The Sun.
London, England, 1848-10-18 00:00:00

N0.17,492.] LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING Ny OCTOBER 18, 1848.

NEW WORK BY THE AUTHOR OF " VANITY FAIR."
On the First of November will be published, price Is.
(to be continued Monthly), No. I. of
THE HISTORY OF PENDENNIS;
his FORTUNES and MISFORTUNES, his FRIENDS and
his GREATEST ENEMY.
By W. M. THAcKERAY.
Author of "Vanity Fair," " The Snob Papers" in Punch, &c., &c.
With Illustrations on Steel and Wood by the Author.
London ; Bradbury and Evans, 11, Bouverie-street.

On the First of November will be published, price 2e. 6d., roan,
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10IUNCH'S POCKET-BOOK, for 1849, with a
...I_ Coloured Frontispiece and other Illustrations by JOAN LEECH
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SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
TIMES.—In the course of last summer a com-
plaint arose against the Board of Trade for the fa-
vouritism displayed in the publications of its returns.
The point was this :—Merchants, business publishers,
parties connected with different journals, on making
application at the Parliamentary Paper-office for these
documents, were constantly informed that " they were
not out." This in itself would simply have exposed
the Board to a charge of dilatoriness but when the
rejected applicants saw the returns which had beenlre-
fused to all other parties appearing constantly in the
columns of the Economist, they began to think a little
why this should be. Now, it so happened that
the Economist had been established and very
ably conducted for a certain number of years by
Mr. J. Wilson. This gentleman, observing a great
want of practical and accurate knowledge on mat-
ters of trade to exist in the Lower House, deter-
mined to give that assembly the benefit of his know-
ledge, his assiduity, and his theory of banking. He
was returned at the last election for the borough of
Westbury. On the expiration of a few months of
senatorial existence, and after the delivery of a few
speeches well belarded with statistics, Mr. J. Wilson
took office under the Government, and became an
employe in this very department—the Board of
trade. It was generally understood at the time that
Mr. Wilson, when he got his place, had given up all
connexion with the Economist. The functions of
placeman and journalist are incompatible. Lord
Brougham has set us right upon that point, if any
doubt had existed about it before. The Eco-
nomist had passed into other hands. Mr. Wilson
might occasionally take a sentimental delight in re-
visiting the scenes of his former labours. Emotions
would naturally arise as he walked along the
Strand and beheld the well-known picture of
Crereorne-gardens decorating the cunabula of his
future greatness. This was excusable—creditable
even to our imperfect nature. The repeated appli-
cants for the returns, however, have put all these
facts together. First, there is the point that Mr.
Wilson was editor and proprietor of the Economist;
then that he became an employe, having disposed of
his interest in the journal; then that the returns
from the department to which Mr. Wilson now
belongs do, in some way or other, find their way
into the columns of the journal which formerly be.
longed to Mr. Wilson, and that before they can be
obtained by any other applicants. He is most unfor-
tunately placed, and great exertions should be made
by his friends to prevent the recurrence of so scan-
dalous a job. Let Mr. Wilson be never so innocent
and unconscious of the whole matter, he will be
voted the 'scapegoat by general consent, and the
responsibility will be fastened upon him. He is in
this respect a most unfortunate man. It is not,
of course, from any wish to rake up a forgotten
scandal that we recur to this subject. The discussion
upon it took place in July last, and it was then
generally understood that on the one side the question
should be dropped, and on the other the Economist
should no longer enjoy priority in the distribution of
the favours of the Board of Trade. Nothing more
has been said about the matter until Monday last,
when a letter appeared in the Times from "A. Mer-
chant " complaining of a recurrence of the old abuse.
Our correspondent writes to us on Saturday the 14th,
and the substance of his complaint is that for three
mornings previous to that date he had applied at the
Parliamentary Paper-office for some returns which
should have been issued from the Board of Trade.
On the first two occasions he was simply informed
that the papers were " not out." On Friday he
was told there was no chance of their publication
until Saturday morning; the same assertion was re-
newed on Friday evening. A business publisher in
the City, who made similar applications, was put off
with similar answers. On Saturday morning, how-
ever, these very returns appeared in the columns of
the Economist, together with an editorial article upon
the facts contained in them. That journal must
therefore have been furnished with the documents in
question at least in good time on Friday. Now, this
is a little bit of dirty jobbing that must be put an
end to at once. This is the second warning that has
been given to the parties concerned; it is dangerous
to provoke a third. The mistake must lie between
the employes of the Board of Trade and the Parlia-
mentary publishers, but the facts recited completely
exclude the latter hypothesis. It is to be observed
