The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-26 00:00:00

the benefit of another class, who had proved themselves upon I this measure, yet on other questions the difference be-
an ()seem, •eim • el .1 sses me es est disest el. In. terem te. ea tereselt end tl.em was as greet az ever. The Nale Mar-
lent, and na Ist seditious.—( Hear hear.) The last night that • gins then proceeded to read extracts from the report of the
Lord John Russell was leader in the House of Commons he Ecclesiastical Commission, and that of which Lord Devon was
gave notice of his intention to bring forward a measure for a the head, to show that the (minions of those who had bestowed
fixed dui? of 8s on the importation of all description of foreign -he most d,liberate attention to this subject, believed that the
grain. That notice t fer it was only a notice) was met with repeal of the corn-laws would be beneficial to England as well
evident marks of disapprobation, not only on the part of the as Ireland, and concluded by stating that he felt bound to give
Conservative members of the House of Commons, but also of this measure his most cordial support—( Cheers).
many of the principal Whig members, although they had on Lord STANLEY—It is with great mistrust of my own
all other occasions given their support to the Premier, abilities and powers, but combined with the most unhesitating
There was ne person snore against that measure than the, conviction of the truth and strength of the case which I have
Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government. No to support, that I venture to submit myself to your Lordship'
sooner was the notice given by the Government than he assem. indulgence while I enter into the defence of a system of law
bled a number of his political associates at his own house, and which has been designated by a Noble Earl as an " absurd
consulted with these persons as to what was best to be done in system;" a measure which is most vehemently and dangerous!
order to save the country from these calamities. There were assailed by those by whom it has hitherto been most ably and
several Lords in that House who, as well as himself, were strenuously supported, and to whom it owes its very existence.
present on that occasion. The result of those deliberations I feel how much need I have for your indulgence, as I find
was, that Sir Robert Peel should bring forward a motion of myself on the present occasion opposed to all those who have
want of confidence in the Government. That motion he beets hither oI he leaders of both the great parties into which
brought f,srward, and made, as usual, a very able speech ; but your Lordships' House and th, other House have been divided.
he rested his case upon two points—first, the proposed aters- But, my Lords, however
painful I may feel the inequality of
tion in the sugar duties, on which the Government had been the contest in point of ability, I cannot admit that the weight
beaten by a majority of 40 ; the other point was the proposed of authority is in favour of those who propose a repeal of the
alteration in the corn duties —a fixed dut. of Sr. in lieu of the corn-laws. My Lords, I will not appeal (it would be invidious
existing sliding scale. After four or five nights ce- in me if I were to do so) against the present authority and
bate, this motion was carried by a majority of opinions of the Noble Lords upon the other side of the House,
one, there being 312 in favour of the motion, and to the opinions which have been
?ogle Lords formed
and the expressions
311 against it, which, with the 4 tellers, made 627 who voted which have been made use of by those themselves.
Lords, on that on that occasion, being the largest number who ever But I will venture, my to appeal from the authority of
voted in the House of Common,. He (the Duke of Cleve- the living to the authority of the dead.—(Cheers.) I will
land) might assume that his vote had turned the scale ; it was venture to appeal from the authority of the statesman of the
quite clear, however, that if he had voted the other way, the present day to all those great names whose measures
Government would have had the majority. He challenged have been made the liberal and commercial policy of
any person to prove that he had ever given two votes in direct England in time ,-tot long gone by—to the brilliant
contra-distinction to each other, or that he had ever given one names of Chatham, of Pitt, of Huskisson.—(Cheers.) And,
Upon ether than conscientious motives. It was with this view my Lords, when I mention the names, and refer to these whose
that he belonged to party, and though he bad always belonged eloquence is still ringing in your Lordships' ears—and would to
to party, he had not always belonged to the same party—( A God their prudence and wisdom still directed the counsels of
laugh )—and he could assure their Lordships that it was not this great country-- I trust I shall be forgiven by those of my
because the name of one party was Peel, and the other Rus- Noble Friends who now occupy seats in your Lordships' House,
sell, that he supported the former, but because he believed even if against their opinion I refer to those who first cast au
the principles of the one were better than those of the other. unblemished lustre on the names of Canning and Liverpool.—
But he had no hesitation in saving that if he could have fore- ( Cheers.) From those it is that I have to appeal to the states-
seen that the very same Minister would have, after five years, men of the present day. And, I believe, I may also appeal to
changed his opinions—he who was the keystone of Conserve- the authority of all those who have swayed the destinies of the
tism—he need not tell their Lordships that he would sooner country, or who have taken a prominent place in the nations of
have cat his right hand off than have given the vote he did. the world.—( Cheers. ) I meet the Noble Earl, who opened
There was no doubt that the opinions of, the Right Hon. the dimuszion. and who says that the question has not been
Baronet were very able, but after all they were the very same raised by former Governments, upon the principle of protection,
he himself had answered when efr. Cobeee had urged them on and I say, that if my Noble Friend will search the record of
him three years after. He would inform their Lordships that history, from the earliest time down to the present day, he will
he was favoured with a perusal of this Bill previous to the find successive statistics in successive ages, that the principles
meeting of Parliament. He did not m mplain of the informa- which guided the Ministers of this country were the principles
tion being given to him individually, bat he must say that of encouragement to domestic industry and protection to the
