The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-06 00:00:00

nu m Atoms

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 6, 1846.

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at
Five o'clock.
The Earl of RIPON rose to move that the House do take
into its consideration her MAJESTY'S message on the subject
of the rewards to Lords HARDINGE and GOUGH. The
Noble Earl having given a history of the services of each
of those gallant officers, and having passed a high eulo-
gium on them, and on their brave companions in arms,
concluded by moving that a humble address be presented to
her Majesty, stating that the House would cheerfully concur
in any measures that might be proposed for carrying into
effect her MAncgry's intentions with regard to any special
mark of favour which her MAJESTY might be pleased to
confer on Lards HARDINGE and GOUGH.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE seconded the motion.

The Duke of CAMBRIDGE heartily concurred in the motion,
and felt proud of belonging to an army which numbered
among its officers such gallant men.

Lord Baot;Grtam having expressed his entire and hearty
agreement with all that had been said in praise of the
gallant officers of the Indian army, said that he should cor-
dially support the motion.

Lord GLENELO heartily concurred in the motion.
Earl Frrzwitnam thought the pension should be con-
ferred in perpetuity instead of for two generations.
The answers to the addresses were then put by the LORD
CLIAI4CELLOR and were agreed to.
Lord CAREW moved for the production of the Irish corres-
dence relative to the Lord-Lieutenant of the county of Wex.
ford, with respect to the office of Lord-Lieutenant and Custos
Rotulorum.—Agreed to.
The Dissolution of Railway Companies Bill was read a
third time and passed.
Their Lordships then adjourned.

The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.
The Earl of LINCOLN took the oaths and his seat for the
Falkirk District of Burghs.
The notices of motion on the paper having been either
postponed or disposed of,
The House resolved itself into a Committee on the Corn
Importation Bill.
Several of the blanks in the first clause were filled up, but
upon the question of filling up the blank with the amount of
the proposed reduced duty on oats,
Lord G. BENTLYCK opposed the proposition, and moved
as an amendment to leave the words oats out of tie clause.
Mr. P. BORTHWICK seconded the amendment.
Sir H. W. BARRON opposed the amendment.
After some observations from the CHANCELLOR of the
EXCHEQUER, the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, Captain LAYARD,
Mr. P. BORTHWICE, Mr. STUART, and others,
Lord G. BENTINCK withdrew the amendment, but at the
same time intimated it was his intention to divide the House
upon the whole clause.
Upon the question that the first clause stand part of
the Bill,
Lord G. BENTINCA moved that it be rejected, upon which
Mr. FINCH, Mr. 0. GORE, and Mr. J. Scorr addressed the
House ; after which the gallery was cleared for a division,
but none took place, the Noble Lord withdrawing his motion.
The other clauses of the Bill were then gone through, and
a few verbal amendments made in them, and the report was
ordered to be received on Friday next, amid loud cheers.
The Customs Duties Bill went through Committee.
The reports were received on her MAJESTY'S message with
respect to Viscount HARDINGE and Lord GOUGH.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of and
the House adjourned.

