The Sun.
London, England, 1848-11-22 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 22, 1848,

ordered two ships of the line—the Jena and Jem-
mappes--to remain at Tunis for the winter.
On Monday the project of law for giving to the'
Treasury bondholders and savings' banks dk positors
new stock, more in accordance with the marketable
value than was allowed by the decree of the 7th of
July, was brought forward in the National Assembly.
The proposal of the Committee of Finance was to
give 5 per cent., at 71f. 60c. for the stock that has
been issued at 801. ; and for the 3 per cent., at 55f.
stock, at 46f. 40c.
M. GOUDGEIAUX proposed 51f. instead of 55f. for
the Treasury bondholders.
After a long discussion a division was called
when there not being a, sufficient number of Mem-
bers present to make a House the Assembly adjourned.
A committee has been appointed to conduct the
canvass of M. DE LAIIARTINE for the Presidency of
the Republic. M. DUPONT (DE L'EURE) is the pre-
sident of the committee, and the other members are
MM. Garnier Pages, Duclerc, Barthelemy St. Hi-
laire, De Prebois, and Xavier Durrieu.
At the sitting of the Assembly yesterday, the first
clause of the decree relative to the reimbursement of
the Bons du Tresor and the deposits in the Savings'
Banks, was adopted by a majority of 405 to 106.
General CAVAIGNAC then mounted the tribune, to ask
the Assembly to fix a day for some interpellations
which he wished to put to MM. Garnier Pages,
Duclerc, Pagnerre, and Barthelemy St. Hilaire,
with respect to a " calumnious circular" bearing their
names. M. GARNIER. PAGES repelled the idea that
the circular in question was calumnious, and agreed
that a day should be fixed for the discussion, and
after a short discussion Saturday was fixed for that
Ipurpose.

The iTloniteur of yesterday gives the following ac-
count of the contents of the portfolio to which
allusion has been so often made by the Journal des
Debats:—

" It is easy to givo :he most satisfactory information
with respect to the contents of the portfolio. The
shares of the canals, and the Five and Three per Cent.
Rentes, derived from the savings' banks, figure in the
portfolio, not for the price at which they were purchased
(that is to say 86 millions, as shown by the _Debuts), but
for their real value at the price of the day of their entry
into the portfolio of the Treasury—namely, 46 millions.
The obligations of the Northern Railway Company
figure for 57 millions, of which 12 millions are payable
in 1849. The rest of the 143 millions, minus five mil-
lions, which have yet to be arranged (a regularizer), are
composed of bills at short dates, which the Treasury, if
it should think it proper, could negotiate immediately."

BOURSE—PARIS, TIIESDA7: NOVEMBER 21.
THREE O'CLOCR.—The rise of yesterday continued to-
day, without anything remarkable. About 70,003 f. of
Five per Cent. Rentes were discounted to-day. There
was no news of any kind. For the Account, the French
Three per Cents. have risen 60c.; the Five per Cents.
have risen 65c.; and the Loan 65c. For Money, the
Three per Cents. have risen 70c.; the Five per Cents.
70c.; and the Loan, 70c.; Bons du Trisor not quoted;
Bank of France Shares have risen 15f.; Belgian Bank
Shares not quoted; ditto Two-and-a-Half per Cents.
hive risen per cent; Spanish Active not quoted; Three
per Cents. the same as yesterday; Passive not quoted;
Roman have advanced per cent.; and Rothschild's Re-
ceipts per cent. Exchange on London (30 days),
25 50; ditto (90 days), 25 371. Railway Shares have
participated in the rise.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT TIT it
LONDON STUCK-EXCHANGE, Nov. 21.
Namur and Liege, 4 7(., —Northern, of France, Si—Orleans
and Bourdeaux, 11/2—Paris and Lyons, 4—Paris and Stras-
bourg, I%—Tours and Nantes, 1.