before a great measure of this description was proposed— agriculture of the country.—(Cheers.) So early as the reign
a measure which would make ate h a change in the policy of of Edward the Fourth, I recollect a memorable preamble,
this country and of the Government—he thonght it was the which might be applied to the state of society in the present
duty of the Government to have asssemblsel their friends in day, which recites, if I remember right, "That, whereas the
both Houses, and to have given them information of their in- labourers and occupiers in husbandry"—not the great owners,
tended measure, and of the power they had of enforcing it. but the great proprietors of land—but " Whereas certain la-
He was told that the Right Hon, Baronet, by pursuing those tourers and occupiers in husbandry, being grieviously endarnaged
arguments which', it was known he could use so plausi- by the bringing in from other countries and ports of corn into
bly, had • converted a number of wealthy landowners the realm when the price of corn grown within this realm is
to his own views. He was not one of those low." The Act then goes on to prohibit that importation
who would find fault with the opinion of any man, nor had i.e until the price of corn was as high as 6s. a quarter. The same
a right to do so, but he did not concur in the opinion given, principles have guided the Legislature from that day to the
The wealthy landowner did suffer by this measure, but the present, varying according to the circumstances of the country,
greatest sufferer would be the small landowners and country varying according to the exigencies of the times, varying ac-
gentlemen.—(Hear, hear.) Another class of sufferers would cording to the state of husbandry, or the state of the relations
be the one which ought to be, and was, the pride of the of the country with foreign powers. But through all, and at
country—he meant the yeomanry, who derived incomes of from all times, this pinciple has been considered necessary in order
2001. to 3001. per annum from landed property ; and whatever to secure the independence of this country upon foreign na-
reduction this measure would make on the amount of their tions for the supply of food. It has ever beer, the policy and
Produce, from 10 to 20 or 30 per ;tent. would inevitably fall on interest of this great country to give encouragement and pro-
these yeomen.—( Hear, hear.) The next class of sufferers tectiori to the cultivation of its own soil.—(Loud cheers.) My
Would be the tenant-farmers ; and. with respect to that subject Lors's, I will not be satisfied with home authorities upon the
be had heard of an argument so absurd that he was sure that subject. There is not a nation in the world at the present
it would not be used in that House. He had heard it said that time of any eminence, not one but has acted upon the same
this was a landlords' question, and that it would not make the principle. There is not one that has ventured up to this hour
least difference to the tenant. In South Briton, in conse- on that bold and rash experiment in which your Lordships are
quence of the management of the land there, this measure invited to join. I mean leaving provision, the food of the
Would make a material difference. The tenant took a farm people, unrestrained by legislative, unprotected by fiscal
front his landlord, paying all dues and taxes, not excepting the regulations, and subject to mere chances, subject to the
_property-tax, the amount of which he was slowed to deduct changes consequent upon unfriendly relations, or the inability
from the rent. He took all risks of season and disease in the of supply from foreign countries. My Lords, go through the
crops, and the surplus money which remained on the sale of nations of the earth—France and Holland have both of them not
the stock and the payment of ad expenses, was divided between only a system of protection but they have a sliding scale. Prance
the landlord and tenant, the latter taking all the risk, has a sliding scale infinitely more complicated. Belgium, Den-
Very few landlords received more than a fourth of the produce mark, Sweden, Norway, the Germanic Confederations, Por-
of the land in rent. Let them take a farm of 300/. rent yearly, tural, Spain, the Roman States, Greece, Austria, Turkey,
this measure, he was pursuaded, would reduce the gross pro.. 'Egypt, United States of America. Having gone through the
duce of such a farm 20!. per cent. This would leave the rent principle nations, I will tell you there is not oec who ventures
2401., while the 900 e, which was the property of the tenant, to leave it's agriculture unprotected, and leave the provision for
would be reduced to 7201. Thus it appeared, that while the the food of its people dependent upon chance. And when I
Measure would take 180/. from the tenant's 800/.. it took but see all this, not only I cannot admit the weight of authority is
601. from the landlord. He now came to another class that with the promoters of this Bill, but I venture to doubt the
would be effected—the agricultural labourers. He was per- authority of that which has been put forward as an indisputable
suaded that the effect of this law would he to throw tens of axiom—that the prime facie inference is in favour of an
thousands, he might almost say hundreds of thousands, out of unrestricted trade.—(Cheers.) Upon the contrary. with
employment. He could net see how the poor lands were to be all the weight of evidence passed and present, with every
maintained in cultivation ; and if so, those who were employed variety of denseness of population, and scarceness of popula-
upon them, would be sent adrift.. The tie between the tion, with every possible variety of civil institutions from the
labourers and the farmers, by which the former had higne;t form of absolute monarchy to the lowest forms of re-
his root in the soil, and which existed in no other publicism, when accompanied by the authority of all the eoun-
trade or branch of industry, would be torn asunder, and they tries in favour of a system of protection, lam compelled to
would have no longm found them the means of subsistence by admit that that which is held to be an indisputable axiom in
their industry. Not only would the labourers on many tracts favour of free trade, is I contend rather prima facie inference
of land be sent adrift, but the farmers engaged in the cultiva- that gatemen in former times, and all countries
tion of superior lands would employ a lest number of hands of the present day, are not only not destitute of sound
then they did at present. Just in proportion as land was opinions, political wisdom, and sagacity, but that tee single
thrown out of cultivation, the number of factories and mills theme of enlightenment which has dispelled the universe!
