The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-20 00:00:00

EVEN LNG. FEBRUAII 20 1846.

he would honestly and fearlessly say that the rich
ought to be urged much more strongly than they
were at present to pay the taxation of the
country. —Olean se lie would not use harsh language
when speaking of the conduct of the Anti-Corn-law Leaguers,
but he would venture to say that they went about the coun-
try addressing the agricultural labourers in language of the
most deceitful kind.—( Protectionist cheers and cries of " No,
no," from the Opposition.) They told those deluded people
that if the corn-laws were repealed, they would have cheap
corn and dear labour. But those two things did not exist
together.—(Protectionist cheers.) Cheap corn and cheap
labour might, however, exist together.—(Protectionist
cheers.) The labourer might be well off if they re-
leased him from the payment of those burdens under which
he at present laboured. But would the Anti-Corn-law Leaguers
veee for any proposition which would have for its object the
real benefit of the labourer ? whilst the members and lec-
turers of the League were addressing agricultural
labourers, they omitted to tell them that whilst the manufac-
turers were seeking for foreign trade they were at the same
time destroying the home trade.--( Hear, hear.) They did
not address them in the same honest terms as he did when he
went to speak at agricultural meetings. He spoke to them
honestly, because he looked upon them as his friends.
—(Protectionist cheers.) But the manufacturers consi-
dered their labourers as mere machines.—(Protee-
tienist cheers.) They talked to them in no such nonsensi-
cal terms as he (Mr. Bennett) did in addressing the
agricultural labourers.--( Hear, hear.) The Honourable
Member for Durham. ( Mr. Bright) had said something
of the late meetings of agricultural labourers which had
been held at Goatacre and one or two other places. Now he
( Mr. Bennett) happened to know something about those meet-
ings At the Goatacre meeting there were between 300 and
400 people, wed no more; and by whom were they addressed?
The Hon. Member for Durham had said that the Anti-Corn-
law
League did not pay their emissaries, but he (Mr. Bennett)
knew that they did.—(Loud cheers from the protectionists.)
They came in•o his own county, and said they would have a
"flare-up" there.—( Hear, hear.) Ihe attempt to have a
" flare-up " had been made long since, but it had failed. At
the last attempt there was a Mr. Edwards, who, to the best of
his (Mr. Bennett's) information—he was not sure whether
that information was correct, was a journeyman tailor, at Marl-
borough. That man attended all the League meetings
there ; and at the last meeting he put a labouring man, named
Pedlar, in the chair, who made a speech, which was printed at
a tremendous length in the organ of the League, whilst
the speech which he (Mr. Bennett) had made was
completely burked.—( Cheers and laughter.) Edwards
admitted that he received a guinea a day for what he did.
Where he got it he (Mr. Bennett) did not know. God forbid
that it should be from the League.—(Cheers and laughter.,
That man's business was to get " flare-ups" in the country for
the Anti-Corn-law League.—( Hear, hear.) And it appeared
that the Hon. Member for Durham was disposed to have a
" flare-up" with him (Mr. Bennett). But he believed that
the time had come when this deception of the League was
about to be brought to an end.—( Protectionists' cheers.) The
agricultural labourers were a very intelligent and respectable
body of men ; they were men whom he called anti treated as his
friends.—( Hear, hear.) And such men could not be deceived
much longer. He admitted that at the Goatacre and other
such meetings; and, indeed, there might be found in every
parish in the country, a set of idle fellows who, for a certain
remuneration, would cry out " cheap bread and free trade"
for the Anti-Corn-law League, but the agricultural labourers,
as a body, were too intelligent and respectable to do any such
thing. He believed that the tide amongst that body
was turning very rapidly against the advocacy of free
trade. He was old enough to remember the excite-
ment which was caused many years agoin Wiltshire
about the property-tax ;at that time he was young, aspiring,
and active—he could not bear to see the deception which was
practised upon the labourers. There was a meeting held in
Salisbury, at which Mr. Hunt and Mr. Cobbett made them-
selves most active. He (Mr. Bennett) said to a shrewd, re-
spectable, and elderly gentleman, named Mr. Burton, " We
are neglect ing our duty ; here's Hunt and Cobbett upon the
hustings at Salisbury, and they are running down the pro-
perty-tax." The object of those agitators was national bank-
ruptcy.—(Laughter.) Mr. Burton said, in reply to him, that
he (Mr. Bennett) was a fool for taking any notice of them,
because the were doing the work of the wealthy against
whom they spoke so vociferously and fiercely_ " We,"said he,
" have property, whilst those fellows have none, and they are
doing our work in running down the property -tax." So he be-
lieved were the Anti Corn-law Leaguers doing the work of the
landowners of the county. There might be at Goatacre and at
one or two other places a cry of " Free-trade in corn—sub-
division of farm—ssmall farms," and the like ; but the poor
wretches that made those cries did not know that the " free
trade in corn" and " subdivision of farms" would bring ruin
upon themselves and the farmers.—( Hear, hear.) A
gross deception was practised upon them. The farmer would
be the man that would be ruined.—( Hear, hear.) He
was the man that would be crushed.—( Hear.) And had not
the great manufacturers already crushed the little manufac-
turers ?—(Cheers. ) Last year the price of wheat
was 44e. per quarter. The little farmers sold all
their wheat at that price because they could
not get anything more. But
.the great farmers
that had 4,000 sacks of corn, obtained 765. per quarter. That
was done by a rich farmer at Marlborough.—( Hear, hear.)
The colonies, which he (Mr. Bennett) looked upon as a portion
of the United Kingdom, would also be ruined by this measure
—(Hear, hear)—and the labourers at home, would would be
screwed down to the lowest point of remuneration. There
would also be a very large confiscation of property in this coun-
try. If the manufacturer found that his business was not re-
munerating, he had nothing to do but to extinguish his fires and
discharge his labourers. But not so with the landlord—his
capital was invested in his land, and he must go on
whether he was prosperous or not.—(Protectionist cheers.)
Whatever might be his loss, he was compelled to stick tehis land.
He believed that if the present measure were passed into a law,
the price of wheat would he ultimately as low as 40s. per quarter.
The manufacturers seem to consider they are safe, but they
may be assured that as soon as this measure shall have passed,
that the sooner they make up their books, extinguish their
fires, and bid adieu to the tall chimnies and crowded factories
the better, it would be for them. They might depend upon it
there was a time of severe and great distress coming upon them.
—( Cheers from the protectionists.) They are already manu-
facturing more than the world can consume, and foreign
nations are rising into competition with them, and bid fair to
out-rival them in their supplies of the markets of the world.
He would briefly allude to the question of wages. The Anti-
Corn-law League maintained that it was the duty of all persons to
buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest market. That prin-
ciple should be adopted with reference to wages—waves are nre
however governed by the farmer they are governed by the
demand for labour. He considered that the assertions of the
Anti-Corn-law League were a mass of contradictions. To the
farmer they said the repeal of the corn laws would not reduce
the price of corn. To the labourer it would not affect the price
of wages, and to the landlord they said, rents would not be
lowered. Such was the conduct of the League.—(" Hear,
hear," from the protectionists.) He must say one word with
reference to the county he represented, Wiltshire. There is no
county better farmed than Wiltshire ; everything is going on
well, science is doing wonders among them, every man is
exerting himself to the utmost, every thing is thriving, and
the labourers are employed.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon.
Member went on to state that it was a matter of astonish-
ment to him that so small a circumstance as the partial failure
of the potato crop should have been the means
of bringing forward such measures at present.—
( Hear, hear.) He had much respect for Hon. Members
on both sides of the House; he considered them honest; nor
could he impute any dishonourable motives to them. He con-
sidered it, however, very extraordinary that Hon. Alembers
on his side of the House could make:such speeches ; that they
could take up such au argument as this, and say—" There must
be a Government, but I have more confidence in the Right
lion. Baronet on this side of the House, than I have for the
Noble Lord the Member for the City of London ; and as there
are but two parties, I shall abide by the party on this side."
What a lamentable state—continued the Hon. Member—what
a misfortune is this !—( Hear, hear.) No man would be more
distressed than I should, if there were no party to conduct the
affairs of Government ; but I still think that the principles
which I advocate would become paramount, even if both parties
—the present parties in the State—would form a coalition.
The lion. Member concluded by stating that he would oppose
the motion.

