The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-13 00:00:00

THR SUN, LON'DON, TUESDAY Fvv,NertiTG, JUNE 18, 1848.

ranee, partly from the nationaltendency in men's minds
to lessen the merit of the living by exaggerating the
achievements of the dead—to give BENTHAM and
ROMILLY extraordinary credit as law-reformers.
BENTHAM, however, was far from being a practical
man. He could point out defects, rather than show
how to remove them. The good which sprung from
his writings was indirect, rather than positive. He
broke down the belief that law and its administra-
tion could not be improved. He founded a school of
thinkers, who, though they have done little of them-
selves, have prepared men's minds for what the real
and practical workers have done.
RosuLLy, with the most amiable disposition, and
a thorough conviction of the necessity of law reform,
was but a bit-by-bit reformer after all. This arose
partly from his temperament, partly, it may be, from
the temper of the times ; for his efforts were made
during the unhappy period, when it was regarded as
a crime to be suspected of a tendency to reform of
any kind—when even the wearing of a white hat
was considered an overt act of sedition ! His efforts
were limited, and, after all, they did not very con-
siderably mitigate the then Draconian severity of our
criminal law. Yet, small and few as such reforms
were, they deserve credit, considering the antipathy
which at that time existed against anything which
was even called reform.
The next step was that taken in 1826 by Sir
ROBERT PEEL for the improvement of the Criminal
Code. It was not so very important, it is true, but
as it was taken by a Cabinet Minister of known
caution, it was of importance as an official
admission that the law might, and ought to
be simplified and improved. Shortly after came
BROUGHAM'S great speech on the subject of reform
in the administration of the law—a speech which
has been truly described as " altogether one of
the most remarkable in Parliamentary history." Be-
tween the delivery of that magnificent appeal to the
humanity, the feelings, the reason, and the justice of
Parliament, and the speech on the same subject, deli-
vered by Lord BROUGHAM in the House of Lords on
the 12th of last month, what a difference in the
course of time, and also in the course of events ? The
first told of reforms to be made—the second enume-
rated what had been made in the interval. Surely'
never had man more cause for individual and nations
pride. Out of seventy-four leading grievances in the
law, and its administration, complained of by
HENRY BROUGHAM in 1828, sixty-three had been re-
moved or remedied in 1848! Like CORIOLANUS, he
might almost have exclaimed—

"Alone, I did it."
What has been done since 1828 may be thus summed
up :—ln consequence of the address to the Crown then
proposed by Mr. BROUGHAM, and unanimously
agreed to, the Government issued two Commissions
—one for inquiring into the law of actions, the other
into the law of real property. These Commissions
made several reports, and, in 1833, the Lord Chan-
cellor (BROUGHAM) extended their powers to the
whole Criminal Law, on which, we believe, they have
made all their reports. The results are, the whole
law of Real Property has been changed. The Acts
which LORD BROUGHAM brought in, and passed, in
1832, upon the reports above-mentioned, have so en-
tirely altered that important branch of the law, that
if Mr. Boorn and Mr. FEARNE were now alive, they
could scarcely believe that they were in England,
as they had known it. The whole law of pleading
and evidence has been improved. The greatest
change was in 1843, by Lord DENMAN'S Bill for car-
rying into effect the improvements which Lord
BROUGHAM had suggested in 1828. The Welsh
judicature, the anomalies of which had been exposed
in 1828, was wholly abolished in 1829 and 1830.
The Court of Delegates, attacked in 1828, has also
ceased to exist. The jurisdiction of the Privy
Council has been remodelled and rendered really
useful by the Act of 1833, constituting the Judicial
Committee for trial of all appeals. Real actions,
with one single exception, are swept away,
as well as fines and recoveries. The Statute
of Limitations has been rendered just and
impartial in its operation. The impediments
to settlements by arbitration have been removed,
arrest for debt on mesne process was abolished by
Lord COTTENHAM'S Act of 1837, and arrest for sums
under twenty pounds was abolished by Lord
BROUGHAM'S Acts of 1844-45. The Mercantile Law
has been improved by the bankruptcy statutes of 1831,
and the subsequent Bankrupt and Insolvent Acts.
The severity of the criminal code has been materially
mitigated, and prisoners have been allowed the full
benefit of counsel in all cases. The constitution of
the County Courts (although requiring many and
important alterations to render it really beneficial) is
intended to bring justice to every man's door, cheaply
and expeditiously. Lastly, the appointment of addi-
tional Judges, and the improvements in the Masters
offices have tended much to get rid of the arrears in
Chancery.
The codification of the Criminal Law (which Lord
BROUGHAM has undertaken in his proposed and
well-arranged " Act to Consolidate and Digest into
one Statute all the Laws of England, as far as re-
lates to Indictable Offences, and the Punishment
thereof,") cannot be much longer delayed. The Law
of Evidence may be amended—the Law of Libel
may be materially improved, by allowing proof of
truth in all cases. The Law of Marriage and Divorce
should be assimilated throughout the entire of the
United Kingdom. The Law of Partnership should
be adjusted ; possibly the commandite, or limited
liability system, may be safely introduced. The
Act for the Recovery of Small Debts should be
carefully revised, its various defects remedied, and
what is really valuable suffered to remain. Above
all, the transfer, security, and registration of real
property, making what Mr. JAMES STEWART happily
terms "free trade in land," should be simplified,
secured, and rendered cheap and expeditious.
Notwithstanding these important ameliorations
which are so urgently required, what has been
effected within the last twenty years far exceeds
what still remains, and is a hundredfold more
valuable than all that had been done within five
preceding centuries.
Most sincerely do we hope that Lord BROUGHAM
may long survive to witness the final completion,
the full accomplishment of his Law Reform sugges-
tions of 1828, that the good cause may yet have the
advantage of his eminently practical mind. But
if he should not, the Law Amendment So-
ciety, which he founded, and over which he
presides, will carefully watch over the changes
which are desirable. That society, comprising mi.-
neat statesmen and lawyers, and many other gentle-
men of intelligence and experience, is constantly
accumulating and communicating information as to
the amendment of the law, which is of first-rate
importance. Those who have attended the ordinary
meetings of the society can bear witness to the matter-
of-fact and
common-sense nature of its discussions,
In truth it is not a place for speech-making, but for
actual head-work. Its deliberations within the last
four years have done more good to law-reform than
the public generally may be willing to believe. We
who are well aware of the real state of facts feel
great pleasure in bearing our testimony thereto.

