The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-11 00:00:00

Government expects no tranquillity except from the anni-
hilation of the Polish name and character. On their
part the Poles are equally resolute. At home, many
of them choose to suffer death by cruel tortures
rather than enter the ranks of the Russian army.
More than a thousand Polish soldiers now work
with galley-slaves or convicts in Prussi I, rather than
return to their country under Russian thraldom ; and the
number of exiles in France and Germany, who have re-
sisted the offers of an amnesty, show the horror enter-
tained among them for the Russian dominion. No peace
or amalgamation of interests can be expected, with such
treatment on the one hand, and such distrust or exaspera-
tion on the other. The latter feeling will be encouraged
and strengthened by the sympathy of Europe, and futurity
will be looked to for the redress of those wrongs, the sense
of which cannot be diminished by time or distance.
Votes and speeches like those of Tuesday night in the
House of Commons, or like those in the French Cham-
bers, will keep alive in the minds of the noble sufferers
the hopes of better times. They will still consider them.
selves a nation though without a country, and will be
ready for every enterprise which promises to restore the
name and rights of their native land. Should such an
opportunity occur, and should Poland be restored, it will
be remembered with gratitude that a British House of
Commons nerved their spirits for the conflict, and branded
their oppressors with infamy.
E si tremendo e fier, piu the mai fosse,
" Scende it fulmen Polono, ei fu che'il mosse."—Times.
The " cause of Poland," said Sir Robert Inglis in his
admirable speech on Mr. Cutlar Fergusson's motion, "the
cause of Poland is the cause of Europe and of Christian
civilization." Every manly and generous heart in Europe,
of every political party, and of every Christian sect, will
re-echo the noble sentiment. It is the honourable tribute
of an honourable mind to successless valour and persecuted
worth. When the day comes, and come it will, in which
the voice of retributive justice shall call the Poles to
avenge the wrongs of their country and restore her inde-
pendence, they will inscribe that sentiment on their ban-
ners, the children of Sobieski—the fellow.country►nan of
Kosciusko—will not value it the less because it was uttered
in a British House of Commons, by a representative of
one of the ancient seats of English learning, in honour of
a people who, in former days, saved Europe from the de-
cola inky tide of Turkish conquest; and in later times,
have been to her a bulwark against the no less destructive
irruptions of the northern barbarians. Let the Autocrat
enjoy his ignominious triumph as he may, but if he have
a particle of those human feelings with which he has
been lavishly endowed by the servile eulogy of Lord
Palmerston, his wreath of laurel will be to his
brows a crown of thorn., when he bears of the
opinions which his conduct has called forth in the
British Senate, and anticipates in those opinions
the sentence of infamy which history shall pronounce upon
his name, and the execration of posterity. So often have
we brought this question of Poland before the public—
so often have we argued it upon the various grounds of
the faith of treaties, the political interests of England, and
the rights of nations and of humanity, that we believe we
have exhausted every topic, in the way of reasoning
and argument, which could be ;messed into its service.
Despots, as Nero, Domitian, or Caligula, might be de-
fended or admired—for they also courted the opinion of
a few by whom they were surrounded—those few being
the panders to their brutal passions; the providers of their
victims, and the accomplices in their crimes. Nay, the
Herod of Palestine may have been a most amiable man,
notwithstanding his "slaughter of the innocents," for he
may have issued the ferocious Ukase which tore children
from the breasts of their frantic' mothers, merely to gra-
tify some other persons, and not to indulge his own love
of sanguinary deeds. He, therefore, may be as quite clear
of the charge of savage cruelty and outrageous violence to
the rights of nature as the despotic chief, who, in
modern times has been called the" Herod of the North."
But neither the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, nor
any of our Ministers, dare to deny that the treaty of
Vienna, which created and guaranteed the nationality
of Poland, has been violated—contemptuously violace,i—
by the Autocrat, although the name of England was to
that treaty, and the Minister of England—even Lord
Castlereagh—declared at the time that it was necessary
that the duchy of Warsaw should be erected into an in-
dependent kingdom, as a barrier against the encroaching
ambition of Russia. We placed before the public eye,
some time ago, the energetic decl 'ration of Mr. (now
Lord) Grey, on the subject of the second partition of
Poland in 1794, to which Mr. Fergusson also re-
ferred on Tuesday night. Lord Grey then regarded the
destruction of the independence of Poland as endangering
the security of the other independent nations of Europe.
The partitioning Powers, at that time, violated no treaty
with England ; but the recent conduct of Russia to
Poland adds the violation of a solemn treaty with us to
its dangerous invasion of the rights of an independent
State, and its crimes against humanity. What causes
the gross inconsistency between the opinion of Lord
Grey at that former time, and his conduct at the
present ? He then wished to save Europe from the
danger, and England from the disgrace, of the cri-
minal apathy which made no effort to avert the de-
struction of the nationality of Poland. He has it now
in his power to save the honour of England, and regain
for Poland what, by treaty, we guaranteed her, yet he
shrinks from the manly assertion of those principles of his
own which now stand in historic record against him.
But he was then a patriot courting popularity, he is now
a Minister enjoying power. As to Russia daring to go
to war with England, if our Government adopted language
on this occasion suitable to the dignity of the country and
the justice of the cause, it is out of the question—she is
much more likely to take measures which will ultimately
force us into a war, at great disadvantage, in consequence
of the timid language and truckling policy of our rulers,
than if they gave her to linden tand they were prepared to
act, if necessary, on the old English principle—" Be just,
and fear not." Of what value will the signature of Great
Britain to a treaty be henceforth, if her Government, ad-
mitting that Russia has contumeliously violated a solemn
compact with her, avow that they dare not take any step
to vindicate the national honour, and are even afraid to