would be increased, and then employment would be given to darkness was not that flash which simultaneously, and with
the labourers who would be withdrawn from the land. He marvellous power, enlightened the statesmen of the present
hoped their Lordships would pause before they passed the Bill day in the month of November last.— Cheers.) I hope I need
for the displacement of labour. Let them contrast the agricul- not assure your Lordships that, however deeply I may deplore
tural labourer, who lived it might be in a small, but certainly in the course that lam compelled to take, no words which
an independent manner, who resided in the bosom of his may fall from my lips in the course of the observations which I
themfamily, contrast him in this state with his condition if removed with the deep respect I entertain of my friend's public a
to manufacturing town, breathing the atmosphere of a room and personal character, nor that the slightest shadow of sus-
where sick and healthy huddled together, where in winter he picion can find a place in my mind with respect to the
could not see the sun at noon day; yet this was the entire- purity of his intentions—if the prominent position
condition, it was proposed to transplant the agricul- which the Noble Duke occupies did not place him, I
tural labourer to, in the event of the passing of this Bill, will not say beyond the reach of criticism, but above the appre-
The small tradesmen in country towns, the small shopkeepers hension of censure. Let me refer your Lordships to the high-
and artisans, who derived their subsistence from the landowners mindedness of my Noble Friend's character—his utter forget-
or labourers, would be materially injured, and after them came fulness of self. I will not call your Lordships' attention to that
another class of persons of a superior sort, who were not un- trait of his character—his abhorence of all that is low, mean,
worthye of their Lordshies' consideration, he meant the paro- or selfish. There must be sufficient grounds to your Lordships
csnal clergymen; no class would suffer more by the passing of and the world that whatever may be the circumstances in which
this Bill than they. The landlords might in some degree be he is placed, his decision has been formed upon the sense—l
compensated for their lass by an improved system of agricul- think a mistaken sense, but I doubt not a sincere sense—ot
tore. But the parochial clergyman was bound down to a cer- what is best for the public good; nor will I presume to judge
tain quantity of wheat, no matter how the prices might vary in of the convictions of my Right Hon. Friend at the head of the
the market.- He had no hesitation in saying that an attempt Goverment. I believe that he considered this measure
would next be made by Sir Robert Peel and his party on the was called for by the great emergencies of the country.
Irish Church.—( Hear, hear.) A clamour had been raised _(('heers.) A man of his great and close experience
against the Irish Church, and if on this question the Legis- could not have failed to foresee, as the inevitable consequence
lature were called upon to concede to clamour, he contended of this measure, the complete dislocation and disruption of all
they must yield to clamour hereafter on that and all great party ties, without which, in my judgment, the government
questions.—(Hear, hear.) And after the Irish Church had of any country cannot be steadily conducted. —( Cheers.)
