The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-27 00:00:00

GROUP LXX.

This Committee re-assembled this morning at the usual time ; pre.
sent, Sir George Clerk (in the chair), Colonel Feel, Hon. Captain Car.
negie, Hon. Mr. Smythe, and Mr. Tower.

the case of the
DuzLnv AND ENNISEILLEN

was resumed by Mr. George Hall, one of the messengers of the
House, deposing that he had not been able to meet with the three
gentlemen of the name of Little, and another named Butterby, whose
attendance the opponents to the 13111 consider necessary to substan-
tiate their allegation of fraud on the part of the promoters in the
sale of shares in London. . _ .

Mr. Sergeant MURPHY said that, if the Committee thought it worth
their while to inquire into the charge, he would undertake to say
that the witnesses would be in attendance to-morrow morning, and
the Committee might in the meantime proceed with the Dublin and
Sandymount Atmospheric.
Mr. MURPHY said that he was prepared to proceed at present,
without the testimony of the Littles and Butterby, and he hoped the
Committee would allow him to call evidence accordingly.
The Committee consented, and Mr. John Spinet', clerk to a law
stationer was called to prove that the promoters had acted dis-
honestly in procuring signatures to the subscription list.
Mr. W. V. Bloxam gave evidence to the same effect. He had
" rigged " the market with the shares of this company under the
direction of Mr. Heinming, the London solicitor to the company.
Mr. MURPHY said be did not know whether, after such evidence
(and he had much more of the same description), his Learned Friend
would proceed with the Bill.
Mr. Sergeant MURPHY said this evidence had certainly come upon
him by surprise, and he hoped that the Committee would allow the
case to lie adjourned till to-morrow, in order to afford him an oppor-
tnnity of communicating with the promoters as to the course he
should adopt.
The Committee accordingly adjourned the 13111 till to-morrow, and
proCeeded with the
DUBLIN AND SA.N'DITIVJEOUNT,

which was briefly opened by Air. Sergeant 3luamv. The object of
this Bill, he said, was to construct a line from Brunswick-street, in
the city of Dublin, to the town of Sandymount, which, as the Com-
mittee must toe aware, was about two miles and a half
distant from Dublin. Its terminus at Dublin would be
in Great Brunswick-street, close to the Bank, Trinity College, and in
fact all the principal buildings of Dublin. It would accommodate
two class of persons—those who resorted to Sandymount in the sum-
mer time for the purpose of healthful recreation, and those parties
who Were employed in banks and public offices in Dublin,
and whose residences were at Sandymonnt. The total cost of the
Itne would be 83,0001., which would Include stations and every other
expense. The Bill was opposed by the Grand Canal Company in the
neighbourhood. but he was of opinion that the Committee would,
after they had heard the case, declare the preamble to be proved.
The usual formal proofs having been put in.
Mr. John Reynolds, an alderman of the Dublin Corporation, was
called to show the disadvantages under which the people of Dublin and
Sandymount laboured, in consequence of not having such a communi-
cation as this line would afford. The people of Dublin and Sandymount
were in favour of the line, as also was Mr. Sidney Herbert, the pro-
prietor of the soil. The subscrlben either lived in or were connected
with the neighbourhood.
The witness was cross-examined by Mr. SMITH, the solicitor to the
Grand Canal Company, and said that the Kingstown Railway Com-
pany did not afford the people of Dublin sufficient facilities for sea-
bathing. The Dublin Corporation were unanimously in favour of
the line. The resolution which they had passed to
that effect Was proposed by the late Lord Mayor, who
was a promoter of the Bill. He was of opinion that the opposition to
the Bill, on the cart of the Grand Canal Company, was carried on at
the instance of the Dublin and Kingstown Railway Company. He
believed that the promoters would be enabled to convey the people of
Dublin to Sandymount and back for threepence.
Major Palmer, Mr. George, and Mr. Walter also proved the de-
sirableness of the line.

-Mr. John I'. Morris produced the traffic lists, which he had been
employed to take on behalf of the company, He felt certain that
there was not a railroad in Ireland that would pay so well as this.
The erection of the station at Dublin would not involve the destruction
of any valuable property.
Cross-examined by Mr. SMITH—The account of traffic was not
taken by himself personally, but two individuals would be employed.
Property to the value of 12,000 i. would have to be taken down in
Lublin for the purposes of the line.
Mr. W. it. Le Faun, assistant to Sir John M'Neil, the engineer in
chief to the company, detailed the engineering features of the line,
the construction of which he said involved no difficulties.
• This witness having been cross-examined at great length by Mr.

