The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-04 00:00:00

57 r 4 Fl STT "C ti

Bill. that that it was a landlords measure, was not founded in the
trot!). Thetas sees a case represented by a steetlernan whose
autivosi9y wits uneriessition*,esrAr.eNtsgile, a stipendiary ma-
gisiiat, 'who 414,s,iitte,i ',he .attack made nen a person hf Ihe
-I,ame ot Ciark; which occurred iu the county of .Tipperary. The
landlord was not here a sietirn, but the victim wits a farmer.
uho took a piece of land, which offended a party who had
previously occupied it ; and because the land ord had placed
him in it, ,he disaffected party took steps to wreack his vele
geauce dgiinst this poor person. lie was a well-dispo-red
industrious workman yet that did not protect him from being
att ek,d, nil the eel-
ivation of the' laud was consequently sus-
petided. That part of Leland where this and similar out-
rages took place was greatly in the want of capital. But if
such a state of things was to continue, how could they expect
the surplus capital of the country to be expended there. If
imports, a t
capital was
de xaidiedntdoe dr,hiet wnnopurld, nveninoetsuborf, greatly,
bincreasentniii
de
not come while such outrages took place, and such an organiza-
tion was in ex eteece as permitted such proceedings.—( Hear,
hear.) He svoul l refer to another pace in the county of Clare,
in welch n party of armed men entered a house arid ii•sith irged
a blunderbuss in the face of the per-on who occupied it, besides
otherwise abusing hint in a brutal manner. There were four
een parties to this attack, and it arose hecau e seven years pre-
vious to that period one o- those who committed the present teat.
raise had been ejected from this piece of ground. This person was
identified by those in the cottage who had been subjected to
the attack. He ( Mr. Sydney Herbert) was indebted to this
information to Mr. Bailey. the resident stipendiary magistrate
of Clare. Another case had been furnished to him tMr. Sydney
Herbert) Ity one of tie head-constables of the county of
Limerick, of a person who was waylaid by five or six men at
night, when returning from the markee, and abused in a very
serous manner, arising from a similar cause to that which
tat iginated in the one he bad previously referred to. What he
wanted to show was, that the peasants under the unhappy state
of things which at present prevailed, were liable, not only to be
attacked in their houses, but on their going backwards and for-
wards to the markets. The person to which he had just re-
ferred had been placed on a plot of land by his landlord, to
whom he had been a servant, and after occupying it for some
time he gave back the land, intimating that he durst not retain
it or go to wo-k upon it. Yet the man had been a faithful
servant, and both the landlord and tenant were Catholics.
All these cases bore on the point that this was a law for the
protection of the poor. Do not. let it be said that it was a Bill
to protect the magistracy or the landlords. How many of the
murders committed were us on the magistrates of Ireland?—
( Hear, hear.) Very few indeed. Few in comparison to those
that happened among the poor. In the five counties where
tto,e outrages took place to the greatest extent, this would be
found to be the case. In looking over the returns of
crime and out rage in those counties, he found
that, while the number of mur era was equal,
there were 85 cases of firing at persons, 135 cases of incen-
diarism, and 1,042 eases of threatening notices, amongst the
holders of land. Row few were the cases in which the pro
test on of the landlords was required compared to these.
He did not deny but that the measure would afford the pro-
prietors of land tome protection, but the poorer classes would
be found to derive the greatest benefit. His Right Hon.
Friend (Sir J. Graham) eave a case, the other night, in illus-
tration of the state et society in 1832, and the benefits de-
rived from the former measure. Fie (Mr. S. Herbert) would
place before them another illustration respecting the state of
society at that period. In 1832, the state of things in some
counties was as bad as it now is in the five counties com-
plained of. The illustration he would give was that furnished
by Chief Justice Bustle, in his charge to the grand jury of
Queen's County. ( The Right Hon. Gentleman here read the
extract, which was to time effect that outrages prevailed to a
great extent ; that the plunder of arms was widely practised ;
that witnesses were tertifiest from giving evidence, and juries
Geier!, d from the performance of their duty on the pie
of death.) The Lord Chief Justice further said, that
this state of things was attributable to the agrarian fselings
that prevailed, and not from the pressure of want or poverty
of those who committed the outrages. He could nut recollect
an instance in which want or poverty was the instigating
cause. This was the state of society according to Chief
Justice Bu,he in 1832. The Hon. and Learned Member for
Cork (Mr. 0 Cannel) said . that the measure was only a
revival of the o'd Tory system of governing Ireland, and that
the previous measure had nit succeeded in its objects. He
( Mr. Sydney Herbert) must say that as far as the experience
of the Act of 1832 went there was every reason to be sati,fied
of its operation. .So far from it being inefficient, it had pro-
duced the greatest good.--( Hear.) However much the
public of Ireland disliked the measure, it was found to give
security to life and property, which did not exist before it was
in 1e34. and again in 1836. If th y had read the ac-
counts furnished In 1834 by the inspector-general of police of
Ireland, they would see the effect of the Act had been most
salutary. It had not been rigidly applied, yet as far as
it was carried our it was entirety successful. Mr.
