The Sun.
London, England, 1846-03-28 00:00:00

"peal of the corn-laws, and that. in increasing the price of food
von diminish the amount of et lot ment, and that it becomes
S)m den,orne to all. In an examination csinduetesi before Mr
Fletcher, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, Andrew Hems,'
's asked, " Have you given any reason for the cause of paw
listress?" He says, " I have, and I ascribe it to the operatior
of the corn-laws." " In what way do you consider that they
Sect the cause of your distress?" " By preventing the ex
ension of commerce with other countries, and the consequent
diminished employment at home." Another weaver, James
Crowley, gave similar evidence as to the depreciating effect
of the corn-laws in the wages and employment of weavers.
fhe Hon. Member for Rutlandshire proposed, in justice to
the working classes, that ther! ought to be a sliding-scale
ror wages, to assimilate them with the sliding-scale of the corn-
laws ; and not only a sliding-scale for wages, but that they
should also be fixed at a minimum price. I am bound to state.
that this appears a most impracticable and cumbersome mode.
and impossible to be entertained with any hope of being car-
ried into effect. I cannot overlook the fact, that the Govern
rent of the country is practically vested in this House, and
that the Ludes' interest proponderate in the other House. I
cannot take it upon me to recommend the pursuit of any
course which is manifestly in oppwition to the public feeling.
.1 government to be sustained, must be impartial in its enact-
ments. When you consider the concentration, the union, the
intelligence, the great number, and the enormous proportion
of the manufacturing population, and that this opinion is
deeply rooted in their minds—that the corn-laws have the
effect of causing low wages, and compel them to pay the more
while they receive the less depend upon it you cannot
convince that population, of the necessity of the corn-laws;
neither can any government be justified in enforcing such an
impost in opposition to a their most emphatic disavowal of
the necessity of its continuance. You may reasun as von
will, but on this point they will not be otherwise
convinced--( Cries of " Hear, hear.") They cannot be
cajolled by fallacies.—(Loud cheers.) I am satisfied that they
are right in their opinion, that high prices do produce low
wages, and that the effect of the corn-law is to place them in a
most unfair position as compared with the agricultural interests.
I could produce evidence to show you that the increase and
diminution of crime, was influenced in proportion to the high
or low price of food. I could also show you distinctly that the
amount of mortality was influence) in a similar proportion to
the price of f sod. I have now endeavoured to substantiate
all the positions which I have advanced, and I am bound to
Mate, that looking at the matter with the most favourable dis-
position to elicit the truth, and with the wish to avert conse-
quences which threaten the peace of the country, I have no he-
sitation in giving my most unqualified support to the Bill now
before the House.—( Hear, hear.) I am also of opinion that
our foreign relations will be greatly improved and satisfied by
this measure. National dependance is a preservative of public
peace. The commercial community at large are loud in their
demands for public peace, and, after all, the beat means for
preserving the tranquillity of the world, will be found in the
benefits which the extension of commerce will confer

epi.n;on, they were incapable of appreciating the wisdom that /
dictated such a change, yet the Right Hon. G.-11'1.1ms midis,
:cat ;toured that he would receive his reward from a grateful
country and an admiring posterity.—( Hear, hear. )
The Marquis of WORCESTER wished to know what the
consequence would be it the present measure should, as it
undoubtedly would, reduce the lower order of farmers to
labourers ?—( Hear, hear.) In his opinion they would be
driven to emigra'ion or to the workhouse, when the taxation
for their maintenance would increase to so extraordinary a
degree that the landholders could not pay it.—( Hear, hear.)
He could make every allowance for an alteration in political
opinion, but he certainly felt deep sorrow that the Right Hon.
Baronet had given way at the very first attack on the constitu-
tion of this country.
Mr. GARDNER said that he considered the report of the
failure in the potato crop as a panic and nothing but a panic.
He had taken the trouble to look at the special returns made
he last six years, and comparing those returns with the prices
of this year. On counting the number of parishes mention-
ing the returns, he found that the whole number to which
reference was made, was 404. He found that in 107 towns
the ordinary prices were not increased; and that left 295 out of
the 404 in which the prices had arisen. There were eleven
towns in which the prices had increased one farthing per sto-e.
