The Sun.
London, England, 1846-08-24 00:00:00

Vbirb Nbitton

SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

LONDON AND CROYDON RAIL-
WAY COMPANY (THIS DAY.)
The general meeting of this Company to
Wilkinson place this
The is
day, at the offices of the Company, A. ok
the chair.
The SECRETARY read the following report, which was
unanimously adopted :
"The amalgamation of the late Brighton and
Croydon Companies being now completed, and a report
having been already made to you in your new character as
proprietors in the London, Brighton, and South Coast Com-
pany, your late directors have merely to remark that, at the
close of your existence as a separate company. your affairs
are in a more flourishing condition than they have ever yet
been.
"The short traffic on your line has steadily and rapidly in-
creased. During the present session of Parliament, the
Direct Portsmouth line which has been a source of so much
anxiety to your directors, and is expected to be a source
of so much profit to your line, has received the sanction of
the Legislature. The short coal and goods line to Dept-
ford, which was alluded to in the last report, has likewise
passed successfully through Parliament; and, although you
have not obtained your Bill for a line to Tonbridge and
Maidstone, you have succeeded in defeating the schemes of
the South-Eastern Company, which would have diverted
the traffic of Kent from the Croydon line; and you have
again successfully resisted the attempt of the South-
Western Company to obtain another line to Epsom.
"The atmospheric system, although it has not been free
from those difficulties which usually attend the first intro-
duction of all inventions, is satisfactorily progressing, and
there is every reason to believe that it will fully realise the
expectations which have been entertained of its ultimate
success.
" The working expenses of the last five months are neces-
sarily very great, on account of the mixing of the two
systems of traction, each having cost almost as much as if
the other had not been employed; but the receipts from
passenger traffic for the five months of the present
half-year have exceeded those of the six months of
the corresponding half-year, although the best month
(that of July) is omitted, the accounts having been closed
a month earlier than usual, for the sake of uniformity with
those of the late Brighton Company—some of the payments,
however, being necessarily referable to the whole six
months. The accounts thus presented show a disposable
balance (including the profit of 2,1301. lls. Bd. derived from
the sale of third shares) of 17,6001. 15s. 3d., out of which
your directors recommend a dividend to be paid of 7s. od. per
share. A vote of the proprietors will be taken as to the
disposal of the sum remaining after the payment of this
dividend.
"The directors cannot close this report without recommend-
ing to the favourable consideration of the proprietors some
acknowledgment of the valuable services of Mr. Young, so
long and so zealously rendered in the office of Secretary to
this Company."
The CHAIRMAN then moved that a dividend of 7s. 6d.
per share be paid to the shareholders out of the divinable
fund, now in the hands of the directors.
The resolution was seconded by Mr. BARNES, and
carried unanimously.
The CHAIRMAN then moved that a testimonial should
be presented to Mr. Young for his valuable services, and
that a subscription should be entered upon for that
purpose, and that the directors be empowered to pay
over the balance of 1,1881. 9s. 3d., which will remain
after the payment of the dividend in aid of such fund.
Mr. SLERRY seconded the resolution, which was
carried unanimously.
After a vote of thanks to the Chairman, the meeting
separated.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

(THIS DAY.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS•
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition.)
RAILWAY COMMISSIONERS' BILL.
The Railways Commissioners' Bill was then read a
third time and passed.
MEXICO.