The names of the newly-chosen Members of the
National Assembly have excited considerable surprise
and not a little apprehension. The moderate party,
the truest friends of Republicanism and the staunch
supporters of the revolution, view with natural alarm
every movement calculated to give any preponderance
to the Royalist and the Anarchist. For this reason,
the recent elections have occasioned very great
dissatisfaction, because the choice of such representa-
tives as PROUDHON, LEROUX, LAGRANGE, and some
others of a similar character, is considered by many
as an indication of the predominance of violent and
ultra-democratic opinions. Again, the election of
ADOLPHE TRIERS is regarded as another cases belli,
as being likely to create some unfortunate schism in
the parties and principles of the Assembly—of the
Assembly of which, at the present time, the greatest
desideratum is unanimity. It is, however, the election
—the triple election of Louis NAPOLEON BONAPARTE,
which has given rise to the most general agitation
and alarm. These simultaneous elections of the heir
of the Bonapartes are naturally regarded as evi-
dences of the existence of what is called a Bonapartist
feeling. It is now a matter of doubt whether or not
the Government will prevent Prince Louis from
availing himself of the benefits of his election and of
taking up his abode in France. In either case the 1
alternative is embarrassing and dangerous. I3y ex- I

eluding the Prince from his place in Parliament, and
exiling him from the country, the Executive Govern-
ment would very certainly expose themselves to the
charges of injustice and tyranny, while by suffering
him to take a conspicuous part in political life in the
present unsettled state of affairs, and thus affording
free scope to the dangerous ambition which his pecu-
liar position may excite in his own breast, and the
strong associations which his memorable name
may awaken in the excitable multitude, they
would be exposing France to a recurrence of all
those difficulties and disasters from which she has
only just emerged. The Government is thus placed
in a peculiarly embarrassing position. Apart from
those causes which render it a political difficulty,
and, perhaps, the cause of much social disorder, the
voluntary choice of NAPOLEON'S heir as their repre-
sentative by so large a body of the French people is
a matter of great historical interest. Three of the
Emperor's nephews are already Members of the
National Assembly, and a fourth is now chosen, and
in a conspicuous and honourable manner. These
elections, and more especially this latter one, we are
inclined to welcome as most expressive marks of the
undying affection of the French people for NAPOLEON
his
sAhnsptihee, mbuotst
etxrquuthisfiutel osfoupvoepnuilrasropfotehtes
Bh
saidlA RiTnE
people--

