The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It is with extreme regret that we present to '
our readers and the public the account, which
they will find under the head " Meeting of the
National Union," of a tumultuous assemblage,
ending in a murder, which took place yesterday
in the vicinity of Gray's Inn-lane. National
Union indeed! National Disunion would be a
more appropriate term. In this case, however,
as in all others for years, we had almost said for
ages past, we put forth the maxim, and adopt the
principle, which sound reason, honour, and pa-
triotism prescribe. Enforce obedience to the
existing laws; amend them, indeed, by tranquil
and constitutional means, if they are defective ;
but enforce obedience to them while they exist.
A National Convention was the thing pre-
tended to be called for by the meeting of
yesterday, whfch we were really disposed to
treat with indulgence through contempt ;
but the blood of the legal conservators of the
" King's peace" is not to be shed with impunity,
however humble the person may be who falls.
A National Convention ! Our constitution
knows no such thing. The two Houses of
Parliament, indeed, called themselves a Conven-
tion, when James had fled and there was no
King ; but in what did a regularly chosen Par-
liament, with an hereditary nobility, resemble a
general mob? The meeting of yesterday was
illegal, therefore : it was not a county meeting,
called by the official authorities ; it was not a
parochial meeting ; it was no meeting which the
law recognises or acknowledges ; and as it me-
naced the public peace, it was the duty of any
Ministry, no matter whether Whig or Tory, to
disperse it after proper notice given of its illegality.
However, several captions or arrests having been
made after the murder was committed, legal
proceedings to a considerable extent must in
consequence take place ; and it will therefore be
seen who these congregators are that pretend to
lead the people of England by the nose into
the land of liberty, a land nnknown, no
doubt, by our ancestors ; what are their talents,
their education—their condition in life. If they
are distressed artisans, we hope they will be leni-
ently treated ; but if ,they are turbulent vaga-
bonds, whom no master would employ on ac-
count of their idleness, broken tradesmen, with
whom nobody would deal on account of their
impositions, and others of similar character, we,
at least, shall say not one word in their behalf.
We have received two_accounts of the meeting,
which vary in some respects ; one imputing great
blame to the police for unnecessary severity, the
othei fully justifying their conduct, on the
ground of absolute necessity. Both accounts,
however, agree in the description of the revolting
anal un-English fact, that the fellows who mur-
dered one policeman and wounded two were
armed with daggers. We trust,—nay, we are
sure, that there were very few so armed. Eng-
lishmen when excited are capable of furious acts
of violence ; but even the most depraved disdain
the spirit and arms of secret assassins.— Times.
On so complicated and embarrassing a subject
as that of the abolition of colonial slavery, it
could not have been expected that any Govern-
ment could have discovered the means of en-
tirely reconciling extreme parties by any device
or project even of superhuman wisdom or ca-
pacity. It was plainly impossible that there
could be invented a middle term between the
most direct contradictions,—between the spirit
of the abolitionists, who demand an immediate
manifesto of freedom for all our colonial- slaves,
and the West India planters, who insist upon-
maintaining their rights of property in these
same slaves,—between those who regard the
negroes as entitled to all the privileges of civil
freedom, and those who consider them as human
chattels, to be transferred by deed or gift from
one proprietor to another,—to become the ob-
jects of a legacy, or to be disposed of by public
auction for the debts of an estate. While this
contrariety existed between the demands of the
abolitionists and the pretensions of the planters,
it was equally impossible for any Adminis-
tration to stand still, in a kind of neutral
position, between their antagonist forces.
The increasing voice of enlightened hu-
manity—a growing respect for the rights of hu-
man nature—the diffusion of information on the
barbarities of the colonial system—the new
power of the pulpit, the hustings, and the
press, in spreading knowledge on the state of
the colonies—the repeated declarations of Par-
liament in promise of a speedy abolition of
bondage—and the pledges taken by candidates
at the last general election, must have convinced
any Ministry that the abominations of the slave
system could not be tolerated much longer. On
tile oilier hand, the planters, ever since the
celebrated resolutions of Mr. Canning in 1823,
have appeared to make a merit of insulting the
humane feelings and the legislative authority of
the mother country,—have resisted the chief
recommendations of the British Parliament for
she mitigation of slavery,—have opposed all
schemes for legal manumissions, at the instance
of slaves prepared to purchase their freedom,—
have refused the necessary time for relaxation
from the labours of the cane-field and the mill,
—have resisted the admission of slave evi-
dence (where slave evidence was the only
protection to the slave)—have opposed the
moral education and religious instruction
of their bondsmen,—have discouraged mar-
riage,—and have continued the use of the
cart-whip, even in its horrid laceration of
women, not only as an instrument of vindictive
punishment, but as a stimulus to ordinary labour.
As if to give the finishing blow to any hope of
amelioration from the planters, some of the colo-
nies have absolutely placed themselves in open
hostility to the King's Government,—have re-
fused to admit a King's officer into their territory,
as in the case of the Mauritius,—have denied
the rights of the mother country to regulate their
destiny,—and have insulted publicly the King's
opresentative, as in the case of Jamaica. Is it
oaaible to conceive that any Government could
hope rto conciliate such opposite parties by a
mutual compromise, or to stand long between
them, like an isthmus, beaten by the waves of
two furious seas? But should not the very no-
toriety of these difficulties, and the irresistible
acknowledgment of the necessity of some de-
cisive measure, induce, if not the abolitionists
and planters, at least all other persons, to
concur in the adoption of some ,general
principles, calculated to reconcile as far as
possible such conflicting views and inte-
rests ? The Ministers cannot be so bigoted to
their own scheme as not .to receive with favour
every reasonable suggestion of improvement,
come from what quarter it may ; nor can they
have a conceivable interest in ruining the colo-
nists to please the abolitionists, or in postponing
the hour of slave emancipation to gratify the
planters; or, finally, in entailing an unnecessary
burden upon -the nation for the benefit of either
or both. They found it necessary to declare
the liberation of 800,000 of our fellow subjects
at present in bondage, at the almost unanimous

