The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-18 00:00:00

The House commenced business at Four o'clock.

Several Railway Bills were read a second time, and ordered
:o be committed.

Petitions were presented for and against the enrolment of
Le militia.

Petitions were also presented for and against the B{inis•
erial measure with respect to the importation duties.

Mr. llu'rr postponed his motion with respect to the Excise
laws for a fortnight.

Mr. ENVART postponed his motion with respect to Van
Diemen's Land.

Various petitions having been presented,
Mr. O'CONNELL rose to move the appointment of a Com-
mittee
of the whole House to consider of the present dis-
tressed state of Ireland. In proposing this motion he dis-
claimed every factious or party motive. The poor of Ireland
were on the verge of starvation, and it was the paramount
duty of Parliament to provide against the impending danger.
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then went into various
statistical details, proving the awful state of famine which
was impending over the Irish population, in consequence of
the failure of the potato crop—a failure not attributable to
any want of industry on the pare of the population, to any
failure in the productiveness of the soil—but solely to the vi-
sitation of Providence. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman
then went into details, showing the want of food and bread
stuffs imported from Ireland into England, for the purpose of
showing that Ireland produced abundance, but that country,
so blessed by Providence, was cursed by men ; and it was a
fit subject for inquiry how it happened tiara a country pro-
ducing such abundance should be in danger of famine. The
Hon. and Learned Gentleman then quoted from the returns of
the Government Commissioners, and from the correspondence
of various gentlemen resident in Ireland, voluminous pas-
sages for the purpose of showing the imminent and imme-
diate wasting distress under which the people of Ireland were
now suffering. These communications were from persons in
every part of the kingdom, and in every station of life—ma-
gistrates, poor-law guardians, and ministers of religion of all
denominations. Many of these communications had been
made to the Mansion-house Committee in Dublin, and from
those he would quote. [The returns of the Committee were
published a week since in The Sun.] Some of these com-
munications stated that the pay of agricultural labourers was
only 214 d. a day, and the fever was spreading fast. This was
in the district of Tralee. In Londonderry, Wexford, Cork,
Down, Armagh, Clare, and Galway, the distress was as great.
The cause was scarcity ; the effect of it was spreading, and in
the cure was the production of food. Wherever scarcity pre-
vailed disease prevailed,and wherever there was plenty there
was health. The seasons of abundant harvests were inva-
riably healthy seasons ; the seasons of scarcity were inva-
riably seasons of pestilence. With regard to the poor-law
union houses, they made very good hospitals for the sick,
but they were utterly insufficient to alleviate the pre-
sent distress. Some measures must be taken to re-
medy it. Why should not strong measures be
taken for finding railway schemes 2—why should not a
Government board be appointed, with power to regulate
between contending parties, so as to at once enable the rail-
way companies to commence operations, and then give em-
ployment to the poor? Let them make loans as security for

finishing these works, and others calculated to give emp:oy-
ment to the people, at 1 per cent. for three years, and 4 per
cent. afterwards. Great evils required great remedies, and
he called upon them to apply a great remedy for a great evil.
Let a Committee of the whole House be appointed to consider
the subject—let them show the people of Ireland that they
were desirous of relieving their distress. He found no fault
with the Government; he had supported the measures which
they had proposed for the relief of the distress; but those
measures, excellent as they would have been in ordinary
times, were at present totally inadequate to meet the exi-
gencies of the case.

Sir J. GIWIA3I admitted the importance of the subject,
and having carefully investigated the case, it was his painful
duty to state that the representations of the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman were not greatly exaggerated. He be-
lieved that one-half of the population of Ireland depended
for their daily food on the potato, and the crop of potatoes
had this year signally failed to the extent, according to the
most careful inquiry, of upwards of one-fourth. Under ordi-
nary circumstances the population for six weeks were
,obliged to subsist on food of a higher quality, and now for
four months the population must be fed upon food of a
higher quality. Generally speaking, it was not the duty of
the Government to provide food for the people, but in
extraordinary cases the rule must give way, and the
Legistature must take measures to stave off starvation.
But the extent of the evil was not yet ascertained—the dis-
ease in potatoes was progressing. He admitted that the con-
duct of the Irish peasantry under these dreadful circumstances
had been excellent; there had been no outbreak, no expres-
sion of impatience. Many of them had assembled, not to
ask for relief, but for work which would yield them wages.
A more touching spectacle could not . have been exhibil ed.
He believed that the Irish labourer was greatly bene-
fited by English manufacturing prosperity, inasmuch
as many Irish . found employment in Manchester and
other places. In order to meet this threatened
distress, the Govnrnment had appointed a Commission
to investigate and to regulate the granting of relief by means
of public grants for public works. The House had already
consented to grants for this purpose to the amount of
120,0001. They had also consented to grants for advancing
a loan for drainage and other purposes, amounting altoge-
ther to 468,0001, to be laid out on public wo:ks, in the
shape of grant or loan. With regard to railway specula-
tions in Ireland, in the last session Bills had been passed
authorising an outlay of 9,600,0001., which would probably
ensure an outlay of 2,000,0001. in the course of the
present year. Such was the nature of railroad
work that it would not meet the particulars of
the case. Those employed on railroads must
leave their wives and families at home. In a former

