The Sun.
London, England, 1848-12-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 5, 1848,

assembling in it. The Lord Chancellor, after going
shortly through the facts, stated hig opinion to be that
th,'. Vice-Chancellor bad come to a right conclusion, and
affirmed his judgment.
Appeal dismissed wiih costs.
WOOD V. WOOD.

The further arguments on this part-heard appeal
were then proceeded with and occupied his Lordship the
remainder of the morning.

ROLLS' COURT.-(THIS DAY.)
Motions of no general interest occupied the Court the
whole day.

VICE CHANCERY.-(THIS DAY).
(Before the VICE-CHANCELLOR of ENGLAND.)
ATTORNEY-GENERAL V. THE EARL OF STAMFORD.
The further argument in this part-heard cause occupied
his Honour the Vice-Chancellor of England the
whole morning.
(Before the Vice, Chancellor KNIGHT BRUCE.)
COWARD V. COWARD.
His HONOUR, after disposing; of the several cases that
stood on the paper to be spoken to, proceeded to hear the
further arguments in this part-heard case.
(Before the Vice-Chancellor WIGRAM.)
EAST AND WEST INDIA DOCK COMPANY V. LITTLEDALE.
In this case, which stood on the paper for judgment to-
day, his HONOUR ordered the motion to stand over till
the Parsee merchants had put in their answer, or until
further order.

QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY.)
(Before Mr. Justice WIGHTRAN.)
I)AUBENY V. PDIPPS.

Tiais was an action to recover the amount of an at-
torney's bill for 4381., for services rendered to the
Northampton, Lincoln, and Hull Direct Railway, in
filling up notices and serving them on the occupiers of
land. The defendant was one of the managing directors.
The plaintiff, it appeared, had brought four actions
against other directors fur the amount. The defence
was that the bill was overcharged. The jury gave a
verdict for 3001.

LITERA TURE.

THREE MONTHS IN POWER. Translate:el
from the French of Alphonse de Lamartine. By H.. 1.
Ryde.
Our readers will find in, the present translatiota,
the celebrated work of M. de Linnartine—the Trois
Alois Aux Pouvoir, in which the statesman of the re-
volution vindicated his conduct and his policy as a
member of the Provisional Government and of the
Executive Commission. It presents, in 226 pages,
au English version of the historical chapters, in which
Lamartine refuted the calumnies promulgated against
him by the reactionaires or counter-revolutionists.
Mr. Ryde, already known by his admirable trarislis-
tion of the " History of the Girondists," has here re-
produced the " Three Months in Power" in his own
language. In his own language, we repeat, rather
than in that of the illustrious original. Predisposed
as we were to be gratified on opening the volume., we
are rieverthekss compelled, in justice to M. de Lamar-
tine, to say that the eloquence of his noble writings
and orations has in this volume been sometimes di-
luted by negligence, and sometimes distorted by the
most perverse misapprehension of his mean-
ing. We will show the correctness of our
assertion by a few examples ; and we will select tbose
examples by turning over the leaves at random. On
reading the original " Letter to the Ten Departments ,"
we well remember the emotion with which we heard
from the lips of the orator how the heavenly inspira-
tion of abolishing the punishment of death first des-
cended into the bosoms of himself and his colleagues.
Now let us see how Mr. Ryde gives the closing sen-
tence in the description of that incident. "Never:
shall I forget the moment when this proposal, ema-
nating from our hearts, was carried unanimously, amid
throwing ourselves into each other's arms, we ex-
changed a long embrace." "Je n'oublierai jamais le
moment ou, cette proposition sortie du cceur de totes
et votee par tous, nous tombames dans les bras les tans
des autres en nous donnant le baiser de vie I" The kiLs
of life ! an expression so exquisitely felicitous at tha t
moment is thus tortured into the inanity of " a
long embrace." One of the most impassioned sen-
tences in the whole brochure is the one beginning--
" Pendant que je le pleurais, pendant que l'archeveque,
(Re.," which is here dwindled into, " Whilst I mourned
his loss,whilst the Archbishop of Paris, &c."—pendant
que je le pleurais I Occasionally, it is true, tho
diction of Lamartine is too daintily idiomatic to admit
of a literal version, as where he concludes his re-
buttal of the charges of peculation with the trium-
phant—" .211. Buloz est la!" And which the trans-
lator expresses in the paraphrase—" M. Buloz is still
in Paris." But at other times Mr. Ryde renders the
original in words of unnecessary feebleness. He
terminates the " Reply to M. Edouard Dupont" thus,
for example—" What are we doing now, gentlemen,"
&c., the fervid:exclamation of the statesman being—
"Eh ! que faisons-nous done, messieurs, que fait
aujourd'hui notre pays, si ce n'est la plus sublime
de toutes les poCisies !" The most monstrous perver-
sion, however, that has arrested our observation in
the whole book occurs in the sublime speech in which
M. de Lamartine on the 24th of February asked how
a firm and popular Government could be drawn from
the chaos and floating elements of the Revolution—
replying "En descendant dans le fond meme du
pays, en allant extraire, pour ainsi dire, ce grand
mystere du droit national." En descendant dans le
fond mints du pays Mr. Ryde explains by " descend-
ing into the very bowels of the earth ! !!" A school-
boy could scarcely have made a more melancholy
blunder. He might as well have said that Govern-
ments can be excavated from the pit of a salt mine.
" By descending into the very bowels of the earth !"
The book is unworthy of the translator of the " His-
tory of the Girondists."

LONDON UNIVERSITY.
LL.D. EiANINATioN, 1848.
Carr, John Rodham, Manchester (New); Wood,
Frederick John (gold medal) University.

LL.B. EXAMINATION, 1848.
FIRST DIVISION.—Garvey, Michael Angelo, High-
bury; Osier, Timothy Smith, University; Steere, Ed-
ward, University.

SECOND DrisioN.—Smith Edward, Queen's (Bir-
mingham).

EXAMINATION IN THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD
TESTAMENT, THE GREEK TEXT OF THE NEW TESTA-
MENT, AND SCRIPTURE HISTORY, 1848.
CLASS L—Halley, Robert, University; Lee, James,
Western; *Stephenson, William Rawson, University.
CLASS I.l.—Bagshawe, Edward Gilpin, St. Mary's,
Oscott; Fowler, Robert Nicholas, University; Sher-
ring, Matthew Atmore, University; Williams, Robert
G ritfi th, University.

