The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-29 00:00:00

the result. During those three years the price in the first
was said to be 535.; in the seeond, 523.; and in
the third, sq*. 10d., anal that fact w.is also adduced
to prove the abundance of corn in this country to the
absurdity proposing to en on wiqt 'his tneasoire.
H- held in his hand a return from the differe, market-towns,
which Rave the highest and lowest prices in the d fferent towns
throughout the country. In January, 1545. he highest price
was 555., and the lowest 40s. In February the same year
555., the lowest 38s. In January, 1446, the highest price
645., the lowest 395.
The Duke of RICHMOND—What are the prices of the
present year?
Earl DALHOUSIE would give the Noble Duke the re-
turns for the present year. In November, 1845, the highest
price figs., lowest 48s. ; on the 29th of November, highest69s
price 693., lowest 38s. January, 1846, highest price
lowest 445. ; September, highest price 675.,
d
price 445. But, perhaps, it would
11. n better lowest
t. to
Lieg., th2e47.
265. 275.
differences 9
315.,5., 315., 365., 28s. He would ices. Ther had been
now call the attention of their Lordships to the prices
red wheat had been supplied, contract prices. In 1843,21. t
, 21.95..3
d.,
dc
However he did not intend to answer the question w e a
1844, 2/. 17s. 10d. ; 1845, 2/. 61. 10d. ; PLit!, 3/.haish.
hsid.
bßeileinhpoudt
rtoooehimdh
reference
saoot
oo of
fo
theirtl pLr iocred os
Lordships,
icposr
because , after a thisi
former predictions with reference to the price of corn had failed.
Many of the speeches which had been made very ably and
him with
theit
pathetically described .he injury which would be occasioned to
the country by the passing of this law, in consequence of the
great importation of foreign corn which would follow the pass-
ing of this Bill. But they had not stated where the quantity
of corn was to come from. In the year 1828, a gentleman was
sent to the north of Europe for the purpose of inquiring into
the subject, and although not favourable to the importation of
foreign corn, he stated that no quantity beyond that already
imported could be brought into this country. In the year
1841, another gentleman was sent to make similar inquiries.
The returns which that gentleman made were before him. The
total amount of corn which could be introduced into this
country from all parts of Europe was 2,200,000 quarters.
From Russia there were 1,230,000 quarters. From Prussia
there were, from 1835 to 1844, 635,000 quarters, and so on
with respect to other places. It was said, however, in contra-
diction of this, that there might be an immense quantity of
grain cultivated from districts were there was none at present
frown. He did not dispute that there were millions of acres
that might be cultivated, but of what value were they ? As
well might they refer to the plains of South America as a
source of supply for cattle under the new tariff, because they
at present ran about there wild. He would not allude to the
carrying charges, because he believed that the means of con-
veyance in those countries precluded the possibility
of their being able to send the grain here at
such a rate as to undersell the British farmer.
The Noble Lord read a table of statistics to prove that the im-
portation of corn into this country would not be so great as an-
ticipated by these who opposed this measure, inasmuch as the
population of ether countries would be increasing ; and even if
it were to come in, the price at which it would be sold would
not be much if at all below the price of grain in the home market.
There were a number of other figures, with which he would not
trouble their Lordships at that late hour. but there was one
consideration which had not been sufficiently dwelt upon. He
meant the increase of their own population at home. It was a
fallacy to say that they could bring into cultivation a sufficient
quantity of land to meet this enormous annual
increase, and he would take leave to read
a short extract from the report of the sanatory Committee.
The Noble Lord then read the extract, which stated that an
extent of new territory, equal to the counties of Surrey,
Hereford, and Cambridge, would be annually required to meet
the wants of this increasing population. There were in the
three kingdoms 28,000,000 at least, who, in the three
years, encreased at the rate of 15 per cent, in
ten years, or 300,000 a-year ; or since this measure
was introduced before Parliament an addition of 1,000 souls.
Then when Noble Lords spoke of new lands being brought
into cultivation for the purpose of meeting the demand, they
must be perfectly well aware, that it was a matter of impossi-
