The Sun.
London, England, 1848-03-01 00:00:00

THE SUN LONDON, WEDNESDAY__ EVENING, MARTH 1, 1848.

8,4704 13s. 10d., on the bank of Tice, Welsh, and Co.,
bankers, of Christchurch, as if the same were owing to
the Wilts and Dorset Branch Bank. When this 10 U 1
was presented at the said bank, Mr. Tice (one of the
firm) said that he knew nothing of the matter. The
Learned Gentleman went through the whole, explaining
the different points bearing against the prisoner, and
concluded by stating that, if these facts were made out
to their satisfaction, it would be their duty to find the
prisoner guilty.
Evidence having been given,
Mr. COCKBURN addressed the jury in favour of the
prisoner ; and
The jury, in a few minutes, returned a ;verdict of—
Guilty.

fourth Witition
SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

LONDON AND WESTMINSTER
BANK.—(THIS DAY.)
The annual general meeting of the proprietors of
this company was held this afternoon, at the Bank,
Lothbury.
DAVID SaLomoNs, Esq., Alderman, presided, and
called upon
The SECRETARY to read the report, from which it ap-
peared that (with the exception of outstanding instal-
ments, amounting to 3,2731.) the paid-up capital of the
Bank was now one million sterling. The remaining ten
thousand shares were issued at par to the proprietor a, in
the manner announced at the last general meeting. The
events of the past year had shown the propriety of that
measure. The profits of the past year, after defraying
the total expenses of the establishment, making allow-
ance for all bad and doubtful debts, and paying the in-
come-tax, amounted to 58,223/. 42. 10d. Out of those
profits the directors had paid last September a dividend,
at the rate of six per cent. per annum on the paid-up capital
of 800,0001., for the half-year ending the 30th June, and
they now declare a dividend at the same rate, upon the
increased capital of 1,000.0001. for the half-year ending
the 31st December. After the payment of those divi- 4
clench, making together 54,0001., there would remain out
of the profits of the year, a surplus of 4,223/. 4s. 10d. to
be added to the reserved fund, which would then amount
to 100,6471. 16s. 11d. From the severe pressure on the
money market during the latter part of the year, it was
deemed advisable to realise some portion of their Go-
vernment securities, and although the profits of the year
have consequently been curtailed, yet the directors feel
assured that the liberality which they were thus enabled
to exercise towards its customers, would tend to
the advantage of the bank. The whole of the
stock that was sold has since been replaced.
The directors had further to announce the resignation of
Matthew Boulton Rennie, Esq., and they have to regret
the retirement of Sir John Kirkland. The vacancies
thus occasioned in the board have been supplied by the
election of James Denis de Vitre, Esq., and of George
Hanson, Esq., subject to the confirmation of the present
meeting. The three directors who went out by rotation
this year were Frederick Burmester, Esq., Charles
Gibbes, Esq., and Henry Harvey, Esq., who being
eligible, offered themselves for re-election.
The capital account, on the debt side, was
3,890,8161. 9s. 7d., and the credit side (Government
and other securities), 169,480/. 195.,8d., leaving a balance
of 721,325/,
The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the report,
said he would detain the meeting for a few moments for
the purpose of explaining particularly one portion of it
in which all were more or less interested. Many, per-
haps, in the room, judging from the high rate of interest
which prevailed during the past year, came to the
meeting with the full expectation of hearing an an-
nouncement that besides the usual dividend of 61 per
cent., the directors would be enabled to pay the pro-
' prietors a bonus.—(Hear, hear.) He was not surprised
at that expectation, and up to the month of October,
last year, himself and all his colleagues were under the
full conviction that at the end of the year there would
have been a fund divisible among the shareholders beyond
the 6/. per cent. But during the period of difficulty
which prevailed, and which it was hardly necessary for
him to allude to, except to call it the week of terror, the
directors thought it desirable for the general interest of
the bank to realise a portion of their funded capital.—
(Hear, hear.) He was sure that every proprietor pre-
sent would recollect the difficulty in which every com-
mercial establishment had been placed. The directors
had a duty to perform, both to the proprietors and to the
customers of the bank, and their anxiety was that the
distresses of that portion of their customers who
withdrew their accounts should not operate injuriously
upon those who deserved accommodation. The prin-
ciple on which the bank had been conducted—"stability
and prudence" being its motto—was to have the whole
capital of the bank invested in Government securities.
Times had arisen before when they thought it necessary
to borrow money upon the Government securities of the
bank, but, strange to say—and this marked the difficulty
of the period—Government securities were the very
worst. The great house over the way—the old lady—
(Laughter)—had even nothing to spare either upon Ex-
chequer. bills or upon consolidated annuities. He was
very sorry to say that the difficulty to which
he alluded had entailed upon the bank as much as
20,000/., or within a trifle of it—(This created some
little sensation among the proprietors)—and the fund,
which would otherwise have been divided as a bonus
among the proprietors, had been appropriated to re-
placing that loss. He trusted that no one present was
unwilling to approve of the course then adopted.—
(Hear, hear.) They would see that the policy of a
great bank like this, which had always maintained its
integrity, should have a large amount of funded
security, which was the very best security the
proprietors could have against any imprudence
on the part of the directors, or against any period of
commercial difficulty. He therefore hoped they would
approve of the course adopted by the directors. Cer-
tainly, some might say, " Why charge the whole 20,000/.
to the losses of the last year?" They might, no doubt,
have pursued a boasting course by opening a contingent
fund, to be repaid annually; but would that have
been a fair and honest course of proceeding?—
(Hear, hear.) Perhaps that course would have been
more gratifying to the proprietors, and
.would have
earned the directors a kind of ephemeral popularity.
With respect to the " clearing" system, he said it was
now time, when they found that heavy loss was entailed
upon them for the want of it, that it should be brought
forward as a great public question affecting every in-
terest, not only of this bank, but of the commercial
community of this country.—(Cheers.) When the at-
tention of the public was directed to the monetary in-
terests of the country at large, a better time for mooting
the question could not be found. With these
observations he would leave the subject, trusting
that the public would soon be convinced that all
jealousy existing between private and joint-stock com-
panies in respect of the " clearing" system must speedily
cease. The Chairman then concluded by moving that
the report be read, adopted, and circulated among the
shareholders.
The CHAIRMAN, in answer to a suggestion put by
Mr. Tite, said, with reference to the Eastern Counties
Company having withdrawn their account from the
bank because they returned a cheque of the company,
the circumstance had arisen in error, and he was exceed-
ingly sorry for it, but thought the previous conduct of
the bank to that company was deserving of better
treatment.
A long discussion then ensued upon the affairs and
management of the company, which led to a motion by
Mr. Tite, which was seconded and carried, to the effect
that the directors should be recommended to consider the
propriety of having a half-yearly meeting, and that the
meeting for declaring the dividend should be held as
early in the year as possible, and that at every meeting
the minutes of the previous meeting should be read.
The vacancies in the board were then filled up by the
election of the gentlemen mentioned in the report, and
the directors who retired by rotation were re-elected.
A vote of thanks was then passed to the Chairman,
directors, and the managers, and other officers of the
bank, and the meeting separated.

