The Sun.
London, England, 1846-06-06 00:00:00

ebvn it

LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 6, 1846.

The Lords met at Five o'clock.

The presentation of a petition on the subject of the obser-
vance of the Sibbatb, gave rise to a short conversation, in
the course of which Lord CAMPBELL expressed an opinion
that it was
,unnecessary to run goods' trains on rail-
ways on Sundays. He was answered by Lord BROUGHAM,
who showed, that under certain circumstances
it was necessary that goods' trains should run on Sundays,
and, as a case in point, stated that on one occasion the Bank
of England had been preserved from a stoppage of cash pay-
manta solely by the arrival of a large quantity of specie on

a Sunday.
The Earl of RIPON moved the Committee on Lord CrouGa's
and Lord IlAuntsa's Annuity Bills.

Lord MONTEAGLE remonstrated against the pension being
kept• in abeyance as long as the pensions from
the East India Company subsisted. The pensions
were granted as a token of gratitude from the country
for distinguished services, and ought to have no re-
ference to any reward which the East India Company might

be pleased to bestow to those distinguished individuals for
their services.

The Duke of RICHMOND entirely concurred with the
Noble Lord (3IoNTEAGLE) in his reprobation of the conduct
of the Government, which was wrong in principle and shabby
in practice.

The Earl of Ria,ox felt the Government was bound to
act according to precedent, and denied that they had been
actuated by motives of economy. _

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE and the Earl of WICKLOW
briefly addressed the House.
After a few words from the Earl of Erroll and the Earl
Of GALLOWAY, the House resolved itself into Committee.
The Duke of RICHMOND moved the omission of the third
clause, providing that the pensions should not be paid during
the continuance of the pension granted by the East India
Company.
place, when there
After a short discussion, a division took
appeared—
For the clause 26
A; inst it

.gai. ....,
Majority for expunging the clause and
against the Government
-

The division baying been taken on Lord Hardinge's An-
nuity Bill, when the Housa resolved itself into Committee
on Lord Gough's Annuity Bill, a similar amendment was
moved by

The Duke of RICHMOND, and agreed to without a di-
vision.

Earl FITZWILLIAM then rose to move the following reso-
lution :—" That this House will not give a third reading to
any Railway Bill giving power to raise capital, which has
come up from the House of Commons this session, until the
House may have an opportunity of having them all bef9re
them, for the purpose of considering what course it may be
desirable to take thereon."

The Earl of DALHOUSIE opposed the resolution.
A short discussion followed, in which Lord KINNAIRD,
Lord ASHBURTON, the Duke of WELLINGTON, Lord MONT-
EAGLE, the Duke of RICHMOND, and Lord REDESDALE took
part, when

Earl FITZWILLIAM withdrew his motion, and their Lord-
ships adjourned.

Ti.e SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.

The private business having been disposed of, and a motion
having been made and agreed to, that the House at its
rising should adjourn to Monday,
Mr. G. BA:SI(ES presented a petition from the borough of
Brideport, praying that full inquiry might be made into the
course that had been pursued in the election for that borough.
Sir J. GitAttim, in answer to a question from Mr. G.
BERKELEY, said that is was not the intention of the Govern-
ment to make any alteration in county towns with respect to
the delivery of letters on Sundays.

Sir J. GRAHAM then moved that the House should resolve
itself into Committee on the Poor-law Removal Bill.
Mr. E. DENISON then moved certain instructions to the
Committee for the purpose of making provision for the
establishment of union settlements.

Colonel WOOD considered that it would be most unfair to
alter parish settlements to union settlements.
➢ir. G. BANKES opposed the instructions.
Mr. RICE considered that the Bill required alterations to
render it available.

MT. CHRISTOPHER denied that the instructions, if carried
into effect, would benefit the agricultural labourer.
Mr. Snturr supported the instructions.
Mr. PAKINGTON also supported the instructions.

Sir J. GRAHAM would support the adoption of the instruc-
tions, if the Hon. Member pressed them to a division.
Sir H. INGLIs opposed the Bill, and supported the in-
structions.

Mr. C. Wool) thought that a union settlement was the
best remedy of the evils that existed under the present law,
and he should therefore support the resolutions.
After some observations from Mr. Henley, Mr. V. Smith,
Mr. Newdegate, Mr. Granger, Lord Morpeth, and Mr. Parke,

➢lr. T. DUNCOMBE moved, as an amendment, that it be an
instruction to the Committee to repeal the whole law of
settlement.