Green, a resident magistrate of Kilkenny, addressed a letter
to Lord Melbourne, showing the beneficial results that had
flowed from the measure. According to returns of outrages
furnished from the Ist April, 1832, to April, 1833, the num
her of cases was 1,59 d; from April, 1833. to the t•respondine-
peried in 1834, there were but. 331. showing a diminution of
1.259. There was one county, Queen's,County, which wa-
mote disturbed than almost any toner .county in Ireland, yet
after the operations f that Act a great physical and moral hn-
pror, ment took place, and a state of general prosperity ensued.
Fie hoped that the House would clearly understand this, that of
the outrages committed, the greater number were outrages
c ,mmitted in the humbler walks of life; and that in but few
instances, comparatively sneaking, would this law be necessary
fer t e higher classes of society.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
He hoped than, in asking them to give their assent to the mea-
sure they would consider the necessity that made such excep-
titulary laws necessary, and that no hing but the strongest con-
siderations could suffice to render such an enactment
justifiable.—( Hear.) He would ask them, with a due
consideration of their duty, what it was best for them
to do? Was the country and the people to be de; rived of all
security, and divested of the benefits which a free nation ought
to enjoy? Was not that a state of things with which it was
proper fur them to interfere, where crime was committed with-
out any strong motives of provocation, and every tone and
phase of society operated toe fearful extent upon the industri-
ous tenant, as well as the proprietor of Lind. Every well-dis-
peed man was interested in an end 'being put to this state of
things—a system of terror. and outrage which operated not in
proportion to the number of persons attacked, bat to the
amount of alarm and fear that was generated and diffused. Let
them look at the effects produced by such a terrib e tyranny as
this—a tyranny under which a person who goes out is sysbject
to be waylaid and attacked ; or when sitting in his hors;, to
have a blunderbuss directed against his life; end wh'oth not
only operates against the individuaN so assailed, but by ',:he feel-
ings of alarm and intimi.iation it creates, leads to ri general
derangement of society.—( Hear, hear.) Such wras a state
of things that ought not to exist. Under such
a system, when a man goes abroad, he knows not w'nat danger
may assail him in his progress; conscious perhaps that he has •
an accuser whom he cannot see, yet who is judge and jury in
his case, and only seeks an opportunity when the executioner
whom he may employ shall carry his mandate it Ito effect. It
is a dreadfUl state of things, when a mon knows that he is ac-
cused
by an unseen party, whom he cannot confront, but whom
he knows watches his movemnnts, and again'st whom he is
neither safe in his journies by day, nor in the v Falls of his cot-
tage by bight.—( Hear, hear.) He found that these outriges
were inflictedin some cases, because a person w as in possession
of land from which another individual had be to ejected some
seven or eight years before, and this was dome, although the
present possessor had no previous knowledge of his
landlord. Surely under these circurnstar ices, the Rouse
would not object to a suspension or the law in
these districts. He eonsidered it a most fortunate
circumstance that this state of society was ,confined to a small
area in Ireland. He was glad to find that it was confined to
Westmeath, and its neighbouring counties, but that only fur-
nished the stronger reason why Governmen t should interfere
to restore order. lie trusted that the House, would louts fairly
into that matter ; he trusted that they would not be led away
by any specious declarations about curtailing the liberty of the
subject- Why, what they, the Governmen t. wanted, was to
restore security to, not only the higher, but to the very hum-
blest classes in Ireland. Ile trusted, therefto tr. that the Howe
would not reject this Bill by ref ising to accedte to is first read-
ing. The Government asked them to grant this first reading.