Mr. H. BERKLEY rose, and said that his Hon colleague
had advocated sternly and strongly the necessity of protection.
He (Mr. Berkley) had noted down some of the lion. Mem-
ber's remarks. His ( Mr. M. ) had stated that there was no special
necessity for the removal of protection, and that he considered
protection was a benefit to the country, and to the colonies, as
well as to every branch of native industry, and he advocated
protection to the utmost possible extent ; and he also severely
attacked Hon. ➢lembers who had ventured to change their
opinions on that subject. He (Mr. Berkley) thought that his
Hon.' Colleague's anger would be abated if he looked to his own.
condtict and opinions a short tine since, and compared them
with his present course. The Hon, Member, a short time
since, had been addressed by his constituency at a public meet-
ing held in Bristol, the chairman of which w. ote to the Hon.
Member, requesting him to support the measures of Govern •
ment. H 1• replied to the effect that he could not give his
vote in favour of that measure, but did not hesitate

to say that he thought it would be better for all
parties if the repeal of the corn-laws had been imme-
diate, instead of the measure proposed by the Government.
His colleague said that he had much reluctance in deserting his
political leader, but he would ask Mr. Miles, was it not the
opinion of the majority of the constituency that be represented—.
a majority of that constituency that returned him to
Parliament—that free trade principles would be bene-
ficial to the country.—( Cheers.) It was not for him
to say what were the opinions of the constituency when he
(Mr. Miles) was returned, but he would say that the con-
stituency would now return free-traders for the city of Bristol.
Look to the important petition which he (Mr. Miles) presented
from the county, signed by 18,000 persons. He undertook
to state to his Hon. Friend that that petition showed that the
population of Bristol were for free trade. He would say this
mach for the people of Bristol, that the great moral had not been
thrown away upon them—of seeing two of the first statesmen
of the day standing forth united against the opinion of his Hon.
Friend (Mr. Miles), of whose integrity of purpose and honesty
of principle there was no doubt.—( Cheers.) Of the honest
convictions of the Noble Lord the Member for London and the
Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government
no one now, he thought, could entertain any doubt, for it was
clear the change which had taken place in their opinions was
the result of honest conviction.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. )
With these observations he would conclude by saying, that he
would give his hearty support to the measure now brought for-
ward by her Majesty' Government.
Mr. TOLLEMACHE rose and said that the Hon. Member
for Durham (Mr. Bright) thought proper to express his
opinions respecting the county of Chester. Perhaps he might
be allowed to express his opinions in reply. If the Hon.
Gentleman had been as well acquainted with the cultivation of
the soil as be was with the manufacture of cotton goods
he (Mr. Tollemache) had no doubt but the Hon. Gentleman
would be of a very different opinion. The Hon. Member for
Durham he believed to be a most determined and decided op- '
ponent of the corn-laws, and well acquainted with manufac-
turing interests, but he felt that the Hon. Member knew little
with regard to agricultural affairs. He (Mr. Tollemache)
was intimately connected, both as a landed proprietor and a
practical farmer, with the county of Suffolk, and he could say,
especially with regard to that county, that agricultural im-
pi was going on as rapidly as in any other county
whatever.—(Cheers from the protectionists.) He ( Mr. Tolle-
maehe) believed that the agitation got up by the Anti-Corn-
law League owed its influence entirely to the vacillating policy
pursued by. her Majesty's Ministers.—( Loud cheers from
the protectionists.) He strongly recommended him (Mr.
Bright) to make some amends, and vote as he should vote,
against the free-trade principles of her Majesty's Ministers.—
(Laughter from the Opposition.) The Hon. Member spoke
of the proud aristocracy of Cheshire ; he (Mr. Tollemache)
supposed he meant the term to apply to the protectionists; but
he would not further notice the observations. With regard to
the Government question before the House the opinions he had
long entertained remained unchanged, and, therefore, he felt it
his duty to oppose the measure brought forward by her Majesty's
Government. If there were a scarcity of food existing in
Ireland, he should be most anxious that an effectual remedy
should be applied, and that the opening of the ports, for a
limited period, should be one of those remedies. If, during
that period,' her Majesty's Government pursued a consistent
course of policy, he had no fear but that the corn-laws would
be maintained.—( Protectionist cheers.) He did not attribute
the present prosperous condition of the country to any relaxation of
protective duties. He believed that it was entirely owing to
the great increase consequent upon a succession of successful