case the failure of the potato crop had been confined to par-
ticular localities; now it was general, and he admitted that
the poor-law was insufficient to meet it. The Government
bad taken every measure in their power to meet the cala-
mity; specific instructions had been givk n on all the
leading points ; and let the calamity be as extensive
as it may, the Government would not be taken by sur-
prise. In case of fever, the poor-law afforded most
extensive relief, as it afforded the power, if necessary, of con
structing temporary fever hospitals, and if these pro isions
were insufficient, he should be prepared to introduce a Bill,
founded on the precedent of 1832, for the erection of
additional fever hospitals. He should regret that this
discussion should be prolonged to the delaying of the
important adjourned debate, fur he considered that
everything was subsidiary to the necessity of removing
all obstructions to the free importation of fuod, which was

the best permanent remedy for the distress of Ireland.
Mr. F. SHAW admitted the general state of destitution of
the Irish population, but he thought the statements which
had been put forth on the subject had been exaggerated.
11. admitted that every county in Ireland was more or less
suffering from the disease, but he thought that in most parts
of Ireland there was an average crop. For six weeks in every
year the poor in Ireland always suffered from scarcity, but at
present there was a more than usual quantity of grain in
Ireland, and a more than usual quantity of employment. He
would, however, support any measure for alleviating the
sufferings of the people of Ireland, but he must deprecate
exaggerated statements on the subject.
-Sir JAMES GRAHAM suggested to the Hon. Member for
Cork, under the circumstances of the case, not to press his
motion.

Mr. J. O'CoNNELL did not doubt but that the measure pro-
posed by the Government for the repeal of the corn-laws
would be ultimately beneficial to the people of Ireland, but
he pressed upon the House the necessity of doing something
immediately for the relief of the present distress. He be-
sought the House not to consider that anything they had
done as yet could meet the distress in Ireland. They ac-
knowledged the kindness of intention exhibited towards
Ireland ; but it should be remembered, that whatever they
might do was only a small payment towards the debt
which they owed to Ireland. There must be some-
thing bad in the administration of affairs in Ire-
land to produce and keep up this perennial distress,
and it behoved the House and the Govgrnment to reconsider
the course of social and commercial policy which England
had pursued towards Ireland. Until within the last thirty.
years, England had systematically endeavoured to destroy
tl a commercial prosperity of Ireland. Let them consider
whether there were not still some vestiges of that policy re-
maining; and if there wero, let tLem change it altogether.
The Right Hon. Gentleman, having gone into long statis-
tical details for the purpose of showing the policy which had
been pursued towards Ireland up to. the present time,
denounced the Union as having greatly contributed to the
increase of the distress of Ireland. They must endeavour
to put a atop to the absentee system, which drained Ireland
annually of 4,500,0001., an amount equal to the whole reve-
nue which Ireland paid to the State; and when they talked
of the grants they made to Ireland, they should remember
the course which they had pursued towards Ireland for cen-
turies; and should reverse that course, and not drain
Ireland of her capital, as they had done. As to the
advances, those they would have to repay ; and as to the
grants, they did not amount to one year's revenue of Ireland.
They had a remedy in the restoration of their own Parlia-
ment, but if they refused that, would they provide a remedy?
Would they tax the absentees? That would afford them a
large revenue. 'Would they allow the surplus of Irish reve-
nue to be expended in Ireland.? Would they give them a
share of public expenditure by establishing rayal dockyards
illsatha omsueffeorfedthmeuch barbours of Ireland? Before they asked for
a boon of money, they asked the Government to give Ireland
the benefit of the expenditure of her own revenue, Ireland
theffriomtheywished to
diminution oufnramebralitcanexdptehneditruearel
country. These were matters it was right the House
should understand,
cause of the evils of Ireland. They had never asked for
charity, but they had demanded, and would continue to de-
mand, their rights.
Lord JOICS RUSSELL was far from complaitin
Hon. Member for Cork taking the present oppo grtunit the
bringing before the House the distresses of Ireland. YHfoe
trusted that he wnuld take every opportunity of doing so.
lle would join with the Hon. and Learned Member in his
AptiCn, if it could he' to himthatit remedy

the grievance complained of. He trusted that the Hon. and
Learned Member for Cork, after hearing what had been
stated by the Right Hon. Baronet, would not perievere in
his motion, as it would be always in his power to renew his
motion, if he did not find the course adopted answered the
object he had in view. He considered that the Government
and the people of Ireland were much Indebted to the Hon.
and Learned Member for Cork for the statements he Led
made. He trusted the motion would be withdrawn.