done; expressing, also, its disapproval of the exceptional
laws, which militated against the privacy of the dwell-
ing. Particular orders had been given some time ago to
the Imperial Commissaries to effectuate, if possible, the
abrogation of these invidious statutes. He must again
repeat, that, as regarded Austria, the above-mentioned
police measures were legal, though his colleagues and he
sincerely deplored the legality of them.
Venedey said, with considerable warmth, he was not
come to speak of the legality or illegality of these penal
laws. On the 3d ult. the National Assembly had
passed a resolution for securing the full recognition of
the Central Power in Austria; for effectuating a blood-
less termination to the disagreement now pending be-
tween the Emperor and his subjects; and for the defence
of the rights accorded to German-Austrians in the
months of March and May last. What had been done
to carry ont this resolution? The Ministry had said an
Imperial Commissary had been sent to Vienna. This
was not true.—(Cheers and clamour.) The commissary
had gone for a walk, and not to Vienna. The Prince
of Leiningen was still in Frankfort. The resolutions of
the Assembly were treated with scorn.—(Cheers.)
There had been such inefficiency evidenced in the Aus-
trian question, that the future would call them all to
judgment for not obliging the Ministry to carry out
their resolutions. If these resolutions were to be no more
than empty words, nothing but shame and infamy would
recoil upon the Assembly.—(Scene of great clamour.)
He (Venedey) was convinced that either the ministry
were not in a condition to carry out the resolutions of
the Assembly, and in that case they had better resign
at once, or they were in a condition to do so and would
not.—(Clamour and loud cheers from the left.)
President Von Gagern said he had an unwelcome duty
to perform :—He must call Herr Venedey to order for
saying that the Imperial Ministry were not willing to
do their duty.—(Great opposition on the left.) He could
not understand Herr Venedey otherwise, but he would
beg of him to repeat his expression.
Venedy repeated the sentence as given above, and the
call to order was retracted.

Schulerling, the Minister, would animadvert but
briefly on the heap of reproaches cast upon his col-
leagues and himself by the last speaker. It had been
said that the Assembly had been daceived, that the Im-
perial Commissary had been walking about in Frankfort
when he should have been on his way to Vienna. [The
President begged to remark that the word deceived had
not been used.] He greatly regretted the fact of Blum's
execution. But it was bard, indeed, to throw the blame
upon the Imperial Ministry, which had no official
notice at all of his being iu ,Vienna. It would, as it
were, seem to make the Ministry responsible for every
single act of every individual member, and would bring
about a state of things in which interpellations like
that of Herr Jahn would be constantly necessary, who
asked whether Blum and others had been furnished with
Ministerial passports. The Minister then traced the
conduct of the Ministry from the evening of the Bth,
when the first news of Blum's arrest arrived in Frank-
fort. Prince Leiningen had received the most ample
instructions, but in consequence of their stringency he
had declined 'the mission. Another commissary had
been chosen, but he was not in Frankfort, and they
awaited his answer. The two commissaries (Pauer and
Petal) lately dispatched, had been rigidly enjoined to
do their utmost to secure the desired end. They who
had commissioned Blum to repair to Vienna were per-
haps more in fault than the Ministry, who knew nothing
of his going. At any rate he would cite the proverb,
"He who leaps into the fire may possibly perish in
the flames."

Vogt said he would leave the Minister's last words
unnoticed, though his whole soul trembled when he
heard them. But he would come directly to the fact
of forced military enrolment. The Ministry said
this was legal, but if it were legal it would
be treaso❑ to one's country to insist upon the law on
which it was based. Why should they not at once declare
the abrogation of such a law? To the true patriot
all such statutes were null and void. In the Recruit
Act of 1827 there was not a word said about political
offenders; and he would call upon the Minister, if he
knew a little more of Austrian law than he did of Ba-
varian—of which, by-the-by, he had confessed himself
ignorant—(Laughter)—he would call upon him to prove
the legality. But it was a purely Austrian question,
and was, in deference to constitutional principles, to be
referred rather to the Austrian Diet. Now his Excel-
lency had said that he had delivered only his own pri-
vate opinion in this case. Was this constitutional? Ile
thought the answer to an interpellation was delivered on
the collective authority of the Ministry, and that the
Ministry stood responsible for every such declaration.
The President reminded Vogt that the Minister had
delivered his private opinion merely as to an unimpor-
tant matter of form, and not as to the main point
at issue.

