The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-21 00:00:00

toxin ill

LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 21, 1846.

The enthusiastic burst of joy
a congratulation
nd
played by the National Guards of Paris, and indeed the
population generally, on the safe return of Louis
PititteeE to the Palace of the Tuileries, forms an agree. able and, to a certain extent, a novel feature in the life
of that able and distinguished Prince. Several of the
former attempts at assassination were not isolated acts,
nor did they fail to excite sympathy among numerous
classes who had been disappointed by the results of the
July Revolution—the failure was rather regretted than
the wickedness of the deed ; repetitions of the horrible
crime were therefore feared, and all good men—all
anxious for the peace of Europe and the advancement of
civilisation—nay,:even the Great Powers of the Continent,
that hesitated long to acknowledge his title—were pecu-
liarly anxious for the safety of a life so necessary for
the consolidation of a general peace. The sentiments
that now prevail throughout France, as far as intelli-
genceale to
the people,
h asr ea c he d e
of a ry
t ha
ri s co u ntryv ,ean dd
ffo
h eer fe::
eh
isha or
ancotuerr:
b
Spontaneous and unanimous expressions of welcome
greetexi his MAJESTY on his arrival at the Palace, *0

the formal tributes usually paid by the legislative bodies
and public functionaries, by judges and placemen and
priests, but the sincere welcome of the middle classes—
all the respectable traders and shopkeepers of Paris—
the armed citizens who have the deepest interest in good
government, and even of the unarmed multitude, too apt
to look forward to change as the only chance for better-
ing their condition. The KING, therefore, who has en-
dured so many vicissitudes and risked so many dangers,
who has persevered in a system of government adopted
when he stood almost alone, might therefore evince no
ordinary degree of emotion when such manifestations
not only displayed attachment to his person and family,
but an adherence to that moderate and cautious policy
which at first was so unwelcome to the worshippers of
blood-stained heroes and ruthless victors, and which has
in time given France more real and lasting power than
perhaps she ever enjoyed. This is the greatest triumph
yet obtained by the Napoleon of peace, and it has come,
too, at a most opportune period for the Government—the
eve of a general election. On such occasions the Op-
position attribute almost every political movement
favourable to the Ministry, and even what may appear
a casual occurrence to some plot or trick on their part
with a view to influence the electors ; but here is an
event which they cannot pervert to their purpose. Y.
GUIZOT 'and the wood-ranger, who played so well into
his hands, could not by any possibility be accomplices.
The madman or the miscreant missed the KING by a
miracle; the narrow escape of a family, admitted by all
parties in France, even those most hostile to the dynasty,
to be a model of domestic virtue and happiness, has given
additional effect to the scene, and will contribute not a
little to the return of Members favourable to the policy
which the SOVEREIGN has so long and so advantageously
maintained. It is worth at least twenty votes to 3d.
GUIZOT; and, therefore, taking all circumstances into
account it would be difficult to point out any general
election in France so likely to be favourable to the peace
of the world. M. TRIERS cannot find out any real
grievance to press upon the attention of electors.
Agreeably to his amendment, the Chamber, with the
concurrence of the Cabinet, voted eighteen millions
to purchase timber for the construction and repair
of ships of war above the sum recommended
by the Naval Committee. 110 can find no fault with
GUIZOT'S policy in Greece, where French interests pre-
dominate. Spain, though undergoing constant transi-
tions, is still under the tutelage of the French Court
and Cabinet ; the ourageous claims of President Por.x,
and the wanton aggressions of the south-western States
of America on a republic which French poliey must at
all risks protect, have cut short THIERS'S phrases about
the natural alliance of France with the United States
and the bounden duty of every French Ministry to cul-
tivate the friendship of the young republic, in order to
protect the world against the insolent dominion of Eng-
land on the seas. As for England herself, not a whisper
comes from that quarter against her ; the entente cordiale
has been adopted by the pacific TritEns as a watch-
word, and PALMERSTON and he are resolved to rival
ABERDEEN and GUIZOT in allaying national animosities.
These are all very favourable symptoms for the peace
of the world, and joined with the alarming and diaboli-
cal, though fortunately harmless, deed committed at
Fontainbleau, and the hearty congratulations of France,
must afford no small consolation to the venerable Prince
who has now for sixteem years guided with such dex
terity the destiny of France.