OXFORD CIRCUIT.—Reading, Feb. 28.
The Commission of Assize for the county of Darks
was opened on Saturday evening by Mr. Justice Pat-
teson, who yesterday attended divine service at St.
Mary's Church. Mr. Justice Cresswell arrived this
morning at eleven o'clock, and shortly afterwards en-
tered the Crown Court, when the trial of prisoners
commenced, the grand jury having been previously
sworn before, and charged by Mr. Justice Patteson,
who then repaired to the Nisi Prins Court, for the trial
of causes, of which there were eight in the list, but none
of them appear likely to develop any feature of public
interest. (in the criminal side the calendar contains the
names of 70 prisoners, none of whom are charged with
any very serious offence, the number being occasioned
by the tact that no adjourned sessions are held here, as
in other counties on the circuit, in order to lighten the
labpouubrlsicofnothtiece was
judgesinovnestthiegactied.
circuit. No case deserving
of

ELECTION COMMITTEES.
(TIIIS DAY.)
BOLTON.

This Committee met this morning at the usual hour.
Mr. Sergeant KINGLAKE addressed the Committee at
some length on behalf of the sitting Member, after which
strangers were ordered to withdraw.
The Committee having deliberated for a short time,
the parties were re-admitted, when
The CHAIRMAN announced to them that the Com-
mittee had come to the unanimous resolution that Mr.
Bolling had been duly elected for the borough of
Bolton. That several parties, upon their own acknow-
ledgments, had been bribed, but it was not proved that
they were bribed by ➢ir. Bolling or his agents, or with
their knowledge and consent.
This closed the labours of the Committee.

LYME REGIS:
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition.)
Mr. Sellers, one of the parties said to have bribed the
voters on behalf of Sir Fitzroy Kelly, proved that he
never either directly or indirectly bribed or attempted
to influence a voter.

.-
Th© Committee adjourned at the usual hour till eleven
o'clock to-morrow.

CARLISLE.
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition.)
Adam Sewell, a painter and glazier, residing at Man-
chester, and an elector of Carlisle, proved that a few
days before the election he went to the Cumberland
public-house in Manchester, where he found Mr. Donald,
a solicitor, and a number of the freemen of Carlisle
from Bury and Liverpool. They were taken to Carlisle
by r4il, and had all their expenses paid. He pinmped
for Mr. Hodges, and after the election he received 31.
During the whole time ho was in Carlisle he was well
entertained at Mr. Hodgson's expense.
Some other evidence of a similar nature was given,
and the Committee adjourned till to-morrow.

