The Sun.
London, England, 1848-05-25 00:00:00

:~l ~~W9W~~~~

LONDON, THURSDAY, MAY 25, 1348.

Whatever we may think respecting the consolida-
tion of the nationality of the Italians by a Federal
Pact under the Presidency of the SOVEREIGN Pox-
TlFF—it is beyond all denial that the safest and the
readiest means for securing the liberation of the
Roman peninsula will be the nomination of Claw
A.LBIRTO as King of Northern Italy, his dominions
comprising Lombardy, the Venetian States, Parma,
l'iEtoenca, Modena, Genoa, Savoy, Sardinia, and Pied-
mont. However unadvisable this may appear to
ourselves as an ulterior arrangement, we should be
madmen to deny that as an immediate course it is the
very best that could be followed by the Italians. It
would concentrate the energies, both military and
maritime, of the peninsula ; it would redouble the
exertions of the MONARCH upon whose arils the
emancipation of the entire country is dependent ;
it would realise and verify that old dynastic
apophthegm that the House of Savoy is the
guardian of the keys of Italy ; and, within a few
months, within possibly a few weeks from the pre-
sent date, it would lead to the expulsion of the
German soldiers beyond the Alpine barrier of the
Tyrol. Nevertheless, we will acknowledge at once
that we anticipate this mode of settlement with a very
great degree of repugnance. We do so, moreover,
without depreciating in any respect the brilliant ser-
- vices of his Majesty of SARDINIA in aid of his illus-
trious confederates of the peninsula. We are dis_
posed to contemn the project for ensuring the inde-
pendence of Italy by the union of the Lombardo.
Venetian territory to the kingdom of Piedmont, not
because we regard the career of CARLO ALBERTO
as tarnished by shameless and culpable inconsis-
tenoies, but because in the very fact of this

apportionment of the soil of Italy we cannot but
view the Lombards and Venetians as the victims of
circumstance. We cannot but look upon them as
driven into this arrangement by a deplorable alterna-
tive. We cannot but perceive that they are com-
pelled nolens volens to act thus by a sort of irresistible
necessity. This is why we look upon the scheme of
amalgamation with repugnance ; though at the same
time we are ready to confess what we have already
intimated, that the project is by far the safest and the
readiest method by which the Italians can secure
their independence.
As to CARLO A.LI3EILTO himself, we are by no
means actuated by sentiments either of unconditional
prejudice or of unbounded admiration. We can
on no account regard his reputation as a politician as
immaculate. Yet we must protest at once that we are
far from being disposed to coincide with those who
deem his character as only worthy of abhorrence or
suspicion. As Prince of CARIGNANO, he began life
nobly, valorously, chivalrously, as a Royal Knight
of the People. In 1821, in fact, when heir-presump-
tive to the crown of Piedmont, he stood forth da-
ringly—most daringly, if we take into consideration
the overwhelming odds of his opponents, and the
perils individually provoked against himself by the
proceeding—he stood forth daringly,
we say, as the
leader of the Liberal party, demanding a free
Constitution for Sardinia. In so doing he acted (and
History will proclaim it) bravely ; but in betraying
his party he acted (and History will blazon this too
upon her pages) most basely. No doubt there has
been monstrous exaggeration as to the conduct of
Calm° ALBERTO towards the Constitutionalists ; no
doubt the alteration of his policy immediately upon
succeeding CARLO FELICE upon the throne of Sardinia
has been represented as more abrupt than facts would
justify; no doubt there has not been enough consi-
deration given to the preponderating influence of
Austria during the first years of his reign,
when any direct opposition to the views of Prince
METTERNICH would have been little short of insanity,
and would have led only to the further diminution of
the liberties of the Piedmontese,—still, admitting all
this, we can by no means regard the political cha-
racterDlNu as o f
uhnissullied or thescatherleeissg.ninCgalKpainbgle ohfe SRI-
Majesty
cer-
tainly proved himself to be, but culpable in a degree
immeasurably less than that which is indicated by
his more virulent antagonists. As an antidote to the