been destroyed, an attempt would be speedily made to destroy He might have foreseen the shock which would have been given
the Church.—( Near, hear.) If this measure were passed to public confidence in public men—he might have foreseen
they would find that both one Church and the other would the shock which would have been given to the confidence of
be destroyed in a very few years, and he did con- the people in the consistency of their representatives—to the
jure their Lordships to pause befere they gave confidence of the country in the House of Commons • and
their assent to such a measure. The House of Lords forgive me, my Lords, for saying to your Lordships' House,''f'
had always stood in a high estimation, and he hoped that by unhappily, you should imitate the too conversion of the
• •
character. They all knew that a building, not very far from maul and convul • struggle between personal. attachmentd
their Lordships' House, was often infested with a peculiar sort andP public principles'lntg was exposing his warmest and
of vermin—( Hear, hear)—but he hoped that such vermin most devotetifriends—ohwe must have felt equally the injury he
would never be seen running across their Lordship? House, He was doing to his public reputation, to the destruction he was
begged to apologise to their Lordships for having so long tres- causing to the means of his own usefulness, and believing that
Passed upon their attention. He hoped that if he had animad- he foresaw all these consequences, I cannot but conceive that
Verted in any strong manner upon the Government, he could he conscientiously believed, in making this change that it was
assure them it was not with a view of giving offence to any of called for in consequence of the emergency of the country. I
lets, members. Nothing could be scurther from his intention, think, however, that he committed the most fatal error which
But placed in the independent position which he occupied, and a statesman can commit,. that of takingnoisy the torrent of
Which be hoped he should ever maintain—( Hear, hear)—he agitation for the still, deed, noiseless torrent of public opinion. It
Considered it his duty to call upon their Lordships to defend will not be the least of the unhappy consequences of these un-
those interests on which he believed depended the peace of the happy measures that this country and the world will believe
country at large, and the welfare and the prosperity of the whole
community.—(Cheers. ) that a triumph has been gained by an organised and inte-
reste,i association over the first Minister of the Crown, and that
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY felt anxious to address
aofsttihlel morecro fatal triumph has been gained by a first Minister
their Lordships for a short time, with respect to what had fallen Crown, actin undert the influence of that association,
over his
(Hear suppoii,:ars,) and the independence of
front his Noble Friend (the Noble Duke on the cross benches).
Parliament. —d. r.. Now, my Lords, with
He felt called upon to do so, oecanse they were inhabitants of
these observations I
,alhlowepveerso,hnetaxli.neso,ptvinyi7es:
With regard to this measureml 'Must
the same to en, and in a great measure connected
with the same county. Ile had not defaulted
ghrimet
ttobactasatnyaoNy oebeloesoLroerdopsohnoutihdotavvieohtlhoutg. ~iedit becoming
to be present in their Lordships' House when his Noble
min men who,
Friend presented the petition from the county of Durham, for
words on its presentation. abandoned by their former friends, have put themselves forward
he would have wished to say
a few
admit, that the meeting at in a struggle, and who have exhilssieteadotlaoleongtaws which reflects reeolluelcdtseotho-e
from
oe theca
sNvi ieeeniwd
His Noble Friend would, no doubt,
highest credit upon them, bona
Which that
.iends they had the modesty to keep these opinions
petition was agreed to, was held before there was •
fide in their f '
Con-
an explanation of her Majesty's GovernmentTahsetmo
etehteincgouvirsaes
they intended to pursue upon this question.
teo—y(o kiamy intention to
but to your reason. Ido not
It was the first
rid at an early period after the publication of Lord John
pforlelo,ewntnot desire to speak on the
'lumen's letter to the electors of London.
on the subject of the wise to '
Marquis.reapra'ssbi
.e hear.) It i s not
Meeting, he believed, held in England i aggravate your feelings of mortification ; I might use a
that letter. The meeting
aorn-laws, after the publication of
f the Noble Duke's stronger word than that ; I might refer to such feelings as
Was only partially attended, an d many 0 would be felt by persons finding themselves deceived by those
n a canvas through the in whom they put their trust. Neither will
own tenants were present at it. Aft
attached to the I enter upon the
whole county, the total number 0 f signatures question of consisteney • if I were to do so I should have to
r hundred. Now, direct attention to N '
petition was two thousand and theme or fou oble Lords upon both sides of the House.
he bet„vei ,
6 i of • about Ther has been upon both sides of the House a difference of
considering that Durham consisted, be- opinion, not 1,200 registered farmers, there being 7,000 in one,
and
that as' then, so much on the real question of protection
tween 4,000 and 5,000 in the other division, he thoughtie
my Lords, amount
lof protection to be afforded. And such.