In fifteen towns the prices had increased one halfpenny ; in
10 towns, three farthings ; and in 53 towr.s, one penny. He
believed it was the duty of the Governmen', to have given
some compensation to the landed interest by the removal of
the burdens on land, before lowering the prices of agricultural
produce. Besides, if free trade were to be given to this coun-
try, it should also be accorded to the colonists, who had as good
a right to benefit by the alteration as we have. He had no
doubt that if the present measure was passed, plenty of
corn would be imported from America, the continent of
Europe, and all other countries. (The Hon. Member here had
quoted from Mr. M'Gregor's report, showing the great amount
of corn which was raised in the United States in 1842.) It was
stated that the country in the United States west of the Ohio,
raised in that year 26,000,000 of bushels of wheat, one-hall
of which was grown for exportation. The amount of Indian
corn raised in that country was also enormous. He (Mr. D.
Gardner) was satisfied that the home market would be seriously
affected by the large amount of corn that. would be imported
from the United States, if the measure before the House was
carried. The Hon. Member concluded by intimating his in-
tention of voting against the motion.
Mr. MILDMAY and Lord PALMERSTON rose together,
but the former, having caught the Speaker's eye, proceeded to
address the House, amidst considerable manifet•tation of im-
patience, and tries of " Palmerston." The Hon Member said
he only wished to offer a few words, and he would not disap-
point the Noble Lord in addressing the House fur any length of
time. It was not his intention to go into a long discussion on
the corn-law. He merely rose at that stage of :he debate, for
the purpose of expressing his reasons for taking a different
course now to what he had formerly taken, or that he ever
thought to take, namely, that of opposing the Right Hon
. .

Looking forward, as I do, to the happy day when London shall. Baronet at the head of the Government, whom he had previously
indeed be the emporium of the world, in consequence of the supported. He had not opposed the going into Committee on
wide-spread influence of her commerce with foreign nations, the question, on account of the expressions employed by her Ma-
when peace in all countries shall prevail and be preserved ; in jesty in the opening speech from the throne, but they had now
the words of the poet, who has so emphatically and beautifully arrived at a stage on the discussion in which he must declare
described such a eondition, I feel satisfied that, whether he should support or oppose it.--( Hear, hear.) He
" The time shall come, when, free as seas or wind, would take a straightforward course and that would be in op-
Unbounded Thames shall flow for all mask nd, position to the measure.—(Cheers.) He must express him-
Whole nations enter with each flawing tide, self against the laudatory view of the Hon. and Learned Mem -
And seas but join the region they divide ; ber for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller) respecting the changing of
Earth's distant ends our glory shall behold, opinion. It would seem to that Hon. and Learned Gentleman,
And the new world launch forth to seek tke old." that the oftener a man changed his opinion the better it was.—
That is the real description of the effects of the measure which (Loud cheers from the Conservative benches.) If Hon.
we are now discussing; and again, I say, that in rejecting it, 'Members were so fond of turning round, he at least could
you are inflicting an injury on the country at large. I, there- not so easily change his opinions. There ought to be some
fore, earrestly entreat that you will not oppose the second principle in the matter, and changes should not be made upon
reading of this Bill. such slight grounds as in the question before the I-louse. It
Mr. STEWA RT claimed the indulgence of the House seemed Hon. Gentlemen wanted a pretext to turn round, and
while he offered a few observations on the great measure they jumped at the potato failure in Ireland for that purpose.