bility; It was usual to treat of the United States as unbroken
ground, from which any quantity of wheat could be imported
into this country. Bat it was well-known that all the wheat
districts were limited within one portion of the country, the
whole lying to the extreme west, and no quantity could be
shipped to this country, excepting at a very considerable cost.
The Noble Lord also read an extract from some statistical do-
cuments to prove that according as the population increased in
the United States so did their exports diminish. It had been
objected that they were not to try this great experiment en
this great country. Why it has been tried, from 1766 to 1791
we had a practical free trade in corn. Taxes were not as
heavy, to be sure, then as they were now, but they weighed
every bit as heavily on the labourer ; and it was an historic
truth that the labourers of this country were more heavily
burdened than those of other countries. Was agriculture then
in a depressed condition ? On the contrary, large quantities
of land were taken into cultivation. He knew he would be
met by the argument, that if there was a time when those who
now advocated the measure were against it, they would
say why propose it new ? But in answer to that, he
would say that the circumstances of the country rendered
it necessary, and because they concurred it would act
as one of the best stimulants to employment. The Noble
Duke on the cross benches shook his head at this assertion ;
but he (Lord Dalhousie) begged to remind the Noble
Duke of this fact,- that during the railway fever of last
year every deputation that came, no matter from what
railway company, met with a favourable reception
solely because it was stated that the proposed line of railway
would afford easy access to the manufacturing districts. Ever
by the deputations from Goole and from Norfolk, and from
all parts of Scotland, and even from Ireland, the
argument continually was that those lines were
intended to afford additional facilities for the transit
of manufactures.—( Hear, hear.) Now, he would ask, why
this longing for the prosperity of manufactures ? Was it not
because upon them depended the prosperity of every other
branch of commerce in this country ?—( Hear, hear.) Was it
not because it was a well known fact that every manufacturing
engine that was stopped working had the effect of stopping 20
ploughs.—( Hear, hear.) These were the reasons that induced
him to support this measure, for he felt perfectly con-
vinced it would result most beneficiolly for this country.
His Noble Friend, the Noble Baron who sat near him (Lord
Ashburton), in his speech that evening, spoke of the colonial
system, and he said " Have you anti-'ipated the effect which
this alteration in your policy will have upon your c-nnexion
with the colonies ? And he said, " What is the use of the
colonies if they are not to be markets for your manufactures ? "
Now he ventured to think, very humbly, that the colonies were
and ever would be an advantage, although they had a compul-
sory market there.—(Hear, hear.) But the advantage would
be greater if the market were not compulsory. Their Lordships
would permit him to remind them tnat that question was no
longer open. The colonial question to which the Noble Lord
had alluded, was broken down long ago.—( Hear, hear.)
There were now no longer the differential duties which for-
merly existed with respect to the admission of manufactures.
The maximum rate of differential duty with the exception of a
very few articles, including tobacco; the differential duty never
exceeded 71. per cent. The constant struggle of this
country was to advance the interests of the colonies.
The colonies imposed higher duties than even the Imperial
legislation, but the colonial system, as described by the Noble
Baron, no longer existed. Well, now, what was the state of
the case with regard to the colonies as to the alterations which
were now about to be made? If his Noble Friend the late Se-
cretary for the Colonies had been present, he would, no doubt,
bear in mind that the only two articles which it was feared by
some might be injured were timber and corn. His Noble
Friend who sat near him (Lord Ashburton) had said that they
were about by this measure to discourage mer-
chandise in the colonies. Now, with respect to corn,
what was the amount of the carrying trade? He held in
his hand, a return to which he begged the Noble Lords atten-
tion. On the 11th of October, 1843, the importation amounted
to 11,480 quarters. In 1844 there were 14,360 quarters. In
June, 1835, there were moret han 13,000 quarters. He did net
trust simply in these returns, but he relied upon a ditpatch
which had come from his Noble Friend, Lord Cathcart. The

