The Sun.
London, England, 1848-08-23 00:00:00

SLAVE TRADE.

Lord DENMAN then rose to move that an address
be presented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty
would begraciously pleased to enforce theobservance of all
treaties for the suppression of the slave trade, and to order
the prosecution of all British subjects engaged in the slave
trade. He considered this trade as a great crime, and
he regretted to perceive that an opinion was gradually
growing up that it was impossible to put it down, and a
Committee of the House of Commons, appointed to in-
quire into the subject, had reported that the squadron on
the African coast had riot only failed, but had
done more harm than good, and that it would be
better that it should be removed. This was calculated
to excite an apathy in the publio mind on this subject,
and to induce a toleration of this most horrible trade.
He was prepared to contend that although the squadron
had not succeeded in entirely destroying the trade, yet
it had greatly discouraged it. At Gallinas and other
places on the coast of Africa, it had been entirely
suppressed, and the importation of slaves had been
reduced in Cuba to less than one thousand per
annum in the year 1845. An unfortunate cir-
cumstance, which had occurred in this country,
had tended to increase the slave trade. A report had
been circulated in Africa that a revolution had occurred
in England, that Lord Palmerston had been sacrificed,
and that the slave trade was to be revived. The cap-
tains employed in the suppression of the slave trade had
been subjected to actions at law for their exertions in
putting down the slave trade. Had the blow which
those officers struck been followed up, he believed the trade
would have been abolished. Many had quitted it because
it had become a losing concern, and he stated that on the
authority of the evidence of a person examined before
the Committee, who admitted that he had been engaged
in the trade. It had been said that the effect of the
blockading squadron had aggravated the horrors of the
trade. He did not believe it; be considered it was one
of those fallacies which was taken for granted for want
of proper reflection. The overloading of the vessels was
not in consequence of the effects of the blockading squa-
dron, because the greater the number the slower the
speed of the vessel, and therefore the greater their
danger. The political economists said leave the slave-
traders to themselves, they will not destroy their own
slaves; but slaves were not cattle—they would not sub-
mit to the treatment of slaves, and therefore the slave-
trader would destroy his own slaves. The Noble and
Learned Lord then animadverted severely on the
manner in which the Committee had attended
to the evidence of one witness, who admitted
that he had been a slave-trader, who stated that he de-
spaired of the efforts of the squadron putting down the
slave trade. lie should have said that he feared that
those efforts would be successful.—(Hear, hear.) He
was the more earnest on this subject, because he was de-
sirous of stemming the under-current of public opinion,
which was now setting in on this subject, and which
would bring us back to the same state of apathy with re-
gard to the slave trade which prevailed in 1788. Some
judgment ought to be exercised in the selection of offi-
cers to be employed in the suppression of that trade. It
was a very unpopular service, and those officers only
ought to he employed in it who were enthusiastic in the
cause. The failure of our past efforts for the extinction of
this traffic bad given rise to an idea now sedulously spread
by certain parties, namely, that it was impossible. But he
could not believe that it was beyond the power of France
and England, united, to stop the atrocious traffic pursued
by Brazilian joint-stock companies. All that was required
for this purpose was that their laws should be more strin-
gent and more rigorously enforced. If they did not inter-
fere, they would give occasion for the surmise that they
thought this Brazilian trade should not be interfered with,
and that it might be embarked in, by other parties, with
im-
punity. Ile had intended to have said more to their Lord-
ships on this important question, but the atrocities of the
traffic were of such a nature that he felt deeply pained in
bringing them before the House.—(Hear.) It was a system
of the most foul demoralising character; it was fraught with
crime and evil of the worst description; and it was time
that the evils it created should be repressed by the adoption
and enforcement of more stringent measures. The Africans
looked to England as the quarter from whence effectual aid
for this purpose was to proceed, and he trusted that the
people of England and the Government of England would
not forego, but rather redouble their efforts for the suppression
of this traffic, which, great as they had been, were but a
slight atonement for having, as a nation, long persevered in
carrying on the slave trade. The Noble Lord concluded with
moving, "That an humble address be presented to her Ma-
jesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to give
directions for the enforcement of all treaties with Foreign
Powers for the extinction of the slave-trade on the coast of
Africa, and for the prosecution of all British subjects directly
or indirectly concerned in violating the laws against that
crime; and that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to
take into her serious consideration the expediency of concert-
ing measures with her allies for declaring slave trading
piracy, withe• punishment less severe than that now incurred
according tolaw of nations for that crime."