On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX-
CHEQUER, that the other orders of the day be now
proceeded with,
Lord G. BENTINCK said he would take that oppor-
tunity to call the attention of the House to the present
state of the relations between the United States and
Mexico. The annual amount exported by this country to
Mexico was some half million per annum. The number of
mining and other companies in that country, conducted by
British merchants, was above sixty-five. The capital
involved was about ten millions, and the debt owing by
Mexico to Great Britain was 10,200,0004 It was
therefore evident, that anything that affected
that country was of the first importance to
England. It would be in the recollection of the House,
that it was now from ten to fifteen years that the majority
of land speculators called the attention of the American
Government to the propriety of forming settlements in
Texas. The desire of speculating in land became enormous
till at last the Government of Texas transferred, for the
sum of 2,000,000 dollars, a tract of country to the extent of
400 square leagues. Mexico, the sovereign country,
refused to sanction this annexation, and from that time
it was the purpose of America to stir up rebellion
in the former country. An army of 800 men was
subsequently organised, which army consisted of 760
Americans, and only about 40 Texans. Yet this was
called the efforts of Texas for freedom. It would be
also recollected that 'when Mexico threw off the
domination of the elder country, it was determined
that no slaves should for the future be im-
ported, but that slavery should be altogether abolished.
Matters went thus on till the year 1845, when a further
manifesto of independence was issued at the convention
of Austen. The number of persons who signed that
convention was sixty-one, and of these forty-nine ware
Americans, yet this convention was made the excuse
for further demands on the part of America.
The designs of the United States of America did not,
however, cease with the annexation of Texas, fbr they
were at present seeking to aggrandise their power by
the annexation of Mexico and California. There
never was a more flimsy pretext urged for aggression
than was put forth by the United States for entering
the territory of Mexico. Never was there a case more
unjustifiable and less provoked ; and unless some inter-
ference took place Mexico must succumb, and be also
annexed to the United States. The state of Louisiana
sent 5,000 men for the invasion of Mexico, and 2,000
more afterwards followed. As the question of the an-
nexation of Texas was the electioneering test for the
Presidency of the United States at the late elections, so
would the annexation of Mexico be the cry in 1848. The
great object of the Americans was to extend their domi-
nion and to so great an extent did this feelingprevail, that
it was not unusual to hear this sentiment—" May the
stars that bespangle the flag of America be so thick as
to leave no room for the stripes." Eis object in calling
attention to this subject was, that her Majesty's Govern-
ment might be fully aware of the necessity of giving their
best attention to the movements of that country. The
organ of the United States' Government, the Washing-
ton Union, denied that there had been any offer of
mediation by this country, and as this conflicted with
the statements made by the late Government, he wished
to know from the Noble Lord at the head of foreign
affairs, whether any mediation had been offered, and
what had been the result.
Lord PALMERSTON said that he would not follow
his Noble Friend in the various topics to which he had
referred, and it was not necessary or useful for him to
do so, as the annexation of Texas and the other matters
connected therewith, had now become matters of
history. He fully agreed with the Noble Lord,
that it was impossible for two great coun-
ties to be engaged in war without doing great detri-
ment to the commerce of any other nation that might
be then engaged in trade with the belligerent powers.
He hoped, however, that as commerce would be extended,
and as nations would be bound together by reciprocal
interests, and by the interchange of their respective pro-
ducts, a barrier would be thus raised against the inter-
ruption of friendly feeling and the chances of war.
With regard to the position of Mexico and the United
States, he did not think there were good grounds to sup-
pose that the former would be united to the latter.
There were no less than eight or ten millions of people
inhabiting the country of Mexico, who were different in
religion and language from the people of the States, and
that being so, the question of annexation became, he could
:Izmir! the Noble Lord, more difficult. With regard to the
question of mediation, he was glad to have an opportunity
of assuring the Noble Lord that he was mistaken in sup-
posing that no such offer was made by her Majesty's
late Government. The offer was made both to the
United States and to Mexico; but that offer merely was
that, in the event of it being acceptable to the United States,
Great Britain would give her mediation between the
two powers. In consequence, however, of the posi-
tion of this country with the United States respect-
ing the Oregon question, America did not accept
the offer. He had, however, instructed Mr. Paken-
ham, the British representative in America, to
renew the offer since both to the United States and to
Mexico, and he would be shortly in a position to say
what would be the result of that offer, and whether the
mediation of this country would be accepted by those
powers.
Mr. DISRAELI said British merchants were more
deeply interested in this question than his Noble Friend
thought, and he could assure the House that those ,
merchants entertained a conviction that the political
existence of Mexico was at present at stake. It would,
therefore, bare been some consolation to them had the
Noble Lord, the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, informed them that his negotiation had
been accepted.—(Hear, hear.) That was, in fact,
the only answer from the Treasury which could give
any consolation or hope to the British merchant. He
could not find either hope or consolation in the
vague statement of the Noble Lord, that in the
development of the principles of free trade they would
find the best means of stopping foreign wars. He did
not credit that theory, and, under present circumstances,
he was less willing to credit it w hen the Noble Lord
told them in another part of his observations that the
reason the commercial duties of America were reduced
was to increase their means of prosecuting war.—
(Hear, hear.) Now he had said that it was the
opinion of British merchants that the political existence
of Mexico was at stake, and that was, perhaps, the
best authority for his Noble Friend bringing forward
that subject almost on the last day of the session. Cir-
cumstances of the most fatal character might occur
in Mexico before they met again ; and it was the
knowledge of this no doubt which had irduced his
noble Friend to call the attention of Government and
the people of England to the present position of
that kingdom. The Noble Lord the Secretary
of State for Foreign Atliurs had remarked that
t.kre case of Texas was a matter of history. It was
bevaos: it was a matter of history that his Noble
Frio* had referred to it. It was an illustra-
tion of a system which had already proved

