The Sun.
London, England, 1848-12-08 00:00:00

FRANKFORT.

In the sitting of the German Parliament on the
4th December,

Peucker, the Minister of War, in reply to Wiesner's
interpellation of the 2d ult., said that the Austrian Go-
vernment had an indisputable right to apply its military
force as it wished within the confines of the Austrian
dominions; and that, as the question concerning the
mutual relations of Germany and Austria was still un-
settled, the Imperial Ministry had not been able to inter-
fere with regard to the alleged outrages cQraraitted by

Croatian soldiers. It was very possible that, in the
heat of passion, individual soldiers might have pro-
ceeded to criminal excesses ; but for these they were
amenable to the judicial courts of Austria ; indeed, pro-
per inquiries had already been set on foot. There was
no ground, however, for believing that the Croatian
army, in the aggregate, had either participated in or
countenanced the offences in question. The Croatian
troops formed no part of the German federal army, but
they had long been distinguished for bravery and the
true virtues of the soldier ; they had fought and bled
for centuries in the German. cause ; and, please God,
they would still bleed and conquer in that cause for cen-
turies.—(Loud cheers.)
Wiesner declared himself dissatisfied with llerr
von Peucker's reply ; but he would reserve any fur-
ther urgent in,itions for a time when the urgency of
such motions was not so systematically negatived as it
now was.—(Laughter.)
The President then requested the members to prepare
their bill* for the election of the President for the en-
suing month. _

... 313
... 99

Tile result of the election was :
Heinrich von Gagern
Heinrich Simon (of Breslau)
Soiron
Count Wartensleben ...
Max von Gagern
Gagern said—For this fresh proof of your confidence
I can only return my warnest thanks. My sense of my
duty is still the same, or it is rather heightened by the
conviction that we have made a nearer advance to the
desired end. I trust I shall still prove strong enough
to conduct the proceedings of the Assembly while it
presses forward to the goal.—(Cheers.)
Simson, of Konigsberg, was elected first Vice-Presi-
dent, with 275 votes ; Simon having 165, Soiron, 2, and
Beseler 2.

Beseler, late President of the Provisional Government
in Schleswig, was elected second Vice-President, with
219 votes; Kircbgessner having 154, and Radowitz, the
Prussian General, 5.
Beseler simply thanked the Assembly for this mark of
its confidence, and hoped for indulgence in the case of his
being called to officiate, as his brief attendance had not
yet served to make him acquainted with the usages of
the House.

The debate on the chapter of the Constitution en-
titled " The Imperial Parliament" was then commenced.
Nauwerch said he would not be diffuse. A Con-
servative Member of that House had lately confessed
that he saw reaction astir. The National Assembly
had longi been convened; but in this chapter of the
Constitution, which it had at last produced, he could
not see any recognition of those principles which had
placed them there. What was a House of States?
Was it anything more or less than an extended
Diet? According to the proposed scheme, the Govern-
ments would have a decided majority in the House of
States, and thereby, also, in the nation at large. He
was of opinion that Germany at present could not pos-
sibly bear the existence of such an Assembly. When it
should have assumed a more definite shape, the case
might be otherwise. This chapter ought to have closed
the door on revolution; but, as it was, it only served to
foster it. It seemed to declare revolution permanent,
for it merely propounded a provisional power; at least,
he could not look upon it in any other light. He pro-
tested, therefore, most solemnly against the motions of
the committee.
Tellkampf was of a directly contrary opinion. He
knew that an aversion to a House of states still existed
in many parts of Germany. It was regarded, and
therefore feared, as the organ of the aristocracy.
But there could be no idea of the aris-
tocracy alone being represented in it, for one of
the sections referring to the method of election,
sufficiently proved this. If the aristocracy must neces-
sarily get the upper hand in such an Assembly, this
would imply an utter corruption of the representatives
of the States, of the various Governments, of the people
at large, and of the constituencies in the individual
States also, which were to replenish the said Assembly
every three years.. It had been determined that Ger-
many should be one grand Federal State, and the scheme
tended in the directest way possible to unite the indivi-
dual States to this end. It had been moved that the
House of States should undergo a partial renovation of
its Members once a year, but the adoption of such a pro-
posal would give birth to a vacillating;and changeful tone
of legislation. The greatest social disorder would be
the consequence. The constant change of the Members
of the Legislature 'ova ft grievous source., of confusion
in every country. With:regard to the number of Houses,
there must necessarily be two. If there were not two
Houses whose res Ive rights sd.r e a were
nicely proportione44.itOne existed telette-e this one
would to a certainty gain:over a certain portion of the
people, and result in tyranny. -It was their,dutY, there-
fore, to erect a bull%a4 before their liberties. The two-
chamber system of lnite• :ages had manifestly contribute I
to the prosperity of several countries; while the mc-
diaeval with their one chamber, had gone to
ruin.

The principal motion of the Opposition was that of
Vogt, viz.:—" The Imperial Parliament shall consist
of the deputies of the German people, united in one
House of Assembly. Every German who has com-
pleted his 21st year shall be both eligible and
entitled to elect. The deputies shall be elected
once a year; and the Euffrages must be direct. An
imperial election law shall decide the rest." Or, even-
tually, he moved—" The Imperial Parliament shall
consist of the deputies of the German people. Imme-
diately on coming together, these deputies shall elect a
fourth of their number to form the Upper House ; the
remaining three-fourths constituting the Lower House."
(Rejected—Noes, 331 ; Ayes, 95.)
Art. 1, sec. 1 of the committee's scheme, viz.—" The
Imperial Parliament consists of two Houses—the House
of States and the House of Commons (literally of the
people)," was carried.

'the mediation question gave rise to a very brief
debate.
Beden thought the plan for incorporating the smaller
States with the larger ones was prolific in danger, since
the accession of power thus gained by the larger States
would make them more formidable, and they were at all
times most to be feared. It would, at any rate, be a
grievous piece of
.injustice to fall foul of the smaller
States, merely because they could not help themselves.
Becker, of Saxe-Gotha, echoed this last idea, and
spoke warmly for the smaller States being allowed to
remain unmolested within the narrow confines of their
independence.

Zimmermann, of Stuttgart, of tho Extreme Left,
spoke against any plan of mediatization that as yet had
been suggested. Ile would either have all States me-
diatized in favour of one, and thus effect the formation
of one grand whole, or ho would not hear of any media-

tization at all.
Division was deferred till to-morrow, and there is
little doubt that on all motions for mediatization the
House will pass to the order of the day motive, as moved
by the committee.