The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-30 00:00:00

years ago there was slave-grown sugar, and that it is
within the last year that it has made its appearance, and
that the alteration of the law has affected Cuba much
more than Brazil; for there was not for the previous is
months a single slave brought into that island. lie did
not at all agree with the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J.
Graham) when he stated that there was an apprehension
of reaction by this opposition to the Government, for he
thought that it was the Government who, by their al-
teration of free-trade principles, were the party who
would create a reaction, it any such thing should arise,
and he did not therefore think that the Hon. Gentlemen
who brought on this opposition were- to blames but the
Government who introduced the alteration.: He con-
sidered that there was a great difference of .4inion
between the Right Hon. Gentlemen of the Government
(Mr. Hawes and Mr. Labouchere). The first considers
that the wages of labourers is not sufficiently high in
those colonies, while the other is of a diametrically
opposite opinion, because he (Mr. Labouchere)
says that we should rely on an increase of
consumption. He considered that the cause of
ruin to the colonies was the taking off the
restrictions, and allowing for the use of breweries an
influx into the market of slave-grown sugar. He was
astonished that, when the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Labouchere) referred to the proceedings of the Com-
mittee, he did not say something of himself and of
another Hon. Gentleman on that Committee; and also,
why he did not explain the reason that Government
de-
parted from the resolution laid down by that Cointattee,
in which they stated that the West Indies were`- in a
most pitiful state of distress, and recommended imme-
diate relief. He should add, that the resolutions of the
Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Labouchere) went even be-
yond those of the Committee. He (Mr. Labouchere)
said that it was essentially necessary for Parliament to
afford the colonies relief, which perfectly agreed with
the resolution of the House.

Mr. LA BOUCEIERE said that he moved that reso-
lution as the basis of the report.
Mr. GOULBURN said that the object of that resolu-
tion was, that immediate relief be given, particularly to
those colonies which were in such direful distress.
Another Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Hawes) said, that
nothing was more unjust than to give this relief indis-
criminately to all the colonies; but that those colonies
which were in distress should be attended to. The ob-
ject of the resolution was to afford relief for such a
length of time, not for two, three, or four years, but
until our colonies might be able to compete with foreign
colonies.—(Hear.) Between the conflicting opinions of
the Government, one being for the improvement of the
colonies, while another relied on the wicked doctrines
of political economy, that never looks properly to casual
and unforeseen circumstances, the condition of the
colonies was totally lost sight of, and thus was ruin
brought on them. He should again refer to a very
great cause of the injury sustained by the West Indies
as being occasioned by that Act of 1846. It allowed the
importation of slave-grown sugar, and consequently
when our colonists came to the market with their ar-
ticles they found it fallen in consequence of such an un-
fair competition. Now when such distress prevailed,
he would ask what was the plan of Government for its
relief ? They promise a loan of 500,000/. on the security
of the colonies. He thought that there was something
ludicrous in such a proposition, when the landed pro-
perty of the colonies was so low, and when there was
scarcely any demand for the articles of produce, and
also when the colonies were not able to pay their ex-
penses. He considered that such an offer amounted to
nothing, however the country may think about it. He
thought that it was the duty of Government to compen-
sate those colonies for the losses and ruin they had sus-
tained by the Act of 1846, and did not believe that the
additional shilling of differential duty, on which he could
not rely till carried, would be anything commensurate
with all the sufferings that the proprietors of these colo-
nies have hitherto undergone.
Sir ROBERT PEEL then rose and said—Mr.
Speaker, I should most imperfectly express my real
feelings if, in the course of the observations which I am
about to make, were I to come to a conclusion, or even
utter a word which might appear to others that I was
indifferent to the welfare or importance of our trans-
marine possessions. With the depressed state of the
colonies, with the difficulties and embarrassments of the
landed proprietors, I fully and deeply sympathise.—
(Cheers.) Sir, I should be justly sorry to incur the
reproach which has been directed by my Right Hon.
Friend the Member for the University of !Oxford
against some, that they were disposed to prefer mere
pecuniary material interests to the higher considerations
of public policy which are interwoven with this great
question.—(Cheers.) Sir, it would be utterly incon-
sistent with the spirit with which a great empire has
been founded—(Hear, hear)—it would be utterly incon-
sistent with the spirit by which a great empire has been
maintained—were we now, in a time of the depression and
distress of the colonies, to enter into cold calculations,
whether it was for the pecuniary interest of this country
to maintain our connexion with them. Sir, I repudiate
entirely such views and such considerations. Nor could
I entertain them when I remember that these colonies
have stood by us in times of national danger and dis-
aster—(Hear, hear)—when I remember that they stood
by us during the great conflict which involved Europe
for the last century ; when I recollect that they stood
by us during the struggle which ended in the year 1708
by the declaration and concession of independence to
many of the provinces of this empire. In that time of
difficulty these colonies stood faithful.—(Hear, hear.)