N.B. SECOND EXAMINATION, 1848-EXAMINATION FOR

HONOURS.
PHYSIOLOGY AND COMPARATIVE ANATOHY.—Savory,
William Scovell (gold medal), St. Bartholomew's Hos.
pital, and Habershon, Samuel Osborne (gold medal),
Guy's Hospital (equal, the award of the gold medal is
not yet decided); Shelley, Hubert, Guy's Hospital, and
Wilks, Samuel, Guy's Hospital (equal); Hooper, Daniel,
Guy's Hospital..

Sonenre; —ShpHay, 11:-Tnhprh. (sehninrchip anrl war]
medal), Guy's Hospital; Savory, William, Scovell (gold
medal), St. Bartholomew's Hospital; Hooper, Daniel,
Guy's Hospital; Wilks, Samuel, Guy's Hospital; Woosi-
forde, William Thomas Garrett, University College;
Habershon, Samuel Osborne, Guy's Hospital; Gill, Wal-
ter Battershell, King's College; Evans, John Owen,
University College; Palmer, Edward, University Col-
lege; Copeman, Arthur Charles, King's College.
MEDlClNE.—Habershon, S.O. (scholarship and gold
medal), Guy's Hospital; Hooper, Daniel (gold medal),
Guy's Hospital; Gill, Walter Battershell, King's Col-
lege; Wilks, Samuel, Guy's Hospital; Sibson, Francis,
University of Edinburgh; Savory, William Scovell, St.
Bartholomew's Hospital; Palmer, Edward, University
College; Shelley, Hubert, Guy's Hospital.
MIDWIFERY.—Savory, W. S. (gold medal), St. Bar-
lolomew's -Hospital. Copeman, A. C., King's College.

M.D. EXAMINATION, 1848.
FIRST DIVISION.—Barnes, Robert, Medical School
adjoining St. George's Hospital; Brinton, William,
King's College; Browne, Henry, King's College; Parsey
William Henry, King's College; Payne, Arthur James,
King's College; Russell, James, King's College; Sibson,
Francis (gold medal for his Commentary), University
of Edinburgh; Smith, William Tyler, Bristol Medical
School; Whittle, Ewing, Royal College of Surgeons in

SECOND DIVISION.—Pyper, Robert Deverill, Mid-
dlesex Hospital; Randall, John, St. Bartholomew's
Hospital.

* Mr. Stephenson was reported by the examiners to have
passed an excellent examination in all the subjects.

AWFUL APPARITION.—On Tuesday, as a matron,
in Huxter-row, was stirring up a goodly potful of kale,
she was surprised to find her chimney take to.smoking in
an unusual manner, to the great detriment of the flavour
of her soup. The nuisance continued to become worse
and worse, till she began to conjecture that the wind. had
ssutoroedl y taken
middlet o blowing
offloor,erpengdeizciunlgaral.
amazed and anxious, down came a mass of soot, and.
herthe Wh
fireplace,lWhile
she
another, and another—some sweep had evidently mis-
taken the chimney which he had been employed to clean.
She screeched out at the top of her lungs, but the soot
continued to pour down continuously, and she was about
to run from the house, when down came something she
instantly recognised to be a living creature. Oh, hor-
ror! it was hairy, had sharp eyes which winked inces-
santly, and was black all over, except where it showed a
set of teeth, which grinnedsavagely at the terror-stricken
lady. It sat on the lid of the kale-pot, amidst a mound
of soot, in a posture which resembled that which a hu-
man being might be supposed likely to adopt in similar
circumstances. The old lady bolted, leaving the appa-
rition to preside over, her dinner, and when she disap-
peared the visitor jumped from his resting place and
sprung among the shelves, where, in graceful order, the
old dame's crockery had been arranged, and which he
knocked down and smashed in a manner which it would
have done Hugh Fraser's heart good to behold. The
dame soon returned with assistance, when it was disco-
vered that the intruder was a monkey, kept by Mr.
Smith, of the Crown Tavern, which had escaped from
an attic window of his house, clambered along the roof,
and slipped down the chiinney.—Akerdeen Herald.
'RAGGED AND INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS.-0n Friday
evening a very large meeting of the inhabitants of the
city of London was held at the Hall of Commerce,
Threadneedle-street, for the purpose of assisting and pro-
moting the formation of ragged and industrial schools in
and around the metropolis, and thus checking the great
and lamentable increase of juvenile depravity. The
Right Hon. the Lord Mayor took the chair. His Lord-
ship briefly expressed the gratification he felt at seeing
the large hall so densely crowded, as it was a strong
evidence of the interest the subject excited; and he
sincerely trusted that the efforts they were about to
make would be crowned with success. The Reverend
Mr. Champneys proceeded to read the report of the
committee, which, in strongly urging the necessity of
some steps to promote the formation of ragged schools,
mentioned the following instance :—" At Mile-end
New Town a ragged school was formed in 1846, under
the auspices of Lord Ashley. It was formed of a
stable, cow-house, and a piggery, altered into one room
at an expense of 1504, and capable of receiving
300 children. About 250 children go there, tho greater
number of whom have been imprisoned or are utterly
destitute. There are in the vicinity 1,327 children, only
145 of whom can read, and only 166 attend any school."
The report then proceeded to detail a variety of cases of
privation and destitution; and urged, as a strong argu-
ment
ment in favour of liberally supporting these schools, the
enormous cost entailed upon the country by the prose-
cution of crime. In one case of a robbery and murder
the coat of the prosecution was 1,3091.75. 6d., and during
ws paesc
ja,14c304n1.2 tiasbsl.e
ds.t
;a vtehse
sfeo ru
nli6t e
dmseutmr osp
bo leiitnagn
supaffireisiehnets
the period of the late Chartist disturbances, the cost of
to maintain Leven largo industrial schools for one year.
Several clergymen and gentlemen then addressed the
meeting, and resolutions in support of the appeal made
to the public were unanimously agreed to, and the meet-
ing, which was both numerous and respectable, sepa-
rated. A very fair list of subscriptions, given since the
publication of the appeal, was announced in the course
of the evening.
TESTIMONIAL TO A CLERGYMAN.—A service of
plate has been purchased by subscription in the town of
Great Yarmouth, for presentation to the Rev. Henry
Mackenzie, M.A., for some time vicar of that parish, but
who has recently been presented by the Bishop of Lou-
don to the Incuaße of fit. Marlin's-in-the-Fields,

THE RECLAMATION OF WASTE
LAND IN IRELAND.
LETTER I.

TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD JOHN RUSSELL, M.P.
My Lord,—ln again proposing to address your
Lordship upon the reclamation of waste lands as one
of the best means of alleviating the social condition of
Ireland, I think it would be more becoming if in this
first letter I were to refer to the observations which
fell from your Lordship in the House of Commons on
this important subject.
Yeur Lordship laid down the formidable objection
to the proposal That Government should employ the
People with your usual clearness; that proposition
which Sir Robert Peel would have taken a mortal
hour to announce your Lordship disposed of in a
sentence : "It was unwise for the State to afford
employment to the people, because such conduct
interfered with the private employment of labour."
But I venture to submit to your Lordship and to
the country, that the enunciation of that principle had
nothing to do with the subject before the House, ex-
cept indeed it had been the herald of an argument
showing that it was essentially necessary for a wise
statesman to adopt this pernicious principle in the
present condition of Ireland.
Had such been your Lordship's intention, then
indeed the assertion of the correct principle, and an
exposure of the evils attendant upon its violation,
would have been a most graceful exordium to a
proposal for the adoption of so dangerous a remedy.
Your Lordship is well aware that the adoption of
a dangerous remedy is by no means an unusual prac-
tice with master minds. The physician often restores
the patient to health by the application of the most
subtle poison. A Lawrence or a Brodie never want
the moral courage to say to the friends of a suffering
patient, we recommend such a remedy although it is
of a most dangerous character, and is contrary to
the usual practice of the profession ; we cannot be
certain of a successful result. You see the deplorable
condition of your friend—say, shall we proceed ?
And this is just the difference between a statesman
and a red tapist—the latter contents himself with
quoting some wise saws, and leaves circumstances to
work out a cure, or a death, as the event may prove,
perfectly careless of the misery which is experienced
in either ease—provided, forsooth, he has not violated
the rules of political economy; while the sagacious
statesman knows no other rule than to apply the best
remedy to the existing circumstances of every case.
Passing over Napoleon's opinion of the ruin which
would inevitably attend a country governed by poli-
tical economists, every day's experience proves the
correct estimate the late Dr. Arnold formed of their
character—he termed them " One-eyed men," and
" One-eyed men" they have undoubtedly proved them-
selves to be upon this, and every important, question.
The difference between the statesman and the
political economist is this—the former lays down
rules of action for each particular case, not consi-
dered in relation to that case alone, but on a wise
view of its extended ramification ; the latter lays
down general principles, the adoption of which he
forces into each case, totally regardless of their effects
upon most important objects. Hence the truthful-
ness of the appellation, " One-eyed men."
A more apposite example of the gaucherie of these
" One-eyed men" could not possibly be given than the
very case under consideration. They say it is ad-
mitted to be unwise for the State to afford employ-
ment to the people ; and, therefore, the State must
not afford employment to the people in Ireland.
The statesman admits in its fullest extent the truth
and the justice of the proposition—that it is unwise
for the State to afford employment to the People—
but he points to other elements which lead him to the
inevitable conclusion that it may be most wise for the
State to afford employment to the people in Ireland ;
or, more correctly speaking, to the people in certain
parts of Ireland.
Those elements arise out of the Poor-law—for the
people of this empire have determined that the first
charge upon all property shall be a provision for the
poor, right or wrong, and in defiance of all conse-
quences, this is the determination of an immense ma-
jority of the people in Great Britain.
But this principle applied for the first time to a
country situated as some parts of Ireland are, neces-
sarily involved the interference of the State ; and, at
this moment, the State is in some unions distributing
the property of individuals towards the relief of the
poor—as glaring a violation of the abstract principle
of the duty of a State as it is possible to contemplate,
and yet one essentially necessary.
This duty Having been forced upon the State, the
question surely is, what are the best means of perform-
ing it, with reference to the present emergency and to
future consequences?
The political economist says, feed the people in
idleness, because one of our rules will be violated if
you employ them ; but the reply of the statesman
carries conviction to every mind—we are sorry to be
it vheant %
whenit
h-
u forced
woobliged to employ the people ; but we have been
to
eaisioadiefml"neraafizdlseg,
a better condition of things shall arise, and work can
ik
ee
peopleth erabread, l
b,
be had, they will refuse it.
Who but " One-eyed men" would prefer feeding
people in idleness, to giving them work in exchange
for food ?
But, independent of the fact that Government have
been compelled to become the distributors of food,
there are other important considerations which would
render it most wise for the Government to disregard
the saws of the " One-eyed men," and these shall be
the subject of another letter.
I have the honour to remain, my Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient servant,
RIGBY WASON.

COURT CIRCULAR.
OSBORNE, MONDAY.
Her Majesty and the Prince Albert have taken
their usual walks this morning in the grounds.
The younger branches of the Royal Family have
taken their accustomed exercise.
Lord and Lady John Russell left Osborne this
forenoon for Southampton, in her Majesty's yacht, the
Fairy.

Lo-rd George Lennox is expected to arrive this
afternoon.

Their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of
Cambridge and the Princess Mary arrived at their
residence at Kew yesterday,' from Brighton.
The state apartments in Windsor Castle are open
gratuitously to the public on Mondays, Tuesdays,
'Thursdays, and Fridays.
The Lord Chamberlain's tickets may be obtained
whom
in London, gratis, of Messrs. Paul and Dominic
Colnaghi, printsellers, 14, Pall-mall East ; Mr. Moon,
y
printseller, 20, Threadneedle-street; Mr. Mitchell,
bookseller, 33, Old Bond-street ; Messrs. Ackermann
and Co., print tellers, PG, Strand ; Mr. Wright, book-
seller, 60, Pall-mall. O
Tfohreyone Penn each.
available Of
for also Guide
not transferable, and it is
contrary one
week
from
may
the
dayo s
they
'a command that payment
for, or in reference to them, be made, to any per-
son whatever.
The hours of admission to the State Apartments
laree
ebtickets
obtained,
t st
oua nhd rdr
Majesty
are, from the ]st of April to the 31st October, be-
tween eleven and four, and from Ist November to 31st
March, between eleven and three.
Mr. Bernal,
Mr. Hodges, with some gentlemen,
forming a deputation from Rochester, had an interview
with Sir George Grey yesterday at the Home-office.
Air. H. A. Herbert, M.P., had an interview with
the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday. Mr.
Pressly, Secretary to the Board of Stamps and
Taxes, had also an interview yesterday with the
Right Hon. Baronet, at his official residence in
Downing-street.
Lord and Lady John Russellreturned
afternoon to Pembroke Lodge, Richmond Park, from
her Majesty's marine residence, Osborne, Isle of
yesterday
Wight.
The Right Hon. Fox Maule, Secretary at War,
and the Hon. Mrs. Fox Maule, have arrived in town
from Scotland.