IHA.LIFIX, SATURDAY.—Even if there had been any
tendency towards a better state of trade, the convulsions
in the political world would have checked it. There
were scarcely any merchants in our Piece Hall to-day,
and the French revolution was the only topic of conver-
sation. There is a slight improvement in the demand
for yarn, owing to the shippers coming into the market,
and the spinners are firm in demanding old rates .
Several mills have resumed full time. The stock of
deep grown wools is short, and some sorts inquired for,
though the consumption
.still falls below an average.
Prices without variation.
HUDDERSFIELD, TUESDAY.—There is no alteration,
either for better or worse, in to-day's market. During
the week, we have had a few buyers, and more has been
doing in the warehouses. Wool maintains its price, but
there is little doing.
LEEDS, TUESDAY.—Our market this day has been
almost a blank—the great political events which are
passing engross every mind, and put business out of the
question.—Manchester Guardian.

PrIPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

(TIIIS DAY.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition.)
TREATY OF ADRIANOPLE.

any of the nations of Europa. Then, with respect too
the right of search, he supposed that the Hon. Member
for Youghal imagined that his (Lord Palmerston's)
only object was to set France against this country,
as he appeared to think was his object in the treaty
with Portugal, and by that means bringing ell the
states of Europe into conflict with England, ulti-
mately to ruin her.—(Hear, hear.) Ile would leave
it to the House to draw its own conclusions on
the subject of what he had done. As to the treaties
that had been entered into with respect to
Texas, he thought that the House would admit
that the course that had been adopted with
respect to them was the right one. But the
Government had been blamed, by the Honourable
Member for Youghal in not in those treaties
insisting upon the abolition of the slave trade in
Texas. It was impossible that the Government could
have insisted upon such a condition, but they
had obtained from the Texans with some re-
luctance the unqualified right of search.—(Hear.)
Then it was said that the annexation of Texas was a
damage to the creditors of Mexico; why, the fact was,
the Mexican creditors had their claim against the Go
rernment and territory of Mexico, and those claims
were as good against Mexico since, as before, the an-
nexation of Texas. Then, with respect to the award of the
King of the Netherlands, it was not him but the Ame-
rican Government that rejected the basis of the award
of the King of the Netherlands. He thought that
the course that this country had pursued was the
proper one, although it had greatly interfered with its
interests. This country had agreed to accept the line
pointed out by the King of the Netherlands,but America
refusing to do so, the only course left was adopted.
Then as to the course adopted with reference to
the succession to the throne of Persia, he
did not see how the English Government could
hare pursued any other course than it did,
considering the desire of the late Sovereign of Persia
and the wish of Russia in that respect. lie
could not see how this country's interfering,
and prevailing upon the Shah of Persia to
abandon the attack at Herat, could further the
interests of Russia. Then, with respect to the
Affghan war, that subject had been fully discussed in
that House, and he would not go into it
further. But on that subject the Honourable
Member had founded charges against the
Government of perverting documents and making
statements totally inconsistent with truth, and
reading extracts from documents that did not
exist. That subject had also been discussed
fully in the House, and the absurdity of the
charge had been fully proved. Tben, with respect
to Goa and Sattara, the latter subject was of itself
enough for one debate, and as to Goa that subject was
one of an ecclesiastical nature, and one upon which
he felt a delicacy in entering on account of
having so slight a knowledge of it. Then es to the
case of Lord Napier and China, he could not discover
what were the grounds of charge against the
Government in this respect. The Government
did not think what had taken place between
that Noble Lord and the Chinese authorities justified
a declaration of war between that country and
England. Since that period other transactions had
taken place, which ended in the sending out of
Sir H. Pottinger and the treaty of Nankin.
By the treaty of Nankin four new ports were opened
to the commerce of this country, which was every
year increasing in a considerable extent. The next
charge brought against him was one arising from
a criminal information against a Mr. Walker. The
Hon. Member fur Stafford (Mr. Urquhart) had
made it a charge against him that he was con-
nected with the publication of a certain
periodical called the " Portfolio." He begged to
state that he was not so closely connected with it as
the Hon. Member had Stated. The facts of the case
were these, after the Government of Poland had been
broken up, a Polish gentleman called upon him and
said that he was in the possession of a number of
official documents, which he would probably like to
peruse. He (Lord Palmerston) stated that he should
like to look over them, and they were accordingly
left with him. His time was, however, very much
occupied, and he gave the documents to his secretary
(the present Hon. Member for Stafford, Mr.
Urquhart), requesting him to select from them any of
the most important or interesting of them. Shortly
afterwards he left office, and at the request of the
person who left the papers with him he returned them
again, and shortly afterwards he was shown