"Le pe,uple encore le revere.
Oui, le revelre I"
Yes, the people still revere him. They still vene-
rate and cherish his name and his memory. This
veneration and this regard have already been em-
phatically evidenced by the anxiety with which they
desired, and the enthusiasm with which they rejoiced
in the accomplishment of their desire, that his re-
mains should repose in France ; and this veneration
and regard are now being again attested by the
spontaneous tributes of popular devotion which are
lavished upon the descendants of NAPOLEON.
Viewed in this light, as a testimony of national
regard to the memory of his illustrious uncle, the
election of Prince LOUIS NAPOLEON is fraught with
exceeding and very pleasurable interest. But for
other reasons this election can excite nothing but
dissatisfaction. The Prince is, without doubt, in a
very tempting and perilous position. A noble
opportunity it afforded to him of evincing his patriotism
and covering himself with true and enduring glory.
If he refuse to heed the seductive suggestions of per-
sonal ambition—if he cease to cherish the futile
dreams of his boyhood—if the intoxicating shouts of
" Vive l'Empereur" possess for him less attractions
than " Vive la France"—if he can bring himself to
consider that Citizen BONAPARTE, a chosen repre-
sentative of the French people in Parliament, would
fill a more honourable and infinitely more patriotic
position than a self-styled Emperor NAPOLEON
LOUlS—then, and only then, the triple election of the
young Prince and his immediate installation in the
National Assembly, may be regarded as an auspicious
event both for himself and for his country. If, how-
ever, the imperial crown be still the object of Prince
Louis' ambition, the National Assembly will do well
to exclude their new compeer from any part in their
deliberations. t has been said that the Executive
Government propose to put in force the yet unrepealed
law of the former French Parliament, which exiled the
Bonaparte family from France, and arrest the Prince
if he ventured to approach Paris. The Chateau of
Vincennes, fraught with such gloomy reminiscenses,
has eves been pointed out as the place of his deten-
tion. Such a measure as this, even though it may be
to a certain extent sanctioned by the necessity of the
time, will be, to say the least of it, a very harsh and
arbitrary exercise of their prerogative by a liberal
and ReFublican Administration. A far more equita-
ble, and equally prudent course, would be a formal
requisition that Prince NAPOLEON Louis should re-
nounce every imaginary claim to the imperial power,
that he should declare his entire abandonment of
every latent ambitious hope, and solemnly swear
that he entered France only as a loyal citizen
of the French Republic. Were such a declaration
publicly made by Prince Louis, he would be vir-
tually powerless ; because, were he to break his
pledge, such an act of duplicity would be little cal-
culated to excite for him any strong popular sym-
pathy. Should the Prince hesitate to publish such a
document, then, indeed, the Government would
be fully justified in any violent measure against
him on his arrival in France. It would be but fair
that the experiment should at least be tried. It is
the only course by which they can, at the same time,
preserve themselves from the imputation of injustice,
and their country from the dangers of insurrection.
NAPOLEON Louis cannot better employ his medita-
tions under these trying circumstances than in con-
sidering the sagacious and excellent advice contained
in that eloquent exclamation of General CavAiosrac,
" Honour and glory to the citizen faithful to his
duties, who devotes his blood, fortune, talent, and
intellectual faculties to the happiness and service of
his country ; but shame and woe to him who would
dare to speculate on the difficulties of the times, and
the sufferings of his native land, and who would turn
a glorious name to the account of his personal am-
bition !"

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.

We have received such of the Paris papers as were
published yesterday morning, but in consequence of
the Whitsuntide holidays neither the ilioniteur, the
Debats, nor the Constitutionnel were published. The
vote of confidence to be demanded by the Go-
vernment of the Assembly yesterday would, it was
expected, pass, but by a very narrow majority. It
will be indebted for that majority simply to the fact
that in the opinion of the Assembly more harm will
be done by changing so frequently!from one Provisional
Government to another, than from retaining the pre-
sent feeble and divided Executive in power. A
great effort, however, will be made to eject LEDRU
ROLLIN, and LAMARTINE with him, if the latter
continues to pursue the course which he has
thought proper to adopt since 15th May. That the
Executive feel that they themselves are to blame for
inefficiency is evident, from the defence which they
put forth in their organ, the .rational, which thus de-
clares the grounds on which it thinks the Assembly
should give the required vote :
"In our opinion, the question is not as to the ap-
proving of all the acts of the Executive Government•
If we have been in accordance with the republican ma-
jority of the Assembly in all the important votes by
which that majority has decided in favour of the Go-
vernment, against the minority, we believe that it would
not be, any more than we are, disposed not to make any
reserve. But having to judge the whole of the results
obtained, the majority knew how to restore to the ser-
vices of the men, to the difficulties of the situation, their
true post of action ; and in an equitable comparison of
that which had been done, and that which remained to
be done, it has thought that the duties accomplished,
and the obstacles overcome, compensated at least for the
duties yet to be accomplished, and the obstacles yet to
be overcome. This, then, the question of confidence,
must be on the entire policy of the Government, and not
on such and such details where that policy has appeared
to be feeble."
The effect of the measures adopted by the autho-
rities, on Friday night, to preserve the public peace,
by preventing the crowd at the Porte St. Denis from
dispersing until daylight, has had a most salutary
effect. There was scarcely any assemblage there on
Saturday or Sunday, and the few who were there
dispersed at.the first tap of the drum. Decidedly in
all such cases the mot d'ordre should be, " They
shant go home till morning—till daylight doth
appear."

