The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-06 00:00:00

i.absolutely absurd, and more than aasurd, most noxious 1 the responsibility for themselves of that conduct.-
to the eyes of Europe, wien, by the same post they read I (Hear, hear.) I can assure the Noble Lord, however,
rssjournals the Lord President of the Council ex- that in the speech he delivered he did qualify the appra-
,ing an opinion so as to call on the Spanish Secre-
rY tor Foreign Affairs to produce a dispatch expressing bation of Sir H. Buhver's conduct, by stating, as:elis
the
That
entire represented to have said by the lion. Member for ue :-
approval of his own Government at home. ingheneshire, that the Government would rtst e
stair'
, _is the position in which Sir rlenry Bulwer was greater part of the responsibility for the conduit of i
Itaaesede ,an ! it is the position which is the key to all H. Bulwer. The Noble Lord's subsequent exclamation
these unfortunate circumstances; and now I come to all led me to think that he would adopt the inure manly and
quire, and that is the important business of the night,
Y this misunderstanding took place between members. more just course in this case, of adopting.. ter the 90-
of the same Cabinet. That brings me to the policy of vernment the whole,. of the responsibility, and identify
the Noble Lord. It has been shown to-night, frankly themselves with Sir Henry Bulwer. Sir, I think it but
iattaotihaed.by the Master of the Mint, who seemed to glory just that they should do so. I think it the more incum-
e circumstance, that all this is the necessary come- bent on the Government now to adopt that resposibility,
and to give their sanction, because it appears recorded
ittepee of the quadruple treaty. The Master of the Mint in these papers which have been laid before Parliament,
veto" holds„ the quadruple treaty as a magna charta of di- that one of the causes assigned by the Spanish Govern-
aeY. He says it is the quadruple treaty by which meet for removing Sir Henry Bulwer was this, that
,rwielibsound the crown on the brows of the Queen of Spain. public opinion was adverse to him in Spain—
alt timeswas flattering, to go by the next post to Madrid. Several Floe. Ideemooos—ln England. . .a , we were that the Spaniards had that natu-•at and e- , told Sir R. PEEL—In Spain! The public mind in Spain
the . oign born sensitiveness that they could not bear
slightest allusion to the Peninsular war—and was excited, and the papers say, " Bow can we reconcile
aco -
nalderable time had elapsed since then—that they in
npaniards to your maintenance as Minister here, when,
teofroutldthnaetatbiel boar allusion to vietories which redeemed their your own country,
the Noble
eedona ye the Government gives you tip?"
Sir Henry Bulwer was placed in Spain not by
aeow much
.more agreeable is it to be told, Lord, but by my Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen,
Fried,
but that
the owed their freedom to the British nation,
the Sovereign owed her crown to an English preceded him. He was sent there by my Noble
siriav_h_aettatrrey.atoyf State? This is what they have told to us. not from political connexion between them, but because
my Noble Friend thought Sir H. Bulwer's past conductfa
has produced all this important mischief a
wreanneenoer when I first entered this Assembly that iis the profession he had chosen entitled him to theh
he
and confidence of the Government, eventhoug
ales an one made an allusion to the subject, it was differed in politics with the Government.—(Hear,. hear.)
otleaYs received with unanimous derision. It was not
to ial the most magnificent monuments, not only of My Noble Friend thought, and thought most justly, that
of Eni
daPlomacy but of the march of Liberalism, and the diplomatic profession should not.. be_made subser-
rtreelistssrpeiartiyt
?of Liberal opinions. What was this quad- vient to the commotions of party politics, (th:ar, hearr?
His Noble Friend thought -that the diplomatic oro e--
The Noble Lord. who became Lord sion partook of the character of the naval and military
Was not ecretary of State, necessarily, from his position, professions, and that it would be most unjust. that a
a moat Only the organ and expounder, but, fortunately,
~. able man who had entered into the profession and had
sum, el eapounder, of this great diplomatic talis• proved himself worthy the confidence of any Govern-
**peat a° was supported by the Liberal party. He was ment should be removed from the position to which
biota eV 'supported by the Liberal Members of the Ca- his abilities entitled him merely because he differed on
taol,awattere was not an occasion on which we were not politics with the Government.—(Hear, hear.) My. Noble
Were Can subjects connected with external relations Friend has been blamed by acting upon that sentiment;
lee too arOught before the House, that whatever course but lam sure the true way to encourage eiploreatic ex-
libereiiaa Zigland was to identity herself with a ertions is to show that, provided there was no such dif-
forei "urge, to be the patron of liberal institutions in ference of opinion as to disentitle a man to the confi-
teeil:. curse,
and the Noble Lord accepted and deuce of those who employed him, those who engaged
Tito,
weed
himself power by advocating these opinions. in that profession and served their country faithfully and
of raerre introduced into this House by a great master honestly should not lose the prospect of reward because
knot °rie, and the House was persuaded that the the party entertaining different political views came into
ferei,„,ge of foreign liberalism would never lead to power.—(Hear, hear.) It was on these grounds that my
aloaroaaniseonception or foreign war. According to the Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen advised her 'Majesty to
athe traerad, " peace, reform:and retrenchment," were place Sir H. Bulwer in the responsible and difficult posi-
t,. gio of the Government, and when my Hon. Friend tion of British Minister at the Court of Spain, and I must
aaeetionankes) reminded the Noble Lord that non-inter- say that during the whole period Sir H. Bulwer acted in
theera was one of the grounds upon which the new communication with us, his conduct was ouch as fully to
latete,-,ete,nt was to rest, the Noble Lord repudiated the justify the confidence we had reposed in him.—(llear,
bat d'
him the word used was not intervention, hear.) I confess that looking at these dispatches now
'ado
alt
There was not the slightest reason, liov;ever, before the House Ido not see the shadow of any grounds
11014 that the word in tho mouths of the Whigs of
mdse etld 1830 meant non-intervention—(Hear, for imputing blame to him in these recent traneactione.
hear)—. The instructions sent to Sir H. Bulwer by the Noble
Morse Noble Lord is not correct in stating that non- Lord opposite were such as to defy any man to draw
'es 6,7.40 rt did not form one of the pleas put forth by any other conclusion from them than that it was
Words'. '.9Y Ministry for the purpose of attracting, to- meant to instruct Sir H. Bulwer to make the comtnuni-
lateedaa Popular support, and indicating the policy it cation to the Spanish Government, and also at a fitting
‘..aeco-r-,1 Pursue. I fid in a book, which contains opportunity to the Queen Mother.—(Hear, hear.) Such
al the " of the declarations made by the Members was Sir H. Bulwer's construction of the Noble Lord's
la Wh. s
n whichlg Government in 1830 and 1831, a speech, dispatch, and accordingly, as he tells us, he took an_ op- ;
Ito it is said, " our true principles are portunity, and made the communication to the Queen
Ned:ltan universal peace." So the speaker antici- oher. Whatever might have been the intention of
!lie wet" House will observe, the Hon. Member for tee Noble Lord opposite, I think that Sir H. Bulwer
q t t Riding of Yorkshire—(Laughter)—and here was justified by the circumstances under which he made
li toeddefinition of the peace policy :—" Our true policy the communication, in communicating the letter of the.
feteorintain universal peace, and therefore non-inter- Noble Lord in extenso. Let it be remembered that Sir
to lee,eis our principle, the great principle which ought H. Bulwer had seen the fall of thronesoarounddhirme —he