General JOHNSON seconded the amendment.

The House divided, when their appeared—For the amend-
ment, 59 ; against it, 105 ; majority against the amend-
ment, 46.

The House again divided on Mr. E. DENISON'S motion
when there appeared—For the amendment, 92 ; against it)
70 ; majority fur the amendment, 22.
It was then agreed to postpone the Bill till Monday.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at half-past Twelve o'clock.

A meeting of the political friends and supporters of
Lord J. RUSSELL iS to take place this day, at the
Noble Lord's residence, in Chesham-place. At this
meetirg the course of policy and line of conduct of
the great party of which Lord JOHN is now the
acknowledged head, will probably be brought forward
and decided on. We cannot doubt, after the disin-
terested sacrifice of place and power already made,
and the generous support so freely rendered to the
Government by that party, that their future pro-
ceedings will be of a similar character—at least until
the final and complete triumph of the great and im-
portant measures of ',commercial reform, so urgently
demanded by the people, so vitally important to the
nation. Lord JOHN has placed himself in too proud
a position to hazard his well-established character by
any littleness of conduct or jealousy of disposition.
So long as the measures of the Government
merit his approbation they will receive his zealous
support; and, though office was placed within
his reach, we are quite assured that he would
not extend his hand to grasp it, if by so doing the
slightest imputation could be cast on his character or
motives. Any difference at present arising between
the free-traders and the liberal politicians, to the care of
either of whom we would unhesistatingly entrust the
destinies of this great nation, the rights and liberties
of our fellow-countrymen, might possibly be suc-
ceeded by the advent of the protectionist and mo-
nopolist party to power, and the adoption of the ex-
ploded and obsolete doctrines of ultra-Toryism. Then
might discord again rage in our sister kingdom, party
feuds and religious strife become frequent and bitter
in their results, and unhappy Ireland might again be
torn with civil dissensions, and the well-founded hopes
of her inhabitants be destroyed. We do not attempt
to say that the great Whig party should in all things
give their support to the Government, whether ap-
proving of the particular measure or otherwise,
or that its leaders should abandon the
idea of obtaining these public rewards,
the possession of that power which they
so long worthily enjoyed and for the duties of which
they are so eminently qualified. Far from it ; none
can fuel a higher respect, a more profound admiration
for the statesmanlike qualities, the mental superiority,
the liberal policy, and the honest sincerity and ardent
desire for the benefit of the commonweal, by which
the leaders of that party are distinguished, and by
none would the securing of those great qualities for
the public service be more gladly hailed,
more enthusiastically welcomed, than by our-
selves. But we should eschew a premature
attempt on their part by which the just and wise
policy of the Ministry might be thwarted, or its
full and perfect success in the slightest degree en-
dangered. The latter end of last year exhibited a
spectacle probably unparalleled in the annals of our
own or of any other nation. We beheld two great
statesmen, the leaders of two great and important
parties, each thoroughly impressed with the paramount
importance, the absolute necessity of speedily and ef-
fectually settling a question of the greatest interest—one
with respect to which the public mind was more ex-
cited, the feelings of the nation more intensely inte-
rested than any other which could possibly arise, on
which depended the question 'whether plenty and
abundance, and ample and remunerating employment
for the laborious part of the community, commercial
activity, and universal prosperity,
should prevail
throughout tbeland; or, whether the people, seeing lall
those blessings within reach, should yet find them,
like the water from the lip of Tantalus, shrinking'
back, and withdrawn from their possession, at the
withering and blightingb ddiactda
oteusbtefthmatetnhepoly and
selfishness. It was
onshould be finally eaumdasnatbiYs
attain for himself a position
fwaafch
his
mrs i l tyh sies
country,tgt lreedalw%. questionoeuul (i
dle beyond
i e
looked on as the benefactor
aswolofty h
aayse thhi as t
nameeve r
bo ea en ud pied e
d by a
down
tpoupboisictermitayn'asasnod-
ciated with the great principle of
perfect ande
tientire
freedom of trade, the abolition of every
restri
commerce, of every impediment to free
and
unre-
stricted intercourse and traffic all over the civilized
world. It was an object worthy of ambition, of being
anxiously and earnestly coveted by a great mind.
There was no man who might not have openly
avowed, nay exulted in such a motive.
We cannot believe either of those states-
men indifferent or insensible to such an
influence ; to imagine it would be to suppose
them either more or less than man ; and yet how
readily did they sacrifice their own feelings and
wishes—how promptly did they lay down place, and
the means of carrying their wishes and desires into
execution, when satisfied that it was for the interests
of the nation that they should do so. Sir It. PEEL
resigned his official situation into the hands of his
SoyzßEtcx, and honestly advised the appointment I

