The Sun.
London, England, 1846-07-29 00:00:00

StIN, LONDON, *PDNESDAY
_EVIINING, JULY 201 1846,

!Ile
wished to correct a mistaito which the lion.
atterWhi Borthwick )ha ,l fallen into with regard to the.
heßho, came frony 11en.gel. There was not one sieve in
%se of Bengal 'feltern&in' to make; the courts
sh,rtfi°,hl,t() w•ne'r'e awould her readily received ;
.and
state '.nat the admission of slave-grown sugar into
it,‘"istetstitr;
. not have the smallest effect in giving an
kbjel.`" slavery in the •colonie's. He was
.s,..rry that the
Nest 'Ltd was not in his place to her his opinion upon that
ee-ti" he felt sure that the Noble Lord spoke from a sinte re
("keit:Ye that the proposed policy would have the effect o. in-
-4(1:,e elle slave trade. Sir F. Buxton said, all the exertions they
-4de to put down •th slave-trade, on the coast of Africa,
circled ton
failed,i" had ande
had only aggravated the evil, which
Sighed was on that account, therefore, he (Mr. flume)
teltied for the as
of the squadron of twenty-eight ships
let quarter, helieviug, as he did, that that was an uge-,
Its No!,:asteful expenditure. The question was asked by
ewtr Lord, did they despair, then, of putting an end.
do
saHied (Air. Hume) replied that they did not, proyieie
tsh t, It the necessary steps were taken for that purpose.
was, let Cuba and Braz 1 continue to bring their
Africa for it was shown that that could not befrer
ifs°. , but let the West ind'a planters be pernai•ted to -o.so
4ttilerrind," soon as the .slaves landed upon the British colonies
Ith " declared freemen.—(Laughter.) In the early pats ,
tooee.Present session he moved for a number of orders. of
teti tel lye to the admission of free labour to the colonic.,
1%444.'4' orders had actually prevented the admissio.n (1
ttPtte The effect of these orders was just the same as if an
ft ea's Prohibition had been made for the exclusion of labour.
LiistihlPlY within the last ei•hteen months that any relaxa-
-7,Rlz; tal,Leo place in these orders ; and if they had occurred
-"ich ineY Would not now have to regret the consequences
%,% tilled from the want of sufficient labour. There was
411 Y, ne' Rho ho need. the. evidence of Mr. Deacon Hume care-
bee4"o could fail to see that the colonies were not in a
kite condition and that if the colonies had free trade them..
lect io't; the
had nothing to fear from the withdrawal of pro-
'Se e% they would in that case be able to compete with
isteee""'d. Air, Hume, in stating those opinions, de-
ll'''.'la' • and yet he
sthe erY as much as any man,
et ;, British people and the British Legislature
they ; would be prejudicial to the interests of the colonies if
Zisthe,"l,d all protection at once, without enabling the
Proeure an adequate supply of customers. A Noble
ee said that the slave-trade had been suppressed by the
Ihnftgrhgtnt,!heY had coa.ting fr Africa. He (Nir. Hume)
:eery sh. oat that assertion was not correct, for if they sbent,
ltd there which France anti England could spare, t
Slsstee°t PUt down the slave-trade. The remedy he sug-
t„ tor_ his state of things was to. allow the West India.
tvh;•;" 'fleet the Cuba and Brazil slave-master in Africa,
'on e e l rchase d the neroes as slaves, let
Isces7 I:9lYth thematter Pe
as irneemen. As long as there was the ithm-
e
nee Pr°Ft connected with the trade, which it was well
:feed atelltied it, all their efforts for its suppression
',.111..4
vailing. He thought they should act
P:olijePle in this as well as in everything
(nit in practice the remedy he suggested.
ti'tdo.!-Llt Hon Baronet was of opinion that nothing would
titer and cry • belt free labour, why did they not get free
`llPut slavery down? Let them withdraw their fleets
670001,re used to put down the practice. Their fleets cost
they Ler annum let ti-em expend one-half of that sum,
;; weeld succeed in destroying slavery altogether. He
el'Aitse44)lls to gee the eeetion- settled once for all—he was
to see the ople rrielieved from the annual annoyance
lelslatibate, and on that ground he would give his support to
tie oCh'e Lord on the question before the House.. Many peo-
14'serert "PPose that he was not willing to relieve the con-
the timem the tax on sugar • on the contrary, he hoped to re
ettt,itll9hhea they would have' a duty of 10s. per cent.,whrieeh.
~,sction the quantities that would be consumed under the
'the },'• nold amply repay the sacrifice which had been made
igoer tie tr
rate of duty.
i• R• REID said, that the circumstances in which
hf.11(1""les were place,: and the state of affairs at home
render this measure, if it were carried, one of complete
e~hT▪ hat verY day he knew that the first effects of the pro-
se'?;etasures vvere felt, for in consequence of the turn which
as4l4 4
gh e • pe::
octa rir at
rhhl ecit but
eitraeldades% eve: nnit:egni
eadt the meeting of some of the
to stop with the colonies, the fiat
the cultivation of some of the estates.
by those connected with the trade was
:"_Psfsay, and unless that were td to them it would be
17, for them to attempt to cultivate their estates in corn-
toit.LL_Tlttwith those on which su. r could be grown, and ad.
ilett 1 to this country at a cheagper rate.
*refit', BERNAL wished that -the question could be dee
Isee'lleLY settled. He did not care fur the period which was
ht N., for an assurance that the question was to be finally put
IVe 'iwas all that ':.as required, and he thought that every
4,0,e;0e,- Ludfan cou.',d accommodate himself to the circler/1-
910 -e a.%lfiel-, must ensue under the new revolutions.
slts'tiv erbacloes had a large population with labour corn-f
!_ittet,'Y plentiful, Jamaica possessed an immense tract
:St 4tin a very limited population in proportion. to its ex
te"tt • tances of the West Indian Islands
ilittleetlietZtf:rtebedmlfeferc.'Trnehtu,inisansd different measures of relief should
must be done in whatever was pro-
v(Vtie.ake those islands meet the altered circumstances
le
-;the would now be placed. With regard to the
telhi,h'eNkf_i?eflYbeenfound that they were not so good labourers
41111. rieans. The former had certain religious notions
:kr everded them from taking such food as was necessary
l'eZetesPhYsisial exertions; while the Africans had no such
te the te, as these. Looking at all the circumstances
' tit '"'ts they, resut look to the coast of Africa
e s •
se uPPIy of labour ; and while they sought ' for
rhithPply
tiefrom that quarter, he quite agreed that
t(14.4 of is should be placed at various points on the
Is ire L Africa to see that nothing but fair measures
lol,s4l4lClerli.‘ to induce labourers to go to the West India
I,oW4',ll„l°ln, in carrying out this arrangement oft wfreeree
thistt.oott: submitted that twelve months' engagements
an _
-1•4 thelle thought the 'time ought to be
,esX d d
tio 4this tittle Lord at the head of the Government_wutouilnd
4,Yieftokat into his most serious consideration. But
h 4t the doctrine of free trade in relatior! te the West
.e trusted 't Id not be done in a one-sided manner,
.tt wouldot be carriedw(m out to the fullest extent. While
leiNiero.7 wa! to enter into competition with the produce
Cfel,l4,..%_TUntries, he hoped that other produce of the West
ICLI the would be admitted into the marketsb of this coon-
Oeid:allie terms as the pr.oduce o t e British Islands.
f0,`41, to red the full application of free trade would lead
to:LIR -. Place We.st. India spirits on the same
ol'Otry. V 019 spirits of the distillers of this
';'11(111, It was a hard case that a duty of Ps. 4d. a gallon
lett ir Plated on West India rum, while the duty on Scotch
„454 "1,3 s 4.1 and that on Irish whiskey but 8. .
wa h ystem to be defended. The colonies
bl‘ll4,4:l,(lpaaraceeel ofatalie British empire, and if this measure
lain," to " .4e defied any one who advocated free tee.de doe-
d!:1/41.11:',1eintain intact such a difference in duty as that which
" stated outemust be prepared to meet all those
s• ties'
t •
o pe4.114 o carry
lithe, inir.tintcbil,slseeswobfnfrpeoesstersasededtlovtt
e extent. He ea
h; R rvrty to prepare for the change. They must meet it
eee tht:;"cd e 'it and by a reduction of price
the ser eonergy• and aetiv y,
leo Yeook wrnodities endeavour to extend their markets.
The tide of feeling was
h Etr.tl ,not avert the change.
by RLY set in in favour of free trade. for them to
4,,,1 opposition they could offer to arrest its progress.
W..Pee,follus stated his own views on the subject, to which he
11;41,411 called the attention of
.thosdenwwnho. ryepresented the
thanking the
obs:te forri.!nterest, and he.wbould sit
which it had listened to his
tpations.'ne patience with
1,11 hE' I)ENISON said, if any Member entertained a feel-
0/tilite to the' West Indian interests, the
.Hon. Gentle-
hat
L-lht 64) hod just satdown had done much to disarm
.him o
; and he hoped, for his own part, to avoid say-
-ung offensite. He would have been satisfied
,to ,have
1114:IIt tatehae„vo_te that he was to give in support of the
.Go%ern-
fr ititrodu'ereea on the speech made by his Noble Friend who
and the speech delivered by his Right Hon.
~ekelLeeettnelithe ChainCellorof theExehequer, but many points had
rre4 ill the course uf the debate, on which he wished to
• tneL4L, ,Inee •
bservatione He assured the lion. Member that
'ort-CLI never forget hat he had been one who gave his vote
!tisk,: emancipation t
of the slave ; an event which was the
air nut
i; great changes in this country.—( Hear,
lie.t , there was one thing which h
"teet`' 'Levee to forget and which he wished to press on the
;" (4 the House'. and it was this—to take care that this
(II ;41Lerit in the Mres't Indies should not prove a failure.—
) A feeling which was excited in him by a cond-
ttio'"94 of the interests of humanity, of the negro race, an
v-8 "uottY• As had been the case with free-trade, year
Ild'e„ar they had tried treaties and tariffs, yet, after all, they
torießnisters rising up and saying, that these treaties and
tem.' were vain and inefficient, and that the country must, by
the l'll.l the way, show through her example what the rest of
freenations ought to do. He said, then, what. was true as to
o tade, was true in free labour. There were two points
,011 which he should address his observations—first, to the
Afri.•, conduct pursued by this country on the coast of
the ; and second, to the course of conduct pursued towards
011` West India colonies of this country. Much had been sai3
h the •firat of.,these .during the present debate. The. Right
‘.°o • Baronet (Sir R. Peel) said last night, that he had
tiatiTed at this conclusion—that the best armour against
botVerY was the promodtion oaft.LeTn-latib,eouL.,6 That opinion was
1,
I,atea4lerwFit:neell rt 1 the
Buxton,
haapaPned it had been adviOcated in aby
the Noblew Lord at the head of the Government to the
11"oasury in 1839, In 1841, the Chancellor of the Exchequer
Nil the pr..sent means used to put down slavery rather
iltgegonravated it. The commissioners, in their report from Sierra
capture of vessels might have an effect on
t'heeet;res said that thebierofcapt ives, but still the slave trade was on the

