The Sun.
London, England, 1848-11-03 00:00:00

STATE OF TRADE.
MANCHESTER.—The slightly improved tone of
feeling perceptible in this market at the date of our
last report has been somewhat further developed.
Instead of that prevalent want of confidence, and ex-
cessive pressure to force off the production, under
which prices were constantly sinking to a lower level,
we are glad to say there has appeared something
like a disposition among the buyers to meet the
sellers at rates ineffectually demanded by the latter a
week ago. Rather higher prices have pretty gene-
rally been asked, both by spinners and manufacturers,
but without success, except in the case of some pecu-
liar and limited qualities of yarns or descriptions of
goods. The day's process has been that of steadying
prices, in some degree, and not of generally raising
them. However, an increased business has been done
in yarns and cloth, more especially the latter. The
purchasers have been for various markets, the most
prominent of which, as regards cloth, are those of
India. There can be no doubt that the main imme
diate cause of this improvement is the reaction that has
taken place in public opinion as to the soundness of
our leading railway companies. But, looking at the
still most precarious position of the disturbed conti-
nental states, at the embarassments involved in rail-
way calls, and at the lateness of the season, it is evi-
dent that the progress of commercial improvement
must necessarily be slow, and possibly interrupted ;
and that nothing but low prices can carry off the
present production. The rise we see in cotton can
have no effect whatever in causing a demand for ma-
nufactures. It appears from letters which the Greek
hou.es have received to-day, that the apprehended
military struggle for the throne of Persia would, in
all probability, be avoided. Trade in that country
continued, however, in a paralysed condition; and
a'lvices from Constantinople state that the arrival of
cotton fabrics were very heavy, whilst the demand for
them was small, and prices were consequently giving
way in some degree. There is, therefore, nothing
from that quarter to stimulate demand in this market.
From the Brazilian accounts, we learn that the course
of exchange at Rio and Bahia had undergone a further
improvement; and that the demand for our manufac-

tures was progressing satisfactorily. At Pernambuco,
on the contrary, trade was still in a very depressed
state, and the rat+ of pirellange very low. We may
here mention that a Mr. Cockshott, a Brazilian
merchant in Liverpool, suspended payment a 'few
days ago.

ROCEIDALE.—There has been a fair average busi-
ness doing in flannels to-day, at last week's prices.
The woolmarket continues languid, and prices have
undergone no change.
HUDDERSFIELD.—We cannot report any improve-
ment in the market to-day. There certainly hive
been more buyers but the purchases have been on a
limited scale. In wool, there is nothing doing, and
complaints are heavy throughout the whole district.
HALIFAX.—Our Piece Hall has presented to-day
as dull and inanimate an appearance as ever, and there
is hardly so much doing in the warehouses. The
spinners continue fully employed; and although as
the season advances the orders given out by thq ex-
porting houses are not so numerous, yet as the orders
on hand are completed, fresh ones are given out suf-
ficient to keep the machinery running full time.
Prices, however, are far from being satisfactory.
Wool goes off slowly, yet steadily, at old rates, the
spinners buying only from band to mouth, and not
seeming inclined to lay in stocks.
LEEDS.—There is no alteration in our market;
business continues dull, as is usually the case at this
period of the year. Prices remain steady.-111an.
cheeter Guardian of Wednesday.

THE TRIANGULAR SURVEY OF
LONDON.

Yesterday morning the last piece of scaffolding, built
for the purpose of enabling the Sappers and Miners to
make a trigonometrical survey of the metropolis and sur-
roundino, counties, was removed from the gallery imme-
diately above the dome, and in the course of the day
carried away. Although the scaffold was only up three
months the observations taken were between three and
tour thousand, in which were included every division in
the degree. In many instances the same object was
gone over as many as six times, none less than three or
four. The utmost distance obtained was twenty-six
miles in the circle, with the exception of the north-west
point; here Highgate-hill impeded the observations, the
crown of the hill being higher than the level from which
the observations were taken. With this single excep-
tion no difficulties presented themselves, and the survey,
and the various altitudes obtained, are of the most
satisfactory description. In the language of the parties
engaged the metropolis and the surrounding counties
may be considered nearly a level plain. Although
below it was repeatedly misty the atmosphere
was exceedingly clear above, which enabled
the Sappers and Miners repeatedly to obtain
the utmost limit of their survey. The extreme
height of the scaffolding, from the base to the crown upon
which the observatory was built, was ninety-ono feet,
and took between a fortnight and three weeks in raising.
As the whole was bound together with ropes, about one
and a half ton was used for the purpose. It may be
gratifying to know that in this perilous undertaking not
the slightest accident, not even to the breaking of
single pane of glass, occurred, while only some of the
corners of the planks were chipped off during the re-
moval. The most dangerous part of the workc was the '

fixing of tho poles which supported the cradle, imme •
(Hatay beneath the principal dome. These extended
beyond the gallery thirty-five feet, and great skill and
caution were requisite in fixing, as ...wolf as in removing
them, for had the slightest slip occurred no power could
have prevented them falling through into the church.
The number of persons employed was ten. It may be
interesting to know that the time. which they occupied in
Going up was about seven minutes, while from four to
five minutes were occupied in the descent. Some of the
persons had to go up and down three or four times a day.
During the period the scaffold was up the lead-work of
ihc upper dome was repaired. The expense of the sur-
vey is very small, as the materials were supplied by the
Commissioners of Woods and Forests.

NORTHAAIPTON, Nov. 2.—The unfortunate stoker
who was so dreadfully scalded in the train yesterday, at
Weedon, died this morning in the hospital at North-
ampton, leaving a wife and five children totally unpro-
vided for. An inquest will now explain the cause of the

accident.
DISSIPATION AND SITICIDE.—Last evening Mr.
Bedford held an inquest at the Salutation, Tavistoek-
street, Covent-garden, on the body of Charles Mills,
aged 35, assistant to Mr. Baker, linendraper, of No. 31,
in the above street. The deceased, it appeared, had
lately been exceedingly irregular in his habits, often
staying out all night, and keeping the worst of company.
He was frequently intoxicated, and at Lach times was in
very low spirits. At last he neglected business so much
that he received notice of dismissal. On Monday night
list, while sitting at the Blue Anchor, Feathers-court,
Drury-lane he asked the rvant to buy a rope to hang
himself, and after she had refuse], ho went out and
bought one himself. Early the next morning he went to
his employer's, and at the time he should have been
taking down the shutters, hung himself against a pillar in
the shop. Verdict, " Temporary insanity."
MUNIFICENT DONATION.—An anonymous "friend"
has contributed 1,0001. towards rebuilding St. Peter's
Church, Cheltenham.