Mr. A. LAwsos offered his sincere sympathy for the dis-
tress and misery of Ireland. He was glad to see the tone
and temper in which the Hon. Member for Cork had brought
the subject forward. He hoped that Ireland would long re-
main the Sicily of England.
Mr. O'CoNNELL then withdrew the motion, observing that
it was his intention at a future opportunity to exercise the
right that he possessed of renewing this motion, if he found
it necessary.

Lord J. MANNERS then resumed the adjourned corn•law
debate. He believed if the measure proposed by the Govern-
ment was carried, it would have the effect of placing the
Crown, the Mine, and the Charter of the people under the
foot of the small oligarchy of red tape. He believed if the
Right Hon. Baronet had opened the ports, and upon the
meeting of Parliament stated that he could not steer the ship
as he had hitherto done, the feelings of the people on the
subject would have been very different to what they now
were. He could never bring his mind to believe that
Parliament would ever sanction the resolution proposed
by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government.
If the Right Hon. Baronet was sincere in his statement, why
did he not at -once suspend the corn-la', open the ports,
and trust to the people whether or not they should be closed
again ? That would be far better than the cumbrous plan he
had proposed for the adoption of Parliament. The Right
Hon. Baronet had said that they could not go on properly in
this country without half-yearly revolutions; he had stated
that Prussia had been shaken—he defied him to show that
it had on the question of free trade. In France,
the great leaders of parties were against it. Such
men as BERRYER and Minns opposed it. He thought an
appeal ought to be made on the question to the constituency
of the country. He believed that a small fixed duty on corn
would be just to all parties; and, although he did not go to
the extent of many around him in favour of free trade, 3 et he
felt bound to deprecate that House adopting the present
sweping proposition at the dictation of the Right Hon.
Baronet. He should give his most uncompromising opposi-
tion to the proposition of the Government, without an appeal
was made to the people upon it.
Captain LAYARD supported the Government proposition.
He believed that England would never maintain its position
among the nations of the earth until her labourers were
properly provided for. He believed that the proposition Of
the Government would and must be carried. He believed

that the corn-law of 1815 was not only a great and griev-
ous mistake, but a great and grievous crime. The Right
Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government ought to be proud
of the course he had pursued ; he had given up a party feeling
for the good of his country. He agreed with the Noble Lord the
Member fur the City of London, that protection was the
bane of agriculture. He believed if the House adopted

the Government proposition, the other nations of the earth
would follow its example.
Mr. R. PALMER then addressed the House. Protection
had been in existence for centuries, and he did not see why
it should be removed at the present motnent. They had the
high authority of Mr. Husxissorr for retaining protection.
He thought the present a most unfortunate time for intro-
ducing this measure,. and he should, therefore, give it his
opposition.

Sir C. NAPIER had hoped, after the unanswerable speech
of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government,
last night, that the debate would have been concluded with-
out any further invectives against the Government for the
course they had adopted, but it appeared, from the
speech of the Noble Lord who first addresssed the
House, that the protectionists were determined to keel) it
up, in order to say all they could against the Right Hon.
Baronet at the head of the Government. The Noble Lord
the Member for Newark taunted the Right Hon. Baronet
with not opening the ports. He believed if the Right Hon.
Baronet had attempted to do so he would have received a
more severe opposition than he would do on the present
question. He believed the Right Hon. Baronet had gone
as far as he could do in order to secure the measure
being carried through the House of Lords, and he, fur one,
was glad that he had not fell into the trap of the protec-
tionists. He spoke plainly, and he believed if those who