increase. A return moved for by the Hon. Member for
Montrose, showed the expenses of the expedition in 1843,
• giving ships of all classes, 58; of 945 tons ; 8,454 men, at a
cost of 575,466/. ; and this sum would be increased by the
salaries of extra•officers engaged in the same object to about
600;0001. But all the expenses of the expedition would far
*zeeed this amount. Yet their efforts it was acknowledged
00 all hands were ineffectual, notwithstanding that they were
In'de at a great expenditure of money and health. In reference
10 the course pursued towards the possessions of this country
II the West Indies, he would just recall the attention of the
ttmse to the considerations taken up in a Committee which
than the West India Colonies. That Committee was of opinion
Itrthe materials for immigration from Africa into the West
les were considerable; that immigration would be of great
there to the negroes ; and, that under proper regulations,
114, Would be no danger of a revival of the slavery trpde.
110,Zught the West India interest had a right to come to that
leetsi demand every possible assistance for the 'supp.y of
fti,„%.our. Believing, as he did, that the efforts on the
Yearl: toast had been unsuccessful, he was not disposed this
Parks BUPport a vote of a certain amount, say 59,000/., for the
yQar-heeol prFztib7 *mmigrat ion to the West Indies, but next
Hl disposed to sanction such a curse.
vt:nf did notnig know v whether the opinion of the House
could with himo' in what he had said, but he
the Nfl,nt have any
hesitation in asking his Rivt Hon. Friend
rto t f9ulo Lo.'d at the head of the Government to give hi:
eoi:licel:eu.rable consideration to the question of supplying the
With a sufficiency of free labourers—( Hear, hear.)
House ARIES said he had not the good fortune to be in the..
Nan when the Prime Minister made the speech developing his
tons,uPon the important question then before the House, in
4,,,,ilicinetice of having been detained upon urgent business in
sad Place, but he had read the speechwith great interest,
generally, hut
• taqi.e
especially
to the conclusion that the public
affr-7Pecially those who were interested or moe immediately
std 11 this subject, were much indebted to the Noblaettle.ornrpdt,,
ganderhe great obligation to the Noble Lord, for thepermanent
making to place the sugar duties upor:'
tO2O ng, in Slave of having those annual discussionas which lead
intnteureehsti.ttf,ellrteaain,:y, and so seriously injured the
West
Aropotte,lTtlit.ed by 'the L) uord wtash e
theid
bneostt
ors carrying cut their free-trade principles.—( Hear,
at
ItiiiiantkctobueldPl bea‘
It eemed to him to be monstrous to continue a tax of
RugarPer
anal which was eual to pe lb., upon colonial
aud2 t
Is. per cwt. upoqn foreign sugar,r wl4ich was equal to
talkrer lb., and at the same time, and in the same breath,
cheep sugar for the Cries of "hear,
' qh4 He thotieht it was highly desirable that they should
`14,541,aus for zffording constant and increasing supplieii of
No, ers for the Colonies, as well as a c.sonstant and increasing
• $llll or suvr for the po thi country. ht, he gt •
keptil ' as a subject wepllulation worthyof thes en attention ofT Goavern-
. itoti, buWt it could not be attained so long as these high duties
tegrar nAte.nanced. If the colonies ought to be treated as in-
., .partsvhst V of the mother country, he wished to know with
Orn the . they could tax sugar, coming at a large expe?se
eat Indies, while they did not tax his corn, whlcit.
chaabolkad ? produos tho colonies he