a petition signed by 2,300 oily, could not represent tie feelings
that down the believe to have been the case
to period of , that
of the people of the county of Durham. He believedmemorable conflict,
athat .e 1
the people of the North of England generally entertained z, r )osa yranditoqua, in November, 1845.—( Loud t
very strong feeling as to the desirableness of this measure. He cheers.) It may be that some of your Lordships were about
confessed be had not mixed with the farmers of this country as to vote in favour of the second reading of this Bill—are de-
Mush as his Noble Friend (the Duke of Richmond), but he sirous of recording your opinion against the principle of a
on the whole, sliding scale, and that you intend, in the progress of the men-
Possess he might say, that Sir R. Feel did,
thought
country. He sure, to give effect to that opposition to the sliding scale b
P"ssuss tie confidence of the peo pie of this
with
y sup-
could assure his Noble Friend th at he had m
.of mixed 1 porting a fixed duty. If that be the case, I have not a word
the farmers of his own neighbourhood, and the majority lto say against the
perfect honour, fairness, and consistency of
the course. Now, turning
them were of opinion, that although this measure might be of from personal matter to a much
a momentary injury to them, yet thee it would ultimately lead wore important point, namely, the arguments upon which the
their fellow countrymen ; Bill is founded, I must say that the difficulties of the question
to the prosperity of themselves and
and cons'd ' - h
i ering t at the Government of which Sir Robert were not much removed by my Noble Friend who opened the
Peelthe destinies of debate. I do not complain that neither he nor any other
was the head had so prosperously ruled
this country, he thought not asking too much of Metulem of the Government has yet stepped forward to explain
that it was
their Lordships, bsecure the ser- the grounds upon which they vindicate their conduct, for when
vices of such an y voting for this measure, to
hear.) we have asked the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the
Their Lordship, av eminent political leader.—(Hear,
in the other House what he anticipated as the
tectionists and c,.?nld find that there were Conservative pro- Government .
emeeativ result of this measue, his simple answer has been, "we must
was by no means e free-traders, and that this question
a Part
decline to prophecy ; our prophecy failed in 1842 ; we
those who were int federejnnie, but that it was divided between
commerce on the other n agriculture on the one side and will not run any risk of our reputation as prophets
bapd it w and if you ask what will be the effect
country that it should i
mced in as
most unfortunate for the hereafter ;
two powerful contending partiea. its present position between of these measures we frankly tell you we don't know what
He tells yon that he does not know the possi-
tobeen made en both sides of the qu Exaggerated statements had it will be. ,
estion result of this measure. As the old proverb
judge deliberately upon it, ti
gave, and it was necessarY ble or the probable .
the Noble Duke for the abiTit the highest creait to says: Fiat experimeato snewpara vini.—(Cheers. ) Try it in
Y he had displayed theglobe, some inartificial state of
his speech that evening. IT
—e (the imai, • in some insignificant corner of
once de is not
Berry) would not follow him ;em bequT, of London- society. Let him try it, where a mis a ,ma
udgement will not lead to
same time, an opinion of his ow,. at the irrecoverable, where an error of j
that those individuals with whom he had usually menacts found formidable consequences. But why are you. to.try
in this Eand of
life, who one and all supported the country, arm broueht rblie midst of the mightiest empire in the world,
s of therm orld—
from all its difficulties during a long crisis, had nhought it safe
ours, highest and mightiest amongst t nation
Pedient to change the system by which the country had heerer_
a nation which is in the most artificial state of society of any
tofore been governed upon this point. Change was no reproach-. country in the world—a nation in which the slightest derange-
Hew many of their Lordships had voted for free trade on a went of the social scale, the slightest variation in the relation,
Previous occasion?—(Great cheering from the Protectionist 'nay Produce the most extensive and the most irremediable
Peers. ) Only six had voted; and would it be said that the mmeiscthief. And in this country, supported by such argu-
Many converts to free trade in their Lordships' House were to younasreasl7 have heard from your 'Noble Friend to night,
be reproached for their change in politics? The Noble Duke It may belled ed
upon to give your sanction to the measure. ,
had quoted Hansard, in answer to the speech of the Noble Earl in their owyneri:lo*
well for the Anti-Corn-law League, engaged
the President of the Board of Control, and had plumed himself that their own ;ir
objects and pursuing their own interests. Not
!Mon the great triumph which ha fancied he had made.—(Hear, —but it ma be
veerrests are consistent with the public weal
"an) He (the Marquis of Londonderry) thought that he at least it is natural 1,711 for such a body, if not legitimate,
could, if he wished, make use of the same weapons, and show guage to different classes oti;eir agents to hold different lan-
lies Noble Friend that he too had not always been and high wages—of a
griedop,ersoris—to speak of cheap bread
consistent in his political conduct.—( Hear, hear.) landlords, and all that clap-tmarthstocracy—and of heartless
S•uch changes as had been adopted by the present deceived—and then te turn round ht
which
a multitude are
head of the Government had brought forward say, such will be the universal pros erit
the ariciilturists and
great statesmen. (Ironical cries of " Hear, hear.") i will induce that you must not for f moymwentieb thismeasure
In the words of the Noble Duke, he could wish to ask how f 3 1 fall of prices—they will rise, and you will be shareholders apprehend the
trheeQueen's Goyirnment to be carri, don if this measue did not the blessings about to be poured upon the country, lii in
•ecsive the sanction of the Legislature The ?Noble Duke had will be cheap, but you will get a good price for ;our corn,.ead
stated that Sir Robert Peel had lost the confidence of the But if this conduct be natural and legitimate in such a body
coutory but h (th Mrouis of Londonderry) knew thi, that it is neither natural nor legitimate in the first Minister of the
during ' ele months murmur had been raised Crown, wielding the authority of the Crown—speaking in the
is , the laat twe_ve not a murm
.3, the people of this
QA's
his political measures. name of the Crown7-exercising the influence which his high
that character and station give him, to carry a measure
„Noble Friend had finished his speech by stating he
mine,- •
destruction of of such great and deep importance with a double
„ peed that this measure would lead to the
`fie church. Now he (the of Londonderry) could face. My Lords, you should be told by the Minister
orge . Marquis
d i' -• tl uch an occasion as this, what is the object, and what are aY in answer to that t hat Sir R. Peel ha (le tric y on s
team% 0 , ,
f the means by which that object is in to be effected:; arid
C u n the 213th March, to the Whig party in the House o .
