The Sun.
London, England, 1870-12-01 00:00:00

OUR CO I'EMPORARIES—This Mornin

• THE EASTERN QUESTION.
The Times alludes to the great naval and military pre-
parations which Turkey has of late years made, and says
it is not strange that there should be an apprehension of
the Porte compromising itself •by action independent
of the other Powers. The means of offence
suggest their own use, and even a Government
more advanced than that of the Ottoman Empire might
repine at seeing such splendid preparations end in nothing
but a diplomatic discussion round a table. The talk of
certain Turkish dignitaries, and, still more, of the lower
employes, may have confirmed these suspic ons. For
some years the tone of the Porte has been bellicose, and
people have been told that the days of concession were
past. Probably language of this sort, repeated in Russia,
has had something to do with the denunciation of the
Treaty, and with the applause which that act seems
to have met with from Russian opinion. We mention
these facts because they may affect the judgment
both of Austria and Russia, but we have reason
t) believe that they have no substantial founda-
tion. The Porte, we are happy to announce, will
act completely in accordance with the other
Powers, and take no step whatever without their
sanction. The Turks have made preparations for war,
and, should the necessities of the case demand
it, would no doubt, meet the enemy with the stolid confi-
dence of their race. But even if the Government were as
reckless and foolhardy as it is represented to be, it would
know that the European Powers would resent the attempt
to drag them into a Russian war as much as they now
resent the circular of Prince Gortschakoff. There is,
besides, one thing by which Turkey is bound to good
behaviour. She may have ships and cannon, and the
conscription may give her, though not without dif-
ficulty,' a fine army ; but she wants money, and .for
money she must come to us. Let our foreign friends,
therefore, make their minds easy on the subject. There
may be Turks as ready to boast as the Russians them.
selves, and these may fill the diplomatic ear with ap-
prehensions of some unexpected and disastrous "complica-
tion ; " but the Turks know too well the value of
Frank assistance, and have too keen a sense of favours
to come, to act without the approval of their allies.
Now that we are, as we hope, so near to a peaceful
settlement of this question we have no wish to speculate
on the chances of a war ; but it is worth remarking that
at no former period has the Ottoman Empire been so well
able to defend itself.
The Daily News remarks that the attitude of Prussia
has in the main corresponded with that of England. If
less strictly bound than ourselves to resist the infringe-
ment of the Treaty of 1856, the Government of King
William has a more direct and material interest
than we have in deprecating war in Eastern
Europe. The family alliance and the personal
friendship which subsist between the Royal and Imperial
Houses of Prussia and Russia do not represent any strong
liking between the two nations. The Pan-Sclavonic
ambition of the one Power, and the Pan-Germanic aspira-
tions of the other, have in them the germs of serious dif-
ferences, and territorial complications. Russia and