We read in the Arigeois of the 6th—
" Two foreign personages, who, according to public ru-
mour, belong to the higher classes of society, and even to
princely families, were arrested on Friday, at Foix, by
order of the Government. The mysterious veil which co-
vers these travellers, their bearing and language, the irre-
gularity of their passports, and the direction in which
they were going—all unite in causing such projects to
be ascribed to them as to render it necessary for them
to be detained ti vue, until precise instructions shall be
received from the Government."
BONAPARTIST OUTBREAK IN
PARIS.

Since the above was written, we have received
intelligence from Paris up to six o'clock last night.
An immense crowd had been attracted outside the
hall of the Assembly under the idea of seeing
Prince Louis NAPOLEON pass to take his seat. It
was with some difficulty that the troops could pre-
serve a passage for the Deputies, and no one was
permitted to approach the hall without a ticket.
At three o'clock the rappel was beat, and the Na-
tional Guard turned out at once. Various reports
were in circulation, but all agreed that the Bonapar-
tists had attempted an insurrection. According to one
report there had been fighting in the Faubourg St.
Antoine. According to another the inhabitants of
the Banlieu were preparing to march upon Paris to
force the Assembly to accept Prince Lours NAPO-
LEON. In the meantime the crowd in the Place de la
Concorde having raised the cry of "Vive Louis
Napoleon ! Vive l'Empereur !" the General in
command ordered the National Guard and the troops
to clear the place. The crowd resisted, and some
pistol shots were fired, by which some of the officers
of the cavalry were wounded. The shots were heard
in the Assembly, and shortly afterwards at
half-past five o'clock M. DE LAMARTINE mounted the
tribune in a state of great agitation, and announced
that a serious circumstance had just occurred in the
Place de la Concorde : blood bad been spilt—a shot
had been fired to the cry of " Vive l'Empereur
Napoleon !" The gravity of the circumstance re-
quired energetic measures. He then announced a
Bill excluding Prince LOUIS NAPOLEON from France,
but allowing the rest of the Bonaparte family to
remain.

The announcement was received with acclama-

tions.

The friends of the Republic, at the time the post
left, had been everywhere victorious, and the streets
were in possession of the troops and of the National
Guard. Great apprehensions, however, were enter-
tained of disturbances during the night. The Ar-
tillery has been sent for from Vincennes.
It will be seen from the following report of the pro-
ceedings of the Assembly, that the debate on the
demand of the Executive Committee for a credit of

100,000 f. (the vote of confidence debate) was proceed-
ing at the time the interruption took place. The
exposé of the financial state of France, by which
the Minister of Finance opened the discussion, is
most important.