gm
with him on you have a right to see whether that object is in itself desirable,
Non, that„llthouga they happened to agree

and whether the means proposed to obtain it will effectuate it.
Yoe have a right to know n om the first i‘linister rf the Crown
the probable effects of such a measure-but in the silence of
the Government, we have an argument against it. One of those
used in the discussion of the measure, was the apprehended
famine in Ireland, and the successful operation of the tariff in
1842; but this does not relieve me from a difficulty-one of
these arguments may be valid, but valid they both cannot be,
immediately contradictory as they are the one to the other. If
the repeal of the corn-laws be calculated to relieve thefamine in
Ireland, supposing the famine always to exist, it must be by
bringing a large amount of corn into the markets at so low a
price as to bring it within the reach of the starving population ;
and on the other hand it is alleged that prices will rise on ac-
count of the increased demand. Let me examine these two
questions of the famine, and the operation of the famine, and if
on entering on this topic I am compelled to trouble your Lcrd-
ships at much greater length than I desire, I must pray your
Lordships' indulgence, and on entering on this dry detail of statis-
tics, I cheerfully sod sacrifice all advantage I would de--
rive by alluding to more exciting, because more personal, topics.
-( Hear, hear, and cheers.) I would beg your Lordships' atten-
tion in the first niece to the latter end of October, or the com-
mencement of November last. My Nr ble Friend has told you
that the famine was cot the immediate cause of the introduc-
tion of this measure to your Lordships-but wit h all respect to
to my Noble Friend, must say that if it had not been for
the apprehension of scarcity in Ireland, your Lordships would
never have been asked, in this session at least, to have passed
this measure.-(Hear, hear.) When the Cabinet was called
together at the close of October last, it was called together
for the purpose of considering the state of Ireland. Papers
were laid before us showing the failure of the potato crop, and
reports of certain professors were placed before us, which in
my opinion, tended very much to aggravate the evil of
which they complained. We were called on to consider what
steps were to he taken for the relief of Ireland, for it was for
their relief that we were convened, and we were invited to
open the ports by an order in council. I was of opinion then,
as I am of opinion now, that at the close of October the real
state of the case was wholly unknown to the Government. In
the first place, not above one-third of the potato crop had
failed, and in the next, there never was a season in the history
of Ireland, when, so far from there being a famine, there was so
large a supply in the country of all descriptions of food for the
consumption of the inhabitants. We were also told that foreign
countries were taking steps to prevent the export of food, and it
was stated to us that on the continent there was a scarcity in
their crops. I certainly thought that that was an additional
reason for not acceding to the invitation, and for this reason,
because the effect of opening the ports would be to stimulate
consumption, when it was necessary to discourage it by every
means in our power-( Hear, hear)-and it would be likely to
aggravate distress, if distress existed.-(Cheers.) But I en.
treat of you to bear in mind the wide and manifest distinction
between scarcity and famine, and great local and individual dis-
tress.-( Cheers.) I speak of the famine as an utterly baseless
vision, which haunted the imagination of the Government.-
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) I speak in very different
terms, and with very different feelings, of that
amount of destitution and distress which naturally prevailed on
the failure of the potato crop, but upon which the repeal of
the corn-law can produce no more effect than if you were to
pass a law that should reduce the price of pine apples.-
( Cheers.) Distress existed then not because corn was dear,
for it might be said never to be dear ; it had never risen to
any extraordinrry high pitch. Their state of suffering arises
from a very different circumstance-it is this, because they
are not as the labourers are in England, working for steady
and permanent wages-it is because they have invested their
labour and their capital in the cultivation of some small plot
of ground for which they pay a large rent-the produce of
that failed, and they had no labour to look to, and having no
means of employment they have no prospect of buying
food, and that is the state of the cottiers. Another
class, and not an unimportant one, comprising about
5,000,000 or 6,000,000 of the people, namely, the
small farmers and occupiers of land in Ireland, in what
state were they? They find their potato crop has failed-
they find that it is unfit for individuals, and not a few of
them have converted the diseased potatoes into food for cattle,
and a very good kind of provender it has turned out to be.
