The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-31 00:00:00

and during that period the Government had not in the • of that measure he would not speak; it would be sufficient
slightest degree redeemed the promise which they held J for him to say of it generally, that it was an absolute
out to the House and to the public. All that time the departure from the Act of 1846, to which they had
estimates were up stairs submitted to a select Corn- been since told the Government was unalterably devoted.
mittee, and the Commitee of Supply of the House was —(Protectionist cheers.) Why did it not strike the
virtually done away with. When that Select Committee Government—he thought it could not fail to strike the
was appointed, be took occasion to state the objections House and the country—if they had been more
which he entertained to the proposition, that the esti- firm and had not been instrumental in intro-
mates should be referred to the Committee up stairs. ducing long discussions, the public
_business would have
He showed that it was an unconstitutional course, and been proceeded with more efficiently than it had been.—
that there were no precedents whatever for submitting (Hear.) That measure altered in some respects the dif-
the estimates, which ought to be proposed by the ferential duties, and provided for the loan of a large
Ministers, on their own responsibility, to a Select sum of money for the purpose of promoting emi-
Committee, and of shifting the responsibility gration and the cultivation of the colonies. The
from a Committee of the whole -House.— (Hear.) resolutions introduced were fully discussed by the
He had shown to the House that this was a Select Corn- House, as the discussion consumed ten 'days, but consi-
mittee of Ways and Means, and that if they were al- dering the importance of the question—considering
lowed to have such a Committee, they might have a the principles which it was expedient to apply
Select Committee on anything, and that Committee to the whole of our colonial empire were
would have the power of inflicting taxation. He had to be discussed, he did not think that the time
stated also to the House another objection to the refe- was improperly occupied.—(Hoar.) Yet four days out
rence to Committees; he had stated that it was uncon- of the number were consumed by two episodes which
stitutional as regarded Members, because it de- had nothing to do with the great question before
prived them of their constitutional privileges of the House. Then the third budget of the Chancellor of
investigating the justice of the estimates in a the Exchequer, and the speeches of the Hon. Members
Committee of Supply.—(Hear, hear.) Now, what did for Manchester and the West Riding, occupied
the Noble Lord at the head of the Government say to two days, and two were absorbed by that incident which
that ? Why, that his (Mr. Disraeli's) observations were was known by the name of the " Missing Dispatch "
futile, and that it was absurd to say that Members were (Roars of laughter, and Protectionist cheers)—and
deprived of their constitutional privileges, for they had which was styled in that House a " petty per-
the power to consider all that had been done by the sonality," but which was pretty well recog-
Committee when in Supply ; but what he would ask nized by the country as a great Ministerial
was the result ? Why, the Estimates did not come blunder.--(Laughter.) He could not but regret that
down from the Committee till a few weeks ago, such a state of things prevailed in this country that they
and they had been discussed at a time when could not depend upon the dispatch of a Colonial Go-
half the Members were away from the House. He vernor being laid with certainty upon the table of the
asserted, then, that the House of Commons had not been House.--(Protectionist cheers.) He thought he
guilty of delay on the question of finance, but the had shown that the House of Commons was not
Ministry had; nothing had been done before the end of responsible for all the discussions upon the sugar
July, and the Prime Minister, with a sublime coolness, question.—(Hear, hear.) Had they, however, occu-
stated, in the latter end of the month, that his pied • sixteen hours, the importance of the subject
Right Honourable Friend the Chancellor of the would have justified such an expenditure of the
Exchequer would, before the end of the session, public time.—(Hear, hear.) At length they got
make his financial statement. They had then the into Committee, and he held the Bill as amended in
fourth budget ; they had had a Ministry con- that ordeal in his hand. Let us see how the Chancellor
taming all the talents, and they had now a Ministry of the Exchequer—already experienced in the expendi-
o gets.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) ture of time by the length of his budgets—(Laughter)—
Tbudget budgets.—(Hear,
came late, and at a moment when got on. The fish dinner of the Government was put
theyhn ta
waited
i n
gladb
(Laughter)—it was brought forward in a thin House, During the week, when the Government fish dinner
and when that House was full of gloom. The position should have taken place, and when the House should
ce fourthgall
co
af s
itohe
putCh Chancellor
in ellor of the Exchequer on that oc- have gene into Committee—the 16th of July—the Noble
n
mind of the hero of Cervantes Lord discovered that they were unfairly dealt with, and
and his faithful servant, Sancho Panza, on their the subject of refining in bond was intro-
return from the fourth expedition of the redoubtable duced by his Noble Friend (Lord G. Bentinck).
knight. His friends were aware of his weakness, and He would say nothing about Englishmen not enjoying
they treated him with respect, but the wife of Sancho the same privileges as foreigners, but he wished to
Panza told him to never mind his kicks and cuffs so that state that the Chancellor of the Exchequer promised
he had brought home some money.—(Laughter.) Such to introduce a measure to remedy the inequalities that
was the state of the present Chancellor of the Ex- existed. In reply to the Hon. Gentleman the Member
chequer on bringing forward his fourth budget. The for the Tower Hamlets, the Right Honourable
Chancellor of the Exchequer, it might be truly said, Gentleman stated that be intended to bring in a Bill
had concluded his second year of office with with respect to refining for home consumption. Subse-
a second loan instead of a tax. He would ask the House quently the Noble Lord reminded the Government of
whether it was the discussion of Members, or the forms their " broken promise"—(Hear, hear)—and on
of the House, that had caused the delay in bringing for- the 21st of June he opened his "masked battery."