Another most unforseen delay has arisen from the
circumstance of there not being sufficient Members pre-
sent, yesterday, to form a House. Every one must deeply-
regret this casualty, as public business is thereby pro-
crastinated until Friday evening, at the very earliest.
The evil consequences which must result from such a
lamentable succession of obstacles in the way of legisla-
tion are not to be calculated—they defy computation.
Spread of scarcity in Ireland ; increased stagnation in
the commercial transactions of the empire generally ;
impunity to agrarian assassins ; fresh opportunities for
the extension of pestilence in those portions of the sister
country most afflicted with dearth—these, and a multi-
tude of other minor, but sequential effects must tend to
render the social redemption of many portions of Great
Britain more and more impracticable. First of all, most
undoubtedly, the protectionist gentlemen were the
cause of this grievous sluggishness, facing clause
after clause of the Customs Bill with the most
pig-headed pertinacity ; then arose a subse-
quent opposition to the movements of the Cabinet on
the part of the Irish representatives—a party equally
stolid in their determination to retard the progress of the
Legislature. Of this belligerent spirit the hiatus of last
night is but a single instance among a thousand, but that
one is more glaring and more intolerable, perhaps, than
all its predecessors put together. The origin of this is
as manifest as the proceeding itself is paltry. Some
among our Contempararies, with what we cannot but re
Bard as a wilful misprision of judgment, actually attribute
the non-formation of a House yesterday to the precon-
certed indolence of Ministers. That is a wretchedly un-
stable accusation, nor can it escape evaporation under
the scrutiny of a moment. First, is it founded upon our
experience of the present Ministry? Secondly, is it con-
ceivable, regarding the matter as to its capability of pro-
ducing advantage to their cause? Thirdly, does it tally
with their anxiety to shorten the Easter recess?
Fourthly, is it compatible with any one act of theirs
which has transpired during the present session? To
all these, and a score of other inquiries of a similar
tendency, any man with two ounces of brain in his head
must, in sheer honesty, return a most emphatic nega-
tive. The imputation is preposterously untenable. But
looking at the broad and simple facts of the case, the
deduction forces itself upon our conviction : not to the
Ministers is that empty House attributable, but to the
incorrigible opposition of the Irish Members. How do
the facts stand? Why, the list of representatives pre-
sent (and which list will be found in another column,
shows that Mr. O'Cosixerx and his colleagues unani
mously absented themselves from St. Stephen's. Surely that
circumstance is amply corroborative of our conclusions.
Let not Parliament, however, deceive itself—the observa-
tion of the people is more than ever directed to its move-
ments at the present moment; and upon the character of
those movements will depend its approval or its reproba-
tion. .1-mews has already commemorated the discrimi-
nation visible in all popular conclusions; what held good
in his time holds good in ours—the public will recognise
who are the culpable Members in the Lower House, and
withdraw their confidence from them accordingly.
Whether it be the Ministry, or the Protection party, or
the Opposition benches, or the Irish representatives, who
cause the present stagnation in affairs, tho people will
see, and seeing, they will act. We ourselves have no in-
tention whatever to cast obloquy upon individuals with-
out the most thorough consideration of the matter ; we
do not pretend to fix evil motives upon any section of the
Legislature—we reprobate actions for the deplorable con-
sequences which they originate; we have no predelictions
for either men or measures, saving inasmuch as they
appear of a friendly or a hostile disposition towards the
welfare of the populace. Animated with these senti-
ments—and with these sentiments alone—it is with the
most inexpressible anxiety that we observe the conduct
pursued by our rulers in the House of Commons.
As far back as November last Government became
aware of the fact that its utmost energies would be
necessary for the maintenance of prosperity in the
empire. Agitation—that great Archimedian fulcrum
—had obtained a spot upon which it might display its
fullest vigour, and move the heart and th e reason of the
million. It did so. England and Ireland were sub

jetted to its influence, but in a different manner : a
great truth made its way with scarcely perceptible, but
prodigious strides—it permeated, as it were, the whole
mind of the nation. Then it was that the Prime

Minister of Great Britain proclaimed hi
to that mighty truth and the champion of those glorious
principles; thew it was his colleagues acquiesced in himself a convert
decision, his quondam antagonists merged themselves
into the number of his most resolute allies, his novel
and heterogeneous band was kneaded into a concrete
mass, and stamped with Et signet of uncommon strength—
the signet of popularity; then it was that a triumphant
division confirmed that truth and those principles as
henceforth fundamental pai is of our Constitution. But
certain as that moral victory
was, and is, in an
abstract sense, in a
wactical sense it was
anything but achieved. The death of mono-
poly was destined
to be a hard and lingering
onnte; it was to rejoice in acute paroxysms
and violent
stances
coortions before its final expiry tion. These circum-
have trs.nspired—Monopotv is dead—and the
mourners and executioners have wit' idrawn for a period
until an opportunity arrives for the funeral obsequies.
Such in inatter-of-fact are the oceurnences which have
marked the progress of opinion in Eng,:and—a progress
more of jubilation than otherwise. "With Ireland, on
the contrary, affairs have marched forward with mourn-
jug, and woe, and desolation. Ifer village. have been
beaten into the dust; her
easrentry have been driven
like dogs into the ditches;
her more easy-going citizens
,
P
have been expatriated in crowds by the panic; and, us
the whole world knows, pestilence, and famine, And help-
lessness, and murder have filled her whole population
with sorrow and consternation. And how has the Legis-
lature acted under these circumstances,
how is it acting
at the present moment? Why every opportvnity is seized
by those who should most sedulously
watch over the in-
tetests of Ireland, to procrastinate the applicat ion of reme-
dies to her diseseed • •
coustitutlon. Misery and Prime are