The Sun.
London, England, 1870-11-30 00:00:00

`HE EASTERN DIFFICULTY.

The Times is happy to think that the Government are
united in their determination to maintain the Treaty as
it stands until it is modified by the same authority that
made it. It shall not be violated so long as we have the

power to prevent the violation. But, so far as we know,
there has as yet been no violation. The Treaty has been
repudiated, and Russia pretends To resume the right
to rebuild Sebastopol, and to create a :flack Sea
ileet.' Now, there can be no doubt that there are preee-.
dents for considering such a declaration as a cases bcrli.
Indeed, it is evident that cases may arise in which a
notice of this kind ought in justice to be looked upon as an
act of hostility. Where an obligation is repudiated ob-
viously with a view to immediate action, the Power that
is threatened would be weak indeed if it setupled to take

the warning and anticipate the attack. But here there is
no such prospect, no immediate danger—may, if we are
true to ourselves, no danger at all. It must be long
before Russia can place a navy on the Black
Sea ; that navy will certainly be weak,
ill-
manned, and not very skilfully equipped. The
Russian Fleet of 1854.c0u1d not keep the sea for a day

after the Allies passed the Bosphorus, though the late
Czar had been long preparing it, took great pride in it,

and could boast that it contained some of the most

powerful ships in the world. It need hardly be
said that Russia can put no ship on the Black Sea
against the will of England. Having, therefore, the
material power entirely in our hands, we may
dispense with the necessity of considering the

Russian declaration as a hostile act.

It may

contemplate hostility, or it may be a mere bit
of brag uttered by Prince Gortschakoff to main-
tain his failing influence, but, in either case, there will
always be the opportunity and means of meeting

it. This determines our conduct, and enables us to act
with the requisite firmness while giving Russia every
opportunity to recede from the position she has
taken, and to seek redress for her alleged grievance
in a legitimate way. England, then, refuses
to recognise the right of the Russian Govern-
ment to abrogate the clause of the treaty respecting
the Black Sea, and will enforce it should the declaration

of Russia be followed by any overt act; but if Russia is
willing to let it be understood that her aggressive circular
shall not be considered .as an assumption of a foregone

conclusion, England, when the political situation of
Europe permits the assembling of a Conference of the
Powers, will be willing to consider the representations of
Russia as if nothing had happened. It is impossible

that the most zealous partisan of Russia, if he retains any
sense of justice, can ask more than this ; on the other
_ _

hand, our " candid friends" at home, with all their acute•
ness in espying the faults of our own policy and excusing
our opponents, can hardly maintain that their country

can be content with less.

The Daily News, commenting upon the Eastern diffi-
culty and the proposed conference, says : The whole
question of the conference, however, hinges upon the
supposition that Prince Gortschakoff will withdraw
his first Note. So far as it is possible to
gauge public opinion in England we find a very gene•
ral desire to meet Russia in the matter, and temperately
to consider such modifications of the Treaty of Paris
as she fray think consistent with her national
honour. Russia, also, as we observe from her public
journals, is quite aware of our willingness to submit the

Treaty to discussion and revision. But a Conference can
have no raison d'etre until Prince Gortschakoff's Circular
is cancelled. The co-signatory Powers may meet to

consider the propriety of releasing Russia from the
stipulations of 1856; they need not, and cannot meet
merely to inform each other that, Russia has
already released herself. An impression seems to
prevail at Versailles that, in view of the Prussian pro•
posal, Prince Gortschakoff will consent to this necessary
step ; and it is earnestly to be hoped that this belief may
prove to be well-founded. No doubt, if the Emperor sees
fit to withdraw a manifesto which has provoked so unex-