Lord BROUGHAM, last evening, in a few words, called the
attention of the Government to the case of Sir CHARLES
NAPIER, and while admitting the propriety of rewarding li-
berally such men as Viscount HARDINGE and Lord GOUGH,
seemed to consider that justice was only half performed while
the conqueror of Sinde was passed over, and not one of the
honours destined for the remuneration of great services
fell upon him. This , sentiment has become general.
Sir CHARLES NAPIER is evidently a marked man ;
for what reason it is impossible to say, unless
we attribute the circumstance to the animosity
which unfortunately sprung up between the East India Com-
pany and Lord ELLENBOROUGH. That Noble Lord was
recalled in disgrace. Probably the attack on the Ameers
was beyond his instructions, and all the agents he employed
in acquiring the valuable territory of Sinde are made to
suffer with him. But this reason can have no effect upon
the Duke of WELLINGTON and Sir ROBERT PEEL. They
have signified their disapprobation of the course pursued by
the India Company, in supporting the measures cf the ex-
Governor-General to the full extent ; they have made no
secret of the confusion which divided authority in the
management of Indian affairs is likely to create, and have
rewarded, by a step in the peerage, and afterwards a seat in
the Cabinet, the high functionary whom the Board of Di-
rectors so ruthlessly discarded. Why has their conduct to-
wards Sir CHARLES NAPIER been different? He only car-
tried into effect the high mission with which he was
entrusted. When the British agent at Hyderabad was
treacherously attacked, when a plot was laid for the
capture of the General and the destruction of his little
gallant army, when another Caubul tragedy was fairly
planned and ready for consummation, the prudence and clear
insight of this very remarkable man defeated the treacherous
scheme, and he resolved no longer to hold any terms with
these dangerous and unprincipled Ameers. Their conduct
justified all that followed, even independent of the absolute
necessity of obtaining a command of the Indus for the
very safety of our Indian possessions. The entire
work was accomplished in a few weeks—the ty-
rannical', and plundering Ameers were for ever displaced,
a new Government established, and Sinde finally incorpo-
rated with the British territory in the East. But the work
was not only accomplished with the utmost dispatch, and at
a trifling cost—its importance is every day made more mani-
fest by new events, the wise plans laid down by ELLEN-
BOROUGH and NAPIER have been tested by experience (so
much cannot be said of the Lahore treaty), and all circum-
stances concur in proving that the inhabitants have
greatly benefited by the change, and rejoice in \ Bri-
aiwyes tbee evernszadvii at
by
theollncians
Protection, and that Sinde is the most valuable
atthethEaae
btalenktaardnCoesms of
Company.
d
nyt.heWGoevhernave-
ment in acknowledging deeds of such merit,
cially at the period of their completion, when them mere "Pe-
did the work had so many enemies to contend with.enTwhheye
had against them the whole mercenary press of India, which
distorted every fact to the prejudice of the conquerors; there
•

was an outcry too raised in this country little credit-
able to the writers in newspapers, or to others who
would put themselves forward as the
guides of public opinion ;
but that outcry soon died away, and the small voice of
worthy suchp art ai n n
reasondmidandoetiptseerflforhm a eard.
On
utucahussio
.ne thed.n g tamely Gover-
nment
to a temporary clamour (for temporary they knew it must
be, and the importance of the acquisition no ordinary states-
man could fail to see). Instead of deferring for one
a vote of thanks to the army of Slade, and thus encouraging
unfounded prejudice and misguided philanthropy, kt3liey
g
should have taken the lead in asserting the merits of an
,undertaking which set many slaves free, which re-
lieved an oppressed populatien, encouraged trade, and
good government, end opened up a river which in a few
years would become absolutely necessary as a means of com-
munication with the northern parts of India, and which
would prove, in the long rue, the most secure barrier against
western invasion. What would the Funjaub be worth now
without Rurrachee and Hyderabad ? The Government
know it would be compartively valueless, and the public,
who seldom fail in time to judge correctly, will soon begin
to complain that such honours and emoluments are heaped
with breathless haste upon lIARDDIGE and GOUGH, while
NA.PIEU, who laid the solid foundation of British prosperity
in the west, is entirely overlooked.

Lord CA REW last night moved, in a quiet and temperate speech,
for the production of copies of the correspondence which took
place between Lord HETTESBURY and himself relative to the
appointment to the office of Custos Rotulorum of the county
of Wexford. His Lordship complained, that he being the
Lord-Lieutenant of that county was not upon the first
vacancy appointed to the office of Custos Rotulorum, which
he claimed not as a matter of favour, but demanded as a
right. His Lordship truly stated, that as to his competence
or qualifications for the office in question, no difficulty could
exist, no doubt could be mind. Lord Certriv has ever proved