call of the people of England, but though ele-
vated by this act above the situation of mere
chattels or brute animals, these coloured freemen
are not released from that labour in which their
masters ought only originally to have obtained a
right. They are registered as " apprenticed la-
bourers," and enter into a new engagement as
such. They are not to be driven to the field, in-
deed, by the cart-whip of the driver, but they
are to be punished for refusing to fulfil their
contract with their masters, at the decision of the
magistrate. But even this ameliorated state of
things is not to be continued for ever. The
" apprenticed labourer" would only be a slave.
under a different name, and working under a
different authority, if his " apprenticeship" was
to continue for ever ; but provision is made in
the Act itself for his complete emancipation in
the course of twelve years by the purchase of his
freedom from the fruits of his own exertions.
He will thus become accustomed to the manage-
, ment of his own affairs,—to the exchange of his
labour for wages,—and to the feeling of the
benefits of industry, before he has been entirely
released from the last fetters which his original
bondage had imposed upon his race. His off-
spring will be instantly free, if he can maintain
them in freedom ; if not, they will become like
himself, not slaves, liable to the lash of a driver,
but servants, bound to reimburse the expenses of
infant maintenance by a subsequent contribution
of their labour. They will, in fact, be in no
worse condition than an English emigrant, who,
for the price of his passage to one of our colo-
nies, should engage to work a certain time for
the , person of capital who had aided in his
transport and. establishment. If the abolitionists
are not satisfied with this arrangement, we entreat
them to declare their objections to it without pas-
sion or violence, and they will, we are sure, re-
ceive a candid hearing. They must, at all
events, allow that the great majority of the slave
population having never been before accustomed
to exercise any forethought as to their lot, or to
provide for their future wants, having been na-
turally in the habit of regarding freedom as
merely a release from toil, and having experienced
the facility with which, in the course of one day
of the week, they can produce all the scanty fare
necessary for their subsistence, could not all at
once 'become industrious labourers without the
superintendence of the magistrate, or without
passing through an intermediate state between
the cart-whip of the driver and the emancipating
wand of the lictor. On the other hand, the
West India planters, proprietors, and mortgagees,
ought perpetually, to keep before their minds
that emancipation, by the refractory conduct of
the colonists in resisting all improvement, had
become with the Government not an act of
choice, but of necessity, and that they can now
only obtain a modification of its terms, and not
a reversal of its substance. After the country
has demanded, after the Ministry has granted,
and after the Parliament has sanctioned a scheme
of slave liberation, what could a handful of white
masters, attorneys, or managers, do to resist the
decree, which would show them instantly their
weakness and isolation ? What, for instance,
in Jamaica, could 15,000 blustering or re-
bellious white colonists do against a slave
population of 350,000, if the latter were
supported in their claims by the power and
authority of the mother country ? Talk
indeed, of throwing themselves under the
protection of the United States of America !
The United States have too many slaves of their
owin, and would by no means add to the number
by accepting so dangerous and unworthy a pre-
sent. But, in making such an observation, we do
not wish to heap reproaches on the colonists, we
only wish to sound the note of warning, and to
invite the spirit of conciliation. Whatever sug-
gestions may be made by the planters or their
friends, short of an abandonment of the great
principle of the measure, will be received with
indulgence and examined with care ; but let
them not entertain the hope for a moment that
property in man can any longer be permitted by
law in any portion of the wide range of empire
under the British sceptre, from " the rising to the
setting sun." Let them reflect, that by agreeing to
emancipation with a good grace, their compulsory
slaves may become their willing servants ; that they
will have the cordial support of the British Govern-
ment, assisted by a strong police and a zealous
magistracy, to preserve order and to secure the
performance of contracts ; and that they may
find in the promised pecuniary aid of the mo-
ther country more than they lose in the dimi-
nished labours of their negroes. Let them, at
the same time, reflect on the total hopelessness
of resistance, and never forget that St. Domingo
saw its plantations in flames, and its white inha-
bitants massacred, simply because they entered
into a contest at once with their slaves and with
their mother country. We have heard, as we have
already hinted, and we believe it to be true, that
the Government is willing to receive every rea-
sonable suggestion for the improvement of their
plan from any party whose interests it may affdt,
or whose feelings it may not satisfy. Let us,
therefore, hope that no attempt will be made
merely to embarrass their movements, or to mis-
represent their objects—objects which ought to
be considered by far too high and holy for the
narrow spirit of faction.—Times.
We have abstained from obtruding our re-
marks on the public, on the subject of the great
question which comes on for discussion to-night,
in the House of Commons, because we have no
wish to add to the prevailing irritation. We
have, however, on more than one occasion, suf-
ficiently declared our opinion against slavery, to
allow it to be supposed for a moment that we
are not favourable to emancipation. With re-
spect, however, to the Ministerial plan, we have
doubts as to its efficacy. That the first effect
will be to add greatly to the expense of cultiva-
tion we are inclined to believe ; but the question
is, as our own colonists have the monopoly of the
British market, whether a diminution of the sup-
plc may not, in the end, benefit the colonists. It
would, in some respects, place them in the situa-
tion in which they were before we obtained the
Dutch and French colonies, when the supply
falling short of the demand, they had, in a man-
ner, the fixing of their own prices. But if the
diminished supply should enable the colonists to
make good their increase of expense, by a mo-
nopoly price, the people of this country must
also make up their minds that they must pay this
additional price, and that the ruin of the planters
and mortgagees can only be averted by heavy
sacrifices on their parts. We have assumed that
the negroes will not, when transferred for punish-
merit from the master to the magistrate, perform
the same amount of labour they perform at
present. But we willingly admit, that we have
heard accounts of the success with which
eolnitasking
oe colonies, hatasbteen introduced into several of the
disincline us to attach too much
importance to the conclusions at which we for-
-01 this point.—Morning Citron.merly arrivedl
Notwithstanding the prohibition to assemble
yesterday in Coldbath-fields, a large multitude,