now opposed the measure, were convinced that it would not
lower their rents, they would soon withdraw their opposi-
tion. The Gallant Commodore, after giving the House a
most laughable deacription of his mode of farming, con-
cluded by stating his intention to support the Government
proposition.
Mr. Sas.w opposed the Government proposition. Their
leader had not only abandoned them, but had gone over to
the other side. Although they had been deserted, they were
not dismayed, but determined to be loyal and true to them-
selves. The effect of such great changes as had been pro-
posed by the Right Hon. Baronet should be well understood
upon a country like England before they were wildly put
forviard. Those who introduced them ought to recollect
" that a thousand years scarce serve to form a state," and
that " an hour may lay it in the dust." He believed
that the, present Government would be handed down to
posterity as the greatest political cowards that ever existed.
What had the Right Hon. Baronet done, a he said, to pre-
vent anarchy and confusion? Why he had thrown himself
and the Government into the hands of the Anti. Corn-law
League and the Repeal Association. He would make this
solemn negation, that if at the end of two years the Right
Hon. Baroaa should be at the head of the Government, he
should not feel the same surprise in seeing him come down
to the House and propose a repeal of the Legislative
Union, as he felt two years ago on seeing him propose a re-
peal of the corn-laws The Right Hon. Baronet who, a
few years ago, defeated the Noble Lord the Member for the
city of London, and drove him from the head of affairs,
was now supplicating him to allow his Government to last.
He (Mr. Shaw), and those who voted with him, would 'not
throw the prize of protection into the lottery of chance, in
the hopes of drawing out a better.
Mr. BRIG= said the Anti-Corn-law League and the people
did not care one straw about the great quarrel that bad taken
place among parties as long as the nation benefited by it;
protection was a bane to the country, and the sooner it was
put an end to the better. They had protected their farmers
into a system of decrepitude. In Cheshire they had a high
aristocracy and a poor tenantry, and they would be as low as
the inhabitants of the south of England, had it not been for
the proximity of Lancashire. Then, with regard to poor-
rates, the tenant farmer paid no part of it until
it was incorporated with the soil. There was a burden upon
the land, which was the burden of the game. Now the Duke
of RUTLAND bad paid 9151. for 900 acres of land, and he
would ask how they could shut out foreign food, while they
were wasting acres of land for the sake of the sport ? There
was tot the smallest prospect of any insurrection against
the Ministerial measure ; and if the masses of the people
believed them, how came it that they had not multitudinous
meetings against the repeal ? Public opinion was in their fa-
vour. The newspapers which had the.largest circulaticha were
unanimous in favour of the Ministerial measure. He would
not defend the Right Hon. Baronet, who last night had de-
livered a speech which he declared was the most important
speech that ever he delivered in that House, and he envied
the Right Hon. Baronet his feelings last night after he had
delivered his speech. He defied them to maintain the corn•
laws. The Right Hon. Baronet had resigned office. He
came back as the Minister of the Sovereign and the people,
and open to adopt any course he might think fit. Now, if
they were to seek to make a Protectionist Government,
what, in fact, would they make ? Mr. Mites was put down
for the Board of Trade. Why, if it had not been for irre-
pressible laughter, the mills of Lancashire would in such a
case have been shut up for a week. Then there was Lord
STANLEY, of Tamboff celebrity, put forward as Secretary for
Foreign Affairs. Then there was the Duke of RICHMOND,
who had said Mr. COBDEN received 80,000/. a week profits,
and that one of his tenants paid more poor-rates
than all the Leaguers put together. Could that be believed?
Would the country tolerate for a week the Government of a
man who only last night had declared that orators might be
sent down to the manufacturing districts to teach the work-
ing people there that cotton might be fired as well as
stacks. The Government would be supported by the
bishops, for no bishop would dare to vote against the
free admission of food for a starving population. The
measure of the Government was a great and noble mea-
sure, but' he could have wished that the repeal had been
immediate instead of gradual. There were thousands dying
from scarcity, and the country demanded the immediate
repeal. Then, with regard to the forty-shilling franchise,
the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas had declared that
the obtaining that franchise was not only legal but
laudable. It was a pow e, ful weapon, but it was
not intended to overthrow aristocracy or any other
institution; as soon as the corn-laws were repealed the League
would be dissolved, and he thought those who had been
placed upon the register as 40s. freeholders would exercise
stahteiisrfafcrtairlonami
oeualds iintdelfeentothemdentl3 as the tenant farmers. What
' to consider, if they should
turn out the Ministry, that by their factious opposition they
should have contributed to increase the miseries of their
fellow -creatures ?
Mr. Hunsow considered that in this debate they had nothing
to do with the distress which existed in the sister country,be.
cause he considered that the extraordinary emergency must be
met by extraordinary exertions, such as a public subscrip-
tion, or a Parliamentary measure for the relief of it. He
called upon the Government at once to provide for the relief
of that distress. The question of the repeal of the corn-laws
these. He contended that. the recent prosperity had not
ought not to be embarrassed with considerations such as
been occasioned by the plenty of corn, but by the abundant
harvests which had occurred since 1842. The Hon. Member
then went into a very discursive argument on the subject of
protection, during which be was not unfrequently interrupted
by cries of "Question, questiou," and concluded by declaring
that he should vote against the Government measure;
for if they withdrew protection,.he did not believe that the
land could be cultivated at a profit even if no rent were paid
upon it.—(A laugh.) " I am not prepared, because the Right
Hon. Baronet has chpo:e to change his opinions," said the
Hon. Gentleman, " to change mine; and I would ask, why,
when all other interests are prosperous, should not the agri-
cultural interests be prosperous along with the others?" He
beliwed the effect of the Government measure would be to