misrepresentations of those antagonists, we would
refer the reader to an admirable pamphlet
just published,* in which the writer,
GEORGE BOWYER, Esq., D.C.L., has -vindi-
cated Caw.° .ALBERTO from the majority of these
malignant aspersions, though we cannot coincide in
those ingenious arguments of the pamphleteer by
which he would relieve the reputation of the Monarch
from all blame in reference to his temporary aban-
donment of the cause of the Constitutionalists.
Making every allowance for the supreme power of
Austria during the reign of GREGORY XVI., and
bearing for ever in our remembrance the noble con-
duct of the King of SARDINIA ever since the acces-
sion of Pio NoNo to the Papal chair, we must declare
at once and for all that we regard the character
of CARLO ALBERTO with real sentiments of
respect and admiration. For a while he was culpable,
and grossly culpable, no doubt, but he has expiated
his error in a manner becoming a patriot, a soldier, and
a Prince. For a while he allowed his liberality to
lie in abeyance, but he has since called it forth with
renewed vigour, and has staked his crown, his fame,
and his life upon the freedom of Italy. As a recom-
pense for this kingly courage, the diadem of Northern
Italy, the junction of Venetian-Lombardy to his do-
minions, and the incorporation of the duchies
of Parma, Piacenza, and Modena, would
be a splendid and munificent boon, but a
boon not greater than his audacity, or
superior to his patriotism. Should destiny reserve
this glorious kingdom as areward to CareLo ALBERTO,
he will have earned it well by fighting for the liberty
of the Italians, in the van of the army of independ-
ence. Still, while we appreciate the justice of this
estimate, we repeat that the scheme is repugnant to
us, inasmuch as it appears to us to be forced upon the
Lombardo-Venetians.

, On Monday we alluded to the attempts that have
been made to prevent the Law Officers of the Crown in
Ireland from exercising, on the approaching trial of
Mr. JOHN Aimma, their undoubted privilege of
setting aside every person who may be called upon
the jury panel, who adopts the " Young Ireland',
doctrines, and who in all human probability would
follow the example afforded by the minorities on the
recent trials. The notion which the Confederates
entertain of an impartially selected jury
appears to be, that it should consist of
persons professing the same political opinions as the
prisoner they are about to try. The chairman at one
of their meetings put this point plainly enough. He
said, " We have assembled for the purpose of protest-
ing against the base, brutal, and bloody practice
of jury packing. There were two meanings
attached to trial by jury in Ireland—
the one was to view it in a theoretic sense, in which
it meant a trial of a man by twelve men, impartially
selected from his fellow-citizens. But there was
another sense in which it must be viewed, and that
was the sense in which it had always been applied by
the servants of British power against those who were
guilty of the heinous crime of loving their country.
In the latter sense it meant the selection of twelve of
their bitterest enemies to try them. Now they were
the open and avowed enemies of the British power in
that country." So, then, the speaker conceives it to
be packing a jury if none but those who are
friendly to the British connexion, and who are op-
posed to the Utopian project of an Irish Republic,
are placed thereon. As well might a pickpocket
demand that some of his own honourable professio❑
should be placed upon his jury when he is placed at
the bar, or a murderer protest against the unfair-
ness of having those who are to decide on his guilt
or innocence selected from persons not one of whom
had ever shed the blood of a fellow-creature. If these
views were carried out to their full extent the law
would possess but little terror for its habitual vio-
lators.

All doubts on the subject will, however, speedily be
terminated. An unsuccessful attempt was made to
have the indictment quashed, upon the ground that
it contained two separate and distinct charges of fe-
lony. A demurrer was subsequently threatened,
manifestly for the purpose of delay, but the Attorney-
General having intimated that if such a course was
persisted in he would, in the event of its being
overruled, press for form3l judgment against the pri-
soner ; and the Court having decided that if
an argument took place thereon, judgment of guilty
or not guilty should follow immediately, the intention
was abandoned. A plea of not guilty was at
length recorded, and this day finally fixed for the
trial. It is more than probable that some hours may
be consumed by a challenge to the array, or some
similar motion with respect to the jury panel,
before
the charge is fairly entered into, or twelve men
sworn to try the case ; but, despite all efforts, the
trial will be proceeded with, and it will then be seen
whether the cherished expectation of an acquittal, or
even of a disagreement of the jury, will be realised.
But if those hopes should fail—if the officials
of
the Crown" should procure a jury that by any possi-
bility would convict the prisoner, he is not to be
left to the punishment which the "Foreign Usurper"
may award to him. The Doctor Doyle Club have
spoken explicitly on this subject. In an address to
Mrs. MITCHEL they say---' We have now but
one absorbing duty to perform—namely, to prepare I
night and day for the purpose,
should he be con
victed, of restoring him to liberty, and to you."
This is perfectly plain and unequivocal. It can only
mean that he is to be rescued by force in the event

of any sentence being passed upon him that would
keep him from his home and family—indeed, it

scarcely required that such a determination should
be expressed in words. " The measured tramp of
the ten thousand marching men, confederates in

heart and soul," who have adopted the practice of
proceeding in military array from their several club-
rooms to the gaol in which he.is confined, and then
giving three cheers for the prisoner, would sufficiently
indicate the intention of those who pay such compli-
mentary visits not to permit their brother Confede-
rate to leave Ireland in " felon's fetters." The
authorities, however, are fully alive, and are taking

* " Lombardy, the Pope, and Austria." By George
Bowyer, Esq., D.C.L. Pp. 27. London; Ridgways, 1848.