The Sun.
London, England, 1848-06-06 00:00:00

danger to her, we had a vigilant and able ambassador at
the Hague, whoset dispatches were extant. He alluded
to the Noble Lord's ancestor, Sir W. Temple. Writing
from the Hague in 1670, that gentleman, after adverting
to the state of internal affairs in Holland, said:—
"I have thought fit to say this much that so you may make
up your reports of these affairs, and it is our part to seem
the least concerned we can is them, the best we can do is to
watch the interests of the country, doing as little as we can
to interfere with their internal interests."
He (Mr. Bankes) wished the Noble Lord had followed
the example of his great ancestor, and been satisfied
with watching vigilantly and anxiously the domestic
interests of Spain—ready to afford aid when required,
but knowing that to offer it unasked was only likely to
excite ill will.—(Cheers.) But he had another case to
cite. Nearly at the same period, in 1678, we had au
Ambassador at Madrid, Sir William Godolphin, who
had occasion to make remonstrance of a serious nature
on the part of his Government. He addressed a letter
to Don John of Austria, informing him that " the King
his nas.,ter, had commanded him frequently to complain
of the ill conduct of the Spanish Ministers at his Court,
which he was directed to say had not been amended by
the Minister now present." What was the result of this
remonstrance? It met with immediate attention. The
Spanish Minister at the Court of St. James's was
removed, showing that Spain, at the period of her most
palmy greatness, was not above receiving with courtesy
an appeal for the removal of her Ambassador. What
reason was there to suppose that her heart was so
broken by subsequent misfortune that she should not
rise up now in resentment when an experiment was
tried upon er patienc,er?h—e (followingwßasutfrhoorapyroicseceoduent
with the dihspatches.
Palmerston to Mr. Bulvver:— I
, h
senclosures,
received I
have to instruct you to state to the D
"Foreign-office, April 20, 1843. Sir
your dispatch of the 11th instant, with jt ave
and
that her Majesty's Government entirely
app puk of
rove Sotoma
the ate yor
and likewise of your note of the 12th. T a her Majesty's
you took in making your communication hot
tthe 7th instant,
Government, however, are not at all offended, either by the
sending back of your communication of tth 7
e t
uke o A
ofpri,l, or
by the angry tone and languageD Soto-
mayor's note of the 10th, however they may regret the ex-
istence of those feelings in the minds of the Spanish Go-
vernment, of which the language of his Exellency's note
and the return of yours were proofs. Her Majesty's Go-
vernment, in making to the Government of Spain the re-
presentations, and is giving the advice which your commu-
nication conveyed, were inspired by no sentiment but that
of sincere friendship for Spain, and of deep interest in the
welfare of Queen Isabella. They felt that in making that
communication they were performing a duty, and not taking
any undue liberty ; and therefore, at all events, it is a satis-
faction to her Majesty's Government to reflect that although
their counsel has been rejected and their communication has
been returned, the note has, nevertheless, been read, and the
counsel has been tendered, and that whatever calamity may
happen in Spain her Majesty's Government stand acquitted
of not having done what they could to prevent it. With
regard to the contents of the Duke of Sotomavor's note, her
Kingdomrlilgahj etsetyf'hs
ehrGovernmentlead disputed
uihta
jeaedviyes: efo,efi
vttihhlaeNtvijai
war bad
dde
have only
tnaelpretender thelo t°hn
brsoe;r
arisen out of such a confixt of claims • if the British Govern-
ment had only a few years ago sent a special envoy to
Madrid • •
to solicit the assistance of Spain, in order to place her
Majesty on the tbrahi ; if that assistance had been given,
both morally by treaty engagements, and physically by mili-
tary and naval forces; if the aid thus afforded by -Spain had
contributed in so essential a degree to secure the crown to
her Majesty, that it might with truth be said that without
such aid her Majesty would not now have been Queen of
England ; if, moreover, there still remained a pretender,
who asserted his right and whose pretensions were backed
by a large party in the United Kingdom ; and if upon every
symptom of danger from that pretender, and that party,
the British Government was in the habit of reminding Spain
of the treaty engagements which she had entered into; was
also in the habit of asserting that those engagements were
still in force, and was continually claiming the benefit of the
alleged existence of those engagements; if all those things
existed, and if the Government of Spain had, in a moment
of general disturbance in Europe, warned the British Govern-
ment of dangers by which, in their opinion, the security of
her Majesty's throne was menaced—l think I may confi
dently affirm that, under such circumstances, any statesmen
who might be Ministers of the British Crown, instead of
sending back the note in which such representations were
conveyed, and instead of replying to it in discourteous terms,
would have accepted the communication in the same spirit
of friendsip in which it was made; and whether they
adopted or not the advice which it contained, would at least
have considered it a proof of the continued existence of that
friendship on the part of Spain, to which in such case would
have been owing the circumstance that those British Mi-
nisters had the honour of being advisers of the Crown, in-
stead of being proscribed exiles in a foreign land. You will
transmit to the Duke of Sotomayor a copy of this dispatch.
(Signed) " PALMERSTON."
Now, certainly it was rather strong to tell the Govern-
ment of Spain that we had been the instrument of put-
ting the crown of Spain on the head of the Queen, when
all we had purported to do was to lend our aid in confir-
mation of the claims of the person whom we considered
justly entitled to that crown. Altogether, he could not
but think that, whatever blame attached to the subse-
quent conduct of the Spanish Government towards Sir
Henry Bulwer—and he quite agreed in censuring that
conduct as highly arbitrary and improper—there had
been in the tone observed by the Noble Lord much that
would naturally irritate and wound the feelings of the
Spanish Government and nation, and he therefore trusted
that in the explanation which the Noble Lord would, he
presumed, that night offer, the Noble Lord would admit
what he surely unt,t feel, that he had been injudicious,
at all events in the manner and time of his interposition.
Most undoubtedly the British nation, while ever pre-
pared to vindicate its honour, would not hesitate to ex-
press its regret, if any hasty expressions on the part of
its Government had wounded the generous sensibilities