paralyse the energies of the country. It seemed tolhim mons-
trous that the poor-rates should be assessed upon
the land alone; all property ought to contribute towards

it, and why should not the fundholders contribute towards it ?
And he thought the land ought not exclusively to pay to the
county-rate. They should tax the cotton as well as the land
for that purpose. He thought the Government ought to
appeal to the constituencies to decide whether they would
have protection or no protection. Believing that protection,
even for three years, was a boon, he gave the Right
Honourable Baronet credit for proposing his measure,
with as little disturbation to existing interests as possible.
He was determined, however, to oppose the proposition
of the Right Hon. Baronet with his utmost energy, although
he should support the three years' protection to the utmost
of his power.
On the motion of Lord Dusciu4r, the debate was adjourned
till Thursday.
The other orders of the day were disposed of, and the
House adjourned.

We were enabled last evening to publish, in a Third
Edition, the important Bill introduced by the Earl of St.
GERMANS on Monday, for the better protection of life and
property in Ireland. It was looked to with great interest as
well as anxiety by the inhabitants generally, but more
especially those of the south; for, being well aware of the
severity of Tory Governments in former days, they feared
that the same system might still be pursued, and that the
innocent might be subjected to deprivations and hardships
which could be of little service in brinf,ing the guilty to
punishment. The Bill, however, will speedily remove
these apprehensions, for, taking it altogether, we cannot
see how any measure, to be effectual, could be of a
less severe character. It is entitled "An Act for
the better protection of life, and to facilitate the appre •
hension and detection of persons guilty of offences in Ire-
land," and though, like most other legal documents, it ex-
tends to a considerable length, embracing twenty-seven
clauses, the substance of it may be briefly stated. It em-
powers the Lord Lieutenant, in case of murders or attempts
at murder being committed in any county, or part of a
county, to appoint additional magistrates and police forces
in the disturbed district, to announce the fact by proclanla-
tion, warn the inhabitants in the districts specified to remain
within their places of abode at all hours between sunset and
sunrise till the proclamation is revoked, to offer and pay re-
wards for the discovery of offenders, to pay by way of corn •
pensation such sums of money as shall appear reasonable to
the wife, parent, a dld, or other relation of any person who
shall have been murdered or permanently injured, and that
all the expenses incurred in consequence of the additional
constabulary force, and the payment of rewards and com-
pensations, shall be at the charge of the disturbed dis-
tricts. The latter clause is both politic and just, because
it gives an interest to every householder possessing
hereditaments in the district in the preservation of the
peace and the maintenance of law, and will therefore induce
all concerned to use their endeavours to restore the district to
such a state of security as will warrant the recal of the
proclamation. This is an extraordinary power conferred
by the Act. Both in this country and in Ireland, when
any damage to property is caused by a lawless
assemblage of people, the owners have a claim upon the hun-
dred or county, but when it is caused by any individual or
number of individuals that does not come under the appella-
tion of a lawless mob, there is no remedy but by the ordinary
course of law. Two clauses, relative to the parties who will be •
come liable to the rates, are of great importance, because they
show that a share will fall upon the smallest tenants,
and that they shall not havethe power to deduct the amount
from the rent. Clause XIII. enacts, " that the said rate
shall be payable by, and be levied from, the actual occupiers
whether the hereditaments in respect of which rate shall
be payable shall be under the value of 41. or
not ;" and the next clause provides, that the
occupier shall " not be entitled to deduct from the rent
any portion of the rate which he may have paid in pur-
suance of this Act." Thus every inhabitant occupying a
hereditament, whether under the value of four pounds, or
not, has an interest as well as the largest pro-
prietors, in putting down these atrocious offences
against life and property. The well-disposed cannot
complain, because the Act is for their protection, and those of
a different character are justly condemned to the penalty.
But there is another crime of a fearful character prevailing
in Ireland to an extent almost universal in the south, namely,
the deterring of witnesses from coming forward to give evi-
dence, either by actual violence or by menaces and intimida-
tion. The Bill also applies to this crime, and enacts that all
such offenders, when convicted, shall be deemed guilty of a
misdemeanour, the punishment for which is to be transporta-
tion for any term not exceeding fifteen years, nor less than
seven years, or imprisonment for any term not
exceeding three years. Even the highest punish-
ment is not too severe for an offence of such
magnitude and frightful consequences. Without witnesses
can be assured of protection, and come forward freely to give
their evidence, the law is a dead letter, and the only alter-
native probably is the military occupation of the district.
From such a stretch of power the country is happily as
.yet
exempted, and all the precautions and restrictions pro-
vided by the measure are to be executed by the
civil force under the responsibility of the Lord
Lieutenant. The intelligence as regards Ireland
is of the first importance, and will be gladly received by all
Well-disposed persons, with the exception, perhaps, of the
Orange faction, who will regard the scheme as far too mild.
Let us hope, however, that it will be effectual, and that the
most powerful party in Ireland, the Catholic priest•
hood, will lend their aid f); that purpose, and thereby
endeavour to remove a grievous reproach which their
violent enemies, the Orangemen, cast on their religion.