" unpopular" at the present moment, and wherein does it
not represent public opinion ? Because, weighing the ex-
traordinary difficulties of the Ministry, and knowing the
incalculable evils of a dissolution of the Cabinet, it cannot
fulfil the expectations, or satisfy the exorbitant demands
of the electors for miraculous reforms, and a great reduction
of taxation' and our fiscal burdens. The Conservatives
would surely experience far more ruinous difficulties in
any House of Commons than Lord Grey encounters in the
Lords. A dissolution might possibly add some small ad-
dition to their forces in the Lower House ; but that they
should regain their ascendancy, or succeed in achieving a
numerical strength of any importance, is a vain and ri-
diculous expectation. Granting Sir Robert Peel his
family seat of Tatnworth, where would the Duke of
Wellington's rank and file and ex-placemen—the
Goulburns, Horace Twisses, Murrays, Crokers, cum
multis aliis, obtain seats ? On the other hand,
how many additional radicals would be sent as mus-
quitos to torment a Tory Leader in the Com-
mons ? Sir Robert Peel has risen in power in the
Commons since his resignation of office; but he well
knows that his return to office could not be maintained,
and that he would relapse into his old common places and
political weakness. We suspect that the crafty Baronet is
too well aware of the real state of parties, to risk his cha.
ratter or chances on any present change of the Govern-
ment ; and this accounts for the vicious and undisguised
hatred entertained towards him, and openly expressed, by
his late political partisans. We may also ask whether the
Ultra-Radicals do not see their own road to gain by thus
backing the Tories and endeavouring to lead them to
overthrow the Administration? If the Ministry and
the present Commons are unpopular, is it not because
they are too much in accordance with the House
of Peers, or too desirous of avoiding a " collision?"
What, then, is the sole inference—the only alternative ?
that his Majesty must devise some means of making the
House of Lords fit the Cabinet. There is no middle
course—no other possible plan of saving and redeeming
the form and constitution of the British Government. The
Tory Peers will try to make political eunuchs of the Com-
mons—will throw out all the valuable Bills now or during
this session sent up to them—or mutilate them so that
their framers shall not know their identity when they come
forth from their Lordships' rack. Now it remains to lie
proved whether the ancient spirit of British Commoners
still exists in the Lower House—whether the Reformed
Parliament will allow the House of Lords to erect them-
selves into a government of Forty Tyrants ! What can the
Lords gain by such audacious temerity ? What may not
the Sovereign and the old British Aristocracy sacrifice,
and that right speedily, by such a blind and infatuated
course ? The Tory Peers are, indeed, with a vengeance,
playing the game of Republicans ; and if the Movement
becomes too rapid, the Conservatives will be responsible
for it. We confess we cannot divine the Tory policy.
They are vainly opining to ladle out the ocean ; they are
rushing headlong, like Pharoah and his host, into the Red
Sea, which is opening only to overwhelm the enemies of
the people. The kennel of the Whipper in is afflicted
with canine madness—a common distemper in the dog.
days. Do the Oppcsition Lords think that the stripes ad-
ministered to them by the Lord Chancellor, though neces-
sary to their obstinate nature, tend to elevate them in the
respect of the nation? The scarifying of Lord Lyndhurst,
and the pummelling of Lord Wynford, will not create any
public esteem for those two equally illustrious, consistent,
disinterested, patriotic Legislators. They may too late
discover their errors if they should chance to survive their
newly and honestly acquired order !—?Morning Chronicle.
It is with a feeling of curiosity, but certainly of no
higher kind of interest, that the public wait to see how
the House of Commons will dispose to-night of the motion
of Mr. O'Connell, which is to the following effect:—
" That it is the duty of the Legislature to provide for the
cheap and expeditious administration of justice, by the
formation of Local Courts for that purpose." When
we say that people are curious to knew how the House of
Commons will dispose of this motion, we mean, of
course, that they are curious to know how his Majesty's
Ministers will dispose of it, for nothing in this world is
more certain than that Mr. O'Connell will be in a large
majority or an insignificant minority, according, we do
not say to the vote of Lord Althorp, for he may vote one
way and command his rank and file to vote another, but
to the degree in which the Noble Lord will really
patronise or discountenance the motion. What the tactics
of his Majesty's Government or of Mr. O'Connell may be
upon this occasion it is not easy for us to guess, and Hea-
ven forfend that we should be so far in the confidence of
either party as to know. But we think it probable
that the former may give at least an ostensible opposition
to the motion, and we are not quite sure that it is
brought forward by the Honourable and Learned Mover
with any other feelings towards them than those of en.

The Lords move on doggedly in their allotted course.
They have thrown out the Bill for dispensing cheap;and
prompt, and effective justice to the poor of England ;
and have for the time decided, that for those wrongs
which it is almost inevitable that the rich and powerful
should perpetrate, it shall be to all future times, as in
times past it has been, next to impossible that the poor
man should obtain redress. It would be needless to de-
clare our unfeigned sorrow at a calamity like that which
the vote of the Peers has inflicted upon the whole body of
the nation. What, we may ask, is the point of view in
which their decision of Tuesday last exhibits their Lord-
ships to the country? We do not say (because an
Attorney-General might deem the assertion libellous) that
it is the light wherein the majority of the House of
Lords ought truly and justly to be regarded ; but it
is nevertheless, that in which a vast number of their
countrymen do consider them, vie., as enemies to
equal law throughout this realm—as denying the
rights of the mass of the people to substantial protec-
tion from the law of England—as perpetuating a
monopoly, not merely of wealth and rank, and privilege,
and power, but of justice. Having touched so lately
upon the true character of the Local Courts Bill, and on
the arguments by which it was supported, our readers
would readily be spared a recurrence to that particular
branch of subject in speaking of Tuesday night's debate,
more especially since by far the most serious considera-
tions flowing out of the vote of that eventful evening are
in their nature separate from those suggested by the Bill
itself, and belong to the general position and circumstances
wherein the Lords have placed themselves towards the
country. But the argument on the law and policy of
the question took so defined a character throughout the
whole discussion, and afforded opportunity for a triumph
to the Lord Chancellor so splendid, and a demonstra-
tion of the trut► and right of the question so lumi-
nous, that we deem it our duty to glance, however
briefly, over some of the points 6: st perverted by the hos-
tile party, and afterwards placed upon their proper footing
by Lord Brougham. In mercy to Lord Wynford u e pass
over that learned person's share in the combat, and in its
mortal consequences. Yee victis!—poor Lord Wynford !
shown by the Chancellor to be a lawyer and a legislator
who had never read, or, having le id, had forgotten, or,
remembering. had not comprehended the leading provision
of his own Bill, submitted to Parliament only a few months
ago ! But Lord Lyndhurst being of heavier calibre, was
silenced by a graver, though not a less effectual and deci-
sive exposure, than the other unhappy Baron. That
Learned Lord appeals to have run-a-muck at plain fact,
professional knowledge, and common consistency in his
treatment of the provisions of the Bill, and to have fared
accordingly from the crushing gripe of the Lord Chancellor.
So many plausible, but vulnerable fallacies, as were then re-
sorted to by the ex-tenant of the Woolsack, are rarely
to be found throughout one night's exhibition in any deli-
berative assembly, and never, we make bold to say, have
they been so unrelentingly demolished. He argued on a
quotation from Lord Hale, which was shown to be partial
and false. He declaimed upon a gratuitous assumption
that the expense of the new measure would be more than
double what Lord Brougham satisfied every candid mind
(except a majority of the House of Lords) that it could
be, magnifying 60,0001. or 70,000/. per annum into
150,000/. His Lordship then, as vehemently, condemned
the Local Courts already existing for their uselessness,
inasmuch as they were but scantily resorted to by suitors;
whereas the Chancellor proved that in some of them 9,000
or 10,000 causes were tried in a single year ! Lord
Lyndhurst attacked the noble author of the Bill for its
extensive, wild, and hazardous spirit, not justified by any
opinion derived from the Commissioners. The Chancellor
proved that it fell short in some respects of those re
forms which the Commissioners recommended, and short
indeed of the famous measure of Lord Wynford, already
consingnedto oblivion by its learned author, the latter having
subjected cases of " real property" to trial by his patent
machinery. But Lord Brougham was assailed for a
sordid and mercenary love of patronage in all these re-
forms. Did the Noble Lord display that passion i❑ any
f the context of his legislative or judicial character ? Did
be so in a large surrender of church patronage to the
Bishops? or in his dereliction of the appointment of official
assignees? Then, as for the capacity and integrity of local
Judges, what are the " great unpaid" in every county of
England but so many local Judges? Was there ever a
happier apostrophe than that of the Chancellor to Lord
Wharncliffe, who had himself sat for so many years at
the bead of the quarter sessions of the West Riding, and
made himself more known and respected also in his station
of a local judge than in any other which he bad occupied?
Nor did the feeble parallel of the Welch Judges, with the
description of functionaries now proposed, share any better
fate. The Welch Judges might be counsel one day in a
cause which they might have to decide as Judges the day
after,—a " combination and a form indeed" of professional
attribute of judge and advocate—of pleader and decider
—which Lord Brougham has by no means emulated.
Once more, this measure is, and will be long esteemed
throughout the country, which has been for a long time
deprived of it, essentially .and indisputably the " Poor
Man's Bill." As such the body of the people regard it;
os destroyers of the " Poor Man's Bill" do they hold the
infatuated Noblemen who have thus strangled it in the
very infancy or its progress. Lord Lyndhurst talked
largely of the purity of his motives. " Good wine needs
no hush," they say. His Lordship, as became a judge,
sensible of " what he owed to his station and office,"
spoke not against the Bill in any partisan, political spirit !
He turned away hie thoughts—good, innocent, elevated
patriot !—from the consciousness of its even being a
Government measure ; above all things, he forgot that
it owed its parentage to Lord Brougham ! And yet
in his simplicity, he also forgot his own pure mo-
tives, and, by some strange accident, he did indi-
rectly what, of course, neither his conscience nor his
courage could allow him to do directly ;—he did, it seems,
"imagine a person anxious to devote the whole of his
power to the purposes of personal aggrandizement and am.
bition, and indisposed towards the institutions of the
country, which appeared to him to check him in his
career—he could fancy such a person, about to bring
forward a new cyst, tn, fully sensible of the fleeting nature
of popular support and applause, and anxious to establish
and consolidate his power upon a secure and substantial
foundation. Should there happen to he at any time such
a person of such a character filling the high office of Lord
Chancellor of England, the patronage which this measure