with banners, on which were the most inflam-
matory inscriptions, made their appearance on
the spot, determined to set the public autho-
rities at defiance ; and in the conflicts which en-
sued between the mob and the police, several of
the former received severe blows, and a police-
man, of the name of Cully, was mortally
wounded. The question for Englishmen to ask
themselves is very simple—are the laws to be
obeyed or not ? If this question is to be answered
in the negative, then we must prefer anarchy to
law, and every man must rely on his own indi-
vidual strength to resist violence. They who,
after the solemn warning of the Home Secretary
took part in the proceedings of such a meeting,
must be supposed to have contemplated the re-
sult, and are answerable for the blood which has
been shed. We are far from advocating measures
of harshness and severity ; and in ordinary times
it is, perhaps, better to connive at little ebulli-
tions of popular feeling than to have recourse to
the extreme rigour of the law. But it must be
borne in mind that these are not ordinary times—
that at various meetings held in the metropolis
of the men who promoted the assemblge of
yesterday, doctrines have been promulgated,
recommending measures of violence and blood-
shed, with a view to effect certain objects on
which they have set their minds ; and that if
they could succeed in gaining a mastery over
the force at the disposal of the Home Secretary,
the consequences might be tremendous. The
people who entertain these designs are a mere
handful ; they comprehend but a very small
fractional part of the working classes ; but even
an assemblage of one in a hundred of these
classes in a crowded population like that of
London might, if unchecked, do incalculable
mischief. The result of yesterday's meeting
will, we trust, warn well-disposed people of the
danger of being present at such scenes. We
have too firm a reliance on the good sense of
Englishmen to believe, for one moment, that
whatever their notions respecting reforms and
improvements, they wish to give effect to them
by commencing with anarchy. Those who met
yesterday are not the people of the metropolis,
and the people of the metropolis must not be
dictated to by a set of disorderly anarchists.
The people must remember that the magistrate
beareth not the sword in vain. He who is
armed with authority, and fails to use it for the
preservation of order at a time like this, betrays
his trust. Men must not be continually dis-
turbed in their daily occupations by the fear of
disorderly assemblages.—Morning Chronicle.
The meeting at Spa-fields has, we regret to
say, ended in murder. One of the police was
stabbed to the heart by a person from whom he
was endeavouring to wrest a placard or standard,
and some others are said to have been wounded,
though not mortally, in the scuffle which took
place between them and the crowd. There is,
of course, great difficulty in ascertaining the
exact truth upon all occasions of violent colli-
sion between the people and any power, whether
civil or military, which acts under the direction
of Government for the suppression of tumult.
We feel that difficulty in the present instance.
Rumours have reached us, which represent the
conduct of the police as unnecessarily harsh and
violent, but it is to be remembered, on the other
hand, that the only death we have heard of was
inflicted on one of their body, and that every
precaution seems to have been taken by the
authorities to guard against misconduct, by
having proper directors near the spot. As for
the meeting itself, there can be but one opinion
about it. No Government deserving of the name
could wink at such proceedings. But care should
have been taken—we hope it will appear that it
was taken—to distinguish between the mere
idle gazers and the evil-disposed persons who
took part in the business of the day. That
some of the persons assembled were actuated
by the very worst purposes is not to be left
to be inferred merely from the placards, or
from the speeches delivered on the occasion.
Weapons were found—unfortunately they were
used, too : so that murder has added its stain
and its corroboration to substantiate their guilt.
At several of the meetings which took place in
' the course of the evening, to petition Parliament
on the assessed taxes, allusion was made to the
illegal assemblage in Spa-fields. The Unions all
concur in disclaiming and reprobating it as a
violation of law and order. Indeed nothing
could he more unfavourable to the redress of
grievances and the relief of burdens, which are
the objects they seem to have in view at present,
than such an occurrence as that they unite to
condemn. It is not merely by strengthening
the hands of Government that such proceedings
are calculated to injure the popular cause ; they
produce a sort of revulsion in the public mind
itself. People feel a terror at wholesome
changes when they have been threatened with
changes which contain no mixture of good
with evil. In another column will be
found the particulars of the transaction so
far as they have yet transpired. We allude
especially to the examinations at Bow-street,
From ourselves we shall only add that the supe-
rior discipline of the police was strongly marked
in the effective and regular manner in which they
proceeded to clear the streets after the first affray-
was over. It is proper we should add that the
statement at Bow-street is more favourable to
the general conduct of the police on the occa-
sion than some of the accounts which have
reached us from other quarters. The ease with
which the meeting was dispersed is a proof, if
any were wanting, of the contemptible nature of
the attempt, considered as a popular movement.
In fact,. nothing could be more paltry in
that view. How the wretches who planned
it could persuade themselves that this country
was in such a deplorable condition as to look to
them, or such as them, for relief; it is difficult`
even to conjecture. How they could so far
mistake either themselves or the public, as to
expect any thing but ruin from an act of down-
right madness, it would be impossible to ima-
gine, if the history of all countries did not pre-
sent us with instances of similar infatuation. The
check they have got, however, and the ease with
which it was given, will, we hope, prevent such
occurrencesin future, by convincing them that
Englishmen are not yet tired of their lives, or
abandoned by •common sense and common dis-
cretion.—Morning Herald.

