The Sun.
London, England, 1833-09-17 00:00:00

:SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS•

It is stated in an article in the Augsburg
Gazette, dated from the Prussian frontiers, that
the affairs of Portugal are to form a regular
subject for the deliberations of the Bohemian
Congress, and that the fate of Donna Maria, or
of her hopeful uncle, is to be settled by the de-
cision of the three despots who compose it, but
who have neither commercial intercourse nor
direct neighbourhood with the Portuguese
people. This may be a good piece of pleasantry,
but it can scarcely be reckoned a political truth.
All the three Powers had already given their
adhesion to the title of the young Queen, and
had withdrawn their Ambassadors from the
Court of the Usurper, on the ground of his
perfidy and rebellion. Don Miguel has done
nothing since that event to atone for his recent
perfidy, or to purge his ancient rebellion. The
question of birth or of legitimacy remains, of
course, the sameas before in the eyes of a set of po-
liticians who regarded Louis XVIII. as King of
the French at Hartwell. Her IVlost Faithful Ma-
jesty might surely maintain her title in the opi-
nions of such people during the short struggle
made to place her on the throne. But though
neither the Emperor of Russia, nor the Empe-
ror of Austria, nor the King of Prussia, had
originally accredited an ambassador to the Court
of Lisbon after the death of King John Vl.,
though none of them bad sent a representative
to the late Regency of the Infanta Isabella Ma-
ria—though the question of the Charter and of
the succession to the throne was still new and
undecided, what right could any of those Powers
have to sit in judgment on the late events in
Portugal, or to take part with either of the
Pretenders ? They are all removed from Por-
tugal by immense distance, or _detached by a
total want of sympathy and intercourse. The
success of neither cause can effect their stability
unless they intend to declare that every preten-
sion to national independence or national
freedom is an encroachment on their sovereign
rights. It has no doubt been said, and probably
it cannot be denied, that the battle of arbitrary
power in Europe has been fought on the soil of
Portugal ; but the three allied Courts cannot
openly avow such a sentiment. They must
pretend to some source of alarm—they must
assume the political prophet, and declare that
the Constitutionalists, if successful, would at-
tempt to revolutionize Spain and the world,
before they would have any rational pretext for
interference. Even then they must send an
army to assist the Usurper, because all the moral
force of their approbation and encouragement
has been already contributed, and has failed in
its object. We yesterday endeavoured to show
that the Holy Alliance Courts had no right to
interfere in the affairs of Switzerland, and it
would be still more easy to prove that Portugal
is not a portion of their political domain. The
only ground on which one nation can ever pretend
to offer advice in the affairs of another, is when
the power of intervention is permitted by the
stipulations of some special treaty, when a direct
interest is acknowledged to exist without treaty,
or when the relations of vicinity bring the parties
so much within the sphere of each other, that
conversion may be easily attempted, or direct
attack apprehended. None of the sovereigns or
ministers assembled, or to be assembled, in
Bohemia, can pretend that any of these alterna-
tives exist to justify their attempt to dictate in
the concerns of the Peninsula ; and, therefore,
we conclude that they will at least be as reserved
in their conduct as they are remote by their
interests from the scene of action.—Times.

We yesterday alltyled to the high character
given by the Quarter-Master-General Sir Wil-
loughby Gordon, of the French army :

" Many people," he says, " told me that the French
army are all boys; but I think that the French army is
one of the moat effective armies I ever saw. This year
they call out 80,000 men—that is, of young men between
18 and 20—and that 80,000 is to replace men that have
gone out of the army. Then take the year preceding,
and you find the very same thing; so that out of every
company the men must be of that age; but they are
nevertheless boys.—if so called—that are able to carry the
same weight that a soldier carries, of about 561bs. ; and
in the flank companies more, as they wear a sword ; and
they will march 20 miles a day, and more, for some days
consecutively. I examined their packs, and their thing+
in them, with just as much minuteness as I have examined
our own, and found them well filled.