ward the fourth budget? So much for that part of the of twenty-three arithmetical blunders in the Bill.—
subject. He would now refer to another. Her Ma- (Laughter.) But the measure with respect to refining
jesty, at the commencement of the session, had recom- in bond was never carried, it was withdrawn.—(Hear,
mended to Parliament to adopt two important measures, hear.) When the Government came forward in
but he regretted that they had not complied with her Ma- Committee to introduce a Bill more satisfactory to
jesty's command. The adoption of such a course was the trade, and, on another occasion, came forward to
an apparent slain doubtless upon her Majesty's faithful withdraw it, they must expect that such conduct must
Commons.—(Hear, hear.) But the question with him elicit discussion and remark in a free assembly. What
was, whether the House of Commons had disobeyed her were they there for but to attend to the interests ef.
Majesty's commands, and he thought he should be able the . colonists and others, many of whom were
to show that they had not. The first measure to which their constituents? A second Bill was intro-
her Majesty had called their attention was for improving duced in which the twenty •three blunders were
the health of the metropolis, and the second related to the dealt with, seven of them were corrected, and two new
laws regulating the navigation of the United Kingdom. blunders were added to the number—(Laughter)—six-
Now, with regard to the sanitary law, it was introduced teen of which were reprinted in the Bill.—(Laughter.)
on the 10th of February, and ordered to be printed, as It was, therefore, found necessary to withdraw the
amended by the Lords, on the 27th of July. Now, it second and to introduce a third, in which the
might be thought the House of Commons had been Government confessed to the former sixteen blunders—
guilty of wasting five months with respect to the men- (Laughter)—making altogether twenty-five acknow-
sure; but what was the fact? Why, a cursory glance over ledged blunders—(Continued laughter)—yet leaving
statistics of the session would show that the measure seven still unacknowledged.—(Renewed laughter.)
had been so frequently altered, and such batches It was surprising that such errors could have
of clauses had been added to and taken from it, that it occurred when the figures might have been as
was quite clear that such was its inefficiency when first easily calculated, as that three groats made a shilling.
introduced that discussion with respect to it was not (Hear.) After four days and six nights' discussion, and
only profitable but a public benefit.—(Hear, hear.) seven divisions in Committee, solely caused by the imper-
Such were the difficulties that beset the Bill, that he feet preparation of these measures—these three grace-
believed, that had it not been for the fine disposition ful emanations of Ministerial genius—the measure was at
and the kindly feeling of the Noble Lord who had length adopted. He asked the House if it was possible
had the management of it, he doubted much for the people to have confidence in a House of Parlia-
whether it would ever have reached its goal. What had ment which legislated in this way?—(Hear, hear.)
taken placed on that Bill could not be blamed on the The Hon. Member then proceeded—There is now a
House of Commons. Then, with respect to the Naviga- very important point upon which it becomes my duty to
tion-laws, they had been introduced on the 15th of May. advert. I mentioned in referring to the discussion on
There were then two nights' discussion on that propo- sugar, which lasted for ten days, that of those ten days
sition. On the 9th of June there were four nights' dis- two were taken up with the missing dispatch and the—
cussion, and, except the formal introduction of the Bill, which?—oh, ay, the third budget.—(Laughter.) But
that was all the time that was expended in the discussion there were other circumstances which absorbed our at-
of the most important alterations that any Minister could tention and diverted our consideration from the great
propose in that House or the country in any measure. question. Almost every day during these ten days there
He would ask were six nights' discussion too much with were discussions about writs. We had Derby and Sligo,
respect to such a vast and comprehensive measure ? and Horsham and the rest. It is amazing what a quan-
He asked the House what its Members would have been tity of time was lost this session in moving for writs,
thought of by their constituents and the country if they and dealing with delinquent boroughs.—(Hear, hear.)
had not devoted themselves with a proper spirit to the I want to know, I have tried to ascertain, because all I do,
discussion of so important a subject? He asserted is in the way of investigation, why this has been. I give,
that the discussions on the measure were called for, and no opinion: lam merely assisting you in drawing your
could not be considefed frivolous or vex.atious.--ilktg,l interesices. Let us s• ert,howentainklitretilistheft93°Phewttt
triTe'rit:ltrra-r as theconducting of the business of the House House of Commons is responsible for that loss of time.