of a high-3ouled and friendly people.—(Hear, hear.)
Such an expression of regret on the part of the Noble
Lord would at once tend to smooth away the unfortu-
nate asperities which had arisen. It should not be for-
gotten that the Noblo Lord and his Noble Colleague at
the head of aff.tirs were members of that same Govern-
ment of Lord Grey whose grand profession of faith was
economy, reform, and non-interference with foreign
states.

Viscount PALMERSTON —Peace, retrenchment, and

reform.

Mr. BANKES--These were the same things in other
words; peace was non-intervention, and non-intervention
peace. This profession of faith had reference to the
contrary policy of tormer Governments— of one or more
of which, very possibly, the Noble Viscount had himself
formed part.—(A laugh.) And the Noble Viscount
would have done well had he adhered to it in the present
matter. Among the papers delivered to Members that
morning, there was one in particular, from Sir H. Bul-
wer, which he would beg to quote. And here let him
observe that he had throughout considered Sir Henry
Balwer's conduct required no vindication.—(Hear.)
That functionary had on no apparent occasion exceeded
or fallen short of his instructions, but had, it would
seem, exactly carried out the ♦iews of the Noble Vii.
count. There were various points to which he (Mr.
Bankes) desired to direct the Noble Viscount's reply:-
Ist. Whether any other cause or causes than those al-
ready made known had been assigned by the Spanish Go-
vernment for dismissing Sir H. Bulwer? 2d, As to the
degree of approbation, whether more or less complete,
which the British Government gave to Sir ll.Bulwer's pro-
ceedings? Next, as to the precise nature and extent of the
hold which the British Government assumed to have
upon the Crown and Government of Spain; for instance,
whether the Noble Viscount really assumed that we had
placed Donna Isabella on the throne, not from any claim
of right on her part, but because of the peculiar prin-
ciples which she and her adherents professed, in con-
tradistinction to those advocated by other pretenders
to the throne? In the note of Sir H. Bulwer to the
Duke of Sotomayor, dated April 16th, we find this pas-
sage:—
" There are cases, indeed, in which mere advice from one
Government to another would be a questionable act of pro-
priety and interference; but where it so happens that the
former Government has received particular support from
another, and this on account of particular principles ; and
more especially where it so happens that the former Govern-
ment may still entertain the hope that if the struggle in
which it, has once been victorious were to be renewed, it

would again receive similar assistance from its late auxiliary ;
hero exists one of those peculiar cases in which, without
any attempt at dictation, a State which has proved an
useful ally may say to that State which it has served, " Take
care, you are in a moment of danger; beware that you do
not separate yourself from those principles which were the
original feature of your cause; in this manner you may
lose the throne you desire to maintain ; in this manner you
may forfeit the support of your best friends both at home
and abroad; let me beseech you, even if your intentions
are good, to avoid arraying, if possible, appearances against
you."