" Do you mean that they could march that distance in
service ?—They did it from Antwerp, and in bad weather.
" Had they not a great many carriages ?—Not that I
heard of, beyond the proper number. I saw a regiment
reviewed, which had been at Algiers and Antwerp. The
same regulations prevailed as with other.. They were
young, certainly ; but when you talk of a veteran soldier,
my notion of a veteran soldier is not at all an old man, but
the man who has served some campaigns; he may pos-
sibly be an old soldier, but no man above five or six and
this ty years of age can perform a soldier's duty actively, in
my opinion, and carry that weight in the field which he is
obliged to carry; he cannot walk with the weight of
nearly sixty pounds upon his back for a long time consecu-
tively. I am speaking in the presence of some officers,
seniors to me, and that is my settled opinion ; and there-
fore I think a man that has served 21 years has given the
country the hest of his service.
" Nevertheless, after 21 years' service, the British sol-
dier may be in very good health, though incapable of car-
rying a heavy weight ?—Unquestionably ; I say, take
the strongest coalbeaver in the street, and put that weight
upon him, with a soldier's harness, and set him to walk-
ing, he would probably break down with it at the end of
the first twenty miles; it is a thing that the soldier should
be made to practise, and without practice he cannot per-
form that heavy work—the French soldiers do not prac-
tise it constantly."

A curious answer was given to Sir Wil-
loughby Gordon's inquiries into the Compara•
tive comforts of soldiers and labourers in France,
" I endeavoured (he says) to inform myself not only of
the actual pay that each individual received, but to compare
the pay of the military man with the pay of his civil con-
temporary, his equal in civil life ; and to compare also
the pay of the officer with the pay of his equal in civil
life. The information I received struck me us being
rather remarkable, and I will give it to the Committee in
the words in which it was given to me. I mean to put
the pay of a soldier in comparison with the pay of a la-
bourer—nat the pay of an operative or mechanic. These
are the words—' Par Met du partage des biens, it n'est
Presque pas de paysan qui ne soit proprietaire d'un petit
champs et ne vive par consequent dans une espere
d'aisanee.' (In consequence of the division of property,
there is hardly a peasant who is not proprietor of a small
piece of land, and does not live in a sort of comfort.) That
did strike me as a remarkable circumstance. The Fay of
the French soldier as compared with that of the English
soldier, I should say, is much better for the man."
As the salvation of Europe is in a great mea-
sure bound up at present with the French army,
it is consolatory to learn from an old experi-
enced officer that that army is not only the most
numerous, but, perhaps, the most efficient on the
Continent. If the Sovereigns of the North
should so far forget themselves as to abandon
their present sulky discontent for. open hostility,
we have the satisfaction of knowing, almost to a
certainty, that they will be humbled in the dust.
Russia is a third rate military power in what
regards aggression. We have seen the difficulty'
which she had to overcome a handful of Poles,
even in the vicinity of her principal resources.
The weakness displayed in the campaigns which
ended in crossing the Balkan is known to every'
one. If a hundred thousand of stupid Mosco-