that during the continuance of the Parliamentary
session the agreement between the backers of
the Economist and the gentlemen who men-
tioned the fact was honourably kept. Now that the
screw of interrogating Ministers can no longer be
applied, that understanding is forgotten. This will be
found a false calculation. The matter is of too much
interest to the mercantile community to be allowed to
slip through. The necessity of putting a stop to so
unfair a practice can be urged on the Government,
and on the official chief of the Board of Trade, just as
well in recess as during session. If a grand scramble
is to take place between all the proprietors and pub-
lishers of London journals for prior information from
the Government boards, we should be glad to know
of the definite inauguration of the new syetem. In
the long run, it is clear the Economist cannot triumph
over the rivalry of the Exchange and the press. The
" Merchant" puts his case very well when he asks
" 'Whether the Board of Trade was established
chiefly for the mercantile community, or for the prior
advantage of this or of any other paper or party, is,
perhaps, under
liwill
suchi
1l
be the interestcircumstances, scarcelyof v
e too
r harsh
a question.one
s breach of good faith, to
connected
iwmipthlietartaedde,inextcheipt that of the persons im-
mediately Mr. Labouchere would
turn upon the delinquents.
do well to investigate the affair in time.
POST.—An attempt is made by a mercantile con-
temporary with reference
to the late speech of M.
if it were not the
nonsense which observation and experience prove it
Thiers against improper paper credits, to revive the
to be. We are reminded by our contemporary of
Peel's " glory" when he propounded the question,
" What is a poind ?" That question has been well
answered more than once to the confusion of all the
theories of Peelery thereunto belonging. We are
told that he—whether Peel or Thiers does not clearly
appear—" point it out with clearness and with wit, that
it was in fact impossible to add either to the property or
the currency of a nation by merely multiplying the
symbols of wealth." Now, this is partly a truism, and
partly a piece of palpable nonsense. Everybody knows
that the mere act of multiplying the symbols of wealth
does not multiply wealth. That is a truism. Bat to
say that multiplying the symbols of wealth is in no case
to add to the currency of a nation is plainly to say
that which is nonsense, and opposed to common expe-
rience. It is true that the symbols of wealth may be
multiplied, and then locked up in iron boxes, and
buried in stone vaults. In that case they do nothing
but fill boxes ; but, on the other hand, they may
be, and they often are, added to the circulating
money of the country, and afford the utmost and
most salutary relief. On the 21st October, 1847,
there were symbols of wealth—paper symbols—re-
presenting several millions of pounds sterling, locked
up in the iron boxes of the bankers of Lombard-
street. These bankers would not part with them
because they did not see how they could, under
the then existing law, get a fresh supply from the
Bank of England. The country was much dis-
tressed for want of these " symbols;" but the London
bankers nevertheless hold them fast. In the course
of the day, however, a letter came down to the Bank
of England from the Prime Minister authorising the
Bank to violate the law should the continued mone-
tary pressure render that step necessary. What was
the consequence? The London bankers, seeing that
then there was possibility of replacing their supply of
"symbols" by getting an additional quantity from the
Bank of England, no longer desired to hold them fast.
They let out the bank-notes. These "symbols," or a
part of them, were added to the circulation of the
country, and immediately the general distress and
mercantile agony were mitigated. We are not
stating opinions, but facts. No one can dispute the
truth of these historical circumstances. Here then is
a case within the recent experience of every one
where an increase of the symbols of wealth acted
most beneficially upon the interests of the country.
It is true that these symbols added nothing to the
actual material wealth of the country; but without
doing that, they did immense good by promoting the
circulation of the wealth of the country. Moreover,
as men's engagements are not engagements to pay
so much material wealth, but so much of the
symbols of wealth, namely, money, the addition of
these symbols adds to the power of meeting engage-
ments, which it is necessary to meet in order to
avoid disgrace and ruin. It is, therefore, mere non-
sense to treat the subject of an increase of currency
as if it could have no beneficial
s3ffect upon a nation.
We know the contrary by experience. We know
also, by experience, that a
e a countryrre ae
ymbaey
not fi o uerei
as
h
exceedingly though its paper
vertible into gold. All that is wanting to its efficacy, is that it be the true bona fide representative of pro-
perty, and that a given amount of symbols, issued say
to-day, will satisfy an engagement to pay that amount
at a future time. France may not be in a state, at
the present time, in which it is safe to enlarge a cur-
rency dependent for its usefulness upon public confi-
dence, but on this account to attempt to cast general
discredit on a symbolic currency is about as nonsensical
an exploit as any one could engage in.