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was sure the House would
feel grateful to. his Noble and Learned Friend for the able
manner in which he had treated the subject. He felt it,
however, his duty to move the previous question, because,
looking at the terms of the motion, and the circumstances to
which his Noble and Learned Friend had adverted, that this
important subject had only recently been before a Committee
of the other House, it might be inferred from the terms of
this motion that there had been a remissness on the part of
the Queen's Government in carrying out the existing treaties
on the subject of the slave trade, and also because the motion
seemed to prejudge the Committee of the House of Commons.
He thought it expedient, before their Lordships pronounced
an opinion on the subject so hastily, that they should ex-
amine the evidence, and decide on the policy they would
adopt, not abating one jot of their determination to bring the
infamous slave trade to ultimate-extirpation.—(Cheers.) If
one man more than another had shown himself to be a
constant and firm supporter of existing treaties for the sup-
pression of the slave trade it was his Noble Friend the Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs, and he thought it must be admitted
that he had left no means untried to give effect to such
treaties, with a view to put an end to this wicked traffic.—
(Hear, hear.) With regard to the participation of indivi-
dual Englishmen who were culpable and criminal enough
to be engaged in a traffic which the laws of their country
had stamped with ignominy, there was no doubt that such
had been the case, and his Noble Friend the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs had not omitted to notice the subject, which
had been referred to the law officers of the Crown, who
were of opinion that Englishmen in foreign countries who
might be engaged directly or indirectly in the slave trade,
or who might take slaves in execution for debt, were guilty
of an offence against the law, and were amenable to punish-
ment. His Noble Friend had instructed British Consuls to
proclaim the law of the country on the subject of the slave
trade, and its consequences. He thought that to make the
slave trade piracy, with a modification of the punishment
attached to that crime, would be perhaps the best means of
putting an end to it. He was not prepared to pronounce an
opinion on the subject twenty-four hours only after the pub-
lication of the evidence before the Committee of the other
House on the subject; but he trusted it might be productive
of the object which he believed they all desired, namely, the
extinction of the slave-trade; and he hoped the time would
never come when any countenance would be given, directly
or indirectly, to the statement that it was the intention of the
present Government to abandon their determination to put
down a traffic which had been the curse of the world, and at
one time a stigma on our national character.—(Load cheers.)
For the reasons, however, which he'had before stated, he felt
himself bound to move the previous question.
Lord BROUGHAM said the statement of the Noble and
Learned Lord was most invaluable as a statement of the argu-
ment ; his demonstration had been complete, convincing, and
triumphant of the unfounded nature of the two propositions
which he had assailed, namely, that the slave trade had in-
creased in spite of our efforts, and that the British Legislature
was in reality an accessary before the fact to the horrors of
the slave trade. Had any one entertained doubts as to the
policy of continuing these efforts, those doubts must have
been removed by the argument of the Noble and Learned
Lord. No one could read the evidence before their Lordships
without perceiving that the witnesses had been marshalled
and examined with a view to support a foregone conclusion
—the conclusion which was enunciated in the Committee's
report. Ever since 1811, the slave trade bad been felony;
and he could not but regret, as an instance of the evil arising
from the misapplication of words, that the slave trade had
not been called all along by its right name, that of " felony"
and " man-stealing." The Noble and Learned Lerd
then commented at some length on the evidence
of Mr. Clift, who he said had, in effect, declared, " I am a
felon and a murderer, and ought to have been hanged by
the laws of my own country long ago." Such a man had
been the daring and cherished witness of a Committee of one
House of Parliament, who, instead of sending him for his trial,
professed tenderness for his reputation, and allowed his evi•
dence to outweigh that of a captain in her Majesty's navy.
The Noble and Learned Lord then read copious extracts from
the evidence of this witness, and expressed surprise that none
of the Committee had ever asked him how long it was since
he began to entertain the sentiments which he professed of
life
eerwsihoieh it
ntothinevsolalvveedt.radrrehoencaocmcmouinateeofothhgehtlotsso ohfahvueman
in-
quired by whom the witness was introduced, whether he
had associated with gentlemen in this country, or
with any member of the Committee. One of them, he
understood, Mr. Jackson, was engaged in what was
called the " coast trade" of Africa, which consisted io ship-
ping goods well known as " coast goods " to Africa, for
sale to the purchasers of slaves. This trade might be con-
ducted in three ways, one of which was little better than
direct participation in the slave trade, inasmuch as the
return for the goods was made dependent on the success of
the slave-trader's venture. He believed that this species of
the trade was little encouraged in this country ; but for
the credit of the merchants of London, Liverpool, and
ilianchester, be hoped that a -.Parching inquiry would be
instituted, into thin trade, with the view of ag-
certaining whether it did or did not amount to an en-
couragement of the slave trade. In reply to the
of the slave trade, his Lordship observed it
argument that the African squadron increasedm might
as
sorwroerlsl
be contended that highway robbery ought not to bepunishedderin order
lest the robbers should be driven to commit
of murder
Society of
to escape. He ridiculed the doctrine_
to
e atpryplieto.
hi o
Passof v oalse nine ea
many
Friends, who were opposed to theltoien
any
ys
u like, but take very
shape,asyoo
eahndoossaeidagiatihasmt otuhnetesd.av
y this
-rade. make it felony,
and attach to it what punishment
catch the culprits." Could the _ hole world be converted
good care not to inflict any
into a Society of Friends such p
the Noble Lord
able, but not otherwise. In conclusion,
forth
would
goas a counter-
Noble Marquis (Lansdowne)
PunisrmnicelOpultesniovrouelvdenb
Committee to which allusion had
poise to the report of that
expressed a hope that the declaration Just made by the
been made.
After a few words from the Earl of WALDEGRAVE,
Lord DENMAN expressed a hope that the fullest attesta-
tion and referred to what had
duct pursued by the Government ,
of Parliamentary approval would be given to the con-
taken place in former sessions.
The motion was then put and negatived without a di-
vision.
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTORS BILL.
Lord BEAUMONT moved the third reading of the Par-
liamentary Electors Bill.