the French army of free men, imbued with all the
spirit and high feeling of honour which is so
characteristic of Frenchmen, would soon
give a good account of them. The Prus-
sian Power is more formidable. We are
quite aware that the Prussian army is on
an excellent footing, and even the French
themselves give the preference to the Prussian
military system. Still there is not, we believe,
in the Prussian army that cleverness and high
mettle which so peculiarly characterise the
French. Besides, Prussia is anything but a
compact country ; and an army advancing into
Germany could soon separate the Northern from
the Rhenish provinces. We are supposing that
the people of the other German States would
remain neuter, and that the Poles would not
avail themselves of the first opportunity to re-
attempt the acquisition of their independence.
This is certainly the most unfavourable supposi-
tion. We put out of consideration also the
advance of an allied army into France, because
such is the pride of the French, that such an
insult would unite men of all parties to resist
the foreigners. We have said nothing of Aus-
tria, which is possessed of a numerous, and, we
believe, efficient army. But Austria would, in
case of war, have the whole population of Italy
on her hands. It would be next to a miracle if
Austria were to come out of a general war with-
out the loss of Italy. In fact, a war at present
would be what Mr. Canning anticipated—a war
of opinion. There is not a man in Europe, elevated
above the condition of a brute, that would not, in
his heart, wish for the destruction of the Northern
Despots, and would not do all he possibly could
to forward the good cause. We think, then,
there never was a time when the people of Eu-
rope had less cause to apprehend danger from
the machinations of the Northern Despots. We
are lovers of peace, and we trust that the tran-
quillity of Europe will not be disturbed. Dur-
ing peace, even under the worst governments,
we advance in civilization. The longer we
postpone the struggle with despotism, the better
we shall be prepared for it. There is a tacit
conspiracy throughout all Europe against all
power that is not accountable to the people.
The cause of the people is, therefore, continually
gaining new adherents. But whilst we would
postpone the struggle, we know that the struggle
must come. Europe is one great family, of
which all the members sympathise more or less
with each other. No inquisition, no censor-
ships, can prevent the ideas of one country from
penetrating into the other countries. The people
of Europe have a common religion, a common
philosophy and literature. From the middle ages
downwards, all the nations have been occupied with
the same projects, the same questions. At present
the doctrine that has taken possession of men's
minds in every country, is the necessity for
responsible Government. The reflecting part
of the community every where are persuaded
that the peace of Europe demands the abolition
of the despotic Governments ; and we may be
assured that, should the sword be once more
drawn, the object will not be, what Lord Castle-
reagh said was the object at the conclusion of
the last war, the strengthening of the great Mili-
tary Monarchies of Austria, Russia, and Prus-
sia. We have often remarked that one principle
which has taken deep root will in time go far
to put an end to wars in Europe—the principle
that every people gains by the prosperity of
every other people. All commerce resolves itself
in the end into barter. The nation that pro-
duces nothing can buy nothing. The whole
community of nations have, therefore, an interest
in the prosperity of each other. The German,
the Frenchman, the Englishman can have no
motive for making conquests from each other.
The conquering nation pays first the expense
of overrunning its neighbours, anti then it pays
in the expense of keeping the conquest, and in
the reaction of the poverty of the neighbour on
itself. Even now, after so many centuries, Ireland
is a curse to England. The whole of our
disposable force is kept in that country. A few
vagabond adventurers from time to time were
enriched by the confiscations they provoked ;
but the discontent produced by that work of
iniquity is now punishing us ; anti it will re-
quire all the skill of a beneficent Government
for many years to repair the evil of centuries.
But this principle of nations having an interest
in the prosperity of each other can only have
place under Governments responsible to the
people—that is, self-government. The moment
you make men the property of a master, a new
principle comes into practice. The Emperor
Alexander, when Lord Castlereagh pressed him
hard on the subject of Poland, turned on his
heel, after making him this laconic answer :
" My Lord, I have five hundred thousand men
under arms." The greater the number of slaves,
the greater the monarch thinks himself. The
owner of an estate of twenty thousand a year in
this kingdom would laugh if he were told, that
because this sum is extorted from wretches
living in cabins and subsisting on potatoes and
water, he was not a being of more consequence
than any one of a parish of happy yeomen living
in plain abundance and comfort. The lord
thinks of the number of his acres, the number of
his vassals, the number of his deer, his flocks,
&c. In like manner, the despot thinks of the
extent of his territory and number of his slaves,
and continually wishes to add to both. The
principle of conquest is, therefore, inherent
in despotism. The free nations of Europe
have, therefore, an intelligible motive for
putting down despotism as antisocial Govern-
ments, which have, a constant motive for plotting
against the general welfare. Another reason for
wishing the extension of popular Governments
is, the publicity that becomes necessary in them.
Where everything must be laid before the public,
the other nations have, in this publicity, a gua-
rantee against improper designs. But what se-
curity can any man have against the designs of
an absolute Monarch ? The only security from
his designs is derivable from his want of power.
The Czar of Russia, for instance, is a constant
nuisance to all the powers of Europe, from there
being no restraint on him ; so that if he had the
power, he might do as much mischief in the
West of Europe as he is constantly doing in the
East. We trust, therefore, that when the day
of reckoning comes, no mercy will be shown to
the European Aristocracy—that they will be
hewn down as enemies of the general tranquillity
existencesvve
renro are
eot
—as obstacles to the well-being of Europe—as
incompatible with the system of go-
vernment
notad
whichvoiosatng
diematniideedforbcing by the nations.
form of
government on any nation ; and if the nations of
Europe were not generally desirous of responsible
governments, it would be impolitic to craw them
down their throats. But the idea has taken root,
and sooner or later it will have obtained every.
where the ascendancy. It is well, at all events,
to know that if we must have war, the war will
not be one of Kings,but one for the sake of esta-
blishing, everywhere, the interests of the people
l• I I. .• 117 •

but from such a war good must follow.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