The Committee adjourned at four o'clock tin twelve to-morrow.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.
ROYAL ASSENT.

The Royal Assent was given to-day. by Commission,
at tour o'clock, to no less than eighty-three Bills. The
Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis
of Clanricarde, and the Earl of Minto.
The following are the titles of the Bills :---
Viscount Hardinge's Annuity Bill.
Lord Gough's Annuity Bill.
Corresponding Society Bill.
Western Australia Bill.
Coalwhippers' Bill.
Spitalfields' New Street Bill.
Coroners' (Ireland) Bill.
Dundee and Perth Railway Amendment Bill.
Caledonian Railway (Glasgow, Gainkirk, and Coat-
bridge Branches) Bill.
Sheffield, Ashton-under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway
(Whaley •bridge and Hayfield Branches) Bill.
North Union Railway Bill.
Buckinghamshire Railway (Tring to Banbury) Bill.
Birmingham, Lichfield, and Manchester Railway Bill.
London and Croydon Railway Bill (Thames Junction).
Newcastle and Darlington Junction Railway (Dur-
ham and' Sunderland Railway, and Wearmouth Dock
Purchase and Branches) Bill.
Great Western and Wycombe Railway Bill.
Ayrshire, Bridge of Weir, and Port Glasgow Junction
Railway Bill.
Ashburton Newton, and South Devon Railway Bill.
South Wales Railway Bill.
Gloucester and Dean Forest Railway Bill.
Hull and Selby Railway Purchase Bill. •
Great North of England Railway Purchase Bill.
Midland Railway (Leicester and Swannington Railway
Purchase).
London and Birmingham Railway and Birmingham
Canal Arrangement Bill.
'Newry, Warrenpoint, and Rostrevor Railway Bill.
Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding Junction Railway
Bill.
York and North Midland Railway (Widening and En-
largement) Bill.
London and Birmingham Railway (Leamington Ex-
tension) Bill.
Ca edonian Railway (Carlisle Deviation) Bill.
North Wales Mineral Railway (Deviation and Branches)
Bill.
Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester Junction and North
Waits Mineral Amalgamation Bill.
Guildtbrd, Chichester, and Portsmouth Railway Bill
(No. 2).
Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal (Hud-
dersfield Diversion and Cooper-Bridge Branch) Bill.
Yorkshire and Glasgow Union Railway Bill.
Grand Junction Railway (Iluyton and Aston, and other
Branches) Bill.
Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester Railway (Deviation
andßranches) Bill.
Glasgow, Airdrie, and Monklands Junction Railway
Bill.
Newcastle and Darlington Junction Railway (Durham
and Sunderland Railway and Wearmouth Dock Pur-
chase) Bill.
Blackburn, Clitheroe, and North Western Junction
Railway Amalgamation Bill.
Blackburne and Preston Railway Bill.
Sheffield, Ashton-under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway
(Peak Forest and Macclesfield Canal Purchase) Bill.
Sheffield, Ashton-under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway
and Amalgamation Bill.
Ely and Huntingdon Railway (Bedford Extension) Bill.
Midland Railway (Purchase of Oakham Canal) Bill.
Tenby, Saundersfoet, and South Wales Railway Bill.
Lancaster and Carlisle Railway Extension, and Lan-
caster and Preston Railway Amalgamation Bill.
Eastern Counties Railway (Stations Enlargement) Bill.
Manchester, Bolton, and Bury Canal Navigation and
Railway Bill.
Leeds and Bradford Railway (Alteration of Levels) Bill.
London and Blackwall Railway (Widening) Bill.
Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester Junction (Crick-
-11, ath and Wem line) Bill.
East Lancashire Railway (Deviations and Branches) Bill.
Huddersfield and Sheffield and Manchester and Leeds
Railways Amalgamation Bill.
Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway Bill.
Furness Railway Eitension Bill.
Ipswich aed Bury St. Edmund's Railway (Norwich Ex-
tension) Bill.
London and Brighton Railway ( Wandsworth Branch) Bill.
Liverpool and Bury and Manchester and Leeds Rail-
'way Amalgamation Amalgamation Bill.
London and Brighton and London and Croydon Railway
Consolidation Bill.
Sheffield General Cemetery Bill.
Heywood Waterworks Bill.
Severn Amalgamation Bill.
Bury Improvement Bill.
Bnirrmahilnaggheal3milLnal Companies' Puwdleoyf ICnaenhaal inadY
Amal-
gamation Bill.
Cromford Canal Bill. -
Chorley Waterworks Bill.