The melancholy termination of the meeting
which was held yesterday in Coldbath•fields,
contrary to a proclamation made by order of the
Secretary of State, will be found most amply re-
ported in another column—first, by a gentleman
specially deputed from this paper to report any
proceedings which might take place ; secondly,
by another who occasionally contributes to our
columns ; thirdly, as it is reported by our eve-
ning contemporary 7 he Sun ; and lastly, by a
correspondent, to whom we have been indebted
for many favours. We have been thus particular
and special in affording the best information to
our readers, because a scene of such gratuitous
attack and bloodshed must not pass over with-

out the most minute investigation and inquiry-1
because the meeting, illegal as it was, appears
to have been dispersed in a manner which
no law could possibly sanction—because the.
conduct of the police is universally re-
ported to have been most barbarous
and savage—because blood has been shed—
murder been committed—and men, women, and
children, entertaining neither seditious thoughts,
nor guilty of treasonable designs—nor caught
i❑ the practice of treasonable actions, have been
trodden under foot, and beaten, and bruised, as
,if they had been beasts of prey, whom it was a
benefit to society to exterminate ! That the
meeting was convened for an illegal purpose—
that it became illegal after the proclamation of
Lord Melbourne forbidding it—we readily
admit ; and, in consequence, as readily do we
agree, that when the attempt to constitute a
meeting was made, the meeting ought to have
been dispersed, and as many of the ringleaders
as could be seized, apprehended ; but what ex-
cuse is there for those who, in attempting to
accompli-li this object, spared neither age or
sex, tile by-stander or the guilty parties
Our reporter escaped with difficulty from the on-
slaught of the police—others equally innocent
of any seditious or treasonable designs, either
made equally narrow escapes from this demi-
military force, or received various wounds and
bruises from it; while in one instance, if we are
duly informed, a poor female was seen lying on
the ground with policemen laying at her with
their staves or bludgeons, as if she had been a
mad dog 1 Is this the law of the country ? Is it
to wretches so thoroughly unacquainted with
their duty, and so devoid of all feeling, that the
preservation of the peace of the country is to be
intrusted ? Is it for such doings that the chiefs
and subalterns of the police force are paid and
maintained by the country ? We wish to
speak moderately of that which is enough
to make the blood of every Englishman boil
with indignation ; and when we state that the
attack of the police was apparently unprovoked
by any act on the part of those present, except
by that of their having assembled,—and that
it was conducted in the most brutal and bar-
barous manner, without regard to age or sex, to
guilt or innocence, we trust that we shall be be-
lieved as only stating that which has been re-
ported to us upon authority which we cannot
question. But who gave the orders for such a
desperate and unprincipled attack? Did Lord
Melbourne give orders to bludgeon all who
might he found assembled on the spot ? Did
the commanders of the police do so ? or did the
policemen take it upon themselves to act in the
unheard-of manner which we have described ?
Be the blame where it may, the horrible
scene of yesterday must be probed to the
bottom—the guilty parties on both sides
must be found out and punished ; and we
do hope and trust that as it is impossible,
on the one hand, to conceive for a moment
any Member of his Majesty's Government to be
implicated in such a horrible outrage, so, on the
other, it will be the first to demand and to insti-
tute the most rigid inquiry. The Government
may depend that such conduct will be expected
from them ; and on our part we have no hesi-
tation in saying that it is the least part of their
duty to justify themselves by proving the
guilt of those to whom guilt belongs.—Since
writing the above, we have received the
examination of thirty-five persons who have
been apprehended, and partly held to bail
and partly committed, for taking part in
the meeting yesterday. Our impression is not
altered by it. «e regret as much as can possibly
be regretted, the murder of the policeman—for
murder it unquestionably is—but no circum-
stance of the kind can possibly be pleaded in
mitigation of the conduct of the police. Its
business and object was to disperse the assem-
bly, the assembly itself being illegal—and in
case of its resistance, to disperse it at all
hazards; but no resistance appears to have been
offered, and we cannot in consequence find any
mitigation for the aggression committed. We
should be truly sorry to lose the services of the
police as the guardians of property ; but truly,
it they cannot be taught better discipline than
that which they ex liibLed yesterday, in the dis-
persion of illegal and dangerous meetings, the
sooner that their aid, in that respect, is dispensed
with—the better—and,:Amen—will respond our
readers.—Morning Advertiser.