nistr3. end wilt be heartily adopted by the present Ali- had found that his own representati s in.oin
v4llale;„e I‘4ow, that statement perfectly justifies the strances to the Spanish Government were of no avai
Nater use of by my -lon. Friend, but which was re- that since he had received those instructions there had
Pe ie ruse
abruptly by the Noble Lord, and been an insurrection in Madrid; end under these com-
74irs faa no doubt that they did, by meddling in the bined circumstances hi' Isit it necessary to make a strong.
eeeleethas other countries, secure universal peace. My appeal to the Spanish Government, but he doubted his
ma 4 •-"° to liberalism is this, that it is the introduc- own powers of remonstrance, and thought they would
le , late, ,i,
h-Oten mode
Practical business of life, and of the
cal of a'acie of life—political life—it is tbe introduc- be made in vain sinless he could show that he was
armed with higher authority than his own
Alai, Philosophical ideas, instead of political princi-
!let to hat, in fact when a man goes to Madrid, he is ff a: s, and therefore he communicated to the Spanish
Government the opinion of the Government of England
eqelieet e;sideir his'operations with reference to the in- as stated in the letter of the Noble Lord opposite
b,4-"4 itlfti. I?gtand, but to set aside all practical rules, (Lord Palmerston.) I think Sir H. Bulwer exercised. a
"ein! 'l in their stead certain abstract philosophical wise and just discretion in the peculiar circumstances in
Ilaeteettas, and the promulgation of these principles be- which he was placed, and I further think that if the
ea, es'isuie bond of ul
of. some. miserable fac- Government had abandoned him, they would have set
leoeoto:do.fetibterhhicwiloinueld have been extinguished. but for such an example which would have warned every honest and
tltht, atuerhood. A small party in this House told faithful servant of the Crown against incurring. a similar
that 4'4 ofopoltcy would never do ; that you responsibility.—(Hear, hear.) Hence it is that I heard
tt no .conduct Eh lash affairs on this foundation ; with satisfaction the declaration of the Noble Lord at
fain it wootical advantage could be obtained from it ; the head of the Administration, that the acts of Sir H.
one hld never yield you commercial treaties.— Bulwer are adopted and defended by the Government.
'tie ' he
tleasta colt,. Bylending, however, all the moral aid But the immediate matter for us now to decide is,how we
Ye"' hews c01t,.)
to some miserable faction, you did pro- shall dispose of the motion brought forward by the
Hon and Learned Member for the county of Dorset
kttoilhetteel_ea but in every country and stn te in which
ao 1 aheeterfered, from Athens to Madrid, you have• (Mr... Bankes). The Hon. Member for Buckingham-
tad ate , atlas substantial prosperity of such nations shire says that we have three duties to perform on this
so te-' ltv'e deteriorated-condition or the people, occasion: first, to manifest our determination to exempt
Load we th_ the
Plie, Procees," seeds of infinite contusion. The Noble Sir H. Bulwer from all blame or censure; secondly, we
-sof • tee in
are to manifest our determination to support the British
tatti hoe.. a this course, he became the great Pro-
t° , Hof
of taaallsni in the management of the foreign Government in maintaining the honour of England,
aseaeL thetiteoUntry ; and. I must do him the justice which has been outraged by the Court of Spain; and,
NO Nrilous was impossible for any one entertaining thirdly, we are not to condemn the Noble Lerd the
eenPaleet in and dangerous ideas to conduct their de- Secretary for Foreign Affairs, but the system of liberal-
ea`mught ' a More business-like manner than he did. ism which has influenced our diplomatic proceedings
tad et)
that in
the Noble Lord was certainly edu- with all foreign nations. Now, I confess that I cannot
tie ache , 'one of the best schools, and of see how we shall fulfil any one of these duties by voting
attaTliahedN he became one of the most dis- for the resolution which has been moved by the Hon.
eti a easytr PuPils but, notwithstanding the quad- and Learned Member for Dorsetshire. First of all, I
netttlet•iensi --- notwithstanding the fostering of con- see in it no recognition of the good conduct of Sir H.
aft Ithetaoan: Greece, in Portugal, and in Spain Bulwer, but Ido see a resolution which, if adopted by
efajareaaaeing he was% forced by' his party to con- the House,' would imply that he had acted improperly..
eoearalie,,, with England, in this grew; work At least there is no distinctien made between his con-
taitaat Mon; ?rider the idea that France and England duct and that of the Government ; but we are called
heleaffeco, ;anal the alliance by which the new policy upon to vote that " a proposed interference with the
dot
not '',..4'137 be pursued, he found that the system internal concerns of the Spanish Government, as con-
Ste.), .rou'reark- And how could it work ?—(Hear, ducted under the authority and with the entire approval
tfeteasa Of a ""e, of late years, introduced a sentimental of her Majesty's Ministers, has placed the British Go-
hed-aater a constitutional principle in foreign affairs.— vernment and our representative at the Court of Madrid
loo_You ta.and cheers.) You wish to abolish slavery, in a position humiliating in its character." If we really
tataetioe osant all the world to join you, without any wish to exempt Sir H. Bulwer from any share of the
foteot agarat° whether or not you are, by the course you responsibility, we ought, if we are to vote any reso-
atetanens l'acting the horrors of slavery, and laying the lutien, distinctly to declare that we do not disapprove
lane!. 1/ °' endless dispute between us and foreien of his conduct.—(Hear, and cheers.) Another of our
ite;reaceptt:aever, the Noble Lord, when he saw Lis duties is to manifest on the part of the House a desire
%teat, toted
u' did his business like amen; and no man, to support the Crown in vindicating the insulted honour
Uptale 'Y coe, °Pon such misconceptions, could have more of the country. If so, we certainly ought to convey
amtnaleced extricating Ow ,o. his himself from the conse- the expression. of our opinion in some less cquivocal
of tit loon)
aacOnduct—(Laughier and cheers from the form, if we wish to put on record that Spainhas cora-
-1 tnaft w hat have they done ? They have talked milted an outrage by her abrupt dismissal of our Minister,
elttat°,,ll,of the Constitution as if it were the model con- and the assurance that the House of Commons will sup-
CAI? 4)---1) w°rid—like a model farm—(Cheers and port the Crown in vindication of its honour.—(Hear,
4i1)0 -6 th nt en
e relo et' oaf carrying out their views of foreign hear.) Instead of that, if we vote "that a proposel b-
oleti 'eel, aIY looked to a great general system of
al etile aahich terference with the internal affairs of the Spanish Go-
la r op_ had nothing whatever to do with the vernment has placed the British
,G, overnment in ttl°4l)4itiZeestee of England.---(" Hear, hear," from
aauerea kid atia In 1839-40, things began to get very to humiliating in its character, so far from dingai the
Government in vindicating the honour of England, you
e,' %Oar one j: Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston than send the British Government to conduct this negotiation
telieeettot, tterunderstands or regards the interests with disgrace round its neck by a vote of this House, and•
ale "a to °a has
a, ela scene more ability to sustain them—was you incapacitate them from making the vindication you
te, an% withac the interests of England because of wish,—(gear, hear.) How is a Government, branded
fki t F
ne ty, °teakranee, and what then happened? 'The
tat %oath this und that he could not manage foreign af- with this vote of censure, to take a high tone towards
the Spanish Government? The Spanish Government
Au bworld Itiliance with French liberalism through- will reply, "We cannot defend Sir H. Bulwer, if you
a hlr`ltal es--
eta e lit ~ -..xtrßE - will not defend him; we will pay no attention to your
ter! not 611n,8r a R—Question.
he.) I 413ear.j4—The gentleman who calls question representation; for the House of Commons has told
you that you have• placed the Government of England