THE SUN, LONDON,

Waterford Harbour Bill.
Belfast Improvement Bill.
Kilmarnock Waterworks Bill.
Black sluice Drainage and Navigation Bill.
Rothesay Municipal and Police Bill.
Wath-upon-llearne Improvement Bill.
Airdrie and Coatbridge Watrrworks Bill.
Glasgow Municipal, Police, and Statute Labour Bill.
Hill's Estate Bill.
Earl Powis' Estate (Ludlow Charity) Bill.
Howell's Charity Estate Bill, and
Ramsay's Estate Bill.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY took his seat on the Wool-
sack at Five o'clock.
LUNATICS ASYLUM BILL

Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from certain
rate-payers in the county of Wilts against the Lunatics
Asylum Bill.
COMMONS INCLOSURE BILL.

On the motion of the Earl of CLARENDON, the
Commons' amendments on this Bill were ordered to be
printed.

RAILWAY BILLS.

Lord Portman and other Noble Lords brought up
reports on several railway Bills, which had been re-
ferred to Select Committees.
METROPOLITAN BUILDINGS ACT. •

Lord PORTMAN gave notice that, to• morrow, he
would ask her Majesty's Ministers a question in refer-
ence to this Bill.
POOR-LAW (IRELAND).
The Earl of CLANCARTY, in presenting the report
of the Committee appointed to consider the Poor-law and
other laws relating to the poor in Ireland, hoped that the
condition of the Irish poor would occupy at an early pe-
riod the attention of Government; and whether concilia-
tion or coercion was adopted, he hoped that impar-
tial justice would be done to that people. He believed
it essential to the welfare of the Irish people to have
the Poor-law carried out properly, and to have medical
relief in connexion with these laws properly adminis-
tered. lle also thought that the question of mendi-
cancy should receive early consideration. The Noble
Earl concluded by moving that the report now laid
on the table be printed and circulated. Before he sat
down he wished to remove an impression generally pre-
valent, that he intended to introduce a Medical Charities
Bill this session, believing, as he did, that it was
rather the province of the Government to do so.
The Duke of LEINSTER thought the report was well
worthy the consideration of the House.
SLAVE TRADE.