SMITHFIELD CLUB.—Parties intending to exhibit
animals at the next show of the Smithfield Club should
note that it is necessary to send in their certificates on or
before the 11th of November.

SKETCH OF THE STORNOWAY HERRING FISHING.
—lt is a very pleasant sight to see perhaps a hundred
and fifty, or two hundred fishing boats leaving the bay
on an evening, " all walking the waters like things of
life," every one most eager and anxious to outstrip its
fellow. Each boat is manned with five or six hardy
Highland fishermen. Each net is fifty yards long and
six deep. If the fish aro conjectured to be near the
bottom, the buoy-rope is lengthened; if near the surface,
it is shortened; and each net is tied to the other until
the whole extends a thousand yards from the boat, and
swing with the tide. To prevent the herring from see-
ing the meshes of the net in the water, the twine is dyed
brown by the liquid of oak or birch bark, which also
prevents the hemp from rotting, by being thus made im-
pervious to wet. On this invisible surface the herrings
rush and having got their heads in just over the car,
in drawing back, the cords lay hold of the gill, and
thus keeps them fast until strangled. When then
found, they present, perhaps, the most beautiful ap-
pearance in all animated nature, being enamelled,
gilded, painted, infinitely beyond everything which
the most glowing colours and happy pencil can de-
scribe. The boats return in the morning, some having
perhaps, as high as fifty crans or barrels; but generally
thirty crans and upwards are reckoned a good take.
And then to see the haste and hurry at landing—what
jostling and confusion! Little urchins busy stealing,
and old Highland wifie's begging, in imploring and em-
phatic Gaelic strains, whilst crowds of winsome lasses
are busily engaged in gutting them. As soon as the
boats land, the fish are carried into the curing yard, and
poured into large square boxes. Three women gene-
rally form themselves into what is called a crew, or joint-
stock trio. Two of these with a short-bladed, sharp-
point( d knife, nip out the gut and gill by a process of
throat-cutting which cannot be described. Yet so expe-
ditiously is this work done, that one woman will gut two
thousand five hundred herrings an hour! The third
woman of the crew packs the fish into barrels, each con
taming seven hundred herrings. To give an idea of the
quantity caught, I may mention, that during six weeks
last year, 31,000 barrels were taken, and on one day,
this year, 2,200 barrels were caught. The herring fish-
ing in this quarter continues from the beginning of May
till the end of June.—W. A.
DARING ROBBERY.— Last evening, between six
and seven o'clock, a poor man was observed lying on
his face on the pavement, opposite Mr. Cording's water-
proof establishment, Strand, near Temple-bar, and, upon
examination, he was found to be in a fit. Some persons
time to his assistance, among the rest Mr. Cording's
foreman,. who, with the aid of some medicine, succeeded
in restoring the man to his senses; while the gentleman
was thus humanely engaged some thief stole a gold
watch from his waistcoat pocket, although secured by
achain. Information of the robbery was subsequently
given to the police, through whose activity it is to be
hoped the thief will be discovered. The number of the
watch was 2,457, single-cased, and rather old-fashioned.
THE DAY MAIL.—By the alteration in the arrival
of the day mail train in Canterbury, the letters will be
delivered in Canterbury one hour earlier than heretofore I
—Kentish Gazette.