Our ingenious friend of the Globe has, at
length, hit upon the mode of bringing the dis-
pute between Holland and Belgium to that
" speedy settlement" which, on the best autho-
rity, he so often promised his readers in vain.
His mode is equally original and simple. It is,
therefore, not the mode of the protocols—by
which the question has been involved in tenfold
complexity—nor is it the Alexandrian mode of
cutting the inextricable knot by the sword. Nor
is it Dr. Slop's mode, as described by Tristram
Shandy, of undoing knots equally delicate and
distressing. What, then, is it which goes at
once to solve a problem more difficult than the
finding the longitude, or squaring the circle ? It
is, in fact, the discovery of a new power in dip-
lomacy, which, we suppose, is about equal to
that of steam, as applied to mechanics. Like
every invention, it has introduced a new phrase
into the language, and our Contemporary calls it
the " method of ultimatum." This will puzzle
the village politicians for some time to come.:Our
Contemporary says—" Indeed the experience
of the past must have convinced the Confer-
ence that there is but one way of dealing
with his Netherland Majesty, and that is the me-
thod of ultimatum." Whether our Foreign Se-
cretary has hitherto been pursuing the method
of penultimatum, or antepenultimatum, we know
not ; we only know that, like that much more
ancient and crafty diplomatist who was over-
reached by the wizard Michael Scott, the more
he labours at twisting the rope of sand, the more
he convinces every one but himself that his la-
bour is fruitless. The "method of ultimatum"
will, however, set all to rights. The author of
the invention, for which he should take out a
patent, has discovered that " it is a mere farce
to go on negotiating with a people who con-
sider negotiation not as the means of arriving at
a settlement, but as the means of avoiding it."
This is something, however, to have found out
after three years of protocols and a thousand
announcements of what a celebrated civic cha-
racter, were he living, would have called " a
speedy settlement and soon." How is the
invention of our contemporary to work, it may
be asked ? We will answer the question in
his own words. He says, " The negotiation,
if it be renewed, ought not to be allowed to last
a week. Baron Verstolk should have presented
to him for choice the fair copy of a treaty
ready for signature, and an order for a steam-
boat ready for Rotterdam." This, as we have
observed, is a simple process. A sheet of
foolscap and a steam-boat are to do the
business in a week, which reams of protocols,
aided by an Anglo-Gallican fleet and Dutch em-
bargo, could not accomplish in three years. What
an immense expense might have been saved in
the Stationery-office, as well as in the dockyards,
if this simple and expeditious mode of solving
the Belgico-Batavic problem had been hit upon
three years ago ! All the bloodshed at Antwerp,
too, might have been saved, if, instead of the
logic of cannon balls, called the " ultima ratio
regum," the new " method of ultimatum" had
been used to reduce the obstinacy of the stub-
born Dutch King. It must be acknowledged
that it is rather a severe cut at Lord Palmer-
ston's diplomatic character to tell him that a
question which the protocols of three years have
only perplexed could be settled in three days by
the judicious application of a single sheet of
paper and a solitary steam-boat ! We would
humbly suggest that his Majesty of Holland be
obliged to pay for the mountains of paper and
oceans of ink which have been expended on this
question in vain. It is true the discoverer of
this application of steam to diplomacy takes the
trouble of showing, very candidly, at the same
time, that his invention is altogether unneces-
sary, inasmuch as " Belgium can go on very
well without any treaty with Holland." Nay ,ac-
cording to him, she can go on better, for " she
has the Scheldt open, duty free—she pays no
part of the common debt, and she receives the
revenues of large districts of country which are
ultimately to belong to Holland ;" that is, we
presume, if the " method of ultimatum" be put
in force. But really if Belgium be so well off,
in consequence of not having a settlement of the
long-protracted question, we would advise the
Belgians to continue as they are—take all the
advantages that the obstinacy of the Dutch King
gives them, and, above all, receive the revenues
of the large districts which Holland would have
if the question were settled. Under these
circumstances, we would not advise our Govern.
ment to expend even the one sheet of foolscap
and the single steam-boat on the question. The
Belgians, it appears, make a " good thing" of
Dutch obstinacy, and why should they not be
allowed to enjoy their good fortune ?—Morning
Herald.

