The Sun.
London, England, 1846-01-30 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, Thursday, Jan, 29.
Their Lordships assembled at Five o'clock.
TOLL-BARS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
On the motion of the Duke of RICHMOND, thig
Bill was read a second time.
HIGH CONSTABLES BILL.
_ .

This Bill, on the motion of the Duke of RICH-
MOND, was read a second time and ordered to be
committed.
CORN-LAWS.

Lord ASHBURTON presented several petitions from
places in Surrey against any alteration in the present
corn-laws, without appealing to the constituencies of the
country. The Noble Lord also moved for certain re-
turns respecting corn and cotton wool, as we understood,
for the Noble Lord was almost inaudible in the gallery.
The Duke of RICHMOND rose to present a number
of petitions from different parts of the country, very nu-
merously signed by large numbers o'f tenant-farmers
and labourers. The petitioners prayed their Lordships
not to make any alteration in the corn-laws, and many
of them also complained of the unconstitutional acts of
the League. He (the Duke of Richmond) had had
many opportunities of seeing a large number of tenants
and landed gentlemen since the opening of the compre-
hensive scheme (as it was called) in another place—(A
laugh)—and he could only say that that scheme was re-
pudiated by every individual that he had spoken
to, and they represented the opinions of the
different parts of England. They viewed the measure
with the strongest indignation, and they were all pre-
pared not only to maintain protection to themselves but
also to the domestic industry of the country. They ex-
pressed their disapprobation of the conduct of certain gen •
tlemen in the House of Commons, who were returned to
Parliament pledged to protection principles, but who now
seemed wavering and doubting. The petitioners thought
that these men were bound to resign their seats, and see
whether they would be re-elected. He (the Duke of
Richmond) entirely agreed with the petitioners. Ile
thought that the abandonment of protection would be
fatal to every interest; and he thought, if nothing
else existed, that the manner this question
had been agitated by the League should
be sufficient to throw free trade overboard.
That agitation had the effect of inducing the people to
place no confidence in their public men, and he trusted
that their Lordships would not by any act of theirs
encouraged this feeling. The arguments that were
brought forward would not bear the light of day, and
he was quite satisfied many of the statements were
fallacious. He would not go into details at present, but
he hoped when the question was brought forward it would
be advocated upon the principle of protection or no
protection, and then he should be prepared to go
into details. He, however, denied the truth of many of
the Right Hon. Baronet's assertions, but he did not in-
terd to deny that some dozen soldiers of the Guards had
asked for and obtained furloughs of late years ; but he
would submit that the railroads might have had some
little effect in inducing men to go down to see
their friends. The compromise proposed was perfectly,
ridiculous. They were to be allowed half the apothe-
caries' bill.—(Laughter.) Could they tell him what
would be the price of corn under the new law? If they
could not, how on earth could they say whether or no
they were giving too much or too little compensation?
They must make up their minds about this matter of
price, or how could they tell whether it would be
remunerative to the farmer or not? and he for one ob-
jected to being dependent on a foreign nation. He was
for protection to native industry, and he was prepared
to resist the change with a large body of the people of
this country—men who were not easily roused, but who
were roused now, because they felt that they had been
deceived and ill-treated by those who ought to have
stood by them—men who were most respectable,
quiet, and unobtrusive, and men who had not been se-
duced by means of the bribes of the Anti-Corn-law
League. He hoped and trusted their Lordships woull
give to the country an opportunity to judge whether
this system was right or wrong, and thereby force the
Ministry to dissolve the Parliament, and have the ques-
tion discussed at the hustings.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord KINNARI) said the Noble Duke had made a
serious charge against the Anti-Corn-law League, of
which he was a member, and he could not refrain from
rising to deny that they had done anything illegal or
unconstitutional. Does the Noble Duke hold himself
responsible foi the language used at the meetings of the
protection societies ?
The Duke of RICHMOND stated that he was per-
fectly willing to become responsible for all the language
used at these societies.

The Earl of KINNAIRD—WeII, then, I own T was
going to say that the language used at these meetings has
been such that no man or Christian would have used.
If calling Noble Lords, Members of this House, by the
name of Satan was language such as the Noble Duke
would render himself responsible for, he wished him joy
of his charge. For his part, he considered that the
League were acting in a perfectly legal and consti-
tutional manner, their object being merely to give
facilities for the creation of votes according
to the Act of the Legislature. Protection
societies had approved of this measure, for they had
adopted the same course as the League were now pur-
suing. In Scotland, it was well known that they cre-
ated all fictitious votes, and even at the present time, for
the sum of 2004, it was customary to make all their ser-
vants voters. He said there were few Noble Members
of this House, upon this or upon the other
side of the House, who did not subscribe
either to the Carlton or Reform Clubs, and these Noble
Lords well knew that parties came to the committees of
these clubs and stated thA price of their boroughs. He
thought that " those who lived in glass-houses 31,,,ut0
not throw stones." He would take the liberty of stating
to the Noble Duke, though he did not know whether he
should be quite in order, that with reference to the
scheme proposed by the Honourable Member
at the head of her Majesty's Government, although
he might have wished that he had gone a
little farther iu his measure, still he would support it.
He thought it a strange doctrine that the Noble Duke
propounded, and one which savoured of Chartist doe
trines, namely, that the Government should appeal to the
country. It would almost amount to Annual Parliaments
if the Government were to be compelled to appeal to the
country upon the introduction of every fresh measure.
Did the Noble Members of that House think that the
country would submit to the postponement of the corn-
law question? It was perfectly impossible for them to
do so, whatever that House might think. Ii
the questio❑ were postponed, Noble Lords who
were so anxious to maintain protection, and the
Government, might expect that the consequence
would be a sweeping Parliamentary reform, for the
people would not submit to be thwarted. The country
would not now submit to the postponement of the ques-
tion, when their object—the total abolition of protection
—was so nearly within their grasp ; he meant to say that
they would not submit to the present constitution
of the House of Commons. The people would n)t
tolerate the existence of so many nomination boroughs
which were in the hands of the protectionists ; they
would seek to increase the numbers of those who could
vote in the election of Parliamentary representatives.
however much be and other Noble Lords might regret
the success of such an attempt on the part of th(
people.
After a few words from the Duke of BUCKING-
HAM, which were wholly inaudible i❑ the gallery,
THE OREGON TERRITORY.

Lord BROUGHAM wished to be informed by the
Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Aberdeen) whether the
Oregon territory kittl been given up to the Americans, a,
he had been credibly informed that it had?
. . .

The Earl of ABERDEEN—Certainly not.
Lord BROUGHAM said that he was informed that
an American globe-maker was now actually selling
globes to his fellow-countrymen, showing the America'.
territory to have been conceded by the British, but from
the reply of the Noble Earl it would appear that the
globe•maker had only done so for the purpose of pleasin.;
his Customers.—(Hear, and laughter.)
THE RIVER PLATE.

The Earl of ABERDEEN, in reply to a Noble Lord,
said he was prepared to lay on the table all the late do-
cuments, in the possession of the Government, relative to
the River Plate; but, at the present, he was not prepared
to enter into any details with respect to the negotiations
which were now in progress.
CORN -L A WS.

Earl GREYsaid he should be sorry if that conversation
should cease without saying a word or two in reference
to the observations made by the Noble Duke. The ques-
tion was one which should be discussed solemnly and
without prejudice. If the Noble Lord stated, and he
believed that he did state it truly, that it was one of
protection or no protection, he should propose a resolu-
tion on the subject, and Pall upon their Lordships to
affirm it. He regarded with pleasure the measure which
the Government proposed to bring forward, which did
amount substantially to an aboltion of protection The
only fault he had to find with it was that it did not come
into operation at once. He regarded the modifying
scale, which was to continue for three years iongcr, as a
clear mockery.—(Cheers.) It was regarded so by Noble
Lords, who were in favour of protection, and being so
regarded he thought the abolition should have taken place
wAttiou, delay, t was the only part of the measure
which he, as a landowner, was afraid of. He did not
fear for the operation of the measure on the agricul
turists, for be believed them quite as able as the manu-
facturers to meat competition. But when a policy of
an extensive description was announced, it was most un-
wise to prolong that state of things by whieh a
trancition was always attend 4. So long as
that state of things existed it was impossible
for any arrangement of ; satisfactory or permanet
nature to be come to between landlords and tenants.
He believed that these circumstances would have the
effect of throwing great obstacles in the way of improve-
ment in agriculture, end that the same indisposition
evinced someyears since, by reason of the operation of the
corn-laws would again develope itself namely an indispo.:i
tion on the part of agriculturists to invest their capital in
land, and an indisposition to take land for any length-
ened period of time. The great impediment in the way
of agriculturists desirous of improving
the land
was the indisposition on the part of landlords to
ads etso, and
promotetherefore
that maigyitsattimedulastnatteadomfinfiseteehr.negd
gc
ar leceutl a leases,
amongst the land-owners must be in'
jurtous to agricul-
ture. It was, likewise, his opinion,
this modified system of duty or that by eontinning
protection, for two or
three years longer, great difficulty
in the way of the trans 81"
of foreign corn
smi ' would be thrown
to this country.
At th
the stock of corn held in store bye present moment
foreign countries was
very great. Now, if the duty
re-
moved at once it would ,01.1 p. ure en that corn were
be-
cause no sudden influx would the country,
modified system of duty continuing forplice ; but by this
certain cpusequence would be to induce three years, the
trader to hold in his stock, and h the foreign
the sources of supply for those thrte4ey 44132 snit
whpA 00 time had expired the result would be
influx of foreip eoni ikt9 this countr - vast
when all-regric.