The Sun.
London, England, 1848-11-22 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 22, 1848.

February, they will bind themselves over to the task
of aggrandizing the fortunes, and of nourishing the
egotism of a man who has hitherto merely tolerated
Republicanism ? Will the citizens of France consent
to mortgage their liberties for the sake of imaginary
successes and fictitious conquests ? Will they not re-
cognise the fact already carved upon the adamantine
tablets of History that the glorious despotism of the
Emperor NAPOLEON was the great necessity of
the age at the commencement of the pre-
sent century ?—that it was required for the
purpose of beating down the insolence of the
Continental Sovereigns; that it was, in reality, Re-
publicanism clad in the armour of Strength, asserting
its capacity to set the old bugbear of the " right
divine" at defiance ; that the conquests of NAPOLEON
were, in short, a sublime vengeance wreaked upon
the royal assailants of the Revolution. In the ter-
rible dangers which sometimes threatened the Re-
public of Rome the power of the Commonwealth was
concentrated in the grasp of her greatest citizen, and
that citizen reigned, during the existence of the
crisis, with the pomp, the authority, and the title
of Dictator. The Republic of France towards the
close of the :eighteenth century was threatened with
dangers more tremendous than ever impended over
the democracy of ancient Rome—dangers of a two-
fold character, those of anarchy within, and those
looming from without in the shape of a Coalition
among the tyrants of Christendom. To save
France from a destruction which must, otherwise,
have been inevitable, to vindicate the right of a free
people to choose its form of government, to expiate
the crimes of the Revolution, and to set the heel upon
the neck of autocracy, the Dictatorship was volun-
tarily decreed to NAPOLEON, under the title of
Emperor. That glorious Dictatorship triumphed for
ten years, until, in fact, its fullest destinies had
been accomplished. When continental Europe
had been conquered from one extremity to
the other—when the imperial banners had floated
over all the palaces of Christendom, from the
copper dome of the Kremlin to the Moorish pinna•
Iles of the Alhambra—when the will of NAPOLEON
was alike the law to the shepherds on the Julian Alps
and the fishermen on the Baltic—when his soldiers
penetrated at the same moment into the most distant
portions of Castile and into the remotest corner of
Pomerania—when he had disposed with his own band
of thirteen diadems—when he was himself an Em-
peror and a King—when JosEru had worn the
crown of Spain, Louis that of Holland,
JEROME that of Westphalia, and Joacnix
that of Naples ;—then, and not till then, the Dic-
tatorship ceased, with the temporary success of
the European Sovereigns. At the present moment,
it would be an absurdity to maintain that French
Republicanism requires the same safeguard from
destruction. Thanks to the conquests of the Emperor
NAPOLEON, the principles of Democracy, have been
so widely disseminated throughout Christendom, that
the whole Continent is either virtually or actually
revolutionized. No one dreatni 'of invading France
for the purpose of abolishing' her Republican institu-
tions, and of restoring royalty to the splendours
of the Tuileries. France has developed her Re-
publicanism since February without a whisper of
opposition from any Cabinet. Her Constitution is
now perfected, and she requires—not a Dictator
under the name of an Emperor, but a Patriot under
that of a President.

General TAYLOR has without doubt by this time
been nominated the successor of POLE. Will France,
actuated by the same sentiments as those which have
led to this decision in the United States, nominate
General CAVAIGNAC to the office of President ? The
answer will be audible in this country before the
12th of December. Were every one inspired with
sentiments as pure and exalted as those of M. De
LAMARTIXB, we should have no fear as to the result

of the approaching election. Speaking of his own
candidateship for the dignity of First Magistrate of
the Republic, which was founded by his genius and
courage, that great patriot exclaims—
" I should think it unworthy of France to endeavour
to influence hur by acts or words. I should think it
unworthy of myself to endeavour to exalt myself in the
face of my country. lam what I am, what God has
made me, neither more nor less. It is for my country
to judge if I can or not still serve it in any way. It is
not for me to plead for my pride, or to humiliate myself
by begging for confidence or votes, which are of value
only when voluntary, conscientious, and maturely re-
flected. It would be said, besides, that I seize on this
opportunity, or that I have contrived it, to publish here
a manifesto, a programme for myself, as candidate for
the place of President. What is the necessity
of a manifesto for a man whom France
beheld for three months at the Hotel de
Ville, or at the Hotel of Foreig❑ Affairs ? For a
man who spoke for three months of the Republic, and of
the moderate, honest, constitutional, progressive, and
conservative sense, which he attached to that word?
My name is a manifesto; my life during those three
months is a programme—or if not, there are no mani-
festoes or programmes intelligible to the mind and to the
eyes of the people. I cannot, therefore, consent to
falsify my position, in appearing to desire what I dread.
If I am elected, I will accept, and I will be devoted to
my duty. If I am not elected, I shall be well
pleased, and I will realise the word of an orator in
our first assemblies:—' The Republic would be possible,
if some one would consent to be the second.' I will be
the second, the third, the last; no matter what, provided
th© Republic be well served and well defended I"