CHRONICLE.—Tbe directors of the Scottish
Central Railway have, it appears had a great triumph.
The Duchess of Sutherland, hastening from the High-
lands on a message the most pious and urgent, to
attend her dying father's bed, arrives at Perth on a
Sunday morning, sees the train starting, carrying the
mail and more than one empty carriage, and is actu-
ally refused a place in the train—because it is the
Sabbath. Her Grace is obliged to take post-horses ;
and the consequence of the delay is, that she arrives
too late at her father's house to perform the sacred
gsmEd
touuevotrepyderi
dyaobtnnahadrni
bragpruseless. which
barbarous
sal s
escthseyases
.cr
aatwinnoladnnst
opposes,
speeding.pmpipotlsbut,eep tprolongs
os
e isionit Therendsgetosseiit
aut
fimi srneverfirst place,
lady'sd
yrallt
alarmwr c isaeabn s
oyaat
more perfect case of triumph for Maworm than this.
d
abed nd wretchednessuneasy; and i;t iatbdewoeesrsitbs
no
to make a death-
of its own—but, by a happy
cognsoiosdtercicoyncoefivbalbulnedeenrd-
ing, defeats its own purpose
b the
Sabbath,ofSabbath-keeping.
For, though the lady
doesorkeepnot b the
guard.s, stokers, and drivers mug y st, and cannot by
passibility go to church,
they are psalm-singing round the engine;atirdaiuintn, sets
se
the post-boys Sabbath-breaking between the High-
land capital and the Lowland, and so creates and
encourages the evil (if it is an evil) which it is meant
to repress. But is there no making Messrs. Mac Ta-
rtuffe and Maalawsvorm understand that there
are cases in which religion not only sanctions and
permits, but imperatively enjoins, travelling on the
Sabbath ? If health, family ties, or other urgent
necessity, require the presence of any individual at a
particular spot, on a particular day, that person is not
only justified in travelling, but would act unreason-
ably, unwisely, and irreligiously, in declining to
do so. Sandy Mac Pharisee does not refuse to
give his children porridge, or to wash Eis face `and
hands, or to have the water boiled to make his toddy,
on the Lord's day. He would be a fool if he did.
Without doing any manner of work unnecessary,
Sandy can reconcile it to his conscience to go through
the above labours, and there are many thousands of
people in the world as good as himself, who have
need of similar license. Porridge is not more
necessary for Sandy's mealy-mouthed children, than
fresh air for myriads of hard-working folks. A man
may piously enjoy the fresh air without making it
echo with psalms all day. He has as good a right to
walk abroad on the Sabbath as the sun has to shine;
and as Sandy, to go to church, or to walk in his kail-
ytianrgd,
bm übs gois bb tt through
bt hi s
bpr re ee ve toeus s
faebr o
wu re obfe
euvt e-
that, at the present day, except at masquerades or at
Court, very few civilised persons go without panta-
loons), so does a man whose circumstances oblige him to
dwell in a city all tke week, take the benefit of a
railroad to transport him to a place where he may
gain health and repose. To Sandy, who balls out that
such a man is a Sabbath-breaker, we say it is you
who break the Sabbath. Who are you, you bigot,
that you dare to say to a poor man you shall not
breathe the fresh air—to a child, you shall not go to
your father—to a dying man, you shall not have
your children at your bedside, because it is the Sab-
bath-day ? Did Heaven make Sundays, and ordain
intervals of rest after labour, in order that you might
have the ordering of the day and of all mankind ?
Are you, you Scotch railway director, authorised to
block up the highway and everybody travelling on it,
and order them all to stop and hear you preaching
from a tub ; Keep your convictions, and act upon
them ; but because you are an idiot, that is no reason
why we should obey you. Our belief is that, at the
present time, a body of directors has no more right
to stop railway travelling on Sunday, than it has to
barricade the Strand on that or any other day. The
power which they arrogate to themselves is absurd
and monstrous. They ought to be compelled to trans-
mit men as well as letter-bags on their lines; and
their order to shut up the railway on the Sabbath
should be no more listened to than an order from
Hanwell warning the birds not to sing, or a procla-
mation from Bedlam stating that henceforth the sun
would not shine upon Sundays.