harvests, the formation of railways and other public works, the
increased employment of labourers, and the expenditure of large
sums of money. He believed, also, that had no relaxation
taken place in protective duties, they would have
had much larger revenues. It was his firm
belief that it was impossible with free trade
principles to obtain remunerating prices for agricultural pro-
duce.—( Great cheers from the protectionists.) After the
policy pursued by her Majesty's Government with respect to
agitation in Ireland, it was his painful duty to declare that he
could not any longer be one of their supporters. He should
support them when he believed they were right, and though
he had the greatest possible respect for the. Government as
individuals, he had no confidence in them as a Ministry.
The change of opinion that had taken place he was perfectly
satisfied with, although he did not concur with them. He did
not say but that change was caused from honest conviction—
but as that change had taken place, he (Mr. Tollemache)
thought that the Government were bound, as honest and
honourable men, to take the sense of the country, and
see what view their constituencies would take of
such changes.—( Loud cheers from the protectionists.)
He thought the Government were decidedly wrong in holding
office without making an appeal to the ccuntry. He could
not but fear that they laid themselves open to a charge of
making use of their power as a Government to overthrow
the principles of free trade. This was a serious charge,
and he thought they would have great difficulty
to maintain their consistency, but he did hope
and trust that that charge would be satisfactorily answered.
He was well aware that this measure was brought forward by a
Government professing to be Conservative, but as he knew he
was to fall, he should tall with honour to himself, and support
those opinions which he had always entertained, and which
would never involve di.7grace.—(Great cheering from the
Protectionionists. )
Mr. T. S. DUNCOMBE observed that be highly approved
of the measures proposed by the Government, and believing
that they were of such a nature as would net only do honour
to the Minister, but would reflect credit on the Parliament
that adopted them ; and, believing the statement made by the
Right Hon. Baronet, " that by public opinion, and through
the influence of public opinion alone, could he hope to over-
come the difficulties by which he was surrounded," or contend
with the obloquy with which ignorance and bigotry had assailed
him—(Loud cheers)—he considered it unbecoming those
who did not hold their seats through the nomination of
Peers, and who were therefore not removable at pleasure—but
who owed their seats to the free choice of the people—
on an occasion like this, to give to the Ministry either a silent,
jealous, or lukewarm support.—(Hear, hear, and cheering.)
Far be it from him to permit—in the few remarks he was
about to make—those Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of
the House to imagine that he was insensible to the painful and
false position in which they were placed, by reason
of their inability to keep pace with the changes of
opinion which they saw going on around them. It did not be-
come those on his side of the House to cavil or quarrel with
those changes, it was enough to feel grateful for ir, and he for
his part admired the ability with which it was carried out.—
( Cheers.) But he would tell there gentlemen for whom he
had to express sympathy, that they were not taking the
right course to extricate themselves from the position in
which they were placed. Why, instead of indulging in every
personal abuse, could they not pursue some straightforward and
manly course?—(Hear.) But, no, they adopted a sort of hypo-
crite' cant—" We give you every credit for your conscientious-
ness"—" We are sure you are quite sincere in your change of
opinion, but still we have no confidence in you as a Minister."
—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Shaw.) There (continued the
Hon. Member) was the Learned Recorder, who called his as-
sociates and colleagues, " political cowards."—( Loud cheers. )
His words were, " I have no confidence in these political
cowards."—(Hear.) Why, then, he (Mr. Duncombe) would
say, if it be the case, why did they not come forward and at
once move a vote of want of confidence in the Ministers.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Such a course would be
manly—it would be intelligible—and it would be Par-
liamentary, because they themselves had pursued it in
1841. What did they then vote ?—and why did they
vote ? Because it was proposed to meddle with this very ques-
tion, viz., the commercial interests of the country. And their
vote was to this effect—" That a Government who legislated on
such a question ought to possess the confidence of the House."
—( Hear, hear.) They moved this, and they carried it. In
their address to the Queen on that occasin, they said, " that
it was their urgent desire to consult the interests, and promote
the welfare of her Majesty's Government; but that her
Majesty,s Government should possess the confidence of the
House and of the country, and that that confidence was not
reposed in her Majesty's present advisers." Well, that was
their opinion in 1811. What did they do now ? Why, they
said that these gentleman did not possess the confidence of
the House or country.—(Hear.) Why, then, he would ask,
did they not move a vote of want of confidence?
Sir J. TYRRELL—Because you won't support us.—
( Great laughter. )