a beef that understand the question.—(Laugh-
r• in a humiliating position. Had you approached us
ilater' ' lo astatia 1840 the Noble Lord set about his armed with the express authority of that House, vie
ittiziNf ?tad ji.?rkrnan-like manner, like a great Mi- must have deferred to it; but, as you have been cend-
her° tritifrore "„ all that he could to extricate sured by the House -of Commons, and have consented
ot, qlo teethe difficulties which he had get to remain in office after that, it is utterly impossible
1.40 ' ktdu to the ' •
Itt ae. the affairs of the Levant years for us to attach any weight whatever to your represen-
-ObY 1111846 then
arose the misconceptions with tations."—(Hear.) :Therefore, I think this second duty
101 l tiaea sleep' When the Noble Lord and his friends
ittial etitrigue a colleagues of the Noble Lord entered ing the system, and nor the Noble Lord (Palmerston), I
I °a.) °f th n,e alasaraceiul cabal_to keep the Noble know not what the Noble Lord's feelings might be after
(14 I 6 taah n t
\( ants speak I e --(Hear, hear, from the oppo- this vote; but as it distinctly recognises him as the
tontralieeo fromof that 'With which lam acquainted. author of the interference, which it says has placed this
143' W' 441%) mere rumour, as others have done. country ill a humiliating position, I think the Noble
k t iorlted to •And what was the ground upon which Lord would not be able to maintain his post, notwith-
Odliti the Prevent the Noble Lord from having a standing the construction put on the tenor of the resolu-
tlakohlyege Plo). inlet ? Why, upon the ground of 'his tion by the Hon. Member for Bucks—that it goes to con-
tet lithereved"te policy which years before they so damn the system, not to inflict punishment on the indi-
-4' is/ laf• I have already alluded to the con- vidual.—(Hear.; Therefore it appears to me that no
tat hat °hie
ade 411 affect Lord with respect to France ; but 1 one of these three objects will be accomplished. Now,
Vtirotlaer zo ' Enlist it have; had upon his influ- although I cannot concur in this resolution, yet I must
lid Ith
p:t that :=1 they
014 t° CIO 'rope When his own colleagues exhibited not have my refusal to concur in it to imply approbation
could to cross him in every way? of the course the Noble Lord has pursued.—(Hear.) I
I, 2,!411 ton°ugh alone to lead to a misconception think the Noble Lord was fully entitled to give warning
Sit(lrirt(lleLar, htet relations between France and Eng- and advice to the Spanish Government. I don't object
moat ttae he ciao ae *stare let me observe that while to the thing; Ido object to the manner in which it was
keit shi 4 hire ulaistsinces which caused his fall, I done.—(Hear.) After all our relations with Spain, seeing
lat:11 ata Prize who ruled France at that time as a the peculiar position in which Europe is placed—seeing
tit eiPle'ltat tle,:.--(ilear, hear.) The Noble Lord has the tremendous events that have been and still are of
4t, it at of lioar
i?sult of endeavouring to carry out the daily occurrence, I do not think it was an illegitimate
Of rfer, a tim, eqatn in other countries—he has found or an unfriendly act of the Noble Lord to say to Spain
v otae too
eZero
tis course, and that it is not wise to and the Spanish Government, "Beware—be cautious—
el diriLnittina. °la with ree
„,I _eat ee, or to nard to the internal concerns watch the events. that are passing—place not your reli-
oa ee_ their
a.
.attempt to select their Ministers ante on armies, however numerous or however disci-
-o'4 /4" no te saY tit
ministrations. It is. easy for the Alined—conciliate the general good will of the people, on
._ to be _ hat the calm expression of opinion whose support alone you can safely rely. —(hear.)
tear ee'°, hue , matter of censure.—(Laughter.) It Ido not find fault with that. But, adverting to the true
-ye '4er .It is
tig% cad° e with
a_ not wise to take that course; for description of the Spanish people and of our relations
the I,,eki,,thera 4espeCt to that expression of opinion, with them, which has been given by the Noble. Lord-
opietereotence_oataaseerious harm—it will not terminate remembering that they are a people inferior. to us in
ere and laughter)—and we are by
hiq°a eposhr cire'll
tiv eh 0, en utustances power—a people under deep obligations to this country,
belateleouttretra happeeefthezost roe
bmliagrekdahltoo
ceirxcpurmesstsanocuesa not only for advice tendered, but for exertions made, for
effotea iy 14 fovea with regard to the interference of vast sums expended, foa noble b.lood shed in the defence
and vindication of their liberties—remembering, above
yelp lea! the re, gn affairs. This dismissal of our 11 that they are a gallant nation, peculiarly jealous of
had Whaley has ult a e
point of honour—
kte tt flyer tob-itge Policy with re and to foreign atheir independence, sensitive upon the
theeallelePght t may be sacidhartaoeterisedgthis country, (Hear, hear)—it is because I believe that the Noble
ea. ale, %tree° "Inplai the contrary, we
of the gross and unestimate of the Spanish Government,
taaatt""taa of " which h Lord has correctly described our relations with them,
has formed a just
iels,Y.oeer the so_ .as been committed against
atioaee t,: aouo
(the_ vereiga and the honour of the its sensitiveness, its jealousy, if' you will—that,
..
and has justly dwelt upon its pride, its gallanltrdyo,
itetl hes .0e made I) We ought not to allow our think, if the Noble Lord wished to make an impression
itaY Of ti:?oetl, ad the sea c_ of the foreign
to ant ta °Med, In alluding to the foreign 'd of that people, it would have been wiser
upon the min s ,
de aloe, count
ine otel -e. the .ry a•e..
Via °Pe, 'c t not attack the individual it in a different manner to what he has done.—(Hear,
to have held different language, and to have presented
la i Dofor iotawhich he has been too long forced
pr :11 ,rmse... oillowia.-hear.) course,the J
640 at , . Vice,' K his minieterial career I re- the friendly advice tendered by him should be adopted
Of *plant of the Noble Lord wa-s that
ta eouo he defended end historic achievements, and I
hp t li, ttY, eta the honour and independence
tit Neu h. eta the Pow presented—
he followed in a cordials pirit ; but I think there is an
abruptness in the original letter that was prese
1 e his tittir QL/s, . er of the empire.—(Cheers.) go, stop eof a, said that such an insult to the • •
(Hear, hear)—there is the assumption of a tone of supe-
twhich •
Inttcp Y.Of 4,44 gland
rah rat' with urea,
_was an unparalleled fact in Spanish Government—there is that. recor aio
d t" of' past
Nlehipret regard • interference The complaint,
tor to th to theassistance which has much the air of exprobatio,
very
to offend the
taloned -,01 the e manner was as much which I think might as well have been avoided towards
tt "le b nice, , Secret as to the matter, for the a people sensible, no doubt of their obligations to us,
aneaol4,4:t he. atlofl to ooreaaraY foru Foreign. Affas
Court of
but not very fond h ' ' dial of them.—
to, per ha of being remin
to, too n leo_ d our e_. u. 'cations with the (Hear.) But the first letter, I think, might be excused ,
i ~,rt.t.Of the wageada,aalinister at Madrid to apply to it is perhaps not very sue rising that the Noble Lord
sell'ealoin the 'nest „"-4, aughter)—one of all her sex in
N46—int e collo 'unarm •and least l'k I hastily,and Ireally P -much fault with
wrote
tter , Procaea, cleneo
..
.Y. potoriety, 1 e Y the first lettea as Ido with the second.—(llear.) Theae
a Bit bis wojoatna, onau,tilis country. It was a most is that remintscence of the great obligations which Spain
Oa da lIER, hit was oft Was still more so from the
-1 1,,. °N bi 1.4---Sir -conveyed. is under to us which is calculated to give offence. That
personal appeal to the Spanish Ministers in which the
satiotatie: a Lord d'_ aye heard with great satisfao- Noble Lord reminds them that but for British assistance
41)f the Govern that it was the intention of they might then have been exiles from their coun-
a Coild,.
talent"t to avow their public approe try, was certainly not calculated to win their son-
act sir E fidence, or conciliate them into the adoption of the ad-
enry Bulwer, and to adopt
vice he was :tendering.—(l.{ear, hear.) Now the Noble

