The Sun.
London, England, 1846-02-11 00:00:00

consequence was, that a finer quality of grain
was produced, the husks were finer and yielded a
',ratter quantity of flour. Thus the advantage to the
foreigner, over the wheat of this country, was not less
than 201. per cent. Now, when he considered the diffe-
rence in the rate of wages, he confessed that it was
not without uneasiness that he contemplated the com-
petition which could not fail to come, if the
propositions of the Government were adopted. It seamed
natural to conclude that a portion, at least, of the wheat
lands of this country would be thrown out of cultivation
on account of the impetus which would be given to the
cultivation of wheat on the continent.—(llear.) The
question then arose—would it be a desirabe competi-
tion, and one which they ought to encourage ? It might
perhaps be admitted. that it would be more advan-
tageous to the people of this country to turn a
certain portion of their wheat land into pasture, and to
purchase a great quantity of grain from foreign countries,
But this was not a question of p. Ltical economy, it was a
question of national importance. It involved their de-
pendence on foreign countries.—(Cheers.) He repeated
that it remained to be seen whether they would depend on
foreign countries for a large proportion of the food
required for their own people. He adm tted at
once, that a large supply came from Poland
and the south of Germany. These countries
were enabled to give them food ae they required
it ; but would it be wise or prudent for the Ministers of
England to place themselves in the power of those
countries, so that they might step their supplies by pro-
hibiting the exportation of gra.n ? (Cries or
" Hear, hear.") They had had examples in the
present year from which they might draw en inference
as to the consequences of trusting a Polish harvest.
They had seen that the Ruseian Government had prohi-
bited the exportation of the inferior grains, which consti-
tuted the food of their own people, to this country ; and they
found that Belgium also had within a very short period
prohibited the exportation of wheat. There could be
no doubt that if the Government of this cuuntry
had • found it necessary to open the ports,
neighbouring countries—France, for instance—would
have shut theirs, as a matter of protection to them-
selves, and this would very materially have compelled
this country to depend upon their own resources. He
had endeavoured to show that free trade had the
dark as well as the bright side.—(Hear, hear.)
And he trusted they would take into consideration,
before coming to a decision on this question, its magnitude
and importance, so that at once they would have all the
circumstances before them in deciding upon the question.
It would be necessary to take into consideration the
serious evil that would ensue if a 1 nig and protracted
struggle were maintained on this question, on which the
interests of the great mass of the people were opposed to
those of the nobility and gentry of the country. They
must also take into consideration the actual posi
tion of the question, not only in the country,
but in that House. In the country they would find
the community divided into two classes, who differed
materially. One class resolved to have the repeal of all pro-
teetive duties, and the other class'resolved to maintain those
duties in existence. What was the position of the question.
as it stood in that House ? All the great and leang
statesmen on both sides—men of every party—were of
opinion that some alteration in the existing law was ne-
cessary. Those who were anxious to maintain the sys-
tem of protection were avowedly unable to form an Ad-
ministration at all likely to have the confidence of the coun-
try. In this case they had no choice between two alterna-
tives—either to give support to the measure before
the House, or to throw out the Government which now
existed, and to make way for the Government of the
_Honourable Gentlemen opposite.—(Hear, hear.) What
would they gain by making such a change ? nothing
and, therefore, he for one should give his support to the
motion before the House, as he believed that in so doing
he pursued the course better calculated ultimately to
promote the interests of the country. Many Members
opposed the measure either from a sense of duty or
from a sense of consistency, but resistance would ulti-
mately tend to bring still greater misery on the country,
without attaining the object they had in view.
Mr. LEFROY said he proposed addressing the House
less generally than the Hon. Member who had just sat
down, but be did not consider that this measure would
have the effect of improving the condition of the poorer
classes, or give satisfaction to the landed proprietors. A
number of Bills bad been introduced by the Hon. Baronet,
by which a large sum of money could be borrowed, and
to carry on great public works, with a view to giving the
people extensive employment. But he did not think
they would have that effect. In the north of Ireland the
people had contrived to secure a large amount of employ-
ment by the manufactures carried on there, though he
could not say as much for other parts of that country.
Ho would now state his reasons, as an Irish represen-
tative, why it was that ho would give his vote in oppo-
sition to the Government measure ; and in doing so he
would say, that upon so important a measure as this
no Irish county Member should hesitate to state his
reasons, lest it might go forth that they bad been led
to their decisions by party influences. He had seen the
announcement of the resignation of several Honourable
Members of that House, and in particular one Noble
Lord, who made this sacrifice rather than
vote for a measure which they could not
conscientiously believe would benefit the country.
