The Sun.
London, England, 1848-09-01 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING-, SEPTEMBER l, 1848.

was found to contain nothing contrary to the letter
or spirit of the treaty which placed the Raja on the
throne. It has been imputed, however, to th© native
gentleman who represents the family of the Raja in
this country, I mean Ruugoo Bapojee, that when at
Bombay, in 1838, he wrote certain letters to his
sovereign, which contained treasonable matter. Now,
Sir, I hold in my hands the correspondence, ex-
tracted from the blue books which have been
laid on the table, and I challenge the most
skilful lawyer in this House to lay his finger
on a sentence that can be made to show that
a feeling of hostility towards the British Govern-
ment dictated the writing of any one of these let-
ters.—(Hear.) They refer, it is true, in some parts,
to the political events then occurring, or anti-
cipated; but they merely convey the information
which was furnished to the writer in conversation
with two of the company's officers, Mr. Baber, a
magistrate, and Dr. Milne, the medical superin-
tendent of Bombay. Yet, these are the documents
and the only ones selected out of hundreds, to prove
that the late Raja carried on a treasonable correspond-
ence. Sir, I shall not at any greater length trespass
upon the attention of the House. My excuse for
what I have said is, that I deemed it important to
bring these facts, some of them new, under the atten-
tion of Parliament, and particularly of the Right
Hon. Baronet, in the hope that it may receive at the
hands of the Government the consideration to which
I think it is fairly entitled.--(Hear, hear.) The
present state of the affairs of Sattara affords the
Indian authorities a favourable opportunity of setting
at rest a question of deep interest to many beyond
these walls, and to some at least who are within
them.--(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The point which
I would particularly urge on their attention is that of
the succession and the claims, both by consanguinity
and adoption, of the young Raja, now at Benares.
Should I be told by the President of the Board of
Control that there are many nice points of law in-
volved in this question, some of which might be ar-
gued and determined against the adoption of Shahoo
Maharaj, I will observe in anticipation of such an ob-
jection that, admitting the question to be one
that might be litigated, if there existed any
rivals, there is really no impediment what-
ever in the path of the Right Honourable Baronet,
or of the Court of Directors, since they
have only to decide in favour of the adopted son,
who is undoubtedly the nearest relation to both the
deceased Rajas, in order to enable that person to
ascend the guddee with the consent and approbation of
all parties concerned.—(Hear, hear.) I earnestly
hope that this subject will receive attentive and
generous consideration, and that no objections will
be gratuitously urged by the Government in bar of
the indisputable claim, on all moral and equitable
grounds, of the young Prince on whose behalf I
make my present appeal. A decision in favour of
that individual would be one alike honourable to the
Government and satisfactory to all those who have
taken a view similar to my own of this question. It
would heal remaining wounds, it would be regarded
as some reparation of the wrongs that are complained
of, and end those discussions which, unless such a
decision be arrived at, are likely to go on, both here
and elsewhere, until something like justice is ob-
tained.--(Hear, hear.) I know I shall be reminded
of the small numbers who have voted with me at
the India House, in comparison with the gross num-
ber of qualified holders of East India Stock.
I do not deny the fact that I have al-
most invariably been in a minority; but
the majority has been composed of the directors
voting in their own favour, of the members of the Bye-
law Committee, of the relatives and friends of the
parties implicated, and of those who attend and vote
with the directors in the hope and expectation of
sharing in the immense patronage which the Execu-
tive body have at their disposal. —(Hear.) Sir, if I have
been in a minority, I have only been treated as
another member of that Court, Mr. John Poynder,
who, though for many years a conspicuous and
zealous advocate of an important religious question,
has never been favoured with the support or presence
of one of the hundred clerical gentlemen who are pro-
prietors of stock.—(Hear.) There are other and more
impartial tribunals to be appealed to, and to these we
must resort should we be compelled, sustained by the
conviction that the truth is mighty, and must ulti-
mately prevail. Such appeals will, I trust, be ren-
dered unnecessary by the course shortly to be adopted
by the Indian authorities. Happy shall Ibe to wit-
ness the final settlement of this long debated question,
and to tender my humble but sincere thanks to those
who have contributed to bring it about. Grate-
ful to the House for its attention to my observations,
I shall conclude by moving, "That in the opinion of
this House it is required, by justice and good faith,
that the private property of which his Highness
Pertaub Shean, late Raja of Sattara, was possessed at
the time of his deposal, in 1838, and which property
was seized and confiscated in violation of a written
pledge given by Sir James Carnac, the Governor of
Bombay, should be transferred to Shahoo Alaharaj,
the adopted son and heir of his late Highness, or full
compensation be made in lieu thereof."
Mr. HUME seconded the motion.
Sir J. HOBHOUSE, referring to the numerous
discussions which had taken place upon this subject,
and to the impossibility of stating a single fact with
which the select audience whom the lion. Member
had been addressing (there were not more than a
dozen Members present) was not painfully familiar,
thought that he would stand absolved from blame if
he were to abstain from making any observations on
the present occasion.--(Hear, hear.) In order, how-
ever, that the Hon. Member might not have any
ground of complaint he would, trusting that the
House would bear with him, once more go over the
ground which had been so often travelled before,
and state the reasons which induced him to come to a
conclusion respecting the Sattara grievance directly
opposite to that at which the Honourble Member
had arrived. The Right Honourable Baronet then
proceeded to detail the usual statement of facts ap-
pertaining to this case, drawing from it the same de-
duction as that which he formerly submitted to the
consideration of the House. With respect to the
private property-I°f the ex-Raja, the Hon. Member's
observations were nothing but a continuation of the
debate of the 11th July. The real truth was that
Pertaub Sheen had no private property at all when he
was elevated to the throne by Mr. Elphinstone.
When he was deposed he left behind him several lacs
of rupees, but the Government of India decided that
this was state property, and not private property.
A sum of not less than 3,000/. a year had been had
been assigned to his family as a provisional allowance
until a final arrangement could be made, and about
2,000/. a year had been settled upon his eldest
daughter, who had retired with it to Benares, attended
by a large number of the ex-Raja's followers. He
(Sir John Hobhouse) could assure the Hon. Gentle-
man (Mr. Thompson) that there was no intention on
the part of the Government of India to act otherwise
than justly in the case. He might depend upon it,
that every consideration would be given to the wants
of the family. He was not now talking of the ques -
tion of the succession of the Shahoo Maharaj to the
throne, but respecting the wants of the family,
and the Hon. Gentleman might take his assur-
ance that they should be properly attended
to. With respect to the succession, he (Sir
J. Hobhouse) was not prepared to decide the
question off-hand. There were various opi-
nions respecting the rights of the adopted son to
the throne. He admitted, with the Hon. Gentleman,
that the boy adopted by Pertaub Sheen bad been
adopted according to all the Hindoo forms and cus•
toms, and was entitled to any private property be-
longing to the adopting father; but the right to suc-
ceed to the throne was another question altogether.
The Hon. Gentleman knew, also, that the brother,
the reigning Prince, had adopted a son on his
death-bed; but the British Resident was away
at the time, and as the paramount power had
not concurred in that adoption, it was not a
political adoption ; so that the two adoptions
might be considered as on a par with each other.
Whether the young man adopted by the late Raja
Appa Sahib, orj the one adopted by the deposed Raja,
should succeed, was a great question, to which the
Government would have to apply itself; as also
whether one of these should be chosen at all, or whe-
ther it would be wise to set up any person whatever
over the territory of Sattara as its future ruler—these
were questions to be considered hereafter by the Go-
vernment of India. As he had told the lion. Gen-
tleman (Mr. Thompson) the other day, no opinion
had yet been given by Lord Dalhousie, who in a
letter received by the last mail had expressed his
regret that he (Lord Dalhousie) had not yet received
the necessary information from the Bombay Govern-
ment, and had stated that when the expected
dispatches arrived from Bombay, the subject would
receive immediate attention by himself and council.
If he might be permitted to do so, he would take the
liberty of giving the Hon. Member a little advice.
The Hon. Member was personally acquainted with
India, and no doubt felt considerable interest in its