They had thus the means of relieving themselves from the loss
of their potato crop ; but the corn had been very successful,
and they had thus also a means of redress. And by the way of
further relieving them, you propose to enact a law which has
for its object a reduction in corn, upon which they rely ; there-
fore, when appealed to about the famine, I took the liberty of
recording my opinion against the opening of the ports ; but at
the same time so strongly did I feel the importance of unani-
mity, so strongly was I convinced of the evils consequent on
the breaking up of any Government, I intimated my entire
readiness to yield my own opinion, and consent to the suspen-
-1 sion of the corn-laws, provided only a suspension was intended
( Cheers. ) But hen I was told that this temporary exi-
gency was to lead not. to a remedy commensurate with the
evil, and that a suspension was to be made for the purpose
of not re-enacting the corn-laws again, I felt I should not
take a course consistent with my own feelings, as an honour-
able man, were I to support such a measure.-(Hear, hear. )
An adjournment of the question at all events took place, suffi-
cient information not being before us. In the close of No-
vember, when she Cabinet met again, I cordially concurred
in the measures of the Government in the appointment of ad
the heads of those departments of the Government which
might have the best opportunities of furnishing employment,
and of communicating with the Lord-Lieutenants of the diffe-
rent counties for the purpose of. distributing relief when it
mtoyperoevneiriiati peroincstelsnftrotmo
theseg measures,th an el t
thlatgathvee
repeal of the corn-laws would be most unjustifiable, and would
he, in addition, an injury to the people of Ireland.-(Hear,
hear.) The question, when the Cabinet met again, was
nominally different; and it was with some surprise, and no
little disappointment, I found myself alone in my opposition.
I felt deeply and painfully the prospect of separation. I felt
most painfully the weight of responsibility which I was about
imposing upon myself. I am not ashamed to say that I asked
for a period of eight and-forty hours to decide my mind.-
. Hear, hear.) It was no sacrifice in me to abandon office. I
had to examine, and I did rigidly examine my own mind whether
I was influenced in the conduct 1 adopted by an anxious desire
to escape the burdens of office.-( Hear, hear.) I tried to
school myself into the belief, that under certain circumstances
the interests of the country must require the adoption
of such a measure, but I could not bring myself to such a
humiliating conviction ; and most reluctantly, but without
diffieulty, I felt myself constrained to abandon office, sup-
ported as I was by one of my own colleagues, whom, if I could
name, his high position and character, in his subsequent
adhesion to the Government would shield him from the slight-
est shadow of a doubt that he has not been actuated by the
highest and the purest motives; but supported by one of my
colleagues I was compelled to resign.-( Hear, hear, and
cheers. Upon that the Government of Sir R. Peel was
broken up. Your Lordships have the whole of the subse-
quent circumstances which have been already stated to you,
and I feel that I owe a great apology to your Lordships for
adverting to them at such length. Then we are compelled to
investigate the corn-laws of 1842, and have your predic-
tions upon that event being falsified ? Have they
not been fulfilled in a wonderful degree? The object
of a corn-law I apprehend to be, to place this country
in a state of independence as regards food with respect to
foreign countries; and though this view may be scouted, it
was not thought unworthy the attention of great and eminent
men; and if your Lordships will forgive me, I would refer to a
letter of Mr. Huskisson, who placed the question in a much
more able point of view than lam able to do. He says, even
in peace all dependence on foreign nations for supply is most
dangerous.-(Heer, hear.) During the last three years,
741,000 quarters has been the average of our home consump-
tion, showing a very considerable increase. Has that been
produced by measures of proscription or by the increase of
prices? These are the greatest fallacies, but formed to lead
us into errors in defending the Corn Bill. Statements are
attributed to us which were never made by us. We are said
to have asserted that it was the intention of the corn-law to
guarantee the farmer a price of 555. per quarter. The inten-
tion of the corn-law was no such thing. The intention of the
corn-law was, that if by legislation we would fix the average
price of corn, that we should fix the price from 545. to 58s.