MR. G. THOMPSON, 31. P., AND THE
TOWER, HAMLETS.
On Wednesday a numerous meeting, called by the com-
mittee who conducted Mr. G. Thompson's election for
the Tower Hansiete, was held at the Royal British In-
stitution, Cowper-street, City-road, for the purpos., of
affording that Hoe. Gentleman an opportunity of ren-
dering to his constituents an account of his Parliamentary
conduct during the last session, and giving such expl tna
tions as might be demanded.
Mr. J. H. FRY was called to the chair, and, after come
introductory remarks, introduced Mr. G. Thompson,
MT., to the meeting.
Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON upon coming to the front of
the platform was received with the most enthusiastic and
prolonged cheering, which,
eeeded to state that, having subsided, he pro
in -
his opinion, it was the duty er
the represented to expect, and demand, at the hands of
their representative, a candid statement of the manner in
which he had discharged his duty to them and to the
country; and it was the duty of the representative to
make that statement, and to submit his conduct to the
fair, but rigorous scrutiny of those whose Euffragel had
helped him to the high position he occupied. He (Mr.
Thompson) came there that night to make no epology,
and to conciliate no party, nor to prepare the way for
re-election in that borough; but to state what he had
done, and to express his deep regret that he had not ren-
dered more service to them and to his suffering country-
men at largo than he had hitherto been able to do,
either from want of oppertunity
frankly and honestly, in or ability, also to state
the sight of the Judge of all
men, that if he had not been able to serve, he at least
had never betrayed them._(Cheers.) When, at the in-
vitation of all sections of the liberal inhabitants of the
Tower Hamlets, he first came forward to solicit their
suffrages, he delivered and circulated an address, in
which he stated the principles he held upon all the great
public questions in which ho deemed they were interested;
and, in that address, he promised nothing but a laborious
attention to the business of the House of Commons,
telling them frankly that he did not intend to go into
that House to talk, but to work—(Hear, hear)—
that he was not to be judged by the number
of his speeches, but that he would be tried by the votes
which he should give, and by every syllable he uttered,
whenever he deemed it expedient to rim and express
his views in that assembly.—(Cheers.) He had yet to
know that there was one word that he had uttered which
he should retract, unless it might have been in conse-
quence of any want of temper or soungdiscretion; but,
as tar as any principle or sentiment had been embodied
in what he had said, he had nothing to retract or regret,
nor anything for which he should feel condemned in his
own conscience. The past session had been a very long
one; but long as it hail been ho had felt it his duty to
attend throughout. He had been one of the first to
enter that House at the commencement of the session,
and was amongst the very last who left it at its termi-
nation. He could truly say, that no regard for personal
comfort, health, or pleasure, had ever kept him from his
and, however little ho might
duty in the Legislature;
have been able to serve them and his countrymen, he,
at least, had always been in his place by an humble
vote to contribute something to the cause of the people.
They were there that night, less for the purpose of re-
viewing the multifarious proceedings of the session,
than to hear an explanation of his (Mr. Thompson's)
own share in those proceedings. Many measures had
been lost, many rejected, many postponed, and
many barbarously mutilated.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) The first question which came up in Parliament
to which he would allude had reference to Ireland; it
was the recommendation of a coercive Bill. An amend-
ment was moved, that it was not just to the people or
that country to enact any law of a coercive character
without at the same time passing measures with a view
to their permanent relief. For that amendment he (Mr.
Thompson) voted.—(Cheers.) He had never given a
vote in favour of any coercive measure towards Ireland,
but whenever there had been a measure brought forward
for improving the condition, and establishing the just
rights of the people of that country, it had invariably
received his support. Whatever tended to improve the
physical or social condition of the people of that land
had received his support; but Arms Bills, Crown and
Government Security Bills, and the Suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Bill, he had left to others to carry, and
had himself given to those measures his moat resolute
opposition. The next Bill was for the purpose of re-
lieving the Roman Catholics from certain obsolete pains
and penalties affixed to them in consequence of their
religion; for that measure he had voted, as he would ever
do when the object was to annihilate all distinctions
founded upon the religious creed of his fellow-subjects.
—(Cheers.) There was another question in which he
(Mr. Thompson) felt a considerable interest, although it
was not so comprehensive as be could have wished it,
nevertheless it was a step in the right direc-
tion, and he gave it a cheerful vote —he re-
'erred to the motion brought forward by Mr. llorsman,
for the reform of certain ecclesiastical abuses. Although
that gentleman advocated the continued connexion be-
the State and the Church, yet he had, nevertheless,
shown an earnest and sincere zeal to remedy the abuses
connected with the administration of the vast property
possessed by that Church, and the unequal distribution
of its good things among its ministers. He (Mr. Thomp-
son) had voted for that measure, not because he thought
it went to the root of the matter, but because it was
just in itself; he should have preferred a measure that
would at once have separated that Church from the
State, and brought its wealth under the control of the
people and Parliament of this country, to be applied to
a more legitimate purpose than the maintenance of an
exclusive sect, holding particular articles of faith and
doctrine. One of the very few measures introduced by
her Majesty's Government, which he (Mr. Thompson)
had felt at liberty to support, had been the Jewish Dis-
abilities Bill. Ile (Hr. Thompson) rejoiced to listen
to the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Go-
vernment, when, ably end eloquently arguing for the
rights of their Jewish fellow subjects to perfect religious
equality with their Christian brethren—their rights to
enjoy whatever honours or distinctions the State had to
confer, irrespective altogether of the faith which they
possessed. The next measure to which his attention was
directed was for the repeal of the window -tax, for which
he had voted heartily. The next measure he not only
voted for but spoke upon, almost for the first
time in Parliament. The House was unexpectedly
called upon, while the blue book was still wet from the
printer's, and not yet in the hands of its Members, to
vote 1,100,0001. in part payment of the expenses in-
curred in the Kafir war. Upon that occasion he (Mr.
Thompson) said a word in favour of their coloured
brethren in that region, and in condemnation of the acts
of our countrymen abroad, and of certain Governments
which had existed at the Cape of Good Hope. He had
denounced the indecency of calling upon the House of
Commons, without any information before it as :to the
origin, progress, or characteristics of that war, to vote so
large a sum of money out of the pockets of the English
people. He had voted with Mr. Horsman for a motion
in favour of the equalization of the income-tax, so that,
instead of pressing with much greater severity upon the
middle classes of society than upon
the upper, it should
be so graduated as to render
th
erthe burden least severe
m
where the ability to e
tax was the smallest.—
(Cheers.) He next spoke
voted in favour of Mr.
Ewart's motion for the abolitionad
of capital punishments.
—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Thompson) had then felt it his
duty in the House of Cm
to employ arguments
which to his mind were the
mnosst conclusive in favour of
the abolition of that penalty, and which had not been
alluded to by other Members, upon the principles of the
Christian religion, rather than upon the ground of expe-
diency. He (Mr. Thompson) maintained that it
an
excess of human jurisdiction and authority for
any str
hunal, under any sanction whatever,
however- for-
tified by statutes, to lay hands upon a hu-
man being and punish him for an offence against
society by taking away his life. His next
vote was for reducing the number of men and boys in
the navy, upon which question he bad followed two able
leaders—Mr Hume and Mr. Cobden.—(Hear, hear.) In
his (Mr. Thompson's) eyes armaments, whether for of-
fence or defence, wore the aspect of practical Atheism.
Revering that Book which told him he must " love his
enemies, do good to: them that hate: him—avenge
not himself," but refer all vengeance to his Maker—
that he was to save life, and not take it—he could not
regard any warlike measures, whether executed by the
army or devised by the Cabinet, without regarding them
as la practical denial of the authority of Scripture, and
an exhibition of practical unbelief in that Being who had
told them to confide in him for protection and security.
—(Cheers.) He did not expect the peopleeomfthoants coun-
try, still less the Members of a... House of cm
com-
posed to so great an extent of naval and military men
and their connexions, to take his (Mr. Thompson's) view
of the subject, but he hoped that the people would dis-
cuss it in all its bearings, looking at it as a question of
finance, policy, and religion, with a vices
is
carrying
,
out such reductions as were necessary; and, nso
he (Mr. Thompson) would render all the support in his
power
them
as a yp
rore points.
to those who fearlessly denounced a system so
country in a pecuniary
fraught with loss to the
to
next vote white he gave
of view, and so disgraceful The
game-laws, upon which oc
redly Christian nation.
was upon the debate on the
inot having had an
intention of
casion he moved the adjournment, with the ' • -
speaking upon the question,
opportunity of doing, as the
Hi'
adjournment was lost, he
some future time. next vote was in
hoped to do at
favour of the discontinuance of the armed squadron on
the western coast of Africa, maintained for the purpose
of putting down the slave trade. That object be desired
to see achieved; but his opinion was, that the end did
not sanctify such means. His next vote was in favour of
a reduction of the military force of the country from
113,847 to 100,000. On the 6th of April a motion was
made in the House of Commons that her Majesty would
be graciously pleased to pardon Frost, Williams, and
Jones; for which address, though ho had given no
pledge, he had voted.— (Hear, hear, and Cheers.)
Upon the next question to which he (Mr. Thompson)
would refer, he had unexpectedly been called to take
a prominent part. suddenly, as though in the
twinkling of an eye, notice was given of the intention of
her Majesty's Government to introduce a Bill for the
bettor security of the Crown and Government of the
country. By that Bill, ten felonies were created in one
short clause. He (Mr. Thompson) did then, as he ever
should do, when a great duty was required at his
hands, discharge it irrespective of the opinions entertained
of his conduct out of doors. While the routine business
was going on, upon the day fixed for the second
reading, he gave notice that be should move
that the Bill be read that day six months:—(Cheer.)
The object of the Government was, as he subsequently
learnt, to press the Bill through in all its stages a ith
the utmost possible speed, well knowing that it would
pass the House of Lords without opposition or discus-
sion. He opposed that Bill in every stage, and although
its opponents hail failed in defeating the intentions of
her Majesty's Government, they obtained several impor-
tant modifications of that measure. A delusion was
practised upon the House and the country by the state-
ment that the Bill was not a Bill to enhance the penalty
annexed to sedition, but fur the mitigation of the pe-