welfare and prosperity. The Hon. Gentleman
could not be influenced by a few grains of personal
advantage. Let him then direct those abilities
which he undoubtedly possessed, not to the detrac-
tion of the dead, but to the eulogium of the living.
India afforded a field for the display of every virtue,
and men were not found wanting when the occasion
pesented itself. It was only yesterday that the
(.Tovernment received the news of a great exploit
performed by a British officer, young in years, and
only a subaltern in rank, who performed it under
every disadvantage, unaided, and it might be said
for he had not the assistance of a single
coinzcouin
ntrynnineanz,nonotrh,
alone,even oannd, e ofash
hiso ownhad
said before,
he had raisedluite hiumnsaeidlfed,
onwlyith a leviesmonth whbiceh. .
fore, and which he had himself disciplined, under
a burning sun, in countries inundated by eat
rivers, that young man overthrew a formidable foe,

and by his own rig ht hand and sagacious head saved,
he might say, fron i great peril a distant part of our
Indian empire. T he Hon. Gentleman would, he was
sure, find more satisfaction in adding to the praises
which would be foi • ever, he thought, bestowed on
Lieutenant Edwat des—(Cheers)—than in finding
fault with what he considered to be the misdeeds of
Colonel Ovens.
Mr. HUME cordially united with the Right Hon.
Baronet, who he'd just sat down, in the eulogium
which he had pc' ..anounced on the gallant and suc-
cessful achievements of Lieutenant Ed wardes, and
deeply regretted , that the existing regulations pre-
vented that offices • from receiving the honours and
rewards he so em. inently merited. As that officer
was only a subaltern in the service, he could not
even receive the titl eof C.B. He hoped that some
alteration would b e made that would enable the
Right Hon. Baronet t to do justice to the claims of
that gallant officer.
Sir JOHN 1101 3110 USE—It is already done.
Mr. HUME said he was extremely glad to hear
it. He (Mr. Hume ) would now briefly refer to the
question before th a House. He agreed in the
desirableness as a g eneral rule of not introducing
Indian questions int :o that House, but when acts of
oppression and cruelty were committed and appeals
for redress were rejected elsewhere, it was then right
that the matter shg old be brought before Parliament,
and the present wa: a case of that description. As for
the numerous decisi ons at the India House which had
been referred to • they were merely decisions not
to re-open the case or to correct the original error—
they were not deci: ;ions on the merits of the case. In
fact, for the most p art they had been votes of adjourn-
ment, and had no r eference to the specific questions
which had been de' bated.—(Hear, hear.) There was
much which might be urged in excuse for those who
had in the first in stance come to a hasty decision
upon the subject. They were utterly unacquainted
with the merits of the question when they so decided.
Although the Rigl it Hon. Baronet had expressed his
opinion of the gui It of the Raja, he (Mr. Hume)
begged to express his own honest conviction that
Pertaub Shean w as ruined by as foul a conspiracy
as ever disgrace d the annals of this empire.—
(Hear, hear.) ' The Right Honourable Baronet
had spoken of pei 'sons advocating the cause of the
Raja for hire; bu. t he and others who had taken up
that question cool Id never be accused of any such
motive ; they had only taken up the cause from a
conviction that th e Raja had been so ruined by con-
spiracy. With re gard to the question of the Raja's
private property, the Right Hon. Baronet was
altogether under a mistake. He (Mr. Hume) had
lately seen copies of a letter containing a list of the
private property d'.elivered to Colonel Ovens, to which
private property the Raja's heir was actually en-
titled. The Righ t Hon. Gentleman had said that it
was not determine .d which was or was not the private
property of the late Raja ; but he had forgotten that
Captain Grant DI iff, the first Resident, decided the
question, and set aside what might be called " the
civil list" of the Raja, which was for his own private
use, and had been sanctioned by Government,
and it was out of that very civil list that
he had saved the lacs of rupees which had been
referred to. If any prince ever deserved the thanks
of the British Government it was the Raja of Sattara,
and it was unjust that his savings during his reign
should be withheld from him while living, and from
his family when dead. It had been said that if the
righttion
vaodlovpotd at
hsuccessorh
tßoajthaewthasrognuel.lty,Thheabt awdonrdo
question ; for he contended the Raja had never been
proved guilty, since he had not been permitted to be
heard in his own defence—he had never had a hear-
ing. It had been said that this subject had been
frequently before the directors, but that body had
always been judges in their own cause, and he could
not forget that the truth once leaked out in a dispatch
sent home to Sir James Carnac, who said that should
the Raja Appa Sahib die without issue the territory
would revert to the company, and they would thus
gain a revenue of 180,0001. or 200,0001. a year. The
Right Hon. Gentleman had said he would, without
hetitation, see justice done. He (Mr. Hume) would
take him at his word, and wait to see him fulfil his
pledge. After repeating his anxiety to see the ques-
tion fairly and equitably decided, the Hon. Gentle-
man resumed his seat.
Sir H. WILLOUGHBY vindicated the character
and motives of Sir James Carnac, who on his return
to England had explained and justified his conduct.
He contended that the Raja had broken the second
and fifth articles of the treaty, which, whether right
