The Sun.
London, England, 1833-03-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OIL' THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Yesterday the metropolis was in a state of
unusual excitement. The Household Troops
were under arms—the Foot Guards were bi-
vouacked in the Parks—the Police force was
mustered in the Riding-house in Portman-
street—two pieces of horse artillery were sta-
tioned in Duchess-street—the shops north of
Oxford-street were universally closed—the in-
habitants in a condition of indescribable con-
sternation. This state of things lasted till
about four o'clock, when, to the inexpressible
relief of the public, the following placard was
posted in the principal streets :-
44 Fearing that if I were to attempt to express my thanks
to the electors of Marylebone, I might originate some
disturbance of public tranquillity, I have preferred ad-
dressing them in writing.
(Signed) " T. H. HOPE."
It is impossible to describe the tranquillizing
effect of this announcement. The troops were
returned to their barracks, the shops were re-
opened, and we are confidently assuted the
Dowager's card tables were attended as usual,
and not a single guest was prevented from
attending the Field-Marshal Beresford's banquet,
or the party which was afterwards given by the
locurn tenens of the Marchesa Jerrynena. Raillery
apart, however, we must own that it was never
our lot to read a proclamation more replete with
insolence than the address of Mr. T. H. Hope,
from which we have extracted the lines we have
quoted above. We do not attribute it to the poor
little person whose signature it bears; we are satis-
fied that if he had the penning of his own advices,
they would have been couched in language far
more modest and unpretending. A word or two
might have been inserted about Dutch Bonds,
and a touch of pathos dedicated to the uphol-
sterers ; hut we should have found none of that
insolent vituperation of others, including even
those to whom the address is directed, which
proclaims the pen from which it came, and
enables every one to recognise the ex-secretary
and ex-reviewer the ever re aly paroles of the
Tory faction. In this modest manifesto the
electors of Marylebone are coolly told, that
,4 their suffrage has been reduced to a market-
able commodity ;" and that whilst those who
have supported the man of their choice have
sold their votes, those who abstained from voting
at all "have been intimidated or controlled." We •
recommend this proclamation to the attentive
consideration of the electors, to whom it is ad-
dressed. It is a fair specimen of the•feelings of
the party from which it emanates. As long as
anything is to he gained—as long as there is a
chance of any dirty job—of any sinecure—of
any compensation for sinecures—of any Beres-
ford iniquity (we give the word, because it has
become the genuine name for jobs of the worst
description), so long is no adulation too base—
no flattery too gross. But let the people exhibit
their independence—let them show by their acts
that they cannot be deluded by tricks of this
kind—that they see through the shallow devices
of a party who seek to cajole in order to enslave
them ; then the peals of ignorance, and radi.
calism, and revolutionary principles are rung,
and those who were deified yesterday, are to-
day described as worse than brutes.—We trust
that this early candour will not be lost either
upon the electors of Marylebone, or the people
of England. If it be not, another good will
result, even beyond that, on the attainment of
which we beg to offer our congratulations to the
2,800 voters who have so nobly vindicated their
independence. But that, even were it attended
with no other consequences, we should consider
of no little importance. The aristocracy has
received a blow which it will not easily recover
the effects of. The nominee of the Dowagers
of Harley-street and Wimpole-street— the step-
son of the great Portuguese Field-AirShal—
the adopted child of the whole tribe of jobbers,
has been defeated—and in his place has been
chosen, for the first district of the metropolis,
one without birth, without protection, without
aristocratic influence—simply upon the grounds
of his being an honest man and a Reformer.
This is the true triumph of the people—this the
secret of the soreness of the Tory Manifesto
writer—this the circumstance on which we can
congratulate the electors of Marylebone and the
Reformers of England.—Morning Chronicle.
The Irish Disturbances Bill, as we observed
yesterday, has, in its passage through the Com-
mittee, become quite e new measure. Sir
Robert Peel, with the charity for which he is
distinguished, came forward last night with a
friendly suggestion, that as the Courts in the
proclaimed districts would differ so " essentially
from courtsmartial according to the Mutiny Act
they should not bear that denomination. He
was sorry that they retained the name of
courtsmartial, which was always an obnoxious
name to Englishmen. It was very easy to alter
the name, and get rid of the feelings which such
a name excited." Sir Robert very carefully ab-
stained from throwing out this suggestion till the
new courts had been deprived in the Committee
of all that endeared them to him—namely, the
power to render them instrumental in the col-
lection of tithes, and to try libels. Moreove'r,
Sir Robert knew that the name could not now
be altered ; for, as Lord Althorp observed, the
clause alluded to had passed. The only thing
martial about the courts is, that the Members
are military men. The proceedings are not to
be conducted in the manut r oh courtsmartial.
Another very important modification was last
night proposed by the Solicitor-General. Much
discussion ha- arisen on the subject of domici-
liary visits in the proclaimed districts between
sun-set and sun-rise. " His Majesty's Go-
vernment," said the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man, " were very anxious to mitigate the seve-
rity of this enactment, and to lessen the inconve-
niences which it might occasion.—(Hear.) They
had, therefore, prepared an amendment, which ht
should have the honour to propose, and which
they hoped would meet the approbation of all
parties, and at the same time secure the object
which the clause had in view, without render-
ing it necessary to break or force an entrance into
any of the houses.—( Hear.) It was proposed
that, in the first instance, the justice, or any
person with warrant of justice, accompanied by
a commissioned officer or chief constable, should
go to the house and require tl e male inhabitants to
come forth, and thus enable tl:e authorities to ascers
tain that they were not absent ; and that if, on the
ground of illness, or on any other ground, the
male inhabitants above the age of fourteen should
refuse to come forth, the persons authorized
should then have power to demand admission
into the house, but should not have power to
enter without the leave of the inhabitants ; and
that if they were not allowed to enter with such
leave, then the male inhabitant or inhabitants
should be deemed and taken to be absent, and
should be subject to the operation of the Act."
It was suggested by Mr. O'Connell that the in-
mates should be called " by name," and a sugges-
tion of his was agreed to by Mr. Stanley, that the
names of the inmates should be marked on the