INSURANCE ASSOCIATION FOR THE INSURANCE OF
IRON SHIPS AND STEADI-BOATS.—WC understand that
in consequence of the refusal of underwriters to insure
iron ships on equitable terms, the iron ship proprietors
and others interested in the manufacture of iron vessels,
have determined to institute a mutual insurance com-
pany, to be called the London Liberal Insurance Asso-
ciation, for the Insurance of Iron ships and Steam-boats,
for the purpose of effecting mutual insurances on iron
ships, vessels, and steamers, on such a basis as must be
satisfactory to all owners of iron vessels. Mr. Thomas
C. Gibson, of Gracechurch-street, has prepared a set of
tables for this purpose, and in a short time we hope to
see the " London Liberal Asiociation" in full operation.
DREADFUL FlRE.—Last night at a late hour a
conflagration took place in the Hackney-road, Cam-
bridge-heath, by which one house with its contents were
destroyed, and another nearly so. It originated in the
shop of a linen draper, and although only a few minutes
elapsed before several engines had arrived, the flames
had spread with such rapidity, that in two hours the de-
struction was complete. Both parties are fully insured
in the Royal Exchange and Guardian offices. The loss
sustained is about 500/.
WEST RIDING ELECTION.—Mr. Denison was to
have addressed the section of electors of the Sheffield
polling district last evening, but was prevented from
carrying out his intention by an attack of the gout.
POST-OFFICE NOTlCE.—Yesterday notice was
issued at the General Post Office, St. Martin's•le- Grand,
that mails would be made up this morning, the sth inst.,
for Minorca, Palermo, and Naples, to be conveyed by
her Majesty's sloop Rosamond. Letters Is. 6d. the
half-ounce, and so on. Newspapers to Minorca free ;to
Naples and Sicily 2d. each. All correspondence, &c., to
go by this vessel must be specially addressed "By her
Majesty's steamer, Rosamond."
Robert Houdin, we understand, resumes his enter-
tnir,men~s a: Ja..-2es,'s Theatre early in th, en
suing week. During a stay of some weeks in Paris he
composed and perfected a variety of new and most ex-
traordimary experiments

THE RAJA OF SATTARA.

A Letter to the Right lion. Sir John Cam Hothouse,
Bart., ALP., President of the Board of Commis-
sioners for the Affairs of India. By Rungo Ba-
pilee, Vakeel of his highness Shreamun Shako°
Maharaj Chuttraputtee, Raja of Sattara.
Honourable Sir,
1. Considering the emphatic manner in which the
Times very lately deprecated the further discussion of
the Sattara question, the appearance at this moment
in the columns of that paper of an elaborate article
upon the subject, awakens a suspicion that it is made
use of as an official organ, and that the article alluded
to is put forward to prepare the public mind for the
subversion of the Sattara dynasty, and the seizure of
the principality by the British Government. It
becomes my duty, therefore, to lose no time in point-
ing out to you—and through you to the British
public—the gross misrepresentation of facts, and the
unwarrantable inferences with which that statement
abounds.

2. The author studiously conceals the motives
which induced the British Government to espouse the
cause of the Raja of Sattara. It is necessary, there-
fore, in order to a right understanding of this case, to
show, upon the authority of official documents, that
instead of being influenced, as Lord Wellesley was,
by motives ef " pure benevolence," when he restored
the Raja of Mysore, the British Government was
actuated by motives purely political, when they re-
solved upon restoring Pertaub Singh, the Raja of
Sattara, to his rights as a sovereign Prince; that his
authority was set up in opposition, and as an effectual
counterpoise, to that of the then inveterate enemy of
the British Government, the Peshwa.
3. It was after the capture of Seringapatam—after
the death of Tippoo, when his power and that of his
dynasty had been completely prostrated—when the
war had ceased—that Lord Wellesley, from motives
of " pure benevolence," restored the Raja of Mysore
to the territory of his ancestors. It was when the
Peshwa was still in the field with a formidable army
—when the war was in full activity—when his fol-
lowers were still staunchly attached to him, that the
restoration of Pertaub Shean, the Raja of Sattara,
was considered by the British authorities as the
surest means of putting a stop to hostilities, and of
conciliating the Mahratta people to the new order of
things which was about to be established.
4. " Next," said Mr. Elphintstone [Vide Par. Pa.
pp. 497, 8] (when addressing the Governor- General,
Lord Hastings, upon the policy which it would be
prudent to pursue upon the subversion of the Peshwa's
power), "Next to maintaining such a force as shall
prevent all thoughts of rebellion, the best measure of
securing the tranquillity of the conquered country, is
to conciliate the people—the Mahrattas—by setting up
the Raja of Sattara." . . .
" Your Excellency's instructions left me the choice
of giving him a jageer or a small sovereignty ; and I
was induced to adopt the latter plan for various
reasons. At the time when I had to decide, the
Mahrattas showed no disposition to quit the Peshwa's
standard; and it appeared not improbable that the
dread of the complete extinction of their notional in-
dependence, and still more that of the entire loss of
their means of subsistence, from the want of a govern-
ment likely to employ them, would induce them to adhere
to Bajee Row with an obstinacy that could never have
been produced by affection for his person or interest
in his cause."

5. In accordance with these opinions were those of
Sir Thomas Munro, who, when writing to Mr. El-
phinstone on the 19th March, 1818, [Vide Life
of Sir Thos. Munro, vol. 3, p. 237] dwelt upon the
importance of setting up the Raja of Sattara against
the Peshwa. "I am anxious," he says, "to hear that
the ceremony of placing the Raja of Sattara on the
Musnud has been performed, because it would pro-
bably hasten the termination of hostilities, and the
settlement of the country." "He should he required
to summon Bajee Row (the Peshwa) and his princi-
pal chiefs to his presence, and in case of their not
obeying, to proclaim Bajee Row and all who adhered
to him rebels." . .