We have taken little notice of the rumours
concerning the state of the Administration which
have been rife during the last few days. The
drama of events has been latterly so interesting
that we have had no time to waste upon the
actors in its scenes. When it is determined to
give up the West Indies, what does it matter to
us whether the Member for Leeds is satisfied or
displeased with the terms of the surrender ? and
when it is resolved to pull down the Irish
church, why should we trouble our beads with
an inquiry whether the superintendence of the
demolition is to be intrusted to the Leveller of
yesterday or to the Leveller of to-day ? Let us,
however, briefly record the reports which have
been amusing the curious during the past week,
and which, whether true or false, show in an
entertaining manner the comfortable posture
in which the Cabinet finds itself placed.
Messrs. Charles Grant and Thomas Macaulay
are said to have tendered their resignations in
consequence of the offensive moderation of Mr.
.Sailley's plan for confiscating the property of a
few British subjects. They are both clever men,
but the Government will not lose much by their
secession. Mr. Grant has long been found too
indolent to be useful, and Mr. Macaulay would
soon be found too busy to be endurable. Lord
Howick is said to have assumed the lead of the
Opposition in the expected struggle upon Mr.
Stanley's proposal. His Lordship asserts that
the intended plan of Lord Goderich was in all
respects a better and finer plan than the plan of
his Right Hon. Successor. It may be very true ;
but it is the hardest thing we have yet heard
said upon Mr. Stanley's plan. We scarcely
know any respectable gentleman between the
ages of thirty and sixty who has not been
named for the Irish Secretaryship. Mr. Aber-
crotnby, Mr. Kennedy, Mr. Spring Rice, Mr.
Ellice, were the candidates first named. Now
there is talk of Mr. Thos. Duncombe, Mr. But-
wer, Mr. Roebuck, and Mr. Finn. We ad-
vise Earl Grey to apply to Lord Teynham.
That Noble individual will find an Irish Secre-
tary in less time than it would take Lord Al-
thorp to count ten ; he will bestow upon him,
moreover, a classical education, and will bring
him in his own carriage to Phoenix Park.—
Morning Post.

It is rumoured that Mr. Baron BAYLEY and
Mr. Justice TAUNTON will resign their situations before
next term.

The iron trade of this district still remains
in a state of great activity; but we understand that very
different opinions are entertained by those who are the
best informed upon the subject, as to the probability of
present prices being long supported...-. Cambrian.

COLDEATII-FIELDS MEETING.
NATIONAL CONVENTION.

EXAMINATION OF THE RIOTERS AT
B O W-STREET.

At seven o'clock yesterday evening, the prisoners
who had been captured were breught to Bow-street,
by order of the Secretary of State, for examination.
The first prisoner put to the bar was Robert Til-
ley ; he was charged on suspicion of being concerned
in the murder of police constable Robert Cully,
No. 95 of the C Division, who was stabbed at the
corner of Calthorpe-street.
William Goody, a police constable, at about half-
past three o'clock in the afternoon, was on duty on
the Calthorpe Estate, Spa-fields,with a large body of
other policemen belonging to the different metropo-
litan divisions. While advancing towards Calthorpe-
street, they met a dense body of men, who appeared
of the lower order of mechanics, several of whom
bore flags. He observed the prisoner exciting the
mob against the police. Witness advanced and
seized the prisoner, who struck him several times
across the head and arms with a heavy oaken trun-
cheon he carried. He at length, with the assistance
of two other men, succeeded in taking him into cos.
tody, and conveying him to the White Horse livery-
stables, in Gray's Inn-lane, which had been chosen
by the Commissioners of Police for the reception of
those taken during the riots.
William Haynes assisted in taking the prisoner
into custody, and upon arriving at the stables,
where other prisoners were confined, saw him lie
down by the side of his brother, who is also in cus-
tody, and another man in a stall on some straw.
After the prisoner had left the stall, witness exa-
mined the straw, and found a loaded pistol (pro-
duced), a three-edged dagger, and a powder-flask,
containing about a quarter of a pound of powder.
The prisoner acknowledged the pistol to be his pro.
perty.
Inspector Clemments,'of the C division, rode in
a coach with the prisoner to the lock-up house,and,
on their way there, he said he had put the truncheon,
with which he had assaulted the two policemen, in
his pocket, for the purpose of defending himself
against the New Police, in case they should be at-
tacked. He afterwards said that he had carried the
pistol to defend himself against the soldiery, some
of whom, he said, he expected would have been
called our.