but if it could be shown that those evils did nut exist, it was in
the power of Hon. Members to do so. If the r hail exaggerate,'
the evil, it was in the power of Hon. Alem' bers to point out
where that exaggeration existed. _lf th ey thought thit
that Bill was inapplicable •to th, t peculiar cir-
cumstances of the case, they a sere bound t,
show wherein the iaapp!icability you sisted. All he
requested the House was not to mix up this question with
remedial measures for Ireland, which all par ties wished to -Pe
carried into effect, but which slitend be 'held quite distinc•
from this occesion. It was universally s.,tmitted that these
outrages did not arise from a religious feeling ; it was ad-
mitted also that this was not what. might Vie termed a religious
measure ; it was certainly not a political one, tsecause men of
every shade of political opinion felt that 'there was a necessiti
for its being immediately brought into practice. He hoped
that no Hon. Member would allow himself' to be carried away
by the argument that, because they could not trace these evi.s
to anything in the social condition of Ireland, they should post-
.. _
' the Wh,

There were certain clauses in the Bill to which he wished to !
call the attention of the Legislature: Whit wiette the flonee
say if some despotic ministereseme "neap of grest
who might .be influenced,. ise,',:heWspepers. peregrenteeeis to
come down to them, and, after resting two ur three murders
from proyincial newspapers, s'ere'tn call en the Hierse to pass
a Coercion Bill. The leg.slation for both couetries must be
the same, as the interest. of the couetries could not be severed.
What was eiitel for one was good for the other, and what was
bad for one was bad for the ether. fie wished to call the atten-
tion of English Members to the 9th and 14th sections of this
Bill, as also to the 6th, ith, and 6th sections. They all
directed that certain sums shield be given as compensation to
a certain class of persons named, and to the relatives of per-
sons who were murdered. Where was this money to be ad-
vanced from—fromehe Crneiolidated Fund ? The Right Hon.
Baronet the Sec etary fur the Home Department would tusn
round and say that the money was to be repaid. By
the 9th and 14th clauses of the Act, the sums directed to be
advanced from the Consolidated Fund are dis ewes! to be re: aid
bt a tax on the occupying tenant-cotter, whether his tenors
were above or below 41. Did any man, who hail had any
dealings with the cotter tenantry id Ireland, suppose that such
a rate could he levied? The Right Hon. Gentleman had told
theca that these agrarian outrages inflicted on the tenant were
ins cted on the landlord, and yet he was about to burden them
with this taxation. He (Captain Is. Osb one) was intimate
with the cotter tenantry of Ireland, and he was more astonished
at their patience than surerised at their crimes. Let the
Right Hon. Gentleman recollect that physical destitution and
moral degradation went hand in hand. 51en could not be de-
based In the scale of comfert without making them like wild
beasts, and it was useless fir the Govern err to be framing
coercion laws when they 'view that the vices of th people
had been caused by their own bad legislatione . He
thought that it was necessary to refer to a few
sentences which fell from a Noble Lord the other evening.
The Noble Lord thought it neci ssary to believe the Govern.•
ment accuunts of famine in Ireland, bat he placed itnnlicir
reliance on the Government details of Irish etimee—e Loud
cheers from the Opposition.) If Irish crimes had a more direct
tendency to influence the Corn Bill, he should like to know if
the Noble Lord would be more incredulous. The Noble Lord
ttad remarked that any man who opposed the passing of this
measure ought ni be held responsible, and was responsible, for
every murder That was committed in Ireland, thereby arguing
that any man who might feel it necessary to differ from the
opinion of the Noble Lord was t esponsible for the outrages
committed 'in Ireland. Whenever the Noble Lord " bolted"
from the figures of rhetoric to the figures of speech, he
was sure '. to disappoint his baceers, and run himself
into distress"—( Laughter.) When the Noble Lord
came down to that House he produced a newspaper, and,
after citing from its columns two cases of murder, proceeded
to argue upon the necessity of coercive measures for Ireland.
What would the Noble Lord think if he (('aptain Osborne)
were to take at random (so counties in England ? He would
take Staffordshire, and he there found that a man named Brown
killed his brother by beating on his head with a hammer, and
then hid his body in a sandpit. The murderer held a farm
under his brother, ant in consequence of the non-payment of
the rent, the brother threatened to distrain, and it was the fear
of being turned oat that induced the commission of the murder.