The appointment of the Marquis Wellesley to
the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland is an
incident which could not be expected to afford
satisfaction to the Protestant party in that coun-
try, and which could hardly fail to yield satis.
faction to the Popish or Repeal party. Yet we
own that there is upon this occasion a stronger
feeling expressed of dissatisfaction on the one
side and of satisfaction on the other than we
were prepared to expect, considering to whom
it is that the Marquis Wellesley is appointed
successor. We are not by any means disposed
to place our own judgment in conflict with what
seems to be the general opinion of the Protest-
ants of Ireland, as expressed by the faithful and
able organs which represent them. We fully
concur, indeed, in their sentiment of dislike to
the appointment of the Marquis Wellesley. But
there is a consolation, nevertheless, which we
cannot overlook. If our Protestant Conserva-
tive friends dread the approach, as they natu-
rally may, of the Marqui . Wellesley, they ought
not to forget that it is the Marquis of Anglesey
who makes way for him ; nor in balancing
their gain with their loss, when they recollect
this can they be wholly inconsolable. Our
excellent Evening Contemporary the Standard
gives the following veiy natural explanation of
the change which is about to take place in
Ireland .-
4, It will be remembered how hard set the Government
was to find a successor for Sir J. Hobbouse when the West-
minster electors gave that worthy Baronet his discharge.
At length Mr. Littleton was pitched upon as the one sup-
porter Ministers bad who could dare to face his consti
tuents. The experiment was tried, and, by a happy
accident, succeeded—Mr. Littleton was re-elected. A
Gentleman, who could confer such a favour upon the
Administration as to relieve them from the puzzle in which
they were placed by the Westminster defeat was entitled
to dictate terms ; and Mr. Littleton (who is married to
an illegitimate daughter of the Marquis Wellesley) stipu-
lated for the appointment of his aged father-in-law as the
sole condition upon which be would do Ministers the
kindness of taking the Irish Secretaryship. It is through
this respectable channel the Irish people receive their
Viceroy. This is the Cabinet which cannot endure
" bark-stairs arrangement" or intrigue of any kind ! The
Irish, like the English Government, is to be a family affair:"
This we believe to be perfectly correct, so far
as it goes. But we have strong reason for be-
. . _

other and more cogent motives to urge the pro-
motion of his • father-in-law than filial duty or
connubial affection. The coquetry which took
place in Parliament between the Irish Secretary
immediately after his appointment, and Mr.
O'Connell, cannot easily be forgotten. There
was a visible approximation, which it was not
rash to conclude would in due season produce
its suitable results. The fate of the Anglesey
Government was, we believe, at this moment
sealed. It was quite impossible, however, for
Mr. O'Connell, with respect to whose value
Mr. Littleton has imbibed all the notions of
Earl Grey, to coalesce, after all that had passed,
with a Government of which Lord Anglesey re-
mained even the nominal head ; and as Mr.
Littleton had a father-in-law to whom the same
objection did not apply, and as, by an anomaly
peculiar to a Whig Administration, under the
direction of a Reformed Parliament, the
Irish Secretary was to have the nomina-
tion of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, nothing
in the world can be conceived more na-
tural, or more convenient to all the parties
concerned, than that the Marquis Wellesley
should be the new Lord Lieutenant. The in-
trigue is not yet, we believe, above half deve-
loped ; nor will it be understood to its full extent
until the name of Mr. O'Connell shall have
appeared in the Gazette. Men who are not
fortified by a reputation for the solid virtues
which command permanent esteem are easily got
rid of. The Marquis of Anglesey is gone, and
we would advise Lord Plunket to look to himself.
In the meanwhile we repine not at the loss of
Lord Anglesey, although Lord Wellesley be
his successor ; nor should we repine at the loss
of Lord Plunket, although we beheld the rough
hand of O'Connell wrest the seals from his
sordid and selfish grasp. We may be mistaken
but we own we cannot perceive in what is now
taking place, or what is likely to take place, any
great cause for regret or alarm to the Protestants
of Ireland. What kind of Lord Lieutenant
must be be whose sway shall prove more
repugnant to their welfare, or more fatal to their
security and their rights, than that of the
Marquis :of Anglesey ? What Lord Chan-
cellor of Ireland can be imagined, from
whom the Protestant people of that country
have more to fear, and less to hope than
from Lord Plunket ? Things, we fear.
have been done with respeet to Ireland, which
condemn the Protestants of that country to a
course of suffering and mortification to which
there can apparently be no termination mil
some incident shall occur which may effectually
arouse from their lethargy or blindness the Pro-
testant people of England ; and whenever this
shall take place, as sooner or later it unquestion-
ably will, then, but not before, rescue will be
near and certain. This, it may be thought, is
cold consolation to offer to our Irish brethren,
but it is the best we can conscientiously offer.
In the meanwhile they may safely, we think,
regard it as a matter of indifference whether 'an
Anglesey or a Wellesley resides at Phoenix Park
—or whether a Littleton or a Hohhouse is to
write the letters by which such a Government as
that of either of the two Marquises may be
expected from time to time to insult and dis-
courage the Protestant magistracy of Ireland—
whether a Plunket or an O'Connell shall be
nominally responsible for the due administration
of justice, and the honest distribution of the
legal patronage of the Crown.—Morning Post.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

W OR SHIP- S TREE T.