Mr. DUNCOMBE.—How did the Hon. Gentleman know
that ?—(Continued laughter.) What right had he to assume
that he would not support such a motion ?—( Hear. )
Sir JOHN TYRRELL—Your party would not.—( Hear. )
Mr. DUNCOMBE continued—He had no party—his party
was that of the country—a party which he would never desert.
But what did they do? Why, they exhausted themselves in
throwing every kind of obloquy and censure upon the Govern-
ment, and some went so far as to charge the Right Hon.
Baronet with treason.—( Hear, hear.) He wanted to know
what they would have done under the circumstances in No-
vember last—how would they have met the emergency ? They
had been often urged to state how they would have dealt with
those circumstances, but they had never yet explained.— ( Hear,
hear, and cheers ) The Right Hon. Baronet explained the
course which he proposed to adopt on that occasion, but ob-
stacles with which they were all acquainted occurred to pre-
vent him from carrying it out. He then resigned office.
He (Mr. D.) would ask them, were they prepared to take
the reins of Government when the Right Hon. Baronet
gave them up ?—( Hear, hear.) No, they were not. Mr.
Gladstone, in his address to the electors of Newark, had stated
that the Government of the country was offered to the Noble
Lords and Gentlemen who were the advocates of protection,
but they refused to accept it.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble
Lord on his right was then called upon to construct a Govern •
ment, but for some reason or other he failed too.—(Hear and
laughter.) He (Mr. Duncombe) supposed that Hon. Gen-
tlemen opposite would admit, that some kind of Government
was necessary. How, he would ask, could the country be go-
verned under any other circumstances than those under which
the Right Hon. Baronet resumed the seals of office. He con-
sented to accept office untrammelled by the fetters of party, and
sustained by public opinion alone. He wished that the
Noble Lord ( Lord John Russell) had acted in the same way,
and he was quite confident that public opinion would have sus-
tained him also in carrying out such measures as the exi-
gencies of the occasion demanded.—( Hear, hear.) The
Right Hon. Baronet had been taunted with change
of principle and even with treason—treason, he
would ask, to whom ? Treason to his party, trea-
son to the people, and treason to his own honour.
What does that mean? It meant that the Right Hon. Baronet
preferred the interests of the people to those of his party, and
the safety of the country to the confusion and misery which
was the consequence of adherence to the present system of corn.
mercial policy. (Cheers. There was one treason
only which the Right Honourable Baronet could be
guilty of to his country, and that treason was to vacillate in
the course which he had propose I to adopt in the measures
at present under the consideration of the House.—(Cheers.)
The protectionists, however, said that they had the country
with them in the maintenance of protection. He would ask them,
where was protection lately in the West Riding of Yorkshire ?
Where was protection yesterday in Westminster? Now it
did not signify two straws which of the two gentlemen who
were candidates on that occasion were returned. It was
simply a question of protection. Had a protectionist remained
up to his knees eating cabbages in Covent -garden yesterday,
he would not have been successful. He knew that a great out-
cry had been made on the part of the tenant-farmers, and
agricultural labourers, and the Hon. Member for Oxford had
stated that protection could not be interfered with on the
ground that the tithes must be taken care of.—(" Hear, hear,"
and laughter.) It was a curious circumstance that no sooner
was anything for the good of the people proposed in that.
House, but some Honourable Gentleman or other got
up and said, " Oh, you must take care lest this proposition
may interfere with the interests of the Church."—( Hear,
hear, and laughter.) He (Mr. Duncombe) was given to un-
derstand that a cry was got up that the tenant-farmers and the
clergy were up in arms against the Ministerial measure.
Let the tenant-farmer get vote by ballot, and they
would no longer be found voting at the beck of Noble Dukes,
but for those measures which were conducive to their own and
to the public advantage. The tenant-at-will clause, however,
put an end to that, and left them to be influenced by the selfish
and tyrannical dictation of the landlords. He contended that
the clergy had not the slightest complaint against the measure,
and his authority for such an assertion was one which the Right
Honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Inglis) would con-
sider of some weight. The authority to which he
referred was the charge of the Bishop of Rochester,
which was made in 1837, and reported in the Times news-
paper at that time. The laws relating to tithes had been ar-
ranged a short time before, and they had entered into a com-
pact at that time with the Church that tithes should not be
deteriorated by any alterations which might subsequently take
place with respect to the corn-laws. It so happened that he
( Mr. Duncombe) had joined with the Hon. Baronet (Sir R.
Inglis) in the support of that measure. He had also joined
the Han. Baronet on a recent occasion, .when they both op-
posed the Maynooth grant, but they were influenced by very
different motives in taking the same side on those
occasions. With respect to the Maynooth grant he
(Mr. Duncombe) objected to it because it was opposed to
the voluntary principle ; but the Hon. Baronet, because it was
distasteful to the feelings of the high Church party.—(Hear,
hear.) With respect to the tithes, one motive for the line of
conduct which he pursued was that if certain lands were thrown
out of cultivation by a change in the corn-laws, those lands
would by that measure be saddled with a rent charge.
Another reason was because it gave to tithes a prior
claim before any other charges. Tithes were no
lien on the land before, but by that measure they became a
rent charge. (The Hon. Gentleman then read the extracts
to which he referred, from the Charge of the Bishop of Ro-
chester, to the effect that the Tithe Bill was as reasonable a
Bill as the clergy could expect, and proceeded to say,) The
only argument used by the Honourable Gentleman opposite,
to which he thought it necessary to make any allusion,
was that drawn from the state of things in 1841 In
1842 the country was in a state of great distress ; agitation
was rife, and the people, the poor of this country, were going
about without the means of employment, and many occur-
rences took place which resulted in the punishment of
those who had offended through the force of circum-
stances against the laws. When those dreadful occurrences
took place, he told the gentlemen on the other side of the
House, that if they were to give the country those mea-
sures which would do away with that monopoly whieh had so
shackled its industry, they would have prevented the results of
the great depression of that period. He had himself brought
a motion before the House which would have saved the Go-
vernment from the policy they then adopted. He had told her
Majesty's Government to give the country such measures as
would prevent the consequence which had taken place. That
measure was rejected. The Right Hon. Baronet, instead of
adopting his (Mr. Duncombe's) motion, sent down a regiment
of the guards and another of artillery. If the Right Hon.
Baronet had then proposed such a measure as the present, he
need not have sent down his army to quell disturbances
simply and solely occasioned by the distress of the people.
He would have prevented much, if not all, of that misery and
suffering which had taken place. The people of this country
were a noble and a generous people ; they were a forgiving
people, and they would forgive those acts of the Right Hon.
Baronet in the hope that they would benefit by the measure
now before the House; and he (Mr. Duncombe) was quite
satisfied they would benefit by its results.—( Hear, hear. )
There was one part of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech which
was cheering, and that was when, in answering the Hon.
Members who had expressed themselves favourable to a total
repeal of those laws rather than to accede to the present mea-
sare, he expressed himself that he was willing with them
to repeal them altogether.—(Hear, hear.) Now he could tell
them that a part of this measure, which was important and
should not he lost sight of, was that which would make the
question a law of settlement. If they did not adhere to that
part of the measure, it would be a failure altogether.—( Hear,
hear.) A report had gone abroad in the manufacturing dis-
trict, and he hoped it was true, that the protectionists intended
to make the law of settlement a future consideration.
If they were to do this, there would be such an
agitation in the country, that the measure would be of no be-
nefit at all, and it would not conciliate the people. There was
the question of the poor-laws, and he trusted that the Govern-