Was it considered necessary to proclaim Staffordshire in con-
sequence of that murder? He would now turn to a village in
eomersetshire, Bridgwater, where a woman poisoned her bro-
ther, and, it was supposed, three other relatives, and would any
man in his senses deduce from that that the people of Bridg-
water were so brutal that a Coercion Bill was necessary. If he
were to look into the provincial newspapers he might even
find that some such facts had occurred In Lynn, and so accord-
ing to the Noble Lord's argument, rendering a Coercion Bill
necessary for that place. The Noble Lord couldnot adopt a
worse principle than to cut slips out. of newspapers to brine
them forward as excuses for such measures. He must now
say. and he said it with great regret, that he had same little
quarrel with the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the
Home Department. In the absence of the Irish Secretary
some excuse might he made for his ignorance of the state of
Ireland, when he said that there were five counties in that
country in a state of abs lute disturbance, Tipperary being
specially mentioned amongst them. It was right that the
Right 'ion. Gentleman sh•itild know that it was only in the
North-west Riding of Tipperary that these disturbances
took place. In the South Riding crime was unknown. He
spoke as a resident. and he anew that the landed troprietors
there would defend their rights while they were not inattentive
or unmindful of their duties; and it was therefore he now at-
tempted to do justice to the country. An Hon and Learned
Gentleman near him had alluded very cursorily to the number
of civil-bill ejectments, from 1839 to 1843. He said that the
number of these ejectrnente in thee. five counties was 2,331
daring that period. Ttere had, however, heels 72,982 notices
served, and, taking every family to consist of five, that would
give a total of 364,910 persons. He would net, however, be
so hurried en by news aper reports as to forget that he was
in that House to leg stage for his fellow-countrymen. The
people in England, on hearing this would make great lamen-
tation, and exclaim, " How horrible !" and yet no person ever
thought of asking for the actual return of these ejectmente.
The Noble Lord said that the House had no rieht to interfere
with the rights of property. What was every tax—every
railway Bill that came before the House, and was passed
but such an interference ? and yet such an interference was
to be made with the rights of the subject. The
truth was, however, that the man who was horn on the suit
had a right to derive his subsistence from it. It was asked,
how were agrarian outrages to be put down ? It was not by
coercive measures, or Protection to Life Bills, that it was to be
done, but by an altetation of the law of fixed property to re-
move the expense attendant on its sale, so as to render its
transfer more easy, and to make way for a new set of pro•
pi ietors. It was by a total revision of the law of landlord and
tenant. The evils of Ireland were social evils, and therefore
he must say tnat he thought the conduct of Government had
been marked by great indiscretion. When the Lord Chan-
cellor of Ireland took upon himself to dismlss all those magis-
trates who professed the doctrines of repeal, he committed
what was worse than a crime—he committed a great political
blunder—for if any one thing more than another set
the peasantry against the Bench, it was that dis-
missal. The Government had also committed another error,
which was recalled to his mind by some observations made the
other night by an Hon. Member. It was complained that the
Protestant ascendancy in Irelard was gone. Let the House
look at the long panel in t ipperary. That county was quiet
enough in the time of Lord Normanby, but that was attributed
to hie toadying the great agitator. The conduct of the Go-
vernment with regard to the grand jury was much to be com-
plained of. In 1839. there were on the long panel in Tip-
perary 118 Catholic gentlemen, and 100 names were on the
list. In the year 1844 that number hail decreased to 43, and
the names on the list were only 10 in number. In 1846 they
had dwindled down to 17, and the names on the list were
only 5; and at the last sessions, out of two or three Catholic
gentlemen, only one was empanelled. That gentleman was
decidedly a man of considerable worth and respectability ; but
why were other gentlemen, of equal worth and respectability,
omitted from the grand jury. If the Hon. Member for
Tipperary were not then in the House, he ( rapt. Bernal
0-borne) would attest to his worth, and yet he was not on
the gt and bury in consequence of his political opinion. There
were also two Members sitiing near him to whom similar
