The Sun.
London, England, 1870-09-21 00:00:00

TRIAL STAKES

Cowboy
Republican • .
The Wren ' .. .
Eight' ran.
THAMES VALLEY PLATE.

Juanita
Crown Prince
Satinstoe

Eleven ran.
PRINCE OF ORANGE HANDICAP.

Croisade •• • %%%%%
Lady Greensleeves -
Jersey

Twelve ran.
MOLE'-NURSERY.

;Conscript....

Maid
The Nigger
Seventeen ran
SOUTH-WESTERN HURDLE.

The Piper..
Hammerton
Miss Middleton

Seven ran.
SELLING HURDLE.

Royal Princess
MAIDEN HURDLE.

Crown Piece

.. r

SUTTON PARK RACES. -TUESDAY.

COLIiFILED PLATE.

Pulchra
Lady of Croome
Filou

3

Five ran.
AUTUMN HANDICAP.

Witchcraft
Curio ' .
Prior

3

Five ran. Stakes divided.
WESTWOOD PLATE.

Astarte..

HURDLE PLATE.

Guinare ..

MAIDEN TWO-YR-OLD .STAKES.
Woerth

MAIDEN WELTER STAKES.

Ajax

9

CITY BETTING.—TUESDAY.
CESAREWITCH. •
•
11 to 1 agst Wheatear (offered-12 to 1 wanted) _ •
100 to 7 agst Tabernacle (offered—take 100 to 6) -
100 to 6 agst Hawthoinden (offered)
100 to 5 agst Tabouret (taken and offered)
- 20 to 1 agst Mars (offered)
20 to 1 agst Make Haste (offered-25 to 1 taken)
20 to 1 agst Falkland (offered)
200 to 9 agst Rattlepate (offered—taken 25 to 2) r
25 to 1 agst Typhoeus (taken and offered)
500 to 15 agst Recorder (taken)
50 to 1 agst Cherie (taken and offered)
1000 to 20 agst Mahonia (taken)
50 to 1 agst Coutts (offered)
50 to 1 agst The Spy (offered)
50 to 1 agst Normanby (offered)
5000 to 75 agst Dairy Maid (taken)
500 to 74 agst Indian Ocean (taken)
500 to 74 agst Cinderella (taken)
1000 to 10 agst PloUghbOy (offered)
10 to 1 agst Alec Taylor's lot (taken)
400 to 100 on the field 1,2, 3 (offered)
CAMBRIDGESHIRE.
1500 to 100 on the field (dffeied)
1000 to 40 agst Fichu (taken)
1000 to 30 agst Fanfare. (taken)
2000 to 30 agst Ddrk Cloud (taken)
400 to 100 on the•field 1,2, 3 (offered)

THORLEY'S HORSE had CATTLE SPICE,
In Penny Pact. ete only, of all Corn Chandlers in London, and
Of all Grooers, Druggists, and Corn Dealers in the Country.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 21, 1870.

TWENTY-FIVE times, now, within these last hun-

dred years, according to Count BISMARCK, France
has attacked Germany— ‘The contriver of German
unification has kept a close and accurate account of
the misdeeds of the most formidable of the immediate
neighbours of the Fatherland. He is the first who
has succeeded in binding together the rods of that
powerful fasces of the Teutonic empire, in the midst
of which is the keen - edged axe of Prus-
sia. There was but one man who could answer
that riddle of the Sphinx for Europe—" What is the
German's Fatherland ?" The coming man has come
at last, in the person of this cool-headed, frank-
speaking, cynical OTno VON BISMARCK, at the touch
of whose potent finger there has been traced to the
north, to the east: to the west, to the south, an ex-
panding border-line, a line at once elastic
and tenacious, within which the answer
has been rendered apparent upon the map
of the world, What, after all, is the German's Father-
land. In carrying out with irresistable precision the
grand and daring policy which has resulted in this
lcgical demonstration of what is meant by Germany,
Count BISMARCK has borne carefully in remembrance
the manner in which the existence of the Fatherland
has been imperilled throughout this century by Royal,
Repnblican, Imperial, but always Democratic France
—whose twenty-fifth assault upon Germany he has
now at last, with the aid of United Germany, so crush-
ingly repelled and avenged. Routed during this asto-
nishing campaign in every engagement in which the
forces of the two countries have met each other in
open field, France, after witnessing the capitula-
tion of her main army to the number of nearly
100,000 men at Sedan, and the trapping
of more or less numerous bodies of her troops
at Metz, at Strasburg, at Phalsburg, and
elsewhere, gathers the chief part of her remain-
ing strength together at her very heart and centre,
only to find that last hope of hers at Paris more
inexorably entrapped than any other in her lesser and
scattered fortifications. A. new frontier-line, Count
BISMARCK declares he must have, as a guarantee
from France as to her future good behaviour. Mean-
while, until France has made up her mind to that
concession Paris is to be invested. The
capital, he declares, must be completely
isolated, meaning by that must be reduced
by the slow process of starvation. If it so
pleases him, by all means let M. JULES FAVRE come
in person for an interview with the Chancellor of
the North German Confederation. It will only be to
have the inexorable terms, already announced,
reiterated to him viva voce. Such in plain words is
the whole significance of the natural situation of
affairs at this moment between the two great
belligerents.