Lord the Prime Minister vindicates the Noble Lord
(Palmerston) by reciting a story which he had from Lord
Holland, which did not appear to me to be very germane
to the matter. Lord Archibald Hamilton had the alter-
native in that case of laup.,hing at the offender or knock-
ing him down, and it might do very well to do either ono
or the other.—(Laughter.) But here the Noble Lard
had done both.—(Bear,) If Lord A. Hamilton, after
adopting the milder alternative, had addressed the of-
fender in the longest sentence that was ever written in
the English language—(Laughter)—and had ended by
saying, "Sir, if it had not been for me, you would now
have been a beggar in the streets," Lord Holland
would certainly not have admired him for choosing
the mildest of the two alternatives. Look at the sen-
tence of the Noble Lord (Palmerston), in which,
after declaring that he was not in the slightest
degree offended, he proceeds to administer punish-
ment in twe my-nine consecutive lines—he was so im-
patient that he did not take breath till he had penned
the whole.—(Laughter.) I think he is much more like
Sir• Fretful Plagiary than Lord A. Ilamiltc,n ; for be
winds up with that reminiscence so painful to these
Dukes and distinguished Generals—" If• it had isot been
for me and my Liberal policy, you would have been at
this time exiles from your country." That is ungracious;
and I think that is the part of the transaction which is
most to blame.—(Hear.) At the same time, I apprehend
it is very difficult to conduct the diplomatic transactions
of this country without occasionally making errors, and
even grave errors. The error in this instance, in my
opinion, is not an error of act, but an error in the mode
in which the Noble Lord has exercised his authority,
which is much to be regretted. I regret the more, be-
cause I feel that he has defeated his own end. Instead
of conciliating the Spanish Government, and establish-
ing the legitimate influence of England, by making
them feel that we were a friendly power, amidst all
these storms and convulsions, animated by a sin-
cere desire for Spanish welfare, the Noble Lord
has alienated the Spanish Government and a part of
the Spanish nation entirely by the mode in which good
advice has been tendered to them. On that account I
deeply regret it.—(Hear.) I do not think the terms of
this motion well chosen. On the very second letter that
was presented it appears that the Duke of Sotomayor
invited Sir H. Bulwer to an interview, when Sir H.
Bulwer gave his advice very cordially, and it was well
received; and even Narvaez himself admitted the justice
of Sir Henry's views, and was ready to conform to them
as far as he could. It seems that when advice was pre-
sented to him in a proper form he went so far as to say
that he would abandon office, and let the Progresistas
come into power, with the provision, I think, that they
should adopt Moderado opinions.—(Great laughter.)
Still it is quite clear that Sir H. Bulwer had the oppor-
tunity of offering advice to the Spanish Government,
and that it was taken in a kindly spirit when offered in
the manner that wisdom and true policy dictated—as a
friend speaking confidentially on affairs of state. Sir,
I object to this resolution, because I do not think it con-
sistent with justice. If there has been an error in the
mode of conducting this transaction, I do not think it
would be just to visit iu so heavy a manner, with
the censure of the House of Commons, the
Minister by whom these transactions have been con-
ducted under such difficult circumstances. I also
object to it, because the question is still pending as to
the reason of the dismissal of Sir Henry Bulwer in a
manner which, judging, from these papers, appears to
me to be wholly unjustified.--(Hear, hear.) The passing
of this resolution would tend to weaken the authority of
the Government ; it would make us appear as partisans
of the Spanish Government, and assailants of our own ;
and it would prejudice the chance ot• a perfectly amicable
and satisfactory settlement by showing, at an eventful
time, that there was a material difference of opinion be-
tween the Ministers of the Crown and the House of
Commons.—(Hear.) Sir, I will not put upon record,
that my country is in a humiliating position.—(flear,)
I will not take the first part of a transaction, and visit
the conduct of those who have beer and still are engaged
in it with censure. The period at which the resolution
is proposed is altogether premature.—(Hear.) It the
House is to express an opinion on this matter, it would
have been much better to wait for the whole of the
reports and transactions, than to select the first act of
a complicated and unperformed drama, and take one
particular scene in that act, and visit it with censure,
uemindful of the effect it may have upon the denouement
of the drama.—(Elear, hear.) Upon these various
grounds—because I think the motion premature—be-
cause I think the conduct of the Noble Lord, the act of
giving advice, as distinguished from the tone and manner
of certain dispatches, was justitiable—(Hear,:hear)—
because I think the penalty would be far too severe for
the offence, for the heaviest penalty that can be inflicted
on a Minister is the censure of the House of Commons
—because I think it unwise fur this House to place upon
record that the country is in a humiliating position—
(Hear, hear)—because I believe that such a record of;our
opinion would paralyse the Executive Government, lead
the Spanish Government to entertain false expectations,
and place us in the situation of partisans of that Govern-
ment, instead of impartial arbiters, with a natural lean-
ing in favour of our own—because I think that the
public interest will be affected by our affirming this re-
resolution, I shall, instead of staying away from the
[louse (which would perhaps have been justifiable, as I
have hardly read the second delivery of papers pre-
sented this day), give that vote which certainly will not
imply entire approbation of the manner in which this
corresponaence has been conducted,—l shall vote fair
passing to the Committee of Supply, instead of affirm-
ing the resolution of the Hon. and Learned Member for
Dorsetshire.—(Cheers).
Viscount PALMERSTON—Sir, I certainly concur in
what appears to me to be almost the general opinion,
even in the view of the Hon. and Learned Member who
has made this motion, that the motion itself is prima-
__