circumstances had occurred. Was it
,passible, therefore, for
the peasantry of Ireland to look upon the law in any other
light than a one-side and prejudiced judge? In undertaking
to second the motion brought forward by the Hon. Learned
Gentleman, he could not say that he participated in all his
sentements, of which, however, he admired the sincerity and
genius. He di I not agree with his (sir, O'Connell) opinions
as to the separation of the English and Irish Legislature. He,
as a resident iu the country, did not think that repeal was a
panacea for its evils, but at the same time let him warn the House,
that in passine a measure of a coercive character, that it must
take into account. first, the power they gave the Honourable
Gentleman to continue his agitation for repeal, and the effect
that the measure would have en the public mind. Let the
House discuss it as WI might. Men of all parties in Ireland
were discontented with the English Government They said
that it was ignorant of the Irish interest, and indifferent to
to their prejudices. What was the effect of Lord Grey's
Bill ? It drove many moderate met, into the ranks of the
repeaters He (Captain B. Osborne) was favourable to the
maintenance of the Union, but he mast say, that if the union
was only to be maintained by such measures of coercion, he
would rather see it at once repealed. He lamented that the
Right Honourable Gentleman at the head of the Government,
who had shown himself on a question of commerce able to
shake himself from the trammels of party consented to take
the old end oft-repeated story of Irish disturbances. The
Honourable Gentleman had told the House that there
was an evil genius in the t abinet. That genius was of an
orange hue, and its spirit yet clime to the system of Govern-
ment in Ireland. and secretly encouraged coercive measures.
Whatever power the Hon. Gentleinan might possess over the
Government, he (Captain B. Osborne) called on the House
not to be led away by a measure which would entrench on the
tights and liberties of his Irish fellow subjects.—( Cheers.)
Mr. S. HERBERT said that he would not revert in any
way to the private teplcs the Hen. Gentleman had just intro-
duced. He would speak with great respect of all felonious ad:
vaneed in that House by any gentleman who had spent a part
of his time in Ireland, and who had done his duty in that
Country towards the truantry under
_him ;_ and,

bow it would in any way env._
count
.—( Hear, anise' _ ..
ha,nparty expressions of the Honourable pone the measure until they had discovered' . ,at origin.
hear.) That was the twentieth measure, as was remarkedut
~-I:riitiiiinegmant,o
the Hon. arid Learned Gentleman ( Mr. O'Connell) who a assured him that he did so without any if the House were to grant every concessime, they would find ago, that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman declared his t;onfi-
lytect, or in the least degree disparaging the repetition of all these evils; utiles, they- were to be in the deuce that the grievance was about to be redressed. There
preceded him, that had been introduced since the onien of a
coercive nature, and out of these twenty measures he (Cap, ~ whicheniering.nhtehrepresented. He booed that every member, first instance checked by the strong hand, other grievances was a commission appointed on that subject in 18 ',6, and the
B. Osborne ) never heard that one of them had the effect of fie manner usedis di•ntssilos would adopt the calm and tern would spring up. What they waetted at pia sen. measure that was introduced was passed in this-llousei but
removing the causes, or patting down the consequences of Irish wa„s Here
4,..,tte tb,/, the Hon. taeritiaman in brining it for- was to give protection and libert, not only to hrown out, I think, in the other House of Parliament. Three
grievances. grievances.—(Hear, hear.) The causes of bill crime were and he would not '"' these Party topics had been introduced, landlords, but to the po Jeer (laves of Ireland, who did look or four years were taken in the discussion of the ern'asure, and it
well known. Columns of evidence gave ample proot that the as he was alludecorn to them further than to say• that as far to Government as the source from whence the y were to receive is yet incomplete. After all the promises made to the people
murders in that country arose out of disputes about land, as nothing would indu'eawhatever station he held in that House, some protection from the evils under which they were labour- of Ireland at the Union and afterwards have been broken, it is
was not the case in England. Yet the Government, knowine for such discussions. him to assist in making Ireland a theme .