before it. He gave every credit to the Right Hon. Gentle- And what were they doing ? Importing Indian corn into the
man for the honesty of his convictions.—(Hear, hear.) country duty free. Why did not they do that at first,
He heard with the deepest regret the motives which were im- to relieve the people of Ireland, without altering the
puted by the Right Hon. Baronet to an Honourable Gentle- whole laws relating to agricultural protection? But
man who spoke on the question ; but nothing would induce the Right Hen. Baronet had a foregone conclusion,
him to indulge in that kind of imputation. He, however, should and required only such a pretext for making a
exercise his own judgment, and not be led away by the in change. For this purpose they had joined together two
fluence of any authority, no matter how great. He re- things that were not necessarily connected ; and it must be
eembered what the Honourable Member for Stockport, whom 'admitted that Ireland could not he benefited by the measure
he saw in his place, had said in that House and elsewhere, which was now before the House. Nor did the state of the
That Honourable Gentleman stated that the Government of country require the measure. In 1845, the country was in
the country were overridden by the landed interest.—(Hear, a general state of prosperity; and all experience went to show
hear.) He did not quarrel with that Honourable Gentleman's that the repeal of the corn-laws was unnecessary. The Right
opinions, but when he heard the Right Honourable Baronet Hon. Baronet assured them, that the agricultural interests of
stating that the time had come when the landed the country would not be injuriously affected, but his (Mr.
proprietors had an undue interest in that Mildrnay's) experience convinced him, that the measure must
House.—[Sir James Graham—" I did not say undue_"] operate most injuriously. He was satisfied, the g•eatest injury
Well, not undue, but a preponderating influence. He con- would be inflicted on the agricultural interests of
sidered that the two gentlemen very nearly coincided in their the country, if the present Bill passed.—( Hear, hear. )
views, and he would ask, then, what had become of the Re- What, he apprehended, regulated the production of any article
form Bill? When he heard the Right Hon. Baronet state was its being remunerative, and, supposing that there was not
that they were to look to public opinion, he (Mr. S.) con- capital in that country to go on increasing their products, they
sidered that they could not appeal to a more revolutionary tri- must get their supplies from other parts. Let them look at
bunal. That House was the fair representative of all inte- cotton. At the end of the last century they had not a bale of
rests—commercial as well as agricultural ; hut if they were cotton from the United States. Now, such was the peculiar
to be told that they were to look to the public opinion of the capability of the Southern States that cotton from America
manufacturing districts alone, he asserted that there never was regulated the price of cotton from the East Indies, and
a more dangerous doctrine propounded. He would not enter indeed from all parts of the wosld. —(Hear, hear.)
into the question of free trade, but he contended that the very So with indigo; and, in the same way, they would be ex-
existence of the manufacturing and mercantile interest was nosed to a competition in corn, which would completely ruin
entirely dependent on agriculture. The cotton mills and the the home grower. With these views, he would give his vote
large manufactories owed their origin and their stability to the against the second reading of this Bill, because he felt that a
fertile fields and broad acres of England.—(Hear, hear.) And sufficient caution had not been exercised to prevent injurious
he believed, that when the cotton mills and factories would consequences to the revenue. Before he sat down, he should
moulder into decay, the fertile fields would remain and per. like to refer to the petition presented on that night by the
petuate the glory and the prosperity of the country. The Right lion. Baronet at the head of the Government, from
system under which they were now acting was protection to the merchants of Liverpool and Manchester, who
all—protection to manufactures and protection to agri- stated that the stagnation in their business was
culture. By this measure, however, all protec- attributable to the prolongation of this debate. But.
tion to agriculture was at an end, while it was continued was there not stagnation in every interest over the country?
to manufactures. The arguments, as regarded free trade, and why, therefore, should those Gentlemen attribute this
were strong, he confessed, in theory ; but, from the best con- depres3ion to the delay which had been thrown in the way of
struction he could put upon the Right Hon. Baronet's speeches, passing this measure ? He thanked the House for the attention
that Right Hon. Gentleman stated that it was overpowering with which they had listened to him, and he would conclude
necessity, not principle, that induced him to take the course by expressing his determination to vote against the measure of
he new pursued, If the Right Hon. Gentleman was sup- the Government.
ported on that ground by his followers, he contended that this Sir R. PEEL and the Marquis of GRANnY rose together to
overpowering necessity should be proved. He denied, how- address the House, but their being loud cries for Sir R. Peel,
ever, that suck was the case ; and even if it did exist, the re- the Ma- quis of Granby gave way to the Right Hon. Baronet.