the facts and arguments to the Duke of Sotomeyor and
the Duke of Valencia, but he found that his represen-
tations were unavailing. Under these circumstances,
he was naturally desirous of giving to those represen-
tations that weight which they would derive from its
being manifest that they came not from himself, but
from his Government-. Another motive for putting his
representations in writing was, that by so doing they
were likely to come to the knowledge of persons to whose
knowledge they would not come it' communicated per-
sonally. I was
opinion, and I still am of opinion,
that Sir H. Bulwer was borne out in the course he pur-
sued, and, therefore, I gave him that approbation, for
which lam responsible.—(Hear, hear.) If I had even
doubts, which I have not, as to the discretion which he
exercised, I think that when the dispatch and letter
were rejected as they had been, it would be a shabby
abandonment of a public officer, if I did not arm him
against the Government from which that rejection pro-
ceeded, by giving him the full and entire approval of
the head of the department under which he served.
His letter was not calculated -to produce the irritation
which it teems to have excited. It was not transmitted
iu that formal manner in which diplomatic documents
are usually communicated. It did not say, " the under-
signed is instructed to inform you," but he says, " I beg
to transmit to you some remarks which I lately received
from the Secretary of State," qualifying the dispatch
which he communicated, not as advice to be given, but
as remarks communicated to him on the state of affairs
in Spain. With regard to the right to give friendly ad-
vice, I do not put that simply on the ground of obliga-
tions which we have conferred, not on the ground of gra-
titude due from the Spanish nation and Government for
services rendered by England, though even upon that
ground I ,think we might establish a claim to give
friendly advice for the interest of Spain itself;
but I put
it on the higher and more indisputable ground, that we
were liable under treaty to be called on for assistance by
Spain in cases that may arise. The quadruple treaty was
not an engagement voluteered by this country. It was
urgently sought forby the Spanish Envoy, who was sent to
this country for the express purpose of entreating the
English Government to step forward and assist Spain.
It was said we gave that assistance because we thought
the Queen of Spain had the best right of the two
claimants. That only formed a part in the decision to
which the Government came. Undoubtedly if we did
not think the Queen of Spain had the best right, we
would not have'given her the support asked for; but we
would not have given it merely on that ground, but be-
cause we believed that her cause was identical with the
liberties and independence of the Spanish nation; and
that the people of Spain were almost universally enlisted
on her side, and that the banner under which they
fought was not the banner of Isabella, but the banner of
the constitution ; and that,
therefore, we would be
backed by the approval and support of this country.—
(Hear, hear.) It was upon that ground that support
was asked for when the first act of that transaction was
complete, and when Don Miguel and Don Carlos were
expelled from Portugal and Spain, and when applica-
tion was made to complete the additional articles,
which applied more specifically to Spain, the ground
on which additional assistance was asked for is
thus stated by M. Martinez de la Rosa:—Ho dwelt
on the manifold evils which were to be apprehended from
a return of the Pretenders to the Peninsula. He said
that the question was not only one relating to the suc-
cession of the thrones of Portugal and Spain, but to
those constitutional principles which agitated Europe,
and which sooner or later would disturb England and
France. It was on that ground that the support of
England was asked for. If that were so, into what
position would this country be put if we were appealed
to under the conditions of the quadruple treaty, not to
assist the Spanish nation in establishing the constitu-
tion, but fur the purpose of enabling the Government to
overturn that constitution, and to establish in Spain that
very despotism against which the treaty was originally
metle.—(hear, hear.) It has been said that it is u
boastful assertion to say that the Queen of Spain owes
her throne to the support of England. It may be boast-
ful, but it is founded on fact. And it has beets matter
of reproach to me in this House by gentlemen who
were in favour of the contending Prince. There was on
the one hand the great bulk of the Spanish nation con-
tending for Isabella and the constitution, and on the
other a small party, but a party supported by foreign
influence, whose expenses, as is now well ascertained,
were supplied by large contributions of money from
without.—(Bear, hear.) It was not, therefore, a mere
contest between two parties in Spain, but one of a larger
and more comprehensive description.—(Hear, hear.) We
have been told that non-intervention, in addition to
peace, retrenchment, and reform, was the creed of Lord
Grey's Government. But what did that non-interven-
tion apply to? It was to what was going on in Belgium
where a revolution had taken place, in which it was ap-
prehended that England and other powers would inter-
fere by force of arms to compel the people of Belgium to
acknowledge the authority of the King of the Nether-
lands. But so far was Lord Grey's Government from be-
ing founded on the principle of non-intervention, that one
of the first proceedings they were obliged to adopt was
the joint interference of the Five Powers in the dispute
between Belgium and Holland.—(Hear, hear.) I contend
that in writing the dispatch of the 16th of March I did
no more than on point of principle the Government was
entitled to do; and when the Right Hon. Baronet thinks
there were words in that dispatch which were not calcu-
lated to conciliate or persuade, my answer is, that it was
not intended to be communicated. The Right Hon.
Baronet thinks that there was no allusion to benefits
conferred; but he will find that it is not so, the allusion
to past benefits being in the subsequent dispatch.—
(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet says that I
both laughed at and knocked down the Government
of Spain; but some Gentlemen think that in that
dispatch I was not spirited enough, and that I
ought to have been more offended than I stated
myself to be; whilst others think that I showed too
much irritation. I leave thoso who entertain these
different opinions t o discuss them amongst themselves.
It appears to me that this is a case in which the British
Government need not be offended; and I bolivo any
person who reads the note of the Duke of Sotourayor, in
which the dispatch was returned, will say that it is not
calculated to raise any feeling
of anger or indignation
in the mind, but that it is calculated to raise a far
different feeling.—(Hear, and laughter.) If I erred in
showing too much forbearance to the Government of
Spain, I can only say that I would rather be blamed for
being too slow in taking offence than for being too prone
or too prompt to resent it.—(Hear, hear.) With regard
to the other stage of the matter, communications are
going on with the Minister of Spain on the subject.
When these communications are completed, and
when her Majesty's Government shall be able
to come to a decision, I shall be
prepared to
communicate to Parliament the correspondence
that has passed. While these communications—l will
not now call thesis negotiations—are passing, lam sure
the House will feel that it would be highly improper in
me to state the precise nature of what is passing, or that
I am prepared to lay the papers on the table of the
House.—(Hear, hear.) Though I declined to have any
direct communication with Count Mirasol, as having no
official capacity and no diplomatic character, and whose
assurances therefore could have no official value, and
whose statements could have no official authenticity, I
nevertheless expressed to M. Isturitz, the Minister of the
Queen of Spain, that her Majesty's Government were
ready to receive any statements which he might think fit
to communicate. I shall only say that, in a country like
Spain, which had been subject to such multiplied
changes, it is difficult for an Ambassador who represents
a foreign court not to hold communications with men of
all parties.—(Hear.) In a country where, between 1832
and 1847, there have been 30 Presidents of the Council
—(Laughter)---and 33 Ministers of Foreign Affairs—
(Laughter)—l think it must have been difficult indeed
tor any man having to deal with those various and suc-
cessive Ministers not to hold social and personal inter-
course with those who for the six months may be in
office, and that it cannot be considered surnrising if he
keeps up habits of intimacy with the thirty-seven
Ministers of Foreign Affairs besides the one in office, or
the twenty-nine ex-Presidents of the Council, which
were in habits of personal intercourse with him.--
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I really feel, after the
manner in which this question has been discussed, and
after the small difference of opinion on the material
points which has prevailed, that I may leave the matter
in the hands of the House, little doubting how it will
dispose of the question.—(Hear, hear.) But, if any re-
sponsibility attaches to any person, I am ready to take
on myself that responsibility
my desire to take on myself.—(Hear, which it is my_ duty and
hear.) It to
be the opinion of all that no blame
.at a H.
I was right in approving of it also; but
ife
d
is due, if any error was committed, on let the
.g.
Bulwer for his conduct on this occasion. latnthat be so
rest.—(Hear, hear.)
the debate which
Mr. HUME said he hoped, after .
approved of the conduct of
judg-
ment of the House fall, and onnmweolueltd tbheewrietshpdornaswilanilly
they had heard, that the motion
enabled them
(sHireHar.,Bheealwr.e)r, as efaern
Governmentto
judge, and ho considered that theSpanishtitudetowards this
were guilty of the greatest ingratitude coun-
try.would take •
warning from
He hoped the Noble Lord
interfere any more in the affairs of
this, and would not
foreign countries.— (Hear.)
Mr. URQUHART (who rose amidst strong mani-
festationsatisrethlye documents
for five minutes, while he
attention of the House
in
proved that the conduct of England Spain had
been the bane and curse of this country.
ever since she
of' impatience) said he would only ask the
coup-
try. as heproceeded
was (The Honourable Gentleman,
constant cries of lime, and such
was met by such
ton as to render hi
commenced intermeddling in the affairs of that
general shouts of disapprobation, s obser-
vationsHe expressed his intention of sup-
porting inaudible.)
to one Minister as a means of bringing home the copse-
the motion of the Hon. Member for Doreetshire,
the circumstance of that
feeble
responsible, satisfied, that
quences of conduct for which all the Cabinet were
i nee of oh.e)
e
Lord being:, Foreign Minister, .rhendertd
_friendly rela-
tions with foreign powers impossMr. BANKES said he did not wish to divide the
House.
Lord J. RUSSELL—If the Hon. Member does not
divide he must allow the motion to be negatived.
The motion was then put, and negatived without a
division.
The House then went into Committee of SuppiY, but
immediately resumed.
LAW OF ENTAIL (SCOTLAND) BILL.
Mr. SCOTT hoped that the further consideration of
the report would be postponed. The Bill had been verse
briefly discussed in its various stages.
The LORD ADVOCATE had no objection to post-
pone the Bill until the following evening.
Mr. F. MAULE hoped his Right Hon. Friend would
press the Bill through the present stage. Any discus-
sion could be taken on the third reading.
The further consideration of the report was then post-
poned until to-morrow (this day).
The other orders of the day were then read, and the
House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock.