111

contended ought to be admitted free of duty, but it was s -id
they wanted revenue. Well, they could get it from
the duty which they imposed on slave-grown sugar.
—(Hear, hear.) But if the Government would not
abolish the duty on colonial sugar, let them at all events
censiderably reduce it. He would reduce colonial sugar to
10s. err cwt. and foreign sugar to IVs. ; but the Chancellor of
the Exchequer said, considerations of revenue would not let
him do althoueh he admitted it to be just; while the Right
Hon. Barons t, the Member for Tamworth, said the state of
parties prevented his doing justice.— ( Hear, and laughter. )
What nonsense this was. Why could they not increase the
income tax, and throw the burden upon those who were able
to bear it, and not upon the hard-working and industrious
(-lasses of the country ?—(Che, rs. ) He would not say anything
about the wickedness and immorality of encouraging the
slave trade. but there could be no doubt that the Emanci-
nation Act had proved a complete failure. - (Hear, hear. )
The effect of it had been to ruin the colonies and to increase
the price of sugar in this country; to convert our formerly
active and industrious population into an extremely indolent
and lazy one, and to transfer a considerable portion of their
labour to the slave labourers of other countries. Before the
Fmaneipation Act was passed he took the liberty of saying
that would be its result, but the House at the time, being
under the dominion of the philanthropy of the country,
would not listen to his warning —(Hear, hear.) And no
wonder that the Emancipation Act had failed, considering
that since it had passed the Government of this country had
made nn exertions to carry nut the principle of the measure,
but on the contrary had rather thrown impediments in the
way of establishing a population of free labour in the colonies.
--(Hear, hear.) The consequence was, there had never been
a proper supply of labour for keeping the land in a state of
cultivation ; but still, if Government was determined
to admit foreignaugar into competition with colonial produce,
the least they could do. was to reduce the duty, and, therefore,
he begged to give notice that he should propose in Committee
that colonial sugar should be admitted at 10s. per cwt. and
foreign lunar at. 21s. —( Hear, hear. )
Mr. BARCLAY was for free trade in sugar as well as in
corn, but he blamed the Gentlemen who had been in office
since the passing of the Emancipation Act, for shutting nut the
colonies from obtainirg a supply of labourers from the conti-
nent of Africa --( Hear. hear.) The Emancipation Act had
succeeded morally, but it had faile economically, and he
thought some steps ought to be taken to remedy the latter
defect..—(Hear, hear.) He considered that the, mea
sure of the Government was calculated to settle
this question. He thought. theretore, that the Noble Lord at
the head of her Majesty's Government would not be doing jus-
tice to the interests of the country, if he did not take these
circumstances into consideration.—(Hear, hear.) He be-
lieved he would not he discharging his duties, if he did not
make these observations. He was no party to placing the pre-
sent Government in office, but in giving his vote against their
measures, he was not actuated by any party consideration
whatever, but solely from a desire to discharge, to tho best of
his abilities, the duties with which lie was entrusted.
Mr. DISRAELI said the Noble Lord who moved the
amendment to the motion that the Speaker do leave the
chair, proposed to himself to submit three points to
the consideration of the House. The first was, that
it was in the power of this country to find three
legitimate sources of that sugar that was necessary for its con-
sumption; the second, that her Majesty's Ministers, in the
calculations which they had made with respect to the revenue',
had furnished the House with very unsatisfactory prospects :
and the third, that, in adopting the resolutions which they had
brought forward, they should be sanctioning that traffic in
slaves which the House bad so often and so signally reprobated.
—(Hear, hear.) He had listened with great attention to the
sneech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer—a member of the
Cabinet who had risen for the purpose of giving an answer to
the speech of the Noble Lord the Mei- ber for Lynn. He had
not been inattentive to any of those addresses which had fol-
lowed the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, though
there might be some of those speeches remark-
able for peculiar characteristics and particular circumstances,
not bearing any relation to the subject immediately before the
House.—( Hear, bear.) Still, looking to those speeches which
hal failed to discuss the question with respect to the immediate
point before the House, following in the wake of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, he could find at that moment no feature, no
characteristic, which removed them from the description which
he thought imposeable upon the speech of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer itself. It appeared to him that to the first. pro-
position of the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer
had offered an assumption. It appeared to him that the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer had encountered the second pro-
position of the Noble Lord with an hypothesis,- and it
appeared to him that that Right Honourable Gentleman
had supposed that he could have vanquished the third
proposition of his (Mr. Disraeli's) Noble Friend with a
sophism.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he (Mr. Disraeli) was pre-
pared, if the House would permit him, to substantiate those
positions.—( Hear, hear.) Ttre Noble Lord the Member for
Lynn, in supporting his position that this country could be sup-
plied from legitimate sources with a sufficient and ample qiian-
tity of sugar for its consumption— the Noble Lord had offered
his estimates which, if they could trust his figures,
certainly proved the dogma which he laid down. Her
Majesty's Ministers had no confidence in that estimate. They
said at once that it was an assumption—the Chancellor of the
Exchequer called it an assum tion, but be entered into no
details, and offered no facts contrary to the estimate of the
Noble Lord. The assumption of the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer was that, the estimate of the Noble Lord was erroneous,
but it was a remarkable instance, that in proving that the esti-
mate of the Noble Lord"was erroneous, the first'efeat tire in the
demonstration was that the Noble Lord bad underrated a very
important item in that estimate. Her Majesty's Ministers
had admitted that the produce of the West Indian colonies was
256,000 tons. The Noble Lord had said that the produce of
those colonies was 115,000 tons. Well, therefore, as far as that
first point went,' It.would seem that the Noble Lord, however
erroneous 'he lrniglat be' in his estimates, had not been
inclined to over-estimate the produce of those different
quarters from which the-aggregate could be obtained. Her
Majesty's Ministers, who accused the Noble Lord of over-esti•
mating the tatfantities Which we might anticipate receiving, on
this the first item offered an 'estimate to the House exceed-
ing that which had been suggested by the Noble Lord. That
was at least the prinvi facia evidence as far as that item was
concerned. The Noble Lord had not indulged in any
very excessive calculations. If they approached the
second item of the Noble Lord—he meant with reference to
the Mauritius—he (Mr. Disraeli) believed that her Majesty's
Ministers, notwithstanding their statements, were inclined to
quarrel with the first estimate of the Noble Lord in supposing
that the Mauritius would supply this country with 50,000 tons
of sugar. The Noble Lord had corrected him by saying that
the number which he had mentioned was 58,000 tons. He
(Mr. Disraeli) thought that the Noble Lord in his speech
mentioned the figure 50,000 tons. He knew the Noble Lord had
documents in his possession which would have afforded
him an opportunity of offering a correct calculation. He (Mr.
Disraeli) himself had not those returns, but he bad that
morning placed in his hands a Mauritius paper, which was, he
believed. a journal of the most respectable character, and
which afforded an account of the crops of sugar which might
he expected during the present year. They said that
that crop might be counted upon as 60,000 tons.—( Hear,
hear.) Well, then, as far as the quantity that they might an-
ticipate receiving from our colonies—as far as the quantity
that they might receive from the Mauritius was concerned—
he thought that it was not in the power of her Majesty's Minis-
ters at all to substantiate their point against the Noble Lord
that he had exaggerated in his estimate. But the Chancellor
of the Exchequer raid, that with regard to the third point,
that the estimate of the Noble Lord had in-
deed astonished him, and that he could not li
for a moment believe that India would offer to
us the quantity which the Noble Lord had supposed that
they would yield, and for which he had given them credit in
his estimate. Now they found that in two portions of the esti-
mate, that in the one the Noble Lord had underrated the cal-
culation of the Government, and that in the other he had ex-
pected a sum less than that which he was induced to expect by
the documents in his possession, and less than that which was
confirmed by the authority to which he had referred. They
had a right to suppose tha tone so cautious in his estimate had
not at random, and without thought, and with recklessness,
offered to them any calculation which, at least, was not founded
upon data, and that he had not sought to influence the opinion
of that House by a statement on-which he had not paid great
thought and research.—( Hear, hear.) Now he (Mr. Dis-
raeli) begged the Chancellor of the Exchequer
(though he expressed great incredulity on the subject
of the estimate of Indian produce) to recollect that
not a single fact, not even an argument had been offered against
the statements of the Noble Lord. He (the Chancellor of the
Exchequer) had said that it was extremely astonishing ; and the
Honourable Baronet the Member for Beverley, who certainly
upon the sugar question should be a good authority—( Hear,
hear, and laughter)—and to whose opinions they always
listened with great respect—the Hon. Member for Beverley
occupied, as he tad told them, a most important position in
the home Government in India—had risen in his place to confirm
the unsupported assertion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Neither the Hon. Member the Chancellor of the Exchequer
nor the Hon. baronet the Member for Beverley,--who was the
chairman, be believed, of an association connected with the
Indian trade—notwithstanding they expressed their disbelief in
that assertion—neither of those gentlemen came forward to
offer a single argument, or adduce a single fact to
induceLtohe rd.—H(
toheard.ipeliNevnen, thine etsntiismantne o the
e case, with
regard to the production of sugar in India—from the
position taken by the Chancellorof the Exchequer, arid
t endorsedthe
consideration
greatand
which
ratified er
htdaandbeayet;hnetnef
been Htnoen . Member for Beverley, as
broughtquestion—there
befo rbefore
the was one
bitu
awshinchgriphaottdedientuoetnbe t
in
forming
inromat,.ehierm thatn moment, for
t cresting and important queitiong. It was Itheupnature is
and
quantity of the productions in India. The' Noble Lord had
brought forward a great deal of authentic intelligence to show
the amount of British capital now invested in India, and to
show them the energy and the quantity of the British capital
that had been distributed in the working of the es-
tates in India, and the considerable results that might
be anticipated from an encouragement of the investment of that
capital. But what he (Mr. Disraeli) wanted to bring before
the attention of the House was—for it was most important—that
the sugar in India was produced by two classes of persons.—
( :leer.) These were the British capitalists.—( Hear, hear.)
But they were told by a great authority that they needed no
protection; there was, however, a class of capitalists
who were producing sugar, who might refuse pro-
tection.—( Hear, and loud cheers ) But if they required
protect ion ; he would show the House that it was protection,
and that alone which would bring great results to their country
—the wealth of England, and not only commercial wealth, hut
political power.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Baronet, the
Member for Beverley, told the House that the sugar producers
of India required no protection.—(Hear, hear.) Another
Honourable Baronet, who was once a Member of that House,
called a public meeting of those interested in the sugar trade,
and they met at his counting house—( Hear, hear )—a
meeting that was never heard of—anti they passed
resolutions which nobody ever knew of.—( Hear, hear, and
laughter.) Wel', all that might be very true. It might be
very true that there might be sugar producers who were in
favour of the measures of her Majesty's Ministers. It might
be very true that, es the Hon. Baronet the Member for Beverley
said, the sugar producers had not a fair competition. The
tlh-1 oen. conditionßar ne tort he
In Memberwas
improved
nteedv
during
toldngt the
the
eiastliseiiovuey
etahtras,
although they bad not a fair competition. He (Mr. Disraeli)
thought it very possible that the condition of India might have
improved ; it could not have been worse than it was in 1841.
India was then bankrupt. It required but an event—an hour
—certainly but the transition of a post—to prevent her bank-
ruptcy; and nobody will deny this that is in the least con-
versant with Indian affairs. He could prove it from documents
which he had in his hand at that moment, written by those
whose name', if he mentioned them, would be of weight and
authority with that House. He-did not wish to enter further
into the subject, but he was prepared-to. prove it, shouliieth
House'demand it. Well, India was impg. thoughroyecl,enid a
he letter
wouldodoubt,bin notbs
but at
that time it co3usldenxocteehdaivnealyin in
been
tweroersste. He h
btrartilutbilwe .the w
e .House by reading it, but it was written by -a
gentleman in India second to none in importance_, in ietelli-
gence, and patriotism ; and he observes that " such is the con.
aeqts.ence of our commercial system there, that tha country
oo poise to govern, for they had reduced the
country
b e ctno
peaut;rism. It is not an insurrection or a con.
• spiracy that you have to fear, but youbeg will never er
Hear,b e able to
h a uvenne from a nation of hear.)
se "your establishilent must fall, and before five years are past, you
ell wall lose India."—( Hear, hear'.) Then they wore told that
glade SW* of yeti me toproved. pit to would 44 the
• .

what. circumstance had mainly improved the condition of India?
He would prove to hem that the principle circumstance which
had improved the state of India wis the very alteration in the
sugar duties, the principle of which they were then called upon
to condemn—(Cries of ‘• Name, Name.") He did not think he
ought to do so—( Hear, hear)—but he would tell the Hon.
(Jen lsmae in private if he chose. But if the lion. Gen-
tleman wrote linn a letter of confidence, which it was probable
he might do so some day or another—(Laughter)—he might
not like his name to be mentio, ed, but he would read a letter
written by a firm known to be of the highest respectability; he
need only mention that of Ailwin and Company, to procure it
attention. In the circular issued by that house it was
stated that the alteration in the laws respecting
sugar, had opened to British merchants boundless markets for
the distribution of their manufactures—among the lower
classes of the Hindoos, many of ,whom, so far from wearing, had
never seen a piece of cotton cloth in their lives. The firm
further stated, that when they had formerly proposed these
alterations, and hinted at the advantages which would accrue
from them, they were treated as visionaries, and that the effect
upon Manchester would be enormous. They further show,
among the poorer classes in India, that in the years 1837 and
1838 the total number of pieces that were sold of cloth were
190,000, while in the years of 1843 and 1844, years consequent
to the alteration, the number of pieces amounted to 2,500,000,
and that in the same years of 1837 and 38, among the richer
classes, the amount of scarfs and•book muslins amounted to
1,00,000 of pieces, while in the years of 1843 and 44 -the
increase was only 3 0,000. However, no person could he sur-
prised at the result who was acquainted with India. And this
was the result of a system which they were now rudely—
( Hear, hear)—called upon to alter at the end of the session, as
if it were only a part of a commercial tariff.—( Hear, hear. )
Nor could they be surprised, for they should bear in mind that
the cultivation of sugar was the only thing which was left un-
restricted.. Everything else was the subject of3a monopoly,
whether it was rice, maize, or indigo. The poor Hindoo was
the slave of a Zemindar. This was the only privilege which
the poor of the country enjoyed, who could produce it in henna-
less quantities, and it was this class of cultivators which had
given to them so vast a number of tons of sugar. The English
capitalist produced about 20,000 tons of this amount, but the
surplus was the produce of a people who had no Otaheitan
cane—who had no vacuum, pan—who had no steam-engine.
These were the people who seat them the sugar, and who
offered them such a boundless market for their cotton manufac-
tures and Manch, ster goods. It was their duty to support
their interest, for they offered to them a market greater
than that which they would find in any of their
colonies in the world.—(Hear, hear.) They had to
deal with one hundred or one hundred and forty
millions of people. And if every native in India would buy
a turban, it would amount to mote than all your foreign trade
put together.—(Hear, hear.) W0,0;,0,000 of ten shillings
would return you 50,0)0,0 0!. a year, and that from India,
which they had always so ill-treated, and which, for the first
time, they had benefited by that very alteration which they
were now called upon virtually to terminate. Well, then,
when he saw what British capital could produce in the valley
of The Ganges—when he saw that the equalisation of duties
between East and West India sugars had produced effects which
had been never dreamed of—when he saw that consignments of
sugar had come from places which the most experienced mer-
chants bad never dreamed that sugar was produced, and when
he read in letters that in the valley of the Ganges there
was an increase of thirty per cent. over a superficies
of 714,000 acres, *could be doubt that the production of Bengal
should proceed at a less ratio than that from Madras? the
more especially when they remembered that there were two
classes of producers, the English capitalist and the native
ryot, stimulated by the markets which they offered to there ;
or could he come to any ether conclusion than that his Noble
Friend had formed his calculation in the most moderate man-
ner ? And he considered that he had a right to say that the
first position of his Noble Friend has been met only by an as-
sumption, and a sceptical assumption. And he thought that
ne could show that the same was the case with regard to the
second point, and the Chancellor had not only given up his
sceptical assumption, but had taken refuge in a credulous
hypothesis. The Noble Lord showed that under no
cu cumstances could there be an increase above
400,000 tons. The Chancellor, more oratorical than Chan-
cellors generally are, and forgetting that the total of the
first Lord of the Treasury's estimate of free labour
sugar was 15,000 tons, made it 20,000;' but what
matters it 'when he made the result the same?
Vbe Noble Lord the Member for Lynn had not only shown the
House and the people of England the legitimate sources from
which this country could be supplied with sugar, and the in-
consistencies of the estimates which had been made with respect
to the amount of the supplies and of the revenue, but he
offered to the House a resolution which had been concurred in
by his friends, that if the resolutions of the Government were
adopted, a great and powerful stimulus would be given to the
slave trade. Often as the subject had been discussed in the
House of Commons, many as the years were that elapsed since
it was first brought before them, under no circumstances and at
no time was this question met and brought forward in a man-
ner so remarkably discreet. When they remembered the
Ministers who were engaged in this great question—when