He was landlord • ing, so that they might pursue their industry --the true staple now only in the year 1646, that the Right lion. Baronet has
all that. either through inability, ignorance. or laziness, weir' interest in the welfare of a himself and took an of the country, upon which, more than '•• • dthat the Corporations of Ireland shall be placed on the
upon legislative enact- promise
at the present moment more ready to resuseitate an infamous interest in its fate and
the country. lie took the warmest mentor, the prosperity of Ireland depended.—(Cheers.) ,itne fortis as those of England. I say that that does
and inoperative measure than to introduce one that would being a willing and
pion anmisfortunes, ono he could tray say that, Lord J. RUSSELL then rose and said—Sir, I rise with titsiw very great tardinees to do justice to Ireland. Does it not
..strike at the root of the evil.—(Cries of ••• :leer, hear.") flou,e, he held op adveptitaerty to the measure before the deep anxiety. for the purpose of supporting the measure intro- in a great di,gree justify the mistrust which is exhibited. when
Would it be believed that, in the sixth century of English the country. isle man was more t 4 an rigorous treatment of duced by the Right Itin. Baronet ; and it is with gre it satie. you decl re yur wish to legislate for the good of l'eland
',rule in Ireland, and in the present enlightenedthat that an advocate of this warmlymeasure yti more reasonably faction that Ido so. because the sp eches which trams been isitien you declare that you are as anxious for the good of Ire-
'. House was about to tarn a measure, one of the provisions of and hoped woulJ ultimately intrsdusenn he beLeved made on this subject. beeinning with the Right Hon. Baronet land as the Irish themselves, and that the psi-
which enatiled the tare to transtiort a man for being out of his between par lee In Ireland, a
as.,,i.date•diffebretter feelosgs the Secretary for the Home Department, to those tty tubers of vii yes of Englishmeii you are ready to communi-
cabin after sunset?—(Hear, hear.) He was astonished at a the prosperitj of the country. In the sia,,,eherlotretia3"% to the Government who had spoken last in the disc ession 1 retie to our fellow subjects en the , ther side the Channel.
Government, professing so much concern for enlighteement, Gentleman I hathl
had
that the intention
,)f
meeting
Hon. readily confess that when cases are brought before us of the Sir, there.is another important guestien, on which, perhaps.
bringing forward a measure brimful of martial law and mss- measure by
delay
d hbeeenflognivet" up
In the speech which tilt;
sl
many crimes committed in Ireland—crimes of a diet sdful cha- 1 should hardly have alluded,. . the_h:e,oGve,,rteimenet had niit be-i
goeratie.—( Hear, hear.) ln 1824, he found that the present just been deliver(ei ...
fi tt
and mtC rlntleinan rather seemed to be rattler, committed in different counties—that we by our union conic debtors to I. eland upittnitoit T
the 'inure irifniranndtinarrlanit:ed.
Cinsef Justice for Ireland, then Mr. Blackburne, in his evi- tor the unoppos, rs
lih7ftelrints, reserving the dis- w lr,dand have taken upon our•elves the resit°, it:ibid.), ot a Commission to inquirettn,e,„
through Velem!, and evidence
legislating for them, I admit that we are bound ,to afford That Commission took jo .
&Incas before a Committee, stated, in reply to the question, cussion for the third. t
wouldoft ce.sconventence of the.known that recommendations were to
s, what measures are best calculated to improve the eon- House to discuss the applicability , .h' Bill to different story due protection to life on the one hand, v tithout un- was obtained. and it oat
necessarily int •that every person expected some
infringing " on the liberty of the subject on be male, and I believ to. . .
d.tion a the people of Ireland?" that, generally speaking, classes, and not to make comparison between this Bill and the the oth•the existing relations of landlord
other. t Hear, hear
s eduitation and employment were the best means ;" for, though other Bills brought in under different circumstances. Li no upon 'hem h • ) Such was the burden remedy would be give n
in]that
Bill Parliament can pass can so
Coercion
Acts might put down crime for a while, yet they observation of toe Hon. Gentleman who had spoken was there were bound y the terms of the union, and that burden they and tenant. That any.
to bear. Nowwhen I tions that there will not be much to be left
could not make the order of things heeler." Then M 4. the least attempt to deny the case of emergency on whichtells
ome that he wishes • s the Right Hon. Gentleman regulate these re a f —to the justice
and sense of fair-
Bill. The state- he says to be le t
this Bill to be read a first time—when —the greater part
Howley, an assistant barrister, stated in his evidence that the Government rested the necessity of the that he think's he has stated ration and go d sense of the landlords in the
" the ordinary law, eend the Secretary for the narrative of crime to • sufficiently at length this ness, and mod a
carried out and administered with temper, ment made by his flight Hon. Ft induce the House to a . i . • first first • tepee and partly go the tenant, no man can deny.