of his great political rival—of the only man who could ;
for a moment be weighed in the political balm ce
against himself to the vacant office. The formation
of a Cabinet was therefore entrusted to Lord JOIIN
RUSSELL, who, although having at his command all
the materials with which the government of the
country had been carried on for many years, yet cau-
tiously paused before he took upon himself the task.
He did not think it sufficient to enter on the duties
of the Government, if the fate of the great measure
could possibly be risked by his acceptance. He
brought all the powers of his cultivated mind to
bear on the question; he consulted with his
intended colleagues, and although assured of the
most honourable and disinterested support of the late
Premier, to enable him to carry out the measure
loudly called for by the melancholy state of Ire-
land and the voice of public opinion, arrived at the
conclusion, that a better prospect existed for its suc-
cess by the retention of office of Sir R. PEEL, and
its being brought forward under his auspices.
Accordingly, the trust reposed was returned into
the hands of the SOVEREIGN, and Sir ROBERT
PEEL was reinstated in that sound position which
no other could then fill with such fair prospects.
Then, and subsequently, the support so honourably
tendered on the one hand was reciprocated with
equal magnanimity and statesmanlike generosity
on the other. No effort was wanting on the
part of the Whig leaders to sustain the re-
instated Ministry, and to enable them to effec-
tuate their objects for the general benefit. The meed
of public approbation and applause was warmly
given and equitably divided between the two. Not only
was it yielded in our own country, but the press
and the public of other kingdoms loudly spoke of the
wonderful scene, not only as an example to all future
statesmen, tout as one of which England might well
be proud. The admiration of their conduct was Eu-
ropean. Its fame will descend to after ages untar-
nished and undiminished. We can have no fear that
a party, led by one of the actors in such a scene, can
adopt an unworthy or factious course; and we, there-
fore, confi lently expect that the line decided on will be
worthy of Lord JOHN, and in no degree endanger
the Ministerial policy in its distinguishing features.

It is with peculiar satisfaction. we direct attention
to the reply given by the Right Hon. the Secretary
for the llome Department to an inquiry from the
Hon. GRANTLEY F. BERKELEY in reference to post-
age delivery upon Sundays. Our satisfaction upon
this point arises from the final declaration of Sir J.
GRAHAM to the effect that he was not aware there was
any intention to change either the law or the practice
of Sunday delivery of letters throughout the country.
Now we conceive that such an announcement is one
likely to dissipate a cloud of anxiety from the minds
of those who have feared lest the mis-
judged piety of certain religious innovators
might interfere with the whole social and mercantile
arrangements of the nation. It would be idle and
futile to attempt any estimate of the pernicious con-
sequences which would inevitably result from the
suppression of all correspondence throughout the
length and breadth of the land upon a par-
ticular day of every successive week—the
monetary involvements, the domestic miseries,
the personal liabilities which would ensue, baffle all
calculation. There is, nevertheless, a certainty that
these consequences would be most baneful to seciety,
while they would produce no compensative advantage
whatever. It is our intention to avoid entering into
anything that may be distorted into the dogmatism
of theology; and with the premise that the sanctity
of the Sabbath and the delivery of letters in the pro-
vinces are two subjects altogether distinct from
each other, we shall altogether abandon the po-
lemical part of the question. And this we must
acknowledge ourselves the more inclined to do from
two considerations ; first, because we consider such a
discussion as scarcely fitted for the columns of a
newspaper ; and, secondly, because as we have just
insinuated, the religious problem has nothing in the
world to do with the conveyance of letters—not
an atom more to do with it, in fact, than with our ap-
plying an aromatic dentifrice to our teeth on Sunday
morning, or our masticating a lobster salad un Sun-
day noon, or with our nibbling a sally lunn upon
Sunday evening. The matter is one of sheer common
sense. Let us put it in the form of an interrogation
addressed to one of the most zealous advocates for
the abolition of Sunday postage delivery. supposing
now (which is not impossible) that this same zealous
Christian were to receive intelligence late on Saturday
night of the instability of some speculation (say a
railway), or of the insecurity of some re-
sponsible commercial agent (say his banker),
would he not rejoice, and rejoice ardently,
at the means of communication on the following
morning, whereby he might sell out of the former
(possibly at a premium) and draw out of the latter
(possibly to the last sixpence) before the "crash "
occurred in either instance. Our existence on
it, he would ! But may be he exclaims, Mon-
day will be early enough for the correspondence.
This argument, however, has rottenness at the
core. " Monday will be early enough" has been a
cry that has proved ruinous to thousands of sanguine
or dilatory men. " To-morrow, and to-morrow, and
to-morrow," is their favourite quotation, and to-
morrow they find themselves beggared. The matter,
in short, is not one of pounds, shillings and pence,
versus the commandment about the Sabbath, no more
than the killing of a sucking pig for supper is in vio-
lation of the other commandment against shedding
blood. These prudish religionists, however, assert
that such a delivery of letters is a desecration—is sins
ful. Sinful, forsooth ! Surely the useless involve-
ment of hundreds would be much more likely to pro-
pagate sinfulness—dishonesty, repining, lying, and so
forth—than having a double-knock at the house door
and breaking an attenuated blotch of sealing-wax.
We thank Mr. BERKELEY for the earnest-
ness with which he has combatted, what
he here styles " a puritanical attempt," but
which we would more willingly look upon as the
over-zealousness of pious but short-sighted men ; and
we congratulate ourselves upon the signal discom-
fiture which their endeavour has encountered.