RAIL WAY TRAVELLING ON THE

SABBATH.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
Simi—The case of the Duchess of Sutherland,
as adverted to in a leading article in your journal
of yesterday, is so extraordinary, that I beg you
will allow an
.observation or two on the question
involved.

I am an advocate for the entire suspension of all
labourtothe Divineand tr al
avwe l: iwn gh i
cohn i
st he
of
pSaerbpbe at
ut h, a l
and
obediencenduniversal
obligation. I think, therefore, that the prixciple
laid down by the directors of he Scottish Central
Railway was a correct one. But, Sir, lam grieved
to see a law, so merciful and benevolent, so grossly
outraged as it has been in the case of the Duchess
of Sutherland. The " work" in which she was then
engaged was one of necessity, of mercy, yea, of
piety, and I am sure that all true friends of Sabbath
rest will, like her Grace, " weep" when they learn
that an indiscriminate and intemperate zeal has led
these parties to act in ,direct opposition to Him who
has said, "It is lawful to do good on the Sabbath
day."—Yours, Etc.,
CANDIDUS.
Oct. 16, 1848.

THE DUCHESS OF
SUTHERLAND
AND THE PERTR RAILWAY.
The Scotch Reforme
r
lowing remarks with
Whichlt is
affair, a brief account o, Gazette contains the fol-
,
" The conduct on the
reference to this disgraceful
of Monday :
It
of the railway people
is altogether very bad.
appeared in The Sun
positively an outrage
on the best feelings of
sorry, in one sense, that ith humanity. We are not
Duchess of Sutherland, be as happened with the
c
sents it, she may make her complaint
if her Grace re-
potent effect in places indifferent
heard with
of others in more inferior stations to the complaint
ever she may command or not I°ns
of
life.
What-
railway directors and their pr command with these
Grace has no small hold on theprecious secretary, her
vernment of the country. Her ear of the Go-
who has just succeeded to the t• Noble Brother,
his revered father, at whose title and estates of
Duchess, with commendable . lying couch the
/eon),
to repair—her Noble Brother, Lordi°, was anxious
Earl of Carlisle, is a member Morpeth, now
of the Cabinet, and
Chief Commissioner of her Majesty's Woods
Forests. If she but tells her complaint to him,and
this very occurrence may induce the
Government
to interpose and take the management of these
railways into their own hands for the benefit of
the whole public, gentle and Semple —a thing we
thought the Government should have done long
ago. How scandalous
is it to say in an enlightened
country, and in this an enlightened age, that the
empty carriages, travelling at any rate with the mail
bags, shall not take on an illustrious lady hasten-
ing to the dying bed of a beloved parent ! Our cor-
respondent states that the Duchess was ' actually
crying;' and no wonder, at the rough shock her
gentle nature experienced under such circumstances.
The stoic secretary may smile with derision at this ;
or, putting on the sanctified mantle of Sir Andrew
Agnew, he may pride himself in the fact that he has
denied to the Duchess that which he has denied to the
plebeian. Be it so. But we prophesy that the tears
which have fallen down the cheeks of this angelic
woman will not have fallen in vain. They may pene-
trate the heart of every sensitive man and woman in
the empire, and conduce to a thorough reformation on
this and other kindred lines of railway, too long un-
der the management of narrow-minded bigots. Our
Sovereign Lady the Queen travelled to London the
other Sunday morning by railway; and that fact so
vividly in our remembrance leads us to presume to
think that her Majesty cannot but be indignant at
the treatment her favourite Mistress of the Robes has
subsequently received on this line. The Duchess of
Sutherland has the blood of the Rewards in her veins.
Grieved though she be at present, we fondly hope that
her Grace will soon step forward to assist the gentle.
men and gentlewomen of Scotland in removing those
barriers which stand in the way of necessity and
mercy on the Sabbath day. Therein she will reap
laurels; and if a once celebrated Duchess of Devonshire
gained a Westminster election by saluting some of
the plebeian voters, so the unsophisticated tears seen
to trickle down the cheeks of her descendant, the
equally beautiful Duchess of Sutherland, at this
Perth station, may touch the hearts of the majority
of the Scottish Central Railway. directors, and send
the Sir Andrew Agnews to their journey's end—a
consummation devoutly to be wished by all but
themselves.

In the building of the ancient nations—the Hin-
duos, the Egyptians, the Persians, and ( judging from
what record we possess of their works) the Jews—
we observe, in the midst of all that which
we call rudeness and crudity, **d notwith-
standing the similarity which circumstances produced
in their systems, a boldness and originality of fancy
which causes us only to regret that their record is so im-
perfect. Be assured that they were mighty thinkers—
the wise men of that old day,—in spite of their fetishism
and astrology and omen-seeking, men in real original
comprehension of pure truth beyond cur reach,—their
weaknesses the wants of opening life, our strength the
mere experience of ago,—their strength the vigour of
youth, our weakness the feebleness of dotage.—. Builder.

IRELAiND.

MR. DUFFY.—SUPPOSED ATTEMPT TO ES-
CAPE FROM NEWGATE.
Dunust, TllESDAY.—Yesterday, between one and
two o'clock, the governor of Newgate having received
information that Charles G. Duffy contemplated an
escape from gaol, he (the governor) at once proceeded,
accompanied by the deputy-governor (Mr. Bourne),
Mr. Bell, constable 42 D, and some other officials
who were in attendance, to the apartment occupied
by the prisoner, and commenced an active search. In
a leather trunk, belonging to the prisoner, they dis-
covered a rope ladder about 40 feet long, and a coil
of single rope about the same length, and it was said
that by means of these the prisoner intended to make
his escape. The sentinel who was on duty over the
prisoner's apartment alleges that he had been offered
a bribe if he favoured the attempt.
The officials belonging to the establishment, on
making what they deemed an important discovery, at
once removed the prisoner to a more secure part of
the gaol, where double guards were placed on him,
and the most rigorous watch kept upon his move-
ments.

The room occupied by Mr. Duffy looked into
Green-street, and the window opens into the street
for the purpose of ventilation.
This room had been previously allocated for the
use of debtors.
There was nothing of the kind found in the apart-
ments of the other prisoners.
RECREATIONS OF THE STATE PRISONERS.
The Cork Examiner says—
" A correspondent, a clergyman of the diocese of
Waterford, who was lately admitted to an interview with
, Mr. Meagher, in Clonmel gaol, states that this noble
young patriot appeared as cheerful and buoyant as in
the days of his boyhood. As an instance of the light-
heartedness apparent among the State prisoners in
general, he mentions that he saw W.llanus and Layne
amusing themselves by playing at marbles in the gaol
yard."

THE WRIT OF ERROR.
" We (says the Freeman) have already informed our
readers that the necessary certificate, preliminary to the
issue of a writ of error, was lodged on behalf of Smith
O'Brien. A certificate, of which the following is a copy,
has been lodged with Mr. Stephen Monahan, clerk to
the Attorney-General, to ground the writ of error in the
case of Mr. T. B. M‘Manus:—

" We certify that we have read the plea, in the nature
of a plea of abatement, put in by the prisoner in this
case, and we are of opinion that the prisoner was en-
titled to the right or privilege claimed by that plea, and
that the judgment of the Court allowing the demurrer
of the Crown to that plea was erroneous and contrary
to law, and that such error invalidates the final judg-
ment of the Court; and we are further of opinion that
upon a writ of error the final judgment ought to be, and
will be, reversed; and we, therefore, certify that in our
opinion a writ of error ought to issue in this case.
"ISAAC BUTT.
" ISAAC S. CALLAGHAN."'