or wrong, he was bound to observe. The Raja as a
sovereign prince could not have a formal judicial
trial. The question was one of treaty, and a viola-
tion of the treaty carried with it a forfeiture of the
sovereignty. With respect to the private property he
trusted the Government would treat it in the most
handsome and liberal manner. The Baja, according
to the statements of the Honourable Member
for the Tower Hamlets, had received during
his exile 100,000 pounds, which was one-third of
the private property. He (Sir H. Willoughby) agreed
that it was inexpedient that Vakeels should come to
this country, and he thought the gentleman who sat
under the gallery (Runjoo Bapogee) had broken a
pledge to return to India, when money was advanced
for the purpose. He concluded by repeating the ex-
pression of his hope that the East India Company
and the local government would take care that there
should be a just settlement of the question of private
property, and would see that those whom the Raja
had left behind him were treated in a liberal and
generous manner. He would not discuss the ques-
tion of the succession, but leave it to be considered
hereafter if it was considered worth while to raise it.
Mr. GEORGE THOAIPSON-s—l have but little
to say in reply to the Right Hen. Baronet, who, I
must say, has :not grappled with the two main
branches of the question before the House, namely,
the confiscation of the private property, and the ille-
gality of the dethronement. He has said nothing of
the violation of the solemn pledge of the British
Governor, nor even condescended to notice the official
documents which I placed before the House to prove
the engagement which was entered into, and the ac-
tual existence of the property of which the Raja was
deprived. I have now a letter before me, written by
Colonel Ovens, describing his property, and the man-
ner in which it had been accumulated, and stating
that there would be no difficulty in discriminating
between what was public and state property, and
what was private and personal. All this property
wasf
ihn
es
nr t
ea
vc
oqe
fnu
uhi rei etrs
egodrdwfee bihgyi
factnumhh,tr
ehotts
further
i etenf
ritt
at yRs
gpadojmrhefaot a
fohnotif
aar
airdegeihs:deol
sdfmsnrue
oopers
bmuneec
yrrrt
wouldisat ofbown enehl
adeanti
s. l
eaunalxt
oemptpfeet
eannrsttnbehe
If
Baronet,se
thatadmissionfv
a a ria
Ibnr oftahoetr,
tt oh ec e rRt aalins9p uwr phoi se ehs wwhai h hsa el) plied
there had been no defence of this act of spoliation. The
existence of the property was proved by the Go-
vernor's letter and pledge, by his dispatch to the su-
preme authorities, by the letters of Colonel Ovens, by
the detailed inventory of the property which had been
made out, and by the admissions of the Right Hon.
Baronet himself. All that had been advanced went
to prove the violation of as distinct a pledge as had
ever been given by any British Governor in any part
of the world; and unless justice was at
length done, the transaction would bring inde-
lible disgrace upon all parties concerned in it.
I will put this case to the President of the India
Board. Suppose the Raja had taken advantage of
the five days which intervened between the receipts
of the written pledge of the Governor, and the hour
of his deposal, and had employed them in bringing
together all his moveable property in treasure, jewels,
and other things, and had made them ready to as_
company him on his departure from the capital,
would not the letter of the Governor have fully
authorised the Resident to consent to their
removal, and would not the Raja thus have
had the benefit of the engagement which had
been voluntarily given ?—(Hear.) The Raja, however,
had unlimited confidence in the word of the Governor
and the honour and good faith of the British Govern-
ment, and his reward was to be deprived of every-
thing which he had intrusted to the care of the Bom-
bay Government. I was curious to know the views
of the Right Hon. Baronet in reference to the opinion
I ventured to express of the legal character of the
act of deposal. Conversant, as he must be, with the
statutes framed to regulate the affairs of India, he
cannot have overlooked the Act of 1793, to which I
so particularly referred, and which, according to my
view, rendered it incompetent to the Indian authori-
ties to depose the Raja, or enter into any
treaty with his brother. On this subject the Minister
ltwioaht ftieiit
snthmhgoetanhtCotet
oerogrofpuwaivt nlsoittt
ahohlpirasri s been profoundly silent, although
roe
irdot unnsg importance, ec
o,oa
nfnastdnihddaee
srilha
bat
aeisjoaanr.n nothinggblo
commend
topoh ans
tr
hde
eo.
innocencemoscpee
future acts of the Governmentlslyohfatlhvneadtia. lam sorry
been i
t should introduced
have
itnhtaot
tsnoismdanebyatier,realenvdanetsptoecpiiac
been deemed necessary to revert to what I formerly
said respecting Sir James Carnac. Sir should I
discover that I have been led to make any
statement detrimental to the character of any living
person, and above all to the memory of any one dead,
upon false information, I can assure the House, there
is not a person living who would be more ready than
myself to offer the most ample reparation.—(gear
hear.) The Right Honourable Gentleman will
allow me to refer to the condition on which
thperroedune shouldthe bea Committee
I undertook to make good my charges against
certainto
persons,
before
whom I might
y that
wit-
nesses required to substantiate ray allegations.
obtain such an
I have never been able
inquiry either here or at the India House.
I thank the Right Hon. Baronet for the counsel he
has so kindly given me to-night regarding my future
course in this House. I receive his advice in the