doors, on the distinct understanding that a clause iI
should afterwards be added, calling on the people •
to furnish the names of their inmates to the police.
The Bill is now quite out of favour with the Con-
servatives. Colonel Yorke was out of all patience
with the amendments. " They frittered away
the Bill," lie said, " so as to render it utterly in-
efficient. It would, therefore, be no protection
to the peaceable—no terror to the criminal, and
would only be an useless piece of legislation.
He thought the best way of disposing of it
would be to put it into the fire." Mr. O'Connell
caught at this proposition, and observed that he
should have the greatest pleasure in seconding it.
From this ebullition of Colonel Yorke, some
idea may be formed of what is passing in the
minds of his brother Conservatives. When the
Bill has passed the Commons, it has to go
through another ordeal—that of the House of
Lords ; and it would not at all surprise us if their
Lordships were, in sober earnest, to follow the
advice of Colonel Yorke. In the meantime the
Bill makes progress—the Committee have now
got through the twenty-third clause. We sup-
pose all the clauses will be disposed of to-day
—Morning Chronicle.
Two very important petitions were presented
last night, from Liverpool and Glasgow, com-
plaining of the disadvantages under which the
proprietors of British shipping laboured, in
consequence of the higher cost of their vessels,
and the greater expense of navigating them ; in
the charges for provisions, stores, and wages ;
and also of the impolitic restrictions on com-
merce, by which, in their trade with Brazil,
Cuba, St. Domingo, Java, Sincapore, Manilla,
&c., they are deprived of homeward freight, in
consequence of the chief productions of those
countries being prohibited from use or consump-
tion in this kingdom. The Liverpool shipowners
say, that " British shipping cannot be navigated
in competition with American and other foreign
shipping, when carrying cargoes to foreign ports
as, besides the extra expense at which British
vessels are navigated, they also incur a further
charge for commission and management to a
foreign agent, and have to perform a second voyage
in ballast to a British port, or return in ballast.
to a more distant one for further employment."
Tney state that Brazil alone furnishes freight
for 120,000 tons of shipping, in sugar and coffee,
in returns for 131itish manufactures; that Cuba,
• Manilla, &c., furnish upwards of 200,000 tons of
similar productions, the greater part of which, as
well as the produce of Brazil,is carried by Ameri-
can and other foreign shipping to European ports,
although actually the property of British mer-
chants, or received in return for British manu-
factures. The British ships are also excluded
from the China trade, whilst Americans, Danes,
Swedes, &c., are permitted to sail with British
goods from British ports to China, and to return
with Chinese productions. It is strange that a
country so favourably situated as England is for
commerce with all parts of the globe, and which
is so deeply interested in the maintenance of a
powerful commercial navy, should voluntarily
forego, by absurd restrictions, the aadvantages
above enumerated. We trust that the Liverpool
and Glasgow shipowners will not rest, but insist
on justice being done to them. The shipowners
of the out-ports seem much more enlightened as
to their true interests than the old women who
have figured away at meetings of shipowners in
the port of London. It was said of a certain
personage in the country, that he had discovered
the way to make a great empire a small one. It
may be said, that if the Londoners do not play
their cards better than they have done, they will
in like manlier show how the greatest mercan-
tile capital in the world may hold rank beneath a
town which has grown up in our own times.—
Morning Chronicle.