was concerned, that they had not carried the navigation- It is a subject which I know has engaged much of the
laws.: Then with respect to the repeal of the Jewish attention of the Noble Lord. Well, we got into a mess
Disabilities Bill, he bad supported ,that measure at no at the beginning of the session about three delinquent
ordinary sacrifice, but he could not approve of boroughs.—(A laugh.) No one knew exactly what to
the conduct of the Noble Lord as the mane- do—whether, when a gentleman was turned out of
ger of the business of the House of Commons, and as Parliament for treating or bribing, that constituency
a Minister bringing forward a project of change, were to he virtually disfranchised or not. Some
unless he was sure that he could carry thought they were, some not; some were disfran-
it, believing that a Minister failing in carry- chised, and some were not.—(Laughter.) In fact, it
ings the consequences u
an such
a t see ofs
whoseue a was
a no
attended
could
foreseeit with
ts
ms evidentlynio n a t
o n
noccasion d
andf o r an
mliedaedsecre
nodf t
othe
iHd
eo up:lob n
was f
hn
improper course with opinion and the conduct of this House. And if I find a
e
interests the Government leader of the House of Commons, celebrated for his con-
rt
respect
o imprudenththose
awhichrnd s
con-
advocated. It was quite clear to his mind that stitutional knowledge and great historical attainments—
the
urging on of the Jewish Disabilities Bill was one who has the power of generalising from the large
one the causes that had led to the Noble collection of facts that is stored in his mind—a scholar
ot
Lord's withdrawing the Navigation Bill. At the as well as a statesman, and a man who, in my opinion,
time of the progress of the Bill the House would recol- is not deficient in courage—l would have that man in
lect that one of the most remarkable eircumstances his high position of great constitutional statesman and
took place that had occurred during the present session. leader of the House of Commons to spare a little time
He (Mr. Disraeli) had said that the progress of the from his councils of war to tell us what was to be done
Bill had been arrested by a most remarkable circum- with the delinquent boroughs. Here is a list of the
stance—an gave a totally different colour writs which were moved for : Aylesbury, little or no de-
to u and which changed altogether bating ; Derby, debated on five occasions ; Harwich,
our policy with respect to the colonies—an event which four ; and Horsham—(Loud laughter)—six. In the
altered the whole tone of our debatee—which influenced, whole, there were nineteen occasions on which there was
nr
legislation,
that
in fact, the financial statement of the Ministry; and considerable discussion on moving for the writs—discus-
which in one shape or another has engrossed a large sions arising solely from our not having decided on a
portion of the attention
Parliament met our sugar growing was going on, and, and while all this time was wasted,
colonies were beginning to experience the effects of the there was still a great deal of legislation going on about
measure of 1846—(Hear, hear)—the first and most fells delinquent boroughs. The Hon. Baronet, the Member
citous effort of her Majesty's Ministers.—(Hear, for Flint, a great purist and supporter of Ministers o
hear.) But what were the hopes held out to ashamed of the state of things,
and brought in a Bill. the colonists ? They were recommended to It failed. Borough Elections Bill, No. 1, was withdrawn.
exercise a little more competition, a little more Tried again. No. 2 read a first and second time, consi-
energy, and a little more enterprise—(Hear)—only to dered in Committee, and then withdrawn.—(Loud
exert themselves a little more, and they would do in laughter.) And all this from our not having a prin-
time.—(Laughter.) Nevertheless, packet after packet ciple to guide us on this important question. At last the
arrived with the Intelligence that the planters were be- subject began to get interesting, and after the Hon. Be-
coming more and more distressed—the gloom black- ronet bad tried his " prentice hand" at legislation, the
ened, and at last our colonies assumed the aspect Horsham Borough Bill, somehow or other, got upon the
of despair.—(hear, hear.) One Honourable Member, table. It was read a first time, there was considerable
whose intrepidity could not be conquered, and whose discussion on the second reading, and at last we arrived
perseverance could not be got over—the Noble Lord the at that state of affairs which the Italians call an im-
Member for King's Lynn—(Cheers)—told the Govern- broglio. After a great deal of time had been wasted the
ment and the House, that if they intended to keep Noble Lord himself took up the matter, the Horsham
and preserve our colonial empire, that the time had 13i11 was withdrawn, and a Bill called the Corrupt Prac-
arrived when they must seriously consider what tices at Elections Bill was introduced. It was read
ought to be done for them. He said, "if you will a first and second time, considered in Committee for
not give them up, at least inquire into their four nights, and then re-committed, showing what a
condition, as they have alleged that their lamentable Government can do when it takes a thing up.—(A
condition has been mainly aggravated by our recent laugh.) Government acted with tremendous energy,
legislation." On the 6th of February that Noble and at last the Bill was passed and sent up to the
Lord brought before the House the state of other House. But it might have been settled before,
our West Indian colonies in moving the appoint- and we should not have had the Flint and Horsham
meat of a Committee. At first the Go- Bills, nor the nineteen discussions in which so much
Vernment would not comply with his request, time was lost. The Noble Lord sent his Bill to
and my Noble Friend knew that if he pressed his mo- another place, where_he does what he likes.--(A laugh.)
tion to a division, that it Would be defeated by the ready The most extraordinary thing occurred. In that place
legions of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) But ac- there is no opposition : here there is an opposition by
counts arrived which made even Downing-street listen courtesy—but in that place there is not even the sem-
to the plaints of these islands, and they were then blance of it, The three or four mysterious entities to
told that the Government bad no objection to grant such which I have alluded were in a different place, and at
an inquiry, different work, on the 17th of August, when the Noble
Lord J. RUSSELL intimated that the Committee was Lord sent up his Bill. If' Government had not sent up
nominated in February, but that he had agreed to it as the Bill, if it had not gone along with a crowd of legisla-
far back as December.—(Hear.) ticn it must have passed. But the constitutional party,
person
Mr. DISRAELI „id, yet, on the 6th of February, the all Whigs, what did they do ? They began growling
Noble Lord declared " that he would not alter his among themselves. The Bill is moved by the Lord Chan.