the first number of the " Portfolio" containing
some of these dispatches.—(Hear.) He denied
that he ever was, either directly or indirectly, con-
nected with the publication in question ; and, except
upon one occasion, he had never had anything to do
with the publication of the dispatches it contained,
and upon that one occasion he had requested, when
a dispatch was submitted to him by his secretary, that
two passages, reflecting somewhat severely on his poli-
tical opponents, should be struck out before publication.
He appointed the Hon. Member for Stafford (Mr.
Urquhart) Secretary to the Embassy at Constan-
tinople. When that Hon. Member applied to him for
the expenses connected with the " Portfblio," he, of
course, declined to pay them.—(Hear.) With respect
to the commercial treaty with Frankfort, it would be
remembered that the Prussian League, which
was then formed on the principle of high
rates of duties, and it was thought expe-
dient to conclude a treaty of commerce and
navigation between this country and Frankfort.
That treaty, however, proved no defence against the
Commercial League, and, at the request of the
Government of Frankfort, the treaty was cancelled,
they were released from their obligations, and finally
became incorporated with the Prussian League.
He thought that the Government of this country had
acted soundly in the matter throughout the whole his-
tory of the case.—(Hear, hear.) Then with regard to
the appointment of Sir Stratford Canning to the
Court of Constantinople ; upon the retirement of
Lord Heytesbury from the post of Ambassador at
Russia, he had named Sir Stratford Canning to be
the successor of that nobleman. Objections were
taken to that gentleman at the Court of Russia,
and the Government were informed that he
would not be well received at Court, they
very wisely abstained from sending him, but
as they did not concur in the objections to Sir
S. Canning, and determined net to send any
ambassador to the Court, and for two years no person
was at the Court of Russia to represent this country.
Upon the accession of Sir R. Peel to office, Lord
Londonderry was appointed to the post of ambrssador
at that Court. Subsequently to that Lord Durham
had been appointed by the Government in which
he had the honour to hold the office of Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs. Then, with regard to
Poland, the Hon. Member had said that this country
had basely abandoned France and Austria in giving
assistance to Poland. In the year 1830,
when he came into office, the state of Eu-
rope was such that an European war was
expected to have broken out. A revolution took
place in France, in Belgium, and in Poland. The
danger apprehended in 1831 was that Austria, Russia,
and Prussia should attempt to control France in the
choice of her Sovereign, and the Duke of Wellington
who was then in power hastened to acknowledge the
newly-appointed King, and he had no doubt that this
step saved Europe from being plunged into war.
But it was said that if England had joined with
France and Austria, Poland would have been saved.
Why, Austria in 1831, was so far from favouring Po-
land, that they possessed at that time the province of
Gallicia, to which they attached very great value. A
special treaty was signed during the war which Napo-
leon carried on on the continent between Austria
Russia and Prussia for the complete partition of
Poland between them. At the treaty of Vienna, the
question was asked, what was to be done with
Poland ? And it was insisted by Austria, either that.
Poland should be divided between the three powers, or
reconstructed upon an entirely fresh basis.—(Bear.)
Russia and Prussia declared in favour of erecting in
Poland one large kingdom to be annexed to Russia,
end a smaller portion to be given to Aus-
tria. It was clear that Austria would not
have favoured the insurrection of Poland. In
fine, an offer was made to this country to restore the
independence of Poland, but the acceptance of that
offer would have been at the expense of the peace of
Europe, and therefore it was not entertained.
It was all nonsense to talk about the
independence of Poland having been sacrificed by
this country. At the period to which the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman referred Cracow existed as an
independent state, and he was convinced that had any
attempt been made by this country to restore
the republic of Poland, not only would Cracow
have been sacrificed, but England would have been
involved in a European war. Another foolish asser-
tion the Hon. and Learned Member made was that
Turkey was ready to assist this country in
restoring Poland. Why, at this very period, 1831,
Turkey was suffering from the effects produced
by a contest she had just concluded with Russia.
In point of fact, at this very time Turkey
lay prostrate at the feet of Russia, and
It was absurd to tell him that while in such a de-
pressed state as that Turkey was ready to assist this '
country in opposing the united powers
of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, with the
view of restoring the independence of Poland.
Again the Hon. and Learned Gentleman told them
that Persia was ready to assist the country, but
Persia was at this time in a wors condition than
Turkey, and it was not in her power
to render such assistance. The Honourable
and Learned Gentleman next complained that
he had in 1831 broken his promise to send an
Ambassador to Turkey. He readily admitted
that he did make such a promise, but the
three Powers to which he had already re-
ferred objected to his fulfilling the pro-
mise, and rather than involve the country in
a war with those Powers, he consented
to Abandon the thought of sending an AtabanadOr to

