The Sun.
London, England, 1870-11-07 00:00:00

IHE SUS, LONDON, ivroNpAy, NOVEMBER 7, 1870

have become more restricted because alliances
have become more rare. In the Russian war of 1854-6
there were no fewer than five Powers engaged.
It needed the combined forces of England, France,
Turkey and Sardinia to take Sebastopol, and to keep
the CZAR out of Constantinople. The allies were
not content even with this strong. combination, and
exerted the utmost pressure upon Austria, in order
to induce her to join them. Since then alliances on
any large scale have gone out of fashion. Germany
alone made war upon Denmark, and notwithstanding
that the assailed State was terribly overmatched, Eng-
land and France left her to make a gallant
but hopeless fight. It is true that in. the Italian
war of 1859, and in the German war of 1866, more
than two Powers were engaged ; but the circum-
stance was inevitable in the first case, since the war
was undertaken with the specific object of driving
the Austrians out of Italy, a task for which Sardinia,
unaided by France, was quite unequal. In the second
case, Italy did indeed join Prussia, but rendered
no service to her ally except the negative one of
detaining a large Austrian force south of the Alps,
where the only victory that lightened the weight of
Austrian reverses was won. The present war is
essentially a duel. At the outset NAPOLEON
bought allies in every part of Europe, at Vienna,
at Florence, at Copenhagen, at Stockholm,
and at Madrid—but in vain. He was left
to carry on alone the conflict which he had so
rashly and wickedly provoked. This result was due,
perhaps, not entirely to the voluntary abstinence of
the neutral Powers. Italy would probably have
joined France as the condition of the withdrawal of
the French troops from Rome,if it had not been that
Prussia convinced the Florentine Cabinet that this
consummation could be obtained without incurring
any risk it Italy remained neutral. At Vienna
Count BE UST, himself disposed to peace, but
beset by an anti-Prussian party, was enabled to
resist the pressure of this party by pointing to the
menacing attitude of Russia. Russia would certainly
have taken sides with Prussia if the last mentioned
Power had been worsted. Denmark was almost
unanimous in demanding an alliance with
France until the double French defeat of August
6th shewed how narrowly the little State had
escaped a disaster, which, while grievous for
France, would have been absolutely fatal for Den-
mark. Whatever the causes, the result has been
that France and Germany have fought their quarrel
out alone, and with such decisive consequences as
the world has scarcely seen before.
It is in the nature of such great political catas-
trophes as the present, that when the time comes
for the sword to be sheathed, and the pen to be taken
in hand, the Powers who are concerned in making
peace are far more numerous than those who broke
it. Prussia and Austria were the only siguitaries to
the Treaty of Prague, because the regulation of the
German Confederation was a matter in which no
Power outside Germany was vitally interested. It
was far otherwise when the Treaty of Paris was
signed in 1856. Even the five belligerents
did not deem themselves sufficient for the
task of settling the Eastern question, but they called
to their aid Prussia and Austria. The disturbance
of the balance of power which has been caused by
the present war will also need the intervention of
neutrals as well as belligerents. Rapid as the war
has been, the time has already sufficed,
not only to deprive France of the supremacy
which used to be set forth in the words " when
France is content, Europe is tranquil," and to make
Prussia the first military Power in the world; but
it has permitted another Powei, which has taken no
part in the war, to aggrandise itself most materially
by giving it the possession of what claims
to be the oldest throne in Europe, and
by bestowing upon a member of its reigning
house anotherT throne. VICTOR 'EMMANUEL at
Rome, VICTOR EMMANUEL'S son at Madrid, are in-
cidents which the Congress that must sooner or later
assemble will have to recognise. Even a question
so peculiarly affecting the belligerents as the new
frontier line between France and Germany will not
it may be taken for granted, be left entirely to their
discretion, that is really to the will of
BISMARCK. It is probable that the rectification
will affect in some measure other states, such as
Belgium and Holland, and that they, therefore, will
have to be asked for their consent. Above all, there
is the Eastern question, settled, as we supposed, by
the Treaty of Paris; but unsettled from the day
that NAPOLEON " revendicated " Nice and Savoy,
and Lord RUSSELL declared that thenceforth
England must look elsewhere for allies. So long
as the entente cordiale between the two Western
Powers was maintained, so long might the settlement
of 1856 be considered binding. But from the day
that it ceased to be "cordiale w there was hope for
Russia—hope that she might win over to her side
one of the two estranged allies. She has not done
that, but fortune has been even more propitious to
her. The alliance has been virtually destroyed,
for France has been endered incapable of fulfilling
her part, and England alone will not be able to prevent
Russian ships of war from entering the Black Sea.
Deeming it to be all but certain that Russia will,
when the Congress assembles; demand the revision of
the Treaty of 1856, it will be well to recall what the
provisions of that document are. The Treaty was signed
March 30th, 1856. There were four main clauses.
The first provided for the evacuation of the belli-
gerent States by the hostile armies; the second ad-
mitted Turkey to the public law and system of
Europe ; the third neutralised the Black Sea, throw-
ing its waters open to the mercantile marine of all
nations; but forbidding, war ships of any nation to
enter it; and the fourth forbade the CZ AR and the
SULTAN to establish or maintain any military or mari-
time arsenal in the said Sea. It is not pro-
bable that Russia will demand any altera-
tion in the second clause ; the time is
not yet come to drive Turkey. out of
Europe, as Austria has been driven out of Ger-
many. it is more probable that the CZAR will make
demands with respect to the 3rd and 4th clauses;
will ask either that he may keep a restricted num-
ber of vessels of war in the Black Sea, ostensibly tor
the protection of his commerce, or that he will endea-
vourto obtain leave to rebuild Sebastopol.. It is possible
however that Russia may not venture so far even as
this ; but may prefer to advance towards it goal—
that goal being Constantinople—with slower foot-
steps, and may asct, in the first place, for alterations
is the Government of the Danubian Principalities.
That Government was settled at the Paris Con-
lerence of August 1858 ; but the arrangement
then, made has been set aside by the inhabi--
tants of the Principalties, who, in defiance of the
Powers, have united their two States under oneruler.
There is thus an excuse for .bringing the Eastern
question once more before Europe. Russia may not
even think it necessary to offer an excuse in a con-
dition of affairs when, if only she can rely upon the
support of Prussia, which is probably already
assured, she can alter the map of Eastern Euiope at
her pleasure.

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

ANOTHER TERRIBLE SHIPWRECK.

It is with very painful feelings that we have to
record to-day the loss, in American waters, of the
steamer Varuna, bound from New York to Galves-
ton. Every soul on board, with the exception of
the second mate and four men, have, the telemram