Imerit would make such an alteration in those laws as would
make a repeal of the cern-laws a perfect measure.—( Hear.)
Not long since it was well known that in Stockport
there were persons thrown cut of employment— many
of them were Irishmen—and through the poor-laws
they had no claim upon that place, and they were sent back to
their own country, to which they were almost perfect strangers ;
they were entirely disowned, they were quite wretched and
unprotected. These poor men were, after having assisted to
make the fortunes of great capitalists—( Hear, hear, from the
protection party)—they were by these great capitalists sent
adrift. Now this was a period when the people were starving
through the country, and all this was occasioned
by the poor-law. He trusted the Right lion. Baronet would
look to this detestable law.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that
her Majesty's Government were sincere in this measure, and
that they would neglect no important feature of tbeir policy.
It was with such views that he would give his most cordial sup-
port to the measure before the House. He was satisfied that
it was calculated to uphold the character of the country, and
better its condition. As to the agricultural portion
of the House, he believed that when they would
consider the real merits of the measure, they would,
he believed, see that they were wrong in the errors
which they had so long and so pertinaciously adhered to.
Sir T. D. ACL AND said he was very thankful for having
had the honour to have been so fortunate as to have caught the
Speaker's eye from amongst the large number of Hon. Members
who had risen at the same moment to address the
House, and the reason he felt se was because it
afforded him an opportunity of responding to the
observations the Hon. Gentleman opposite had
thought proper to eddreas to the acricubural Members on this
side the House. The agricultural Members had been told by
the Hon. Gentleman that they had been a long time in error,
and that he hoped they had at length se-n their error on this
question. Ito deutst, if tee agricultural Members did see that
they were in error, nothing would give them greater satisfaction
than to endeavour to amend that error ; and so far from evinc-
ing a wish to persevere in it, they
would, 'on the contrary,
be foremost in their desire to see carried into effect a measure
which it had been said was so fraught with all those blessings
which it had been stated it would confer.—( Hear.) But his
Right Hon. Friend, the Right. Hon. Baronet near him, when
he began his speech, by assailing the agricultural body and
calling them ungrateful and bigoted, he appeared to have for-
gotten that when he introduced his measure of 1842 they were
amongst the first and most firm of his supporters when they
began to discern the great truth of its utility, of which they had
been deemed so ignorant—( Hear, hear) —and he was one of
that unhappy set. But he could assure the Right Hon. Baronet
that for the time he ( Sir T. A.) had been in Parliament—during
the last thirty years—he had never heard a measure introduced
into that House which he had looked upon with greater anxiety
than the measure now before the House. He had never been
a supporter of excessive protection either in that House or else-
where, and he welcomed the measure of 1842 as a boon to
the country, though it had the effect of reducing the amount
of protection that the agriculturists had so long enjoyed.—
( Hear, hear.) He now wished to explain what were the rea-
sons that operated upon his mind in inducing him to vote as he
intended upon this question. When the reduction of 1842
took place, though he was told it was for the benefit of com-
merce, he did not, when it was once decided upon, make any
difficulty about it, or the appending of Canada ; on the con-
trary, he believed that the Right Hon. Baronet was sincere in
his expressions of a desire to benefit the country, and therefore
he gave him his support. What was the difference between
the position of the Government then and now? Whatever
might have been the motives of the Government then, it was
quite clear that they now thought they could not consistently
discharge their duty to their country so long as they allowed
protection to continue.—(Elear, hear.) The position of the
farmer now and in 1815 was very different. Up to that time
the farmers made fortunes by means of the war prices; but
then, on the commencement of the peace, the war prices
ceased, and the ruin of the farmer would have been the
result bad not the protective laws been enforced for the pro•
tection of the agr'culturise. Subsequent to that period—that
was in 1822—the protection was diminished to 75., and in
1828 a further reduction was made eter a discussion of the
question as to what amount could be considered a remu-
nerating price to the agriculturist. A price was fixed
on them, but it underwent a further reduction in
1842 ; but still the cry was that. these much villified corn-
laws had not yet bean sufficiently reduced. The speech of his
Right Hon. Friend upon this subject was, no doubt, dis-
tinguished
for i's forensic talent, but it had failed to satisfy
him as to the expediency of the present measure—
( Hear, hear)—and, therefore, he would ask what
other reasons could be adduced for taking such a step?
The reasons stated might be deemed by some to have
had great excellence ; tut to him they only appeared to possess
the merit of putting others in the dark.—( Hear, hear.) It
had been stated there were three reasons of policy and one of
' justice for the measure; but his opinion was that the dictum
of Mr. Huskisson was the only basis of justification for that
restrictive policy which that statesman had deemed necessary,
but which he afterwards said could not be defended, though
this country ought to be in such a position as not to be de-
pendent on a foreign country for her supply of food.—( Hear.)
It had been said by Mr. Huskisson, " Let corn be ; s cheap as
it will, I care not, if it be not of native growth.—( Hear,
hear.) The principle on which every Legislature had acted
since 1815 had been such as to ensure that amount of protec-
tion to native agriculture as enabled the country to look to
itself and not be exclusively dependent on the foreign market
' for the necessary supply of food.—( Hear, hear.) It was a re-
markable thing—though he only complained of it for his own
satisfaction—that the main and centre spring of the entire
movement had not been mentioned, nor even alluded to, in the
three very able speeches of the Right Hon. Baronet at the
head of her Majesty's Government.—( Hear, hear.) He ( the
Hon. Member) fairly owned that he did not possess the
wit to discover what the reasons were that altered the previously
expressed convictions of the Right Hon. 'Gentleman in the
year 1845, when he had avowed himself adverse to such
measures throughout his entire career. Even time Noble Lord
the Member for London, when he introduced his fatal proposi-
tion on which his Government was defeated, acknowledged the
principle, to a certain extent, of protection.—( Hear, hear.)
He, and lion. Gentlemen who agreed in his view of the matter,
did not want to shut out corn, nor did they wish to see starva-.
tion and famine.—( Hear, hear.) He doubted not they all
possessed humanity, but they shoul4 protect their people; there-
fore he contended that it was humanity, not personal interest,
that led them to take the position they (lid on the question.
They did not want high duty at a period of high prices, but
the time they required it was when the Brice of corn went down.
That was the plain matter of fact. They wished to give com-
petent remuneration fur the investment of capital, which, if not
given, the soil would cease to be cultivated. Now, what had
they been told by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head
of her Majesty's Government ?—why, " that the prosperity of
agriculture did not depend on the high price of wheat."
That was one of the reasons why the agriculturists above all
others should in ju-tice have time given to them. And if a
scanty harvest should occur at home with a scanty supply from
abroad, at the moment when their estates were going back in
their produce, they would find themselves in the very situation
which it had been the object of all legislators for the last thirty
years to guard against. They might depend on it that
the low prices they then enjoyed had arisen from the exer-
tions of the agriculturist, and if the times and seasons were
unfavourable the agriculturists placed their reliance on their
favour. Let that be his answer to the Hon. Member for
Durham, instead of rendering railing fur railing ; and to the
speeches of all others who chose to rail, both in his presence or
in his absence. He felt it due to the lion. Member to say,
that he had very much improved of late in his way of speaking,
and that he used his talent. in a more temperate manner. He
(Sir T. Acland) did say that the lion. Member for Durham and
others had in the course of the debate indulged in personal
reflections and attacks on the great body of the country gentle.
men, and had almost imputed to them the consciousness of con-
tinuing in the policy which eventually led t o misery and starva-
tion. He said to the Hon. Member, and to all others, that
that was his answer to all objectors to the corn-laws, on the
ground that they would cause starvation to the labourer in
order to benefit the landlords. In the year 1815 the price of
wheat was 975. 6d., and if they took the average of the five
succeeding years, they would find that the price varied
from 104 s. to 105 s. 6d. per quarter all the year round.
Under the protective laws the prices descended rapidly, so that
in the last four years the price had become us low as Ms. per
quarter, so that during the last thirty years the price of corn
was reduced more than one-half. That was his answer to all
those who accused him of making the bread of the people dear
for his own benefit. He would take the average of the im-
ports during the years 1822, '23, '24, as compared with the im-
ports in the years 1842, '43,'44. During the first three years the
1 average imports amounted to 35,000,000 of tons per annum,
and during the last three years the average of the
same imports was no less than 70,000,030 tons per
annum. The value of the imports during the years 1822, '23,
'24, was 55,000,0001., and during the years 1842, '43, '44,
the value of the imports was from 141,000,0001. to
145,000,0001. That showed that the mercantile
community had more than doubled their trade. With
regard to the shipping imports during the year
1842, they amounted on the whole to 4,50'1,000 tons.
Now he would ask what had happened between 1842 and 1846.
to justify the 'change now proposed ?—(Hear. )
matter the Right Hon. Baronet had stated
influencing The serious
to his present course—the apprehended famine as
g dispose of this reason
inlreland. He
(Sir T. D. Acland) thought
ashosurnreLhetvery one would agree
to. Had the Right Honourable Baronet in last Novem-
ber,he
when he was apprehensive of coming famine from
failure
of the potato crop, by an Order in Council opened
the ports, and come down to that House the first day of the
session, and asked for an indemnity, not a single voice would
have been raised against it.—(Hear, hear, and cheers from
the Conservative benches.) If he had thus proposed a tempo-
rary measure, he would have received the unanimous support
of the House. He (Sir T. D. Acland) grieved, for the Right
Hon. Baronet's own sake, as well as for their sakes,
that he had introduced a most litigated question to meet
the emergency, instead of acting in this manner. By the
course he had taken he had done himself
_great
injustice. He (Sir T. D. Acland) remembered the Noble
Lard the Member for the City of London having placed him.
self in a similar difficulty, with regard to the tithe question in
Ireland. In attempting to arrange it, he introduced a mode
which excited the greatest opposition and ill feeling—he
meant the appropriation clause.—(Hear, hear.) The Right
Hon. Baronet had placed himself in an analogous posi-
tion. In November last he might have opened the ports,
had he wished to have done so, and he (Sir T. D. Acland)
was sure the House generally wished he had seen the pro-
priety of that course. But in making the proposition to do
that, it would seem that he had told his colleagues that the
opening of the ports involved the reconsideration of the whole
laws that related to the importation of food. From that it
would seem that the opening of the ports to his (the Right
Hon. Baronet's) meaning was a repeal of the corn-laws. That
if the ports were once opened they would never be shut
again.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) It was
no wonder then that his Right Hon. Friend found only three
Members of the Cabinet to support him. What he (Sir 'l'. D.
Acland) complained of was, that the Right Hon. Baronet did
not separate the two branches of the question, at least
in point of time. First, to relieve the immediate distress,
and to leave the question of the permanent repeal
of the corn-laws to be debated during the sessior.
and to allow Parliament to say whether or not the time was
come to do away with the corn laws.—(Hear, hear.) The
Right Hon. Baronet, no doubt, had been much influenced by
the apprehended famine in Ireland, and scarcity in this coun-
try ; still he had not done justice to that House, in not pro-
posing a measure of relief in which they could have
all united with one heart and one mind.—( Hear, hear.)
He had one thing more to say, and it was, to ask what this lkw
had done for Ireland ? '1 here were 1,000,000 quarters of corn
at present in their ports, and why were these not sent to
Ireland ? Surely the necessity for this measure could
be obviated by such a proceeding. This quantity of
cern would give food to 4,000,000 of persons for one quarter of
a year. These were his views on the general merits of this
law, and he was not prepared to accept it at the hands of the
Right Hon. Baronet. He could no[, like him, in three short
weeks, learn this new lesson • anti though the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet might be willing to lead, he (Sir T. Ackland) could not
in in principle follow. There were circumstances to be take
seriously into account on the other side, but he wouldretain
the opinions that had hitherto guided him, till he were
good to
con-
vinced that another course was calculated to do more
snot, .if men were
the country. • He was convinced that the agitation that at
present existed would be successfullym
sure he would be
but firm and resolute ; and bee
for-
given if he said that th wtoasAanti-sCetotrienm.
lean; League
ti s
would never have progressed
Baronet been true to the
question, had the• Righbt"flone
ercepted Government. Ile (-Sir
principles on whit* be