Prussia are to each other in the Baltic what
Russia and Turkey are to e tch other in the Black
Sea. A war in which Austria could not but bear a
part would raise prematurely for its North German
conqueror a vast number of complicated questions con-
nected with the position of that State in Europe. Con-
nivance at an aggression on public law attempted during
the temporary prostration of France, and finding its
opportunity in that helplessness, would act as a moral
and, it may be, as a material diversion on
behalf of France. If any State in Europe has an interest
at present in discountenancing the doctrine that
Treaties of Peace, dictated at the close of a successful
war, are binding only until the conquered party finds
an opportunity of renouncing them, Prussia is that
State. Count Bismarck is shrewd enough to see this.
The idle chatter of the officers and minor politicians
of the Royal Head-quarters at Versailles, which our
Correspondent faithfully reports, exhibits an ignorance
of the real issue at stake, which is certainly not
shared by the North German Chancellor. That astute
statesman has reason to congratulate himself that England
with all her resources disengaged, is ready to take up, on
the ground of honour and good faith, a position which
Prussia, with all her resources pre - occupied, has
a clear and direct interest in assuming. Count
Bismarck may have been as much surprised at Prince
Gortschakoff's Circular as Lord Granville ; • he may
have been as much shocked by it. He had even more
reason to regret it, and to do his best to prevent the
Russian intentions from taking the form of accomplished
facts.
The Telegraph, in commenting on the part taken by
Prussia with respect to the Russian note, says : What-
ever may have been the speculative fancies of the past,
Count Bismarck was not long allowed to imagine that
England would be his dupe. In Mr. Odo Rus-
sell, one of the most accomplished diplomatists
in Europe, he encountered no Benedetti ; he at
once met his match in penetration and clear-
ness of mind, and we have already seen some-
thing of the result. England is wiling to accept peace;
but the last few days have given us a serious lesson. We
have learned that we cannot well afford to lay aside our
armour while such a power as Russia is still swayed by
her ancient policy of aggrandisement in the East,
and while there is even the possibility of com-
plicity with her manoeuvres. Our reply to Prince
Gortschakoff's Note has shewn Europe that we
are ready to fight in order to maintain the
Treaties that we have signed. The event has also shown
ourselves that, with our name attached to such guarantees,
we can never afford to be, entirely unprepared far war-
The American principle of utter non-intervention in
European affairs is intelligible, and for its
absolute adoption by England there is something to be
said; though the change in our foreign policy would
be so vast that it would practically make England a
new Europead State. Without discussing now
such an Americanisation of our interests abroad—without
stopping to consider whether a Power that holds India
can withdraw itself from the politics of the world—we
may safely say, that we cannot adopt the American
policy in part, and yet retain a relic of our present
system. We cannot give guarantees, and then ignore
them. We cannot sign Treaties, and then dis-
honour our own name. Our policy must be Con-
tinental to the extent of our pledges, or else we
must imitate the frank brutality of Russia, and issue a
circular, giving all men to know by these presents that
we do not consider ourselves bound by any treaty that
we have signed. Until that declaration is issued, Lord
Granville's policy must be maintained at any cost and at
any risk, and we must see that we possess the means of
making ourselves respected.
The Standard is of opinion that if England can, consis-
tently with her own honour, so far as her own position
and interests are concerned, enter at once into such a
Conference,. she cannot do it with honour—she cannot
possibly do it unless France is represented. Well, amongst
the answers which Count Bismarck expects there
certainly is not one from the French Government,
whether the French Government be regarded as the gen-,
tlemen of Tours or the gentlemen of Paris. Count
Bismarck holds no communication with these gentry. He
denies them any right to speak in the name of France,
and consistently he would address to neither set of them
an invitation to take part in any conference to discuss a
question in which France has a special claim to be
heard, and which Russia would never have dared to raise
in such a manner if she had not believed France to be
completely crushed. Neither the Russian nor the Prus-
sian Government allows the existence of a French
Government, and hardly of a French nation, and both are
naturally only too ready to enter into a Conference in
which France should not he represented. But England
cannot look upon the matter after this fashion. On the
contrary, she cannot cute? into any Conference convoked
for the purpose of altering or annulling any stipulation
of the Treaty of Paris, unless France, with whom she was
partner in the Crimean war—with whom she was partner
in the peace of 1856—is represented. She cannot do so
honourably ; she cannot do so if she has the slightest
regard for her own interests. Well, is it at all probable
that France can send, within the next month, or two
months, or three months, a plenipotentiary authorised to
speak in her name to such a Conference ?
THE SIEGE OF PARIS.

The Manchester Examiner says: It would be rash to ven-
ture on anything like prediction, but It is certain the
resistance of Paris has been already amply justified. If
tune t
i eveno rise on her feet, tuallyfalls iftvt,:ilalu d placenot;bo herselfbefo in before France
attitude
anoehashadof
defence. . .Although in absence of. relief, its sur-
render can, only be a question of time, there
is still reason to doubt whether thit time is
near at hand. According to the most trustworthy evi-
dence we have, there will not be much difficulty in holding
out against famine until the end of January, and as long
as Trochu can defy hunger he can also defy the Germans.
If Moltke thought he oould get into Paris by bombarding
either the city or its defences, we do not believe he
would stay outside in this wintry weather, The only
plausible explanation of the inaction of the besiegers is
that their engineer officers give them no hope Of success
from active measures, at any rate, except at a cost from
which the King and Ids advisers shrink. The chances
are still greatly adverse to. the French, but the military
B.itua49ll gt Iqao wtt dektmate.