policy,"_(pretecti„ist cheers.) That Committee re- cellor, upon which the Chief Justice—the Attorney-Ge-
ported on the 20th of May. Its labours were little neral of the Reform Bill, arid consequently knowing all
heeded at first, except by persons immediately interested the delinquent boroughs—(Laughter, and cries • of
in the colonies to which its investigations had " Order")—l am only reading from a paper. I can only
reference. With the exception of these persons, say that in a place well known and much more use
tate, what was toting place. The Com- ful than many people imagine—(A laugh)—a
mittee was impartially chosen, looking at the opinions did say that he felt it his duty to come down to the
entertained by the Noble Lord the Member for King's House for the sole purpose of opposing this measure—
Lynn, yet the favourites of the new commercial sys- (Hear)—one, in his opinion, liable to objections of every
tem preponderated.—(Hear, hear.) Rumours in a few description.—(Hear.) Whereupon another personage,
mouths began to creep about in the House, and despair- for whom I entertain the highest respect, and who per-
ing West Idians were seen in the lobbies.—(Laughter.) forms in another place the functions which the Noble
It was found that men who entered the Committee with Lord discharges so ably here, got up and withdrew the
preconceived opinions began to waver,—(Hear.) They Government measure.—(Hear.) I make no comment
heard, moreover, the other day, of a gentleman upon this, it is not my business; but I ask the Noble
being knighted and paid—(Cries of "Hear, hear")— Lord, who is a man of generous temperament, can he
because he laboured 18 hours a day upon the matter, forget this, when he gets up and abuses the forms of
but his Noble Friend (Lord G. Bentinck) laboured so the House, when he says, " You malignant, factious
many hours, and not only on the West Indian question, Opposition, you are wasting the time of the House
but upon many others.—Protectionist( cheers.) On the and destroying the health of the Government ?"-
29th of May a majority of the Committee containing so (Laughter.) lam sure that his candour will prevent
many of those favourable to the new commercial principles this. Well, Sir, I was reminded of these writs by re-
recommended that duties on a scale which would have membering that they occurred during the discussion on
given a differential duty of 10s. to the colonies—(hear) the sugar duties, that great question which the Govern-
-but on the same day the Noble Lord at the head of the ment had determined should not be disturbed, until the
Government stated his firm determination-the firm deter- indomitable perseverance of my Noble Friend the Mem-
mination of the Government—to maintain theduties at the ber for King's Lynn, of whom it rate, bo said quod cult,
rates agreed upon in 1846. Why, if the Government valde vult, had forced it upon their attention. I ask the
had been firm, if they had not indulged in useless dis- House if I have not given you some information to
cussion, they might have passed the repeal of the enable you to form a judgment why the repeal of the
navigation-laws.—(Hear, hear.) Yet, notwithstanding navigation-laws, after having been affirmed by a ma-
this determination on the part of the Government on the jority of this House has not passed this year, and whether
Ist of June—the period was not very remote—(Hear, the fault lies with the House of Commons or with some-
hear)—how many Cabinet Councils were there between i body else? I must here remind the House that during this
the 29th of May and the Ist of June?—(Laughter.) year—during these ten eventful months-- there has been
Although he had made a diligentseareh for what was done sedition in England, insurrections in Ireland, and revo-
for this condensed epitome of their proceedingsduring the lution all over Europe. I should like to have seen
last ten months, he could not find any account of these the Whigs in opposition with such advantages.—(Loud
Councils--)et the same Prime Minister, who was cheers.) I think that in that ease, if the House could
unalterable and firm, came down to the House, have sat twenty months instead of ten, the time would
and volunteered a statement to the effect that have been expended in attacks—for what purpose I need
some member of the Government would inform not describe.—(Hear, hear.) I must admit that I have
the House what was to be done with the already obtained the acknowledgment of the Noble
sugar colonies--(Protectionist cheers)—and accordingly
Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs that, in as far as
on the 16th of the same month the nature of the Govern- foreign policy was concerned during the most important
meat measure was stated to the House. Of the details year I have been in Parliament, the forbearance and

.

no revolution has yet succeeded in secomplish!
‘vhich none of those conspirators that you havek.e,
19
arrested in their midnight conclaves hive had- tee ,`u'
da2ity to devise.—(Loud eeeers.) I know ne iastitutinn
d
in the country that can long withstand its sapping ,d
deleterious influence. As for the class of public men
that have hitherto so gloriously administered the afft;irs
of this country, I believe they will be swept off-the hie!
of our political world. For my part, I protest again"
the system. I denounce it. Even at the eleventh haur
I call upon the 'country to brand it with its indignant
reprobation.—(Loud cheers.) r
But, whatever may ,1.3..