T. Acland) considered men who could expend their money i n
the manner that the supporters of the League did, had no right
to complain of the distress that at present pressed upon the
country. He had no doubt that if the opinion of the Govern-
ment had been expressed at an earlier period for or against
protection, they should not then be in their present position.
When he last met his constituents he told them that he would
dispassionately consider this question when it came before the
House. lie had Bono so, but he had heard no reason given
for the change which had been proposed. He would, however,
offer no factious opposition. If that House should sanction
the measure by a con'iderable majority, he would offer no
further opposition; but if, on the contrary, the division
should he a close one, then the sooner the Right
Hon. Baronet sent them to the right about the better.
Lord ALFRED PAGET had listened with a great deal of
attention 'to this debate, and Hon. Gentlemen opposite would
forgive him for saying that he thought a great many of them
had been a little hard upon the Right Hon. Baronet.--t Hear,
hear. )—No doubt they had causes of complaint, but still, whets
they came to consider what the Right Hon. Baronet had sacri-
ficed, he thought they must be convinced that nothing but a
sense of public duty could have iniluccil him to have brough t
f,rward this measure. The Right lion. Baronet hail had a
stroll,. Government, had born supported by a large majority
in that House, and yet now, north, east, west, and south,
nothing but the renegade Minister was talked abort.—( hear,
and laughter.) He thought the Right Hon. Birobet had
made as large sacrifices as ever had been made by any
public man, and for conscientious motives. The Hon. Gen.
tleman who had ju:t spoken had said, that the Noble Lord
( Lord John Russell) was the most proper pers.') to bring this
motion forward; and so did he (Lord A. Paget) think. He
always supported that Noble Lord, and he hoped long to dos
With regard to the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, he could
only say that he should give it his support. He did not, how-
ever, do so hteause his ophtions had undergone a change, for
he had long been attached to the broad principles
of the forlorn hope that had been led on by the
Hon. Member for Northampton, and he hoped 51 ortly
to see the corn-laws repealed altogether. His family derived
the:r income entirely from land, and in conclusion he would
assure the House that they did not feel any alarm at the mea-
sure of the Right Hon. Baronet.
Mr. B. BINGHAM BARING said the Hon. Member
made some allusion to Catholic Emancipation. Now,
did the Hon. Member recollect how that measure
was carried ? Did he remember that it originated
with a small party, and that the Government of the time al-
lowed the question to convulse the whole nation before they
yielded to the pressure from without ? Now, did the Hon.
Member wish this question to be carried to that point? if so,
he could only assure him, that to gratify his wishes would be
endangering property, and sacrificing the best interests of so-
ciety. Under these circumstances, was it not better for them
to settle the question at once, now that it was a
mere topic of discussion amongst thinking men ?—( Hear, hear. )
A very large class of agriculturists had themselves declared
that protection was unnecessary.—(Loud cheers.) In
order that the decision might be unanimous, it
was necessary that the House should be unanimous ;
otherwise the country Gould not have much confidence in
their deliberations. fie hoped, as the House would in
a great measure be acting as a judge in its own
cause, the Members would act in such a manner
upon this question as to gain the credit and
esteem of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Their decisions had
been hitherto respected, and he trusted tkat Hon. Members
would not forfeit the high character which they had hitherto
possessed.
On the motion of Mr. C. BRUCE,
The debate was adjourned till to-morrow.
BURGHS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
This Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com-
mitted.
The House adjourned at Twelve o'clock.