they recollected the public men who were callea into existence
by it, and who would never have been public men if they had
riot joined in that public cry—it was remarkable the tone in
which it was now discussed. It might be asked then, were
the Ministers of the Crown, and those who gave their sanction
to the measures brought forward by Government, the sup.
porters of slavery. Oh, no ; no one was the supporter of
slavery ; but they were called upon to suppose that the
evilseofehe system could not be' remedied, and 'that though
morally wrong they were fiscally inevitable. The Noble Lord
the First Minister of the Crown, had taken up a safe posit ion
on that subject. The Noble Lord could not forget the party
whom he represented—he was the leader of the Whigs,
who had caused the abolition of slavery. He had a noble spirit
and could not forget the noble heritage to which he had sue-
eeeded. The Noble Lord accordingly told them that he de-
precated the accursed traffic. The Noble Lord would say
t• you cannot deny that the slave trade exists ; that notwith-
standing all the efforts which have be en made for its suppres-
sion, it still continues with undiminished vigour ; that it has
baffled all the exertions we have made to put it down, and this
I put before you, that notwithstanding all the efforts which
have been made, notwithstanding all the squadrons that have
been equipped, note ithstanding all the subscription lists that
have been swollen, and all the emotions and ardent aspirations
that have been excited in the public mind, this is result, that
what you have done is neither effective nor complete."
If what England had done failed in effect and completeness,
he could not take exception to the leader of a Whig Ministry
coming down and telling them that such a result had followed
their exertions. But let them see if that position was just.
I he Noble Lord said that commerce had baffled all their phi-
lanthropy, and all their exertions must fall before its require-
ments. That was all the Noble Lord said to show them that
English efforts had failed to put down this system. The Noble
Lord said that the emergencies of commerce baffled their en-
deavours. He (Mr. Disraeli) remembered that a gentleman,
who was no longer a Minister, told them one time that England
had become a great commercial nation. That was a dis-
covery very like what he would call a mare's nest.
liut he would ask the Noble Lord, was there a difference now
,n the character of British commerce? If there was a change
with regard to commerce, it was less adventurous, and partook
more of a transaction now. If there was a change, it was more
adventurous 40 years ago than it was at present. A cargo had
then to roam about to different ports to find a customer, but it
was now a regular consignment in the ordinary course of trade,
from one merchant to another. If the argument, however, be
good for anything, it showed little for the foresight of the
Noble Lord, and all those who were engaged in that great ques-
tion, not to have known this result; and they bad no right to
join in that public cry, and not be acquainted with the infallible
and inevitable political consequences of the measure.—( Hear,
hear.) He did not mean to impugn the motives or the inte-
grity of those who had passed that measure, but what he said
was, that it did not tell for their foresight not to have seen the
consequea cies of it, and if they did foresee them it was a stigma
upon their ingeniousness not to have tried to avert them. But the
Noble Lord said that their exertions were wanting not only in
effect, but completeness. He said that the whole people of
England were consuming produce of another kind, also slave
labour, while such an outcry was made about the admission of
slave.grown sugar. He (Mr. Disraeli) asked the Noble Lord,
woen Wilberforce addressed the large public assemblies in the
northern districts of England—when his burning words
touched the heart of this great nation—when the horrors of
this accursed traffic were first revealed—he asked the Noble
Lord were not the fabrics then made in the manufacturing
districts fed with cotton the produce of slave labour?
He asked what statesmen—statesmen with all the instinct of
aristocracy could do? He asked what did they mean to
do ? He eared not to what party they belonged, would they
address the populous assemblies of the agitated people of the
country, who expressed in their own uncultivated manner the
right convictions of an unlettered people? He asked whether
at a former time they did not smoke, and snuff, and chew, and
bad done for a period of 200 years, tobacco the produce of
the slave-trade? They knew that in the end that destroyed
their case, but were they to believe that the people of England
were not conscious of this ? Could they believe that these
great statesmen were not coneeiou.s.of all this ?, Of course they
were—and they now owned the circumstance. They said
that they must move themselves, and put an end to that
abomination. Could they continually shut their eyes to that
abomination? They could control the people of England, and
stop the conduct of such a system. The circumstances to
which the Noble Lord referred were the means by which he
built his arguments against any opposition. He denied the
supposition of the Noble Lord, and would tell him that if he
would not argue it abstracteely or concretely he should argue
it upon the circumstances, and he would find that because a
man was obliged to wink at certain evils he
was not obliged to commit greater ones. Whether the suppo-
sition was taken abstractedly or concretely, the Noble Lord could
not escape the inevitable result. The Noble Lord had spoken
of the opinion of the people of England. What good would it
be 'for the people of England to read Jeremy Taylor, and com-
pare him with Cicero, to ascertain what were the greatest
hardships of the land? If the Noble Lord could not find any
means to extricate himself from any opposition, what means
could he find to relieve himself from the consequences of this
measure. It seemed to him that the answer which was made
to his Noble Friend, on the third position of his argument,
was a fallacious and flashy sophism. It might carry with it
the majority, but it could not convince them.—(Hear,
hear.) They might give them words, which they might
report to their constituency, who might in their turn
recoil with nausea from such phrases. Such men
followed Wilberforce, and -encouraged the slave-grown cotton
and tobacco. The Noble Lord would deny that their measures
gave a stimulus to the slave trade in any way which had been
adverted to. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of
the Exchequer had informed the House officially and authori-
tatively that in Cuba at this moment, or very recently, such
was the state of slave society that there was a general die-
content in the place, and that they were near to an insurree-
rection. Their answer to that was, that if there was a dis-
position in Cuba to put an end to slavery why did they resort
to a measure which not even possibly could injure the slave
trade, and excuse it on the ground of a great commercial
consideration. Before all this commerce was brought on with
the Brazils, the subject was brought under the notice of the
House of Commons. When he said the House of Commons, he
did not mean the ordinary use of the phrase referring to
that House, because he spoke of another House of Commons, of
which he had had the honour to be a member, when the
question of the Brazils trade was first brought forward.
He remembered when Gentlemen who should be new
sitting on the Treasury bench, brought forward motions
on the subject of the Brazils treats of commerce. It
was astonishing what silence prevailed in that House when
the Hon. Gentlemen spoke of the treaty of commerce
The trade was then 5 millions ; and row it was 2i it
was spoken of as a commerce of considerable consequence
Regarding commercial and financial matters, such was the
position of the Brazilian empire. Well, then, take the West
Indies, which no one seemed to defend ; take the island which
had been so pictu-esquely described by the Hon. Member for
Weymouth (Mr. Bernal), but which the adoption of these reso-
lutions would paralyse, and he asked them to contrast it with
the Brazils. Why the trade of that island at the present mo-
ment greatly exceeded all the trade of the former country.—
( Hear, hear.) If you take an enlarged view of the colonial
capabilities and the colonial resources, who fs r a moment can
doubt but that this very island could easily double the whole of
our commercial transactions with the Brazils. What was the
trade of Bre zils or of Cnba—what all the commerce of Porte-
eieo—compared with this single colony ?—(Cries of " Hear,
hear)—and they would not be acting as men of honour
—they would not be acting as men of sense—they
would not be acting as men of faith, if they allowed such a
vrinciple .as the Noble -Lord, the member for the City of
. Irolltigas to be teathliohed...{lLeg, hear.) Z01b44.1)9411 t 914


they were hitherto moving in a vicious ci:cle. He agreed in
that. lie felt that the colonies and England were placed
within a vicious circle ; hut he thought it would be desirable
if it were so, when a Minister of the Crown (he cared not
whether he acted from primal convic' ion or recent conversion—
( Hear, Ivar)—or on which side he sat) when a Minister of
the Crown thought it desirable to propose a law which sub-
jected many to dismay and alarm, that he should furnish some
detailed considerations why the measure should be supp trted—
that he should c.mdescend to give some arguments —he ( Mr.
Disraeli) would say facts—why the House should adopt the
charge.-- ( Hear, hear.) When they were so lately told
that they were moving in a vicious circle,
it would have been consolatory, and extremely interesting and
advantageous, if the Noble Lord had given some proofs of the
benefits that would flow 1..0m the adoption of his measure—
that he should give some idea of this perfect system of com-
merce. lie should be glad to see a Minister of the Crown
who was in office, or a Minister who was not, pretend to en-
lighten them on this point.—( Hear, hear.) No one could
be insensible to the secret influences that had been in
operation to bring about the new commercial features of the
country, or that they had :tem brought about by unknown and
irresponsible persons. He would say nothing disrespectful of
one man, whom he knew and respected—Mr. Deacon Hume.
All he would say was, that before the report appeared of the
Import-duty Committee, or evidence given upon it, he told
him (Mr. Disraeli) that year after year he had, in established
and respectabie periodicals, given all the evidence which had
been then adduced. But the fact was, Ministers never
read, and they had to he converted by Parliamentary
Committees. But lie would refer to another of their private
influences—a respectabie gentleman, and he (,Mr. Disraeli)
only referred to him to show the influence of his opinions
on the Noble Lord (the First Lord of the Treasury.) The
Noble Lord had told them that uncertainty was fatal to the
inter ests of the West Indian colonies, and in support of his case
he referred to the opinions of men of experience—io Mr.
M'Culloch and others. Would it not have been better in the
Noble Lord, who he believed was incapal. le of saying
anything injmious—would it not have been better
at. the same time that he cited the opinion
of Mr. M-Culoch on the question of sugar, that he had
told the House that Mr. M'Culloch was an honest and undis-
guised advocate of slavery as an institution.—( Hear, hear. )
Ir. the very page of the work which had been referred to by the
Noble Lord, Mr. fil‘Culloch laid it down that there was no
greater delusion thanthe objection entertained to negro slavery,
and that it was an institution that worked well in society—
that the soil of the tropics would never have been
cultivated without the application of slave labour. This the
Noble Lord had not referred to, yet those were the opinions of
a man whom the Government which had just given up office
had recommended as a fit object of royal consideration, and to,
whom a pension had been granted.--( Hear, hear.) But what
could the public think of this when they knew these to be the
sentiments of the man. The Hon. Member for Bolton, who
was learned in all languages, would know a Turkish
proverb he was about to quote; it was " Fortunate
is the man who has a peach that is sunned on both
sides." Mr. M'Culloch was in this position, for
though he was a supporter of slavery, his phrases were dexte-
rously used by Ministers on both sides of the House.—( Hear,
hear.) The real question, therefore, was M'Culloch against
Clarkson, for, though the Noble Lord had plentifully supplied
himself with arguments from that gentleman's writing,, he
had carefully kept his anti-slavery tendency in the rear; no
one was left, to suppose that he was an advocate
of the institution of slavery.—(Cries of " Hear, hear. )
There was another gentleman connected with the Board of
Trade who had favoured them with his opinion—( Hear, hear)

—a gentleman who preached peace and good-will to all men,
and that was his principal argument for the achievements of
free, trade. That gentleman could listen to nothing that com-
promised principle. That was his answer to all their (the pro-
tectionists') statements—to all their reasons. There was
another individual, a pedant who put up for a philosopher, who,
at the eve of a great revolution, said, also, "Perish the
world rather than compromise a principle;" yet, ere
twelve months passed, with all his sef-complacent
glory, he committed suicide, in despair of the fate
of the human lace and his own destinies.—( Hear, hear. )
In these circumstances he (Mr. Disraeli) was bound to say
that he could not agree with the Noble Lord, that those
colonies were prtof a vicious system. He said he did not
oppose the Ministers on account of ther being antagonistic to
any previous arrangement as to slavery, but because he felt
this was an act of hostility to a fragment, if such it might be
called, of the colonial system of England.—( Hear, hear, and
cheers.) That was for the moment an old fashioned notion, but
he was of the belie! th, t they would yet be furbished up by the
national feeling. It was a fragment of a system, though they
had been tampering with that system—though they had de-
prived it of its greatest advantages—though they had been
following an ignis
.fatuns, with so fatal a result,—still it was a
fragment which he believed they would have ere long to re-
build—a structure which they had destroyed.—( Hear, hear.)
And to retrace the steps which they had heedlessly pursued.—
( Hea., and cheers.) He (Mr. Disraeli) said so for two
reasons, not merely because he believed their policy to be
wrong—though that was no sufficient reason, for all men
were liable to err; but he had learned from the
history of this country that its characteristic was
that it would retrace its steps ; not that it was less noto-
rious in injustice, but that the people being sooner sensible re.
traced their steps. The history of England was a history of re-
action. Why, he asked, what was it they had done on which
they had not retraced their steps? They had destroyed their
national church and they retraced their steps—they destroyed
their monarchy and they retraced-their steps—they destroyed
the House of Lords and they were now daily taking up Bills
for their sanction. They even destroyed the House of Com-
mons, yet here they were assembled to discuss a great
question. Why, not more than 100 years ago, when
they chose to effect one of the greatest revolutions in the
world, they were warned against the course pursued by Sir
Robert Walpole ; they were warned by the most gifted of
writers, by the most eloquent of advocates, that indirect taxa-
tion would be a bane to the people. But now, not a man rose
who did not advocate direct taxation, offering them proof
that Sir William Wyndham was right, and Lord Bolingbroke
a safe guide. Why, he contrasted what was now going on
with the abolition of slavery. The Minister of the Crown
came forward and put an end to one of the greatest
struggles on which the people had entered. Having abolished
slavery, their efforts were directed'against the slave trade at an
expenditure of 50,000,000/. He asked how, when they were
on their way to the hustings, they would propose to explain
this? Fifty millions, the people would say, and all for a fai-
lure ! England would retrace her steps towards establishing
her industry, which, if destroyed, was destroyed rashly ; but
if it was an error, this, at least, could be said that the peo-
ple had no participation in it. They did not send them to
destroy the colonial system ; to them remained all the
glory, and they cculd not experience the shame. And
here he would have stopped, and would not have troubled the
House at any further length, but for a speech which had been
delivered in the House last night. They had heard last night
a funeral oration delivered over the abolition cause by the
Noble Member for Liverpool. He thought that if the subject
was not choice, the oration was choice.—(Laughter.) When
he remembered another speech that was made by the Member
for Liverpool on the same subject, at a period not very remote.
he was the last person whom he would have expected
to make such a criticism on the motion of the
Noble Member for Lynn.—(Hear, hear.) But that motion
had not the potential parenthesis which the Noble Lord had
inserted in his speech. He knew no., and he would not pre-'
sume to say, which speech—that of 1841 or that of last night
—was the opinion of the Noble Member. But it was, perhaps,
an apt conclusion to the session, to see the Noble Member on
a hogshead of sugar in a white sheet, and holding the taper of
penitence in his hand, crying out " Peccani."—(Great
laughter.) He remembered that the Noble Lord at his elec-
tion carried a wooden bible before him—perhaps the speech of
last night was the wooden bible speech.—(Great laughter.)
No one understood the West India question better than the
Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, and well he
might tell them that any system of emigration would not be at-
tended with successs, unless it was accompanied with a suffi-
cient quantity of females,—( Hear, hear.) But great was the
mortification of himself and the friends around him to find
the Right Hon. Baronet's speech terminate with a resolution
that was fatal to all its arguments.—(Hear, hear.) But he
must say, that the reason which was given for that resolu-
tion was less ingenious and more surprising than many of the
arguments which they had heard from the Right Hon.
Baronet. (Hear, hear.) It would seem that the
Right Honourable Baronet was induced to come to
that decision upon a consideration of the question of who
should sit on the treasury bench. He said a few minutess since,
that if they went to the hustings, the people of. England upon
being told that fifty millions of their treasure had been
promoting a delusion, might perchance, have something to say
as to the usefulness of the Parliament of England, but when
they were told it was a question not only of fifty millions, but it
might be of five hundred millions of countless treasures—ol
principles which they had prized beyond all treasure—they
might perhaps be disposed to rebel against the conviction of
the Right Hon. Baronet. When they heard that it was
for the sake of party convenience, and settling who should be
Prime Minister. of Eng,latol„ they might be almost
induced to say farewell to the Parliament of Eng-
land. The Right Honourable Baronet indeed told
them that he could not, under the circumstances of, the
case, act other wise than he did. He said he could not see how
another Government was to be formed, but he (Mr. Disraeli)
thought of late Honourable Members had became rather inde-
corous in always supposing that the Government of the
country was selected, not by a high authority, but by the
House itself.— (Hear, hear.) But this he could tell the Right
Hon. Baronet that, in his mind, his forte lay not so much in
forming a Government as in destroying one.—( Hear, hear, and
laughter.) These were the views which had in-
fluenced him and his friends around him in re-
sisting the resolution of the Government. He was
glad to believe that there was not a Member of the. Govern-
ment, that there was not a Member-of that House, who could
suppose that in the course they had taken they had been
influenced by any illegitimate or sinister feeling.--( Hear, hear.)
He candidly confessed, as regarded. the,Government themselves;
reconciling the circumstances under which they acceded to
office, to power, remembering himself as a Member of the
majority which paced them upon the Treasury bench, that he
ought to take upon himself some of the responsibility which
attached to them, but he could not see that there was any
motives in the course they
the West India body upon
India body did not support them
other course open to them to adopt.—(Hear, hear..) But it
was a satisfaction to know that neither the Governm,nt nor
any
of the Right Hon. Baronet
Member of the House could suppose that they had been
bpi actuatednraidnthe(taken.tiprinciple,
o,b
u taoi
nhyune
gfeyahecdhtt iahoadeun sdw ero,
nst
supportede ltlfihnsedah
dayd w e
ol
if
r
f
lawcic:rn„ssiiestthsih7,4anmtt'hat had he remained in office
might, for they
judgment.—( Hear,
the system of protection had
hear.) They had clung to the hope that they might still
agmal they
hthaed maintainmember
memorabletheiri
feor formerwas
s
'they might have been saved for another year.—( Hear, hear. )
He was not sorry that the catastrophe was consummated in
hear.) But he did not see why
this way.
been put an end to under the circumstances which at present
existed.—( Hear, hear.) He was glad that it had been put
an end to by a protective Parliament, who had passed a re-
solution pledging the Commons of England to support the
the opposition of the Bight Hon. Baronet should have in-
duced the Noble Lord to abandon office, because the Noble Lord
colonial interest.—(Hear.
might have pursued the course of the Right Hon. Baronet in
some few yea's hack, under similar circumstances; indeed upon
the very subject of sugar. He might have said he was defeated
on a question which was not fatal, and therefore it was not ne-
cessary for him to resign.—( Hear, hear.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said—Sir, in rising towards the
close of this debate, to address some observations to the House,
I must in the first place most willingly declare, that my Noble
Friend, whether in the motion that he has made, or in the
speech with which he accompanied it, has not said or proposed
anything which he was not perfectly justified in doing.—(Hear,
hear.) The Noble Lord, no doubt believing in the. truth of his
own principles, has declared himself in opposition to the plans
of the Government, and asked the House, in a preliminary
resolution, to declare its opinion with respect to
the colonies; but, Sir, the resolution does not simply
confine itself to the principles of the Noble Lord. I think it
goes far beyond that, in fact proceeds.. to a condemnation of the
immediate= plan before the House.
_J could have understood
my Noble F 1 iend had he said at this late period of the session
it is impossible to alter the whole system of our sugar duties
without considering other questions which are involved in
them, and we, therefore must vote against the adoption of the
plan before us, and we shall be ready at the commencement of
another session to take this plan, or any other plan Government
may in the mean time mature for considerrtion—(Hear,
otese.) I could welludaltad tat omit ludit.box takaa

Taken by the Noble Lord, and it might bate beeri stippofted by
the majority of the House, and Government might still have
thought themselves justified in eontiati, g in efffice—( Hear,
hear)—for the course which my Noble Friend his taken is
widely different to this. It declares in the first place that the
aolo rence of this Home was pledged to principles of
a particular commercial policy. It declares in the
next, place that the plan before the House is calculated to give
stimulus to the slave trade, and altogether condemns, upon
these two allegation., the whole plan that has been submitted
to the consideration of this House.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, I will
endeavour, in the first place, to touch upon a few of those
tolice to which my Noble Friend, as well as the Honourable
and Learned Member who has just sat down, have adverted,
and I will then ask the Houss to consider what
may be the effect of the adoption r.f the resolution
of the Nob'e Lord. Sir, soy Noble Friend commenced
with a statement as to the production of the colonies,
and went into a calculation of the sugars to be expected
this year, but I am not going at present to follow him with
regard to any calculation as to the amount of sugar that may
be introduced into this country from India during the present
year. I cannot, however, but say that the principle upon which
my Noble Friend proceeds is, that you should endeavour to
create a necessity in India for the production of sugar, by
establishing actually high prices for that sugar than it would
otherwise obtain if you did not by law give them. Nowa•Sir, a
worse instance for the adoption of a protective policy
I could not well conceive. I can well understand with respect.
to corn, or with respect to any production that has been long
favoured by law, that any Ministry may say, this system it is
difficult to tax, because there is a great portion of Our popula-
tion whose interests are included in the protection of this
article.—(Protectionist cheers.) My Noble Friend the Mem-
ber for Lynn has said that we must raise up a protective
interest, and give to the sugars of India an advantage in the
market by raising the_jytrice bylaw, in the hope that at some
future time the price would be again reduced to meet
:he exigencies and the wants of the people of
England —( Cheers.) But, except this House is ready to
revoke its former votes and decide that protection is neces-
sary ,or the interests of thi; country, and should not be inter-
fered with, I conceive it cannot give its consent to the resolu-
tions of my Noble Friend the Member for Lynn.—(Cheers.)
The Hon Gentleman the Member for Shrewsbury hari gone
into some statements with respect to the revenue; I do not in-
tend to follow the Hon, Gentleman in that course. But he,
and the friends who act with him, seem to forget that the cal-
culations upon which we rely are, that with diminished
prices there will be an increased consumption, and with an in-
creased consumption you will have an additional importation,
and from an additional importation you must have an increase
of revenue.—( Cheers.) With reference to the last portion of
the 'Noble Lord's resolution, that the proposed measure will
give a stimulus to the slave trade, I must say that the Hon.
Member for Shrewsbury was led into the most extraordi-
nary aonfusion of ideas. He supposed, that because we do
not think that the exclusion of slave sugar from the markets
of this country could be kept up as an efficient
system that oe were ready to say that the abolition of slavery
was a failure. Nothing could be more distinct than the two
propositions.— (Cheers.) After he plan of Mr. Wilberforce
had been adopted and carried into effect, there arose another
question, which was, if you can give protection to your own
colonies against all the sugar producers of the slave colonies of
other countries. Upen that arose the question whether or not
it was defensible upon the principle of protection, or upon the
grounds of humanity, to maintain that system of protection
and exclusion.—( Cheers.) Sir, I was one of those who had
the honour of being her Majesty's advisers at the time of
the abolition of the slave trade.—( Hear. ) I stitl hold that
to be a great measare—a wise and judicious measure—
founded upon the sound principles of justice and humanity.—
(Cheers.) I consider it, Sir, as a measure which experience
has sanctioned, and which no House of Commons will. I
venture to say, ever propose to revoke, (Loud cheers) The
question before this House is, do you think you can put any
check to the slave-trade by the prohibition of the single article
of slave-grown sugar, while at the same time you admit slave-
grown tobacco, rice, copper, and other things.' The Hon.
Member for Shrewsbury has said, that to defend the practice
upon this principle, would be to da so on the principle of a
person who might as well be hung for a sheep as a lamb.
I do not admit that it is wrong to admit these articles into the
country. The adoption of such a principle would not, I think,
advance the cause of humanity in the world. It would leave
yen to declare in your tariff, and in your custom-house books,
that you would take an exact account of the means to ascer-
tain the products, where produced, and the different parts at
which the various articles were shipped and embarked for this
country. Will any man say, that if such had been the ease—
that if on the ground of humanity, such had been the policy
of this great commercial nation, mankind would have been in
a better situation in that case than they are at the present mo-
ment? Will any man say that the commercial intercourse
of this great and civilised country with Asia and with Africa,
has not tended to mitigate those barbarous practices?—( Hear,
hear) —to mitigate slavery while it existed in India and the
other countries, and upon the whole, reviewing the state and
condition, has it not produced a policy more civilised—a policy
more happy in relation between man and man, than would
have been the case if you had continued to sanetien that exclu-
sive principle, and which was conceived to be humane, but
which would have turned out to be a barbarous and
injurious policy?—(Cheers.) Such, Sir, I think, is a fair de-
duction from the principles which the Honourable and
Learned Gentleman has put forward, and is this an opinion
solely of my own—is it an opinion, with regard to what is at
present carried on with regard to sugar, which her Majesty's
Ministers entertain ? my Right Hon Friend near. me
quoted the opinions of an anti-slavery society in Liverpool.—
( Hear, hear.) The opinions of that anti-slavery society, as
here stated, are that freedom of labour in the pro-
duction of sugar is promoted, not by the
exclusion of slave-grown sugar, but by its free admission.
They say, that from observation, they are of opinion that free
labour, when brought into fair competition with slave labour,
will be more effective in the abolition of slavery, and they can-
not but regard the continuance of the protective duties as
virtually and practically promoting the continuance of the slave
trade; and they say that they believe that sugar can easily be
produced by free labour, and that the free labour colonist will he
able to compete with the slave holding colonists. Such is the
opinion of the Anti- Slavery Society. I hold in my hand a re-
port from a very different body, the association of the West
fndia planters and merchants ; and what is their opinion on the
present subject? They say that it is perfectly practicable to
compete with the slave growing colonies by means of free
labour, and that the abolition of slavery can be better effected
by admitting sugar into this country free of duty, than all the
high-sounding denunciations which can be used, and which
they say will be fruitless. Thesimple plan of abolishing slavery
they say is to follow the course pointed out by the Government.
Why, Sir, those opinions are almost identical in expression,
and yet they come one from the: Anti-slavery Society, and the
other from a committee of the West India body, deeply inte-
rested in the preservation of these colonies. I say, therefore,
that no one has a right to say that the plan which we propose
has any tendency to increase the slave trade and slavery. But
let me take another part of the argument, and show you in
what manner 1 think that the present system does prevent
the good you labo, r to effect, and that argument is no other
than the well-known argument which experience has re-
peatedly shown to be well-founded, that the effect of monopoly
and protection is always to check exertion and diminish enter-
prise, and prevent the full and fair fruits of the capital, skill,
and labour of those who are engaged in any branch of agricul-
ture or manufacture.—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) What
is the case with the West Indies? We find during
the last two or three years some evidence given
before a Committee of the Assembly of Labour by persons
who are well acquainted with the West Indies, showing that
the cost of the production of sugar is very much greater than
it need be if all the advantages of machinery, if all the specu-
lations and skill were used which moral science
and moral ingenuity would dictate. I have be-
fore me a plan proposed by the West Indian
colonists, who say that the
_plan which they proposed was
generally well received. The plan which they propose to sup-
port the manufacture of sugar or the cultivation is such as, in
their opinion, would enable ithe proprietors of estates in the
colonies to produce sugar at 14'. per cwt., instead of 275., the
present price.—( Hear, hear.) I do not say that this statement
on that those particular figures are just, but that there would
he a very great economy with regard to the manufacture of
sugar, and particularly so if those colonists were exposed to
competition.—(Hear, hear.) It is competition, and it is com-
petition only, which ever does bring out enterprise, and
economy, and skill.— ( Hear.) I have spoken of late years with
various persons engaged in the various branches of manufacture,
I have asked them what it was, in their opinion. that caused
the very great advances which had been made in machinery of
late years, and they have all uniformly answered—" It is the
great increase of competition.; it was necessity which led us to
improve our machinery and resort to every species of economy.
that see could, to be able to:go into the markets of the world.
—( Hear, hear.) With the same stimulus—with the same
unlimited exertion of the West Indian colonists, I believe and
I think that you will see that they will rise and flourish
more than they have done for many years on the old system
(Hear, hear.) From an Hon. Gentleman who spoke to-night
I was very sorry to hear of persons who had resolved to.culti-
vate their estates no longer. lam sorry to hear that there are
persons so dispirited, but I do believe, that if those estates
are properly worked, there will be no better in-
vestment than the \Vest Indian estates.—(Hear, hear.)
The Hon. Gentleman has alluded to some other points, to
which I should wish to draw attention before I sit down.
Now,lSir, one point is that with regard to the opinion of Mr.
M`Culloch. That gentleman has been In the habit of sending
me copies of his works, and he did send to me a copy of his
last work on taxation, but with a note saying that he hoped
that I would approve of the greater part of the work, but that
he was aware that there was one question of it regarding
slavery with which he felt sure I would not coincide, and
such was the fact. I look upon Mr. M.Culloch as a most
able
thatand well
point.ellinfor The
dweritei Honourable G
writer, though do differentlem
withan with
him
upon
some of the fancy, of which he possesses much,
says that I stated that the colonies were:on a vicious system.
Now, on the contrary, I said that the colonies were a great
part of the empire, and I hoped that they might flourish ; but
I did say that the ancient system, by which you refused to the
colonies permission to send its produce to other countries, was
a vicious system. Now, this is a point of considerable im-
portance, for it is said, that if you are not in favour of the
ancient system, you wish to destroy the colonies ; but on the
contrary, I believe the colonies, under a better system, would
be of far more benefit to the country. The Hon. Gentleman
made another charge, which I confess I was quite unprepared to
hear. That the country had ever gone back after they had
adopted a more improved: system was not the fact, nor was it
the character of the country, Ido not refer to those times of
violence, when the throne and Parliament was scattered by the
assumption of an usurped authority, but since the accession of
the house of Stuart, there was nothing more clear than that
the character of the country was to adhere with firm determi-
nation to the conquests of reason which had been made. In
those days personal liberty was at the will of the sovereign.
The Habeas Corpus Act was passed. Had they shown a
wish to repeal that Act? The Bill of Rights was also obtained
—had any attempt been made to repeal that Bill?—(Hear,
hear.) The Act of Toleration was passed, but who had ever
moved that it should be suspended—( Hear.) Ido not believe
that there is any party in this House that would wish to restore
the disabilities that were formerly imposed upon the Catholics.
--(Cheers.) When a question had been ripened by discussion
and decided. the triumph of reason has ever remained permanent
and without even a wish being expressed to repeal er go back.
Sir, my Noble Friend who began the debate, and the Hon.
Gentleman after whom I am now speaking, contemplated the
passing
of this resolution, and in terms of great courtesy to
her Majesty's Ministers, contemplated that after the passing of
the amendment, we might continue with benefit to administer
the affairs of this country. I beg to thank my Noble Friend
for the manner in which be addressed us, and I have nothing to
find fault with in the terms of hisspeech, but the resolution itself
is:one completely subversive of the palicy which wehave thought
right to recommend to this House. I had hoped that in
assuming with my colleagues the Government of this country,
I had hoped that after a period of angry contest, after a period
during which a measure was carried which bad been attended
with more violent opposition than any measure ever met with
in that House, I had hoped that we should have had at least
the acquiescence of ail parties till at length affairs
bad assumed a settled coarse, that they would
have waited to sea whether the . measure we
brought forward would meet with the approbation of the cowl-
try. With that expectation I did feel (what an Hon. Member
calls) the presumption—be it so—l did feel that I should
undertake the administration of the affairs of this country ; but
Ido think that no Minister could conduct the domestic affairs
of this - country, or -maintain-its- achavacter in the haw of
Egnol tug= lad the ;loped 14 lious

mad the coon!! y; and I candidly confess that
if l eoasetited to go on with the administration of the affairs
of dila country, eta the resolution was carried, and my
policy set aide, I should he( exposing my Administration to
contempt, I should be injuring the dignity ofth e Crown, whose
servant lam ; I should be injth'ing the reputation of ttv t Go=
vernment, at whwe head I am placed ; I .hould be closing of
diminution of the glory of this great nation, to which viet:l belong.
I can also state that, if the resolution correctly represent the
opinions of the majority of the House, and it it be a toilet
of the opinion of the country, I think ber Majesty would do
well to place the administration of affairs in the hands of those
who advise that policy. That would be a constitutional pro-
deeding, and though I could not support my Noble Friend
in his views, I must admit that be would be intitled to carry
cut that policy, by assuming the position which would enable
him the more effectually to do so; but of one thing I am sure,
that to remain in power after being degraded by the passing of
the resolution of my Noble Friend, would bring a permanent
injury to the constitution of this country, and I would not be
doing justice to my Sovereign to continue to hold office one
moment longer.—( The Noble Lord sat down amidlau d cries
of " Divide.") _

Strangers were then ordered to withdrawn, and the House
divided, when there appeared--
For Lord G. Bentinek's amendment .
Against it

Majority in favour of Ministers 130
The announcement was received with considerable cheering
from the Ministerial side of the House.
The resolution was then agreed
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at half-past One o'clock.

PARLIAMENTAtS,Y BUSINESS.
From the Votes and Proceedinrc of the House of Commons.)

TUESDAY. JULY 28.
STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEE.

The folllowing resolutions were reported from the above Com-

I. That, in the case of the Metropolitan Sewage Manure Company
Petition, for additional provision, the standing orders ought to be dis-
pensed with :—That the parties be permitted to introduce their addi-

tional provision acemdingly.
2. That, in the case of the All Souls College (Oxford) Estate Bill,
the standing orders ought to be dispensed with : That the parties be
permitted to proceed With their I3ill.
3. That, in the case of the Bishop of Norwich's (North. Lynn Rec-
tory) Estate Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispenses with :
That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill. .

- -
Resolutions agreed to.
MESSAGE FROM TIIE LORDS.
Messengers from the Lords brought up the following Bais, which
their Lordships had agreed to :
Newport, Abergavenny, and Hereford Railway Bill —South Staf-
fordshire Junction Railway with Branches Bill—Leeds and Bradford
Railway (Junction Line at Bradford) Bill—Blackburn, Preston, and
East Lancashire Railway Amalgamation Bill—South-Eastern Rail-
way (Greenwich to Chilham with Branches) Bill, without Amend-
ment— Edinburgh and Bathgate Railway Bill —Loudon andßirming-
ham Railway (Birmingham Extension) BM—Birmingham, Wolver-
hampton, and Stour Valley Railway (Birmingham, Wolverhampton,
and Dudley Lines) kill---z-hropthire Union Railway and Canal (New.
ton to Crewe with Branches) Bill —Shropshire Union Rail. aye and
Canal (Chester and Wolverhampton Lines) Bill—Shropshire Union
Railway and Canal (Shrewsbury and Stafford Railway) Rill—Rugby
and Leamington Railway Bill—Shrewsbury and Ileretordshire Rail-
way Bill —Bristol and Birmingham and Midland Railway Bill, with
Amendments— Whitehaven and Furness Railway (Kirksanton Devia
tion) Bill—Billingsgate Market Bill, with an Amendment.

RAILWAY STiiR,E MARKETS.

MANCHESTER, Ject 28.

STOCK EXCIIANGE.—The sales are-:-Anabergate, Nottingham, &c.,
1% dis.—Birmingham and Oxford Junction, 5 p.—Blackburn and
Preston, 5% p.—Direct Northern, 1 dis.—Edinburgh and Glasgow,
Halves, 814 p.—Glasgow and Dumfries, 34 dis.—Great Grirasby and
Sheffield Junction Extension, 31s. dis.—Hudderstield and Manchester
Railway and Canal, 214 p.-Ditto, Extension, 7-16 p.—Laneashire
and North Yorkshire 114 dis.—Leeds and Thirsk, 5% dis.—Leicester
and Bedford, 11-16 dis.—Leicester and Birmingham, 19s. dis.—Liver-
pool and Bury, New Shares, 1 13.16 p.—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and
Preston, 15.16 p.—London and Brighton, Fifths, 121 p.—London
and York, 1% dis.—Ditto, Extension, 1 dis.—Manchester, Buxton,
Matlock, and Midland, 15-16 p.—Manchester and Birmingham, 87%
—Ditto, Quarters (0), hi% p.—Manchester and Leeds, Halves, 7 p.
—North Staffordshire, 3 15-16 p.—Oldham, Birkenhead, &c., dis.
Preston and Wyre Halves (A), 444 p.—Ditto, Extension, % dis.—
Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction, % dis.—Shettleld and Manches-
ter, Quarters, No. 1,4% p.—Ditto, ditto, No. 3; 3-16 c. p. —Shrews-
bury 'and Birmingham, 14 p.—Shropshlre Union Railway and Canal,
1 3-1 G dis.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 2,61 q p.—Ditto, Halves,
No. , 15-16 p.—South Midland, 34 p.
LEEDS, JULY 28.
STocx Excriation.—The sales are—Blackburn and Preston, 5%
p. cash—Eastern Counties, York Extension, 295. p.— East Lancashire,
5% p. cash—Huddersfield and Manchester, 214 p.—Ditto, Exensions,
% p —Huddersfield and Sheffield, 7p. cash—Leeds and Bradford, 43%
p.—Leeds and Dewsbury, 2% p.—Ditto, Extensions, % dis.—Mait-
chester and Leeds Extensions, 2% p.—Newcastle and Berwick, 12%
c. p.—Ditto, North Shields, 11 p.—Newcastle and Darlington Junc-
tion Extensions, 1018 p.—Nortn British, Half Shares, 5% p.—Ditto,
Carlisle Branch, 38s. 6d. p.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, I7s.
6d. p.—Direct Northern, 235. dis.—East and West Yorkshire, 1%
Ms.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, 225. dis.—Lancashire, York-
shire, and North Eastern, 445. dis.—Leicester and Bedford, 13s. die.
—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 235. p. London and York, %
dis.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock and Midland, 163. 6d. p.—
North Staftbrdshire, p.—North Western, par—Shrewsbury And
Birmingham, par—South Midland, I Is. p.—West Hiding Union, 4
• Ns.—York and Carlisle, 214 dis.—Yorkshire and Glasgow Unioi
335. dis

COURT CIRCUL; AR.
The Queen will hold a Privy Counc.'l on Saturdayr
afternoon, at three o'clock, at Buckingham" Palace. ...
Their Majesties the Queen and the Quet "ol of the Del-
gins, accompanied by their Royal Highness( ts the Prince
at Wales and the Princess Royal, took an airing yester-
dap in an open carriage and four. His Roya,l. Highness
Prince Albert was on horseback, and the Equerries in
Waiting; Colonel Arbuthnot and Lieutenant • Colonel
Seymour, attended on horseback.
His Royal Highness Prince Albert, attended by' Mr..
George Edward Anson, went yesterday forenoon to a:
meeting at the alto pf the Duchy of Cornwall in So-
merset House.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited their
Majesties the King and Queen of ti:eßelgians yesterday.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge visited
his Majesty the King of the Belgians y;esterday at Buck-
ingham Palace.
Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince,
Alfr. d, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice took
an airing yesterday in an open carriage and Jima, accom-
panied by the Dowager Lady Lytteltcn.
Their Majesties the King and Queen of the Belgians
visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent at
Clarence House, and their Royal Highnesses the Duchess
of Cambridge, and the Hereditary Grand Duchess of
Mecklenburg Strelitz, at Cambridge House. Their Ma-
jesties also visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of
Gloucester, at Gloucester House, yesterday.
Her Majesty and Prince Albert and the King and
Queen of the Belgians honoured the Italian Opera with
their presence yesterday evening. The revel suite in-
cluded the Countess of Charlemont, the Coun,tess Vilain
XIV., Lady Caroline Cocks, Hon. Miss Devereux, the
tart of Morley, Major A. d'Hanins de Moerkevke,
Colonel Arbuthnot, and Lieutenant Colonel Seymour.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent also,' honoured
the performance of the Opera with her preset'e- •
The Countess of Charlemont has sucmeL'ecr the
Countess of Desert as the Lady in Waiting to the
Queen. The Earl of Morley has succeeded Lord ilyron
us the Lord in Waiting to her Majesty, and Captain the
Hon. Alexander Nelson Hood has succeeded Colo& lei
Berkeley Drummond as the Groom in Waiting to hCtr
Majesty.
Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Gloucester
snd the Duke of Cambridge left town yesterday, to
honour the Archbishop of York pith a visit, at his seat,
Nuneham• park.
Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge,
and Prince George, and the Hereditary Grand Duke and
Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg Strelitz, attended by
Baroness Ahlefeldt and Baron Knesebeek, honoured the
performance of the Italian Opera with their presence List
evening.
A deputation of Scotch bankers, headed by ?dr.
Bouverie and Mr. Dennistoun, M.Y. for Glasgow, Iliad
en interview with the Chancellor of the ExeheqMt
yesterday, at his official residence its Downing-street.
Mr. E. Wodehouse and a deputation of upwards of:
seventy gentlemen on the subject of the ,Malt Tax, had!
an interview with Lord John Russell and t:ie Chancellor'
of the Exchequer yesterday, at the official residence of
the Noble Lord in Downing-street.
General Napier (Governor of Guernsey) had an in-
terview with Sir George Grey, yesterday, at the Home-
office.
Mr. Alderman Bancroft, Mr. William Hill. Mr.
Clegg, and Mr. James Ley, of Manchester, had an in-
terview with the Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson, yester-
day, at the office of the Board of Trade.
Sir Pattick Stuart had an interview with Earl Grey,
yesterday, at the Colonial-office.
Lord Monteagle and Mr. .L Abel Smith had inter-
view: with the Earl of Clarendon yesterday, at the office
of the Board of Trade.
The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a
Committee-meeting yesterday. There were present the
Bishop of Rochester and the Right Hon. John Nichoil.
Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, and w
deputation of London corn distillers, had an i.-tterview,,
yesterday, with the Chancellor of the Exchequer:
Dr. Headlam had an interview with Earl Grey at the
Colonial .office yesterday.
Mr. Gill, M.P.. Mr. Freon, and Mr. Staveley, had an
interview yesterday with the Right Hon. ',l:. Milner
Gibson.
The Marquis of Clanricarde left town yesteTailY for
Goodwood, Sussex.

HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.
Last evening Donizetti's Opera Buffs, Don Gregorio
r. L'Ajo 'lmbarazzo, was produced for the first time.•
This is one of the earliest of Donizetti's operas, baiting;
been prcduced at Rome in 1822. The plot is well
known to the English public as the plot of the popular
farce of The Scapegoat. Don Gregorio (Lablache)
is
tutor to the two suns of Count Giulio (Fornasari),
Count Guilio, who has a pious horror of precocious;
youths, has brought up these two sons, Enrico.
(Mario), and Pippetto (F. Lablache), in the greatest.
seclusion, and although they are twenty-fiv.., years of
age, both tutor and father believe they are mere boys.
Enrico, however; has not only found opportunity to fall
'a love, but he has actually become a husband and a
lather ; his wife Gilda (Madame Castellan) being in the
neighbourhood with her infant child. Pippetto, who le
half an idiot, has also fallen in lore with Leonarda
(Madame Ballina), the cook of the establishment.
And thus do matters stand at the commencement of the
piece. The curtain draws up, and we find Don Gregorio
master of the establishment, giving a lesson to Pippetto,
who, ever and anon is making sly love to
Leonarda. Enrico enters ; he is melancholy ; and
the aria d'entree of Enrico, an exquisite melody, beau-
tifully given by Mario, contains the germ of the'
celebrated serenade in Don Pasquale. It is a beautiful
air, and, perhaps, is to be preferred to the serenade of
which it is the prototype, for, albeit the serenade may
be the more perfect musical composition, yet there is a
freshness about the original aria for which the most
perfect science cannot compensate. The father, Den
Giulio (admirably acted by Fornasari), now enters, and
Don Gregorio is in the greatest consternation. Os
knows of the love of Enrico fur some one, but does
not inform Den Giulio of the fact. Dun Giulio
lvaves him, and Pippetto comes in to say his
lrsson. Don Guilio answers him a tort et is ire rers
he is absorbed in the all-important communi-
cation from Enrico that he is in love. Pippetto
at length bursts into crying and sobbing, and Gregorio,
in the most laughable manner possible, mocks him, and
at length drives him to his room, having tried in vain to
conciliate him by presents of sponge cake and ginger-
', bread. This scene, which was admirably acted by Les-.
Lablaches, pere et fits, elicited roars of laughter..
Enrico now informs Gregorio of the worst ; he intso.
['duces to him his wife Gilds (Madame Castellan).
Guilio is heard approaching, and Gregorio consents to
hide Gilda in his room. Don Guilio observes the
embarrassed manner of Gregorio, but at length
he quits the scene. Grtg.)rio joins Gilds, buV
si e insists on quitting the mansion of Guilio,-
to join her child. It is impossible for her to-
leave the mansion without discovery, and as a
pis alter Gregorio consents to go himself and to bring to
her the child. She is joined by her husband during his
absence, and in this scene is introduced a duet full of the
most exquisite melody, which was beautifully sung by
. Mario and Castellan. In the meantime Guilio bas re-
ceived information, through Leonarda, that the seeming
virtuous Gregorio has actually a lady cOncesied
in 'his room ; •he enters, and Enrico has knit
time to hide himself behind a screen. Guilio, how-
ever,. has no opportunity of escape, and a spirited
trio between . Castellan, Fornasari, and Mario
is given in this scene. regorio enters with the child;
he is taxed with his; baseness by Giulio, but he ex-
plains all, and :the father ;consents to the union of
Enrico with Gilda. Emboldened by this happy issue of
his brother's love affair, Pippetto advances, and, falling
on his knees, asks his father's consent to his union with
the old Duenna Leonarda. Of course his request is met
with roars of laughter, and old Leonarda says that she has
only- encouraged the addresses of Pippetto to pre-
vent his going astray ; and she is confirmed in her
place as goucernante, while poor Pippetto is sent
weeping to bed. The finale is a beautiful composi-
tion. It is sung by Madame Castellan. The
larghetto was given with great taste and feeling.
In the stretta which follows,
although the key is the
same, the measure is changed, it is full of spirit, and
the
i me o y
fioriture of Madame Castellan the was 4.
orinal ?cquisitel); bdea .utTifuhel,
adorning without overloading g
artistes were all called for at the conclusion, and were
nor.oured with the usual ovation, The music of this
opera, albeit not perhaps so elaborate as the music of
Donizetti's later compositions, is far more spirited and
pleasing.. When he composed this opera he had not
begun to write merely for money, and there is about
it the true inspiration of genius. The Don Gregorio
of the elder. Lablache is quite equal to his Don
Pasquale, and the Pippetto of the young Lablache
is by far the best thing that he has yet done ; his
acting as an overgrown boy was one of the richest things
ever seen. The deep rocc di tremolo of Fornasari told.
admirably in the part of the testy old man, which he
acted to the life; and Mario as the feline amoureux, and
Castellan as his bethrothed, were all that could be desired.
Take it for all in all Don Gregorio is one of the pleasantest
operas of the season. There is a freshness, a vigour, a
joyousness about it that is thoroughly—we will not say
merely Italian, hut Neapolitan. It is worthy of him who
has given us L'Elisir d'Amore and Don Pasquale.
Cimarosa himself (that incarnation of the genius
of opera buffs) need not have been ashamed of it. The
Judgment (gr Paris, with the Pas des Dresses followed,
It is not for mere mortals to sit in judgment
upon deities. Delighted beyond expression • were
we at witnessing the trial of the cause. "-;Adhue
sub judice lis est, and so it will continue.
Even at the end of the season the judges will decree
that., as at present advised, they can come to no deci-
sion, but must wait for further evidence ; and while the
trial itself is so delightful, there is. no more probability'
of judgment than there would be in a Chancery suit
where the estate can afford to pay costs. Her
Majesty and his Royal Highness Priuce Albert accom-
panied by their Majesties, the King and Queen of the
Belgians and suite, honoured the performances with their
presence, and the house was crowded by the elite of the
aristocracy. _ _

THE MODERN tinLaNno.-:--The name of this new
Poem might give the idea of its being an imitation of the
famous Orlando Furioso—but the title appears to be the
only thing borrowed from Ariosto. The Italian poem is
well known to be a collection of the romances of chivalry—
the tights of gallant warriors—the escapes of handsome he-
roines—and the extravagance of middle age magic. The
Modern Orlando is also a series of adventures, but on a
wholly diCerent plan. It exhibits a kind' of tour througb.
all: the remarkable scenes and showy Cities of Europe, in.
terspersed with characteristic stories, and occasional sketches
of the leading personages of the day--among which aro
those of Lord John Russell, Lords Brougham, Lyndhurst
Melbourne, Morpetb, Stanley, and Grey ; the Dukes o
Wellington and Richmond, &c.
THE MARYLEBONE CLUB AND GROUND V. THE
COUNTY OF NORFOLK.—This match was renewed yesterday
at Lord's, and was continued to its eudiug, whiff t. 040.04
Wo;4* slub-07 ik4IPY rw.

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