The object of the corn-law is, that when the prices
are above 58s. the consumer shall be protected by
a large influx of foreign corn; and if the price is
below Ms., that the producer shall be protected against any
other competition than that which he met on equal terms-
those exposed to the same vicissitudes deriving the same ad-
vantage and subject to the same variations as himself. What,
in point of fact, has been the result, as far as the consumer is
concerned, of the operation of these corn-laws ? The average
prices of the, last twenty years have been 575. per quarter, and
the average prices of the last three years havebeen 595. 9d. per
quarter. The pricee of the last year which they were told was a
year of great scarcity, was 50s. 10d. per quarter. My Right
lion. Friend said that he wished to keep the prices between
545. and bBs. if I were to refer to the average prices of last
year, the result would be the statement of a price of from 50s.
to 503. 103. But a return has been laid before the House of
Commons, giving a more accurate measure of the car-law un-
der the sliding scale, and of the manner in which they operated
to check any tendency to a rise or fluctuation in the price of
corn. There is the return of the weekly prices of corn, from
March, 1844, to March, 1846 ; and of those 104 weeks, this
was the result :-The prices were before 545. and 58s. per
quarter for no less than 48 weeks of that period ; the price
was below 544. per quarter in 54 of those weeks; and the prices
were above 58s. in 7 of phone weeks only; and the prices never
rose in any week above 555. So far as the commercial interest
was concerned, have we any right to say that this corn-law, in
its operation, have deceived the expectations which have been
formed upon it, although it is quite true that the price of
corn has fallen considerably below what was expected by my
Right lion. Friend? If we look at the total amount im-
ported, since the first great rush of two and a half millions of
quarters since the introduction of this measure, they would find
that it was two millions of quarters teat have come into the
market since that time. There entered under 555. per quarter
only 3115,000 quarters; and between 595. and 555. per quarter,
the point at wnich we desire competition to bear, there en-
tered 1,445,000 quarters'; and there entered above 595. per
quarter, only 69,000. That shows that the present law operates
in the manner, and to the extent which was expected. He was
sorry to trouble their Lordship-( Hear)-so long but he would
take another point with regard to the fluctuation of prices in
corn. Since the corn-laws passed the total amount of fluctua-
tion between 1844 and 1846 was only 58s. to 455. All the
difference between any two succeeding weeks during those
two years did not amount to a difference of 30 per cent. The
greatest fluctuation between any two succeeding weeks, one
week succeeding another, was only Is. 6d. ; and the greatest
fluctuation between any two months in those years was 4s. and
no more. I recollect when these corn-laws were introduced in
184 e, it was put forward as a matter of wonder at what they
could do, when it was stated they had only produced a fluctua-
tion of 49 per cent, in one year, the smallest they had ever
known. Let us look to the fluctuation of other countries, and
sce what has taken place from December 1844 to Deeember
1845. During those two years the amount of fluctuation was
in Dantric, 665. per cent. ; in Hamburg, 86s. per cent. ; in
Rostock, 64'. per cent. ; and in Odessa, 84s. per cent. They
were told that this was the effect of the sliding scale and the
corn-laws. He would refer to the year 1842, when the
Secretary of State for the Colonies stated that the fluctuation
in New York was between SO and 40 per cent.,
the maximum at New York being 705.; at Phila-
delphia, 76s ; at 7`)., • Portsmouth, ,
and at New
Norfolk 62 ; and that continued to the present time from be-
tween the years 1841 and 18
4 whenwhile between 1844 and
our fluctuations did not
on the average exceed 30 perl ent. In answer, we are
1 e 45 they did not exceed -(
per
effect of the sliding-scale;
told that these fluctuations were ther cent;
but so far as I see, during the three years of the existence, of
the law of this country, it had produced a great steadiness and
t duced in 1842,
ro
cheapness of prices. This was the law
and which now was about to be abandoned. If we wished to
took
see the history of these fluctuations, let us look at what
place in Europe from the year 1792 to 1805, when we were
dependent entirely on foreign corn. Let them listen to an ex-
tract from the work of Mr. Malthus, who states that, during
the last century, that part of it in which the greatest importa-
tion took place, namely, from 1792 to 1805, there were no
years in which a greater amount of fluctuation took place. In
1792 the price was 425. per quarter, in 1796 it was 775. per
quarter, in 1801 it was 118 s. per quarter, and in 1803 it was
down to 665. per quarter ; so that between 1792 and 1801 the
price of corn was trebled; and from 1798 to 1803 the price
arose from 50s. to 118 s. per quarter, and fell again to 565. This
was the period of that century in which this country was most
dependent on a foreign supply of corn. ( Hear, hear, and
loud cheers.) I will now mit you to look at some other articles
of consumption. The fluctuations of corn have been taken and
attributed to the :eliding scale ; look at the price of the potato