THE FREE-TRADE CANDIDATES

FOR SOUTH LANCASHIRE.

A meeting of the Council of the League, and other sub-
scribers to the League fund, was held at their offices, last
Tuesday evening, at which a numerous committee was ap-
pointed to calvass for the signatures of electors of this
division to a requisition to the lion. C. P. Villiers, M.P.,
and William Brown, Esq., requesting them to become can-
didates fur the representation of South Lancashire at the next
general election.

- The following i 3 a copy of the rmnisiton
" TO THE HONOURABLE CIIMILES PELHAM. VILLIERS,

AND WILLIAM DIZOWN, ESQ.
"Gentleman—We, the undersigned, electors of the
southern division of the county palatine of Lancaster, re-
spectfully address you, in the belief that the present is the
most suitable period for soliciting you to become candidates
fur the representation of this division of the county at the
next general election. We are induced to do this from the
deliberate conviction that the representation of the vast and
varied interests of this important section of the kingdom will
be adequately sustained by you; that you will be film in the
support of measures founded on the most comprehensive and
impartial views of what is necessary for the general good oi
all classes of the community ; and that, especially, the prin-
ciples of free trade will, in their widest signification, their
fullest jut egrity,find in von ardent and uncompromising friends.
" We make the tender of our rapport to you, Charles Pel-
ham Villiers, as a testimony of our gratitude and admiration
of your persevering advocacy of the total and- immediate
repeal of the corn-laws in the House of Commons, continued
from vett. to year in the face of obstacles, arising from the
selfishness of sane, and the indifference, almost equally cul-
pable, of others, until your efforts, along with those of your
coadjutors. out of doors, raised up throughout the kingdom
a spirit and determination which will not subsktle until they
have marked this period, to all future time, as the era of
commercial reformation.

" We make the like tender of our support to you, William
Brown, believing that your enlightened views and enlarged
experience on commercial subjects eminently qualify you
for repre,entiog this portion of the empire—the seat and
centre of our manufacturing industry—the very heart where
all its pulsations begin ; in addition to which, your having
undertaken to contest. the division on a recent occasion, at
considerable personal inconvenience, in the belief that, though
not successful, yet that certain good would result, gives you a
claim to our support, to which we are anxious to respond.
" Gentlemen, in the firm persuasion that, should you
consent to be put in nomination, you will be triumphantly
returned to Parliament, we respectfully pledge ourselves not
only to give you our personal support, but to endeavour to
secure your return by every other constitutional means in
our power, and we fervently hope that the connexion thus
fiirmed may be long maintained, by the honourable fulfilment
of our respective duties as constituents and representatives.—
We are, your flit lint I servant s.—( Here follow signatures. )"
ilranche:ter Guar drive.