We learn from Posen that the Russian Poles, who
took refuge there during the period between the
expiration and renewal of the treaty between Russia
and Prussia for the extradition of deserters, have
received notice to quit the Grand Duchy : they are
permitted, however, to choose for their residence any
other Prussian province.

Madrid papers of the 30th have been received.
The Portuguese news which they bring has been an-
ticipated by the arrival of the Pacha. The Spanish
Government has given orders for the formation of a
corps cl'armee on the frontiers of Portugal. The
troops of which it is intended it should be composed are
already on their march.
MADRID BOLSA, MAY 30.—The Three and Five
per Cents. are not quoted in the official bulletin.
Exchange on London, 37.

We have received the Paris papers of Thursday.
The trial of LECOMTE commenced on that day before
the Court of Peers. A report of the proceedings up
to the hour of post will be found in another column.
In the Chamber of Deputies, on Wednesday, the
Minister of Commerce, during the discussion of
the Budget of Commerce and Agriculture, on the
vote being proposed for the sanatory and quarantine
establishments, made the important announcement
that the Government had determined materially to
quav‘raeriti
give below,
s rio
awhichionisstwerhoicrhco A e cthh of
had to e°
the 111i-
h Government has overcome,ppaonsdittiohne
alluded to :
anmi
which modify
tee,il,i,lert thetel i n
st?deemed not to
,sem, and stated the
proposes to introduce
the sharpest intended
gothatf the ordun-
e laws. Thesh speech
their recs?
into to induce then
changes in the quarantine system, it
This resist-
ance
the
and
thenecessary to
'lance of May, 1845, thou
the Chamber, had met With
seilles. The council of sanat opposition
enough by
of eminent and devoted men
t o be studied oleuPerintennencewn at
Mar-
mposed
en masse. Negotiations had been entered in
to resume their functions, but without success.
had prevented the Government introducingafrauocfimelea'nad
ameliorations which it intended. It w
ew
same
caused
superintendence,aused
the
subject Gover-
n by its consular agents, and a
lanpelanoti appoint
thea n
applied to the Academy in
Medicine for its opinion. That body had sent in -a
enn)3o. (:.f
the conclusions of which the Government should acceptre—r"
the principal parts. In Consequence, the Governmentp in
posed to the Chamber to decide that the mail-steamers from
Constantinople, on board which there should be a sanatory'
medical man, should be declared to have a clean bill of
health the ninth day after their departure; merchant vessels
being similarly provided with a medical Irian, should be
placed on the same footing; whilst those who had not a
medical man on board should be subject to a quarantine of