Yesterday a chubby-faced girl, about fourteen
years of age, named Hannah Hutchinson, was placed
at the bar before Mr. BROUGHTON, and charged,
under very extraordinary circumstances, with
stealing a quantity of jewellery and plate from the
residence of Mrs. Martha Newbury, of 42, Ferci-
val-s•reet.

The jewellery and greater part of the plate were
stated to be the property of the prosecutrix, who is
a widow, and the remaining articles the property
of Mr. Murch, her uncle, resident in her house,
who was formerly an acting inspector in the G divi-
sion of police, and has since succeeded to the situ-
ation of Mr. Henry Camp Shepherd, who, it may
be remembered, was inhumanly murdered upon the
premises of his employers. Messrs. Williams and
Co., in Compton-street, Clerkenwell.
The prisoner had been taken by Mrs. Newbury
out of Sr. Luke's workhouse some time since, and
was believed to be an honest, well-disposed girl;
but on Sunday the whole of the family went out,
leaving only an invalid young lady and the prisoner
in the house, and upon their re.urn in the evening
they found that the prisoner had absconded, car-
rying off a small mahogany box, with the jewellery
and plate, and about four shillings in cash. Between
seven and eight o'clock that evening a gentle knock
was heard at the street door, which was immedi-
ately opened ; but the person who knocked had
run away, and on the step was found a basket, con-
taining three silver tea-spoons, a pair of silver
sugar-tongs, and one shilling, which appeared to be
part of the stolen property belonging to Mr. March ;
and shortly alerwards one of the family, a little girl,
who had been sent out on an errand, reported, that
as she was returning home she met the prisoner
about 200 yards from the house, and attempted to
detain her, but the prisoner being the stronger broke
away from her, and ran of ; but information was
immediately given, and in about an hour she was
taken into custody, with most of the stolen property
upon her.
Thomas Kelly, police constable 224, G, was at
the Bunhill-row station, when Mr. Murch gave in-
formation of the robbery, and a particular descrip-
tion of the prisoner, who wore a straw bonnet, and
some other articles of clothing belonging to the pa-
rish, and a red striped apron. About twenty mi-
nutes past eight o'clock the witness met her in
Playhouse-yard, which leads from Golden-lane to
Whitecross-street, and believing her from the de-
scription to be the person he was in search of, he
stopped her. She bad in her band a handkerchief,
containing a quantity of onions, and under her arm a
small mahogany box, the lock of which had evi-
dently been forced. In her bosom were found a
pearl ring and brooch, a penknife, a gold chain, and
and some other
thimble,arnk oasked
knb t
dbe
vd.ei
rsyiif t aat
ther
onseypa,
bitrcaieo:dtavanoino, numbersisnerdeooeakchmmrwsiot
things, arid also 2s.
Mrs. Newbury identified the various articles pro-
duced, but she said there were still missing five
tea-spoons, a silver cream-ewer, a silver snuff-box,
and some other things, and also several letters be-
longing to her deceased husband,. relating to family
affairs, and of considerable importance to her. These
bad been kept in the produced mahogany box, to-
nbnosdaesefunhns consef
c:oht
higsrioayimh, aniunaodrgei gtu:nhloi
gosib‘sevraeetoealoisfs:swdbeitt
:halnaoti
Sunday
gether with the jewellery, &c.
n
it
d
Mr. BROUGHTON said it was a most extraordinary
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The prisoner stated, in answer to questions put
to her by the Magistrate, that she had been brought
up entirely by the palish. Her father was dead,
but her mother bad married again and was living at
Cow. cross, and she had a cousin living in Co wheel-
alley, Whitecroes-street. She wept and sobbed so

cept her declaration that nobody had instigated her
to the robbery.

_
Mr. BROUGHTON expressed his belief that she
must have been tutored in the transaction by other
persons, and he gave directions that every effort
should be used to trace the matter.