Ninety-five Members of the House of Commons agreed
on Tuesday night to an address to the King of Grea
Britain, praying that " his Majesty will be graciously
pleased not to recognise, or in any way to give the sanc-
tion of his Government to, the present state or condition
of Poland, the same having been brought about in viola-
tion of the treaty of Vienna, to which great Britain was a
party ;" and 177 Members, who divided against the
address, fully concurred in the principle which it in-
volved. Even the Ministerial majority against the adop-
tion of Mr. Fergusson's resolution went further than the
pledge of the resolution itself, for Lord Palmerston and
his colleagues stated that they had protested against, or
had expressed their dissent from, the conduct of the
Russian Government, in overthrowing the nationality
of Poland, whereas the resolution merely demanded
their passive resistance to the conduct of Russia, or
their non-recognition of its legality. We may therefore
say, without the possibility of contradiction, that an as-
semblage
of the House of Commons of England, very
large for the present stage of the session,—namely, 272
Memlsers, including such Ministers as are Members of
the House—including the chief leaders of the Tories,
including the Whig representatives, and including the
Radical party, have all concurred in`a motion condemna-
tory of the proceedings of the Russian despot towards the
gallant patriots of Poland. The only reason why this
expression of opinion was not formally and unanimously
adopted by the House is, that the Commons of England
should never declare any of its treaties violated without
following up the motion with an address to the Crown,
demanding reparation or inviting hostilities. In this
ground of resistance to Mr. Fergusson's motion there is
some plausibility ; and, therefore, in recording the vote of
the opponents of the resolution, we are entitled to take
the universal opinion to be in its favour. And what is
thus the result of the discussion of Tuesday night? Why,
nothing lase than this, that the representatives of the Corn-
mons of England, assembled to the number of nearly 300,
have declared,without one dissentient voice, that Russia has
violated her treaties with us (in the engagement which
she had formed with us and with Europe to respect the
national rights of Poland),—that she has been guilty,
not only of oppression towards the Poles, but of perfidy
towards her allies in this conduct,—and that we are
only restrained from vindicating our own views of policy,
and asserting the rights of insulted Poland, by considera-
tions independent of the justice of our cause, or of the
strength of our obligations. This conviction is not
limited to the Members of the House of Commons—it
pervades all classes of soeiety in England—it is expressed
at public meetings—it is embodied in numerous petitions
to Parliament—it inspires both branches of the Legisla-
ture, and gives force and animation to every discussion of
the press on continental affairs. In short, if there is
any Englishman existing disposed to palliate the enormi-
ties of Russia, or to vindicate the oppression of Poland,
he, at least, has the prudence to he sane, if not the good
sense or good feeling to be right. Had our space permitted
us, we should again have gone over the argument, by
which the British Government is not only permitted, but
called upon, to interfere in the present state of Polish
affairs. Suffice it to say, that in the reconstruction of the
European system at the Congress of Vienna, it was pro-
posed by the representatives of the only two great Powers,
France and England, which had no interest in the various
partition of Poland, and shared only in their infamy,
by having permitted them, to restore the remnant of that
ancient state which was left at their disposal (from their
conquests over Napoleon) 'o its ancient independence. by
converting the duchy of Warsaw into a new kingdom.
The oliject was at first more vast ; it was even supposed
that tl e free Powers assembled at the Congress might be
able to reunite the partitioned provinces of Poland, and
re-establish, as a barrier against the barbarism of the North,
that kingdom which had long ago formed a bulwark
against the fanaticism of the East. Austria would have
agreed, for this purpose, to give up Gallicia, and Prussia
might have keen indemnified for the surrender of her
share of the spoil by a compensation in some other quar-
ter. Liberal opinions and anticipated advantages or ()an-
gels were, however, tao feebly felt to make all the allies
join in this project, and the only result which could be
obtained without a new war (a war which at the time there
was every motive to avoid) was the erection into a king-
dom of the limited duchy of Warsaw, which was trans-
ferred to Russia under certain conditions. Nothing shows
more strikingly the importance attached to that arrangement
than the circumstance that it forms the first article of the
treaty for the settlement of Europe, and stipulates in a manner
of which there is probably no other example, for the mode in
which the new kingdom shall be governed. It was to
be a separate kingdom, "united to Russia by its consti-
tution," which constitution was promised by the Emperor
Alexander in the treaty by which he was invested with its
sovereignty. The Emperor fulfilled his first engagement
within six months, and gave to Poland a charter which,
if properly observed, would have insured to his new ac-
quisition most of the blessings of freedom. This funda-
mental law, though gradually infringed upon, still existed
at the Emperor's death in 1825, and was sworn to by his
successor, the present Emperor Nicholas, in the summer
of 1826. The constitution, on all these occasions, was
acknowledged to be placed under the guarantee of Europe
and the faith of the Imperial House of Russia. Yet, to
the disgrace of both, a savage,—the Grand Duke of Con-
stantine, who was deprived of the enjoyment of his birth.
right in Russia on account of his brutal and revolting dis-
position,—was thought good enough to govern Poland,
and therefore was kept from the throne of the Czars to op-
press the brave subjects of the Soheiskis. Under this mon

" National Debt-office, July 8, 1833.

" The Commissioners for the reduction of the National
Debt hereby give notice, that by an Act of the 3d and 4th
of William IV., cap. 24, they are empower:A to apply
the fund commonly called the Sinking Fund, or any part
thereof, at such times as they shall think tit, to the pur-
chase of the reversion of perpetual redeemable annuities,
in exchange for annuities for a limited term of years.
" The Commissioners, therefore, are ready to apply the
sum of 300,000/., in this present quarter, to the pur-
poses of the said Act, upon the fallowing terms, namely,
for every one hundred pounds of consolidated 3 per cent.
annuities trans'erred to the Commissioners the parties are
to be entitled to an annuity of 3/. for one hundred years
certain, payable at the Bank of England half-yearly, on
the sth of April and 10th of October in each year. The
first half-yearly payment of the said annuities to be made
on the sth of April, 1834, and the last half-yearly pay-
ment to he made on the 10th of October, 1833.

