The Sun.
London, England, 1846-05-27 00:00:00

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LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 27, 1846.

On the resumption of the adjourned debate yesterday, in
the House of Peers, no less than eleven of their Lordships
addressed themselves to the consideration of the greatest
measure introduced to Parliament since the memorable Bill
of 1832. Anxious, however, as the majority of the Legis-
lature, both aristocratic and representative, has shown itself
to limit the discussion simply to the abstract merits
of the question, seven out of these eleven speeches
were altogether irrelevant, and singularly rambling. Of the
remarks uttered by the Duke of CAMBRIDGE, and of the line
of behaviour which his Royal Highness has voluntary
chalked out for himself, we could speak in latlgu ge of
panegyric, notwithstanding that that behaviour will consist of
the reservation of his vote upon the division. Conscien-

tiously believing that by abolishing protective imposts the
commercial prosperity of England will be jeopardised, and re-
solved, at the same time, not to interfere with the wishes
of the people, or to embarrass the intentions of Government,
his Royal Highness announced his determination to abstain
from voting upon the measure. Such a resolve is, to say
the least of it, worthy of a Prince of the Blood Royal;
it is consistent with those principles of liberality by
which her most gracious MAJESTY has, throughout her
reign, ever shown herself to be actuated ; and, though
the public may regret that any member of her

illustrious family is not impressed with a sense of the benefits
which must accrue from the acceptation of a free-trade
policy, no supporter of that policy can refrain from enter-
taining the deepest sentiments of respect for the avowed
motives of the Duke of CAMBRIDGE. A diversity of protec-
tionist _ fallacies were paraded in an after period
of the evening, as very conclusive reasons indeed for
the rejection of Sir ROBERT PEEL'S scheme ; but
those fallacies were so preposterously threadbare, and yet

.inselled out and bedizened to such an extent by the various
-•

idiosyncrasies of the speakers, as occasionally to assume an
appearance of novelty. On examination, however, the new-
ness resolved itself into mere rhetorical lacquer, and
the harangues of the Pears proved to be re-
vivals of those enunciated by the Commoners. A hand-
full of obsolete arguments, a plentiful sprinkling of
impossible statistics, a few slices of sarcasm, seasoned with
personalities, and garnished with sippets from HANSARD.
and HusrussoN, and ADAM Slam', form the ingredients of
these agricultural dishes—hot in the Lower House, luke•
warm in the tipper House. And such is the kind of intel-
lectual banquet with which their Lordships and the
general community were favoured overnight. But the
diversity of opinion among the opposers of the measure has,
throughout the discussion, lent it the charm of variety. One
protectionist is such from a conviction that the Bill will
annihilate home agriculture, another because it will not
cheapen bread, another because it will render us wholly de-
pendent upon foreign nations for our subsistence. The
Earl of WILTON maintains that free trade is proved to be
logically and radically wrong from the circumstance of his
(the Earl of WILTON'S) actually opposing the Duke of WEL-
LINGTON in its regard. His Royal Highness the Duke of
CA3IBRIDGE cannot dream of altering his original views
upon the matter of international commerce because of his
advanced years. The Earl of WLNCIIILSEA, in like manner,
is a bitter antagonist of the Ministerial policy because
in it he recognises a perspective of destruction to Church,
State, and mercantile affairs, somewhat less picturesque, but
quite as mournful as Mr. MacAuLaY's renowned idealism of
a traveller, a thousand years hence, " seated upon
the broken arches of London-bridge, sketching the
ruins of St. Paul's." Almost as various, we
are ready to acknowledge, are the ideas enter-
tained upon the question by an infinitessimal few among
the supporters of the Bill. Thus, for example, after all that
has been adduced in the Commons and elsewhere to prove
that free trade will materially benefit the labouring classes,
by rendering provision stores more accessible, the
Marquis of NOR3IANBY " believes that the intrinsic
effect of the measure, either for good or evil,
has been overrated ; " affording another illustration
to the classic adage—quot homines tot sententice. These
things, however, are the mere excresences and exuberances
growing out of a discussion of such incalculable importance.
They serve, nevertheless, a good purpose, even in their
vary inanity ; they sift the whole merits and
demerits of the measure most thoroughly ; they carry