naltics annexed to high treason. It was a gigging Bill
and nothing but a gagging Bill.—(Cheers.) it was the
introduction of a clause which bad been twice rejected
under the reign of Tory Governments, asJhdoneci
Mr. Pitt, because he found he could not carry it throug'i
the House of Commons, abandoned by Lord Castlereagh
and his Achninstration, and finally carried by, par er•
ccliettee, a Liberal Minister'—(Cheer:.) Hu (Mr. Thomp-
son) bad also voted against the Alien Bill, believing that
England's throne, altar, and firesides, had nothing to
fear from the residence of foreigners in this country,
and it was his intenton to vote against that
[3lll in future. On the 12th of May he
voted for inquiry into the alleged interference
of the Marquis of Exeter with his tenants during the election at Stamford. He had voted in favour of everyl
inquiry connected with elections, and would always de
co, even if applied to the Towerlleralete—(Laughter.)
On the 9th of June ho voted for a relaxation of tile
navigation-laws, knowing, however, that in so doing he
should displease some parties in that borough. He had,
however, stated fairly, when questioned upon the subiect
during his canvass, that he should vote for the repel
the navigation•laws, and would still cwitintie to do so.
The sugar duties was the next measure which came
under consideration, and again he felt himself at
variance, in some respects, with those whose opinions
he respected, because they were honest, and whose
motives he honoured, because they were in the highest
degree humane; bat, nevertheless, ho felt it his duty to
vote for leaving untouched the measure of 1846. With
his present views he should vote for the reduction of the
sugar duties, without reference to the countries fro-n
lehielt they came; and were it necessary upon that occa
sien lie should be prepared to justify that course of e
in-
duct. The measure of 1846 was entirely unsettled,
without giving any benefit to the consumers, but rather
injuring them, the whole object sought by the altere-
[ion bsing the benefit of the West India interest. Upon
the refined sugar in bond question, he elso give
another vote, and spoke several times upon that
measure. It had been so arranged by her
Majesty's Government, that the Dutch refiners, no mat-
ter from what country they might obtain their sugars,
should have the privilege of sending them, in a refined
state, into the market, to be consumed by the people of
this country ; and his (Mr. Thompson's) efforts were
directed to obtain for the British refiners in bond the pri-
vilege of entering their sugars for home consumption,
upon payment of precisely the same duties as those
charged upon Dutch sugar. He bad urged the facts
upon the Government, and shown that the question of
slave and free-grown produce had nothing to do with
that particular duty ; not obtaining any satisfactory
answer, he was compelled to give up the matter, but not
until he had voted in every stage against it. Upon that
measure he had been warmly supported by a deceased
nobleman—Lord George Bentinck—who, for the first
time in his life, had made free-trade speeches and a free-
trade motion in the House of Commons. Upon the 6th
of July Mr. Hume brought on his motion re-
specting the national representation. This was a
question upon which he (Mr. Thompson) had
intended to speak, and the reason he had not done so
was because it had been determined, after grave consi-
deration, to confine the debate to two nights, as the fer-
'her adjournment might prove injurious. He (Mr.
Thompson) well knew that the opinions of the men who
were to speak upon that subject deserved more weight
out of doors than his own, and he had, therefore, re
solved, against his own feelings, but in full accordance
with the dictates of his own judgment, to refrain from
speaking upon that occasion. On the 29th of July he
voted with Mr. Sharman Crawford, that the House
should direct its attention, not only into the repression
of crime in Ireland, but into the actual condition of the
people, with a view of finding, before ,;the close of the
session, some remedy for at least a part of the grievances
of which the people of that country complained. That
motion was thought by many inopportune, but not so
by himself (Mr. Thompson). The session had beau
protracted, it is true, much beyond the usual period,
but he (Mr. Thompson) would have willingly sat much
longer it the House would have :taken up the wants of
Ireland, as well as have employed its time in Arms
Bills, gagging laws, and the suspension of the writ of
Habeas Corpus. They would then have given the people
some solid and satisfactory proof that Ireland was not
considered undeserving of the same religious and poli-
tical rights which were enjoyed in this country. Upon
the Bth of August Mr. Berkeley brought forward his
motion on the subject of the ballot. Again it
was the opinion of all with whom he (Mr.
Thompson) was in the habit of acting, that the debate
should be suffered to terminate the same night. Ail
present knew that Mr. Berkeley's motion was carried
by a small majority, and that the Hon. Gentleman had
given notice of his intention, early in the next session,
to ask leave to bring in a Bill to make the vote by
ballot the law of the land.—(Cheers.) On the question
of Vancouver's Island, he (Mr. Thompson) had voted
with Mr. Hume against giving the government of that
island to the Hudson's Bay Company until the
sehject had undergone full inquiry, and certain com-
plaints against the company had been investigated; he
trusted that the discussions which had taken place on
the subject, including the able speech of Mr. Glad tone,
would make the Government pause, ere they trans-
ferred fur a term of years so important a portion of Bri-
tish territory to the hands of a company of whose ma-
nsgement so little was known. During the progress of
the votes, under the head of miscellaneous estimates,
the House was called upon to grant the sum of 9,8271. to
defray tho charge of the Island of Labuan. He had
spoken and voted against thegrant, regarding it as most ex-
travagant, and believing that the establishment of British
authority on that island would, judging from the narra-
tives he had perused of the conduct of our countrymen
in that part of the world, be a calamity rather than a
blessing to the natives dwelling around. He did not
regret the vote he had given; ho would rejoice to see the
fears he entertained of the result of our settlement at
Labuan disappointed. Any person reading only the
journal published by Midshipman Marryat, or the
Semarang, would blush for the acts perpetrated
by Englishmen under the plea of putting down
piracy in the eastern seas. Too jealous a
control could not be exercised over the acts
of those who represented this country in distant parts
of the world. The melancholy history of the coloured
races, both in the east and in the west, showed how ca-
pable even Englishmen were of committing deeds of the
grossest injustice and cruelty. He had voted for the
Bill to establish diplomatic intercourse with the Pope, as
the head of the Roman states; but he had also
voted for ,every amendment tending to divest that
intercourse of an ecclesiastical character. He had
voted with Mr. Lushington against the grant
known by the name of the Regium Donum,
and, though in a minority, trusted it might
be the last instance of the public money being applied to
such a purpose.—(Cheers.) Future sessions would, he
trusted, witness the introduction of far more comprehen-
sive measures relating to ecclesiastical and religious
questions, upon which he should be happy to vote, until
the House of Commons ceased to legislate and make
grants of money for purposes of a purely religious cha-
raster. He would now briefly refer to a question on
which he had twice spoken at considerable length—he
alluded to the case of the late Raja of Sattara. If
there ever was a case which imperatively demanded the
attention of the House of Commons, it was that of the
ill-used Prince he had named, who was dethroned with-
out a hearing, and upon evidence which had been
proved to be false and fabricated. He (Mr. Thompson)
deemed it his peculiar duty to bring this matter again
before Parliament. It was one which he had studied for
eight years—which ho had again and again brought
before the Court of Proprietors at the India House—a
case, an inquiry into which had been prayed for by 70,000
petitioners, and which involved, not only the fate of a
noble-minded man, his family, his followers, and his
former subjects, but the character of the British Go-
vernment in India. Many of the most distinguished
men connected with India had long regarded the case of
the ex-Raja in the same light as he (Mr. :Thompson)
did, and conceived it eminently entitled to the notice of
the Legislature. Though his motives had been assailed
and misrepresented, his facts had not been disproved,
and ho was still ready to establish, before any impartial
tribunal, the truth of the allegations he had made
against the Court of Directors and their offi-
cers and servants in India. The charge of
having obstructed other business by making motions on
this question was not true ; for, on both occasions, there
would have been no House, had not one been kept for
that particular question. If it was supposed that he
had devoted that time to the study of the Sattara ques-
tion which he ought to have devoted to other matters of
more immediate interest, he could assure the gentlemen
before him, that long before he entered the House of
Commons he was perfectly familiar with all the details
of the case, and quite prepared at any moment to
submit it to the consideration of the Legisla-
ture. Though his efforts and those of others had
thus far been unsuccessful, he did not regret
that they had been made, nor did he despair of seeing
the verdict which had so often been recorded, reversed,
when justice should prevail over interest, and
case. handt core
ofa
should be a fair inquiry into all the facts
futureis
conductoccas occasion
on thisnhewouciueldbsetiroen to hisadyt
n s explaincott
constituents,
partany
of his
thea and
case,
,felt
they
reoef
tab
akt it now7leadsgoeoef.
not only claiming his (Mr. Thompson's) but
ut
that of every other Member of the British r iament .
It was possible an impression might have gone
question
that the attention ho had given to a particular
.
of the
ts of
rnetlaertietsigtolntdhieasehandeaarberridhgoemd
eh;isheeffomrtusstincobnchteandtl
and
do
rithoalet wcohnadteitvieornroeflattheedhtuondthreedgmorleironnmseonfttohfeplenodpilae,
of that country under British sway—a population soon
bt of
lire increased,em illi
bns in
if
thheewpausninaoutbm—iwstaaskon,
matterb y the
of
deep
addition
mo-
ment to this country, and to all classes of the community.
England, however justly some of them
mTihge rbt'ec°oPtni° of
plain ofhba
d still e i g
the deprived n e
ao
nf
s theiro f mdauiecing their
shareof
political power,
grievances known. Here, discussions were rife on all
subjects—there were parish debates, political associations
of all kinds, coffee-house discussions, and public meetings
of every description, in doors and out of doors.—(Cries of
"No, no.") He (Mr. Thompson) had at the moment
forgotten Bonner's-fields.—(Laughter.) But how was
it with the people of India?' They had no voice in their
own goverment, no representatives whom they could
call, as those before him could, to account for their
public
conduct.—(Cries of " Only one of them.") The
people of India were afar off, voiceless and impotent,
without the means of making one of the many wrongs
they suffered knewn, still less of obtaining redress. Let
it not, then, be considered foreign from the duty of any
Member of Parliament occasionally to lift the curtain,
and show what was done by a chartered company over
the broad extent of those fertile and sunny lands which
had become portions of British territory. It was a
grievous error on the part of the people of this country
to separate the distant portions of the empire from their
consideration and sympathy. Every spot over which the
national flag floated should be viewed as an integral
part of the empire, and the rights and interests of Bri-