The Assembly met at one o'clock, and immediately
after the President had taken the chair,
Prince Napoleon Bonaparte ascended the tribune,
ygreat
during interest.the
last il
(le
uhaardt
rnot f baene nhporuer-,
had spoken noble and energe-
stwaiemchnietdwnoinGrmdesnSt:orakrtanullirdd°cartarveuaitgerdiaaes
a calumny a rumour which
related to a name that had been unfortunately
already brought forward before the public—that of
Louis Napoleon.—(llear, hear.) Every one was
aware that, for some days past the name of that
person had been
in every mouth. As his
friend and cousin, he came forward, not to make
any apology for his relative, for none was required; and
it he (Louis) had attempted anything
him; but to state what was the
werereal
attri-
buted to him, he (Napoleon)
ienized on Louis Napoleon's name, and made
would be the first to blame
upc isutehi zloei
ofn,opposed
laat relative wase
the
that
tihtoa
their own Purposes ; namely, to excite dis•
turbance, and produce disorder in the country. This
it
Louis Napoleon was altogether a stranger, too. lie
hadceiorrt certain
could declare that neither Louis Napoleon nor any of
the rest of the Bonaparte family
had ever distributed
money to persons in France to injure the Republic—he
could declare that on his honour. Louis Napoleon had
come to Paris after the revolution of February, and had,
when asked by the Provisional Government, withdrawn
for a while from Paris, in consequence of the disturbed
state of the public mind. In ordinary times the Provisional
Government declared this could not be necessary, but
then it was a safer course to pursue. He at once re-
turned to London. There he remained ever since, and
when asked by his friends if he would stand as candidate
for the National Assembly, had absolutely refused.
When the second elections came on, his name was put
up without his knowledge, and he had been returned, as
the Assembly knew, for more than one place. It was
reported that he was engaged in a conspiracy against the
Republic, which it was almost unnecessary to deny. The
rumour now ran that the Government intended to bring
in a decree against Louis Napoleon, which, however,
he (Prince Napoleon) found it difficult to believe, since
the Minister of the Interior and the Prefect of Police
had assured him of the contrary. He now called on the
Government to come forward and state clearly what was
their intention in this matter.--(Hear, hear.)
M. Flocon, Minister of Commerce, said that the ex-
planations which had just been given by the citizen Na-
poleon Bonaparte would have come better from another
person.—(Oh, oh.)
Prince Napoleon Bonaparte must declare that he did
not think he in any way merited the reproach just
thrown out against him.—(Agitation.)
The Minister of Commerce—The Government taking
into consideration the extreme gravity of the present
situation, and being determined not to allow the safety
of the Republic to be compromised, had adopted a mea-
sure which it thought the conjuncture demanded. The
Government was ready, if the Assembly required it, to
state at once what was the purport of the decree which
it had determined to present. But the Government did
not ask, however, to have the order of the day changed,
and unless the House absolutely called for a different
course, it would allow the proceedings to go on in the
regular manner without interruption.—(Yes, yes.)
The Assembly unanimously decided that the order of
the day should be proceeded with regularly.
A number of reports on elections were presented.
The order of the day was the discussion on the Bill,
demanding a credit of 100,000 f. for office expenses of
the Executive Committee.
The Minister of Finance wished to state what was
the present state of the financial position of the country,
A large deficit had been left by the late Government,
but still the situation was by no means as unfavourable
as had been stated. The extraordinary tax of 45c.
was being got in regularly. The indirect taxes also
led the Government to good expectations. During the
month after the Revolution, they had fallen fourteen
millions ; and the month of April still a larger one,
of not less than seventeen millions. The month of
May had been more favourable, as the diminution
was only eleven millions ; and this reduction was
particularly remarkable in the fortnight after the
attempt of May 15. Two sources of indirect revenue
were in particular unproductive, viz., the customs and
the registration dues; and yet it was these which usually,
when affairs were active, yielded the largest produce.

The Hon. Minister then referred to the plan for taking
possession of the railways, and which (he said) the
weakness of the former Government had alienated in
favour of financial companies. What charges would it
throw on the Treasury; and how were these charges to
be provided for? If, as he hoped, the Assembly passed
the Bill which had been presented, the Government
would at once prepare to open such parts of the lines as
could, by most active measures, be completed, but which,
in the hands of the companies, would be long unproduc-
tive. These portions of lines and the expenses to open
them to the public were—
Paris to Tonnerre 3O millions.
Paris to Epernay 2O
Paris to Chartres 8
Tours to Angers.
Calais to Dunkirk lO „
Dieppe to Rouen.
All the companies he maintained were, without excep-
tion, powerless to provide for these expenses; the State,
on its side, to support them. Leaving aside the disas-
trous idea of paper money, or the intention of effecting a
loan, the Government had effected with the Bank of
France a grand operation, which had been conducted
with perfect secresy, and was now concluded. The
Bank was to advance to the Treasury 150 millions, of
which 75 millions were to be paid in 1848, and 75 in
1849. In guarantee of this loan, the State transferred
to the Bank rentes belonging to the Caisse d'Amortisse-
ment, which should be delivered at the rate and
on the conditions determined by the ordonnance of the
15th June, 1834, for a sum of 75 millions; for the other
75 millions the State yielded up and sold to the Bank
timber from the State woods to that amount, with faculty
to the Bank to re-sell them by adjudication and public
competition. The interest of the loan was fixed at four
per cent. per annum. The amount of the circulation of
the notes of the Bank should be agreed to between the
Minister of Finance and the Bank, subject to the rati-
fication of the Government. The Hon. Minister then
declared that it was quite possible to obtain resources
by having recourse to public credit. The departments
were. in the habit of purchasing rents in Paris, by means
of the receivers general; he proposed to place the State
in the place of the agents de change, and to give rentes
at the price of the day. The whole resources which the
State considered it could have at is disposal at presen
were as follow:
Loan from the Bank ...
Issue of Rente for the purchasers of the
departments in 1848
Ditto in 1849

Thining of certain State woods
Exchanges with the Hospice
Cuttings in the state forests
Money to be reserved ~.
Money of the railways
Revenues of ditto, 1848 ...