it through an ordeal, tedious, without doubt, for the time
being, but wholesome and generous in the end—seeing that,
by such an exceeding filtration and analysis, the precise
nature of the scheme is exposed, its bearings are severally
recognised, and the existence in it of anything deformed, or
deleterious, or baneful, is inevitably brought to light.
Looking back upon the dreary months during which the
Corn and Customs' Bill has been thus scrutinized, and turn-
ing to the conclusions which are alone derivable by common
senso, from that scrutiny, our inferences from the past, the
present, and the future, in their relation to free trade and
protection, are a triumphant vindication of the former, and a
withering exposure of the latter. As to the actuality of this
fact, the popular voice has already sufficiently pronounced,
while another, and almost as conclusive, evidence is the
unanimous acquiescence of the greatest statesmen of the age
in the necessity of the proposed alteration. And,
much as we regret the fallacious view of the Prime
Minister's character taken by the Noble Lord, we
have a peculiar satisfaction in numbering in that catalogue
of illustrious free-traders the name of the Marquis of NOR-
MANBY ; the more so, perchance, because of our consciousness
that individual eulogiums or individual vituperations
will not ultimately influence one jot the estimation of
Sir ROBERT PEEL as a man, as a patriot, and as a states-
man ; and because we appreciate the justice of that eloquent
tribute uttered by Lord BROUGHAM, that Sir ROBERT "may
scorn the sordid attacks, the wretched ribaldry, with
which he has been out of doors assailed, because
he knows he has entitled himself to the grati-
tude of his country, and will leave his name
to an admiring posterity as one of the greatest statesmen
that ever wielded the destinies of this land." Feeling this,
we can forgive all observations to the contrary as harmless,
and turn with sanguine feelings to the adjournment till
Thursday.

We on Monday urged upon the attention of the Govern-
ment the great and imperative necessity of some prompt and
speedy legislation taking place for carrying into effect the
recommendations contained in the report of Lord DEvoN's
Commission. A fearful tragedy has recently been enacted
at Bird Hill, in which two lives were lost, which would in all
probability have been spared bad those recommendations
met with earlier attention. We are rejoiced to find, from
an answer on Monday night given by Sir R. PEEL to Mr. S.
CRAW FORD, that the subject has occupied much of the at-
tention of her MAJESTY'S Government; that the delay has
been principally occasioned by the late change in the office
of the Chief Secretary for Ireland, and the recent illness of
Lord LINCOLN ; and that three measures have been prepared,
which will forthwith be introduced to the House, having for
their objects-Ist, the making compensation to tenants for
improvements effected by them ; 2dly, for amending the laws
relative to ejectment and distresses ; and, 3dly, a Bill pre-
scribing a short form of lease, and reducing the stamp duties
thereon.

Although these do not by any means comprise all the re-
commendations of the Commissioners, and still less the several
matters which loudly demand legislative interference and
redress, yet they certainly include many of the most pressing
grievances, and will be gratefully received as a large instal-
ment by the people of Ireland.

havingi Ibt
raisedhea
a
Most of the wretchedness of the country is owing to the
dbaayd cpuolintitveadtioona‘of
the
ea
pcalirsoffernenptrofeaurin.
receives it in bad order and condition, wiLauAtfssui.wtaeblarm go:enbeliriaollndly.-
ings or offices for carrying on the necessary works on the
land. In the great majority of cases the whole of the avail-
able capital of the incoming tenant is devoted to putting it
woienrder
otrfheanedvecontndotiho.n, antdherheeceis liteftchwairtgheoutuptohne
means of sufficiently
registering stocking or cultivating tho soil. Had
properlyso as to make
expended his improvements,
isoffer,i beingn
theej:.i'ncetetivetsced,2.
in
e proper
th(
land
o
:or the
aorrfyh i
beingre nin:
he would easily
the sum
let would,. in itself,
expend his
it in his
enabledwtainthgiinbletos tehciurtrbioytyrrtoowyears;le
rof obmtiaishmtniga a fair
deprived of the land, the possession of
paymentg oenper.
afford R guarantee for him while he
thhaenades.imHpreo77-eomalednta,ls, oaabheeencocuouldragheedeetrotheinx
There is ims(naloeYother measure hbiys
.capital in
return, either in the time during which he
benefit will be conferred upon
thetahme
amount
fauannndtns : oof r
Ireland generally, or so likely to promote substantial imn-
wbnehlititcgehddatroohiaenrcgefeuroPamYn
provement throughout the country, and to remove the most
fertile source of discontent and outrage.
The second subject is also a vastly important one—the
amendment of the laws relating to distress and ejectment.
The entire of the landlord-and-tenant lam in Ireland have
justly been designated from the Bench as class-legislation—
each succeeding statute strengthet;ing the former ene in
favour of the landlord, adding to his power, and casting
additioul diff4oulty upon the twat, We do not desirethat
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