" The orders of the Raja of Sattara will, I have no
doubt, be received both by the chiefs who have already
deserted, and by those who wished to leave him, as a
full justification of their conduct; and those orders
will, I think, have a considerable effect in intimidat-
ing even those few chiefs who are really attached to
Bajee Row, and in inducing them to forsake his
standard ; and it might likewise be advisable to send
them to the kelladars of all forts, commanding them
to surrender."

6. This opinion of Sir Thomas Munro is of parti-
cular importance, as marking the difference between
the cases of the Rajas of Mysore and Sattara; for
that distinguished statesman had warmly remon-
strated with Lord Wellesley against the restoration
of the former Raja [Life, vol. 2, Appendix I].
"No political advantage can be gained," he
said, "by dragging the Raja of Mysore front
obscurity, and placing him on the Musnud, un-
less we suppose it to be one, to divide only a part of
the country, in order that we may, by excluding the
Nizam, extend our own influence over the rest."
" The military power of Mysore is broken, and the
remnant of it, together with the inhabitants of the
country, have neither the means, nor in general the
wish, to see the family of the late Sultan established
in the government of any part of his dominions."
7. A proclamation was, [Par. Pa. p. 905] in
conformity with Sir Thomas Munro's sugges-
tion, issued by the Raja of Sattara, calling upon
" all jageedars, and others, to withdraw them-
selves from Bajee Row" (the Peshwa), and not
to hold any correspondence with him, and warning
such as should disobey the injunction that they
would be punished by the confiscation of their lands.
8. It is past doubt, then, that it was in furtherance
of their own political interests that the British Go-
vernment espoused the cause of my late Sovereign,
Pertaub Singh, that it considered him at the time as
a most important political card, upon the skilful play-
ing of which depended the successful issue of the
enterprise in which it was then engaged. But for
the agency of the Raja hostilities would have been
protracted, the settlement of the country rendered
difficult, and the affections of the Mahratta people
alienated. In no sense of the word, therefore, is it
true, as stated by the Correspondent of the Times
that the Sattara territory " was conferred gratuitously
upon the family by the British Governmcnt."
9. The Correspondent of the Times labours to prove
that my late Sovereign, the Raja of Sattara, Pertaub
Singh, had no pretensions to the character of a Sove-
reign Prince, restored to the dominions of his ances-
tors, and treating on an equality with the British
Government. " Sattara," he says, " was no longer
an independent sovereignty, but a subordinate part of
the British dominions—a fief, as it were, of the British
Empire in India." Now, Sir, in a proclamation
[Par. Pa. p. 1153] which Mr. Elphinstone issued on
the 11th February, 1818, when the war was still
raging, are these words :—" The Raja of Sattara,
who is now a prisoner in Bajee Row's hands, will be
released, and placed at the head of an INDEPENDENT
SOVEREIGNTY of such an extent as may maintain the
Raja and his family in comfort and dignity." In the
very first letter by Mr. Elphinstone to the Raja, under
date the 13th September, 1818, [Vide Official Papers,
p. 16] were these words : " The Governor-General in
Council will settle the affairs of your HiGnxEss's
TERRITORIES to your satisfaction ;" and only a few
days afterwards, viz., on the 26th September, 1818,
[Par. Pa. p. 556] the Governor-General signifies to
Mr. Elphinstone " his entire assent to the force of
those considerations which induced you to extend the
original objects of the estabishment of the Baja of
Sattara in an INDEPENDENT SOVEREIGNTY, and the
consequent enlargement of the territory to be con-
ferred on that Prince."

10. Here, then, is the distinct recognition of the
Governor-General of the act of his Agent in establish-
ing the late Raja of Sattara as an an INDEPENDENT
SOTEREIGN.

11. " We should be accused [Par. Pa. p. 272-4]
(says Sir James Carnac, when speaking of the pro-
posal to subject the Raja to a trial by a Commission
formed of Company's servants), of degrading a Sove-
reign from his acknowledged rank, and offering vio-
lence to his feelings and dignity, and of assuming a
right of superiority to which we have no claim. In
fact, I know of no mode by which one State can ar-
raign for trial the Sovereign of another State !" Over
and over again, and by all parties and authorities, is
the Raja acknowledged as a Sovereign Prince. It is

in vain- therefore, now, to serve your own purposes,
in the face of solemn treaties and solemn acknowledg-
ments, an attempt is made to strip him of his sove-
reign rights, and to deal with him as a dependent.
12. In accordance with this general recognition, is
the preamble to the treaty concluded just one year
afterwards, viz., on the 25th September, 1819, which
runs thus :
" Treaty of perpetual friendship and alliance be-
tween the Hon. East India Company and his High-
ness Maharaj Pertaub Singh (Chuttraputtee), his
heirs and successors, concluded at Sattara, the 25th
September, 1819, by Capt. James Grant, Political
Agent, on the part of the Hon. East India Company,
and Wittul Punt Furnawesse, on the part of the
Raja, by virtue of full powers from their respective
Governments," by which it is proved, that in respect
of character, my late Sovereign, the Raja Pertaub
Singh, did treat with the British Government upon a
footing of perfect equality, His consenting, as other
Native Princes have done, that certain restrictions
should be placed upon the exercise of his rights as an
independent Prince, did not deprive him of his cha-
racter as a Sovereign Prince, and degrade him into a
feudatory of the British Government.
13. By this treaty the character of the Sattara
State was changed, just as the treaties with Oude,
Hydrabad, and the Nizam, changed the characters of
those States. All those States consented to a curtail-
ment of their rights as independent Princes, but none
of them lost the character of Sovereigns; and so far
from the British Government having, when this treaty
wag formed, received the late Raja kertaub Singh as

their feudatory, it actually replaced several of the
large feudatories of the Mahratta Empire under him,
as their legitimate and ancient Sovereign.
14. The Correspondent of the Times labours to
prove that the treaty with the Raja was made in a
hurry, and that the British Government did not ex-
actly know what they were doing. "Indian treaties,"
he says, "are seldom framed with clearness and pre-
cision, as documents of the like kind in Europe ; they
are frequently drawn up in the times of war and con-
quest, when there is little leisure for the calculation of
future contingencies, and combinations not k.imme-
diately to be foreseen ;" and in order to proYC his
point, he does not scruple to antedate the treaty by
more than a year. The standard of Seevajee, he says,
was hoisted on the walls of Sattara on the 10th of
February, and in September, the Sovereignty was
established by a formal treaty. Uninformed readers
would naturally conclude that there was only an
interval of eight months between the two evants, and
as there were eight months of war, that the treaty had
been got up in haste.