tish subjects throughout the world be regarded as oe.
Should the people of England ever wake up to a just sense
of the value and importance of India as a dependency,
they would find that every man, woman, and child had
a direct interest in the good government of that country,
and in the happiness and prosperity of its countless
rnillions.—(Cheers.) Soon after his election, he (Mr.
Thompson) had brought one branch of the Indian ques-
tion before his constituents. He alluded to the great
meeting at the Eastern Institution. He there en-
deavoured to show the importance and neces-
sity of looking to India for the article of raw
cotton, and the connexion between that subject and
the prosperity of the manufactures of this country, and
the abolition of slavery. He endeavoured to prove that
if the Government of India would but supply to the
p ?ople of India the means of internal communication,
and relieve them from the oppressive burthen of an in-
tolerable land-tax, and allow them to freight the vessels
on their shores (native though they might be, and
manned by lascars, who should not be put under the ban
of navigation-laws when they come here), the people of
India would be improved in their physical and social
condition, an article of prime necessity be cheapened to
the people of this country, the cotton manufactures
of this country saved from insecurity and fluctuation,
foul the grievous yoke of slavery, which republican
America had fastened upon three millions of her people,
be broken in pieces.—(Cheers.) If asked what had
been done on the subject since the groat meeting in Oc-
tober, 1847, h I would answer, that on the motion of Mr,
Bright, a Committee of the House of Commons had
been appointed, of which he (Mr. Thompson) was a mem-
ber, and that that Committee had taken the evidence
of a great number of witn ssses, which evidence, toge-
ther with the report of the Committee, would, he trusted,
bo brought before Parliament at an early period, and the
discussion thereon lead to important practical results.
What bad been done during the late session was an es-
sential prelimieary to any legislation on the subject, and
his constituents must regard his labours in the Com-
mittee, and his continual, though unseen, attention to
the question, as a redemption of the pledge be had given
to do all in his power to give the matter due prominence
in the eyes o`, the people and Parliament of England.
Members of the House of Commons should not be judged
by the number of columns of reported speeches in the
public papers. Some of the best men in Parliament,
men who rendered the greatest service to the country,
were men whim names seldom appeared in the debates,
but who nevertheless devoted themselves with unceasing
diligence to the business of the nation, whose principles
could only be ascertained by the votes which they gave
on the questions publicly decided. (He (Mr. Thomp-
son) spoke not now for himself s) much as for others.
Speech-making was by no means the sole business of a
man in Parliament. Some of the greatest talkers were the
most inefficient workers.—(Bear.) It might, perhaps,
be expected that be would notice the strictures which'
had been passed upon his conduct by the press. He did
not deem it necessary to do so. He wanted to the press
what he claimed for himself. He had no fault to find,
nor was it his business to scrutinise the motives of those
who furnished articles to the London papers or any other
journals. Public writers entertained—and it was well
they did—various opinions, and he could not expect to
share a better fate than public men generally. It was
for his constituents to judge of his conduct after be had
fully explained his acts. By their verdict he was con-
tent to stand or fall. If fortunate enough to obtain
their approbation, he was satisfied; and if be should
have the misfortune to fall under their condemnation, he
would resign his trust into their hands. As he was not
himself at all sensitive in respect to the criticisms of the
Press he wished his constituents to bear with the same
equanimity any severe animadversions to which his (Mr.
Thompson's) conduct might be subjected. Let them not
fancy their Member annihilated by this or that particular
article, but remember that he was treated no worse
than his betters. If a man could not live down
what he knew to be unjust accusations respecting
his objects or his motives—if he could not demonstrate
by his acts the sincerity of his intentions, he could ren-
der himself but transient service in any other way, and
would spend his time and breath in vain by taking up
his pen in his own vindication, or by coming out into
I the street, and crying aloud, I have been misrepre-
sented by the Times, or some other paper.—(Loud
cheers.) Fault might have been found with him for
having spoken but seldom since be took the seat to
which he had been so triumphantly elected. He can-
didly confessed that if had erred in this respect, it had
been wilfully and deliberately ; but he had been guided
by a calm consideration of what was due to his own cha-
racter, to the House in which ho sat for the first time,
to the multifarious business requiring attention, and to
the constituency he had the honour to represent. On
very many occasions be bad felt a strong desire to de-
liver his sentiments on the questions under discussion,
but had been restrained by motives which he could not
but believe were sound and sufficient. Men of eminence
and long standing of the same political principles had,
however, fully explained their views, and given the
public a distinct knowledge of the objects of those with
whom he (Mr. Thompson) had acted. As often as he had
spoken he had been satisfied with the attention
with which he had been heard. He had never yet been
coughed, or crowed, or brayed, or barked down ; and
should he ever deem it his duty to speak, when such in•
terruptions were offered he would maintain his righ