would be quite sufficient fin. the maintenance t remained unchanged. The only allegation readin g 1 do, Sir, agree with him far, cc"
to tie ins •
order."— of peace and Home De
.'of thin s makes it absolutely
so that I t kink, also, Why, this vete R
they necessary that
( year, hear.) Such Hon. Gentleman, that the first reading
was the wr.tten evidence uf an made was that which was made by the . . of this measure ma be till do all can. It
assistant-barrister tor a Tistate of society was sling so, Ido not hold myself relieved fromy taken; but in the Legislature sho..is necessary, in the
of terary riding.—( Hear.) It would which seemed to prove that the.
pbe first pities'. that where remedies can be given b legislation, y
ihe in the recollectionrepresented to be. of stating, that so far as the Government the ld be iven• Then -
cJecasion the inecorit Hon. Gentlemen that on a recent not so much disorganised as it was repres' measure is to be ad that legtsla ma shou g • all that you can do in
the existing Is, er of Dublin gave it as his opinion. that. The state of society was such in Ireland that
the greatest mitted, that is a question hereafter for this Hoe idecider.- of prevention 01 crime, and taking -
is., to the way P away the cause of
1 the Looking to the Bill itself, there are many dau Parliament 0
tits-fiances, though was sufficient for the suppression of all dis- difficulty existed in regard to the obligation of leases; and d ses in it which, crime by any power p ssesses, should
he (Captain • 'i ion re uire to be rectified . be done
that Learned and Right B. Osborne) did not know how subadiv,sion of land into small portions was enforced in such ain my oin ~ 9 an theren ire, although on the proposition of the Government, and by
to the firs'
a statement with the
y,t Hon. Gentleman could reconcile such wanner as produce the worst results. If this system went on, . this House should consent,
reading
of the Bill, I Bills laid with their consent, and framed
The Right Hon, s i e given subseepiently by him —(Hear ) the inevitable result would he that the land would be rendered think myself bound to slatethat, in the fort ter stages of the the direction of the Houses of Parliament —( H . under
des -aiding ou th.,,,‘,,ecr"tarY for the Home De ni t • *
i ment whet' valueless and whole produce swallowed up toy the residence measure, -. a
' I eh.►ll have objections to offer A iliell ill
" go to the I - '' " t before the second re ' •
sat, I trust. nir, t iatear, hear. )
ading of this Bill •
amount of -
nesir. gave hiniseif the trouble crime in Ireland, never, it would upon it. If any man sets op in opposition to tots a:ate ' rounuation o• -- ith that which they might '•
'''
' a i f I dli rd • Olio House with
were to he atiributed.—(Haar.)
to inquire sie what these crimes of thing., and struggles against it, he, that man, must suffer. , blame the Government wrespect to the law o an • and tenant, from which we
him lbws; such was caused baart•) Now, why did it not occur to No man could perform the functions of a landlord unless he ' not, perhaps, be very well able to avoid 1 shall be enabled to gather what are th intentions of the Go
—( Hear_hear, a t
s •n 1n43 )t'he hernduet of Government itself ? had the consideration and enjoyed the protection of the Legis. ' mean the inerea.e of Crime in Irela'' II in my Ycrotnent upon this subject. In asking this, I think lam ask:
and the excitement pro( uced in ;van Commission was issued, latore•—( Rear, hear.) But his °Wet was to show i" answer views these crimes are connected with a social condition of ing no more than Lord Althorp and Lord Stanley were' ready
Commission, could sot be overrat
Ireland by the issuing of that to the statement of the Honourable Gentleman opposite, how Ireland which
.has arisen from time to time—whnlh has "hi" to propose when they rendered themselves responsible for the
and the powers with winch it was e, as from its constitution far this Bill would oto Protect the poorer classes, It was bited a formidable front at several periods, ranging from eighty severe Coercion Bull of 1635. I was not then disposed to.