6
the consequences—whatever may be the fortune of intl
viduals or the fate of institutions, I at least have had the
l
satisfaction of calling public attention to this Pc;litiCa
plague-spot— I at least have had the satisfaction ?f
attemptin, to place in a clear light the cause Of this
great national evil. More than that, I have had
the
consolation of justifying this great assembly, in whien"
is my highest honour to hold a seat, and of vindicating:
in the face of England, the character- and condttnt°'
the House of Commons.—(Enthusiastic cheering.),
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I must, in the first, pier:
thank the Hon. Gentleman for consulting my personal
convenience as to the time of bringing this question
before the House; I will next thank him, as a Memt;er
of this House, for the very diverting speech be has wade
although in what it originated, or to what object it waif
directed, lamat a loss to discover. With respect:Se
the origin of his speech, indeed, the Hon. Member
read a paragraph from a Sunday paper, referring the
da§ fixed for the fish dinner. I asked the Hon. Member
whether he was reading from the London Gaud& 11
e
Hon. Member replied in the negative, but said that the
information contained in that paper was of a more aFred
and confidential character than any which appeared in*
Gazette.—(Laughter.) This certainly was..new 'infer
!nation to me. At any rate, I can state that the whole
story as given in the paragraph about the fish dinner
being postponed from the 19th to the 26th is fabulous;
that story, however, such as it is,-tuitama to have fenced,
thefoundation of the Hon. Member% address to the House.
In commenting on what has passed 'during this session, the
Hon. Member seemed to imagine that he bad to defend
the House of Commons from some charge which the Go'
vernment had made against it. When I heard the OOP'
Gentleman pursuing this course, I was disposed to seir
like the person who was told that reflections had been
cast upon Hercules,—Quis viluperavit? I can state, on
the part of the Government, that no such charge nee
been made. During the session we have received Or
port in many instances, which were quoted by the FE?It
Member for Montrose yesterday. The measures wog"'
we have been able to bring before the House have Well
generally supported, and indeed some of those which he"
been abandoned or postponed, such, for example, a* t.hl
proposed repeal of the navigatiorelaws, were supPerr''
by considerable majorities. The Hon. Member seems
to suppose that we have attacked the House because
some observations have been made about time 1241
wasted in prolix and tedious debates. Now, I dl) 134:1
wish upon this occasion, when there is no pro pea
before the House for a change in our fort_in
to enter into a discussion whether any 7,7,1
what alterations in those forms may be liefrj
for our present habits and practice. But this I
say, that there was formerly no practice more secei
boned and encouraged by usage than the practice.%
discussing the subject of petitions at the time when
they were first presented. Hon. Gentlemen who Pre'
rented petitions usually defended the sentiments
pressed in them at some length, and I have heard. debates
go on till nine or ten o'clock at night, in consequence °`
the speeches made by various Members on the pr esente:
tion of such petitions. And yet that practice has bee
abolished, nor has any complaint 'been made of.' a b;:
drance to free discussion. If that be the case, it sh°,;
that there may be some alteration in the forms of tut
House without injury to the essential rights of disco°.
sion, and without impediment to the freedom of debate.
Hon. Gentlemen resisted when the proposal for -the elP‘m,
ration was made, and I remember that one states
whom freedom of debate was certainly valued rat cancu;Li
any man, I mean Lord Brougham, loudly pro
against the change, and declared that freedom of del*
would be lost if the alteration were made. No i soil cense;
quences, however, have resulted from it; so little true is!'
that by a change of forms you sacrifice that freedom of
debate which is essential to fair discussion. it he
Gentleman has gone into a commentary on abe
ceedings of this session, and has led the House- throe
various measures, to some of which I shall allinde• .14 b
let me, before Ido so, remark upon one senten whieo,
tell from the Hon. Gentleman towards the cone hision .
his speech. He said that in this year there lead bin
1
d
sedition in England, incipient rebellion in Irel "
revolution in Europe. Now let me call the atter:talon of
the House to the fact that the Ministers of the Crete
Are chiefly appointed to administer the affairs of !°
empire, and when we see that sedition in Engle nd Las
been met with a vigorous arm by the Secreeary ot
State for the Home Department—(Cheers)—, assisted
by his colleagues—when we see that rebellion in Ireland
has been suppressed by the measures taken by 0.11
House and the energy shown by the Lord-Lieate mantis
Ireland—(Hear)—when we find that the revolution oil
the continent has not shaken the institutions of this
country, and that, however convulsed the state of Europe
may h... w••• Lave preserved peace Withers° I"
6e midst of these convulsions—l must say, as a- member
of the Government attacked, that the Administration of
the empire cannot have been so very defective; sedition
having been quelled, rebellion suppressed, am d peace
preserved in the midst of European convtilsion.---•
(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) lam the more
induced to make this remark, becausc,however the Ron.
Gentleman may praise the ancient constitution of this
country—in which I shall be happy to second him,
though perhaps my panegyric may be less feloqueos
than his own—l must yet remind the Honoura bite Mem'
ber and the House, that this supposed duty of ate mew'
hers of a Government to introduce a great n amber of
measures to Parliament, and to carry those measure/
through Parliament in a session, is a duty whiolt is new.,
to the Government of this ' country. That duty may
have been more or less well performed by the preset"
Government; but it is a duty which was hardly known
and recognised by the Governments and NI inistera
which this country has produced. I will mentia a three,
Ministers who have been supported by as large :sesPrv.
ivi
ties as any which can betofsraoieio:osmnennpuubittnegsraumi
nadoolhitsnrdtnetoandui
renßfeoLytoethwfoPerdaebwiriiamt
hedl
areirßalredctijTdgaihohlthimwlari:eniir
awettarca
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10.
x,
re:
jiyis
si:e his-
wouldtory bTehreeafillryst f these
difficult
g
imetyt hx;Wi
coycatiuhhsamterej hdPelaeeirxwibltb:cai
ssit.