Lord BROUGHAM said, in pursuance of the notice
which he had given the House, he had now the honour
to present the petition of one of the most venerable in-
dividuals at present left on the earth. The petition was
from the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, but,
according to the rules of their Lordship? House, it
could not be received as such; consequently, it must be
received as the petition of an individual, but that indi-
vidual a man, as he knew, and as all their Lordships
knew, pre eminent above all others for his great per-
formances in the cause of justice, humanity, and sound
policy. When he recollected the history of that
distinguished individual, when he reviewed that history
for a period of three score years ; that that individual,
who had attained the extreme verge of human life, re-
maining steady to his principles, without looking back on
the past, except to profit from experience, or diverging to
either side, except to collect materials for his gallant force
looked forward still to the promoting the happiness of
his race. He said, when he considered this, he felt
that in presenting the petition he was entitled to their
Lordships' respectful sentence. That petition prayed
that if a measure should be presented to their Lordships'
House—a measure for introducing sugar from foreign and
British colonies, not only where there was free labour, but
where the produce was manufactured by manacled hands—
their Lordships would give it their decided opposition.
A question as vast even in its constitutional relation
as that which we have been lately discussing ; this,
too, on the 27th of July, being later than any other
previous termination of the Parliamentary year —(Hear) ,
this, too,j also at a period when Parliament was jaded
by a long attendance and the transaction of an amount
of business unparalleled in the annals of Parliamentary
proceedings, and exhausted by duties the most exciting
they had ever heard of.—(Hear, hear.) It was under
these circumstances they were called upon to enter
upon this fruitful subject. This subject wes not new.
It had been brought forward occasionally in 1841,
1844, and 1845. But it was never really brought
forward as a subject of a mere party running.
counter to another party and the sugar duties were now
brought forward for the first time on its merits.—(Hear,
hear.) It was whispered that it was better to have it
now than at any other session. "It was sure now to
succeed in the state of parties at present. When there
was a scramble this (the present Government) had a
chance." It was next to the sewerage question
that upon which parties were united. Next
to the drainage question, it was the great question of
the day.—(A laugh.) Therefore the Government was
content to show that they were agreed on some question.
They had a better chance now, because they
had been promoting free-trade with respect to the
home producers, and they were now going to
take away the protection from the foreign grower.
Why not then take the matter as it now stands rather
than delay for a future consideration, and when the
second reading would be pressing on their attention.
Far easier to discuss this question, as he must acknow-
ledge, now, when it was but a matter of theory than
when a permanent decision of the matter was
to be decided upon. Surely it was better to take time
by the forelock and discuss this question rather than
when there was only an empty House, to hear what was
to be alleged on the subject. Oh, that he had the same
House to discuss this question that he had to discuss the
question of the corn-laws. He could not but say that he
looked upon this matter with great alarm, with an alarm
for the consequences which it was impossible to describe.
Had he had such a House to discuss this question as he had
to discuss the question of the—corn-laws, for if so then
might he tell his Venerable Friend, Thomas Clarkson,
to be quiet, and that he might sink to his repose in the
grave with a certainty that the victory which had been
achieved over slavery, and the slave trade would remain
undisturbed. What necessity was there to take this
measure up now ? Why should there be a proposition
to take up this Bill now, when the year was already
so far advanced, when the system of slavery and of
its abolition was as yet untried ; when the knowledge
of what sugar might be obtained from Singapore, from
Manilla, and from our own possessions in the West In-
dies, was as yet unknown ; when the effect of the late
measures for the suppression of slavery and the
slave trade were yet incomplete. Surely it
would be better to act according to common
sense and consistency, and take the Bill for a year than
legislate thus in a hurry, and endeavour to pass a per-
manent measure, when there was neither oppor-
tunity for consideration, or time for its direction.
He begged to call the attention of their Lordships to
the peculiar moment chosen for giving up the home
markets of this country to the slave-grown sugars of
Brazil and Cuba. When I look and see the in-
formation which the Government possesses on that
subject, and see their haste and breathless impa-
tience to get through with this measure upon
the eve of the passing of the corn-lays, and before
men can come to reflect upon the colonial interests, be-
cause the British interests are now just settled, without
having had time to examine the case, and studying their
own documents. They would probably not take it in
bad part if he told them one or two things,
for the purpose of showing the preposterous
mode of proceeding, and the particular time
chosen .for giving up their markets. He would first
take the case of Messrs. Drake, Brothers, and Co.
They state that there was a reduction of 7s. 6d. per cwt.,
or an equivalent to id. a pound two or three years ago,
and representations were made by the suffering planters
and merchants, their associates, to the governor of that
country to take some immediate steps fur putting down
the African slave trade—and why? because, said Messrs:.
Dean and Co., who are stated by the consular agent to
be a highly respectable house at the Havannah ; be-
cause, say they, in their memorial to put down
the retrograde trade," for that is the noted term
term applied to the African slave trade, in order to get
rid of the glut of sugars, and to open for
the Cuba sugar a market in England, that was the bribe
he held out to them to induce their Government to put
down the slave trade, because if they did that, and
unless they did it not they would have access
to the English markets, and by this means
get rid of the enormous glut of Cuba sugar,
so in Brazil. "I have taken considerable pains," says
the Consular Agent at Cuba, " to inform myself of the
feelings of the Government upon this subject. I find
that all resrsons connected with the country are antici-
pating the circumstance that her Majesty's
Government (that is the Government of this
country) are waiting negotiations for the renewal of
the trade between Brazil," and qu;d pro quo. He begged
to call the attention of his Noble Friends opposite to this.
The quid pro quo for the admission of the Brazilian
sugar is specified as being " at some period the emanci-
pation of the Brazilian slaves. The proprietors not only
seem prepared for this, but satisfied with such admissions
Lwhoradtsahriepst,hwei pthoptuhlear view of showing
impressions
I have mentioned these facts for the information of your
your Lordships
So
on this subject.
the Cuba men and the Brazil men laboured under the
delusion that when they emancipated their
down the slave trade, the glut of their sugar would never
be released by its access into an English market—(Hear,
hear)—the British market, they imagine, will demand
the abolition of slavery and the slave trade as a condition
of letting in the Brazilian and Cuba sugars.—(Hear.)
Oh, how little did these planters of Brazil, and Messrs.
Drake, Brothers, and Co., of Havannah, and Mr. Cooper,
the English Consul, and the Havannah House of Assem-
bly—oh, how little did they expect at the time that they
were thus expected to concede emancipation as the price
of access for their sugars to the English markets. They
were about to have that given to them for nothing.—
(Hear, hear.) They were about to be told that that ad-
mission was to be given on condition that they would
not put a stop to the stealing of one of the unhappy-
wretches from the coast of Africa. Now, he felt
persuaded that it was not necessary to urge
further argument on this question. He had said
enough, nevertheless so rife was delusion on this subject,
so constant was misrepresentation, so atufacious was the
falsification of the fact, and so incredible the as-
surance with which these falsifications were urged, so
groundless the reasons put forward by the partisans
of what was miscalled free trade and political en-
thusiasts, that he felt it necessary to add some-
thing more to these remarks of his on this question.
Further they must consider that the object of this mea-
sure was to admit an additional quantity of sugar—say
30,000 or 40,000 hhds. in the English markets, which
at present excluded the markets of Cuba and Brazil, for
it was ridiculous to say that Lousiana, that could
not add Eto the firmness of America, could send
to this country, and after paying a duty in America
PaYfurther 10s. in England. To meet the
demand for these sugars the earth would