15.—Unfortunately for the Correspondent of the
Times, the proof is transparent that this treaty was
made with particular deliberation and care. "The
Raja," said Mr. Elphinstone, on the 18th June, 1818,
[Par. Pa. p. 498] " is desirous to have a treaty con-
cluded with him, but there is no urgency in the case,
and I shall therefore await your Excellency's instruc-
tions regarding it ;" and the treaty was not in fact
concluded until full 15 months after this date, viz., on
the 25th September, 1819, and that all its provisions
might be clearly understood by both the contracting
parties, Captain Grant Duff, the Resident, informs
Mr. Elphinstone on the 30th of September, of that
year, [Par. Pa. p. 502] " that previous to its ratifica-
tion, he had delivered to the Raja the Mahratta
translation of the draft of the proposed treaty, and
requested that his Highness would deliberate for a
day or two upon the several articles. I saw the
Raja daily on the 23d, 24th, and 25th, and was seve-
ral hours with him at each interview. I explained
and talked over every part of the treaty, and listened
attentively to every thing that was mentioned during
the conversation." It was not, then, in the hurry of
war and couquest, but after mature deliberation, and
after every effort had been made to prevent any mis-
understanding as to the real nature of the engage-
ment, that the treaty was ratified by the contracting
parties.

16. The Correspondent says, that the meaning and
intent of the treaty is, " to create a Sovereignty for
the head of the ancient family of Sattara, which shall
be held during the lifetime of the reigning Raja,
and pass by inheritance to the lineal descendants in
perpetuity, unless forfeited by misconduct, or lapsed
from the failure of issue to inherit. In the event of
there being no heir to become a successor, then the

treaty comes to a natural termination, and the state
lapses to the general empire ; and if the obligations
attached to the Sovereignty are not fulfilled, or are
broken, then the treaty becomes annulled, and the
state is forfeited."

17. Before I examine the validity of the interpreta-
tion which the Correspondent puts upon the treaty,
you must allow me to submit to you a rule for inter-
pretation of treaties with the native powers of India,
which was laid down by a statesman (Sir John Mal-
colm) who was more engaged in framing such treaties
than any other diplomatist in India.
"It belongs," says Sir John Malcolm, "to good
faith to interpret our treaties with consideration to the
sense in which they are understood by those with whom
they are contracted. . . .
" We can, I think, have no right, except under the
most positive and clear breach of treaty, on their part,
to go in any shape beyond the spirit of engagements,
except on occasions when the public peace of the
country under our general protection is threatened
in a degree that calls for a change of rule, as a matter
of positive necessity, in order to preserve tranquillity
in our territories, and those of others." " I mean,
however, to exclude from this omission that right
which has been often assumed, with respect to our own
views of the comparative benefit which the inhabitants
would enjoy under our rule from that which they
enjoy under that of their native Princes. I am not,
from my experience, prepared to admit this result, as
a general position to be founded in truth."
18. The first article of the treaty cedes the terri-
tory of Sattara to the Raja, his heirs and successors
in perpetual Sovereignty. When this covenant was
made the British Government was perfectly aware
that, as a Hindoo Sovereign, the Raja had not only a
right, but that it was a positive duty for him to adopt
a son, in failure of heirs of his own body. Nothing,
therefore, short of a positive stipulation in the treaty,
making the adoption of a successor contingent upon
the consent of the British Government, could have
barred his right of adoption. The treaty contains
no such stipulation; the right was therefore inherent
in him, and he exercised it. _ _

19. But the Correspondent of the Times asserts,
that, "it is the invariable practice of Western India,
and, indeed, so far as it can be traced and defined, of
all India, that an adoption, involving succession to a
principality, or any territorial estate, shall be invalid,
if made without the previous consent, or subsequent
recognition of the Sovereign, or Lord Paramount."
And he says, " that precedents may be quoted under
the Governments of Gwalior, Indore, Baroda, and
Sattara itself." There can be no question that this is
the established law, as between Sovereign and Feu-
datory, and acting upon it, my late Sovereign, the
Raja of Sattara, Pertaub Singh, invariably dictated
the terms upon which he would consent to sanction
the succession of adopted sons to the fiefs which were
under his sovereignty ;* but to make these precedents
applicable to the Sattara territory, it must first be
proved that the Raja stood in the same relation to the
British Government that the feudatories of Gwalior,
stood in towards their respective Governments ; and
unless the Correspondent of the Times is prepared to
prove (which he does not attempt to do), that all the
Princes in India, who have engaged by treaty to hold
their territories in subordinate co-operation with (not
to) the British Government, are merely its feudatories,
his reasoning is beside the question.
20. I have shown that my late Sovereign the Raja
of Sattara, Pertaub Singh, was distinctly recognised
as an independent Sovereign, and that he was treated
with in that character. That it was the intention of
the British Government to put him precisely on the
footing with the Princes above alluded to, is placed
beyond doubt by Mr. Elphinstone, who, when dwel-
ling upon the youth and inexperience of the Raja as
reasons for placing his territory under the control of
a British Agent, observes : " The Government ought,
however, to be emancipated as soon as circumstances
will admit of it, and to be placed on the same footing
of independence as our other allies."t The reasoning,
or rather the assumption, therefore, of the Correspon-
dent of the Times, goes to strike a deadly blow at the
rights and independence of every Sovereign Prince of
India. If, as the Correspondent asserts, "it is open
to the British Government to acknowledge or reject
the adopted son of my late Sovereign, the Raja Per-
taub Sheen, as the heir to the throne, according to
the dictates of expediency and of sound policy," then
it has the same right to bar the adoption of the Niaam,
of the King of Oude, or any of its allies. I need
not, Hon. Sir, remind you, that there is no right
which both Hindoo and Mussulman are so jealous of,
or hold so sacred, as the right of adoption.
21. The Correspondent of the Times says, that a
" remarkable case occurred at Baroda, where the
adopted son of a deceased Guikwar inherited all the
private property, but the succession to the throne
passed to the brother, because the adoption was not
recognised by the British Government." This would
indeed be a case in point—as the Guikwar stands
precisely in the same relation to the British Govern-
ment as the Raja of Sattara—but as the Correspondent
is silent as to names and dates, it is impossible to cope
with him on it; Colaba, Nepanee, and Mandavee,
which he quotes, were not Sovereign State! ; what
was done with them has therefore no bearing upon
the question.
22. The Correspondent of the Times then boldly
asserts, that if the adopted son be passed over, there
is no party who stands in the relation of heir to the
Raja lately deceased; what then means the treaty
which cedes the territory in PERPETUAL SOVEREIGNTY
to the Raja Pertaub Singh, his HEIRS AND SUCCESSORS ?
If the Raja had died the day after the treaty was
ratified, his brother, his nearest blood relation, would '
have been heir under the treaty ; or if the brother
had died first, his cousin-german would have become
the heir; and by what law can the son of that cousin,
who is now living, be set aside ? If he is passed
over as the adopted son of Pertaub Singh, and if the
adopted son of Appa Sahib be set aside, he, the
nearest blood relation of the late Pertaub Singh, being
first cousin once removed, is the undoubted heir it
blood.