Such noble and sublime sentiments of patriotism
as these would be sufficient of themselves to entitle

ALPHONSE DE LAMARTINE to the suffrages of his

fellow-citizens as first President of the 13-emocratio

Republic, One and Indivisible.

Two additional railway statements, of vast import-
ance, have just been published. The directors of the
Eastern Counties and of the Midland Compa-
nies have complied with the strongly expressed de-
sire of the great body of the shareholders, and have
given a full and explicit account of their present posi-
tion and prospects. Nine of the most influential
companies have thus laid their affairs, without re-
serve, before the public, and as it will be impossible
for others of less note to maintain mystery or to with-
hold information similar to that which has been afirded
respecting the affairs of the more colossal undertakings,
we may venture to predict that every circumstance of
the slightest importance that should be taken into
account in estimating the value of railway stock of
any denomination will speedily be explained. One
great cause of the undue depreciation in the value of
shares will thus be wholly removed, and the "Bears"
disarmed of a weapon which they wielded with the
most powerful effect against the property of their
victims. They will no longer be enabled to poison
the public mind with their false and calumnious insi-
nuations. When they speak of the vast increase
of traffic that must take place in order to
maintain the dividends, or of the enormous sums
still required to complete the works, a simple
reference to the authentic " statements " will refute
their erroneous calculations, and serve to re-assure
the minds of those who might otherwise have been
affected by their insidious advice.
The " statements" now under notice furnish no
exceptions to the general rule. They exhibit more
favourable positions and better prospects than could
oafvteil been anticipated, and furnish additional evidence
dertsc:undn"s and stability of those gigantic un-
capitalmagnd Britishh
these wondrousisa.
orus monuments
wofthßatritish
rea-
sonable expectations
menay
be entertained of remu-
o
nerating dividends after
probable expenditure,
that comparatively
small amounts will be reauires to
texpedient
oly
complete the
judiciously*
several works, at least, until it shall aIP
to the general body of the sharehold)eere:nrj
o
with the several branches which have be
abandoned until the arrival of a more propitious
Period, when a majority of the proprietors shall
sanction their construction.

It appears from the first statement that the
"Eastern Counties Consolidated Stock," including
, all the " York Extension Shares " registered or en-
titled to be registered, and also including a bonus
capital of 1,087,0001. amounts to 5,886,980/.—there
are in addition certain guaranteed stocks which,
increase the " total amount of share capital,
carrying fixed interest or dividend," to 9,717,220/.
The debentures issued (for the Eastern Counties
Company,B2o,6l6/.,and advanced to the Norfolk Com-
pany 30,0001.), amount in the whole to 150,6161.,
and the balance of liabilities beyond assets to be dis-
charged at various periods during the year are taken
at 283,757/.; making in the whole a grand total of
share and loan capital and liabilities of 10,851,593/,
The amount of liabilities to be provided for, however,
appears to have been rather over-estimated, inasmuch
as no less than 50,0001. has been allowed for contin-
gencies beyond all known liabilities, and there is a

further surplus property estimated to produce
30,0001., which has not been taken into account in

any manner. It is, however, perhaps, the wisest
'course to place the matter in the least favourable
point of view, as it will be much more satisfactory
to announce on a future occasion an excess of esti-
mates over expenditure, than the reverse.
The affairs of the Norfolk Company are contained
in a distinct table. They are made up in the same
manner as those of the Eastern Counties, to which
we have already adverted. The consolidated stock
amounts to 1,040,390/. This is increased by certain
guaranteed stocks to a total share capital of
1,722,3701., carrying fixed interest or dividend. The
Norfolk and Lowestoft Company's debentures amount
to 507,500/., and there remains to be paid, to close the
capital account (after deducting the value of the
available assets), 57,693/.—so that the total share and

loan capital and liabilities of the Norfolk Company

amount to 2,287,563. A guarantee has been given
to the Eastern Counties Company that the amount of
the " amalgamated capital of the Norfolk Company "
shall not exceed 2,300,0001.