require to be drained to the utmost and
wretches would be dragged from their homes in
Africa exposed to the horrors of the middle pas-
sage- to reap the grounds of Cuba and Brazil.
The object of the Bill, and it would be so entitled when
it came down there, was to encourage the planters of
Cuba and Brazil to bring over yearly from Africa 40,000
human beings, who were at present free, and to make them
slaves. It may be said enough had been done to put down
the slave-trade—that by the force of the treaty with
France, and by exertions of the combined sqnadron, a
great deal had been done for its suppression. And it
was it was alleged that the increased price
of the slaves was an additional proof of their suc-
cess. Their own commississioner from Havannah
reported that there were 10,000 slaves imported lest
year, and he expressed regret that the hurricane and
the glut during the preceding year had caused
no diminution in the exertions of those who
were engaged in the slave trade. He had the
greatest admiration of General Valdez, a former Gover-
nor of Cuba, and his conduct contrasted singularly with
that of General O'Donnell, who had done every-
thing in his power to promote the slave trade.
The argument advanced in favour of the
contemplated change was that they no longer had
enough fur the consumption of this country.
When the question was of pounds, shillings
and pence, of profit and cheapness, such an
argument might be of some weight ; but when it
was a question of good faith, of honesty, of hu-
manity, and religion ; he despised such an
argument, and denied that such a consideration should
occupy their attention one moment. But he denied the
fact. He denied that they had an insufficient
quantity at present for their own consumption.
On the question of the corn-laws he never de•
pended on the famine part of the question, and
he appealed to his Noble Friend beside him (Lord
Stanley), if he ever employed such an argument. But
even if it were a matter of famine with respect to the
sugar question, he would not depend on such arguments.
He said this famine was a constant excuse—to Go-
vernments fur betraying their trust, and to indivi-
duals for injuring property and for appropriating to
themselves what belonged to their neighbours. It
had infringed upon the manly minds and cou-
rage of the statesmen of the country that
they deserted their principles. Accordingly the
potatoe disease was talked of. He heard nothing
of that disease now. (Oh, oh ! from Lord Beau-
mont.) Oh ! was the patient suffering still ? He was
sorry to hear it. But there was no disease in the sugar
cane. Now, he had seen accounts given in two ac-
counts; by the one the consumption was 220,000 tons;
fLEtT SPEAKING.j