despatch was dated the 2611 of March, 1845. It would
be impossible to decide the duty of these returns.
Mr. Baldwin said they wished for no foreign interference, as
they wished the connexion with the mother country to contiue.
He believed that whatever the country might have suffered
from British rule in former times, it was much better now, and
that there was a disposition to do justice.—( Hear, hear.)
These, with the other circumstances he bad alluded to,

were sufficient answers to the alarm which was said to

exist in Canaea in relation to those commercial principles
He would, however, mention two other facts with reference to
the colonies. In the Legislature of Nova Scotia, when a mes-
sage was delivered in reterence to the defences of the country,
the answer was, " Take the sum you want—the whole revenue
if it is necessary." In New Brunswick, 12,0001. was voted
for the same purpo3e, and the whole revenue was
placed at the disposal of the Executive for the
nme purpose. This showed the feeling in the
colonies. or himself he entertained a deep interest in these

colonies. As he had spent, though not in in official capacity,
many years of his life there. He had no +car from any want of
loyalty on their part, and he was sure, should the time come
when their services might be required, they would be as prodi-
gal and loyal of their blood these as they were of their treasure
now. He had now touched on the various points of
this great question, hut before sitting down, he would addrers a
few words in reference to what had fallen from some Noble Lords
_ _ .

.. ... ..
regarding the conduct of her Majesty's Ministers. They had
been called upon to account for the adoption of the preaMble of
this Bill. He, for one, admitted that it would have been
better if the measure had proceeded from other hands, and none
regretted more than he did that the Noble Lord who had been
called upon to form a Government (Lord John Russell )
ih order to carry a similar measure, had failed in the attempt.
This was the measnre they were called upon to give effect to.
on the conviction that treachery would be charged to them, if
they failed to act. Their Lordships may cause her Majesty'sG
~,,aolevtesuirEte. eanct;r_thoihtaron
he would
twTroonhtlendy
themsmightt
hcehrteoasrieet.
the
htf huelel my, with va ..
Lordships, that even though all those points .sheOloPulledthfeboierr
made, at would not justify such a word as treachery. There
was no man in that House believed mote than he did in the 11
high necessity of governing this co
uised the inguence of party, but heurnet"
ioa still. He had not the h
dtheeetsioCoabwinietth
raetspecthte
to
otitmhee
measure
buto he had no desire to avoid the reellpolnirsseibdilaithi
by party. He recog.
seunre
on his Noble Friend near him, for that, responsibilityy
recognised as his right. Would
should have taken had he been
that time ? Because no man w
that occurred could tell what course
taken if the fact, had beer, known if seat in
to a
whichur them,
rested
he
any one say what course he
acquaintedatthe with the facts
nhoa member of the Cabinet at
he Jid say ; and he trusted that thecirouLrseordhshei
think it presumptuous in an individual u humble
when he stated, that in his opinion there was differencenoe
the responsibility of the First Minister of the Cabinet
would have
time, That
would not
he was,
eo in
itt:efnatii;ler °bliga..
meanest individual in it. There was no difference between the
lllipister suggesting a measure to his Sovereign,and one who ip a
subordinate capacity adopte4 it. kihould it ever be his fate to
be plaied in a position of such a kind, in which the alternative
was placed before him, of adhering to party, and
should
ofgiring ef-
fect to a determined and solem conviction, ad opt the
coups her Maiesty'a Ministers had aedopedidhcreHde wta‘s)
bound to aclulit that lf h
in another way, it would be a thousand _
party while he Was bound
times bettbeyr that he
did walk the earth branded as a traitor to party than to live
in the consciousness that if, in adhering to party, he had done
that which was right in the eye of the law,
twrhaiitlnerhetoentehris-
tained the couscionsness that he was ti
Sovereign, or to the responsibility imposed on him.
—( Hear, hear.) He hoped that he might never
be placed in so painful a position as that, but if he were,
and he should be so compelled, it would not be presumptuous
in a public man, whose character, like those of all other public
Men, belonged to the public. He should be
bound not to loose himself from the responsibility be-
longing in 'so great a measure to his Noble Friend
near him. He should do so as he had already done and he
should submit to the penalty.—( Hear, henr.) The Noble
Earl then proceeded—l should give my counsels to
my Sovereign and Act to the best that which was in my so-
vereign charge. Whenever I had done so it is most true that
I might be exposed to the indignation of patty, but I should be
entitled to stand upright before the high tribunal
of my conscience. Now I have done, but I have to thank
your Lordships for, the patience with which you have listened
to me.-(Cheers.) I have only One word more. • I. wish I i
rlll4 tonluatat th• cloreac• which was undo in this House