himself a sound and consistent politician, a man of the most
liberal and expanded views. The possessor of a large private
fortune, he is known to be one of the kindest and most in-
dulgent landlords in Ireland. In the management of his
large estates he exhibits an example which, if generally
followed, would not merely restore peace and tran-
quillity to his country, but would render it pros
perous and contented. The deserving tenant is en-
couraged in his improvements, he knows that he is
sure of meeting with a kind and sincere friend in his land-
lorjl, who will patiently inquire into his affairs, who, if he is
in difficulties, will afford him a liberal and judicious assistance,
who will not unduly press him, should any unforseen cala-
mity fall upon him ; and he is certain of being permitted to
retain the possession of his holding. On the Castleboro'
estates the clearing system has never been resorted to. The
occupier knows that he is as secure in the possession of his
tenement as if he had the most binding lease. It is not, there-
fore, to be wondered at that Lord CAREW is beloved by his
tenantry. A man of the most amiable private character, kind
and unostentatious in all the relations of life, a man of no ex-
treme views, but moderate and conciliatory to every one, he
possesses the esteem and respect of all- who have the good
fortune to know him, and on his appointment to the lieu-
tenancy of his native county many years since, no second
opinion existed as to the propriety of the selection, which
was received with the greatest approbation by men of all
classes, shades, and varieties of opinion, political or religious.
Since that period Lord CA.REW has (if possible) increased
the regard and respect entertained towards him by
the manner in which he discharged the duties
of his high office, and it was of course considered that any
additional mark of distinction or respect which was in the
power of the Government to bestow, in his county, would be
conferred upon him, certainly that no slight or insult should
be offered to such a man. Such, unfortunately, has not been
the case, for his just claim, we should rather say his right,
has been disregarded, and another has been appointed to
the situation which should have been at once tendered to
him for his acceptance. A remarkable unanimity of feel-
ing appeared in the House. Peers of the most opposite politics
bore their testimony as to the understanding which existed,
and the statement which had been made at the time of the
change which was effected in the mode of the government
and management of the Irish counties. It appeared that up
to the year 1831 or 1832, there were in each of the Irish
counties two, four, and, in some instances, six persons, in whom
were vested its government, and the power of recommending
parties for the magistracy, It was then considered desirable
to establish uniformity of system, and to assimilate
the law of England and Ireland as to the local
superintendence of counties, by appointing the same
individual to be the Lord-Lieutenant and Custos Rotu-
lorum, on whom the responsibility should lie, and from
whom Government might obtain information, and
who should be the medium of communication between the
Government and the magistracy. Lord STANLEY stated,
that in every county persons 'ere selected, without reference
to their political opinions, from those who had the largest
estates, and that in all cases it was the practice that
the office of Castes Rotulorum, when vacant, should be conferred
upon the Lord-Lieutenant, and added, that from his own
experience in Ireland, he could say there was not one of
the Lord-Lieutenants in that country who had discharged
his duties with more satisfaction to the Government, without
reference to political opinions, or had enjoyed more of its
confidence, than Lord CAREW. The:Duke of WELLINGTON,
with the candour which has ever distinguished his Grace,
stated that he recollected perfectly well having supported
the Bill, and giving it as his opinion that the person
holding the office of Lord-Lieutenant should also hold
that of Custos Rotulorum—the Lord-Lieutenant was a
military rather than a civil officer, while the Custos Rotu-
lorum was the officer of the Loin) CHANCELLOR, which
opinion he again reiterated. The only attempt at apology
(justification it could not be called), was made by Lord ST.
GERMANS, who stated that ,his Excellency the Lord-Lieute-
nant of Ireland was not bound to read HANSARD or to have
any knowledge of the debates. We cannot agree with his
Lordship in this. A person charged with the administration
of a country like Ireland, who has able and responsible
advisers, well-informed as to everything which had
taken place so recently, and whom he was bound
to consult before filling up the vacancy, ought to have known
the unanimously-expressed sentiments of the Legislature
upon such a subject; and it shows the weakness of the cause
when a man of Lord ST. GERMAN'S ability and shrewdness
could find no other defence to put forward.

We trust the earliest steps will be taken to remedy the
error into which the Irish Government has fallen, and that
an assurance will be given against the recurrence of a similar
mistake. Whatever may be the result, Lord CAREW may rest
satisfied with the support he received and the gratifying
consciousness of having done his duty.