23. The treaty does not confine the succession to
lineal heirs, the heirs are general in the English
treaty, but in the Mahratta treaty, which was alone
communicated to the Raja, the terms are most com-
prehensive. But the words of the English treaty
are comprehensive enough. If it bad been intended
to confine the succession to lineal heirs, that limita-
ti▪
on would have been expressed in a treaty, which
was made, as I have shown, with particular delibera-
ti▪
on, and with a full knowledge of "future contingen-
cies and combinations." There is no such limitation
expressed under the treaty, and " there being an
heir" that solemn engagement does not " come to a
natural termination," and even though it should have
been proved that " the obligation attached to the So-
vereignty had not been fulfilled, or had been broken,"
the treaty does not, as the Correspondent asserts,
" become annulled, or the state forfeited."
For the first article of the treaty concluded with
the Raja's brother, Appa Sahib, on the 4th September,
1839, runs thus :--
"All articles of the Treaty of :Sattara, dated 25th
September, 1819, which are not abrogated by this

''' Vide, Par. Pa. pp. 540, 1,2, and 3, Correspondence
regarding Punt Sucheo.
f Letter to Lord Hastings, 18th June, 1818. Par.
RA F. W.

Supplemental Treaty, are hereby confirmed.."—
—[Vide
Par. Pa. p. 1154.]
:Che first article of that treaty of the 25th Seips7n-
ber, 1819, which cedes the territory of Sattara to the
Raja of Sattara, his heirs and successors in perpetual
sovereignty, not having been abrogated or modified by
the Supplemental Treaty, that article stands in full
force, and cannot be evaded, or set aside, without a
shmeless breach of faith.

!24. If the British Government should pronounce e
cathedra that the adoptions made by both the late
Rajas of Sattara were invalid, such a decision would
only STRENGTHEN the claim of the next heir by
blood. Should they pronounce ex cathedra, that the
blood of the late Raja Pertaub Singh was tainted by
h:s alleged treason, the sentence cannot affect the
heir of the late Raja Appa Sahib, with whom
you man.
the last treaty.
.
25. That
,Sir dames C arnac himself considered the
treaty of 1819 :1g
pledgog the British Government
to continue the suCs.cssion tne heirs general of the
Raja Pertaub Singh is proved by his language, when
deliberating upon the measures which were to be taken
upon the deposition of that Prince.
" Deposing the Raja, but maintaining the integrity
of the Sattara state, according to the treaty of 1819,.,
in the person of some other member of the family, '
[Pt a. Pa. pp. 274, 5] was the course that he resolved
to pursue. " Having therefore determined to adopt
the last of the three courses, it became necessary to
dett rmine in whose favour, and under what conditions,
the lapsed sovereignty over the Sattart:
state should
be confirmed : with regard to the person RS I have
bei7ore incidentally remarked, there was no el:1°k! ;
for in fact there was only one person on whom the ii*:"
vestiqure could be conferred, namely, the Raja's-
brot her." Why so, it, as the Correspondent of the
Times asserts, the meaning and intent cf the treaty
"was to create a Sovereignty for the head olf the an-
cient far.tily, which shall be held during the ijetime
of Ole reigning Raja, and pass by inheritance to his
lineal descendants in perpetuity, unless forfeited by
misuonduct ?"

26. If the territory had been forfeited to the Bri-
tislot Government by misconduct, you had a right to
give it to whom you pleased; but Sir James Carnac
admitted that he "had no choice," that you were
bound to give it to the brother. Why so? One
brother was not a lineal descendant of the other.
Your treaty did not bind you to give the territory
to the lineal descendants of the house of Seevajee, or
to the lineal descendants of Pertaub Singh, but to the
Raia Pertaub Singh, his heirs and successors : there
wa no choice, therefore, because the brother was the
ne:rt heir ; and according to Sir James Carnae's own
admission, there would still have been no choice if
(tbe Raja's brother having previously died) the Raja's
first cousin had stood in that position. Turn which
war you will, the treaty grasps you ; either you
must openly break it, or fulfil it. Shuffle out of it
you cannot.
27. The Correspondent of the Times also asserts
that " after a long and patient investigation it was
finally resolved in the Councils of the British Go-
vern ment, that the Raja should be deposed." That
Sir James Carnac deposed my late Soveriegn, the
Re ja, is a melancholy fact; and if the Correspondent
means to assert that the ex-parte evidence by which
it was attempted to establish the alleged charges
against my late Sovereign, the Raja, was procured
by long and protracted inquiries, and that Sir James
Caraac at length resolved upon deposing the Raja
after such an investigation, I do not question the truth
of tlbe Correspondent's assertion; but if by the ex-
pression " a long and patient investigation," the idea
is intended to be conveyed, that the accused Raja
was allowed to be heard in his defence against those
charges, or permitted to adduce evidence to disprove
the t, and that the resolution of Sir James Carnac to
depose him was founded on a long and patient inves-
tigation of his defence, I utterly deny the correctness
of the Correspondent's assertions ; indeed, this single
sentence from Colonel Ovans's dispatches will dis-
prove the bold and unfounded statement :