Each successive night of the present discussion has been
remarkable for some characteristic entirely peculiar to
itself; and, notwithstanding a very natural anxiety to see
the question settled immediately, we must candidly confess
that our sympathies have been so aroused, evening after
evening, by the sentiments uttered within the Parlia-
mentary walls, as to have rendered the debate in
our • regard anything but tedious. Nevertheless, filled
as we are with a conviction of the perils impending
thousands of our countrymen ; listening to the
solemn warnings of the Prime Minister, aid the stern
enunciations of Mr. O'CONNELL; hearing the burning
words and seeing the energetic gestures of those two remark -
able men, as they tell us of the " famine, and the disease
which follows famine," of the woe, and the helplessness, and
the total destitution with which millions of the Irish popu-
lace are threatened, we cannot but feel a certain proportion
of impatience at the still further adjournment of the pro-
posed measures, conscious that such an adjournment must
retard the administration of relief. This terrible con-
sideration has been insisted upon by one Member in
characters of fire. " I tell you," said the Hon. Gentleman,
" that thousands and tens of thousands are pining, and faint-
ing, and dying; and it is no answer to say that the misery
has not reached Belgrave-square." Legislative intellect
however cannot be propelled by any discoverable kind of
steam-argument : the agricultural dullards—no leas sluggish
in utterance than jin the reception of improvements—must
have their opposition filtered out in infinites&imal drops, even
to the dregs; their vituperation upon the great statesman
whom they are now pleased to stigmatise as a renegade,
must, be meted in tardy instalments, and even those
instalments must be, so to speak, mere driblets. Hence, a
certain amount of resignation is incumbent upon every in-
dividual who scrutinises the various harangues delivered
by the representatives in the House of Commons—procras-
tination is inevitable, and as such, it must be endured.
Animated, then, with these sentiments, it is with a mix-
ture cf pleasure and regret that we meditate over each
night's discussion, and note their different peculiarities. Not
the least remarkable resumption of the adjournment was the
one commenced last night by Lord JOHN MANNERS, in a
somewhat temperate, but likewise a somewhat unsatisfac-
tory, address, and concluded by his railway majesty Mr.
GEORGE HUDSON, in language apparently intended for the
assassination of Mr. LINDLEY MURRAY'S latest editor. But
these did not constitute the peculiarities alluded to, neither
did they consist in the thrice-told sarcasms of Mr. Slum, or
in the nautical facetiousness of Sir CHARLES NAPIER.
The great feature of the evening—the feature by which
it became conspicuous amongst its predecessors—was the
circumstance of the League having at length mingled in the
conflict of tongues, having at length broken its " sullen
silence," having at length descended among the rhetorical
gladiators of the Commons. And this first thrust, as it were,
of their intentions within the echoes of the Parliament
House was allotted to Mr. BRIGHT, owing to the unfortunate
indisposition which has excluded the Hon. Member for Stock-
port just as his earnest and unmitigated exertions were
driving matters to a consummation. Still, maugre the
crushing and solid reduplication of facts by which Mr. Con-
DEN'S oratory acquires such extraordinary influence, the
opening speech of the Anti-Corn-law Leaguers could scarcely
have been more chivalrous, more imperative, more dignified,
and honest and magnanimous than it proved to be under
the auspices of Mr. BRIGHT. In it that Honour-
able Gentleman excelled himself; the singularity of his
position, as he rose to address the (miscalled) Oppositionists
and Ministerialists, seemed to animate him to an unwonted
pitch of rhetorical excellence ; his periods were, as usual,
adroitly and elegantly turned; but, in addition to this, they
alterm tely glittered with satire, and burnt with energy,
and thrilled with a tone even occasionally pathetic. Nor
was there anything forced or conventional in bis speech ; he
became effective without apparent labour, and never ap-
peared to strive for the attention of his auditors. And
indeed this very aspect of being spontaneous and unaffected
lent to each opinion its principal Interest. There is some-
thing absolutely noble, there is something admirable, there is
something great in the pure and generous eloquence with
which the Hon. Member eulogised his former antagonist. the
courageous, the large-spirited, and now popular Sir ROBERT
PEEL. "I watched the Right Honourable Baronet go
home last night," said Mr. BRIGHT, " and I confess
I envied him the ennobling feelings which must have
filled his breast after delivering that speech—a speech, I
venture to say, more powerful and more to be admired than
any speech ever heard in this House within the memory of
any man in it." This was no idle compliment, it was no
ebullition of sycophancy, it was no favour-currying laudation,
it was full-hearted, it was unstudied, it was most strictly
deserved. And in a subsequent passage we discover a death-
blow to the incessant recrimination hurled at the devoted
head of the Premier; a few simple syllable, in which the
jeers of Messieurs the Protectionist s are smothered up for ever.
~
When the Right Hon. Baronet resigned." said he, " he was
no longer your Minister; he came tack to office as the innis-
ter of the SOVEREIGN, as the Minister of the people,
and not again as the Minister of a class, who
made him such for their own special and private
objects." As such—namely, as a statesman actuated simply
and ostensibly for the good of his country, for the just main-
tenance of the consitution, for the integrity of the empire, the
confidence of the Monarch, and the general happiness of all
classes of the people—we honour the heart and admire the in-
tellect of the Prime Minister ; while as a man animated with
purely liberal sentiments, and as one ready to acknowledge
justice in whatever garb she may assume, Mr. BRIGHT has
no insignificant place in our estimation. With men thus
fired with a feeling of competition in the cause of humanity
and right legislation, measures like the one proposed by Sir
ROBERT are assuredly not to be retarded.