To the infinite amusement of those who heard
the proceedings in the House of Commons on
Tuesday last, and not much to the surprise of
any who have read the reports in the news-
papers, Mr. O'Connell—Mr. O'Connell ! of all
'nen on earth—has given notice of a motion
for a Committee to inquire into the expediency
of adapting poor laws to Ireland. Every one
recollects that this Learned Gentleman had hi-
therto declared himself a determined enemy to
the introduction of poor laws into that country,
If we remember right, he affirmed within the
last three weeks that it would be tantamount to
"an agrarian law." What, then, has converted
the agitator to a seeming acquiescence in this
measure of compassion and of peace? Have
the discussions on the subject found their way
into Ireland, and shown the people that Eng-
lishmen were ready to award them food, while
Irish " patriots " were anxious only to put them
in the way of being hanged and shot for in-
surrection ? We shall be not a little curious to
watch the development of this characteristic
manoeuvre.— Times.

The Archbishop of Dublin, in reply to that
wise and dispassionate personage Lord Roden,
on Tuesday evening, took up the defence of the
new Board and system of education for the poor
of Ireland, and we hear from all quarters that hii
Grace produced a deep impression upon the
House of Lords. The frank and honest man-
ner of the Most Rev. Prelate, together with his
forcible and emphatic language, and the straight-
forward statement of facts which he laid be.
fore the House, could not but be subjects of
an highly favourable contrast with the display
of another Right Rev, and somewhat notorious
politician, exhibited on the same evening. if
pedantry, special pleading, the rancorous hatred
of all members of a rival church, and the genuine
..pirit of financial intolerance and persecution,
could have served Lord Roden's cause, his
Lordship might have drawn a powerful rein-
forcement from a di,course which came later in
the evening than that of Dr. Whately. But
happily it came a day too late. Lord Roden
" took nothing by his motion."—Times.
A letter signed " Mutius" is intended by the
writer to illustrate the possible abuses of all
honour and justice incidental to the administra-
tion of courtsmartial : we say the possible abuses,
because no reasonable man will suppose that
,uch an interference by commanding officers as
our correspondent describes is of more than
very unfrequent occurrence, or, indeed, other
than an extremely rare exception to general and
long-established usage. We should suppose
that such conduct as is here ascribed to the
commanding officer of a regiment would be
much more apt to disgrace him at the horse-
guards than the parties whom he designed
to injure. At the same time, every post
from Ireland proves beyond all question that
justice can be, and is, administered, we
ihould say, fearlessly, -at least efficiently,
by the ordinary tribunals of the land. Convic-
tions are obtained at every assizesin the south of
Ireland by dozens, and for that identical class of
offences which it is now the object of the new
law to submit to trials by courtmartial. In short,
Ministers have already conceded so many dis-
puted points upon this courtmartial question,
that it is hardly worth their while to incur the

odium o) standing out for the little that remains.
To persist in the clause, when, if we may be-
lieve the declaration of Mr. Stanley that special
commissions will be employed, it must evidently
become a mere idle string of sentences, looks as
if the Ministers had an abstract love for military
law, and wished to put on record what some of
them are said to express in private—an anti-
English contempt for the sacred palladium of
personal liberty and life—the Trial by Jury.—
, Times.