Ditto

150 millions,

... 25 79
... 75 t 2

... 86 „

ditto, 1849

Total... ... 472 millions.
Out of the reserves of the sinking fund applied to pay
the deficiency of the budget, the Hon. Minister hoped
to realise a sum of 83 millions, which would raise the
resources of the State to 555 millions, being the whole
of the extraordinary resources which will be at the dis-
posal of the State from Jan. 1, 1848, to Dec. 31, 1849.
If, however, the private domain of the ex-King should
be allowed by the Assembly, should bear the debts
of the Royal Family, that would give 25 millions
more to the State, or in all 580 millions. In order

to give more regularity and firmness to the public
funds, the Ministers proposed to diminish the Coupons
of Rente from 10E, at which they had been, to
sf. The following is the manner in which the
Minister presented the situation for 1848 : For
the public Works, the sum to be expended would
be 140 millions, to be defrayed from the ordinary re-
sources. The repurchase of the railways would
impose on the Treasury 100 millions, to be paid from
the extraordinary resources. The public works would,
in consequence, cost 240 millions. For 1849, the ex-
pense would be 300 millions, of which 50 millions only
would be set down to the ordinary resources. Thus the
extraordinary resources would have to pay 100 millions
in 1848, and 250 in 1849, or in all 350 millions, the
extraordinary resources being 580 millions ; there
would still remain 230 millions ever. As to the
Bons du Tresor, the Minister declared that the
plan of the Finance Committee was an unfor-
tunate one. This is his plan, the Bonds du Tresor
created before February 24, 1848, should be re-
newed in conformity with the decree of March 16,
1848, and should be repaid by series of 1,500,000 E
each, per month, from November the Ist, 1848. The
interest should be at six per cent. per annum, to be paid
every half-year until all was paid off. The savings'
banks should receive 100 f. additional for each depositor;
the interest should be raised to four per cent. The
Honourable Minister concluded by declaring that the
Government had done all it could to ward off the evils
that had threatened the country; and he hoped, firmly'
to be able, by perseverance and zeal, to arrange satisfac-
torily everything in the finances of the country.
The President then read the order of the day, for the.
consideration of the decree of the Government, demand-
ing 100,000 francs for the expenses of the Executive
Government.

M. Dupart read the report. It stated that the Com-
mittee had called upon the members of the Executive
Government to give explanations, and that the result of
these explanations was, that one-fourth of the sum de-
manded was for the expenses of the office of secretary,
and the rest for that of the general security, or, in other
words, for an additional police. The Committee did not
find the sum demanded for the office of secretary exces-
sive. The report concluded by recommending the adop-
tion of a decree to the following effect:—Art. 1. There
is granted to the Executive Power a credit of 25,0001.
towards the expense of the secretariat and the archives
of the Government. Art. 2. A sum of 75,000 f. is
granted to the Executive Government, to be applied to
the general security, and of which the Executive Go-
vernment will be required to give an account to a Com-
mittee of eight members to be nominated by the National
Assembly.
A Member then ascended the tribune and made a
violent attack upon the administration of the Govern-
ment, which was leading to nothing less than anarchy.
M. Baraud Saribiere then rose and said that the As-
sembly ought to remember that the question was one
not of money but of confidence. The Executive Go-
vernment would be dissolved. He warned the Assembly
that in these critical times the Executive Government
could not be changed. They had been accused of not
taking the initiative in useful measures, but he con-
tended that they had done all that the circumstances
allowed them.

After a few words from M. Laussat, strongly agains
the Bill,

General Bedeau ascended the tribune and took a sort
of middle course, not absolutely opposing the Bill, but
demanding to have it modified.

The noise of the drums outside the Chamber here be-
came considerably louder.
M. de Lamartine referred at considerable length, and
in somewhat in the same manner as on a former occa-
sion, to the whole of the circumstances connected with
the conduct of the Provisional Government and the
Executive Committee, from February 24. He showed
the great difficulties they had had to encounter, and
complained that the parties who inveighed against
the conduct of the Government did not make
sufficient allowances for the exceptional character
of the situation. He argued that the Republic,
such as it had been established, would never please
the persons who were now endeavouring to sow
discord in the country; they wanted to see it turned
away from the object of its institution, and to have it
mutilated and emasculated, in place of beholding it great
and powerful. He alluded to the numerous publications
which had started up in Paris, as a proof of the turbu-
lent spirit of the times, and the desire which existed to
prevent the Republic from taking root in France.
Intelligence was here brought up to the reporters'
gallery, that the cavalry were charging the people on the
Place de la Concorde.

The sitting the moment afterwards was suspended.
Five Minutes to Five.