and fearlessly express his sentiments. He would coml•
sel those before him not to form their opinions of men
in the House of Commons by the number and length of
their speeches in the public papers. A man's adherence
to his principles could not be tried by a more fallacious
test. Think not your member, or any other man, has
betrayed you because you do not see his name fre-
quently in print, but try him by his votes, which are the
best and surest index of the course he has marked out
for himself. The Hon. Gentleman having rezapitulated
the measures for which he had voted, and stated his de-
termination to adhere to a similar line of conduct in
future, proceeded to state his view of the manner in
which be considered the people should act for the ad-
vancement and establishment of their just rights. While
an ardent friend of the disfranchised classes, he was
equally a foe to all conspiracy, to all secret associations,
and to the use of physical force—(Loud cheers)--
to all di%ibedienee to the law, except when tie
human law conflicted with the divine, and then
only in the form of passive resistance.—(Cheer..)
He was an enemy to the employment of physical
force, not only on moral and religious grounds, but also
upon the grounds of policy and expediency. Few vir-
tuous and enlightened men, still less any truly Christian
men, would resort to violence for the attainment of their
object. They would seek it by calm discussion, and
establish their right to what they asked by showing
their moral fitness to possess it. Milton had truly said—
" Who would be free should first be wise and good."—
(Cheers.) His conviction deepened every day, that by
the proper exercise of moral power, and the force of
public opinion, it was competent to the people of this
country to reform the government to any extent they
pleased. Reformers in this country were weak in pro-
portion as they were violent, and had recourse to wea-
pons which no virtuous man or good subject could
sanction. Bad and arbitrary governments knew this
but too well, and the consequence was, that when they
apprehended any great and salutary change, and sought
to avert it, they encouraged, up to a certain point, the
designs of weak, misguided, and criminal men, and then,
when some due ni individuals could bo apprehended at
the Lord Denman's [lead, or elsewhere, frighted the isle
from its propriety by the intellig.-nce of a plot
for the overthrow of the state, the prostration
of all law, and the general spoliation of the
honest and industrious people of the country.
He would, therefore, conjure all who professed a desire
to carry forward the cause of reform to be open, manly,
peaceful, and constitutional in their measures. So acting,
the humblest and the poorest had the power to aid it—
its real enemies were the ignorant, the vicious, and the
criminal, and such were always the friends of despotism
and military rule. Unlawful acts led to legislative coer-
cion, justified the assumption of arbitrary and unconsti-
tutional power, increased the number of armed police
and the additional taxation of the people, augmented the
patronage of placemen, gratified the spirit of Toryism,
and brought reproach upon a good cause and good men,
LI and inflicted a deep and serious wound on liberty her-
self.—(Cheors.) He felt it would be most unjust to
charge the criminal acts of certain men now receiving
punishment upon the Chartists of England generally,
whose conduct had been loyal and peaceable. Whatever
offence it might give there or elsewhere, he must honestlysay he was no believer in the existence of any real cause
for the panic of the 10th of April, when the nation was
led to believe, on high authority, that there was some
deep-laid and extensive plot for the destruction of the
Government—when men were appalled by the dread of
the sacking of Buckingham Palace, the taking of the
Tower, the
pillage o f the Bank, and the lighting up in
One great conflagration of the whole of London. A panic
there undoubtedly was; the quiet inhabitants of London
were scared by the apparition of a phantom in the shape
of a bloody insurrection—