spirit in which it was conveyed, and shall follow it

' as far as my conscience approves it, and my sense of
duty will permit. I can assure him it is foreign
from my disposition to be the accusers of those who
are employed in the public service. I would much
rather approve and applaud. But when flagrant
injustice is committed, and while there is a
legitimate appeal to this assembly, I shall
continue to draw attention to such cases,
as I conceive deserve the consideration of Parliament.
I have been advised not to agitate this question. I
do not think the Right Hon. Gentleman is the person
in this House who should direct his censures against
agitation, remembering his own career for many
years.—(Hear, hear.) For myself, I will only say,
that when justice is denied by the executive authori-
ties, I do not consider it wrong to use those consti-
tutional means which have been so often found effec-
tual in obtaining the redress of grievances. I agree
with the Hon. Gentleman (Sir H. Willoughby)
that the case of the Raja was not strictly
one for an ordinary judicial tribunal, but
when he assumes the Raja to be guilty of an
infraction of the treaty, I beg to remind him that he
begs the question, and forgets that the Raja never
Lad the means of contradicting the evidence on which
his guilt has been made to rest. I hold in my hand
the answer given in the Court of Proprietors to a
question put by an eminent legal gentleman to the
Court of Directors, who asked before he voted whether
the Raja had had a hearing, and was openly told by
a director that the Raja had never been heard
in his defence.—(Hear.) That answer was not con-
tradicted. To the hour of his death the
Raja was denied every deposition recorded against
him, and his repeated prayer to be heard was syste-
matically refused. In conclusion, I beg to thank the
President of the India Board for the glimpse he has
afforded us of a prospect, in the future, of a more
cheering and satisfactory character, and I fervently
wish him success in his efforts to terminate this
business in a manner consolatory to the feelings of
the late Raja's family, and satisfactory to the minds
of those who have so long been engaged in
the present controversy. With the permission of the
House I shall withdraw my motion, and say nothing
further in justification of the course I have pursued
than this, that I hold it to be the bounden duty of
Parliament, from _which the East India Company
derives its authority, to see that the power they have
delegated is neither transcended, perverted, nor abused;
and that the millions of India, who are virtually un-
represented here, have the benefit of the interposition
of this House, whenever their just rights are invaded,
or their liberties and property endangered by their
rulers.—(Hear.)
The motion was withdrawn.
ROYAL ASSENT.
Mr. G. Thompson was interrupted in the course
of his speech by a message from the Lords requiring
the attendance of the House of Commons to hear the
Royal assent given by Commission to several public
and private Bills (for which see Lords' report).
The House then adjourned at Half-past Six.