COUNT BERNSTORFF'S stuff about "benevolent"
neutrality does not call for much examination. The
Prussian Ambassador at this Court, as he explains
himself in the remonstrance he has addressed to
Earl GRANVILLE, means that an onlooking State
should give its sympathy and such assistance as in-
ternational law permits to the side which it conceives
to be in the right. This obviously would
be an abandonment of neutrality, a sheer
taking of sides; for as the favours of
spectators are not always given on just grounds
of right and wrong, there could be no guarantee that
such sympathy would be conferred on the " benevo-
lent" principle which Count BERNSTORFF prescribes
for it. The demand that the exportation of arms be
forbidden is a much more doubtful and difficult
point. Here, too, however, there can be little ques-
tion that Earl GnArtviLLE's replies to the Prussian
arguments are sufficient. At present there is
no law against the exportation of arms to a
belligerent. They take their chance : if the enemy
can capture them whilst in course of transport ne
has a right to do so; but a neutral Government i
cannot be called upon to stop the export of weapons ,
from its shores. Hence it follows that the contending
Power which can keep the sea has an advantage in
point of supplies over the other. Germany during

the present struggle has been shut out from British
markets, whilst France has had the command
of them, and undoubtedly a certain number of
British-mad 3 arms have been sent across the
Channel. If we forbade the export of weapons, the
two Powers, so far as assistance from us is concerned,
would be on precisely the same terms.
Ought we to do so ? The British Government justly
decides in the negative. The terms of international
law as they now stand are such as they were
before the war, and the same as those
under which preceding contests have been conducted.
Germany is suffering from no special disadvantage.
Because it happens that the conditions of the pre-
sent war render the terms of international law of
more favourable effect to France than to Germany,
it surely does not follow that an application can
be justifiably made to Great Britain to alter her own
laws in order that the inequality may be redressed.
We are not responsible for the inferiority of the
Germans at sea. On no just principle
can it be urged that we in England ought to make
up for that inferiority. It is obvious, moreover, that.
a change in our law for the express purpose of
favouring Germany would be a manifestation far
more hostile to- France than our simple conformity
with the law as we find it is hostile to Germany. If
an alteration is made at all, it must be done in time
of peace, and without reference to any
particular belligerents. It is, however, by
no means certain that the prohibition to the
export of arms during the war, so loudly
called for in some quarters, would be the most pru-
dent course. A. very eminent tribunal has already
decided that it would not. If we began with pre-
venting the transmission of weapons, it would speedily
be found that some other article was particularly
favourable to one of the belligerents, and must be
stopped accordingly. In short, there would
be no end to the demands for interference
preferred against a government which once recog-
nised the principle ; and, as Lord GRANVILLE
points out, those demands might fluctuate beyond
calculation during the course of a war, for the trade
which is of most benefit to one belligerent at the
opening of hostilities, may be of most benefit to the
other as the fighting progresses. It is not without
consideration that such a step should be taken.
It is, in fact, almost impossible, with the present
intimate relations of Great Britain with all civilised
States, that her vast resources should not be turned,
however much against the will of her Government,
to the profit of at least one of the parties in every
struggle. No Ministry can answer for the rapacity,
or baffle the ingenuity, of our worthy trading
countrymen.

THOUGH the Germans have come up to Paris and
cut off communication with the outer world on all
sides, they have not yet gathered such a force in any
one quarter as to indicate the locality in which the
grand attack will be made. Many authorities, of
greater or less pretensions, maintain, indeed,
that there will be no attack properly se
called, but that the simple process of starving will
be adopted. It is, however, scarcely probable that
the German leaders will give the Republic time to
recruit its forces from the outlying provinces, or
that they will incur the risk of remaining before
Paris until winter approaches. There will be a bom-
bardment; and the Germans will do all in their power
to shorten the process of attack. To this end they
may conduct their chief operations on any one of
three sides, taking care of course to adequately
invest the remaining faces of the city. The northern'
side has the strongest defence, and will therefore
most probably remain unmolested ; but the east,
south, and west each present advantages to abe-
sieging army. On the east the capture of Fort
Charenton—seeing that the works at Vincennes have
been abandoned—would lay open a large
extent of ramparts to the Germans. On
the south side a successful attack on
Forts Issy and Vanves would give the besiegers a
nice opening in that quarter, and the experi-
ment there seems all the more tempting as
these forts are dominated by higher ground.
On the west the position,
.though naturally
most difficult, is artificially and most ineffectually
protected. The Seine makes a sudden bend to the
north after passing Fort Issy, and shirts the ramparts
all along the west, forming a powerful protection.
On the side of the river most remote from the
city is Fort Valdrien a very strong work, but
this is the only artificial defence on the
whole western face. The open ground here will
doubtless be well considered by the German leaders
in planning their attack. The only difficulty that
presents itself is that the west side is furthest from
the German line of communications, but as
the French have as yet no army in the field, this
obstacle is of less importance. If the west side be •
not chosen, Fort Charenton will very likely be
selected. A glance at the map will shew, better
than any description, the facilities for assailing this
point.

TOPICS OF THE DAY.