Such were some of the points to which he desired to di-
rect the Noble Viscount's reply. There was yet another:
It
appeared very singular that among the papers already
produced there were no instructions from the Noble Lord
subsequent to the 20th of April. He should wish to
know whether there had been any instructions issued
posterior to that date? Probably, and it might be at no
distant period, when this matter should be settled, as he
trusted it would be settled in an amicable way between
the two countries, the Noble Lord, in making a state-
ment to that effect to the House, would feel it necessary
to call upon the House for an opinion as to the whole of
these proceedings. Meanwhile, he would remark, that he
had brought forward the present resolution because he had
heard from the Noble Loni that its discussion would in no
degree embarrass the existing negotiations. Had the
Noble Lord given any other intimation, he shouldr
o. COUTSO
have delayed the proposition. Should the resolution
he was now about to submit to the House give to the
Noble Lord an opportunity for making any explanatory
or conciliatory statement, tending to heal the wound
which had been inflicted on the honest pride of the
Spanish nation, he should rejoice in the part he had
which had
The resolution having been put from the chair,
arisen
towardsbetween
removingthe two
hitherto feeling
s o
Mr. SHELL said—The Hon. Gentleman on the 10th
of May gave notice of a motion, in relation to a para-
graph in one of Sir H. Bulwer's letters, for the purpose
of information. Ho has now changed his ground, and
proposes for the adoption of the House a resolution of
censure on my Noble ;Friend. I am very far from
saying that this change in his tactics is not deserv-
ing of commendation. My Noble Friend is clearly re-
sponsible for all that has been said or clone by Sir H.
Bulwer, and I therefore think the Hon. Gentleman
quite right in saying that by his motion he is conferring
an obligation on my Noble Friend ; my Noble Friend is
equally indebted to the Honourable Gentleman for his
motion and for his speech, for both will servo him.—
(Hear, hear.) The true question is—l purposely avoid
any prefatory prolixity—the true question is, whether
the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs was justified in interfering in the in:ernal affairs
of Spain, by the peculiar relations in which we stand to-
wards that country 4—(Hear, hear.) What are those
relations ? It will be necessary to take a retrospect;
which I promise you shall be a rapid one. In 1834, the
Spanish Government solicited the assistance of England
L —a special negotiator, the Marquis Miraihrcs, was sent