(adswieuHleoast surer which
rsnataw,uisnophht
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sto)Steun t:
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reewlwßbwi
ofhaordpiei.:
vided that soldiers' pensions might be paid in advance'
with a deduction of five per cent., I do not kr lov, 501
Act to which the name of Lord Chatham is a WAN
Another Minister of the Crown, who was supported by
large majority, and of whom his supporters used to the'
he was born to maintain the institutions of the cot eatrra,
I allude to Mr. Pitt—stands in the same position. With
the exception of his great measure for the union 0 f
country with Ireland, few legislative Acts can be • found
to which the name of Pitt is attached, and it is wen
' known that he attempted, but was not able to car ryy!
measure on the subject of tithes, which was not, nil°
inately carried till the period of Lord Grey's Admini BUT
tion. I say, therefore, that it is not the sole or pi in".
pal duty of a Government to introduce legislative Oleg'
,urea, or to carry them through Parliament. low
bound to declare that in times of great difficulty and
pressure the chief portion of the time and attentfon of
Ministers must be given to those questions of adrainie"
ration, which devolve upon them in the exercise ei tbe_,
discretionary power given to them by the Crown. SD'
which every day may call forth. When, therefort
these questions of administration have to be attended
to, it is more difficult than usual to watch the details
of every measure which may be brought before rer,
liament. And yet, notwithstanding this state Q'
things, and the difficulty which we felt in Meet.
ing them, I . 'find that out of 125 Bills intro,-
duced by the Government during the present seer
sion,-- 105 -Bills have been already passed, or have
received so much of the sanction of the House as to make
it probable that they will receive the assent of the Crosvn
during the present session. Many of these Bills are 01
the utmost importance. The Crime and Outrage (ire'
land) Bill has produced most important effects in Bur
pressing the system of assassination which prevailed there
before the Act passed. The Evicted Destitute Poor Btu'
is likely, on the other hand, to be of great use in Miti-
gating the cruelties of those evictions which sometimes
take place in Ireland. With regard to the measure for
the sale of incumbered estates, I own I consider that
while it
state
teaaqst
ut
ri roe ef s
swot
which
iieec uthyt mimno sa
Ityr ae
laytlat enndti,t
ho
atein t odf its
trduadsteti toa it
that
I 4artoi::
the
ssotiullndaerm
incumbered estates which may be sold may come into
the possession of landlords who may be sensible of thl
policy of attending to the improvement of the estate and
the wants of the population. But the Hon. Gentleman
has gone through a number of measures, with regard to
which he says that the vacillation, or change of porp°96'
of the Government has produced the most injurious el,-
fects. The first question to which he referred was the quer_
tion relating to commercial distress. Now, every one knew'
what was the course pursued with regard to that sub-
ject. We were obliged, in the course of the last autumn,.
to take a step which might have led:to a violation of thw
law, and which was certainly not justified according 'Le'
the letter of the Act of 1844. We thought it necesseri
to summon Parliament to meet in consequence of out'
having taken that step. It was not for us to propose
any measure approving of the conduct which web%
pursued, but we summoned Parliament for the perPc'e
of meeting any vote of censure which might be proposed'
The party to which the Hon. Gentleman belongs, be-
cause hedeclarespahrit, hadumyselfto
jbset atne thattonitimey theb
advocate,otain bute
amember
of a
accession to its ranks in the person. of the Right ido6n:
Gentleman the Member for Stamford. In the year!B4kt
when that party seceded from the support of the
Hvey
orn.gßreaarotnaebtiltihtye
i nMember
assailingfor
tTamhe measure
wi h
e'
they had then to deal, but it was their misfu
not to have amongst them a gentleman who ry was,
aacctqinugaintbrudsinega:ithvgitthhe
the
efficniaelw methods of thranolg_e:
ever, they had the good fortune to recruittato
.0t131%
Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for S _ tera.!
attention to the financial and monetary concerns of this
ganredatwhporachatidcaplaerxtiPecurlaiernl
Tffiaciaglenktnloemwlanedgoef,
country. Well, that Right Hon. Gentleman, when thee
the state of ditsf weal
House, moved—" That, looking to
_or
ycet,uronfegr_d:,9l..;
which has for some time prevailed among
question of commercial distress was brought before to
trial classes, and to the general' reeling of triune "
alarm by hich the embarrassments of trade have beets
ir_
aggravated, it is the opinion of this House tb' a$

good sense of the House have been distinguished. In
fact, the desire has been not to press upon the Govern-
ment; and as to wasting the public time, so far as I my-
self am concerned, I have some twinges of conscience for
not having brought forward the affairs of the River Plate;
but having had some experience of the inexpediency
of discussion, at a moment when the Noble Lord had
all his time occupied, I could not think of forcing him
to turn over the history of six mis-ions that had failed,
and therefore I gave up the question. Then as regards
England, I do not think that the condition of England
question has occupied much of the time of the House of
Commons.—(Hear.) There was an occasion most le-
gitimate for such discussion, and that was the time when
the monster petition was presented. There was then
but one feeling in the House, and that was that it would
be for the advantage of the country that the subject
should be fairly discussed. I do not now eater into
the question. Why? I only recal the great fact, to
show that with regard to the state of England, sedi-
tion being very prevalent, there was yet no discussion.