13, Great Marlborough-street.
N 0 T C E.—VOL. 111. of PEP YS'
DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE.
NEW EDITION, with the Omitted Passages Restored.
Edited by LORD BRAYBROOKE.
IS NOW READY for DELIVERY.
Orders received by all Booksellers.
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FOR NORTHERN TOUVRISTS.YAGE
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A ROMANCE OF THE RED INDIANS.
Now ready at all the Libraries, In 3 vols., poet Bvo.,
H E BEE HUNTER;
Or, OAK OPENINGS.
By J. FENIMORE COOPER.
Author of " ThePrairis," "The Last of the Mohicans," &c.
Xichard Bentley, New Burlington-street.

ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.
Under the direction of Mr. Kerschner.
Re-engagement of Mr. G. Bennett.
Enormous success of the Tower of Nesle.
THIS EVENING

Will be perfbrmed Tllll TOWER OF NESLE. Zuridan, Mr. G.
Bennett.

After which, DID YOU EVER? NO 1 I NEVER SAW SUCH
A BABY!

To conclude with a New Melodrama, entitled TITS PLANK
ACROSS TIIE STREET.

Manager and Treasurer, Mr. B. S. Falrbrether.

ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.
Proprietor, Mr. W. Batty.
Revival of the Popular Equestrian Spectacle of Maseppa.
Unparalleled Equestrian Feats.
THIS EVENING,
Will be performed Lord Byron's Hippodramatic Spectacle of
MAZEPPA ; or, The Wild Horse.
To be followed by the inimitable EQUESTRIAN and GYMNAS-
TIC EXERCISES in the ARENA.
To conclude with a Grand Pageant, entitled LA DY GODIVA
AND PEEPING TOM OF COVENTRY; or, Clearing the Toll.
Box-office open from Eleven till Five.
Stage Manager, Mr. W. West.

ROTAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS.
Attraction unprecedented.
M. JULLIEN'S BENEFIT THIS DAY.
New Series of GRAND PROMENADE CONCERTS.
Continuation of MISS SARA FLOWER.
The DAYLIGHT VIEW of ROME, by Damon.
Superb and Unique MENAGERIE.
Grand Display of FIREWORKS, by the Messrs. Southby.
No Extra Charge,
MONDAY, TUESDAY, WEDNESDAY, THURSDAY, and
FRIDAY.
View of Rome —Promenade_ Concerts, 'focal and Instrumental,
conducted by Mr. GODFREI, the splendid Band of Solo Performers
includes Messrs. Clofil, Collins, sett., George and Viotti Collins, Eger-
ton, Griesbach, Stevenson, Hardy, &c.—Several favourite Songs by
Miss Sara Flower—Also to be seen, during the day, the beautiful
Fireworks at Nine.
ie
Admission, as usual, One Shilling.
Menagerie--Shakspere's House—The Magic Bridge—and other no-
velties will be exhibited, the whole concluding with a most mag-
Southby
Mflcent and not to be rivalled display T
y
of
m Fireworks,
Gates open at Ton
—A.Fmir.,
Feeding Five—ConcertbytheatMseix"rs.

THE WEATHER,.—SUN OFFICE, SEPTE3IBER 1.
THERMOMETER, Lowest, 48; Highest, 61; Noon, 6
BAROMETER, 30.24.—W1ND N.N.E.; tine.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAT.
Morning .. 6 min. after 4 I Evening .. 22 min. after 4

