The Sun.
London, England, 1846-12-31 00:00:00

might suffer. And was a trifling loss to the national
exchequer to be put in competition with the lives of the
people. The English press had been vaunting of the
great liberality and munificence of England, in making
its advances to relieve Irish distress ; but it ought to be
borne in mind that there was very valuable security for
these advances.—(Hear, hear.) In conclusion, the Chair-
man expressed a hope that the Association could work
out its end ; and he congratulated the meeting that there
was a growing spirit of nationality springing up amongst
those who had been heretofore its most strenuous oppo-
nents.—(Cheers.)
The SECRETARY having read the minutes of the last
day's proceedings,
Mr. O'CONNELL handed in a number of remittances,
including the renewed subscription of a freeholder of
the county Meath, who required to know why Henry
Grattan, M.P., the representative of the county, had
not latterly attended to his duties in Conciliation Hall.
In answer to that interrogatory, he (Mr. O'Connell)
would reply, that he believed illness alone prevented
him from being amongst them.—(Hear.) He was sure
the genius of Grattan was present in that hall.—(Hear.)
Mr. STEELE read the following notes of the reply of
Mr. O'Connell, at the conference, on the subject of the
point of constitutional law involving the safety of the
Repeal Association :
Mr. O'Connell seemed to expect that James Houghton
would be, but Dillon was, spokesman, and his manner
was not merely unexceptionable, but most courteous and
respectful.
As the Liberator rigorously refused any discussion
of any point whatever until the law point was decided,
although several efforts were made to alter his resolu-
tion, I rigorously restrict this note to that point and to
that alone.
Mr. Dillon, after expressions of compliment to Mr.
O'Connell, uttered in the most courteous and gentle-
manly manner, saying that the seceders " considered Mr.
O'Connell, and him alone, the person fit to be the poli-
tical leader of Ireland;" and after declaring there was
nothing in the world which they (viz., the seceders) were
so anxious for as for reconciliation, he expressed his firm
assurance that there was nothing in the world which Mr.
O'Connell was so anxious for as the same.
The Liberator responded serenely in these ever memo-
rable words:—
" The tenor of my whole life gives proof of my anxiety
for conciliation of Irishmen ; but when you say there is
nothing in the world for which I am so anxious as for a
reconciliation, now you are greatly mistaken. I am
infinitely more anxious for the safety of the Association.
and that safety cannot be assured until Mr. S. O'Brien
lays aside that sword which he has been flourishing in
his letter from Limerick.
" Do you forget, or do you not know, that bills,
charging us with high treason, were prepared and sent up
to be found by the grand jury ?
" The bills were sent up rather late, at about half after
three o'clock, and the grand jury had separated and could
not be brought together on that day.
" Sugden and Beeweter went together that evening to
the Vice-regal Lodge, and the question was discussed
with the Lord-Lieutenant, and, I believe, that it was on
the suggestion of Sugden that the charge of high-treason
was abandoned.
" Had the grand jury not separated, the bills charging
us with high treaon would have been found quite as soon
as the others, and the verdict of the other jury proves
what would have been the result of such a finding.
" Under these circumstances, and with such an ex-
ample before me, am I not bound to watch vigilantly
over the safety of the Association ?"
Mr. O'CONNELL then rose to address the Associa-
tion, and was received with loud cheers. He said his
address should be brief—his words should be few ; for
his mind was oppressed too strongly by the intelli-
gence hourly reaching him, to enable him to have the
heart or spirit to say mush.—(hear, hear.) He was
frightened at the state of the country, and doubly so,
because he did not think that others were not frightened
enough.—(Hear, hear.) Food was w anting—foed was
insufficient in supply. The people were starving ; and
even if they had the money they could not procure
food in many localities. There never was a country in
such danger as Ireland at the present moment. And
talking of the affairs of the Association, they dwindled
into miserable insignificance when compared with
the horrors of the state of the people. Much di,trese
existed in the north of Ireland. Thereswas great dis-
tress in Leinster, almost the whole of Munster was starv-
ing, and Connaught, he grieved to add, was in the same
awful predicament (hear, hear). He was horrified at tLe
species of apathy which he saw surrounding him ; they
were n•etting up committee and all that sort of thing, but
something on a large and comprehensive scale should be
done, or the people would inevitably starve.—(Hear,
hear.) It would not du to have soup shops merely. He
was c, rtainly not opposed to them, on the contrary.
Let soup shops be established in every locality where it
could be convenient to do so, but the calamity was a na-
tional one, and required a national and a comprehensive
remedy.—(Cheers.) &ins populi suprema lex was an
adage perfectly true at all times ; but it had all the force
and energy of such conviction at the present moment.—
(Hear, hear.) Something should be done on a grand
scale. He (Mr. O'Connell) had been laughed at, because
he made his proposal—he cared nut for their laughter—
he did not think any adequate proposal had been made
except his.—(Erear, hear.) His plan was to bring to-
gether the lauded proprietors of Ireland. Since the
month of September last, he had been urging that subject
on the attention of the people. Delusions, not inten-
tionally, but practically delu,ive steps had been taken.
However, there was still an opening for the adoption of
his plan. There was still a period offered for the meet-
mg. The meeting in the Music-hall on Wednesday
lasi, resolved on calling a meetinet for the 6th of January.