pected au opposition, he will secure some scapegoat on
whom to fasten the blame of the affair. With that we
need not concern ourselves ; we shall only be too
happy to find Russia returning to her right reason, and to
the convenances of diplomatic intercovrse. When once
Prince Gortschakoff's Note is removed from the path'
there will be few obstacles inthe way of an amicable settle-
ment of the difficulty. The penitence which such an act
would express—although obviously founded on mere pru-
dence and self-interest—may make the other Powers lenient.
We have from the outset of the dispute --maintained that
the conditions imposed by the Treaty of Paris on Russia
were of a kind which no great Power could suffer in per-
petuity. Perhaps England would not have borne with
them for five years, how much less for fourteen.
The only excuse, however, which Russia appears
to offer for breaking up the Treaty as she
has done is that the other Powers, had she sub-
mitted the matter to their arbitration, would not
have granted her requests. That is an assumption. We
do not say 'that they would have done so, nor is it
necessary to found an objection against the course
pursued by Russia on the hypothesis that it was unne-
cessary. It was unjustifiable—nay more, it was intole-
rable. We are glad to know, however, that there exists
a prospect of Russia following another course, and we are
sure, since it tends to peace, that England and the co-
signatory Powers will throw no needless obstacles in the
path.

The Telegraph says we are happy to be able to state
that a still further advance has been made in the direc-
tion of peace. Nor is the progress shown in some single
incident or in some reluctant step ; it is evinced in more
than one way, and involves genuine and healthy action.
Confronted by the determined attitude of England,
the Government of St. Petersburg has been led to
reconsider its position, and, as we predicted, its " second
thoughts" are proving themselves much better than its
first. After referring to the proposed Conference by
Prussia with the concurrence of Russia, the Telegraph re-
marks that it is well that there should be no mistake as
to the position of England in regard to the Conference.
A well-informed evening contemporary has suggested
that the present aspect of the question was not be-
fore her Majesty's Ministers in the Cabinet Council
of Monday ; but the statement is based on a
misconception. It is . true that Russia's disposition to
yield was not then so pronounced as it has since
manifested itself ; but it is equally true that her Majesty's
Ministers knew on Monday afternoon, from
other sources than Prince Gortschakoff's despatch,
that the Chancellor's diplomatic shew of courteous firm-
ness was by no means the true measure of Russia's real
intentions, and Lord Granville's reply was drawn up
in full view of the pacific attitude of Russia. It is
plain, therefore, that a Conference now means, on the
part of all who agree to it, a distinct recognition of the
basis which England has laid down.. The Russian Go-
vernment can entertain no doubt on that point after
reading Lord Granville's despatch. The probable
result of the whole imbroglio will be to place the
Eastern question on a surer foundation, and to
strengthen, instead of weakening, the sanctions
of international law. Another result, which is already
shewing itself, will be to reinforce the moral prestige of
England. To-day no Power in Europe can doubt, that,
much as we abhor war, the arm of England will ever be
ready to defend her honour or to support her obligations;
and this we owe to the mingled judgment and firmness
with which our Government has acted at a most unfore-
seen and difficult juncture.
The Standard points out that to decide the question
of the Black Sea, to modify the stipulations of the
Treaty of Paris without the concurrence of Franco,
or at least without ,+ France being properly repre-
sented in the Conference or Congress, may
appear quite correct to Russia and to Prussia,
but can never he agreed to by England. The
Treaty of 1856 is a contract which terminated a
war waged by France and England for a common, and, it
may fairly be said, for a most unselfish purpose, and in a
general European interest. It contains the guarantees by
which England and France believed or hoped they had
permanently secured what they had achieved at such
enormous sacrifices. It may be that the Allies
imposed harsh and intolerable terms upon Russia—
terms which humiliated and humiliate her without
really aXvantaging Turkey. We do not think it ; the
question is, however, one which may fairly be raised by
Russia, but must only be raised when France can consult
with England; and England, France, and Austria, who
imposed the treaty, can agree together as to the ex.
pediency of the modification or annulment of any of its
provisions. England cannot assent to any alteration
of tl* Treaty of 1856, until her ally France
is free to form and express an opinion upon
the question. England might, indeed, then take
a different course to France. The two nations
might look at the question from very different stand-
points, But until France can declare her wishes and in-
tentions, England is bound, not only in generosity and
honour, but by the strongest interests, to refuse to assent
to any alteration of a contract of which the circumstances
'make her a trustee of France. The Russian Government
thinks it is all over with France, and that is the reason
Prince Gortacbakoff made the announcement Count Bis-
marck eanderal e as premature.