Nor can I forget that during the greater conflict which
ended in the downfall of Napoleon, and the establish-
ment of the peace of 1814, these colonies bore the brunt
upon many occasions of the struggle, and were the
means of averting the tempest of war from the shores of
this nation_ Sir, I cannot forget that they shared in
our failures and our defeats—in our hopes and our
despondings—no, I will not do them the injustice to say
that they desponded—they were animated with the
true feeling of an Englishman, and only saw
in failure and defeat but new motives for re-
newed exertion.—(Loud cheers.) When I recollect
all this, I feel that those higher considerations
ought to prevail over mere pecuniary and material
interests.--(Hear, hear.) I think, independent of all
this, there are great social considerations which would
require us to extend a fostering baud to our West Indian
possessions. And here I must be permitted to say that
I utterly reject the doctrine that because 95 per cent. of
the population are prosperous, that we therefore can dis-
regard the welfare of the other five.—(Cheers.) Why,
sir, in my opinion the smaller the white population is,
the more incumbent is it upon us to cherish them.—
(Loud cheers.) I cannot conceive a greater misfortune
than the loss of the white population. No matter what
may be the prosperity of the negro population, I can-
not conceive a greater misfortune than their disappear-
ance, whether you regard it as having reference to the
progress of religion, humanity, or civilization. I believe
the white population to be a barrier to the spread of bar-
barism.—(Cheers.) If they should, from any reason,
disappear from the colonies, the cause of civilization,
humanity, and religion will materially suffer.—(Hear,
hear.) It is with these feelings, then, that I approach
the discussion of this great question. Sir, their distress
is admitted upon all hands, and upon all sides has a sin-
cere desire been evinced to provide for it. I shall not op-
pose to that remedy any of the ordinary objections which
upon other occasions, I might have been disposed to
offer, I have always felt that the case of these colonies
was peculiar—(Hear, hear)—and that they were ex-
empted from the regulation of the ordinary principles
which should direct your legislation, if it really could be
proved that their evils arose from your legislation.—
(Hear, hear.) Not a word shall I say about the con-
sumer of this country, or the produce of that, because I
'believe that the interests of the consumer are identified
with the interests of the colonists; that is, if you intend
to cherish and maintain them, which I trust you will do.
—(Cheers.) In this condition of admitted distress, pro-
posals are made by her Majesty's Government for the
application of remedies to that distress. Those proposals
are met by a proceeding justifiable under certain circum-
stances, but which at the least are of a novel character.--
(Hear, hoar.) It is proposed by the Honourable Ba-
ronet the Member for Droitwich (Sir J. Pakington),
that we should assent to a proposition to refuse a
consideration to the plan of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, to send it back as utterly inefficient—(Hear)—in
fact, to say to them, " Take back your plan, it
is so worthless that it does not deserve considera-
tion. We beg you either to come back with a
better one, or assent, to that which we shall propose."
'Well, that is a very important statement.—(Hear, hear.)
You are not satisfied with remaining as you are. You
are not content to be passive.—(Hear, hear.) You all
admit that some decisive step must be taken, and that
the present law must be altered, but you refuse to enter
into any consideration of a plan proposed by the Go-
vernment.—(Hear, hear.) Recollect the state of the
West Indian colonies, recollect that they are in a state
of great distress, that they are impatient for a remedy,
and that they are anxiously looking to you. The reso
lotions of my Hon. Friend admit that this distress can
be remedied by legislation, if they did not, they would
have been of no effect whatsoever. But they do not
say that these calamities are beyond the reach of
legislation, and that those who suffer must patiently
submit.—(Hear, hear.) The amendment of the Hon.
Baronet says, the plan proposed is utterly unworthy
and inefficient.—(Hear, hear.) Vote for this amend-
ment and there may be great triumph. The result
will be. wafted than those
on wings swifter
of the wind. _(gear will bear (bliacekar
thehear.)
.But the next returning
Why have you re-
fused this plan? ghat
t aqruee
the other measures which
you are prepared to
you must be prepared
ttoor
replace itjwith? To that question
giveG an answer.
Noble Lord (turning to
answer, Sir. I have read the re'pa,l,tri:oof
Lord Bentinck) can give an
Now the
over which he so ably presided, occupied
although
Committee.
by attendance on several other Commufttee wasb otc‘l
that report on account of the vast
ject ; and I must state that a new light
Zieicnht thrown
upon the state of the West Indian colonies
not have been thrown were it not for the assiduity,ewrzodeual,
intelligence, and knowledge of the Noble
(Cheers.) (Lord G. Bentinck acknowledged the .com-
pliment in a marked manner.) The Noble Lord is
ready to propose an amendment. I read the resolu..
tions and the draft report which he proposed, and
I can fully understand the expectations which he
raised by them in the minds of the colonies. But
unless you are prepared to do something of this
kind, the result of all your proceedings will be only to
aggravate their discontent.—(Hear, hear.) I must, there-
fore, be premitted shortly to review the present position
of the West Indian colonies. What is it you can offer
to the West Indians by way of relief? Can you go back
to the measure of 1845? Can you establish the distinc-
tion between sugar the produce of slave and suiar the
produce of free labour? Sir, I regret that a further ex-
periment of the Bill of 1845 was not permitted.—(Hear,
hear.) I am not satisfied with the arguments which
have been adduced, that the opening of the markets of
Great Britain and Ireland was of no advantage to the