CHELTENHAM
Per Bushel. a. d. to s. d,
Wheat
Barley 4 0 5 6
Oats 4 0 4 3
Beans
Pease 5 0 7 0
Hay Si. lOs

AI Alt K —July 9.
l'el lb.

Wheat, whir

Barley, Malting —..
Oats ....
Beans —....
Pea se —.—....--..

" The parties to be further entitled to receive upon
every 100/. of consolidated 3 per cent. annuities so trans-
ferred the sum of 3/. in present money, payable five days
after the the completion of the contract. One quarter's
dividend to be paid up to the 10th of October, 1833,
upon the consolidated 3 per cent, annuities transferred to
the Commissioners.

RK El S.-July 3

" The terminable annuities to be transferrable at the
Bank of England.

" Books Will be opened at the National Debt-office,
from the 9th instant inclusive, until the Bth of August
next inclusive (unless the sum of 10,000,0001. consoli-
dated three per cent. annuities should be sooner subscribed,
in which case the books would be closed), to receive sub-
scriptions from those persons who may be disposed to
accept the terms above mentioned.

(Signed) "S. HIGHAM, Comptroller General.'

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

A young man named Edward Miles, who bad robbed
his toaster, Mr. Merry, a cbeesemonger, of 260 sovereigns,
and pretended that he had been forcibly plundered of them
near the Exchange, was brought up for a second exami-

nation.
The LORD MAYOR had on the first examination put
questions to the prisoner, the answers to which convinced
every body that if the lad bad been robbed of the money
it must have been by himself. When he was confined for
a short time he acknowledged to Mr. Cope, the marshal,
that be knew where all the money was, and would give it
up to the owner.
The LORD MAYOR— find that your master has got

inky or scorn. It is not easy for us, who are Conserva-
tives, to imagine the possibility of any set of Ministers in
this country directly and openly leading a subservient
House of Commons to put forth an obiter dictum, to
resolve in the affirmative an abstract and perfectly useless
proposition, merely for the purpose of contradicting a vote
passed by the House of Lords in the regular and necessary
course of their legislative duty. Having witnessed the
absurdities into which the Whig Ministers have fallen
when they were well pleased, it would be rash to say of
any given absurdity that it is too great for them now that
they are angry. But yet we cannot say we expect them to
commit, even now, an absurdity 89 glaring as that of
making their obedient House of Commons pass a barren
resolution, and fetter its own discretion by the affirmation
of an abstract proposition, in defiance of legisla-
tive caution, of Parliamentary usage, of public conve-
nience, for the purpose merely of letting the world
know th it, in its exquisite judgment and exalted wisdom
(the exquisite judgment and exalted wisdom of the men
who nightly amuse themselves by crowing like cocks and
braying like asses), the House of Lords, after grave debate,
and on a question regularly before it, as an independent
branch of the Legislature, has decided erroneously. The
country, we are persuaded, is well satisfied with the deci-

the whole of his money, and that you were tempted by
the magnitude of the sum and the insinuations of a base
woman to commit the robbery. lam convinced !hat if I
had not in your case exercised the plan of questioning the
prisoner, or if you had had an attorney here to interdict
your answers, not a shilling would have been restored to
your master, and you would have been convicted at the
Old Bailey. As, however, you have given all the repa-
ration in your power, and as your father has great hopes
of your reformation and intends to send you out of the
country, I shall discharge you. For this act I mai►:be
blamed, but I think I am justified under all the circum-
stances.

The prisoner's father appeared to be very grateful for

this act-of kindness, and stated that it was often-on the tip
of his tongue to tell the prosecutor not to place too much
money in the hands of the boy, not on account of any sus-
picion of his integrity, but because of the dangerous nature
of the temptation.

ster every violation of the charter took place; arbitrary
imprisonments,—abolition of the freedom of discussion

in the Legislative assemblies,—the transport of Poles
to be tried by foreign tribunals,--summary vengeance
without law or the process of a Court—and every other
mode of overpowering the rights and liberties guaranteed
by the Constitution, for which the Powers of Europe had
given their guarantee. Nobody who has read such well-
authenticated instances of these infringements as are ac•
cessible to all the world, can doubt that the Polish nation

sion of the House of Lords upon the Lord Chancellor's
Bill. And if the House of Commons be dissatisfied with
it, as is probible—for the House of Commons are faithful

remonstrate with the perfidious violator, who, after de-
stroying Poland, has been allowed to seize upo❑ Turkey,
while the genius of our foreign policy has been expending
itself in unavailing protocols, relative to what has been
justly described as being, in comparison, the " parish
squabble" of Belgic affairs. It is curious enough that
while all the Ministers treated Mr. Fergusson's motion
as too plain, and, consequently, offensive to the Auto-
crat, Sir Robert Peel opposed it on the ground that
it was equivocal and ambiguous; the two proposi-
tions involved in the motion being that England
was a party to the treaty of Vienna, and that the
treaty was ♦iolated. What was there equivocal or
ambiguous here? Even the Jesuitical mind of the
Right Hon. Baronet could not conruse what was so
cl,ar and intelligible. We may observe, at the same
time, that he was the only person who ventured to ex-
press a doubt of the atrocities exercised upon the Poles.
Even the signature of Nicholas to his own infamous
Ukases, and their publication in the St. Petersburgh
Gazette, was not satisfactory evidence to him, who, as an
ex-Home-Secretory, must be well aware that British sub-

servants of the Ministry, and the Ministry is di•satisfied—
it is within the proper province of the House of Commons
to launch a Bill of its own, and it may make its Bill as
close a copy of that of the Lord Chancellor's as it pleases.
Let such a Bill be introduced if Mr. O'Connell or Lord

were justifi d in resisting them, and that they could forfeit
no stipulation of the treaty of Vienn i in their favour by

Althorp, or any other R nlical or Whig Member, so think
fit; let it be discussed in a manner as nearly approaching

_ . .
would vest in him would give him ample means to conso-
lidate his power and to establish himself in almost unli-
mited authority in this kingdom." Was this candid
insinuation a part of " the duty which he owed to his
station and office, and to the liberal profession to %%hid)

an insurrection against such intolerable and unlawful out.

;hat in which the House of Lords discu;ses the ram:

rages. The revolution, therefore, which commenced on
the 29th of November, 1830, was a political change
forced upon the Poles ; and, whether successful or not,
could not deprive them of the advanta;es of the treaty of
Vienna. If, as the Russian Government has always al.
leged, resistance was the work of a few demagogues,
then why should a whole nation bedeprived of its national
existence, for the errors or the turbulence of a small mi-
nority? and if the revolution was the work of the whole
nation, then how can it be said to be without a cause in
Russian violations of compact ? No nation ever can
become a rebel—no nation ever ought to become the sub-
ject of pun ishment for asserting its rights. It is impos-
sible for the Russian Government to escape from this di-
lemma—either that the insurrection was the work

sures before it as the inferior talents, principles, and
manners of the Lower House will allow; let it be

carried if such should be the good pleasure of the
House of Commons, and no doubt the House of

he was proud to belong ?" Was it the same simplicity,
and candour, and sense of duty, which made him forget
that the patronage conferred I.y this Bill was part of a
Bill which the Lord Chancellor, a private Member of Par-
..