" It is to be recollected, also, that up to this time the
Raja has no clear idea of the evidence which has trans-
pired against him."—[Par. Pa. p. 444.]
213. This sentence was penned by Colonel Ovens on
the 15th of November, 1838, just one year and nine
days; after the close of the pretended investigation
into the Raja's conduct. He had no idea of the evi-
-1 dense which had transpired against him, because when
he applied to Colonel Ovens to redeem the solemn
promise which he had made, to furnish him with that
evidence, he was informed, that the evidence was
strictly secret, and could not be communicated to any
pereon whatsoever." [Par. Pa. p. 367.]
I venture to commend this fact to the particular
notice of the British Government.
99. I have shewn, in opposition to the assertion of
the Coirespondent of the Times, that as the treaty
does not
limit the succession to heirs by direct de-
scent, his ,next heir in blood, Shahoo Raja, the son of
his first cousin,is the real heir to the vacant throne,
heir by blood to the late Raja, Pertaub Singh, heir
by blood to In:1 successor, Appa Sahib. The infer-
ence is obvious, That the British Government cannot,
without a sharnele.:s breach of treaty, seize upon the
territory of Sattara,
which they ceded in perpetual
Sovereignty to the heirs sand successors of the Raja of
Sattara, an heir to that hat: se being now alive.
I have the hollow' to be, Hon. Sir,
Your obedient humble servant,
(Signed) RUNGt-...) BAPOJEE,
Vakeel of his Highness Shahoo Aia.haraj Chuttra-
puttee, Raja of Sattara, now at J3enares.
9, Blandford-place, Regent's Park,
October 31, 1848.

REPRESENTATION OF LEOMINSTER.-LEOMINSTER7
HEREFORDSHIRE, DEC. 3.—The announcement in the
London papers of the appointment of Mr. Barkly, one
of the members for this ancient borough, to succeed Sir
J. Light, as Governor of British Guiana, has taken the
electors of this retired spot quite by surprise. Mr.
Barkly has been for some time absent in the West
Indies, where it is understood that he has some rather
extensive possessions, and his personal acquaintance
with the constituency of Leominster has been ezceed-
ingly limited. The electors aro very reluctant to be:icy()
in the fact of the appointment, looking to the circui:l-
- that Mr. Barkly has not been a supporter of tho
present Government; so that up to this time no steps
have been taken to provide a successor in the represen-
tation of the town. —LEOMINSTER, MONDAY NIGHT.
—The announcement of Mr. Barkly's appointment to a
Colonial Government has brought two candidates into
the field—Sir Edward Lytton Bulwer, and Mr. Peel, the
second son of Sir Robert Peel. An active canvass will
be immediately commenced by the friends of these gen-
tlemen respectively.
SAINT MARTLEBONH PARLIAMENT.—WooIsack,
Lord Dudley Stuart.—The proceedings in vestry of the
young House of Lords continue to be faithfully reported
i❑ the Observer. The Observer also regularly reports
the vestry proceedings in the Saint Pancras young House
of Commons—Rev. Dr. Date, Speaker.

The Observer of Sunday, 3d Dec., gave upwards
of five of their columns of particulars of the atrocious
murders at Stansfield Hall, and, in a Second Edition, the
Committal of the Murderer. The extensive publication
of the Observer commences at six on Sunday mornings;
Monday Edition, best for the country and abroad, is
published Monday afternoon, at four o'clock. The
establishment of the Observer is equal to that of all the
other Sunday papers put together. So far as regards
editors and reporters the Observer is on an equality with
that of nearly all the daily newspapers. There is scarcely
a club-house, institution, library, or news-room in all
England, Scotland, Ireland, the Continent, East and
West Indies, &c., in which the Observer is not taken in,
and frequently duplicate copies.
THE ROYAL LOCENAGAR WHISSEL—Poets, from
Anacreon of old, down to his modern namesake, Toni
Moore, have sung the praises of " Ruby Wine," but had
Anacreon known the taste of the Mountain Dew, or sat
himself down with a steaming glass of whiskey toddy as
his companion, we question ifoofdheetsh;webomuuatldlithnfeootrphtrhaaevi
sejeusfie,:oflot
inclined
grape, in
substitute tuh ti thes
glo
glorious
whiskey have been sung too, and foremost, by one of the
cleverest men of modern times—the late Dr. Maginn.
rWigehltl
wdoortwhye
wreacsotlhleecthis
theme
forele the employmentverodetowhisk of his
inimitable and
s
inimitable talent. Excellent as was the ode to which we
allude, we think the Doctor would have surpassed him-
self had he been fortunate enough to have tasted " The
Royal Lochnagar Whiskey," which is beyond a doubt
the choicest specimen of that glorious spirit we ever put
to our lips—and we consider ourselves no mean judges of
the article. Whiskey is universally admitted to be the
purest and most wholesome spirit that a man can drink.
Compare the sickly gin-bibbing Londoner, with the ro-
bust whiskey-quaffing Highlander, and the effects of the
two spirits are self-evident; the one is the liquor
" which cheers but not inebriates," the other is " slow
poison," as it is but too frequently retailed. Not but
what it is a difficult matter to obtain good whiskey,
hence, having tasted the genuine article, we can strongly
recommend it; for delicacy of flavour, softness, exquisite
bouquet, and purity, it cannot be surpassed; and those
who would enjoy the cosy hours, and sip a royal liqueur,
will do well to try the " Royal Lochnagar Whiskey,"
which derives its title from the following incident:,---
During her Majesty's recent excursion to Aberdeen, she
visited the celebrated Lochnagar Whiskey Distillery, of
Messrs. Begg and Buyers, where she tasted the true
" Mountain Dew," and so highly did it meet with her
approval, that she commanded a puncheon of the pre-
cious spirit to be forwarded to Buckingham Palace, giv-
ing also her patronage to the distillery. This puncheon,
consigned to the care of Messrs. Whiting and Roberts,
Church-street, Mill-bank, Westminster, (the sole con-
signees of the Royal Whiskey) has duly arrived, and is
now placed amongst the other " choice spirits" in. the
Royal cellars, and we will engage, from the sample we
have tasted, there is " not a headache in the hogshead."
Era.
FEAT OF STRENGTH.—A few days ago one of
those not uufrequent creators of alarm in the streets,
au over-goaded cow, escaped from her drivers, and was
plunging madly along, when a tall, handsome High-
lander, of the name of Macrea, a gamekeeper with Glen-
morriston, happened to pass. He at once threw himself
before the enraged beast, seized her by the horns,
tumbled her, and held her firmly pinioned there till the
drivers came up, and effectually secured her with ropes.
This feat of strength excited the astonishment of many
an 011-100kers—InvernessCourier.