The prisoner was then remanded for a week.
MARY LEB ONE.

Thomas Harrison was yesterday placed at the bar,
charged by his wife under the following circum-
stances :

The complainant, a smart young woman, of mo-
dest demeanour, who resided at 57, Wimpole-street,
where she was employed to take care of the pre-
mises, said that on the previous evening the prisoner
(her husband) entered the house in a state of in-
toxication, with a knife in his hand, which he
sharpened on a steel in the kitchen, and, pacing up
and down the passage with it, threatened to murder
her before the night was over. In consequence of
his violent conduct and diabolical language, she
called in a policeman, who succeeded in conveying
him to the station-house, fortunately before he had
inflicted on her any injury. On former occasions he
had conducted himself in the same violent manner:

Police constable 31, D, on being called in by the
complainant, whose cries of " murder" were loud in
the extreme, entered the premises, and found the
prisoner in a state of intoxication, and very violent;
he searched him, but did not discover in his posses-
sion a knife or any other deadly weapon.
A gentleman here stepped forward, and said
that the prisoner was the son of Mr. Harrison,
of the Dudley Arms, Paddington-green, and that
he had been an eye witness of his ferocity
more than once, in addition to which he stated that
his father, who had been necessitated to eject him
from his house, was in continual danger of his life,
ar►d therefore hoped that the magistrate would in-
flict on him (the prisoner) a severe punishment.
Mr. RAWLINSON, who commented in strong
terms on the fellow's brutality, then ordered him to
find good bail, and advised the wife to prosecute
him at the sessions. Not being prepared with the
required securities, he was conveyed to the lock-up
room.

Yesterday Byers, the indefatigable informer, at-
rended at this office, accompanied by his man Carter
as a witness, for the purpose of substantiating about
a score of informations against hackney-coach pro-
prietors, &c., for not having the letters stating the
number of persons they are allowed to carry painted
an inch in length, as the Act requires.
Carter, the informer's witness, had measured the
letters on the defendant's vehicles, and found them
all deficient in length, and some so small as to be
scarcely legible.
Mr. RAWLINSON—How did yon measure them—
with a rule, I suppose ?
Witness—No, Sir, with this card, on which an
inch is marked.

Mr. RAWLINSON—Let me see the measure. (The
card was accordingly handed to the Magistrate.)
Mr. RAWLINSON then read with astonishment—.
" Sons of Harmony, the favour of your company is
requested this evening at —." " What !" said
the Magistrate, " are you one of the Sons of Har
mony ?" Witness—Yes, your Worship.
Mr. RAWLINSON—I always thought that informers
produced discord instead of harmony wherever they
intruded themselves. Sons of Harmony, indeed !
An intended victim, who stood behind, said, in a
whisper, " Sons of would be more appro-
priate."
Mr. RAWLINSON—HOW did you get at the let-
ters ? Witness—By climbing on to the vehicle.
Mr. RAWLINSON—You are a bold man, and I
wonder you were not caught by some of the coach-
men and tossed in a blanket, which would have been
only measure for measure.
The cases being clearly made out against most of
the defendants, they were accordingly fined in miti-
gated penalties, and the informer and his man re-
tired apparently well pleased with their day's labour.
AN OLD ACQUAINTANCE. —Sarah Verrone, a
middle-aged woman was placed at the bar under the
following circumstances:—
Police constable Hardy, D 120, stated that the
prisoner was creating a disturbance in High-street,
and was very much intoxicated. Witness told her
to move off, when she exclaimed, " Oh ! who cares
a curse for you ? Mr. Rawlinson is an old ac-
quaintance of mine, and has often sailed in my ship."
—(Laughter.)
Mr. RAWLINSON (who could not help joining in
the laughter.) What ! often sailed in her ship !
Well, I now think, Mrs. Veralls, you will sail in
my van.—(Laughter.)
The prisoner said she was very sorry, but being
troubled with rheumatics, she had taken too much
opium.—(Laughter.)
Mr. RAWLINSON—WeII, but how long have I
been an acquaintance of yours ? The prisoner said
she became acquainted with his Worship last Mon-
day, having been brought up for being drunk.—
(Loud laughter.)
Mr. RAWLINSON—WeII, to show you how very
impartial I am towards my old friends, I shall com-
mit you to the House of Correction for a month.
Prisoner—Oh, pray don't, my dear Sir, my dear
Sir. The gaoler here removed her.