Lords will receive and discuss such Bill wilt all

the decorum and seriousness and respect which the mea-

sure will in this case deserve, with all due regard to the
utmost presumption in its favour that one independent

liarnent, brought forward when he could have no hope of
the seals, then held by the present disinterested Chief
Baron ? But the Bill is fur the time lost through the
virtuous instrumentality of Bishops and of proxies.
. . _ _ .

branch of the Legislature can, consistently with its own
independence, admit any measure to derive from the an-

tec,aent sanction of another independent branch of the
Legislature. Let this course be pursued, and no one will
have any right to object. But the House of Commons

What do we infer from this ? Is it that no morells for

cheapening, facilitating, and expediting justice, will be
introduced or carried through Parliament? No, undoubt-

edly : our conclusion is, that Bishops will the sooner and
more certainly forfeit their legislative privileges ; and that
proxies, those deaf and dumb automata of the art of law-

jects are often sent to the scaffold on less cogent evidence
of crime. But it is refreshing to turn from the meagre
and jejune speci il pleading of such a mind to the honest
and heartfelt eloquence of Sir Robert Inglis, who, after
describing the criminal acts of the Autocrat against the
rights, the liberties, the persons, and the religion of the
Pole., invoked upon the head of the perpetrator the Divine
retribution which such national sins, sooner or later,
provoke, expressing a hope, at the same time, that the
House would liberate their souls, that night, by expressing
their unanitni,us feelings on a subject which is so connected
with humanity and the best interests of Europe.—ilforn-
ing Herald.

will do well to reflect, or his Majesty's Ministers rather,
its proper lords and masters, will do well to reflect for it,
that this assembly has not been altogether so successful in
the prosecution of real business that it can very well afford
to indulge in such metapyhysical disquisitions as amateur
debating societies pursue for their amusement, and that,
while half the important measures that have been brought
before the House of Commons are abandoned or mutilated

of a few, and therefore aught not to have
affected the rights of all, or that it was the work
of the nation, and thersiore was justified by its own
oppressions. This was the view taken of the late glorious
struggle, and of the more recent atrocious subjugation of
Poland by the English and French Governments. They
represented to the Autocrat that he held Poland not by
conquest, but by compact,—that the condition of the
compact was the maintenance of Polish nationality or in-
dependence,—that the insurrection of the Poles could
not release him from hi. engagements to Europe,—that
the constitution of Alexander was the link which con-
nected his empire with the new kingdom, whose sove-
reignty had been intrusted to his hands,—and that the
termination of the war in his favour gave him no rights
which he did not enjny before the alleged rebellion which
his brother's tyranny had provoked. Had the English and

;baking, will he altogether abolished.

Some of the Bi-

shops, we are assured, contrived to give their votes in a
furtive, tricky, and manceuvring manner, so as to make

themselves objects of compassion as well as of blame. Was
not the expedient of that Protestant hero, Lord Kenyon,

for want or waste of time, the country will not be very apt
to regard its abstract and gratuitous resolutions as the dicta

a device which no Jesuit, from Loyola downwards, would
have disowned, when that ingenuous champion got a Latch

of oracular and indisputable wisdnm.—Morhing Post.

of the lawn-sleeves to pair off wit:: certain Whig lay
Lords, that their Rev. Persons might not appear in the
division, nor their names upon the list ? Incredible ! Yet
have we heard it said in confidence that the holy Lord of
Bangor paired off with Lord Barium, while the Prelate of
the pamphlets paired off with Lord Amherst, and so se-
cured the division on the Bill. Other names are given,
and will probably be evade public. Do their Rev. Lord-
ships fancy they can dupe the community? They may give
a few more votes against the country,--they may raise some
notes louder the universal outcry eg mast themselves in their
unnatural aspect of le.,islators,—but they only the more
serve the public cause and hasten the purification of
the Upper House of Parliament. We cannot conclude,
however, without stating, that under existing citeutn-

There is a curious story, pursued at some
length, and involving many interesting particulars, in the
Countess of BLEssINGToN's novel of " The Repealers,"
which not only possesses an air of reality, rendering it dif-
ficult to believe that it can be any other than a veritable
relation of some passages in the life of an actual personage,
but which might be thought to go far to suppress the rash
conclusions as to the want of female virtue among persons
of birth, too often indulged in on insufficient grounds. A
certain liberty of conduct in women of rank, may, it seems,
co-exist with real virtue, though an opposite inference is
sometimes uncharitably drawn ; and this truth is most
affectingly illustrated in the sketch which the noble
authoress has drawn of the career of a certain Lady Oriel
—an individual pure in mind and intention, though led by
gayety of heart into equivocal situations. Can this sketch
refer to any living lady ? if to, she is nobly vindicated.
BURIAL EXTRAORDINARY.—EarIy in the
present week the body of a soldier belonging to the 22d
regiment of foot was borne to " the house appointed for
all living " by his comrades, escortvd by the customary
guard of honour. The lieutenant who commanded the
guard, finding that the officiating clergyman was other-
wise engaged, and, disregarding established custom assumed
a grave appearance,
made, pro tempore, a clerk of the
corporal, and, proceeding with the service, consigned
" dust to dust, ashes to ashes." The service ended, the
gallant son of Mars seceded from the establishment, and
the honours of war were performed over the rel4l4ls of
the departed, which, by order of the rector, were disin-
terred on the following day, and a second time consigned
to " that bourne from whence no traveller returw."—
Devonport Independent.

The subject of universal conversation in the political
circles yesterday was the extraordinary and anomalous
state of the two Houses of Legislature. It is doubtful,
and at present a matter of family dissension in the Carlton
Club, at what stage of the Irish Church Bill the Tory
Peers will again display their majority over Ministers ;
but all parties agree that the superior power they posse's
they will exercise, as all vindictive persons in the posses.
sion of power never fail to do. Such an opposition of
relative force never can long subsist. No liberal Ministry
in the present political state of the Peerage can effectually
or successfully conduct the government of the country—
at least in as Administration opposed or in check by the
House of Lords can only be considered as " half a Go
verninent." It is suggested, that to avoid a collision, the
Cabinet must be made to fit the House of Lords. This