medy was not surely to be found in the ruin of the landed Sir R. PEEL said; Sir, I did not intend to have again in
interest.—(Hear, hear.) He would ask if the disease and truded myself upon the attention of the House, in the
fever of Ireland would be removed by the abolition of protec- course of the present debate, but since I last had an oppor-
tion ?—( Hear, hear.) He did not attach much credit to the tunity of addressing the House, I have been accused with
reports of the gentlemen who were sent to Ireland, for he believed fully betraying the agricultural interests of the country—( Tbe
they drew them up with a view to the purpose for which Hon. Baronet was here interrupted by a remark from a pro-
they were employed to make them, He did not mean to tectionist Member, which was inaudible in the gallery). Well
throw any discredit on the gentlemen, but was difficult to corn- then, take it that it is your impression that 1 have done so;
mand clear and undoubted evidence under such circumstances, but, at least, after the accusation you have preferred against
The Hon. Member then read an extract from a speech made me, you cannot refuse to concede to me the privilege of a
by the Hon. Member for Stockport at a public meeting, when defence, and to listen to what I have to say in answer to the
he stated the agricultural gentlemen and the landed proprietors charges you have made. In the observations I haee
were tmobies, who did not know the river St. Lawrence from merle throughout this debate, I have not quarrelled
the Ohio. Now such statements were always met with the with any man for offsring his decided opposition
exultation of the idle and dissolute.—( Hear, hear.) It had to the opinion I have lately enunciated. c), I have respected
been so from the time of Jack Cade downwards. When the the opinions of others, and endeavoured to secure the mainte-
Hon. Member for Stockport, and his colleague, the Hon. nance of their co-operation. I knew not by whom the mea-
Member for Durham, were at public meetings, they invariably sure which I have proposed would be supoorted on this side of
used language which, if used in that Honse, would be sufficient the House, and I tried to influence no man. I have listened
to deprive them of a hearing.—( Hear, hear.) Yet these were to the charges which have been made against me with sorrow,
the men whose principles were adopted by the Right Hon, but not with anger. I think it natural that you should have
Baronet. Why a Government should allow themselves to be made a resistance to this measure, and that some Hon. Gen.
so miserably deceived he conic' not for the life of him imagine. tlemen should retain their former opinions. I entreat them,
—( Hear, hear.) What were the arguments in favour of the however, to extend to me the privilege which I conceded to
present measure? Why, till that night they had had but one them, and fur the sake of courtesy, to hear with patience my
argument in favour of the Government measure, The former answer to what they have said against me, If I were a private
was by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton.—( Hear.) On individual, strong in the conviction that I have acted from
that evening they had an able speech from the Right Hon. nothing but a sense of duty—(Loud cheers)—strong in the
Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, bat it was conviction that I had acted from pure and honou cable motives
not such a one as would convince him of the necessity of the —I would have let these accusations pass by ; but lam not in
repeal of the coin-laws. The Honourable Members the situation of a private individual, and it is right asa
Minis-
of :free trade principles, had signalised themselves by their ter of the Crown that I should vindicate the course I have
arguments out of doors, and even in that House, but now that taken as an executive Minister of the Sovereign.—(Loud
her Majesty's Ministers had taken up their question, all argu- cries of " Hear. hear.") Sir, it is irregular under ordi-
ment seemed to have forsaken them.--( Hear, hear.) It might nary circumstances to refer to what has passed in a former
be that they considered their interests in safer hands, and there- debate! but lam sure the House will permit me to refer in
fore they thought it better to keep quiet, and not spoil their general to the questions that were put to me, and the charges
position.—(Laughter.) With respect to the letter put forth by that were made against me, after I had the opportunity of last
the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, he (Mr. addressing the House. It was said in the course of the last
Stewart) had no doubt that the Noble Lord felt the result to discussion that I had expressed an opinion that the charge of
have been a. successful political stratagem.—( Hear, hear.) He • this measure fur the adjustment of the corn-laws would have
had no doubt the Noble Lord intended it as a political feeler. been committed with much greater propriety to other hands