From this general statement it appears that the
total stock entitled to dividend, and not guaranteed,
amounts to 6,9127,370/., viz., Eastern Counties stock
(including the bonus capital of 1,087,0000,
5,886,9801.; and Norfolk Company's stock (includ-
ing 87,070/. not yet paid up), 1,040,390/. In addi-
tion to this sum, the guaranteed stocks amount, for
the Eastern Counties, to 3,830,240/., and for the
Norfolk to 681,980/. The debentures and liabilities
of both companies increase the total amount of capital
of both companies to 13,139,1561. (inclusive of the
bonus capital).

The total receipts for the current half-year will,
it is calculated, exceed 400,0001., and taking various
favourable circumstances into account, includ-
ing an additional mileage recently opened
and to be opened, it is estimated that the annual re
venue from and after the Ist July, 1849, will amount
at least to 940,0001., and it is reasonably enough
anticipated that this revenue will be susceptible of
increase; 350,0001. is allowed for working expenses
the guaranteed interest, stocks, deoentures, and
liabilities, 320,548/. ; and the net surplus will be
applicable to the dividends or the consolidated stock,
This will, even if no improvement should take place,
fully maintain the amount of dividend that has been
recently paid, and at present prices yield nearly
seven per cent. on thei capital invested. There
are, however, many circumstances that will further
improve the value of the stock, and thus add to the
beneficial character of the investment.

The further capital required by both companies,
(exclusive of 87,070/. to be called up on certain Nor-
folk shares) amounts only to 355,000/., which may
be reduced by receipts from surplus property. The
total mileage will be 322 miles. The company has
not subscribed to any other lines, but it will have
the
,benefit of several valuable feeders, without any
responsibility on 'account thereof.
The debenture debts of both companies amount to
little more than one-tenth of their aggregate capital.
;;Large borrowing powers still exist unexercised, and
ample means may thus be provided for discharging
the small amount of liabilities outstanding. These
are, indeed, satisfactory announcements, on
which we heartily congratulate the shareholders.
On a future eccasion we shall notice the principal
features apparent in the " Midland Statement."

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The speeches at the Democratic and Socialist
Banquet, held at the Chateau Rouge on the evening
of Sunday, are represented as having been of a very
violent character. M. LEDRU ROLLIN proposed a
toast " To the Republique Democratique et Sociale,'
thus for the first time openly identifying himself with
the Red Republican and Socialist party. In the
course of his speech M. LEDRU ROLLIN alluded to
the murder of ROBERT BLUM, with whom he had
bee❑ personally acquainted. The meeting was ex-
cited almost to a state of frenzy by this allusion.
Both General CAVAIGNAC And LOUIS NAPOLEON
BONAPARTE were denounced, and I. DE RIBET-
ROLLE3, one of the editors of the 1-6:forme, pronounced
an eulogiuni on ROBESPIERRE and MARAT. In com-
menting on the proceedings at this banquet, the Con-
stitutionnel says—
" We have still the same declamations and the same
violence in sentiments and ideas. Here, for example,
we have a toast in honour of the men who acted as the
representatives of democratic journalism in all ages.
That the names of Loustalot and Camille Desmoulins
should be saluted causes no surprise; but the name of
Marat—why should it be pronounced ? "To Marat
himself,' exclaimed the author of the toast, and nume-
rous voices responded, Yes, yes, to Marat!' Yes,' re-
sumed the orator, yes, I say, when Marat corn-
batted, and well combatted, and was calumni-
ated, we were threatened by the grand aristocra-
cies that Marat and Robespierre knew, and if they
combatted with so much energy, it was because
they knew their enemies better than we knew them.' "
On this the anstitutionnel observes, " What better
could wo ask our enemies to do for as than to pro-
nounce such names and such words before France? The
glorification of a name that excites horror ! and is it
not strange that the journalist who speaks thus, raises
his ♦oice day after day to demand an amnesty, and,
at the same time, honours the man who demanded
300,000 heads! not only does he honour him, but holds
up his name as an example. Marat knew his enemies
better than we do. What, do you want to take lessons
i❑ his school? It is you, in point of fact, that have not
ceased to regret, when speaking of the clemency that
followed the first days of February, the conquerors had
not recourse to the arms employed by our fathers in the
first revolution. Give banquets, messieurs of the Social
and Democratic Republic, for is holding such language
you are making converts against yourselves."
The Moniteur du Soir publishes an official contra-
dietion of the statement which appeared in the Patrie
that the Marquis of NORMANDY had called on Louts
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.
The same official journal contains the following
front Rome without date :
" M. Rossi has been stabbed in the throat with a dag-
ger, on his way to the Hall of Deputies. Public order
has not been disturbed."

•
M. FERDINAND BARROT, the brother of M.
ODILON BARROT, has published a letter in' support
of the candidateship of Louis NAPOLEON. In com-
menting on this letter, the Siècle says
However, his candidateship will triumph. Many
are of that opinion—be it so. But what will be the form
of government—the empire with a Bonaparte ? The
Constitutional Monarchy with a Regency or with an
Orleans ? Legitimacy with the Duke of Bordeaux ?
What, in fine ; let his partisans declare. Do you ima-
gine they are all going to unite as cordially after as be-
fore his election to the Presidency ? Their present sup-
port is only now founded on an idea of distinction, and it
will be kept up for the same purpose. We shall
either have the simultaneous struggles of pretenders,
or we shall have civil war, confusion, and anarchy, en
permanence.

" This is not, perhaps, what will be, but what is much
to be feared. We believe in the good intentions of M.
Louis Bonaparte, but we do not believe in his power to
restrain all the elements of disorder. Many talk of the
unanimity of the votes in some departments. Let the
laws of proscription weigh on other dynasties, and it
will be seen where the unanimity lies. It is only appa-
rent, it is a lure and a falsehood. The moderate party
can only remain united for the defence of society in the
Republic. That will be henceforth easy ; it has only
to give its strength to the Government, and its sanction,
aid when it does not do so, society will be in danger."
_ _ _

We read in the National— -
"If M. Louis Napoleon appears as little 23 possible
and never speaks in public, knowing well that he should
gain nothing by being known, on the ether hand, in the

give
little circle of his friends, he thinks it necessary *zoe,g
himself Napoleon manners. When hed appears, he
hashimself preceded by a chasseur in gran
back
h Prince, one hand behind his
to the chimney. T o
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ite
of
tthe
age, and with the customs of his country!"
It is a suggestive fact that the Faubourg St. Ger-
main, the head-quarters of the old Legitimatist aris-
tocracy, and the Faubourg St. Jacques, the head-
quarters of the insurrectionists of June last, should
both have declared in favour of Prince Louis NAPO-
LEON. This circumstance corroborates the views of
those who maintain that the June insurrection was
Ron
al idt
by monarchical intriguers, supported by
ys money, and would if successful have been
used for Legitimatist purposes.
Le Semeur, the organ of the French Protestants,
has declared for General CAVAIGNAC, whose canvass
in the department of the North, and also in Mar-
seilles and Languedoc, has been most successful. In
Languedoc alone he will poll upwards of
400,000 votes.

The difference which had arisen between the Bey
of Turns and the Consul of the French Republic has
been arranged. Admiral BAuDw has, however,

ordered two ships of the line—the Jena and Jem-
mappes--to remain at Tunis for the winter.
On Monday the project of law for giving to the
Treasury bondholders and savings' banks depositors
new stock, more in accordance with the marketable
value than was allowed by the decree of the 7th of
July, was brought forward in the National Assembly.
The proposal of the Committee of Finance was to
give 5 per cent., at 71f. 60e. for the stock that has
been issued at 80f.; and for the 3 per cent., at 55f.
stock, at 46f. 40c.
M. GonDcriAtrx proposed 51f. instead of 55f. for
the Treasury bondholders.
After a long discussion a division was called
when there not being a sufficient number of Mem-
bers present to make a House the Assembly adjourned.
A committee has been appointed to conduct the
canvass of M. DE LAMARTINE for the Presidency of
the Republic. M. DUPONT (DE L'EuaE) is the pre-
sident of the committee, and the other members are
MM. Gamier Pages, Duclerc, Barthelemy St. Hi-
laire, De Prebois, and Xavier Durrieu.
At the sitting of the Assembly yesterday, the first
clause of the decree relative to the reimbursement of
the Bons du Trssor and the deposits in the Savings'
Banks, was adopted by a majority of 405 to 106.
General CAVAIGNAC then mounted the tribune, to ask
the Assembly to fix a day for some interpellations
which he wished to put to MM. Gamier Pages,
Duclerc, Pagnerre, and Barthelemy St. Hilaire►
with respect to a " calumnious circular" bearing their
names. M. GARNIER PAGES repelled the idea that
the circular in question was calumnious, and agreed
that a day should be fixed for the discussion, and
after a short discussion Saturday was fixed for that
purpose.
The Moniteur of yesterday gives the following ac-
count of the contents of the portfolio to which
allusion has been so often made by the Journal des
Debats

" It is easy to give the most satisfactory information
with respect to the contents of the portfolio. The
shares of the canals, and the Five and Three per Cent.
Rentes, derived from the savings' banks, figure in the
portfolio, not for the price at which they were purchased
(that is to say 86 millions, as shown by the Debuts), but
for their real value at the price of the day of their entry
into the portfolio of the Treasury—namely, 46 millions.
The obligations of the Northern Railway Company
figure for 57 millions, of which 12 millions are payable
in 1849. The rest of the 143 millions, minus five mil-
lions, which have yet to be arranged (a regularizer), are
composed of bills at short dates, which the Treasury, if
it should think it proper, could negotiate immediately."
BOURSE—PARIS, TUESDAY, NOTEMBER 21.
THREE o'CLocK.—The rise of yesterday continued to-
day, without anything remarkable. About 70,000 f. of
Five per Cent. Rentes were discounted to-day. There
was no news of any kind. For the Account, the French
Three per Cents. have risen 60e.; the Five per Cents.
have risen 65c.; and the Loan 65c. For Money, the
Three per Cents. have risen 70e.; the Five per Cents.
70c.; and the Loan; 70c.; Bons du Talsor not quoted;
Bank of France Shares have risen 15f.; Belgian Bank
Shares not quoted; ditto Two-and-a-Half per Cents.
have risen per cent; Spanish Active not quoted; Three
per Cents. the same as yesterday; Passive not quoted;
Roman have advanced II per cent.; and Rothschild's Re-
ceipts 4- per cent. Exchange on Loncion (30 days),
25 50; ditto (90 days), 25 37i. Railway Shares have
participated in the rise.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, Nov. 21,
Namur and Liege, 47,4—Northern of France, 5% —Orleans
and Bourdeaux, 11/2—Paris and Lyons, 4—Paris and Stras-
bourg, I%—Tours and Nantes, 1.

SPAIN.

Madrid journals of the IGth have arrived.

The following very important letter from Barce
[one, dated the 10th, is published in the Espectador:—

"A rumour in circulation here yesterday, and which
has since acquired greater probability of truth, is of so
much importance that I feel bound to communicate it.
It is stated, with reference to letters from head-quarters,
written by persons who ought to be well informed, that
the war in Catalonia will be terminated within a few
days, by means of an arrangement which is far advanced
between Generals Cordova end Cabrera, whose titles,
rank, and decorations will be recognised. The only
difficulty consists, it appears, in establishing definitively
the condition of Montemolin and his family; and in
case the obstacles to this part of the arrangement be over-
come, Cabrera will transmit the convention to Monte-
molin for his approval. Should the latter refuse to accept
it, the Carlist chief will then make his submission to the
Government, and publish a manifesto justifying the de-
termination he has come to I confess I placed this ru-
mour amongst the many in circulation, invented with
the object of amusing the curious; but being well in-
formed since then, I think it right to assure you that
there is something of a positive nature at bottom; and
that perhaps the day is not far off Olen we shall wit-
ness a repetition in miniature of the celebrated embrace
of Bergara. The proximity of Cabrera to the head-
quarters of Cordova; the inactivity of the one as well
as of the other; the goings and comings of certain
persons; the secret conferences of the Montemolinist
chief in Madrona and Tora—all this induces me to be-
lieve that some important affair is in hand, and that
what I have already mentioned is neither distant nor
improbable."

The Herald() denies that the Government have
entered into negotiations with CAnaeRA, although it
expresses hopes that he will make his submission.
The decree convoking the Cortes for the 15th
December was to appear in the Gaceta on the 19th
instant.

"MADRID BoLsa, Nov. 16. Three per Cents.,
19f ; Five per Cents., 9i. Exchange on London,
48 40.

done; expressing, also, its disapproval of the exceptional
laws, which militated against the privacy of the dwell-
ing. Particular orders had been given some time ago to
the Imperial Commissaries to effectuate, if possible, the
abrogation of these invidious statutes. He must again
repeat, that, as regarded Austria, the above. mentioned
police measures were legal, though his colleagues and he
sincerely deplored the legality of then].
Venedey said, with considerable warmth, he was not
come to speak of the legality or illegality of these penal
laws. On the 3d ult. the National Assembly had
passed a resolution for securing the full recognition of
the Central Power in Austria; for effectuating a blood-
less termination to the disagreement now pending be-
tween the Emperor and his subjects; and for the defence
of the rights accorded to German-Austrians in the
months of March and May last. What had been done
to carry out this resolution/ The Ministry bad said an
Imperial Commissary had been sent to Vienna. This
was not true.—(Cheers and clamour.) The commissary
had gone for a walk, and not to Vienna. The Prince
of Leiningen was still in Frankfort. The resolutions of
the Assembly were treated with scorn.—(Cheers.)
There had been such inefficiency evidenced in the Aus-
trian question, that the future would call them all to
judgment for not obligiug the Ministry to carry out
their resolutions. If these resolutions were to be no more
than empty words, nothing but shame and infamy would
recoil upon the Assembly.—(Scene of great clamour.)
He (Venedey) was convinced that either the ministry
were not in a condition to carry out the resolutions of
the Assembly, and in that case they had better resign
at once, or they were in a condition to do so and would
not.—(Clamour and loud cheers from the left.)
President Von Gagern said he had an unwelcome duty
to perform :—He must call Herr Venedey to order for
saying that the Imperial Ministry were not willing to
do their duty.—(Great opposition on the left.) He could
not understand Herr Venedey otherwise, but he would
beg of him to repeat his expression.
Venedy repeated the sentence as given above, and the
call to order was retracted.
Schmerling, the Minister, would animadvert but
briefly on the heap of reproaches cast upon his col-
leagues and himself by the last speaker. It had been
said that the Assembly had been deceived, that the Im-
perial Commissary bad been walking about in Frankfort
when he should have been on his way to Vienna. [The
President begged to remark that the word deceived had
not been used.) He greatly regretted the fact of Blum's
execution. But it was bard, indeed, to throw the blame
upon the Imperial Ministry, which had no official
notice at all of his being in ,Vienna. It would, as it
were, seem to make the Ministry responsible for every
single act of every individual member, and would bring
about a state of things in which interpellations like
that of Herr Jahn would be constantly necessary, who
asked whether Blum and others had been furnished with
Ministerial passports. The Minister then traced the
conduct of the Ministry from the evening of the Bth,
when the first news of Blum's arrest arrived in Frank-
fort. Prince Leiningen had received the most ample
instructions, but in consequence of their stringency he
had declined the mission. Another commissary had
been chosen, but he was not in Frankfort, and they
awaited his answer. The two commissaries (Pauer and
Potzl) lately dispatched, had been rigidly enjoined to
do their utmost to secure the desired end. They who
had commissioned Blum to repair to Vienna were per-
haps more in fault than the Ministry, who knew nothing
of his going. At any rate he would cite the proverb,
"He who leaps into the fire may possibly perish in
the flames."
Vogt said he would leave the Minister's last words
unnoticed, though his whole soul trembled when he
heard them. But he would come directly to the fact
of forced military enrolment. The Ministry said
this was legal, but if it were legal it would
be treason to one's country to insist upon the law on
which it was based. Why should they not at once declare
the abrogation of such a law? To the true patriot
all such statutes were null and void. In the Recruit
Act of 1827 there was not a word said about political
offenders; and he would call upon the Minister, if he
knew a little more of Austrian law than he did of Ba-
varian—of which, by-the-by, he had confessed himself
ignorant—(Laughter)—h© would call upon him to prove
the legality. But it was a purely Austrian question,
and was, in deference to constitutional principles, to be
referred rather to the Austrian Diet. Now his Excel-
lency had said that he had delivered only his own pri-
vate opinion in this case. Was this constitutional? He
thought the answer to an interpellation was delivered on
the collective authority of the Ministry, and that the
Ministry stood responsible for every such declaration.
The President reminded Vogt that the Minister had
delivered his private opinion merely as to an unimpor-
tant matter of form, and not as to the main point
at issue.
Vogt said he was too much used to be interrupted by
the President on every occasion of the Imperial Minis-
try being—(Great clamour on the Right)—Vogt re•
stuned—He did not call in question the President's right
to call to order, but he did question and protest against
his assuming any right to pass a critique or an opinion
on the words of a speaker.
The President remarked that he had not pretended to
criticise, but he was perfectly justified in endeavouring to
clear up a misunderstanding.
Yogt (resignedly)—Well, be was still of opinion that
the. Imperial Ministry had never done its duty. It
had always been very lavish of its one favourite
phrase, viz .—" That it would strenuously exert itself
at all times against both reaction and anarchy." But
did the Ministry think it could govern the world by a
single phrase—(Cheers from the Left)—with one pet
phrase as pliable as india rubber? He need not remind
them of the saying of the sage—" My son, you know
not with how little wisdom the world is governed." He
would let the question of wisdom alone—(Cheers)—but
if it should really be said that the Imperial Ministry had
governed Germany with its own phrase, bitter, indeed
would be the verdict pronounced by history.—(Loud
cheers from the Left.)
The close of the debate on Giskra's motion was then
carried.
Another motion, for referring the above motion to a
committee, was rejected (Noes, 238; Ayes, 168), and the
original one by Giskra was adopted by a fair majority.
Berger then moved that every attempt to influence
the outstanding elections in Austria should be declared
illegal, and be punished accordingly. Ho did not insist
on the urgency of this resolution.
After a motion by Simon, to the effect that the Im-
perial Ministry be called upon to put a stop to police
anarchylin Bavaria, and to insist upon the retractation of
the order for the ejection of the Viennese students
(urgency negatived) the order of the day was moved,
and, after considerable opposition, was carried. (Ayes,
247 ; Noes, 175.)
The President then said that, although the order of
the day was resolved upon, he must beg to be allowed to
read a motion of Ilerr Rappard's, marked urgent.—
(Angry and clamorous opposition.) He still persisted.
—('Tremendous clamour.) The President then, allow-
ing that the procedure on his part had been unparlia-
mentary, begged Rappard to be satisfied for the present.
In the sitting of the 18th, M. de Schmerling, Minister
of the Interior, announced to the Assembly that M. de
Bassermann, Under-Secretary of State, had returned
yesterday evening from Berlin, and had rendered an
account of his mission to the Assembly in the course of
its sitting. The Minister added that the Ministry,
convinced of the necessity of having a permanent repre-
sentative at Berlin, M. Simson, Vice-President of the
National Assembly, and M. Hergenhahn, had set out
that morning, in order to execute the orders of the As-
sembly of the 14th.
M. Rappart proposed certain strong resolutions to the
Assembly, but he was interrupted, and
M. Bassermann was called on to render an account of
his mission at Berlin, which he did, concluding with a
statement, that finding it impossible to effect an amicable
arrangement of the differences between the Prussian
National Assembly and the King, he had thought it
advidable to quit Berlin, and return to Frankfort, and
give in his resignation of Under-Secretary of State to
the Vicar-General of the Empire.
Seferal propositions were then made and rejected.
REPORT OF FR(EBEL ON THE MURDER OF
BLUM.
Tip President then read a brief note from Julius
Frcetlel, stating his ret-
.

..ng
_.urn to Frankfort, and expressing
adesire to make a formal report to the Assembly of the
circumstances connected with the trial and conviction of
himself and his colleague in Vienna. The President, in
answer, had requested Frcebel to make his report a pub-
lic one. Frcebul had taken this for a refusal to give him
a hearing in the Assembly; and, in anuther note, had
declared that ho would not enter the Assembly until it
had passed a resolution by which a special hearing was
accorded him. The President took the sense of the
House, and the hearing was unanimously granted.
Frmbel mounted the rostrum—(Deatening cheers
from a great part of the Assembly and galleries.) lie
said they had resolved to hear his report. They need
not fear that he would be too diffuse, or enter upon cir-
cumstimeee that were not immediately connected with
the arrest, &c., of. Blum and himself. The great point
to decide was—had the resolutions of the National As-
sembly been violated ? He would show them exactly
how matters had stood. They knew the occasion of the
journey to Vienna.—(" No.") Then he would tell them.
After Werner had moved that Vienna had deserved
well of Germany, the Left had resolved to send a deputa-
tion td that city, expressing its approval of the late move-
ment. Two other members accompanied them. They
communicated immediately on their arrival with the com-
mon council and the students' committee. They then pro-
ceeded to the Assembly and were received with loud accla-
mation's of welcome. On the 20th they were ready to
leave Vienna again. Blum and he applied for passports
at the Saxon Embassy, but were there and elsewhere
dissuaded from attempting a return, as it was asserted
that they would scarcely pass the beleaguering army
without being maltreated.—(Murmurs.) The elite corps
had been formed, and they were each offered the com•
mend of a company. The offer was accepted. Blum
had the Ist company, and he the 3d. The intention of
this corps was to keep order in the city, which was
scarcely a less dangerous service than having to face the
imperial troops. Shots were
.constantly fired from the
windows, and houses broken into. As sharers in the
hospitality of Vienna, they thought it theirduatyadto takehad
part in all needful measures of defence. To their great
surprise, Blum and ho were separated,
to take up :their station at the most dan-
gerous points, They were sure that the city
could riot hold out long ; and more than this, that it
would be betrayed. Ilium stood confronting the
Croatians. Ho had five pieces of artillery at his emu..
eland, but had strict orders riot to commence the attack.
This is a proof that their party were reluctant to engage.
in strife. Seeing the hopeless state of things, they re-
solved to resign. This they did on the 29th. He must
expressly contradict what had been stated in the papers,
viz., that Blum fought after the capitulation. From the
29th October to the 4th ult., they remained quietly in
their hotel. They avoi''ed going out on account of the
horrible massacres that were occurring. In the mean-
while—it must have been the Ist November—they
wrote to General Jonitz, declaring that they were do-