Vogt said he was too much used to be interrupted by
the President on every occasion of the Imperial Minis-
try being—(Great clamour on the Right)—Vogt re.
sumed—He did not call in question the President's right
to call to order, but he did question and protest against
his assuming any right to pass a critique or an opinion
on the words of a speaker.
The President remarked that he had not pretended to
criticise, but he was perfectly justified in endeavouring to
clear up a misunderstanding.
Vogt (resignedly)—Well, he was still of opinion that
the imperial Ministry had never done its duty. It
had always been very lavish of its one favourite
phrase, viz..—" That it would strenuously exert itself
at all times against both reaction and anarchy." But
did the Ministry think it could govern the world by a
single phrase—(Cheers from the Left)—with one pet
phrase as pliable as india.rubber? He need not remind
them of the saying of the sage—" My son, you know
not with how little wisdom the world is governed." He
would let the question of wisdom alone—(Cheers)—but
if it should really be said that the Imperial Ministry had
governed Germany with its own phrase, bitter, indeed
would be the verdict pronounced by history.—(Loud
cheers from the Left.). . _

The closo of the debate on Giskra's motion was then
carried.

Another motion, for referring the above motion to a
committee, was rejected (Noes, 238; Ayes, 168), and the
original one by Giskra was adopted by a fair majority.
Berger then moved that every attempt to influence
the outstanding elections in Austria should be declared
illegal, and be punished accordingly. He did not insist
on the urgency of this resolution.
After a motion by Simon, to the effect that the Im-
perial Ministry be called upon to put a stop to police
anarchylin Bavaria,•and to insist upon the retractation of
the order for the ejection of the Viennese students
(urgency negatived), the order of the day was moved,
and, after considerable opposition, was carried. (Ayes,
247 ; Noes, 175.)
The President then said that, although the order of
the day was resolved upon, he must beg to be allowed to
read a motion of Herr Rappard's, marked urgent.—
(Angry and clamorous opposition.) He still persisted.
—(Tremendous clamour.) The President then, allow-
ing that the procedure on his part had been unparlia-
mentary, begged Rappard to be satisfied for the present.
In the sitting of the 18th, M. de Schmerling, Minister
of the Interior, announced to the Assembly that M. de
Bassermann, Under-Secretary of State, had returned
yesterday evening from Berlin, and had rendered an
account of his mission to the Assembly in the course of
its sitting. The Minister added that the Ministry,
convinced of the necessity of having a permanent repre-
sentative at Berlin, M. Simson, Vice-President of the
National Assembly, and M. Hergenhahn, had set out
that morning, in order to execute the orders of the As-
sembly of the 14th.
M. Rappart proposed certain strong resolutions to the
Assembly, but he was interrupted, and
M. Bassermann was called on to render an account of
his mission at Berlin, which he did, concluding with a
statement, that finding it impossible to effect an amicable
arrangement of the differences between the Prussian
National Assembly and the King, he had thought it
advisable to quit Berlin, and return to Frankfort, and
give in his resignation of Under-Secretary of State to
the Vicar-General of the Empire.
Several propositions were then made and rejected.
REPORT OF FIiCEBEL ON THE MURDER: OF

BLUM.

The President then read a brief note from Julius

Frmbel, stating his return to Frankfort, and expressing
a desire to make a formal report to the Assembly of the
circumstances connected with the trial and conviction of
himself and his colleague in Vienna. The President, in
answer, had requested Frcebel to make his report a pub-
lic one. Frcebel had taken this for a refusal to give him
a hearing in the Assembly; and, in another note, had
declared that ho would not enter the Assembly until it
had passed a resolution by which a special hearing was
accorded him. The President took the sense of the
House, and the hearing was unanimously granted.
Frcebel mounted the rostrum—(Deafening cheers
from a great part of the Assembly and galleries.) lie
said they had resolved to hear his report. They need
not fear that he would be too diffuse, or enter upon cir-
cumstances that were not immediately connected with
the arrest, &c., of Blum and himself. The great point
to decide was—had the resolutions of the National As-
sembly been violated ? He would show them exactly
how matters had stood. They knew the occasion of the
journey to Vienna..—C` No.") Then ho would tell them.
After Werner had moved that Vienna had deserved
well of Germany, the Left had resolved to send a deputa-
tion to that city, expressing its approval of the late move-
went.Two other members accompanied them. They
communicated immediately on their arrival with the torn-
. mon council and the students committee. They then pro-
ceeded to the Assembly and were received with loud accla-
mations of welcome. On the 20th they were ready to
leave Vienna again. Blum and he applied for passports
at the Saxon Embassy, but were there and elsewhere
dissuaded from attempting a return, as it was asserted
that they would scarcely pass the beleaguering army
without being maltreated.—(Murmurs.) The elite corps
had been formed, and they were each offered the com•
mand of a company. The offer was accepted. Blum
had the Ist company, and he the 3d. The intention of
this corps was to keep order in the city, which was
scarcely a less dangerous service than having to face the
imperial troops. Shots were constantly fired from the
windows, and houses broken into. As sharers in the
hospitality of Vienna, they thought it their duty to take
part in all needful measures of defence. To their great
surprise, Blum and he were separated, and had
to take up :their station at the most dan-
gerous points, They were sure that the city
could not hold out long ; and more than this, that it
would be betrayed. Blum stood confronting the
Croatians. lie had five pieces of artillery at his coal-
wand, but had strict orders not to commence the attack.
This is a proof that their party were reluctant to engage
in strife. Seeing the hopeless state of things, they re-
solved to resign. This they did on the 29th. He must
expressly contradict what had been stated in the papers,
vin., that Blum fought after the capitulation. From the
29th October to the 4th ult., they remained quietly in
their hotel. They avoided going out on account of the
horrible massacres that were occurring. In the mean- '
while—it must have been the Ist November—they
wrote to GPneral Jonitz, declaring that they were do. ,