Ihe Right lion. Baronet said he could not venture to predict than mine; and yet at the same time I observed that I pro_
what the nature of the weather would be in a year hence. fie posed to the Cabinet to undertake the conducting of this mea-
agreed with him ; but the real question was, what would the sure, and that the Cabinet had been unanimeus ix deciding
effect be upon the price of coin in 1850, if the crop in 1846 that the conducting of such a measure ought to be committed
should be a failure?—( Laughter.) It had been said by a Noble to my hands ; and therefore it is said that there is an apparent
Duke, who thought this measure unwise, that it would be well ineonsistency between the opinion that it would have
for the public to wait until they had heard what the opinion of been better to have committed the measure to otter
the Right Hon. Baronet would be; but what were they to hands, and ray undertaking to make a permanent
think, now that the Right Hon. Baronet had charged his adjustment of this question after the suspension of the corn-
opinion ?—( Hear, hear.) This had been called a great and laws. Niw the facts are most correctly s'ated. I did give
comprehensive measure, but he denied that it was such ; on the an opinion that it would have been better had it been intro-
contrary, he looked upon it as a partial measure, affecting a due. d under all ordinary circumstances by others more entitled
class. If it was a fair and just measure, he would like to hear to the credit of such a measure, rather than that I should have
proof that it was such; but he had heard no such proof the conduct of it. Yet it is perfectly true that in the Cabinet
as yet. All that he had heard went only to prove I proposed, and the Cabinet cord'. rmed, that I should undertake
that all protection was to be taken away from agriculture, and the proposition of this measure. I did so under these
preserved to manufactures.—( Hear, hear.) If it was come to circumstances. On the Ist of November I proposed,
this, that her Majesty's Government threatened the country with the concurrence of my Right Hon. Friend who
with a chance of opinion in reference to the protection now has spoken before, on account of the reports from
afforded to manufactures, we would call that a falling Govern- Ireland, to take precaution against the impending
merit, and it should be got rid of, for nothing could be mere danger—what I thought was the natural precaution,
deplorable than such a Government, or such a state of things, namely, the suspension, either by order in Council, or by Act
as would compel mere to vote against their own feelings and of Parliament, of those laws which prohibited the importation
conviction. This he would look upon as the very worst state of foreign corn. I renewed that proposition towards the close
of degradation; and was, on the part of the Governmen•, of the same month, and if the measure I proposed to
brought about by their yielding to mob terror. If those mobs Government had been simply a suspension of the law, with a
should meet again in Lincoln'slnn-fields,and threaten that House, guarantee that the existing corn-law should he revived, 1 do
the Government should prevent such meetings and threats, and not believe that there would have been any very serious oppo-
if it did not, it did not deserve to be continued as a Government, se ion to it. There must have been a difference of opinion as
The doctrine of the mobs appeared to be that the volumes to the extent of the danger in Ireland ; but I think that if the
of Hansard should be thrown aside, and that the law hence- measure proposed had been merely the suspension, with a gua-
forth should be taken from their mcuths, for that was what rantee on my part that I would, at the termination of the sus-
had been said by Jack Cade.— ( Laughter-) He thanked the pension, propose a continuance of the existing law, lam not
House for the patience with which he had been heard, and aware that there would have been any difference of opinion
begged to apologise if he had spoken at greater length than he about the measure. But I distinctly refused to undertake or to,
had intended, guarantee the revival of the existing law at the termination o
Mr. BOUVERIE said the HOB. Member opposite was in• the suspension, and I did so upon these grounds As
dignant with him because he smiled at an observation he I have said before, I thought suspension was become a
made ; but he smiled at bearing the argument used in necessary act.—( Hear, hear.) But the Right Honourable
defence of protection. The Hun. Member appeared to be Gentleman the Recorder for the city of Dublin says, we were
displeased at the idea that other Hon. Members were deluded by the accounts which we received from Ireland. He
of opinion that the preponderance of the landed in- says he was alarmed himself by these accounts; but after in-
terest should not he allowed to continue ; but the quiring into the matter, he found, from the representation of
Honourable Member migi.t rely on it that that parties connected with the agricultural interest of Ireland, that