Another stage has been passed in the great measures of
commercial policy now before Parliament; one obstacle the
less (if they can be dignified with the name of obstructions),
intervenes between the Corn and Customs' Bills and the in-
corporation of free-trade principles with the Constitution of
Gr eat Britain. Yesterday the various clauses of these Bills
were agreed to without opposition, and the third reading no-
minated for Friday evening. We have repeatedly insisted that
such would inevitably become the predicament of the opposi-
tionists. We have warned them incessantly against that orato-
rical flatulence, which not only militated against the prosperity
of the empire, but more especially against themselves. We
have predicted such a ludicrous submission to the will of
the overwhelming majority—not so much the majority dis-
cernable in the units of the Commons as in the millions of
the people—and their contemptible and unwilling se-
cession from braggadocio into silence. We have
uttered these predictions—here is their fulfilment.
In recurring to them, however, we are by no
means desirous of arrogating to ourselves any re-
markable capacity for vaticination, particularly as the pre-
dictions in question must have been self-evident to every
one but the unfortunate Protectionists themselves : we
dilate upon the reminiscence simply with the intention of
drawing inferences for guidance in the future from the ex-
perience of the past. What has already manifested itself
in the preliminary stages of the abolition measures,
will inevitably befal every similar effort at
procrastination. Ridicule will constitute the recep-
tion of all such harangues as are uttered simply for the pur-
pose of encroaching upon time, and an ignoble defeat will
be the ultimate recompense of all such contumacious dis-
putants. Such has been the consequence upon the recent
submission of the clauses to a Committee of the House—
such will be the irrecusable and indubitable consequences
upon the after proceedings. The giant wheel of free-trade
has received its momentum from public opinion, and not
all the little pebbly obstacles of monopoly can interfere with
its revolutions, retard its progress, or prevent its arrival at
the bright goal which is already visible—the goal of Parlia-
mentary acceptation. Whether this consideration be the cud
of sweet or bitter fancy to the country party, it should be
assiduously masticated. Nor by Lord GEORGE BENTugcK,
or Mr. MILES, or Mr. DISRAELI, only, but by whom-
soever of their Lordships in the Upper House may
peradventure at this moment be anticipating a protracted
campaign. Let them reason from conclusions already per-
ceivable ; let them observe the frivolous, impertinent, and
utterly useless squabbling of their compeers during four
months of discussion in the Commons ; let them remark
the scorn with which their old-fashioned arguments are in-
variably inundated, and then consider whether further
antagonism will be likely in any manner whatever to re-
dound with honour or profit to themselves. Let them re-
flect whether the unpalatable potion, which is tendered
them by their physician (but which they blindly imagine to be
poisonous) may not actually invigorate them ulteriorly, and
whether its acceptance alone would be preferable to a
forcible discharge of it down their throats, accompanied by
a contumelious flaggelation. To the territorial aristocracy
of England we commend Sir R. PEEL'S harangue of Monday
evening, conceiving it to contain the most judicious code
of morals for the political guidance of a landed peerage
ever presented to them in a compass so portable,
or in language so uncompromising. As Prime Minister of
England, as propounder of the glorious measures of com-
mercial reform, now awaiting a signal for their departure
from the Lower House, and as an earnest champion of the en-
lightened principles upon which those measures are modelled,
Sir R. PEEL could scarcely have prefaced their remission to
the Peers with sentiments more likely to insure
their acceptance, or to embarrass any partizan animosity
which might be accumulating strength for their rejection-
" I am," said the Premier, " of the same opinion as Guizor
the eminent French statesman, that a territorial aristocracy
is most essential to a great country." As conservators of
the dignity, and stability, and efficacy of the state, undoubt-
edly such an aristocracy should be fostered, as, perhaps, the
only rational security for the preservation of what
we might call our indigenous independence, that
is, of our meadows and our woods, of our soil and
our mother-earth, such a peerage becomes necessary for the
perpetuity of our constitution and for our existence as a na-
tion. " I believe this most certainly," continued the Pre-
mier, " but the question is, what is the most legitimate
way of maintaining a territorial aristocracy ?" That is the
definite morale of this measure as far as the Peers are im-
plicated in its operation, and it must be in the conclu-
sions deduced from that interrogation that the pros
and contras of their Lordships' voting will ultimately
be discovered. With HAMLET, they may mutter, " That is
the question." How is a territorial aristocracy to be main-
tained legitimately? By giving them a nominal advantage
over other agriculturists? By enabling them to become
huckstering monopolists of wheat, and oats, and rye, with-
out any material advantage whatever to their own
coffers, but with a most stinting diminution in the
larders of the labourers ? Can they be maintained
legitimately by a persistence: in these grinding enact-
ments in provisions, or by their abolition? It is
reduced to that inquiry at last; and what is the opinion
upon this head of the experienced statesman to whose
jurisdiction these realms are committed by the nomination
of the SOVEREIGN, and the acquiescence of the people?
What
opening a
free in
commerce the constitution? Why, the Pre-
mieranswer to this question given by Sir R.
PEEL, who thweould hazard nothing in depreciation of the
second
e is
order
says, "My firm opinion is, that we shall
maintain the territorial aristocracy
by giving up these laws!"
By
distinctly
to all, without let or hindrance,
without partiality or distinction—by letting agriculture live
not by the application of
on.• übuit4—by administer-
4u ul
misjudged tonics or debilitatog
inherent stamina,
upon its own