"If shape it might bo called, that shape had none,
Distinguishable in member joint or limb ;
Or substance might be called, that shadow seem'd,
For each seened either ; black as night it stood
Fierce as ten furies, terrible as hell."
The House of Commons stood aghast—the special con-
stables were called oat. Oh 1 how they turned out.—
(Laughter and hisses.) He must confess, he for one was
not appalled. He certainly did go out with a heavy
heart on the morning of that day—with feelings which
he had scarcely experienced at any former time • but his
fear was, not that the multitude would break the peace,
or that they would injure life, limb, or property; but
that there might be brought about a conflict between
them and those who paraded the streets, and the more
formidable bodies who were concealed in every part of
this great metropolis, which would make the streets flow
with the crimson fluid that represented the lives of their
fellow-creatures. Ho Coed up in the. House and cen-
sured the Government that had thus invited a con-
flict between the people and the authorities.—(Loud
cheers.) Ho returned thanks to God when he rose at five
o'clock that evening in his place that peace reigned in
every part of this vast city ; bub he did not omit the
opportunity of attempting to show that it was with a
bad grace these measures proceeded from men, who, in
former times, had held similar views, and who had re-
commended the same assemblages which they now
sought to put down. On another day he quoted to Sir
John Hobhouse the following verse of a song, which he
used to sing before he got on the Treasury bench, when
he was Westminster's pride:—
" To se the corn upon the rigs,
And a gallows built to hang the Whigs,
And the right restored where the right should be,
Oh! that is the sight that would wanton me."
(Tlear and laughter.) But while he vindicated the
rights of the humbler classes, and while he vindicated
—as he would continue to vindicate to his death—the
honesty of the intentions, and the loyalty of the feelings
of the great body of working men of this country, he
felt that he could do so all the better, because he
would be one of the first to rebuke any measure