their folly, and openly preached the most flagitious
doctrines to the half-maddened people. Murders,
robberies, and crimes of the most aggravated cha-
racter, were of daily occurrence. There was no
safety for life or property in the disturbed districts.
Such was the state of affairs when Parlia-
ment was convened in the month of November
last, principally for the purpose of giving its sanction
to the virtual suspension of the Bank Charter Act,
which the Government had been obliged to grant, in
deference to the universal demand, on the 25th Oc-
tober previously. At that period something favour-
able to Ireland might have been carried, but that a
measure of coercion was required in consequence of
the disturbed state of the country. The Crown and
Government Security Bill passed through the House
with the general approbation of every right-minded
man, who deplored, while he was compelled to
acknowledge the necessity that existed for the strin-
gent enactments contained therein. Here then the
first opportunity was lost. The time consumed in
carrying that measure through its various stages
would have sufficed to pass one of the most beneficial
character; but Ministers could not justly be cen-
sured because restrictive enactments were called for
upon every side, and the peaceable and loyal inhabi-
tants of the country demanded protection from the
violence of habitual violators of the law.
The operation of the statute to which we have just
alluded was at first most successful in tranquillising
the country. The most disturbed districts were pro-
claimed, a special commission was issued, juries and
witnesses discharged their onerous duties honestly
and conscientiously, murderers were brought to
justice, wrongdoers were terror-stricken, and a lull
ensued, which, if it had continued for any time,
would have enabled Parliament to take the wants
and exigencies of the country into its
anxious and attentive consideration. This calm
was however, unfortunately, of short duration.
The thrilling events that occurred in neighbouring
nations, the spectacles of thrones overturned, mo-
narchies subverted, republics constituted, and revolu-

tions occurring in so many continental states, led the
Young Ireland party to suppose that the moment had
arrived to strike a decisive blow for what they termed
the liberties of their country." A treason press
was organized, which put forth with apparent impu-
nity the most treasonable doctrines. The most
approved methods of slaughtering and destroying
her blAJEsTr's forces were freely discussed, and
the liberty of the press degenerated into
licentiousness. Juries would not convict in
cases of sedition on the clearest and most
unequivocal evidence. A new measure was de-
manded to check the growing evil, and by what has
been termed the Treason Felony Act, the law of
England and Ireland was assimilated with respect to
open and advised speaking and writing. Here,
again, the Irish agitators were the parties clearly
responsible for the withdrawal of other measures
that were actually pending and not the Government,
who only pursued to the course forced upon them by
those mischievous individuals. Need we allude to
the manner in which the agitation was carried,
the organization of clubs, the drilling,
of trained and armed bodies—that finally led to the
passing of the Habeas Corpus Act, and the premature
outbreak that so speedily followed its enactment,
an outbreak that was completely and effectually
crushed, but which however compelled the Irish Repre-
sentatives to return to their respective localities, to
exercise their just influence in restoring tranquillity.
During their absence nothing of any importance
relating to the country could be transacted; and.
consequently, what would, in all probability, have
passed into law, during the present session, was ne-
cessarily postponed.

For this the Government cannot be blamed,
but the mischievous men who thus excited their
ignorant countrymen, and brought matters to so
fearful a condition. These persons are the real ene-
mies of Ireland, whom Irishmen may thank for the
absence of remedial measures during the present
session of Parliament.

We have considered it our duty, as on former oc-
casions, to furnish our readers with an unabridged
report of the proceedings in Parliament in the ease of
the deceased Raja of SATTARA. liye think such a
course is most likely to enable the public rightly
to judge whether the Honourable Member for
the Tower Hamlets has obtruded on the attention of
the Legislature a question unworthy its notice, or
whether he has laudably endeavoured, amidst much
misrepresentation and many most unworthy at-
tacks, to obtain justice in a matter peculiarly
demanding the interposition of those who are the
natural guardians of the unrepresented millions
of our Indian empire. The case brought forward
by Mr. TnomrsoN yesterday is so clearly stated,
and so well supported by official documents, that
we may well leave it to speak for itself. Our readers,
too, will be able to decide for themselves whether
the Minister of the Crown for Indian affairs met the
charge of spoliation and gross breach of faith brought
against the Government of Bombay ; or whether he
altogether evaded the question, and satisfied
himself with uttering a few vague and
common-place assurances of good intentions, and
a desire to promote the future comfort of the
persons belonging to the family of the Prince, who
was not only deposed, but deprived of that which
would have enabled him out of his own wealth to
provide for the support of his relations. Their deci-
sion, we think, will confirm the truth of Mr. Tuomr-
soN's remark, in the commencement of his reply,
that upon the material parts of his speech, the Presi-
dent of the Board of Control was "profoundly
silent." If such be the case, we think it is somewhat
unfair to charge a Member of Parliament with un•
seemly pertinacity, in continuing to bring forward
a case of so much importance to the character of
the British rule in India, as that of the Raja of
SATTARA.
The charge made against the Indian authorities
yesterday was this : that after a British Governor
had given a distinct written pledge that he would re-
spect the private property of a Prince he was about
by force of arms to depose, and after he had
led that Prince to repose complete confidence in the
sacredness and sincerity of that pledge, he did, with-
out provocation, and without even a pretext, seize
and confiscate the whole of that property, amount-
ing in value to 300,0001. sterling. This was the
charge. The pledge was produced and read; other
official documents were also exhibited, corroborating
the fact of that pledge having been given and
received ; yet, the person bound to answer
this charge, or to admit the perpetration
of the outrage, and to promise compensation,
coolly observes that the RAJA was a despotic prince,
and, as such, could possess nothing that could be
called private property. We much mistake the cha-
racter of the people of this country if such a case of
oppression and cruelty does not excite their indigna-
tion. Another subject on which the Right Lion
President of the Board of Control preserved an un-
broken silence was, the alleged violation of the
charter, by the dethronement of the late RAJA
without the express command of the home authori-
ties. The public are therefore left wholly without the
views of the Government on this most important
point—a point which we hope some Member will
rospec
in tivleBly39 as applying to
but prospec-
tively compel them o clear up at an early period of
the ensuing session. Mr. THOMPSON'S view of
the provisions of the 33 GEORGE 111. are of
importance,
Company'srtn ce, noproceedingst only
in reference to the conduct of the Com-
panyta
regarding the succession.sto the vacant throne,
or the annexation of the territory to the
British dominions in India. Perhaps, how-
ever, enough has been said to induce the law officers
of the Crown to turn their attention to the subject,
and enough, we trust, to prevent the injury which
might otherwise be done to those who claim
the benefit of the decease of the late Raja, APPA
SAHIB, without issue.

