The Sun.
London, England, 1846-04-04 00:00:00

1~

with which this act inspired the people, might be attribute
many of those crimes and outrages which were enumerated
in the statement of the Right Honourable Baronet. He
also forgot to apologise to the Gentlemen of this House who
were 20 unjustifiably and harshly treated by the Government.
He meant the Hon. Member for Cork and the Hon. Member
for Kilkenny. He had not given even an apology to those
Gentlemen for that treatment. The Hon. Gentleman the
Member for Dorsetshire made a quotaticn from the Nation
newspaper, but neither that paper nor the Freeman's
Journal represented the opinions of any Gentleman
wh he saw around him. The public press was
as liable to give expressions to erroneous opinions
as the representatives of the people were. If he wanted a
proof on this side of the Channel of this assertion, he would
allude to a paper that had a large circulation in England, and
over Europe. In that newspaper he found such expressions
as " surpl►ced ruffians" and a " demon priesthood" applied to
the Catholic priesthood of Ireland, who, he could testify from
his own knowledge, were a body of men distinguished for the
practice of every Christian virtue. In a paper published in
Ireland a few weeks ago there was a comparative statement
of the relative amount of crime in England and Ireland.
He found that in a report of crime in England for 1833, the
murders were great, and generally committed on women and
children. There were many cases which, if he were actuated
by vindictive feelings, he might quote ; but he would not do so,
fearful that it might be so construed. He found it stated
in the Times newspaper, that life in this country was
less safe than in the worst states on the Continent,
or even in China. This, then, being the case, what was the
contrast with she state of crime in Ireland, where starvation
was at the door of the peasant.—( Hear, hear.) It was stated
in the journal of the world, the Times newspaper, that life in
this country was on the same scale as in Lacethemonia and
China.—( Hear.) The Bill proposed by the Government
would not put down crime in Ireland ; if it would, he would
support it. but that not being the case, he would offer the
measure of her Majesty's Ministers his most decided opposition.
Mr. R. A. FITZGERALD was of opinion that the Bill
before the House would, instead of putting down crime in Ire-
land, but exasperate the people. In fact the landlords of the
north of Tipperary looked upon the tenants on their estates as
so many n►achines by which money was to be made for them ;
and they did not think that nature ever intended them for
any thing else, or that they were bound to look
upcn them in any other light. But when the tenant
appealed to the landlord, he found no protector in him.
Now, was it. not singular that such a state of things should
be permitted to exist at this period, when civilisation had at-
tained so high a pitch. It was really too bad, that a country
so blessed by God should be so cursed by man ; and how to
account for such a state of things was utterly impossible.
The reign of Elizabeth was certainly a most glorious one for
England, but a most disastrous one for Ireland. The Govern-
ment of the day, to advance their own interests, had their emis-
saries everywhere, who represented the merest conversations
of the people as treasonable; and the consequence was, that
their lands were declared forfeited, and the proprietor of a
tract to-day might, in a few days after, be a serf
or a labourer on the same tract.—(Hear, hear.)
tinder the Whig Government, the people of Ireland improved
rapidly in their condition and morals. The judges in nearly
every county in Ireland congratulated the grand juries on the
very much decreased state, and in some cases on the tota.
absence, of crime, and could there be any doubt that these
things were caused by an altered Administration which
attended more to the condition of the people of Ireland?
This was the state of things in Ireland. The people had no
confidence in the administration of the law. He opposed the pre-
sent Bill,beeave he did not believe it would realise the end that
was sought to be obtained. He had recently read some remarks
in a journal that had great influence, and was well known
throughout the civilised world, with which he entirely con-
curred. The Times said the great evil of Ireland was the want
of sympathy with the administration of justice.—( Hear,
hear.), That struck him at the time, as a true picture
of the state of the country. The people wanted confidence in
the conduct of the English Government, and that was the
reason why seven millions of people in Ireland had banded
together to effect the repeal of the union between the two
countries. The real cause why those who acted with the
Hon. and Learned Member for Cork opposed the present
measure was, that it would not effect the object sought. He
hoped, therefore, that Hon. Members on the other side of the
House would see the propriety of the union, and see the wis-
dom and propriety of taking the same view of the question.
In the vote he sheul,l give ,11)0D this question he should not be
actuated by any personal motive whatever. If Honour-
able Members on the other side of the House would
consult their own judgment they would not altogether depend
on the opinions of the only two Irish Members on that side;
they would consider the circumstances of Ireland more, and
endeavour to dojnstice to that unhappy country.
On the motion of Mr. CAREW, the debate was adjourned.
RAILWAY DEPOSITS BILL.
This Bill went through Committee. Report on Monday.
The orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House
adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock.