The Sun.
London, England, 1848-05-30 00:00:00

representatives of the people to decide whether the free-
trade doctrines are to be fully carried out—whether
our intercourse with other nations is to be without

prising, when we remember that it is struggling for
the achievement of its liberation, and that the throes
by which its very womb is tortured are the throes of
the birth of a new Italian nationality. Wben
upwards of twenty millions are battling for
their freedom, it cannot be any matter of
amazement that the result should be at first disastrous
as far at least as the bloodshed, the disorganization,
and the temporary desolation of the eountry are con-
cerned. If you would exorcise the Demon of
Tyranny by the magic of Revolution—such is the
language of an eloquent essayist—you must expect
that the nation will be wracked and torn almost limb
from limb in the exorcism of that great Devil. Italy
is now writhing in the pangs of that exorcism ; and
until the evil spirit of despotism has been driven be-
yond its frontiers it can never hope to enjoy the bles-
sings of tranquillity or the glory of a Constitutional
Government. What is perhaps the most remarkable,
and certainly the most unfortunate circumstance in
the whole of this revolutionary movement on the part
of the Italians, is the fact that of the four principal
Sovereigns of the peninsula three are regarded with
suspicion and one with abhorrence.
CARLO ALBERTO is watched with a vigilant and
doubtful eye by the whole of Christendom, for it is
conjectured that under the mask of patriotism he
is
concealing the culpability of an unprincipled ambi-
tion. Like the goblin Lover of LEONORA, he s the
skeleton in the armour of the knight-errant. Instead
I of being looked upon with that unconditional confi-
dence and that unrestricted admiration with
which he was at first regarded by the
Lombardo-Venetians and their compatriots, the
King of SARDINIA is viewed by thousands as a
royal adventurer, fighting for the extension of his
territories under the plea of becoming the liberator
of an entire people. We have already explained our
sentiments as to the projected union of Lombardy,
Venice, Parma, Piacenza, and Modena, under the
same sceptre which rules the population of Piedmont,
Savoy, Genoa, and the island of Sardinia. We have
maintained that such a combination of northern
Italy into one superb kingdom would be the safest
and readiest means of securing the indepen-
dence of the whole peninsula. We have insisted
that it would not only, for this reason, be the
most judicious course which the people of that
peninsula could pursue, but that the recom-
pense would not be too splendid for a Monarch who
has acted with so much valour, devotion, and enter-
prise from the first opening of the campaign of eman-
cipation. By this arrangement the dogmatic sentence
of Prince METTERNICH would be controverted—ltaly
would no longer be "a mere geographical expression''
—and that dynastic adage would be ;realised which
designates the Royal House of Lorraine as the guar-
dian of the Keys of Italy. Notwithstanding all these
considerations, notwithstanding the brilliant success
of Goito, and the precipitate and unlucky daring dis-
played under the walls of Verona, King CARLO
ALBERTO is scrutinised with an eye of jealousy.
LEOPOLDO SEM:MO is watched, in like manner,
with the keen and critical gaze of suspicion. Al-
though he has dwindled into comparative insignifi-
cance during the late continental changes, and
although the fair fame acquired by him as Grand
Duke of TUSCANY, in improvising a constitution for
his subjects, and in volunteering the beneficent sys-
tem of free trade, has been in no manner marred by
proceedings indicative of a tendency to retrogression
—even he himself, even the Reforming Prince of
Florence is considered in a very doubt-
ful light —it is imagined that LEOPOLDO
dreams of resigning the coronet of an Arch-
Duke, and of assuming instead the imperial diadem
of CHARLEMAGNE. That the empire of Germany
should excite his cupidity is comprehensible, but it is
decidedly incomprehensible that he should be so blind
to the obstacles which must for ever prevent the
consolidation of a nationality formed out of such
incongruous materials, as to aspire to be accepted as
the ruler of the Germanic Confederation. So long
as Northern Germany remains Protestant, and so
long as Southern Germany remains Catholic, the
vision of the ballad writer must remain unrealised
and the famous couplet—
" 0 nay, 0 nay, 0 nay,
Our fatherland must greater be,"

without any rational motive, but I obeyed because I
desire above all to be a good citizen, and never to be-
come a brand of discord.
(Signed) " E. THOMAS.'"
As this correspondence appears merely in the
Presse, we do not place any very implicit reliance on
its authenticity. M. EMILE DE GIRARDIN, the pro-
prietor and editor of that journal, has always been
celebrated as a romancist, and the Presse is now
the organ of the Orleanist party—a party which
never hesitated to back up falsehood by forgery, and
which, during the seventeen years of the reign of its
head, had attached to each department of the Govern
ment a bureau of forgery, the employes of which
were bound to produce documentary evidence of
every sort from a dispatch, by an Ambassador, to a
bill of exchange, that their patrons might require.
We do not, therefore, place implicit reliance on the
authenticity of this alleged letter from M. EMILE
Tnomes. _

any impediment whatsoever, or whether the members
of one interest are still to be protected at the expense
of all the rest of the community, and suffered to tax
their fellow citizens for their own private emolument.
The old and haeknied arguments that have been
so frequently put forward on behalf of " class-legisla•
tion," and which have been as constantly refuted,
were all pressed into the service. It was attempted to
be shown that the British shipping could not exist
without protection, that the British shipowner and
the British sailor must inevitably be thrown out of
employment if exposed to foreign competition, and
that.consequently as the interests of commerce and
the interests of navigation were in that respect wholly

opposed to each other, those of commerce should give
way. These are all revivals of the exploded fallacies
of by-gone days. If the term "shipping" were
charged into "agricultural" we might almost fancy
that we were again having a discussion on
the " corn-laws," and on the advantages of the sliding-

The Journal des Debate gives the following ac
count of the progress made in their labours by the
Committee on the Constitution :
" Several journals have given very incorrect accounts
of the proceeding of the Committee on the constitution.
According to rumours in the Salle des Conferences, the
Committee from the first day of its organization charged
its President, M. de Cormenin, to draw out a plan of
proceedings to be followed by the Committee. Con-
formably to this exposé, the Committee were of opinion
that the new constitution should rather consist of an
enumeration of great principles than in a long and tech-
nical development of laws and theories. M. de Lamme-
nais, who was then a member, appeared to share in the
opinion of his colleagues as to these preliminaries. It
appeared also certain that these two celebrated writers
would be agreed on the principal points which should
serve as the basis of the future constitution of France.
M. de Lammenais, in withdrawing himself from the
Committee, gave as his reason the state of his health
and the multiplicity of his occupations; but the real
cause is said to be that he feared it would be impossible
to succeed in forming a constitution perfectly homoge-
neous in a Committee of eighteen members, which it
was threatened to increase by the addition of an equal
number from the bureaux of the Assembly for the dis-
cussion on the amendments. We are decidedly agreed
with M. de Lammenais in this opinion, and it is to be
hoped that the Assembly, when the project of the con-
stitution shall be submitted to it, will devise a means of
preventing such a decision, which will throw confusion
into a work of this nature, and which should perfectly
agree in all its parts.
" The most excellent feeling is said to animate all the
members of the Committee, and the most honourable
sentiments of union and conciliation to pervade them—a
very rare thing to be found among men whose political
opinions are so much at variance as those of MM. Mar-
rest, Dupin, Considerant, de Tocqueville, Coquerel,
Vivien, and Martin (de Strasbourg.)
" The Committee, it is said, at its last sitting, came to
a provisional resolution on the two important points
which must dominate all the project of the constitution.
It admitted, on the proposition of the president, that
there should be one chamber and one president, who
should be named directly by the whole people. The
Committee was divided in opinion on the period of dura-
tion of the elections of the president and the chamber.
Some members wished it to be fixed for three years,
others demanded that the elections should take place
every four years.
" The Committee has not yet deliberated on the prin-
ciple of the formation of a council of state, or on the
judicial power. It is, however, thought that the Com-
mittee will have decided on all the other points of the
constitution in about a fortnight or three weeks. It will
afterwards occupy itself with the definite arrangement of
all the articles. The Assembly, therefore, may have the
constitution laid before it at the latest by the end of June.
This may be said to be doing business in a very prompt
manner, when it is remembered that the drawing up the
constitution in 1791 occupied eighteen months."
We read in the Democratic Pacifique :—" Several
journals give very incorrect accounts of the proceed-
ings of the Committee on the Constitution, The
Committee assembles every day. After a general
discussion, it passes to the consideration of the dif-
ferent chapters. The discussions are long and se-
rious, but almost all the decisions are come to unani-
mously, or with a very large majority. The
Committee has declared that the political constitution
of France is a democratic Republic, one and in-
divisible. We believe we are correct in say-
ing that the project of constitution is preceded
by a declaration which recognizes, in addi-
tion to former rights, that of gratuitous education,
employment, and assistance. The Committee after-
wards occupied itself with the Legislative Govern-
ment. The legislative body will be composed of 750
Members. In case of revision of the Constitution,
the Constituent Assembly will be composed of 900
Members. The election will take place by department
and by ballot from a list. As to the Executive Go-
vernment the Committee have admitted a President
named directly by universal suffrage, for four years,
without possible re- election. Two millions of votes
will be required for the nomination. The Commission
is now engaged on the attributions of the President
and of the Ministers."
When the club of BARnES was closed by order of
the authorities, the following curious document was
found among its archives:—
" EXAMINATION PRACTISED WITH REGARD
TO AFFILIATION.
"QUALIFICATIONS TO BE REQUIRED OF CANDIDATES.
" No one shall be enrolled in the Society des Droits
de l'Homme who does not present the following gua-
rantees:—
" 1. He must evince the most perfect self-denial, and
in the most absolute manner, for the service of the
society. The society in return engages to put him in
a position to defend himself, or, if not, to revenge
him. This is the way in which mutual responsibility is
understood.
" The organization of the society being perfectly mili-
tary, he will hold himself at the disposal of the society
whenever the central committee shall decide on being
en permanence, either armed or unarmed. If he should
absent himself when called on he cannot bring forward
in excuse either family ties or personal affairs. In any
case in which his duties as a citizen and as a member of
the society may clash, he must produce a discharge from
the commissary from the arrondissement.
" 3. lie will adhere to the regulations of the society
and to the declarations of the rights of man and of a
citizen without any restriction.
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and the means of arming himself in his possession."
calumnies" put forth by the traitor Bourbon King, who
, stitutionnel:—
" The proclamation which the King of Naples had
placarded on the 16th, on the walls of his faitl!ful
capital, is nothing but a tissue of lies and calumnies.
There is not a word said of the pillage and the murder
ordered by the King himself, and which took place un-
der the protection of his troops after the fighting Was
over. It is false that the Chamber ever constituted it-
self into a Provisional Government, and that a Com-
ynastshha
had
de eNsbeen
Com-
mittee of Public Safety was named. The deputies, to
the number of 95, had assembled in the Palace Monte
Oleveto to hold a preparatory sitting. While the massa-
creing was at its height, and cannon were pointed on the
palace, they sent a deputation of six members to entreat
the King to stop the firing. This is what is styled a
The ee
willx chief h
meetingisepffoens issatthchrif such
Committee of Public Safety.
"It is not difficult to explain the vagueness and con-
fusion which pervades all the accounts received from
Italy. All the correspondence has been seized at the
tbPost-officethe
t imbo Neapolitan i t awnh police.en
the p r
oForajee t o
ff oar tcnoi gu
coun-
ter-revolution
t
decided on at the palace, the
sanctity of the Post-office was violated; journals and
letters only reached their destination mutilated, and in
a most irregular manner. After the coup d'etat of the
15th, the mails did not leave Naples—the journals of
the Opposition did not appear—alt the writers of any
talent were either massacred or arrested. The Italian
press is, therefore, reduced to the conjectures, and often
contradictory versions, of some traveller who escaped the
carnage.
" A loud cry of indignation was raised from one end
of the Peninsula to the other, as soon as the events at
Naples became known. The journals which we have
just received are filled with imprecations against the
traitor King,' the ' tyrant,' and the ' parricide.' His
escutcheon has been dragged in the mud, and burnt
amidst the hooting of the indignant crowd. The news
that the Calabrians have risen, and are marching towards
the capital, is at least premature. On the evening of the
18th, Jean Andre Romeo was still on board the Fried-
land, amongst the numerous refugees who had escaped
the massacre on shore. It is, therefore, physically im-
possible that in so short a time ho could have reached
Calabria and even Salerno, as some of the Italian iota..
nals state.
"At Rome a collision appears to be imminent. The
retrograde party and a certain number of Cardinals,
encouraged by the example of the King of Naples, will
endeavour to incite the Tranateverins and the populace,
and to sow discord in the ranks of the National Guard.
God grant that blood has not already been shed. For
a long time some persons have entertained the project
of carrying off the Pope to Subiaco, in order to after-
wards publish to Europe that the Roman people, for-
getful and ungrateful, had wished to do violence to the
Sovereign Pontiff. Let us hope that the lofty mind of
Pius IX., who unites the purest feelings of religion to
the most ardent patriotism, will defeat the scheme of an
incorrigible coterie, whose egotism and cupidity will
hesitate at no means to prevent or retard the opening of
the Legislative Chambers."
Up to a late hour last evening Paris was perfectly
quiet, the display of military force made by the
authorities haying been sufficient to keep in order the

scale, without which our farmers would be made
bankrupts, our arable land thrown out of cultivation,
and our smiling homesteads converted into barren and
unproductive wastes. We do not, however, think so
lightly of our shipowners or of our hardy tars. We
believe that all they require is a clear stage and no
favour; and if those are accorded, and their energies
applied in a spirit of honourable emulation, we doubt
not they will be as well able to bear competition
as any other branch of our national industry. Why
should our dockyards be dismantled, and the ship-
building trade be transferred to other lands, if the
measure were carried ? If our artizans are as skilful
as those of any other Ration, they require no protection,
they are as willing to work, and to apply their ener-
gies to the allotted task, as any similar body in the
world. If, however, there are any radical defects
(and we believe the contrary to be the fact), it is
not by keeping up a system, the result of which
would be to render them careless of improvements,
that remedies are to be discovered for their defi-
ciencies. If such were really the case it would be
essential to the honour and safety of the nation that
such a stimulant should be applied as would arouse
them from their lethargy, and awaken them to the
activity that would command success. The only ra-
tional cure would be throwing open the trade and
making them rely on their own unaided energies, so
that they would stand on their own merits in place
of being contented with a protected mediocrity.
If this be true with respect to the ship-builders, it
is also applicable to shipowners, and still more so to
the crews by which our commercial navy is manned.
In every port and nation the British sailor has main-
tained, and still maintains, his pre-eminence. He is
eagerly sought for to navigate the vessels of other
countries—his indomitable energy, courage, and
activity enable him to command a rate of wages
higher than his rivals can hope for. True economy
does not consist in having a number of inefficient
men at low stipends. No, the person seeking a
cheap and useful crew well knows that it is a saving
to employ none but really competent men, even
at double the wages for which less skilful per-
sons might be procured. The able seaman
does not consume a larger quantity of provisions than
the land-lubber, they are therefore on a perfect
equality so far as this heavy item in the expenditure
is concerned, and as a much smaller number of per-
sons will suffice, a skilful crew may be obtained at a
less cost than an indifferent one, to say nothing of
the greater safety and increased speed in making
passages (a matter of no trifling importance) that
may be expected. The interests of our commerce
and navigation are, therefore, not opposed to each
other, but, on the contrary, most intimately con-
nected, and the increased prosperity of the one must
materially promote the other.

SPAIN.

Madrid journals of the 24th have arrived.

The Government have, it is said, made arrange-
ments with the houses of BARING and ROTHSCHILD
which will enable them to meet the forthcoming half-
year's liabilities.
SALAMANCA has escaped from Spain, and is now
at Bayonne.

will continue the burthen of a song of Elope. De
spite those obstructions, however, the Grand Duke
of TCSCANY is conceived to regard his coronation
as Emperor of GERMANY as by no means an impos-
sibility, and hence it is that, amidst the convulsions
of the political affairs of the Roman peninsula, he
is viewed with a very great degree of distrust and
hesitation.
Pro Noso, again, the originator of the grand
struggle for an Italian nationality, the first, the
bravest, and the holiest of the reformers of this hemi-
sphere—Pro Noso, whose name has become the ad-
miration of civilised Europe, and whose reign has
already become one of the most illustrious in
the extraordinary annals of the Pontificate, not-
withstanding that the time of his elevation to the
Papal Chair has not yet reached its second anni-
versary, Pio Noso—is regarded with suspicion. True
he has within a reign of scarcely two years accom-
plished immeasurably more towards the political
emancipation and social advancement of the people of
Rome than had been acquired during the eighteen
preceding centuries. True that Pro Noso has
already given the Romans a national guard, a
representative chamber, a liberal constitution, a
free press, and a variety of minor advantages
such as they had never before enjoyed under
his predecessors. True that his proceedings at
the commencement of his Pontificate were so glo-
rious that it was said of him, reverently said of him
by DON JEREMY SAVONAROLA.-Fuit homo missus a
Deo cui, nomen erat Johannes. True that his cha-
racter is such as to have induced a pamphleteer to
write of his election by the conclave to the dignity of
the tiara thus :
" The object of the choice of the Sacred College was a
man of great piety and virtue, and one who had seen vicis-
situdes of human life; first a soldier—then a missionary
in barbarous countries—then the model of a Bishop;
and, lastly, raised to the purple amidst the hearty accla-
mations and blessings of the entire population of his
diocese. Such was the great and holy man who WAS
elevated to the most extraordinary trust in Chris-
tendom."
True all this indisputably is ; but the populace even
of Rome is fickle, and State movements are some-
times dubious in integrity to the uninitiated, and the
reactionary party is strong in the neighbourhood of
the Quirinal, and the duties of Pro Noso, as Pope
and as Prince, as Prelate and as Politician, as Priest
and as Patriot, are altogether incompatible, and Pro
Noso is therefore looked upon with suspicion !
FERDINAND of Naples is no longer viewed with
jealousy—his name has become a byeword among the
nations ; he is abhorred as never before was tyrant
abhorred, and his crimes have degraded the Bourbon
dynasty beyond the possibility of redemption.
Those are the relations in which the four Sove-
reigns of the Roman peninsula stand towards the
Italian multitude struggling for their independence.
GOD grant that the misapprehension of the sincerity
of the King of SARDINIA, of the Grand Duke of
TuscANT, and of the Sovereign PONTIFF, may not
lead to more terrible disasters than those which have
ensued from the tyrannous cruelty of the King of
NAPLES ! Let the Italians look with confidence to
their Reforming Princes, and let the war-cry of the
army of liberation be still Viva Italia !

MADRID BOLSA, MAY 24.—Three per Cents., 21i ;
Five per Cents., 134. Exchange on London, 41 90.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY,

'We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.

The Executive Committee of Government was
sitting en permanence at the Luxembourg, and there
were 20,000 National Guards under arms for the
preservation of order, which it was feared might be
interrupted by the attempts of the workmen of the
ateliers nationaux to coerce the Government into re-

calling M. EMILE THOMAS from Bordeaux. Up to
ten o'clock at night all continued quiet, thanks to the
precautions taken by the authorities and the over-
whelming display of force made by the troops and the
National Guards of Paris and the Departments. The
fate of M. Estrus THOMAS, meanwhile, seems in-
volved in mystery. The following official account of
the proceedings of that gentleman, interlarded with
sundry unmistakeable hints to the ouvriers, appears in
the lifoniteur :
" Citizen Emile Thomas, director of the ateliers
nationaux, has received a mission from the Government
to go to Bordeaux. This news caused some agitation
among the workmen of the central bureau which is esta-
blished in the Park of donceaux. The Minister of
Public Works went there and remained several hours
endeavouring to restore order. In the evening the
effervescence subsided, and the new director, Citizen
Leon Lalande, engineer of the Ponta et Chaussees,
was installed without any resistance. We hope that
this agitation will be but momentary, for we cannot
comprehend upon what grounds it can be kept up. The
Government is animated with the most sincere and in-
contestable sympathy for the workmen, and of this they
cannot entertain a doubt. If it thinks of suppressing
the ateliers nationaux, which cannot, in fact, continue to
subsist, it knows what consideration, what solicitude is
due to the sufferings of men who, after having been a
long time deprived of work, have found wages scarcely
sufficient in the ateliers which the state has kept open for
them. A special commission appointed by the Govern-
ment is endeavouring, in concert with the Executive
Power, to find fresh resources, and the Government does
not intend to take any measures with regard to the
ateliers natiouaux before other means of employment,
both numerous and certain, can be offered to the honest
and laborious workmen. But if disorder should unfor-
tunately increase, and culpable intrigues should prevail
with and mislead the workmen, the Government will be
constrained by its imperious duty to make use of the
power confided to it, and by energetic measures ensure
' the complete execution of the orders it may think fit to
issue."

The mission which citizen EmILB THOMAS re-
ceived from the Government must have been of a
very extraordinary character, if we are to attach any
credit to the following correspondence which appears
in the Presse :

" Citizen Editor,—l have read in your number of
yesterday that M. Emile Thomas has never been ar-
rested, and had accepted a mission to Bordeaux. A
letter from Emile Thomas, written in pencil, and which
appears to have been thrown on the pavement, arrived
yesterday, and is in the hands of his mother. It states
that he has been forced to give in his resignation, and
is on his way to Bordeaux, attended by two agents,
having orders not to leave him until his arrival there.
As to M. Treat, he was not kept as a hostage, as had
been stated; and everything said to this effect, let it
come from whom it may, is false, and can have no Object
but to justify a taking up of arms, which is as incon-
ceivable as the disappearance of M. Thomas.
" CHAPPON, Civil Engineer of the
Central School.
" P.S. I send you at the same time a copy of the last
letter of M. Thomas. This letter is dated Chartres,
May 27, and says:—
" My dear Mother,—l write to you, as I promised,
from Chartres. The following is an account of the
whole matter. On arriving last night at the Minister's
he required me to give him my immediate resignation,
announcing that I was about to take my departure on a
mission to Bordeaux and Bayonne. He gave me no ex-
planations, and interdicted me from taking leave of any
one, or even from leaving his residence, and all this
with infinite politeness and apparent friendship. I
wrote my resignation and copied it, addressing the copy
to Pierre, and also wrote a letter to you and another to
Fontaine. M. Boulange was to bring these letters to
you last eveniog—at least he gave me his word of honour
that he would do so. A passport was given to me, and
at half-past ten o'clock I got into the carriage with two
officers of the peace, who have paid me great respect,
4 and who have no other commission than to certify to
the Government my arrival at Bordeaux. There I have
letters for the prefects of the Gironde and of the Landes,
and a very honourable mission no doubt, but which is
evidently no more than a pretext. The real secret of
the enigma is, I believe, this. I have, as you know, de-
clared that if measures were taken which I deemed to
be imprudent, and contrary to the tranquillity of the
public, I would retire, in order not to bear the responsi-
bility, but that I would at least appeal to the National
Assembly. I know that they have violated my liberty

The House of Commons last night resumed the
consideration of the Ministerial propositions with
respect to the contemplated changes in the navigation..
laws. The interval of a fortnight, which had so fairly
been permitted to elapse between the first enunciation
of these efficient and comprehensive reforms and the
discussion thereon, afforded ample time to all parties
to consider maturely the nature and extent thereof,
and to decide on their respective courses of action in
reference thereto. We are now made acquainted with
the result of these deliberations, so far as the Protec-
tionist party, the chief opponents of the measure, are
concerned. They have resolved to contest to the
utmost the removal of the restrictions that have been
found to operate so injuriously to our trade and com-
merce—to maintain, by every practicable means, the
principle of monopoly, although, happily, it has
been reduced to a mere skeleton, hoping that while
even a portion of the spirit survives, so long as the
objectionable principle retains a shred of vitality,
efforts may be made to restore it to all its quondam
dimensions. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Mem-
ber for Stamford has fairly raised the question—the
issue is now before the country, and it is for the

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 30, 1848.

pauper aristocrats who, under the name of carriers,
are maintained at their ease in the Ateliers Nationaux
out of the proceeds of the earnings of their more in-
dustrious fellow-citizens. It appears that M. EMILE
THOMAS (no relation, by the bye, to General
CLEMENT THOMAS, the Commander of the National
Guards) has been peculating to the amount of
about 25,000 f. per day. He paid the workmen
wages without exacting the due quota of work, and
they permitted him to draw wages for a greater num-
ber of men than were employed. This is what must
always happen when the State is so far forgetful of
the rules of political economy, which are the rules of
common sense, as to undertake to provide work for all
It is said that the Sub-Committee of Public
Works, to which the railroad question has been re-
ferred, is disposed to recognize the right of the State
to purchase the railways.
The Commerce says :
" According to information which we have received
and have reason to believe to be correct, M. Duclerc,
the Minister of Finances, has declared that he will re-
tire, if the law for the purchase of the railroads be re-
iacted, or even only modified, by the National Assembly.
If this eventuality be realised, it will not be impossible
for M. Goudchaux to be again appointed Minister of
Finances."
The National Assembly met yesterday at two
o'clock.

M. de Falloux presented the report on the Bill pre
sented d'urgence fur
.the reorganiza.ion of the national
workshops. It declared that grave abuses had crept into
the establishments, and that a change was called for,
alike in the interest of the men there employed, and of
the State. The men, by being kept nearly idle were
gradually losing their sense of dignity as persons gain-
ing an honest livelihood by their labour, whilst the State
spent exceedingly large sums of money without obtain-
ing any return. It was therefore essential to remove
to their own departments the workmen not belonging to
Paris, and then to give them employment on railways,
canals, reclaiming laud, and other useful works. The
Committee, in consequence proposed, first, that without
delay means should be taken to give employment to the
men at the national workshops by the day, and without
the intermediation of third persons; that credits should
be opened for the purpose; and that all workmen who
could not prove that they had been three months at
Paris, should be sent to their departments, a certain
allowance per league being given them.
M. J. Bastide, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, an-
nounced that the Government had received the formal
recognization of the French Republic from the Court of
Spain.
M. Taschereau wished to receive some information
relative to the disappearance of M. Emile Thomas. It
the Assembly would permit him, he would interrogate
the Government at once.—(Loud cries of " Yes, yes.")
On the evening of the 26th (Friday) he had been ordered
at nine o'clock to repair to the hotel of the Minister of
Public Works, and at eleven o'clock he had left Paris.
M. Emile Thomas had written letters to his friends
the same evening, declaring that he was in no danger,
but that ho was removed from Paris under the guard
of two Police agents, who treated him with every
respect, but who did knot permit him to leave' their
presence. One of the letter, declared that he had been
sent on a mission to Bordeaux and other places, to or•
ganize national workshops similar to those established
in Paris. His resignation had been demanded, he said,
from him, and he had given it. The honourable mem-
ber here read the letter of the Minister of Public Works
to the delegates or the workmen, declaring that the, e
was nothing to be alleged against M. Emile Thomas, and
called on him to explain why, if that were the case,
that gentleman had been removed.
M. Ttelat, Minister of Public Works, declared that
having frequently demanded from M. Emile Thomas an
exact account of the number of workmen employed
at the workshops, he could never obtain it, some
excuse being always given for the delay. Some-
times he was told 900,000, sometimes 115,000, sometimes
110,000, and sometimes 120,000. Whilst the Govern-
ment experienced this great difficulty, it was
constantly applied to from every side to re-
organize the workshops, and place them on a new foot-
ing. M. Emile Thomas was always speaking to the
Minister of the danger he incurred among the workmen;
and complaining also of the greatly increasing number
of persons whom it was found necessary to employ for
the direction of the workmen. It was in consequence of
these two acts that the Government had recommended
M. Emile Thomas to leave Peris for the present. An
important mission would be given to him in the Gironde,
to organize workships there similar to those of Paris.
M. Emile Thomas had accepted this mission freely; had
given in his resignation as director of national workshops
in Paris—had given it freely; though afterwards, when
the instructions of his new office had been given him, he
appeared dissatisfied, brought forward a thousand ob-
jections, and, in the end, was heard to say that he should
allow it to be believed that he had been in a certain
measure forced from Paris. The honourable minister
concluded by declaring that the removal of M. E. Tho-
mas had been decided on for State reasons, and in order
to preserve order in Paris.—(hear.)
The matter then dropped.
The President announced that he had received a letter,
addressed to the National Assembly, from Prince Louis
Napoleon, now residing at London. (This letter has
appeared in the public jonrnals. He should proceed to
read it to the Chamber.—(Cries of No, no.")
The Marquis de Lerochejaquelin, thought the Assem-
bly could not refuse to hear this letter read, when it had
a few days back listened without objection to the letters
from the Orleans family.—(Confusion; cries of " Read,
read," "No, no.")
An Hon. Member observed that he could not see what
the Assembly had to do with these letters. Why give
them importance by reading them in the Chamber?
Eventually, the Assembly being consulted, decided that
the letter should not be read.
The order of the day was the discussion of the Bill
relating to relations that are to exist between the
National Assembly and the Committee of Executive
Power.
M. Hovogne considered that the modifications effected
by the Committee would be of an injurious character,
from trammelling the action of the Government. It
would, intact, be anagreement only in name. He thought
the members of the Executive Power ought to be per-
fectly free to remain away from the Assembly if they
pleased. The original Bill permitted them that liberty,
whereas the amended one rendered it imperative on
them to appear when summoned to do so by 40 mem-
bers. This middle course appeared to him to place a
power over and above the Executive power, which was
contrary, he thought, to all sane ideas of Government.
He should, iu consequence, vote in favour of the Bill as
originally presented.
M. Chanapvant defended the amended Bill, arguing
that the National Assembly was omnipotent, and ought
always to have a certain hold on every branch of Go-
vernment. Were the Executive Committee to be allowed
to remain away altogether from the public sittings of the
representatives, they would be independent of the
Chamber, which was contrary to the idea of the
sovereignty of the people being vested in the National
Assembly. The Committee, it appeared to him, had
acted wisely in not allowing full and entire liberty to
the executive power, whilst, at the same time, the slight
check which it held over them, by admitting the right of
40 members to call them to give explanations, was not
such as to throw any real impediment to their liberty of
action. Referring, then, to the latter part of the decree,
giving to the President full power to have the rappel
beaten for the defence of the Assembly, was a matter of
prudence which could not be justly opposed.
M. Frousseau supported the Bill, dwelling particu-
larly on the part which gave the President the right of
.taking measures for the protection of the Assembly
In order to avoid any conflict that might by possibility
arise between the President and the Executive Com-
mittee, he should propose that " the Pesident ht, if
thought fit, delegate his power to ther Executimveig Come
mittee."
Mr. Bac maintained that the whole question was one
of more or less confidence in the Executive Committee.
If the Assembly wished to preserve that body in the
state in which it had originally appointed it, that is,
with most extensive powers, superior to all others in the
State, it would avoid doing anything to lessen their
authority. Yet this was what would decidedly be done,
if either another power—that of the President—was set
up in opposition to it—or if the President was virtually
set above it, by being allowed to delegate his power
as proposed. Conjunctions might arise when the
President and the Executive Committee should be
at variance about the necessity of beating the rappel,
and taking the other measures necessary for the
safety of the Assembly. Was the President, in such
a case, to lay down the law to the Executive Com-
mittee ? Surely the Assembly could not mean that.
For his part he should vote for the Bill as originally
proposed.
M. Pena insisted on leaving full power to the
President.

(Left speaking.)
BOURSE.—PARIS, MONDAY, MAY 29,

THREE o'CLocx.—Very little business was done at
the Bourse to-day, and the Routes have fallen, but the
Railways have remained very firm all day at nearly
the prices of Saturday. The Bons du Tresor, which
were at 32i discount at the commencement of
business, suddenly improved to 29, shortly be-
fore the close. The reason given for this is,
that the explanations given by the Governor
of the Bank of France to the Finance Committee
in its sitting of to-day were favourable. Vieille Moa-
tagnes have fallen to 2,000 francs. For the Account, the
French Three per Cents. have fallen 25e. ; Five per
Cents. have fallen If. . For Money, the Three per Cents.
have fallen 50c.; Five per Cents. have fallen lf, Buns
du Tresor closed at 29 dis.; Bank of France Shares have
fallen 15f.; Belgian Bank Shares not quoted; ditto Five
per Cents. hare risen 1 per cent., in consequence of
large purchases for Belgian account; the Spanish Funds
not quoted; Roman have risen per cent.; Rothschild's
R,...eipts have risen 2i per cent. Railway Shares for
the Account, Settling of May 31—Nothing done. For
cash Versailles, Bordeaux, Northerus, Strasbourgs,
Lyons, and Dieppe* are the same as on Saturday; Or-
leans have risen 5f.; Rouens, 2f. 50c.; Marseilles, 5f.;
Vierzons, 5f.; Nantes, lf. 25c.; Havres have fallen 10f.;
and Bale, If. 25c.

GERMANY

AND

THE NORTHERN STATES.