to England. That Nobleman has published an ac-
count of his mission, which I think I see in the hands of
the Honourable Member for Pontefract.—(A laugh.)
The Marquis states that Lord Palmerston had very
great difficulties to contend against, but his earnestness
in the cause of Spain and of Spanish liberty overcame
every obstacle that stood in his way, and on the 22d
of April, 1834, the preliminary articles of a treaty
of quadruple alliance were signed. At that period
the Duke of Richmond, Sir James Graham, the
Earl of Ripon, and the Nobleman who has recently
taken so active a part in the question in another House
(Lord Stanley) bad not retired from theCsbinct.—(Hear,
hear.) The Marquis states that the effect of even these
preliminary articles was signal and immediate. Don
Carlos assented, and it was supposed that the pacifica-
tion of Spain would be the result of the articles. This
anticipation was not carried oat. Don Carlos retired
into the provinces, and the entire of the Basque popu-
lation arose for him; the Court of Spain was filled
with dismay, and the Marquis Mireflores, instructed by
his Government, again waited upon Lord Palmerston,
and to use his own language, " implored his aid with
adjurations, ardent and unremitted." Lord Palmerston
redeemed the pledge he had given, by aid, naval, midi
tary, and moral, and there cannot be a doubt, but that for
the interposition of England, Don Carlos would have
been King of Spain.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear,"
from Mr. Baillie Cochrane.) The whole population of
the Basque provinces, the Church, the monastic orders,
the nobility, and the still nobler peasantry of Spain,
were all the Carlist party.—(Renowed cheers from the
same quarter.) It is said by the Duke of Sotomayor,
in very sonorous Castilian, that England interfered from
selfish motives. From what selfish motives I cannot
conjecture.—(Hear, bear.) The people of this country
filled with an ardent love of liberty, which I trust will
ever inspire them, gave energetic aid to a nation strug-
gling for freedom ; but England as Sir H. Bulwer wrll
pointed out, had nothing to gain in the matter but the
lofty consciousness of having assisted the Spanish people
in the assertion of their right to free institutions.
These institutions were established, and they remained
stable till the fall of Espartero. The late Minister of
this country, I well remember, expressed deep regret for
that fall, and in his regret Lord Aberdeen fully con-
curred. I am far from disapproving of the policy of
Lord Aberdeen towards Spain. It was Lord Aberdeen
who appointed Sir H. Bulwer to the post ho lately occu-
pied, and in this appointment Lord Aberdeen manifested
a just and most sound appreciation of the valuable ser-
vices which Sir H. Bulwer had rendered to his country
at Constantinople and in other quarters.—(Bear, hear.)
It is said that Lord Aberdeen ',ever interfered in the
affairs of Spain. I will show the contrary ; I will show
that Lord Aberdeen did interfere in the affairs of Spain,
and this in a manner which reflected upon him the
greatest honour. Sir H. Bulwer wrote to Lord Aber-
deen that he had heard from persons of good authority
that it was in contemplation to plight the Queen first,
and then communicate the fact to the Cortes, when it
should be too late to revoke the betrothal. Thereupon
Lord Aberdeen at once sent directions to Sir 11. Bulwer
to call upon General Narvaez without delay, and to say
to him that he could not, indeed, believe the report in
Question, but that if any such illicit and discreditable
proceedings were intended, the British Government
would protest against it as an infringement on the Spa-
nish Constitution, as exposing the Queen to danger, and
as calcuated to spread confusion ai.d peril throughout
the country. Here, surely, was a case of ititerference—
(Hear, hear)—and, as such, if Lord Aberdeen was war-
ranted—and warranted he was—in interfering, L,ml
Palmerston was called upon ,to do so when he saw the
Cortes about to be abolished, and every vestige of free-
dom about to he swept away. In 1846 Lord Aberdeen
retired from office, and Lord Palmerston, upon acceding
to it, naturally directed his attention to the affairs of
Spain. I have read the remarkable dispatch of July,
1846, to which reference has been made by the greatest
journal of this country, which, in relation to it,
speaks of the dispatch as having proceeded from my
Noble Friend, when baffled on the great Montpensier
machination. Now, it was not till September that the
Spanish marriages took place, and at the time of the dis-
patch in July there was no sort of quarrel with Spain
on that subject. But the Cortes had been rendered
a passive instrument in the hands of the Government,
the liberty of the press was a nullity, the property and
the liberty of the subject were outraged with impunity,
and men were daily put to death without a shadow of
trial ; the name of freedom had, in a word, become a
mockery. Lord Palmerston, struck with this spectacle,
did what a British Minister was bound to do under the
circumstances—he intimated to the Spanish Government
that it was not for the purpose of establishing a grinding,
tyranny in Spain, that the English Government inter-
fered to settle the crown of Spain on its present basis.
—(Hear, hear.) The circumstances of 1848 are diffe-
rent, be it remembered, from those of 1846. In 1846
there was no European convulsion ; the authority of
Louis Philippe was ostensibly stable. In 1848 occurred
those mighty events at whose aspect contemporaries
stand appalled,• and at which history will look back
with amazement. The Noble Lord was warned by Sir
11. Bulwer that revolution threatened Spain, that the
Carliats were in motion, and that, if they were en-
couraged to come forward, a disastrous • civil war
would be the inevitable result, involving the country
and its throne in the utmost misfortune and peril. His
Noble Friend hereupon transmitted that dispatch which
has been so repeatedly referred to. But when this dis-
patch was given to Sir 11. Bulwer, did he at once rush to
the palace and deliver it up in the abrupt manner sug-
gested ? No; he kept it by him for twenty days, re-
serving it as a last expedient—as a final resource. Mark
the dates—the dispatch was received by Sir H. Bulwer
on the 21st of March ; on the 211 the Cortes were dis-
solved ; on the 31st an insurrection took place at Madrid.
On these occasions Sir H. Bulwer offered counsel to the
Spanish Government in the most amicable spirit ; but,
as yet be did not produce the dispatch. His preliminary
efforts were of no avail; he went to the Queen-Mother
with as littte effect; and, at length, on the 9th of April,
Sir 11. Bulwer, finding that every other expedient had
been exhausted, and thinking that Lord Palmeriton's
dispatch might produce an effect which his own verbal
communications had failed to do, sent in the dispatch,
and it is but an act of justice to Sir 11. Bulwer that I
should here read an extract from one of his letters in
vindication of the conduct he bad pursued, and which,
I submit, perfectly justified that conduct. In the letter
dated April 22, 1848, Sir H. Bulwer says :
"In this state of circumstances I consulted my instruc-
tions; I had already acted upon them by giving friendly and
intimate advice without any effect being produced. It began
to be very probable that Count Montemolin might show
himself, supported by the Liberal party, and with the cry of
the Constitution of 1812: this was here canvassed on one
side, a Republic on the other. Now, if the Pretender raised
his banner, proclaiming constitutional principles, and we
were called upon to support Queen Isabella, her Catholic
Majesty upholding military government, it would be difficult
for us to support the military government against the con-
stitutional one, or to desert Queen Isabella suddenly, on the
ground that we disapproved of the course she had pursued,
unless there was some proof that we had so disapproved. My
ur.official conversations had no authority. Even if her Ca-
tholic Majesty fell without exposing us to this difficult and
particular question, it might be said, Why did not Mr.
lialwer want the Spanish Government of the dangerous
course they were pursuing? Why did he not do so with all
the weight that a formal communication of the views Jf
Great Britain would have afforded?' It was, my Lord, in
view of all these various probabilities that I gave the sanc-
tion of your Lordship's name, and of my opinion to the ad-
vice I presumed to offer. It was not, that lam aware of,
couched in improper terms; I did not, therefore, expect a
voluntary hostile reply, or that the present Government of
Spain would involve amongst Queen Isabella's enemies her
Majesty's Government, with more than the precipitancy with
which it had included in this category distinguished sad
loyal Spaniards. The result shows I was mistaken."
And the result does show this.—(Hear, hear.) The
Hon. liembei• has read paragraphs from the Spanish
newspaper, the Herald°. The ilereddo was edited at
one period by Sartorius, and is still wholly under his
influence, or, as the French express it, inspired by him.
It may, in a word, be considered the organ of the
opinions, feelings, and views of the Spanish Govern-
ment, The Hon. Gentleman has read an extract from
this paper, whence it appears that the editor and the
Government expected a revolution in England, mistak-
ing a Chartist procession for a national march—(Hear,
hear)—not knowing that in England liberty and order
have entered into .mutual guarantees—(Hear, hear)—
not knowing that our institutions are built on a rock,
and bound together with an imperishable cement—
(Hear)—imagining, in short, that our polity was as