There were so many things, however, in favour of the
measure proposed to be brought forward by the Right
Hon. Baronet, that be shrunk from taking any steps in
opposition. He felt it was a measure of such vital im-
pertance, that the question which was forced home to
the breast of every one must be, was it for the good of
the country ?--(Hear, hear.) It was not his inclination,
nor did he feel it to be his duty, to go into the subject in
all its bearings. Others were better qualified to do so than
he was. He could not, however, refrain from referring to
the injurious effects which must accrue to Ireland
if it were carried into effect. They had no manu-
factures there. Would that measure introduce manu-
factures into that country ? He thought that
no man would be found who would venture to make
such an assertion.—(Hear.) He would not trouble the
House with the details of the imports into that country,but
if the consequence of the measure should be a diminution
of them, it could not but have a most injurious effect.
If it should turn a great quantity of the land:which was
at present cultivated, and was abundantly productive,
into pasture land, would not such a result be ruinous?
Would not that state of Ireland, which was so elo-
quently referred to in that House by the Hon. Member
for Rochdale—a state of trouble, and sorrow, and desti-
tution—be the inevitable accompaniment?—(Hear.) lle
thought it a most hazardous experiment.—(llear, hear.)
He had never followed a Minister, or given
a vote upon any question which he could
not. reconcile with his conscience. (Hear, hear.)
These were questions far above his comprehension, and
others, who, like himself, had not either the talent or
opportunities of investigating measures calculated to pro-
mote the good of the country. It became him, therefore,
after having watched the conduct of those public men
who had, brought forward salutary measures for the
benefit of his country to follow that leader who had thus
acted. Upon this ground he should not give his support
to the measures brought forward by the Right
Honourable Baronet ; and in so doing, whatever
opinions might be formed as to the. " fool's paradise,"
or anything else, he trusted that he would not be con-
sidered as one of those foolish birds who would be snared
by the whistle of the betrayer. If the Right Hon. Baronet
informed him that he had changed his opinions he con-
sidered it right that he should be informed of the reasons
of that change of opinion.—(Hear, hear.) Under ore-
sent circumstances he earnestly hoped that the advice
of the Right Hon. Baronet would be found perfectly safe.
He trusted that the measures introduced by the'
Right Honourable Baronet would be productive of be-
liars to his country. Ile could only say respecting
the measure, that, should it pass, he would be willing to
submit to it, but he would not by a vote take upon himself
the responsibility of its enactment. And if it was proved
in course of time that it was dangerous and destructive
in its operation, he would feel satisfied of having entered
his protest against it, deeply impressed with the convic-
tion that the measure must prove fatal to the best inter-
ests of the country.—(Hear.)
Lord CLEMENTS said that the Honourable Mem-
ber who had just sat down complained that the measure
would prove injurious to the landlords of Ireland.
He (Lord Clements) had no objection to meet
the challenge thrown out by that Hon. Gentleman,
respecting the matter under the consideration of the
House. In doing so he did not profess to
be more of a farmer's friend than those on
the opposite side of the House. During the last
six years he had done his best to improve the agricul-
ture of the county which he represented, and he con-
fessed he had no fears of the measure under the con-
sideration of the House.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
When he heard the arguments of his Hon. Friend the
Member for Northampton (Mr. Stafford O'Brien)
hee was much startled at them. In pro-
fessing so much sympathy for • the cotton
spinners and paper-stainers, whom be represented,
as likely to be ruined, he might have turned his
attention to the condition of the labouring
classes of Ireland. If he looked at them be would see
enough to excite his• commisseration without going else-
where; set these had
and yet to been living under a protective sys-
tem,ruin
tem further would be impossible.
He considered that these
the changes were well worthy of
the consideration of
landed interest of the House.
He knew
not what
the
and the Lords m feelings of the Commons
but of this
he was certain, that ighutnie unless be,
p ei no tpel len loedf
Ire
lan
d, the general advantage h
of they
land, they had better let this mattteeratoue. Yet he
uno g was
ought to say that he was of opinion that thin
likely to advance the condition of the Fri
do ;tot go to the root of the evil. ivlaewteao: which
that the measure which lie was intending to _aware
advoca.e
would not be favourably received by the public. lie
knew there was not only a deprivation of the
necessaries of life, but that there was t total
destitution, which existed not only in one
house, but throughout the length and breadth of the
laud. He believed that this report of deficiency
was not over-stated. By the report that had been
made by Lord Devon and the commissioners under him
a commission which had his most hearty con-
currence there was an evident case made
out for the consideration of the Government.
It appeared by this report of ,John Duke, Eel ,
that the effects of this Commission had not been at all in
proportion to the anticipation of its advisers. There were
some facts which rendered its report nugatory. It ap-
peared by that report that there had been no returns
respecting the state of the people within 12 miles of our
district. He was aware that he was one of the parties
who had been instrumental in effecting a change in the
commercial position of the country, but he felt that
that ought to be no restriction on his proceeding
on this question. The Honourablera Gentleman then
proceeded to read some extracts from Lord Devon's
report taken at Boyle.
0;
dividingvrationer of that
the system land, "that
union said, respecting
ofnrom two
it was a common thing fur a man who
to five Beres to subdivide it, -and that in ed.
shore were Tory few large farmers in thanitiretneoer