We have accounts from Madrid of the 10th, bat they fur-
nish no additional information respecting the dissolution of
the Ministry. It multi ipcear, however, from various ra•

mours that a difference of opinion in the Cabinet respecting
the QUEEN'S marriage, had led to this result.
The Funds were flat. On the 10th the Three per Cents.
closed at 321%,, and the Five per Cents. at 23 5-1 G at 60 days

The Paris papers, in the absence of any question of interest
in the French Chambers, are chiefly occupied with the debates
in the House of Commons on the corn-laws. Most of them
give summaries of the speeches, with comments, in which
they assert that the argument is all on the side of the Go-
vernment, and that Sir IL PEEL, on a division, will be as
triumphant in numbers as he is morally strong. " It appears,"
says the Journal des Debats, " that from time to time some
member of the Government or of the former Opposition,
which has at present become the majority, rises to break the
monotony of the complaints which the vanquished console
themselves by raising from time to time. It appears that
the discontented Members collect in a corner of the House,
from whence they keep up a brisk fire at the impassable
bench of Ministers, which, however, causes more noise than
mischief. When any of their party resumes his seat after
having hurled his powerless thunderbolt, a dozen others rise
immediately to speak. These, however, may be considered the.-
last dying efforts of a party, and produce a: it were funeral ora-
tions upon themselves, and upon their lost child—protection."
The Courrier Francais states' from what it calls an authentic
source, that " the English Cabinet has proposed to the
French Government the opening of conferences with the
view of settling in a anal way the situation of Mexico,
which greatly excites the solicitude of England, especially
since the very serious differences recently arisen between her
and the United States." This is extremely probable. In
the independence of Mexico, England and France are equally
interested, and some steps must be immediately taken to put
a stop to the encroachments of the United States.
The Noniteur publishes a royal ordonnance, by which
Captain TnEHOUART is promoted to the rank of Rear-Admi-
ral, upon the report and recommendation of the Minister of
the Marine, in consequence of his gallant conduct in the
attack upon the batteries of the Obligado in the Parana, on
the 20th November last, in conjunction with the English
naval forces. Admiral MACKAU, in recommending this offi-
cer for promotion, makes these remarks :

" I have the honour of placing under the eyes of your Majesty the
reports of Rear-Admiral Laine and Captain Trehouart, relative to
the attack directed, on the 20th of November, 1845, against the
stockade and batteries of Obligado, in the Parana. The King was
pleased to remark the praiseworthy conduct of the chief of the expe-
dition, and of the officers and men, in that difficult and perilous cir-
cumstance, and the proofs of courage and zeal given by all. To-day
I feel bound to call the attention of your Majesty more particularly
to that of captain Trehouart. That superior officer is forty-eight
years of age. lie entered the navy on the 20th of February, 1812,
and his services at sea amount to near twenty-four years. Through-
out his career he ranked among the most rising, steady, and intelli-
gent officers. In the command of the last expedition, N. Trehouart
distinguished himself amongst all by his energetic demeanour, his
resolution, and sang Aoki. 1113 brilliant conduct on that glorious
occasion induced Rear-Athulral Laine to recommend him as emi-
nently worthy of being promoted to the rank of Rear-Admiral."