ture and inexpedient.—(Hear, hear.) For while the
Hon. and Learned Member expressed a wish to vindi-

cate the honour of the country, if it should turn out to
require vindication, he begins by proposing to us to
affirm that the country is in a state of humiliation. That
certainly is not the mode in which his object can best be
accomplished. If he finds fault with the first part of the
transaction—thedispatch which I wrote, and which was
communicated by Sir. H. Bulwer to the Duke of Soto-
mayor—to that his motion ought to have been directed,
and upon that ground I should have been prepared to
defend myself, as I now am. First of all, I will answer
the question he put, as to who was responsible for the
approval of Sir Henry's conduct. Sir, I have no hesita-
tion in saying that I and I alone am responsible for
every act of that kind, for the signification of approval
communicated from that department over which I pre-
side; and if the House be of opinion that that approba-
tion was improperly conveyed, and that Sir H. Bulwcr's
conduct ought to be censured, it:,is upon me, and me
alone, that that censure ought to fall.—(Cheers.) Sir,
I think no censure is due for that approval; because, in
my opinion, Sir. H. Bulwer acted according to the best
of his judgment, and exercised a proper discretion; and
I think I was borne out in giving him the approval
which that dispatch conveyed.—(Hear, hear.) But
I must add, that that dispatch of mine of the 16th of
March was not for the purpose of being cummui-
cated in writing to the Spanish Government. Any
man who reads it will see that it was not so intended.
—(Hear, hear.) First of all, the form is not that of the
draft of a note to be presented to the Spanish Govern-
ment ; had it been so there would have been a greater
development of views, and it would have been written in
a vvoenr differentntheten
sen nn(pEpl ee
a a
r to h
r , hear.) However
. Member
opposite,
Li
opposite, undoubtedly if I had been writing a note to
mceas may appear
he sent to a foreign Government it would have been
written in a very different manner. It was a text upon
i
which Sir Henry Bulwer was to speak, not ntended. to
be presented in the shape in which it stood. After
what has fallen from the Eight Hon. Baronet opposite, it
is hardly necessary for me to justify myself fur having
written that dispatch, instructing Sir Henry Bulwer
to give advice upon those matters to the Government
of Spain. Those gentlemen who have looked at the
papers will see that, some days before I wrote the
dispatch, I bad received information from Sir
Henry that the Spanish Government was meditating a
course which, in his opinion, was likely to produce great
opposition in Parliament, if Parliament continued to sit;
that the opposition was likely to induce the Government
to prorogue and get rid of the Parliament; and that if
that course were pursued there was the greatest danger
of insurrection in the different parts of the country, more
especially where tho Carlist party was in force. The
state of Europe at the time, the mighty and disastrous
events which came to our knowledge from day to day,
and the representations of the course likely to be pursued
by the Spanish Government, and its probable conse-
quences—l thought a full justification for instructing
Sir H. Bulwer to bring under the consideration of the
Government of Spain those matters which pointed out
danger on the one hand, and on the other .the means
by which that danger might be averted. I had no
reason to think that such a course would give
offence to the Spanish Government ; because it will be
seen that on a recent occasion the Duke of Sotomayor
had had a conversation with Sir H. Bulwer on other
matters, and of his own accord, had turned the con-
versation towards the internal condition of Spain; he
spoke to Sir Henry of the intentions of the Spanish
Government; Sir Henry's opinion being invited, he gave
it, and they discussed in a very friendly and animated
spirit the opinions and the reasons by which they were
supported.—(lleac.) Now, I have been asked about the
aths
et e
whichr isk
passage
a st attaches
one o
c hceosn t
to
olf the dispatches .
nseodm seotmh eng
grave
awithn a
unknown;
d importantl I i that h
ia st c u
irnioasttiet
supposedcuriosity
bearing on the question we are now discussing. I have
here the dispatch from which the extract is given, and I
Fan read to the House the passage omitted, but perhaps
it will not ask me to do so when I state the nature of
the passage, which is this:—That the Duke of Soto-
mayor stated to Sir 11. Bulwer what were the views
and intentions of Spain with regard to her rela-
tions with a third power. It had nothing to do
with the relations between England and Spain,
but with the relations between Spain and a third
power; and I think the House will agree with me that
it would not be fair to publish that.—(Hear, hear.) So
much with regard to the asterisks. Both the Duke of
Sotomayor and General Narvaez permitted Sir Henry
Bulwer to talk freely to them on the internal affairs of
Spain, and I had no reason to think that the instruc-
tions which I gave Sir H. Bulwer were calculated to
produce irritation or unpleasant feelings. In point of
fact, the instructions of the 16th of March only stated
that which Sir H. liulwer had before stated verbally,
thus anticipating the instructions, which he afterwards
received.
.Then the question is, was Sir 11. Bulwer,
having received that dispatch which was meant to be
only personally and verbally communicated, justified or
not in applying that dispatch to a different purpose ?
and in communicating it to the Government of Spain I
think he was, and the reasons he has given for pursuing
that course were sufficient to justify him in exercising
his discretion.—(Hear, hear.) lie had exhausted all
means of personal and verbal exhortation; he represented