He (Mr. O'Connell) wanted to know, would the gentry
of Ireland come together on that day ?—(Hear, hear.)
At that meeting they formed committees, one a metro•
politan committee, to which he had the honour of belong-
ing. Of course, whatever assistance he could give, was
at the service of his country.—(Cheers.) It was a small
thing to offer, but it would be still loss wore he to con-
fine these efforts to committees.—(Hear, hear.) lie hael
purposely restricted himself in interfering in that matter
hitherto in the association, but the time fur ceremony,
and delicacy, and apprehension of every kind was gone.
The people were starving, and would starve by thousands
and hundreds of thousands. He was not exaggerating.
He was speaking literally the truth. They would starve
by hundreds of thousands if the gentry of Ireland did
not rally together, and adopt a remedy of sufficient mag-
nitude to meet the terrible magnitude of the evil.—
(Cheers.) From every quarter the cry of hunger was
raised •—in Cork, the county he represented, one-fourth
of the inhabitants of a district in the neighbourhood of
Skibbereen were in their graves—as the result of the
present famine.—(Sensation.) The rest of the county
is in a state of the greatest starvation—the price of food
was hourly increasing, and although the government
were employing the people at an expense of nearly one
million a month, yet the price of provisions was rela-
tively so much higher than the rate of wages, that the
people were still starving and struggling with want.
The wages were inadequate to the price of food. Food
was daily becoming dearer, and notwithstanding that
lessees of political economy were daily read from the
r Castle, the people were actually starving and perishing
by hundreds, and dying the horrible death of hunger.—
(Cheers.) It was a hideous thing to think of ; lie
would, at all events, free his own mind from any respon-
sibility. He would say—Liberal i unimain means.—
(Cheers.) He would call upon the gentry of Ireland to
arouse themselves. Let them not imagine that he had
any desire to involve them in any agitation for a repeal
of the union by any trick or dexterity. He did not
mean any such thing. He wanted them to come together
and to see whether it were possible to do anything for
Ireland without repeal. If they could do anything for
Ireland ; if they could do any thing to save the people
without repeal he would go with them, and not ask
them to go one step beyond such limits. If they could
not do it, he would not ask them to move one
step at all. But something should be done for Ireland.
That was the first and greatest consideration.—(Cheers.)
What was his play ? If the landlords came together on
the 6th of January, and combined manfully for the re-
lief of the country, he would propose that they should
insist upon the English Government raising a loan of
30,000,000 or 40,000,0001. as an increase to the national
debt, to be paid for by the interest provided by the usual
ways and means. That was his plan. To augment the
national debt by the suns he had mentioned in order to
ransack the world for food, and buy it up at any price.
—(Cheers.) Yes, that was his plan. lie was sneered
at and laughed at because he had suggested such a plan,
but he would demonstrate that England, since the union,
owed Ireland 60,000,0001.—actually 60,000,0001.—50
that they had been defrauded of that sum. They might
laugh as they pleased, but when they laughed and sneered
at him for making such a proposition, he would remind
them that at the time of the union, Ireland owed but
20,000,0001, and England owed 446,000,000. He wished
the meeting to mark the difference; and how, he asked,
could anything be more unjust than to make Ireland
liable for half the 446,000,000, one penny of which they
did not owe, and one penny of which they would not
owe if they had an Irish Parliament.—(Cheers.) They
were perfectly willing to pay their own debt, and even
itnhethbeligwi(iitrisntg uolntiiomn,es, if not cramped and crushed by
would have been able to pay it.—
(Hear, hear.) He woul I remind the English press which
so cautiously and studiously avoided all mention of that
fact, that the debt had been since increased to
800,000,000, and the English Parliament had continued
to saddle Ireland with an undue proportion. If at the
time of the union, the Irish debt were only 20,000,000/,
and that of England 446,000,0001,, it was reasonable to.
expect that the debt of England having since increased
to nearly double the amount, the increase of the Irish
debt would have been in the same ratio. Why did not
the English press take notice of that fact? It was one
that could not be denied, and it was one which marked
as strongly as any other feature, the accursed effects of
the legislative union.—(Cheers.) If two men were get-
ting into partnership, one owing 20,000/, and the other
nearly half' a million, could anything be more ludicrous
than that the man owing the large amount should say
to the other, " I will take you into partnership, and
make myself liable beside for half your debt of twenty
thousand?" " Why, you are very generous and good,"
would be the natural reply. " Yes, but if," he added,
" you must make yourself' liable for half my 416 thou-
sand," would not the natural impulse be to kick such a
dishonest man out?"—(Laughter.) The principle was
the same. That was precisely the way as regarded the
financial robbery of Ireland by England. That was the
position of the two countries.—(llear.) England should
not flatter herself they forgot or forgave it. To for-
give it they were ready, if she came forward to save
the country ; but forget, they never could, till they
hid a Parliament in College-green to take the seal
oil' the bond.—(Loud cheers.) The lion Gentle-
man then adverted to the secession from the association,
and repeated what he had so frequently urgi d on the
subject. He commented on the obstinacy of Mr. Smith
O'Brien in refusing to agree to a conference to decide
the " legal question," which formed the sole matter of
dispute 'between the seceders and the association. It
was not, however, to be wondered at th.at Ur. Smith