DUTCH AND FLANDERS MAIL.
THE HAGUE; Fit.. 13.—The section of the second Cham-
ber was engaged yesterday in examining the following pro-
jects of law :—lst, relative to ships under the Russian flag ;
2d, to the extraordinary grant to the Benevolent Society ;
3d, to the indemnification for the military inundations. To-
day the section has been engaged in examining the pro-
jects of law relative to the criminal code.
The official journal publishes a royal decree of the 14th of
this month finr the calling in and exchanging of ducatoons,
and the pieces of 2!f florins, a; well as the subdivisions of this
coin. The decree is followed by a resolution of the Minister
of Finan.e, dated the 15th February, announcing that an
office at the Bank of the Netherlands will be open from
the 3d to the ith of March, to receive these pieces, and
to give in exchange other kinds of coins now current.
The First Chamber • of the States General met yesterday
(the 16th) to recommence its sitting, but there not being a
sufficient number of Members present, no business could be
done.

FEc. 8.-Count Nesse!rode arrived here yes-
terday, on his return from Italy.
The Government of Warsaw published the following notice
on the sth inst.:-
" On account of the prices of all kinds of corn in the king-
' dons, and which assures satisfactory profit to the landowner,
- and in the apprehension that the exportation of corn may
increase the distress of the inhabitants, caused by the failure
of the crops in 1845, the Council of Administration has re-
solved that the exportation of the following articles shall be
prohibited till the Ist of July, 1846, viz. :-Rye, barley, flour,
buck-wheat, pease, oats, potatos, hay, and straw, along the
whole frontier line of the kingdom of Poland, on the one side,
and of Prussia, Cracow, and Austria, on the other side; and
the importations of the same articles into the kingdom shall
be allowed free of duty."
BRUSSELS, FEB. 16.-The Chamber commenced to-day the
discussion of the budget of the Department of Justice. The
first seven chapters were adopted, withoutdabnytratil,ornttarnati
debate. Two important reductions,yproppoesneed by
discussion
Section, were not adopted.
ti)vforathheilf:.th
l e chapter,
complainedcontaining
of the3t ll Setrsi
increase of
a el Ifr)t
eeedataoi
e treligiouss,
and was answered a;flsinwiesrteedrs, byat
wtlitieicilSilitnhiesteprr.o
jecTto-odfaLwtheorne
eweaeosna:
council
dary instruction was discussed. The Council will meet again
to-morrow to take a final resolution.
We hear that from the month of April next all the
steamers with mails from the continent, and which now de-
part from London, will take their departure from the port of
Harwich, which will shorten by fouaarnr. odt
clltileNa-eoinnlhiontuirrigseht.he voyage
to and frThe om Antwerp, Rhoatsteardlaomng,
Ministerial
crisis in Belgium.
lIAMBURGII BORSENIIALLE, Fss. 14.
Austrian 5 per Cents
Money,
Bank Shares ........... ••••• • • • •
Anglo-Russian Loan . ...... ......... LOS
Russian 5 per Cent., Hamb. Certificate. 103
Ditto Ist series 1n5cripti0n............ 104
I)itto, Hope and Co., 3d and 4th series•• -
Ditto, in Certificate.. •••••••• • • • • • • • • 983{ -
New 4 per Cent., Hope and Co. • ... 91
Ditto Stieglitz •• • .
Spanish New 5 per Cent . .. 203 20
Ditto 3 per Cent ••••••••• • • • • • • • • • -
Anglo-Portuguese Loan, 234 per Cent..
Dutch Actual Debt, 2% per Cent ....• 60
Ditto 3 per Cent. • • • • • • ••-
Polish New 4 per Cent. Loan, 1844.... 823(
Anglo-Danish Loan, 3 per Cent • . 86% 86%
• National Bank Shares • .. . .
BELGIAN FUNDS.-Bausms, FEB. 17.
Actual Debt, 2% per Cent •• •••••••• •• • • -
Rothschild's Loan, Five per Cent •••• • • -
Loan of Thirty Millions, Four per Cent •• • • -
Ditto Three per Cent.. • ..... ••••• • • • • • -
Ditto Thirty-seven Millions, ditto •• • •
Ditto,ditto,lB4o. •
Ditto, ditto, 1842 • • • ••• • • • •• • • •••• • • • • 102%
Ditto, 1844................. ..... • 100
Ditto, 1836.. ••.. • • ..... •••• • • • • ..... 97
Ditto, 1838 ..... ••••••.. • • • • • • ... 74%
Ditto of the City, 1832 ....... ...... . • 100%
Ditto, 1843 • • • • •
Bank ofßelg,ium- .. • • •• • •• • • •• • • • • •• • • 836
-Brussels Papers. Feb. 18.
DUTCH FUNDS.-AMSTEADAM, FEB. 17.
Money. Bills.
Actual Debt, 23{ per Cent.. •• .• ..... 60% 61
kitto, 3 per Cent • • •••••• • • • • • ••. 72% 7334
Ditto, 4 per Cent. •
Aniort Syndic, 4% per Cent . -
90
Ditto, 331 per Cent •••••••• • • • • • • • • 88g 16434
Commercial Company, 43{ per Cent 164
~
East India Loan, 4 per Cent ••••• • • • • • 9434 95
22 '5
Exchange on London, at sight ••••• •• • • g el 5
The months. • • • • • • • • • • • " 68 75
On Hamburg!), at sight •• .. 3.S
Two months.• ••••••• •• •• •• 35 31 25
-Dutch Papers. Feb. 18.
Tt.RsLAtNaliFiutielis
.D.
.1:1.E.N. rt.
...t.,..F.E.8.111121:74
n
Loan,C4pprCClUeese
Cent,
t. t.t
.o .
...
173 per 55
Pitt°, 1839 .• ••••••••••• • • • " • • • • • • 1223!
Est(allazy's Loan .• • • • • • • • • • •• • • •• •
RAILWAYS.
The Northern, or Ferdinand 187
Vienna-Milan Shares
.••
• 1115124:0164:,,:,
104r1
Sienna ..
......
Grosetto ........ ' • •
Oldenburg, .• ••••• " • • • 98,17-16
Apenninen
-Allgemeine Zeitung, Feb. 14.

. _
Dispatches were sent off Yesterday evening from the Co-
lonial-oflice, for the Lord lligh Commissioner of the lonian
Islands, and also for the Governor of /lla