Apart from the merits of the special case, so long
and so perseveringly brought forward in Parlia-
ment and the India house, we are of opinion,
that the discussion of Indian topics, instead of
being deprecated, should be encouraged, con-
vinced, as we are, that too much attention can-
not be given to the affairs of an empire, so important
in its present value and future destinies as that which
has been acquired by the valour of the sword, and the
sagacity of British statesmen on the plains of India.

Latterly, in the instance of popular conspirators,
the violence of democracy has been lingual, not

actual. Insurgent leaders, whether in Ireland or
France, have been wonderfully formidable in lan-
guage, and miserably insignificant in deeds. The
red republicans, both in Paris and Dublin, have talked
very big and done very little. Besides which they
have invariably displayed remarkable skill in running
away, from THOMAS MEAGHER to LOUIS BLANC,
from WILLIAM SMITH O'BRIEN to MARC CADS
SIDIERE. While the Irish rebel escaped through
a kitchen-garden on Boulagh Common, the
French demagogue evaporated through a ma-
gazin-de-nouveautes in the Rue des Champs—the
one managed to decamp on the railway at Gand, the
other managed to fall into the hands of his pursuers
at the intermediate station at Thurles. In both
instances the details are too contemptible to assort
with any degree of dignity with a CATALINE or a
SPARTACUS. The circumstances that Lours BLANC
missed the last train, and that WILLIAM O'BRIEN
bought a second-class ticket are preposterously un-
heroic. They render not only the men but the cause
ridiculous. They remind one of the two carpet-bags
of the Prince Lours NAPOLEON.
Now that the celebrated author of the " Organiza-
tion of Labour" has fled beyond the frontiers of his
country, he has, in a striking manner, deteriorated
his political reputation. The brave people of France
will ask themselves if the Provisional Minister of the
Luxembourg has shown a courage befitting one of
their most prominent leaders. They will remember
the contempt which followed the fitful glory of
DuMouRIEz into his exile—the scorn with which the
rapid egress of Lours PHILIPPE from the French
territories was watched—a contempt and scorn not
one jot less profound than that experienced
towards the recreant MOREAU, when, in 1813, he
took arms against his native land, - and died in
the midst of the suite and the soldiers of ALEXANDER
the Russian Emperor. The people of Paris will ask
themselves if DANTON would have so acted, if MIRA-
BEAU, if even the gentle but heroic Dzszfouurris ? They
will look henceforward at MM. LOUIS BLANC and
MARC CAUSSIDIERE, as not precisely the kind of men to
assume the responsibility of guiding the masses to a
just government in times of extraordinary emergency.
The former politician may now at his leisure culti-
vate the friendship of M. GuizoT at Brompton, and M.
CAUSSIDIERE may wander in the congenial society of M
VIDOCQ, amidst the sylvan retreats of Twickenham.,
For a long while, at least, the cause of both will be
incapable of restoration within the dominions of
the French Republic. As well might the ex-
Minister of Lours PHILIPPE hope to return again to
the precincts of the Tuileries, as the ex-Provisional
Minister of Labour dream of revisiting the gardens of
the Luxembourg. We cannot but look upon the
facilitation of the escape of the accomplice of the in-
surgents of the 15th of May as evidence of the
wily policy of General CA VAIGNAC. Without striking
a blow, without employing one link in the chain of
imprisonment, without closing the door of a dungeon
—the Government has effectually disarmed the most
troublesome of its antagonists. The National As-
sembly has rendered those political fanatics incapable of
inflicting any injury upon their country—by frighten-
ing them into a retreat. Neither Vincennes nor the
guillotine were brought into requisition against them
by the Legislature—they have fallen through the
means of the bathos of their own absurdity.
Henceforth there will be not one homme de Gand,
but two ; not two, at this rate, but a dozen.
We congratulate the lovers of quietude in
Paris—whose number, by the way, we cal-
culate as rather approaching to the infinites-
simal—upon the riddance of these hot-brained,
yellow-livered, and white-feathered marauders of the
Senate, who excite brawls in the tribune only to fly
from the peril of the encounter when their con-
spiracies recoil upon themselves. If General CA-
TAIGNAC would only confine himself to these
wholesome acts of austerity, without tampering with
the liberty of the subject, through the medium of the
liberty of the Press, there might be some chance of
stability to his Government, and some hope of re
generation to the glorious but abused Republic.