,The prisoner, when called upon for his defence,
acknowledged that he had assaulted the police as
described, and said that he had gone to the meeting
as others had done, who wished redress for their
grievances, and for the purpose of forming a Na-
tional Convention.

In answer to questions put to him by Sir F. A.
RoE, the prisoner said he did not know the meaning
of the term Convention; he had been in many similar
riots before, more especially on the last Fast Day,
where he got severely beaten by the police. He
said that he intended to make use of the pistol, as
they had doge at several of the provincial towns, in
order to enforce the calling out of the military. The
powder flask, he acknowledged, was his own; he,
however, denied all knowledge of the dagger.
The prisoner was remanded till Thursday, for the
production of further witnesses. . _

George Fursey was then brought up, charged
with the capital off,nce of stabbing Henry Chance
Redwood, a policeman, in the execution of his duty.
Redwood, No. 164, of the C division, was on
duty on the Calthorpe Estate : he had received
directions from his superiors to assist in dispersing
a mob of about 5,000 persons who were collected,
and fur that purpose advanced with a number of
other men towards the mob, who were approaching
them; he saw the prisoner marching in front of the
mob, bearing the American colours; he went up to
him, and desired him to give up his colours and go
quietly away about his business; this he refused to
do, and witness seized the colours, and a struggle
ensued, when witness observed the prisoner to raise
his right hand, in which he held something, having
the appearance of a knife, with a narrow blade
about eight inches long. Immediately afterwards
he felt himself stabbed through the left arm. He
seized the prisoner, and delivered him into the cus-
tody of two of his brother officers.
The dagger, which was found in the same room
with Tilley, was here shown to the witness, who,
however, could not identify it as the same with
which the prisoner wounded him. It was stated
that the blade of the dagger corresponded in shape
with the wound in the witness's arm.

Sir F. A. ROE observed to the prisoner that he
was charged with a capital offence, and that he
would not then ask him to say any thing, as he
would have an opportunity of calling any witnesses
on Thursday next, until which day he proposed re-
manding him.
It was stated that a second charge of stabbing a
man, named Brooke, a sergeant of the C division,
would be brought against the prisoner on Thursday
next. Brooke, it appeared, was in a dying state,
and had been given over by the surgeon who was
attending him.

John Gurney was charged with throwing a large
and heavy stone at Inspector Carter, of the A
division.

Carter stated that at about half-past 2 o'clock
that afternoon, while passing the White Horse
Livery yard, lie felt a severe blow on the left elbow;
upon looking round, he observed the prisoner in the
act of throwing a second stone at him, at the same
time he was using exciting language to a mob of
about 100 men, who were standing round. He pro-
duced two heavy bludgeons, about a foot in length,
which he found lying at the prisoner's feet.
The prisoner was a shoemaker, living at No. 20,
Edward-street, Blackfriars-road, and knew nothing
whatever of the charge imputed to him.
The prisoner wus ordered to enter into his own
personal recognizance in the sum of 1001, and to
produce two good sureties in 50/. each. To give
twenty-four hours' notice.

Richard Egan Lee, a printer, living at No, 98,
Crawford-street, was charged with using language
of an inflammatory nature to the mob collected at
Calthorpe Estate.

Henry Mack wood, 19 H, was on duty in plain
clothes, near some railings on the Calthorpe Estate;
he saw the prisoner, accompanied by several men,
come up and mount on the cop of the railings, when
he harangued the mob, which consisted of about
1,000 persons. In his speech, he regretted the
absence of hustings, and moved that Mr. Mee
should be chairman of the meeting. Several other
persons, forming a class of the National Union of
the Working Classes, bearing flags, with spikes at
the end of the poles, shortly after came up. The
chairman, Mr. Mee, then requested that the heads
(alluding to the spikes) might be taken from the
flag staffs, upon which the prisoner exclaimed, " You
should serve the King so." Several other police-
men came up, and took the prisoner into custody.
The prisoner here asked the witness if he was
certain that the words he had repeat\ed were the
same used at the meeting ?—The p)oliceman de-
clared that they were.
Two other police constables corroborated this
witness's evidence:

Sir F. A. RoE would call upon him to find bail
to the amount of 2001., to give 48 hours' notice of
his sureties.