Lord PALMERSTON then resumed his speech
upon this subject, apologising to the House for not
having been able, during the past week, to give
his mind and attention to the charges which had
been preferred against him. The events of the
week, he said, had been so absorbing, and
had followed one upon the other SD rapidly,
that they had naturally engrossed the whole of his
thoughts, and he, had therefore neglected to prepare
himself for this occasion. But it was almost physically
impossible that he could have done so, for the subjects
which the Hon. Member for Youghal brought before
the House last week had already been debated in
Parliament more than 129 times, while the topics em-
braced by the Honourable Gentleman's lengthened
address were spread over no less than 735 folio
columns.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Ile trusted,
therefore, the House would excuse him if he did not
observe much order and regularity in the reply he
should make to the charges of the Hon. Member. In
the first place he had to deal with the treaty of Adri-
anople, and in the first instance he must disclaim
being solely responsible for the stipulations
of that treaty.—(Hear, hear.) It was drawn up
conjointly by the Board of Trade and the
Foreign-office, and in no way did it differ from simi-
lar treaties which had been entered into with other
countries. The Hon. Member for Youghal complained
that the treaty did not place British subjects upon a
footing with the most favoured nations; but, really,
it appeared to him that the Hon. Member had not
properly or attentively read the treaty.
Mr. ANSTEY explained that what he contended
was, that Russia was placed, by the treaty, in a
more advantageous position than England, inasmuch
as in certain cases British subjects were excluded
from exporting particular descriptions of merchan-
dise from Turkey.
Lord PALMERSTON repeated that the Hon.
Member altogether misapprehended the treaty, for
there could not be a shadow of a doubt about it, that
the treaty placed British subjects upon a footing
with the most favoured nations, and what Rus-
sian merchants could export from Turkey Bri-
tish merchants could export too.—(Hear, hear.)
In connexion with this question it could hardly be
worth while or at all necessary that he should defend
Mr. Powlet Thompson, who was afterwards Lord
Sydenham, from the charge that in making this
treaty, as a Minister of the British Sovereign, he
could have been actuated by family motives
or personal partialities. The House, he was
sure, was convinced that the Noble Lord's
character stood above such an imputation,
and he would not, therefore, pursue this part of
the matter further.— (Hear, hear.) The next ques-
tion which stood in order was the treaty of July, 1840.
The transactions which led to that treaty had been
subjected to much Parliamentary discussion ; and as
many blue books had been presented to the House
upon the subject, it would require far more time
than he had at his disposal to go fully into
the history of the treaty.—(Hear, hear.) The oc-
currences, however, which led to the treaty might be
stated in a few words. To avert a general war it
was found necessary to attach a portion of Syria and
other neighbouring states to Egypt. Russia, it was
said, meditated a descent upon Constantinople, and
there could be no question about it, that had not this
treaty been agreed to the peace of Europe would
have been disturbed. True, many Honourable
Gentlemen entertained an opinion that it would
have. been better to have let things take their course,
and they were supported in that opinion by a
party in France. But the Hon. Member for Youg-
hal complained that the Foreign-office refused to
comply with a request of France to send a fleet to
the Dardanelles. True, it did so, and he was pre-
pared to justify the' denial. The House would per-
ceive that at the time the treaty was entered into the
place of disturbance was in Syria, and under
these circumstances of what use, let him ask,
would it have been to have sent a fleet to
the Dardanelles ? A representation was made
to the French Government to this effect, and
they at once admitted:the force of it. It was at the
time as much for the interest of France as the inte-
rest of England that Turkey should be preserved
from the attacks of Egypt, and by the united efforts
of these two powers Egypt was forced to evacuate
Syria; and Russia was thus compelled to bow
to the decision of the allied powers. The
wisdom of the policy had since been proved by the
continuance of peace in Europe. This conflict be-
tween France and England and Russia and Egypt
led to the treaty, commonly called the treaty of the
Dardanelles, which led to the restoration of peace
between France and Turkey. That treaty was very
short, and simply provided that, either in time of
peace or in war, no fleets should pass through the
Dardanelles and the Bosphorus without the consent
of the Sultan.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable
Member for Youghal contended that this treaty had
the effect of crippling the influence of England in
Turkey, but so far from this being the case, he could
assure the House that this country had reaped great
advantages from that treaty. It had convinced the
Turkish Governments that England had it within its
power to be of service to Turkey, and that impres-
sion, which was no doubt strictly correct, had placed
the influence of England in Turkey upon a firmer
foundation than ever it stood before.—(Hear, hear.)
How any man, however, could object to the
treaty of Dardanelles was really a mystery to him.
It was manifestly for the interest of England that
peace should be secured in Turkey, and this treaty
directly enlisted the sympathy of France, Austria,
and Prussia in securing that peace.—(Hear, hear.)
Then came:the occupation of Algiers ; but, looking at
the position of affairs in France, he did not think it
would be judicious in him if he went at any length
into that question. Many papers had been laid before
the llouse upon the subject, and if Hon. Members were
dissatisfied upon this point they had ample means
and opportunities of satisfying the doubts they might
entertain of the policy the Foreign-office pursued
in reference to Algeirs. By the treaty of Adria-
nople certain ports on the Black Sea were ceded by
Turkey to Russia, but the authorities of Persia in •
sisted that Turkey had no legal right to do so. The
Circassians applied to this country for assistance to
have the question decided by a competent
tribunal. But such a course would have involved
this country in a war with Russia, and as his
courage had not reached the sticking point to induce
him to think that this country could safely indulge
in a " set to" with Russia, he declined to interfere in
the matter. Mr. Urquhart, who was then the
Secretary of Legation at Constantinople, having
persuaded Mr. Bell again to renew his attacks, he
(Lord Palmerston) recalled him, and from
that time to the present the most unceasing
attacks had been made, against him by the
Honourable Member for Stafford. He thought he
had convinced the House that he had done his duty
in discouraging the expedition, and in removing the
Hon. Member for Stafford.—(Hear, hear.) Then
they came to the quadruple treaty. He did not
think the Honourable Member fur Youghal had
said much on the quadruple treatyr of 1834, and he
would not dwell further upon it. Then, with respect
to the marriage of the Queen of Spain, and her
sister the Infanta, he thought, in the present
state of things, the less that was said upon
it the better. But it had been said he
had not followed the policy of the Earl of Aberdeen ;
in that respect he thought, upon reflection, it would
be admitted he had. Then, as to the affairs of Portugal,
when that subject was brought forward he should be
able to defend the course they had pursued.
The only object he had in view was to prevent the
continuance of a civil warin that country, and
he thought it would be admitted they had done
so. Then, with respect to the blockades on
the coast of Mexico by the French, that
had resulted from Government disputes between
those two countries : this country offered to mediate
between them, and completely succeeded in putting
an end to those hostilities. The:part he took in that
interference he should always be proud of. Then,
with respect to the treaties with Brazil, that was a
transaction the beginning and end of which he had
nothing to do with; how he could, therefore, be sup-
posed as favouring the cause of Russia
he could not see.—(hear, hear.) The only
fault he had to find with the treaties for the suppres-
sion of the slave trade with Portugal was, that they
did not go far enough ; but how these treaties could
have anything to do with Russia, he could not con-
ceive. He denied that the course that England
had adopted to put an end to the slave trade
was calculated to produce hostility with any
other enlightened nation in Europe. It might
provoke the slave.trader and the unprinc:pled,
but not the right thinking part of the community of