M. de Lamartine returned to the tribune in great agi-
tation, and said—Blood has just been shed—shots have
been fired here close by, and the cry is raised, " Vive
l'Empereur Napoleon."—(Tremendous agitation.) A
law ought to be forthwith passed to put a stop to this.
A Member—Let us vote it by acclamation.—(Unani-
mous cries of " Yes, yes.")
The greatest agitation arose here.

M. de Lamartine—l have it here drawn up on the in-
stant. The Honourable Gentleman then read it. It de-
clares that, considering that peace had been troubled
and civil war had been commenced, though, perhaps,
involuntarily, by Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, and that
he had already twice made attempts for his own per-
sonal ambition ; considering that the Executive Com-
mittee could not take the responsibility of the disturb-
ances caused, or the attempts made now for a similar
purpose, declares the Bill of 1816 against the Bonaparte
family remaining in force against Louis Napoleon Bona-
parte.—(Tremendous applause.) The whole Assembly
rose with shouts of " Vive la 114publique !" and in the
tumult the question was put to pass, and at once loud
acclamations arose.

M. de Lamartine then addressed the Chamber on the
enormity of the act just attempted outside.

(Left sitting.)
Outside, the troops and National Guards are in pos-
session of the whole of the Place de la Concorde as far
as the Rue de Riveli. They are in immense numbers.

BOURSE—PARIS,-MONDAY, JUNE 12.
THREE O'CLOCR.—Business was entirely stagnant to•
day, in consequence of the different rumours afloat ;
and the prices given below, though quoted, are little
more than nominal. Bons du Tiimor are at 22 dis.
The Vielle Montague Shares have risen to 1,975. The
Haiti Debt was quoted to-day at 102 f. 50e. The pre-
vious quotation of this species of stock was on the 4th
of February, when it was at 295 f.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, JUNE 12.
Boulogne and Amiens, 61/(3.

IMPROMPTU ON HEARING BALFE'S NEW
ARIA FROM HIS OPERA OF " FALSTAFF."
BY MRS. H. J. ST. LEGER.
When the Genius of Music o'er Europe was straying,
Conferring her favours around,
She roam'd through the green little island called Erin,
Was enchanted when Balfe she had found.
Inspiring him still with true melody's charm,
Her trumpet Balfe's triumphs proclaim;
For his strains are so sweet when he
,joins in her choir,
That they reach to the Temple of Fame.
June 8, 1848.

RESIGNATION OF THE REV. SIR H. R. DUKEN-
FIELD, VICAR OF ST. MARTIN-IN THE-FIELDS.—The
inhabitants of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, have within the
last few days received from the Rev. Sir Henry Duken-
field, the intelligence that, in consequence of his con-
tinued ill-health, he has come to the determination of
resigning the vicarage of this parish, which he has held
for many years.

G E R lAN'

AND

THE NORTHERN STATES.

PRUSSIA.

In the Constituent Assembly on the Bth of June,
M. BEHRENDS brought forward the following pro-

position :
" Whereas the revolution which has taken place at
Berlin has been lately wrongly interpreted, and its re-
sults have not been duly recognised, and as the Berlin
people have been exposed to the basest calumny
for having accomplished the said revolution, the
Constituent Assembly, acknowledging the said revolu-
tion, declare that those who fought on the 18th and 19th
of March have merited well of the country."
This proposition was opposed by the Ministers,
who have become more bold in their re-actionary
proceedings since the return of the Prince of
PRUSSIA.

During the debate the Prince of PRUSSIA entered
the House. On his entering the House some Mem-
bers of the Conversative party rose, but cries of
"Sit down," obliged them to resume their places.
After having sat some moments on one of the benches
on the right side of the House, the PRINCE ascended
the tribune, and spoke as follows :
" Gentlemen,—Called on by the will of the electors to
sit among you, I would have hastened to assist yester-
day at your sitting, if I had not been impeded by a sacred
and filial duty. I thank you for the confidence you have
shown to me, and I feel myself happy in coming among
you. We are to complete together, and in common con-
cert with the Crown, the important work of the organic
constitution of the country. What a beautiful task!
The constitutional monarchy is the form of Goverment
pointed out to us by the King. To it I will devote all
my efforts, as I did before. My personal character is
known to you; the course I am resolved to pursue shall
be open to the eyes of every one. May this feeling be
shared in by every one of us. May we see the work
completed, with all the developments it is susceptible of.
The multiplicity of business which will occupy me will
not permit me to participate in your deliberations, and
I beg your honourable President to call upon my sub-
stitute. I repeat, lam happy to find myself among you.
I hope to see the success of our common undertaking,
and look for it in the patriotism by which you and I
are animated. This success is certain, if we remain in
variably attached to the motto—For God, King, and
Fatherland."