French Governments been prepared in the summer or

autumn of 1831 to assert these views by arms, they would
have commanded some attention ; but as Lord Palmerston
mentions, that subsequently Prussia and Austria agreed
with Russia in thinking that the Poles had altered their
rights by their insurrection, and expressed their intention
to make comnion cause with the Autocrat, it would have
been useless to make any demonstration of force in
favour of our views of the treaty, unless we had been
ready for an European struggle. To a war, howevcrt it
must come at last. The present apparent calm cannot
continue. The Court of Russia has only two courses to
pursue after the capitulation of Warsaw in September,
1831. It was bound, by the necessity of its situation,
either to offer such renionable conditions as the Russians
could not grant, or to commence a war of extermination
against the Poles which it cannot terminate. It chose
the latter alternative, and the barbarities which make us
shudder, the atrocities which, L
taougo well attested, are
deemed by a humane incredulity to be impossible, are the
consequence. The kidnapping of Polish children,—the
deportation of thousands of Polish families to the neigh-
bourhood of the Caucasus,—the degrading cruelties in-
flicted on the Polish nobility,—the suppression of the
Polish religion, and even the attempt to suppress the
Polish language, are so many evidences that the Russian

stances, nothing was ever heard at once more cheering
and affecting than the conclusion of the Chancellor's
speech. He does not, as men of less firm purpose of soul
might have done, relinquish the people's cause in despair.
Having triumphantly proved the utility of the measure
which he proposed,—having refuted all the arguments
which had been alleged against it,—it still may be rejected
by the House ; by the House it was rejected. What, in
consequence, will he the conduct of the Learned and
Noble author of this 13111 ? He will still persevere in his
career of public utility, and in future bring forward mea-
sures of legal reform calculated to serve the public to the
utmost extent which they, by whom those measures must
be sanctioned, will allow. Those who, now blinded by
party spirit, or rendered apathetical by aristocratical in-
dulgence, are the impediments to success, must at list ,ee
that it is their interest to serve the people. The cause
must ultimately flourish which bas truth and justice for

ingenious process wou!d not avert, but would accelerate a
collision ; unless, indeed, the House of Commons were
again constructed to fit the Upper House by a revival of
the decayed boroughs and the political disinterment of the
disfranchised boroughs. Some Tories argue that the
much-desired Conservative re-action might be at-
tained by a dissolution of the Parliament—that the
House of Commons is unpopular, and not in unison with
the opinion of the constituency. If the Tories dared to
resort to this experiment, they would only, to use a !windy
proverb, jump like live eels from the tryingpan into the
fire. We repeat that it is as impossible for a Tory Cabinet
to obtain by any means a manageable House of Commons,
or one in which they could live for six calendar months, as
to fly in the air. Wby is the present reformed House