Turkey.—(Hear, hear) The correspondence upon Lord STANLEY must conc:ess that with every
this subject he had no objection to produce, but he felt disposition to support, when T.,ossible, the measures
that at this distant period its production could proposed by his Noble Friend, he felt some difficulty
lead to no good. The next charge the Hon. and in the present case; for he did not see, even upon the
Learned Gentleman brought against him, was that statement of his Noble Friend e any necessity for this
he had broken a promise that he had made to Bill. Had he been present oz I the occasion he should
Count V aleskie, to assist the Poles in again re- have sanctioned the measure o f August, 1846, on the
covering their independence, if the Count could principle that the less the Es ecutive Government at
induce his Polish friends in Belgium to consent to a home interferes with the Colonial Governor, and with
negotiation which was then pending with the Belgian the Colonial Minister, the bettor—his principle being
States; but he distinctly denied having made further, that the less the ColoreiAl Minister interfered
such a promise. lle remembered meeting with the Colonial Governor the better. Still he re-
a Count at a ball at Almack's, when garded the measure of 1846 as a hasty and premature
asked him to make such a promise, but he distinctly proposition, not fully ade.pted to the particular cir-
told the Count that he could not take upon himself to cumstances of a colony, where the application of
do so.—(Hear.) Having now gone through, as far special privileges to a special class of the community,
as his memory and time would permit, the was matter of considerable difficulty and very consi-
numerous charges which the Honourable and derable risk, and consequently involving in the
Learned Gentleman had brought against him, and greatest embarrassment an officer whose chief business
he had now only to repeat with respect to the general it was to act as mediator between, 'two races dissimilar
question, that if any Honourable Gentleman wished in character and origin, and wit:n a tendency to regard
to institute an inquiry into his official conduct, themselves as dissimilar also in interests —(Hear.)
he was quite ready to submit to it. He must add, He most fully concurred in t:ne high eulogium which
however, that he was unconscious of having at any the Noble Earl had passes upon Governor Grey—a
time betrayed the interest of the country. His policy eulogium peculiarly grae'dying to himself as corrobo-
was always to preserve peace with foreign nations rating the opinion Ni.b.;eh had induced him to select
whenever it could be secured without making any Captain Grey for the onerous and important office he
sacrifice of the national honour, and he was rejoiced filled; but he must, at the same time, express his
to say that, so far this policy had been successful. regret that the Noble Earl should have sought to en-
With regard to alliances, be held that England had suf- hance the fully acknowledged merits of Captain Grey
ficient power to steer an independent course, and while by a somewhat invidious contrast between him and
she remained the champion of justice and honesty she his predecessor.—(Hear, hear.) He must he permitted
would be sure to find some other power ready to to say that, though he had not at all times approved
support her policy. He denied that England had any of the measures introduced by Captain Fitzroy—
favourite allies. Her allies embraced all powers that though he thought he had on some occasions acted
supported right and justice, and all powers who with considerable imprudence—and though he had
were ready to co•operate with her in endeavouring found it necessary ultimately to recall him, yet he
to uphold the cause of justice throughout the world, considered that no public officer had ever been more
were treated and received but upon one footing. wholly guided in his conduct by a high