most prejudicial to the interests of the
English nation.—(Hear.) Now just the same system
was being pursued with regard to Mexico, and his Noble
Friend and himself, and the merchants of Eng-
land, were anxious that the case of Mexico should
not become a matter of history.—(Hear, hear.) When
the merchants of England lent their capital to Mexico
they received in return a mortgage upon two
Mexican provinces, and when the people could
not pay the interest, at a subsequent period,
in the year 1837, passed a law of compensation, which
was both equitable and just for the English creditor.—
(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs, who understood the question
well, had referred them to the very satizfic
tory arrangement which had been come to be-
tween this country and America upon the sub-
ject of the Oregon treaty, but, in his opinion,
that treaty was only a step in advance to the con-
summation of the United States' plans with
regard to Mexico. The policy of the United States
had been to surround Mexico, and this treaty would be
the means of extending the territories of the United
States so the Pacific. Now, without meaning to com-
plain in any way of this treaty, the question with
the British merchant was, whether the Govern-
ment of this country saw a fair probability of
preserving the political integrity of Mexico l• They,
therefore, wished, at the close of the session, that
the attention of the country should be called to the sub
ject, in order that the Minister of the Crown should be
held directly responsible for what might' occur, as far
as he could legitimately be so —(Hear.) -No countrfsin
the world was so fertile as Mexico, and it might be
said, while it produced every vegetable of other
countries—while ;it, produced sugar, coffee, and to-
bacco, at the same time its mines produced the
circulating medium of Europe to the extent of 20,000,000
of dollars—(Hear, hear.) What alarmed the British
merchant was, that there existed no power of
self-government in Mexico, and every state was making
overtures to different countries for protection. There
was a large trade carried on even now between this
country and Mexico, and therefore it was, independent
of the loan, that British mazhan a were anxious
to have this state of uncertainty removed.—(Hear,
hear.) In 11342 he moved for returns which showed
that, upon the average, the trade between this country
and Mexico amounted to half a million sterling per
annum, while if they went back to those years, such as
1824, when poace and tranquillity prevailed in Mexico,
it exceeded one million sterling ; and had
this country preserved that tranquillity the trade
by this time must have exceeded two millions sterling.
Ministers, however, had made use of a weapon which,
when applied by an ancient monarchy, was always
strong. They had made use of diplomacy ;
but where was the use of holding a diplomatic
intercourse with such cabinets as had latterly
existed in Mexico, at which the commandant for the
time being of the capital was at the head, and
which seldom or never lasted more than a
month ?—(Hear, hear.) Diplomacy proved exceedingly
effective when it was resorted to between this country
and such Courts as those of St. Petersburgh and the
Tuileries. Now Government had made use of treaties
and resorted to diplomacy, but still without
effect. There was yet a third course for
them to pursue. Would they act towards
Mexico as they acted towards other states under
similar circumstances ? Would they protect Mex-
ico ? Would• they do for Mexico what they
had done for Greece ? Would they come for-
' ward in combination with other great powers who had
particular interests in Mexico and establish a pro-
tectorate which should give Mexico ten years of tran-
quillity ? This was the question the merchants of
England wanted answered, and unless it were answered
favourably, unless they pursued a determined and vi-
gorous policy with regard to Mexico, their North
American empire would in the end be subjected to
similar attacks.—(Hear.)
Mr. BERNAL said he was the last man to underrate
the importance of this subject, or the valuable state-
ments of the Honourable Member for Shrewsbury,
but he, at the same time, did not believe that
any Government would be justified in adopting
the course suggested by the Noble Lord on the
data that he had put forward. The views of the
Noble Lord were most chimerical, end if carried
into practice would be most dangerous to thiscountry. Did
he wish the British Government to parade the Pacific with
our fleet for the purpose of demonstrating to America
our wishes and demands concerning Mexico. Let
the House wait until the next meeting of Parliament
before they adopted the motion of the Noble Lord; because
in the meantime the United States might very probably re-
trace their steps with regard to Mexico. The English Go-
vernment had interfered, as they were, with Greece, and
he must certainly admit that the result of that interfer-
ence was not such as to induce him to sanction a
similar interference with Mexican affairs.

