaciating evils ari,ing from the
union, and the consequent absenteeism of our great pro-
prietors, may be mitigated by allowing to the tenant all
the money .and the value of all labour expended by him
in the improvement of the land in his occupation.
" This, especially, we insist upon. That' these mea-
sures of justice, coneiliafion; arid peace shall be carried
out in legal and active operation before any Minister of
the Crown shall dare bring into the House of Commons
any Coercion Bill, or, in more appropriate phrase, any
'Russian Ukase,' against Ireland.
" It is true that it has been said that Sir Hobert Peel
has pledged himself, in answer to my questions, to bring
in Bills, on the part of the Government, to extend the
franchises and ameliorate the condition of the people of
Ireland.

He has been reproached with this as it'crime by
many of his former supporters. He is not guilty of any
such crime. He is pledged to no such measures.
" What has occurred is this—l gave notice of four
questions to be put to Sir Robert Peel, giving him full
opportunity to consider his replies. My questions re-
lated to Bills to be brought in by the Goverqment.
." My first question related to any Bill fori the exten-
sion of the franchise in Ireland.
" Sir Robert Peel's answer was most unsatisfactory;
he said he hoped that the Government would be able to
bring in a Bill regulating the registry of vet ors in coun-
ties in Ireland, and also for altering in soma degree the
franchises. He said nothing of extension Of franChise.
He said nothing of regulating the registry in towns and
cities, where a new regulation is most wanteo.
positively bring in
uwen it isi recollected
ldh
"It is quite clesr, therefore, that he pledged himself
th at he
Bvtiv ot
taonynosthucinhgb,iinlot session.vetheisn
that Lord Stanley's- bill, which went to anpihilate the
franchise in Ireland, entitled A Bill to regdlate the re-
gistry of Voters," it. will be seen how ve+ chary Sir
Robert Peel was to pledge himself to do anything useful
to Ireland, or, in fact, to anything definite.
"My second question regulated to an augrtientation of
Irish members in a just proportion.
"To this question he gave no answer—he, was totally
silent.
d question related
„My thir sto an equalisation of fran-
chises and powers in the municipal corporatiOns.
e To this question his answer was nearly satisfactory.
As I understoodliinieha promised a bill for equalised, n,
with, however, some reservation. What this;reservation
was to he- he did not state. I am, however, afraid of
him ; - the word..`reseryetion' allows him tp omit the
most material franchise. It may mean mueh less, but,
11 events, it is an ugly word, and I am afridid of it.
My fourth question related to a 13111 to {give to the
Lilts the full value of all their improvements.
To this question his answer was vague and unsatis-
factory. lie, however, give a hope of Crieging in n Bill
on that subject ; but li:s description of the intended 13111
would answer such a Bill as Lord Stanley bl'ought,into
the Lords last year. The tendency of wipat be said
pointed at some 'Such Bill as Lord Stanley's. • He said
nothing . that could. in any respect show iihisinten-
-tion to bring in a Bill sufficiently extensive i its opera-
dons to be satisfactory to the tenants.
• " Upon. the whole, therefore, it will he sen that Sir.
.Robert Peel is guilty Of ire deceit. He h s given nii-
.distinet pledge oe•promise, and what he did s y was not
:by any means satisfactory. • •
" Bat tlle.truth is this-epromises,-however distinct and
-emphatic,. could not ba'accepted as any mitigition of, or
compensation fore. a Coercion
i
" Whet' we reasonahl.c: insist on is, that before any
Coercion Bill shonld be brought iii, that a row system
should-he actually acted upon. Franchises shou!d be
equalised—representation should be made mc!re. just and
adequate—civil and religious
rights should b equalised
--and.the law of landlord and tenant mitigated to Meet.-
the evils of the union and of absenteeism.. ; •
"Let these things be done before any man tints to me
of a Coercion Bill, Let no man dare to talk to .me of