TITESDAy EVENING, JUNE 6, 1848.

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Cinanwns.

MONDAY, JUNE 5.
STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE.
The following Resolutions were reported from the above
Committee:—

1.
(Irelaln'hoatpeitui
titohne,
fcoarseicoafvethte
o deposit Fanners'
positaEstatepetitionSociety
a
13i11, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with:—
That the parties ibe permitted to deposit a petition for
a Bill within three clear days after the presentation of
this report.
2. That in the case of the Lancashire and Yorkshire
Railway (Amendment of Acts and Regulation of
Capital) petition, for leave to :deposit a petition for a
Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with:—
That the parties be permitted to deposit a petition for a
Bill within three clear days after the presentation of this
report.....) Solutions agreed to.

Loßnrdaonneilndto Bthlaecskiti:
time on Wednesday, June 7:—
N NOTICES GIVEN
oGwliVngE N
Bills T
aT4I Bo
ordered
dALE
bßel.LreLa
read
FaFtlhCiEr
d.
aKilathßaariilnwea'syan(!l Bristol and Exeter Railway (Branch from Bleadon to
Wells, Glastonbury, and Street).
Bristol and Exeter Railway (Taunton and Castle Cary
Branch).
Strathtay and Breadalbane Extension Railway.
Great Northern Railway (Isle of Axholme Extension .
Drumpeller Railway. mLpornodvoenmpenotasa)n.d
Low's Patent.
North and South-Western Railway (Harrow to Brent-
ford).
Oxford, Worcester' and Wolverhampton Railway (No.
2—Deviatiun of Line, and Power to Shrewsbury and
Birmingham, and Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and
Dudley Railway Companies, to contribute and make
Arrangements).

DISTRICT REFORM MEETINGS.
Mr. Cobden has hit upon an admirable mode of pre-
venting the Chartists from interfering with public meet-
ings during the agitation, which we are glad to find is
about to be carried on for the promotion of further re-
form in the State, in the manner which they were accus-
tomed to during the meetings and agitation of the Anti-
Corn-law League. The Reformers of Lambeth, it
appears, have resolved to hold a Reform meeting on the
6th of June. To this meeting Mr. Cobden was invited,
but, for the reasons contained in the following excellent
letter, be has declind to attend:—
" Sir,—l have to thank the committee for inviting
me to take a part at the public meeting of the borough
of Lambeth, on the 6th of June. It has long been a rule
with me to decline all invitations to attend local meet-
ings, because I are of opinion that the less they are in-
terfered with by strangers the mere powerful and in-
fluential are they considered by Parliament and the
Government, as an expression of public opinion. If,
therefore, you would wish to give the best possible
support to Mr. Hume's motion, let all your speakers
be local men. There is one class of men which
will be opposed to this rule. I mean those who run
from meeting to meeting, with a handful of followers,
many of them, I suspect with the wages of despotism in
their pockets, creating confusion, under the pretence of
advocating the six points of the Charter. These dis-
turbers will be thrown out of employ by the adoption of
the good old Saxon rule of meeting in parishes and dis-
tricts, and therefore they will resist it until they be
brought to reason by the good sense of the public.
" I am, sir, your obedient servant,
" RICHARD COBDEN."

The good old Saxon rule of meeting in parishes and
districts is certainly the most effective plan that has
been yet devised for putting down and frustrating the
mischievous designs of the Chartists, or at least that
portion of the Chartists who, there is some ground for
suspecting, " with the wages of despotism in their
pockets," were accustomed, under the pretext of advo-
cating the Charter, to intrude themselves upon all
public meetings, and interrupt and disturb the harmony
of the proceedings. The plan proposed by Mr. Cobden
will prevent disunion from being sown amongst the ranks
of Reformers; it will enable all classes of Reformers
throughout the country to speak out their opinions without.
fear of hinderance or interruption, and, as such, by
or-
ganising public opinion, and bringing it to bear in a
proper manner upon the Legislature, it will do more to
attain the object which Reformers now have in view
than could ever be achieved by noise and violence and
uproar.—Sunday Times.

HE REFORM MOVEMENT AND
THE BALLOT.
On Saturday, the 2-th ult., a meeting of Members of Par-
liament assembled at t‘h Free Trade Club, at which a work-
ing model of a ballot-t?
Gibbon Swann. This °x
was
presented by Mr. Edward
box is the invention of Mr. Samuel
Kingsford, of Canterbur and some years ago, when in a
far less perfect stage, it Canterbury,attracted the attention of Mr.
Grote. The contrivance is,
chvefsehaps, the most ingenious
which mechanical tact could and, although a casual
observer would discover no possible; alteration to complete
the instrument, Mr. Kingsford is actually occupied in makin
abother model,g
in which some very trivial objections will
be
entirely obviated.
The ballot is now undoubtedly a sine qua
gress of popular reform; inasmuch as
without thin the pro-
e means of
asserting their rights, protecting their interests,and re-
dressing their wrongs, the people will never obtain
system of government. They are nominally
represenateijluisnt
a Parliament which unscrupulously sacrifices their most
essential interests, and mercilessly feeds and fattens upon
their spoil. The people have selected, or are supposed to
have selected, members of their own body, to defend them
against the encroachments of privilege or the presumption
and oppression of power and fortune ; yet are those members
chosen by the very exercise of that very power and fortune,
and through the influence of the dangerous privilege. And,
withal, when the people are told that electoral reforms are
what they require, they deceive themselves too often into
the idea that such reforms are the end and not the t;,,,,n5;
and thus, without considering the connexion of political
alterations, calmly reply that they require a reduced taxa-
tion. But it is tune to impresss upon the people of this
country—to repeat and repeat again, that all they suffer has
its first origin in the radical error of the system, by which
the mischievous exclusiveness of a class is maintained, and
flourishes upon the reduction and subjection of the industri-
ous masses.