Therefore, as regards England, Europe, there was no
waste of time. Was there, then, any waste of time
as regarded Ireland ? Early in the year our attention
was called in the Queen's speech to that subject. Go-
vernment brought forward a measure which was fairly
discussed; it passed both Houses, and I believe was a very
good measure, and has worked well. Nevertheless, it is
not to be forgotten that in another place a noble friend
of mine asked whether it would not be advisable to do
more—whether it would not be advisable to suspend the
Habeas Corpus and to pass a law making treason felony.
In time Government followed my Noble Friend's
suggestion—it only shows what a friendly op-
position there is in another place.—(A laugh.) But
it was shown in another way, for a Noble Duke
suggested that they might revive the Alien Act.
They said they did not know, but, after a little time,
they did revive it. But I put it to the House, with the
insurrection in Ireland, with the most unconstitutional of
necessary measures, what has been the conduct of the
House of Commons:? -How, inconvenient have been
those forms which were framed for the defence of the
minority and the preservation of the public liberties
(Hear, hear.) How inconvenient were those forms found
when the question was to rescind all the civil liberties
of Irishmen! The necessity being felt, I want to know
was the opportunity taken by any Honourable Member
to make speeches to annoy or hamper the Government?
Were there even any demagogues to avail themselves
of the occasion to excite the passions of the dis-
tant multitude?—(Hear, hear.) I rest the vindication
of the House of Commons upon their conduct on that
occasion. Lett without leaders, split into sections,
committing, perhaps, some indiscretions, what was the
conduct of the House of Commons? I say that it was a
model for any constitutional assembly in the world.-8
(Hear.) The traditionary good sense, and instinctive
courage of the English nation showed themselves on
that occasion, and that old English constitution, which
it is the fashion now to vilify and rail against as ineffi-
cient, unable to work, and not suited to this enlightened
statistical age, gave an example to Europe, and proved
that our system of government could, if necessary, com-
bine the energy of a despotism with the enthusiasm of a
republic.—(Loud cheers.) I have now tested the two
causes which have been alleged for the present unsatis-
factory state of affairs. I have tested them through all
the real business of the session. There is not a topic of
any great importance which I have omitted, and I think
I have shown that the two causes alleged were not
founded in fact, and that if the public time was wasted,
it was not bythe conduct of Members or through the forms
of tho House. But the time has been wasted, and it now
remains for me to tell you; what have been the
consequences of that waste. I am now going to
read the bills of mortality of the session of 1848. The
obituary is now almost complete—(Continued laughter)
—being drawn up to last Saturday night. This is what
the country has lost—forty-seven Bills, all upon haapor-
taut subjects, some upon most important, and many upon
interesting subjects. More than two thirds of these were
Government measures, and therefore ought not to have
been brought forward, unless they were demanded for
the public weal. I say nothing for the Jewish Disabili-
ties Bill or the Repeal of the Navigation-laws—they have
consecrated monuments of their own. In this list I find—
Outgoing Tenants (Ireland); Borough Elections; Elec-
tive Franchise and Registration of Electors (Ireland); Pol-
ling Places (Ireland); Audit of Railway Accounts; School-
masters (Scotland); Tenants at Will (Ireland); Metropolis
Police; Agricultural Tenant-right; Poor-law Union
Charges; Qualification of Members; Tithe Rent Charge,
&c. (Ireland); Borough Elections (No. 2); Horsham Bo-
rough ; Lunatic Asylums (Scotland); Qualification and Re-
gistration of Electors (Ireland); Election and Polling Places
(Ireland); Light Dues; Scientific Societies ; Roman Catho:
lie Charitable Trusts; Roman Catholic Relief; Sale of
Bread; Highways; Waste Lands (Ireland); Poor-law
Officers Superannuation Allowances; Landed Property
(Ireland); Bakehouses; Life Policies of Assurance; Cruelty
to Animals Prevention; Clerks of the Peace (Dublin);
Appeals in Criminal Cases; Smoke Prohibition; Remedies
against the Hundred; Registering Births, &c. (Scotland) j
Marriage (Scotland); Landlord and Tenant (Ireland);
Provident Associations Fraud Prevention ; Chancery Pro-
ceedings Regulation ; Charity Trusts Regulation ; Fees
(Court of Chancery) ' • Legacies to Charitable Institutions;
Officers of Courts of Justice (Ireland) Assimilation of Ap-
pointments; Poor Removal (England and Scotland); Re-
newable Leasehold Conversion (Ireland) Bills.
Now these various Bills occupied our time for six
months, and here again I trust I have shown that the
causes which have been alleged for the unsatisfactory
state of public affairs are not Just ones.—(Hear, hear.)