taineti against their end begging for a fre
escort Gut of the city. They were referred, in
:answer to General Kord,r.. They wrote to General
liordon, and were that day dragged out of their 6eds,
and arrested by a Captain and his guard. The warrant
of arrest was addressed to General Kordon. They pro-
tested orally against the arrest, instancing their position
as members of the National Assembly. This was use-
less. Up to the Bth he must confess they were well
accommodated in their confinement. They had the
best rooms in the house or prison, and these were well
furnished, and all possible comforts were supplied
them. On the Bth ult., four P.M., they handed in a
written protest; the effect of this was Blum's trial at
six that evening. This lasted till eight. The next
morning early his sentence was communicated to
him, and at half-past seven A.m. of the same day
he was executed. Ile must mention that on the sth ult.

they had written to the President of the National As
setably, praying for protection. &c., but probab

note had never reached him. He must also mention
that on the last day which he passed with Blum, a man
had been introduced into their apartment, under the
plea of there not being room for him elsewhere.
Ho was ostensibly a prisoner too. In spite of signs
and hints from him (FL cebel) Blum answered his
questions freely, and de tailed the whole circumstances
connected with his participation in the riot. The
same man told them " They had not protested strongly
enough; they did not understand the Austrian autho-
rities ; and if they only indited a vehement protest,
they would probably be at liberty on the morrow. The
protest was drawn up, and the consequences he had al-
-1 ready narrated. He, however, had previously told Blum
that it was couched in too strong terms. He had also
reserved a copy of the pretest, but on an after occasion
this paper was abstracted from among the other papers
and articles which had been restored to him subsequently
to his apprehension. (The speaker narrated the arti-
fice employed to get secret possession of this paper.)
His own condition, after Blum's condemnation, which
he did not know of at once, took another elect. He
was removed to bad quarters, and kept in a torment of
suspense for four days, expecting every hour would be
his last. He was finally tried, and sentenced to be hung
by the neck till dead. The first question put him by the
Court was—' Did you carry arms alter the 23d, on
which day the state of siege was declared?' Answer—
' Yes.' This the examining officer said was enough. He
(Friebel) endeavoured to excuse himself on the score of
the faulty publication of the state of siege in Vienr
itself, and was then asked if he did not know
what a state of siege meant. Ile defended him-
self altogether as well as he could without
compromising his honour. He was asked if he had
written a pamphlet recommending a resolution of the
complexities of Austrian dominion, and the union of all
the provinces to one united whole. He acknowledged
the pamphlet, and fortunately a copy, to his great sur-
prise, was in his possesssion. (This seems to have
told well for him.) lie had abstained, he said, in this
recital, from any attempt to arouse their passions, or to
excite strong emotion; but one thing he must mention
in conclusion, that on the occasion of his full pardon
being announced to him the officers and others who
formed the Court testified a marked feeling of joy. This
had deeply touched him.
The narration of the speaker was listened to with
breathless attention, interrupted occasionally by a
murmur of dissatisfaction or the contrary, according to
the nature of the single facts adduced. He retired amid
loud cheers.