of a violent character to which they might be tempted
to resort.—(Hear, hear.) And why did be depre-
cate such measures ? Because nothing would be
gained by such a conflict that would not be ten thousand
times outweighed by the evils, the crimes, and the misery
which it would occasion. Every one engaged in such
a conflict would become demoralized, and by the very
acts which he committed to obtain liberty he would be
otuhled
moralbu t tt
ruennegnt nwc hhisi
which
stamped with reprobation as unworthy to enjoy it.
theolaysspeosukuonsoswed,ththe strength
repudiate all the doctrines preached b
miscreant, the Government spy.—
y that weyretched
(Loud cheers.) When
be thought of such a man, and of the Government that
employed him, he could not restrain his indignation.
Thus it happened a man would go to the inspector of
police, and would say, I will betray certain parties
into your hands. He then went to Milton street or
to Bonner's-fields, enjoying perfect immunity, for
police were told you are not to take notice of the prothe
- ceedings of Powell or Johnson, or whatever his name may
be. He went, therefore, to the meeting under the direct
protection, if not the patronage, of the Government. He
showed the hilt of a sword—he showed pistols—he said
to his neighbours, " You don't mean to put up with this.
I am going to propose a resolution, and I hope you will
second it." His neighbours, perhaps his fellow-work-
men, animated by a chivalrous feeling, not to be outdone
in daring, second his resolution, and repeat his words;
I and next day they find themselves before a magistrate—
the next day in Newgate—and the next at the bar of the
Old Bailey, where they are sentenced to be transported
for life.—(Hear, hear.) He could not but think there
was a better way of doing things than this; and he could
not but hope that the moral sand religious classes of this
country would' display no sympathy with the informer
and the Government spy. But they might learn a lesson
from this. It was fitted to teach them the futility of
such measures. There was no faith among bad men,
and they ought never to follow the advice of the men
who prompted to violence, be he spy or no spy. A word
now as to the measures to be sought in future. The
work of representative reform must be renewed and
prosecuted with redoubled energy. In the mean
time let the question of taxation not be
forgotten. The gross income of this amounted
in 1847 to 59,538,0001., of which 37,290,000/.
were raised from customs and excise. The Liverpool
Financial Association had truly said, "that as this amount
is a direct charge on articles of merchandise and trade,
it becomes a constituent part of the first cost of those
articles to the trader, who must put as much profit on
this portion of their cost as on the original short or
bonded price, which profit, spread over the number of
vendors through whose hands the articles pass from the
importer or manufacturer, as the case may be, to the
consumer, may be fairly reckoned, and has been so
stated by witnesses before Parliamentary Committees to
be twenty-five per cent., thus adding to the original
amount of taxation, so far as the tax-payer is concerned,
isnsgir
sntohu njtaonfaatrayxiatliBo4n7,pani
od
b9y,32th4e,OpOuoo,
thecmianki pg
ytehaer egnrclo
less than 68,862,0001., of which only 9,500,000 Z were
raised by taxes on property, leaving 59,311,000/, the
amount pressing upon trade and industry. Let. the
people out of doers assist their representatives
to obtain both a reduction in tho expenditure and
a revision, of the entire system of taxation,
that the burden which was inevitable might be more
equally distributed, and industry and trade have fair
play. A scrutiny into the various estimates would show
the way to reduction, and the voice of the people should
demand an equalisation of taxation. Many votes were
obtained during the last session in consequence of the
conjuring up of another phantom in the shape of a
French invasion. We were discovered to be in a de-
fenceless position, and loud v ere the clamours raised
against Mr. Cobden for the opinions he had the boldness
to advance. Well, there had been an invasion that had
reached to the Mansion-house, the Exchange, and even
to Windsor Castle. It was a French invasion, too; and
thus the prophecy had been fulfilled, but not as inter-
preted by the alarmists. The recent visit of the French
to our shores bad been one of friendliness and good will,
and a certain illustrious Duke and a certain Noble Lord
had been effectually silenced, and Mr. Cobden left in
triumphant possession of the field. After some further
observations Mr. Thompson passed an eloquent eulogium
upon the unenfranchised classes of the country for
their conduct during the recent convulsions upon the
continent of Europe, and concluded by saying—I now
leave myself in your hands, content to receive the ver-
dict you shall pronounce on my conduct and opinions.
Since I have been one of your representatives I cannot
charge myself with ever having flattered those in
power; with ever having trafficked with my vote, or sup-
ported extravagance or corruption in any form; or falsi-
fied any profession, or compromised any principle, or
wilfully neglected any known duty. What I declared
myself to be when I came amongst you, that I have been
throughout the period of my ssrvice hitherto, and such
it is my intention to remain. I ask no thanks, I seek
no reward, and leave you, in the exercise of an honest
and impartial judgment, to say whether or not you be-
lieve that I have done my duty.—(Mr. Thompson sat
down amidst prolonged and enthusiastic cheers.)
Mr. JOHN SCOBLE then rose and moved the following
resolution:—
" That this meeting, having heard from Mr. George
Thompson a statement of his Parliamentary proceed-
ings, desires to record its entire approval thereof.
"That in the judgment of this meeting, the general
election of 1847, and the proceedings of the present
House of Commons during its first session, have again
furnished irrefragable proof of the necessity for the adop-
tion by the Legislature, of the great fundamental prin-
ciples upon which this borough triumphantly returned
Mr. George Thompson to Parliament—a thorough re-
form of the miscalled representative system—as the only
effectual means of remedying the ecclesiastical and poli-
tical evils of the United Kingdom.
" That while fully recognising the duty of both repre-
sentatives and people to render to the ruling powers
every constitutional support for the good government of
the kingdom, this meeting desires to express its strong
conviction, that in times like these, when the civil liberty
of the country is endangered, from the assumption by
the Government of extraordinary despotic powers, and
its religious freedom threatened, from the Ministerial
stratagem of the tender of further bribes to eccle-
siastical bodies, thereby increasing the already
overwhelming taxation of the people, for the
nefarious purpose of apostatizing their spiri-
tual teachers into temporal oppressors, it becomes
the special duty of every popular representative jealously
to watch, and strenuously to resist, the sinister aggres.
sions of the Government upon the civil and religious
liberties of the nation.
" This meeting, therefore, respectfully requests Mr.
George Thompson, regardless of any venal opposition
he may encounter—whether voting in minority or ma-
jority—to continue the same independent and vigilant
course he has hitherto pursued in Parliament, taking as
his sole rule of actionlthe good of the people, irrespec-
tive of the corrupt designs of any political faction or con- •
federation whatsoever.'
Mr. Scoble expressed himself fully satisfied with Mr.
Thompson's conduct, with the exception of the vote that
Hon. Gentleman had given upon the sugar question,
which measure he denounced as the application of tree
trade to robbery and spoliation. He also disagreed with
the course Mr. Thompson had taken upon Mr. Hors-
man's motion for the equalisation of the incomes of the
clergy, inasmuch as the measure had not gone to the
root of the evil—the connexion of Church and State—
which was the great battle of religious liberty remain-
ing to be fought. After paying a high compliment to
Mr. Thompson's great talents and political integrity, Mr.
Scoble concluded by moving the above resolution.
Mr. Baooxs, in seconding the resolution, vehemently
censured Mr. liume's motion for Parliamentary Reform,
as a compromise of the rights of the unenfranchised
classes, who had a right to universal suffrage. He then
proceeded to inveigh, in no measured terms, against
Mr. Cobden for his castigation of Fsa-gus O'Connor
Hon. Member for the West Riding having jus,: 0:11, the
etel
80,0001. of the people's money.— (Tremendous hisses,
cheers, and great uproar followed this ill-timed attack of
the speaker, which continued more or less during the
residue of the gentleman's speech.)
After various remarks Irons persons in the body of the
meeting, the resolution was then put and carried unani-
mously, amidst lend acclamation.
Mr. THOMPSON, in reply, stated that however cir-
cumspect or conscientious he might have been
in giving his votes, he never expected to be able to meet
the views of all parties in the borough. Although
he could not agree with Mr. Scoble upon his views of
the sugar question, or with other persons upon other
isolated points, it would be unfair to try him (Mr.
Thompson) upon single points upon which they con-
scientiously differed, and not upon the many points upon
which they fully agreed. With reference to what Mr.
Brooks had said of Mr. Cobden, he (Mr. Thompson)
was bound to state that, in his opinion, that Honourable
Gentleman was justified in what he had done. It would
have been impolitic for Mr. Hume effectively to have
brought on his motion upon the first evening when it
stood on the paper.—(fiear, hear.) The Protectionists
bad spoken at great length upon previous ques-
tions of comparatively trivial importance, so as to
drive Mr. Hume's motion off until half-past
ten at night, which rendered it utterly impos-
sible for them to have finished the debate, as was
their intention, upon one:evening. Mr. Feargus
O'Con-
nor, however, thought himself justified in rising and
impugning the sincerity of Mr. Hume's intention, and
Mr. Cobden thereupon, with perfect fairness, as he was
associated with Mr. Hume in the responsibility of the
postponement, rose and defended Mr. Hume from what
he believed to be an unjust charge. With respect to
what had been said upon that occasion beyond that, he
(Mr. Thompson) had nothing whatever to do. He had
long had the honour of the personal friendship of Mr.
Cobden, for whom ho entertained the highest respect,
as the sincere and ardent friend of the rights and inte-
rests of the: people.--(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman
concluded by moving a vote of thanks to the chairman,
which, having been seconded and carried unanimously,
that gentleman returned thanks, and the meeting see
parated.

MONUMENT TO THE LATE REV. DR. CHALMERS.

—A monument in memory of the late Rev. Dr. Chal-
mers has just been erected over the grave of that eminent
divine, in the Southern Cemetery, Grange Loan, by.his
family. The design of the monument is extremely sim-
ple, consisting of three massive slabs of granite, project-
ing from the northern walls of the cemetery, the one in
the centre having the inscription, " Thomas Chalmers,
D.D., LL.D., born 1780, died 1847." The grave is
enclosed with an elegant railing in the Gothic style....
Witness.

CHOLERA.-15 cases were reported yesterday in
the metropolis, of which 12 were fatal.
SOUTHAMPTON, THURSDAY, Nov. 2.—The Royal
Mail Steam-Packet Company's ship Teviot, Captain R.
Rivett. sailed to-day with the usual British and foreign
West Indian and Mexican mails, also the mails for Ber.
muda and New Orleans, in charge of Lieutenant Den-
&ton; R.N., Admiralty agent. The Teviot has 74 pas-
sengers, 7164 in specie, and a large general cargo.