greatest expectations were eaten a sttuppo...ed to be inves•ed, the said that it was aglow for the benefit "f the landi"rd's vears ago Soon after the rein of George 111. , crimes of this shrink from the reseonsibili.y of a Coercion Bill, as I thought
at
of the Commitiien wound iip h,
sued' --t. Hear.) The reportthe instead 'the weak, h. h - kind . dattention the House bun the causes the time it was necessary fort he purposa of
to protect strong o
'durance and sufferings nf the hi
ithat " the pa•ient en. in their „ppress.ion taw the poor. In answer to that of these crimes wire so doubtful that we ourselves had never I had too other feeling in acceding to the provisions of that
* entitled them to the most serious raeolnabideurers of Ireland he though, fie would show that the principle murders cem- considered what was the prosper remedy for the di tease. At measure, Inn I iim not convinced that 1
,_ _it is recess Irthat you
House ; and yet a Bill. founded on the rep,:rt 'ration of t- e mitted in Ireland, and the ou rages that took place, were not this moment every species of crime seems to he cot roniited in should have similar provisiettisetn_tne Rill to be proposed at theu
the previsions of which were so ridlous that' the
introduced, upon oersons in the higher rani, of life, but amonio the poor that utihappy country ; but when we ask Ahst is the remedy to present time. I tnink that the
htlailvl, with other provisions more
- for the measure a sort of fixity of feure, as heey establ-shed and defenceless. Especially was this the case in the midnight be appLed, I own that the experience of all reflectit•g indivi- resembling those Acts w
hi
in
E. e passed with respect to the
• still lay a dead letter in the House where,
it had bebeeli,e", it attacks, against which this Bill was intended more especially dualsseems to be that we ought net to be satisfied with eneasure s crimes of this nature, Pot ngland and Ireland, would be
tro
for
the and laughter. The Right n -Zt In- to provide, and its provisions would be found of more value to merely of a coercive nature, Sir, I think that when ere con- more effectual for the urP(P'es Lod would be less liable to ex
tary for the Home Department, citing the Hon.language -acre- the poorer classes than those for whom it was said to be pro. cider that Legislative Acts of this nature have been enforced from cite irritation and discontent, which are the very things they-
Fox is 1797, said, " that Ireland should be legislatd r Mr. posed. The rich man could b mica& his doors and windows, the time of George I.—when measures were passed to restrain ought to avoid. Let us recollect that in legislating upon this
a regard to Irish feelings and prejudi(,,
Hear.orhts.ierth and, with the a,s,,tance 01 his arms and servants, stand a siege deer stealing in the neighbourhood of Waltham—it is impera- subject—although we aerte with the Rightßaronet
from Sir James Graham.) Now he ( Captain B. Osboern 'll
I against the midnight assassins ; but the poor man's life was five on this House to adopt measures, however severe they the Secretary of State for. the FLatne Department, and the
did no: know what id -a the Right Hon. Gentleman enter_e) exposed without the least protection. His wretched cabin may seem, to restrain the outrages which have been exhibited Right Hon. Gentleman
.wh,to last addressed the House, that
twined of Irish prejiiiices and feeling-, but if any pried we . without windows, and with scarcely any covering offered to this muss in
slid, vivid „Amin. These outrage have gone i there can b herpes ore soma evil to the poor, as well as to the
wanted to show that he entertained no idea of eith • were lim resistance aa• t the •d 'slit incsnctiar He ' lan t ovalence of the toe
which had already existed Murders I rich, t i geniee bands
either, it was i hail s ins mi 111, Y• beyond the enactments • • .who take the
h and - • •
the itnroduetienof
the present Kill, a Bid so powerless that \ cabinno servants to stand by him, and the thatch of his have been committed, but I still think.that we ought to have case of every man, ric poor, into their des sions
he did not think the G offeredls cases , and
. Government were serious in their intes ' h an ego), honey to the !lames It ought sufficient grounds before we exact the penalty. - I thitic before whose. secret trtbuna . are not weighed in the
ton of passing it—so weak, inoperative -, t eretore to
so was it, that it seemed i ofthe 'be distinctly borne inh ' but dished downand decided
hand
of
mind t..at the night clauses ttia. we ought to have sufficient indications of the crinse. Take scale of just.e.e, •
the eoneeetion a aweak present
and vacillating cabinet.—( Hear. ) andßill offered the greatest protection to file
pour, t rte example of persons who have been found with their faces i the assassin—while we agree that there can be no greater evil
proved that the
emulation urged so strongly affable the blackened, and with destructive arms in their heath, ; these, than this, yet in legislating for Ireland we must not forget the