James Hutchinson, a carpenter, living at No. 1,
Tudor-place, Tottenham-court-road, the man who a
short time since indicted his apprentice at the
sessions for a violent assault, and whose charge was
not allowed to proceed in consequence of his having
frequently taken him to the National Union, Nvas
then charged with attempting to rescue a prisoner
from the custody of a policeman in thlthorpe-street.
Barnard Andrews, a policeman, division E, ob-
served ti-e prisoner several times push and hustle
against two policemen who hnd got a prisoner in
custody, at the same time calling out to the mob to
come and la ssist him.

This evidence was corroborated by that olanother
policeman; and the prisoner, who denied the charge,
was ordered to enter into his own recognizance of
504 and two sureties in 251. each—to give 24
hours' notice of bail.

John Smith was charged with throwing several

stones at different constables, who were 0610°
;nThep disperse the ob. . 00
risoner was m
ordered to enter into 160,
recognizances, and find sureties, as in the last
William Miller was charged with a like °lleragi
The prisoner denied the charge, and Was I':
etoacfih.nd bail, himself in 201., and two sureties
io
belt
The following prisoners were then put to
in succession, each charged with separate ecti,
outrage :
el
John Thomas, a boy aged 15, who had ber
errand boy to a cheesemonger, and was out o,i
ployment, with throwing a stone at a police
the Bagnigge Wells-road.
Richard Morgan, a master sawyer, living etj
16, Spring-street, Spa-fields, with throwing eur,';
bat at a policeman, and striking him in the eyed
John Huffman, attired as a sailor, out of eO5
ment, who said he had been to sea for 18 le'
.1

also for throwing stones.
James Fitzgerald, a tailor, who staled be W
for Mr. Morrison, in St. Paul's Churchyard,
throwing a stone, and striking Josiah Bello il

man. 44P'
Thomas Kinnarley, a journeyman jeweller of
Hazlewood-court, Blue Anchor-yard, with at
ofil
ing to rescue the last prisoner, and striking a P
al

man.
bent h
Ton
izlalesy,Twillitym,
sa
tahna
dw
skecrhoafrfies
obnrostubgepricit.ooo°Fi
d
being concerned in the murdegr
of Roberto,
This man was proved to have struck Andrel
with a bludgeon, loaded with lead, about :01
inches long, which was produced, arid be
dered to b remanded till Thursday.
William Hobbs, Frederick Room, and bori
Forest, the two former grave-diggers in tiLedfir
ground xof St. Andrew's, in Gray's Win-0g!
the latter an accountant, who assisted tne
in making out his account. These li'Lent/
charged with mounting on the wall of wefrber
ground, and calling on the mob " to slaY,,` 000
lice; each to single out his man and lay
as they were too numerous to attack hi ad
The policemen pursued these prisoners, an
them in the burial-ground. itoe4
William Davey, a pauper, with throvvinic,f
Richard kfferies and James Edwards, o''
throwing stones.
James Taylor, with carrying a Union -12_ck
head of 250 persons, in whose pocket sevig tir
were found, on which were inscribed "The L'its"
Union of the Working Classes," " Equal P- 4.
Equal Laws."
Thomas Armstrong, George Miller, .10-
n 8
John Mitchell, John Carter, John Cary- j
Campbell Brown, all of whom were charge
striking the police and taking part in the 06'00
All these prisoners, except Tilley, were 0.000
called upon to enter into their own recnell,
and to find sureties for their appearance be,rooti#
and, as in the former cases, to give 24 WWI
thereof.
A great number of flags and banners, whiled.°
been secured during the conflict, were prou°olll
the office, and were subsequently conveYeuvi
station-house, to be brought forward e 1
hereafter. ; 0°(
A considerable crowd was collected .11 be.,l
street during the examination, an avenue, *ll
formed by double rows of policemen from 15 tbt
tion-house to the police-office, through w, 4e/
prisoners were conducted; and on their bell)gpel.
mitted, they were all conveyed in vans
The examination was not brought to a c°'-Sir,„?'
till half-past eleven o'clock. In addition to Pv
ROE, Mr. HALLS, Mr. ROTCII, M.P., 14114,
MALLARD (a county Magistrate) were press"

LONDON MARKETS.

PRICE OF BREAD. 94 fs4o,
• .
The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis o'ila,is
4:b. Loaf. There are others who sell from WI. t 02.:;./
that price.
PRICE OF SEEDS.—May 13.
New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) 355. 40s. doe „Alp
Old Ditto Ditto
_
ki, Kewyoreign Ditt0_.....
-. sae N.

Old Ditto
New White Clover.
Old Ditto

New Trefoil

31d Ditto

fi
- —s.ne
425. 565. fine Al.
- --=3* . 11.:Det 4°-

(in!qyf°'

20s. 28-s: 41,_V;4

English Carraway
Foreign Ditto
Coriander
St. Foin
Rye Grass
Pace), Ditto
Linseed, for feeding
Ditto, for crushing
Canary Seed,
''itto Old 018;*
White Mustard Seed—(per —s. 8s• jr4:• 00_1,
Brown Ditto
Turnip Seeds, Rounds —s. --s. y*
Green and Red Ditto , 40'
fares, Old 9s. fine tovo4
Ditto New...—. --e. 55. ft,elo
Rare Seed, F- Fl. Fore.!