SUN OFFICE 112, STRAND, LONDON,

SPIRIT OF THE PUPLIC JOURNALS. its basis, and which even its enemies will ultimately feel I Government expects nn tranquillity except front the anni- " unpopular" at the present moment, and wherein does it DECCAN PRIZE MONEY. THE MARKETS.
themselves interested in supporting. Under such circum- I hilation of the Polish name and character. On their not represent public opinion ? Because, weighing the ex-
_ ___........_____
...—......,_
COAL MARKET.—JuIy 10.
stances, shall we despair ?No ; the seed is sown ;it is part the Poles are equally resolute. At home, many traordinary difficulties of the Ministry, and knowing the The Lords of his Majesty's Privy Council held a meet-
The Lords move on doggedly in their allotted course.
Per Ton. s. d. Per Ton.
good seed, and skilfully sown ; arid we shall yet sie a of them choose to suffer death by cruel tortures incalculable evils of a dissolution of the Cabinet, it cannot
hey have thrown out t.he Bill for dispensing cheap;and
vigorous plant springing from the ground under which it rather than enter the ranks of the Russian army. fulfil the expectations, or satisfy the exorbitant demands ing on Tuesday morning at the Council Chamber, White- adages .....
1173
(10
tyWatatll?ls Et4nodreNh;(rwinitir,riscanh:„..ll,
hall, to hear petitions against the proposed distribution of iteiatiment-
ompt, and effective justice to the poor of England ;is for a short time crushed, and covering with its protect- More than a thousand Polish soldiers now Work of the electors for miraculous reforms, and a great reduction the Deccan prize money from Sir Thomas Hislop, as Holster -. l3 3 Larolltonn'ds PAM Primrose ..•..,
d have for the time decided, that for those wrongs ins branches the poor and helpless, who will fly to it for with galley-slaves or convicts in Prussi I, rather than of taxation' and our fiscal burdens. The Conservatives Commander-in. Chief of the army of the Deccan ; from Ord's Redhugh .......—...... 11 6 Walls End Dettons..o':
-dell it is almost inevitable that the rich and powerful suceour.— Times. return to their country under Russian thraldom ; and the would surely experience far more ruinous difficulties in Sir Lionel Smith, as General of the fourth division, as Pontopl,i eWindsor ................. 12
1i rrvallAEßnulletrirentu%
,ould perpetrate, it shall be to all future times, as in Ninety-fiveS
Members of the House of Commons agreed number of exiles in France and Germany, who have re- any House of Commons than Lord Grey encounters in the having made the capture at Poonah ; and from the repre- l'antieid—. l5 0 Walls End Stewart'soo
nes past it has been, next to impossible that the poor
masted the offers of an amnesty, show the horror enter- Lords. A dissolution might possibly add some small ad- sentatives of the Marquis of Hastings and the grand army. Pownley..
on Tuesday night to an address to the King of Grea
1
vTisitriHggntley -.......—......... 13 g
Walls
End End BGuttyonlo2.,
to should obtain redress. It would be needless to de-
tained among them for the Russian dominion. No peace dition to their forces in the Lower House ; but that the
ire our unfeigned sorrow at a calamity like that which Britain, praying that " his Majesty will be graciously
or amalgamo of interes can he expected, with such should regain their ascendancy, or succeed in achieving a followed by Sir Edward Su den on the part of Fletcher Mawr' .... 14 3 Walls eoers .....-.?,
Y Dr. Lushington first addressed their Lordships, and was
e vote of the Peers has inflicted upon the whole body of pleased not to recognise, or in any way to give the sane- treatment Ration one handstand such distrust or exaspera- numerical strength of any importance, is a vain and ri- and Co., as the representatives of the Indian firm of ?,,,attlols(Einirdknelaamki,?...„........— 13 3 ttl Jamesand Aubt.
nation. What, we may ask, is the point of view in tion of his Government to, the present state or condition tion on the other. The latter feeling will be encouraged diculous expectation. Granting Sir Robert Peel his Alexander and Co., to whom the Marquis of Hastings Walls End tioseortto l2
g HartleySilksto Field and Ca'
rich their decision of Tuesday last exhibits their Lord- of Poland, the same having been brought about in viola- and strengthened by the sympathy of Europe, and futurity family seat of Tainworth, where would the Duke of assigned his interest as Commander-Chief of the corn- t‘Zajss End gerj0n............... 14 3 Walls End Selby ......***;,
pa to the country ?We do not say (because an tion of the treaty of Vienna, to which great Britain was a will be looked to for the redress of those wrongs, the sense Wellington's rank and file and ex-placemen—the bined armies engaged in the war. An objection was Walls End 1-flotsam's 2.3 I,:aaninflbetiodnat:::::,"
tomer General mieht deem the assertion libellous) that party ;” and pin Members, who divided against the of which cannot be diminished by time or distance. Goulburns, Horace Twisses, Murrays, Crokers, cum taken on the part of the Counsel of Sir Thomas Hislop Ditto Killingworth
s the light wherein tire majority of the House of address, fully concurred in the principle which it in- Votes and speeches like those of Tuesday night in the multis aliis, obtain seats ?On the other hand, and Sir Lionel Smith, as to Sir Edward being heard by Ships arrived since last market-day, O.
rds ought truly and justly to be regarded ; but it volved. Even the Ministerial majority against the adop- House of Commons, or like those in the French Cham- how many additional radicals would be sent as talus- their Lordships on behalf of the parties claiming to be the , ,
CORN
THE airi
COUNIRI MARKETS DURING TH-..,,,A
nevertheless, that in which a vast number of their tion of Mr. Fergusson's resolution went further than the hers, will keep alive in the minds of the noble sufferers quitos to torment a Tor y Leader in the Corn- representatives of another party under an assignment. It
antrymen do consider them, vie., as enemies ;to pledge of the resolution itself, for Lord Palmerston and the hopes of better times. They will still consider them. moos ? Sir Robert Peel has risen in power in the appeared, however, that the Court of Chancery had re- Wheat. 1. Barley. Oats.
......ai
tag law throughout this realm—as denying the his colleagues stated that they had protested against, or aelves a nation though without a country, and will be Commons since his resignation of office; but he well ceived the assignment during the proceedings that had Per Quarter. s. to s. 8. to 8. 8. to S. mi.
his of the mass of the people to substantial protec- had expressed their dissent from, the conduct of the ready for every enterprise which promises to restore the knows that his return to office could not be maintained, taken place in that Court, and Sir Edward Sugden ad- 11igd0n......—........, 9gl 43 22 30 ;,
a from the law of England—as perpetuating a Russian Government, in overthrowing the nationality name and rights of their native land. Should such an and that he would relapse into his old common places and dressed their Lordships. The Counsel for Sir Lions./ BinnoTnegilain 58 30'4
IO i; 27 '".,
nopoly, not merely of wealth and rank, and privilege, of Poland, whereas the resolution merely demanded opportunity occur, and should Poland be restored, it will political weakness. We suspect that the craft Baronet is Smith and Sir Thomas Hislop were afterwards heard Bridport ......-..—. 56 74 32 36 26 30
I power, but of justice. Having touched so lately their passive resistance to the conduct of Russia, or be remembered with gratitude that a British House of too well aware of the real state of parties, to risk his chas tgainst the distribution proposed by the Lords of the (I:airreinneTter --
54 85: g 30 16 26 --„,
m the true character of the Local Courts Bill, and on their non-recognition of its legality. We may therefore Commons nerved their spirits for the conflict, and branded ratter or chances on any present change of the Govern- Treasury, founded on the report made by the trustees, the Guildfot?dn---" 74 23 32 26 35 "'''
arguments by which it was supported, our readers say, without the possibility of contradiction, that an as- their oppressors with infamy. ment ; and this accounts for the vicious and undisguised Duke of Wellington and Mr. Arbuthnot —Adjourned at licoley-- 54 83 30 35 20 30 ''''.l,
Hereford 64 68 32 34 22 28 •""
old readily be spared a recurrence to that particular sembiage of the House of Commons of England, very .. Esi tremendo e fier, piu the mai fosse,
Y four o'clock.
Highworth 62 80 32 42 28 34 '''
" Scende it fulmen Polono, et fu che'il mosse."—Times. hatred entertained towards him, and openly expressed, b
inch of subject in speaking of Tuesday night's debate, large for the present stage of the session,—namely, 272
Yesterday the Privy Council met again, and Mr. Rolfe, Maidenhead 56 68 34 44 22 30 5°
tricimouth--...... 64 68 32 36 24 28 5
his late political partisans. We may also ask whether the
re especially since by far the most serious consitiera. Memlsers, including such Ministers as are Members of The '° cause of Poland," said Sir Robert Inglis in his Ultra..aicals do not see their own road to gain by thus in reply to Sir E. Sugden, argued that until the money
39 flawing out of the vote of that eventful evening are the House—including the chief leaders of the Tories, admirable speech on Mr. Cutler Fergusson's motion, " the backing time Tories and endeavouring to lead them to was actually paid away, the Crown possessed the power of a aUu7y------ :40 246 !.32 413 :‘,24 98
their nature separate from those suggested by the Bill including the 'Whig representatives, and including the cause of Poland is the cause of Europe and of Christian overthrow the Administration? If the Ministry and revoking the scheme of distribution of the Lords of the Southampton ........ 54 58 33 40 28 32
If, and belong to the general position and circumstances Radical party, have all concurred inaa motion condemns- civilization." Every manly and generous heart in Europe, the present Commons are unpopular, is it not because
ersrlsdesbury .--..,' gt ?al git ,31‘' go 2 M '''....
erein the Lords have place.' themselves towards the tory of the proceedings of the Russian despot towards the of every political party, and of every Christian sect, will they are too much in accordance with the House Treasury.-a-dli?ort;rnLetzhington replied, after which their 1
Uxbridge
ntry. But the argument on the law and policy of gallant patriots of Poland. The only reason why this re-echo the noble sentiment. It is the honourable tribute of Peers, or too desirous of avoiding a " collision?" %Vantage 58 80 27 43 17 23 7'.,
Warminster.,-..,. 44 57 24 31 17 24 o'
question took so defined a character throughout the expression of opinion was not formally and unanimous) of an honourable mind to successless valour and persecuted What, then, is the sole inference—the only alternative Y—
NEW ANNUITY PROJECT. Windsor 59 21
de discussion, and afforded opportunity for a triumph adopted by the House is, that the Commons of England worth. When the day comes, and come it will, iii which that his Majesty must devise some means of making the
Worcester..-........ 50 57 30 32 22 23
_____..........._--
the Lord Chancellor so splendid, and a demonstra- should never declare any of its treaties violated without the voice of retributive justice shall call the Poles to House of Lords fit the Cabinet. There is no middle
LEWES MARKET.—JuIy 9.
lof the truth and right of the question so lumi- following up the motion with an address to the Crown, avenge the wrongs of their country and restore her inde. course—no other possible plan of saving and redeeming
White Wheat (per quarter).— X 2 18 0 to .£.3
of Govern-
ra, that we deem it our duty to glance, however demanding reparation or inviting hostilities. In this pendenee, they will inscribe that sentiment on their ban- the form and constitution of the British Government. The Tuiet,dvaeyrybysrpgroiszsgtnn vovfa:
new
drolenct the city on
Red ditto
.2 11 0 211
8ar1ey.......-- 1 2 0 6 ,
.fly, over some of the points first perverted by the hos- ground of resistance to Mr. Fergusson's motion there is ners, the children of Sobieski—the fellow-countryman of Tory Peers will try to make political eunuchs of the Com-
The following Oats, New ......, 0 17 0 1. 1,
S2Va7—e, New--.------- l2l 'O3 0° per thou
party, and afterwards placed upon their proper footing some PlauaibilitY ; and, therefore, in recording the voteof Kosciusko—will not value it the less because it was uttered moos—will throw out all the valuable Bills now or during Annuities
tllcc)orrtLerrisni;annato4fe CoAn=l;siteesc.l Three per Cent.
National
notice relative to this subject was issued from the
Lord Brougham. In mercy to Lord Wynford we pass the opponents of the resolution, we are entitled to take in a British House of Commons, by a representative of this session sent up to them—or mutilate them so that
-/
r that learned person's share in the combat, and in its the universal opinion to be in its favour. And what is one of the ancient seats of English learning, in honour of their framers shall not know their identity when they come Debt-office :
rtal consequences. Yee vides I.
—poor Lord Wynford ! thus the result of the discussion of TllPfidaV 111,010 Wk., _ ____ i 1 • -
- --

d.' _ _. ...,.
Beef 6
Mutton
Veal
Pork
Lamb 0
to 31. 15s. Od. per ton

NORWICH, July 6.
Wheat (perqr.) 44s 575. 625. Beans (per qr.)
Barley , 20s. 265. 28s. Pease, Grey 286',
Oats 20s. 245. 265. Flour, fine (per sack) 410,.