tained against their wills, and begging for a fre
escort out of the city. They were referred, in
answer to General Kordon. They wrote to General
'Cordon, and were that day dragged out of their beds,
and arrested by a Captain and his guard. The warrant
of arrest was addressed to General Kordon. They pro-
tested orally against the arrest, instancing their position
as members of the National Assembly. This was use-
less. Up to the Bth he must confess they were well
accommodated in their confinement. They had the
best rooms in the house or prison, and these were well
furnished, and all possible comforts were supplied
them. On the Bth ult., four P.M., they handed in a
written protest; the effect of this was Blum's trial at
six that evening. This lasted till eight. The next
morning early his sentence was communicated to
him, and at half-past seven A.M. of the same day
he was executed. Be must mention that on the sth ult.
they had written to the President of the National As-
sembly, praying for protection, &c., but probably the
note had never reached him. He must also mention
that on the last day which he passed with Blum, a man
had been introduced into their apartment, under the
plea of there not being room for him elsewhere.
He was ostensibly a prisoner too. In spite of signs
and hints' from him (Freebel) Blum answered his
questions freely, and detailed the whole circumstances
connected with his participation in the riot. The
same man told them "They had not protested strongly
enough; they did not understand the Austrian autho-
rities ; and if they only indited a vehement protest,
they would probably be at liberty on the morrow. The
protest was drawn up, and the consequences he had al-
ready narrated. Ile, however, had previously told Blum
that it was couched in too strong terms. He had also
reserved a copy of the protest, but on an after occasion
this paper was abstracted from among the other papers
and articles which had been restored to him subsequently
to his apprehension. (The speaker narrated the arti-
fice employed to get secret possession of this paper.)
His own condition, after Blum's condemnation, which
he did not know of at once, took another aspect. Ile
was removed to bad quarters, and kept iu a torment of
suspense for four days, expecting every hour would be
his last. He was finally tried, and sentenced to be hung
by the neck till dead. The first question put him by the
Court was—' Did you carry arms alter the 23d, on
which day the state of siege was declared?' Answer—
' Yes.' This the examining officer said was enough. lie
(Frsebel) endeavoured to excuse himself on the score of
the faulty publication of the state of siege in Vienna
itself, and was then asked if he did not know
what a state of siege meant. lie defended him-
self altogether as well as ho could without
compromising his honour. He was asked if he had
written a pamphlet recommending a resolution of the
complexities of Austrian dominion, and the union of all
the provinces to one united whole. He acknowledged
the pamphlet, and fortunately a copy, to his great sur-
prise, was in his possesssion. (This seems to have
told well for him.) He had abstained, he said, in this
recital, from any attempt to arouse their passions, or to
excite strong emotion; but ono thing lie must mention
in conclusion, that on the occasion of his full pardon
being announced to him the officers and others who
formed the Court testified a marked feeling of joy. This
had deeply touched him.
The narratio❑ of the speaker was listened to with
breathless attention, interrupted occasionally by a
murmur of dissatisfaction or the contrary, according to
the nature of the single facts adduced. He retired amid
loud cheers.