The Marylebone election appears to have ter-
minated in a manner the most satisfactory that
circumstances would permit—viz. isa the defeat
of the Whigs, Tories, and Ultra-Radicals, and
in favour of the best and most rational Reformer
to be found among the candidates. Whether
the candidates were any of them exactly such as
it might be desirable to see emanating from such
a body of constituents is not now the question.
It was not the fault of the electors that they had
not better materials to choose from ; it is suf6•
cient if they have done the best they could under
the circumstances, which, to us, it appears un-
deniably that they have. But on looking back
at this contest, there is one feature connected
with it, which cannot fail, we should think, to
strike every impartial looker-on as marked with
peculiar folly, if not with something worse—we
mean the conduct of the Government ; first, in
interfering at all upon the occasion ; and, secondly,
in putting forward a candidate in whose person
they have sustained a disgraceful defeat. On
this occasion the Whigs may be said to have
put up a post rather than a wall to run their own
heads against, and, not having much popularity
to spare, seem to have determined to show the
world at how low an ebb it was in one of the
most wealthy, enlightened, and influential dis-
tricts of the metropolis. What had the authors
of the Reform Act to do with convertiug this
new creation of their own into a nomination bo-
rough ? «ith what consistency or prospect of
success could it be done ? Yet that the attempt
was made there is no manner of question ; and
that it has failed, as every honest man must have
wished it to do, must be a source of satisfaction
to all but those who were fool-hardy enough to
risk their public reputation against such fear-
fil and improbable odds. Another singular
reature of this election has been the marked
difference between the show of hands on the day of
nomination, and the result of the poll. While
the hands were all on one side, the votes were a I
on another; showing evidently that the persons who
assemble before the hustings on such occasions,
and whose " sweet voices" candidates and their
friends are at such pains to propitiate, have no
more to do with the matter than the veriest
strangers in existence; yet the hands of these
nonentities would be allowed to decide an elec-
tion—were not a poll demanded. This arises
from such meetings being held in the open air,
and in a public street, where every pickpocket
can at once follow his own vocation and usurp
the most valuable rights of those whom his pre-
sence keeps away. This is an evil—unavoid-
able, perhaps, in the first instance, and insepa-
rable from the infancy of the new boroughs—
which cannot, in the nature of things, have ready
at hand public buildings adequate to the purpose.)
In time, however, we trust they will ; and it
would be an object worthy of the great and
opulent borough of Marylebone were it to take
the lead in providing for its constituency a better
place of meeting than in the mud and mire of
Portland-place.—Morning Herald.

From the conversation which took place last
night in the House of Commons on the presen-
tation of petitions it is evident that it is intended
to make a determined stand against the Bill for
the protection of children employed in manu-
factures. Some Hon. Members complained of
exaggeration in the evidence given before Mr.
Sadler's Committee. No doubt there was, as in
such cases there always is, some exaggeration.
But in this instance we doubt whether it would
be just to allow for this unavoidable exaggera-
tion to such an extent as in any sensible degree
to reduce the value of the whole mass of testi-
mony. There never certainly was an inquiry
instituted in which it was less necessary to the
object of its promoters to encourage exaggera-
tion, or we ought rather to say in which they
had stronger motives t o repress the disposition to
exaggerate generally manifested by witnesses who
embark their feelings in the cause they are called
to support. The whole process of human de-
struction was not merely related to the ears, it was
exhibited in each of its successive stages to the
eyes, of the Committee. Did the wretched cripples
exaggerate who held out to view their paralyzed,
contracted, and distorted limbs ? Did the men
and women exaggerate, men and women in what
ought to have been the flower of their youth,
when they presented, in their shrivelled and
feeble and emaciated bodies, the unequivocal
marks of premature old age ? Did the sunken
eye anti pallid complexion of human beings
visibly hastening to their early graves, in obe-
dience to the murderous mandate of the factory
system, exaggerate either the extent or the con-
sequences of excessive and unnatural labour?
And, if there could be no exaggeration in these
direct appeals to the senses of the Committee,
what could be the motive, or where even the
room, fur descriptive exaggeration ? The attempt
to depreciate the value of the evidence collected
by Mr. Sadler, on the hackneyed plea of exag-
geration, is utterly desperate, and should be at
once abandoned. The incontestible facts of the
case have, or we are greatly deceived, produced
an effect upon the public mind against which it
will be idle and unwise to contend, upon this
poor carping pretence of exaggeration. There
is another class of Members who, admitting all
the horrors disclosed to the Committee, fairly
take the bull by the horns, and contend that it
is not possible, and, if it were possible, would
not be expedient, to mitigate those horrors by
specific and direct legislation. These are the
bigots of free trade, who ascribe every hardship
endured by the labouring classes to the corn
laws, and will hear of no remedy but their abo-
lition. We will bring the discussion with these
cold-blooded theorists to a short issue. Is the
wholesale murder of helpless infants, or is it not,
a crime on the part of the individuals who per-
petrate, and the nation that permits it ? And,
if it be, will they consent to repeal all the laws
by which crime in its thousand other forms is
repressed, until the Legislature shall have come
to a decision agreeable to their notions of policy
upon the subject of the corn laws ? Will they
refuse to the Administration the Coercive Bill
which it requires for the purpose of putting down
crime in Ireland till the corn laws are repealed ?
And, if they will do none of these, why,
we indignantly and contemptuously demand,
will they legalise a system which destroys the
lives of myriads of children, and depraves and
brutalizes the minds of myriads of men, in ho-
nour of a question which is at the best a doubt-.
ful one of political economy ? The slavery of
the negroes in the West Indies, contrasted with
that which our factory system has established