On Monday, at eleven o'clock, the Duchess of NESIOUIIB
was safely delivered of a Princess, at the Tuileries.
The following important intelligence appears in a letter
from Berne of the 12th inst.:—
" The Grand Council of Berne assembled to-day, in au extraordi-
nary sitting, to take into consideration the situation which the vote
of the primary assemblies of February 1, relative to the revision of
the constitution, had produced; and has decided, after seven hours'
discussion, by a majority of 129 votes to 25, that it would confide the'
revision of the constitution to a constituent assembly, named directly
by the people. To-morrow the Grand Council will discuss the in-
stitution of the constituent and the form of election. The project
proposes a deputy for 3,000 souls, which would raise the number of
deputies to 138. The Ultra-Montane cantons, frightened at the popu-
lar victory in the canton of Berne, are about to meet in a new con-
ference, and to which they have invited the two liberal cantons of
Soleure and Tessino. Both have refused the invitation in peremp-
tory terms."
On the Paris Bourse on Monday the Three per Cents. closed at
84f. 75c. ; the Five per Cents., 1231. 25c, ; the Orleans Railroad
shares, 1,307 f. 50c.; Rouen, 1,036 f. 23c. ; Great Northern, -470 f. ;
Havre, 7251:; Avignon, 9951.; Vierzon, 705 f. ; Bordeaux, 646 f. 25c. ;
Boulogne, 550 f.; Basle, 2505'.

The following are the quotations for other lines :—Paris and
Lyons (definitive), 627 f. 50c. ; Paris and Strasbourg, 558 f. 75c. I
Tours and 'slants 597 f. 50c. ; Lyons and Avignon (Talabot), 512 f. ;
Ditto (Lecointe), 505 f. ; Ditto (Compagnie Meridionale), 503 f. ;
Lyons and Avignon (definitive), 56bf. ; Bordeaux and Cette
(Mackenzie), 504 f. 50c. ; Ditto (Espeleta), 512 f. ; Charleroi, 496 f.
MARSEILLES, FEB. 12.—Marscilles and Avignon, 977 f. 50c.
LIONS, FEB. 14.—Marseilles and Avignon, 987 f. 60c.; Paris and
Orleans, 1,285 E ; Paris and Rouen, 1,022 f. 50c.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE

LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, FEB. 17

Boulogne and Amiens, 11%—Bordeaux, Toulouse, and• Cette
ppeleta), 24_—Central of Spain, 11,4 —Dutch Rhenlsh,.7%7Great

Northern' of 'Prance Constituted, 15—Great Indian PeUirisida, %
Louvain and lernappe, 1%—Luxembourg, 2%—Madrid and Valen•
tia. 1% —Namur and Liege, 2%—raris and Orleans, 39%—llouer
and Havre, 29.

WESTMINSTER ELECTION.
(THIS DAY.).

We regret to find from the state of the poll that the elec-
tors of Westminster have decided against Captain Rous, and
that General Evans should awe his victory not to Liberals,
not to the free, independent, and enlightened constituency of a
borough so honourably distinguished in the cause of
Reform, but to the " Church and State men," the
protectionists, the enemies of every act that can benefit the
people, and therefore the determined opponents of the most
important plans ever proposed by any Minister for the
better government of the country. General Evans does not
deny the fact—on the hustings yesterday he seemed rather
to boast of it, for he had thanked a friend of his, a high
Tory, who promised to vote for him (out of revenge), and
then with the most remarkable inconsistency added, " He
felt obliged to that gentleman, and he hoped that they would
all vindicate and prove before to-morrow evening how much
they revered the great principles of civil and religious li-
berty." Talk of high Tories revering the great principles
of civil and religious liberty t Sir D. Lacy Evans, when
he takes his seat in the House, will not re-
present the Liberal electors of Westminster (for
most of the true men of that stamp stood aloof)
but the protectionists, the men who call out for continu-
ing the cruel impost on foreign grain, the especial favourites
of the Dukes of Newcastle and Richmond, and Bucking-
ham. It is melancholy to find any Liberals playing into
the hands of such men, and joining with the bitter
foes of the people to annoy Sir ROBERT PEEL, and throw
difficulties in the way of a Government which has intro-
duced, and will yet carry measures approved, without ex-
ception, by Whigs, Liberals, and Radicals—measures which
the Whig party, for twenty years to come, might attempt in
vain.

STATE OF THE POLL.

NINE O'CLOCK.

EVANS
ROUS
TEN O'CLOCK.

EVANS , 1,091
ROUS 707
ELEVEN O'CLOCK.

EVANS 1,668
ROUS l,lBO
TWELVE O'CLOCK.

EVANS 2,114
ROUS 1,650