THE SPECIAL COMMISSION.
TRIAL OF MR. MEAGHER.
CLONMEL, MONDAY.—The youth and personal attri-
butes of Mr. Meagher, his eloquence and misguided
ability, all combine to render him an especial favourite
with such a people as the Irish, who are more readily
influenced by their feelings than by their judgment.
Amid the crowd of respectable persons who thronged
the Court-house this morning there were no doubt many
who had no sympathies with the meaner fates of M'Manus
and O'Donohue, but who could not help experiencing
some regret at the position of one with such undoubted
mental acquirements as the prisoner, while, in addition
to his political admirers, were those whom local ties or
the influence of family respectability and position in the
adjoining county had induced to see how he bore himself
in the dock of Clonmel Court-house. " If the Irish
revolution had succeeded " Mr. Meagher would have
been its Vergniaud, as Mr. O'Brien would have been
its victim.
At eleven o'clock Lord Chief Jastice Doherty and Mr.
Justice Moore took their seats on the bench, Lord Chief
Justic Blackburne not being in the court till later in
the day.
The long panel having been called over by Mr. Pedder,
Clerk of the Crown, only 125 out of 258 gentlemen an-
swered to their names.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, that as some question
might arise on the other side with respect to the selec-
tion of the jury, he should apply to the Court to order
the names of those who had not answered to be called
over again on fines of 101.
Mr. WHITESIDE, Q.C. (for Mr. Meagher), observed
that he was just about to submit to the Court that they
should follow the precedent set in Frost's ease, and that
the names of the remainder of the panel who had not
served as jurors should be put into the balloting-box,
and the jury in the present case selected in that way.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL opposed the application.
He did not see why the ordinary course of practice
should be departed from in this instance.
Lord Chief Justice DOHERTY—It is a matter in
which the Court can not interfere. They have given
the same answer to a similar application betbre.
Mr. WiarresneE—They could not have a better pre-
cedent than Lord Campbell's conduct on Frost's trial.
On that occasion Sir John Campbell said, "He was far
from questioning the authority of the Court to select the
jury as they ph.,:sed, but if they thought it ought to be
selected by ballot ho would most respectfully acquiesce,
although the jury panel were returned alphabetically, so
that there could be no class or local influence." The
application was acceded to, and the jury were drawn by
ballot. He submitted that the same should be done in
the present instance.
Lord Chief Justice DOHERTY--ThO application is
not for us, it is an application altogether for the Attor-
ney-General,
Mr. WIIITESIDE—JUSt so, my Lord. I suppose you
will follow precedent.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—big application to the
Court is, that those jurors who have not answered should
be called again on fines of 101.
The Clerk of the Crown did so accordingly, but not
many of the defaulting jurors answered to the summons.
Mr. F. MEAGHER observed, that the name of a Mr.
Lindsay bad not been called a second time.
The Attorney-General and Solicitor-General both said
the name had been called.
Mr. PEDDER assured the Court that he had called the
name.
Chief Justice DOHERTY considered that such an ob-
servation ought not to have been made by the Learned
Counsel without being certain of the fact.
Mr. Justice MOORE thought that an allegation of the
kind ought not to be made except upon the clearest and
most substantial grounds.
At this stage of the prodeedings Lord Chief Justice
Blackburne entered the court and took his seat.
The Clerk of the Croivn then stated the indictment,
which is to the same effect as in Mr. O'Brien's case ; and
the prisoner, on being called upon to plead, replied in a
firm voice, " Not Guilty."
As the clerk was about to call the jury,
The prisoner addressed the Court as follows:—My
Lords, previous to the jury being sworn, I respectfully
beg to say a few words. I desire to protest against the
constitution of the panel from which the jury
by which
lam to be tried has been selected. Personally, I care
not whether I am tried by Protestants or Catholics. I
am myself a Roman Catholic, and I feel that my case,
my honour, my liberty, my life, is as safe in the hands
of a jury composed exclusively of Protestants as if it
were in the hands of a jury composed exclusively of
Catholics. Were Ito consult my own feelings I should
not make these observations. But, my Lords, as a
matter of principle, vitally affecting the pure, legitimate,
satisfactory administration of justice in this kingdom
upon high public grounds—perhaps the highest public
grounds that can exist, I feel myself called upon to pro-
test—and .1 do so seriously and solemnly—against a
system by which, in a Calholic county of a
Catholic country, only eighteen Roman Catholics—
only eighteen Roman Catholics—are returned on a
panel of nearly 300 jurors. In consequence, my Lords,
of the demurrer in the case of Mr. O'Brien I
conceive that it would be a wanton waste of the public
time were Ito instruct counsel to challenge the array of
jurors, but, as this may be the last time I shall have an
opportunity of raising my voice against such a system
which virtually repeals the rights which the law has
conferred upon the members of the creed to which I
belong, I feel it my duty to have done so; but in doing
so, I assure your Lordships, and the gentlemen who may
be sworn, and they who know me know so and will give
credence to what I say, that I sun not influenced by the
slightest feeling of sectarianism.
There was a slight murmur of applause, but it was in..
steady suppressed.
The jury were then called.
On the name of Henry W. Briscoe being called,
Mr. WHITESIDE asked him if he had taken any part
in the inquiries into the affair at Ballingarry ?
Mr. Briscoe said ho had been more or less mixed up
with the matter, as he resided in the neighbourhood.
Mr. WHITESIDE again asked the juror (who aas in
the gallery over his head) if he had formed any opinion
on the case?
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—YOU have no right to ask
that question. The juror must not answer it.
Mr. WHITESIDE.—I submit that I have.
Lord Chief Justice BLACRDURNE—DO you challenge
him for cause? We don't think the question proper.
The Court overruled the opposition, considering that
the point had been settled by Lord Tenterden in the
case of " The King v. Edmonds."
The names of the jury were then read over, and twenty
being challenged absolutely ou behalf of the prisoner,
and many others for causes shown, a great deal of time
was consumed, The following were eventually sworn:—
James Wellington, of Castle Wellington; Augustus
Hartford, Willington Lodge; Samuel Ryan, Anna Villa;
Thomas Lyndsly, Tindville; Benjamin Hawkshaw. Fal-
leen; Nicholas B. Green, Knocknaspie; Richard Ken-
nedy, Knoekballymaher; Thomas Heirden, Summer-
hill; Richard Masbn, Clonkenny; Edward Chadwicks,
Ballinard; Benjamin Haw, kshaw, Knockane; Richard
Hamersly, Banshee House. One of these gentlemen,
Mr. Greene, is a Roman Catholic.