And how are these mischievous tendencies to be obviated?
By extending the franchise, and giving the people a larger
share in that part of the Legislature which professes to be
composed of burgesses or commons? By making that as-
sembly more subject to the inclination of the constituencies?
Yes, undoubtedly. But if the extension of the suffrage is
essential, there is one thing which must accompany it, in
order to render it available—it must be protected—its free
exercise must be shielded and guaranteed. And by what?
By SECRET VOTING.

-We have heard many methods of attaining this object up-
held as the best—the American, the French, or our own
Club-house fashion ; but, although we ourselves have no po-
sitive objection to the registration ticket system, or to any of
those in common use, we know that thousands entertain an
aversion to them, because they suppose that violence and
fraud are to sway them, and the interest of the candidate, or
of the moderate and peaceable portion of the community,
is to be sacrificed to the mob. It is for this reason
that we look upon Mr. Kingsford's exquisite invention
as a kind of god-send at this crisis. For the most
timid politician, if he be sincere, will be compelled to
admit that by means of this ballot-box all fraud and
violence are thwarted, whilst the most profound secresy
protects the innocent and conscientious, but helpless voter.
It is impossible to tamper with the poll without detection,
though no one is present to observe the dishonest voter, whose
object may be to vitiate the election in favour of his own
favourite, or in favour of his suborners. It is impossible
alike to violate the secresy or the integrity of the election.
Another very important point, for large constituencies, is
that all the trouble and confusion of au immense scrutiny
and calculation (such as occurred recently at Paris) are
avoided by the spontaneous operation of the instrument.
The Members to whom this production was exhibited were,
as we understand, one and all, particularly struck with the
remarkable ingenuity of the contrivance ; and, if a differ-
ence of opinion prevailed concerning its usefulness in the pre-
sent emergency, it was altogether one of method. And, as
we have before stated, it is by proving the security of the
method that the arguments against secret voting are to be
combated. At least that is the opinion deduced from our
own experience.

We are extremely glad that Mr. Swann should at this
moment have interested himself actively in behalf of Mr.
Kingsford's invention, for this very reason ; because, appa-
rently Mr. Swann possesses some influence in his own neigh-
bourhood, and may attract the attention of many to the con-
sideration of the subject who would otherwise have let it
pass unnoticed. We are informed, moreover, that the exhi-
bition of this instrument has effected more than one convec-
tion amongst those who dreaded only the operation of the
ballot, which they had ever looked upon as the engine of a
party rather than as the safeguard of a community.
It is as the advocates of peace and order, and as the par-
tizans of a regular but equitable Government, that we take
up these questions ; because we foresee the imminent peril
incurred by society in the protraction of inequality in legis—
lation, and the indefinite postponement of what should be
timely reforms. Perhaps, therefore, we may hope to be
listened to by the impartial tribunal of Public Reason, and.
trust to an impartial adjudication of the people's wrongs,
which we too clearly see, and whose effect we daily more
seriously dread.

THE 29TH OF MAY !
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
Sia,—A second speech in the House of Peers, from Lord
Brougham, on the subject of the placards of "the 29th al
May ;" and the rejoinder of the Marquis of Lansdowne, to
the effect that he believed their ominous publicity was in-
tended to indicate "the opening of Cremorne Gardens," has
given a notoriety to a very humble expedient, which it was
never intended to attain, and led their Lordships into a
couple of errors, which I hasten respectfully to correct.
The authoress of the placard of " the 29th of May," was no
other than the inoffensive gentlewoman who has the honour
to subscribe her signature to this epistle.
"The 29th of May !"—lt was a simple line, and indeed I
intended it to be big with no other destiny than that whith
might await the attendance of the members of my Fine Art
Club Subscription, at Exeter Hall, to receive the distributi an
of their allotments according to au appointment, of which
many thousands of them had still to be made cognizaut.
The harmless ruse of exciting a little extra curiosity over a
great event of publication, had, I thought, become already
familiar to the public. Mr. Murray's " Omoo" and " Typee„'
and the yet more terrible question of " Where's Eliza?"
eventually answered by the information that she was to be
found at a popular theatre, were recent examples of the inno-
cent kind of banter which had stimulated public curiosity on
the metropolitan walls. And in adopting them with re-
ference to " the 29th of May," I had no objection that the
public should ask, what that meant?—and learn that it did
mean " The Distribution of Mrs. Parke's Subscription
Club."

No solemn warning ever whispered its prophet-voice to
me. No " Ides " did I seek to forte]. My faithful and
loving loyalty would have more revolted than even the
Chartists themselves, at the idea of a constructive associa-
tion with their destinies. I never dreamt of the honour of a
notice from Lord Brougham (except, perhaps, some distill-
guished patronage for those beautiful engravings which if
have published from the stirring and romantic history o f
his country), and I would not for worlds have created eves
the mistake of the Noble Marquis of Lansdowne—that the
" line o
nef
." mystery " was intended for " the opening .3 f
Cremor
No I " Exeter Hall " was the locality—my " Club Dis-
tribution" was the event. And to prevent all further mia-
apptehension in the matter, I have the honour to state, tha t
I have postponed the said event to the 19th of June instant,
in the same locality, and to the same end.
This all the difference in my lay—
The variance in my tune ;
That what was '29th of May,"
Will be " 19th of June."
Your obedient servant,
MARY PARKES's.
22, Golden-square.

Tad NELSON COLUMN.—Mr. Woodington has cc ra-
pleted his model for one of the compartments of the
.b aso
of the Nelson column in Trafalgar-Nam:b. TheI ICI..
. I
dent the artist has chosen for the representation one
that occurred at the battle of the Nile, where /sieh on,
being wounded in the forehead by a musket ball add ( tar-
ried down into the cockpit, declined the immediate t. are
of the surgeon, directing that officer to attend to the •est
of the wounded and to take him in his turn. Mr. Wo. )d-
-ington has grouped his figures in a very impressive m In-
ner, and told the interesting story as well, perhaps, as
such an incident could be told through the medium . of
sculpture. The style is broad and simple, and the pi in•
cipal figure—that of Nelson—is finely conceived, b oth
in attitude and expression. Mr. Carew's composit ion
for another of the compartments, representing the death
of Nelson, was completed some time since ; :and w ben
the other two subjects are finished the whole will be ;ast
in bronze and placed upon the column.
LAUNCIL—On Saturday, at noon, a most.; spiel ;wild
new ship, built for the East India trade, was launched
from the building-yard of Mr. Joseph Steel, Bai fin-st reet.
The day being remarkably fine, an immense cone( )urse
of people assembled to witness her introducti on to. her
future element. On the signals being given. she gilded
most gracefully on to the bosom of the o'it 1 Mersey,
amidst the plaudits of the assembled multitud .e, rec ?dying
her name, Helen Wallace, from Miss Brice, the accom-
plished daughter of Mr. Brice of this towr w She will
measure about 650 tons, is a most beautiful l model, and
a fine specimen of the perfection of British naval az-chi-
tecture.—Liverpool AlGion,