—(The Noble and Learned Lord then resumed his
seat amidst loud and long continued cheering.
Lsrd DUDLEY STUART then moved that the
debate be adjourned.
The motion was received with shouts of disap-
probation, and the cries of " Withdraw, withdraw,"
" Divide, divide," were kept up until Six o'clock,
when
The SPEAKER adjourned the House till to-
morrow.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

principle -of honour, integrity, and devotion
to his country's service, than Captain: Fitzroy'
had been, who, in undertaking the office entrusted
to him, had made a very considerable pecuniary
sacrifice.—(Hear, hear.) It must not be forgotten
that there had been placed at the disposal of Captain
Grey, for the maintenance of order and the protection
of the subject, far greater resources than Captain
Fitzroy had ever enjoyed.--(Hear, hear.) When the
colony was first established, the settlers went
,upon

the distinct principle that it was to be wholly a self-
supporting colony, which would require no aid, either
in men or money, from the mother country; yet in a
very short time it was found necessary to assign to it,
on the part of the:mother country, an annual aid of
36,000/., an army of from 2,000 to 2,500 soldiers,
and one or two ships of war—another lesson to us
that any new settlement, purporting to rely solely
on its own resources is merely a new deception—that
every new establishment of our countrymen abroad is
inevitably the occasion of an increase in our naval
and military and general expenditure. The aid thus
extended to Captain Grey, however, Captain Fitzroy
had not the advantage of, a circumstance which should
never be lost sight of in considering Captain Fitzroy's
administration.—(Hear, hear.) One great mistake
with reference to New Zealand had been the under-
rating the power, the means, and the civilisation of the
native population; a mistake, however, which every
day's experience was tending to rectify. Let their
Lordships rest assured that in any scheme of govern-
ment for New Zealand the native population must be
fairly embodied.—(Hear, hear.) That population
was as alive to its rights as any one of their Lordships
to his own. No nation required a course of lessons
in political economy to understand the relative posi-
tion of governor and governed—(Hear)—and the New
Zealanders were very far indeed from being among
the least civilised or intellectual of nations. Of the
many natives who had been effectively engaged in
the service of the Royal Engineer department in
the colony, none had been found who could not read,
and but one who could not write, his native language ;
there was no drunkenness among them, and they
almost all put by a portion of their earnings, which
many of them invested in heifers, which they then
put out to pasture.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord
proceeded to contend that the Bill before them was
altogether unnecessary, since the Act of 1846 enabled
her Majesty to alter, add to, or repeal such portions
of the instructions or orders issued under it as should
be found inexpedient. Why, then, not repeal instead
of suspend that portion of the constitution which the
Colonial Governor condemned, and the Noble Seere•
tary himself abandoned? He concurred with his
Noble Friend in the proposition that, more es-
pecially in a settlement like New Zealand, where
the colonists lived in small bodies, separated from
each other in many cases by four or five hun-
dred miles, it was desirable to give each town the
power of managing its own taxation and its own
peculiar concerns ; but as to the fine-wrought scheme
of the towns electing their councillors, and
these their aldermen, and these their mayor,
and mayor, aldermen, and council their re-
presentative, to serve in one of two assemblies, the
two assemblies being under one general assembly, and
the general assembly under two deputy-governors,
and the two deputy-governors under a governor;
this elaborate system, to be applied to a population of
just 16,000 persons, broken up into infinitely small
bodies, separated by infinitely large distances, seemed
to him somewhat of a farce in legislation.—(Hear,
hear.) In point of fact there would be no electors;
every man would be a person elected—an alderman,
at the least. The people had dwelt upon the extreme
impolicy, the absolute danger, of seeking to authorise
a small minority of colonists, dwelling far
apart from each other, to impose taxes and
high handed sway upon the native population,
immensely superior in numbers, powerful, keenly
sensitive of their rights, of proud and independent
spirit. —(Hear, hear.) While ready to dispose of the
occupation of their land, for a moderate consideration
they were thoroughly impressed, and justly so, with
the knowledge that the right to the soil was theirs.--
(Hear, hear.) As.to the Bishop of New Zealand, be
would say, that the error with which that most ex-
cellent prelate had been charged was a most natural
error, and certainly one into which he himself had
fallen.—(Hear, hear.) He would only add that he
regarded the Bill as unnecessary ; yet, as the Noble
Earl dwelt upon it as a step which required to be
taken, and as it was, at all events, a step in the right
direction, he would not oppose its progress.
The Earl of WALDEGRAVE supported the Bill,
and briefly assigned reasons for so doing; but his
words were scarcely audible in the gallery.
The Earl of ST. GERMANS was satisfied of the
soundness of the principle of what were called " self-
supporting colonies." For fifteen months the colonists
in Cook's Straits had supported themselves, and it
was not until the home Government interfered that
any complaints were made by them. Never wit;
there presented a more interesting instance of coloni-
zation than the colonization of New Zealand, and
never would there have been a more successful one
had the people been left to themselves. He rejoiced
now to find that the colony was likely to prosper
under the administration of the Noble Earl and the
present excellent Governor. With respect to the
measure before them, he had some doubts about its
details, and thought the course it proposed to take
was scarcely the beat that might have been pursued.
He had no intention, however, of opposing the mes'
sure.
Earl GREY replied, and declared that between
the present Governor of New Zealand and himself
there was not a shadow of a shade of difference.
The Bill was then read a second time.
Their Lordships adjourned at Seven o'clock.

HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 29.
MR. BIRCH.

The LORD CHANCELLOR moved that a re-
solution should be entered on the journals expressive
of the high sense the House entertained of the ser-
vices of Mr. Birch, who had retired from the office
of clerk to this House, and in doing so passed a
high eulogium on the services which Mr. Birch had
rendered to their Lordships.
The Duke of RICHMOND cordially concurred
in everything that had been said in praise of Mr.
Birch.

ROUSE OF COllillIfONS, Feb. 29.
IRISH POOR-LAW.

(Continued from our Third Edition of last night.) ,
Sir G. GREY said, that although he was not of
the opinion that the poor-law was perfect in all ite
parts, still he thought that no good could possibly
arise from the appointment of this Committee ; 1
would require the attendance of numerous person§
before the Committee who were now employed in the
duties of relieving the distress of the country. It
appeared to him that the object of the Hon. Member
in appointing this Committee was to exempt the
paupers of Ireland from being supported
by poor-rates levied on that country, but by a gran, t
of money from this country.—(Cries of " No, no. ),
He thought that would be the inevitable result 01
the inquiry ; he could not see what other object the
Hon. Gentleman had in view in appointing the Cons-
mittee. The object of the Hon. Member's motion
was that the Government should supply funds to
those districts which were unable to suppol
there own poor. It was his opinion th.sw
the debts owing by several unions 113
Ireland was entirely attributable to local mismanage;
ment ; but the majority of unions were as well manageu
as those in England, and had carried out the poor-10
more successfully than had been estimated by Govern-
ment. With regard to the proposed dirniou;
tion of the area of taxation, he had state'
last year, and he was ready to aver it again, that
some few of the unions of Ireland were too large
.1/I.a
when the poor-law was enacted, the electoral dole
sions were arranged on the best possible systems'
He concluded by opposing the motion of the 'DP'
Member.
Mr. A. STAFFORD concurred with the 11°TI'
Member for Portarlington in that which was the 0,1;
mus of his speech that the property of Ireland show'
be made to support the poverty of that count.rii;
That was the object for which the present motor
was made. He, however, contended that by adopting
the electoral division as the area of taxation, the
landlords who did their duty, improved their pro"
_
perty, and employed their tenants, were made to be
the burden of supportiag the destitution occasioned
by the neglect of others. He objected to reduc.ying
a
..
the unions at the same time with the electoral _. .
diva'
sions, because a reduction in the unions would
volve an expenditure for new workhouses
which
Ireland could not pay, and which must fall on this
country. All he wished wag that Government inQui