CANTERBURY, July 6
575. to 635. —... —B. CO
48s. to 60s. Old _sate
26s to 325. Grinding.. DJ. 0
20s. to 255..... Old . 20s. tO
3ls to 355. Old —s. to
30s. to 365. Grey...—. 30s. CO.,

MANCHESTER, July 6.
Wheat, per 701 b. Bs. 9d. to 9s. Od. Red 7s' 91' to Si
Barley, per 601 b 5 0 5 6 Oats 2 9 5
Beans, per Imperial quarter
Pease, White, per Imperial bushel 5 0 A
Malt, per 6 Imperial bushels
Flour, per Sack of 2801 b :3B
')
0 TA
40

DUMFRIES MA_
s. d. s.d. 0.(1.
ail
Wheat, Imp. Bush 6 8 to 7 0 Butter, 160 z.... ...... ...0
Barley ...... ............ 2 9 3 4 Eggs, 22 ..................0 On
Oats ..,. .... .......... 1 9 2 0 Beet; per 5care.........8 v
Flour, 1418.
Oatmeal .................. 1 6 1 8 Veal 0 4
Potatoes, cwt. _ 1 6 20 Q artern Loaf... 0 /

tnueaa
dt hien Awbhbiecyh, K, e nmaruesr
dboe
rr oo
of
gph., L
EUGENE ARAM.--The occupier of
CLARKSwherei wherein the
cocam/e001:
by EUGENE ARAM, having removed the earth too:,
bish which has accumulated for a length of tint
cave, as used by Sr. ROBERT, in the reign of RicilPri
has been cleared, and the steps and seat cut out 001,1
rock in that early period are now visible. This !id
hermitage affords another object to the visiters at iv
gate, in addition to the Dropping Well, Fort MOO%
S. Roberts Chapel, and the Abbey —Liverpool t 1
j
At the Beccles Quarter Sessions, a tr‘le,
was found against the Rev. EDWARD PORTER BBS,Air
for an attempt to commit a nameless offence on the Pr
of JOHN BURTON ; also a true bill against BunTorll.l
like offence on BENEZET. Also true bills againsta
parties, for soliciting to commit a nameless offence.
the motion of Mr. GURDON, both parties were callet1
their recognizances, and not appearing were eßtf'
Mr. GURDON then moved fur bench warrants for 0,, s

prehension of the parties,' which were immediately griiii4l
and placed in the hands of Mr. EARLS.--Esser
The author of " Annals of the Parish,' '
of " Lawrie Todd," h s again -delighted the -Work!,
the production of his last work, " Eben' BMW.
This is on many accounts, the most effectivb of his PI
and it is understood to be composed of the early rem
Lions of his own life and adventures, which are knoll
have been marked by events of rare occurrence. 4
GALT has seen much of life, not only in Scotland,i
England (particularly London), lout on the shores 00
Mediterranean, among the Greac Islands, in Turkelogi
in the cities and th, wilds of America. Much °`_4

experience thus obtained is embodied in the amusing
of " Eben Erskine."

AWFULLY SUDDEN DEATH.—At Lee;*
during the last week, the wife of Mr. LEACH, sto`
the Rockingham coach. She retired to rest in her " „frl
health and vigour, with an infant by her side. In ,r
morning her husband, waking to pursue his avotiv
found, alas ! that his beloved partner had " slept the °of
of death !" The little innocent, unconscious of the ~,%1
change which had passed upon its parent, was suck
her breast even when the " vital spark" had fled.
is the helplessness of infancy, and such the uncertain
life, which is indeed "but a vapour !"—Stamford r•
SPEY-SIDE FLOOD.—On Monday the 1st
,";
July, the inhabitants of Inveravon experienced the 'id
al ming fall of rain that has been known in this Ofoi
of country for several years. The Spey rose, in 1e93
0'
five hours, to within a very few feet of the August PoS
mark of the memorable year 1829. So tremendous
the rapidity of the Avon, a little above its junction !
the Spey, that a fool-hardy young man, of the 01'10'
CAMERON, who had been enjoying the amusement of vo.
ing, was in a few minutes completely surrounded hi/
raging element. His :earful and forlorn situation re
attracted the attention of the people, who immediatello,
paired to the scene of distress ; they several tiofes p
spatched a Newfoundland dog, belonging to Mr. Gl4OO
of Ballindalloch, with a rope, to the almost fraht

, .
sufferer, who, in his agitation and fright, as (4:
lost his hold of the means of relief brought him by
faithful dog. Hope seemed now extinguished, vrbi
seeing that the roaring stream had almost covered'
few teet of ground on which he stood, he cast off
noar raging with uncontrollable fury. The spectiti
observing his desperate intention, succeeded in dissud
meeting
him from
from the ferry below. The boat was soon manned by P,
intrepidclothes anmdenm,adl a watery grave, until a boat acrd'
attempted to plunge into the stre
headed by Mr. WALKER, Blacksboati
hoary •hearied veteran, who, although 80 years of $
, ,
courageously steered his little bark down the fearful ill
rent, and ultimately landed safely with his bitt;
screvratausrecofimmipnieatenlyunctoinv
crew and the now-happy young man, to the great Pilo
delight of the kind-hearted inhabitants of our Hied ;
glen. Although the land suffered considerably, $1?-0
ai nfset!iaonwce-
gravel, yet the farmers returned home happy in 11,'',7i. j
saved many
ieerleyd tgvri:live.. sand:ip
side, July 3.

BIRTHS.
On the 10th inst., Mrs. C. Barry, of Foley place, of 3 5°,:(.04;
On the 10th inst., at Woolwich, the lady of R. Dash'"
y., Engineers, of a daughter.

MARRIED. 144;
On the 11th inst., at St. George's, Hanover square, by the nth
Win. Tower, Henry Kingscote, Esq., to Harriet, eldestda.
of
On the 9th Tower, Esq., M.P., of Weald-hall, Essex.
inst.,W. Hawes, Esq., of Montague-place, .%
square, to Anna, daughter of S. Cartwright, Esq., of Old
lington-street. EII
On the 9th inst., L. Watson, Esq., of Manchester, to ot
second daughter of Mr. W. Layfield, Sherborne.lane,
!1,
street.
131741

On the 10th inst., Mr. H. Tucker, of Cheapside, to Elie' i-tot,'
relict of Mr. A. Maddison, late of Whitechapel-road, sohc
Oil the 9th inst., at Brighton, A. Hamilton, second sologl-oti
Loughnan, Esq., of Nottingham-place, to Antonia, fifth ‘l3
of the late N. Power, Esq., of Queen-square.
On the 9th inst., at St. Helen's, Isle of Wight, H. 'to
Esq., 7th Madras Light Cavalry, to Helen, eldest daugh
J. Young, Esq., of Westride, Isle of Wight.

DIED.
On the 9th inst., at Newport, Isle of Wight, Mrs. t)i'd
late of Baker-street, London, aged 77, iv/ fe
On the 10th inst., at Great Marlow, Lady Mortlock•

Sir J. Mortlock.
On the 10th inst., in Basinghall.street, the Rev. J. 13a'"°„ •
On the 10th inst., Susannah, the wife of W. Graves, ~,
Walthanistow.
agv"

c.
On the 10th inst., the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Plymouth,
On the 6th inst., at St. Alban's-place, Pall-mall, Captaw
Kerr, of the Royal Navy.

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