frail as the weak, loose structures which continental ar-
chitects are pleased to call constitutions.—(Hear, hear.)
Under this impression it was that the Spanish Govern-
ment thought it could put contumely upon my Noble
Friend and upon the English nation, forgetting the ser-
vices conferred by us upon Spain—(Hear)—or rather.
perhaps, I may say, resenting the obligations we had
conferred upon her.—(Hear, hear.) The Spanish Go-
vernment thought, under such circumstances, to put an
insult upon my Noble Friend; and the Hon. Gentleman
over the way says that the Government of England has
been humiliated. It would be strange, indeed, if the
Government of this great and powerful country—a
country which had the power to avenge an insult, but
could afford to despise one—it would be strange, indeed,
if the Government of England could be humiliated by
anything that could be done by the Spanish Government,
that, in its need, fell down on its knees before 113.—
(Hear, hear.) But instead of relying on this, I prefer
to insist that with truth, with right, with reason, and
with honour, humiliation cannot co-exist.—(Hear, hear.)
The Hon. Gentleman spoke of the quarrels of individuals
and of nations, and said they were the same thing. It
is, I admit, with nations as with men, and I will put this
case to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. If a man
calling himself his friend had fled to him for aid, if the
required assistance had been given, and he had not only
raised the suppliant from the earth, but elevated him
into prosperity, and become his surety and pledge to
others, and, if then, seeing this man rushing on to
ruin, he were to interfere to save him, and, instead
of gratitude was to meet with contumely, would not
the Lion. and Learned Gentleman feel that the insult
recoiled. and that the intended insult fell full upon the
degraded ingrate himself and not upon his benefactor ?
This point of view applied to the whole of the present
transaction. From the first report of Sir 11. Bulwer
down to the letter dismissing Sir H. Bulwer from Spain,
on grounds of which the annals of diplomacy afforded
no parallel—(Bear, hear)—Sir 11. Bulwer had been
assailed with every species of calumny, with every
threat, assassination included, and with the declaration
that he was abandoned here. But he is not abandoned
here.—(Cheers.) He is not abandoned by Parliament,
he is not abandoned by the Government, he is not aban-
doned by my Noble Friend at the head of the department
in which Sir 11, Bulwer has so ably served, and who, I
am well assured, will rather throw his office to the
esseerryte heo
umanr e
common
hmo
ohne s
csoou dn et
rv3ov.t e dTI
eurido under
hiswin dais' et chtaino nd,
and Learned Gentleman asked whether any other
charges have been made against Sir E. Bulwer ? I
know not what further allegations may be adduced by
the Spanish Government, but I know that calumnies of
the vilest sort have been put in circulation against him.