SPAIN.
Papers and letters have arrived from Madrid, dated
the 25th and 26th of August.
By the 27th the QUEEN and Court were expected
to arrive at the capital.
It is said that the Cortes are to be called together
on the 15th of October, and many suppose that before
that period a further change in the Ministry will
take place.
M. GONZALES BRAVO had left Madrid for France.
The Carlists are becoming formidable in several of
the provinces, especially in that of Valencia. Ca-
BRERA and his Lieutenants, GOMEZ, MARSAL, and
Box, continue in the province of Vich, collecting
partisans and contributions from all points. Nothing
can exceed the daring of these leaders, according to
the intelligence just received from Perpignan. Take
the following incident in proof :—On the 20th the
chief, MeusAL, and his band, attended mass at the
hermitage of San Marcos, within half a league of
Vich. Intelligence of his presence there was imme-
diately carried to the Commandant-General of the
province, who hastened against him with a body of
troops, but, of course, on his arrival at the holy place
he found the mass finished and MARSAL gone home to
dinner.

In Valencia and the Maeztrasgo the Carlists are
on the increase. The garrison of the mountain force
of MORELLA, consisting of two battalions, is blockaded
by them.

An unfortunate affair for the Carlists, caused by
their want of caution and vigilance, took place in a
wood near Espinabesa, Upper Catalonia, on the 20th
instant, at six o'clock P.M., when GIBERT and his
band, about 150 strong, were surprised and surrounded
by the column of Colonel Leroy, consisting of 300
infantry and 30 cavalry of the regiment of Sogun-
turn, and suffered a loss of sixteen men killed, twenty-
nine wounded, and nine prisoners, besides losing a
number of muskets. It appears that the Government
forces fell upon them whilst they were making a
halt, contrary to orders, and half of them had laid
their arms aside the better to take their ease. Col.
LAFOY, for a wonder, did not lose a single man.
MADRID BOLSA, AUG. 26.—Three per Cents. 19/
paper ; after Bolsa, 19f 19 cash. Five per Cents.,
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a, perp4eir.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
A great crisis in reference to the press is evidently
approaching. Even the most moderate newspapers
are not spared, the Executive Government having
resolved to suppress the Constitutionnel. In yester-
day's impression of that distinguished journal ap-
pears an explicit declaration of the fact, signed by
the two principal gerants, L. VEILON and Cu. MER-
RUAU. "For four days," say they, " the Conditutionnel
has preserved a profound silence upon political affairs.
This silence has been remarked by our readers.
Behold the motive of this constrained taciturnity—
we have learnt, though without being able to confirm
the accuracy of the statement, that the question has
been agitated among the members of the Government
whether or not they should apply the Act of suspen-
sion to the Constitutionnel." Subsequently they an-
nounce their determination to resume their editorial
comments upon the proceedings of the Legislature,
and upon everything tending to the advantage or the
disadvantage of the Republic. "The danger of sus-
pension," they exclaim, " will not change in the
smallest degree the tone of our lueubrations ; we
shall neither rise into violence, nor sink under the in-
fluences of fear."

Upon this point, the Spectateur Republicain, recog-
nized by every one as the organ of General CAVAIG-
NAC, has the following semi-official manifesto :
" We have said that the protest addressed by a certain
number of journalists to General Cavaignac was a useless
act. This step, however, has at least had the effect of
distinctly defining the policy of the Cabinet. The chief
of the Executive Government is said on this occasion to
have declared with energy his resolution not to give way
to any retrograde influence, and to proceed towards all
and to the re-establishment of order and of
a
respect
gaifnorst all,the
laws and authorities. We applaud this
firmness, adding, nevertheless, that it is not enough for
a government, and particularly a republican government,
to repress disorder whenever it may make its appear-
ance; but its first duty is to prevent it. If vve are
well informed, the General said, in presence of the de-
putation from the journalists, " By the prosecutions or-
dered against MM. Louis Blanc and Caussidiere I have
given pledges of my firm will to serve only the interests
of an honest and moderate Republic ; but reaction must
not deceive itself, and imagine that it can ever induce
me to go beyond the limits I have fixed. Let the reac-
tionists, then, be cautious in their language and their
movements, for I am watching them narrowly, and will
repress
them severely. I know that the reaction is agi-
tating in certain legions of the National Guard ; but I
am acquainted with these manoeuvres, and at the first
demonstration, I will crush them."
We observe, in the Democratic Pacifique, that the
Moulton?. du Soir announces the publication, on Tues-
day evening, of the " Letter of M. DE LAMARTIN4
to the Electors of the Ten Departments who selected
him as their Representative,"—a brochure in which

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