I.h9ps. I have shown etfrifurtfneonliaswbheiect Tvaa'ciill'atiri
that if there has been weakness, it is not we who
ought to be charged with infirmity of purpose. I have
endeavoured to vindicate the House from the oppro-
brium of being the cause of this great public evil. I
call it a great public evil. although I think that a weak
phrase—it is a great national calamity, because—what is
it ?—it is neither more nor less than this, that the sys-
tem of Government which prevails in this country is a
system incompetent to pass those laws and to carry those
measures which are necessary for the public welfare.—
(Hear, hear.) Now I cannot imsgine a state of circum-
stances more grave or more perilous. I think it but
right, having endeavoured to persuade the House that
the alleged cause of delay is not the true one, to state
what in my belief is the cause. In my mind it is not
difficult to discover it—it is not hard to find or difficult
to recognise. I have no personal feeling in the matter.
I am willing to admit that Hon. Gentlemen opposite, in
so far as their personal qualities are concerned, need
shrink from no comparison with any body of men
in this House who might be called upon to ad-
minister the Government.—(Hear, hear.) But if I
am asked the cause of this great public calamity
—of this avowal of political incompetence in the institu-
tions of this country—l must say that the great cause lies
there.—(The Hon. Member here pointed to the Treasury
bench amidst the loudest cheers.) I see there a body of
men who acceded to power without a Parliamentary
majority. I think that they were justified by the exi-
gency of the case in acceding to power ; nay, that their
conduct was in accordance with the practice and geniu,
of the constitution, but, though they were in the first in-
stance justified in taking office without a Parliamentary
majority, they'are not justifiable in retaining it under
such circumstances, and their having dorie,_so has occa-
sioned two results, both of a very serious 'description.
In the first place, we have a Cabinet which cannot pro-
pose their measures with a conviction that they will be
carried.—(Hear.) After all their deliberations—after
all their foresight—after all their observation of the
times—after all their study of the public in-
terest, when their measures are launched from
the Cabinet into this House, they are not re-
ceived here by a confiding majority—confiding, I mean.
in their belief in the statesmanlike qualifications of their
authors, and in their sympathy with the
great political
principles professed by the members of the Administra•
tion.—(Hear, hear.) On the contrary, the success of
their measures in this House depends on a variety of
small parties who in their aggregate exceed in number
and influence the party of the Ministers. The temper
of one leader has to be watched—indication of the
opinion of another has to be observed—the disposition 01
a third has to be suited; so that a measure is altered, re-
modelled, patched, cobbled, painted, veneered, and var-
nished, until, at last, no trace is left of its original scope
and scheme; or it is withdrawn in disgust by its origi-
nators atter having been subjected to prolonged and
elaborate discussions in this House.—(Cheers.) This is
one of the great causes of that waste of public time
which, in these days, is as valuable as public treasure.
There is another inconvenience resulting from the present
position of the Government, in my opinion more serious
it not so flagrant, and that is, it is impossible to expect
from the Ministers those mature, finished, and com-
plete measures which, under other circumstances, we
should have a right to demand from them. Men in their
situation will naturally say—" What is the use of be-
stowing care, study, and foresight on the preparation of
a measure, when the moment it is out of our hands it
ceases to be the measure of the Cabinet, and becomes
essentially a measure of the House of Commons?" and
therefore measures are thrown before us with the fore-
gone conclusion, that we are to save the Administration
much care and trouble in preparing the means of govern-
ing the country. Thus it happens that the House of
Commons, instead of being a purely legislative body, is
every day becoming a more administrative assembly.
The House of Commons, as now conducted, is a great
Committee sitting on public affairs, in which every man
speaks with the same right, and. most of us with the
same weight—(Hear, hear)—no more the disciplined
array of traditionary influences and hereditary opinions
—the realised experience of an ancient society, and of
a race that for generations has lived and flourished in
the high practice of a noble system of self-government.
—(Loud cheers.) That is all past. The future is to
provide us with a compensatory alternative in the con

colts of the illiterate, the crotchets of the whimsical, and
the violent courses of a vulgar ambition that acknow-

markledges no gratitude to antiquity—to posterity no duty—
(L Par-
liamento duty—
(Loud cheers)—until s
to
ot last
subside the
tfree h e
and famous
low-water
of those national assemblies and those provisional con-
ventions that are at the same time the terror and the
derision of the world.—(Loud cheers.) I trace all this
evil to the disorganization of party. I know that there
are gentlemen in this House who affect to deprecate
party government. lam not going to enter into a dis-
cussion respecting party government, but this I will tell
you, as I told you before, in a manner which has not yet
been met by any of the gentlemen who oppose my views
on this subject, that you cannot choose between party
government and Parliamentary government, you cannot
have the latter without the former; and, therefore, when
gentlemen denounce party government they strike at
that scheme of government which, in my opinion, has
made this country great, and which I hope will keep it
great.—(Cheers.) I can foresee, though I dare not con-
templete, the consequences of the system that now pre-
vails. They are weak words that would describe them
as prejudicial to the realm, perilous to Parliament,
fatal to that high tone of public life that is the best
security for national grandeur and public liberty. It's
more than this. It is the finis fatorum of the great
Dardanian house.—(Loud cheers.) 1 wally believe that
if you persist in this system, it will realise results which

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