in Great Britain, is proved by evidence the most
indisputable to be a state of perfect beatitude.
There is some reason at least to doubt whether
the abolition of the former description of sla-
very will operate practically to the advantage of
the negroes, but there can be no doubt whatever
that the mitigation of the more cruel and de-
structive slavery of our factories will improve
the physical and moral condition of its vic-
tims. Why are the arguments of capital em-
barked, of vested interests, of national policy
and wealth, advanced so confidently in the one
case, when they are so little attended to in
the other ? Is it that the clothiers of York-
shire and the west of England, or the cotton
lords of Lancashire and Glasgow, are more our
fellow-subjects than the planters of Jamaica ?
Is it that calicoes and muslin and broad cloth
are products more essential to the wealth and
power of this commercial and sea-girt country
than the sugar and coffee of our tropical de-
pendencies? No. It is that sordid interests
are powerful in proportion to their proximity to
the seat of empire, while the spurious philan-
thropy of the day is warm and active in pro-
portion to the remoteness of its objects. It is
that unprincipled theorists have reason to be-
lieve that their best chance of obtaining legisla-
tive favour of their schemes of innovation is to
make them accord equally with the cheap and
hypocritical benevolence which seeks its objects
in another hemisphere, and with the thirst for
gain which violates humanity at home.—
Morning Post.

STATE OF IRELAND.

DUBLIN, 111ARcil 16.

It has been frequently stated, and I think history
auctions the assertion, that the poor of all nations,
and of all times, are easily led to believe that their
poverty proceeds from a conspiracy among the
rich to exclude them from a fair share of the good.
things of this world, and to preserve the mono-
poly to themselves. Nothing is more easy than
to persuade the majori'y of the people that they
are wronged, oppressed, and insulted ; and when
such doctrines ate for some time inculcated, they
become, like religion, a most important and sacred
article of belief. How extensively, and for what
period :of time these notions have prevailed in
Ireland, I shall not stop to inquire, much less
discuss the honesty of aggravating a sense of in
jury, which all admit his been long suffered to
exist, and many wish to see removed from the
wretched people of this country. The reflection
has been suggested by a recently-perpetrated mur-
der, the leading particulars of which have already
reached you. When all the circumstances con-
nected with the atrocious mariner in which Mr.
Leonard was made the victim of a ruthless usurpa-
tion of the laws •hall have come to light, they
will form a graphic exhibition of the feelings and
opinions which unhappily prevail among, I fear, a
very large portion of our deluded peasantry. That
unfortunate Gentleman was a Roman Catholic, of
most exemplary conduct, not more remarkable for
his amiable manners, and social intercourse wit h
every persuasion of men, than for his benevolent
and liberal indulgence of a tenantry who had been
considerably in arrear to him for rent for some
years past. He had for some time resided in New
Ross, on the borders of the county of Kilkenny,
where he had a small landed property, the tenants
on which are suspected of his murder. One of
these tenants owed him upwards of 1401., for the
payment of which, or a part of it, Mr. Leonard
had of late made frequent application., And it is
a fact, incontrovertible, that a few days before his
untimely end, he offered to take 20/. front this
tenant; take his promissory note for such portion
of the rem tinder as he might find it convenient to
himself to pay at a future period, and thus discharge
him from all further claim or demand for money
then due. This offer not being complied with, Mr.
Leonard threatened to distrain his property; but
how far he intended to act upon that threat may
be roller ed from the fact of his not allowing the cattle
to be seized or driven off the land, up to, or on the very
eve of, the day appointed for sale. It is, in truth,
alleged by his friends, that he did not intend to sell
the cattle, only hoping, by the threat of doing so,
to induce them to come to some settlement with
him. Such was the man whom an infatuated
band of miscreants thought fit to make a sacrifice
to their offended laws and violated rights ! The
bloody deed has, in fact, answered their savage ex-
pectation, for it has diffused a terror, not easily
described, among every description of people who
have anything to demand, or anything to lose.
Whether or not the Coercive Bill will afford, to all,
th• protection anxiously waited for, is a problem
which, cons dering the state of parry feeling, cannot
be at this moment easily solved. The following
incidents may illustrate the doubt here intimated :
A witness on Mr. Leonard's invest said, " Two
policemen were seen near the scene of murder,
about the time of its perpetration." And it is as-
serted that policemen were detected, in the city of
Waterford, in the act of seducing and compelling a
drunken sailor to fix on a wall a notice not to pay
tithes. I have heard both these facts stated by re-
spectable persons, and whether they be true or not,
th y tend to show how odious the police are to
many of the people, and what angry collisions may
be expected to take place between them. I shall
only add, for the present, that the people in the
neighbourhood where this sanguinary crime has
been committed, are really in alarm, and anxiously
looking to Government for protection to life and
property.