The Clerk of the Crown then arraigned the prisoner
in the usual form. The indictment charged him with
levying war against the Queen at the pound of Bal-
lingarry, at Mullinahone, at Killenaule, and at Far-
rinrory.
The ATTORNEY •GENTERAL rose at a quarter before
two o'clock. He said, the actual levying of war com-
menced about the 24th or 25th of July, and continued
to the 29th inclusive. He should lay before them the
declarations made by Mr. Meagher himself in the early
part of the present year, which would satisfy them of
the objects and intentions of Mr. Meagher, and that the
time at which he should endeavour to effect a revolution
was the only thing undecided in his mind. It would ap-
pear that an association was formed in Dublin called the
Irish Confederation, of which Mr. Meagher was a dis-
tinguished member. He did not mean to say that this
body was originally formed for treasonable purposes.
The professed object of that society, was to obtain a
repeal of the Union, and he did not mean to say that
these professed objects were to obtain it by illegal means.
After the formation of that society in the months of
February or March, some of the leaders, and none
more conspicuously than Mr. Meagher himself, firmed
the resolution, as he alleged, of effecting a revolution
by force of arms. The first piece of evidence he meant
to adduce in proof of the allegation was a speech deli-
vered by Mr. Meagher himself at a meeting of the
Confederation on the 15th of March. In consequence of
the proceedings and speeches which had taken place
the Government thought it right to employ a reporter,
a short-hand writer of eminence in his profession, for
the purpose of taking accurate notes of the speeches
delivered in this Association. He attended their meet-
ings publicly, and openly announced himself as being
present on the part of the Government. The meeting
took place after the French revolution, and after a Pro-
visional Government had been formed, and the meeting
was called for the purpose of voting an address to the
French Government, which the council intended to pro-
pose to a subsequent public meeting of the citizens of
Dublin. He did not mean to say that the subjects of the
kingdom voting an address to the people of a country
with whom we were not at war was illegal; it might be
a perfectly innocent and justifiable transacticn, but, con-
sidering the objects of those-gentlemen, it would-be ma
aerial for the jury to ask themselves whether the object
was merely to congratulate the French nation and Go-
vernment on what had occurred in their country, or
whether it was not to create such a sympathy for what
they chose to represent as the condition of Ireland, that
they would be able to procure assistance from France.
Mr. Meagher commenced at this meeting of the 15th
of March by reading an address which appeared to have
been drawn up by Mr. Charles Gavan Duffy. It was
supposed that the Government would interfere with
some meeting proposed to be held on the 17th or ISth
of March, and this address requested that the people
would observe order, and avoided coming into collision
with the troops on that occasion. The only part of that
address to which he deemed it necessary to allude was
the declaration that the Irish people would imitate the
conduct of the principal states in Europe, by seizing on
their rights with au armed hand. The Learned Gentle-
man then read the speech of Mr. Meagher, in proposing
the address, in which he exhorted the people to elect
delegates from the chief towns of Ireland, who should
seek an interview with the Queen ; and that, if it were
refused, they should pack up their court dresses, and
take solemn oath that the next time they demanded ad-
mission into the Court of St. Jamesheit should be through
the accredited ambassador of an Irish republic. If, how-
ever, the interview were granted, but their claims re-
jected by the Sovereign, he said deliberately that it
would then be their duty to fight, and desperately fight
—that if the throne stood as a barrier between the
people and their independence, his advice would be, " Up
with the barricades, and invoke the God of Battles."
From this speech it was clear that Mr. Meagher con-
templated a state of things in which it would be de-
sirable that the Irish nation should have recourse to
arms against the Government and the constituted
authorities of the country. It was right to men-
tion that this speech was made the subject of a
criminal prosecution, but as it was merely for a
misdemeanour, Mr. Meagher was held to bail, and en-
joyed his liberty up to the period of his trial. In the in-
terval a meeting was held at which it was determined to
present an address to the French Government con-
gratulating them on the success of the late revolution,
and Mr. Smith O'Brien, Mr. Meagher, and Mr. Richard
O'Gorman were deputed to present that address, which
they did accordingly in the course of a few weeks.
They returned to Ireland in the month of April, and on
the 15th of that month a soirée was given at the Music
Hall in compliment to the deputation. Mr. Meagher
spoke on that occasion, and mentioned the result of the
deputation to France, from which the jury would see
that whatever was the professed object of these parties it
was really to excite a sympathy in the members of that
Government and the French people, so that in the event
of a struggle arising in this country they might reckon
on armed assistance from France. Accordingly, in the
course of the evening Mr. Meagher presented to the
Irish people a flag which he brought with him from
fParis, and which he seemed to anticipate would become
the banner under which the struggle would take place.
In the course of his speech he said that the answer of
the French Government to the address was quite satis-