Mr. P. HOWARD said that although the Mexicans
had not hitherto been successful in those pitched battles
which they had fought with the United States,
he was not without hope that every well-regu-
lated mind would side with those who were de-
fending their homes and homesteads, and that
the long suffering tenacity of the Spanish character
would be able to maintain themselves against the well
disciplined forces of America. He hoped that the
Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) would be successful in
his efforts to settle the differences between Mexico and
America.
Mr. WAKLEY said he always considered the Noble
Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs to be a man of
peace, and he (Mr. Wakley) must say that he had now
been put in a very anomalous position, and the Noble
Lord must now feel very much struck at the complaints
now brought against him, that he had not sufficiently
interfered between two contending foreign powers.
He begged of the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) to
pursue his old policy, notwithstanding the complaints of
Hon. Members.

SMALL DEBTS BILL.
The order of the day was then read, and on the re-
port being brought up,
Lord G. SOMERSET asked the Right Honourable
Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Depart-
ment, whether it was intended that the judges to be
appointed under this Bill should be allowed to sit in
Parliament ?
Sir GEORGE GREY said, that the Bill would in-
capacitate the judges from sitting in Parliament ?
Mr. WAKLEY said that it was with great regret
that he saw that attorneys were to be excluded from the
office of judges in the courts to be formed under the
present Bill. He did not think it wise to
exclude attorneys from these offices, and to
fix upon the public an inferior class of professional men.
He thought the best course would be to encourage in
attorneys a feeling of emulation, and give them admis-
sion to the judgeships to be appointed under
the provisions of this Act. No arguments
had been advanced to show that this class were
disqualified from holding these offices. In consequence
of the great patronage created by this and other Bills
there would soon be no such thing as independence at
the bar, for all those persons connected with it would
seek, by their obsequiousness and obedience to the
ruling powers, to obtain those situations ; and it was
most unjust, cruel, unwise, and impolitic to exclude those
parties, and he would therefore beg to renew the pro-
posal which he had made on a former occasion, namely,
to admit attorneys as judges in the courts.
On the motion of Sir G. GREY, several additional
clauses were proposed and agreed to in the Bill.
Mr. WAKLEY then rose to move the insertion of
the words in the 41st clause, after the word " barrister,"
" or as attorney-at-law."
Sir G. GREY said that, after the decision which had
already been come to on the subject, he was not prepared
to concede the proposed alteration.
Mr.WAKLEY said that in consequence of the intima-
tion of the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State,
he would withdraw his motion.
The motion was accordingly withdrawn. The report,
with several verbal amendments was then agreed to,
and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time to-
morrow.
The reports upon the District Lunatic Asylum (Ire-
land) Bill, the Pawnbrokers' Bill, and the Waste
Lands (Australia) Bill, were severally brought up and
agreed to, and ordered to be read a third time to-
morrow.