16s. 20s.
ifi;o3:teto
—s. —5. Vs'
—s. 13s. niee e
.(per Quarter).----.. 465. 48.8. fireiv,99.,
365. 445. " .4%)
fine
—s. 525. 600
465.
8.583..

„..n, fine (per Last) 241. 21
eItICES 01' 11UPs.—May 13. 91.0 b
Kent Pockets 5l 123. 71. 104. ten 61.
Sussex Ditto _s/ 5,1, 61. 6s ph
F/ssex Ditto O.. L°lsl
Fsittliam Ditto, Fine.
..I.OOIIW 41 O/. Os, 12/. OS' 1,!, 1
----. Seconds 01. Os. 101. 106” °co
,
...01•.0 51. 10s. 7/. Oi -,„ 01. (10
0/. Os. 0/. 03. tn', 01.
01. Os 0/. 05.

Kent Uags.....
Sussex Ditto

Essex DIV

PRICE OF OIL. /01 ;
Rape Oil, brown ..............311. 6s. Refines o'. 51
0
~Apr*
____.....00
Linseed Oil .
Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill
Rape Cake,

per ton

tr thousand

PRICE OF POTATOES.—May 13. rtoo•
Kidneys (York) O/. Os. to 41. Os•Avq,
Scotch 3/. Os. to SI 10s,. --,.fte.
Marsh 3/. lOs. to 41.. 100ss,
aitte.
Oxnobles and Shaws O/. Os. to 31. Os. "•

WHITFCHAPEL HAY 51ARKEI.-1:0".
4,,35
503.0 d. to 725. Od. (lover COI. tm•
245. Odl to 25.,. Od-

d././1
PRICES OF LEATHER.
Per lb. d. to d. Per lb. 19 0
Butts, 141 22 English Horse Hide' 15 ,1
I)itto, Foreign 14 19 Spanish Ditto t
Dressing 111 15 Per dozelle, Id
Ditto ..... 13 151 Calf Skins. ..SO I° 6011). I/
Ditto, light , Ditto 40 to ‘,01). 16.
Crop Hides, light 12 131 !.)itto 70 to ..ndis
Ditto 1,0 to 501 b. 121 151 Small Seals, Green_ll;
Ditto.

SHEEP SKINS. 10660
Best Polled 6s. Od. to Ss. Od. I Half-brecls..*... ss• 6 ,
Middling Polled 5 0 6 6 Sr 4
014.
PRICE OF TALLOW, SOAP, &c. per 110)
7)
fown Tallow 51s. 6d. Yellow Soap ,+
Yellow 475. Od. Mottled !PO
455. 6d.
Soap Ditto . .444. Od. Graves
Melted Stuff 378. Od. Good Dregs
Ditto Hough 21s. Od.
PRICE OF RAW FAT,
Price of Tallow (as stat" ;he Tallow

T stone ot

Ited by ti -....--- p
,I,
PRICE OF CANDLES. follOsogk
The price of Store Candles, in the retail shops, is 1,0,,e-
Candles. per doz. 7s. Od. to Ss. Od. I Moulds. per do

s,
CAL MARKET.:-MaY 13.
Per Tor. s. d.
Adair's ...............,.......... 15 0 Walls EndFGarogr"th_24/14 :LI
Beaumont . 13 9 Walls End Heatonsl,/ 0 0
Chester Mein l3 0 Walls End Hilda,?,.., 0 s
ins' d., 0
Dean's Primrose --„,..... 14 3 Walls End New rlst,.. , ,
Felling Main-..........-....-. 14 0 Ditto Northurnbes 8, (,-' 14.. 7
Hebburn Mat ..,....-..... 14 0 Walls End Perilro 16 I" II
Holywell . 15 6 Walls End Ridde ~....!1! 1
Ord's Redhugh .............. 13 6 Walls End 1-Icttn„r„ro'''', ,i al
I'ontop Windsor ............ 15 9 Walls End LY°';;ton ," '6 1
5hipc0te..................—.......... 14 6 Walls End Lain'oetto°' 1 /
landeld..... l6 9 W. E. Russell's 0.44 145 0
Townley l4 6 Walls End Stowt now J 1
West Hartley .. - ~-. 15 0 Walls End Butt' „,-, II
don _.. ii
Willington - .
04 /
Walls End Bewicke & Co. 15 6 Walls End Te:'..„"'
t/C el,
Walls End 8r0wn'5.......... 13 9 C0wp0n,...... 4
Wall; End Callerton ~..... I`2 0 Silkstone Fieldera7l"
Walls End Carr and Co. 13 0 Tanfield Tract
Ditto Clarke and Co.—. 13 6
Ships arrived since last mar e 5.

PRINTED AND PUBLIshED Dr- MU RDO Yoo t;'
&IN OFFICE. 112, STRAND, LONDON!

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