AUSTRIA,
The Allgemeine Zeitung of the 25th of May pub-
lishes the following letter from Insprnck :
" INSPRIJCK, MAY 21.
" The deputation of the Vienna National Guard ar.
rived here this morning, and was admitted before none
to an audience with his Majesty. Count noyosl
ViTilezek, who had quitted Inspruck last night, returned
with the deputation. Several other high personages
also belonging to the suite of their Majesties, and other
members of the Imperial Family, have, meanwhile, ar-
rived here. The Carlinal Archbishop of Saltzhurg
arrived here at the head of a deputation from Saltzburg
and Linz to the Tyrol, the object of which is the as
sembly of the proposed preliminary Parliament of all the
German-Austrian provinces in Linz. Deputations from
Linz have already been sent for the same object to Gratz,
Klagenfurt, and Brunt). Last night a preparatory
consultation for this purpose took place, between the
Saltzhurg deputation, a standing committee, and the
burghers of Inspruck.
The following has been issued by the Emperor :
" MANIFESTO TO MY PEOPLE.
"The events which took place in Vienna on the 15th
of May force upon me the painful conviction that anar-
chical faction, supported by an academic legion and
single division of the Burgher and National Guards,
drawn away chiefly by foreigners from their wonted
allegiance, wished to deprive me of liberty, for the pur-
pose of enthralling my provinces, which cannot but be
universally exasperated at the arrogance of these indi-
viduals, as well as the right-minded inhabitants of my
residentiary city. I had no alternative but that of having
rt course to violent measures, through the medium of my
faithful garrison, or quietly withdraw ing for the moment
to some one of my provinces, which, thanks be to God,
have all remaiued true to their Monarch. There could
be no question as to the:choice to be adopted. I decided
for the peaceful, bloodless alternative, and turned to
the mountain country, which had at all times been
found faithful, and where, at the same time, I might
more quickly receive intelligence from the army which
is fighting so valiantly for their country. It is my firm
resolve not to retract or lessen the gifts which I made to
my people in March ; on the contrary, I shall ever be
inclined to listen to the reasonable wishes of my people
in a legal way,-and to attend to thenational and provin-
cial interests. They must, however, be such as have the
general approbation ; be presented in a legal manner ;
be discussed by the Diet, and submitted to me for my
sanction ; they are not to be forcibly exacted by unau-
thorised persons with weapons in their hands. This it is
which I wished to teach my anxiously excited people,
for their general comfort, by my departure from Vienna,
and at the same time to remind them that with paternal
love I have ever been ready to receive my sons, even
those who have been looked upon as lost.
" Inspruck, May 20."
In the same journal (the organ of the re-actionary
party in Germany, and formerly under the direct
control of METTERNICII,) we find the following letter
from Vienna, dated May 22 :
Since last night, three incendiary fires have taken
place in different parts of the city. One was a military
store, which has been nearly consumed. One man was
arrested; he acknowledged that he had received money
for what he had done from a well-dressed incividual.
" The affairs of the Bank continue to be an anxious
subject of discussion. In the suburbs only five florins
are given in exchange, and at the Bank nothing less than
25 fl,rin pieces.
" This causes the greatest distrust. Every one is
bound to take bank-notes for payments at their nominal
value, but if the payment is demanded in any particular
coin, the debtor is bound to pay accurdiug to the current
value of the notes."
The Emperor of AUSTRIA has no immediate in-
tention of returning to Vienna. It is his intention
to summon the diplomatic corps to remove to Ins-
pruck, and to form a new Ministry there. Count
COLLOREDO is spoken of.
Verily, the reactionary movement concocted in
London goes bravely on. Again, we ask, is Bromp-
ton placed under as strict surveillance as Leicester-
square ?

FRANKFORT-ON-THE-MAINE.
The German Parliament met on Friday at eleven
o'clock.
Mr. Heckscher, of Hamburgh, moved that a Committee
be immediately formed for the consideration of naval
matters.—Agreed to.
The report of the deputation to \layence was then
read. It was therein stated that the deputation had had
interviews with the civil and military authorities in the
town, and had heard such a msss of evidence and asser-
tion, that it was very difficult to come to any conclusion as
to the parties originally or chiefly concerned in the late
collisions. It however appeared that the Vice-Governor,
under the circumstances, and acting according to the
rules laid down by the German Diet for the mainte-
nance of order in the confederation fortresses, could not
justly be accused of cruelty or exceeding harshness of
measures. The temper of the Prussian soldiers bad been
strongly tried; their King was libelled; caricatures innu-
merable were bandied about; in the streets they
were frequently insulted by the call of " Wait a bit, till
the red trousers hound you out!" Several times the
sentinels were fired at, said to be by the burgher guard.
On the other hand the burghers said the Prussians
had arranged a plan to incite the town to violence, and
then disarm it. It was, however, a remarkable fact that
on the first collision, on the 21st, twenty-five Prussian
soldiers were wounded and six killed; most of them
shot through the back. Of the citizens, two were killed
and three wounded.
It was after that occurrence, at ten P.M., that the pro-
clamation was issued by the Governor, declaring the
town under military law, and ordering the surrender of
the arms of the burghers, under a threat of bombarding
the town. This threat the Governor thought himself
justified in throwing out, rather than allow one of the
keys of Germany to fall into the hands of a party; and,
however dreadful such threat might sound, it was in
reality as nothing compared to the horrors and loss of

life attendant on a street contest.
Without going into particulars of further insults and
cruelties said to be committed by both parties, I shall
merely state that the majority of the commission—vis ,
9 to 6, were of opinion that the Diet should be requested
partly to change the garrison, and that a re- organization
of the burgher guard should take place.
Mr. Sitz, Member for Mayence, ascended the tribune,
and stated that his motion regarding events in Mayence
was of such urgency as required immediate discussion.
He asserted that it had been long known at a distance,
that the Mayence burgher guard would be disarmed
about the time that Parliament met. He said the Prus-
sian soldiery were in such a state of insubordination,
that the Governor had little or no command over them.
His motion was for a complete change of the garrison, a
restoratio❑ of things to the same state as before the 22d,
and that the soldiers should not be allowed to wear their
side-arms off duty.
Pr►nce Lichnowski defended the Prussian army.
After some discussion the Parliament determined to
pass to the order of the day, thus leaving the Mayence
affair to be settled by the ordinary tribunals.