preponderance could less be supported by such laws the alarm was but ill-founded. Why, it is easy for an incit-
es protective laws, thee by the system of coercion vidual to collect these reports, but what is a Government to do,
resorted to in other times for upeolding that preponderance. responsible as they are for the well-being of the country--
The landed interest assumed that those laws had been produce deeply responsible for famine and disease, shculd they come
tive of great good to the o:Amery • yet the f .ct was, that this and no precautions taken? What was Government to do in
country had been more and more dependent every year since circumstances like these—receiving reports from all quarters—
the passing of those laws, upon foreign countries fer a supply from the highest au hurities, from private individuals, from
of corn. For instance, for nine years after the year 1815, the parties most interested? It was no easy or enviable position
quantity of foreign corn imported was 300,0e0 quarters ; for the for a Government to be placed in. Their alarm may be un-
next nine years it increased to 800,000 quarters ; and during founded, their precautions may be superfluous. What, do you
the next nine years it had increased to 1,400,0d0 quarters. But think, where there are good grounds for expecting a general
Honourable Members opposite who opposed this neva- and wide-spread famine, that Government ought to neglect
sure did not appear to take into consideration the like. to take precautions, even should those precautions ultimately
hhocd of a war with some of those countries, which would tun out to be superfluous ?—( Cheers.) I, for one, would not
have the effect of preventing the continuance of this supply. undertake the responsibiltry of the Government, if I thought I
In fact, he had only to refer to statements of the Right Hon. should be compelled to neglect taking precautions until the
Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, to famine and disease had become evident. But the Rght H.
show that those corn-laws had only the effect of encouraging Gentleman the Recorder of the City of Dublin says we were
the continuance of crime and pauperism, and that no system deluded. I deny it altogether. I formed my impressions
of policy could be invented which would be more productive in November last —my convictions are still the same.
of a general pernicious result than that system which would Why, how are we to ascertain with accuracy the utmost extent
advocate the permanency of those laws. He maintained, that of the disease—how are we to decide upon the very moment
the farmer had been reined by the operation of the law in when the Hon. Gentleman would have us take precautions?
the first measure, and could not be more injured in the pre. Are we to sit calculating in the Cabinet how much diarrheaa,
sent instance.—( Hear, hear.) He would next come to the dysentery, and reflex the whole people of Ireland can bear
case of the labourer. At present, instead of being well fed, before it was necessary to find food for them?— (Cheers. ) The
and clothed, and housed, the labourer, in many districts of precautions may be superfluous, but look at the danger that
the country, was in a condition quite the contrary. The nee . might arise if these precautions were not taken. Is it net
cessanes of life he had not in sufficient abundance, and as to better to err on the side of precaution than to err on the side
the luxuries of lire, they were strangers to him.—( Hear.) of neglect?—( Cheers.) I say, then, that with the reports we
Mr. Arthur Young, an eminent authority on agricultural had received, Government would have been deeply culpable had
facts, had recorded various instances of the condition of the they not provided for the emergency, and therefore it was that
labourer in 1776 as compared with his present state. At that I advised a suspension of the corn-law ; but then arose the
time the wages den ordinary labourer did not exceed 51. 6d. question, what will you do when the period for terminating the
or 6s. a week, and though the wages at present amounted to suspension shall come? That was an important question indeed,
Bs., yet, in consequence of the increase in the prices I and I was asked, will you undertake to guarantee the revival
of bread, meat, butter, &c., the wages were of the corn-law? I said, I cannot for many reasons.—( Hear. )
not in reality more than in 1776.—( Hear, hear.) In the first place, in the last session of Parliament, I expressed
He believed that the Right non. Baronet at the bead of the a decided opinion that you could not long continue a different
Government was actua-ed by the finest and most philanthropic principle, in respect of protection to agriculture, from that
feelings in introducing the measure; and though his party had I which you have applied to other articles of trade. lam told,
in a great measure throws him overboard, because, nt his; Immo', that I have made a suddyn change in Lay
.opinions.