factory; for if arms were not granted the nationality
or Ireland was as distinctly recognised as that of
Poland, and that this country was recognised as
one of the oppressed nationalities of Europe. He
then said, in allusion to the flag which he had brought
with him from Paris, that if it were destined to fan the
crimson flames of war. England would behold in its
centre the red hand which struck her down on the plains
of Ulster ; and he earnestly prayed that Heaven would
consummate the vengeance which such a signal was
sure to kindle. It was clear that the gentleman who
delivered these very eloquent speeches had a belief in his
mind that the time was not far distant when recourse
would be had to arms for the liberation of Ireland from
English rule. The Attorney-General then alluded to
the Act of the 22d of April, and narrated the facts
which led to the arrest of Mr. Mitchel. The arrest of
Mr. Mitchel, and the probability of his conviction, be-
came a serious matter with the Confederation. Political
clubs extensively supported were established in large
numbers, and the evidence of Mr. Meagher himself
would go to show that previous to the trial of Mr.
Mitchel consultations had been held to decide whether
in the event of a conviction that gentleman should be
rescued. It would be shown in evidence as a matter of
fact, that Mr. Meagher went about night after
night and visited those clubs, in order to as-
certain their strength, and try whether they were pre-
pared to rescue Mr. Mitchel, and at the same time to
commence the revolution. It was downright nonsense to
say that the object of those clubs was merely to rescue
Mr. Mitchel, who was at the time confined in Newgate,
and in the immediate neighbourhood of 7,000 or 8,000
of her Majesty's troops. The fact was, and the speech
of Mr. Meagher will prove it, that in point of fact the
period had come when an attempt at revolution should
be made. After much consultation it was agreed that
inasmuch as the harvest had not been got in, and that, in
consequence, the forces of her Majesty might starve the
people into submission, the attempt at rescue should not
take place. The intention of rescuing Mr. Mitchel was
therefore abandoned, but it was :arranged that the revo-
lution was only to be postponed for a very short time,
Mr. Mitchel was convicted and sentenced to transporta-
tion, and a few days afterwards (on June 6) Mr. Mea-
gher made a speeck at the Music Hall, in which he de•
clared that the lives and liberties of Irishmen were no
longer their own, and that the day was not far distant
when Mr. Mitchel, who had been convicted by fraud,
trickery, perjury, should bo rescued from his
imprisonment and return to his native land,
" the first citizen of a free and sovereign state."
Was it wrong, therefore, to state, after the ex-
pression of such sentiments, that the formation of
armed clubs was merely for the purpose of rescuing Mr.
Mitchel, and that there was no general intention to com-
mence a general and violent revolution ? Although the
Confederation had come to the conclusion that the people
were not prepared to meet Mr. Mitchel, still they con-
templated that the time was not far distant when his sen-
tence should be reversed by force of arms, and he return
to his country the first citizen of a free and and sovereign
state. How that freedom was to be effected, except by
an avowed revolution, it was difficult to tell. Some short
time after the delivery of that speech, Duffy, Martin,
Williams, and O'Doherty were arrested. It then be-
came a matter of consideration with Mr. Meagher and
his associates as to what wag to be done—whether those
persons, if convicted, should be allowed to leave the
country ; and as to whether the period of their trial was
to be selected as the proper time to commence the revo-
lution. One of the reasons assigned for not rescuing
Mr. Mitchel was, that the harvest was not got in, and
consequently there would be no food to sustain the
people ; but it would appear by the evidene hat
either on the 14th or 15th of Julv raeet;n oft the
Confederation was held to decide's4 a
ether thec period
for revolt had arrived. At that meeting the
subject was fully discussed, and it was agreed that the
time was come, and that, at all events, before the Sth of
August, the period at which it was expected the trials
would have terminated, the revolution was to commence.
The A ttorney-General described what followed the dis-
solution of " the Confederation" and the establishment
of .‘ the League," and the formation of the clubs. He
should prove by a witness (Mr. Dobbin) ti,at the pri-
soner was a member of the " Red Hand Club," and that
he was one of those who voted for the Council of Five.
Every effort, he expected, would be made to impeach
the veracity of this witness, but he (the Attorney-
General) had now come into court prepared to support
both the character and conduet of Mr. Dobbin. After
describing the evidence that Dobbin would give, which
was the same as in the previous trial, he then read the
speeches made by the prisoner at Enniscorthy and
elsewhere, in which he said that he met the people
again sooner than he expected, but that the base and
bloody Government had taken another step, and for every
step they took he would take another; that he asked the
people if they were ready to stand before the military,
stated that the Government had trampled on all law,
and that he and those associated with him, would give
them no law; that he asked the people were they ready
to give effect to the blow, and said that if they were de-
feated, they would go down like the French fire-ship,
shouting, "Long live the Republic." At Ballingarry
Mr. Meagher stated that he himself was going to a
different part of the country for the purpose of fanning
the flames there. If upon that occasion Mr. Meagher

NQUEST AND VERDICT ON THE BODIES DROWNED
AT SPITHEAD.—The jury havine- assembled for the third
time yesterday, at the Isle of Wight Tavern, to inquire
into the cause of the late deplorable accident at Spit-
head, B. Newnham, mariner, of the Gipsy cutter, was
first examined, but merely detailed all that has already
appeared. The next witness called was the surviving
waterman, S. S. Lock, who said—l am a Gosport arid
Portsea watermen, and hod a partner named H. Laishley
(the man drowned). The wherry was a second-class
one. I have been apprenticed and accustomed from my
childhood to boats, and am twenty-four years of age.
On Monday, the 9th instant, I left Common-hard at
two P.M., with a fare of five women, and agreed to go
to Spithead for Is. each out and in, and board she
Grampus. We went to Gosport, and
got into Laish-
ley's boat. I had no small sails; that is why we used
Laishley's boat—a new one. The women were very
anxious to go. lam not sure if the dangerous flag was
up. It blew very hard south-west. I did not consider
there was any danger. Two women sat to windward,
one midship, and two to leeward. Within half a mile of
South Sea Castle, I said, "A s soon as we get a chance
we will go about," and then, " Now we have a chance,
jib's got her mate." After which the foresail was
shifted and made fast. Twe women got up to put their
cloaks about them. My mate had befbre said, " What-
ever
jury—Weoutha lf a mile from
2 frocmwtth.
of
ecabsatlle_
last in the boat. On going about the boat had no way
on her. The sea struck her, when the two women to
!windward got up, and they were knocked to leeward and
tebveerbyoaotu.c daor:ssizi ted still.".
the boat upset, The size of the sail was about eleven
yards. I had the hold of the jib sheet in my hand at the
B
time. Another boatman named Sweet hailed us as we
were going out, and said we should not get on board the
Grampus, but did not say there was any danger. Idu
not believe any boatman would have objected to go to
Spithead. It came very suddenly upon us. I was quite
sober, and apprehended no danger. The Coroner then
summed up the evidence, and the jury immediately re-
turned a verdict of " Accidental deaths by drowning.'
HIGH TlDE.—Yesterthly the river presented a
most remarkable appearance, the tide having risen to
such an unusual height as to cause very serious damage
to property in the warehouses on either side of the
Thames. At Lambeth, the houses near the Bishop's
Palace were completely inundated, and in many instances
the inmates were compelled to make a precipitate re-
treat. In Bore-street, which runs from the end of
Bishop's-walk to Princess-street, Vauxhall, a number of
poor families were driven from their habitations until- .:.
the tide receded, and the water had been pumped out. -
The licensed victuallers at Bankside, and other parts
were very great sufferers, their cellars being completely
filled with water. At Vauxhall, Battersea, Wandsworth,
Chelsea, and Milbank, waterside premises were Similarly
floated. The London Docks, in some parts, appear to
have been visited, but immediate steps were taken to
check the unexpected flood. Towards evening, when
the tide was at its highest point, the steam-boats could
scarcely pass under the bridges. No accidents of any
consequence have taken place.
THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT. -- Last night
a meeting of shopkeepers and their assistants, in West-
minster and its vicinity, was held at the Star, pert-
mouth-street, for the purpose of taking measures to ob-
tain a cessation of business at en earlier hour in the
evening. Mr. Shipton took the chair, and alluded to
the great success the early closing movement had met
with during the last few vi eAs. In. Whitechapel and
Shoreditch shops of all kinds were now closed at a much
earlier hour ti.an formerly; and he saw no reason why
the same system should not be adopted in the district of
Westminster. Mr. Fincash informed the meeting that
the shops in the City, Tottenham-court-road, Oxford-
street, and Regent-street were now rarely found open
after eight o'clock in the evening, while a short time ago
they were kept open until ten o'clock. He moved a re-
solution pledging the meeting to discourage the late-
hour system, and to support the Metropolitan Early
Closing Association. The resolution, with several
others, having been carried unanimously, the meeting
separated.

At the meeting on Monday last of the West London
Anti• Enclosure Association and Sanitary Improvement
Society, at Clark's Booms, Edgeware-road, Mr. Patten-
den in the chair, a memorial to the General Board of
Health was adopted, praying for the immediate drainage
of that great leviathan of cholera, the open sewer of
Kensal New-town, which has overflowed even into the
adjoining fields, polluting the air far and wide.