At the conclusion of this speech, which was re-
ceived with the most chilling silence, the PRINCE
left the Assembly, and the debate was resumed by
BEHRENDS, who praised the valour, discretion, and
exemplary good conduct of the people who fought on
the 18th and 19th of March, and attributed to them
alone, and not to the KING, the liberties resulting
from the conflict.

BRERMER then moved an amendment (afterwards
withdrawn), to the effect that the merits of the
March combatants should be admitted, but that the
revolution had not changed the position of the KING
and dynasty, and that the Crown reigned in the
hearts of the people.

SCHULTZE perfectly adhered to the proposition of
BEHRENDS ; but as the conduct of the people, after
the combat, had been as praiseworthy as it was
&Hug the struggle, he desired to add, after the
words 18th and 19th March, " as well as the people
of Berlin," and terminated with a glowing eulogium
on the temperate conduct of the Berlin population.
The President of the Council then rose to express
his dissent to the proposition, which he declared to be
a plagiary of similar proceedings in England and
France in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
He was far from disavowing, or intending to disavow,
the consequences of the conflict ; but he would con-
test with all his might the form and principle of the
proposition in the name of the whole nation, in the name
of the people of Berlin, under whose protection the KING
had placed himself ; that he would protest against any
principle which tended to prpve that existing institu-
tions were overturned, or that the re-establishment
of order could only he obtained through the medium
of streams of blood, of a murderous civil war, or
through the hands of a dictatorship. The adoption
of the proposition, in its present form could not fail
to give rise to fresh agitation, and then reconciliation
would, perhaps, become impossible. The number and
variety of amendments proved that conflicting
opinions existed, and it would, therefore, be more
prudent to refer the question to the different Com-
mittees, and thus obtain their opinions, at least as to
the form of the motion.

Several amendments were then read, and after a
few words in praise of the army from VoicuT, and
renewed praise of Berlins inhabitants from SCHULTZE,
Count SCHWERIN, Minister of Justice, stated, in allu-
sion to the subversive tendency of BEHREND'S motion
and SCHULTZE'S amendment, that the acknowledg-
ment of a constitutional monarchy was the sole basis
on which he accepted office. A long captandum
vulgus conversation then took place between REIS-
SENBACH, SCUULTZE, JACOB, and others, after which
the Minister of Finance stated that "the events of
March were not a revolution but a transaction be-
tween the Crown and people ;" and that, as the ques-
tion before the House merited mature deliberation, he
should move that the debate be adjourned. This was
eventually agreed to by a large majority, and the
house rose amidst great agitation.
The debate was resumed on the 9th, when the
Vice-President read two amendments, the one of
WINDHORT'S, proposing to postpone the discussion of
the question until after the Constitution had been
voted ; and the other from ZACHARIE, to the effect
that as the merits of the March combatants was uni-
versally admitted, and as the Assembly was not con-
voked to utter verdicts, but to draw up a Constitu-
tion, it was resolved to pass to the order of the day.
A long and angry debate then ensued ; several
orators followed each other in succession for and
against ZACHARIE'S proposition. Among others, M.
HAUSEMANN, who implored the Chamber not to lose
its time in discussing irrelevant matter, whilst agri-
culture, industry, commerce, and trade, were sinking
to the ground, and could not recover until the des-
tinies of the nation were determined. the
most important question for this House to consider,
added M. HAUSEMANN, is, whether the results of a
proposition will produce benefit or injury to the
country. From this time the debate was constantly
interrupted by noises of various kinds and cries for
division, amidst which ESSLER declared in reply to
HAUSEMANN, that injury to the country could not
arise from accepting, but from rejecting BEHREND'S
and SCHULTZE'S proposition; and not only injury but
a most dangerous schism. At length the cries for a
division on ZACHARIE'S amendment became so loud,
that the President directed it to be read by a secre-
tary, and the House proceeded to ballot. This ter.
Initiated in 196 Members voting for, and 177 against
it ; thus BEHREND'S proposition was lost by a ma-
jority of 19 votes only out of 373 present. The an-
nouncement of the result produced an extraordinary
commotion in the Chamber; the Members rose from
their seats amid violent gesticulations and mutual
apostrophes, which continued until Member after
Member quitted the House, and the President rose.
Whilst this was passing in doors, a scene of greater
agitation occurred without, where the news of what
was and is considered a disavowal of the revolution
was soon spread among the crowd, and produced the
most violent outcries, especially against MM. CAmr-
HAUSEN and HAUSEMANN. Up to the hour the post
left tranquillity continued undisturbed